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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102
MENOMINEE MUSIC
Be OR ata BY
FRANCES DENSMORE
has. ee tie lie iy
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: 290350 eS JUN 6 1932. <}
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION \\.S. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY . BULLETIN 102
MENOMINEE MUSIC
BY
FRANCES DENSMORE
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1932
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. en - Price 80 cents
$l n ie ral re pia Nie
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BurEAv OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., February 3, 19381. Srr: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript, entitled ‘‘Menominee Music,’”’ by Frances Densmore, and to recom- mend its publication as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stiruine, Chief. Dr. Cuarues G. ABBOT, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. III
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FOREWORD
The material comprised in this paper was collected among the Menominee Indians of Wisconsin in 1925, 1928, and 1929, the record- ing of songs being done at Keshena, Neopit, and Zoar. The old customs are followed by the Menominee in a marked degree, thus affording a favorable field for research in music and customs, as well as for comparison with previous work.!
The writer visited the Menominee in 1910 in connection with a study of the drum-presentation ceremony of the Chippewa, witness- ing that dance on the Menominee Reservation. Numerous songs used by the Chippewa in that ceremony were recorded. In the recent work, the same ceremony was studied among the Menominee and its songs recorded, according to the usage of that tribe. The Midewiwin (Grand Medicine) of the Chippewa had previously been studied and its songs collected. During the work among the Me- nominee a meeting of the Medicine Society was attended and its songs were found to resemble the Chippewa Grand Medicine songs so closely that the Menominee songs of the Medicine Society were not recorded.
One purpose of the present work was to determine the resemblance, or lack of resemblance, between Menominee and Chippewa songs. The result of the work shows that such a resemblance exists in a majority of the songs. A similar resemblance to Sioux songs was not observed.
The environment of the Menominee resembles that of the Chip- pewa in its lakes and pine trees; but the forests are more extensive than in the Chippewa country and there are rushing rivers and streams with rapids and waterfalls.
Acknowledgment is made of the services of Jobn Valentine Satterlee (pl. 2, a), who acted as interpreter in 1925. His wide acquaintance among the Indians and his experience as an interpreter added to his value in that capacity. Grateful acknowledgment is also made of the courtesy of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee in furnishing and permitting the use of photographs of interesting speci- mens in their possession, and to the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, for supplying a photograph.
1 Chippewa Music, Bull. 45; Chippewa Music II, Bull. 53; Teton Sioux Music, Bull. 61; Northern Ute
Music, Bull. 75; Mandan and Hidatsa Music, Bull. 80; Papago Music, Bull. 90, Pawnee Music, Bull. 93, Bur. Amer, Ethn.; and Music of the Tule Indians of Panama, Smithsonian Misc. Colls., vol. 77, no. 11.
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CONTENTS
Page I RE SS en eo tance memes Tea XI Arminged: inorder ofernal pumbergs 2225-32205. 25 eee lence XI Arranged in order of catalogue numbers-_-___---------------------- XIV Names of singers and numbers of songs transcribed___-_-_--_---_-------- XIX (ES REN BE TEDN SSIS a a a el aU XIX Characterization of singers and informants_--_-------.--.----------.-- XXI Pee emnmanior itaeeye ees 2 Sidi Be Ue eee ees 1 Manica nstruments: and’ their usesso22.4 = 2. ge2ns- btbe sess a leeek 10 Tabulated analyses: Comparison of Menominee songs with Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, and Pawnee songs-_----------- 11 Comparison of Menominee songs with the combined analyses of Chip- pewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, and Pawnee songs-----_-- 18 OPE PP Ee aE eT pe eee eee 23 een Eeae ts oe eee he ep ehh 8 Bae eee ee eee 24 Games played in a:ceremonial manners. - 2+ 2.15. 4 ee lebes bes iebdsn 26 Diamoemnn Cie esmanne=dre 22). 2s ele ta Meee ek 27 merrermeerrariltoriing etic ba bk HWA ee gees See got bebo Vr Eieg ye, fightin 34 we OEE, Sh, SS Se IS ae pe ei Se ee a ET RS. 35 ROE PN SSE a A ke ope ga a a 40 ten re COR itil 258 te Ey yp Ope ate. Ve 4] Pee CU ROM MC) arte Arund ue whol tee a tk 51 The gift of medicine to the Menominee----_-_-_----------.-+----------- BY Peet ae cw sihy Dene les NS be ove, sect oeect ele bo We yg Se Wa evans 60 ponee copmecied with, war bundles =122 01422. atv. 2 eu cseutekede lees 69 Peder conmeered with & boy's fast. ~~ 2 ee ee 74 DU SEEN GS per A ps eee ee ed ee ae Oe ere ae a eee a ees eed 77 EE 2 LET EG ge Sg eS 89 BEPC mONaII NOS SID Kc Seely Thee od get A iiaels S aoe re Bese) eo 98 LENGE A: Ars ee ee, oe em a Re ye Ce ey Oy Ue aR a 100 eRRMNEEIBPEAU CTS Sym = 2 2 a ee ee eS 111 Pioisadeeriiby, Nabawilkt cero ei 15> db Cbs ka yh UC peat xhe toee 121 ibegends conceming Manabiis: tc Uo24be5 sche s se seek Bee seek 135 Onigin my thot the: medicine lodges... 4. 424-4 acu; 2dbetes peewee 135 Minos usane the wollte dere. 1.4 22 ee Sees ee 136 Manabunand: the stone: 2ic.w: 44_ d4scs kee ee te Ogee, Se otk 141 TUMOR NO sees oer nth 58 AE ke Syne oe eS ae cee ee a 144 Manabus and the underwater snake_-_----------------------- 144 DMnea bus andthe Guekeee yo. .55. Ub Soe ee Se eet hy beret pon 145 a RO UE i pe 2 So inl) Se ee eee 149 ae earete eelipion) Arid itd SOnpR.! 2s. sk el bebe thee 150 OE RACE ge PRS ESA SYR A Oe igh Be ote RO ee 183 ReuipeCe Ceierens SUS ie a Bue adted 8 184 Ce TSG WG OS" TEE ee Je eect Oe Sree eee ae 8) 187 Dante Ia moation- Oh animals and birds.....-22--.--.-.----.-.-..--- 188
VIII CONTENTS
movie! GEnees.. <2 Wh oa shoe nn nS abs oeeenc aceon ca eee WET RONRSs. So coe ee eee ooo eee ee Mioteasin Game HONEA. i. 2st o lek ee ok ee 2 HiMitenmusicvand love(songs.: =o = ele [oes 2s ee eee Dullaies /. 2225 ok ds eee ek se ee Melodic and rhythmic analysis of songs by serial numbers__-____-____-_
Melodic analysis... .— 2 4.'- - ae te ee
Biythimic analyaics | oeks2 2 oes eee ee Authorities cited... 22602 0esessssacebess2s522¥hsesbee25 see
wne
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ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
TIRE RINGS eee eee ers ek en ee pe Soe oes SS . a, John Valentine Satterlee; b, Mitchell Wakau; c, Mitchell Beaupre_ . a, Menominee in canoe; b, Lake on Menominee Reservation; c, Rapids
BEE NOLL TR UN Gy NS SY CSAS I SO SE Le EE Pe ALD by et ee
. a, Islands above The Dalles of Wolf River; b, Pine forest, Menominee
PRESS ase tL ENR a ee ae ee ee ES AE a a ey ne oe
. a, Pine trees, Keshena, Wis.; 6, Log house of Louis Wickobe; c, Log
ACU ESES UTED VCO CH LS oe irate cm ee ee as ee aN eee
. a, Spirit Rock; b, Reginald Oshkosh beating Mitawin drum; c, Menom-
race fat (SMB tel ala a cl pp er le gree aya os Mae egy Re, Une esp Mes At
. a, Menominee flute; 6, Flute in war bundle-_--_-_._-.._--...------- a mepnering Ualenrey. 0, Wenes, Sullivan 2222 ee . a, Menominee woman playing bowl-and-dice game; 6, Dice used in game - . a, “ Double-ball”’ used in game; b, Menominee women playing double-
RE DPLIE, er Meee ROSE! PAC OG Di Nee ee as
. a, David Amab; 6, John Cawunipinas; c, Wecawanakwut-----_-_---- . a, Turban and packet of medicine used as hunting charm; b, War
Rita CLOSE OP eee eee es eS eae eh te A ee
Pear bundic: wrapping and Contentss.: 2% 9. ee ae eee . a, Medicine bag carried in medicine lodge (a); 6, Medicine bag carried
MUBPPTIIMOMOMM ECU). =, = oe ae te ee oe ee oe
. a, Exterior of medicine lodge; b, Women in medicine lodge; c, Scene in
MEMES tee Syn ee ee eae es es
Mawgnromework OF meugicme lodre. oi So oe So . Drum, drumstick, and rattle used in medicine lodge--_-_------------ . Turban and other objects used in puppet trick_______-_--_-------- PA enwika Oo, Harriet bongley.. 2 2202 tot Soe . a, Woods in which Natawika gathered herbs; 6, Natawika’s house,
showing table on which she prepared herbs; c, Framework of juggler’s
. a, Horn used by Natawika in treatment of the sick; b, Specimen of
Natawika’s herbs, prepared as medicine____-.-.----------------
. a, Bag in which Natawika stored herbs; b, Storage bag-_---_-------- . a, Burial ground; b, Lodge in which drum ceremony was held; c, Drum
SEEDER ne PD te te nr ge ee ae
. a, Drum given to the Menominee by the Chippewa; 6, Women singers
around the drum; c, White Feather dancing around the drum_------
. a, Chippewa aide beside pile of gifts; 6, Kimewun offering ceremonial
pipe; c, Menominee drum owner and old men dancing------------
. a, Chippewa teaching drum songs to Menominee; b, Women dancing
as songs are taught to Menominee; c, Men dancing as songs are RiGee eeenomnee. 2 SE a, Ceremony of restoring the mourners; b, Inclosure in which drum cere- mony was held; c, Drum used in social dances_____--------------
TEXT FIGURES
1. Map of Wisconsin showing Menominee Reservation ---_-_------------ 2. Inside construction of bag used in puppet trick_..-___.-_----------- See nD rat GNiEIRUOCTEIOONY, 2 an onc aceckencaesseeneesetl ke le-
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LIST OF SONGS
1. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF SERIAL NUMBERS
Sones or GAMES PLAYED IN A CEREMONIAL MANNER
Serial No. Catalogue No. Page Pm NAM TIRIKCWOWIS Sooo UL UE ee 1517 29 UE MIE RCTSSUWY LOTTIE nis) no Ne ee 1518 29 REE CPSC ee i 2 a oe ry ee 1519 30 PSR WV SDUNORMONUANNG 2. ee ok ee eee 1520 30 5. Song received from the spirit women-__-_---_------------- 1635 32 Somer Raat, VORMITUTI DL VCS. Cy TUATING coe a ee 1584 35 Srpeariy JABLOSRE AUN oe ne en ee ee 1539 40 Ce hot 7 Og yen gle iC = | ee alae er eR pas RE 1585 44 ee Pens: COO £2Ve US this. G2NCe 8 1622 45
