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_ EASTERN ARIZONA 


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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
BULLETIN 100 


THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 
EASTERN ARIZONA 


BY 


FRANK H. H. ROBERTS, Jr. 


UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON : 1931 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - - Price 65 cents 


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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, 
Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, 
Washington, D. C., September 10, 1930. 
Sir: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript, 
entitled “The Ruins at Kiatuthlanna, Eastern Arizona,” by Frank 
H. H. Roberts, jr., and to recommend its publication as a bulletin of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Very respectfully yours, 
M. W. Sririne, 
Chaef. 
Dr. Cuartes G. ABpor, 
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 


AATURMEMART TO AOCTEL 


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dghercits wai rruqimoven odt dietenetd oF docod afi 
edlinsT vd “coosttA sistest .soosliliuteiA je eninst 
to aidaliid ft oft vobinsitdng ati bivomiiosst of baw af Y 
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CONTENTS 


Page 

Rureueerelee tay welt  yattens oe hbo) ath yee uk De Seo. Se Soe 1 
mtroductioneeseee ieee ot ee A Se ee See bee aa 2 
FIGUISESKe Tans 2 ese Sees eh Soe ee eee Be ove ee SSS eS ae 15 
PigehOUses: Hem peeewe re AS epee BE} fe ee ae Poon ee eae 16 
Groupies hoe. Sikes hy) Ei Ae ok eae 4. ee eee 19 

(Group Nowciee jo eke eos 43 
GroupiNons 4. S2cte _ . Sees 2. oe 4 eee 59 

Gronp Nowe 2. = 2 ee eee ees ee rire 

Isolated pit houses] “rote: Soh Sie Sete Se - e 83 

Hl renn ae LCS ssn ys a ke a le ee ee ee 86 
The pueblo ruin -- 2. --.--+----=---+-=-----------------+-+2--- 90 
House type summary and conclusions- - - - --~-------------------- 109 
Minor objects of material culture- - - -------------------------------- 113 
Potterye. 22 fei Uatue yee dy ive Coe SERN Beles aes 114 
Designs on the painted pottery - - -----.--------------------- 130 
Additional pottery objects-_--~------------------------------ 149 
Basketrye oe) ethos ee Bebe 5-2 See eesti 150 

ES OTE WOT Kee ne ee eee ee eee 150 
Stonerobjects. £_ Sys 2 tk a bee ete ees Sa 2 - Se 153 
Objects! of shelllsev4s th eink Jo. . 2 lee S he bed enese ese 3--- 160 
Minor objects, summary and conclusions------------------------- 163 
CSUGTDATTh, UDA Ue ee RUN aA Be am ee ee eee 168 
General summary and conclusions--_--------------------------------- 171 
Mippencic ts oer ene Lo aed ule See Dee Cie Se eases eae al¢(7 
Table 1. Room measurements in the pueblo ruin___--------------- 177 
Table 2. Size and provenience of objects illustrated in text figures___ 178 
Table 3. Size and provenience of objects illustrated in plates_--___- 179 
Bibliography, 25222222582. s2n 3 se oe see e st 5--------2==255255> 183 
flintcl sxe es eee ae ol Ea ee Wehner abies OO ac etic nae S 187 


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souls trod bahetten tii aleeido lo sensinoveta big exit 2 soldat 
winhahy of bedaatengiti adonid ls Wo RAEN bus ssi 8 ohktat / 


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ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATES 


. Map of region showing location of the Long H Ranch, Kiatuthlanna, 


ANGEEMINSKEXCAVALCU SE a eee eae iat AD ay OI ie fl age he ee 


. Scenes in vicinity of ruins. a, View of region to the south. 6, One of 


the petrified logs. c, The Red Lake. d, The Green Lake________ 


. The Group 1 house cluster. a, Looking across B toward C and D. 


b, House D in foreground, C and Bin rear. c, House A, Group 1_- 


. House remains. a, House B, Group 1. b, House C, Group 1. 


CA GUISE MCE OUND) Mega 2 8 eR a a ie ae aes on el 


. House remains. a, House B, Group 2. b, House C, Group 2. 


CeSe DO GLOUD Gaon 5. oe Soe eee Oe Cet a 


. Pit houses. a, House D, Group 3. b; House E, Group 3. c, House 


B,, Group 422-508 5 toe ue). of soaued devo) saoiine 


. Details in pueblo. a, Pit dwelling beneath walls of ruin. 6, Venti- 


lator side: ob Kiva, Be ss a ee ee pe 


. Constructional features in pueblo. a, Fire pit and trench in floor of 


kiva B. 6, Ventilator recess in kiva C. c, Wall built on débris of 
aecumula toms sesh ae AR Saas 2 eg epee). Onegin Rev oee gy 


. Wallsin pueblo ruin. a, Foundations on débris in room 6. 6, Bottom 


of stone wall resting on fill in kiva A. c, Example of masonry 
CONSETUCTION$ 20.2 con es eh aA erin) Lo pee 


. Pueblo views. a, Row of rooms with connecting doorways. 6, Bench 


and one of pilasters in kiva D. c, Ventilator and recess, kiva D____ 


. Culinary vessels from the pit houses.....2.-22...2---L22L2L-2-L- 
. Corrugated culinary jars from the pueblou._.. 222s 2 2 le eel lee 
. Black-on-white seed jars and canteen from the pit houses___.___--__ 
. Pitchers and canteen, black-on-white wares, from the pueblo________ 
. Pitchers from. the pit houses_...... sucess oldeun_in susie sllaus 
. Black-on-red ware vessels from the pueblo___._-_-_--_---------_-- 
: Bowls from the piti:houseshs4. ou? Joawsdsed sooisez deuoidt sooike 
. Ladles of black-on-white group from pit houses_.-___.-._-_--_----- 
. Pit-house bowls with quartered plan of decoration. _.._-_..___----- 
. Black-on-white bowl] designs, pit-house vessels. .....-_-..--------- 
. Decorations on black-on-white bowls from the pit dwellings______--- 
. Black-on-white bowls from the pit houses......._.._--_2---.------ 
. Bowl interior. a to d, pit houses. eto h, from the pueblo__-_- ~~ --- 
. Pottery smoothers made from vessel fragments__------------------ 
. Bone awls, characteristic pit-house form ___------ Her ay _enteiaoh bas 
. Awls made from fortuitous splinters, pit-house implements-------_-- 
. Pit-house tools showing only slight modification of the original bone-_- 
. Slender awls and bodkins from the pit dwellings.____....---------- 
. Bone awls and spatulate implement from the pueblo_-__.---------- 
. Pueblo awls made from fortuitous splinters. -_2...-.-------------- 


100 


100 


106 
106 
126 
126 
126 
126 
130 
130 
130 
130 
134 
134 
134 
134 
152 
152 
152 
152 
152 
152 
152 


Vill ILLUSTRATIONS 


Page 
Si, Bone:ecrapers from the pueblo... ----...0.2 5225255222. eee 152 
oe aepiecal milling stone_=_--.2.--..2--+ 4.2.2 222 es) 2a 158 
Sa svone axbeads and mauls_.-. 2... ete a ee 158 
BaStONe WOWIS= =. 252.2 oo oso ak bo oS ee sae ee 158 
35. Miscellaneous objects of Atomnel 4 $1 v22) f.31_-.....-_..__-.- 2-22 158 
36. Drills and knife blades from the pit houses____._._-.____________- 158 
37. Knife blades and scraper from-the-pueble_.._-..-.-..---.=.-2---22 158 
Bomicat-house spear points...2...-.-- 2s Se bec see ee ee 158 
PePeTITFOWNCAGS- co cclec ee sk CPM oe eee 158 
BLOG DIDCR oot Soke ee Ue ee oe eee 158 
ai svone pendants from, the pit houses. -.2-- 22s" oe as ee 158 
a2. Soa pendants from the pit houses. 2°" 9° 255.62 ee 158 
BROOM DOAUS sen eS to RS ee en ae 158 
a4e Necklace of stone and shell beads--2 2 =-- 94-2 a ee 158 
apr Necklace ol shell beads..-2 2-2") o2- =) oh ek ae ce ee ee 158 
Aocpraccieus OF Spell oe a ee 162 
a7. Sharacteristic position of interment_!._ ===. - 222 see nee 162 
TEXT FIGURES 
1. Plan of central portion of house Group No. 1___--_-_-_-___-__--_-- 22 
2. Sections through. houses in Group.No..1_.._..~......_1_ qiwn) oa 27 
3. Postulated method of superstructure construction for houses B and C, 
Group No, J. ose Oe ee ee 28 
4. Detail of superstructure construction in houses B and D, Group No. 1_ 28 
§. Planvof house Group! No. .2_ 2) sid nL ees totale’ 4 _ at eee 44 
6: Plan.of house.C, :Group. No..2. 0 on oe OE 50 
7. Planof:fiouse Group No.i3luge syoitahaue!_ 2 _ or loldeudg gale 60 
8. House’DGroupi Now3_ of. ei ni ik 10 _aatiieot Jlew_ sundae ine 68 
9: House BE; Grovp No. 3... 2 oo a a 72 
10: House*B,sGroupeNo:42utocegusflive soaet in wal. wale ahgee 79 
1. Plan of isolated small pit: dwelling.2__£) x2 ui sebelis je em hoe 83 
12. Plan of complete. pueblo ruin_...2o2vod_tiq_edt soos) eles _vreads 91 
13. First unit built in pueblo structurey_2 1) qusd_suy oyeetiiis bee 92 
14. Plan of pueblo with second unit added__._ 22222 2-2 bl Leelee 96 
15. Third stage in) growth: ofpuebloy oie in-gonid -ooeltes Sule steeeb 99 
16. Fourth stage of pueblo structure___.. _ __. sosuod_tg edi sys) ayadad 101 
7. Final stage in the pueblo buildings i. ss20_2dee07 sense bee ee 102 
18. Sections through various portions of the pueblo ruin______________- 105 
19. Jar shapes in black-on-white wares____ 2.2. 2-2-2222 lle ible 124 
20. Pitcher shapes, black-on-white wares_______ 212-22 fe eee 126 
21. Designs, black-on-white bowls of pit-house group_________________-_ 132 
22. Examples of quartered designs from pit houses_______________-__+- 134 
23. Quartered and halved patterns, pit-house series___________________- 135 
24. Pendent panel designs in pit-house decorations_____________~_____-_- 137 
25. Band designs and spiral pattern on pit-house pottery_______-------- 140 
26. Band designs on pit-house bowls___ 2-112 222 ieee ele eee 141 
27. Bowl decorations showing figures in bottoms of vessels, pit-house 
wares! Lewaivrsds JoweisollbeuLttdgis vio eabeode sleet saved-t 142 
28. Designs on ladles from the pit-house horizon_____._.--_-------+---- 143 
29. Bowl decorations from the pueblo series______.________----------- 146 
30. Styles of pitcher ornamentation in pueblo horizon______-_--------- 148 
Ol.weareed shell armlet..-. se wete ccc cot codoe eee 162 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 1 


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BULLETIN 100 PLATE 1 


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A, AND RUINS EXCAVATED 


MAP OF THE REGION SHOWING LOCATION OF THE LONG H RANCH, KIATUTHLANN 


THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA, EASTERN 
ARIZONA 


By Frank H. H. Roserts, Jr. 


FOREWORD 


The archeological investigations which furnished the data for the 
following report were conducted during the months from May to 
September, 1929, on the old Long H Ranch at the Twin Salt Lakes 
in Apache County, eastern Arizona. The ranch properties at the 
present time belong to the bondholders of the Tucker Livestock Co. 
Through the courtesy of Mr. B. C. McCabe, of Los Angeles, Calif., 
one of the principal bondholders, and Mr. Art Saunders, of Hol- 
brook, Ariz., trustee, permission was obtained to carry on the work. 
The writer is especially indebted to Mr. Saunders for his kindness 
in allowing the expedition to make its headquarters in the ranch 
buildings. He is also grateful to him for information on the early 
history of the ranch and that section of Arizona. 

Mr. Jean Allard Jeancon, formerly a special archeologist for the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, assisted the writer during the 
months of June, July, and August. Linda B. Roberts kept the field 
catalogue of specimens, aided in the repair of pottery and other 
objects obtained from the excavations, and assisted in the preparation 
of text figures illustrating pottery designs. Twelve Zufi Indians 
were used as laborers. They not only performed their routine duties 
in a highly satisfactory manner but they contributed ethnological 
material through their songs and dances. Myths and legends re- 
garding the locality were obtained from several of the boys. These 
stories were confirmed and elaborated upon by a number of the older 
men from Zuni. The latter visited the diggings from time to time 
as work progressed and were keenly interested in all that was 
uncovered. 

The name Kiatuthlanna is the Zufii designation for the locality and 
for that reason has been retained. It means the “ Place of the Big 
Water.” The Zufii relate that it was one of the points where their 
ancestors tarried and built during the migration which led them from 
the scene of their origin to the site of the present village in western 


New Mexico. 
1 


2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 
INTRODUCTION 


Archeological work in the Southwest during the last 25 years has 
done much to retrieve the story of the unfolding of the aboriginal 
prehistoric sedentary cultures of the region. The stages repre- 
sented by the great communal houses and massive cliff dwellings 
are now well known. There are certain phases of the earlier hori- 
zons, however, which still remain to be investigated and others about 
which only meager information is available. It was in an effort 
to obtain additional data on the latter that the excavations at 
Kiatuthlanna were conducted. 

The present status of southwestern archeology was thoroughly 

reviewed in the introductions to two recent bulletins of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology.t| Therefore, a very brief summary will 
serve the requirements of this report. The area as a whole is a high 
and arid plateau which slopes away toward the south and west 
from the Rocky Mountains. About its four main river systems, the 
San Juan, the Rio Grande, the Little Colorado, and the Gila-Salt, 
there developed a sedentary, agricultural people who built houses 
of poles, brush and earth, adobe mud, or stone with adobe mortar. 
In addition, they wove textiles and made pottery. This house- 
building, pottery-making culture was not suddenly introduced into 
the region but grew by degrees from very gimple beginnings. Its 
growth and development are shown by a a te of stages through 
which the people passed in their transition from a nomadic hunting 
existence to a relatively highly cultured sedentary mode of. life. 
To simplify study of this growth the several culture levels have 
been grouped under two main headings called Basket Maker and 
Pueblo. The two main classes have been further separated into 
several subgroups. The Basket Maker, which is the older, has three 
and the Pueblo five. 

Basket Maker I is the nomadic hunting stage during which the 
people were thinly distributed over the region. Food consisted 
of game, wild vegetable products, and such wild fruits as the country 
afforded. The people probably relied to a large extent on caves 
for shelter, although they may have erected an occasional flimsy 
dwelling. The introduction of corn from the Middle American 
area to the south led to the beginnings of agriculture and the second 
stage of their culture. 

Basket Maker IT peoples were at first a semihunting, semiagricul- 
tural group. As time went on and their crops became more abundant 
they became more and more sedentary in their habits. Thus far no 
traces of their houses have been found and it is probable that at 


1 Roberts, 1929, 1930. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 3 


their best the dwellings were of a decidedly perishable nature. 
These people did, however, build small storage bins in which to 
keep their surplus corn. These granaries consisted of small pits, 
dug in the floors of caves and lined with large stone slabs, covered 
by a domelike superstructure of poles, brush, and'mud plaster. These 
people made excellent baskets, twined and woven bags, sandals, 
ropes, and robes of fur cloth. Their chief weapons were a short 
javelin, thrown by means of an atlatl, and an S-shaped club. At 
about the very end of this stage unfired clay containers made their 
appearance. These vessels were molded in baskets, and to prevent 
cracking when the clay dried, a binder of cedar bast was used. It 
is possible that the idea of making clay vessels came from the centers 
of higher culture to the south, but it unquestionably had a local 
development. 

Basket, Maker III is characterized by a number of changes. Sev- 
eral kinds of corn were grown where in the preceding stage there 
had been only a single hard, flintlike variety. Beans were added to 
the food supply and feather robes were occasionally made. There 
was a slight decline in woven materials and ceramics progressed to 
a point where fired pottery with painted decorations made its ap- 
pearance. A dwelling of more or less permanent nature was evolved 
from the storage bins. The bow and arrow came into use. The 
end of the era was marked by the arrival of a new group of people. 
The Basket Makers throughout the course of their development were 
consistently a long-headed group. The appearance of a different 
people is recorded through the finding of an occasional skeleton 
with a round or broad skull. The latter occur only in burials which 
were made at the very end of the Basket Maker supremacy. This 
influx of a physically different group marks the beginning of the 
second great period, that of the Pueblo peoples. 

Pueblo I is a horizon which witnessed many changes; it was a 
time of instability and fluctuation in cultural features. The crude, 
single-roomed domiciles of semisubterranean character gave way to 
structures with several contiguous rectangular rooms. Cotton fab- 
rics assumed an important réle. The wild turkey was domesticated. 
Pottery was much more extensively made and ceramic character- 
istics which definitely designate the wares of the period were 
developed. In addition, the practice of cranial deformation was 
adopted. All typical Pueblo skulls of the prehistoric periods show 
a flattening of the occipital region, the back of the head. This was 
due to the type of cradle board used for the infants. This character- 
istic appears in the Pueblo I stage. The few round-heads occasion- 
ally found in conjunction with Basket Maker III people do not 
have the deformation. 


4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


Pueblo II represents what is called the small house period in the 
Southwest. It is marked by the widespread distribution of life in 
small villages. The general type of dwelling was that which has 
been called the unit or single clan house. Such a structure was one 
story in height and contained from four to eight, occasionally more, 
rooms. The latter were placed either in a single long row, a shorter 
double row, or frequently in an L-shape. The walls were either 
of stone or adobe, according to the locality, and the roofs were flat. 
Associated with the house at the south or southeast side was a circu- 
lar ceremonial chamber, generally subterranean, called the kiva. 
It was during this stage in the unfolding of the Pueblo cultures 
that the indented corrugated form of pottery, one which is considered 
as typical of the area, developed. 

Pueblo III is the greatest horizon in the aboriginal history of 
the Southwest. It was the era of the great urban centers when 
houses of several hundred rooms were built on canyon floors, in 
caverns in the cliffs, or on mesa tops. Pottery became so specialized 
that each center had its own definite forms. These are so character- 
istic that each vessel tells at once the place of its origin. The closing 
phase of the period witnessed a marked decline in many of the main 
centers, a complete abandonment of others, together with a marked 
southward migration from the northern parts of the area. 

Pueblo IV has two phases. The first extends from the end of the 
III stage, about 1300 A. D., down to the time immediately preceding 
the arrival of the Spaniards in 1540. It is marked by still further 
withdrawals from the peripheral districts, a cultural decline and the 
establishment of new communities in more central portions of the 
area. The latter part of Pueblo IV, from the arrival of the Span- 
iards to the end of the reconquest, represents the early historic 
period. It is characterized by an even greater subsidence from the 
preceding cultural peak. 

Pueblo V is the period of the modern villages and covers the 
interval from the final subjugation of the Pueblos in 1700 down 
to the present day. The period shows the gradual breaking down of 
Pueblo life under the influence of the white man. 

On the basis of information obtained by Dr. A. E. Douglass in his 
study of growth rings in timbers and the respective ages of the 
beams used in the construction of prehistoric houses, it is possible 
to give a series of dates for the various periods in the southwestern 
chronology. Pueblo V dates from 1700 to the present. Pueblo IV, 
phase b, 1540 to 1700; phase a, 1850 to 1540. Pueblo ITI, phase b, 1200 


7Examples of sites representative of the various stages and lists of publications on 
them are given in Roberts, 1929, 19380. Kidder, 1924, gives a well-rounded discussion of 
the characteristic features of the various periods. 


ROBERTS] © THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 5 


to 1350; phase a, 900 to 1200. Actual dates are not available for 
Pueblo II and preceding horizons. Estimates on their extent may 
be made, however. Pueblo II was the stage in which the stone type 
of house and other features which were characteristic of later stages 
were perfected and it is quite logical to suppose that it covered an 
interval equal to if not longer than Pueblo III. Hence it may be 
supposed that it had its beginning between 500 and 600 A. D. 
Pueblo I no doubt required a considerable length of time in which 
to develop its traits, because it was during this stage that many 
changes in the older culture were made. New features were de- 
veloped and the Basket Makers were either replaced or absorbed 
by the incoming Pueblos. A fair estimate for the duration of 
Pueblo I would be 500 years. This would make the appearance of 
the Pueblo peoples occur at about the beginning of the Christian 
era. The Basket Makers must have come into the region between 
1,000 and 1,500 years before the Pueblos. 

The Long H Ranch is located at the Twin Salt Lakes, 40 miles 
(64.374 k.) southwest of the pueblo of Zufi and 20 miles (32.187 k.) 
north of the modern town of St. Johns. (Pl. 1.) The region is a 
rolling mesa country dotted with buttes and an occasional sand dune. 
It is for the most part grassland, except during periods of drought, 
when it is an almost barren waste, with scattered cedars and some 
sagebrush. West of the ranch, and the ruins which were investi- 
gated, the terrain rises to the cedar-covered Navajo mesa and on 
the east and south drops abruptly into Hard Scrabble Wash. (PI. 
2,a.) The latter slopes away toward the southwest where it joins 
the valley of the Zuni River. 

The locality presents several features of interest in addition to 
those of a purely archeological nature. Three miles (4.828 k.) south 
of the ranch houses, on the edge of Hard Scrabble Wash, is a large 
outcropping of petrified wood, probably an eastern extension of the 
Petrified Forest which lies several miles farther west. Some of 
the logs, exposed on the surface of the ground, are 50 feet (15.24 m.) 
long and from 4 to 5 feet (1.22 to 1.53 m.) in diameter. (PI. 2, 6.) 
The stone is brightly colored in many of the specimens and, judg- 
ing from the fragments found in the ruins and refuse mounds, was 
extensively collected by the prehistoric settlers. Several small ruins 
in the immediate vicinity of the outcrop show that the builders even 
went so far as to use blocks of the petrified wood in erecting walls. 
This probably may be attributed more properly to a scarcity of 
suitable building material than to a marked preference for the 
colored stone. 


3 Douglass, A.B, 1929. 


6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


One-half mile (805 meters) from the ruins and adjacent to the 
ranch buildings are the two small lakes to which the Zui attribute 
special ceremonial significance. One is very salty and distinctly red 
in color while the other is only slightly saline and has a pronounced 
green hue. Around the borders of these lakes are a number of 
fresh-water springs which probably were an important factor in 
the choice of the location by the people whose house and village re- 
mains attract the archeologist. (Pl. 2, c,d.) As previously stated, 
the Zufi name for the locality is Kiatuthlanna, the Place of the Big 
Water. Old Hustito, one of the rain priests from Zufi, informed the 
writer that it was the first spot where the ancients are supposed to 
have stopped on their journey from the Sacred Lake, at the junc- 
tion of the Zuni and Little Colorado Rivers southwest of the Long 
H, to the place of the middle or present Zuni. This story was later 
repeated in detail by Tsa’wehle, an old war priest, upon the occa- 
sion of one of his visits to the excavations. In the history myth 
of the Zuni as recorded by Mrs. Stevenson the same information is 
given.t* She makes no mention, however, of the fact that Kiatuth- 
lanna is associated with a definite geographical place. She appar- 
ently never visited the Twin Lakes on any of the journeys which 
she made to various points sacred to the Zuifi in this vicinity. 

There is a legend which the Zufii relate concerning the two lakes. 
Jt is their effort to explain the outstanding characteristics of each. 
According to the story, it all took place during the time when the 
ancients were living at Kiatuthlanna. One curious old woman de- 
cided to see what was at the bottom of the red lake and accordingly 
went down to investigate its depths. While there she became fright- 
ened at something and in her haste to leave dropped the pouch of 
salt which she was carrying, and ever since that day the lake has 
been very salty. The green lake is bordered by large numbers of 
reeds which are attributed to the carelessness and curiosity of an 
old man. He wanted very much to know what was in the green 
lake so went down into its depths and while there lost the bundle 
of reeds which he was carrying. They immediately took root and 
ever since the lake has been surrounded by them. 

There is probably an additional significance attached to the lakes 
because at stated intervals during the summer-two of the older men 
employed in the diggings deposited offerings of turquoise in the 
reeds about the green lake. In addition they sprinkled corn pollen 
or the sacred meal of the Zufii on its waters. The writer endeavored 
to learn the reason for this, but was unable to do so. The only 
explanation which was forthcoming was that it was a holy place. 
Pollen was also sprinkled on the red lake and shortly after the 


4Stevenson, M. C., 1904, p. 85. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 2 


a. View of region to the south 


c. The Red Lake 


d. The Green Lake 


SCENES IN VICINITY OF RUINS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 3 


c. House A, Group 1 


THE GROUP 1 HOUSE CLUSTER 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 7 


summer solstice in June prayer feathers were placed in the tall 
grass on its southern bank. The latter act was apparently timed to 
coincide with ceremonies taking place in the village. Several days 
prior to the planting of the prayer plumes, the workmen asked if 
they might send one of their number to Zuni to find out about a 
dance. The boy left camp at dawn and returned about noon of the 
second day following. That evening the men went hunting for 
birds, and while they were away the camp boy, Charlie Pinto, said 
that in three days they would put feathers around the red lake. 
When questioned as to why they should wait that long he replied 
that the old men in the village had sent word setting the time for 
the rites. 

Every four years, during the ceremonies attendant upon the ob- 
servance of the summer solstice at Zui, a pilgrimage is made to the 
Sacred Lake. The party of priests leaves Zufli, passing down 
through the country, generally making fires on the high points and 
stopping from time to time to sing chants to the gods in a petition 
for life-giving rains. The red lake is one of the places which they 
visit on the pilgrimage. On their arrival they dance around it, sing- 
ing and scattering corn meal on the water. Their reason for so 
doing, they explain, is that there is a very large turtle which now 
lives in the lake. If their ceremonies are properly performed and 
there is no evil in the hearts of those who bless the water, the turtle 
will come to the top of the lake and hear their prayers for rain. 
He will then transmit the supplication to the proper gods. From 
the red lake the party proceeds to the Sacred Lake, where additional 
ceremonies are performed. Mrs. Stevenson records the events which 
take place there but makes no mention of the observances at 
Kiatuthlanna.® 

After living at Kiatuthlanna for a period of four years, accord- 
ing to the story told the writer by Tsa’wehle, the ancients again set 
out in search of the middle of the world. They had not gone far 
when they came to a valley in the center of which watercress was 
growing. Here they built a village which was called Pitkiaiakwi 
or Watercress Place. The old war priest identified the group of 
ruins located at Hard Scrabble (pl. 1), 8 miles (12.875 k.) north- 
east from the Twin Lakes, as the remains of ancient Pitkiaiakwi. 
From Watercress Valley the people once more set out. They came 
to the place where the diminutive gods of war were created. Here, 
also, the people were divided into clans on the basis of the groups 


5 Stevenson, M. C., 1904, pp. 153-158. 

®See account in Mrs. Stevenson, 1904, p. 85. Mrs. Stevenson’s location of the spot 
does not agree with that given here, but the latter is more consistent with the migration 
myth. See ibid., pp. 232~—233. 


8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 100 


which had been traveling together. This is a very sacred spot to 
the Zufi and is called Hantlipinkia. It is located in a small side 
canyon -8 miles (4.828 k.) above Hard Scrabble or Pitkiaiakwi. 
(Pl. 1.) Mrs. Stevenson visited it and has an extensive description 
of the locality, together with pictures of the clan symbols pecked in 
the stone of the canyon walls.?_ The writer has not been able to find 
any report showing the location of Hantlipinkia and for that rea- 
son has included mention of it. 

Resuming their search for the middle, the Zui separated into 
three groups. They thought that by such a procedure they would 
be able more quickly to accomplish their mission. One group went 
south and east, another went directly east, and the third, the Winter 
People under the leadership of the Sword Swallower Fraternity, 
the Hlewekwe, went north and east.s 

Further details of the movements of the first two groups are 
beyond the requirements of this report. They may be found in both 
Mrs. Stevenson’s and Mr. Cushing’s papers on.the Zuni. What 
befell the Winter People, however, has some connection with features 
to be discussed in later pages. 

The story related by Tsa’wehle follows closely the recorded ver- 
sions except for one or two statements. He said that the Sword 
Swallowers went north from Hantlipinkia to the Puerco of the West, 
turned northeast and followed its course toward the sources, building 
as they went. This is in keeping with Cushing’s account, but Tsa’- 
wehle went further and insisted that the great ruins in the Chaco 
Canyon, in northwestern New Mexico, were the remains of towns 
built by the Winter People. From the Chaco, he continued, they 
went north until they came to a big river (the San Juan), which 
they crossed. Some distance above it on the banks of a smaller 
stream which emptied into it they erected a large village. Eventu- 
ally the people found that it was not the middle place and departed. 
They followed on up the big river, stopping here and there to build 
and live for a time, until they came to a large hot spring. They 
dwelt in this vicinity for a number of years and then crossed over 
the divide and down a river (the Chama), until they came to the 
Rio Grande. This they followed toward the south. Finally they 
turned west again and built at the site of the old Zufi village of 
Nutria. From the latter they moved on down the valley to join the 
other groups and build the village at the spot where the present 
Zuni is located. 

The interesting part of this story, from an archeological point of 
view, lies in the fact that the territory covered by the wanderings 


7 Stevenson, M. C., 1904, pp. 34-43. 
® Stevenson, M. C., 1904, p. 444. Cushing, F. H., 1896, p. 426. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 8) 


of the Winter People coincides with the range of the so-called Chaco 
cultures. As will be brought out in following pages, some phases 
of the remains at Kiatuthlanna show a distinct affiliation with the 
Chaco forms. The large ruins at Aztec, N. Mex., correspond to the 
location of the village which was built on a small stream beyond the 
big river. That the early period at Aztec was distinctly Chacoan 
has been shown by Mr. Morris.° 

Northeast along the San Juan are groups of ruins which unques- 
tionably are related to the Chaco cultures. They extend into south- 
ern Colorado and are found not far from the famous Pagosa Hot 
Springs. Crossing from there into northern New Mexico it is possi- 
ble to trace a whole series of ruins which suggest Chaco influence. 
Evan as far south and east as Pecos, Chaco traces are to be found in 
the old black-on-white pottery sites. 

From an archeological point of view the migration myth is inter- 
esting as a story and from the fact that the region covered is, as 
previously mentioned, that of the Chaco culture range. Beyond 
these two things, however, there is little which agrees with the evi- 
dence revealed by excavation. In the first place nothing has thus 
far been found to show that any of the old sites with a predomi- 
nance of black-on-white pottery of Chaco character can be attributed 
to the ancient Zufi. This holds true even at Kiatuthlanna which, as 
already described, occupies a definite position in Zufi tradition. In 
the Chaco Canyon and other districts to the north the ruins repre- 
sent several stages in the chronology, from Basket Maker III to the 
end of Pueblo III. There probably was more or less contempo- 
raneity between the various centers. Hence they can scarcely be 
attributed to a migratory group passing through the region. Fur- 
thermore, the ruins of the northeastern San Juan basin, in the Pagosa 
Springs region, indicate an antiquity greater than that of the Aztec 
Ruin. This suggests that the movement could hardly have been 
from Aztec. On the contrary, what probably did occur was that 
in the Basket Maker III and Pueblo I horizons the people spread 
into the region. During Pueblo III there was a contraction which 
led them back down the San Juan in the beginnings of the great 
movement which culminated in the abandonment of the northern 
frontiers at the close of Pueblo III. 

The contrast between the story presented by archeological evidence 
and that which is embodied in the Zuni traditions serves to em- 
phasize a fact which older investigators were prone to overlook, 
namely, that too much reliance should not be placed upon primitive 


® Morris, E. H., 1919 a, p. 104; 1921, pp. 136-187; 1924, p. 221; 1928, pp. 417-420. 


18768°—31 2 


10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


myths and legends, especially when they deal with events viewed 
through the haze of great antiquity. Workers in the Southwest 
have found that traditions concerning archeological sites are for 
the most part unreliable. If they are referred to at all, they should 
be interpreted with great discernment. 

The Long H Ranch lies in the center of a region which was the 
locale for many of the most colorful exploits in the history of the 
Southwest. From the earliest Spanish entradas down to the surveys 
by the westward expanding United States in the middle of the 
nineteenth century, the tides of exploration swept around but, with 
a single possible exception, never across the Twin Salt Lakes. 
Throughout the Spanish occupation of the area, with all of its 
attendant searching for mines, springs, and suitable places for set- 
tlement, the lakes appear to have passed unnoticed. If they were 
visited, it seems curious that no mention is made of them. This is 
particularly true since it is a land where every spring and water 
hole is of importance and the Spaniards were generally careful to 
note such natural features. 

Friar Marcos of Niza, preceded by the negro Estevanico, traveled 
east of the Zuni River a short distance beyond the borders of the 
ranch on the journey which led to the discovery of Cibola in 1539. 
The death of the negro at the hands of the Indians and the friar’s 
hasty retreat to Mexico, after having but glimpsed his goal from 
afar, checked further investigations at that time. In the follow- 
ing year, as a result of the friar’s accounts of what he had seen 
and heard, the Coronado Expedition was sent north. This was the 
beginning of the era of exploration which culminated in the con- 
quest and colonization of New Mexico and eastern Arizona. 

Members of Coronado’s expedition went west and north from the 
Province of Zuni, or Cibola, in 1540 to the Hopi towns.?®° Again in 
1583 the latter villages were visited by Espejo and his companions. 
There is little doubt but what Coronado’s parties, one under Tovar 
and a second under Cardefias, crossed the northeast corner of the 
old Long H property. Espejo’s group probably passed too far 
north. Coronado’s men set out from Hawikuh (pl. 1), the first Zufi 
village subdued and occupied,t while Espejo returned to Alona, the 
site of present Zuni, from Hawikuh before starting west.12 The 
route from Alona, or Halona, probably followed across to the west 
along the line of the present road to Navajo (pl. 1), meeting the 
trail from Hawikuh in the vicinity of Squaw Lake. 

1 Bandelier, A. F., 1892 a. Hodge, F. W., 1907. Winship, G. P., 1896. 


1 Winship, G. P., 1896, pp. 390, 488. 
1 Hammond and Rey, 1929, pp. 93-94. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 11 


The explorations by these earlier men, including others who did 
not get west of Zuii, resulted in the conquest of New Mexico and 
eastern Arizona by Onate. While the latter was at Zuni in the 
autumn of 1598 he sent one of his captains, Farfan, to make a 
reconnaissance of the region round about. Farfin undoubtedly ex- 
plored part of what is now the Long H Ranch and possibly reached 
the Twin Lakes. There is one statement in the accounts of this 
expedition which might be construed as a reference to the red 
lake. On November 8, 1598, Farfan made a deposition to the effect 
that 8 leagues westward from Granada, the Spanish name for 
Hawikuh,* he had found a large salt pool. Other accounts place 
the pool to the east and for that reason authorities have questioned 
his location of it.** 

Farfan certainly should have been better informed on the direction 
of his pool from Hawikuh than other chroniclers of the Onate 
explorations. Such being the case there is the intriguing possibility 
that his placing it in the west was correct after all. If such actually 
was true the lakes at the Long H Ranch are the only ones which 
answer to the description, both as to direction and to distance. 
Because of its extreme saltiness the red lake could easily qualify. 
Farfan’s statement concerning the size of the pool which he saw does 
not agree with that of the red lake, but the early explorers were 
such notorious exaggerators that their figures must be greatly dis- 
counted. It seems rather curious, however, that he should have men- 
tioned only one lake, if the Long H pool was the one which he 
reported. There is in this connection, however, a feature which 
may have a distinct bearing on the problem. 

The two lakes, and the ranch houses, are in the bottom of a large 
depression which unquestionably was at one time a single large lake. 
Whether that was recent enough in southwestern history to fall 
within the early Spanish period is not known. Shifting sand 
dunes have encroached in large degree upon the red lake and the 
depression between it and the green pool and have obliterated to 
some extent the traces of the former large body of water. It is 
still possible to note, here and there, traces of the old shore line. 
If this single large lake was a recent historical actuality it may 
well have been the one which Farfin reported. Such a fact also 
makes it easier to reconcile frequent Zuni references to Kiatuthlanna 
as “The Big Lake.” Such an appellation is hardly appropriate 
for two small bodies of water. All this conjecture is not presented 
in an effort to prove that Farfan actually visited and reported the 


18 Hodge, F. W., 1912, pt. 1, p. 539. 
14 Bolton, H. H., 1916, p. 286, note 2. 


12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 100 


Long H pool. It is offered only as one possible explanation of the 
difficulties which are involved in such an interpretation of his own 
deposition made at Zufi in 1598. 

During the early pioneering days of our own country a number 
of parties swung to the south of the ranch properties. Richard 
Campbell, with 35 companions, went from Santa Fe, N. Mex., to 
California by way of Zuni in 1827.1° From the pueblo they traveled 
down the west bank of the Zuni River until they reached a point 
a short distance east of the Twin Buttes (pl. 1), where they crossed 
it. They continued southwest to the Little Colorado, crossed it, 
and journeyed on to the Upper Salt River, following an old Indian 
trail which led from Zuni to the Apache country. 

Emigrants to California frequently used that route. James 
Collier, collector of the port of San Francisco, and his military 
escort under Captain Thorn went that way in the early autumn of 
1849.1° One member of the party, Lieutenant Beckwith, apparently 
made a reconnaissance some distance west of the usual trail and 
according to the map of the Military Department of New Mexico 
for 1859, partially revised and corrected to 1867, must have passed 
close to the lakes. No report on this reconnaissance could be found. 
Beckwith played a prominent part in the railroad surveys a few 
years later but the only reference to him in connection with the 
Collier party which the writer was able to find is one made by 
Whipple. The latter with a party of topographical engineers was 
at the crossing of the Colorado River when Collier and his escort 
arrived. During the crossing of the stream Captain Thorn was 
drowned and Whipple notes that Lieutenant Beckwith succeeded to 
the command of the escort.17 

Captain Sitgreaves and his survey party worked down the Zuni 
River from the pueblo in September, 1851. They traveled the well- 
worn trail of the earlier groups as far as the crossing of the Little 
Colorado, where they turned northwest to follow the latter stream.'* 
On this survey they traversed a considerable portion of the southern 
section of what was later to be the Long H Ranch. 

The region to the north, which was to prove the better route, did 
not become known until somewhat later. F. X. Aubry returned 
from California in the autumn of 1853 with a party of 18 men. He 
followed the valley across from the Puerco of the West and passed 
in the vicinity of Jacob’s Well and Navajo Springs (pl. 1), on his 
way to Zuni.’® This is essentially the route covered by Lieutenant 

15 Simpson, J. H., 1850, p. 137. 

16 Sitgreaves, L., 1853, p. 6. The spelling here is Captain Thom. 

"Whipple, A. W., 1851, p. 15. 


18 Sitgreaves, L., 18538, pp. 5-7. 
19 Aubry, FY. X., 1853. 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 1S 


Whipple and his party in their survey along the thirty-fifth parallel 
for a railroad line to the Pacific. Whipple’s group camped at 
Jacob’s Well on November 29, 1853, and at Navajo Springs on the 
following night. His is one of the earliest descriptions of the 
curious watering place called Jacob’s Well.”° 

The well is located in the floor of the valley and the terrain 
around it is so level that one could easily pass within a few hundred 
yards of it and never suspect its existence. It is a conical pit ap- 
proximately 300 feet (91.44 m.) in diameter and 125 feet (38.1 m.) 
deep. The size of the pool at the bottom varies from season to 
season—it practically dried up in 1928—but averages about 100 feet 
(30.48 m.) in diameter. It is surrounded by reeds and brush. ‘The 
water is slightly brackish in taste but not displeasing to stock. The 
well has long been a gathering and watering place for the wandering 
Navajo and in recent years has frequently been the camping place 
for cattlemen and sheepmen. 

Whipple is the first to record the ruins in the vicinity of Navajo 
Springs. Strange as it may seem, no fuller account of them is to 
be found in any subsequent writings. Even the archeologists who 
have been in that vicinity have been content to do little more than 
mention them. This may to some extent be attributed to the fact 
that no scientific work has been done in them. 

Perhaps the most unusual caravan to cross that section of the 
country was the one under E. F. Beale. As a matter of fact it is 
unique in the annals of the Southwest. Beale was the superintend- 
ent in charge of the group surveying a wagon road from Fort Defi- 
ance, Ariz., to California. It fell to his lot to test the theory of 
Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of War, on the use of camels in the 
Southwest. Consequently, in late August and early September of 
1857 the long cavalcade of mules, horses, wagons, and camels plodded 
its way from Zufi to Jacob’s Well, Navajo Springs, and on west. 
The present road from Zufi (pl. 1) follows very closely the route laid 
out by Beale. The main difference is that it swings slightly north 
of Jacob’s Well and Navajo Springs to the present town of Navajo 

on the railroad. Beale retraced his steps early the following year, 
stopping at Navajo Springs and Jacob’s Well on February 15 
and 16.** 
Navajo Springs played its brief rdle in the history of Arizona in 
December of 1863 when it became the temporary capital of the 
territory. Gov. John M. Goodwin, appointed by President Lincoln, 
and party encamped there and formally organized the government 
of the newly created territory on the 29th day of the month. A 


| Whipple, A. W., 1856, pt. 1, pp. 72-73. 
™ Beale, E. F., 1858. Bonsal, S., 1912. 


| 
| 


14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN- ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


few days later they moved on and the springs once more became 
a mere watering place for Indians and emigrants.” 

The settlement of the region in the Long H Ranch vicinity began in 
the early seventies when New Mexican sheepmen and cattlemen spread 
into the valley of the Little Colorado River. The town of St. Johns, 
south of the Long H (pl. 1), was started in the autumn of 1873 by | 
Sol Barth, his two brothers and a number of Mexicans. As a com- | 
pliment to the first woman to settle there, one Maria San Juan Baca | 
de Padilla, Barth called the settlement San Juan, the name being 
changed to its English equivalent at a later date. The Barth inter-_ 
ests were purchased by the Mormons in 1879 and from that time 
on the town grew fairly rapidly, though not always peacefully.** | 

The earliest date which can definitely be associated with the Twin 
Lakes is 1881. In that year C. O. Howe, who was in Arizona rep- 
resenting the Wabash Cattle Co. of Logansport, Ind., found a Mex- 
ican living in a small cabin at the Twin Lakes. Mr. Howe secured | 
extensive holdings in behalf of his company and in the latter part 
of 1881 or early 1882 bought out the Mexican and established head- 
quarters at the lakes. The Wabash Cattle Co. branded its stock on 
the left shoulder and hip with a long H. Out of that custom devel- 
oped the name, the Long H Ranch. Subsequently the properties 
were under the Tucker-Church Co., then Tucker and Saunders, and 
finally they were incorporated as the Tucker Livestock Co. In 1924 
the bondholders took over the property and still own it. The sites 
marked Hard Scrabble and Prospect on the map (pl. 1) are part 
of the holdings. The Stamps and V Stripe ranches belonged to the 
original Long H properties but have since passed into other hands. 

Archeological explorations at the Long H seem to have been about 
as lacking as the other kinds of investigation in the region. Bande- 
lier went down the Zuni to the Little Colorado in 1883 and worked 
the area to the south. He did not go north of the Zuni, however, 
being content to state that it was not a country for Indian tillers of 
the soil and no ruins need be looked for in the region.** In 1901 
Doctor Hough worked several miles northwest of the Long H. He 
mentions the ranch but did not visit it and makes no reference to 
the existence of ruins on it.2>. Dr. Leslie Spier was at the Long H 
in November, 1917, while making a survey of the Little Colorado | 
area for the American Museum of Natural History. He is appar- 
ently the first to record the existence of the ruins. He only made 
a brief inspection of the sites but did bring them to the attention of 

2 Bancroft, H. H., 1889, p. 521. 

28 McClintock, J. H., 1921, pp. 177-183. 


% Bandelier, A. F., 1892 b, p. 386. 
% Hough, W., 1903, p. 320. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 15 


archeologists.2° Since then several parties have visited the ranch 
but no work was done, except for a few exploratory trenches dug by 
Kidder in 1923. 

To some readers the foregoing ethnological and historical digres- 
sion may seen*®entirely beyond the bounds of an archeological report. 
It is true that it has no direct bearing on the investigations conducted 
during the summer of 1929. General books on the area, however, 
practically ignore the small section under consideration. Conse- 
quently the writer feels that a better appreciation of the region will 
be had if some of the outstanding nonarcheological factors are pre- 
sented. There is such a dearth of material and what little is avail- 
able is so widely scattered that it has been deemed permissible to 
bring it together in this introduction. 


HOUSE REMAINS 


The ruins investigated during the field season of 1929 constitute 
a fairly compact group three-fourths of a mile (1.207 k.) northwest 
of the ranch houses at the Twin Salt Lakes. There are many addi- 
tional sites in the immediate vicinity, but no work was attempted 
in them. It was thought that more complete information was to 
be obtained from a thorough investigation of a single small area 
than from a series of scattered excavations. At the completion of 
the summer’s work the remains of three different types of houses 
had been uncovered. These included 18 pit houses, the vestiges 
of three jacal, pole and mud structures, and a pueblo ruin with 
49 rooms and 4 kivas or circular ceremonial chambers. 

Before excavations were started there was nothing to indicate 
the presence of pit-house remains. Judging from the pottery frag- 
ments on the surfaces of the low, débris-covered sand mounds, jacal 
or crude adobe ruins were to be expected, but the pit houses furnished 
a complete surprise. The pueblo was so thoroughly covered by sand 
that the only evidence of its existence was in the sporadic occurrence 
of occasional groups of aligned stones, tops of remaining walls, on 
the surface of the mound. At the beginning of the season the writer 
had no intention of excavating the pueblo ruin. As investigations 
on the pit houses progressed, however, he became more and more 
impressed with the idea that it might be possible to obtain some 
stratigraphic evidence on the relationship between the two types 
of structures. With such a possibility in contemplation the débris 
was cleared from the pueblo. This task was not easy because it 
entailed more than the mere removal of fallen wall material and 
accumulated drift sand. It unexpectedly called for the solution 


* Spier, L., 1918, p. 356. 


16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 100 


of an intricate problem of change and growth in a communal dwell- 
ing. The results of this work form an interesting story, which 
will be presented in detail in a later section of this report. Ulti- 
mately the original purpose in excavating the pueblo was achieved 
by the discovery of a complete pit house under its northeast end. 

This last feature brought that phase of the investigations to an 
entirely satisfactory conclusion, since it definitely established the 
greater antiquity of the pit form of dwelling. 

The only disappointing part of the summer’s work was that in 
connection with the jacal structures. While the remains of three 
such dwellings were found, in not one instance was it possible to 
trace the exact outlines of the buildings. The same condition held 
with respect to the superstructure. There was evidence to show 
that pole and mud walls had existed, but the disintegration was so 
complete that their true character could not be learned. Hence this 
particular form of domicile can not be properly described. Several 
variations of the type have been found in other localities ?* and cer- 
tain features about the Long H remains suggest some of the latter 
to a slight degree. 

Pir Hovses 


The information obtained in excavating the 18 pit houses makes 
it possible to draw a reasonably accurate picture of such dwellings. 
They had consisted of roughly circular, oval, or rectangular pits 
roofed over with a pole, brush, and plaster superstructure. 

The pit portions of the houses were dug into the native soil to a 
depth ranging from 16 inches (40.64 em.) to 8 feet (2.488 m.). In 
diameter they varied from 7 to 24 feet (2.133 to 7.315 m.). The 
earth floor and walls of the excavation were covered with thick 
plaster made from adobe mud which contained a slight admixture of 
wood ashes. In not one instance was it found that large stone slabs 
had been used to line the walls of the pit. The latter feature is fre- 
quently present in the remains of houses of similar nature in the 
region to the north.?8 

The superstructure was supported on four upright posts placed in 
the floor some distance from the walls. Although there was nothing 
to indicate that such had been the case, the upper ends of these sup- 
ports probably were forked, a tree trunk with a suitable crotch 
being used for the purpose. The four uprights carried stringers 
which formed a rectangular framework upon which the small poles 
forming the sloping section of the superstructure rested. The 
rectangular space at the top probably had a flat roof with a single 


*7 Roberts, 1930. 
*8 Roberts, 1929. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 17 


opening in the center which served both as a smoke hole and an 
entrance. The wooden framework thus formed was covered with 
reeds, brush, and leaves. Over all a thick layer of carefully 
smoothed mud plaster was spread. In the case of the dwellings 
with deep pits this roof was probably only sufficiently elevated above 
the ground to provide for drainage. Where a shallow pit had been 
used the superstructure must necessarily have risen several feet 
above the surrounding level. 

Variations of this type of superstructure are not unknown in 
other regions of the Southwest. Kidder and Guernsey reported it 
from northeastern Arizona.?? Judd uncovered traces of one near 
Pueblo Bonito in the Chaco Canyon and reports similar construction 
for the coverings of earth lodges near Willard, Utah.*? Cummings 
has referred to excavated circular rooms with poles, brush, cedar 
bark, and plaster roofs which he investigated in the Kayenta dis- 
trict.2t Morris has described a closely comparable form which he 
observed in Canyon del Muerto, northeastern Arizona.*? The Late 
Basket Maker Village uncovered in the Chaco Canyon in 1928 gave 
abundant evidence of houses with a similar superstructure.** 

Interior furnishings in the houses were simple. Near the center 
of each room was a fire pit. Adjacent to it, on the southeast side, 
was a depression in which rested the base end of the ladder used 
in entering and leaving the structure. Almost invariably at the 
opposite side of the fire pit, the northwest, was a small circular hole in 
the floor. The exact purpose of this feature has never been deter- 
mined. All indications, however, suggest that it is analogous to 
the small hole which occupies a similar position in the floors of 
later-day kivas. The latter, called the sipapu, according to the 
Zuni, Hopi, and other Indians of the Southwest, was symbolic of 
the mythical place of emergence through which their ancestors 
passed on their journey from the underworld to the surface of the 
earth. That it had the same significance in the pit houses can only 
be postulated. In discussing the feature in connection with the 
series of Chaco Canyon Basket Maker III houses, the suggestion 
was offered that it possibly did serve a ‘similar purpose. On the 
basis of such an assumption it was conjectured that in the pit- 
house horizon each dwelling had its own shrine commemorating the 
important mythological event. Later, apparently, it was deemed 


20 Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, pp. 40-44. 
20 Judd, N. M., 1924, p. 405; 1926, p. 8. 

*1 Cummings, B. S., 1915, p. 274. 

#2 Morris, E. H., 1925, p. 272. 

83 Roberts, 1929, pp. 10-13. 


18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BULL. 100 


essential only to the ceremonial chamber and is not always present 
there.** 

Some of the dwellings had storage recesses in the wall, while oc- 
casional small holes in the floor apparently served as receptacles 
for minor objects. In a few instances there was evidence to show 
that small circular depressions in the floor had been used as pot 
rests. The rounded bottoms of the containers in service at that 
time would necessitate some support to keep them in an upright 
position and such depressions would admirably serve the purpose. 
Several had the fragments of broken jars in them which clearly 
showed their function. Similar use of floor depressions has been 
found in pit structures in the region to the north.** There were 
large oval depressions at one side of the room in several of the struc- 
tures. The latter seem to have been associated with milling stones 
or metates. Just what their function may have been is questionable. 
The metates were not placed in the depressions but on the floor at 
one side. It is possible that the corn to be ground was placed in 
the depression or the finished meal may have been allowed to fall 
into it from the end of the grinding stone, thence to be placed in jars. 

At the east or southeast side of each room was a ventilator. This 
consisted of a short tunnel leading from an opening in the wall to 
the bottom of a vertical shaft, the upper end of which opened to 
the air on the surface of the ground beyond the confines of the 
dwelling. The ventilator was just what its name implies. When 
a fire was burning in the pit in the center of the room the heat 
rising from it and passing off through the smoke hole at the top 
would have a tendency to draw fresh, cold air down through the 
shaft and tunnel and into the room. Evidence has shown that the 
feature was not originally designed for such a purpose. It repre- 
sents a modified survival of the entrance found in the earlier forms 
of the pit houses, the dwellings of the Basket Maker III period. 
It even continued down into later pueblo horizons in the kivas or 
ceremonial chambers. . 

An upright slab of stone, called the deflector, was set in the floor 
between the fire pit and the ventilator opening in many of the 
houses. The reason for its presence is that it was so placed to 
prevent the inrushing air from blowing directly on the flames. 
Many of the rooms had a second stone which could be placed in 
the ventilator opening and entirely close it. Perhaps at times the 
draft became so strong that it was necessary to completely stop it. 
The ventilators in some of the deeper houses work so well that 


* Roberts, 1929, p. 13. 
* Martin, P, S,, 1930, p. 29. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 19 


even in the present roofless state of the structures a strong current 
of air can be felt passing into the chamber from the tunnel. 
Houses of this type were found in clusters. The number of 
dwellings varies, but it consistently ranges between three and six. 
These groups possibly represent family or clan units, the homes 
of a mother, her daughters, and their families) Any number of 
these units, from one to a dozen, might be associated to form a 
village. Three units were excavated during the season. One house 
and half of another in the fourth group were cleared, and the out- 
lines of the remaining two structures were traced. Several small 
pits occupying isolated positions were also investigated. These 
single dwellings may represent the beginnings of a family group, 
the full development of which was not realized because of some 
unrecorded happening which checked its growth. 
At the east or southeast side of each unit was a trash mound where 
_ the refuse from the houses had been deposited. In most cases these 
mounds had also been the burying ground for the dead. The excep- 
tions to the rule were the interments which were made in abandoned 
storage pits and vacated houses. 
Three of the units will be discussed in detail. The numbers given 
to them merely indicate the order in which they were investigated. 
| As a matter of fact, however, there is a certain significance in the 
' designation. The No. 1 group proved to be the most complex, and 
_ its houses show a higher development than those of the other units. 
Group 3 appears to have been the simplest and certain aspects of 
its houses indicate that they represent an earlher form. To facili- 
| tate discussion the several groups will be considered in their numeri- 
' cal order, although such a procedure necessitates passing from the 
ultimate development to simpler stages of the dwelling type. 


GROUP NO. 1 


House Group No. 1 consisted of the remains of 4 dwellings, 6 stor- 
| age pits, and 6 surface fire pits. Except for the central cluster of 
| houses with the two adjacent fire pits, storage bin, and refuse mound, 
_ there was little of interest in the group. The additional storage and 
| fire pits were of the same characteristic form, and because they were 

located at some distance from the central group they have not been 
| included in the plat. To have done so would have necessitated the 
| use of a scale too small to permit the drawing of any details. The 
| outstanding feature of the group as a whole was the compact house 
cluster formed by houses B, C, and D. The two small structures 
were not only contiguous to the large central one, but the bench 
portions of the three actually overlapped. (Fig. 1; pl. 3, a, 6.) It 


20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


is not unusual to find houses aligned in such a fashion that they 
might be considered as touching. A complex association like that 
presented by the three houses in Group 1, however, is somewhat 
out of the ordinary. 

The remains of house A, Group 1, were a good example of the 
roughly circular form of dwelling and were typical of the fully 
developed pit structure as found in the region. The major portion 
of the house had consisted of a pit with an encircling bench some 
distance above the floor level. Both pit and bench had been dug 
into the native earth. The walls and floor had been plastered with 
a thick coat of adobe mud. The excavation had been covered over 
with a pole, brush, and plaster superstructure of the kind described 
in preceding pages. All that was left of the roof, however, was the 
decayed butts of the main support posts in the holes in the floor and 
a few decayed pieces from some of the sloping side poles which were 
lying on top of the bench. In the houses with the encircling bench 
the small side poles of the superstructure had sloped from the back 
of the bench to the stringers comprising the central rectangular 
framework on top of the main support posts. Occasionally these 
smaller poles had their lower ends embedded in the earth at the 
back of the bench, but such had not been the case in house A where 
their butts simply rested in the angle formed by the top of the 
bench and the wall. 

Near the center of the room was a circular fire pit and adjoining 
it the rectangular box where the base end of the ladder rested. 
(Pl. 3, ¢.) Both were inclosed by an adobe rim. Between the two 
pits the plaster was reinforced by a small stone slab the top of which 
was flush with the upper surface of the fire pit ridge. The fire pit 
was saucer shaped, while the sides of the ladder box were more 
vertical. 

The finding of the ladder boxes or pits proved interesting from 
several points of view. The first ones uncovered presented some- 
thing of a problem because there was nothing which definitely sug- 
gested their purpose. That they had not been secondary fire pits 
was certain as there were no traces of heat on the plaster. The 
supposition that they might have functioned as temporary deposi- 
tories for ashes from the fire was not tenable because there was no 
such material in them. Careful inspection of the interiors showed 
that the bottoms and the ends farthest away from the fire pit were 
abraded to some extent. From this it was presumed that a ladder 
might have rested in them. Definite proof that such was their 
function was later obtained in several structures where decayed 
ends of the ladder poles were found partially embedded in the 
plaster at the ends of the boxes. This was not only valuable infor- 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 21 


mation in itself, but it substantiated a postulation made in connec- 
tion with the series of Basket Maker III houses uncovered two 
years previous. Several of the latter had small, oval-shaped de- 
pressions in the floor at one side of the fire pit, the side nearest the 
ventilator or passage opening. In discussing them it was suggested 
that they possibly might have been the place where a ladder end 
rested, as some such provision would have been necessary to prevent 
the object’s slipping on the smooth surface of the plaster2* That 
this postulation was correct seems certain in view of the present 
evidence. Here, then, is an interesting example of how compara- 
tively elaborate house features may develop from a very simple 
beginning. What was originally an inconspicuous depression in 
the floor eventually grew into a distinct pit with a bordering rim 
of plaster. 