OER TERTRE BEERS OGL Ge 1610 46 MP enenetHoDOnOrG ine GTUM 2 ee 1524 47 i. pong.tor the person to be adopted = —-..-.-=--_-_____----, 1516 47 io Wancing song trom. the east god (a) __--.--_--_.-----....- 1611 48 io Dancing song irom the east god (b)_--..__------ 2." 1612 49 Lo. Dancing song irom the east god (c)_-.-----.---.-.-~___-- 1637 49 ib. Dancing song from the east god (d)_-.....-.__-25_-.-.- = 1638 50 dye in four dayey so. sci t deat) ieee spe Sy cprn eee) ap ee 1628 51 18. Daneing song from the south goda)2----.-..--.--------- 1573 53 19. Dancing song from the south god (b)_------------------- 1623 53 20. Dancing song from the south god (c)__------_-__----------- 1574 54 21. Dancing song from the‘south god (d) -------.-2-2--22-22- 1521 54 22. Dancing song from the south god (e)_---------_---------- 1613 55 23. Daneme song from thesouth god: (f)222- eae ee ae 1614 55 EEL evE ECS oes 82 eee Sn aS et ee ee eee 1538 56 RUMI RON ENG CCG. | SPM a eh es ee = Oe eee 1572 56
Sones CONNECTED WITH THE GIFT OF MEDICINE TO THE INDIANS
Dep GtCme EVES THCOICING.. 9. 2 2 aya oo oe ee ee eee 1829 58 Wie SOngaGs HUN bing MeGICINe. = -. 5. .- 2s ae 1840 59 Sones CoNNECTED WITH WAR AND HUNTING BUNDLES Bebe anUpOl gy oc DD a, ak 1506 62 RPMI PAC ee Le ee 1507 63 oo. Lk Will gen a buck 720 AY Sa ret Ue SET) me _ 1508 64 aie wall sshoot him through the heart’’=.-..-"9=22 222-2 2... 1509 64 pM MME EPONIEO SUICK. ot aye nc as ae eee aS eee 1605 65 Me CME, HOTNESS 1606 66 a4. “The slender-legged animals”’- 22-3 1607 66 ee OIOLEOW L Will POU ONCE ene ge 1608 67 Spee ONS 228 ly 6°21 a a A AR RE Mg ROE 1609 67 Sa NTEE A FANART SS SCR ac es Ph he Se te 1575 68
XII LIST OF SONGS Serial No. Catalogue No. Go. Sher BRNCIS RONG. o0 ba ek 2 a Be ee 1510 39. Song when opening war bundle_._-_--__------------------ 1513 40;. War bundle dance song (@)a5¢0)2) - ys. tpeeyo eee = Sees 1514 a1. War bundle dance song (pb) = 2 ces eck te ee ee oe ee 1515 ao. “Heicarries @ war bundle”. o=22- Se 2k ee eee 1511 Aa. The warlbundile rings 9 fap) 2. oe ta ee 1512 a4. Tam standing OR & Cloud.” 2338) 2c ek eee eee 1577 DREAM SONGS £0. Pigeon s.dream ‘song! 2. £2 oo) ek ee ee ee 1541 Ao MOreatn SONG 22 = 22 oh Sack oe oe oes te are 1578 47. Dream song concerning the sun (a)--.__-------------_..-- 1579 #8. ream song concerning the sun (bp) 2-22 225 o ke eee 1580 29-7 Song.onbhe tounderers. 222.2 Gee eos ee ee 1581 np. pong.conceming the kimewuks 2.222.255. eee 1582 51.) Songiot, the little whirlwind | 2." "°°" "leo oe el ee 1583 52° Dream of buttalox(a) soak oe oe oes ee eee 1594 ns. Dreamior bultalo (pb) 200 L222 io [To ee eee 1595 4 Dream or che underground beatles 55s ae ee 1618 Oo: Dreamiorcommon bear. 2s 222 ete hae ee ea eee 1563 po. Dreamiol spirit Duialo® Soc - eas Sy ene eee eee 1619 pi. Dream of domestic cattle... 2 500 Sac So0 a eee 1562 OSs SOU LOL WOEKIN GMA GIC 5. 2 ene os Be eee eee eee 1636 no. Song.concernme the figurines... "220. 8 a eee 1523 GOS ey fiivairn ose ear eae Se 1522 Sones CONNECTED WITH THE TREATMENT OF THE Sick il: dumpers song (a) oc 2258 lk 2 Se ee es eer 1596 G2. (Jugeiers song’ () 22 oe So a ce 1597 63. Song during treatment of the sick (a)____.______-__-__-_- 1567 64. Song; during treatment of the sick (b),._.----_-.___-._-- 1568 G5, Sotiguel the woodpecker... 22) 2 oe a ee 1588 G6. Songref the healing spirits... =. eee 1598 67. Healing song from the spirit women (a)______._..-------- 1569 68. Healing song from the spirit women (b)___________------- 1570 69. “I use my medicine to cure the siek” 2uLt_____.__2_------ 1533 ap..* Ligive you. medicine to drink”... 2.52 0 1534 gt, © Li wall drive the sicknéss out of you”. 2022 (oo eee 1535 a2. 1 pi TOwWarding you’. 2 US a eee 1528 73. “The heavens: help ‘you?’ e. 2 We oes soe REP see 1529 a4, ‘nealing song. (a) 222). 2 tegen 2 1530 no. daeating song. (hb). 32 NO a 8 ee 1531 76. “Two'sides of the heavens” 2) 2225 24) 24.44 sn oe ee 1532 Sones CoNNECTED WITH LEGENDS OF MANABUS fa. Puhera. sone (8) 0 ee 1536 fo. Punera sone (bp) sal. 22S S22 ST eee ee ee 1537 a0. Manabus and the stone (a) 22 [oc oc nnn) See eee 1835 50.) Manabus'and the stone (bp) 32.022 2042 eee ee 1836 81. Manabus challenges the underwater snake_____________-_- 1641 82. Dance inside the underwater snake___.___._.._._.--_---- 1642 83. Manabus invites the ducks to a dance__________-_____---- 1643 84. Manabus tells the ducks to shut their eyes.._..--.-------- 1644
148
LIST OF SONGS
SonGs OF THE DruM RELIGION
Serial No. Catalogue No.
Bn: Pongsavnen pipe ts lighted. —.--..._......-.-esete vasad ne moum ser Owner or drum (a)... 222. et tw a Dears Qwiier Or arin (b)=— 2525 eo en ee prem ermsnrr UG) Riis: ee se i te ee Sk me. Pose sor man who-licghts: pipe... 2 eS. eh eee ee ce 90. Song for men who prepare drum (a)--_-_____-___________- 91. Song for men who prepare drum (b)_____________________ 92. Song for head-singer stake of drum______________________ vo Coueasor cast stake Of drum...) .........-...2_ + A_ wes pOnmuer Hort piake Of drums. oo be 95. Song for wounded-leg stake of drum-______-_-__-_-___-____ 96. Song for leaders of ceremony (a)-_.._-._.._------_------- 97. Song for leaders of ceremony (b)-.--. 0/2202... _ 98. Song during which members of the council dance__________ 99. Song during which wearer of ‘‘crow’’ dances_____________- 100. Song during which leading warrior dances_______________- 101. Song during which next to leading warrior dances__________ 102. Song during which third warrior dances_________________- 103. Song during which fourth warrior dances___________-____- 104. Song during which old men dance_-________-_--__-_-____- OOS eV 9 a RE CR 7 nS fe. ewe wollen po traveling’ 221022 ol ke heed ony. omnr song of dance. eno. be fee, Saneewith gilt .6f a ponyesy 8) psc ece ed eee
Topacco DancrE Soncs
menienee nance Song (8). 8-6 otc eee Berets EI) KAECIOCE BOTS “(1)) ne TA wee Seti beh eR ae, Bel eropuece dance’ song (C) 2. To A oe ee Recs teEeeeo cance sone (Gyo ne a eee
MIscELLANEOUS DaNcE Sones
Sie Amar a toe DEERATS GANCG.— 6202-3 eee ee SeerE ens Cane BONS 2 8 Le ee ereLoneEiin CBnCe BONG 2 dl DMIMUMEIMIICE SANG 2 So ok oe eee eae ure maCNMPe HONG oe Ld Rie wereMHel ACC BONG... 8 ee ceed
me emeikone swear song) (8). 000 222-5 ee io Pawanone dwar song (pb). +... -..-.-2.-222-4 ace te tah. Waneong concerning the owls._.._-- =. --=- 2... - man tnn MET eNLMMMMICOWMOTIOE. © 28 ea i ey pee. ee (ueen,an Magland 7) 3-2) 5k ee eo er et 124. Song concerning a captive woman-_-_____--_-_---_-------- 225. Song of yictoery over Black Hawk... ...--..-«.—...-2.---- IES ee SEE I ee mae ee one YOST See a A 127. Song of enlistment in the Civil War_.__..__.-__.__.-.-__-- 128. Song of protection in the Civil War (a)____--.------------ 129. Song of protection in the Civil War (b).--.--.------------
XIII
Page 168 169 170 170 171 172 173 174 174 175 175 176 176 177 178 178 179 179 180 180 181 182 182 184
185 186 186 187
188 189 190 191 192 193
195 196 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 202 203
XIV LIST OF SONGS
Moccasin GAME Sones
Serial No. Catalogue No. fae bowie ide miy “piney ao 2 28 te Oo eee ee eee 1566 ten ok wallibeny youl. OS Ss SES Oe eee ek ee oe ae eee 1540 toe Motersin game song (a)... Lee be oe 1565 feos Mocesusin vane song (b) 2 2. oo eet eee 1632 Ree, Moccasin wame song (c)-¢2 2-2: 222 kes 2s ee ee 1640 Love Sones Pee obnve Bong 1a) sik a ee ee ee 1630 Fae Clow eonie (ie eek ea sk tt ee ee ee ee 1631 ee LOweenen (CaaS esse te eee cate Ee ee ees 1542 ee Lane one). 2a core et tk eR ERS SE eee eee 1624 Sones ror CHILDREN hago Tulapy (ae. seks SEAR TU), See IO Bee See 1634 140. Lullaby: (b)z 2222 2-H. Te Se ae 1629
2. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF CATALOGUE NUMBERS
ee Title of song Name of singer pee No. : ¥506. | “Shaffer my song’. 02 Pigeon — ..- ents Yes oar 28 ay | ala fing ame Go ey oa do_2 yee sy Sa 29 HaGe::} “Ob will'get a: buck? 2 eel oe ee ee GOs 2 SUE ee ee ee 30 1509 | “‘I will shoot him through the |_____ COL a2 PE eae even 31 heart.” Talo} |) Wanmibundle song: 222 2222-—-2=-|2 222 dot Soe pe as 38 1511 | ‘He carries a war bundle” ___---|_-__- GOL > 4.4 ieee abe 42 1512 | ‘“‘The war bundle causes a fog’’__|_____ GOs. fee ae 43 1513 | Song when opening war bundle--_!_____ Coe a ae as 39 1514 | War bundle dance song (a) _-----|_-___ AGIMINUME ou anh 40 1515 | War bundle dance song (b)-----|--___ GO. ase ee 4] 1516 | Song for the person to be adopted__|_ - ___ doz. 222 12 1517 | Song of Musikikwawis_-___------ Pee, dO 2 ee oe 1 1518 | Song of Osawapunoke----_-_-_--_|/-__-- dol. 222 2 ise) Sonecor Wesivoni 2.222 pe do. 2 ee 3 1520 | Song of Wapunomitawi----_--_--|---__ dose ee 4 1521 | Dancing song from the south |_____ (6 (0 MRR pe pec 21 god (d). Razor see Myio SRI oe oe Se 2 ro Co epee ee 60 1523 | Song concerning the figurines_-_-__|_____ dou Au. aaa eee 59 taet | Some or the aroun. 2. ek eh eet Bs dosh. Sa ae 11 1525 | Pawakone’s war song (a)-_----_--_|____- do! ae eee 119 1526 | Pawakone’s war song (b)___-____|_____ AiG ru bene Ne eas 120 1527 | ‘‘The white man came and took |_____ dos. Mikel Oa (2) the Indians.”’ V5280) eam rewarding "you? sateen ls ee Goes s a ee eee 64 1529 | ‘‘The heavens help you”’_______|____-_ CO Set ER eee 65
1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book.
Page 205 206 205 207 207
210 210 211 211
213 213
195
107
LIST OF SONGS XV
ARRANGED IN OrpDER or CatTaLocuE NumBprers—Continued Title of song Name of singer ow Page
Héaling.song.(a)'s..5.+.-28414.2 =Pigeon 2 22 302_ 209m, 0) 66 109
Healing. song (0b) 202426001 eesan|se==2 dots) Yas AEM. aD. 67 110
“Two sides of the heavens’’_----|__--- do BAUS SU 68 111
“T use my medicine to cure the |_____ dosuuuL aos _ BUPUl 61 105 sick.”
“‘T give you medicine to drink”’__|_____ GolugdLi sors BASU 62 106
“‘T will drive the sickness out of |_____ AG) sees oh 63 107 you.”
Binneral sonpi(ayee oo - sae see |S oe AO lst ns fits 140
Pimeralusongi(b) 2c. = 2. 2Ds cco = EIS ASHE .. FIL NOS _ 78 140
P Ly PAO GresE Pl okS . 22 eb ee EOhrs vse Sole 24 56
Song with lacrosse game--_------|----- G00 _O1 Mtoe 3 7 40
POPE Will nbestwy. Olen. tee ees EE NG bre vee tt py a AED, 131 206
Pigeonis dream song..00..2...|es2e= doi. S282) 10 WEOE 45 77
tere sone (epss. sol. Cho. ab | DOME G64 is AG pore 137 211
Song for owner of drum (a)------- ARI eee tee 86 169
Song for man who lights pipe_---|_____ G6 Sit tor alos B 89 171
Song for men who prepare drum |_____ (6 a ee a ae 90 172 (a).
Song for men who prepare drum |_-_--- (0 | eee eenOge pa er LT | 91 173 (b).
Song for head-singer stake of |____- dOi 22a nse Be 92 174 drum.
Song for north stake of drum-_--_|_____ (1 ee oe Le oer 93 174
Song for east stake of drum_-_--_-|_____ do 2 THnte82 2A 94 175
Song for wounded-leg stake of |____-_ dots ip ei alah hh 95 175 drum.
Song for leaders of ceremony (a) -|_____ GeiUs.2s Bose 96 176
Song for leaders of ceremony (b) -|__--- domi ait on 97 176
Song during which members of |_-_--- det. s_24vs Bama, 98 177 the council dance.
Song during which wearer of |____- doz. 42 5.30 20 99 178 “crow’’ dances.
Song during which leading war- |__--- do stoseag bates 02. 100 178 rior dances.
Song during which next to the |__--- dod .22 waloolew J 101 179 leading warrior dances.
Song during which third warrior |__--_- dot_at aiunieiica - 102 179 dances.
Song during which fourth warrior }.._ ~~~ dotunh trorateilsre 3 103 180 dances.
Song during which old men |_---- dotvel sisatisilaa J 104 180 dance.
“Two women go traveling’’_____|_____ doy... fo) oletrel 106 182
Closing song of dance__._..____]_-_-- do. Sete Slafecl ny 107 182
Dream of domestic cattle__...__]__--- QO: hethsces tenses! 57 88
| Dream of common bear-..-_----|----- rs RNY Bact 55 86
XVI
LIST OF SONGS
2. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF CaTaALoGuE NumBers—Continued
Title of song Name of singer ag Page Moccasin game song_.--------- ~Amab.....5.,2¢) gape (4) Moccasin game song (a)_-------|----- do.......biL sane 132 206 “Twill hide my bullet” .1.-.--4|.-.-2 does cad Lt da geht 130 205 Song during treatment of the |._--- deci useless soe a 114 sick (a). Song during treatment of the |___-- 0.2 -echibess toe 72 114 sick (b). Healing song from the spirit |.---- 5 (0 aR AINE 75 117 women (a). Healing song from the spirit |_..-- do....-.-Gh.ssoe 76 118 women (pb). Song of protection in the Civil |_-__- dossiae ceeauudelt 129 203 War (b). Clesing song of dance....+-..---|.-.-- do...-.wHie eres 25 56 Dancing song from the south god |___-- dovs.c2. 85 oe ae 18 53 (a). Dancing song from the south god |___-- Cosi! cuiv aes 20 54 (c). Songiatter feast. 2.2... 2. Pee dG2o ok eae 37 68 pyc song Iie So. bk ak eS donyese (be pees (4) ‘“‘T am standing on a cloud”’_____ Cawunipinas_.__....-- 44 76 Dream isong. Jo2: 5b ee oh tea GO: _ ide ubebhed. se 46 78 Dream song concerning the sun |___~- Gol 25. Meee eee 47 79 (a). Dream song concerning the sun |_---- dois Jo_siate ee 48 80 (b). ; Song of the thunderers.._...---|....-- G02): 234553 ee 49 81 Song concerning the kinewuk_-_-__|____- dotare. Io miebeabs 50 82 Song of the little whirlwind_-~-_-__|___~- dovelee To aabeebs 51 83 A spirit woman gives a name-_-_-_-_|____- doseue sinie polly 6 35 ie pai my, face, red”? bl 8 do... ._ 2a Naa go 8 44 Wistredsnee songe 228.02 3es aa Cows. soi oe Oe eae 122 197 Song concerning a captive woman |____- do... Spee 124 199 Song of the woodpecker. ._._-__|-_..- dollnwy_ dante poles 73 115 Song of victory over Black Hawk_|__-__- do..2 05. eer 125 200 Song of protection in the Civil |_____ docwu, shi ee 128 202 War (a). Song of enlistment in the Civil |____- @obiLlt Anoty woe (1) War. Song of enlistment in the Civil |____- dolLuuasluve gore (4) War. Song of enlistment in the Civil |____- dé@s. sfigat Bee 127 202 War. Dream) of. buffalo (a) _..cb. 2.2)... doiisucuca apes 52 84 D#ebm of ‘buffala (ib). 2 eb. 22k |_..22 do. 22a: hs phe 53 84
1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book.
LIST OF SONGS XVII
2. ARRANGED IN OrnDER oF CaTALOGuE NumMBERs—Continued
Tague Title of song Name of singer pols Page
1596 | Juggler’s song (a)....-.....-.-- Cawunipinas-_-__..-___- 69 112
ibe? |i duspler’s song \(b).i_scbosicc. ..|_.--- ra a ee Cee gets) 70 113
1598 | Song of the healing spirits_-_-__|_-__- dials. nem _ Peron 74 116
1599 | Song of the warpath________--_- Peter Fishes. 2... - 86 (1)
1600 | The warrior who shot the man__|_____ Gove. wartuse ae (4)
M601, ) Sone for the aide. . icburweudl._|ece 22 dod. meth eos 88 170
Paesssaneine song. o.oo 3 as | 6 Lo aes ed ea Oe 105 181
1603 | Dream dance song__-_.--.-.---|_---- dolulk sox Lene oo: (*)
fee oream cance song... 5... ..-=|-.=-- On ae ee ee (4)
Pola ely tapping stick”? «iebt si' 2/2 Govsiied wre ive 6 32 65
9606 |\"2 You are struggling ’??0u 2 sia -_|_____ LO) Sees hres ws. pts 33 66
1607 | ‘‘The slender-legged animals’”’___|_____ dott xsapalada gr: 34 66
1608 | ‘‘To-morrow I will get them”___|_____ dO: 5.2222. piaes 35 67
ae00 |) "SB will see.a bear?’ 2. ss: _lweve Mosk yds. elas - 36 67
1610 | Song to the east god__._...._.-|_._-- Oh ete 2 ate a 10 46
1611 | Dancing song from the east god |_____ Bobo. sips ai 13 48 (a).
1612 | Dancing song from the east god |___-__ dock: edz dint ex 14 49 (b).
1613 | Dancing song from the south god |__...do____-___-_-___- 22 55) (e).
1614 | Dancing song from the south god |___~_- dou we voila 23 55 (f).
1615 | War song concerning the owls_-_-|___-- dolce 2 2h 2 baie’ 121 196
1616 | Song when pipe is lighted______-_ Little Thunderer-______ 85 168
1617 | Song for owner of drum___--_----|_-_-- do... wie 87 170
1618 | Dream of the underground bear_-_|_____ do. S4ibag sunt 3 54 85
1619 | Dream of ‘‘spirit buffalo’? ..._..|__._- do_. 2m sutsh_ey 56 87
1620 | Moccasin game song__-_-__--__|___-- dol... enue So agi he (1)
lay ECSU 0 iy een ee les a dor Site ute ote (?)
1622 | “The east god gave us this |____- dots: wuss neath 9 45 dance.”
1623 | Dancing song for the south god |___~- dp seis 10. Dad eit 19 53 (b).
eee Weleaee BONE = SL _. - Agnes Sullivan________ 138 211
EEO Wr BOOP oo a | ees oll ae8 3 126 201
1626 | ‘‘The white man points his pipe |_---- daeraen Jain we (*) at me.”
1627 | ‘““The Queen of England”_______|___-- CO 9 She a 123 198
fone) in Tour days”? enta drebevetio kos gh gst wrist oxy Sucel 17 51
ol GED Sail ) (A ee Coe Sate, Se ae ie 140 213
Teas) ove song (8)... .2--....._... John Mocihat____-.._- 135 210
TeEsinlwMoversong (bp) so. es o-oo ee el Le Ouse AMIE NaF 136 210
1632 | Moccasin game song (b)--------|----- Wij en 2 Fa 133 207
1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book. 48819°—32——2
XVIII LIST OF SONGS
29. ARRANGED IN ORDER OF CaTALOGuE NumBERS—Continued
lagu Title of song Name of singer og Page
0.
1633 | Moccasin game song----------- John Mocihat___.__--- (?)
Peas oi Mallaby (auc cote Katherine Laughrey__-_| 1389 213
1635 | Song received from the spirit |___-- dow iie colt. aght 5 32 women.
1636 | Song for working magic___------|----- dd? tht. Sly apie 58 89
1637 | Dancing song from the east god | Pamapomi___--____-__- 15 49 (c).
1638 | Dancing song from the east god |_-_--- do... BHGt BIGae 16 50 (d).
1639 | ‘‘Mouse, you are winning’’___-_- Jim, Fish... “See Sees ()
1640 | Moccasin game song (c)-------- John Okimase________— 134 207
1641 | Manabus challenges the under- | Pigeon___---------____ 81 144 water snake.
1642 | Dance inside the underwater |_____ do__2_ 2 EEE Seer 82 145 snake.
1643 | Manabus invites the ducks to a |_____ doit reer eson 83 148 dance.
1644 | Manabus tells the ducks to shut |_____ do.2ikt earh 9965 84 148 their eyes.
1645: ||) Nobaccoudance:.(a) 2. es. aa dos veer aan a 109 185
1646 | Flute Melody No. 1_---_-_--_--- John. Okimase...... | eee 208
1647 |; Hlnte, Melody No..2..-2a.... lees 2 doesult weit pee eee 209
1648 | Flute Melody No. 3____---__--- John*Mocihat.2 2. - 2 )2 eee 209
1649 | Flute Melody No. 4___---_--____|_-_-_ doss 22h nee -a aise sae 209
E27 || Hishydance song sien. eink Pigeornmbs ih ut aipiey -ygh 116 191
1828 |} Hmog dance song... - 28-22 | dossuity Jenene ey ons 117 192
1829 | Song of love medicine__________|_____ Goriwtebee et he 26 58
1830 || Partridge dance songs: o32—. + |. dowlatin baat tee 115 190
LSS, Rab bitidanceisonge = aie se Os: 2 Wee aera ee 114 189
1852 9|Crawiishydance song cee. Use does ees Se 118 193
1833 |} Robacco,;dance song (c) 2%. sae do ais) Fee as 111 186
1834.) Tobacco danceisong (dd)... 2/22 = O28 0 ee 112 187
1835 | Manabus and the stone (a)____~_ Amabex: 5tfara baa ge 79 141
1836 | Manabus and the stone (b)_____|_____ Go) GEE eae 80 143
1837 | Tobacco dance song (a)___.-.___|___-- Goi 6 eS eee 110 186
1888 | Song of the beggars’ dance______|_____ oC eae INN 113 188
1839 | Song with gift of a pony________|____- Go ster bays ergy petals 108 184
1840 | Song of hunting medicine_______|_____ dosent ae ee 27 59
1 Songs thus marked were transcribed but are not included in this book.
LIST OF SONGS XIX
NAMES OF SINGERS AND NuMBER OF SonGs TRANSCRIBED
Name by peihpetson is commonly Native name Translation “ber songs
ows. Pigeon? 2. 22-2. J. 24. Peik*war/ei2 22 veh No bone in his back__| 42
DavicdyAmal 32 _ ot ol 2 8 Wie misketimas -s8s 255. Treading a hollow in 34
the ground.
John Ca’win!’pinas’ ? (Chip- | A’djiki-..__..____- Like the thunderers__| 22
pewa word meaning “South Bird’’).
renpesmemn tray Weis 00S 0 Ls 20 We’sawa’/nakwit___| Brown Cloud--_--__-_- 17
Harare We Reb 28k ons Jo ce Ina/miki’seo. 24 cue Little Thunderer____ 8
CSE SESS) Ke mgotknit sp Sky Woman _ . 292.2 6
Wome nrocinay . 2 -- - ._- Mocthat 22.24.22. Strange sound heard 4
in a wild country.