Evidence also showed that the ladders had sloped in such degree 
that they had passed over the fire pit to the central hole in the roof. 
Their tops pointed in a more or less northerly direction. Northward 
pointing ladders were one of the outstanding characteristics of later- 
day kivas. That they were a normal feature in the pit structures 
adds one more point of similarity to the already large number of 
comparable features in the old house forms and subsequent. cere- 
monial chambers. To some it may seem that it would have been 
dangerous to have the ladder placed so close to and passing directly 
over the fire pit. There was probably no likelihood of its catching 
fire, as a very small blaze in such a structure would have been sufli- 
cient for what little heat and light was required. The fact that the 
ladder was set in that fashion would tend to lessen the size of the 
hole required for entrance. If it had had a marked slant a larger 
opening would have been needed than if it rose almost vertically. 

There were several small holes in the floor of house A in addition 
to those in which the support posts had rested. The one marked 6 
on the ground plan (fig. 1) has been considered analogous to the 
sipapu previously mentioned. The hole marked e, which was 
directly in front of the opening into the ventilator, had contained a 
small post. The latter was probably for the purpose of holding in 
position the stone slab which was used to close the opening. The 
other two holes marked by the same letter gave no indication of their 
probable function. They possibly were for the storage of small 
objects. 

At one side of the room, near one of the main support posts, was 
a depression in the floor which extended back into the face of the 
bench. This was a good example of the wall recess mentioned in 


8 Roberts, 1929, pp. 26, 38, 47. 


92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


HOUSE GROUP NO? 


t 5d “rr 


Howse B 


O~ 6 


Frevurn 1.—Plan of central portion of House Group No. 1: a, Holes for main support 
posts; b, sipapu; ec, fire pit; d, ladder pit; e, holes in floor; f, ventilator shaft; 
g, bench; h, subwall storage recesses; 4, holes for loom posts; j, posts reinforcing 
face of bench; k, plaster ridge connecting rim around fire and ladder pits and the 
support posts; m, deflectors; n, depression in floor 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 23 


the general introduction to the subject of the pit houses. Such a 
place would have been convenient for storing almost anything which 
the occupants of the dwelling desired to set out of the way. It is 
rather curious that in the Southwest in general the subwall recess 
was only occasionally used in the houses of the Basket Maker III 
period, while in the dwellings of Pueblo I it occurred quite frequently. 

The ventilator at the southeast side of the room was of the type 

which is one of the characteristic features of the houses. As will 
be observed from the ground plan (fig. 1), the arc on the ventilator 
side of the chamber broke the natural curve of the circumference to 
such an extent that it actually bowed in. This change in the bend 
of the wall was observed in many of the structures, although in most 
of them it consisted of a flattening rather than a distinct incurve. 
In this, as well as in several other houses, the flattening or incurve 
was not fortuitous. It is directly traceable to certain constructional 
methods followed by the builders. The ventilator tunnel was dug 
at the same time as the pit proper. The general practice seems to 
have been that of making a wedge-shaped trench in the section of 
the wall where the ventilator was to be placed. This trench did not 
completely penetrate to the vertical shaft of the ventilator. It 
terminated at about the back line of the bench. From that point to 
the bottom of the shaft the earth was actually tunneled. The fore- 
part of the horizontal passage was formed by the erection of a 
wooden framework. A series of small poles with forks at their 
upper ends supported crosspieces covered with reeds and brush. 
This wooden tunnel was then plastered inside and out with a thick 
layer of adobe mud. The front portion of the trench, where it was 
cut through the side of the chamber, was closed by the erection of 
an adobe wall which rose to the height of the bench. This com- 
pleted the wall on that side, leaving, of course, the ventilator opening. 
The remainder of the trench was filled in with earth, generally débris 
of accumulation from a trash mound, to the top of the bench. After 
this had been done the entire room was plastered and all signs of 
construction covered over. 

House A gave indications of having fallen into disuse prior to 
the abandonment of the whole group. It was completely filled with 
refuse and such débris as accumulates around an occupied site. 
Layers of clean blow sand such as constituted the upper part of the 
fill in the other structures were absent from this pit. Among the 
Pueblo peoples it is customary to deposit refuse in rooms no longer 
tenanted, and the same practice may have prevailed in this earlier 
period. Another factor which indicated abandonment was the find- 
ing of burials in the ventilator where two complete skeletons and one 
additional cranium were uncovered. The skull was well down in 


24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


the shaft and the skeletons, one lying above the other, were near the 
top. The complete remains showed definite burial and can not be 
attributed to a mere dumping of bodies into an open shaft. The 
presence of only a skull from a third individual is more puzzling and 
will be referred to again under the subject of burials. What reason 
the occupants of house A may have had for quitting it could not be 
learned. 

The inside diameter of house A on tne line of the ventilator was 
10 feet 9 inches (3.276 m.). Above the bench on the same line it 
was 14 feet 2 inches (4.318 m.). On a line at right ‘angles to the 
preceding one the diameter inside the bench was 12 feet 8 inches 
(3.86 m.), and including the bench, 15 feet 10 inches (4.826 m.). 
The depth of the pit ranged between 6 feet 6 inches (1.981 m.) on 
the ventilator side and 7 feet (2.183 m.) at the opposite wall. The 
average height of the bench above the floor was 4 feet 3 inches 
(1.295 m.).' The width of the bench ranged from 1 foot 314 inches 
(39.37 cm.) above the ventilator to 2 feet (60.96 cm.) at the oppo- 
site side of the room. 

The fire pit was more oval than circular in outline and ranged 
from 1 foot 5 inches (48.18 cm.) to 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.) in 
diameter. It had a depth of 3 inches (7.62 cm.) below the floor 
level, but the inclosing ridge of plaster added another 3 inches (7.62 
em.), making a total of 6 inches (15.24 cm.). The rim around the 
pit had an average width of 5 inches (12.7 em.). 

The ladder pit, which was more or less rectangular in form, meas- 
ured 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) by 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 em.). Its 
depth was somewhat greater than that of the fire pit, averaging 7 
inches (17.78 cm.). The ridge of plaster which inclosed it meas- 
ured 6 inches (15.24 cm.) wide at one side and 10 inches (25.4 em.) 
at the end. The rim had been broken away at the opposite side, but 
its traces on the floor indicated the same average width as the side 
which was present, 6 inches (15.24 cm.). 

The sipapu was 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) from the edge of the 
fire-pit rim. The hole was oval in shape with diameters of 5 and 
7 inches (12.7 and 17.78 cm.). Its depth was 11 inches (27.94 cm.). 
The hole in front of the ventilator opening was 8 inches (7.62 cm.) 
in diameter and 9 inches (22.86 em.) deep. It slanted toward the 
room at an angle of 15° from the vertical. The additional small 
holes in the floor averaged 3 inches (7.62 cm.) in diameter and 6 
inches (15.24 cm.) in depth. 

The holes for the main support posts were set into the floor at 
varying distances from the wall of the room. Two of them were 6 
inches (15.24 cm.) from the face of the bench, one was 9 inches 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 25 


(22.86 cm.), and the other was 10 inches (25.4 em.). The average 
depth of these holes was 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). 

The corner recess had a maximum width of 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 
cm.) and a maximum length of 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.). It 
extended under the wall 3 inches (7.62 cm.). The bottom of the 
pit was 2 inches (5.08 cm.) below the general floor level. 

The opening from the room into the horizontal passage of the 
ventilator was 10 inches (25.4 cm.) wide and 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 
em.) high. The sill of the tunnel at the room opening was 3 inches 
(7.62 cm.) above the floor. The tunnel was 2 feet 5 inches (73.66 cm.) 
long. Where it opened into the shaft it was somewhat larger than at 
the room end. At this point it had a height of 2 feet (60.96 cm.) 
and a width of 1 foot (30.48 cm.). The shaft, at the outer end, 
was roughly oval in shape. It had a diameter of 1 foot 10 inches 
(55.88 cm.) on a line with the tunnel and a cross diameter of 2 
feet (60.96 cm.). The bottom of the shaft was 6 feet (1.828 m.) 
below the ground level. 

Houses B and C really should be considered as a single unit. They 
had a number of features in common and in some respects it is 
difficult to dissociate one structure from the other. To facilitate 
discussion, however, they will first be described singly, as far as 
possible, then as a combination. Although house D constitutes an 
integral part of the group, its relationship to house B was such 
that it could quite properly be considered as a single structure. 

House B was the largest of the four dwellings in this group. Its 
major portion had been a roughly oval pit dug into the native 
earth. The encircling bench was of the same type as that in A, 
except for the fact that its rear wall was broken at two points by 
the abuttal of the other houses. At the ventilator side of the room 
there was a pronounced flattening of the wall. The slight incurve 
near the opening proper was not, strictly speaking, a characteristic 
of the wall. It was due to the addition of an adobe “ apron” in 
front of the opening in the wall proper. (PI. 4, a.) 

The superstructure had rested upon four main posts set in the 
floor some distance from the walls. The decayed butts of these posts 
were still in place at the time when the débris was removed from 
the pit. The wood, as in all cases where pieces were found, was 
cedar. The lower ends of the sloping side poles here, as in house 
A, simply rested in the angle formed by the back wall and top of 
the bench. There were no indications that any had been embedded 
in the earth. This part of the superstructure was probably char- 
acteristic in form, except for that portion where house C broke into 
the bench. Just how this portion was covered is not clear. A num- 
ber of ways suggest themselves, but there was little to show the 

18768°—31——3 


26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


method actually used. Careful consideration of the whole problem 
has led to the conclusion that the sloping poles were not employed 
beyond the corners where the two benches, those of B and C, came 
together. The space between the rectangular frameworks carried by 
the main support posts of the two houses probably had a flat roof, 
a continuation of the similar sections of the two houses. Inasmuch 
as the earth wall between the two rooms apparently did not rise 
much above the level of the benches, such a construction would have 
left a large opening between the two chambers. This would have 
resulted in a unique example of a double-roomed pit house. Other 
factors, however, argued against such a possibility. In the débris 
at this point there were many large fragments of adobe plaster 
showing the imprint of small sticks. The condition of the top of the 
wall between the rooms indicated that a form of wattle screen had 
been erected in the opening, resting on the adobe partition, thus 
shutting off one chamber from the other. The actual evidence for 
this reconstruction is not as complete as could be desired, but con- 
sidering all of the features involved seems to be the most plausible. 

In order that the manner of building the superstructure might be 
more readily understood the accompanying diagram was prepared. 
(Fig. 3.) It should be borne in mind that this is not offered as an 
illustration of the actual method of construction, a thing which can 
never be known, but as a postulation based on evidence found in the 
ruins of the dwellings. 

On the side where house D éut into the bench of B the poles 
probably sloped in the normal way. The fact that the bench of 
D was considerably lower than that in B (fig. 2), together with the 
lack of a rear wall to the B bench along that section, suggested 
that the D superstructure was erected first. The butts of the B 
poles could then have rested on and been braced against the sloping 
wall of D. This conclusion was augmented by the discovery that 
the plaster top of the B bench, where it overlapped that of D, was 
laid on a fill of intentionally placed débris. The diagram (fig. 4) 
quite clearly illustrates the various factors involved in the roof 
construction along this side of the house. 

The fire pit near the center of house B approximated the circular 
form. The adjacent ladder pit was rectangular in outline. Both 
were bordered by a plaster rim. In this house the ridge was con- 
tinuous and not only encompassed the two pits but it extended 
along the floor to the support posts on that side of the room. 
(Fig. 1.) This more or less had the effect of setting off that portion 
of the chamber, 

The presence of the ridge between the pits and the support posts 
is of special interest because it suggests a feature which was prev- 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 27 


alent in the slab-lined pit structures of the Basket Maker IIT horizon. 
In many of the latter there was a binlike compartment on the south- 
east, the ventilator side of the room. This compartment was formed 
by the erection of a low cross wall along the line of the two support 
posts. The wall consisted either of stone slabs placed in an upright 
position with their lower ends embedded in a plaster ridge, adobe, 


y 


House 
D 


Yj YU yf 
Yj YY / Yj j/ Y// Yj j 


Y YY 
] : 
VT I) 


Mt 


Qroued level 


bench 


© 


. , 


beach 
Hause 8 


veatilater 


SS 


growed level 


ground level 


/pprench ans 


bench 


House A 


= “ 


40FF 


Ficurp 2.—Sections through houses in Group No. 1; a, Sipapu; bB, fire pits; c, ladder 
pits; d, deflectors; e, hole for post to hold stone closing the ventilator opening 


or wattle and daub construction. There generally was a break 
in this wall directly in front of the ventilator opening or, as it was 
in many of those structures, passage entrance. In front of the 
break in the cross wall, either between it and the fire pit or between 
it and the opening into the passage, was an upright stone slab which 
was the prototype of the deflector. Houses which did not have an 
actual compartment presented the suggestion of one in plaster ridges 


28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 
Pp La 


SE 
Ss TT aes 
HT SF 


=| 
as a \) 
ULES 


J 


WY 


Ficurp 3.—Postulated method of superstructure construction for houses B and C, 
Group No. 1: a, Main support posts; b, faces of benches; c, main stringers; d, 
lesser roof timbers; e, small roofing poles; f, timbers bridging space between rec- 
tangular frameworks; g, sloping side walls; h, timbers connecting sloping walls of 
two structures; 7, wattle wall between rooms; k, sipapu; m, fire pits; ”, deflector ; 
o, ventilator of C opening into B; p, ladders; q, ground level 


Be ee Bel: ETE: 


H D 


Fieurp 4.—Detail of superstructure construction in houses B and D: a, Main support 
posts; b, main stringers; c, sloping side poles; d, small roof timbers; e, fill over 
side poles of D which furnished foundation for sloping timbers of B 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 29 


which radiated from the fire pit to the wall.*7. The ridge in house 
B was similar to the latter, except for the fact that it did not con- 
tinue to the wall but stopped at the support posts. There was only 
one other structure in the 18 pit houses on the Long H Ranch, 
house D of Group 3, which suggested a similar feature. It did not 
have a ridge, however, but the entire fioor level at that side of the 
room was slightly elevated to make a low platform. 

The presence of these two examples in the houses under considera- 
tion has a bearing on one of the problems which arose in the study 
of the Basket Maker III domiciles. The occurrence of compart- 
ments in some of the house remains and only adobe ridges in others 
raised the question as to which was the earlier, whether the compart- 
ment preceded the ridges or was an outgrowth from them. The con- 
clusion was reached that the ridges probably represented a break- 
down in a house feature which previously had been considered 
essential. As will be shown later in this report, the Long H houses 
probably belong to a later stage than the Basket Maker III forms 
in the Chaco Canyon. Since there was just the mere indication of 
a setting apart of a portion of the room in the former it would 
seem that the belief that the ridge was simply an unobtrusive 
survival of what originally was a distinct feature was correct. 

The hole in the floor which has been considered analogous to the 
sipapu was present in this structure. It was more nearly circular 
than the one in house A and its sides were carefully plastered. At the 
time when the pit of the house was cleared of accumulated débris 
the sipapu was filled with clean sand. This is a condition fre- 
quently found to exist. It is possible that the filling of the hole with 
sand may have had the same significance as the covering of the 
sipapu with a flat stone or board in later kivas during the interval 
when no ceremonies are being performed. 

There were several other holes in the floor, two of which were of 
particular interest. They were at opposite sides of the room about 
midway between the main support posts. (Fig. 1,7.) They were 
not storage places because the sides of their earth walls showed dis- 
tinctly the marks of wood—that poles had been set in them. Tim- 
bers so placed might have served as additional supports for the roof 
but their size, as shown by the diameters of the holes, was such 
that they would not have been of material value in that capacity. 
Another explanation for the presence of posts in those particular 
positions is that they may well have been the portions of the 
framework of looms used in weaving. With one of the main super- 
structure posts serving as one side and one of the small poles as the 
other a very serviceable loom could have been devised. If such was 


37 Roberts, 1929, pp. 10-71. 


30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 100 


done, house B may be considered as having had provision for two 
weaving frames, making it possible for two people to work at the 
same time. 

At the front of the bench on the ventilator side of the room was 
a circular hole in the floor. (Fig. 1, ¢.) Its sides were plastered 
and it may well have served as a depository for small objects. The 
other two holes (fig. 1, 7) had contained posts used in the construc- 
tion of the wall which was erected to close the trench dug for the 
ventilator tunnel. 

At the south side of the room, between the main support post and 
the small pole which has been considered to have been part of a loom, 
was a roughly rectangular depression in the floor. (Fig. 1, 2.) 
Just what its function may have been is not known. It is possible 
that fuel for the fire may have been piled in it or, as suggested in 
the introduction to the subject of pit houses, it may have had some 
connection with the grinding of corn. A broken metate or milling 
stone was found on the floor near by. The corn to be ground may 
have been placed in it, close to the miller, or the metate may have 
been in such a position that the open end of the groove or trough 
was toward it in such a fashion that meal could fall into the de- 
pression. 

The ventilator in this dwelling was one of the most elaborate 
found during the investigations. It had been constructed along 
lines similar to that in house A. When the front wall was erected 
to close the wedge-shaped trench two posts were incorporated in it. 
(Pl. 4, a.) This was shown by their impressions in the plaster 
of the bench. The builders possibly felt that a wall of mud alone 
would not be sufficient and so used the wood to reinforce it. The 
posts did not rise to the top of the bench. They terminated on a 
line slightly above that of the upper part of the ventilator “ apron.” 
The opening itself was smaller than the mouth of the tunnel, due 
to the apronlike feature which had been erected in front of it. The 
sill of the smaller doorway in the “apron” was grooved to hold a 
slab of stone and there was a slight offset in the rim of the opening 
which permitted the door to fit tightly into the aperture. The 
stone was in position in front of the opening when the interior of 
the chamber was cleaned out. Between the opening and the fire 
pit was an upright slab of stone, the lower end of which was em- 
bedded in the plaster ridge. (Figs. 1, m,; 2, d; pl. 4, a.) This con- 
stitutes a good example of the deflector. 

The ventilator tunnel of house B was larger than that in A. Its 
floor sloped slightly upward toward the shaft. The entrance to the 
tunnel at the outer end was much larger than the opening into the 


ROBERTS J THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 31 


room. The shaft was somewhat oval in contour with its long axis 
on a line with the tunnel. 

The diameter of house B on the ventilator line, inside the bench, 
was 15 feet 2 inches (4.622 m.). Above the bench it measured 21 
feet 9 inches (6.629 m.). The diameter at right angles to the venti- 
lator line was 17 feet 8 inches (5.384 m.). On the same line from 
the back of the bench on one side to the break caused by house D 
it measured 21 feet (6.4 m.). When the chamber was occupied and 
the bench extended over a portion of the fill covering the house D 
superstructure, the diameter was several inches greater. 

The depth of the pit varied somewhat. In front of the ventilator 
the floor was 6 feet (1.828 m.) below the ground level. At the 
north side it was 5 feet 9 inches (1.752 m.) and at the south 6 feet 
1 inch (1.854 m.). The bench height also differed to some extent 
from one side of the room to the other. In front of the ventilator 
it was 3 feet 9 inches (1.143 m.) above the floor, 3 feet (91.44 cm.) 
between B and C, and 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) on the other two 
sides. There was considerable variation in the width of the bench. 
The narrowest portion, with the exception of the segments where 
there was no overlapping, was 2 feet (60.96 cm.) and the broadest 
3 feet 7 inches (1.092 m.). 

The fire pit had an average diameter of 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.). 
Its maximum depth below the floor level was 6 inches (15.24 cm.). 
The added 3 inches (7.62 cm.) of the plaster rim gave it a total 
depth of 9 inches (22.86 cm.). The ladder pit was shallower. Its 
bottom was only 3 inches (7.62 cm.) below the floor, although the 
total depth from the top of the plaster rim was 6 inches (15.24 cm.). 
The deflector stone which was embedded in the plaster ridge at 
the edge of the ladder pit was 2 feet (60.96 cm.) high, had a width 
of 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 em.), and was 2 inches (5.08 em.) thick. 

The sipapu was 2 feet 4 inches (71.12 cm.) from the edge of the fire 
pit rim. It was 6 inches (15.24 cm.) in diameter and had a depth 
of 10 inches (25.4 cm.). The holes for the loom poles averaged 3 
inches (7.62 cm.) in diameter and 10 inches (25.4 cm.) in depth. 
The storage hole at the base of the wall near the ventilator was 4 
inches (10.16 cm.) in diameter and 6 inches (15.24 cm.) deep. The 
holes for the reinforcing posts in the wall near the ventilator were 
4 and 6 inches (10.16 and 15.24 cm.) in diameter. They were 8 inches 
(20.82 em.) deep. The poles had risen to a height of 2 feet 6 inches 
(76.2 em.) above the floor. 

The rectangular shaped depression in the floor at the south side 
of the room was 2 feet 2 inches (66 cm.) long and 1 foot 5 inches 
(43.18 cm.) wide. It was quite shallow, having a maximum depth 
of only 2 inches (5.08 cm.). 


o2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


There was some variation in the size of the holes for the main 
support posts. That at the north was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) in 
diameter. The east and west holes were the same diameter, 10 
inches (25.4 cm.). The one at the south was the largest. It meas- 
ured 1 foot (30.48 cm.) across. There was an even greater 
range in their distances from the wall. The north post was 2 feet 
(60.96 cm.), the south 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.), the east 2 feet 
6 inches (76.2 cm.), and the west only 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.). 
Their depths ranged from 2 feet (60.96 cm.) to 2 feet 6 inches 
(76.2 cm.). 

The plaster “apron” of the ventilator had a total width of 2 feet 
3 inches (68.58 cm.), a height of 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.), and a 
9 inch (22.86 cm.) thickness at the bottom. At the top it merged 
into the front of the wall. The opening was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) wide, 
1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) high. The stone slab used to cover the 
hole was oval in shape. It had a length of 1 foot 11 inches (58.42 
cm.), a width of 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.), and was 1 inch (2.54 
em.) thick. 

Inside of the “apron” the ventilator tunnel was 1 foot 6 inches 
(45.72 cm.) wide and 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.) high. The tunnel 
was 4 feet 9 inches (1.447 m.) long. At the shaft end it had a height 
of 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). The shaft diameter on the tunnel line 
was 38 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) and at right angles to it measured 2 
feet 11 inches (88.9 cm.). The bottom of the shaft was 5 feet 
(1.524 m.) below the ground level. 

The next house in the group, house C, was the smallest and 
simplest of the four. Its pit approached the rectangular in shape. 
(Pl. 4, 6.) The bench occurred on three sides only, the fourth 
being that where the wattle screen was used to shut it off from 
house B. The dwelling differed from the others in that the main 
support posts for the superstructure were set in the corners of the 
room. As a matter of fact some of them were partially incorpo- 
rated in the walls. This would be of decided advantage from the 
standpoint of added floor space, especially in a structure as small 
as house C. The benefits of such a position for the main support 
posts were no doubt appreciated by the people of that period. A 
widespread adoption of the practice, however, was probably checked 
to some extent by the material available. In the larger structures 
such a method of building would have necessitated a considerable 
increase in the length of the stringers on top of the main posts. 
Inasmuch as the region is mainly a cedar country it would have 
been extremély difficult to secure suitable timbers more than 10 or 
12 feet (3.048 or 3.657 m.) long. Asa matter of fact it appears that 
approximately maximum timber lengths were used in all of the 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 4 


c. House D, Group 1 


HOUSE REMAINS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 5 


c. House B, Group 3 


HOUSE REMAINS 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 33 


houses. Regardless of the size of the pit there was no great varia- 
tion in the distance between the main support posts. Since it is 
very probable that the length of the stringers did not greatly exceed 
that of the space between the posts a close estimate of their measure- 
ments may be made. On this basis it can be said that the beams 
ranged from 7 feet 6 inches (2.286 m.) to 10 feet 6 inches (3.2 m.) 
in length. This would be a good average for suitable cedar logs. 

The remainder of the superstructure, as far as could be judged 
from the available evidence, was typical in its features. The only 
variation from the characteristic form was the treatment on the 
side where houses B and C came together. This was discussed at 
some length in the consideration of the house B superstructure and 
further comment is not necessary. 

The fire pit in house C was simpler in form than the two pre- 
viously described. It was a mere saucer-shaped depression in the 
floor. There was no encircling rim of plaster. The stone sepa- 
rating the fire pit from the ladder box differed from those in the 
other structures in that it rose some distance above the floor level 
and served as the deflector. 

The ladder box was trapezoidal in form and also lacked the bor- 
dering ridge of adobe. The pit was of interest because it gave actual 
evidence of the use of a true ladder. The type which is generally 
supposed to have been in wide use in the prehistoric periods was the 
notched log variety. Curiously enough, however, it is almost im- 
possible to find references to its presence in prehistoric ruins. This 
form is indicated in house B, Figure 3, where the abraded end of 
the ladder box suggested that a single large log had rested there 
rather than that two poles had been braced against the plaster. 
Runged ladders have been found in Pueblo III and later ruins,** 
but evidence that they were used in earlier periods has been lacking. 
Hence the indication that such was the type here employed is of 
significance in its demonstration of the early development of the 
setiee) 

The actual ladder was not present in house ©, to be sure, but in 
the two holes at the corners of the pit were the decayed ends ‘of the 
poles. The holes slanted at just the angle, 30° from the vertical, 
which the ladder would have required in order to pass over the fire 
pit to a hole in the roof above. The holes were not dug into the 
floor. After the ladder had been placed in position the end of the 

38 Fewkes, J. W., 1904, p. 134. Morris, E. H., 1928, fig. 22, b; p. 365. Nordenskiéld, 
G., 1893, p. 67. Nordenskiéld was inclined to think that the example which he found 
was not prehistoric because he detected marks on it which he attributed to a metal 
implement. Similar specimens from unmistakable horizons in other localities have sub- 


sequently established the antiquity of the form, and it is probable that the Mesa Verde 
ladder was of Indian origin and antedated the coming of the white man. 


34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 100 


pit was filled in with adobe mud. The plaster dried around the 
butts and not only held the poles in place but formed the molds 
which record their former existence. The use of a runged ladder 
was also suggested in house D of the second group. ‘This second bit 
of evidence strengthened the proof of the early development of a true 
ladder. 

There is, of course, no way of knowing just how the runged lad- 
ders employed in the Long H houses were made. Those found in 
ruins of later date may be of the same type and again may differ. 
Since a utilitarian object of this kind is not subject to great changes, 
it is possible that the later forms retained many of the original 
characteristics. For this reason a description of more recent ex- 
amples may serve to suggest how the ladders in house C, Group 
1, and house D, Group 2, might have been constructed. The 
simplest form consisted of two poles with rungs lashed to the up- 
rights. Another had notches in the vertical poles. The rungs were 
laid in these depressions and then lashed.*® This type might well 
have been a direct outgrowth from the notched log form and the 
simple lashed rungs the ultimate development. Less work would 
be involved in making one of the latter, but the lashings would 
have to be more secure. The logical supposition would be that the 
simple form came first and the more complex later. The reverse, 
however, is more often the case in primitive cultures. There are 
many examples in various groups of manufactured objects where 
the old forms are complex and the later quite simple. 

Another type of ladder found in Pueblo III ruins was one with 
sides of cedar or pine uprights with small poles, frequently willows, 
paralleling and atiached to them. The rungs were fastened between 
the cedar and willow poles and rested upon the lashings which 
bound them together. The willow was occasionally long enough to 
serve both sides. Where such was the case it was not cut into two 
pieces but bent across from one side to the other at the top. 

House C was consistent with the other structures in the presence 
of a sipapu. The hole was on the opposite side of the fire pit from 
the ventilator and at approximately the same distance from the 
pit as in the other houses. There were no additional holes such as 
might have been used for storage purposes or as pot rests. Except 
for the sipapu and various holes for posts, the floor was unbroken. 

The ventilator in house C was unusually interesting, and as far 
as is known at the present time it is a unique example. It consisted 
of a hole through the wall between C and B. House B served as the 
shaft for the ventilator and no doubt was very effective in such a 


* Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 158-159. 


ROBERTS J THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 35 


capacity. Both ends of the short tunnel through the wall were 
carefully finished. Where it opened into house C the wall was 
rounded off and there was a slight offset to hold a stone in position 
in front of the opening. The edges of the B end of the tunnel were 
abruptly rounded. The aperture might have served as a passage 
between the two rooms for children or dogs, but not for adults. 
There was no question but what it primarily was a ventilator. 

The method of providing for that feature in house C suggests 
several sidelights on the character of the builders. It would have 
been practicable and comparatively easy to construct a ventilator 
on one of the other sides of the house and have it open to the out- 
side air. The other walls, however, were in the wrong direction. 
The ventilator is very consistent in its eastern or southeastern place- 
ment and this no doubt had some bearing on the problem. From 
the standpoint of labor involved, the form used entailed, by all odds, 
a minimum of effort. It is not likely, though, that such a considera- 
tion weighed heavily on the minds of the workmen. Custom takes 
precedence in such a case, and in this instance it was just their good 
fortune that the proper location for a ventilator was the easiest 
one in which to place it. That they were willing to have such an 
opening between the two chambers shows that the question of fam- 
ily privacy was of little moment. Certainly what went on in one 
room would be known to the occupants of the other under such con- 
ditions. But the whole Pueblo outlook is, and probably was, so 
essentially communal that such minor matters would cause no 
concern. 

During the course of the excavations in the two houses it was 
at first thought that C might have been built and occupied subse- 
quent to the abandonment of B. Under such circumstances the 
question of the upper wall of wattlework and the ventilator of 
the one opening into the other would have been of little consequence. 
As work progressed, however, and all of the factors involved were 
studied it became more and more apparent that they were contem- 
poraneous. Not only was this true, but in addition there was evi- 
dence to suggest that they probably were vacated at the same time. 
The abandonment may be attributed to the partial destruction of 
the superstructure by fire. That the covering of C was largely con- 
sumed was shown by the 114-inch (3.81 cm.) layer of charcoal lying 
on the floor. In the large room remains of burned roofing covered 
the area between the support posts and the wall on that side. In- 
asmuch as the charred material in both chambers was lying directly 
on the floor, there can be no question but what the houses were 
destroyed during occupancy. That the remains of the roofing occu- 
pied a similar position in both structures is good evidence for their 


36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


contemporaneity. Furthermore, in the fill of house C there was a 
layer of water-streaked sand 9 inches (22.86 cm.) above the floor. 
The débris in the room showed clearly that after the roof of the 
dwelling had fallen in, sand and ash had been blown into the pit 
and then, due to rain or snow, water had collected and stood there. 
The line of water-streaked sand extended across the room of C and 
through the ventilator opening and into the débris in house B. The 
latter shows distinctly that the pits had stood open and were filled 
at approximately the same time, which is additional proof of their 
having been contemporaneous. 

The destruction of one house and a part of the other was not the 
only misfortune which befell the occupants. Tragedy accompanied 
the flames and two members of the household perished in them. 
Lying on the floor of house C with the head partially in the ventila- 
tor opening were the charred remains of a woman. Little was left 
but the cranium and fragments from some of the long bones. The 
back and one side of the skull were burned until only the paper-thin 
inner surface of the bone remained. The flames had been so hot 
that the body was largely consumed. The position of the bones and 
skull suggested that the woman had tried to crawl out of the struc- 
ture through the ventilator into B, but had been overcome before she 
could make her escape. The remains of the other individual, a child 
nearing the age of adolescence, were against the wall at the south 
side of the ventilator. The skull, a few ribs, vertebre, and frag- 
ments from the long bones were present. All bore traces of burning. 

There is no way of knowing whether the fire which destroyed the 
dwellings and the lives of two of the occupants was of accidental 
origin or whether it was intentionally set. It is possible that it 
was accidental, because a roof of the type which covered these pit 
rooms would offer abundant opportunity for vagrant sparks to lodge 
in the brush and reed ceilings and start a conflagration. On the 
other hand, there unquestionably were many instances when houses 
were put to the torch by enemies. Examples have been found where 
whole villages were destroyed in that manner. 

House C measured 8 feet 6 inches (2.59 m.) inside the bench on the 
ventilator line. Above the bench on the same diameter it was 12 
feet 5 inches (3.784 m.). The diameters at right angles to the above 
line were 9 feet 9 inches (2.971 m.) inside the bench and 13 feet 9 
inches (4.191 m.) above it. The average depth of the pit. was 6 feet 
(1.828 m.). The top of the bench was 3 feet 4 inches (1.016 m.) 
above the floor. The width of the bench ranged from 1 foot 8 inches 
(50.8 cm.) to 2 feet 10 inches (86.36 cm.). 

The fire pit had diameters of 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) and 1 
foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.). Its depth was 6 inches (15.24 cm.). 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA a7 


The ladder box measured 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) on the ventilator 
line. The side nearest to the ventilator opening was 1 foot 8 inches 
(50.8 cm.) long and that near the fire pit 1 foot (80.48 cm.). Its 
greatest depth was 6 inches (15.24 cm.). The holes in the plaster 
where the ladder poles had rested were oval in form. Their diame- 
ters ranged from 4 to 6 inches (10.16 to 15.24 cm.). Their depth 
was similar to that of the box, 6 inches (15.24 cm.). 

The deflector, which in this house was between the fire pit and the 
ladder box, had risen to a height of 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) above 
the floor. It was 11 inches (27.94 cm.) wide and 11% inches (3.81 
em.) thick. When the house was excavated the stoné was found 
lying in the fire pit. Although broken, all of the pieces were present 
and it was a simple matter to determine what the measurements 
had been. 

The sipapu was 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) from the fire pit. It 
had a diameter of 4 inches (10.16 cm.) and a depth of 7 inches 
(17.78 cm.). The holes for the main support posts ranged from 6 
to 8 inches (15.24 to 20.32 cm.) in diameter. Their depths averaged 
2 feet (60.96 cm.). 

The ventilator opening was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) high and 10 inches 
(25.4 cm.) wide. The sill was 2 inches (5.08 cm.) above the floor of 
house C, and at the opposite end 5 inches (12.7 cm.) above the floor 
of house B. The tunnel was very short. Its maximum length was 
1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) and its shorter side measured only 10 
inches (25.4 cm.). There was, of course, no shaft. 

House D was another good example of a typical pit house. (Fig. 
1; pl. 4, ¢.) In all of its features it represented a normal dwelling 
of the fully developed form. The pit was roughly circular in outline, 
and was encircled by a bench. The main difference between this 
part of the D structure and that of the A house, which it closely 
resembled, was the depth of the pit. The subterranean portion 
of house D was the deepest in the group of four dwellings. 

The superstructure probably was of the characteristic type. Pre- 
sumably the only difference between it and the covering of house 
A was in the overlapping of the small section of the house B side 
poles. The latter feature was not, strictly speaking, a part of house 
D but an extraneous factor. That a small portion of the sloping 
upper wall on the northeast side of the room had served as a founda- 
tion for a section of the house B walls probably had no bearing on 
the inherent nature of D. As in the other structures, the upper 
framework in this house had been supported on four upright posts 
set in the floor. In two of the holes the decayed ends of the original 
posts were still in place. 


38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


The fire pit near the center of house D was of the characteristic 
type. It approached the circular form and in cross section was more 
bowl shaped than some of the others. (Fig. 2.) As noted in both 
A and B, the pit was bordered by a plaster rim rising several inches 
above the floor. This ridge of adobe also inclosed the contiguous 
ladder pit. The latter, like the fire pit, was fairly circular in con- 
tour. In this it differed from the other three which were quadri- 
lateral in form. Between the two pits was a slab of stone which 
reinforced the ridge of plaster separating them. This stone was 
more pronounced than the one in A, due to the fact that its top was 
some inches above the upper surface of the ridge. (Pl. 4,¢.) The 
bottom of the ladder pit showed distinctly the impression of the 
butt end of a single large log. Consequently there is little question 
but what the ladder used here was of the solitary notched pole 
variety. 

Embedded in the plaster ridge which bordered the fire and ladder 
pits was an upright slab of stone. This was the deflector. It was 
placed between the ventilator opening and the ladder pit in just 
the proper position to divert the current of air coming in through 
the aperture. The ventilator here was particularly efficacious, even 
in the unroofed state of the pit, as at all times during the summer 
one could distinctly feel the air entering the chamber through the 
opening. Asa matter of fact, the draft was generally strong enough 
to waft the smoke from a pipe or cigarette to the opposite side of 
the room. 

House D had a sipapu in the proper place on the customary side 
of the room. . In addition, however, there were two slightly smaller 
holes in the floor placed nearer the fire pit, approximately equi- 
distant from the sipapu. (Fig. 1, house D, e.) The three holes 
formed a triangle at that side of the fire pit. The two smaller ones 
were as carefully finished as the sipapu. They may have served as 
containers for small objects, such as bone awls, spindle shafts, etc., 
but there was nothing to indicate that such was their function. 
Also, it is quite possible that they may have had some connection 
with the sipapu and thus have had ceremonial significance. How- 
ever, what their real purpose may have been could not be determined. 

The large hole in the floor near the ventilator opening was a stor- 
age place. Several bone awls and a number of small, smooth stones, 
possibly for polishing the surfaces of pottery vessels during the proc- 
ess of their manufacture, were found in it. Another storage place 
took the form of a subwall recess similar to that in house A, although 
its location was different. (Fig. 1, house D, /; pl. 4, ¢.) The one 
in A was associated with the south support post while that in D 
was near the eastern pillar. The bottom of the recess extended back 


ROBERTS 1 THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 39 


into the face of the bench to a greater extent than the one in house 
A did, but in general the characteristics of the two were quite alike. 
At the south edge of the depression there was a hole in the floor 
which seemed to have contained a small pole. The latter might 
have served a number of purposes, but there was nothing to indi- 
cate for what it was intended. 

The opening of the ventilator tunnel in house D had been aug- 
mented and slightly reduced by the modeling of a small adobe 
“apron” about the aperture. This feature was similar to that in 
house B but not as pronounced as the latter, since it was largely 
confined to the lower part of the opening. At about the top of the 
tunnel the “apron” fused with the wall of the room. ‘The sill of 
the opening was slightly grooved in order to hold a small stone cover- 
ing slab. The tunnel portion of the ventilator differed from that 
in A and B. It was not constructed in the same way. The pro- 
cedure in this dwelling had been like that in some of the simpler 
structures of Groups 2 and 3, namely, the horizontal passage was 
actually tunneled through the earth. There was a considerable up- 
ward slant to the passage from the opening into the room to the 
bottom of the shaft. The latter was oval in contour with its long 
diameter at right angles to the line of the tunnel. 

The diameter of house D inside the bench on the line of the sipapu, 
fire pit, and ventilator was 10 feet 9 inches (3.276 m.). Above the 
bench it measured 14 feet 8 inches (4.47 m.). The diameters at right 
angles to this line were 12 feet 2 inches (3.708 m.) inside the bench 
and 17 feet (5.181 m.) above it. The depth of the pit ranged from 
7 feet 9 inches (2.362 m.) to 8 feet 2 inches (2.489 m.). The bench 
top was from 3 feet 10 inches (1.168 m.) to 4 feet (1.219 m.) above 
the floor. The width of the bench ranged from 1 foot 10 inches 
(55.88 cm.) above the ventilator to 2 feet 9 inches (83.82 cm.) at 
the side of the room near house B. 

The fire pit varied from 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 em.) to 1 foot 21% 
inches (36.83 cm.) in diameter. Its bottom was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) 
below the floor level. With the added 3 inches (7.62 cm.) of the 
adobe rim its total depth was 1 foot (30.48 cm.). The ladder pit 
was somewhat irregular in outline, but it measured 1 foot 1 inch 
(33.02 cm.) on cross diameters. It was much shallower than the 
fire pit, the bottom being but 3 inches (7.62 cm.) below the floor 
line. The added depth due to the plaster ridge made a total of 6 
inches (15.24 cem.). The inclosing adobe ridge which encircled both 
pits had an average width of 5 inches (12.7 cm.). The stone slab 
separating the two pits extended 3 inches (7.62 cm.) above the top of 
the ridge in which it was set. The slab was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) 
wide and 1 inch (2.54 cm.) thick. The deflector stone had a height 


40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


of 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.). It was 1 foot 1 inch (83.02 cm.) in 
width and had a thickness of 114 inches (8.81 em.). 

The sipapu was 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) from the edge of the 
fire-pit rim. The hole was approximately circular with a diameter 
of 4 inches (10.16 cm.). Its depth was 9 inches (22.86 cm.). The 
two small holes adjacent to it had slightly different sizes. That to 
the east was 10 inches (25.4 em.) from the sipapu. It had a diam- 
eter of 21% inches (6.35 cm.) and a depth of 6 inches (15.24 em.). 
The hole to the southwest was 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) from the 
sipapu. The diameter was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) and the depth 5 
inches (12.7 em.). The storage hole near the ventilator had a 
diameter of 6 inches (15.24 cm.) and a depth of 5 inches (12.7 em.). 
The small hole near the subwall recess was 214 inches (6.35 em.) in 
diameter and 6 inches (15.24 cm.) deep. 

The holes for the support posts ranged from 9 inches (22.86 cm.) 
to 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) in diameter. The east post had been 
placed within 2 inches (5.08 cm.) of the wall, while the west one was 
1 foot (80.48 cm.) away from it. The south pole was 3 inches 
(7.62 em.) and the north 6 inches (15.24 cm.) in from the face of 
the bench. The average depth of the holes was 2 feet 6 inches 
(76.2 cm.). : 

The storage recess in the wall near the east support post measured 
1 foot 7 inches (48.26 em.) by 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 em.) on the floor 
level. It extended into the face of the bench 7 inches (17.78 em.). 
The bottom of the depression was 2 inches (5.08 cm.) below the floor 
of the room. The top of the recess was 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 em.) 
above the floor and 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) above the bottom of the 
recess. 

The ventilator opening was 9 inches (22.86 em.) wide and 1 foot 
6 inches (45.72 cm.) high. The lower part of the “apron” pro- 
jected into the room 6 inches (15.24 em.) from the face of the 
bench. The sill of the aperture was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) above the 
floor. The tunnel was 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) long. At the shaft 
end it had a height of 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 em.) and a width of 
1 foot (30.48 cm.). The shaft was 3 feet (91.44 cm.) in diameter 
at right angles to the tunnel and 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.) across on 
the passage line. The bottom of the shaft was 6 feet 114 inches 
(1.866 m.) below the surface of the ground. 

Group No. 1 had seven storage pits associated with the house clus- 
ter, although only one of them is shown in the plan. (Fig. 1.) The 
others were a little too far removed from the dwellings to be included 
in a plat drawn to the scale used in the diagram which accompanies 
this report. They were located in an irregular group 50 feet 
(15.24 m.) east of the houses. These pits were all that remained 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 4] 


of former granaries. The latter, like the houses, had consisted 
of excavations covered with pole, brush, and plaster roofs. 
The débris filling two of the pits contained large fragments of 
plaster bearing the imprints of poles and brush. Others gave 
evidence of slanting side poles. 

There were no benches in the storage pits and as a consequence 
the superstructure poles sloped from the ground level around the 
edges of the holes. Where the bench of the house kept the slanting 
sides from sliding out of position the same end was accomplished 
in these structures by placing the lower ends of the poles in shallow 
depressions or holes. The superstructure of the granaries also dif- 
fered from those in the houses in the lack of interior support posts. 
The probabilities are that portions of the framework were heavy 
enough to carry the weight of the superstructure without additional 
support. These coverings were very likely conical rather than 
truncated in form. 

There is nothing at the present time to show just how the upper 
portion of the granaries was erected but it is possible that the method 
used may have been similar to that employed by the Navajo in their 
sweat houses. In the construction of such huts a framework con- 
sisting of three boughs is erected. The timbers used have forked 
upper ends which are interlocked in such a fashion that the tripod 
formed by spreading their lower extremities is capable of supporting 
considerable weight. Two straight sticks placed against the apex 
provide for a narrow entrance. Numerous other sticks, brush, and 
reeds complete the framework, which is then covered with earth.*® 
By building such a covering over a pit, a storehouse of considerable 
utility could be provided. The use of plaster on the exterior of the 
framework would make the roofing practically waterproof. The 
plaster on the walls of the pit would keep moisture from seeping into 
the subterranean portion, so that the interior of the structure would 
be perfectly suitable for the storage of corn or other products. At 
the time of excavation one of the pits was almost half filled with 
carbonized corn on the cob. 

As far as could be judged from available evidence, the storage 
places were quite similar in their characteristics. The main differ- 
ence was in the size and depth of the pits. In diameter they ranged 
from 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) to 6 feet 6 inches (1.981 m.). Their 
depths varied from 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) to 4 feet (1.219 m.), 
although most of them approximated 3 feet (91.44 cm.). 

A number of the pits in the various house groups had been put 
to a secondary use and were employed as burial places. This prac- 


40 Mindeleff, C., 1898, pp. 499-500. 
18768°—31——4. 


42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


tice was quite common in the Basket Maker periods and carried over 
to some extent into the early Pueblo horizons. From observations 
on the custom made at various sites where the feature has been 
found, it would seem that the general method of disposing of the 
dead was to place the body in an empty granary or one which had 
fallen into disrepair. If none was available a grave was dug in the 
refuse heap of the village. The use of the pits for such a purpose 
was probably a question of expediency and not one of ceremonial 
significance. 

Two of the exterior surface fire pits are shown in Figure 1. In 
addition, there were four more in the area east of the houses. They 
were of two types. One form was a simple plastered pit, while 
the other was lined with stone slabs. The stones used were fre- 
quently worn-out metates or milling stones. The size range of the 
fire pits was not very great. ‘The diameters consistently fell within 
the limits of 2 feet and 2 feet 6 inches (60.96 and 76.2 em.). The 
depths varied from 1 foot to 1 foot 6 inches (80.48 to 45.72 cm.). 

The use of outdoor fire pits was a common practice throughout 
the numerous periods in the sequence of southwestern sedentary 
cultures. It appears, however, to have been more pronounced in 
the earlier horizons. This was undoubtedly due to the fact that the 
people spent as much time as possible in the open. They did not 
live in houses in the sense which present-day usage of the term im- 
plies. The dwellings no doubt served as shelters when the weather 
was inclement and probably were occupied quite continuously dur- 
ing the winter months when cold winds swept the barren tablelands. 
When conditions were more propitious they possibly served only 
as sleeping quarters and places for the storage of family and per- 
sonal possessions. Much of the cooking must have been done in 
the open. Indications that brush arbors were erected over the 
outside fire pits are often found in such villages. This would tend 
to show that the ancients, like many of their descendants, must have 
performed many of the so-called household tasks in the open. At 
the present time the Pueblo Indians will spend most of the summer 
months under just such shelters. 

The refuse mound for the group of houses was located due east 
of structures A and B. It was somewhat oval in contour and coy- 
ered a comparatively large area. The depth was not great, but 
the contents were very compact. This would indicate that the 
mound had undergone a marked settling and compression during the 
long period intervening between its abandonment and the time of 
the 1929 investigations. 

The contents of the refuse pile consisted of ashes, charcoal, broken 
bones, potsherds, stone chips, broken stone implements, broken shell 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 43 


beads, bits of bracelets, and sand. In fact anything of an imperish- 
able nature which had found its way into the village and then was 
discarded. Originally the refuse no doubt contained considerable 
animal and vegetable matter, but all of that had disappeared. In 
addition to having been the dump the mound had also served as a 
cemetery. Ten interments were found scattered at various parts 
of the mound. Since the latter will be considered under the general 
heading of burials they need not be discussed in this section of 
the report. 
GROUP No. 2 


The second cluster of houses was located 100 feet (30.48 m.) south- 
west from Group 1. It consisted of the remains of 5 dwellings, 1 
storage pit, 2 exterior fire pits, and a refuse mound. There was a 
noticeable difference between this group and the preceding one from 
the standpoint of house positions. Each structure stood alone at 
some distance from the others. Furthermore, three of the dwell- 
ings were much smaller than the structures of Group 1. Their 
pits were not as deep and in two instances no encircling bench was 
present. One of the houses had never been brought to completion. 
The pit portion constituted all that had been done toward its erec- 
tion when for some reason work was abandoned. 

House A of Group 2 (fig. 5) had a pit with curved walls, but it 
could be considered neither circular or oval in form. The walls 
met in such a fashion as to form perceptible, although not well- 
defined, corners. No evidence whatsoever of the former existence of 
a bench could be found around the upper edge of the pit. Inasmuch 
as a similar condition was observed in other structures it seems very 
probable that it never did have a bench. 

The superstructure over the pit had been supported on four main 
posts. The latter were set quite close to the wall, in one instance 
actually touching it. There were no traces of sloping side poles. 
The lower ends of the latter probably had been placed on the ground 
around the subterranean portion of the dwelling, the tops resting 
against the rectangular framework on the four posts. The slant, 
in all likelihood, was not as pronounced as that in the structures 
with encircling bench. The superstructure probably extended to a 
greater height above the surface level as the pit was much shallower 
than those in the houses of Group 1. For this reason the side poles 
would have been more nearly vertical. 

The interior furnishings of the domicile had been simple in the 
extreme. The only observable features were the shallow, saucer- 
shaped fire pit in approximately the center of the room and, near by, 
the sipapu. There were no storage holes, no ladder pit, not even a 
trace of a deflector. There was a very slight depression in the floor 


44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


HOUSE GROUP NO.2 


fi 


Oy i 
5 10FT House A © 100 FEET TO 
Tee GROUP MOF 


NW; 7 
as A yy” 
s 


77 
Way, 


Ve, 
“ 
AS 


Ht 
NY 
AOU 


E REFUSE 
‘ : House B = 
{O 2 AND 
Storage a BURIAL = 
= MOUND Fi 
@) Fire pit a = 
Manly wy 
“oy, wt 


House C 


ay) House £ 
House D 


Ofire pit 
7/ House D VY r 
, House € 


yy 


FIGURE 5.—Plan of House Group No. 2: a, Holes for main support posts; b, sipapus; 
C; fire Pits ; d, ladder pits; e, depression in floor; f, ventilator shafts; g, oval de- 
pressions in floors; h, metate or milling stone; i, benches 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 45 


at the southeast side of the fire pit. This may have marked the 
position where the base end of a ladder might have rested, but it 
was far from distinct and there was no assurance that such a func- 
tion could be attributed to it. 

The ventilator was not at all elaborate. A short tunnel had been 
dug into the earth at the southeast side of the chamber to form 
the horizontal passage. At its outer end was a small circular hole 
forming the vertical shaft. The opening into the room had not 
been augmented by the use of plaster nor was there any reduction 
in the size of the tunnel mouth. 

House A measured 8 feet 6 inches (2.59 m.) across the pit on the 
sipapu, fire pit, ventilator line. At right angles to the above it was 
8 feet 3 inches (2.514 m.) from wall to wall. The pit was only 3 
feet 3 inches (99.06 cm.) in depth. 

The fire pit was fairly circular in form with a diameter of 1 foot 
3 inches (38.1 em.). It was very shallow and at its deepest part 
the bottom was only 3 inches (7.62 cm.) below the level of the floor. 
There was no encircling ridge of adobe. 

The sipapu was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) from the edge of the fire pit. 
The hole was not as large as those noted in the houses of the first 
group. Its diameter was only 2 inches (5.08 cm.) and its depth 
4 inches (10.16 cm.). 

Holes for the support posts ranged between 4 inches (10.16 cm.) 
and 6 inches (15.24 cm.) in diameter. The depth averaged 2 feet 
(60.96 cm.). The north and west poles were 2 inches (5.08 cm.) 
from the walls. The east support was set into the room 3 inches 
(7.62 cm.), while the south pole was placed in the corner and actu- 
ally touched the sides of the pit. 

The opening into the ventilator tunnel was 10 inches (25.4 cm.) 
wide and 11 inches (27.94 cm.) high. The tunnel was 1 foot 7 
inches (48.26 cm.) long. Where it entered the shaft it had a width 
of 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) and was 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) 
high. The shaft was nearly circular in form and had a diameter 
of 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.). The bottom was 3 feet (91.44 cm.) 
below the surface of the ground. 

House B was one of the most interesting of the small structures. 
Fire had destroyed it and practically everything used in the daily 
life of the people which was of an indestructible nature was found 
on the floor when the débris was removed from the pit. The exca- 
vation for the subterranean portion of the structure was oval in 
outline and, like the first of this group, quite shallow. There was 
no encircling bench around the upper part of the pit. (Fig. 5.) 

The superstructure of the dwelling had probably been like that 
described for A. As a matter of fact it would be more correct to 


46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


state that the covering over the A pit may have been similar to the 
upper part of house B. The latter can be described with a fair 
degree of accuracy because many of the half-burned timbers from 
it were lying in the pit. The positions which these charred pieces 
of wood occupied in the fill demonstrated rather clearly the manner | 
in which they had been placed in the superstructure. In accord- 
ance with the usual practice, four upright timbers supported the 
framework. Two of these posts were set into the wall, one touched 
it, and the other was a few inches removed from it. The side wall 
poles were placed around the edge of the pit on the ground level. 
Their butts were not embedded in the earth but rested on it. This 
was unmistakably established by the charcoal remains. The upper 
ends leaned against the framework on the main posts. Judging 
from the position of the supports, two sides of the superstructure 
must have had almost vertical walls. The other two had a fairly 
marked slant. The portion of the roof within the square formed 
by the four posts was probably flat. 

The interior features of the remains of this dwelling were gratify- 
ing from the standpoint of additional information on the question 
of arrangement. The fire pit was near the center of the chamber, 
in accordance with the general plan found in all of the houses. It 
was just a simple shallow pit without a bordering rim. When the 
débris was cleared from the house it was found that the fire pit 
was practically filled with wood ashes. This suggested that it had 
been in use a short time prior to the disaster which befell the 
structure. 

There was no ladder pit in the room comparable to the well- 
finished depressions noted in the Group 1 structures, but in approxi- 
mately the position which such a feature would have occupied there 
was @ hole in the floor. The latter contained the decayed and charred 
end of a log which unquestionably was all that remained of the 
ladder, a notched pole. The base end had been firmly embedded in 
the floor. When the fragments of wood were removed from the 
hole it was found that there had been just the right degree of slant 
for a pole to pass over the fire pit to an opening in the roof above 
it. Embedding the lower end of the ladder in the floor would be 
even more effective than a regular pit and in addition would not 
intrude to so great an extent on the already limited floor space of 
the room. 

The sipapu was a little farther from the fire pit than in most of 
the small structures and it was somewhat larger as well. The due 
north position also was rather unusual. However, the whole sipapu, 
fire pit, ventilator complex was on a more nearly north-south line 
in this dwelling than is generally found to be the case. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA AT 


Between the north and west support posts was a large, roughly 
oval pit in the floor. This basin practically filled that side of the 
room, very materially reducing the floor space. When the house 
was cleared of débris pieces of a large culinary jar were found in 
this depression. The vessel had apparently been standing in the 
basin when the superstructure fell and crushed it. There were no 
other provisions for the storing of objects, but one such pit was no 
doubt sufficient. 

One of the most pleasing features in the house was that of the 
metate or milling stone which stood in position near the fire pit. 
(Pl. 5, a.) The stone was of the flat, open-end type which is char- 
acteristic of the early periods. It rested on three smaller rocks 
which raised it several inches above the floor. Two of the support- 
ing blocks were under the front corners and the third was at the 
rear. One of the manos or hand stones used in grinding the grain 
was resting on the upper end of the metate, just above the groove or 
trough. On the floor in a neat pile at one end of the metate, between 
it and the wall, were two additional manos and two pecking stones. 
The latter were used in roughening the grinding surface of the 
groove when the metate had become too smooth to effectively pul- 
verize the corn. The manos were enlightening in that they, includ- 
ing the one on the stone, formed a graded series. Their surfaces 
ranged from coarse to fine. From this it may be deduced that the 
manner of milling was similar to that of the modern Indians in 
the area. The general practice in grinding corn is to begin with a 
coarse stone and then proceed to finer and finer ones until the desired 
quality of meal is obtained. Some of the prehistoric people in later 
periods had bins with a series of three metates of varying degrees 
of roughness, a feature also found in some of the modern villages. 
In this early horizon, however, a single nether stone seems to have 
sufficed. None of the houses at the Long H had mealing bins and it 
is likely that the metates in all of them were set in positions similar 
to the present example. 

The ventilator for house B was very simple in form. It had a 
short, small horizontal passage tunneled through the earth at that 
side of the dwelling. (Pl. 5, a.) The shaft at the outer end was 
just a small, irregular-shaped hole in the ground. There were no 
indications that either shaft or tunnel had been plastered. The 
natural earth sides had been sufficient. The simplicity of this ven- 
tilator is not to be attributed to its having been a rudimentary form. 
Rather, it is to be considered as a degenerate example. As previ- 
ously mentioned, the ventilator was an outgrowth from what origi- 
nally was the entrance to the house. Consequently the small incon- 


48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


spicuous openings which could have served only as ventilators repre- 
sent the culmination and not the beginning of the feature. 

House B measured 7 feet 6 inches (2.286 m.) from wall to wail on 
the line of the ventilator, fire pit, and sipapu. On the diameter at 
right angles to the former the distance between walls was 7 feet 3 
inches (2.209 m.). The depth of the pit varied from side to side. 
This was due to the fact that it was dug into sloping ground. The 
surface fell away to some extent at the southeast side. On the north 
edge of the room the floor was 2 feet 9 inches (83.82 cm.) below the 
ground. At the south side, near the ventilator, it was 2 feet 8 inches 
(81.28 cm.). The west wall was the highest and along that side the 
floor was 3 feet (91.44 em.) below the surface. The east floor had a 
depth of only 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). 

The fire pit had a diameter of 1 foot (30.48 cm.) and a depth of 
3 inches (7.62 cm.). ‘The sipapu was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) from 
the fire pit. It had a diameter of 6 inches (15.24 cm.) and a depth 
of 8 inches (20.32 cm.). The storage basin at the northwest side of 
the room was 2 feet 3 inches (68.58 cm.) long, 1 foot 6 inches 
(45.72 cm.) wide, and 4 inches (10.16 cm.) deep. The hole in which 
the ladder post was embedded had a diameter of 7 inches (17.78 em.) 
and a depth of 8 inches (20.82 cm.). The holes for the main sup- 
port posts ranged from 4 to 7 inches (10.16 to 17.78 em.) in diameter 
and were 2 feet (60.96 cm.) deep. 

The ventilator was 8 inches (20.32 cm.) wide and 1 foot. (30.48 em.) 
high where it opened into the room. The tunnel was 1 foot 4 inches 
(40.64 cm.) long. The shaft at the outer end had a diameter of 6 
inches (15.24 cm.) and its bottom was 2 feet (60.96 cm.) below the 
ground level. 

House C was the largest in the second group and taken as a whole 
was quite similar to the dwellings of the first cluster. (Pl. 5, b.) 
There were some minor variations, however, which were of interest 
in that they showed a somewhat different method of construction. 
Although it had some irregularities, the pit was fairly circular in 
form. (Fig. 5.) This was not due entirely to the manner in which 
the original excavation was made, but may be attributed in part to 
a secondary construction. House C did not have the same type of 
bench as that previously described. This feature of the structure 
was not the result of digging but of building up. When the pit 
portion of the dwelling was dug no provision was made for a bench. 
The walls of the excavation went straight down to the floor. The 
bench was then constructed by the erection of an adobe wall at some 
distance from the sides of the pit. The space between was filled 
with ashes, sand, broken stones, and earth. The top of this fill was 
covered with a thick coat of plaster and to all outward appearances 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 49 


the bench was like those in the other structures where they were 
formed by digging. 

The superstructure of house C had been destroyed but not com- 
pletely consumed by fire. Considerable remained of the timbers and 
the covering which had been placed over them. As a consequence a 
good idea of the exact character of the roof was obtained. There 
were certain features which were peculiar to this particular structure. 
The heavy, main framework had been supported by four upright posts 
set in the floor in the customary manner. The main stringers which 
formed the rectangular framework on top of these posts were fairly 
good-sized logs averaging 6 inches (15.24 cm.) in diameter. The 
charred remains lying on the floor showed clearly that the beams 
parallel to the sipapu, fire pit, and ventilator line had rested in the 
forks at the upper ends of the supporting posts. The other large 
stringers had in turn been placed on top of those reposing in the 
crotches. <A series of smaller poles, running parallel to the heavy logs 
lying in the forks of the uprights and resting on top of the other two 
stringers, extended across the rectangular space formed by the four 
large logs. The smaller poles were covered with large quantities of 
reeds and cedar leaves. The layer of plaster which finished off the 
roof was 6 inches (15.24 em.) thick. 

The question of the side portions of the superstructure presents 
something of a problem. There were some indications that they 
might have extended from the ground level instead of from the 
top of the bench. This was suggested by the fact that the back wall 
above the bench had been faced with a lining of poles intertwined 
with reeds and covered with plaster. These poles were embedded in 
the top of the bench in an upright position and extended completely 
around the periphery. Even where the charred ends of the timbers 

_ were not present they were indicated by holes where they had stood. 
hig. 6.) 

First thoughts were that the rear wall had been so treated because 
the roof had been built from the ground level. Under such condi- 
_ tions it would be logical to suppose that the builders had decided that 
| the upper portion of the pit should be carefully finished in order 
| that it might conform to the well-plastered lower walls. At three 
_ different points on top of the bench, however, there were additional 
| holes in front of those where the vertical poles had been set. Two 
| of these still had the charred remains of small timbers in them and 
| In both instances there was a slant of 46° from the vertical. The 
| additional holes showed approximately the same angle, which is 
' about the slope which a series of poles extending from the back 
| of the bench to the rectangular framework on the main supports 
| would take. This would give a superstructure with side walls of 


50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 100 


0 i pfr 


ground level 


bench 
P bench 


i ventilator 
ie 


¢ 4 
ii) 
4) 


ee 


Ficure 6.—Plan of House C, Group No. 2; a, Holes for main support posts; b, 
sipapu ; ¢, fire pit; d, ladder pit; e, ventilator opening; f, ventilator shaft; g, oval 
depression in floor; h, bench; i, holes for upright poles forming wainscoting at 
back of bench; 7, holes where slanting roof poles rested 


ROEERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 51 


the type described for the other houses. From this evidence it 
would seem that such a form was present in house C. Since only a 
few of the side timbers were set into the bench, the remainder must 
simply have rested in the angle formed by the top of the bench and 
the pole and plaster wall. 

Granting that the superstructure had been of the general type 
with side walls sloping from the bench, it becomes difficult to explain 
the rear wall wainscoting of poles and plaster. Why, if that portion 
of the pit was to be concealed by the earth fill over the framework, 
should a facing be placed in front of the upper wall. It would seem 
that such a bit of construction was useless and unnecessary effort. 
There is at least one practical explanation for the feature. The 
earth in which the pit portion of this dwelling was dug was much 
softer than that where the other structures were located. In addi- 
tion it was rather crumbly and the edges of a hole would not hold 
as well as though the earth were more compact. For this reason 
it may have been thought advantageous to construct a more sub- 
stantial wall. Another suggestion is that due to the nature of the 
ground it was not possible to make as regular a pit as was desired. 
In order to secure an outline more compatible with the wishes of the 

builders the wattlework was constructed. This idea was borne out 
to some extent by the fact that on the northeastern arc the face of 
the pit and the pole and plaster wall were some distance apart. 
The space between was filled with material from a refuse pile. 
Perhaps the reasons suggested in the preceding paragraph for 
the erection of the wainscoting in front of the wall of the pit also 
applied in the matter of the bench. Because the earth was so soft 
and crumbly it was necessary to actually build a bench. 
_ The covering up of a carefully constructed wainscoting has been 
observed in other instances. A good example of the latter is to be 
found in some of the kivas in the Chaco Canyon in northwestern 
New Mexico. A number of these circular ceremonial chambers 
showed distinctly that the wall between the bench and the cribbed 
roof had been faced with a series of vertical poles.*t They had no 
utilitarian value in the kivas because the walls were of stone and 
they could not have been seen as they were covered with plaster. 
_ As an explanation for the presence of the poles in the Chaco struc- 
tures it was suggested, in a discussion of the survival of old house 
| features in kivas, that they may have represented the sloping side 
_ timbers of the early dwellings.*? This raises a question in connec- 
tion with house C. Might it not be possible that the poles in the 


| 
| 41Pepper, G. H., 1920, figs. 26, 27; pp. 75-76. Judd, N. M., 1922, p. 108; fig. 113: 
1923, p. 137; fig. 130. 

“Roberts, 1929, p. 89. 


| 
| 
{ 


52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 100 


Chaco kivas represent a continuance of a feature similar to that in- 
house C rather than the actual sloping superstructure timbers? | 
Many things in the group suggested that house C may well have 
been the ceremonial chamber for the cluster of domiciles. If such 
was true, the later kiva wainscoting could be interpreted as being 
a survival of features from earlier forms of the ceremonial chamber 
instead of the actual dwellings. The wall facing in the earher kivas 
might represent a continuance or they may have originated from 
actual need as in the Group 2 structure. The latter would seem to 
be the more logical explanation because it would not be necessary to 
represent the wall poles in structure where such were actually present. 
The whole problem is so involved, however, that until further evi- 
dence is available conclusions should be held in abeyance. 

The fire pit in house C was fairly circular in form, although its 
outline was flattened by the stone which separated it from the lad- 
der pit. The latter was of the regular type. Both had been en- 
closed by a plaster rim. The ridge was somewhat broken in places 
but its former extent could be traced clearly on the floor. There 
was nothing in the rectangular pit to indicate what kind of ladder 
had been used in the structure. 

The sipapu was present in the customary place at the northeast 
side of the fire pit. In all of its general characteristics it was similar 
to those previously described. There was one thing connected with 
it, however, which was of considerable interest. The hole, as was 
found to be the case in several other instances, was filled with clean 
sand. In the center of the sand was a smooth, slim stone cylinder. 
The upper end of the object had either projected slightly above the 
sand or else was so close to the top that the heat from the burning 
superstructure had shattered it. Not all of the fragments were 
found so it is not possible to determine what the original length 
of the stone had been. 

The Zuni laborers immediately stopped work when the object 
was found and gathered around to look it over, a thing which rarely 
occurred during the progress of the excavations. All insisted that 
it was a kiva stone. Further information could not be obtained 
from them and there was nothing to indicate what its function 
might have been. It may have been some sort of fetish which was 
kept in the sipapu. Similar examples have not been found else- 
where, however, so it is not likely that it represents a common 
feature. 

There was an oval-shaped storage basin in the floor midway be- 
tween the two main support posts on the southeast side of the room. 
This depression in the floor was quite similar to those already 
described. There was nothing in it to indicate what it may have 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 53 


contained or what other uses might have been made of it. There 
were no other storage pits in the house. 

The ventilator was similar in constructional features to those in 
houses A and B of the first group. The forepart of the tunnel had 
a wooden framework of upright posts supporting small cross poles. 
This framework was still intact when the passage was cleared of 
the débris which had accumulated in it. The poles had been covered 
with plaster before the earth and refuse fill which formed the core 
of the bench was dumped around it. From the wall of the pit to 
the bottom of the vertical shaft the passage was tunneled. As in the 
case of some of the other dwellings, the opening into the room had 
been reduced in size by a plaster “apron” built in front of and 
around the mouth of the tunnel. The sill of the aperture was 
grooved to hold a stone slab. 

The shaft at the outer end of the ventilator tunnel was oval in 
form and comparatively large. It must have been unusually effec- 
tive because in addition to the door stone to close the inner end 
of the passage the occupants had provided a large slab to cover 
the ground level opening. It might have been that such a stone 
also was intended to protect the opening in times of storm so that 
rain and snow would not fall into the shaft. This was the only 
place where indications of such a feature were found. The slab 
which had been used over the hole was broken, but all of the pieces 
were in the bottom of the shaft and from them it was possible to 
determine the size. It had been large enough to completely cover 
the opening. 

House C had a diameter of 14 feet 3 inches (4.843 m.) on the 
sipapu, fire pit, ventilator line inside the bench. Above the bench 
it measured 17 feet 7 inches (5.359 m.). At right angles to the 
above line the diameter inside the bench was 15 feet 4 inches (4.673 
m.) and above the bench 19 feet 6 inches (5.943 m.). The depth 
of the pit was 7 feet 4 inches (2.235 m.) on the side opposite the 
ventilator and 7 feet (2.183 m.) where the latter opened into the 
room. At the ventilator side the bench was 4 feet (1.219 m.) above 
the floor and at the opposite wall 4 feet 114 inches (1.257 m.). The 
bench ranged in width from 1 foot 9 inches (54.34 cm.) to 2 feet 
4 inches (71.12 cm.). The small vertical poles in the wattlework 
wainscoting were set at intervals of approximately 6 inches (15.24 
em.). The timbers were quite regular in size and their diameters 
did not vary far from the 2-inch (5.08 cm.) average. 

_ The fire pit had diameters of 2 feet 1 inch (63.5 cm.) and 1 foot 
11 inches (58.42 cm.). Its bottom was 4 inches (10.16 cm.) below 
the floor line and 8 inches (20.32 cm.) below the top of the plaster 
‘ridge. The stone separating the two pits was 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 


54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 100 


cm.) long, 114 inches (3.81 cm.) thick, and rose 8 inches (7.62 cm.) 
above the top of the ridge in which it was set. The ladder pit 
measured 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) by 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 em.). 
Its depth below the floor line was 8 inches (7.62 cm.). The in- 
closing ridge of adobe added another 8 inches (7.62 cm.), making 
a total depth of 6 inches (15.24 cm.). The plaster ridge bordering 
the two pits had an average width of 5 inches (12.7 cm.). Around 
the fire pit it had a height of 4 inches (10.16 cm.) but dropped to 
3 inches (7.62 cm.) around the ladder pit. 

The sipapu was 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) from the edge of the 
rim around the fire pit. The diameter of the hole was 6 inches 
(15.24 cm.) and its greatest depth was 10 inches (25.4 cm.). The 
latter was at the very center of the hole. The bottom was not flat 
but curved upward around the edges to meet the sides of the hole. 

The storage basin was 2 feet 4 inches (71.12 cm.) wide and 3 feet 
(91.44 cm.) long. Its average depth was 4 inches (10.16 em.). It 
was 2 feet 1014 inches (87.63 cm.) from the west support post and 
1 foot 9 inches (53.34 em.) from the south. There were 2 feet (60.96 
em.) between its southern end and the wall of the room. 

The north support post had a diameter of 614 inches (16.51 cm.) 
and stood 2 feet (60.96 cm.) from the wali. The east pole was 8 
inches (20.32 cm.) in diameter and was 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) 
from the wall. The south pillar also had a diameter of 8 inches 
(20.32 em.) and stood 1 foot 414 inches (41.91 cm.) from the face 
of the bench. The west pole was the largest. Its diameter was 1014 
inches (26.67 cm.) and it had been placed 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 
em.) from the wall. Only the butts of the north and east poles 
were removed from the holes in which they stood and each was 
found to have been set at a depth of 30 inches (76.2 cm.). 

The plaster “ apron” in front of the tunnel of the ventilator pro- 
jected into the room 6 inches (15.24 cm.). The opening in it was 
9 inches (22.86 cm.) wide and 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) high. The 
groove in which the cover slab for the opening rested was 3 inches 
(7.62 cm.) above the floor and had a depth of 1 inch (2.54 em.). 
The sill of the aperture was 6 inches (15.24 cm.) above the floor of 
the room and 11% inches (3.81 cm.) higher than the bottom of the 
passage. Back of the opening the tunnel was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 
em.) high and 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) wide. Where it opened 
into the shaft it was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.) wide and 2 feet 
(60.96 cm.) high. The tunnel proper was 4 feet (1.219 m.) long. 
The shaft was 2 feet 11 inches (88.9 em.) in diameter on the passage 
line and 38 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) at right angles to it. The bottom 
of the shaft was 5 feet 10 inches (1.778 m.) below the ground level. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 55 


House D more nearly corresponded to the large structures in its 
characteristics than did any of the other small dwellings. The pit 
was roughly oval and rather irregular in outline, due to a concavity 
near the ventilator. In comparison with house C (fig. 5) the sub- 
terranean portion was rather shallow. ‘The bench around the upper 
edge of the pit was narrow, although sufficiently broad to provide 
a foundation for the sloping wall poles. The bench, in contrast to 
that in house C, had been dug into the earth and not built up. In 
this the method of construction was like that observed in the benches 
of the dwellings of the first group. 

The superstructure had probably been of the customary form. 
That it had been supported by four upright posts was shown by 
the holes where they were set in the floor. Bits of decayed wood 
adhered to the sides of the molds. There were no traces of the side 
poles but that such were used may be surmised from the fact that 
provision was made for them in the preparation of the bench. 

The fire pit in the center of house D was distinctly oval in outline. 
The pit was surrounded by a plaster ridge and on the side toward 
the ventilator opening an upright slab of stone had been embedded 
in the rim to provide a deflector. There was no definite ladder pit, 
but in the floor in the position which it would have occupied were 
two holes. The latter showed where the lower ends of the poles 
forming the main parts of the device for entering and leaving the 
structure had been embedded. The decayed butts of the timbers 
were present and there was sufficient slant to the molds to indicate 
that the ladder had undoubtedly rested there. This house, as previ- 
ously mentioned, was one of those giving evidence of the early 
development of the runged ladder. 

There was a circular depression in the floor between the holes 
where the ladder posts had been set and the ventilator opening. 
What its purpose may have been could not be determined. Its depth 
was not great enough to have caused any inconvenience to a person 
using the ladder. If it had not been so regular in outline it could 

_ easily have been explained on the basis of wear due to the turning of 
the feet by people stepping down from the ladder. As a matter of 
fact there was a slight depression caused by abrading of the sur- 
face of the floor between the ladder holes. Hence the larger circular 
depression should. be attributed to some other factor. A large 
rounded bottom vessel could have been set in the depression and 
thus kept in an upright position. The location so close to the ladder 
_ would not have been particularly advantageous either from the 
standpoint of the security of the vessel and its contents or the 
use of the ladder. Hence it would seem that it must have been in- 
tended for some other purpose. 


a ——— 


56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


There was a sipapu in the floor in the proper position with re- 
spect to the fire pit. It differed from the others in the house group 
only in the matter of size. The diameter was somewhat smaller 
and its depth was not as great as some of the other examples. There 
were no storage holes or recesses in the pit. 

The ventilator of house D was quite similar to those in A and B. 
It was very simple, consisting as it did of a small unplastered shaft 
and tunnel. There was a marked difference in the feature here, 
however, in that its opening into the room was at a considerable 
height above the floor. Only one other structure had an aperture 
which was at all comparable in this respect. The general tendency 
was for the opening to be on or, at most, a few inches above the 
floor level, not well up in the side of the wall as observed in this 
structure. 

House D measured 11 feet (3.352 m.) on the sipapu, fire pit, venti- 
lator line inside the bench. Above the bench it was 13 feet (3.962 m.). 
Across the other way the inside diameter was 10 feet 3 inches (3.124 
m.) and above the bench it was 12 feet 6 inches (3.81 m.). The 
floor of the pit was 4 feet 6 inches (1.871 m.) below the ground level 
on the side opposite the ventilator and 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) at 
the aperture. The difference in this instance was due both to a 
slight upward slope of the floor and to the fact that the pit was 
dug into a natural ground slope. 

The top of the bench was 2 feet 9 inches (83.82 cm.) above the 
floor in front of the ventilator. At the opposite side of the chamber 
it was 3 feet 1 inch (93.98 em.) high. The bench ranged from 9 
inches (22.86 em.) to 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) in width. The 
narrowest part was near the ventilator opening. 

The fire pit had a long diameter of 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) 
and a short one of 1 foot (30.48 cm.). Its depth was only 1 inch 
(2.54 cm.) below the floor line, but the added 4 inches (10.16 cm.) 
of the enclosing rim of plaster made a total of 5 inches (12.7 em.). 
The bordering ridge varied between 4 and 5 inches (10.16 and 12.7 
em.) in width. The deflector stone was 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) 
wide and 2 inches (5.08 em.) thick. When the débris was removed 
from the pit during the investigations it was found that this stone 
had been broken, but the fragments showed that it had stood 1 foot 
2 inches (35.56 cm.) above the floor. The holes for the ladder tim- 
bers were 9 inches (22.86 cm.) from the edge of the fire pit rim. 
They were 9 inches (22.86 cm.) apart and had diameters of 4 and 
5 inches (10.16 and 12.7 cm.). The poles had been set into the floor 
to a depth of only 6 inches (15.24 cm.). 

The depression between the ladder post molds and the ventilator 
was 7 inches (17.78 cm.) from the holes and 2 feet 3 inches (68.58 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 57 


em.) from the wall. Its greatest depth was at the center where the 
bottom was 1 inch (2.54 cm.) below the floor line. The diameter of 
the depression was 11 inches (27.94 em.). 

The sipapu was exactly 1 foot (30.48 cm.) from the edge of the 
fire pit rim. The diameter of the hole was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) and 
its depth was 5 inches (12.7 cm.). The holes for the main support 
posts ranged from 4 to 8 inches (10.16 to 20.32 cm.) in diameter. 
All had been placed rather close to the wall. Two of them, the east 
and west, were 3 inches (7.62 cm.) from the face of the bench. The 
south one was 4 inches (10.16 cm.) and the north 6 inches (15.24 cm.) 
from the wall. The posts had not been set as deeply as some of those 
in the larger structures. The average, from which there was but 
slight variation, was 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.). 

The ventilator opening was,714 inches (19.05 cm.) wide and 1 
foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) high. The sill was 11 inches (27.94 em.) 
above the floor. The tunnel was 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) long. 
The shaft at the outer end had.a diameter of 1 foot 1 inch (83.02 
em.). The bottom of the shaft was 1 foot 914 inches (54.61 cm.) 
below the surface of the ground. 

The pit which has been lettered house E on the plan (fig. 5) may 
or may not have been intended as the subterranean portion of a 
dwelling. As previously mentioned, work on this particular struc- 
ture was possibly never carried to completion. There were no 
traces of plaster on the wall, no signs of holes for support posts, 
and nothing to indicate that it had had a fire pit was observed. It 
is, of course, possible that it may have been a large storage struc- 
ture with a conical covering of the type already described. ‘The 
pit was rather large, however, to have been roofed in such a fashion. 
This, together with the lack of plaster and other features, would 
tend to support the belief that the structure had never been finished. 

The pit had diameters of 10 feet (3.048 m.) and 9 feet 6 inches 
(2.895 m.). The depth varied somewhat from side to side but closely 
approximated the average of 2 feet 9 inches (83.82 cm.). 

Two exterior fire pits and one definite storage place were associated 
with this house group. The location of all three is sufficiently shown 
‘by the plan of the group (fig. 5) to warrant the omission of a 
| detailed description of their relationship to the other structures. 
The fire pits were of the simple circular form which was dug into 
the earth. Their sides were covered with plaster but no stones had 
been used in the lining. One had a diameter of 2 feet (60.96 cm.) 
and the other measured 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.) across. Both 
had a depth of 1 foot (30.48 cm.). 


18768 °—31——_5 


/ 


58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


The storage pit had curved walls but definite corners. The struc- 
ture had been destroyed by fire. The upper part of the débris 
which filled the pit consisted of charred poles and brush and burned 
blocks of plaster. The lower half was largely composed of burned 
corn. The maize had been placed in the granary on the cob. There 
were no indications of interior supports for the upper part of the 
bin, so that the superstructure must have been of the conical type. 
The pit measured 4 feet 4 inches (1.32 m.) by 4 feet 9 inches (1.447 
m.). Its depth was 2 feet (60.96 cm.). 

The refuse mound for the house group was located east of dwell- 
ing C and south of house B. It was not very extensive, as its total 
length was only 30 feet (9.144 m.) and its breadth 17 feet (5.181 m.). 
The depth was not marked, 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.) being the 
maximum. The mound had contained burials at one time, but it 
had been dug into by previous visitors to the site and most of the 
material removed from it. Scattered fragments of human bones 
and large pieces from pottery vessels which had been used as mortu- 
ary offerings clearly indicated that the mound had been the cemetery 
as well as the place for the deposition of waste matter from the 
houses. 

Not all of the interments had been made in the refuse mound. 
Several bodies had been placed in shallow, irregular-shaped graves 
between the northwest side of house C and the storage pit. One, 
that of a child, was very close to the fire pit. The burial of children 
near the hearth was not uncommon in the Southwest, judging from 
the frequency of such finds. The reasons for such a practice can not 
be known, but jt would seem that there must have been some signifi- 
cance in the custom. The mother may have wanted the remains 
kept as near to her as possible in order that some maternal long- 
ing might be satisfied. Again she may have felt that under such 
circumstances the little one would be less lonesome. Another ex- 
planation which could be offered is that the feature might be con- 
sidered as an indication of a desire to keep the family circle from 
being broken. The latter custom has been world-wide in its distri- 
bution among peoples of lower cultures and may well have been 
present in the Southwest in the early Pueblo horizon. Certain phases 
of the belief have been observed in recent times among some of the 
modern Pueblos, especially in the burial of the dead beneath the 
floors of houses. A similar practice was prevalent in the late pre- 
historic period and it is quite possible that the customs and beliefs 
survived from the early days of the culture. 


ROBNETS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 59 


GROUP NO. 3 


House Group No. 3 was located 260 feet (79.248 m.) a little south 
of east from Group No.1. It consisted of the remains of 5 dwellings 
of the pit type, 3 storage pits, and 2 exterior fire pits. In addition 
there were the ruins of two rectangular structures which had been 
erected on the ground level. One of these had been of jacal con- 
struction and the other apparently had had walls of puddled adobe. 
The pit houses were all of the comparatively simple form without 
encircling bench. The ventilators were of the general type noted in 
previous pages, although they had slightly different characteristics, 
as will become apparent in the discussion of each structure. 

The pit for house A was somewhat irregular in outline, as will be 
observed from the plan of the group. (Fig. 7.) The walls were 
sufficiently curved to give the general impression of a roughly oval- 
shaped excavation. However, they met at three points in such a 
way that noticeable, although not sharp, corners were formed. ‘The 
subterranean portion of the dwelling had been roofed over with a 
pole, brush, and plaster superstructure supported on four posts. It 
is probable that this covering was similar to those postulated for 
houses A and B in the second group. The slanting side poles had 
extended from the ground level around the edges of the pit. There 
was no evidence that their lower ends had been embedded in the 
earth around the periphery. The support posts were set so close 
to the walls that on three sides quite short timbers could have been 
employed in the sloping walls. On the fourth, that opposite the 
ventilator, longer ones would have been needed. Even so, the side 
walls were probably not heavy enough to require any special provi- 
sion for holding the timbers in place. The natural tendency for 
the end of a slanting stick to adhere to the surface of the ground 
would have sufficed to hold them in the proper position. 

The interior was comparatively simple. The fire pit was of the 
saucer-shaped, plaster basin variety without an enclosing ridge of 
adobe. It was fairly large and oval in contour. The ladder pit 
was of the same rudimentary form. It consisted of a roughly circu- 
lar depression in the floor between the fire pit and the ventilator 
opening. It had no plaster rim around it and there was no stone 
separating it from the fire pit. There were no indications that a 
deflector had been placed in front of the aperture to the ventilator. 
The only other hole in the floor, excepting those where the posts 
for the superstructure had stood, was the sipapu. It was of the 
same general character as those described in previous pages. 

The ventilator consisted of a simple tunnel and shaft. The open- 
ing into the room had not been augmented in any way. It was 


plastered with mud. 


tunneling method. 


60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy 100 


merely the mouth of the horizontal passage. The fioor of the latter 
sloped upward to the shaft at the outer end. The shaft was roughly 
circular in form. The walls of both the tunnel and shaft had been 


House & / 


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Fieurp 7.—Plan of House Group No. 3; a, Holes for main support posts; 0, sipapus; 


c, fire pits; d, deflectors; e, ladder rests; f, ventilator shafts; g, wall recesses; 
h, hole in floor in front of ventilator opening, storage holes in floor 


in proportion to the size of the house the 
horizontal passage was slightly longer than those in the larger 
structures. Furthermore, it had been constructed entirely by the 

There had been no trench in the side of the 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 61 


room and no building up of the forepart with timbers in the manner 
described for some of the first group houses. The task of digging 
the passage and plastering the walls, floor, and ceiling must not have 
been particularly easy, since the width and height were only sufli- 
cient to permit a rather small person to enter it. Similar difficulties 
must have been encountered in the shaft, as it did not have a very 
large diameter. The work of removing the accumulated débris from 
the ventilator was tedious and there can be no question but what 
the tunneling of the native earth was even more laborious. This 
would be true especially when the only implements available for 
such work were those fashioned from wood and stone. 

House A measured 7 feet 6 inches (2.286 m.) on the diameter 
from the ventilator opening to the opposite side of the room. On 
a line at right angles to the preceding diameter it was 7 feet (2.133 
m.) from wall to wall. The pit had a depth of 4 feet 6 inches 
(L372 m:). 

The fire pit had a diameter of 1 foot (80.48 em.) on the ventilator 
line and 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) at right angles to it. The pit 
was rather shallow. Its bottom was just 5 inches (12.7 cm.) below 
the floor line. The absence of an encircling rim made the lack of 
depth more apparent. The depression for the base end of the ladder 
was 8 inches (7.62 cm.) from the fire pit. It had a diameter of 
1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.) and 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.). The 
depth was 3 inches (7.62 cm.). 

The sipapu was just 7 inches (17.78 cm.) from the edge of the 
fire pit. The hole was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) in diameter and had a 
depth of 6 inches (15.24 cm.). The holes for the support posts 
ranged from 5 to 7 inches (12.7 to 17.78 cm.) in diameter. Three 
of them were 2 inches (5.08 em.) from the wall, while the fourth 
was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) away. They approximated closely the 
average depth of 2 feet (60.96 cm.). 

The opening into the ventilator tunnel was 1 foot 3 inches 
(38.1 cm.) wide and 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) high. The tunnel 
had a length of 3 feet 3 inches (99.06 cm.). The shaft was 1 foot 
6 inches (45.72 cm.) in diameter and 3 feet (91.44 cm.) deep. 

House B of Group 3 was very irregular in its outline. (Fig. 7.) 
The general characteristics of the structure were in keeping with 
the customary features found in the small dwellings throughout the 
various groups. The pit, however, could not be called circular or 
oval, even though its walls were curvilinear. As in the case of most 
of the small remains, there was no bench encircling the upper edges 
of the pit. 

There were four holes in the floor in the proper positions for the 
main support posts. The remainder of the superstructure no doubt 


62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


followed the form already postulated. The upper portion of the 
dwelling was probably elevated above the ground level to a greater 
extent in this house than it was in the A structure. The reason for 
this supposition is to be found in the depth of the pits. House B 
was somewhat shallower than A and in order that the occupants 
might have sufficient head clearance it would have been necessary 
for the framework to rise higher above the surface. 

The interior furnishings were comparatively simple, although 
house B had more elaborate fire and ladder pits than A. Here, as 
in some of the larger structures, the two were joined and inclosed by 
a bordering rim of plaster. The fire pit was of the roughly circu- 
lar form and the ladder rest was rectangular. It was so narrow in 
proportion to its length that it would suggest the use of a runged 
ladder rather than one of the notched pole variety. There was 
nothing in the pit itself to indicate that either had been used, but 
from the fact that there was such a depression and from its form it 
is reasonably safe to assume the presence of a double-poled ladder. 
The ridge of plaster which separated the two pits did not have a 
reinforcing slab of stone. 

The only other feature in the room was the sipapu, which was 
located midway between the fire pit and the west wall. There were 
no storage holes or subwall recesses. There was nothing to indicate 
that a deflector had been erected between the fire pit and the venti- 
lator opening. 

The ventilator was of the tunneled variety. The opening into the 
room had been covered with plaster but in no way reduced in size 
(pl. 5, c) in the manner in which some of those in the larger struc- 
tures had been. The mouth of the passage was not as large as the 
main body of the tunnel, as may be observed from the plan of the 
eroup. (Fig. 7.) Tliis was the direct result of tunneling opera- 
tions, however, and not due to an application of a mud frame around 
the aperture. A short distance from the opening the tunnel was 
considerably narrowed and there were definite corners in the walls. 
This feature may be explained on the basis of need for room in which 
to work during the construction of the tunnel. Proceeding from the 
shaft end, the diggers made a passage wide enough to permit the 
removal of earth without too great effort. Even so, it must not have 
been easy to work out this passage. When the tunnel had penetrated 
to within a short distance of the wall of the room it was possible to 
complete the work on a smaller scale. It is possible that the smaller 
section was started from the room on the basis of the size require- 
ments of the structure, meeting the larger where it ended. The 
actual process may have been just the reverse but the principle 
involved would remain the same. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 63 


The tunnel in this structure was somewhat unusual in the dis- 
tinct step at the shaft end. In most cases the floor of the passage 
sloped upward to meet the bottom of the shaft, but here an actual 
step was made. ‘There did not seem to be any good reason why 
such should have been done. Perhaps it was purely an expression 
of individual fancy on the part of the builders. The walis, floor, 
and ceiling of the tunnel and the walls and bottom of the shaft had 
been covered with a coating of adobe plaster. 

House B measured 7 feet 6 inches (2.286 m.) on the ventilator, 
fire pit line. Across the other direction it was 8 feet 1 inch (2.463 
m.) from wall to wall. The pit had a depth of 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 
m.) at the ventilator side and 4 feet (1.219 m.) at the opposite wall. 
This was due to two factors, a slope in the surface of the ground and 
in the floor itself. The latter was somewhat higher near the venti- 
lator opening. This difference in floor level was not pronounced 
enough, however, to be considered a sort of platform such as that 
in house C of this same group. This feature was discussed in 
connection with the plaster ridge connecting the two main support 
posts on the ventilator side of house B, Group 1. 

The fire pit had a diameter of 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.). The 
bottom of the basin was 8 inches (7.62 cm.) below the line of the 
floor and 51% inches (18.97 cm.) below the top of the inclosing rim. 
The ladder pit was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) long and 6 inches (15.24 em.) 
wide. ‘The difference in the floor level gave the pit a depth of 6 
inches (15.24 em.), including the plaster ridge, on the ventilator 
side. Next to the fire pit the depth was only 4 inches (10.16 cm.). 
This was due to the fact that the ridge separating the two pits was 
not as high as the bordering rim. The rim had an average width 
of 5 inches (12.7 cm.) and a height of 214 inches (6.35 cm.). 

The sipapu was 1 foot (80.48 cm.) from the edge of the fire pit 
rim. It was not as circular in outline as some. Two diameters at 
right angles measured 5 and 6 inches (12.7 and 15.24 em.). The 
hole had a depth of 8 inches (20.32 cm.). The molds left by the 
main support posts were from 5 to 6 inches (12.7 to 15.24 em.) in 
diameter. The two at the ventilator side of the structure were 
against the wall. Of the other two, the north post was 2 inches 
(5.08 em.) and the south 4 inches (10.16 cm.) from the wall. Their 
depths averaged 2 feet (60.96 cm.). 

The ventilator opening was 10 inches (25.4 em.) wide and 1 foot 
31% inches (39.37 cm.) high. The bottom of the opening, which was 
also the floor of the tunnel, was 5 inches (12.7 cm.) above the floor 
of the room. The tunnel widened to 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) at 
a distance of 9 inches (22.86 cm.) back from the aperture. From 
the mouth of the tunnel to the bottom of the shaft the passage was 


64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


3 feet 2 inches (96.52 cm.) long. At the outer end the tunnel was 
1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) wide and 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.) 
high. The step from the tunnel to the floor of the shaft was 5 
inches (12.7 cm.) high. The shaft had a diameter of 2 feet 8 inches 
(81.28 cm.) on the passage line and 2 feet (60.96 cm.) at right 
angles to it. ‘The shaft had a depth of 2 feet 11 inches (88.9 cm.). 

House C was very curious in form; in fact it was unique. (Fig. 7.) 
The structure seemed to have consisted of two rooms connected by a 
narrow opening. The smaller of the chambers was fairly oval in 
outline, while the larger was decidedly irregular in form. The im- 
pression gained from a careful study of all the features associated 
with the pits was that they originally had been distinct and later 
were joined together by the digging of a connecting trench. Such a 
view makes the question of the superstructure a bit hard to explain, 
as will be noted in the following paragraph. The oval pit may have 
been the subterranean portion of a storage bin which had been 
built quite close to a small house. Later, for some reason or other, 
it was decided to join the two, with the results shown in the plan. 
Both pits were quite shallow in comparison with those of the other 
ctructures: The oval chamber was deeper than the larger one. At 
the opening between the two there was a decided step. 

There was nothing whatever to indicate what kind of superstruc- 
ture had been placed over the pits. There had been no interior 
support posts. Consequently it may be suggested that the cover- 
ing was of the conical type previously described for the storage 
pits. With a tripod of heavier poles erected over each pit it would 
be possible to build a framework of leaning poles which would sup- 
port a reed, brush, and plaster covering. The straight side, along 
the trench connecting the two pits, could easily have been roofed over 
with poles slanting to each tripod. It weuld have been much simpler 
to erect such a framework in the beginning than to make the neces- 
sary alterations to two superstructures in order that they might 
be combined into one. For that reason it may be that upper por- 
tions of the two chambers were erected as a unit and did not result 
from the joining of two separate structures. The evidence in the 
remains of these pits was so meager, however, that it is not possible 
to draw conclusions one way or the other. 

The only interior feature was a small circular depression in the 
floor of the niche at the southeast side of the larger chamber. What 
it may have been intended for was not determined. That it was 
not a fire pit was certain because there were no signs of fire around 
it. ‘The niche itself was a puzzle. Whether it was the lower part 
of an entrance or a storage recess could not be ascertained. One 
suggestion is that it may have been a recess for the storage of 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 65 


objects and that the depression was the rest for a large jar or 
basket. The latter seems more plausible than to suppose that the 
recess was the lower part of a doorway. The depression in the floor 
would have been decidedly annoying to anyone stepping down into 
the niche. 

There were no traces of a ladder or sipapu. The customary fire 
pit also was lacking, although a burned spot on the floor near the 
center of the large chamber showed that fires had been built inside 
the structure. The absence of a definite pit had not prevented the 
occupants from having a small blaze when the need arose. There 
were no indications of a ventilator, unless the niche at the southeast 
side had served in that capacity. As a matter of fact in some re- 
spects it seems doubtful that C actually was.a house. It may have 
been a large granary which, due to press of circumstances, was tem- 
porarily employed as a dwelling. If it really was a house, the major 
part of the “home life ” must have taken place around the exterior 
fire pit just west of the oval chamber. Under such conditions the 
structure probably was just a place in which to sleep or to obtain 
shelter in time of storm, this feature being more marked for house 
C than the other dwellings. In any case the evidence was so unsatis- 
factory that all explanations must be considered solely as postu- 
lations. 

There was nothing in the oval pit to suggest its use. The ulti- 
mate end to which it was put was that of a burial place. When 
the débris was removed from the structure a skeleton was found 
lying on the floor close to the wall which separated the two cham- 
bers. All indications were that it was an actual interment and not 
the remains of a disaster. The burial may have taken place after the 
structure had been vacated or it may have been the cause of the 
abandonment of the house. 

The large pit measured 6 feet (1.828 m.) on a north-south 
diameter and 8 feet (2.438 m.) on the east-west. The average depth 
of the pit was 2 feet 6 inches (762 cm.). The niche at the south- 
east side of the large chamber was 1 foot 8 inches (50.8 cm.) 
deep and 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.) across the opening. The pit 
or depression in the niche was 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) in diameter 
and 3 inches (7.62 cm.) deep. The opening between the two rooms 
was 2 feet (60.96 cm.) wide. The oval chamber measured 6 feet 
2 inches (1.879 m.) by 4 feet (1.219 m.). The pit had an average 
depth of 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.). The step at the doorway was 
11 inches (27.94 em.) high. 

House D was one of the best preserved and most interesting of 
the small dwellings. (Pl. 6, a.) There were a number of instruc- 
tive things connected with it in addition to the actual house features. 


66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 100 


One of these was the slight superposition of a portion of the wall 
of an adobe structure. (Fig. 7.) The latter had just passed over 
the fill at one side of the pit. It was not a pronounced example of 
stratigraphy, but it was sufficient to show that the rectangular room 
on the surface was a subsequent building. That such had been the 
case, however, was definitely shown by another phenomenon. Over- 
lying the débris-filled pit and extending for some distance in all 
directions was a layer of caliche, a compact residual deposit cemented 
by an infiltration of calcareous material. 

The stratum of caliche was indisputably of later date than the 
house. The foundations of the adobe structure rested upon the 
deposit. Thus there was additional evidence, of a decidedly con- 
clusive nature, showing the later construction of the above-ground 
house. The pit dwelling had been vacated, fallen into ruin, and 
its subterranean portion completely filled with accumulated débris 
before the caliche was formed. After the latter had developed and 
become a hard, compact surface the rectangular structure was 
erected. Such a combination of factors shows a lapse of a certain 
amount of time between the periods of occupation of the two 
structures. 

No great degree of emphasis should be placed on the length of 
time indicated by layers of caliche. Occasionally a considerable 
period may be represented by such formations and again they may 
develop very quickly. An example of the rapidity with which 
such deposits form under proper conditions was found in a refuse 
mound not far from the third group of houses. When the mound 
was being trenched one of the workmen cut through what appeared 
to be a section of a tunnel. On the supposition that a ventilator 
passage had been revealed, the man was directed to follow the 
tunnel in an effort to locate the house. 

The passage was filled with sand, ashes, and other débris. Across 
the top was an unbroken stratum of caliche several inches thick. 
The removal of the accumulated material proved an easy task. The 
work had not progressed very far until curious markings began 
to appear along the walls of the passage. Careful inspection showed 
that they had been made by an implement suspiciously suggestive of 
a modern pick or shovel. This was rather puzzling because the 
workman removing the fill was not using such a tool. He was dig- 
ging only with a small hand trowel. To further complicate matters 
it was observed that there were no marks of any kind on the ceiling 
of the tunnel. This was indeed a curious state of affairs. Why a 
passage dug into the earth would show the marks of excavation on 
its walls but not the ceiling was a little confusing. The fact that 
the wall marks in some instances seemed to have started above the 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 67 


top of the passage made it even more perplexing. While endeavoring 
to arrive at some solution for the problem, the end of the tunnel 
was reached and a totally unexpected object found. Lying on the 
floor against the end wall was an ordinary whisk broom. While 
the marks on the wall had intimated a modern origin for the tunnel 
the whisk broom assured it. 

The problem of the lack of excavation indications on the ceiling 
of the tunnel was still unsolved. Likewise it seemed strange that 
any modern investigators should have gone to the trouble of tunnel- 
ing through rather hard ground. To the end of securing additional 
data, work was started at the opposite side of the intersecting trench 
and the fill removed from the other end of the tunnel. The latter 
did not extend as far as the first section. The floor turned quite 
sharply upward and not far from the side of the intersecting trench 
ended abruptly against the ceiling. This showed clearly that before 
the exploratory trench had been driven through it the tunnel was 
completely closed, a rather curious phenomenon, to say the least. 
Further investigations showed that it had never been a tunnel but a 
trench. 

The trench was one which had been dug by Doctor Kidder’s 
party in 1923, it was learned subsequently. After the group left 
the site the exploratory ditch which had been dug gradually filled 
with windblown material. Then, due to the existence of a proper 
set of conditions, the layer of caliche had formed over it. The 
time element involved was extremely short, six years at most, and 
emphasizes clearly the point previously made, that no great reliance 
concerning the antiquity of any objects can be placed on the fact 
that they are found beneath an undisturbed stratum of caliche. 
Several archeologists in recent years have gone sadly astray in their 
deductions because of just such a combination of factors. A stratum 
of caliche over a pit shows that it was subsequent to the excavation. 
Anything found on top of the layer is unquestionably later still, but 
the length of time involved may be very short. 

The pit of house D was fairly oval in form. It had a slight break 
in the curve of the wall near the ventilator (fig. 8), but otherwise 
was more regular than most of the structures. There was no en- 
circling bench around the top of the excavation comparable to that 
feature in the larger houses. There was a slight suggestion of one 
around the western and northern arcs of the periphery but not a true 
bench. One foot (80.48 em.) back from the edge of the pit was 
a slight ridge against which the butts of the slanting superstructure 
poles had rested. There was not a sharp angle, but the change in 
ground level was sufficient to brace the poles. 


68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


The superstructure had been supported by four posts set in the 
floor near the walls of the pit. The decayed ends of these uprights 
were still in position when the room was cleaned out. As suggested 
in the preceding paragraph, there were indications on two sides of 
the pit that slanting wall poles had been braced against a hump in 
the surface of the ground. The framework over the excavation 


._ 


Ficurn 8.—House D, Group No. 3: a, Holes for main superstruc- 
ture posts; b, Sipapu; ¢, fire pit; d, deflector; e, hole in floor; 
/, ventilator 


probably did not rise very high above the surface because the pit 
was deep enough so that would not have been necessary. 

The fire pit was located in almost the center of the room. The 
pit was circular in contour and in contrast to many of those already 
described had vertical instead of sloping sides. This feature is not 
well illustrated in the photograph (pl. 6, a), because a heavy rain 
fell after the débris had all been removed from the lower portion 
of the house and before the picture was taken. The water which 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 69 


collected and stood in the house pit damaged the edges of the fire 
basin and filled it with sediment. There was no ladder pit. The 
only indications which could be interpreted as suggesting that such 
a device had been used were in the abraded surface of the floor 
between the defiector and the ventilator opening. Even these were 
not clear enough to be convincing. It is possible that no ladder 
was employed, unless on special occasions, and that the ventilator 
was used as an entrance. This was the only structure suggesting 
such a role for that particular house element. 

Approximately midway between the fire pit and the west wall of 
the room was the small hole which has been likened to the sipapu. 
There was only one other hole in the floor, excepting of course those 
where the main supports were set. It had a rather large diameter 
and was located directly in front of the ventilator opening. At 
first it was thought that the lower end of a notched log ladder had 
been embedded there, but there was no slant to the hole. Then the 
, possibility that it might have been for a post to hold a door slab 
in position in front of the aperture was considered. There were no 
timber imprints on the plastered walls of the hole, however, and that 
explanation was eliminated. The only remaining suggestion is that 
it may have been for the storing of small objects. Its location was 
not particularly favorable for such use, although that consideration 
may not have had much weight with the occupants of the house. 
There may be some significance beyond that of purely utilitarian 
function in the presence of such a hole in the floor. The feature 
is not uncommon in houses of this type. In both Basket Maker 
IIT and Pueblo I structures it occurs with a certain degree of regu- 
larity. An explanation for the phenomenon is still to be found, 
however. 

The deflector was a thin slab of stone set in an upright position 
between the fire pit and the ventilator opening. The lower end of 
the slab was embedded in the floor at the edge of the raised section 
or low platform located at that side of the room. As previously 
mentioned, when the feature was discussed in connection with house 
B of Group 1, the raised area of the floor was very suggestive of 
similar occurrences in some of the Late Basket Maker dwellings in 
the Chaco Canyon. What the significance may have been is conjec- 
tural. When the Chaco Canyon houses were described and discussed. 
it was suggested that it was a survival in considerably modified form 
of the bin-like compartments generally found at that side of the 
chamber in the Basket Maker III houses.** The presence of the fea- 
ture in house D of this group may be another example of the con- 
tinuance of an older house element. There were many things about 


43 Roberts, 1929, pp, 51-52. 


70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


the general characteristics of the small structures which were rem- 
iniscent of the dwelling remains in the Basket Maker IIT village in 
the Chaco Canyon. They bore a greater resemblance to the older 
form than did the more elaborate dwellings of the first group and 
may well have bridged the gap between the two. 

The ventilator of house D was interesting. As suggested in a 
foregoing paragraph, it may have served as an entrance as well as a 
means for bringing fresh air into the chamber. That it could have 
functioned in such a capacity was shown by the fact that the Indians 
went in and out through the opening after work in the room had 
reached a stage where it was possible for them to do so. The ven- 
tilator in later houses and the circular ceremonial chambers was un- 
questionably a definite survival of the original form of entrance as 
found in the dwellings of earlier horizons. Here in house D was an 
example which might be considered as the step between the two 
forms, an illustration of the transition from one to the other. ‘That 
the passage had been intended for something more than a mere vent | 
for air was indicated by the stone sill in the opening into the room. 
This was the only instance where the surface had been reinforced 
and suggests that there was provision against wear which was not 
necessary in the other dwellings. ‘The sill portion of the opening 
was augmented and built up by the use of adobe rising from the 
floor to the sill. There was no upper frame or “apron” around the 
aperture and the end of the tunnel, however. 

The entire passage and shaft bad been tunneled out of the earth. 
The passage floor had an almost imperceptible upward slant and 
there was a low step where it joined the shaft. (Fig. 8.) This fea- 
ture was similar to the one in house B, although not so pronounced. 
The tunnel opening was larger at this end. 

The shaft was not like those in the other structures in that the 
sides were not vertical. A short distance below the ground level they 
curved out and down in such a way that they formed a small bell- 
shaped chamber. The latter added to the impression that the ven- 
tilator may have been an actual entrance. A person stepping down 
into the small chamber would have had sufficient room to crouch and 
then crawl into the passage. This provided a place very reminiscent 
of the antechambers of the Basket Maker III dwellings. The upper 
end of the shaft had a low rim around the opening, another way in 
which it differed from the usual form of ventilator. 

At the time when the ventilator shaft was cleared out a skeleton 
was found in the bell-shaped chamber. The body had been in a 
rather peculiar position, partially leaning against the back wall of 
the shaft and partially lying on the floor. The lower portion of 
the body and the legs had extended into the passage. No mortuary 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA Tiki 


offerings accompanied the remains. They were not in the customary 
position for a burial. It is quite possible that the person may have 
died in the antechamber or that the body had been placed there 
with little ceremony or attention to mortuary practices. It dated 
from the period preceding the formation of the caliche layer and 
could not be attributed to the near-by surface house. Because of 
the porous sand and ashes which had covered the body and due to 
the fact that the tunnel provided good drainage for intrusive ground 
water, the bones were in a good state of preservation. As a matter 
of fact they were in much better condition than the majority of 
those found. 

House D measured 8 feet 3 inches (2.514 m.) on the line of the 
ventilator, fire pit, and sipapu. The long axis was at right angles 
to this diameter and the distance from wall to wall was 9 feet 9 
inches (2.971 m.). The pit had a depth of 4 feet (1.219 m.) at the 
ventilator side and 4 feet 914 inches (1.46 m.) at the opposite wall. 
This difference was due to a number of things. One was the low 
platform at the ventilator side of the room, another was the curve 
in the floor, while the slope in the surface of the ground contributed 
its share to the discrepancy. 

The fire pit had a diameter of 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) and a 
depth of 5 inches (12.7 cm.). The sipapu was 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 
em.) from the fire pit. Its diameter was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) and its 
depth 8 inches (20.32 cm.). The hole in front of the opening into 
the ventilator had a diameter of 5 inches (12.7 cm.) and a depth 
of 6 inches (15.24 cm.). Three of the holes for the main support 
posts had diameters of 5 inches (12.7 cm.) and the fourth meas- 
ured 6 inches (15.24 em.) across. They averaged 2 feet 6 inches 
(76.2 cm.) in depth. One of them touched the wall, one was 1 inch 
(2.54 cm.) from it, and the other two were 2 inches (5.08 cm.) 
away. 

The deflector slab was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) from the fire pit and 
2 feet 2 inches (66.04 cm.) from the plaster bulge in front of the 
ventilator opening. ‘The stone was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.) wide. 
Its top was 1 foot 5 inches (48.18 cm.) above the floor. The slab had 
an average thickness of 1 inch (2.54 cm.). The raised portion of 
the floor bounded by the deflector and the two holes for the support 
posts was 2 inches (5.08 cm.) higher than that in the portion of the 
room immediately adjacent to it. 

The ventilator or passage opening was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) wide and 
1 foot 6 inches (45.72 em.) high. The plaster foundation for the 
sill projected into the room 4 inches (10.16 cm.). The top of the 
stone tread was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) above the floor. The tunnel had 
a length of 4 feet (1.219 m.) from the aperture to the shaft. At the 
latter end the passage was 2 feet (60.96 cm.) high and 1 foot 2 inches 


72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


(35.56 cm.) wide. The step to the bottom of the shaft was 4 inches 
(10.16 em.) high. ‘The floor of the shaft was 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 
em.) in diameter on the tunnel line. At the ground level it was 2 
feet (60.96 cm.). The diameter at right angles to the above was 2 
feet 8 inches (81.28 cm.) on the floor and 2 feet 1 inch (63.5 cm.) on 
the surface. At the tunnel side of the shaft or antechamber the 
floor was 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) below the surface of the ground. 
At the opposite side it was only 3 feet 2 inches (96.52 cm.). 


Figur 9.—House BE, Group No. 3: a, Holes for main support 
posts; ¢, fire pit; d, deflector; e, probable ladder rest; f, ven- 
tilator; g, wall pockets opening off of alcove; h, subwall 
storage recess; 7, storage holes in floor 


The rim around the opening into the antechamber was not one 
which had been built up by the use of plaster but one worked out 
from the ground itself. It had an average width of 10 inches 
(25.4 cm.) and a height of 3 inches (7.62 em.). 

House IK of Group 3 had an irregular and curiously shaped pit. 
The main part of the subterranean chamber was fairly rectangular 
in outline but the deep niche at the ventilator side of the room gave 
it a form which was unique. (Fig. 9.) The recess leading to the 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 73 


ventilator was totally different from anything observed in the other 
structures. At first it was thought to be the remains of the ventila- 
tor, but when the trench had been completely cleaned of accumulated 
débris the mouth of the tunnel belonging to that feature was found 
opening into the recess. Why the builders should have chosen to 
make this small addition to the main chamber was not apparent. 
It would have had its advantages, however. (PI. 6, 0.) 

The superstructure, in accordance with the prevailing custom, 
had four main support posts. Two of these had been set into their 
respective corners to such a degree that they were embedded in the 
walls up to approximately half of their diameters. One post ex- 
tended into the wall but slightly, and the fourth merely touched 
the sides of its corner. The sloping poles for three of the walls, 
the north, south, and west, had probably been placed in nearly ver- 
tical positions. Their lower ends may have been set far enough 
back from the edges of the pit to produce the slant necessary to 
hold them in position against the upper framework. This would 
also have formed a narrow ledge, or pseudobench, around the upper 
part of the pit. 

The problem of what kind of a wall was erected on the fourth 
side, the east, is involved because the question of the recess or alcove 
covering must be considered in conjunction with it. There are 
several ways in which the east wall and recess roof might have 
been constructed. Two especially seem quite plausible. One 
method would have been to cover the trench with a flat roof, the 
ends of the component timbers resting on the ground at each side. 
The main side wall of the dwelling superstructure would then have 
been erected in the usual manner. The sloping wall poles along 
the section where the recess opened into the chamber could easily 
have rested on the roof timbers of the alcove. The result would 
have been a prolongation of the ventilator tunnel, yet in effect mak- 
ing a small, low-ceilinged chamber. The usefulness of such a house 
feature is readily apparent. The other method, suggested by a 
careful study of the conditions involved, would have entailed a 
somewhat more elaborate planning, although it would not, by any 
means, have been beyond the capabilities of the people. The alcove 
may have been roofed over by extending two long timbers, placed 
about as far apart as the sides of the recess, from the stringer of 
the main framework to the ground at the end of the niche. These 
heavy slanting poles would have furnished the support for a lighter 
series of sticks. Across the top poles and brush would have formed 
the roof and small timbers extending from the ground to the main 
pieces would have provided the walls for the small penthouse thus 

18768°—31 6 


74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


erected. The wall portions of the main chamber, from the upright 
posts to the edges of the recess, probably were of the usual form, 
even under the conditions prevailing with such a construction. 
Involved as this second form may seem, several factors indicate that 
it was the type best fitted to the combination of circumstances with 
which the builders had to cope. One reason for this belief will be 
considered in connection with the consideration of the placing of the 
ladder. The exterior appearance of the structure, after it had been 
covered with brush and earth, would have been that of a truncated 
pyramid with a small, sloping topped projection at one side. 

The fire pit was of the rectangular form, although some of the 
sides were slightly curved. There was no ladder pit directly adja- 
cent to it. A deflector stone had been set in the floor between the 
basin and the opening into the alcove. Only the lower part of the 
stone was in position when the remains were excavated. The frag- 
ments which had been broken from it were found in the débris, 
however, and its size could be determined. 

The ladder pit, if such it really was, had been placed in the alcove. 
(Fig. 9, e.) There was some doubt whether or not this depression 
had really been intended for such a purpose. Since no more satis- 
factory explanation for it was forthcoming it was assumed to have 
functioned in that capacity. The abraded surfaces of the bottom 
and wall at the ventilator side indicated that a post had rested there. 
Such a timber may well have been a ladder of the notched-log variety. 
Granting that such had been the case, there was little likelihood that 
a flat covering had extended across the top of the alcove, unless the 
opening into the structure had been in this ground-level roof. On 
the other hand, it would have been possible for a ladder to have 
sloped from the depression to a hole in the roof of the main super- 
structure above the fire pit. This would have necessitated an alcove 
covering of the penthouse form. Such a construction would have 
been decidedly unique but not at all improbable. The ladder would 
have been crowded by the walls of the alcove but usable, nevertheless. 
ft must be borne in mind, however, that there was nothing to show 
definitely that the structure was as described. The foregoing is 
purely a speculative effort to explain how the builders may have 
solved this particular problem. 

There was no sipapu in house KE, although there were a number of 
holes in the floor at other parts of the room. Two of the latter were 
comparatively shallow and were partially filled with sand. They 
were undoubtedly pot rests. One, that located near the northwest 
support post, had the fragments of a broken culinary vessel in it. 
The other hole was for the storage of small objects. Two awls and 
a stone pipe were found in it when the room was excavated. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 75 


There were three distinct storage recesses in house EK. Two of 
them (fig. 9, 7) were very unusual in form. They were located at 
the end of the alcove near the ventilator opening. They were dug 

into the earth and were large enough to hold small articles efficiently. 
The curious feature about them was that in the side of each was a 
smaller pocket dug at right angles to the main ones. It must have 
been rather difficult to work them out, but in them the occupants 
of the house certainly had serviceable hiding places for whatever 
of value they may have wished to conceal. One of them contained 
a small stone bowl and the other a stone pipe. The third recess was 
at the opposite side of the room. (Fig. 9,2.) The major portion 
of it was dug into the face of the pit wall. The bottom was slightly 
below the floor level of the room and was separated from it by a 
plaster ridge which extended from the support post in the corner 
to the wall at the opposite side of the recess. Except for this fea- 
ture, there was little difference between the subwall storage place in 
house E and those in houses A and D of the first group. 