Katherine Laughrey _-_-_------ Ca’wino’mita’we___| South medicine 3
woman.
remnant nN 2 weet Sob eels fey le ee yt Bre ab One seen going by___| 2
AICO] Dot) oY a es a Na‘tawa’pit.. 22.8 The thunderers look 1
for something.
Porn OMmann pe... 202. =- OH kernel gr ake Woung eile 3 eu 1
140 1 Died Apr. 8, 1930. 3 Died Feb. 5, 1926. 5 Died Mar. 28, 1931. 2 Died Aug. 15, 1929. 4 Died Nov. 8, 1927. Names oF INFORMANTS
Name by oD Berson is commonly Native name Translation
John Valentine Satterlee_.__._| Apa’cimin___-_| Acorn of the red oak.
Mitchell Beaupre--_----.---- Mowa’sa----- A combination of the words mo’wa (wolf) and awa’sa (bear), in- dicating descent in both clans. The word was formed by the priest who first wrote his name. The common equiva- lent is Little Wolf, because he belongs less to the Wolf than to the Bear clan.
Mrs. Harriet Longley--_---- Skwai’yak-_--_-
Pratierecmupnier 52.9 ie i eres abet 2
Rattlesnake (Joe Kittson) ---|.--.---------- The former is a nickname, con-
nected with an incident when he was bitten by a snake. STRESS ULE CES: 6 Pe a em Pa (Nn Se PPO ours Wickobes = 25.222... - Wase’su______ Little Bear. Reginald Oshkosh !________- Ockaeess_—¢ Claw or hoof.
1 Died Mar. 17, 1831.
Hh eve. Ye ae
so Wise hs : es : i
meee
we pane Apa Night $52. duct;
tn44
aes Bert ster ante ghooee
Sie ety. '
\ mn its y4 eis tae ie LET ae | haga eetrter ti
4
CHARACTERIZATION OF SINGERS AND INFORMANTS
SINGERS
Louis Pigeon (pl. 1), who recorded the largest number of songs, was a man who treated the sick by means of herbs and was connected with the medicine lodge but not with the drum religion. He was quiet, conservative, and recognized as a representative of the old ways, with which his life was consistent. He died in 1930.
David Amab (pl. 11, a) was left an orphan when a child and was brought up by his grandfather, who was a medicine man of the type designated as djisako or juggler. The boy helped him build the tipi in which he gave his demonstrations of power and accompanied him on hunting expeditions when he used his hunting bundle. The grand- father was intense in his devotion to the old ways, and by this com- panionship the boy learned many things which are preserved in this book. In later years he was a Roman Catholic. He endured with bravery and cheerfulness a distressing illness extending over many years and died in the Government hospital at Keshena.
John Ca’wini’pinas’ (pl. 11, 6) was one of the respected old men of the reservation and exceedingly proud of his service in the United States Army during the Civil War. He was blind during his later years and died before the completion of the present work.
Peter Fish was a particularly conservative member of the group of older men. Like the singer next preceding, he died before this work was completed.
James We’ke belongs to the group of middle-aged men who follow some of the old ways and attend the native ceremonies but have adopted the ways of civilization.
Agnes Sullivan (pl. 8, 6) is an active woman, though advanced in age, and may usually be seen at gatherings of the tribe.
John, Mocihat’ comes from one of the old families, his father having been prominent on the reservation. He is an excellent flute player.
Katherine Laughrey (pl. 8, a) is an agreeable woman of middle age who still (1929) performs the duties required by a dream of the spirit women in the east.
Little was ascertained concerning Pami’pomi except that his father was a prominent member of the tribe in early days.
Jim Fish was a brother of Peter Fish.
John Okima’sé recorded only one song, and his contribution to the present work was chiefly in connection with the playing of the flute.
INFORMANTS
Without the assistance of John Valentine Satterlee (pl. 2, a) the present work would probably have been impossible. He acted as XxXI
XXII CHARACTERIZATION OF SINGERS AND INFORMANTS
the writer’s interpreter in 1925, selecting the singers and securing their interest in the preservation of their songs. He also supplied interesting information from his personal knowledge of tribal customs. John V. Satterlee was born in 1852 on an island at Marionette, Wis. His father was a white man, Dr. V. Motte Patterson Satterlee, who was stationed at Fort Howard, then located at Green Bay, Wis. His mother was a member of the Menominee tribe and gave him the name borne by his grandfather who took part in the Black Hawk wars. This name is Apa’cimin, meaning “Acorn of the red oak.”
Mitchell Beaupre (pl. 2, c) at the time of giving his information (1929) was 83 years old and was said to be one of the two oldest men in the tribe. He is a dignified, well-preserved man, showing his French ancestry in his manner. His father was a French trader and his mother a Menominee. He is a strict Roman Catholic and is inter- ested especially in the old religious beliefs, often holding long dis- cussions with members of the medicine lodge, comparing their beliefs and ethics with the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. Pos- sessing a clear, active mind, he has observed and remembers many tribal customs, which he has been interested to have recorded in permanent form.
Mrs. Harriet Longley (pl. 19, 6) also shows French ancestry. She is a capable woman and, when giving the information concerning her mother’s use of plants, was also engaged in superintending the con- struction of a new log dwelling. She had selected a sightly location and secured the services of a Menominee carpenter, who was skilled in this type of building.
Rattlesnake (Joe Kittson) lives at Neopit, where he occasionally finds employment. He is a leader in the drum religion and had charge of the second ceremony witnessed by the writer. His wife is a strong adherent of the medicine lodge, and in 1929, he said that after many years of indecision he had placed himself under instruction for mem- bership in that organization. He expressed his intention to learn its precepts with thoroughness and attain the higher degrees in the organization.
Mitchell Wakau (pl. 2, b) acted as the writer’s interpreter for brief conversations and also supplied interesting information. He has been a member of the Indian police force on the reservation for many years and has recently been stationed at Zoar. He accompanied the writer to a meeting of the medicine lodge in 1925 and secured certain privileges for her at that time, the Indians permitting her to witness the entire ceremony.
Louis Wickobe (Wase’su) lives in a clearing in the woods near Keshena, and his house (pl. 5, 6) is one of the oldest on the reserva- tion.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 1
LOUIS PIGEON
S3uYdnvag TWIAHOLIW ‘9 OVMVM TISHOLIW ‘9 SaATYSaLLVS ANILNSAIVA NHOf ‘0
¢3ALV1d 720! NILS1TINA ASONIONHLA NVYOIYAWY AO NVSAYNs
MENOMINEE MUSIC
By Frances Densmore
THE MENOMINEE TRIBE
The name of this tribe is Om4’noméni’wik (omanomen, rice; wuk, Deon); and the term used to designate a member of the eas is omi’nomini (omanomen, rice; inini, person). Omanomen is a compound of meno, meaning “good, y and min, which is a general term applied to berry, grain, or seed. The grain from which the tribe derived its name is Zizania aquatica L., commonly called wild rice, which grows extensively in the waters of the Menominee country. Its harvesting is one of the chief industries of the people, and the grain constitutes their principal article of vegetable food.!
The French called the plant folle avoine (wild or fool oat) and applied the same name to the tribe.
The Menominee is an Algonquian tribe and it is believed their linguistic relation is nearer to the Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo than to the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pope Aveta
The people of this rhe. so far as known, were first encountered by the whites when Nicollet visited them, probably in 1634. Hoffman states that “‘In the notice of the discovery of the Menomini by Nicollet no accurate information is given as to their geographic position,” but ‘they appear to have concentrated about the head of Green Bay and along the Menomini and Fox rivers.”’*? Jn 1671 and from then until about 1852 their home was on or near the Menominee River, not far from where they were found by Nicollet, and their present reservation is in the same locality. Few other Indian tribes are now living in the locality where they were found by the white men about three centuries ago.
The negotiations between the Government of the United States and the Menominee Tribe began with a treaty at St. Louis, March 30, 1817. This treaty was one of “peace and friendship” intended to place the Menominee, “in every respect, on the same footing upon
1 Cf, Jenks, A. E., Wild rice gatherers of the upper lakes; Smith, Huron H., Ethnobotany of the Meno- mini, pp. 67, 68; Skinner, Alanson, Material culture of the Menomini, pp. 142-152.
2 See article on Menominee Tribe in Handbook of American Indians, Bur. Amer, Ethn., Bull. 30, part 2, pp. 842, 843; also Michelson, Linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes; and Pilling, Algonquian bibliography.
’ Hoffman, Walter James, The Menomini Indians, pp. 15, 16.
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
which they stood before the late war.” The Menominee also con- firmed to the United States ‘‘every cession of land heretofore made by their tribe to the British, French, or Spanish government. ’”’*
The Menominee were invited to share in the treaty negotiated at Prairie du Chien, Wis., August 19, 1825. This treaty opened with the words, “‘The United States of America have seen with much regret that wars have for many years been carried on between the Sioux and the Chippewa [and other tribes]. . . . In order, therefore, to promote peace among these tribes, and to establish boundaries among them and the other tribes who live in their vicinity, and thereby remove all causes of future difficulty, the United States have invited the Chippewa, Sac and Fox, Menominee [and other tribes] to assemble together, and in a spirit of mutual consideration to accom- plish these objects; and to aid therein, have appointed William Clark and Lewis Cass, commissioners on their part.’’®
This treaty was left incomplete, with respect to the boundary between the Chippewa and the Menominee, as some of the principal Menominee chiefs were unable to be present. Therefore a second treaty was made at Butte des Morts, on Fox River, August 11, 1827.°
A few years later the Menominee sent a delegation to Washington, stating that their brothers, the ‘“‘Pootowottomees on the south and the Winnebagoes on the west,’’ were encroaching upon their land. A treaty was made in Washington, February 8, 1831, which defined the boundaries in detail and also ceded land for the benefit of ‘the New York Indians who may remove to and settle upon the same within three years.’”’” The Government agreed to pay the Menominee for this land and to erect buildings and make other improvements on their reservation.’ This led to a ‘‘tedious, perplexing, and harassing dispute and controversy” between the Menominee and ‘‘the New York Indians, more particularly known as the Stockbridge, Munsee, and Brothertown tribes, the Six Nations and St. Regis Tribe,” and a second treaty was made at Washington on October 27, 1832.8
A treaty at Cedar Point, on Fox River, made September 3, 1836, and ratified February 15, 1837, ceded certain land to the United States ° but was less important to the life of the tribe than a treaty made at Lake Pow-aw-hay-kon-nay, October 18, 1848, in which they agreed to remove to Minnesota, accepting a tract of land which the Chippewa had ceded to the Government.!® The treaty makers were supposed to represent the tribe, but further negotiations became
4 Indian affairs: laws and treaties, Charles J. Kappler, ed., vol. n, p. 138.
5 Ibid., p. 250. 8 Tbid., p. 377.
6 Tbid., p. 281. * Thid., pp. 463-466. 7 Ibid., pp. 319-323, 10 Tbid., pp. 572-574,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 3
necessary “upon manifestation of great unwillingness on the part of said Indians to remove to the country west of the Mississippi, upon Crow Wing, which had been assigned them, and a desire to remain in the State of Wisconsin.” This statement forms part of the treaty made at the Falls of the Wolf River, May 12, 1854, by which the Menominee were established on their present reservation."! At that time the reservation comprised 12 townships, but two of these were ceded to the United States for the use of the Stockbridge and Munsee Indians, in a treaty made at Keshena Falls, Wis., February 11, 1856.” The area of the present Menominee reservation is 231,- 523.69 acres, cover- ing 10 townships. (Fig.1.) It isa pic- turesque country, well forested with a large variety of coni- fers and hardwoods, and contains many streams, rivers, and lakes which abound iInsnee.: (Pls; «3, a, bsesA, a, 62.5506)
The Menominee removed to their present home in October, 1852, most of them ascending the Wolf River in canoes, A per sonal FIGURE 1.—Map of Wisconsin, showing Menominee Reservation reminiscence of this event was related in 1929 by Mitchell Beaupre (pl. 2, c), who at that time was 83 years of age. His father was a trader who had a trading post near the present site of Oshkosh, Wis., taking furs from the Indians in exchange for goods.