The ventilator was of the simple tunneled type. The passage had 
an upward slant to the shaft at its outer end. The sill of the open- 
ing into the room was quite high above the fioor level, more so than 
was generally found to be the case. In this respect it resembled the 
opening in the ventilator of house D, Group 2. The shaft at the 
outer end was not very deep. It was roughly circular in outline. 

House E measured 8 feet 6 inches (2.59 m.) on a north-south line 
across the fire pit. On an east-west line the main chamber was 7 feet 
(2.133 m.) from wall to wall. The alcove was slightly irregular in 
its measurements. The north wall was 3 feet (91.44 cm.) long and 
the south 4 feet 5 inches (1.346 m.) from the edge of the room to the 
ventilator opening. At the latter end the alcove was 2 feet 2 inches 
(66.04 cm.) wide. Where it opened into the room it had a width 
of 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). At the west side of the room the pit 
had a depth of 3 feet 9 inches (1.143 m.). At the end of the alcove 
it was 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.) deep. 

The fire pit measured 1 foot (30.48 em.) by 9 inches (22.86 cm.), 
with a depth of 5 inches (12.7 cm.). The deflector stood 7 inches 
(17.78 cm.) from the fire pit. The stone was 1 foot 2 inches (35.56 
em.) wide, 2 inches (5.08 em.) thick, and had risen to a height of 
1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) above the floor. The supposed ladder pit 
was oval in contour with diameters of 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) 
and 1 foot 9 inches (53.34em.). Ithada depth of 2 inches (5.08 cm.). 

Holes for the support posts ranged from 6 to 10 inches (15.24 to 
25.4 cm.) in diameter. Their depths averaged 2 feet (60.96 cm.). 
The two holes in the floor which suggested that they had been rests 
for pottery vessels had diameters of 6 and 7 inches (15.24 and 17.78 


76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 100 


em.). Their depths were 3 and 4 inches (7.62 and 10.16 cm.). The 
smaller hole in which the bone implements and stone pipe were found 
had a diameter of 3 inches (7.62 cm.) and a depth’ of 6 inches 
(15.24 cm.). 

The storage recess at the northwest corner of the room extended 
back into the wall 1 foot (30.48 em.). Along the wall of the room 
the opening was 2 feet (60.96 em.) wide and 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 
em.) high. The floor of the recess was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) lower 
than that of the room. The adobe ridge which separated the two was 
3 inches (7.62 em.) wide and 2 inches (5.08 em.) high. The recess 
at the northeast corner of the alcove was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 em.) 
long, 10 inches (25.4 cm.) wide, and 1 foot 11 inches (58.42 cm.) 
high. The smaller pocket extending from the larger was 6 inches 
(15.24 cm.) from the north wall of the ventilator and parallel to 
the alcove. The pocket was 6 inches (15.24 cm.) wide, 7 inches 
(17.78 cm.) high, and 9 inches (22.86 cm.) deep. The bottom of 
this smaller recess was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) above that of the larger 
one which was on the floor level for the alcove. The southeast recess 
was 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) long, 10 inches (25.4 cm.) wide, and 
1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) high. The small side pocket extending 
out from it was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) from the wall of the alcove. 
It was 6 inches (15.24 cm.) wide, 8 inches (20.32 cm.) high, and 6 
inches (15.24 cm.) deep. The bottom was 8 inches (20.382 cm.) 
above the floor of the larger recess. The latter was also on the same 
level as the floor of the alcove. 

The ventilator opening was 1 foot (80.48 em.) wide and 1 foot 2 
inches (35.56 cm.) high. The sill was 1 foot (30.48 cm.) above the 
floor of the alcove. The tunnel was 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) long. 
At the shaft end the opening was only 1 foot (30.48 cm.) high. The 
width was greater here than at the room end, however, measuring 
1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.). The shaft had a diameter of 1 foot 5 
inches (43.18 cm.) and a depth of 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.). 

The two storage pits of Group 3 were oval in contour. (Fig. 7.) 
The largest one was located 9 feet (2.743 m.) due south of house A. 
The pit had been dug into the ground and its walls covered with 
plaster. There were no indications of a superstructure. It is prob- 
able that the covering had been of the conical form previously 
described. The pit measured 7 feet (2.183 m.) on its long diameter 
and 5 feet 8 inches (1.727 m.) across the short way. It had a depth 
of 3 feet 4 inches (1.016 m.). The second pit was 5 feet 6 inches 
(1.676 m.) slightly east of north from house B. It was much smaller 
than the other pit, with a long diameter of 4 feet (1.219 m.) anda 
short one of 3 feet 3 inches (99.06 cm.). The pit had a depth of 
2 feet 3 inches (68.58 cm.) below the ground level at the time of the 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA Fits 


occupation of the houses. The bottom was 38 feet (91.44 cm.) below 
the present surface. There were no indications of a superstructure, 
but the walls were carefully plastered. When opened, during the 
process of the investigations, the pit contained the skeleton of an 
adult, probably an intentional burial. No mortuary offerings 
accompanied the remains, however. 

There was only one exterior fire pit in conjunction with the 
houses. It was located between, but slightly to one side of, the pit 
which contained the burial and the oval chamber of house C. The 
pit was deeper than was usual for such fireplaces and was lined 
with stone slabs. Two of these stones were metates which had become 
too thin for further use in grinding meal. The bottom of the fire 
pit was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) below the original ground level. 
The diameter measured 2 feet (60.96 cm.) on one line and 2 feet 
3 inches (68.58 cm.) at right angles to it. 

The refuse mound of the group was located in the “L” formed 
by the houses. It was south of the main row of structures, A to D, 
and east of E. (Fig. 7.) The general characteristics were similar 
to those of the other mounds, except for the fact that no burials 
were found in it. The full extent of the deposit could not be 
determined accurately because its eastern edges had been encroached 
upon and partially covered by a sand dune. Judging from explora- 
tory trenches, the refuse had approximately covered the area 
indicated on the plat of the group. The mound had a length of 26 
feet (7.925 m.) and a width of about 20 feet (6.096 m.). Its greatest 
depth was a little south of the center, where there were 2 feet 6 
inches (76.2 cm.) of house sweepings, ashes, sand, broken pottery, 
stones, and bones. 

The two rectangular structures on the ground level will not be 
discussed in connection with the dwellings of Group 3. They will 
be considered in connection with the remains of similar houses in a 
short section following that of the pit houses. 


GROUP NO. 4 


This cluster of dwellings consisted of four houses, two storage 
pits, and a refuse mound. The group was located 450 feet (137.16 
m.) northeast from Group No. 1. As mentioned in the introduction 
to the subject of pit houses, only one of these was completely 
excavated. Half of another house was cleared of its accumulated 
débris, while the outlines of the other two were merely traced. 
This group was of exceptional interest because a portion of the 
refuse mound from the pueblo completely covered the remains of 
two of the houses. That this material was of later date was con- 
clusively shown by the fact that the pits of the dwellings had 


78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


become entirely filled with accumulated débris and windblown sand 
before the first rubbish from the large ruin had been deposited there. 
The evidence of the chronology thus revealed was additional corrob- 
oration for the subsequent erection of the pueblo. It augmented 
the stratigraphy found in the combination of the large ruin and 
the underlying pit house. 

House B of Group 4 was the structure which was completely ex- 
cavated. It was interesting in a number of ways. The general 
characteristics were quite comparable to the remains of the dwellings 
in Group 1, but it had a few features which were distinctly indi- 
vidual. The pit was one which might be considered as approxi- 
mately oval in contour, although the arcs on the northeast and 
northwest sides were considerably flattened. (Fig. 10.) The en- 
circling bench was quite broad and well defined. It had been dug 
into the earth in the same fashion as those in the structures of 
Group 1. There was one feature in connection with the bench, how- 
ever, which was unique for this site. Along the entire ventilator 
side of the room its top was several inches higher than on the other 
three sides. (Pl. 6, ¢.) The change in level was not the result 
of a gradual slope but a distinct and intentional break. Although 
this was the only example of a raised section in the bench of a house 
found at the Long H Ranch, it has been observed in pit dwellings 
in other districts of the Southwest. In several of the houses of the 
Basket Maker If village uncovered in the Chaco Canyon the 
feature was especially pronounced. One of the pits in the latter 
group showed distinctly that the raised portion was built during a 
process of house remodeling which took place at some time subse- 
quent to the original building on the structure. This suggested 
that there was an amplification and fuller development of the fea- 
ture in the later stages of Basket Maker III house construction. 
This emphasis of the raised bench section seems to have attained suffi- 
cient importance to carry it over, to some extent, even into subse- 
quent periods. | 

What significance may have been attached to the raised section 
of the bench is not known. There are certain indications that it 
might represent the beginning of one of the characteristics of some 
of the later ceremonial chambers. Many archeologists have long 
believed that the circular kivas of the Southwest were a ceremonial 
survival of the old original type of dwellings. For years this was 
largely theory, but recent work in the older forms of houses has 
produced considerable support for such an argument.‘® The marked 
similarity between the pit dwellings and the ceremonial chambers of 


“f Roberts, 1929, pp. 21, 64-65, 70. 
4° For a more complete consideration of this problem see Roberts, 1929, pp. 81-90. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 6 


c. House B, Group 4 


PIT HOUSES 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 7 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


of ruin 


alls 


lling beneath we 


dwe 


a: Bit 


b. Ventilator side of kiva B 


DETAILS IN PUEBLO 


o 


| 


80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 100 


later periods will become apparent when the kivas of the pueblo ruin 
are discussed. For the present it will suffice to call attention to the 
ventilator niche or recess present in so many of the ceremonial struc- 
tures.*® Such a feature may well have been the outgrowth of an 
idea that certain emphasis should be placed on the bench at that 
side of the room, a distinction which is exemplified in house B of 
Group 4 and the Basket Maker IIT structures of the Chaco Canyon. 

The superstructure of house B was probably similar to those on the 
other larger structures. It had had four posts to support the frame- 
work and the sloping timbers probably extended from the back of 
the bench to the stringers on the uprights. The only place where 
there would have been a difference was along the side where the 
bench was higher. The change in level was not sufficiently marked, 
however, to cause any difficulty. The jog in the roof framework 
resulting from the variation in the bench would not have been 
great enough to require any special construction to bridge the gap. 
The brush and reeds covering the larger timbers would readily 
have conformed to the difference in slope. 

The fire and ladder pits in this structure were combined in the 
same way as those in the other large houses. The fire pit was 
roughly circular in form. The rest for the lower end of the ladder 
had curved sides, but they met in distinct corners and the pit gave 
the impression of a quadrilateral box. The two pits were inclosed 
in a bordering rim of adobe plaster. 

House B was amply supplied with sipapus. Instead of the usual 
hole in the floor between the fire pit and the northwest side of the 
room, this structure had three. Curiously enough they were rather 
regular in their alignment and were graded in size and depth. That 
nearest the fire pit, which under ordinary circumstances would be 
considered the actual sipapu, was the largest, the one located in the 
middle was the next in point of size, and that farthest from the 
fire pit was the smallest. Why the two additional holes were present 
is not known, although such a combination is occasionally found in 
structures of this type. At the northeast side of the room was a 
group of three holes (fig. 10, 2), which probably were used as 
pockets in which to store small objects. 

The ventilator in house B was a combination of the two forms 
of construction previously described. It was both tunneled and 
built up. The first work in making the element was to dig a large 
tunnel, not a trench, through the bench. The opening was then 
reduced in size by the erection of a framework in the fore part. The 
timbers were covered with plaster and earth and then the front 
SLL 2s DO ea RTT aT MMV Mien raise eels Ma rhe 


“Bewkes, J. W., 1911 a, pl. 18, p. 21. Kidder, A. V., 1924, fig. 12, p. 69. Prudden, 
T. M., 1914, fig. 4, p. 45. 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 81 


of the larger opening filled in and plastered over. A low step of 
plaster was placed in front of the reduced aperture. The remainder 
of the passage was an actual tunnel. The shaft at the outer end 
was oval in outline. The long diameter was at right angles to the 
passage line. 

House B measured 13 feet 8 inches (4.165 m.) inside the bench 
on the fire pit, ventilator line. Above the bench it was 19 feet 5 
inches (5.918 m.) in diameter. At right angles to the preceding 
diameter it was 15 feet (4.572 m.) below the bench and 20 feet 6 
inches (6.248 m.) above it from wall to wall. At the ventilator side 
of the room the floor of the pit was 7 feet 9 inches (2.862 m) below 
the ground level. Due to an upward curve in the floor at the oppo- 
site side of the room the depth was only 7 feet 3 inches (2.209 m.) 
below the surface. The bench had an average width of 2 feet 
9 inches (83.82 cm.). At the ventilator side of the room its top was 
4 feet 11 inches (1.498 m.) above the floor. At the opposite wall 
the height was 3 feet 7 inches (1.092 m.). The difference in level at 
the northeast end of the raised portion was 1 foot 8 inches (50. 8 cm.) 
and at the southeast end 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.). 

The fire pit was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.) and 1 foot 8 inches 
(50.8 cm.) in diameter. Its bottom was 10 inches (25.4 cm.) below 
the floor line. With the addition of the bordering rim the total 
depth of the pit was 1 foot (30.48 cm.). The ladder pit measured 
1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) by 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.). Its floor 
was 3 inches (7.62 cm.) below that of the room. The added 2 inches 
(5.08 cm.) of the rim gave it a total depth of 5 inches (12.7 cm.). 

The largest of the three holes in the position normally occupied 
by the sipapu was 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 cm.) from the edge of the 
fire pit rim. The hole had a diameter of 6 inches (15.24 cm.) and 
a depth of 10 inches (25.4 cm.). The second hole was 3 inches (7.62 
em.) from the first. It had a depth of 4 inches (10.16 cm.) and a 
diameter of 314 inches (8.89 cm.). The smallest of the three was 
1 inch (2.54 cm.) from the middle one. Its diameter was 3 inches 
(7.62 cm.) and its depth 2 inches (5.08 cm.). The three holes in 
the northeast section of the floor had diameters of 3, 4, and 5 inches 
(7.62, 10.16, and 12.7 cm.). Their depths were 9, 7, and 7 inches 
(22.86, 17.78, and 17.78 cm.), respectively. 

The holes for the support posts varied in size. That at the north 
had a diameter of 1 foot (30.48 cm.), the east hole was 1 foot 7 inches 
(48.26 cm.) across, the south mold was 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) 
in diameter, and the one at the west 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.). 
Their distances from the wall were not consistent. The north post 
was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) from it, the east and south ones had 
been 8 inches (20.32 cm.) from the face of the bench, and the west 


82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 100 


pole stood 1 foot 11 inches (58.42 em.) from the wall. The depths 
of the holes ranged from 2 feet 3 inches (68.58 cm.) to 2 feet 6 inches © 
(76.2 cm.). 

The ventilator opening had a height of 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) 
and a width of 10 inches (25.4 cm.). The sill of the aperture was 
6 inches (15.24 cm.) higher than the floor of the room. The step 
in front of the opening projected into the room 1 foot 3 inches 
(38.1 cm.). The ventilator tunnel was 4 feet (1.219 m.) long. The 
opening at the outer end was 1 foot 5 inches (43.18 cm.) high and 
1 foot 2 inches (35.56 cm.) wide. The shaft was 3 feet (91.44 cm.) 
in diameter at right angles to the passage line. Along the latter it 
measured 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). The shaft had a depth of 6 
feet 9 inches (2.057 m.). 

House © of the same group had been of the characteristic large 
dwelling form. The pit had been oval in shape and had had an 
encircling bench. The latter did not have a raised portion lke that 
in B. Although the remains were not completely excavated, enough 
was done to show that it had been a typical house. The most in- 
teresting feature connected with it was the depth of the refuse from 
the pueblo. The fioor of the pit at that point was 9 feet (2.7438 m.) 
below the surface. Two feet (60.96 cm.) consisted of accumulated 
rubbish from the later village. The original pit had been 7 feet 
(2.1383 m.) deep. The top of the bench was 4 feet (1.219 m.) above 
the floor. The pit itself had a diameter of 10 feet 10 inches 
(3.802 m.) on the ventilator, fire pit line inside the bench. Above 
the bench it measured 15 feet 8 inches (4.775 m.). Across the other 
way the diameter inside the bench was 12 feet (3.657 m.). Above 
the bench it measured 17 feet (5.181 m.). 

The storage pits for the group were similar to those previously 
described. The larger one was 5 feet 6 inches (1.676 m.) on its long 
axis and 4 feet 10 inches (1.473 m.) on the short. It was 1 foot 6 
inches (45.72 cm.) deep. The smaller pit was 4 feet (1.219 m.) long 
and 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 em.) across. Its average depth was 2 feet 
(60.96 cm.). 

The refuse mound was located southeast of the group of houses. 
Jt was of the usual type. The contents consisted for the most. part 
of ashes, sand, broken stones, bones, and potsherds. The material 
had been deposited on a slight slope which dropped away from the 
houses. The mound contained a number of burials. There had 
been some digging in it previous to the work of 1929 and some of 
the interments had been removed. All of the skeletons which were 
uncovered during the recent investigations were accompanied by 
mortuary offerings of pottery and ornaments. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA B38 
ISOLATED PIT HOUSES 


One of the small pit dwellings which did not appear to have been 
attached to any particular group was located 140 feet (42.672 m.) 
from the Group 38 center. The structure had been quite character- 
istic of the small type. It had a fairly circular pit, although there 
was a distinct flattening of the are on the ventilator side of the 
chamber. (Fig. 11.) There were no indications of a bench. The 


7 = 


. 
' 
e 


TT 


Ficurn 11.—Plan of isolated small pit dwelling: a, Holes for 
main support posts; b, sipapu; ec, fire pit; d, deflector; 
e, ventilator 


o 
ie) 


pit was comparatively deep. The superstructure had probably been 
of the general form postulated for the small dwellings. That it had 
been supported by four upright posts was definitely shown in the 
holes where they had been embedded. The latter showed a unique 
feature, however, in that they slanted inward at an angle of 25° 
from the vertical. Judging from this the poles must also have sloped 
toward the center of the roof. This would have given the interior 


84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 100 


of the structure a different appearance from the others. The slant 
would not have had any material effect on the superstructure beyond 
the fact that it would have made possible the use of shorter stringers 
on the uprights. 

The fire pit near the center of the room was circular in form and 
had an encircling rim of adobe plaster. The deflector had been em- 
bedded in this ridge. One face of the stone was flush with the in- 


terior surface of the fire basin. There was no ladder pit. The sur- | 
face of the floor between the deflector and the ventilator opening was | 
abraded to a certain extent and the base of the device for entering — 


and leaving the chamber had probably rested there. 

There was a distinct sipapu in the proper position in the floor at 
the side of the fire pit opposite from the ventilator. There were no 
additional holes beyond the sipapu and those in which the support 
posts had been placed. The occupants had apparently felt no need 
for depositories in which to place minor objects. 

The ventilator was of the simple tunneled variety. The sill of the 
opening was on a level with the floor of the room and there was no 
plaster frame or “apron” around the aperture. The tunnel sloped 
slightly upward to the bottom of the shaft. The latter was oval in 
contour and fairly deep. 

The diameter of this structure on the sipapu, fire pit, ventilator 
line was 9 feet 3 inches (2.819 m.). Across the opposite way it 
was 9 feet 10 inches (2.997 m.) from wall to wall. The pit was 4 feet 
8 inches (1.422 m.) deep at the side opposite the ventilator. In 
front of the opening it was 4 feet 3 inches (1.295 m.) from the 
floor to the ground level. 

The fire pit had diameters of 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) and 1 
foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.). The depth was 6 inches (15.24 cm.). 
The inclosing rim around the pit had an average width of 4 inches 
(10.16 cm.) and a height of 2 inches (5.08 em.). The deflector stone 
was 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 cm.) wide, 2 inches (5.08 cm.) thick, and, 
from the indications of the fragments, had risen 1 foot 2 inches 
(35.56 cm.) above the floor. 

The sipapu was 9 inches (22.86 cm.) from the edge of the fire pit 
rim. The hole had a diameter of 4 inches (10.16 cm.). Its depth 
was 9 inches (22.86 cm.). The holes for the support posts ranged 
from 4 to 6 inches (10.16 to 15.24 cm.) in diameter. The posts had 
been set at a depth of 2 feet (60.96 cm.). They had stood from 3 to 
6 inches (7.62 to 15.24 cm.) from the walls. 

The opening into the ventilator was 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 em.) 
high and 1 foot (80.48 em.) wide. The tunnel was 3 feet 3 inches 
(99.06 cm.) long. At the shaft end the opening was 1 foot 6 inches 
(45.72 cm.) high and 1 foot 3 inches (38.1 cm.) wide. The shaft 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 85 


diameter on the passage line was 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.) At right 

angles to the foregoing it measured 2 feet 3 inches (68.58 cm.). The 
bottom of the shaft was 3 feet 8 inches (1.117 m.) below the surface 
of the ground. 

The pit remains which were found under the northeast end of the 
pueblo ruin were of the small dwelling type. (Pl. 7, a.) The 
excavation for the subterranean portion was roughly circular in 
outline and there was no bench. The superstructure had been sup- 
ported on four posts and it is probable that taken as a whole the 
covering which roofed the pit had been similar to those described for 
the other small dwellings. 

It was not possible to determine what all of the interior furnish- 
ings were because it was not practicable to remove all of the fill in 
the pit. To have done so would have necessitated the destruction 
of some of the walls of the overlying pueblo. The room did contain 
a circular, saucer-shaped fire pit. There were no indications of a 
ladder pit and it was not possible to discover whether a deflector 
stone had stood between the fire pit and the ventilator opening. 
Except for the post placements, there were no holes in the sections 
of the floor which were uncovered. If the room had a sipapu the 
latter was under the portion of the fill upon which the pueblo 
crosswall rested. 

The ventilator was of the tunneled variety. The aperture was on 
the floor level of the chamber. There was a slight upward slant to 
the passage. The shaft at the outer end was oval in contour and 
fairly large. It was comparatively shallow and large enough to have 
served as an actual entrance chamber. The passage was not par- 
ticularly large, but a person could have crawled through it. 

The pit of the structure measured 9 feet 6 inches (2.895 m.) on the 
diameter along the fire pit and ventilator line. Across the opposite 
way it was 10 feet (3.048 m.) from wall to wall. At the ventilator 
side of the room the floor was 3 feet 8 inches (1.117 m.) below the old 
ground level. At the opposite side it was 4 feet (1.219 m.) deep. 

The ventilator opening was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) high and 1 
foot (30.48 cm.) wide. The passage was 4 feet 3 inches (1.295 m.) 
long. The opening at the outer end, where it joined with the shaft, 
was 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) high and 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) 
wide. ‘The shaft had a diameter of 4 feet (1.219 m.) on the passage 
line. At right angles to it the diameter was somewhat less, measur- 
ing only 3 feet (91.44 em.). The bottom of the shaft was 2 feet 6 
inches (76.2 em.) below the old ground level. In this respect it 
differed quite a little from those in the other small dwellings. 

Another example of an isolated house was found between Groups 
land 3. It was 130 feet (39.624 m.) from the first cluster of dwell- 


86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


ings. The structure was unique. It was the only one of its kind 
found during the progress of the investigations. Whether it was 
purely an individual variation due to some fancy on the part of the 
builders or represented a form of dwelling which resulted from an 
even greater breakdown of custom than was observed in some of the 
Group 2 houses could not be determined. It had an oval pit which 
was very shallow when compared to those for the other dwellings. 
There was no sipapu, no ladder pit, no deflector, and no ventilator. 
Tn fact, most of the common features of the usual form of pit house 
were missing. 

The superstructure had been supported on four posts set into the 
floor against the walls of the excavation. The lower ends of the 
slanting side poles had been embedded in the earth several inches 
back from the edge of the pit. This in effect provided the interior 
with a narrow bench. This form of bench, however, can not be con- 
sidered comparable to the type found in the larger structures where 
it was formed by an actual digging into the earth. The only interior 
feature in the house was a circular fire pit in the center. This pit 
was only a shallow basin in the floor and had no encircling rim. 
When the accumulated débris was removed from the interior of the 
house pit the fire basin was filled with wood ashes which remained 
from the time when it had been im actual use. 

The pit for this structure had a north-south diameter of 10 feet 
(3.048 m.). Along the east-west line it measured 9 feet (2.743 m.). 
The depth did not vary perceptibly from the 1 foot 4 inches (40.64 
cm.) average. The fire pit was 1 foot (80.48 cm.) in diameter and 
3 inches (7.62 cm.) deep. 

A few feet east of the structure were the remains of two oval stor- 
age pits. One of these contained a burial. These pits had depths 
of 2 feet (60.96 cm.) and 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). The shallower 
one measured 3 feet (91.44 cm.) by 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.). The 
deeper one had diameters of 3 feet 8 inches (1.117 m.) and 8 feet 
(91.44 cm.). 


JACAL STRUCTURES 


The problem of the jacal dwellings at the Long H Ranch presents 
the most unsatisfactory phase of the summer’s work. As stated in 
the introduction to the subject of house remains, the results obtained 
from the investigations of mounds where such structures had stood 
were highly disappointing. That this form of dwelling had existed 
was plainly evidenced by the large blocks of burned adobe in the 
débris. ‘These lumps of fired clay bore the imprints of the wooden 
poles used in the construction. The destruction and disintegration 
of the house materials had been so complete, however, that it was 


‘ RopERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 87 


practically impossible to obtain detailed information concerning the 
nature of the dwellings. At three locations there was just enough 
to suggest that they had been quite comparable to a similar type of 
house found in southern Colorado. One of these had been in the 
third pit house group, the second was adjacent to the mound where 
the caliche layer had formed over the trench dug by earlier investi- 
gators, and the third was 150 feet (45.72 m.) northwest of Group 4. 

Judging from what little evidence there was, the houses of this 
type had been built entirely above ground. There were no indica- 
tions whatever of a pit or depressed floor. They were 4-sided, 
more trapezoidal than rectangular in form, since the corners did 
not appear to have formed right angles, and flat roofed. The walls 
apparently consisted of series of upright poles, set at intervals of 
several inches, between and around which puddled adobe was placed. 
The fragments of plaster gave no indications of wattling, the inter- 
weaving of smaller sticks in the framework of upright posts, so that 
‘the walls must really have been mud reinforced by timbers. In the 
ruins in Group 3 these wall posts seemed to have been placed in a 
shallow trench. What evidence there was suggested that the butt 
ends had been held in position by adobe mud and stone wedges. Un- 
‘fortunately, not enough remained of these trenches to show clearly 
‘the extent of the house. Enough traces were found to warrant the 
belief that it had been approximately the size indicated in the plat 
tor Group 3 (fig. 7), but of this there was no absolute certainty. 
The house probably had had only a single room and near its center 
‘a fire pit. The latter was well preserved and for some distance 
on all sides of it the plaster floor was fairly good. There was noth- 
ing to show what kind of a door the structure had had. Whether 
the means for entrance had been through the smoke hole in the 
roof or whether there had been a doorway in the side of the structure 
could not be determined. 

The remains of the other two structures indicated a somewhat 
different method of construction in that the wall poles seemed to 
have been embedded in the earth instead of being set in a trench. 
Both of these dwellings had covered sufficient ground to imply that 
they had consisted of a number of rooms, probably three or four. 
Nothing further could be learned concerning their characteristics. 

Houses of pole and plaster construction have been found in the 
Piedra and La Plata districts in southern Colorado. Conditions at 
these sites were more favorable for the preservation of evidence, 
and as a result a fairly accurate picture of the type of dwelling was 
obtained. In erecting these structures the builders constructed a 
framework of heavy posts and stringers. The uprights were usually 
set into the ground at the corners of the house. When the dwelling 


88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


was unusually long, additional supports were employed in the side 
walls. Smaller poles were set at intervals in a shallow, narrow 
trench which was dug on a line between the main uprights. The 
lower ends were wedged tight by the use of stones and mud. The 
upper ends rested against the heavy stringers. Whether the wall 
timbers were actually attached to the latter or merely leaned against 
them is not known. The roof was flat. It was formed by a series 
of poles extending across the stringers. Small sticks, reeds, and 
brush rested upon the roof poles. The entire framework was then 
covered with adobe mud. The latter was applied between and 
around the wall poles in such a fashion that the wood was almost 
entirely covered by the plaster. Houses of this type had one or 
several rooms.47 The meager evidence in the Long H remains pointed 
toward this form of construction. 

Variations of the jacal type of house were quite widespread in the 
Southwest and have been used over a long period of time. There is 
no question but what they have existed from the Pueblo I period 
down to the present day. The Pima and Papago still erect their 
own variations of the type*® and even the Mexican and American 
settlers have their forms. In certain sections of northern New 
Mexico homesteaders are living in houses built in practically the same 
way as those described for southern Colorado of many centuries ago. 

The jacal sites gave every indication of having been contempo- 
raneous with the large pit houses. There are no distinguishable dif- 
ferences in the pottery and other objects associated with the two 
forms. In ali likelihood some families were living in one type of 
structure at the same time that others occupied the other form. 
There is, of course, the possibility that the jacal houses were summer 
habitations and the pit dwellings occupied in the winter. The use 
of seasonal houses is a common practice among certain groups in 
the area. There was no evidence either for or against such a belief 
and the idea is merely offered as a suggestion. At first it was 
thought that the jacal remains might have been the ruins of the 
actual domiciles while the subterranean chambers were ceremonial 
rooms. ‘There was too great a discrepancy in the proportion, how- 
ever, as the pit dwellings outnumbered the other forms. This was 
not only true for the remains actually investigated, but was evi- 
denced in the many mounds not excavated. The ratio should have 
been several pole and mud houses for each pit if the latter had been 
the religious structure. The jacal house was the outstanding form in 
the Pueblo I period in the northeastern San Juan region and there 
is no reason why it should not have begun to appear in this section 


47 Morris, E. H., 1919 b, p. 187. Roberts, 1930, pp. 36-88. 
* Lumholtz, C., 1912, p. 7. Anonymous, 1929, p. 48. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 89 


and have existed contemporaneously with the pit forms. The latter 
unquestionably survived for a longer time in the southern parts of 
the area than in the north. 

The remains of the adobe structure partially overlying the débris- 
filled pit of house D in Group 3 presented a problem equally as 
difficult as that of the jacal structures. Beyond the fact that a 
single-roomed domicile whose walls had been made of mud had 
existed, little could be learned. It unquestionably was later than 
house D. Whether it was contemporaneous with the jacal dwell- 
ings and the larger pit structures or of later date could not be satis- 
factorily determined. The few potsherds lying on its floor were of 
the general types associated with the pit and jacal remains. These 
fragments could have been carried into the house by children from 
a near-by refuse mound at a much later date. Since there were no 
pieces from subsequent periods in the lot there is not much likelihood 
that the house represents a stage comparable to that of the pueblo 
ruin. It is possible that a dwelling had been built without rein- 
forcing poles in the wall during the early period of the occupation 
of the site. If such was true and the adobe structure was contem- 
poraneous with the jacal forms, then house D of the pit group rep- 
resented a still older phase. The latter was more nearly like the 
type of house belonging to Basket Maker III than it was to the 
larger pit houses. Since it may have represented a transition be- 
tween the two forms it is quite possible that it was abandoned and 
had become filled in before the full development of the larger style 
of pit dwelling. 

The evidence is not sufficient to warrant a definite statement, but 
the most satisfactory suggestion which can be made on the basis of 
all of the factors involved is that a certain progression in house types 
is represented. House D of Group 3, representing a stage midway 
between the Basket Maker ITT and normal Pueblo I dwellings, prob- 
ably was the oldest. After this the larger, bench-encircled type of 
semisubterranean house appeared. While the latter was still the 
common form jacal dwellings were introduced. Proficiency in the 
construction of the latter and a somewhat limited supply of avail- 
able timber led to the experiment of building without reinforcing 
poles inthe walls. Thus the adobe form of house evolved. No great 
amount of time need be postulated for the change and development 
in the houses. It is true that a comparatively thick layer of caliche 
extended across the fill in the pit of house D and formed the level 
on which the adobe structure rested. It has been shown, however, 
that caliche forms very quickly in this region. The interval between 
the abandonment of D and the erection of the adobe house, the stage 

18768°—31——7 


90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


during which the larger pit houses and jacal dwellings were built, 
would have been ample for the appearance of the stratum. On such 
grounds the contemporaneity of the adobe, jacal, and large pit houses 
need cause no concern. 


Tue Pursito Ruin 


The remains of the large communal house which occupied a posi- 
tion on a low knoll between Groups 1 and 4 of the pit houses furnished 
one of the interesting features of the summer’s work. As previously 
stated, it was not planned to conduct any excavations in this ruin at 
the start of the season. Finally it was decided that the possibility of 
some stratigraphic evidence concerning its relation to the pit houses 
warranted a cursory investigation. Even then there was no inten- 
tion of cleaning out the entire ruin. The preliminary excavation 
had not progressed very far, however, before it became quite evident 
that an unusually clear-cut story of the growth and changes in a 
communal dwelling could be secured by a thorough study of the 
remains. As such an opportunity is not always present it was 
determined to make the best of it and the entire ruin was excavated. 

The pueblo when finally uncovered showed that it was the remains 
of a compact, roughly L-shaped building of 45 secular rooms, 4 ir- 
regular inclosures, and 4 ceremonial chambers or kivas. (Fig. 12.) 
As will be observed from the plan of the ruin, the structure would 
have been fairly extensive had it been entirely occupied at one time, 
but such had not been the case. All of the rooms were not con- 
temporaneous. The building, like many others in the Southwest, 
had not been erected from a preconceived plan. It had grown by 
degrees. Additional rooms and units were added from time to time 
when needed. 

This growth was one which may be attributed to a number of 
factors. An increase of population resulting from births within the 
group or accretions from outside sources would have necessitated 
more housing facilities. The additions from the outside might have 
been due to the acquiring of husbands by the daughters of the com- 
munity, if it may be supposed that the custom of the man going to 
live with his wife’s family prevailed at that period, or to other 
people being invited to join the original settlers. Another agent 
which was always operative was that of deterioration. When a 
room or section of the dwelling reached a stage where considerable 
repairs were required the occupants frequently built a new series of 
rooms instead of trying to remodel the old ones. Another occasional 
reason for the erection of new compartments was destruction by 
fire. Several parts of the pueblo showed the results of such damage. 
The abandoned rooms were generally used as dumping places for 
village refuse. A number in this structure were filled with ashes 


ROLERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA Ol 


and rubbish of all kinds, showing that they had functioned in such 
a capacity. 

From the evidence of abutting walls and variations in floor levels 
it was possible to determine the different stages in the development 


Ficgurn 12.—Plan of complete pueblo ruin 


of this pueblo. The first unit, the beginning of the communal dwell- 
ing, had consisted of a group of six rooms and a circular ceremonial 
chamber located at what eventually became the extreme northeastern 
end of the large building. (Fig. 13.) 


92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


The walls throughout this small structure had consisted in large 
part of adobe. An occasional stone had been used, but there was 
no attempt at true masonry. Such rocks as were employed had not 


ISET 


Ficury 18.—WVirst unit built in pucblo structure. 


Ultimate extent of building shown 
by broken lines 


been worked and were merely placed here and there in a hit-or-miss 


fashion. The adobe was not shaped into bricks, but seemed to have 


been applied in the form of nodules of about the size that could be 
conveniently held in a person’s: two hands. As each nodule was 
put into place it was molded and patted down. <A wall of this type 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 93 


was probably allowed to dry before the cracks were filled in with 
clay. After the latter had set a final wash or plaster was applied 
over the entire exterior surface. Walls of this kind are erected along 
the Rio Grande by some of the modern Pueblos and ruins in that 
region have shown a similar method of construction.*® 

Beyond the fact that the remains of a pit house was beneath 1 
and 2 (pl. 7, a), there was little of interest in the secular rooms. All 
were rectangular in shape and had no interior furnishings. There 
were no fire pits in any of them. Beneath the floor and partially 
underlying the outside wall of room 6 (fig. 13) there was a deep 
groove or ditch which antedated the building of the house. It had 
not been used by the occupants of the room as it had been filled 
before the wall was erected and the floor laid down. The ditch 
was not natural, as it showed clearly the marks of digging imple- 
ments. At about the center of the space bounded by the room and 
on the same level as the trench was a circular fire pit. It, too, was 
beneath the floor. Both fire pit and trench had probably belonged 
to the pit house occupation of the site. 

The kiva or ceremonial chamber was of interest. The room had 
been partially but not wholly subterranean. From the top of the 
bench to the floor the walls were below the ground level. ‘The 
upper portion had been built up in the same manner as the rest 
of the house. The curved upper wall was erected around the pit 
just far enough from its edges to provide for a narrow bench. The 
space between the rounding wall and the rectangular room which 
enclosed it was filled with earth. The chamber had a flattened arc 
on the ventilator side which gave it a D shape. This apparently 
was a survival of the similar feature observed in the pit houses. 
The bench broadened at the ventilator side until it became a distinct 
niche or recess. ‘There was nothing to indicate the type of roof. 
It may have been flat or of the cribbed variety like those of the 
region to the north.° There had been no interior upright posts 
such as were noted in the pit houses and there were no pilasters or 
piers rising from the top of the bench to support the roof. Hence 
the timbers used in the covering must have rested on top of the walls. 
For this reason it seems more likely that the roof was of the flat 
variety, possibly similar to that described for Scaffold House in 
northeastern Arizona.*+ 

The interior furnishings were simple in the extreme. At the cen- 
ter of the chamber was a combination fire and ladder pit. The con- 
tainer for the fire was roughly oval in form, while the other pit 


49 Jeancon, J. A., 1923, pp. 11-12. 
60 Rewkes, J. W., 1909, pls. 14, 15; 1911 a, pl. 14. Nordenskidld, G., 1893, fig. 31. 
tl Hewkes, J. W., 1911 a, p. 19. 


94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puxL. 100 


was a narrow rectangle. This suggested that the runged form of 
ladder had been used. A stone slab separated the two pits and both 
were enclosed by a bordering ridge of adobe. The kiva did not 
have a sipapu and there presumably had never been a deflector, 
unless the slab separating the two pits had risen to a height sufficient 
to serve in that capacity. Its top was not worked and showed that | 
it had been broken off. There were no fragments in the pits. Con- 
sequently, it was not possible to tell whether the stone was placed in 
position in the form found or had been broken during the occupancy 
of the kiva and the pieces disposed of previous to the abandonment 
of the chamber. . 

The ventilator had been constructed in a manner similar to some 
of those in the larger pit houses. The horizontal passage had been 
dug as a trench. The top was covered over with poles and brush 
upon which the plaster rested. The opening into the room was 
reinforced by a wooden frame consisting of two upright posts and 
a cross pole. These timbers were placed in an offset around the 
opening. The lower portions of the uprights were still in position 
and decayed fragments of the cross pole were clinging to the plaster. 
The five or shaft had been built up before the space between the kiva 
and the outer walls had been filled in. This apparently was ac- 
complished by the erection of a roughly circular wall of adobe. 
The alignment was bad, as will be observed from the plat of the 
unit, and the tunnel connecting the shaft with the room had to be 
set at a considerable angle. The floor of the passage sloped upward 
to the bottom of the shaft. 

One of the interesting things observed in the kiva was the fact 
that it was possible to count nine distinct coats of plaster on its 
walls. It can not be definitely assumed that the “ancients” had 
the same customs as their modern descendants but the probabilities 
are that many features of the recent cultures are survivals from 
earlier periods. This is especially true with regard to ceremonial 
matters. Among some of the present peoples it is customary to 
replaster and whitewash the walls of the kiva once each year. In the 
Hopi villages this occurs in February at the Powamu, the festival 
for the purification and renovation of the earth.°2 If the same prac- 
tice prevailed in the early periods it may be suggested that the nine 
layers of plaster on the kiva wall represent that many years. On 
such a basis it would be evident that the unit was occupied for at 
least that length of time 

The absence of the sipapu is a condition often found in kivas, 
particularly many of those belonging to the Chaco culture group. 
Any explanation for such a lack must be conjectural, but there is a 


& Fewkes, J. W., 1903, pp. 31-39. Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 129. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 95 


plausible suggestion from modern sources. Mindeleff, during his 
observations among the Hopi, found traces of two classes of kivas 
marked by the distinction that only certain ones contained the 
sipapu. The latter were those in which the more important cere- 
monies were held. Hence the sipapu at one time possibly differen- 
tiated such kivas as were considered strictly consecrated to religious 
observances from those that were of more general use. The latter 
probably existed from a very early period and were designed to serve 
only as club rooms for the men. Certainly many of the more im- 
portant rites could not be performed in them because of the lack 
of the symbolical place of emergence. Later, it would seem, the 
lounging room was done away with and the true kiva served both 
purposes.°> Had such been the case in the period represented by 
the pueblo on the Long H Ranch, it seems rather curious that the 
first circular chamber provided was of the lounging, club-room type. 
Perhaps it sufficed until the second unit with its kiva of a truly 
ceremonial character was built. 

After the completion of the first unit a second one was added. 
(Fig. 14.) This did not occur immediately, but the length of time 
intervening was probably not great. Beneath the walls of the second 
unit, which abutted the southwest side of the first house, was a thin 
layer of sand, ashes, and other refuse of the kind which collects 
around a dwelling. This might have been a remnant from the pit 
house occupation. However, some of the potsherds in the stratum 
were of the pueblo type. ‘This, together with the fact that the 
foundations of that portion of the criginal house rested on native 
soul, indicated that at least part of the accumulation was to be 
attributed to the occupants of the first unit. 

The second unit consisted of seven living rooms, a kiva, and two 
curious inclosures formed by placing the kiva within a rectangular 
block. The construction in this section of the building was not as 
good as that in the original part. The walls were thinner and quite 
irregular. The rooms were not as well shaped and showed consid- 
erable variation in size. The workmanship throughout suggested 
to a marked degree that a different group had erected them. It is 
quite possible that the builders of the first house had been joined by 
others, perchance another clan. The latter may have been living in 
the vicinity and merely joined forces with the others. Or it may 
have been that members of the same clan from another location 
united with those already occupying the site. Such occurrences are 
not at all uncommon in the recent history of the Pueblos and there 
is no reason to suppose that the practice did not prevail in the past. 


68 Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 130-152. 


96 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


It isnot at all necessary to postulate that the second group came from 
any great distance. From what is known of the later groups it is 


more logical to think that they were from the immediate neighbor- 
hood. At all events, whatever the cause, the addition was built. 


0 5 IS FT 


mms ADOBE WALLS 
FEB STOWE WALLS 
Witla UNE XCAVATE BD 


Be ee eee a ee en mene te 


IicurH 14,.—Plan of pueblo with second unit added. 


Broken lines show extent of 
completed structure 


The only feature of note in the living rooms pertaining to this 
stage of the building’s development was the presence of conan 
cating doorways. There were none in the older part of the house. 
There were no exterior doorways in the walls and it seems quite 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA O7 


probable that entrance was through an opening in the roof. None 
of the rooms had fire pits. The group consisting of Nos. 8, 9, 10, 
15, and 16 had been abandoned and were partially filled with refuse. 
This probably took place during a later phase of the hfe of the 
community and discussion of it belongs in the consideration of sub- 
sequent developments. 

The two rooms formed by the kiva and its inclosing rectangular 
walls (fig. 14, Nos. 17 and 21) are of interest because of the fact 
that they indicated a usage contrary to common practice. Generally 
these spaces were filled with earth, as in the first unit. This was 
presumably done to impart the appearance or suggestion that the 
chamber was subterranean. Here, however, they were used as com- 
partments, probably storage rooms. The doorway opening into 
17 from 10 made access between them a simple matter. In the 
case of 21, entrance must have been through an opening in the roof. 

The kiva in this group (fig. 14, B) was different from A in many 
respects. It had an even more pronounced D-shape and a larger 
recess or platform above the ventilator. The lower part of the 
chamber, from the top of the bench to the floor, was subterranean. 
The upper wall was of stone, the first use of that material in a 
definite masonry construction in the building. The face of the 
bench was the native earth covered with mud plaster. The stone 
wall was founded on the surface of the ground. The latter had 
also served as the top of the bench. 

Rising from the bench were three pilasters made from adobe. 
These had probably served as supports for a cribbed roof. Charred 
fragments from the timbers used in its construction were found on 
the floor and they indicated that type of covering. ‘Two large posts 
had been set in the wall at the ventilator side of the chamber (pl. 
7, 6) and it appeared likely that they had functioned in the same 
capacity as the pilasters and had supported the portion of the roof 
over that section of the room. If such was the case, the kiva had 
had five supporting piers for its covering, three in the form of pilas- 
ters and two as distinct pillars. This would suggest that while the 
main portion of the chamber had been covered with a domelike 
cribbing, the shelf above the ventilator had a flat roof. 

There was a rather shallow rectangular fire pit near the center of 
the room. It had been dug into the floor and the sides and bottom 
were covered with plaster. There were no indications of a border- 
ing rim around it. Nothing suggested that a deflector had been 
placed between the pit and the ventilator. The chamber had a 
sipapu, so there is no question but what it was thoroughly ceremonial 
in nature. 


98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


Between the sipapu and the fire pit was a feature which was 
unique. Extending across a greater part of the room was a shal- 
low rectangular depression. Near the central portion of this trench | 
in the floor, between the fire pit and the sipapu, was a rectangular 
pit. (Figs. 14, 18, kiva B; pl. 8, a.) There was nothing to indicate 
what its purpose may have been. ‘The sides were somewhat darkened 
by smoke and it contained some charcoal. This unquestionably was 
to be attributed to the fact that the structure had been destroyed 
by flames and not to the pit’s having been used either as a depository 
for ashes or as a place in which fires were lighted. It might be 
that it was the ladder pit. The occurrence of the latter in the posi- 
tion between the fire pit and the ventilator was so consistent, how- 
ever, that such does not seem plausible. Although it was not in a 
location similar to that occupied by the rectangular vaults found in 
the circular kivas near Hawikuh, the Great Kiva at Aztec, or those 
in the Chaco Canyon, it possibly may have had a somewhat analogous 
function.®* Such a suggestion is not very helpful, however. Be- 
yond the fact that the preponderance of evidence shows that the 
latter were not fire pits nothing is known about them. The feature 
in B may be one which was more or less characteristic of certain 
kivas in this region, but there has been so little work in them that 
the lack of information prevents any conclusions. All that can be 
done at this time is to call attention to the trench and pit and await 
the results of further investigations. 

The ventilator had been formed by means of the trench and frame- 
work method. At its outer end the flue or shaft was of rubble con- 
struction, mud and a small percentage of stones. The end of the 
passage opening into the room was bordered by an offset which 
probably was for the purpose of holding a closing stone against the 
aperture. (Pl. 7, 6.) The broken fragments from a slab of the 
proper size to have functioned in that capacity were found on the 
floor. The bottom of the passage had only a slight upward slant 
to the floor of the shaft. 

The next addition to the building introduced some new factors. 
Six rooms were erected at the southwest side of the second unit. — 
(Fig. 15.) They were built in an L and in conjunction with the side 
of the second unit formed a court. The walls were for the most 
part constructed entirely of stone. The only exceptions were those 
im rooms 88, 39, and 40. The adoption of stone masonry suggests 
several things. Hither the experience gained in the building of the 
wall of the kiva B had impressed the people with the superiority of 


that material, they had been influenced by the stone houses in other 
a EE 
* Hewett, WD. L., 1922, pp. 128, 125-126. Hoa 25 
, . 123, 26. ge, F. W., 1923, pp. 15, 23-24, 85-37. 
Judd, N. M., 1922, pp. 115-116. Morris, H. H., 1921, pp. 130-132. es fet 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 99 
sections, or they were joined by some outsiders who were accustomed 
to building in that medium. The latter is not meant to imply that 
a new group or clan joined the village at this time; rather that at 
most there were only a few individuals. The subsequent story of the 


ESE ADOBE WALLS 
PEER STONE WALLS 
Yio ~UREXCAVATE D 


—_— —— — 
— 


Ficurp 15.—Third stage in growth of pueblo. 
pleted structure 


Broken lines show extent of com- 


pueblo is not such as to warrant belief that another clan was taken 
into the community. The probabilities are that the new rooms were 
erected to replace some of those of the first unit. Whatever the 
cause for the shift in materials, it must have been one of some con- 


100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


sequence because there was no available rock of suitable quality in 
the immediate vicinity. In fact the stone used in this building prob- 
ably was carried a good many miles. At the present time the nearest 
source of supply is some 10 miles (16.093 k.) away. 

After this new addition had been occupied for a time still further 
building was done. The latter was not so much a new unit as the 
completion of one already started. For some reason or other it was 
decided to build a kiva in the court of the L-shaped wing and to 
add some more rooms. There were six of the latter, four along the 
southwest end and two in front of the kiva. (Fig. 16.) The outer 
surface of the walls at the end of the building was of stone. The 
inner half was adobe. Hence, for rooms 44 to 47 there was a 
masonry veneer which gave the outward appearance of a stone wall 
to one which in reality was largely of mud. The walls of the 
rooms in front of the kiva were entirely of adobe. The end tier of 
rooms had connecting doorways and No. 47 had an opening to the 
exterior, the only one in the building at that stage of its growth. 

The method used in constructing the kiva was interesting. A 
rectangular inclosure was erected in the court and the kiva built 
inside of it. This left a long, narrow, L-shaped room, No. 32, 
between the kiva block and the wing of the building which had bor- 
dered the court. This room apparently was not used because all of 
the doorways which had opened into the court were blocked and the 
space between the walls filled with débris. The same was true for 
the interval between the rectangular inclosing walls and the kiva. 

The kiva (fig. 16, C’) was very simple. The circular form was 
more closely approximated than in A and B. The lower portion 
of the chamber was dug into the ground, although the greater part 
of the walls had been built up from the existing surface of the 
earth. There was no encircling bench, but a narrow recess had 
been made above the ventilator opening. (Pl. 8, 6.) Pilasters 
were missing and there was no sipapu. Near the center of the 
room was a circular fire pit and between it and the ventilator open- 
ing a rectangular depression in the floor. The latter was possibly 
the place where the lower end of a ladder had rested. The two pits 
were lined with plaster. No bordering rims of adobe were present. 
An upright slab of stone separated the two. This possibly was a 
low deflector. There were no indications of any other provision 
having been made for such a feature. The ventilator was quite 
small. The horizontal passage had been dug into the earth as a 
small trench and then covered over. The shaft at the outer end 
was built in the wall. 

Although it could not be definitely determined that such was the 
case, 1t would seem that the abandonment of the first unit took 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 8 


c. Wall built on débris of accumulation 


CONSTRUCTIONAL FEATURES IN PUEBLO 


100 PLATE 9 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 


6. Bottom of stone wall resting on fill in kiva A 


c. Example of masonry construction 


WALLS IN PUEBLO RUIN 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 


101 
place at about this time. Some of the rooms had probably been 
vacated when the L-shaped wing was completed. Then after the 
kiva was built in the court it took the place of A and the entire 
original building fell into disuse. Kiva C with its simplicity and 


i) 
a 


45 FT 


Most ADOBE WALLS 
FESFEES STONE WALLS 
Yin UNE XCAVATE O 


AO 0 UNOCCUPIED 


Sa20 ~.)> ES 


| 

| 

| 

| 

| 

| 

a EES f | 
S2s25> BES RPG RES | | 
: 2 | 

| 

| 

| 
x 


Ficurz 16.—Fourth stage of pueblo structure. 


Dotted lines 


indicate unoccupied 
first unit 


Jack of interior features, such as pilasters, sipapu, etc., was very 
suggestive of A. It may well have been for similar purposes and 
was intended to replace the original circular chamber. That the 
first unit was abandoned during this interval was probable because 


102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


it had become entirely filled with rubbish, windblown sand, and 
other débris before the final additions were made to the building. 
Some of the rooms in the old part of the pueblo, 3, 6, and the kiva 


3 
=e 


MSFT 


SET ~=ADOBE WALLS 
i BEEEES §=STONE WALLS 
Hh: Vittitia UNEX CAVATE D 
i TILL Unoceurreo 
ty 
LY vias + ee 
i pans =2s ae 
a net 
‘ Ceo 


2c 27 B zal 


G 7 


i 


2s Le CL. 


Ge 
P) = 
Za 


Y 


a 


: q) ees ee 
aE ed | See ere 
Feb arin tabess 


ae tom we 


Ficurg 17.—Final stage in the pueblo building. First unit entirely abandoned and 
Kiva B filled in and covered by a court 


particularly, had been used as a dumping place for refuse. This 
was more marked in room 6 than in the others. 

The final outburst of building activity materially increased the 
extent of the pueblo and somewhat changed its form. (Fig. 17.) 
The remodeling augmented the structure by 21 rooms and a kiva. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 103 


This development probably was stimulated by the fact that kiva B 
and some of the surrounding chambers had been destroyed by fire 
and it was necessary to erect new ones to replace them. That the 
conflagration was late in the occupancy of the group was shown by 
several things. Mention was made of the fact that rooms 8, 9, 10, 
15, and 16 had been used as dumps. All indications were that they 
had functioned in this capacity after the completion of the third 
unit. (Fig. 16.) Possibly some of those who had lived in them 
moved into a newer section of the building. After considerable 
refuse, ashes, broken pottery, bones, and house sweepings had been 
deposited in these rooms the kiva burned and fire damaged the roofs 
of adjacent chambers. This was clearly demonstrated through the 
finding of a layer of charcoal and burned roofing plaster on top of 
the refuse in the rooms. Furthermore, room 25 contained consider- 
able débris which could be directly attributed to the fire. This is 
good evidence that the room had been erected previous to and prob- 
ably had suffered as a result of the kiva conflagration. Kiva B was 
never reoccupied. The remains of the burned roof were lying on 
the floor and the fill above consisted of typical débris of accumulation. 

That the fire preceded the erection of the kiva D unit was shown 
by the fact that the only traces of the catastrophe were underneath 
the foundations of the walls and below the floors of rooms 22 and 26 
and underlay the long wall extending to the northeast corner of 
the building. The row of rooms at the northwest side of the struc- 
ture was built on a considerable stratum of débris of accumulation 
(pl. 8, ¢), the upper part of which contained many charred bits of 
wood and burned plaster. The foundations of the final outer wall 
in that portion of the building were from 1 to 2 feet (30.48 to 60.96 
cm.) above those of the corresponding parts of units 2 and 3. This 
is good evidence that an appreciable interval elapsed between the 

completion of the third group and the erection of the last series 
of rooms. 

In addition to the actual new construction certain alterations 
were made in some of the older rooms. A doorway was cut in the 
wall of room 44 so that it connected with 43. That this was not 
an original feature in 44 was evidenced by the difference between 
the plaster in the wall and that used in the doorway. The openings 
connecting rooms 19 and 20, 15 and 16, and 10 with 9 and 17 were 
blocked. At the latter end of the building still further changes 
were made. The northeast outside wall was built over the remains 
of a part of the first and original unit. The foundations rested 
on the fill in room 6 and kiva A. (PI. 9,a@, 6.) The walls of rooms 
8, 9, and 10 were extended to meet the newer end of the building 
and floors were laid over the refuse in them. This raised their 


104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


levels considerably and it probably was necessary to elevate the 


walls and roofs to compensate for the difference. Rooms 15, 16, 
19, and 20 had also been provided with new floors to correspond to 
the newer levels. In order to accomplish this, their lower portions 
were intentionally filled. The relation of the new to the old floors 
is illustrated in the section drawings of Figure 18. 

The additions to the height of the walls which the new floors 
would have required probably produced a terraced effect in that 
section of the building. There was probably a small court in front 
of these higher chambers. Beneath its surface of occupation lay 
the remains of kiva B. The stone wall which was erected in front 
of the abandoned ceremonial chamber was probably built mainly to 
hide the damaged portion of the building and to carry out the illu- 
sion of a masonry structure. The space between it and the kiva 
wall was filled with rubbish and the débris in the chamber proper 
reached to the tops of the walls, a surface for the floor of the court. 

The final additions had been constructed of stone, adobe, or a 
combination of the two. The outside walls along the northeast and 
southeast sides were entirely of stone, while the northwest and 
southwest ones were of the veneer type. With the exceptions of 
rooms 12 and 13, all of the interior partitions were of adobe. The 
supply of rock was probably too limited or else the builders tired 
of the job before they had transported an amount sufficient to permit 
its use throughout. Hence they made what was on hand go as far 
as possible by placing it only on the exterior surfaces. To all out- 
ward appearances the pueblo was a stone structure. This suggests 
that even in a so-called primitive group of many centuries ago 
people were concerned with the idea of impressing their neighbors 
or of keeping up with shifting styles in dwellings, even though they 
were only doing it in a very superficial way. 

This gesture of an outside wall of stone seems rather absurd when 
it is recalled that the whole exterior of the structure was probably 
covered with plaster. Of course it might have been that such walls 
were built out of consideration of the better wearing qualities of 
rock, but this seems doubtful. As a matter of fact it is questionable 
whether the veneer wall would be as serviceable as adobe alone. 
That the builders were capable of erecting good masonry was evident 
where stone was used. (Pl. 9, ¢.) Such walls were composed of 
large blocks, partially worked and smoothed on their faces and 
chinked with smaller stones. Potsherds were occasionally used in 
the latter capacity, a practice quite common in houses of the Chaco 
cultures. 