Beaupre said that people from four or five places moved in bateaux on Wolf River, as there were no roads and only trails. The Wolf River was small and there was no trace of white people. Continuing, he said:
Perhaps a month after we got here we found that we were short of flour and such food. We had a meeting and decided to send four strong young men in a boat to float down to Oshkosh. A man named Greenough had a store this side
of Oshkosh, and they thought they could get some supplies from him. The chief signed an order for the supplies.
ll Tbid., pp. 626-627, 12 Thid., p. 755,
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
The four young men had to travel all night and they got to Greenough’s about noon the next day, but it took them three days to get back. The agent was a German named Huebschmann, and Greenough was interpreter for two years. He also kept a store and helped the Indians by giving them credit. The Indians knew that Greenough was the only man who could help them, so they kept him paid up. Once in a while we had an annuity and then we paid him.
When the young men came back everyone was happy for they brought plenty of everything, including four or five kinds of calico. The chiefs divided up the things.
There was a mill at the agency and Greenough built a boat that would carry 12 tons. I saw that boat. My father was the man who stood at the end and steered it. There were three men on each side of the boat and they had long poles. A man would stick the pole into the water at the prow of the boat, put his shoulder against the pole and walk the length of the boat. Then he would run fast to the front of the boat and start again. Jn this way they poled the boat upstream. There was only one rapid between Oshkosh and Keshena and that was called Greenough Rapid. The men waded waist deep in the water and the rapids were narrow. They had poles across the boat and half lifted it with these poles, perhaps gaining only about a foot with each effort, but finally they got the boat through to clear water and then up to Keshena.
Families moved up into the hard timber for sugar making and sometimes stayed three or four weeks. The traders from Oshkosh and Green Bay bought maple sugar, and they borrowed Greenough’s boat and floated it down. They bought both sugar and sirup. In the fall they came in the same way and bought wild rice.
The Menominee have generally been peaceful in character. They were friendly in their relations with the French and, with other north- western tribes, ‘‘rendered conspicuous service in the defeat of Brad- dock in 1755 at Fort du Quesne. ... They also participated in the battle before Quebec on the Plains of Abraham.” 8 After the peace of 1763, when the French troops were withdrawn and their places filled by the English, discontent among the Indians became apparent and gradually grew until there was a conspiracy for the extermination of the English on the entire western frontier. Pontiac made his power felt, and, when the attack on Michilimackinas was planned, some Menominee joined the expedition. The English did not again occupy the post on Green Bay and the Menominee did not render service to them until at the outbreak of the Revolutionary War a party attended a council at Montreal.
About 1780 Captain Dalton, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the United States, in an estimate of the Indian tribes employed by the British in the Revolutionary War, stated that the Menominee had furnished about 150 men. The Menominee also joined the British in the War of 1812-1814. Reminiscent of these early days is an old war song (No. 123) containing the words, ‘‘The Queen of England wants us to fight against her enemies.”
18 The statements concerning the relations of the Menominee to the French and English are condensed from Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 16-19. ‘4 Colls, Mass. Hist. Soc., vol, X, p, 123 (from an account published in Philadelphia, Aug. 7, 1783).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 3
= ~* — SES Se
b, LAKE ON MENOMINEE RESERVATION
SS it gg mae
c, RAPIDS OF WOLF RIVER
BULEERIN 1027 PEATE 4
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ISLANDS ABOVE THE DALLES OF WOLF RIVER
a,
Wii ayseme vr
scras Aa NOR TARVIN
a Lane . Rt ea
b, PINE FOREST, MENOMINEE RESERVATION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 5
a, PINE TREES, KESHENA, WIS.
oe
| |
ee
c, LOG HOUSE IN WOODS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 6
a, SPIRIT ROCK
b, REGINALD OSHKOSH BEATING MI- c, MENOMINEE GIRL TAWIN DRUM
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 5
The difference of dates between the War of 1812-1814 and the reign of Queen Victoria shows that the Indians were lacking in defi- nite historical knowledge.
After this war the Menominee became loyal to the Government of the United States. It is said that 125 members of this tribe enlisted in the Union Army in the Civil War and that one-third of this number were killed or died in hospitals.“ Numerous songs were composed by them concerning this war. (See pp. 201-203.)
Throughout its history ‘‘this tribe has been known for its friendship for the white man and its fidelity to its given word. A fine, upstand- ing race of men, usually 6 feet or more in height, the Menominees enjoyed in times past, through all the Great Lakes region over which they roamed, the reputation of being a peace-loving people, slow to anger, but mighty warriors when roused to a just quarrel. They lived up to this reputation at the time of the Civil War, when considerable numbers of their young men fought in the armies of the Republic. To-day, the Menominee enjoy the distinction of being the only Indian tribe which has a G. A. R. post.’’
Major Pike described the men of the tribe as “‘straight and well made, about middle size, their complexions generally fair for savages, their teeth good, their eyes large and rather languishing; they have a mild but independent expression of countenance that charms at first sight.”” 7
The Menominee has never been a large tribe. The most conserva- tive estimates in the nineteenth century range from 1,600 to 1,900." According to Gale, ‘‘In 1853 the whole tribe numbered 2,708 and in 1865 there were 1,879.” Indians officially reported in 1871 com- prised 1,348 ‘‘Menomonees”’ and 1,513 Stockbridge, Munsee, and Oneidas.” This report was made by William T. Richardson, the first civilian agent placed over the Menominee, his predecessors having been officers of the United States Army. The agency was then at Green Bay, Wis., and was later removed to Keshena, about 5 miles north of the town of Shawano. The number of the Menominees residing in the reservation in 1929 is reported as 1,939.7!
In ceremonies and customs the Menominee resemble the Chip- pewa, Winnebago, and other tribes. The medicine lodge of the Menominee is practically the same as the Grand Medicine Society (Midewiwin) of the Chippewa; the drum ceremony originated with the Sioux, and its observance by the Menominee closely resembles
15 Gale, George, The Upper Mississippi, Chicago, p. 195.
16 Lindquist, G. E. E., The red man in the United States. New York, 1923, p. 123. 17 Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, p. 842,
18 Tid, p. 843.
19 Upper Mississippi, p. 196.
20 Report of the Secretary of the Interior for 1871, p. 1030, 21 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1929, p, 27,
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
that by the Chippewa, while in the use of war bundles and hunting bundles, and in the Morning Star legend the Menominee resemble the Winnebago. The ca’winoka’win, or dance from the south god, was used in old times by both Menominee and Chippewa, and many customs pertaining to the treatment of the sick are similar in these tribes. Many Chippewa words are commonly used by the Menomi- nee, both in conversation and in their songs. Resemblances to other tribes are apart from present consideration.
Among the differences to the Chippewa beliefs we note the use of ‘‘bundles,” the Morning Star legend, the representation of the thunder bird as a man, and the common use of the term ‘‘thunder- ers.”” According to David Amab the thunderers were birds and also men, having only these two shapes and changing from one to the other as they desired. Frank S. Gauthier stated that he had heard of people who dreamed of the thunder bird and saw it in the form of aman. This, in his understanding, is the only time in which the thun- der bird appears as a person. A slightly different interpretation is given by Skinner, who states that the thunderers were called mujikiwis, meaning ‘‘oldest persons,” and, in a metamorphosed form, together with the ‘Great Underground Bear,’ they were the ancestors of the Menominee.” These and the spirit women in the east were beneficent powers.
Among the Menominee legends is one concerning a pair of twins who are said to have made the pictographs on the rocks at Menominee Falls. These pictographs are too high to have been made by persons on the water, and include drawings of the moon and stars. It was said, ‘‘ You can see the tracks of those boys and they made the marks.”’ — A legend concerning the twins and Kine (the power of evil most feared by the Menominee) was related by Reginald Oshkosh (pl. 6, 6), son of Neopit Oshkosh and grandson of the old chief of the same name. This legend, briefly summarized, states that Kine stole a copper knife that belonged to all the members of the tribe in common. A council was held and the twins volunteered to recover this knife. In their canoe they went up the river to where a high cliff faced the east. This cliff was shaped like a man’s head, with long hair, formed of evergreen trees, and having a tail like a sturgeon. A long time ago the man was alive and the cliff was his wigwam. The boys climbed the cliff and hid behind some Norway pine trees. Soon they saw Kine coming along in his canoe pounding on the side of the canoe with their copper knife and singing. They threw Norway pine cones at him as he passed on the river below them. The first cone struck his canoe in the middle, so that it sank, and the second cone struck him on the forehead, passing through his head and falling into the water with asplash. The twins recovered the knife and “‘in no time”’
2 Skinner, Material culture of the Menomini, pp, 46, 49, 50,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 7
they were back at the council reporting the success of their mission. A more extended version of this story is presented by Skinner and Satterlee, who state that ‘“‘This Indian story is a sacred dream given and known by old Oshkosh in his youth and conveyed to his son who became his successor.”’ **
The underground and underwater powers are frequently mentioned in connection with the songs. Chief among the former was the ‘underground bear,” said to be the ancestor of the Menominee Tribe. According to Skinner he was white, and larger than a grizzly bear. It is said that he was an Indian when he emerged from the ground near the present site of Marinette, Wis., and that he was soon followed by more Indians. After a while they all went to live near Green Bay, Wis., which was the early home of many singers and informants contributing to the present work. The term used in designating this animal is seka’tsoke’ma (war chief). The bear was probably the most dangerous animal known to the early Menominee and the identi- fication with that animal was understood. The chief of the under- water powers is commonly designated as the “underwater snake.” The term used in referring to this creature is mi’cikin’opik, meaning ‘hairy snake,” and it is understood that it lived in the water. In both instances that which was understood and not expressed by the Indians forms an important part of the English equivalent.
The underwater snake personified the power of evil. Two legends concerning its destruction by Manabus were related. In one of these he allows himself to be swallowed by the serpent and kills it by stabbing its heart. (Pp. 144-145 and songs 81, 82.) In the other legend Manabus sent the thunderers to kill the snake.
It is the Menominee belief that if a drowned person meets his death in a natural manner his body will be found in other than an upright position; but if the body is found erect in the water, it is believed the person has been drawn down to his death by the under- water snake. In explanation of this belief Mitchell Beaupre related the following tradition:
Long ago there was a couple living at the edge of a sandy shore and they had two girls. They let the children play on the shore and swim in the water but one day when they went to call them to a meal there was no answer. They could see a long way in both directions along the shore and the old man called in the woods. The children’s footprints could be seen where they had waded in the shallow water, but nothing more could be found. The couple went home and cried, for they had no other children.
Then the old man remembered that he had once fasted for six days, so he de- cided to fast again and forced himself to go without food for six days. On the sixth night he dreamed of Manabus, who said, ‘‘ Everything is all right. You can eat your breakfast tomorrow.”
The next day he said to his wife, ‘‘I dreamed of Manabus, and he said that he would give me great help, but he did not say what kind it would be.’”’ He thought
33 Skinner and Satterlee, Folklore of the Menomini Indians, pp. 456, 457.
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 |
that he would test his dream, so he got some tobacco and said to Manabus, ‘‘What can I do? If my children had been killed by an enemy I could go out and have my revenge, but they are gone.”
Manabus said, “‘They are all right. You will get them back alive.” Then Manabus went away.
Before proceeding with the narrative it should be understood that the hairy snake lived in a big house under the water, plastered all around, white and smooth. It was like around wigwam. ‘There was only one entrance to his house, and that was a round smooth tunnel that opened upward in deep water.
Manabus sent the thunderers to smash that entrance. The thunderers went down into the hairy snake’s house and found the two children safe and well. Then they killed the snake, destroyed the entrance to his house, and took the snake up into the sky. This happened near Sturgeon Bay, and for a half a day afterwards the people across the bay could see a great cloud like smoke, where the thunderers were taking the snake up into the sky.
The narrator said he was told two or three years ago that the hole that was the entrance to the snake’s house could still be seen. There were trees growing in it, but the tunnel was clearly visible and part of the wall of the snake’s house was still standing.
The finding of a body erect in the water was described by Amab, who said that long ago his parents and family were camping on Wolf River. One afternoon a portion of the family were on the river in a canoe, when a storm came up, with thunder and rain. They put the canoe next the shore. An old man (a relative of his wife) was in the end farthest from shore, then the man’s wife and their children, who were covered with a tent. They thought they would wait there until the storm passed.