The row of rooms, 43 to 49, with communicating doorways was 
interesting. (Pl. 10, a.) Series of doorways are frequently found 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 


105 


Yj J Zi ene az : 


accumuLaren feist eisett 
DEBRIS 


sae 
ADOBE WALLS A STONE WALLS foie has 
. aii 


o J ISFT 
——— 


Ficurn 18.—Sections through various portions of the pueblo ruin 


18768°—31——8 


106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


in ruins of the Chaco type. It is not at all unusual to find groups 
of four, but seven in a row is a bit exceptional. Probably the largest 
number ever found in one tier of rooms is in Pueblo Bonito in the 
Chaco Canyon where there had been 12, possibly 1. The only ex- 
terior doorway in the pueblo in its completed state was that at the 
south corner of the building. Entrance from the outside to all other 
chambers must have been through the roof. Beyond the feature of 
doorways there was nothing of any special interest in the various 
rooms. 

Kiva D unquestionably belonged to the last occupied section of 
the building and probably was in use up to the time that the pueblo 
was abandoned. This was shown by the fact that the chamber was 
filled with fine blow sand which contained no ashes or potsherds. 
Had people been living in other parts of the structure traces of 
their presence could scarcely have escaped being present in the fill. 
The chamber had simply been vacated along with the rest of the 
building and sand gradually accumulated in its interior. Eventu- 
ally the timbers decayed and the entire roof fell in. There were 
no indications of fire in the débris, so that the collapse must have 
been due entirely to the action of the natural forces of decay. 

Kiva D was more carefully built and better finished than the 
other three ceremonial rooms. It was fairly circular in form, had 
an encircling bench, two pilasters, a sipapu, fire pit, deflector, venti- 
lator, and ventilator recess. (Pl. 10, 6, ¢.) Approximately half 
of the room had been subterranean. The bench had been dug, not 
built up, and its top was somewhat below the old ground level. 
The upper wall was founded on what had been the surface at the 
time when the building operations were under way. This wall was 
largely of adobe, but it did have some stone in it. The latter was 
sparingly used, although it occurred in greater proportion than in 
the walls of the ordinary rooms. Here, as in kivas A and C, the 
triangular inclosures formed by the circular and rectangular walls 
were filled in with earth. This was determined, as in the case of 
the others, by partial excavation. As soon as it was discovered that 
the fill was intentional, not débris of accumulation, work was 
stopped. Nothing was to be gained by completely clearing them. 

The fire pit in this kiva was rectangular with rounded corners. 
There was no ladder pit, but between the edge of the pit and the 
deflector a low, thick stone had been set in the floor. This probably 
was to prevent the ladder from slipping into the pit or damaging 
its side. The deflector stone was broken, but its fragments showed 
that it had risen 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) above the floor. The 
stone had been set in the floor midway between the fire pit and the 
ventilator opening. The sipapu was placed in approximately the 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 10 


c. Ventilator and recess, kiva D 


PUEBLO VIEWS 


LATE 11 
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 P 


CULINARY VESSELS FROM THE PIT HOUSES 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 107 


center of the room. There was no distinguishable difference between 
it and those described for the pit houses. 

The ventilator passage had been dug as a trench and then covered 
over. As in the other kivas, the shaft was built in the wall. At the 
chamber end of the passage the opening had a small offset like 
those in the other ventilators. The recess above the passage was 
more pronounced in this chamber than in the others. It was not 
as broad but much deeper. In all respects it was more like those 
in the kivas which are frequently referred to as typical San Juan 
ceremonial chambers. This feature is especially prominent in the 
unit-type ruins first made known by Prudden;* is found in some 
of the Cliff Palace and Spruce Tree House kivas on the Mesa Verde 
in southwestern Colorado; *°* occurs in the Aztec Ruin in north- 
western New Mexico; *’ is present in the Chaco Canyon; and has 
been reported from northeastern Arizona.*® 

The question of what the function of such recesses may have 
been is still a problem. It has been suggested that they may be 
analogous to or possibly represent the prototype of the so-called 
spectators’ bench or platform in the Hopi kivas.°? If such was true, 
members of the group not actually participating in the rites taking 
place in the main part of the chamber possibly retired to the recess. 
From this vantage point they could observe and yet not intrude 
on the ceremony. Along the front edge of the niche, above the 
ventilator, a pole had been embedded in the plaster, ostensibly to 
reinforce it. This suggests that sufficient use was made of the 
platform to warrant provision against damage to the surface due 
to people stepping up or down or sitting along its edge. The mold 
left by this pole is plainly visible in the picture of the kiva. (PI. 
10, «.) 

On many sections of the walls and bench the plaster was in a good 
state of preservation. Here, as in kiva A, it was possible to count 
a number of layers. The plaster showed distinctly 10 separate 
coats. On the basis of one layer to a year,,.as previously discussed, 
this chamber presumably was occupied for at least 10 years. It 
was quite apparent that each coat of plaster had been whitewashed 
after it was applied and then had become darkened by smoke and 
the general wear and tear resulting from day-to-day happenings 
transpiring within it. 

There were two exterior fire pits associated with the final period 
of the building. These were located at the northeast corner, outside 


6} Prudden, T. M., 1914, fig. 4, p. 45. 

56 Mewkes, J. W., 1909, pl. 1; 1911 b, pl. 8. 
7 Morris, H. H., 1924, map of the ruin. 

58 Kidder, A. V., 1924, fig. 12, p. 69. 

59 Fewkes, J. W., 1911 a, p. 24. 


108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 100 


of rooms 12 and 13. Both pits were lined with stone slabs. A small, 
low wall had been built out from the side of the pueblo near one 
of them. This possibly was to serve as a windbreak or even perhaps 
was intended as a sort of bench or table. There were no other fire 
pits around the building. It is quite possible that there had been 
some for earlier stages, but that they had been covered over during 
subsequent building operations. Certainly there must have been 
some provision for fires, as none of the rooms had pits. 

There was nothing in the ruins to indicate that at any time during 
the occupation of the various units the structure had been more than 
one story in height. As previously stated, it may have been terraced 
to a certain extent in the final stage as a result of erecting rooms 
over the remains of the original unit. The natural slope of the 
ground on which the pueblo was built may also have contributed to 
such a condition. The fioors of the rear row of rooms were con- 
siderably higher than those at the front or southeast side and there 
may have been a corresponding difference in the walls and roofs. 
The variations in floor levels and room relationships throughout 
the structure are shown in the sections illustrated in Figure 18. 

Considering the building as a whole, there are many features 
about it which are more reminiscent of some of the compact struc- 
tures of the San Juan region ©° than of the pueblos of the Little 
Colorado area in which it is located. The latter are in large degree 
rectangular, oval, circular, or polygonal blocks of rooms built 
around a central court.*t There is some suggestion of a resemblance 
to certain small structures in the upper Gila region to the south 
but this is not as pronounced as that of the northern indications. 
The kivas, D especially, strongly suggest a San Juan influence. The 
difficulty in the whole problem lies in the fact that too little is 
known about the eastern portion of the Little Colorado area. ‘This 
pueblo unquestionably represents an earlier period than the bulk 
of those referred to in various reports on the region. It may well 
be that it is typical of an older stratum, one which up to the present 
time has not been definitely recognized and which has more in com- 
mon with northern groups. Kiva patterns and their characteristics 
are practically unknown for this region. Future work may show 
that the forms in the building on the Long H Ranch are normal or 
again that they unquestionably are to be attributed to a northern 
intrusion, 

The main refuse mound for the pueblo was located to the east of 
the structure. There was a much smaller one a short distance to 


° Roberts, 1925, fig. 7. 
_“ Bandelier, A., 1892 b, pl. 1. Mindeleff, V., 1891, plates and figures throughout. 
Spier, L., 1917, figs. 3, 4.5533) Ds 2b: 

° Hough, W., 1907. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 109 


the southwest. The latter appeared to be rather late in its deposi- 
tion, possibly toward the very end of the occupation of the dwelling. 
Such a conclusion is based on potsherd evidence. The fragments 
here had a higher percentage of later forms than was observed in 
the larger one. The latter was the one which had rested upon the 
filled-in remains of some of the pit houses of Group 4. It contained 
10 burials. There were no interments in the small mound. So small 
a number of graves for a pueblo of this size seems rather strange. 
All indications were that the building was occupied for a fairly 
long period of time and that the group which inhabited it was fairly 
large. Under such conditions it would normally be expected that 
there would be a relatively large series of burials. It may be that 
additional interments were made at some other place in the neigh- 
borhood of the village and did not come to light during the 
investigations. 


Hovuss Typr Summary AND CoNCLUSIONS 


The ruins in the vicinity of the Twin Lakes on the old Long H 
Ranch in eastern Arizona, the Kiatuthlanna of the Zufii, were found 
to consist of pit dwellings, jacal houses, adobe structures, and a true 
pueblo of both stone and adobe construction. All of the evidence 
suggested that the various forms of domicile developed in the order 
named. Certain of the pit houses were unquestionably the oldest, 
and the pueblo was clearly subsequent to the other dwellings. 

The pit houses were of two types. One consisted of a small, 
roughly circular or oval, rarely rectangular, pit whose walls were 
more or less vertical from the floor to the ground level. The other 
was much larger, circular or oval in contour, and the upper part of 
the walls was augmented by an encircling bench. The smaller 
examples probably represent the early form and the larger the ulti- 
mate development. The small houses have much in common with 
some of the structures belonging to the end of the Basket Maker III 
period. At the present time the nearest counterparts of the large 
ones which have been uncovered are in the Chaco Canyon and south- 
western Colorado.®* Both differ in some respects from the Long H 
Ranch forms, but are comparable to them. Various examples of the 
subterranean house have been found in the Southwest, but, with 
the exception of those just cited, they bear only the most superficial 
resemblance to the present forms. ‘Those which Hough excavated 
near Luna, N. Mex., are totally different.** Bradfield’s structures in 
the Mimbres region of southern New Mexico are still another type, 


63 Judd, N. M., 1924, pp. 403-406. Martin, P. S., 1930, pp. 27-33. 
% Hough, W., 1920. 


110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 100 


as also are those which Cummings and Haury uncovered at Tanque 
Verde, 25 miles (40.234 k.) east of Tucson, Ariz. 

The superstructure erected over the pit in both types of dwellings 
was supported by four upright posts set in the floor. They were 
generally, but not always, placed at approximately the directions of 
the four cardinal points of the compass. ‘These main posts carried a 
series of four stringers which supported smaller poles that formed 
the flat ceiling and sloping side walls. The slanting poles in the 
small houses extended from the ground to the rectangular framework 
on the upright posts, but in the larger ones their butts rested in the 
angle formed by the top of the bench and the rear wall of the 
excavation. In the center of the flat portion of the roof was an 
opening which served both as a smoke hole and an entrance. The 
wooden framework was covered with leaves, brush, bark, reeds, and 
earth. The upper surface of the latter was generally plastered to 
increase its ability to shed water. Where reeds were used in the 
covering they apparently were just piled on. No trace of reed mats 
such as were used on the roofs of similar structures in the north- 
eastern part of Arizona were observed at the Long H site. 

There were certain features found in both forms of the pit dwell- 
ings which may be considered as characteristic of the houses in gen- 
eral. At the southeast side was a ventilator, consisting of a hori- 
zontal passage and a vertical shaft. This undoubtedly was a survival 
in modified form of the entrance used in Basket Maker III houses. 
Near the center of the chamber was a fire pit which usually was ac- 
companied by a secondary depression in which the ladder used in 
gaining entrance rested. In most of the houses there was a small 
hole in the floor between the fire pit and the wall opposite from the 
ventilator. This is supposed to be analogous to the sipapu, the 
symbol of the mythical place of emergence, found in the later-day 
ceremonial rooms. Frequently there was an. upright stone slab set in 
the floor between the fire pit and the ventilator opening. This is 
known as the deflector. The purpose was to prevent air coming in 
through the opening from blowing directly on the fire. The com- 
plex of ventilator, deflector, ladder and fire pits, and sipapu may be 
considered as characteristic of the houses. One or two of the fea- 
tures occasionally may not be present, but a majority of them con- 
sistently are. The interesting fact about this complex is that it sur- 
vived long after the pit dwelling had passed out of existence and is 
to be observed in the ceremonial chambers of later-day pueblo 
structures. 

The pit houses were found to occur in groups of from four to six. 
This was considered to be an indication that separate family or clan 
groups formed each cluster, several of which might constitute a 


ROBBRTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 111 


village. In three of the groups the more central structure was some- 
what larger and suggested that it may have had a ceremonial sig- 
nificance not attached to the others. Possibly this was a prototype 
of the kiva of later periods. 

The information on the jacal and adobe structures was found to 
be very meager. Beyond the fact that the former had walls of 
poles covered with mud and had ranged from single to several- 
roomed dwellings little could be learned. There was just enough 
evidence to indicate that they may have been similar to the jacal 
houses of a certain phase of the Pueblo I period in southwestern 
Colorado. The lesser objects found in association with the jacal 
remains showed that they were contemporaneous with the large pit 
dwellings. There was an overlapping of forms which may be attrib- 
uted to a longer continuance of the pit type of house in this region. 
The remains of a single-roomed adobe dwelling indicated a simi- 
larity to the jacal houses, except for the fact that no poles had been 
used in the walls. Superposition showed that this structure was 
later than the small type pit house, but potsherds indicated that 
it was at least in late contemporaneity with the large pit dwellings 
and the jacal domiciles. 

The pueblo structure was found to have been a building consisting 
of adobe, stone, and veneered walls. Abutting rooms and differences 
in foundation levels demonstrated that it had not been erected as 
a complete dwelling, but had grown by degrees from a single small 
unit. The original house was a group of six rooms and a kiva or 
ceremonial chamber. The general character of this beginning stage 
in the development of the large building was quite suggestive of the 
unit-type dwellings of Pueblo II. It was more advanced than the 
latter, however, as the ceremonial chamber was incorporated in the 
block of the house instead of being sunk beneath the court in 
front of the living rooms. In this respect it was comparable to 
some of the small-house ruins in the Chaco district. It is quite 
possible that it may have been built at about the end of the Pueblo IT 
period, although it probably dates from early IIT. 

After the original dwelling had been occupied for a time a second 
unit consisting of seven secular rooms, two storage chambers, and a 
kiva was added. This addition was at the southwest side of the 
original unit. The choice of location was probably governed more 
by natural conditions than special choice. At the northwest side 
of the first group of rooms the ground had a marked slope with a 
drop of some 10 feet (3.048 m.). The same situation prevailed on 
the other two sides. Hence the spot where the new rooms were 
erected was the only practical one on which to build. ‘The construc- 
tion in the second unit was inferior to that in the first. This sug- 


112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


gested that it might possibly have been built by a different group 
of people, perhaps a new clan which had joined forces with the 
older settlers. Furthermore, the first use of true masonry appeared 
in the upper walls of the kiva. 

The third stage in the growth of the structure was marked by the 
erection of an L-shaped wing of six rooms at the southwest side of 
the second unit. This series of chambers formed a court in that 
portion of the building. Indications were that these rooms were 
probably intended to replace some of those in the old part of the 
structure, the latter for some reason, possibly the need of extensive 
repairs, being no longer held satisfactory. The outstanding feature 
in the new part of the building was the use of stone in the wall 
construction and exterior doorways opening into the court. 

The next development consisted of the erection of another group 
of six rooms and a kiva. Four of the rooms were situated at the 
southwest side of the L-shaped wing and the kiva was placed in 
the court formed by the latter. The other two rooms were built in 
front of the ceremonial chamber. The use of the court as the site 
for the new kiva was accompanied by the blocking of all the door- 
ways which had opened into it. The use of stone in this addition 
was limited to a facing or veneer on the outer surfaces of the walls 
at the southwest end of the structure. The completion of this unit 
apparently marked the end of the occupation of the original house 
and it was permitted to fall into ruin. Some of the rooms in the 
second unit were also vacated at this time and then were used as 
dumping places for refuse. 

The pueblo was occupied for a considerable interval in the form 
which it had attained at the end of the fourth stage of building 
activity. Then, from some cause or other, the kiva of the second 
unit was swept by fire and a number of surrounding rooms were 
damaged by the flames. The inception of the final period of con- 
structional work was probably a result of this conflagration. At the 
conclusion of the operations 21 rooms and a kiva had been added 
to the building and a number of the older chambers had been re- 
modeled. The use of stone was restricted to the outside walls. 
As a matter of fact on two sides of the building the rock surface 
was only a veneer. Outwardly the pueblo appeared a structure 
of stone, while inside the walls were mainly of adobe. The dwelling 
as a Whole was more like those of the San Juan area than the Little 
Colorado ruins. This may be found to be characteristic of the 
region, however, when more ruins of the type have been excavated. 
At present practically nothing is known of the small pueblos in 


the Little Colorado area, consequently it is not possible to draw 
definite conclusions. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 113 


Among the interesting things to be observed in the pueblo, the 
most outstanding is that from the period of the addition of the 
second unit to the end of the occupation of the building there were 
only two ceremonial rooms in use at one time. When a new one was 
built it replaced an older one, which was then abandoned. Further- 
more, the kivas were of two types. One had no pilasters, no sipapu; 
the other had both. If, as suggested in the discussion of kiva A, the 
chamber without a sipapu was merely a lounging place for the men, 
_while the other was the religious center, the whole pueblo probably 
represents the growth of a single homogeneous group. On the 
other hand, it may be that the kiva differences were due to the 
fact that there were two associated divisions and the form of the 
ceremonial room was correlated to the group. The actual conditions 
in the growth of the building would tend to suggest that the latter 
was the case. 

Judging from the evidence at hand there is a hiatus between the 
pueblo form of structure and the jacal and pit dwellings. The 
change from one to the other was too abrupt to warrant the belief 
that the people involved ceased building one form and adopted the 
other. Such a thing might be possible if the newer form was in- 
troduced as an already developed house type, but even then the shift 
would probably be marked by abnormal conditions. Conquest by 
another group with a distinct culture of its own could produce such 
a result. Yet an almost complete destruction of the older group 
would be essential if nothing of their culture was to remain. There 
is as sharp a break in the lesser objects made by the two groups as 
there is in the types of the houses. This would indicate that the 
jacal-pit house peoples abandoned the site and that it was reoccupied 
later by a more highly developed house-building group. What 
caused the gap between the cultures is not known. The intervening 
stage, the transition leading from one to the other, may have taken 
place in the vicinity, but certainly did not occur at the Twin Lakes, 
unless evidence of it was completely missed. The situation may 
briefly be summed up in the statement that there are pit-house and 
jacal remains of the Pueblo I period and pueblo ruins of the early 
part of Period ITI, but no intervening IT. 


MINOR OBJECTS OF MATERIAL CULTURE 


In the consideration of specimens obtained from an archeological 
excavation there is one factor which frequently is overlooked, 
namely, that the average collection does not truly portray the arts 
and industries of the people. The picture is generally one-sided and 
it is easy to fall into the habit of thinking only in terms of pottery, 
stone and bone implements. These articles represent but one phase, 


114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 100 


that of the objects made from imperishable materials. Against 
them should be balanced a large number of things which by their 
nature could have but a transitory existence. Articles of clothing, 
sandals, baskets, wooden implements, and all articles fashioned out 
of perishable substances rapidly decay and crumble into dust unless 
conditions are particularly favorable for their preservation. The 
nature of objects in this group has been determined for many of the 
cultural stages in the Southwest as a result of finds made in cave 
sites. There a protecting cover of dry sand and the virtual absence 
of all moisture kept them intact for many centuries. Only in rare 
instances are such specimens recovered from a ruin located in the 
open. Their apparent lack, however, should not be construed to 
imply that they did not exist. It should be borne in mind that even 
though no traces remain, the people undoubtedly manufactured 
them and they played a prominent role in the day-to-day life of the 
group. 

Practically all that was recovered from the Long H Ranch ruins 
were the objects of an indestructible quality. A few charred frag- 
ments of basketry constitute the only examples of the products sub- 
ject to decay. Hence, in the following pages but half the story is 
told; the rest must, unfortunately, remain unknown. In order to 
facilitate discussion and to make clear the period differences the sev- 
eral classes of objects from the pit houses and the pueblo wul, as far 
as possible, be discussed together. For example, under the heading 
of pottery all of the ceramic specimens from the site will be de- 
scribed, the outstanding characteristics of the separate horizons 
being stressed. The same procedure will continue throughout. 


Porrrry 


Pottery first appeared in southwestern cultures during the Basket 
Maker Tif period. Unfired clay containers were probably made in 
the closing days of Basket Maker IT, but it was not until the follow- 
ing stage that true ceramics were developed. From then on they 
had a steady growth and became the outstanding industry of the 
people. There is some question as to whether pottery in the South- 
west represents an independent invention or an introduction from 
the Mexican area to the south. If it was not indigenous in the 
region, at most it was only the idea which was borrowed. There is 
considerable evidence to show that the whole development was un- 
questionably local. 

The mud-pottery vessels, the early unfired group, appear to have 
been made by a combination of methods. The bottoms were molded 
in baskets, while the sides were built up by means of strips or fillets 
of clay. The latter were looped around the upper edges, each mak- 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 115 


ing a single circuit of the perimeter and being pressed or welded to 
the one below. The expansion or contraction of the walls of the 
vessel, where a constricted orifice was desired, was controlled by 
the length of the clay fillets. This procedure was followed until 
the end of the Pueblo I period, when a new method was developed. 
In the latter longer fillets were used. They were carried around 
the sides of the vessel several times before being fastened at the 
end. This was the inception of coiling, the full attainment of which 
was reached just prior to the great urban stage of Pueblo III. It 
has continued down to the present. By this method the entire ves- 
sel is made from a long spiral of clay, beginning at the center of the 
bottom and working out and up until the vessel is completed. Each 
short strip is attached to the end of the preceding one, as needed 
during the growth of the container, thus forming one long continuous 
strand of clay. The difference in the technique of manufacture is 
important. It marks the boundary between characteristic vessels 
of Pueblo I and later periods. The short-looped wares belong to 
the early periods, while the coiled fall in following horizons. 

Over a greater part of the Southwest there is plenty of material 
from which to make pottery vessels. Suitable clay is to be found 
at no great distance from most of the settlements, but this alone will 
not suffice. A binder or temper of some sort is necessary to prevent 
cracking in the process of drying and firing. On the other hand it 
is just as important not to use too much tempering, because under 
such conditions the clay would lose its cohesiveness and the vessel 
tend to crack or collapse. The mixture of clay and tempering ma- 
terial constitutes what is called the paste of the vessel. It is the 
substance from which the bowls and jars and other forms are 
fashioned. 

The binder in the mud wares of later Basket Maker IT times was 
cedar bast. With the discovery that a better container would result 
if the object was baked in a fire it became necessary to use some 
noncombustible material in that capacity because the vegetal ma- 
terial burned out, leaving holes in the vessel. Hence the cedar bast 
was replaced by sand and the true pottery of Basket Maker IIT is 
characterized by this form of temper. The older the vessels in the 
ceramic sequence, the greater the amount of sand in their composi- 
tion. The later forms show a marked reduction in its percentage. 
The potters were learning, through experience, that a small amount 
of tempering and a better kneading of the clay made for a harder, 
more compact texture. During the progress of pottery making 
in the Pueblo I period sand was gradually replaced by ground or 
powdered rock. The nature of the latter varied from district to 
district. In some sections it was a light-colored, quartzlike substance, 


116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


while in others it was of a dark igneous character. Both forms are 
present in other regions. The potters of the Pueblo II period shifted 
from powdered rock to ground potsherds and that became the com- 
mon tempering material. Even at the present time most of the 
Puebio women use this for binder in their clay. Wherever possible 
they obtain fragments from the older ruins in order to make the 
tempering material. 

The surfaces of the vessels received particular attention. In the 
late Basket Maker period, Basket Maker III, all signs of the loops 
or bands of clay were obliterated as far as possible. ‘This was done 
by rubbing the pot while the clay was still moist. Various ob- 
jects could have been used for this purpose. For example, a piece 
of gourd, a stick, a corncob, a fragment from a broken bowl or jar, 
or astone. Although the surfaces were smoothed during this period 
they did not receive the careful polishing noted in later stages. The 
true polishing stone for pottery thus far has not been found earlier 
than the Pueblo I horizon, and it is only sporadic in its occurrence 
in that level. It does not become prevalent in ruins until Pueblo II 
and later. 

During Pueblo I it became the custom to leave the bands around 
the exterior of the necks of the large jars, although the bottoms con- 
tinued to be smoothed. These form the group called the banded- 
neck pots and are quite typical of the period. All other forms were 
rubbed down both inside and out. In addition, however, the surface 
was treated with a wash of “liquid clay,” practically a saturated 
solution of water and earth, called the slip. This was a new develop- 
ment which continued throughout subsequent periods. 

The potters of the Pueblo II stage not only permitted the coils 
to remain on the necks of certain jars but manipulated them by 
pinching and indenting, with the finger nail or some sharp-pointed 
implement, in such a way that a corrugated effect was produced. 
This feature was carried to its ultimate conclusion in Pueblo III 
when the entire exterior surface of one large group of vessels was so 
treated. This indented corrugated ware had practically disappeared 
by the time the Spaniards arrived in 1540 and smooth surfaces for 
all forms of pottery were again in vogue. 

The commonest classification for southwestern pottery, regardless 
of period or region, is one based primarily on function. This is not 
entirely satisfactory, but thus far it has not been possible to dis- 
cover a better classification than that of the twofold culinary and 
nonculinary grouping. The use to which a vessel was to be put 
had a distinct bearing on its general character, form, and quality. 
A jar which was to be employed for cooking purposes had a different 
composition from those which were intended for other uses. Not 
only was this true but the surface treatment was also different. 


RoRpRTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA £17 


The culinary pots of the prehistoric periods fall into four general 
classes, depending upon the horizon to which they belong. The 
oldest, those belonging to Basket Maker III, are smooth surfaced. 
Then came the banded necks of Pueblo I. The vessels with in- 
dented, corrugated necks and smoothed bottoms are the typical 
early Pueblo II form. Late in this horizon it became the custom 
to allow all of the coils to remain on the exterior. Jars of this form 
became the typical cooking pots of Pueblo III and early IV. In the 
latter horizon they gradually disappeared. Vessels of this type 
generally have soot-blackened exteriors as a result of use over an 
open fire. Occasionally one is found which had not been so em- 
ployed and the color is a varying shade of gray. 

The nonculinary groups throughout the various horizons are 
characterized by smoothed surfaces and some form of painted dec- 
oration. The latter varies considerably from district to district 
and from period to period. In the central, northern, and eastern 
parts of the area, from Basket Maker III to the end of Pueblo ILI, 
the group is composed of one major and four minor forms. ‘The 
first is the well-known and widely distributed black-on-white pot- 
tery, light-colored vessels with a painted black decoration. The 
minor forms are black interlor wares; red wares with black decora- 
tion; red wares with designs in black and white pigments; and poly- 
chrome wares, red with designs in yellow or buff bordered by black 
and yellow or buff with red and black ornamentation. In Pueblo 
IV the black-on-white gradually disappeared and the red and poly- 
chrome wares became predominant. The development of the latter 
presents an involved study which still calls for much field work. 
Since the requirements of this paper do not call for their considera- 
tion further discussion is not necessary. 

The black-on-white wares have caused some confusion because of 
attempts to make too hard and fast rules of definition. The light- 
colored surface may vary from a dull gray to a chalky white and 
the pigment of the decoration ranges from a brownish-red to a good 
black. Firing had a great deal to do with the latter. A vessel 
which had been properly fired would have a good black decora- 
tion, a slight amount of overfiring would give a brownish-black, and 
a marked overfiring would produce a brownish-red hue. This may 
be attributed to the fact that over a large part of the area the chief 
material used in pigments was a mineral form. The tendency to 
overfiring was more pronounced in the earlier periods. After the 
technique had become better developed the results were more 
consistent. 

Vessels of the black interior subgroup have three distinct classes. 
One consists of the bowls with gray to grayish-brown exteriors, 


118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


another those of a brownish-red hue, and the third black interior 
vessels with a red exterior. Each of the later forms seems to have 
been an outgrowth of the preceding one. The character of the 
black of the interior is correlated to a certain extent with the ex- 
terior color. The gray and grayish-brown bowls have a very dull 
black, in the next group there is a deeper tone to the black and 
it has a slight luster, while in the reds it is a good black and as a 
rule is quite highly polished. The differences are related to periods 
as well. The gray to gray-brown forms are Basket Maker IIT, the 
browns are Pueblo I and possibly early Pueblo IT, and the reds late 
II and III. 

The red vessels with black decoration have distinct characteristics 
for most of the periods. The earliest, those of Basket Maker ITI, 
were the result of an intentional overfiring of vessels which other- 
wise would have been of the black-on-white variety. This overfiring 
produced a color range varying from a yellowish-brown to an almost 
good red. During the Pueblo I period the use of a red slip was 
adopted, probably as the result of the development of the “ liquid 
clay” wash for black-on-white wares. The color of these vessels 
was a rather light red with a slight orange cast. The decoration was 
in a thin, almost transparent black. Pueblo II and III vessels were 
a good red with a definite black design. In Pueblo IV the black 
pigment developed into a subglaze and finally a glaze due to the 
vitrification of certain elements in the pigment which fused when the 
vessel was fired. Out of this group developed the whole so-called 
glazed ware series of the Pueblo IV period. The term glazed ware 
refers only to the design as the vessels did not have a true glaze 
over the entire surface. 

Late in Pueblo III in the Little Colorado area it became the cus- 
tom to ornament the outside surfaces of bowls with broad heavy 
designs in white pigment. This developed into the practice of out- 
lining the black decoration with white, a practice which carried over 
to some extent into Pueblo IV. In the latter period the red gradually 
gave way to an orange and then a ght yellow, which in turn devel- 
oped into the buff wares of the Hopi. The polychrome wares, which 
were contemporaneous with the black-on-red and white vessels, were 
in a broad sense only a variation of the red group. The earliest 
development of this kind of pottery seems to have been in the 
Pueblo IIT period, possibly in the Kayenta district of northeastern 
Arizona, where red vessels were ornamented with broad, yellowish- 
buff designs outlined with black. Another variation had a buff- 
colored paste with a red slip and black decorations. In this group 
the insides of bowls were completely covered with the slip while on 
the exterior it was manipulated in such a way that the paste was 


ROBHRTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 119 


permitted to show through in simple, heavy designs, the three-color 
effect being produced in this way. 

The bulk of the pottery described in the following pages came 
from pit house and jacal sites. Only a small collection was obtained 
from the pueblo. The latter is sufficient, however, to show the dis- 
tinct difference between the two groups. The contrast is not so 
marked from a material standpoint. There is some variation in the 
matter of temper and paste quality, but the outstanding features are 
those of the shape and style of ornamentation. 

The culinary vessels of both groups had a coarse granular paste. 
The tempering material was largely ground stone with some admix- 
ture of sand. Curiously enough, there was a greater amount of the 
latter in the pueblo jars than in those from the pit houses. The non- 
culinary wares of the black-on-white group from the pit-dwelling 
horizon show a fine-grained paste tempered with some sand and 
particles of light-colored rock. They are quite brittle and have a 
tendency to flake off, so that it would seem a little too much tem- 
pering was used. The same class of wares from the pueblo has an 
even finer, more compact paste and was much harder in quality. 
Considerable use of potsherds for tempering seems to have been the 
rule. An occasional fragment suggests the use of ground stone, but 
this isnot common. The paste of the black interior vessels is coarser, 
more porous in all periods. This was probably intentional in order 
that the smoke from the smothered fire in which they were baked 
might penetrate more easily into the surface and produce the black 
effect. The paste of the red wares was also coarser than that in the 
black-on-white group and was quite granular in cross section. The 
temper material in most cases was a dark-colored rock. 

Where firing conditions were good the clay in the black-on-white 
pit-house vessels became a very good white; in fact, few sites in the 
Southwest have yielded pottery with so clear a surface tone. When 
underfired the bowl or jar had a light gray shade and there was a 
distinct dark streak in the center of the paste. The pueblo vessels 
of this group tended more consistently to a gray and the dark 
streak occurred more frequently in the paste. The red ware is char- 
acterized by three shades in the walls of the vessels. The center of 
the paste is dark. Bordering this on each side is a thin buff colored 
layer, while the exterior is red. This combination probably may be 
attributed to underfiring which left the dark streak in the center, 
the nature of the clay which was responsible for the buff color, and 
the use of the red slip which produced the exterior hue. 

The surface finish on the vessels varies according to the group 
and period. The pit house culinary wares in most cases have 
smoothed surfaces, although they were not rubbed sufficiently to do 


120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


away with a certain amount of roughness. The cooking pots from 
the pueblo are of the indented corrugated variety. The nonculinary 
pit-house wares have comparatively smooth walls. The interior of 
the bowls was more carefully rubbed than the exterior, but even 
the latter seem to have been subjected to the polishing stone. The 
same group of pottery from the pueblo has even smoother surfaces. 
As stated previously, the practice of covering the surface of rubbed- 
down vessels with a coating of “ liquid clay ” was a Pueblo I devel- 
opment. The feature is so rare that it is practically nonexistent on 
Basket Maker III ceramics. The nonculinary vessels of the pit- 
house group show the presence of a slip on only 24.5 per cent of the 
specimens. This may be attributed to two factors. One is that the 
people were adopting the feature but that it had not yet become an 
outstanding characteristic. The other is that its development was 
retarded somewhat by the unusually fine quality of the clay. The 
latter made possible smooth surfaces and a good light background 
without the addition of “liquid clay ” to which some white coloring 
matter, such as kaolin, had been added. In marked contrast to the 
pit-house group, all of the pueblo nonculinary wares had a slip. 

A few of the specimens from the pit houses have an application 
of red wash, “ fugitive red,” on the exterior. This color was not 
permanent and rubs off rather easily because it was applied after 
the vessel was fired. For this reason it has been termed “ fugitive 
red.” Its use was widespread in Basket Maker III and continued for 
a time in early Pueblo I. After that it was only sporadic and by 
about the middle of Pueblo If had disappeared. There seems to 
be a correlation between the development of the slip and the fading 
out of “fugitive red.” There was some use of both on the same 
vessel in late Pueblo I, but this apparently was a short-lived practice. 

The containers from both the pit houses and the pueblo do not 
present a very great variety of forms. This seems rather strange in 
view of the diversity found in other sections. This is particularly 
true for the pit-house group. Elsewhere it has been found 
that the early period in ceramic development was characterized by 
many different shapes. The lack of variety for the pueblo may be 
due to the small number of specimens rather than to the actual 
lack of various types which are indicative of the period. This would 
not explain the condition for the earlier group, however, as the 
collection from it is sufficiently large to be a good representation of 
the horizon in that locality. 

Culinary pottery from the pit-house stage shows some differences 
in form. There was one group which had a globular body and a short 
neck with slightly outcurving sides and wide orifices. (PI. 11, a.) 
The vessels of this group had entirely smooth surfaces. A some- 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 121 


what similar form also had the globular body, but the walls of 
the neck sloped inward to the orifice. (Pl. 11,0.) This apparently 
was the beginning of a neck form which was prevalent in the banded 
group. This particular class of vessels had smooth surfaces and 
were characterized by a narrow ridge around the rim of the orifice. 
Both of these forms are very suggestive of some of the culinary 
jars of the Basket Maker III period. The main difference lies in the 
fact that the necks of the latter are more squat, not so distinct. 

Another style of pit-house cooking pot had a well-rounded but 
semiglobular body with a slightly depressed top from which the neck 
sloped upward and inward until it became vertical a short dis- 
tance below the rim. There also was some banding around the neck. 
(Pl. 11, ¢.) In this example the manipulation of the bands was 
such that a slightly wavy effect was produced. This is a little 
unusual for this period. Most of the vessels have plain bands. A 
larger type of the banded-neck culinary vessel had a semiovoid body 
shape, a rather pronounced shoulder due to a tendency to depress 
the top of the body, and a neck with inward sloping walls. (Pl. 
11, d.) The upturned handles on this specimen are rather unique. 
Occasional single or double loop handles are present, but this type 
is not common. In the outline of this jar, and also the preceding 
specimen, there is a marked suggestion of one of the water jar shapes 
in the nonculinary group which was extensively made throughout 
the Little Colorado region in the late prehistoric period. 

Some of the smaller smoothed-surface pots were characterized by 
nubbin handles at the rim or orifice. These occurred singly or in 
pairs. When the latter was the case they were placed at opposite 
sides of the jar. The example illustrated is one which had two 
of these projections. (Pl. 11, e.) This is a treatment quite com- 
mon on Basket Maker III jars of the type. This vessel is very 
similar to the latter in both form and finish. 

There were two styles of pitchers in the culinary: group. The 
predominant, and presumably the most characteristic one, had a full 
globular body and a short squat neck with a large orifice. (Pls. 
11, f; 15, 3.) The second form was that of a round-bodied vessel 
with a relatively long, segmented neck. (Pl. 15, a.) This shape 
was only occasionally made, judging from the examples and frag- 
ments found. The handles on both types were generally of the 
double strand variety, two fillets of clay placed side by side and 
welded together, although a single loop seems to have had a sporadic 
use. In most cases the handle extended from the rim of the orifice 
to the shoulder of the body. Now and then it was placed just below 
the rim but never well down on the side of the neck. ‘The finish of 


18768°—31——_9 


122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


all three of these vessels is quite like that on the pottery from the 
Basket Maker III period. This is especially true for the pitchers 
with segmented necks. Except for the fact that their shape is not 
a typical Basket Maker form, they might easily pass for ware from 
that ceramic stage. The globular-bodied group have a shape which 
was characteristic in the latter horizon; in fact they may well repre- 
sent a style survival from the Basket Maker III wares. A few of 
the pitchers had banded necks. Except for this feature, however, 
they were of the same shape as the globular-bodied specimens which 
are illustrated. 

One small group of culinary vessels from the pit houses was char- 
acterized by incised lines around the neck of the jars. The shapes 
of the latter were like those of the plain surfaced pots. (PI. 11, a, 0.) 
Some of the vessels had a series of rings cut around the neck parallel 
to the rim of the orifice. These give the effect of a banded-neck Jar. 
This feature is frequently observed on vessels of the early Pueblo 
period in the San Juan area. On other examples the incisions ran 
obliquely from the rim to the shoulder of the vessel. The fragments 
from one specimen showed that the oblique lines had run in two 
directions. This produced a latticework pattern around the neck 
of the jar. There were a few fragments from incised vessels which 
were very suggestive of those found by Hough in the pit village at 
Luna, N. Mex. Unfortunately the Long H sites did not yield any 
complete specimens. With the exception of the pottery just men- 
tioned, the potsherds show that the only difference between the in- 
cised forms and the smoothed-surface jars was that of the cut-in 
decoration, 

The culinary vessels from the pueblo are all of the ware called 
indented corrugated. This feature on some of them, like on the 
typical Pueblo II jars, was confined to the upper part of the body 
and neck. (Pl. 12, a, b.) On the others, the predominant group, 
the indentations extended over the entire exterior surface. (PI. 12, 
c,d, e.) The two main forms for the vessels were an elongated jar 
with rounded bottom and sides sloping inward to the orifice (pl. 
12, a, d) and a full rounded body with short neck (pl. 12, 0, e). 
Both types had an outcurved rim at the orifice. The elongated form 
seems to have been the common shape. No whole specimen of a 
large culinary jar was obtained. Those illustrated are of the smaller 
kinds, but fragments indicated that they had been of the elongated 
type, as represented by Plate 12, @ and d. The rounded body group 
is quite similar to culinary pottery of the indented corrugated variety 
found in ruins of the upper Gila district to the south. They may 


| 


%& Hough, W., 1920. 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 122 


represent an influence from the district or even trade relations with 
its people. 

The specimen, Plate 12, c, is an unusually fine one. The form was 
not in general use by the potters of the pueblo. The shape is very 
suggestive of certain small vessels found in the nonculinary group in 
a later stage in the Little Colorado area. Pitchers in the indented 
corrugated wares were represented by such fragmentary pieces that 
no description of their shapes is possible. 

In addition to such ornamentation as the manipulation of the coils 
provided, culinary vessels were frequently further decorated through 
the use of appliqué figures. The latter usually took the form of 
spirals or volutes, although now and then an undulating fillet sug- 
gestive of a snake is observed. These elements were attached to the 
exterior while the clay from which the jar was fashioned was still 
moist. The potter simply welded the ornament to the side wall by 
pressing it into the surface. The figures were sometimes placed just 
below the rim, as in the case of the vessel illustrated in Plate 12, a, 
or again are found well down on the sides of the neck. This form 
of ornamentation was fairly widespread in the Southwest in Pueblo 
ITI. It was present in the Chaco Canyon, and Morris found it at 
Aztec and in the La Plata district of southern Colorado.** Nordens- 
kidld and Fewkes both secured examples from the Mesa Verde,% 
and Hough found a variant on the upper Gila.®* Kidder and Guern- 
sey report the practice on the culinary vessels from northeastern 
Arizona,®® and an example from the Hopi country farther west is 
illustrated by Holmes.” 

Another practice of this period, which no doubt was a survival 
from the earlier phase, was the embellishment of corrugated vessels 
with incised decorations. A design was cut into the surface with a 
sharp-pointed instrument. These decorations, judging from the 
fragments, were usually chevron or diamond-shaped figures. ‘This 
style of decoration, like that of the appliqué ornaments, was fairly 
common in the Southwest. It occurred in the Chaco Canyon where 
some of the designs were quite elaborate, and also along the upper 
Gila.72 The percentage of such forms was not high at the Long H 
pueblo, however. 

The vessels comprising the nonculinary group have a little more 
diversity of form than the culinary pots. Although the black-on- 


68 Morris, H. H., 1919 a, fig. 42, a; p. 71; 1919 b, pl. 38, 6; pl. 39, 0. 
6 Fewkes, J. W., 1911 b, pl. 23, a. Nordenskiéld, G., 1893, fig. 46. 
68 Hough, W., 1914, pl. 6, fig. 16. 

6 Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, p. 142; pl. 58, g. 

70 Holmes, W. H., 1886, fig. 252. 

71 Pepper, G. H., 1920, fig. 121. 

72 Hough, W., 1914, pls. 6, T. 


124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLn. 100 


white, black-on-red, and black interior containers might well be 
considered as separate classes, the overlapping of shapes is such 
that from the standpoint of form they may well be considered as a 
unit. In these wares the main vessels were bowls, seed jars, canteens, 
pitchers, and ladles or dippers. Large water jars, such as usually 
occur in these periods, were almost entirely absent. As a matter 
of fact, only a few fragments from one vessel were obtained from 
the pit houses. Not one other sherd from this horizon indicated 
such a jar. Conditions were not much better in the pueblo where 
the potsherds suggested that at most only three such vessels were 
represented. Meager as this evidence is, it is sufficient to show that 
the two forms were quite different; also that they were similar to 
some of those of comparable periods in other districts. Why there 


| a 


Figurr 19.—dJar shapes in black-on-white wares: a, From the pit 
houses; 0, from the pueblo 


should have been such a scarcity of jars of that type is puzzling 
and there is no satisfactory explanation for their absence. 

The fragments from the pit house showed clearly that the black- 
on-white jar had been one of the ovoid type with a very squat neck. 
(Fig. 19, a.) The latter was really little more than a pronounced 
rim to the orifice and not, strictly speaking, a neck. This type of 
jar was quite typical in the Pueblo I horizon in the Chaco Canyon 
and in slightly modified form carried over into the early stages of 
Pueblo Il. Judd found a very good example of the type in one 
of the pit houses which he dug,’* and many fragments from similar 
vessels may be seen in the refuse mounds of the old sites throughout 
the vicinity. The form is even present in the early pueblo horizon 
in the Piedra district of southwestern Colorado. The shape is one 
which is characteristic of the Chaco cultures during the early stages. 


78 Judd, N. M., 1924, pl. 4, a. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 125 


The jars from the pueblo were of the type which has a globular 
body with a slightly depressed top, short neck, and restricted orifice. 
(Fig. 19, 6.) This form is more or less typical of the Pueblo III 
period throughout the San Juan area and is found to some extent 
in ruins on the upper Gila. As a matter of fact, it was quite wide- 
spread in the central, northern, and eastern districts of the South- 
west area in late Pueblo II and the Pueblo III periods. 

Seed jars, so called because the first examples found had seeds 
in them, were obtained only from the pit-house horizon and only 
in the black-on-white wares. This is not an indication that they 
were not in the area during the period when the pueblo was occupied, 
but simply that they apparently were not present in this particular 
ruin. ‘The common shapes for this type of vessel were an ovoid and 
a globular body with a depressed top. (PI. 13, 6, ¢, e.) Another 
form had the globular body with only slightly depressed top. (PI. 
13, 7.) This was not a general type, however. Only one example 
of the double-lobed seed jar was found. (Pl. 13, a.) This form is 
not unique but it is only occasionally found. This specimen came 
from a burial in the refuse mound belonging to one of the jacal sites 
and possibly represents a somewhat later development than the 
others. 

Two of the specimens illustrated (pl. 18, 6, e) have small lug 
handles placed at opposite sides near the shoulders of the vessels. 
In both cases the lugs had vertical perforations. Thongs passed 
through the holes would have made it possible for the owner to 
hang the vessel on a peg or from the ceiling of the house where it 
would be out of the way. There is no direct evidence, however, to 
show that they were so used. One of the seed jars (pl. 13, c) had a 
single loop handle on one side. Why the potter did not make another 
opens a wide field for speculation, but any postulation would prob- 
ably fall short of a true explanation, hence it will have to suflice to 
call attention to the feature. 

All of the seed jars in the collection show that the lip of the orifice 
was smoothed from the outside toward the interior of the vessels. 
This seemingly minor point is of significance because it illustrates a 
period difference. The seed jars of the Basket Maker III ceramic 
stage are more globular in form than the later type, but in addition 
the lip of the orifice was smoothed by rubbing upward and outward 
from the interior. As a result a slightly perceptible ridge was left 
on the outside of the orifice. In a collection where many of the 
ceramic features suggest the Basket Maker III period this definite 
Puebloan trait is of importance in that it augments other evidence 
which points toward a later horizon. 


126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 100 


The main distinction between canteens and seed jars lies in the 
fact that the former has a much smaller orifice and generally lacks 
the depressed top. The body form is more consistently globular and 
generally there is at least the indication of a neck for the vessel. 
Curiously enough only one whole specimen of this class of vessels 
was secured from each horizon, but a number of potsherds from the 
pit houses and the pueblo were from containers of this kind and they 
showed that the forms of the intact specimens were typical of the 
horizons from which they came. 

The pit-house style seems to have been a slightly pear-shaped 
vessel. The body was quite globular but tapered up to the orifice 
in a short, conelike neck. (PI. 18, d.) The pueblo form was de- 
cidedly globular and had a definite though very short neck. (PI. 
14, c.) Both forms had handles. Those on the pit-house specimen 
were lugs with vertical perforations. The pueblo pot had low loops 


a b 
Figurn 20.—Pitcher shapes, black-on-white wares: a, Pit house; 
b, ¢, pueblo 


which did not project above the surface to any great extent. They 
were not perforated, but the natural opening formed by the loop 
was augmented by a depression in the wall of the vessel. 

There were several different pitcher forms represented in both the 
pit house and pueblo horizons. One characteristic black-on-white 
shape was that of a globular body with a tapering neck and only a 
slight suggestion of a shoulder. (Pl. 15, c.) This was quite a com- 
mon form in the early period. Another rather typical vessel of this 
group and horizon was one with a full globular body, a tapering 
conical neck, and a small orifice. Around the shoulder on this type 
of pitcher was a series of conical projections or nubbins. (Fig. 20, a.) 
The number of these nubbins varied. On some there were two, 
others had four, and the fragments from one example showed that 
it had had 16. One specimen had distinct mamme represented in 
the nubbins. The projections were formed by pushing out the wall 
of the pitcher from the inside while the clay was still moist. None 
of them were the result of additional lumps welded onto the vessel. 
The projecting nubbin feature on these specimens is identical with 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 12 


CORRUGATED CULINARY JARS FROM THE PUEBLO 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 13 


BLACK-ON-WHITE SEED JARS AND CANTEEN FROM THE PIT HOUSES 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 14 


PITCHERS AND CANTEEN, BLACK-ON-WHITE WARES, FROM THE PUEBLO 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 15 


PITCHERS FROM THE Play HOUSES 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA E27 


that on some of the pitchers from the pit houses at Luna, N. 
Mex.* As a whole the feature seems to have had a rather wide- 
spread though somewhat sporadic distribution in the early pueblo 
period. 

The double pitcher (pl. 15, d) is an unusual form. Its general 
outline is quite like that of the rounded body, tapering neck group. 
But the segmentation produced by the vertical depression running 
around its center and the partition in the neck make it distinct. The 
body was not divided into two sections on the inside. The partition 
wall in the neck only extends down to the shoulder line. This is the 
only example of the form found in the Long H Ranch sites and no 
fragments were obtained from similar pitchers. The specimen be- 
longs in the pit-house group. 

Bird-shaped vessels were fairly common. Only one complete 
specimen was secured but there were many fragments from similar 
containers. -(Pl. 15, e.) The type for this locality seems to have 
been that of the full, plump, bird-shaped body. There were no 
indications of head, wings, or tail such as frequently may be ob- 
served on specimens from other districts. The shape was appar- 
ently restricted to the pit-house horizon at this location. No sug- 
gestions of it were found in the potsherds or vessels from the 
pueblo. Bird-shaped pitchers had a wide distribution in the South- 
west in practically all periods. Many times there is only the rep- 
resentation of the body, as in the example illustrated, and again 
the latter is so supplemented by additional features that it unmis- 
takably depicts some kind of bird. 

Several forms of pitchers were obtained from the pueblo and 
they are noticeably different from those of the older level. It may 
be said in general that the necks are longer with more vertical 
sides and less constricted orifices, and the bodies are proportionately 
smaller, more ovoid in outline. One of the earlier examples of 
this type is illustrated in Plate 14, a. Here the body is still some- 
what globular, but it has a distinctly depressed top and a rather 
pronounced shoulder. The sides of the neck have a slight inward 
slope, but it is not as pronounced a one as in the pit-house specimens. 
The outline drawing (fig. 20, 6) of another vessel in this group 
shows a variation of the form. The latter is one which is quite 
common both along the upper Gila to the south and in the Chaco 
Canyon to the northeast.” 

The ovoid body type with vertical sided necks has several varia- 
tions. One rather common form is that which is illustrated in 
Plate 14,2. A great many of the potsherds from the various refuse- 


7 Hough, W., 1920, fig. 41. 
7% Hough, W., 1914, pl. 9, 2. Pepper, G. H., 1920, fig. 70. 


128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


filled rooms in the pueblo showed that they were from this kind of 
pitcher. Later the form became more pronounced and the necks 
were decidedly elongated and the bodies still smaller. The shape in 
ihe black-on-white group is shown in Figure 20, ¢. This is a typical 
Chaco Canyon form, one which was found in the ruins at Aztec, 
and which is also present along the upper Gila.”® It is a pitcher 
shape which is typical of the Pueblo III horizon, especially in the 
Chaco and bordering cultures. 

The pitchers of the black-on-red group also have the long, vertical 
sided neck, but the bodies tend to be shghtly more globular in form. 
(Pl. 16, a.) The example pictured is characteristic of the Long H 
pueblo and also of the region in general.** ‘There were no pitchers 
of this class in the pit-house wares and no black interior vessels of 
the form in either horizon. 

The handles on a great majority of the pitchers in the painted 
wares were of the flat, or oval, single-loop variety. A few fragments 
showed that in some instances they had been of the zoomorphic type. 
It was not possible, however, to determine what animals had been 
represented. This style of pitcher handle is one which is rather 
prominent in the upper Gila region. It was present in both the pit 
house and pueblo groups. The main distinction to be observed in all 
handles is that those on the pit-house pitchers characteristically ex- 
tend from the rim of the orifice to the shoulder, while those on the 
pueblo vessels are joined to the neck some distance below the rim. 
This difference was not a local development but a period style which 
may be observed on vessels of similar horizons from other districts. 

Bowl shapes are not greatly diversified. There are two main 
forms. One has an approximately hemispherical shape, the depth 
being half or somewhat less than half of the diameter. (Pls. 16, 5; 
17, a, ¢, d, ce.) Only rarely is an extremely shallow bowl to be 
observed. The other group consists of the vessels whose depth is 
greater than half of the diameter. The latter have a noticeable 
incurve to the walls below the rim. (Pl. 17, 7.) The first form is 
found in all of the various kinds of pottery, but the second is con- 
fined to the black-on-white wares. It does occur in both horizons, 
however, although it is more prevalent in the pueblo wares. 

On practically all of the pit-house specimens the rims are rounded 
and the walls of the vessels are somewhat thinner for a short dis- 
tance below them. Around the circumference the rims tend to be 
uneven and wavy. This feature is quite common. in the early pottery 
stages. The rims of the pueblo bowls were usually flattened, in some 


% Tough, W., 1914, pl. 9, 7. Morris, E. H., 1919 a, fig. 50, b. Pepper, G. H., 1920; 
fig. 70. 
™ Hough, W., 1903, pl. 36, no. 212508. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 129 


cases almost squared, and the walls of the vessels have approxi- 
mately the same thickness at the rim as elsewhere. 

All of the bowls, regardless of the horizon, show a better finish on 
the interior than they do on the exterior. This may be attributed 
to the fact that the designs were applied to the inside surface and for 
that reason it was more carefully smoothed. A distinguishing fea- 
ture between the bowls from the pit houses and those from the pueblo 
is thet most of the latter had a slip applied only to the interior. If 
the pit-house vessels were treated with a slip it was placed on both 
the inside and outside of the bowls. In the pueblo group an oc- 
casional specimen shows that the shp was carried down a short dis- 
tance below the rim on, the outside but not over the entire surface. 
This practice was also a very common one at one stage in the Chaco 
Canyon. The tables in the appendix give measurements for all of 
the vessels illustrated and since the size range of the bowls may be 
obtained from them there is no need to discuss it at this point. 

Ladles or dippers had two main forms in the pit-house pottery. 
The commonest was that of the half gourd, or as it is sometimes 
called when found in slightly modified shape, the two compartment. 
(Pl. 18, a.) There were simplified variations of the style in which 
the vessels more nearly approached the bowl type of container. On 
the latter the handle was little more than a slightly raised and ex- 
tended portion of the rim. (Pls. 17, 6; 18, 6.) The other group in 
the pit-dwelling series was that of a bowl with a solid concave handle. 
(Pl. 18, c.) Specimens of this style were not as numerous here as in 
other districts. They were confined to the black-on-white group. No 
black-on-red ladles were found. The half gourd form is very char- 
acteristic in collections of pottery from early horizons. It presum- 
ably made its appearance at about the beginning of the Pueblo I 
period; possibly it was developed at the very end of Basket Maker 
Ill. The form is found in the Chaco Canyon, in the La Plata 
region in southwestern Colorado, at sites on the Navajo reservation, 
in the Kayenta district of northeastern Arizona, and occasionally 
in older ruins along the upper Gila. The solid handle form has 
about the same distribution. 

No whole specimen of a ladle was obtained from the pueblo. Such 
fragments as were present in the potsherds, however, showed un- 
questionably that the characteristic form for this type of vessel had 
been one with a tubular handle attached to the bowl. The handle 
was quite cylindrical in form and apparently always hollow. Ire- 
quently a series of small holes had been punched along the upper 
side. These probably were to permit a certain amount of expansion 


7 Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, pl. 58, d@. Morris, HE. H., 1927, fig. 28; fig. 
30, 0b. 


130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


and contraction during the firing of the vessel and to guard against 
the handle cracking in the process. This form of ladle is charac- 
teristic of the Pueblo III period in the central and northern regions 
and it is very easy to distinguish it from earlier types. 


DESIGNS ON THE PAINTED POTTERY 


The decorations on vessels of the nonculinary group were placed 
on the interiors of bowls and ladles and on the exteriors of large 
jars, pitchers, seed jars, and canteens. In only one instance was 
there a design on the exterior of a black-on-white bowl and the lat- 
ter came from the pit-house horizon. (Pl. 17, 7.) This feature 
is rare in the early stages, but it is frequently observed on vessels 
of the Pueblo III period, especially those from the northern San 
Juan region. None of the pueblo bowls of this class of pottery at 
the Long H Ranch had it. Fragments from black-on-red bowls 
from the pueblo showed that they were occasionally so treated, but 
even in that group the practice was not as common as in other 
districts of the Little Colorado area. This feature, however, is one 
which may be attributed to a time element. The ruins from which 
the pottery normally bearing it comes are of a somewhat later date. 
This fact has been shown by stratigraphic studies in a number of 
places and also by the statistical survey of the Little Colorado sites 
made by Spier.*® A few fragments from red bowls with white and 
black and white exterior decorations were found on the Long H site, 
but not one such potsherd came out of the pueblo. This fact is sig- 
nificant from the standpoint of the position of the ruin in the Pueblo 
Til horizon. 

The outstanding characteristics of the decorations on the black-on- 
white vessels of the pit-house group are in the style of pattern and 
the elements used. There are no black-on-red specimens for this 
horizon. The designs are formed from zigzag, parallel, and paral- 
lel stepped lines; ticked or dotted lines; squiggled lines; filled-in 
triangles and ticked triangles; tipped triangles or the so-called bird 
symbols; volutes and ticked volutes; interlocking rectilinear and 
curvilinear frets; checkerboard patterns; and concentric rectangular 
and circular figures. These elements were combined in many ways 
to make pleasing and typical decorations. There was not a single 
realistic or life-form element in any of the designs. This is rather 
curious, inasmuch as such figures were frequently used by the pot- 
ters of earlier and similar horizons in the region farther north.* 

The most popular patterns for bowls seem to have been those of 
the quadrate form, although occasional examples are found where 


7 Spier, L,. 1917, 1918. 
8° Morris, HE, H., 1927, fig. 22, a and b; pp. 193-194. Roberts, 1929, pp. 122-123. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 


BLACK-ON-RED WARE VESSELS FROM THE PUEBLO 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 17 


BOWLS FROM THE PIT HOUSES 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 1CO FLATE 18 


LADLES OF BLACK-ON-WHITE GROUP FROM PIT HOUSES 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 19 


PIT-HOUSE BOWLS WITH QUARTERED PLAN OF DECORATION 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 131 


the interior of the bowl was bisected by the design. There is only 
one example of the tripartite plan of decoration in the entire collec- 
tion of specimens from the pit houses. Next to the quartered de- 
signs in numerical quantity are those which consist of solid elements 
pendent from the rim and bordered by series of parallel lines. Then 
there is the group composed of pairs of similar figures placed at 
opposite sides of the field for decoration. Patterns of this style 
are about equally divided between those with two figures and those 
with four. One type of ornamentation consisted of spiral figures 
beginning at the center of the bowl and continuing out to the rim. 
Still another group shows a series of pendent panels around the 
sides of the interior extending from the rim toward the bottom of 
the vessel. These panels are generally triangular in shape and the 
usual numbers are three or four. Another fairly popular plan of 
decoration was that of the band designs. The latter usually com- 
prise a series of repeated elements placed around the sides of the 
bowls. ‘These figures were frequently enclosed in framing lines. 
A fairly large number of vessels had figures placed in the bottom 
of the bowl or occupying what may be considered the center of the 
decoration. 

The lips or rims of all of the bowls were painted. On many of 
them the edges are so abraded that it is not possible to determine 
whether they were continuous or had a break. Where the pigment 
has not been rubbed off the line completely encircles the bowl, pro- 
ducing what may be considered as a frame for the entire design. 
This would indicate that the practice of leaving a small portion of 
the rim unpainted, the line break, was not common at that time. 
This break has a number of explanations. Some of the modern 
Pueblos believe that it would bring misfortune upon them if the 
line was made continuous, while others say that if the circle was 
completed the spirit of the vessel would not be able to pass in and 
out at will and as a result the bowl would crack. The line break is a 
pronounced feature in the Pueblo III period, particularly in the 
Chaco range of cultures. 

Decorations on seed jars, pitchers, and canteens were generally of 
the band form during the pit-house stage. These bands were placed 
around the shoulder of the vessel, the region of its greatest diameter 
and the beginning of the depressed top or neck, and bordering the 
orifice. Sometimes only one of these zones was used, then again 
both were ornamented, or occasionally a single broad band was 
painted from the shoulder to the orifice. Only one example did not 
have the band style of pattern. On this specimen there are four 
approximately similar but not identical figures placed on the portion 
of the jar between the shoulder and the orifice. 


132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


Two examples of decorations in which the bowl was bisected by 
a single central portion of the design are illustrated in Figure 21. 
The center of the bowl in @ is crossed by a series of parallel lines 
which connect the two figures placed at opposite sides of the field 
for decoration. These central lines also connect some of those which 
border the triangular figures. This design is a good illustration of 
the manner in which two simple elements, parallel lines and volutes, 
may be combined to make a pattern which is fairly elaborate. The 
decoration on 6 is more extensive and covers a greater proportion of 
the interior surface of the vessel. It really is a combination of two 
forms of ornamentation, the band and the bisecting figure. The 
series of solid pendent triangles around the rim and the bordering 


Figurp 21.—Designs, black-on-white bowls of the pit-house group 


parallel lines is typical and often is found alone. (PI. 20, 7.) De- 
signs of this type are common in both the late Basket Maker III 
and Pueblo I horizons.** The zigzag device, which is composed of 
seven parallel stepped or zigzag lines, which cuts across the approxi- 
mate center of the bowl, is very reminiscent of one of the character- 
istic forms of ornamentation on bowls of the Basket Maker III 
period.** This particular design is interesting because of certain 
irregularities in the number of bordering lines and also on account 
of the fact that it was not completed. The latter feature is shown 
at the lower right hand side of the drawing. (Fig. 21, 6.) The 
filling in of the angles of some of the parallel bordering lines is a 
feature which is typical of the designs of the Pueblo I period. Many 
examples show this in a more pronounced way than does this one. 
This may be observed in some of the decorations discussed in 
following paragraphs. 


81 Morris, E. H., 1927, fig. 24, a. Roberts, 1930, fig. 34. 
®4 Morris, EH. H., 1927, fig. 23, d; fig. 38, b. Roberts, 1929, pl. 15. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 133 


Quadrate bowl patterns have many forms. Typical examples of 
this style of ornamentation are illustrated in the photographs of 
bowl interiors in Plates 19 and 20, a and 6. The specimens in Plate 
19 show characteristic use of parallel line, dotted line, squiggled line, 
triangle, dotted triangle, bird symbol, and concentric circular ele- 
ments. The two in Plate 20, a and 6, are somewhat more elaborate. 
The latter are particularly suggestive of a style of decoration found 
in an early level in the Chaco Canyon and have numerous counterparts 
in the Pueblo I pottery of the Piedra district in the northeastern San 
Juan Basin in southern Colorado. The chief elements in these two 
designs are parallel lines, squiggled lines, solid triangles, dots, and 
interlocking volutes. The squiggled lines were used in hachure 
figures. These are quite typical of the Pueblo I period, particularly 
its later phase, and represent the prototype of the later prevalent 
straight-line hachure. On the pottery of the Chaco Canyon which 
was made during the stage when Pueblo I was shifting to Pueblo II 
figures of squiggled hachure were the predominant element in dec- 
oration. They had not attained that prominence, however, in the 
pit-house horizon in the Long H Ranch district. 

Additional forms of the quartered style of decoration are shown 
in the drawings of Figure 22. The original designs have not been 
idealized in the slightest. They were copied as exactly as possible 
with all of the irregularities and mistakes which actually are 
present. Too often the tendency in reproducing the decorations from 
pottery is to perfect the original and for that reason much of the 
true feeling, the Indian character, of the design is lost. The patterns 
a, c, and d@ are typical Pueblo I decorations. That shown in 0, 
however, is much more suggestive of some of the textilelike designs 
on Basket Maker III vessels. The latter is of interest because the 
potter failed to complete the painting in of the solid triangular ele- 
ments, although the spaces where they were to have been were out- 
lined. This bowl also illustrates a form of the ticked-line element, 
one which became quite prevalent in late Pueblo I and carried 
over for a time in Pueblo IT. 

Designs ¢ and d, Figure 22, are very similar to ones of the same 
style of decoration found in the Chaco Canyon and also in the 
northeastern San Juan Basin. Fragments from vessels from the 
upper Gila and even from the older horizon in the Mimbres region 
in New Mexico have been observed with elements and figures indi- 
cating that the c and d styles were present in those localities. This is 
of significance because it shows that in the early period of the 
Pueblos the black-on-white decorative patterns were widespread. It 


134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 100 


was not until the late Pueblo II and Pueblo III stages were reached 
that there was the pronounced development of characteristic and 
specialized local forms. 

The quartered designs discussed in preceding paragraphs are all 
of the balanced type. That is, similar elements and figures, even 
though they were not identical, were placed in opposite quadrants 
in such a fashion that the decoration was balanced. The potters 
did not always do this, however, and occasionally a vessel will be 


Ficurn 22.—Examples of quartered designs from pit houses 


found with a design which has an entirely different device in each 
sector. A characteristic example of this kind of ornamentation is 
illustrated in Figure 23, a. Here the field for decoration was 
marked off into 4 sections by 2 sets of 2 parallel lines cross- 
ing the approximate center of the bowl and intersecting each other 
virtually at right angles. The quarters thus formed were then 
filled in with figures. No two of these are even the least bit similar. 
The elements used were simple parallei lines, solid triangular figures, 
and tipped triangles. The same elements were used in painting 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNCLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 20 


BLACK-ON-WHITE BOWL DESIGNS, PIT-HOUSE VESSELS 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 21 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


DECORATIONS ON BLACK-ON-WHITE BOWLS FROM THE PIT DWELLINGS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 22 


BLACK-ON-WHITE BOWLS FROM THE PIT HOUSES 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 23 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNCLOGY 


BOWL INTERIORS 


pueblo, 


from the 


-h, 


it houses; e 


P 


-d, 


a 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 135 


the design illustrated in Figure 23, 6. The latter represents an 
elaboration of the bisected type of decoration. The devices in the 
two halves of the bowl are somewhat similar, but still they are 
different. In the broad sense, however, the design may be con- 
sidered as representative of the balanced form. 

The only example of a tripartite design was on a small bowl 
which came from a burial in the refuse mound of the Group 1 pit 
houses. The decoration in this instance (pl. 20, c) is much bolder 
and more lke some of those in later periods. To some extent 
it suggests a rudimentary form for some of the so-called Proto- 
Kayenta wares of the Pueblo IIT horizon. This design was well 
balanced. In each of the three sectors is a figure similar to those 


a 


Ficgure 25.—Quartered and halved patterns, pit-house series 


in the others. At the upper ends of the three lines which meet at 
the center of the bowl and trisect the field for decoration are three 
triangular figures which are practically identical. 

Designs formed by solid figures outlined by parallel lines are as 
characteristic of the pit-house decorations as the quadrate plan of 
ornamentation. The solid elements are generally pendent from the 
rim of the bowl, and the series of bordering lines appear below 
them. Typical forms are illustrated in Plates 20, ¢; 21, a, b, ¢, d. 
The bowl shown in Plate 22, a, might possibly be considered as 
belonging to this group, but as a matter of fact it really should be 
included with the pendent panel group because the bordering lines 
are not continuous. The rather elaborate ornamentation in bowl a, 
Plate 21, is a style which was one of the first to be recognized as 
typical of the Pueblo I period. Even the minor characteristic of 
the stepped lines overrunning the corners, not meeting in perfect 
junctures, is an outstanding Pueblo I feature. Designs of this type 
are to be found on vessels from the Kayenta district in northeastern 


136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 100 


Arizona,®* they occur frequently on bowls from the earlier Chaco 
Canyon levels,** and are to be observed on specimens from the north- 
eastern San Juan Basin in Colorado.** The simpler forms, such as 
those illustrated by e, Plate 20, and ¢ and d, Plate 21, are more nu- 
merous in the pit-house decorations from the Long H Ranch. The 
more elaborate style was a later development and had not yet be- 
come predominant at the stage of the sites under consideration in 
this report. 

Designs consisting of similar figures placed at opposite sides of 
the bowl seem to have been, in general, of the balanced variety. 
Although some examples have but two while others have four, the 
opposing devices are similar. Rarely can they be called identical, 
however. An example of the 2-figure style is shown in Plate 21, e. 
On this specimen the two symbols placed at opposite sides of the 
bowl are to all intents and purposes the same. They consist of con- 
centric, 4-sided or lozenge-shaped figures. These are composed of a 
central quadrilateral, two sides of which are augmented on the inte- 
rior by tipped-triangular elements, inclosed in three others. The 
number of the triangular elements in each is not the same. One has. 
5 and 6, while the other has 414 (the fifth was not completed) and 5. 
Despite this difference the effect produced is the same. The main 
figures are connected to the rim at the opposite sides of the bowl by 
series of four ostensibly parallel squiggled lines. One corner of 
each of the main symbols is touched by a solid dotted triangle which 
is pendent from the rim. Here again only a few simple elements 
were used. They are the parallel lines, squiggled lines, tipped tri- 
angles, and dotted triangles. 

The 4-figure form of opposing symbols is illustrated by Plate 21, /. 
This is not an exactly typical example, however, as two of the figures 
are pendent from the rim instead of being placed down on the wall 
of the vessel as is generally the case. There are two kinds of figures 
in this design. One is a triangular device pendent from the rim 
and the other a 4-sided lozenge or diamond-shaped figure. Those 
of each kind are at opposite sides of the vessel, so that the pendent 
triangles balance and the lozenges do likewise. The lozenge symbols 
are practically alike, but although their general forms are similar 
there is a distinct difference in the central portions of the triangular 
devices in that at the lower side of the bowl (pl. 21, 7) the central 
panel consists of a series of squiggled lines. The same portion of the 
figure at the other side has two rows of opposed triangles. The 

83 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pl. 84. Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, pl. 63, 0b, g. 


84 Judd, N. M., 1924 fig. 6. Widder A. V., 1924, pl. 22, g. 
85 Roberts, 1930, fig. 35. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 137 


elements used in forming the symbols were parallel lines, dotted 
lines, squiggled lines, triangles, and tipped triangles. 

Spiral designs provide one of the interesting features in the 
decorations on this pottery. They may consist of a single figure or 
of contrasting ones. The devices start from the center of the bottom 
of the bowl and radiate out to the rim. A characteristic example of 
the single figure form is shown by bowl ¢, Plate 22. This design 
has a spiral of squiggled hachure. Frequently a decoration of this 
style is referred to as symbolic of a coiled snake. As a matter of 
fact it is more suggestive of a coiled basket. Since so many of the 
decorative elements used on the pottery of the Pueblo periods were 
copied from baskets it seems logical that an occasional piece might 
represent such an object. The contrasting form is shown in d, 


Fiaurn 24.—Pendent panel designs in pit-house decorations 


Plate 22. One of the spiral figures is of the squiggled hachure type, 
while the other is composed of interlocking ticked volutes. Both 
of these designs are suggestive of decorations on early Chaco Canyon 
pottery and also to a certain extent recall some of those from the 
upper Gila. 

The pendent figure style of design is not as prevalent on the bowls 
from this locality as it is in some of the other districts. It also 
seems to have been confined to the use of triangular elements. One 
curious feature about this form of decoration is that in almost every 
case the pendent figures form a negative pattern in the unpainted 
portion of the bowl. Two good examples of pendent triangle designs 
are shown in Figure 24. The decoration a is composed of five figures 
which consist of solid triangular elements pendent from the rim and 
bordered by series of parallel lines. The latter differ from those 
in the decorations previously described in that they are not con- 


15763-3110 


138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY teuLL. 100 


tinuous. The open spaces in the solid triangles which were filled 
with a circle and dot, a “bull’s-eye” element, present a feature in 
design which was prominent on vessels of the transition period, the 
shift from Pueblo I to II, in the Chaco Canyon. The manner in 
which the parallel lines were joined, so that they suggested folded 
strands, is rather characteristic of the locality. ‘The volutes at the 
points of the triangles and the filled-in corners forming dotted tri- 
angles are also typical. 

Pendent triangular figures of contrasting nature were frequently 
used, and the design produced by them is very effective. A good 
illustration of this kind of decoration is shown in 0, Figure 24. 
Here there are four main devices, two of them of checkerboard 
pattern and two formed from solid elements outlined by a series of 
lines. The spaces between the main figures were filled with ticked 
triangles. The bordering lines of the upper and lower triangles 
(fig. 24, 6) show the same suggestion of folded strands noted in 
the preceding design. The presence of the volutes and also of the 
dots along the sides of the main figures illustrates one of the many 
uses of such elements. 

Additional examples of pendent figures are shown in Plates 22, a, 
and 28, 6 and d. These specimens illustrate quite clearly the neg- 
ative pattern feature. In Plate 22, a, there is a distinct 5-pointed 
star. A 4-pointed pattern, possibly a 4-petaled flower, appears in 
Plate 23, 6, and in Plate 23, d, there is an example of the 3-petaled 
form. The triangular figures in these three designs show a variety 
of elements. There are five similar devices, solid triangles outlined 
by parallel lines, in Plate 22, a. Three similar figures composed of 
parallel lines, solid triangles, and connected volutes, constitute 
Plate 23, d. Four devices of opposing similar figures were used to 
embellish Plate 23, b. The elements employed by the potter in work- 
ing out the figures and developing the pattern as a whole were 
of the same simple forms found so consistently in the ornamentation 
of the pit-house bowls. There may be noted the parallel lines, 
squiggled hachure, triangles, tipped triangles, and tipped lines. 
The latter were probably intended to be a part of tipped triangle 
elements but were not completed. The use of opposed triangles to 
form what frequently is termed a dentate symbol, or a negative 
lightning pattern, is a feature which became more fully developed in 
later periods. 

Band designs were used in a variety of ways. The elements in 
their composition were practically the same as many of those already 
noted. The chief difference to be observed is in the manner of their 
application to the field for decoration. Most of those in the collec- 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 139 


tion from the pit houses of the Long H Ranch consist of a series of 
similar symbols placed around the interior walls of the bowl. 

The simplest style of band design in the whole collection is one 
which has a series of four squiggled lines around the inside of the 
bowl just below the rim and three similar lines around the bottom. 
(PL. 22, 6.) At the center of the pattern, the bottom of the bowl, 
are two roughly circular concentric lines inclosing a dot, a variation 
of the “bull’s-eye” symbol. This form of design unquestionably 
represents a survival from the Basket Maker III period as well as 
an adaptation of basketry ornamentation. 

One of the less complicated forms of the band style of decoration 
is that illustrated in Plate 23, a. This design has two frets placed at 
opposite sides of the bowl. The line connecting the major parts of 
each symbol is so light, however, that at first glance it appears that 
there are four of these elements. The frets were not properly spaced 
and one more could have been painted to fill out the band. Instead, 
single line, interlocking volutes were used. Each of these volutes 
is crossed by a zigzag line which produces a curious effect. The 
decoration as a whole is one which is very characteristic of the 
Pueblo I period. 

Another band design consists of two rows of small pendent tri- 
angles below which a single undulating or wavy line makes a circuit 
of the bowl. (PI. 23,c.) This is a simple decoration and one which 
occurs quite frequently on the bowls of the period. A single row 
of triangular figures bordered by a number of parallel lines is com- 
mon in the patterns on Pueblo I bowls.** 

More elaborate designs of the band group are quite effective in 
that they suggest the plaiting of rushes or a folded ribbon. (Fig. 
25.) The decoration a consists of a narrow band around the rim 
and a similar but wider one lower down on the walls of the vessel. 
The only elements used were solid triangular figures and parallel 
lines. This type of decoration occurs rather often on vessels from 
the early horizon at Pueblo Bonito and also is present on containers 
from the pit houses at Luna.’’ It seems to have been a development 
of the Pueblo I period. Thus far no example of it has come to light 
on a Basket Maker III vessel. As a matter of fact it is too elaborate 
a form of ornamentation for the latter. The outer portion of }, 
Figure 25, is similar to the two bands on a, but the former differs 
distinctly in the spiral symbol of squiggled line hachure which com- 
pletely fills the bottom of the bowl. This portion of the decoration 
is suggestive of Plate 22, c, although in this instance the spiral is 


86 Morris, E. H., 1927, figs. 24, 32. Roberts, 1930, fig. 34. 
87 Hough, W., 1920, fig. 38. 


140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


tightly twisted. The impression that coiled basketry is suggested 
is even more pronounced in the case of 6, Figure 25, than it was for 
the specimen previously described. 

Band decorations which are like forms more prevalent in later 
Pueblo periods are those in which the interlocking volute is a promi- 
nent element. Two variations of such designs are illustrated by e 
and /, Plate 22. The first one, e, has six of the interlocking elements 
placed at intervals around the walls of the vessel. The upper side 
of the band has a simple bordering line but the lower is augmented 
by a series of pendent triangles. The design is still further em- 
bellished at the bottom by the two squiggled framing lines. The 
second decoration, Plate 22, 7, has eight of the volute figures. The 
latter do not interlock but are continuous, although they suggest 


Ficur® 25.-—Band designs and spiral pattern om pit-house pottery 


the interlocking form. These figures are bordered by single-line 
volutes bearing a series of ticks along one side. The lower bordering 
line is squiggled, as are the three bottom framing lines. 

Pairs of bands consisting of rectilinear and curvilinear elements 
were not often combined in the same decoration. An example of 
such a design is illustrated by Figure 26, a. The upper band con- 
sists of a series of dotted, pseudo-interlocking elements suggestive 
of the volute, while the lower band has a number of rectilinear 
frets which, with one exception, actually interlock. The one differ- 
ent element is at the right-hand side of the drawing where the fret 
was made continuous. The second design in this drawing, Figure 
26, b, is a rather common one. It has two bands of opposed tri- 
angles, the so-called dentate symbol, which produces a negative 
zigzag. This is frequently referred to as a lightning symbol. 

One of the interesting features about the bowls from the pit- 
house horizon is that of the figures painted in their bottoms. Quite 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 141 


a large number of the specimens illustrate this. The symbols used 
are quite varied in form. The simplest, and those most frequently 
found, are the circles. Many of the bowls merely have a single 
circle in the bottom, while others have two or more concentric ones 
(pl. 21, ¢) and others have a dot (pl. 22, 6). The circle in the 
bottom undoubtedly represents a survival from the Basket Maker 
III period where it was a fairly common feature in the decoration.*® 
The latter in its turn seems to have survived from the basket orna- 
mentation of the Basket Maker II period. What its significance 
may have been is not known. 

More elaborate symbols occur in the bottoms of other examples. 
The rectangular form was fairly popular. One good illustration 
of the latter is present in the bowl Plate 21, 6. This figure consists 


Ficgurm 26.—Band designs on pit-house bowls 


of two rows of opposed triangles with zigzag bordering lines, both 
inclosed in three concentric quadrilaterals. The pattern is very sug- 
gestive of some of the Basket Maker III textile designs. In this 
connection it may be recalled that few textile decorations, other than 
those from basketry, appeared on the pottery of the Basket Maker 
III period. It was not until the Pueblo I potters began to seek new 
ways of ornamenting their vessels that they turned to the extensive 
sources of sandal and textile patterns for designs.*® 

Several additional forms of the rectilinear central or bottom figure 
are grouped in the drawing, Figure 27. The first one, a, is some- 
what suggestive of that on 6, Plate 21, but is not quite so elaborate. 
It has the three concentric rectangles, but the inner portion consists 
only of opposing filled corners in the innermost quadrilateral. The 


88 Morris, E. H., 1927, p. 193. Roberts, 1929, p. 119. 
Morris, E. H., 1927, p. 197. 


142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 100 


filling in of the corners produced solid triangular figures which were 
dotted along one side. The checkerboard symbol of 6 is unique in 
the collection. As a matter of fact only one other vessel (fig. 24, b) 
had this element in its decoration. The symbols on ¢ and d, Figure 
27, are typical of the period and also are of the form which may be 
traced to sandal patterns of the Basket Maker III period. The 


FIGURE 27.—Bowl decorations showing figures in bottoms of vessels, pit-house wares 


cross with parallel framing lines has been found in a number of 
variations,®° but is characteristic. 

The decorations on ladles were in most respects similar to those in 
the bowls. As a matter of fact the field for ornamentation in both 
groups was essentially the same. The chief difference to be observed 
is in the gourd-shaped dippers where the handle is a part of the 
bowl. On such vessels the extension of the walls which form the 
handle was treated as though it was a part of the bowl. Where the 
handle is solid and distinct from the dipper bowl the latter was 


*0 Morris, H. H., 1927, fig. 23, e, f. Roberts, 1930, fig. 32, b. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 1438 


treated purely as a bowl so far as designs were concerned. Three 
good examples of ladle decoration are illustrated in Plate 18. 

The design on the interior surface of a, Plate 18, is rather unique, 
although common elements were used in its composition. Parallel 
lines, ticked lines, opposed triangles, and “ bull’s-eye ” figures were 
all that were needed to make the decoration. The pattern on b, how- 
ever, is quite like some of those in regular bowls. It is a quartered 
design with parallel line, squiggled line, and solid triangular ele- 
ments. ‘The simplest of all the decorations is that of c, Plate 18. It 
consists of four similar pendent figures placed at opposite sides of 


pS 


yo! ZISEEBE 


EN 


a 


i 


Fieurn 28.—Designs on ladles from the pit-house horizon. The squiggled hachure 
in @ is very characteristic of the period 


the bowl. These symbols are simple concentric triangles with a 
volute-like hook at the bottom. The handle is unpainted. 

Two good examples of the method of ornamenting the half-gourd 
form of this class of vessels are shown in the drawings a and 6, 
Figure 28. The first of these has a series of six panels of squiggled 
hachure. Nothing else was used. The effect produced is quite pleas- 
ing and is very characteristic of the late Pueblo I and Pueblo II 
periods. An almost identical specimen was found in the Chaco 
Canyon and quite similar ones have appeared in other sections. The 
second design, b, is unique. There is a question as to whether or 
not it was completed. It is possible that the latticework figures 
might have been intended as the base for a checkerboard pattern, 
which for some reason or other was not filled in. On the other hand, 
the potter may never have intended anything beyond what is actu- 


144. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


ally present. The only elements in the whole decoration are parallel 
lines so grouped that they formed concentric quadrilaterals and 
latticework figures. These were painted in opposite sectors of the 
quartered bowl and in the handle. 

As previously mentioned, the decorations on pit-house seed jars 
were predominantly of the band variety. The group of four, a, ), 
ce, and f, in Plate 13, shows this feature in its characteristic forms. 
Two bands were used on a, Plate 18. The upper one, that around the 
orifice, consists of squiggled hachure, while the lower is composed 
of a series of solid triangles framed by single line concentric figures 
of thesame form. The fact that they alternate, the base of one being 
on. the lower border line, that of the next on the upper, etc., makes 
for a compact and pleasing pattern, one which is decidedly textile- 
like in its character. The second example (pl. 13, 6) has but a 
single band around the upper portion of the jar. This design is 
similar to that found on many bowl interiors and is one which un- 
doubtedly carried over from the Basket Maker III period. In the 
latter, however, it is found only on bowls. The two rows of opposed 
triangles separated by the series of zigzag parallel lines is typical 
of early black-on-white designs. 

The band around the shoulder of c, Plate 13, is also present on 
many bowls—Figure 25, for example. The individual variation in 
this decoration consists of the series of 10 parallel line symbols which 
extend from the orifice of the jar to the upper border of the band. 
The elements of these connecting figures are lines which are half 
straight, half squiggled, an unusual combination. 

The band around the body of 7, Plate 13, has parallel lines and 
straight lines crossed by zigzag lines as its elements. The design is 
interesting, however, in that there is a broad zigzag of negative form 
running through its center. This form of decoration, in fact almost 
identical patterns, is also found on the bottoms of some of the pitch- 
ers. The three concentric squiggled lines around the orifice of this 
vessel contribute a subordinate yet typical feature in the ornamenta- 
tion as a whole. 

The only example of a pattern other than a band was that on 
e, Plate 13. The decoration on this vessel contains four approxi- 
mately similar, although not identical, figures placed on the upper 
part of the jar, the zone between the shoulder and the orifice. The 
symbols are simple, consisting as they do of concentric quadri- 
laterals. On two sides of the outer rectangles there is the added 
embellishment of rows of solid triangles. Both the figures indi- 
vidually and the decoration as a whole is one which is more remi- 
niscent of the designs of the late Basket Makers, Basket Maker III, 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 145 


than are any of the other seed jars. In fact the vessel in all respects 
depicts an earlier phase of the Pueblo I ceramics than do the others. 

Designs on canteens are quite like those on the seed jars. The 
main zone for decoration seems to have been around the shoulder, 
with the space adjacent to the orifice forming a secondary and 
subordinate one. The specimen illustrated in Plate 13, d, shows 
this very well. The main band has the characteristic parallel lines, 
solid triangles, and volute elements. The orifice is encircled by a 
plain ring, below which there is a second line crossed by a heavy 
zigzag. Fragments from other vessels belonging to this class of 
containers showed that this style of decoration was the prevailing 
one for canteens. 

Pitcher ornamentation in the pit-house era seems to have fol- 
lowed the double band vogue. The three examples illustrated in 
Plate 15, c, d, and e, clearly illustrate the style. On c there were two 
different bands. The upper one, around the neck, was of squiggled 
hachure, while the lower one around the body was of checkerboard. 
The next specimen (pl. 15, d) also has squiggled hachure for the 
band around the neck. That around the body, however, is composed 
of four rectangles which inclose elements of straight lines crossed 
by zigzag ones. In two of the rectangles the latter cut diagonally 
across the center from corner to corner. The other two have the 
zigzag crossed lines running through the center parallel to the sides 
of the inclosing frame. The figures alternate in the band. By far 
the most elaborate decoration in the group is that on e, Plate 15. 
The band around the body consists of triangular and diamond- 
shaped figures with filled corners and squiggled lines. The portion 
around the neck has a series of interlocking curvilinear frets. In 
most cases the handles of the pitchers were left plain. When 
painted, the ornamentation consisted of a single line running down 
the center or a series of short lines placed crosswise. 

The group of vessels from the Pueblo horizon is not large enough 
to give a broad picture of the styles in decoration, although it is 
sufficiently numerous to show the distinct difference between them 
and the pit-house forms. Characteristic bowl designs of the black- 
on-white wares are illustrated by the four containers pictured in 
Plate 23. The one lettered f is especially interesting because it is 
of a type more often found on red wares. The design on h is one 
which was highly favored by the people of this period, judging from 
the many fragments found bearing portions of similar decorations. 
It also is one which was in considerable favor in the Chaco Canyon. 
Unfortunately the decoration on e was weathered away until at the 
present time it is too dim to show well in a photograph. It is of 


146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


the 4-symbol, fret form. The pattern is a common one on black- 
on-white vessels of the Pueblo III period in the San Juan and upper 
Little Colorado regions. 

The combination of hachure and solid elements shown by the 
decoration on g, Plate 23, is another form characteristic of the Pueblo 
III period. It occurs in the Chaco Canyon, on the Mesa Verde, 
along the upper Little Colorado, and is found in the upper Gila and 
Rio Grande districts. The vessel here illustrated is very suggestive 
of some of the upper Gila styles. 

The design a, Figure 29, is one which is very common in the San 
Juan area. It is prominent on bowls from the Chaco Canyon, from 
Aztec, and even from as far north as the Mesa Verde. Many frag- 


Ficurn 29.—Bowl decorations from the pueblo 


ments from vessels bearing this type of ornamentation were found 
in the pueblo. Quite similar combinations of solid and hachure 
figures were found in the stone kivas at Hawikuh, about 25 miles 
(40.234 k.) northeast of the Long H Ranch, although the latter, like 
many of those from the Long H ruin, have more the feeling of the 
upper Gila style than they do of the Chaco Canyon form.** The other 
design, Figure 29, b, was also fairly frequently used if the potsherds 
are any criterion. This form of decoration appears quite regularly 
on the black-on-white bowls in the San Juan wares and may be 
observed on vessels from the ruins of the upper Little Colorado, par- 
ticularly the district east of Zufii in western New Mexico. 

Bowls of the black-on-red group generally bore decorations of the 
contrasting solid and hachure elements. This feature is rather char- 
acteristic of the pottery of this group in the early Pueblo III period. 
No whole specimen was obtained, however, and a complete design 


1 Hodge, F. W., 1923, pl. xx. 


RORERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 147 


can not be illustrated. The only bowl of this class which was found 
almost intact is that illustrated in Plate 16, 6. This design differs 
from the general run in that it consists of a band composed of a series 
of seven pointed stars or flowers running around the walls of the 
bowl. A larger symbol of the same form was painted in the bottom. 
Variations of this pattern are not uncommon, but they are not as 
prevalent as the combination of hachured and solid elements. 

Since no complete specimen of a ladle was obtained from this 
horizon, little can be said regarding the ornamentation of this 
group of vessels. The potsherds indicate, however, that the bowl 
portions were treated just like ordinary bowls and had the same 
sort of designs painted on their inner surfaces. The handles were 
‘attached and, if painted at all, had designs independent of those in 
the bowls. Handle decorations consisted largely of a series of 
oblique lines across the top, a long line running lengthwise along 
the center of the upper surface, or frequently were just a row of dots. 

There were no seed jars in the Pueblo group. The lack, even, 
of fragments from such vessels is puzzling because they are present 
in collections from other ruins of this type in the region. Their 
apparent absence is probably not to be attributed as much to the 
fact that the people did not have them as to the possibility that 
potsherds from them were simply not obtained in the digging. 

Only one complete canteen was found, although occasional frag- 
ments from similar objects were found. The design on this speci- 
men shows very clearly in the photograph, Plate 14, c. The com- 
bination of straight and curved lines in the design is somewhat sug- 
gestive of the treatment on some of the red wares. Taken as a 
whole the decoration is a very good example of the interlocking 
fret style of ornamentation. The frets pendent from the line around 
the neck are comparatively simple. The opposing and interlocking 
symbols are more complex and extend down to the lower portion 
of the body, where they interlock with frets rising from a line 
around the bottom. There are three main figures or three parts to 
this design. The all-over character which it exhibits is in decided 
contrast to the band style of ornamentation on the pit-house can- 
teens. Fragments from additional pueblo containers of this type 
indicate that the all-over pattern was predominant in that period. 

Pitchers in the black-on-white wares from the Pueblo horizon 
also tend to the all-over style of decoration, although there is an 
occasional exception. A good example of the all-over form is shown 
in Plate 14, a, where checkerboard symbols and straight-line hachure 
were combined to make a pattern which covers the vessel from the 
rim to the bottom. The second one on the same plate, 0, is different 
from the general type in that two distinct zones were used. The 


148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


major portion of the design is on the body, covering the portion 
from the shoulder to the bottom. It is composed of continuous 
fret and latticework elements. The minor part of the ornamenta- 
tion consists of a series of triangles pendent from the rim. Addi- 
tional characteristic all-over patterns are illustrated in Figure 30, 
a and 6. Both in shape and decoration these two pitchers are very 
suggestive of Chaco Canyon vessels. As a matter of fact almost 
identical designs can be found on vessels which came from that 
region. 

The handles on black-on-white pitchers are practically always 
painted. ‘The ornamentation is rarely elaborate. It generally con- 
sists of one or several broad, heavy lines running from top to bottom, 
parallel to the sides. Occasionally the decoration may consist en- 


b 


Ficurn 30.—Styles of pitcher ornamentation in pueblo horizon 


tirely of a series of dots, or now and then one will bear a broad 
zigzag line down the center. On a few some form of the checker- 
board motif was employed. Rarely was the entire handle left with- 
out a decoration. 

Only one pitcher belonging to the black-on-red group was secured. 
Its decoration seems to be typical for vessels of this kind in the 
region.®? Contrasting solid and straight line hachured symbols form 
the design around the neck. (Pl. 16, a.) The body is surrounded 
by a band composed of elements in which both straight and curved 
lines were used. The figures are interlocking. Potsherds from 
other black-on-red pitchers show that in practically all cases contrast- 
ing hachured and solid figures were the main elements in the designs. 


® Hough, W., 1903, pl. 36, No. 212508, 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 149 


One exception had a checkerboard pattern. There was so little evi- 
dence of handle decoration that it is not possible to discuss that 
feature. 

ADDITIONAL POTTERY OBJECTS 


Among the fired clay specimens obtained from the excavations 
are a number which can not be considered as belonging to the group 
of vessels discussed in preceding pages. ‘They are closely associated 
with the latter, however, in that they were made from fragments 
of broken containers. This group consists of the scrapers used in 
smoothing down clay vessels during the process of their manufac- 
ture (pl. 24) and round. clay disks, with and without perforations. 
There is some question regarding the latter. Some believe that those 
with the perforations were buttons which were placed on the shafts 
of spindles to keep the thread from slipping off. Others are con- 
vinced that they were true whorls to assist, acting in the capacity of 
small fly wheels, the whirling of the spindle. ‘Those without the hole 
in the center are usually considered to have been some form of coun- 
ter, although it is quite possible that they may simply be unfinished 
whorls. 

All of these forms were found in both horizons, the only differ- 
ence to be observed being that of the potsherds from which they were 
made. The latter generally were characteristic of the vessels of the 
period. A few made from pit-house fragments were found in the 
material from the pueblo ruin, as might be expected, since there 
were potsherds from the older period lying about. Not a single 
one of the objects from the pit houses, on the other hand, had been 
fashioned from other than pit-house pieces. This is according to 
what should be if the pueblo was of later date. 

The series of scrapers in Plate 24 came from one of the pit houses 
and is of interest because it shows definitely that such implements 
were employed in the ceramic industry at a fairly early period in 
its development. Thus far they have been found only as far back 
as the Pueblo I period. None have come from a Basket Maker III 
site. 

Among the fired clay objects frequently found in ruins are pipes 
of the tubular or conical variety often called cloud-blowers. The 
latter name is due to the use of similar objects by some of the modern 
pueblos in certain ceremonies where puffs of smoke are blown toward 
the cardinal points from such pipes. The smoke in such instances 
is considered emblematic of rain clouds and for that reason the 
term cloud-blower has become attached to that particular style of 
pipe. The Long H sites yielded only one fragment from such an 
object. The single piece came from the pit-house level and is quite 


150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


similar to the usual forms. All of the remaining pipes in the collec- 
tion are of stone and will be discussed in connection with the stone 
artifacts. The fact that only a part of one clay cloud-blower was 
secured while many stone ones were found shows a marked contrast 
between this region and those to the north, where the reverse is 
generally the case. As far as pipes are concerned the situation 
indicated is that of a southern and western, rather than a northern, 
influence. 
BASKETRY 


A few charred fragments of basketry show that the inhabitants 
of the pit houses, and also those who dwelt in the pueblo, had con- 
tainers of woven materials. The actual type of weaving can be 
determined from the small bits, but nothing can be learned of the 
size or shape of the baskets from which they came. There is no 
marked difference between the pieces from the pit-house horizon 
and those from the pueblo. Both had double rod foundations. The 
fine, pliable strands used in the stitching were woven in and out 
around these rods which were placed side by side without any addi- 
tional padding or bundle. The fine strands were carried over, under, 
and through, and up to the next pair of rods, where the same order 
was repeated. 

The stitching in the pit-house specimens shows that the work was 
carefully done and the passing over, under, and through of the 
strands is quite regular. The pueblo examples are much finer in 
this respect. The size and evenness of the stitch in the latter is 
equal to that in the choicest specimens from the Southwest. It is 
in this feature that there is a noticeable difference between the two 
horizons. 

Charring of the baskets by the fire which destroyed the houses or 
portions of the pueblo in which they were found preserved parts 
of them, but also make it practically impossible to tell what mate- 
rials were used in their manufacture. The rods appear to be very 
small willows. Of this there can be no certainty, however. The 
fibers used in the stitching may be some form of rush from the region, 
but this too is questionable. All that can be stated definitely is that 
the baskets were of the parallel rod type and that the weaving of 
the pueblo group was much finer than that of the people of the 
pit houses. 

BoNEWOREK 


The bonework secured from the excavations does not exhibit a great 
diversity of forms or of kinds of material’ employed in the manufac- 
ture of the objects. The majority of the specimens are implements, 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 151 


awls especially, and the animal most frequently represented by the 
bones is a deer. There are certain distinctions to be made in the 
tools. Some were shaped from pieces intentionally cut for the pur- 
pose, others were fashioned from fortuitous splinters, while still 
others were made with very little modification of the original bone. 
There are some differences between the implements from the pit 
houses and those from the pueblo. This is particularly marked in 
the group of awls made from intentionally prepared bones. In ad- 
dition, certain forms are present in the pueblo group which are not to 
be observed in the pit-house series. On the other hand, the pit-house 
dwellers seem to have had some forms which did not survive to later 
pueblo times. 

The characteristic awl of the pit-house horizon was a short, stubby 
one made from the cannon bone of the deer. (PI. 25.) The mate- 
rial was definitely prepared for the purpose in that the bone was 
first split down the center and then cut and rubbed to the desired 
length and sharpness of point. Awls of this particular form are 
typical of the early periods. They are found in abundance in both 
Basket Maker III and Pueblo I sites. Occasionally the type is se- 
cured from ruins of later date, but in such cases they represent only a 
minor form and not the common variety. 

Examples of awls belonging to the pit-house group of implements 
made from fortuitous splinters are illustrated in Plate 26. For 
tools of this nature any chance piece of bone would suffice. All that 
was needed to make a serviceable implement was to point one end. 
Rarely did such objects receive any additional shaping or rubbing. 
Constant use would tend to impart a certain amount of polish to 
the point end, but nothing more. Only one awl (pl. 26, ¢) in the 
group illustrated shows additional rubbing. This particular imple- 
ment was smoothed along the sides. All of these tools were made 
from fragments of deer bone, mostly pieces from the long bones. 

Tools made by the pit-house people with only slight modification 
of the original bone are of the forms shown by the specimens in 
Plate 27. The two upper awls, a and 6, are fragments from long 
bones, the tibia and femur, of small mammals, probably rabbit. The 
shaft was simply cut or broken into two pieces and one end sharp- 
ened. Nothing else was done to make the implement. The object 
¢ was made from the ulna of a deer. All that was needed to make 
a serviceable implement was to rub down one end to a point. The 
remainder of the bone in its natural state furnishes a good handle. 
The fragment d is rather curious. The socket or articular portion 
was broken out of the scapula or shoulder blade of a deer and a 
rather blunt point worked at one end or side, the upper in the 
photograph. There is nothing to indicate what the purpose of this 
object may have been. It distinctly shows wear from use, however. 


152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


Among the pit-house awls are a number which are comparatively 
long and slender. Two variations of this form are shown in Plate 
98, @ and 6. There was not a great deal of modification of the | 
original bone employed in the manufacture of @, although the tool | 
would indicate that the material was intentionally cut to be used in | 
such a capacity. This was not true for b, however. The latter was | 
worked down to a considerable degree and there was a marked modi- | 
fication of the form of the original bone. | 

One group of implements which was found only in the pit-house 
horizon consists of long, flat bones, well polished, with broad, blunt | 
spatulate edges at one end and perforations in the other. ‘Tools | 
of this type are usually called bodkins. (Pl. 28, c-7.) These seem | 
generally to have been made from rib fragments. They would have 
been very serviceable in some kinds of weaving or in threading cords | 
through various forms of textiles. There were no true needles, only | 
the blunt-ended objects illustrated. It seems rather curious that 
this form apparently did not survive in the pueblo. | 

The awl of the pueblo period which was made from the cannon | 
bone of the deer is in distinct contrast to that of the pit-house hori- 
zon. While the latter is short and stubby, the former is long and 
tapering. (Pl. 29.) This distinction is not one which is applicable | 
solely to conditions at the Long H Ranch, but seems to be a period 
characteristic in general. The group illustrated in Plate 29 came 
from the same location, a burial. There were many fragments from | 
similar implements in the house refuse, however, and there is no 
question but what they are typical of the horizon. Four of the 
specimens are awls. The fifth, ¢, however, is a form of implement 
frequently termed a spatulate awl. The worked end is not sharpened 
to a good point; rather is it squared in the form of a spatula. | 

There is very little difference between the awls of the fortuitous 
splinter group in the pueblo series and those from the pit houses. | 
(Pl. 30.) As a matter of fact if careful record of the provenience 
of the objects had not been kept it would be quite difficult to tell 
which culture was represented. The chief distinction seems to be 
that on the whole the pueblo peoples used smaller bones and were a 
little more prone to rub down rough edges. Also, there are more 
bones from small animals, the rabbit particularly. 

The specimens from the pueblo contain several implements not 
found in the pit houses. The scrapers or fleshers made from long 
bones of the deer (pl. 31, @ and }) belong in this category. This. 
form of tool is one which is characteristic of the Pueblo III period. | 
They also are considered typical of the San Juan area. Evidence | 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 24 


POTTERY SMOOTHERS MADE FROM VESSEL FRAGMENTS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 25 


BONE AWLS, CHARACTERISTIC PIT-HOUSE FORM 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 26 


AWLS MADE FROM FORTUITOUS SPLINTERS, PIT-HOUSE IMPLEMENTS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 FLATE 27 


PIT-HOUSE TOOLS SHOWING ONLY SLIGHT MODIFICATIONS OF THE ORIGINAL 
BONE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 28 


SLENDER AWLS AND BODKINS FROM THE PIT DWELLINGS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 29 


BONE AWLS AND SPATULATE IMPLEMENT FROM THE PUEBLO 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 30 


Po 
A 


meni ne 


PUEBLO AWLS MADE FROM FORTUITOUS SPLINTERS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 31 


EONE SCRAPERS FROM THE PUEBLO 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 153 


thus far would indicate that they are not a Little Colorado form of 
tool and also that they do not belong in the regions farther south 
and west. Their presence in the Long H Ranch collection may be 
considered as another indication of northern influence, possibly 
northern affiliations, or perhaps only trade relations. The third 
implement in this group (pl. 31, ¢) is another style of scraper which 
probably was used in skinning animals and dressing the pelts. At 
least such a tool could be used to advantage for such purposes. It 
is a@ form which apparently is more or less common in the upper 
Little Colorado region, as a number of examples have been observed 
in collections made from ruins comparable in age to the one under 
consideration. This kind of an implement is also missing from the 
pit-house series. 

The ornaments made from bone were not plentiful. Only two 
forms are represented in the collections from both horizons. The 
most numerous is that of the bone tubes generally referred to as 
bone beads. These were made from the shafts of long bones of 
birds, usually turkey, and small mammals. The method of manu- 
facture was simple. The joints or condyles were cut off and the re- 
maining tube polished. Only a few of these came from the pit 
houses. The bulk were in the pueblo horizon. 

‘The second form of bone ornament was that of the finger rings. 
These came only from the pueblo. No whole specimen was ob- 
tained and only fragments from a few objects are in the collection. 
Bone rings are not unusual in the Pueblo Ii] horizon. Various large 
ruins in the Southwest have furnished examples. None of those 
from the Long H ruin gave any indication of inlay work or addi- 
tional embellishment such as that exhibited by some of the specimens 
found in the Chaco Canyon. They seem to have been simple bone 
rings. 

Stone Opsxcts 


The objects fashioned from stone which the prehistoric dwellers 
on the Long H Ranch used in their daily life comprise a number of 
different forms and illustrate two methods of manufacture. The list 
includes metates or milling stones and the hand stones or manos 
used with them; axheads; mauls; bowls; paint dishes; slate tablets; 
drills, for making perforations in beads and other objects; knife 
blades; spearheads and arrowheads; pipes; and ornaments. As in 
the case of other groups of objects, there are some differences to be 
observed between the pit-house and pueblo forms. The two forms 
of manufacture represented are the pecking and grinding and the 
chipping or flaking. 

S(OSe Olt 


154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


Metates or milling stones on which the corn was ground are of the 
open end, grooved type. (Pl. 32.) In practically all cases these 
stones have a small projection at one end which served as a rest 
for the hand stone used in the grinding process. On most of the — 
metates this projection has a slightly concave upper surface. This 
feature is quite suggestive of the so-called Utah-type metates, al- 
though the latter have a more pronounced depression. The latter 
frequently is distinctly a shallow box with definite sides. None of 
the examples in the present collection are as elaborate as the Utah 
forms, but they do suggest that possibility. Perhaps they repre- 
sent the prototype of the fully developed form. As far as could 
be determined the same type of metate was used in both the pit- 
house and pueblo horizons. A large number were found in the 
former and although only a few were obtained from the latter they 
were of the same general type. ‘ 

Materials used in the metates were lava rock and sandstone. 
Those made from lava, such as the example pictured, were present 
in larger numbers than were the sandstone slabs. One explanation 
for this condition is that the lava rock could more easily be ob- 
tained. There is an outcropping of this material only a few miles 
from the ruin sites, while the sandstone, as in the case of that used 
in the walls of the pueblo, would have had to be carried from a 
much greater distance. The lava blocks no doubt made very suit- 
able stones for grinding, despite their porous nature. The deeper, 
larger holes would soon become filled with meal and the surface 
rather well adapted for grinding. Even at the present time many 
of the modern Pueblos seem to prefer the lava form of metate and 
it is quite common among certain classes of the Mexican people. 

These metates were not enclosed in bins, such as are found in 
many Pueblo III and later structures, but were mounted on small 
stones above the floor. An example of this placing of the metate 
was cited in the discussion of one of the pit houses and one of the 
illustrations (pl. 5, @) shows one in position. Although none of 
those found in the pueblo were so placed, the fact that no mealing 
bins were present would suggest that the stones probably were used 
in the same fashion as those in the older houses. 

The metates did not vary greatly in size. There was, of course, 
some difference from stone to stone, but in general they were fairly 
consistent. ‘The example illustrated measures 1 foot 10 inches (55.88 
em.) in length. The end where the groove or trough opens is 1 
foot (30.48 cm.) wide and the top or end with the rest for the hand 
stone is 8 inches (20.32 cm.) wide. The trough has a total length 
of 1 foot 1 inch (33.02 cm.), with a width of 8 inches (20.32 cm.). 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 155 


Its average depth is 1 inch (2.54 cm.). The stone itself has an 
average thickness of 314 inches (8.89 cm.). 

The hand stones or manos used with these metates were all of 
the single-hand, oval form. (Pl. 35, d.) The bottom side of the 
specimens recovered is flat while the top is rounding or convex. 
The stones are slightly shorter than the width of the trough in 
which they were used. Their width is usually about half their 
length. Their thickness varies but in no case measures more than 
11% inches (3.81 cm.). As in the case of the metates, the stone used 
in their manufacture was either lava rock or sandstone. Indica- 
tions were that in general the kind of metate determined the kind 
of mano. Lava was used on lava and sandstone on sandstone. 

For making both metates and manos the pecking and grinding 
method was used. The stones were pecked into their approximate 
shape and then the rough spots were ground down by rubbing with 
another stone. Beyond working out the groove and roughly shap- 
ing the metates little was done to the stone used in making them. 
In this connection a slight difference was observed between those 
from the pit houses and the pueblo. The latter seem generally to 
have been given a little more finish. The smooth surface on the 
under side of the manos is to be attributed, for the most part, to the 
wear from use. It might be mentioned in passing that the depth 
of the metate grooves is not so much the result of the rubbing back 
and forth of the mano as it is the pecking of the surface so that 
grinding would be facilitated. 

Mauls from the sites are of two forms. One is quite cylindrical 
and the groove for hafting completely encircles the stone. (Pl. 33, 
d.) The other type is more oval and the groove occurs only on three 
sides. (PI. 33, ¢.) The cylindrical form always has rounded ends, 
while the oval type tends to somewhat flattened striking surfaces 
which taper from the groove toward the ends. The cylindrical type 
is old. It is the form consistently found in Basket Maker IIT and 
Pueblo I sites in the San Juan area and has a wide distribution in 
other sections. The second form seems to be an early pueblo de- 
velopment in the Little Colorado region. Hough found similar 
ones in his explorations °* and private collections from the area con- 
tain other examples. The cylindrical form seems to have been dis- 
continued at this location before the pueblo was built. The second 
type is associated with the remains of both periods. Materials used 
in making mauls were lava, sandstone, and diorite. 

Two forms of axheads were found. One has a short bit (pl. 33, 
a and e), while the other has a long cutting edge (pl. 33, 6 and /). 
Both forms were secured from the pit houses but only the short- 


*3 Hough, W., 1903, pl. 14. 


156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


bitted type was present in the pueblo. The short, stubby specimens 
in many instances seemed to be intrusive in the pit-house débris. 
This could not be established with certainty, however, and as a con- 
sequence it has been deemed proper to place them in both horizons. 
The short-bitted axhead is one which is typical of the Little Colorado 
region, judging from the specimens in collections attributed to that 
area. The longer forms are comparatively scarce in the same series 
and since the collections came from sites which are subsequent to the — 
pit-house horizon the long-bitted axheads would appear to be typical 
of the older horizon. 

All of the axheads are grooved. On some the groove completely 
encircles the stone, while on others it is found only on three sides. 
There are more with the 3-sided groove in the short-bitted group 
than in the long forms. Another feature which is peculiar to the 
short forms is that the groove appears to be bordered by a ridge.. 
This effect is the result of grinding away part of the surface, to- 
ward the cutting edge, in such a fashion that the ridge was left. 
All of the specimens were shaped by the pecking and grinding 
method. The chipped edge of 6, Plate 33, may be attributed to an 
accident after the implement was made and not to an intentional 
flaking to produce a cutting edge. Materials used for making ax- 
heads were diorite and an occasional granite bowlder. Sandstone 
was too soft to hold the necessary edge for implements of this nature. 

One of the most interesting of the groups of stone objects is that 
of the stone bowls. (Pl. 34.) These range from rather crudely 
finished specimens to finely executed objects such as ¢ and d. All 
of the examples were found in the pit houses. No indications of 
this form of stonework were present in the pueblo. This seems 
rather strange in view of the fact that in the region to the south 
they occur in horizons comparable to that of the communal dwelling. 
Hough found a number of examples along the upper Gila ** and they 
are known from sites farther downstream, as well as from the 
Mimbres area to the east. They certainly indicate southern con- 
tacts in this case, but why they should occur only in the older horizon 
is not apparent. Their positions in the pit houses were such that 
they could not be judged intrusions from the latter period. They 
unquestionably belonged to the pit-house era. Perhaps when addi- 
tional work is done in the regions to the south information will 
become available which will throw some light on the subject. 

None of the bowls are of such a nature that they could be deemed 
mortars such as Hough found.®°® What their function could have 
been is not known. All were made by the pecking and grinding 


% Hough, W., 1914, figs. 12, 18, 143; p. 16. 
® Hough, W., 1914, fig. 49. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 157 


method. The bowl was first roughly blocked out by pecking with 
another stone. The surfaces were then rubbed or ground until fairly 
smooth. Lava, red and gray sandstone, and.granite bowlders were 
the materials used for these objects. _ 

A part of a curious object fashioned from stone, mentioned previ- 
ously, was found in the sipapu of one of the pit houses. (PI. 35, b.) 
One end had been broken off, presumably as a result of the fire which 
destroyed the house in which it was found, and the total length could 
not be determined. The object is cylindrical in shape. The un- 
broken end is somewhat battered and chipped, which suggests that 
it possibly might have had slight use as a pestle. There were no 
traces of mortars, however, in which it might have been employed. 
Tt is more likely that the small amount of flaking was a result of the 
process of the original shaping of the object. As suggested in an 
earlier paragraph, it might have had some ceremonial significance. 
Some of the Zuni workmen called it a kiva stone, but it is not of 
the shape or nature of such objects. Its presence in the sipapu may 
have been purely accidental, although indications were that it had 
intentionally been placed in the hole in the floor. The most that can 
be said is that it is an object of unknown use. It was ground and 
rubbed down from a piece of shale. 

One of the burials belonging to the pueblo horizon was accom- 
panied, in addition to the other mortuary objects, by a well-worked 
slab of slate. (PI. 35, a.) What the purpose of this specimen had 
been could not be determined. It is not of the proper shape to be 
classed as a sandal last. Stone slabs are found rather frequently in 
the Little Colorado region and also along the upper Gila.®* They 
are both simple and carved in elaborate fashion. Some of those 
found by Hough are painted. If the one from the burial at the 
Long H Ranch had been painted all signs of the pigment had dis- 
appeared before it was recovered. 

A small piece of sandstone which had been worked to form a 
palette used in the preparation of paint came from the pit-house 
level. ‘The upper surface of this stone has a shallow concavity, there 
are small grooves around the corners, and there is a groove com- 
pletely encircling it around the sides, or perhaps better the edges. 
(Pl. 35, ¢.) This was the only palette found. In many respects 
it suggests somewhat similar objects which have been found in the 
upper Gila region and also in the Mimbres section of southwestern 
New Mexico. 

The chipped implements comprise several groups, including drills, 
knife blades, spear points, and arrowheads. The materials used in 


%® Fewkes, J. W., 1904, p. 104. Hough, W., 1914, p. 31. 


158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 100 


these objects were mainly obsidian, chert and chalcedony. Most of 
them are of the latter substance. There is a plentiful supply of it 
in the region—in fact there are great stretches where the ground is 
literally covered with brightly colored flakes of it. 

Drills and knife blades from the pit-house horizon are illustrated 
in Plate 36. Typical examples of the style of drill employed are 
shown by aand d. That there were variations in the forms of knife 
blades is clearly evidenced by the specimens ¢ tof. The short, stubby 
type of blade, ¢, is not at all uncommon, and e and f also are fre- 
quently found. The latter are often classed as spear points, but 
hafted specimens from widely scattered sites have rather conclusively 
shown that the broad blade is the typical form used in knives, while 
the spear points are usually more slender. 

Cutting edges from the pueblo are not numerous and in many, 
cases are represented only by fragments. (Pl. 37.) Several forms 
seem to have been made. The type frequently confused with spear 
points is represented by a and ¢, Plate 37. Unhafted chips of scraper 
form with well-chipped edges were found. (Pl. 37, b.) For some 
unknown reason no examples of this class were obtained from the 
pit houses. As a general thing they are more numerous in earlier 
horizons than any other variety. The pueblo stone workers seem, 
also, to have made long, finely chipped blades with comparatively 
straight parallel edges. No whole specimen was secured and this 
phase of their craftsmanship is represented only by fragments, of 
which Plate 37, d, is an example. 