While it was still raining they heard a sound like a gun. Half an hour later the rain stopped and the woman, who was under the tent with the children, rolled back the canvas and said, ‘‘The rain has stopped. Let us go on.’”? There was no one in the end of the canoe, but she saw the body of the old man at a little distance, standing erect in about 6 or 7 feet of water. She moved the canoe to that place and reached down. There was a bad smell in the air, like powder after a gun has been washed out. The top of the man’s head was about a foot under water, and there was a little soft spot on the top of the head. She managed to get him into the canoe, put him in the middle of the canoe and tried to look for other Indians camping on the river. Finally, near sundown, she found some rela- tives and told them of the event.
The canoe had moved only a little when the sound like a gun was heard, and it was believed that the underwater spirits had drawn the man down into the water.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 9
In the middle of one of the principal highways through the reser-
vation is a bowlder called ‘“‘spirit rock,” and a legend is related to the effect that when the stone is entirely disintegrated the Menominee Tribe will cease to exist. On being questioned, Amab said that when the Menominee came to their present reservation they had a trail along the river and lived in wigwams along this trail, which passed near the rock. At that time the rock was about 5 feet high, and “looked like a woman hunched up and pointing toward the east.’ An old man had a dream and told the people there was a spirit in that rock. That was all he said, but after that time everybody who passed by the rock gave a little tobacco.
The stone has gradually worn away and is now about 3 feet high. (Pl. 6, a.) So general has the custom become that small gifts of various sorts are seen beside it, some being left by white tourists who pass on the road.**
The material culture and general customs of the Menominee have been intensively studied * and are similar to those of the Chippewa. Inquiry was made concerning the Chippewa custom of making trans- parencies of birch bark by folding and indenting patterns with the teeth, the pattern becoming visible when the bark is unfolded and held toward the light. This is said to have been a Menominee cus- tom, and was also known to Mrs. Henry Wolf, an aged Winnebago, who married a Menominee and said she made these transparencies while she was still among her own people. Her daughter-in-law had never heard of this work but found no difficulty in making the trans- parencies when instructed. She was a capable maker of birch-bark articles to be sold to tourists but had no knowledge of old decorative designs.
According to Amab, the Menominee, in early days, had clay dishes of good size and clay pipes, some white and some red. One pipe was found a short distance below Keshena Falls. Amab said, ‘‘We dug in the shore to make our way across the river. We dug about 6 feet into the bank and there we found the pipe.”’ Another man found a pipe about 3 inches long. It was light gray clay, and he found it about 2 feet underground. Nobody ever knew who made those pipes.
The art of silversmithing was introduced by the Stockbridge Indians, who brought it with them from the Atlantic seaboard. This art had been acquired by them from some very early European colonists. A few Menominee became experts in this art, making their gravers and dies from files. They still adorn themselves with brooches, bracelets, buttons, and rings made by native hands, the decorations consisting of incised lines, dots, and figures. (PI. 6, c.)
%a Cf. appearance of the spirit women in the form of a stone, p. 31. % Cf, Material culture of the Menomini, by Skinner.
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
Mrs. Henry Wolf was questioned concerning the use of a high vocal drone among the Menominee. This drone consists of a high tone sustained for a considerable, time by two or three women singers. The custom was not observed among Indians which were studied previous to the Papago (1920), but was heard in that tribe and found to be a custom among the Quileute in northwestern Washington. Mrs. Wolf said it was an old custom among the Menominee and that “two or three women with good wind used to do that to help the singers.’”’ As an example of its use she said that her husband was a medicine man, and at the medicine lodge he would start a song and she would stand beside him and sing in that manner.
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS AND THEIR USES
Drums.—Three types of drum are used by the Menominee: (1) The casklike drum partly filled with water, which is used in ceremo- nies of the medicine lodge and occasionally in other ceremonies if a man’s dream requires it. This drum is often decorated with symbolic designs and is similar to the Mide drum used by the Chippewa. (Pls. 6,6; 17.) A little tobacco is placed in the water when the drum is used. The stick used with this drum is slender and slightly curved at the end, the tip of the curved end striking the head of the drum. (2) The wide drum, suspended from four curved stakes. When used in connection with the drum religion it is decorated with symbolic designs and its sides covered by acloth flounce. (Seep. 153 and pl. 24, a.) When used at social gatherings it is without covering or decora- tion. At a gathering attended by the writer this drum was placed above a shallow, bowl-shaped excavation in the ground, which acted asaresonator. (Pl.27,c.) (3) A double-headed hand drum about 18 or 20 inches in diameter. Such a drum was used on the final day of the drum ceremony. (Pl. 26, a.) It was also used at moccasin games. It could be used by an individual at any time for accompanying his own songs.
Rattles —The two types of rattle commonly used by this tribe are of the same sort, both consisting of hollow objects which contain small pebbles or shot. (1) A gourd rattle is used in the rites of the Mitawin and in other ceremonies. (Pl.17) Aspice-box rattle is also used, this consisting of an ordinary tin spice box pierced by a stick which forms the handle and containing a few shot or small pebbles. The oldest form of this rattle, according to John V. Satterlee, was made of the bladder of an animal, inflated and tied closely at the end. After it dried and became hard, a few small stones were placed in it and a wooden handle fastened in place, forming a rattle. The most modern form is made of a small squash, similarly provided with a wooden handle. (2) A “doctor’s rattle’ consists of a thin hoop, about 9 inches in diameter, covered on both sides with the hide of a
SIQNnNg YVM NI 3LN74 “¢ *3LNT4 ASNINONSEW ‘2
ied oe ee ee Ra!
La3aiv1d z2ol NIItaT1INnNAa ADONONHL]A NVYDIMAWV SO Nveaynsa
NVAITINS SANSV “4 AZYHONV] ANIYSHLVS ‘2
83LV1ld col NILATING ASOTIONHLA NVYVDIYAWY AO NVayuNa
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 11
woodchuck and containing a few pebbles. This rattle is used by a doctor when treating the sick, and it is known by either the Chippewa or Menominee term meaning ‘‘rattlesnake.”’ (See p. 100.)
A different type of rattle was inclosed in a war bundle and used to accompany war songs. (Pl.13.) This rattle consists of pieces of deer hoof attached to a stick in such a manner that they clash together when the rattle is shaken. A similar rattle was used in the Miwatani society of the Teton Sioux, an important military organization. (Cf. Bull. 61, p. 326, and pl. 46.)
Flutes —The wooden flute of the Menominee, like that of other Indian tribes, is of the type known to musicians as the fliite a bec, played by blowing into an air chamber at the upper end, the sound being produced by a whistle opening similar to that of an organ pipe. The wood used for a flute is cedar, box elder, ash, sumac, or other soft wood with a straight grain. The method of construction is described in Chippewa Customs, pages 167, 168. The upper end of such a flute is either blunt, tapered to an opening smaller than that of the tube, or shaped in a manner suggesting a small tube projecting from the instrument and serving as a mouthpiece. It is said that the Menominee prefer the last-named mouthpiece, but the specimen illus- trated (pl. 7, a) has the beveled mouthpiece generally used by the Chippewa. The block of this flute is carved to represent the head of an animal. The flutes, made of reed and contained in a war bundle, are shown in Plates 7, 6, 12, 6, and 13.
Whistles —The tubular bones of birds are made into whistles and used by jugglers in their demonstrations.
Comparison OF MENOMINEE SoNGs wiTH CurippEwa, Sioux, Urs, Manpan, Hipatsa, Papaco, AND PAWNEE SONGS
MELODIC ANALYSIS TABLE 1—TONALITY
Chippewa pious, | Ute ndan, Midats, zee Menominee ie Total ret and Pawnee Manor DOnaULY..2--. ~~ 22S | 553 51 93 66 646 53 Mimor tonality £222 25 | 463 43 24 1h 487 40 Both major and minor__-___-___- Guineas 2 1 Fe ye eer Pinrd tacking 22022 38 4 11 8 49 4 ePID trier 13 1 10 it 23 2 SS SSS | SERNA | AF ALCS | PRU Serres 2 | pron LS a ou Opavien. sos 1400 eco Peas ee
1 Songs thus classified are ‘‘pure melody without tonality.’’? In such songs the tones appear to be ar- ranged with reference to intervals rather than with reference to a keynote, many being based on successive intervals of a fourth.
48819°—32——3,
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
TABLE 2.-FIRST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Chippewa, pris rg Hidatsa, Pet |Menomines! Pe | Total | Per and Pawnee Beginning on the—
APhirteenther ets eee eae Fe ag ae a faye) ee a Twelfth joe eee aN 150 14 11 9 161 10 Mleventhes a2) 2 aie & 15 1 3 2 18 1 Tenth epee what. 22 Sere cap) 69 6 2 1 7h 6 NEG bt Bete eee ea Re. 32 8 31 21 63 5 Ota views e tert. Smee 216 20 13 9 229 19 MSO VEMUL ee tens cer on emanate 16 1 4 3 20 2 Sicthy Ses Aes Ok AUPE 35 $ 5 oS 40 8 fu ive] oly a fps Ce Ms 6 eS PS kd 285 26 43 30 328 28 Hourthvews SPT) 2 GE. SY 19 2 1 1 20 2 qRlatini’o [sini f OP eens. 2 eran 86 8 7 5 93 8 SECOMG pasar eten ef Sete 24 2 2 1 26 2 1 55,70 ip i aa pf 107 10 8 5 115 9 Drrosuliee ea 4S ea 13 1 10 7 23 2
TNotaliss: cliewsyas ash 13073 |Batees PAO Wee yes 1), 21S cadet
Sioux, Ute, Hidatsa, Pet |menominee| Pe | Tota | Per and Pawnee Ending on the—
Sixth... 4 eee eee 1) PSR te 2 ce mpm ae Ke Sg i S| 2 Pitth=t See Se ee ae 348 32 60 40 408 34 "Wid 22 ee Ea ee ee 114 11 5 3 119 10 Keynote fat 2a eee 597 56 65 43 662 54
irrepiar- 4) see CoO CS 13 1 10 13 23 2
.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 13
TABLE 4.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO COMPASS
Chippewa, rnaceiany: Hidats, “el Menominee eet Total tad and Pawnee Songs in which final note is— owest in ‘done. » a 2202. 801 75 120 86 921 76 Highest in song___._______ 1 is] eee a ee I ss Be beet Immediately preceded by— Fifth below...-....-_- 11 ae (aes es SF lake OE eh eee Be i [oleh Fourth below________- 25 2 5 3 30 3 Major third below____- [Gt SEGSES 4 Se ORIN crve inne Sh PRU OtSt © % joes Minor third below__-_- 29 g 2 1 31 3 Whole tone below____-_ 21 2 1 1 22 2 Semitone below__-___-__ 5 a 1 1 1Os/2aI Immediately preceded by a lower tone and contain- ing tones lower thar final CO, GSA SESS ee 179 16. Szie,_Aappee ais 179 15 Containing tones lower papa iasy hOGe 22... tu. ee 11 8 aT es) page a O. | OS By EE SD TOteels 2 2- MOcde2ce 2 1243 '"|v oto)
TABLE 5.—NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISED IN COMPASS OF SONG
Chippewa,
rare oe
Hidatsa, ae Menominee ae Total en
and
Pawnee Ne UOTICR et cnet eC One WIE TS (i) Re Se ee Meee RADE bers itsfonest: sas! deitew bus Chon fier 5 16 {heard Potarh 2 hl ra 209 bee 16 1 1h) 10 ne EA pea ee ee fl ine chain 58 6 | 5 a 63 5 LS (ogee A Se gre ep a © 181 yc 28 20 209 ei MILONCR ree te OO 90 8 16 itil 106 8 tO t0ne8 sso oe: 123 11 15 11 138 tF 2) Cae Ti eS Se ae ae ee re 108 10 18 13 126 10 SUCRE DS ee eee 303 27 33 24 336 28 WaueMOSeee sf) Seen POSUNON IAL 65 6 4 8 69 6 BPUGHES! We abuse sowie. nee 2 63 6 3 2 66 & SPUOHER eS He sem one ek ee eee 48 5 16 11 64 5 Lote tl es SON RE Caren een 9 Geno se 1 1 Sr isnc. BuvONCHS Site aban ed eee sree el vy poet he 1 1 Oe Sasene
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 102
TaBLeE 6.—TONE MATERIAL
Chippewa, pats Uidatso, eer Menominee eee Total xe and Pawnee First 5-toned scale !_________-- 18 1 2 1 20 2 Second 5-toned seale__.____-_-~- 106 10 3 2 109 8 Fourth 5-toned scale_______-_-- 235 22 44 31 279 23 Fifth 5-toned scale_________--- 2222 Pe DoT Ore Vg 70 See Nar Orsirin Geis oto. ben eet 14 | BR Pa 14 1 Major triad and 1 tone----_--_-- 123 20 6 4 129 10 IMINOPRGRI AGS ee eee ge Ad Meee 2 1 (oh ae a Minor triad and 1 lower tone_-_-_ 96 9 7 5 103 9 Octave complete__...1..------ 62 § 12 9 74 6 Octave complete except seventh_ 101 | 9 17 12 118 9 Octave complete except seventh and Lt lowertones 2! oo 52 eet 107 10 rf & 114 9 Octave complete except sixth__- 40 8 3 43 3 Octave complete except sixth andhinlowerltones ae en we 19 1 1 1 20 2 Octave complete except fifth and lower tones e222... ae ED sag La el a ay 1 Us ee Octave complete except fourth- - 31 5) 9 6 40 3 Octave complete except fourth andl lower tones Anu 2 ee 10 1 1 1 1H ee eh Octave complete except third __- LSA yale cia tra ef tiga coalf |UaiRdat {ai tN Octave complete except second __ 27 2 2 2 29 2 Other combinations of tones, including irregular in tonality - 72 6 24 JHE 96 8 BEG fc ¥l Fs De Sia NL pee a POPS Me cs Ae TAO Wea eee LH bea |e ak es 1 The 5-toned scales mentioned in this table are the 5 pentatonic scales according to Helmholtz, described by him as follows: ‘‘1. The first scale, without third or seventh. ... To the second scale, without second or sixth, belong most Scotch airs which have a minor character. .. The third scale, without third and
sixth ... othe fourth scale, without fourth or seventh, belong most Scotch airs which have the character ofamajor mode. The fifth scale, without second and fifth.’ (Helmholtz, H. L., The Sensavions of Tone, London, 1885, pp. 260, 261.)
TaBLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS
Chippewa,
Manage
Udatsa, mer Menominee Bia Total ba
and Pawnee | Songs containing—
No.-accidentals242.02ce.< 2 900 84 | LUZON basen ec Olle 8&3 Seventh raised a semitone __ 25 Se tia, Cope ea bie 25 2 Sixth raised a semitone__-__- 17 1 Tit eee 18 | 1 Fourth raised a semitone__- 22 2 3 1 25 Z Third raised a semitone-_--- Sloe fe 1 1 No ee
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 15
TABLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS—Continued
Chippewa,
ou Ute, dats, ha Menominee phe Total bo and Pawnee Songs containing—Continued. Seventh lowered a semi-
THIDWO NS ahi Rae a ep ae gla oat Uneteeteetag. Leet) 6 kapha ooh 1 1 1 eee Sixth lowered a semitone__|._...----|------ 1 v i hal peer Third lowered a_ semi-
monet e oe eo Se Ds PA |S ips ete 2 1 ale eo Other combinations of
tones, including irregular
TOG HOM AUG Y a ees Si te 104 10 14 10 118 10
0) 2 Sa ra a oer WeOve: |e Lb ate 1, 218s tee’
TABLE 8.—STRUCTURE
Chippewa, Sone Ute, andan, ae a Menominee aus Total ree and Pawnee Leyes Piro ate, eee GR, Ghia. Fe 642 60 107 76 749 62 Melodie with harmonic frame-
NVI) is, 2 oh a a Es Se 2A2 20 10 ti 222 18 PAU FSEYONORUUG Cpe ha pe 206 19 4133 10 219 18 BereolaY |. enteetewous « 13 1 10 7 Dep Z
OUR oe Jb ooh Oise pce ek 140 see eeee dee ee)
TABLE 9.—FIRST PROGRESSION—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Chippewa, ee eho |) pete : Per Per sae iat Menominee ent Total ae and Pawnee MCWIWATAS 522 25252 22c221) 5 670 62 96 69 766 63 at Se Ossett epee een ie 403 38 44 31 447 37
16
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
{B
ULL. 102
TABLE 10.—TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Chippewa, hes Ute, andan, Hidatsa Ect, |Menomineo! P | Total | Fer and Pawnee Downward Ji4s22 25 SSeS 18, 241 63'| 2,090 65 |20, 331 63 Perea Ae Lee ae 10, 715 oF 1, 105 86 |11, 820 37 POCA eae ta ae an Oe oe 2 OO Gee SOs oe ee B32, Lol, |e TABLE 11.—INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION Chi Sioux, Ute, Hidatsa, ee Menominee Bat Total ao an Pawnee Interval of a— Twelfth, ninth and octave__ Gi | hs le ee 6 2228 Seventh usa ane. lake oa Go |e as I es Se 6) ee Masormginth Uke. udigks 6. ep EER tea 0 Wea, Bay ee 2 \s alarm IN ERO Tu SIoct hese ae a SO FE eat Pal Rae ere ED ae 30) fae Lib i Plates Nem mom Nh SS voes ceo ek PSO, eeanley S a RS Lae a 168 1 Ro itt hae St oh Ee ciple aca 1, 919 1! 192 Oi {22 delet: 10 Maj orsthind Saye eae ee oe 1, 790 10 105 6 | 1, 895 9 Minor ibhinca see a 5, 421 50 561 27 | 5, 982 29 Augmented second_-_____-- pe il eepee pte ae ae eeepc (eters > ea (ere Major seconds ue) Ja5-b 2. 2s 8, 188 45 1, 086 52 | 9, 274 46 Minornsecondasene saa Lee 706 3 128 6 834 4 “ARCGS ENS, Eee eae as ST ee SPER, 18.240 yet Po 2090R 22aaa= 20h aoe ema TABLE 12.—INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION Chippewa, pala Ute, Hida, ae Menominee pe Total pa and : Pawnee Interval of a— Fourteenth, twelfth, elev- enth, tenth, and ninth___ SOW LAE PE 20 eee 5S) |= Octave so. aut eee sae 155 1 et ERLE es 162 1 Seventhdieseve ape he 3 lg 7] ROVER, Ih HBO Wy ect Ey Magar sixth. 2 2 Fie | 138 1 Ns ga 147 1 Ii btyavonztsh ber) nlp ee ey es 102 1 y=| ee ee Oe a LTH eee CSREES TE Ra Oe 710 ve 87 8 797 7 owas Fe ee ed a 1, 798 17 208 19 | 2, 006 VF Naor chind= 25's. uke 1, 142 10 60 §*} 1, 202 11 Minorstbirdae ss 2, 608 24 224 20 | 2, 832 24 Major BeCOnGse= 2 2 ae SDS 33 456 41 | 4, 009 34 Minor SeCOnGs sso. fare 411 4 30 4 448 4 51 Fo Ue en ft Fc LOL Sil Sapa HOt | skee 11 S20) 25=—
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 1%
TABLE 13.—AVERAGE NUMBER OF SEMITONES IN AN INTERVAL
Chippewa,
pear,
Hidatsn, Na! Menominee ase Total eee
and
Pawnee mrumbervof songs2ts—-2 22s es2 Plies as TAOR eer 17 es lus se Number of intervals__________- 28, 9OOY [eas Be Se ee ee Soe Me ie se ee eel Number of semitones_________-_ SOC a20 nee ae Oe SAS se G8, 863; [Essa Average number of semitones
Mm Bit Wber vals Oe eee 3. ZOR ee 2.9 jroo Padoil O)7 oni Mialahs
RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS TABLE 14—PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS
Chippewa, Spats, Janaan, aaa et Menominee ra Total Heh and Pawnee Beginning on unaccented part OiMeRSU Te we a ee 396 37 76 54 472 388 Beginning on accented part of TOCA S) UU RD Lg dy seed ie een aaa 635 58 63 45 698 58 Transcribed in outline________- 42 US 2S Ss 20 eee 42 4 Without measureyaccents__222 2 -|422 eee elLe eit 1 1 Sh ewe SS ALRo\ 1) CS eS OS es it Ofoe ea TAOV ies es Oley re oe
TABLE 15.—RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE
Chippewa, eee 1idats, Her Menominee Per Total Eee and Pawnee First measure in— DER IIITG ese a Le eh 593 56 89 64 682 56 Sf time Se Lae? Ae 384 37 42 30 426 35 4A times fe | Ba 9 yi | SRA 28 Ra 2 Onl. Rew b=artimer eee fe ninth be 115) 1 iP Sale Sle 16 1 Gt atimes se Ses 2 tae eu Ht in nes, ee oe Th A, iccih THN OOM Pe eee ye AE ama OD PH Ch aga Meee [es aod SP 26k || Ne a Di Wark Eda. Sa Su tle RL be yt pom oe 04 | steppe 4 3 A (eg he ei Fe UIT Ce eg a A ae NS Gila See = |e ee ee Bh (cl ee SUNG ee gee OF trees ou 3 2 12 1 G-otiners. sees. Cree Al Oy ea ia) My Ba Bo 2S ac cae 1g bg a? (—Svrime. Soe eB Ped iy | AY) | 2 hes | ERR |e Lt fh Die ee 2-2 thime Bika hh Soret es SB ety UCR | 2 ee apa Snr Bh eee Transcribed in outline________-_ 42 Fags Se seeped fej ele 42 8 Without measure ACCENtS._.-- |2- 1 1 RAREST.
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
TABLE 164.—CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE LENGTHS)
Chippewa, aes Ute, andan, oe ie Menominee ue Total Fer and Pawnee Songs containing no change of LIV Ma 02) oe gag LAAN va U Dae epee gf ae a Ue 156 14 26 19 182 15 Songs containing a change of RE TU ees pence AM EA IML al oat 875 81 113 80 988 81 Transcribed in outline_______-- 42 Ft VT a AO | lh 42 3 Without measure accents... . 22 2)) Sa 1 1 Laie A oy it) Waa aben seem weer ea noe sere LAOfaleee= p40 es Pea ome 1, 2138~|o
TABLE 17.—RHYTHMIC UNIT!
Chippewa, ; anaes Hidatsa, ee Menominee deh, Total Eee and Pawnee Songs containing— Nomhythmicumnite ess 23 318 30 17 12 335 28 Dear y Giana page 564 52 101 72 665 55 Zrhythamie wits. 122 il 20 14 142 10 Spay tome Waits <0 20 2 2 1 22 1 Ary tate Wnts. LS (ig lea ae fap ite SE [er cla ay PP HAdobrariaaawe qunavyrsls epee ee lS AIC) Ns fh | PD by | 2 ee Transcribed in outline_________ 42 2 | SRR RE | NERS 42 3 si 170 572) ORR Se a a heidi ates 2 TAQ) jee sels: ge Us |p 2
1 Indicated by bracket above the note.
CoMPARISON OF MENOMINEE SONGS WITH THE COMBINED ANALYSES oF Cuippewa, Sioux, Urn, Manpan, Hipatsa, PAPaGo, AND PawNneE SonGcs
Five linguistic families are represented in the material classified. To the Algonquian family belong the Chippewa and Menominee; to the Siouan family belong the Sioux (Dakota), Mandan, and Hidatsa, while the Caddoan group is represented by the Pawnee; to the Shoshonean family belongs the Ute; and to the Piman family be- longs the Papago Tribe.> Thus the group under analysis comprises
25 Unpublished material includes songs of the Isleta, a Tigua tribe; the Acoma and Cochiti of the Keresan family; the Yuma, Cocopa, and Mohave of the Yuman family; the Yaqui, of the Piman family; the
Makah, belonging to the Nootka branch of the Wakashan stock; the Clayoquot, of Vancouver Island; several Tsimshian and Salishan tribes; and the Winnebago, another tribe of the Siouan family.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 19
songs that were sung on the northern lakes and in the pine forests; on the expanse of the treeless plains; on the high plateau and in the canyons of the Rocky Mountains; and on the desert of southern Arizona, which is low in altitude and broken by rugged bills and deep gorges. In each tribe there has been an effort to record representa- tive songs, with the largest proportion of the songs that are most important in the tribal life. Among ceremonial tribes special at- tention has been given to songs connected with ceremonies, while the subjects of war and treatment of the sick have been prominent in certain other tribes. It has been impossible to preserve all the songs of any tribe, but a large number of songs have been heard at tribal gatherings, thus extending the observation beyond the scope of phonographic recording. It has also been impossible to preserve all the songs known to any individual, as a proficient Indian singer knows several hundred songs. Attention has been divided between old men who know the old songs, but in many instances had weak voices, and younger men who had good voices and were familiar with comparatively modern songs. Indian women seldom sing, but a reasonable number of songs recorded by women are included in the present work.