A characteristic group of spear points from the pit-house horizon 
is shown in Plate 38. Most of the examples have tangs and notches, 
although an occasional specimen, such as e, does not. Practically 
all of the tanged forms have the notches set at right angles to the 
long line of the object. No example with the notches set at an 
angle and down-raking barbs was observed. As a matter of fact, 
the latter features are more consistently present on knife blades 
in the group of large specimens. No spear points were found in 
the pueblo. This is consistent with the tendency of the period, 
Pueblo IIT, throughout the Southwest. As the pueblo cultures 
progressed there seems to have been a decrease in the use of spear 
points and a corresponding increase in that of arrowheads. It 
will be recalled that the early and classic period Basket Makers, 
f and II, had only the spear and spear thrower and that the bow 
and arrow apparently did not make its appearance until late in 
Basket Maker IIT. The latter ultimately replaced the other weapon 
entirely. Hence, in later pueblo periods spear points were not so 
extensively used. There is no evidence thus far to show it, but it 
is possible that the spear of later periods was of the thrusting rather 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 32 


TYPICAL MILLING STONE 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 33 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


STONE AX HEADS AND MAULS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 34 


STONE BOWLS 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 35 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS OF STONE 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 36 


e ef 


DRILLS AND KNIFE BLADES FROM THE P!IT HOUSES 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 37 


KNIFE BLADES AND SCRAPER FROM THE PUEBLO 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 38 


PIT-HOUSE SPEAR POINTS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 39 


1 


ARROWHEADS 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 40 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


STONE PIPES 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 41 


STONE PENDANTS FROM THE PIT HOUSES 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 42 


SHELL PENDANTS FROM THE PIT HOUSES 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 43 


SHELL BEADS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 44 


Pe ee el 
& ; 
"Haan eed OP OMP BM RVa yy at 


aS 
i“ a. A as e s 
e 
S 


‘“e 


e 


> e 
A _- 


NECKLACE OF STONE AND SHELL BEADS 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN 100 PLATE 45 


NECKLACE OF SHELL BEADS 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 159 


than the hurling type. Certainly the spear thrower or atlatl did 
not survive for any length of time, if at all, in the Pueblo era. 

The group of arrowheads in the collection is particularly interest- 
ing because it shows that there was a distinct difference between 
the pit-house and pueblo horizons. The specimens illustrated in 
Plate 39 show this clearly. The top row, a to 7, came from the older 
structures, while the middle and bottom rows, g to m, were found 
in the pueblo. As will be observed from the photograph, the typi- 
cal pit-house arrowhead was one with notches set at an angle and 
down-raking barbs. The predominant pueblo form was one without 
tang or barbs. Where a tang and notches were employed the latter 
were chipped at approximately right angles to the long line of the 
head. ‘This feature, which contrasts with the similar one in the 
pit-house series, is a definite period characteristic which has been 
observed in the Chaco Canyon and the San Juan region to the 
north. 

Stone was also used in the manufacture of pipes. (PI. 40.) 
These are of the tubular or cylindrical variety. No elbow forms 
were found. Most of those recovered from: the sites were made 
from lava, a substance which would seem to be rather unsuited to 
the purpose because of its porous nature. A few of the specimens 
were fashioned from a rather hard, fine-grained shale, a kind of 
gray pipestone, so to speak. ‘This material would readily lend itself 
to shaping and the pipes made from it are much superior in finish 
to those of lava. (Pl. 40, e.) One of the specimens is particu- 
larly interesting because it has a bone stem or bit inserted at one 
end. (Pl. 40, a4.) The tube was actually in place, held by pitch 
gum, when the object was found. As mentioned previously, pipes 
of clay of the tubular type are frequently found in the northern por- 
tions of the Southwest, but in this region stone was apparently the 
prevailing material employed for the purpose. Hough found similar 
ones in the territory west of the Long H Ranch,” and they are in 
collections which came from the area to the south and farther west. 
Indications are that the stone pipe may be considered the southern 
and western form. All of those illustrated in Plate 40 came from 
the pit houses. No examples were found in the pueblo, 

The only ornaments made from stone were pendants. (Pl. 41.) 
Turquoise, ferruginous shale, and a form of alabastar were the chief 
materials used. There does not seem to have been any great variety 
of shapes for this type of ornament, and as a matter of fact stone 
was not widely used for this purpose. The amount of turquoise 
present in the collection is relatively small. The popular and preva- 


Hough, W., 1903, pl. 52. 


160 BUREAU OF AM@RICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


lent material, the thing to wear for decorative adornment in the 
region of the Twin Lakes, was shell. Hence the scarcity of stone 
pendants. 

OpJECTS OF SHELL 


Through trade, or possibly as a result of journeys to the west coast, 
the dwellers in the pit houses and later pueblo had a large quantity 
of shell. This was used extensively in the manufacture of various 
kinds of objects for personal adornment. Pendants of different 
shapes, beads and bracelets were fashioned from this material. 
Among the shells the olivella, glycymeris, and abalone were those 
most frequently used. Some other kinds seem to have been employed 
on occasion, but the work necessary to produce the desired ornament 
many times removed features essential to the identification of the 
form, and for that reason it is not possible to tell what the shell is. 

Characteristic pendant forms are illustrated in Plate 42. The first 
two, @ and 6, were made from abalone shell. The latter was known 
very early in the Southwest and ornaments made from it have been 
found in Basket Maker IT sites. These particular specimens formed 
a pair. They were found together in a grave in a position which 
indicated that they had formed a part of a necklace. Objects ¢ and d 
were made from glycymeris shell, probably from pieces of broken 
bracelets. Some form of clamshell was used for e. All traces 
of the original surface were rubbed off, however, and the series of 
grooves incised into the shell. The carved animal, /, is interesting. 
The Little Colorado area has furnished a number of examples of 
this kind of pendant. Doctor Fewkes found specimens carved from 
shell representing animals and frogs during his work at Chevlon 
ruins in Arizona.** The simple pendant g was made from a piece of 
abalone shell. It was worn, together with some other ornaments, on 
a cord around the neck of the owner. This was shown by its posi- 
tion on the skeleton with which it was found. A broken bracelet 
made from a large glycymeris shell furnished the material for h. 
The people frequently put damaged goods to a secondary use in this 
way. All of these specimens belong to the pit-house horizon. 

The simplest form of bead, and that which was present in greatest 
numbers in the pit-house period, was made from olivella shells. 
(Pl. 48, a.) The latter lend themselves particularly well to such a 
purpose since all that is necessary to make good beads from them is 
to cut off one end. The perforation through which the suspension 
cord is passed is a natural feature of the shell. Curiously enough, 
the Basket Maker and Pueblo I peoples were those with whom this 
form of bead was most in vogue. Great quantities of them are 


*§ Fewkes, J. W., 1904, figs. 50, 51, 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 161 


found in association with Basket Maker burials. Frequently the 
mouth of the deceased was filled with them before the remains were 
interred and strings of them were placed in the grave. Large num- 
bers of the olivella beads were found accompanying pit-house burials 
on the Long H Ranch. They were used in necklaces and bracelets 
and one burial indicated that the person had worn some sort of 
girdle composed of over 300 of them. Olivella shells, on the other 
hand, were quite scarce in the pueblo horizon. 

The string of beads 6, Plate 43, is unique in the collection. The 
beads were found in the earth around the wrist bones of ‘a skeleton. 
The shell in them was so rubbed and cut during the process of manu- 
facture and they have weathered to such an extent that it is not 
possible to tell what the original shell was. They also belong to the 
pit-house group. 

Flat, circular beads were made from shell and stone. This type 
of bead was not at all plentiful in the pit-house period, judging 
from the few examples found, but was very much in style among the 
dwellers in the pueblo. An unusually fine necklace containing both 
forms was found in a pueblo burial. (Pl. 44.) Although the string 
of the original necklace had long since disappeared, the beads were 
lying in the earth as though strung. Consequently it has been possi- 
ble to restore the necklace in its original form. It will be observed 
from the illustration that there is an occasional tubular bead made 
from an olivella shell. These differ from the olivella beads of the 
pit-house horizon in that both ends were cut off and only the central 
section of the shell used. The few olivellas in this string are the 
only ones which can be attributed to the pueblo period. In addition 
to the various forms of beads just described, this necklace has one 
large turquoise bead. The latter are very rare in the collection 
from the Long H Ranch. Both horizons seem to have had little 
turquoise. This necklace also has two small turquoise pendants, 
neither of which is of good quality stone. 

One very fine necklace came from the pueblo horizon. The beads 
in it were cut in the shape of a figure 8. The perforations for sus- 
pension were drilled through the upper and smaller parts. The ef- 
fect which a string composed of beads of this type gives is that of 
two strands rather than one. (PI. 45.) The beads were made from 
pieces cut from glycymeris shell. Several fragments of this material 
with the beads roughed out but not completed were found in rubbish 
from the pueblo. The securing of a whole necklace of this variety 
was a particularly fortunate circumstance. Occasional stray beads 
have been found, but large numbers of them had not been encoun- 
tered previous to the uncovering of this specimen. Furthermore, this 
particular necklace adds one additional bit of evidence toward estab- 


162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BuLL. 100 


lishing the beads as a late pueblo form. Kidder and Guernsey 
obtained some examples of the type during their work in north- 
eastern Arizona. Although they were in a bowl of the Pueblo III 
period, it seemed that they might possibly have come from an older 
level and have been gathered and saved by the pueblo people.%? 
W. K. Moorehead secured similar ones during his work at Pueblo 
Bonito in the Chaco Canyon. The latter fact, together with the dis- 
tinct Pueblo III horizon which they occupied at the Long H Ranch, 
would indicate that the Kidder and Guernsey specimens belonged to 
that period also and suggests that the form is one which may be 
considered as characteristic of the Pueblo III period. 

One of the most numerous forms of ornament possessed by the 
pit-house dwellers was that of the glycymeris shell bracelets and 
armlets. (Pl. 46.) They were found in varying numbers on the 
arm bones of many of the skeletons. The smallest number worn by 
any one individual seems to have been two, and the most found 


Figurb 31.—Carved shell armlet 


on one arm was 20. The majority of the burials, however, indi- 
cated that four was the average. The smaller forms seem to have 
been placed on the wrist or lower arm, while the larger were worn 
above the elbow and served as armlets. One very elaborate speci- 
men was found. It has a frog carved in the shell at the point 
where the valve was situated. (Fig. 31.) Carved bracelets are not 
unique but they are not found in any great numbers. Doctor Fewkes 
secured one during the progress of his work at Elden Pueblo, near 
Flagstaff, in Arizona,’ and an occasional example has turned up in 
the Mimbres and upper Gila regions. The Elden Pueblo bracelet has 
a shell carved in place of the frog. Bradfield found a bracelet in 
the Mimbres, however, which is embellished with a frog. The Mim- 
bres specimen is probably about contemporaneous with the Long 
H Ranch example, but the Elden Pueblo one comes from a late 
Pueblo III ruin. None of the bracelets from the Long H Ranch 
came from the pueblo horizon. This may or may not have signifi- 
cance. It may be that no individual in the pueblo wore them, or 


% Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, fig. 68, c; pl. 62, 7; p. 151. 
1 Fewkes, J. W., 1927, fig. 216. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 46 


BRACELETS OF SHELL 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 100 PLATE 47 


CHARACTERISTIC POSITION OF INTERMENT 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 163 


again it is possible that the excavations merely failed to uncover 
any. In view of the fact that they are present in the Pueblo III 
horizon elsewhere in the region it would seem that no special period 
significance can be attached to them. 

The shell used in the manufacture of bracelets is found only in 
the Gulf of California and shows that there must have been a rather 
spirited trade between the two areas. Farther south and west, the 
nearer the ruins are to the source of supply, arm ornaments are more 
numerous. In the northern and eastern portions of the Southwest 
area such bracelets are rather scare. 


Minor Ossects, SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 


The lesser objects of the material culture of the ancient inhabitants 
of the Long H Ranch represent, with a single exception, only the 
things made from imperishable materials. Out of the great bulk 
of objects fashioned from substances subject to the agents of decay 
which the people must have used in their daily life only a few 
charred fragments of basketry were secured. The objects made 
from more permanent materials include pottery containers, stone 
and bone implements, and stone and shell ornaments. ‘Two distinct 
periods are represented in the collection. One consists of the speci- 
mens from the pit houses and the other those from the pueblo ruin. 
Certain forms are present in only one of the horizons, others show 
marked differences according to their provenience, while some forms 
are the same in both levels. 

Pottery shows some variation in paste and tempering material, 
but the greatest period differences are to be observed in surface 
finish, form, and decoration. Culinary vessels from both levels have 
a granular paste with temper of sand and ground stone. The 
pueblo specimens contain a larger proportion of sand than do the 
pit-house jars. The nonculinary wares of the pit-house black-on- 
white group have fine-grained paste with a small amount of sand 
and particles of light-colored ground rock for tempering. This 
class of containers in the pueblo collection has an even finer, more 
compact paste. Ground potsherds constituted the main temper em- 
ployed. Black interior vessels have a porous, sand-tempered paste. 
The only period difference is one of fineness. The pueblo forms are 
slightly more compact and less granular in cross section. Black-on- 
red vessels, which were found only in the pueblo horizon, have a 
granular paste tempered with fragments of dark-colored rock. 

The pit-house culinary wares in most cases have smoothed sur- 
faces, although a few examples are characterized by smooth bot- 
toms and banded necks. The cooking jars from the pueblo are 


164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


of the indented corrugated variety. On some the indented coils 
appear only on the neck portion, the bottom being smoothed as in the 
case of the pit-house jars, but the majority have the entire exterior 
surface corrugated. All of the nonculinary vessels have smoothed 
surfaces. The bowls, regardless of horizon, have a better finish on 
the interior than they do on the exterior. This may be attributed 
to the fact that the interior was the field for decoration. In the 
pit-house group only 24.5 per cent of the specimens have a slip, 
while all of the pueblo vessels were so treated. If pit-house bowls 
exhibit a slip it is present both inside and out. On most of the 
pueblo specimens it is present only on the interior. On an occasional 
bowl in the latter group the slip was carried down a short distance 
below the rim on the outside, but not over the entire surface. A 
few of the pit-house vessels have “fugitive red” on the exterior, 
the survival of a typical Basket Maker III feature, while it is totally 
absent in the pueblo group. 

There is no great variety of form in the containers from either 
the pit houses or the pueblo. The vessels comprise culinary jars, 
water jars, pitchers, seed jars, canteens, and ladles. The outstand- 
ing difference in the culinary jars, as previously mentioned, is that 
of surface finish. Water jars vary considerably in the two periods. 
The pit-house shape was ovoid with a very squat neck which was 
little more than a pronounced rim on the orifice. The pueblo vessels 
of this group had globular bodies with a slightly depressed top, 
definite but short necks, and restricted orifices. Bowl shapes in the 
two horizons were practically the same. The main period difference 
to be observed is in the rims. Those from the pit houses have thin 
rounded lips, the walls of the vessels tapering slightly below the rim. 
The pueblo forms have a direct lip which is squared or flattened. 
Pitchers show marked variations in form and method of handle 
attachment. The pit-house types include a globular body with 
tapering neck and only a slight suggestion of a shoulder; a globular 
body and tapering neck with projecting nubbins around the shoulder; 
pitchers with segmented necks; and bird-shaped vessels. The pueblo 
containers of this group haye more ovoid bodies with depressed tops 
and pronounced shoulders. The necks are longer and have vertical 
sides. Handles in the pit-house group extend from the rim of the 
orifice to the slight suggestion of a shoulder, while in the pueblo 
series they join the neck some distance below the rim. Seed jars 
were found only in the pit houses. Canteens from the pit houses are 
pear-shaped with a small orifice and no neck. The pueblo form is 
globular with a distinct though short neck. Ladles in the pit-house 
wares show the half-gourd and bowl with concave handle forms. 
The pueblo dippers were all of the bowl and tubular-handle type. 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 165 


The elements in the design on the painted wares of the pit-house 
period consist of zigzag, parallel, and parallel stepped lines; squig- 
gled lines; filled triangles and dotted triangles; volutes and ticked 
volutes; interlocking frets; checkerboard; concentric rectilinear and 
curvilinear figures. These were combined in patterns of the bi- 
partite, tripartite, and quadrate forms. They were used in designs 
composed of solid elements bordered by series of parallel lines. They 
formed figures which were placed at opposite sides of the field for 
decoration. Spiral figures and pendent panels were developed from 
them and they were painted in band designs. The pueblo decora- 
tions have more heavy, solid elements and the parallel bordering 
lines are noticeably absent. The main elements employed were pen- 
nantlike symbols, triangles, rectilinear and curvilinear frets, and 
straight-line hachure. The latter is in distinct contrast to the 
hachure of the pit-house designs which is composed of squiggled 
lines. The pueblo patterns are chiefly of the all over and band form. 

The pit-house pottery in its nature and style of decoration shows 
distinct affiliations with the early wares of the Chaco Canyon and 
portions of the northeastern San Juan area. Although unquestion- 
ably a local product it was under a strong northern influence. Pot- 
tery comparable to it is also found in parts of the Rio Grande region 
and in some of the older Mimbres and upper Gila sites. ‘These 
widespread resemblances may be attributed to the fact that they 
belong to a period when most of the pottery was quite generalized 
in its nature, not crystallized into local specializations such as de- 
veloped in the Pueblo II and III periods. On the basis of pastes, 
shapes, and style of decoration in the nonculinary wares, together 
with the form and character of the culinary vessels, there can be 
no hesitancy in placing the pit-house pottery in the Pueblo I period. 
It is, however, typical of the eastern phase of Pueblo I ceramics, a 
phase which seems to have been under the influence of the Chaco 
Canyon centers and which is different from the Pueblo I, formerly 
called pre-Pueblo, of the Marsh Pass or Kayenta district. The 
eastern phase seems to have been more widely distributed than the 
western. It extended from the Mesa Verde to the upper reaches of 
the San Juan, down the Rio Grande, through the Chaco Canyon to 
the upper Gila and Mimbres. The boundary line between the 
eastern and western forms is not sharp. There is a strip between 
the Mesa Verde and the Kayenta districts, extending south to the 
Little Colorado, where they overlap. Specimens of the eastern form 
have been found in the Kayenta region and examples of the western 
phase are in collections from the Chaco Canyon and the upper San 
Juan. Thus far, however, not a single fragment from a western 
Pueblo I vessel has appeared in collections from the Mesa Verde. 


166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


The pueblo pottery in most of its aspects is definitely of the Pueblo 
III period. A few sporadic pieces, such as the smooth-bottomed 
indented corrugated ware, suggest a late Pueblo II form of ceramics. 
The series as a whole, however, could not be considered other than 
a Pueblo III collection. The specimens strongly suggest a fusion 
or mixture of cultures. Some of the vessels are distinctly Chacoan 
in type, while others are unquestionably upper Gila. There is only 
a very small percentage which could be termed characteristic Little 
Colorado, and that is in the black-on-red group. The pueblo pottery 
may be summed up in the statement that it is Pueblo III, predomi- 
nantly Chaco-upper Gila in character with a slight admixture of 
Little Colorado black-on-red. 

Basketry remains are too meager to serve as a basis for any com- 
prehensive conclusions. All that can be learned from the pieces 
secured is that both horizons were characterized by double-rod- 
foundation baskets and that the pueblo work was much finer than 
that of the pit-house peoples. The stitch employed in the pueblo 
examples is as fine as any found in the pueblo horizons in the 
Southwest. 

Bonework does not exhibit a marked variety of forms. Awls con- 
stitute a majority of the implements in this group. They were made 
from specially cut pieces, from fortuitous splinters, and from bones 
only slightly modified from their original form. The main differ- 
ence between the pit-house and pueblo tools is in the group of specially 
cut awls. The pit-house type is a short, stubby one, while the 
pueblo form is long and slender. The pit-house people made and 
used a broad, flat bodkin type of implement, which is missing in the 
collection from the pueblo. On the other hand the pueblo horizon 
had a form of scraper or flesher which was not made in the earlier 
period. These fleshers are distinctly a northern type of implement. 
Bone tubes, possibly used as beads, were found in both levels. Bone 
rings, however, occurred only in the pueblo horizon. These rings 
are very reminiscent of examples found in the Pueblo III ruins of 
the Chaco Canyon. 

Objects of stone show that two methods of manufacture were used. 
One group was made by the pecking and grinding technique, the 
other by chipping and flaking. Those of the first group are metates, 
manos, axheads, mauls, bowls, paint dishes or palettes, slate tablets, 
pipes, and ornaments. The second group consists of drills, knife 
blades, spear points, and arrowheads. 

The open end, grooved metate was used in both horizons. There 
was no indication that these milling stones were used in bins, but 
that they were raised above the floor on stones. The metates in a 
slight degree suggest the form which is called the Utah type. Two 


ROBERTS | THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 167 


forms of mauls were found. One is cylindrical with rounded ends 
and hafting groove completely encircling the stone. The other is 
oval with tapering, flattened ends, the hafting groove occurring only 
on three sides. Both forms were obtained from the pit houses while 
only the oval type was found in the pueblo. Ax heads also exhibit 
two forms. One has a short bit, the other a long cutting edge. Both 
were present in the pit houses. Only the short-bitted form was 
obtained from the pueblo. The latter is the characteristic Little 
Colorado form of ax head. All of the ax heads are grooved. The 
groove may completely encircle the stone or appear on only three 
sides. There is no correlation between type of head and form of 
groove; the two kinds of grooves are found on the two styles of 
heads. The stone bowls range from crudely finished specimens to 
finely executed objects. They were found only in the pit houses. 
In form and character they are quite similar to those found in 
pueblo ruins along the upper Gila. Slate slabs occurred only in the 
pueblo horizon. They are like those found in the upper Gila and 
Little Colorado cultures. Paint dishes or palettes were a pit-house 
feature. Pipes were all of the tubular variety and were found only 
in the pit houses. 

Chipped implements show some differences with respect to horizon. 
This is most marked in the groups of arrowheads and spear points. 
The pit-house arrowheads have tangs and down-raking barbs. ‘The 
predominant pueblo form was one without tang or barbs. Where 
the latter are present they are at right angles to the long line of the 
head. Spear points were found only in the pit houses. On the 
other hand unhafted chips worked into scrapers were secured only 
from the pueblo. The pueblo stone workers also made long, parallel- 
sided knife blades which were unknown, apparently, in the pit-house 
horizon. 

Shell obtained from the western ocean and the Gulf of California 
was extensively used in the manufacture of ornaments. Included 
in the specimens are abalone, olivella, and glycymeris. Pendants, 
bracelets, and beads were fashioned from this material. Abalone was 
used in the manufacture of pendants, glycymeris for bracelets and 
beads, and olivella for beads. The chief beads used during the pit- 
house period were made from olivella shells. The pueblo era saw 
flat circular beads made from shell and stone the vogue. The latter 
period also had a double-lobed figure 8 bead which was not present 
in the pit-house era. Shell bracelets were found only on skeletons 
from the pit-house level. This is to be regarded only as a local dif- 
ference, however, as at other sites shell bracelets are plentiful in 
later pueblo periods. 


168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


The lesser objects of the material culture as a group show some 
interesting things. Pettery indicates a distinct northern influence 
in the early period, a fusion of northern and southern types in the 
later horizon. Bone implements are quite like those in the north. 
Stone objects show considerable southern and western traits, with 
the exception of the pit-house arrowheads which are like those of 
the north and northeast late Basket Maker ITI and Pueblo I sites. 
Shell ornaments are distinctly southern and western. There is a de- 
cided indication of a fusing of different cultural forms, in the pueblo 
horizon especially. The material culture suggests that the location 
was one which was peripheral to several culture centers and that the 
people adopted features from each. Two periods, Pueblo I and 
Pueblo ITT, are represented. As in the case of the house types, there 
is a break between the two. Pueblo II seems not to have been 
present at these sites. The Pueblo I is distinctly an early phase 
of that period. There is nothing in the specimens collected to even 
hint at a possible shading into Pueblo If. The Pueblo III speci- 
mens are clearly of the early and middle phases of that period. A 
few of the vessels, such as the indented corrugated culinary jars 
with smoothed bottoms, suggest a Pueblo II origin but in view of 
the tendency to survival of forms and the lack of other Pueblo II 
features no special emphasis can be placed on them. ‘The group as a 
whole must be considered Pueblo III. 


HUMAN BURIALS 


All indications were that inhumation was the only method of 
disposing of the dead practiced in the vicinity of the Twin Lakes. 
There were, however, a number of different forms of interment. 
The pit-house dwellers made use of any available hole or depres- 
sion, such as abandoned storage pits and the ventilators of no longer 
occupied houses, or when necessary scooped out shallow pits in the 
top soil or in a refuse mound as a final resting place for their dead. 
No attempt at orientation was made. In the group of pit-house 
burials as a whole the heads of the interred were found pointing 
toward practically every direction of the compass. Despite the 
irregularity of direction, though, there was a consistent plan of 
body position. With very few exceptions, the deceased was placed 
on the back, the arms were folded across the body, and the lower 
legs were drawn against the thighs with the knees projecting up- 
ward. (PI. 47.) The few variations from this position were 
noted where the burials had been made in the ventilator of an 
abandoned house or in a small storage pit. Under such conditions 
it was occasionally necessary to force the body into a small open- 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 169 


ing, and as a consequence little attention could be paid to position. 
The practice of covering the remains with a large stone slab, fre- 
quently observed in other districts, was not followed here. This 
probably, in part, was due to the lack of stone in the vicinity. Cus- 
toms may vary from section to section, regardless of conditions, but 
lack of suitable materials does have a decided effect on some practices. 

Mortuary offerings were put in the grave beside the body. No 
definite place was assigned to the funerary deposits, however. In 
some cases they were found near the head, in others at the feet, and 
in additional instances were in all positions between these two ex- 
tremes. Contrasting with this irregularity, the people were quite 
consistent in one feature. Three kinds of pottery were always 
placed in the grave. A culinary jar, a black-on-white bowl, and a 
black-interior bowl formed the group. Where there were more 
vessels the custom prevailed and the offerings were in multiples of 
the usual series. For example, a number of interments had 2 culi- 
nary jars, 2 black-on-white bowls, and 2 of the black-interior con- 
tainers. Furthermore, it was found that the top of the culinary 
jar was always covered with an inverted black-interior bowl. This 
regularity in the nature and number of mortuary vessels is rather 
unusual in the Southwest. Where beads or other ornaments were 
in the grave they seem to have been purely the personal possessions 
which the person wore in life and which were left on the remains 
in death. 

The finding of a skull without additional parts of the skeleton in 
the ventilator of house A, Group No. 1, presents a rather puzzling 
problem, for which there appears no solution. Sporadically through- 
out the Southwest the interment of only a portion of a body is dis- 
covered. One of the most striking of these was a burial of hands in 
northwestern Arizona.? The careful burial of two crania was noted 
at a Pueblo I site in southwestern Colorado,’ and diggers have occa- 
sionally reported the finding of a headless skeleton. Thus far no 
satisfactory explanation for such practices has been forthcoming. 
Such a find always opens a vast field for the play of the imagination 
but gives little in the way of fact to serve as a foundation on which 
to erect a theory. Consequently, it is considered better to err on the 
side of conservatism and merely record the occurrence than to fabri- 
cate a probably erroneous explanation for it. 

There was nothing in the finding of the skulls in Colorado or at 
the Long H Ranch to imply that the people could be considered, in 
any sense of the word, head hunters. A purely conjectural sug- 


2 Morris, H. H., 1925, p. 291. 
% Roberts, 19380, p. 163. 


18768°—31-——12 


170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


gestion made in the discussion of the Colorado find was that it is 
possible that they may have been the heads of men who had been 
killed or died while away with war or hunting parties. It was not 
possible to carry the remains home for burial, so in lieu of the whole 
body the head was removed and taken back for proper interment. 
Primitive peoples in other parts of the world have been known 
to do this and it may be that on occasion the early dwellers in the 
Southwest did likewise. Some evidence of sacrificial cannibalism 
has been recorded in the Southwest, but in neither of these cases 
was there anything to indicate such a ceremony. 

Another feature of interest in connection with the pit-house 
burials is the evidence that now and then children were interred 
close to fire pits. This practice was not uncommon in the Southwest 
and probably represents a phase of a custom which was world-wide 
in its distribution, namely, that of keeping the family circle un- 
broken, even in death, by burying the deceased close to the hearth. 
Traces of this custom have been observed among some of the modern 
pueblos in the burial of dead beneath the floors of houses. This 
practice was also quite prevalent among certain of the prehistoric 
peoples in this region, particularly during late pre-Spanish times. 
Occasionally it was done in the early days of the culture, but not to 
so great an extent. 

The burials from the pueblo were found in the refuse mound lo- 
cated east of the ruin. The number was small compared to what it 
should have been for the size of the community and the length of 
time which it was occupied. There is no explanation for this beyond 
that of the possibility that many were missed because of having been 
placed elsewhere and their presence not revealed by the investiga- 
tions. Those which were uncovered differed from the pit-house in- 
terments in a number of respects. In contrast to the latter, all were 
oriented. The head in each instance was in an easterly direction. 
The body had been placed on its side with the legs drawn up and 
the arms folded so that the hands were near the face or under the 
head. ‘There did not seem to have been any special choice of side 
as the burials were about evenly divided between those lying on the 
right and those on the left. None had been placed on the back, the 
typical pit-house position, and there was no use of covering stones. 

The mortuary offerings accompanying the pueblo burials were 
near the head, usually in front of the face. There was no regularity 
of offerings in this group like that observed for the pit-house inter- 
ments. Presumably whatever could be spared was put into the 
grave. In some instances there were no whole objects, just fragments 
of bowls or culinary jars, 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA ual 


Skeletal remains from the two periods offer some interesting com- 
parisons. The pit-house people were both long-headed and broad- 
headed ; had deformed and undeformed crania. Both groups exhibit 
examples of a slight occipital flattening and both have individuals 
with normal skulls. The significance in this lies in the fact that here 
there was an unquestionable mixing of stocks and customs. The 
introduction pointed out, it will be recalled, that the first sedentary 
peoples in the Southwest, the Basket Makers, were characterized by 
long, undeformed heads. The earliest Pueblo peoples, on the other 
hand, had short, broad heads. Soon after their arrival in the region 
this broad-headedness was emphasized by a flattening of the back 
or occipital portion. Whether this was intentional or accidental is 
not known. In view of the fact that many peoples of lower cultures 
are wont to practice deformation of a kind which emphasizes natural 
characteristics it would seem that the custom may well have been in- 
tentional. The inception may well have been accidental, but the 
continuation was probably through choice. At all events, the flatten- 
ing may definitely be attributed to the type of cradle board developed 
by the pueblo peoples. This form of carrier for infants was only 
in partial use during the pit-house era, judging from the fact that 
many of the skulls are undeformed. Its use, however, was not con- 
fined to the broad-headed group of the Twin Lakes locality, as some 
indisputable long heads have a slight deformation of the type which 
it produced. Also, some of the broad heads do not show it, which 
suggests that it had not been completely adopted. The association 
of two peoples is definitely indicated by the two head forms, the fus- 
ing of cultures by the occasional deformation of a long head. 

The skulls of the skeletons belonging to the pueblo horizon are in 
marked contrast to those of the pit-house era in that all have a pro- 
nounced occipital flattening. The latter is so marked that it is not 
possible to tell whether the person had belonged to the long-headed 
or broad-headed group. It is quite probable that by the Pueblo HiT 
period, that of the Long H Ranch communal dwelling, the amalga- 
mation of stocks had reached a point where head form would have 
little significance. Furthermore, any that it might have had would 
be lost because of the widespread practice of pronounced cranial 
deformation with its resultant obliteration of distinctive features. 


GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 


During the summer of 1929 archeological investigations were con- 
ducted on the old Long H Ranch at the Twin Salt Lakes in Apache 
County, eastern Arizona. At the end of the field season 18 pit 
houses, the remains of 3 jacal structures, and a pueblo ruin with 49 


172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


rooms and 4 kivas had been uncovered. Evidence was that the dif- 
ferent forms of houses were built in the order named. Some of the 
pit houses were unquestionably the oldest domiciles and stratigraphic 
evidence demonstrated clearly that the pueblo was later than the 
other dwellings. 

There were two kinds of pit houses. The subterranean portion of 
one consisted of a roughly circular or oval, rarely rectangular, pit 
with walls rising more or less vertically from the floor to the ground 
level. ‘The other group had larger pits, were oval or circular in con- 
tour, and had an encircling bench as an upper wall feature. The 
smaller houses are believed to have been the early form and the 
larger ones the ultimate development. The superstructure erected 
over the pit in both forms was supported by four upright posts set 
in the floor. On top of these was a rectangular framework of four 
stringers upon which the smaller poles which formed the flat ceiling 
and sloping side walls rested. In the small houses the slanting poles 
extended from the ground to the rectangular framework, but in the 
large structures their butts rested in the angle formed by the top of 
the bench and the rear wall of the pit.. An opening in the center of 
the flat portion of the roof served as a combination smoke hole and 
entrance. This wooden framework was covered with leaves, brush, 
bark, reeds, and earth. 

Characteristic interior furnishings in the pit dwellings consisted 
of a ventilator at the southeast side of the room, fire and ladder pits 
near the center, a deflector between the ventilator opening and fire 
pit, a sipapu or symbolical representation of the mythical place of 
emergence, and holes for the storage of small objects. All of these 
features were not present in every case but a good proportion was 
noted in each house. The ventilator-fire pit-sipapu complex may be 
considered typical. This group of features was one which survived 
in later periods in the ceremonial chambers of the communal dwell- 
ings. The latter unquestionably represent a survival for ceremonial 
purposes of the old original type of house and clearly indicate that 
where most of the rites in the early stages of the cultural develop- 
ment took place in the family dwelling in later periods a special 
chamber was provided. 

The pit houses were found to occur in groups of from four to six, 
several of which might constitute a village. These house clusters 
are thought to represent a single family group or clan. In three of 
them the central structure was larger than those surrounding it and 
suggested that already a definite ceremonial significance was becom- 
ing attached to one certain building. It was postulated, in this 
connection, that this feature possibly represented the prototype of 
the kiva of later periods. 


ROBERTS ] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 173 


The small houses were found to be quite reminiscent of structures 
belonging to the end of the Basket Maker III period. The larger 
ones were suggestive of similar ones belonging to the Pueblo I period 
uncovered in the Chaco Canyon in northwestern New Mexico and 
in southwestern Colorado. In general the pit houses show a closer 
resemblance to forms excavated in the north than they do to those 
found in the south and southwest. 

Meager evidence on the jacal dwellings was that their walls had 
consisted of upright poles covered with mud. It is supposed that 
they had flat roofs. They ranged from single to several roomed 
houses. They indicated some similarity to jacal houses of one phase 
of the Pueblo I period in southwestern Colorado. Lesser objects 
found in association with the jacal remains demonstrated that they 
were contemporaneous with the large pit dwellings. This variation 
in house types in one community in a single period is characteristic 
of the early Pueblo horizon. Other sections have also shown that 
there was considerable fluctuation in the forms of domiciles erected 
by the people. It was during this stage in the development of the 
sedentary culture of the Southwest that the shift from subterranean 
to above-ground houses was made. As a consequence there was an 
interval of instability during which some lived in pit structures 
while others were building the new-style houses. At the beginning 
of the period the pit form, a survival from Basket Maker IIT days, 
was predominant. Toward the end the other types had practically 
supplanted it. 

The pueblo ruin was found to have been a structure consisting 
of stone, adobe, and veneered walls. It had not been erected as a 
complete building but had grown from an original house of six 
rooms and a kiva through the addition, from time to time, of new 
rooms and units. There were five distinct stages in its develop- 
ment. The final phase was of particular interest because the builders 
simulated a stone structure by facing all of the outside walls with 
stone, while inside they were mainly of adobe. Throughout its 
various stages the dwelling seemed to have been more like those 
of the San Juan than the Littie Colorado area. This was particu- 
larly true in the characteristics of the kivas. The great difficulty of 
the problem, in this connection, lies in the fact that too little is 
known about the eastern portion of the Little Colorado area. Prac- 
tically nothing has been done in the small pueblo ruins in the region. 
The Long H Ranch building may well be typical of an older 
stratum which has not been definitely recognized, and which has 
much in common with the northern groups, at the same time being 
characteristic of the region. The type of kiva is unknown for this 
section. Only future investigations can determine whether the form 


174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


at the Long H Ranch is normal or an indication of a distinct north- 
ern intrusion. Consequently it is not possible to draw definite con- 
clusions until that work has been done. 

There is evidence of a distinct hiatus between the pit and jacal 
dwelling group and the pueblo form of structure. The differences 
are too marked to warrant any belief that the people ceased build- 
ing one and adopted the other. Indications are that the site was 
abandoned and then reoccupied at a later date by a group building 
a more highly developed type of house. What caused the gap is not 
known. The most that can be said, from the facts in the case, is 
that there are pit-house and jacal remains of the early and middle 
Pueblo I period and pueblo ruins of the early part of period III, 
but no intervening ITI. 

The bulk of the lesser objects of the material culture were found 
to consist of those made from imperishable materials. The group 
includes pottery containers, stone and bone implements, and stone 
and shell ornaments. Certain classes show marked differences be- 
tween the pit-house and pueblo forms, while others are the same in 
both horizons. The variations are most marked in pottery, axheads 
and mauls, awls made from specially prepared bones, arrowheads, 
and certain types of beads. Pottery indicates a distinct northern 
influence, that of the Chaco cultures, in the early period; and a 
fusion of northern and southern types, Chaco Canyon-upper Gila, 
in the later horizon. Bone implements show many northern char- 
acteristics. Stone objects have many southern and western traits. 
Shell ornaments are clearly southern and western. The group of 
objects from the pit-house horizon is definitely Pueblo I in char- 
acter while that from the pueblo is typically Pueblo IIT. 

Disposal of the dead was by inhumation. The pit-house peoples 
placed the body on the back with the legs drawn up while the pueblo 
dwellers interred the remains on the side. The pit-house burials 
were made with no apparent attention to the direction of the head. 
In contrast to this the pueblo remains had the head toward the east. 
Mortuary offerings in the pit-house era consisted of three definite 
kinds of pottery put at any convenient place in the grave. The de- 
posits with the pueblo remains were of no particular nature, but they 
were always placed at the head. 

The skeletal remains show striking contrasts. The crania from 
the pit-houses exhibit long and broad forms, and show slightly de- 
formed and undeformed examples in both groups. This is consid- 
ered to indicate an unquestionable mixing of stock and customs. 
The long heads represent Basket Maker survivals, the broad heads 
Pueblo infiltration. Deformation of the occipital region bears evi- 
dence to the development of a new form of cradle board for the in- 


ROBERTS] THE RUINS AT KIATUTHLANNA 175 


fants, one which produced the head flattening. The fact that ex- 
amples in both groups show the deformation while others do not 
suggests the adoption of the new cradle, a Pueblo contribution, by 
some of the Basket Maker peoples and also the failure of certain 
of the Pueblos to use it. The skulls from the pueblo horizon all] 
have a very pronounced occipital flattening, showing that the form 
of cradle which produced it had been adopted by all. The defor- 
mation in this group is so marked that it is not possible to tell 
whether the person had come from a long-headed or broad-headed 
group, or a mixture of the two. 

Taken as a whole, the material culture of the people who once 
dwelt in the vicinity of the Twin Salt Lakes suggests that the loca- 
tion was one which was peripheral to several centers and that fea- 
tures from each were adopted. The fact that there are more which 
show northern origins, those reminiscent of the Chaco cultures es- 
pecially, may be attributed to the fact that that center was long a 
leader in the development of the Pueblo pattern. In the periods 
when the pit-houses and later pueblo were built it was in its heydey. 
The Little Colorado and Rio Grande cultures had not yet attained 
the prominence which they reached in the following period, Pueblo 
IV, hence their effect was negligible, 


Bat, cit often its a B aqisory soa : 

Bapanliyncnt dey. Latina ages wren, earkiar Sond boy 
ie Ne Pig Py ines, CeO Opal Saeed : $a ly 
oso ‘oa vlgeaeg aide vanitlae, Suir} erniead) vslovan lr nea 
i CLES To RS Sh wlio Ldink aiwlF cod thy Chink aplaniin {7c 
; a Keith Pees A ees RS Ipiersd nd Prartoche nae HA hu erte apy he ri aoe 
CONT MO worn eros t dail dpa) wbstqodavdiew! ees une a 
TRY, BONUS coe) wel), ‘hy. Susvetinienes drodd aniiixa dud oe “works 
& gutol, Rew Tee, death bevll dont wilh Ad batudisdgiy, oct: ae 
gfeyiacy il BE», tesatendy plein T, ots Tostronalinrdh die a 
SOD WAU Ak eer 4h UN tuel arsine. mhelonits neta tba rrge: cenareoets.| lop oie 
; Logriaitit foe, MOST South, Berthcg li ebay Gane: (rnin, Often heedey af halal 
ner oul seiiotl dhs Sei B AM ney, Woovkh ibs beers aspen | 
i Lea hurl brea Fi Hobseastai ie ded. aeaady ts 
Panties (1 hha i BAe Cera or Fe a Pore he ols a 
& am Pe ADA Gah PROS A sin ee eas ; phy ey! OT Rdis: 4 7h “td BBS ta Chey’ 


Dita a fae sith ee erry vORIO: TVD: Veh Biel WC mela 6 tes ie a 


| St ae ee CED E SRT ro Ly iia ea uae aad vila 
its, aurea ul woeeen Se iPad oti ol Pica th a ia aie 
rok on oe " ; er 


Pa ae et ee eet vane fea ame Dh “ia 
a Bt a “dae Areca A “en aan! Th: eke lige z 
bs Behe ee 4 evn bam sa ey ject ‘Tirty $e ay : 
» Ue Mp Hoe lelaNtttes kk Sty te gh aie ana ae 
a hin} ccs eh Reh aut ig ie ata ns ley s was vbw ‘Read 
an. AS ted lay Oi vidliey Ce Ud Yt aa car arny | he Pao 
Li Dah sal aT A Crd tt Wy wap as aa ay Ran ‘iva ried Eb ae , 


APPENDIX 


TABLE I.—MEASUREMENTS OF RooMS IN THE PuEBLO RUIN 


Room No. 


Length through the center 


i 
NWoAPTMNOAANHAKEAWAKHRAAARRLWAOWROWAH MO OD DK WOD WW OW 


Meters 


i 
on 
w& 


www wwwnyn ¥ 
~ 


pe on x 
bo 
=I 
[o-} 


CORES ROS etc es. 0 19 T 
no 


cut) 
=) 
ie) 
oo 


Breadth through the center 


2) 


DHAwWFEOWRERNANMODAAANINNAN ANS 


— 
aOAnaoamwwowovontoaon 


an 


AMOAONNINAINNAO OA TNWOWN AOD 


~. 


NNTWHHMORMDHOS 


a 
oo 


ascoonrtaono 


a 
Oo 


_ 
IMOWNONOATAPDCHKENNWOWOAD 


Oowonrnrtrnwond ® wo 


Meters 
2. 362 
2. 336 
2. 286 
2. 133 
2. 032 
2. 514 
2. 616 
1. 879 
2. 184 
1. 473 
2. 692 
1. 828 
1. 270 
2. 438 
1. 955 
2.921 
1. 524 
2. 438 
2. 260 
2. 997 

590 

066 

143 

514 

524 

209 

574 

574 

320 

828 

565 

778 


) 


NrOto Ie Nos SBN SN 


ee 
=I 
i] 
“I 


PPeypnyey 
no or 
co co 
on So 


Ni 
oa ww 
ao fo 
a oO 


178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 100 


TABLE 1,.—MEASUREMENTS OF ROOMS IN THE PUEBLO Rutn—Continued 


Room No. ® Length through the center Breadth through the center 
Fi. in. Meters ta an, Meters 
(Ty IPR acts ide de hs RA 1 15 3. 479 nee 2. 184 
AR See Rel ME Sines 13 10 4, 216 a 6 2. 286 
(0s SEE oe ae el 144 66 4, 394 ie 2. 260 
Diameter through the ventilator Diameter at right angle to ventilator 
Total Inside bench Total Inside bench 


Ft. in.| Meters Ft. in.| Meters Ft. in.| Meters Ft. in.| Meters 


Rea eA cee ss Ah 15 2 | 4, 622 12 4 3. 759 15 6 4, 724 1 4, 292 
RG eS Ae ee ee 18 4 5. 588 14 0 4, 267 19) 2 5, 842 15 4 4. 673 
IKuliv an @meper ies ee 165s cA | ee | 14 7 4, 445"|.ol2oce5 ee eeeee ae 
KV D eee. os ot 19 6 5. 943 14 9 4, 495 16 0 4. 876 14 9 4. 495 


TABLE 2.—SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN TEXT FIGURES 


Height Diameter Na- 
: : tional 
Figure oa k Provenience ned Mu- 
enti Centi- R seum 
Inches | meters | Iches | meters No. 
PA Oe oe eee 338 8.5 746 18.5 | Burial south of pueblo__~______- 261 350870 
Eee ee 31546} 10.0 8346 2057-1] Mound’ EB, burial 14£_---"- = 23 352 350925 
279 ee ee Sea 378 9.8 8 2035) Mound "E, burial 12-2222 22 2e8 338 850919 
Ps A a ae 2 3% 8.9 7156} 20.1 | Mound E, burial 21____________- 386 350942 
Cre. SUR ee 234 6.9 614 155") BurialiG=As 25 oe es eee 44 350676 
(Se eas hs ee eee 336 8.6 7%6 19525 | Burials Bisse ee ee ee 7 359706 
PAT oe etna fe ee eas 4 10. 2 74 19.0 | Mound E, burial 21_____________ 387 350943 
[ok ees Ne 334 9.5 84 20561} sso 3 Gott. 2ieo tS Rees eee 388 350944 
DA ee le ered ie aie 346 8.4 814 2053a Burials Beesato eee eens 87 350712 
Pose eee Rs ee So Fragmentary, no measurements_| Burial west of C, group 2___---_- 238 350854 
PASS (ea ee 4346 10. 6 816 21.5 | Burial south of pueblo____-___-- 260 350869 
| eee ai at See eet 378 9.8 8 2043 Burial topes. eee ee eee 90 350714 
2. 6: Walaa Bee ee 358 9. 2 Tho 19.1 | Refuse west of C, Group 2____--- 233 350848 
1 0 eee hee eee Restored from fragments. 
PRC: Wee es eg 3%6 9.0 615 T6854 Burial 2A sae ee eee 22 350661 
pease es 346 8.4 84% 20.6 | Burial south of pueblo-_-_-__------ 256 350866 
(file TWN BEBE eee 338 8.5 6 15914) Mound E, burial 182__--__2----- 372 350938 
(o Mepeelan | Ge 236 6.0 638 16314] Burialtg=Bio233_- eee ee 76 350704 
5A 
CAE EN 546| 58 | cay ae | Burial west of ©, group 2.....--- 232 | 350847 
| 64 15.8 
3 
| oe aL eee oat ae 238 6.0 l 41 10.7 |....a0 bode OU Ae eee oe eo ee 236 350852 
ee : FOE I A RE | Restored from fragments.....-- Pueblo: __ 02225-2222 cos ee Se 
SON Bee re Pe es 
, eo Ly ae een ar an Pears (0) SNMARR IE ters mvey lenny e BEEN EB (EEE ai 
i Se do 
Blast tse eee Diameter through valve is 3% | Burial 2-C____________-___---_-- 119a | 350743 


inches (8.8 cm.). 


ROBERTS | APPENDIX 


179 


TABLE 38.—SIZH AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES 


Height Diameter 

Plate Bee ale Provenience Wield oe 

Inches acters Inches meted uae 

79 [Fs a Se 958 24.5 9%6 24:104|( Burlal\s=AVE Are 49 | 350679 
| o\ Aiea Sie at eRe tage pa 91146 24.6 101g 25d |B UTiali{ GBs we Sah pee eyo 193 } 350805 

COE ree eee 10146 27. 1 1134 2978) |PBUTAl bonsai ts 86} 350711 

GLA 2) 7) 131 33.3] 1234 SO%5iRGroupil, At eek. 22 jeNbie Nor 3 147 | 350761 

is A 2) 534 TAGNIRY 69Kaul bet 1646d|e Groupie: Bex wie NT 210 | 350821 

Hise eee ot 654 16. 7 678 Ao BuTialeh 21 eae Le ei es 385 | 350941 

WN awa ot See ot os 476 12.3 44 POLS Burials R64 2 et sd ee 314 | 350901 
| yeas SO | aaa ee 5% 13.0 47% T243i) Burialih=1 2 2h eee ee 302 | 350888 
O84. 2) Sa eues 21546 7.4 41346 12428 MB urialel4 7 Oost 2 3810 } 3850896 

(C\ Sees Ae a ee ee 514 12.9 458 TMS ate Burialsna tS Ree ee ee ook 303 | 850889 

(Se ee eee 54 13. 3 5% 14289 |(Buriallbl-O) <2 eens eae 323 | 350911 

TRS fs ee a eee 478 12. 4 678 As | BUTS See ee eee ae 78 | 350705 
[Page aS oa eae 416 iby} 638 1G AT EB Urlale hole as see eee eee 389 | 350945 
eos eee eee 4% 11.4 51346 IIS (WL BH pl CSS Fh yet et PR 61 350590 

Ol RS eee 538 13.5 646 15.7 | Burial west, Group 2, C________- 242) 350858 

@ao5 Loops Se 6346 15. 6 814 20583) Burialia12¢ a2 2 aa 337 | 350915 

yas Ses = 7 17.8 81346] 22.3 | Burial west, Group 2, C________- 241 | 350857 
TGS NN ey OEE ae eae 358 9. 2 3346 S20u) Burisleh— lor eee HA ea ane eee 301 | 350887 
[DY er Nan 456 1D ar 4% TOW PB Urialeh Sues es ae eee 308 | 3850894 

CM See aia Cad 614 15.8 678 Wada) Puebiow Kiva, C2 eee Siete 425 | 350974 
1S) SE: | SIC 346 8.7 26 6318 Burisl6=Ao eee ae ee 38 | 350671 
| es pare 336 8.6 3346 1S (0)! | eee donee Sr re eae ed 39 | 350672 

OQun 4S: ae ee 358 9.1 274 7.3 | Burial south of pueblo___-______ 253 | 350863 

are alles 2268 3% 7.8 2 6.3 | Child burial, Group 2, C_-____-- 249 | 350831 
@_--------------- 4%6 11.5 | 4% IPL EY eee otc. 3 ee ee eee eee 247 | 350850 

Gh ta 73% 18. 6 54 TBS3a| VBUTiAlyh bse ell oee see eee 312 | 350898 
oa eee 44 10.7 9346 2343 5| Buriglvh 45 eee soe see ee 311 | 350897 

i (Pic: eae = 2 ee eee 134 4.3 334 Ova Buriali5—B 4 =e soe ss 91} 350715 
Poet wile Fons 3 7.15 5346 T3318 Burialeh 8 see ee ees 320 | 350907 
CR at 3 ha 6% 1546)| 1B Uriel Avs Nees hs ge et 2 50652 

(6 See et ee 236 5.9 5% TSAO) Burial 4—B te wee Sh eee 81 | 350707 
(ee oe re 3 TaD TAs TSASe|) Burials Avs as ser a aa a ee 24 | 350663 

} RAS 2 ee eae 436 10.5 7 17/7.) Burialiwest, Group)2, ©=--2- =- 243 | 350859 
Sah Sabre 2 5.1 5% 14291 Refuse G=2i0 es shapes toe 144 | 350759 
Ooh Pe oes 214 5.6 5Y 12584|-Bunialeh—ss 228 see See 317 | 350904 

(Coe eee eee 2 5.0 3246 9.8 | Burial west, Group 2, C_____-__- 235 | 350851 
12: See ee 338 8.6 TA6 TSA a] Buriat 8 vee _ eae 318 | 350905 
[De cae 334 Sub ee 7 TUE || ASKERECUGN DT DE UE 31] 350666 

(a = ee 3%6 9.0 THe 1846s) WB Urniallp— Aste ees of eae ys Es Se 37 350670 

(0 ee eas eee 3 7.6 634 17.0 | Burial south of pueblo---------- 254 | 350864 

GR BARS 334 9.5 76 T8Y69|' BurialiorArseey 2 Lee Vane oe 2 60 | 350689 

1 ape Pe A a 27% a2 7% 18.0 | Burial 8-A__-_---- a ae ae 54 | 350683 
Tee see DR Sd te 256 6.6 5546 39445] Burial Be wee ee aes 69 | 350696 
[ores Has aL ia 256 6.7) 536 1305) )| GB aisle wen a eR 333 | 350915 

(00 See oe eee 21546 7.4 56 1248s) Burial 1=C pres 2 Ee ee 108 | 350732 

0 (i eee eee 2%6 6.5 514 14.0 | Child burial, Group 2, C_------- 251 | 350883 

(cess a Se 21346 2, 5 D7 Burialip— AC 8 ee a eee Se 36 | 350669 

) ae Set 0 ae ne 2198 6.2 474, 1244.4] ‘Buriallel Cae ees 2 = ee 106 | 350731 
Chita 2) 8 eee Oe Meee aaa 3 7.5 TA6 18j85|) BurialtSsAw 2 oe. h pept toe Stk 24] 350663 
ee td 336 8.5} 7% TOMO | eB Uriel 13 aed eee ail 343 } 350921 

(Cee, Ale Pe ers 31346 9. 6 74 1940 h}22—=2 (6.(0) pa pn ls aed See aan eae 347 | 350924 

(0 [eR 8 Se ee 3%6 8.7 7346 1845) “Burial 5=B ee. ee ee 89 350713 

(3) eS ce 3146 9.6 7% 1970)) ‘Burialli=10aes8t 2 e -ete See 825 350913 

Jin Seay eee eee 338 8.6 7146 TOS5Al Burial B15 op ee ee ee 354 | 350926 

pia GN al Shh Se ee ae 342 8.8 7 DATA Pel oye bots | 7 oe CE RE 2 ee ee 401 | 350954 
| opiees Sores eee ee 334 9.4 61546 17 A6ii\\ Burial4—C) ooo eo saa Sa 121 | 350744 

CEA IN it ae 2 3346 8.0 7% 19.0 | Burial west, Group 2, C__------- 245 | 350861 

ds a Sead! 3 7.5 74 18i40) Burial 6=B 2622-2 u eae soe 97! 350721 


180 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[BULL. 100 


TABLE 3.—SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES—Continued 


Height 
Plate atay 

Inenes | Cent 

CPA OAT a 2 a Se 4 10. 2 
eae > Se Se 31346 9.6 

Oa 1a oe 4346 | 10.6 
(Geil aw Ie a Ta 3146 9.3 
@as-ERee ee 2 4 10. 2 

GORe EN ee os A F 338 8.5 

(= aR oe 5 5 ea ae 3%6 9.0 

pe ANE a 5 316 8.7 

vf Ses ot) eel 3% 9.8 

| Seat ed 0 Oe ee Ave 10.5 

Length 

DAN Aiea 234 6.0 
| oe Ta eee 234 6.0 
CES) 0 2 es ee 37% 9.7 

0 Lay RA) RR 2346 5.5 

(2) es a hee ee Bees 336 8.5 

1 i oe a ee 21346 bawll 

Gee sear Se eS 234 160) 

) Seen Se ee eee 2546 5.8 

te 1% 4.8 

On ee 1h he 338 8.5 
[oo Ge Oe eee 344 8.1 

(Cs i Ue ed xe ee 2346 5, 4 

Cha Se eer gtd Ea : 234 6.9 

(=| eS ee S223 2%6 6.5 

jeu oe ee 318 7.8 

a7, Sa ae 234 6.9 
| ORE Sate coe Paeae 358 9.2 

(ch, a8 sae eee 31546 10.0 

(che So Pete ee 3 Wao 

Qan se ee Ss 314 7.9 

je Re 2 ee ae 27% 7.3 

fen) SE acd Ca ae 2u%4 657 

| oe ao bs ee 2%6 6.5 
Diane yet es 214 5.6 
Dee veh 2 Se 338 8.6 

(ee ae 5 ee ee 446 10.3 

(0 eee ea: aeeaaes pee 2 2% 6.2 

Dee abs. ee tris 638 16.2 
[ote | Soe see 6% 15.5 

(Ogee ae | Sp J ol cre 318 7.8 

(le eey Bosh) daa eee 346 7.8 

Oe Jamra. 26 5.15 

| yes Ost See ace 634 iver 

742) tf aia Sis cs a es 104% 26. 0 
[OV RE ee AT Be 8146 22.0 

Chet Dade os Sues 836 PAY 

Ce RE aad 7 17.8 

(\2 58D |) eee ieeabs 9%6 24. 2 

BON ana Poh ce 456 11.6 
eee Ds Ne 31546] 10.0 

(ein a 2 gh lee eee 3%o 9.1 

(o beaer 93 Ce A eee 31346 9.7 

(; eee A) 6 Nae 24% 5.6 

ee Se a 246 6.8 


Diameter 
Inches | Cent 
TU6 18.8 
734 19.7 
71546) 20.1 
818 20. 6 
84 21.0 
86 21. 4 
61346 17.3 
6546 16.0 
7% 18. 4 
914 23. 4 

Width 

2 4.9 
Lie 4.2 
3 7.6 
134 3.5 
2546 5.8 
1% 4.8 
1346 3. 0 
2 5.0 
11346 4.6 
1 225 
% 242) 
% 202. 
2%0 233 
% 2.2 
w% 2.2 
1142 0.8 
6 iba 
YY 0.6 
3564 1.3 
3% 0.9 
3564 1.3 
346 0.4 
16 17, 
5% Bs) 
1346 2.0 
1546 3.3 
136 oxo 
2V%o 1.6 
264 0.8 
Ae aga 
38 0.9 
1340 1.0 
1542 1.2 
16 2.6 
2980 203 
1346 2.0 
1346 2.0 
% 2.2 
5% 1X5 
38 0.9 
%e 0.7 
210 1.6 
1142 0.8 
¥% 0.9 


12 


rovenience 


Burial south of pueblo____-_--_-- 
Burial7-C4-6.38 -_ a eee 
iBuriali2=B 22h see ee 
Burial4—B ese ne eae Pe e 


Group 1, B 


Burial}Q@-A pons ot eh ee 
Burial we =O ei He sk ie ae 
Burialie=1 57 er ee See ee 
Burial 6 Lee eae ee 
PusblosR-3t4_ 84 eee 


Group 1, A 
Group 2, C 


Group 1, A 
Group 4, B 
Group 1, A 


Group 3, A 
Group 1, B 


(GroupilAl ene se eee 
Burial south, Group 1, B__------ 


Group 3, A 
Group 3, C 
Group 2, C 
Group 4, B 


Group 1, E 


Groupi2, Asa.) ae 


Group 1, B 


IH) RehIse eae 22 oe eee 


Burial south of pueblo- --------- 
Buriahih—5.e eo ee ae eee 


Pueblo%: -. 3-8-0 = le bh es 


Burial south of pueblo 
Pueblos... 4.46_ 23.1 -- 


Field 
No. 


‘National 
Muse- 
um No. 


350868 
350752 
350699 
350709 
350784 
350691 
350910 
350886 
350902 
350973 


350769 
350835 
850829 
350829 
350835 
350835 
350829 
350835 
350835 
350836 
350836 
350762 
350879 
350762 
350789 
350836 
350804 
350776 
350762 
350803 
350804 
350813 
350836 
350881 
350881 
350762 
350765 
350797 
350814 
350779 
350948 
350882 
350872 
350900 
350900 
350900 
350900 
350900 
350961 
350873 
350961 
350961 
350961 
350873 


ROBERTS] APPENDIX 181 


TABLE 3.—SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES—Continued 


Length Width 
as 
Plate 77": Da eR a Provenience yield Mae 
Tnches seca Inches eo * jum No. 
BON pe SERB. 2 258 6.6 1lfo OESHipPuchlok: 28 ace OP eae E 412h | 350961 
Jey a Re 1s a 21346 teal 90 Dif] pee GOES =.= Bi ie ca LE So ok | 412g | 350961 
Shils' che ie ee Se 5% 14.0 1%o Z2sG6ulBuUnAleH oO: 2 eis oe See 307a | 350893 
[Oye oe Se 438 ae 2960 2.3) Bunalkb—5 8 gee oo Seu JE 312b | 350900 
(Ses oe LI ee 6%6 | 16.3 1346 PALO) || Teibic}o) (oy 12h CHE Se 411 350960 
22) eG omen eel 22 | 55.88 fF = ar | Group ea OS | oe Seve (ey 
Shr ae See re a 5% 13.0 3% OS Tal GLOUDiSs Ce ses oe oe ee 488 350998 
| eas 6468 15. 6 334 OroulGroupels Bests. 2 ise ab ir td 473 350783 
(Cs aS A Pee ea 434 12.1 36 ScPaIVGTOUp WINDS 2 We 2 76 | 350794 
Ges SOEs a Pe 436 abionl SE alelOlO Group) Ou 2 soy. eel 474 350787 
(2) ER SES 5 GE 458 11.8 46 ONSH  rekusel- tw ee ed 489b | 350993 
egal WIE Uae 5% | 148 374 957 | Group t Bost dof vel 472 | 350782 
Height Diameter 
Ae ee 134 4.4 2%6 Gri Group (Cee. eee ee 191 350786 
]¢e See el ee eee 2% 6.3 5346 1315 | Group as Bee- == eee bee ee 198 350808 
(io eke FS yates Lee 314 7.9 458 HIS GAiGroipr2,| Castle ae ee ees 226a | 350827 
RS Soe eA 2 6. 4 5% 148) Groupe Dee tse eee eee 180x | 350792 
(hE a ae eee 26 5.8 46 LOSS Groupel, C2 ep Se 2 a ker 169x | 350785 
Length Width 
SER See Stee ae Sa 11%6 | 28.4 5 1256n| Burialth= hare ek ee ee 312a | 350899 
(oye Eh 65%46 | 16.0 138 Sx OHle GrOWDr2.\ Cee 2s5eset so sees 273 350841 
(Ogg eh eee Ee el 24 6.3 214 6: Onl Burigli6-CAs-— =a Sos 132 350750 
(O(a SE Mee eee ae a 7136} 19.8 4%6 MISA Group sly Crees Mek ae eee 491la | 351000 
Gah tes es F ie Say Re Se 2 5. 0 1346 2hO Me Bs TOMISO tae so te bl he Sele 394 350950 
| oA SEN eee ene 1% 4.8 1346 PAO) |e C022 ae RE es eee 461 350987 
(pA TRS Se 238 6.0 1 25 CB TenISOces sa See eee 104 350728 
(Glan Be a ts Eat 34 8. 2 1% O58! jAsTeluses 2 seeks Ut sare ee 21 350660 
Gn sa ee SE ERS 246 iY) 3140 DEA MR hem ISO ay athe et eens cee 390a | 350946 
fee ON nies 254 6.6 1% 2599 Groupie, Cae --. 3 ee Se 226c¢ 350828 
Ua tee oe Ao a 2%6 6.1 14 2AON EUS DIOR. 226 ea 418b | 350968 
[Sa @lS see Pee 234 7.0 138 BS tye! [eee a (6 Voi Set 1 Os ee Bes LRT Pe 419b | 350969 
Cee en ees 3 256 6.7 1 aD I eeate (6 (0S a SR | ee eee 418a 350968 
(6 | Ae e ae 3 7.5 1%6 Shits eee oe GOtRY S88 AEF Le er 419a | 350969 
ist, {lice ee Ae Bees 216 6.4 146 Liedna|§ GED Ura, Ch sane wae eee Se 272a | 350840 
| epee Spe a 2546 5.8 1346 DAOMGrOUp a MB es = e- aea eee 287 350885 
(OS So Ae See anen 2346 5.4 1% 252) SIS tin Alin — Cees ee ee eee 1l4a | 350738 
(Gite ee ee Lee 26 5.2 1346 2404 | MGrOUpI2 Ca eee we el ee ee ee 272b | 350840 
(eee nee 2 5.0 V6 NZ! |r refises 2 Saeete = 525s 460a | 350986 
ee see Senay 2346 OND 21e0 Kai eee Gas a Ae eee eee 390g | 350946 
eae dd he 334 9.5 2340 1.8 | Refuse near Group 2------.---- 278 350875 
Ho) 8 as anal 6lé4| 2.4 1949 Lobe MACTORISGL Lae Stee Seg 2 Se 11 350654 
| Oe eee ee 144 2.8 %e die See CORE OOS ee es ll 350654 
(sete ee ree 1%6| 26 %e Aca Crane Bie eed see ee 239 | 350812 
(OLS eee. Sa ee ieee 15% 4.0 146 Le eB CLUSC he ae oe eee 460b | 350986 
re intl Te 1s | 3.6 B%ol Ot |e FRG ty Ree EL ema ey 460e | 350986 
sips he ye ollie OC a 1742 Peal 1342 1 Ou iGarefusete sess. 2 be ee 456a | 350981 
eae eee ee 156 4.0 % Te SalsRueblos s: 258 25) kee ieee 418¢ | 350968 
| ap a Se 116 4.2 1346 ZO} see 2 (Oe EAR ee ae 418d] 350968 
ery aee ees pA iS 136 3.4 34 nS Vt eee eae (oo eee s See ee ee ee 418h! 350968 


1 Bottom. 2 Top. 


182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


TABLE 3.—S1zE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES—Continued 


Length Width 
Plate , Provenience Field reread 
tmebes | COR | aches Cent hee 
Si) SOO aA aii ees 1%6 3.0 23451 Simeueblow. 2-12 ek och ee ea 418m| 350968 
Ree A ee 1146 2:3 1742 nse ee Or S25. 3S Ea eee se 418] 350968 
ipl cs BA ds pada 1%o 2.6 2160 TG} ee doe. fe ae A ee 418k} 350968 
EN Seer ee 2) aenee 1%6 3.0 4% LS teeces (0 Coys eee aes See SE OEE See 418i 350968 
Ms Seean See 1% 3.8 Keo a Lc: Se Gone. Se ee eee 418f 350968 
CAV CoN eee oe aes UPN, 158 4.0 3% OFSi (Group ADE. 22s ps eee wa 190 350793 
preteen ceed 1148 Pe 7) SOA GEOUMp wl WAS ee oe a eee 155 350766 
(Ses Sp eee 16 3.0 134 4S) VGrOupw yD 5 26st =e eee eee 179 350790 
(cLeeT Se alee Hee 3440} 2.4] 136 AN TiNNGrolpyeNOue. & mb ook peee eee 274 | 350842 
(Spe as CN 1148 2.8 238 5/95 | Burishi6-C2 21 6 2 ee eee ee 131 350749 
Allie etter re = he See 1346 2.0 29% QSS MBUTIAS— == see ee oe eee ee 74 350700 
| Oye at aa 118 2.7 1346 2/04" Buriglt6=B si - See ee Sede ees 100 350724 
(cele asa RO Si 1342 1.0 1lgo O;85 A refuses. 25 ate a eee 18 350657 
(0 Ue LS ee Pa, 134 4.5 11s 2484 @LOUD I, sean eee oe ee 165 350775 
eee a es % ibe) “6 OT BY YOTISOs2 fae oe oe = eee ee 464 350989 
fee en Mae 2 A 34 0.9 A OlGs Burial (5B esses ae eee eee 95 350719 
FSSA pp ee Ws ee Pe aa a peg (NA C6 Uc oer Diese nese eee os | Bk 95 350719 
J ue WOR On| Uae ELD ed | Jog ke | ose. ee ae ee 95 350719 
SIRs eS eer Sake | he TS Osa eee sae a ees 95 350719 
CO Priel ot kg er 1548 4.1 4364 ny fe (6 Co Skt MONEE SAE) Ee peed See 94 350718 
Se ee 1% Avil seagalwyadoeih Tost og” Tae Bees 94 | 350718 
Cree ee Pe 1346 2.0 Ys TomalG retuse:_.-- os oY thes aoe oe 450 350977 
CO ee a RE 1\%o6 OA 3364 TS) | Sees GOs202 eo: aaa MEPS 450 350977 
(ee See Roe 1% Beal 5164 220") Burial iG=B ae. “5-222 eee 101 350725 
) eat: 2 SEAR ege Pacer “6 3.3 548 1.6 | Surface east, Group 1, B___-_--- 164 850774 
Fenn ee 1%6 3. 6 1349 EUY(O)A) [pal Su besteil hy Ghd 8 jas Bre open 102 350726 
| See 5 Oe ais 214 bal %e6 1A AE GrOUp) IpACe 22 So. 28 ieee eee 152 350763 
ZUG Y 1), eo, | (eet | (erent Pana, |e ae g.0t | Sue 2 IBurislS—A Joos. 4a. 38 ee 57 350686 
ee ee a Ele Ps ee eo oe eee alg et ee G28... oe a ee ee ee 56 350685 
Gai cere) ey bo fee Ne gS ee cee 8 ls Ja Burial pha2.. a2 ase 2 eee eee 305 350890 
A Mae te bi Me ee alll Se eet eee SS Eel ak (6 Ko) mene Ee ep Sere tae ee pee Eee 307 350892 

Through valve 

AG Nols =. Sake. 8 Bn 214 5.6 214 56h BurialiG=Bee-o-82-- 2s eee ee 99a } 350723 
| oe Sy Spee eee 234 7.0 234 7403 MB urialiQ—A f= #422 tee Bae 59d} 350688 
(ee aes eee ee 234 7.0 234 VEO! | Peers Gol hee ee ee ee 59b | 350688 
(6 LAs in a ees 24 5.3 2% ORs BunialiG—ab s-- 2. eee 99b | 350723 
Cae Lees 2 bes Su 21 os3 24 55 0))4 ase (0 Yo e Sie eee See ee ee 99¢e | 350723 
|e ee ee 234 7.0 278 toil ABUBIaO—Aut ok 2a se aa ae dei 59¢ |} 350688 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


ANONYMOUS. 

1929. The Red-on-Buff Culture of the Gila Basin. Privately printed for 

the Medallion, Pasadena, Calif., 1929. 
AuBBY, HW. X. 

1853. Aubry’s Journey from California to New Mexico. The Western 
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November, 1853. 

Bancrort, H. H. 

1889. History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888. San Francisco, 

1889. 
BANDELIER, A. ¥. 

1892. a. An Outline of the Documentary History of the Zufii Tribe. Papers 
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1892. 

1892. b. Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of the South- 
western United States, Carried on Mainly in the Years from 
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America, Amer. Ser. IV, Cambridge, 1892. 

BEALE, E. F. 

1858. Wagon Road from Fort Defiance to the Colorado River. House 
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sess., Washington, 1858. 

Bouton, H. BH. 
1916. Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1706. New York, 1916. 
BONSAL, STEPHEN. 

1912. Edward Fitzgerald Beale, A Pioneer in the Path of Empire, 1822- 

1908. New York, 1912. 
CUMMINGS, B. S. 

1915. Kivas of the San Juan Drainage. American Anthropologist, new 

ser., Vol 17, No. 2, pp. 272-282, Lancaster, 1915. 
CusHine, FE. H. 

1896. Outlines of Zui Creation Myths, Thirteenth Annual Report, Bureau 

of Ethnology, pp. 321-447, Washington, 1896. 
DovueLass, A. H. 

1929. The Secret of the Southwest Solved by Talkative Tree Rings. Na- 
tional Geographic Magazine, Vol. LVI, No. 6, pp. 737-770, Wash- 
ington, 1929. 

FEWKES, J. W. 

1908. Hopi Katcinas, Drawn by Native Artists. Twenty-first Annual 
Report, Bureau American Ethnology, pp. 3-126, Washington, 1903. 

1904. Two Summers’ Work in Pueblo Ruins. Twenty-second Annual Re- 
port, Bureau American Ethnology, Part I, pp. 3-195, Washington, 
1904, 

183 


184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


FrWwKEsS, J. W.—Continued. 

1909. Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park: Spruce Tree House. 
Bull. 41, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1909. 

1911 a. A Preliminary Report on a Visit to the Navajo National Monument, 
Arizona. Bull. 50, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1911. 

1911. b. Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park: Cliff Palace. Bull. 
51, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1911. 

1927. Archeological Field Work in Arizona, Field Season of 1926. Explo- 
rations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1926. 
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 78, No. 7, pp. 207— 
2382, Washington, 1927. 

HAMMOND, G. P., AND Ruy, AGAPITO, t7s. 

1929, Expedition into New Mexico Made by Antonio de Espejo, 1582-1583, 
as revealed in the Journal of Diego Pérez de Luxdin, a member 
of the party. The Quivera Society Publications, Los Angeles, 
1929. 

Hewett, BE. L. 

1922. The Chaco Canyon in 1921. Art and Archaeology, Vol. XIV, no. 3, 

pp. 115-131, Washington, 1922. 
Honen, F. W. 

1923. Circular Kivas Near Hawikuh, N. Mex. Contributions from the 
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, Vol. VII, No. 1, 
New York, 1923. 

Hoper, F. W., ed. 

1907. The Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, by Pedro de Casta- 
fieda. Zn Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528- 
1548, pp. 275-887, New York, 1907. 

1912. Handbook of the American Indians North of Mexico. Bull. 30, Bu- 
reau American Ethnology, Parts 1-2, Washington, 1907-1910. 

HoumgEs, W. H. 

1886. Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos. Fourth Annual Report Bureau of 

Ethnology, pp. 265-522, Washington, 1886. 
Hoven, W. 

1903. Archeological Field Work in Northeastern Arizona. The Museum 
Gates Expedition of 1901. Annual Report of the Smithsonian 
Institution for 1901, Washington, 1903. 

1907. Antiquities of the Upper Gila and Salt River Valleys in Arizona 
and New Mexico. Bull. 35, Bureau American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington, 1907. 

1914. Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila River Region, New 
Mexico and Arizona. Bull. 87, United States National Museum, 
Washington, 1914. 

1920. Exploration of a Pit House Village at Luna, N. Mex. Proceedings 
of the United States National Museum, Vol. 55, No. 2280, pp. 409- 
431, Washington, 1920. 

JEANCON, J. A. 

1923. Excavations in the Chama Valley, New Mexico. Bull. 81, Bureau 

American Hthnology, Washington, 1923. 
Jupp, N. M. 

1922. Archeological Investigations at Pueblo Bonito, N. Mex. Explorations 
and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1921. Smith- 
sonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 72, No. 15, pp. 106-117, 
Washington, 1922, 


ROBDRTS ] BIBLIOGRAPHY 185 


Jupp, N. M.—Continued. 

1923. Archeological Investigations at Pueblo Bonito, N. Mex. Explora- 
tions and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1922, Ibid., 
Vol. 74, No. 5, pp. 184-143, Washington, 1923. 

1924. Two Chaco Canyon Pit Houses. Smithsonian Report for 1922, pp. 
399-4138, Washington, 1924. 

1926. Archeological Observations North of the Rio Colorado. Bull. 82, 
Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1926. 

Kipper, A. V. 

1924, An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology, with a 
Preliminary Account of the Excavations at Pecos. Department of 
Archaeology, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. New Haven, 1924. 

Kipper, A. V., AND GUERNSEY, S. J. 
1919. Archeological Exploration in Northeastern Arizona. Bull. 65, Bureau 
American Hthnology, Washington, 1919. 
LUMHOLTz, C. 
1912. New Trails in Mexico. New York, 1912. 
MartTIN, P. S. 

1930. The 1929 Archaeological Expedition of the State Historical Society of 
Colorado in Cooperation with the Smithsonian Institution. The 
Colorado Magazine, Vol. VII, No. I, pp. 140, Denver, 1930. 

McCuintTock, J. H. 

1921. Mormon Settlement in Arizona, a Record of Peaceful Conquest of 

the Desert. Phoenix, 1921. 
MINDELEFF, C. 

1898. Navajo Houses. Seventeenth Annual Report, Bureau American Eth- 

nology, Pt. 2, pp. 475-517, Washington, 1898. 
MINDELEFF, V. 

1891. A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola. Highth An- 

nual Report, Bureau of Hthnology, Washington, 1891. 
Morris, HE. H. 

1919. a. The Aztee Ruin. Anthropological Papers American Museum of 
Natural History, Vol. XXVI, Pt. 1, New York, 1919. 

1919. b. Preliminary Account of the Antiquities of the Region Between 
the Mancos and La Plata Rivers in Southwestern Colorado. 
Thirty-third Annual Report, Bureau American Ethnology, pp. 155— 
206, Washington, 1919. 

1921. The House of the Great Kiva at the Aztec Ruin. Anthropological 
Papers American Museum of Natural History, Vol. X XVI, Pt. 2, 
New York, 1921. 

1924. Burials in the Aztec Ruin. The Aztec Ruin Annex. Ibid., Pts. 3 
and 4, 1924. 

1925. Exploring in the Canyon of Death. National Geographic Magazine, 
Vol. XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 263-300, Washington, 1925. 

1927. The Beginnings of Pottery Making in the San Juan Area; Unfired 
Prototypes and the Wares of the Earliest Ceramic Period. Anthro- 
pological Papers American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 
XXVIII, Pt. 2, New York, 1927. 

1928. Notes on Excavations in the Aztec Ruin. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, Pt. 5, 
New York, 1928. 


18768°—31 13 


186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 100 


NORDENSKIOLD, G. 

1893. The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, Southwestern Colorado; their 
Pettery and Implements. Translated by D. Lioyd Morgan. Stock- 
holm, 1893. 

Pepper, G. H. 

1920. Pueblo Bonito. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of 

Natural History, Vol. XX VII, New York, 1920. 
PRUDDEN, T. M. 

1914. The Circular Kivas of Small Ruins in the San Juan Watershed. 
American Anthropologist, new ser. Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 33-58, 
Lancaster, 1914. 

Roserts, F. H. H., Jr. 

1925. Report on Archaeological Reconnaissance in Southwestern Colorado 
in the Summer of 1923. The Colorado Magazine, Vol. 2, No. 2, 
Denver, April, 1925. 

1929. Shabik’eshchee Village: A Late Basket Maker Site in the Chaco 
Canyon, New Mexico. Bull. 92, Bureau American Ethnology, 
Washington, 1929. 

1930. Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, Southwestern Colorado. 
Bull. 96, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1930. 

SiMpPson, J. H. 

1850. Report of an Expedition into the Navajo Country in 1849. Jn Reports 
of the Secretary of War, Senate Executive Document No. 64, 31st 
Cong., Ist Sess., pp. 55-64, Washington, 1850. 

SITGREAVES, L. 

1853. Report of an Expedition down the Zuni and Colorado Rivers. Senate 

Executive Document No. 59, 32d Cong., 2d Sess., Washington, 1853. 
Spree, L. 

1917. An Outline for a Chronology of Zuni Ruins. Anthropological Papers 
American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. III, New 
York, 1917. 

1918. Notes on Some Little Colorado Ruins. Ibid., Pt. IV, New York, 1918. 

STEVENSON, M. C. 

1904. The Zuni Indians: Their Mythology, Esoteric Fraternities and Cere- 
monies. Twenty-third Annual Report, Bureau American Eth- 
nology, Washington, 1904. 

WHIPPLE, A. W. 

1851. Extract from a Journal of an Expedition from San Diego, Calif., to 
the Rio Colorado, from September 11 to December 11, 1849. 
Senate Executive Document No. 19, 3ist Cong., 2d Sess., Wash- 
ington, 1851. 

1856. Reports of Explorations and Surveys, to Ascertain the Most Practical 
and Heonomical Route for a Railroad from the Mississippi River 
to the Pacific Ocean. Vol. III. Senate Executive Document No. 
78, 33rd Congress, 2d Sess., Washington, 1856. 

WINSHIP, GEORGE PARKER. 

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Bureau Ethnology, Pt, I., pp, 329-598, Washington, 1896. 


INDEX 


Page 
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS__-_______-_ 
ADOBE STRUCTURES— f 
conclusions drawn from____ 111 
construction of walls of____ 92-93 
reinforced by poles________ 87 
remains ohe aes oi 40, OI 59 
theory concerning_______-_- 89-90 
AGRICULTURE, beginnings of, 
among the Basket Makers__- 2 
ALONA, site of present Zufi_____ 10 
ALTERATIONS IN ROOMS_____-_- 103 
APPLIQUE OF FIGURES ON 
PODTMR Yew = iL VBE R S Waney | 123 
APRON TO VENTILATOR___ 25, 30, 39, 53 
ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE— 
for movements of people_- 9 
in contrast with myths and 
legendsSweseseree. fk 9-10 
ARCHEOLOGY, southwestern, 
present status of, reviewed. 2-5 
ARMLETS, of carved shell_______ 162 
ARROWHEADS, period charac- 
LETISTICSIOleeeE ae oo ee 159 
ARTIFACTS— 
conclusions drawnfrom____ 168 
found in holes in floor__-__- 74 
found in storage hole_-_-_- 38 
perishable and imperish- 
DDL MIDI EH IRE Ctck & 113-114 


size and provenience of__ 178-182 


two periods represented by. 163-— 

168 

variations in, summarized. 174 
ATLATH YS USE, Ole Ryd LOD SATs 159 


Ausry, F. X., route followed 


AWLS, BONE— 


from pit houses___-_---- 150-152 

Fromme olos =f 2 152-153 
AX HEADS— 

PTOOVCM a eee di te 156 

materials used for___----- 156 

TWOMLOLIOS = Obs 2 =. 2 155-156 


Aztec Ruin— 
possible identification of, 
in Zuni legend__________ 9 
reference to 107 
reference to pottery from_ 123, 146 


Page 


BAND DESIGNS described_______ 138- 
141, 144, 145 
Banve .isr, A. F., mention of __ 14 


BANDING on necks of jars___ 116, 121 


Banps, decoration in form of__ 1381 
Barra, Sou, town started by__ 14 
BASKET Maker CULTURE, 
divisions ofusG.% sag) eon le 2-3 
BASKETRY, pueblo, finer than 
pitshouse... #4 albu a 150, 166 
Braps— 
8-shaped_ 22-2. 1G SRE 161 
flat circular. See Bae 161 
maderoh bones seas 153 
of olivella shell_________ 160-161 
Brats, HK. F., route followed by_ 13 
BrckWItH, LIEUTENANT, recon- 
naissance made by_________-_ 12 
BencH— 
encircling pit house_-_-_-__-_- 20 
raised, discussion of______- 78-80 
unusual feature of________ 78 
See also PLATFORM. 
BINDER, in pottery, materials 
sed) 88222... AL ee 115-116 
BirD-SHAPED VESSELS________- 127 
BuACK INTERIOR WARES, classes 
Of cade oes SND pa 117-118 
BLACK-ON-RED WARE, designs 
Ofs 2 cee be ae eh ee ee 146-147 
BLACK-ON-WHITE WARE— 
Gesiens. Oni 3 45 24a 145-146 
Variations in.) 2 ee 117 
BLADES, STONE. .<- = 5524-28 158 
BonE— 
implements of-_..--=+- 150-153 
onnaments, Of--- = Jha 2s 153 
BoNEWORK, period differences 
2 2S oe Ade cep alana ay 166 


188 INDEX 
f Page | Cuaco Canyon— Page 
Bow AND ARROW, period of first reference to jpotiery/of sas 123, 
Gere nT eSEaAl GET Ta : 124, 133, 136, 138, 139, 143, 
Bowis— 


decoration of, described_ 133-141 
distinguishing features of 128-129 
IMTS MOM TMs AEN Se 129 
forms) Of. See eee 128 
pattern of decoration on_ 130-131 


red, with white designs_--__ 118 
rims of, painted =-i--2-2 131 
stone, found in pit houses__ 156 
stone, method of manufac- 
PUTO oe Beis eh ee 156-157 
BRACELETS— 
number! wornsso2 2222. 162 
of glycymeris shell-_-_---- 162, 163 
BRADFIELD, WESLEY, reference 
tonwork: of S28 ees ae 109, 162 
BurIaLs— 
beads foundiin 2 eee 161 


conclusions drawn from__ 168-171 


description of, summarized_ 174 
found in ventilator____--~- 23-24 
INVOTAVES Joe eee 58 
NOVAlpIb= = es eS 65 
in refuse mounds- -------- 42, 
43, 58, 170 
in storage pits_._.-.---- 41-42, 77 
near hearth, theory con- 
Cerming sess St Ee ae 58 
of children, discussed__---- 58, 170 


of portions of a body_--- 169-170 
ornaments found in___---- 162 
pit-house, not oriented _ - __ 
places used for sen tan Lec 19 


position of body in__-_--- 168-169 
pueblo, all oriented _ -_---- 170 
with stone:slalb=s—= = ses 157 


CaLICHE, as an indication of 


Lime ele. Rk He 66-67 
CALIFORNIA EMIGRANTS, route 
followed! byee-e2new Ss) eee 12 
CAMELS, experimental use of __- 13 
CAMPBELL, RicHarRD, route ta- 
kentbyie 2-2 eee eee 12 
CaNTEENS— 
decorations on_-___-___-_ 145, 147 
distinctive features of ___-- 126 
CARDENAS, mention of_______- 10 
CARVING, in‘shell--_-/9_2 222 160, 162 
Crpar, used for posts___------ 25 
CEREMONIAL CHAMBER— 
development of___...-.--. 172 


See also Kiva. 


145, 146, 148, 165. 
reference to work in______~_ 
wainscoting in kivas of ___-_ 51 

Cuaco CANYON RUINS— 


identification of, in Zuni 
legend se. ee et 8-9 
reference to. .===-=.=-=- 106, 107 
CHACQ CULTURES, affiliations of _ 9 
CHILDREN, burial of, near 
hearth: — tee Sent 58 
CHRONOLOGY— 
evidence of-= = -_ = Saiaiaee 78 
southwestern, dates of____ 4-5 
Crsoua, mention of discovery of 10 
CLANS; grouped in clusters-__--- 110 
Curr Pauacg, reference to____ 107 
CLOUD-BLOWERS— 
Cla ye eet eee ee ee 149 
See also PIPES. 
COILED WARE, development of_ 115 
CouuiER, JAMES, route taken by 12 
CoMMUNAL HOUSE— 
growth oft-5- 42. 22 90-91 
remains Of 2-2-2 2 Seas 90-109 
See also PUEBLO RUIN. 
CoMPARTMENTS— 
and ridges, discussed__-_-__- 29 
used for storage---------- 97 
Corn— 
burned in granary -------- 58 
carbonized, found in pit_-_-_ 41 
effect of introduction of_-_-— 2 
CorN POLLEN, the sacred meal 
of the ¢Zunin = = ee 6 
CoroNAbDo EXPEDITION, country 
traversed by .2224- 2455 Bess 10 
CoRRUGATED WARE— 
indented S22 22.2 2 aa 122-123 
péeriod.of= 4455) 4a eee Gr 
with incised decorations - -- 123 
CRANIAL DEFORMATION, adop- 
LOM, OLOEA | eee Vk as 3 
CuLTURE— 
Pueblo, decline ofl2=2 == 4 
southwestern, development 
OLS. Ya an: SS 2-5 
CULTURE PERIODS, duration of. 4-5 
CULTURE STAGES, gap in____-- 113 
Cummines, B. S., reference to 
WOLK O04 52 eee 17, 110 


Cusuine, F. H., reference to 
work of 


INDEX 189 

Page | p a Page 

Dates, in southwestern chro- MA iterate from storage bins 3 
Toate merce eee TALES Pek : FA 

nosy ¢ is gap in development of_____ 113 

Davis, JEFFERSON, mention of_ 13 hiatus between types of 174 

DEcoRATION— hundred-roomed__________ 4 

by use of appliqué figures__ 123 improvement in_.________ 3 

elements TESEGe In a ae hh 130 order of development of___ 109 

Imtpand forms 254 22. = 131 sequence of types of _______ 89-90 


of pottery, discussed____ 117-119 


place of, on pottery_______ 130 
See also Designs; OrNa- 
MENTS. 
DEFLECTOR— 
good example of________-- 30 
made of stone slab_______- 55 
WYSTS CON eel A IP pe ee 18 
DEPRESSIONS— 
fonmladderis — aferespoyy ean 17 
of unknown use___-___-_-- 55 
rectangular, purpose of, un 
KINO Wily Sates crepes eect ocf BST 30 
used for pot rests________- 18 
See also Fire pir; Hons; 
LappER BOX; Pits; Stor- 
AGE PITS. 
Drsigns— 
balanced. 34-4. IETS 136 
band, described - ______-_ 138-141 
DISECtEd Se Gee. = = a= SO EUS 132 
derived from textile pat- 
termns-2ytOS29/) ah IN & 141 
in bottom of bowls_____- 140-142 
Te PathyGreee eee a = oN, 137, 138 
onbladl es eee et 142-144 
OnApOLbery eee WU es 130-149 
pendent from rim___-_--- 135-138 
period differences in___-+- 165-166 
quartered style of_______ 133-135 
Spirals cee ee EI 1S 137 
tripartite Sees be 135 
IDTPPERS, dorms of== £.o-2- 4h .= 129 
Diseswclayee 2) st SOTO ee 149 
Doorways— 
communicating, between 
MO ONISHI te 96 
CxtcnOnseeee as 106 
exterior, lack of. 22. =o 96-97 
SCLICS OLmmes met ees 104-106 
Doveuass, A. E., reference to 
WOT Ke © Dimebag weade 4 
IDRIS. Rbones 2 2 2 oe ae 158 


subterranean, examples of_ 109-110 
See also JACAL STRUCTURES; 


Pir HOUSES; PUEBLO 
RUIN. 
ELDEN PUEBLO, reference to 
WODk/ at 25  COey ee ae 162 
ELEMENTS, used in design____-__ 138 


ENTRANCE, through roof___ 16-17, 106 


Esprso, visit of, to Hopi towns_ 10 
EsTEVANICO, mention of_______ 10 
EXCAVATIONS, extent of_____ 171-172 
FAMILY CIRCLE, regard for_-__-_- 58 
FAMILY UNITS, in groups______- 19 
FarFdn, explorations of______- 11 
Frwkes, J. W., reference to 
WOrk Ole Se Rls ras 1238,.160, 162 
FrrE— 
bodies consumed by___---- 36 
houses destroyed by_____-- 35 
FIRE PITS— 
described S_ = ass a aus ee 33 
extension of rim of______~- 26-27 
exterlor.- 4.24 42, 57, 77, 107-108 
BU GIA Clif ane es we ns Fae = Se 97 
locationyol=] ee == == a= lf 


with plaster rim___ 20, 38, 52, 55 
FIRING OF POTTERY, Color affec- 

Fed iyi uk race Ale Aya 117, 119 
120-122 
‘““FUGITIVE RED’ WARE, from 

pit housesiy+=."- = Soe eee 
FurnisHines. See Pir Housss, 

interior features of; Krvas, 
interior features of. 
Gita River, UPPER— 

earved shell from_______~-- 162 

reference to pottery from___ 123, 

133, 146, 165 


120 


GLAZED WARE— 


application of the term_--- 118 

development of___-------- 118 
GLYCYMERIS SHELLS— 

bracelets/ofs ss see 45-2 == 162 

pendants made of_____---- 160 


190 INDEX 
Page Page 
Goopwin, JOHN M., mention of _ 3 | HLousR OW GRomptaly yy oes fae 65-72 
GRANARIES— Housn th GROUP 265). ue eae 57 
construction of. _ 122224. Al) HousE HW GROUPRIoU Mass. ue 72-76 
esentpede tii ay ea EES 3 | House Groups, detailed de- 
structure possibly used as_- 65 SCription.Olee soon ae eee 19-86 
Hapitations. See DWELLINGS; Housrs. See DweE.uinas; Ja- 
JACAL STRUCTURES; Pit CAL STRUCTURES; PIT HOUSES; 
HOUSES; PUEBLO RUIN. PUEBLO RUIN. 
HANDLES— Howe, C. O., land acquired by_ 14 
decoration one Yess eas 148 | Hustrro, information furnished 
Copa Wer peas tS enh SG cee AS eee 121 Lan igebepobed (tape a, ALS say alesdoplone Tray) 2 6 
ONypObtery 22 202 126 | ImpLEMENTS— 
pitcher, type of. 2£5 2 Fo. 128 chipped, material used for_ 158 
tupularss aes ee ak ee eS 129 Of Don etu nih SMe ee 150-153 
HANTLIPINEIA, location of -___- 8 of chipped stone_______- 157-159 
Harp Scrassie, identification period differences in_____ 166-167 

OL RUINS abe eee Se ee aN el 7 | INTERIOR FURNISHINGS. See 
Haury, E. W., reference to__-._ 110 HovusrEs, INTERIOR FEATURES 
HawikuH— OF. 

Coronado expedition at___. 10 | JACAL STRUCTURES— 
reference to pottery from__ 146 built above ground________ 87 
HEAD DEFORMATION. See Cra- conclusions drawn from_ 111, 173 

NIAL DEFORMATION. contemporaneous with pit 

HOLES IN FLOOR— houses: 00" 270% HOSEA 88-89 
aligned and graded_-__--_--- 80 disappointing remains of___ 16 
possibile use of eOey a 38 evidence of, before exca- 
possibly used for loom posts_ 29 Vating” oe eae) 2 Delve 15 
similar to sipapu_-_-_------- 17, 21 method of construction____ 87-88 
used as pot rests______---- 74 remains iOfe es ae 59, 86-90 
used for storage_____----- 21, 38 Variations) Olt: 20a) | ea 88 
See also Depressions; Pits. Jacos’s WELL, described____-_- 13 

Houmes, W. H., reference to JARS— 

WOR Kel bea we mianmiiawd SE SEER 1238 Globularsa oe es 125 
ELOPTRGUSTOM 2 es ums ee atuay Tee 94 OVOId he hE ete eee 124 
Hori Kivas, reference to_-_-_-- 107 with banded necks_----_-_- 116 
Horr pottery, reference to__-- 123 See also CANTEENS; WATER 
Hopi VILLAGES, visited by ex- JARS. 

PIOVETSS Aa wear e a Meee S NACEES 10 | Jeancon, JuaN ALLARD, assist- 
Hoven, Water, mention of ance rendered by_-_-----+=- 1 

SV OTS Kar Lemme eet 14, 109, 123, 155, 156 | Jupp, N. M., reference to work 

HousevA“GRroup 1 222ei_ es 20-25 (0 eR baled ER Pe aimee Oy A ae 17, 124 
HOUSE -AS GROURAZ. 52 mis anit 43-45 | KavyENTA POTTERY, referencé 
EIOUSHA. GROUP Oa u eee 59-61 TONES Ge ee Er DAA ere 135, 165 
Housh «6B. (GRouUP IS oer ey! 25-32 | KiATUTHLANNA— 
FHovusn~B; Group 22009) 222") 45-48 meaning of the name- -- ~~~ 1,6 
House (BY GROUP 3. _ 2-22-22 61-64 object of work at___-_--_- 2 
HOUSED GROUP 42. ss ans 78-82 | KippEr, A. V., mention of work 
HoOuUsSENe GROUP ALE 22 Se Titus 32-37 (oy eral ey ty Re PM WL ea 15, 67 
House ©) GRour 222222 eurrss 48-54 | KippER AND GUERNSEY, refer- 
House CC GROUP Gu en Sess 64-65 ence to work of ____---- 1'7, 1238; 162 
Housn* CvGRroup 42525 22s 82 | Kiva stonE— 

House]D) GRouP shee ie 37-40 found in'sipapuYe== sees = 52 

HOUSE Di GROUP esas se 55-57 object, called.c 2 22222 157 


INDEX 191 
Kivas— Page | McCasy, B. C., acknowledg- Page 
construction of 2-3. 106 TOTO GO, tae Zee le ee 1 
Geseription: of - ..-. -.- 93-95 | Manos— 
D-shaped, described __-____ 97 describedipic. ae agee Wane 155 
Hopi, reference to________ 107 graded series of_________- 47 
interior features of _______ 93-94, | Marcos or Niza, Friar, jour- 
100, 106-107 MeV Ol Saks 2 ya we ne eee 10 
method of construction of__ 100 | Masonry— 
possible prototype of_____ 1 Gh discussion of adoption of. 98-100 
EWOsuy DESIOb@ sa ..2 eee eS 113 See also WALLS. 
unique feature of ___-_____ 98 | MaTERIAL CULTURE— 
with wainscoting. ________ 51 conclusion drawn from_-_-_ 175 
KNIFE BLADES, STONE_______- 158 relations indicated by_____ 168 
LADDER BOX— See also Basker MaxkeEr 
MESCEIDER (Hoe woe se 33 CULTURE; PUEBLO CUL- 
development of__2._.2_2.- au TURE. 
identification of. .2_.._=.- 20 | Mavutus, two forms of_—.-_2_- 155 
indicating double-poled lad- M&rASUREMENTS— 
CT eS = 62 of House A, group 1__-____ 24-25 
WTO MprITi Neves Bee Bis me at! 20, 38 of House A, group 252,252 45 
LappERS— of House A, group 3_____- 61 
development of___._._____ 33-34 of House B, group 1______ 31-32 
embedded in floor_______- 46 of House B, group 2_____- 48 
of notehed poles_______._2 38 of House B, group 3_--_-_- 63-64 
DOSUIOMMOLS sete a. Ae} a 21 of House B, group 4___-___ 81-82 
runged, evidence of______- 55 of House C, group 1__-_-_-_- 36-37 
theories concerning - _ _ ____ 74 of House C, group 2___-__- 53-54 
TVD CSHOLesee eee manele Lye ee Se 33, 34 of House C, group 3_____- 65 
TOUSTE ROY HSE UW IO a a 17 of House C, group 4_____- 82 
LapLEs— of House.D,- group, L. 4 255 39-40 
decorations on) 222 142-144 of House D, group 2__-__-_- 56-57 
picoyer ans) Corns ae) Lt Se 129 of House D, group 3____-- 71-72 
ornamentation of =2__=-_- 147 of House E, group 2_____-_ 57 
Lrecenps. See MIGRATION LEG- of House E, group 3_---_-- 75-77 
END; MyTHS AND LEGENDS. of isolated houses__-____ 84-85, 86 
LINCOLN, PRESIDENT, mention of_ 13 PADISS Ol ey ee oe 177-182 
LINE BREAK, in pottery painting, Mesa VERDE POTTERY, refer- 
4a) eines ee 131 enceytos ee kee = 2e 123, 146, 165 
LINES, INCISED, on culinary ves- MrEtTaTes— 
ESTE ES a i SC 122 described 42.228 2a 47, 154 
LitTLE CoLorabo, UPPER, ref- placing of. 2) see sen sae 18 
erence to pottery of-_-___-- 146 series of, with mealing bins_ 47 
Lone H Rancp— WOPH-Olltt Use Olsson ese ie 
archeological investigations MIGRATION LEGEND of the Zuni_ 6, 7-8 
Nea ei rp sale 1,14-15 | Miviine stone. See METATE. 
brief history, of |... ~=_-_- 14 | Mimpres VALLEY— 
origin of the name___-__.~ 14 carved shell found in_____- 162 
pioneering parties near -_--_- 12 reference to pottery of.__ 133, 165 
region of, described _-__-__~_- 5 | MInpDELEFF, VicToR, reference 
settlement of region of __-- 14 Lo Pear geen Bk. Wee eye ane ses Oise Wee 95 
Spanish explorations near_- 10 | MoorpHEeaD, W. K., reference 
Loom, indications of ____-_-_-- 29-30 TOF WOTIS, Oks ee ae 162 
Luna, N. Mex., reference to Morris, EK. H., reference to 
WOLLELY TOM = os eos te 127, 139 WGI Kay Obed eas yee Met ey ee 9, 17, 123 


192 INDEX 
Mortuary customs. See Bur- Page | Pit HousesS—Continued. Page 
1ALS; MortTUARY OFFERINGS. aescribede 22 32. tse 16-86 
MortTuARY OFFERINGS— destroyed by fire___--- 35, 45, 49 
in pit-house graves- ------ 169 discovery of remains of____ 15-16 
in pueblo burials_—----_-_-- 170 double-roomed, possibility 
MytTHs AND LEGENDS, unrelia- Ol2o" Fie Ate ee 26 
bility ofes:ete ees tee sees 9-10 srouping Of 8) aay ae 19, 110, 172 
NavaHo Sprincs— interior features of ______-~- es 
ruins near, recorded by 43-45, 46, 59-61, 62-63, 64-65, 
Wa pples cies eee 13 67-69, 74-75, 84, 85, 86. 
temporary capital of Ari- interior features of, summa- 
Zone) Merritony.2))-2—— 13 Miz SoS Be eee 110, 172 
NAVAHO SWEAT HOUSES, con- isolated!s-. 29 - aia Aes 83-86 
SUCUCHONOLe | See == 41 kinds of, summarized____ 172, 173 
Nicue, purpose of, unknown- -_- 64 measurements of______---- 24, 
NoORDENSKIOLD, reference to 31, 36, 39, 45, 48, 53, 56, 57, 61, 
flO) (0) Rec ag acho a 123 63, 65, 71, 75, 81, 82, 84, 86. 
NvuBBINS, on pitcher forms _-_-_-- 126 ofunusuall forms == keane 64 
OUSIDE PADS as ea ce il overlapping portions of__-__ 19-20 
ORIENTATION— Dosition/oOlt 22 3222 eae 43 
iMmvpuebloyburialss=2 us ses 170 progression in types of____ 89-90 
lacking in pit-house burials_ 168 BIZOfOL2 4 ee ee eee ne 16 
ORNAMENTATION. See Carv- slab-lined, compartment in. 27—29 
ING; Decoration; DESIGNS; structural variation of____- 48 
ORNAMENTS. superstructure of _--_-_--_- 110 
ORNAMENTS— time spent Ins 25 soe ee 42 
Of DOnGS Ss se meee ee eo 153 types of, uncovered_--__-_-_ 15, 109 
Oshella= tose Oe oe oe 160-163 ty pes similarstoz2 = == eee 17 
Oftunquoisele= se = 22 = =~ 159 under pueblo rum __-22_+2 85 
PALETIM (Ofstones os 2-2-2. e= 157 unit or single clan__-_---- 4 
PASTE, USED IN POTTERY, Ccom- with shallow pit____-_-___ 86 
POSition ofa s2 eek ae = e=™ 115,119 | Pir-HousE poTTrERy, distinctive 
PENDANTS— feature Ofts 22 eee 126 
of abalone shell__-__-__-_-- 160 | PrircHERS— 
SLONC eee per tae ee ee 159-160 bird-shamecdiers= =e 127 
PENDENT FIGURES, negative de- black-on-red ware____----- 128 
sign formedtbyot+22=---—— 137, 138 decorations on_____- 145, 147-148 
PETRIFIED Forest, stone used described2 S22 =o See 126-128 
PROM es 2 eee ee eS 5 double ieee] acetes = eee 127 
PETRIFIED WOOD, described _ -_ -- 5 shapesiors a2ne Tie oso 121-122 
Pinasters, roof supported by-- 97 | PITKIAIAKWI, remains of______- if 
PipEs— Pars 
clay, tubular or conical____ 149 rectangular,of unknown use- 98 
SLOWME eee a eters ate ene 150 theories concerning - - ___-_- 57 
stone spubularese. ssa. 2 =a 159 See also DEPRESSIONS; FIRE 
Pit HOUSES— pit; Hotes; LADDER BOX; 
abandoned, burials in___-_- 19 STORAGE PITS. 
approaching rectangular PLASTER— 
shapes oNess soon See 32 annual coats of, in kiva__-- 94 
completely covered by ref- Composition O12 ]-—=.2=—4— 16 
Use MoOuNGee ee ee ae time reckoned by-_-_------ 94, 107 
connected by opening--__-_- 64 | PLatrorRm— 
construction of_____--__-- 16-17, raised, discussion of_--__~- 67 
26-29, 46, 59 spectator’s, use of -----.2- 107 


INDEX 193 
Pour Page | PUEBLO RUIN— Page 
OLYCHROME WARES, develop- Spanioninent f 
PEACE [ICG RI CASA ee ea 118 a : 2 ae 
Posts— Bee age RD ae 
partially incorporated in DEL URES otter == - fe 
VoL SJ le 32 clearing of as rae 
ree Ole Sos ae 20, 25)3¢ conclusions drawn from_ 111-113 
plwnigunip eee = oe 83 173-174 
Porrery— ; described’ 7. J. 22/2 ae 90-109 
classification of. _-_-H=is- 116 different grades of con- 
coiled _ ---_-------------- 115 struction Im_ ..t- 355 seh 95 
color of, affected by one story in height_____-_-- 108 
firing ----.----------- 117, 119 parts of, destroyed by fire-_ 103 
Corrusdvedy one = 8! 2ee8" 116 position of, in Little Colo- 
corrugated,development of_ + rado chronology__------ 108 
culinary, classes of ___-_---- Dy remains under___________- 93. 
culinary, forms of _____-- 120-121 stages in development of_ 91-107 
decorated, classes of ___---- 117 stages in growth of____-_- 90-91, 
decorated, firstappearance of 3 {ie 
development Clo SSeseesS= 3, 114 suggestive of San Juan 
discussion of. ...------- tt4-149 TT 0 a as A PS 108 
formslors—- S22 8je8 2s 120-130 | Recesses— 
materials used in-__ 115-116, 119 for, storages. = aoe 18, 38-39 
miscellaneous objects of_ 149-150 in kiva, discussed__-_-_-_-_--- 107 
nonculinary, characteristics in wall, useiof.3!6 ee es Di1=23 
of .------------------- 117 of unusual form. =2--— 72-73, 75 
period differences in____-_- 163 | Rep Lake, ceremony at___---- if 
pit-house forms of - - ------ 164 | Rep ware, decorated in black_- 118 
pueblo, characteristics of-_ 166 | Rurusn, deposits of, in rooms_ 23 
pueblo, different from pit- REFUSE MOUNDS— 
{GKOiU (S| ois ae ae ey See 127 burials seen 43, 58, 109 
pueblo formsyofoo.2+ 22.5 164 described__________ 42-43, 77, 82 
Pueblo I, two phases of__- 165 Neat NOUSCSa see = ee ee 19 


Specialized ke ese Ts 4 
surface finish of. 119-120, 163-164 


treatment of surface of___- 116 
unfired, method of mak- 

Ha oy pT sigh ee Et pel 114-115 
Velo e eee See 119 
varieties of paste used in_- 163 

PRAYER FEATHERS, at the lakes_ 7 
Proto-KayENTA WARE, refer- 

(STAVES) UO eye ea ee eae 135 
PruppDEN, T. M., reference to__ 107 
PureBLo Bonito, reference to 

NGL ee CEN Bes, 2 ll ie a ed 162 
PUEBLO CULTURE, divisions of-_ 3-5 
PUEBLO PEOPLES— 

STTLV AOL eet eee asa ssee 3 

concentration of.__.---=-~- 4 

cultural decline of __------ 4 
PUEBLO POTTERY— 

decorations on___.------ 145-149 

distinctive feature of__---- 126 


RiM, PLASTER, extension of, 

from) firesplGs 222 ae ae oe 26-27 
RIMS OF BOWLS, break in paint- 

WT OLS eee Se ea Nee 131 
RINGS) Oly DONG Sea ae ae 153 


Roserts, Linpa B., assistance 


Tend ereduDyeesee eae oa 1 
Roor— 
built from ground level-_-_-- 49 
CONSUEUCTION Of 2225 — eee —— 49 
form of, over recess___---- 73-74 
Rooms— 
alterations made in_------ 103 
ceremonial, sequence of_-- 113 
communicating_-------- 104-106 
of pueblo described _ - ----- 93 
on different levels__----- 103-104 


table of measurements of. 177-178 

used as refuse pits___ 23, 102, 108 
Rurns— 

location of. soo] oe oe 15 


194 INDEX 
Ruins—Continued. Page Page 
SPEAR POINTS, described_______ 163 


measurements of__-.---~- 36-37, 
39-40, 45, 48, 53-54, 56-57, 
57, 61, 63-64, 65, 71-72, 
75-77, 81-82, 82, 84-85. 
SacrED LaKkE— 


location ors DU aie Bina Rs 6 
Pilomimace tows. eee eee 7 
St. Jouns— 
mention, Of. Wwe ONS 5 
settlement of_..._.___---_ 14 
San JUAN AREA, reference to 
pottery of .-=--. 133, 136, 146, 165 
SaunpzurRSs, ArT, acknowledg- 
TONS E OWI STO oe ee eg AA eda yp hls 1 
ScRAPERS— 
bone, from pueblo__-__-_- 152-153 
pottery, from pit house__-_ 149 


ScREEN, WATTLE, indication of, 


betweenrrooms 222 225 12a es 26, 32 
SEED JARS— 
absent in pueblo ruin_____ 147 
GEEOTATONS TOM es inee e. 144 
double-lobediranaaren uate 125 
period of, indicated by lip_ 125 
SHADES Of see a HEE eS 125 
with single loop handle__.__ 125 
SHELL, Objetts of. vst ee 160-163 
SHELL ORNAMENTS, period differ- 
GIN GOS pues eg ak ee ene Te 167 
Srpapu— 
absence of, discussed______ 94-95 
an indication of ceremonial 
RTS eee eee seal Mele es ete 95, 97 
, holesssimilarstor 5222 f2 22 17, 29 
NOGRiVORNO hes == eee 46 
object foundiin 2222 ee 52 
three in one house_-_____-__ 80 
SITGREAVES, Capratn, route fol- 
lowedtby ees = 2a smears wee 12 


SKELETAL REMAINS— 
conclusions drawn from__ 174-175 


SigMmInCANCE Olea ens ya 171 
See also SKULLS. 
SKULLS, change indicated by__-_ 3 
SLAB-LINED PIT HOUSES, ab- 
SEN COLO ins oa ae ae ee 16 
SLip— 
development of_______-___ 116 
present in pueblo ware__-_-_ 120 
red; adoption of. Jou = 118 
SPANISH EXPLORATIONS__-_-_-- 10-11 


Spier, L., reference to work of_ 14-15, 


130 
Spruce TREE Houss, reference 
LO ce earn a1 Nar oe eee 107 
Stevenson, Mrs. M. C., refer- 
ence to work of22222- L222 6, 7,8 
STONE OBJECTS— 
deseribed.. 13 ete 153-160 
of unknown use ___~__-_-- 157 
STONE SLABS— 
in ipurials._. 42. 157 
not used in pit houses_____ 16 
SToNEwoRK— 
methods used in____ 158, 155, 166 
period differences in_____ 166-167 
See also WALLS, STONE; 
MASonry. 
STORAGE— 
compartments used for____ 97 
depression used for_____--_ 52 


recesses for___ 18, 838-39, 72-73, 75 
STORAGE PITS— 


artifacts found im. 2-2ou = 38 
Joppigtelisirrate eo Ce 19, 41-42, 77 
described. 2) S90 o Sais 1M 47, 58 
outdoor=- = =4) SOT sae 76-77 
TeMains Ofs2i es ee ee 40-41 
STRATIGRAPHY, examples of____ 66, 78 
SUPERPOSITION— 
of refuse over houses______ 77-78 
of structure over room__-__ 66 
TANQUE VERDE, reference to 
structures of... = 33 Lene woe 110 
TEMPERING, materials used for_ 119 
THORN, CapTaIn, mention of_- 12 
Timesrs, length of, for building. 32-33 
TovAR, mention. o£. - =) aaa 10 
TRADE, evidence of, in shell____ 1638 
Tsa’WEHLE, information fur- 
nishedby_2 sUis 2.” Eve 6 
Tucker Livestock Co., ref- 
erence: to: 20975 !nt,. Wa te 1 
TuRQUOISE— 
offerings. Of---=.----=-a5e" 6 
ornaments of 2 /2- .-222-=- 159 
Twin Satt Laxes— 
ceremonies connected with. 6-7 


described. -=-=") Soimaieges 6 
explorations near_-_-_---- 
investigations at______-_-- 
legend, Of. 2.2224) aaorae 6 


INDEX 195 
Twin Satt Laxes—Continued. Page | Watits— Page 
locatTOnVOfse 22s = = eee ae 5 adobe, veneered with 
not mentioned by Span- SUONC22 <2 2-0 ju aes 100, 112 
THEE A) 5 yates ee ey 10 flattened at ventilator_____ 23, 25 
VENTILATOR— of pit house, reenforcement 
bell-shaped. ....-_2-.--4 70 Of ice 5.052 eee ee 51 
construction of_____ 238, 30, 80-81 of pueblo described_______ 92-93 
Geseribed==-- = =. ses 18, possible construction of ____ 73 
23, 34-35, 47, 53, 62 RCCCSSCS IN = se See ee 18, 
effectiveness of ______-____ 38 21-23, 38-39, 72-73 
elaborately constructed ____ 30 slopingee2 ae. 2 55 So ee 20 
of kiva, described _________ 94, 98 stone, adoption of________ 98 
plastered, described _--____-_ 59-61 stone, use of, in kiva_____- 97 
skeleton found in_________ 70-71 veneered, explanation of__ 104 
unusual opening of________ 56 | WaTER JARS, scarcity of_______ 124 
used as entrance__________ 70 | Watercress PLAcE— 
VENTILATOR SHAFT, cover pro- location olse= = sss a=. as a 
Wao Kst6l 1KOie 2k ek ae ee 53 FiDi name fOr. 7 
VENTILATOR TUNNEL, unusual WATTLE SCREEN, between rooms_ 26, 32 
PeRUIIEC OPS sa ee 8 63 | Weapons of the Basket Makers_ 3 
VILLAGE, composition of____- 110-111 | WuirrLe, mention of__________ NZ 
W AINSCOTING— WintTER PEOPLE, mythical mi- 
COVETCOMm ame ee et 51 STATON STO fee a eee pe eee 8 
in kivas, possible expla- ZuNI Inp1ans— 
MAVOUO tee ee 51-52 migration legend of___-_-- 6, 7-8 
in pit house, explanation of_ 51 mythical division of_____-_- 8 


lai 3 


bhy ye 


ark pi 
ited 8S ~ 


Reg van 


ue. Y Ut sons OS wb rana ty Olcheneg A 
A “Waiidttourybenar kta 


OMA? 


‘sth ae 
a Ptah be b i, 


RY 


yn ik: oe Ig 


Belted, he, as ay 


PIAS TR ae 


Sane nv ae tenth 


Acie 


es aaah detach 


a, fenbaer 


Ey . : 
Bash see Me 


© FAN BORG 


Uteite me i 


oa. Jt 
| ie ~ 6h be 
ry {ie Ly 


nth a hata Ane 
<u ie ONE era 


Aes 


des a Vena. Ri beget vA * ee aera ‘Uleleiidalae ae 
t ae tf, a ; ren ~ feed, verrha aehte am 
Sen beth anced ito oot 
oa anasto ee Kihe, i" Bie va eh _nntt bento) oie | 
yi ey ptimipes: EAA, ‘mane | oa ae hones ahh Qiiaogu | i: 
peste ay te eatiay Te | aavenoqmta' td octet ain OUT eM ag 
iy Mie OA eto teh tthe ee TOR MET IM tie. Pipes is 
i) Ur ee A Siar HRY +s ez oie | hae > Pe babies 


Sa RyKe 
ath 
nf 


Aye ‘ 


Aa Warre te einai Sorvino renal 
Vi Viva dient oA Ys atintaar et | 
a a Ye i toe, ites any 


edd OM LG —. 


Sas 


bee eh era ie cs ae ere * yea o 
i a EECA vac Ce Gg (° fee ne a a a wee ; 

BUR 2 di savant age le ; “MED ah Heron Act Jae Bs] 
ae na Py Ose! Retfieoun vot be le Luis Ree « st 
é ya Hy Coped vis ential a Gta ee | sneeze lee unwed a 

114 orn j \ 

Ag aA nt vy! saeee 
e-: . i i Pee i 
; Si i } . fh a is ; meas 
| on il 
~ : : +i i ie 
E 5 \ | ve ) in 
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