A majority of the songs under analysis were believed to have been ‘‘received in dreams,” this being a contrast to songs produced by the conscious act of composition. The former are the oldest songs and have formed the principal subject of investigation. We have, therefore, a group of Indian songs from tribes of five linguistic families, living under various climatic conditions and probably affected, to some extent, by contact with other races. The Indian race has preserved its individuality throughout these contacts, and the present study shows that the songs of the Indians contain characteristics which are believed to be racial.
In its broadest aspect the present analysis seeks to ascertain in what respects Indian music resembles and differs from the music of the white race, which is adopted as a convenient standard for com- parison. Next, it seeks to ascertain in what respects the music of one tribe (or linguistic family) resembles and differs from another.” Lastly, consideration has been given to a comparison of classes of songs within a tribe.” A comparison of the structure of old and com- paratively modern songs was made in the study of Sioux music.”
The songs under analysis resemble the music of the white race in that, with few exceptions, the sequence of tones suggests a keynote. This is a ‘‘ point of repose,” not the fundamental of a system of tones, coherent and recognized by the singer. Tribes differ in the location
2% In Bull. 80, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 16-32, the tribes previously studied are considered separately. In Bulls. 90 and 93 they are combined.
27 Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 8-11; Bull. 53, pp. 50-58; Bull. 80, pp. 32-34, 33 Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 22-25,
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
of the keynote; for example, the Chippewa usually build their melodies above the keynote, while the Papago more frequently place the melody partly above and partly below the keynote. The percentage of Chippewa songs ending on the keynote is 67, while the Papago group contains 41 per cent with this ending.” The test by ear in determining the keynote is justified by the inability of the Indian to explain the structure of his songs.
Songs whose tones are not referable to a keynote are classified for the present as irregular in tonality. The number of these songs is larger in the unpublished material than in the songs here presented.
On comparing Indian songs with those of civilization we note a further resemblance in the use of a rhythmic unit or short pattern, repeated throughout the melody and frequently varied by what may be termed a thematic treatment. The tribes show little difference in this respect, and 72 per cent of the entire group contains one or more rhythmic units. (Table 17, p. 18.)
As differences from the familiar standard, we note the downward trend, the frequency of the interval of a minor third, and the change of measure lengths. Unfortunately there are no similar analyses of the music of civilization, but it is not in accord with the evidence of the ear that as many as 63 per cent of the intervals in our songs are descending intervals. This is a peculiarity of the songs under analy- sis. (Table 9, p. 16.) The final tone is the lowest tone in 76 per cent of these songs, indicating still further the descending trend of the melodies. (Table 4, p. 13.)
There is no tabulation of the intervals in our songs, but it is scarcely credible that the minor third is as prominent as in the songs under analysis, about 28 per cent of the intervals in these songs being minor thirds while only 4 per cent aresemitones. The most frequent interval is the whole tone, which comprises 41 per cent of the entire number. (See Tables 11 and 12.) Even more obvious, in comparison with our own music, is the irregular space of time between accented tones, designated as measures. In the Indian songs under analysis, apart from those without indicated accents, 81 per cent contain a change of time. The pcculiar and irregular rhythms which characterize these songs can be studied only from the transcriptions. A further difference from our custom is in the lack of coincidence between voice and accompanying drum or rattle.
The third above the apparent keynote is usually present in these Indian songs, and by the third and the sixth (when present) the songs are grouped in Table 1. The third above the keynote is a major third in 53 per cent and a minor third in 40 per cent of the songs, these being classified as major and minor in tonality. (See Table 1.) A majority of the tribes under analysis show a resemblance in this
20 Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 18, and Bull. 90, p. 6.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC vil |
respect, the Sioux and Pawnee being the only tribes with a higher percentage of songs in minor than in major tonality. This does not mean, however, that the entire melody conforms to our major and minor keys as many songs in major tonality progress chiefly by minor thirds, an interval occurring often between the tonic and submediant. A scale, in the full meaning of the term, implies chords, but this rela- tion between tones appears to be lacking, to a large extent, in songs under analysis. The structure of the songs is considered in Table 8, and songs are classified as harmonic if all the contiguous accented tones bear a simple chord relation to each other.
A conformity to the upper partials (overtones) of a fundamental is seen in the relation of the initial tones to the keynote and in the com- pass of the song. As shown in Table 2, 59 per cent of the songs begin on the twelfth, octave, and fifth above the keynote, 13.5 per cent begin on the tenth and third, and 9 per cent begin on the key- note. This conformity appears also in the endings of the songs, 54 per cent of the entire group ending on the keynote, 34 per cent on the fifth, and 10 per cent on the third. The proportions are relatively the same in all the tribes under analysis, the highest per cent ending on the keynote being found among the Chippewa. The songs of this class among the Chippewa consist largely of the Midewiwin, or medi- cine lodge songs, which are strongly affirmative in character. This method of analysis shows that an Indian song may have tonality without being in a ‘‘key”’ according to our use of that term.
The signature of the transcription indicates the pitch-level of the performance, except that six flats or sharps are avoided. Such songs are transcribed in the key of G.
Since there is no evidence that the Indians ever had an intelligent tonal system governing their songs, we are led to believe that the selec- tion of tones was determined by the sense of pleasure, which, in turn, created a custom. There seems a possibility that the tones of the . long whistle played by the plains tribes may have influenced their songs. A portion of the long harmonic series could be played on this instrument, as shown in Bulletin 80, page 10. The sound of this instrument gave pleasure and suggested the upper partials of a funda- mental, introducing or encouraging the use of those tones. Many songs are based upon the interval of a fourth and we recall the im- portance of the tetrachord in the musical system of ancient Greece.
In classifying the tone material of these songs the terminology of Helmholtz (see footnote, p. 14) has been retained when the series of tones corresponds to the black keys of a piano. By this simple method it is found that more than 33 per cent of the songs under analysis contain the sequences commonly called the pentatonic (Gaelic) scales, the largest percentage being major in tonality and based upon the upper partials of a fundamental. If this were due to
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
the influence of Scotch and Irish settlers, we might expect to find the percentage of these songs highest among the Algonquian tribes that live on or near the Canadian boundary, but instead the percentage (45) is highest among the Papago who live in southern Arizona and northern Mexico. Other songs containing five tones of the diatonic octave comprise only 11 per cent of the entire number, exclusive of the small groups designated as irregular and ‘‘other combinations of tones.”” Thusitis shown that less than half of the 1,213 songs under analysis contain only five tones of the diatonic octave. This is interesting in view of a popular impression that Indian music is pentatonic.
In the writer’s observation, the Indian songs believed to be most primitive are small in compass and uncertain as to keynote. These songs were recorded on the northwest coast and are not yet included in the tabulated analyses.
It is difficult to show the framework of a melody in graphic form. A system of plots on coordinate lines was devised and used in Teton Sioux Music, each song being plotted and the observation made that the plots were of five types, songs of a class having the same type of plot.°° This was continued in Northern Ute Music, each group of songs being followed by its characteristic plot,*! and in Mandan and Hidatsa Music, the coordinate lines being omitted.*? Thisshowed only the accented tones in a song. The unaccented tones, however, are an important part of the framework of a melody and can not be included in a graphic representation simple enough to be easily under- stood. The following observations are intended to assist a careful examination of the melodies themselves.
The interval of a perfect fourth constitutes only 13 per cent of the progressions in Menominee songs, yet it is the most prominent interval in the framework of the melodies. The latter observation has not been extended to the songs previously published, it is probable that the results would be substantially the same, especially among the Chippewa and Sioux. A perfect fourth occupies four degrees and contains two and one-half steps or tones, examples being as follows: C-D-E-F, with the half tone next the top of the tetrachord, and E-F-G-—A, with the half tone next the bottom of the tetrachord. The frequency of the minor third may, in part, be attributed to its use within the tetrachord. Thus in a phrase based upon the tetra- chord E-—A there will be frequent repetitions of the interval E-G.
The perfect fourth will be found as a prominent interval in the framework of the following Menominee songs: Nos. 10, 12, 26, 28, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 48, 50, 51, 53, 69, 73, 86, 91, 99, 101, 105, 106,
30 Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 51-54.
41 Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 73, 87, 101, 111, 114, 117, 119, 120, 140, 160, 174, 181, 193, 205. 82 Bull, 80, Bur, Amer. Ethn., pp, 34-36,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 23
117, 118, 137, and 138. This considerable number of songs is based, either wholly or in part, on consecutive or linked intervals of a fourth. For example, Song No. 87 is based on the consecutive descending intervals, F-C, C—G, with F-C repeated in the lower octave. Song No. 104 contains the descending fourths B flat-F, F—C, and in Song No. 38 the fourth appears as D—A, G—D, the song ending with the descending progressions D-B-G. In many songs this framework is embellished with many smaller intervals. Among the songs with this framework of linked or consecutive fourths are Nos. 8, 14, 28, 38, 45, 57, 63, 67, 75, 87, 88, 89, 104, 113, 128, 130, 133, and 136. The ornamentation appears especially in Nos. 38 and 45, and the framework is found in the first portion of the melody in Nos. 63, 67, 104, 113 and 128. The two groups above mentioned should not be regarded as an exhaustive analysis, but they comprise 43 songs, or about 31 per cent of the entire number.
Among the few songs using a triad as their framework are the following: Nos. 114, 115, 120, 121, 127, and 140. One song (No. 85) is framed upon descending, linked triads, this framework being G-E-C, C-A-F. Among the songs based upon minor thirds are Nos. 17, 27, 90, 96, 98, and 122. This is a wide difference to the number of songs framed wholly or in part on the perfect fourth.
The rhythm of a melody is influenced by its framework, the rhythm being created by an emphasis upon certain tones. The number of songs classified as harmonic in structure (based upon triads, see p. 15) ‘ils comparatively small (18 per cent), while the freely melodic and irregular songs constitute 64 per cent of the large group under analysis; this group including the songs based upon successive intervals of a fourth. Between these groups are the songs with an harmonic frame- work so embellished that they are classified as a separate group, con- stituting 18 per cent of the entire number.
PHONETICS
Vowels have the continental sounds, except & as in hat i as in but Consonants are pronounced as in English, except e pronounced like sh in shall tc pronounced as in watch
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
GLOSSARY *
NAMES OF PERSONS RC 2 I eal oe ll Claw or hoof. A GRIN gS ea cy eee ine ie oll Uncooked. Yi F467 a yi a nei ea Acorn of the red oak (John V. Satterlee). AE TLCT cee ee ees meee Le Like the thunderers. Bina cians a eee ek ea Swan woman. Ca’wino/mita’we_—-...-.-_.-_- South medicine woman (Katherine Laughrey). Hohopevtice )2 2a ts ete. Little shouter. Hise (inosine ye ya ee Ta one Sew ok ae Little thunderer (James Weke). RK Cee tn ene nen s ANCE) ena 8 Kaposasen oi eho er Hieby ela its py. Bee Sere ees Prickly man Be sige betas ug Moe oo a ele Living in the sky. 1 ASCENSIY (0G Span PE Sky woman (Agnes Sullivan). Rome sw eee es ee Rain. Wea ucore Win= woes | lees oe Big chief. Mioeiliaytiet Seas Pig Sk Rae Strange sound heard in a wild country. Mowalsacdauesuseslucigs.. alu Mitchell Beaupre. Narmietkqninmn tte. «oh ie ea des Feathers. ; INGGb a we Ube ee eee ee The thunderers look for something. Wetten Wilkan eee cn bea Whip-poor-will dances. INGrLCiWwa Cie eee eee Charlie Dutchman. ORime ss 805 VeTO SS Young chief. Okwi’teiwa'now! 3222 eed e232 Pamarponal 2.4) het oe yu ooh abs. One seen going by. awa Rapes. op al eee Falling feathers, as from a bird molting. J Eh sits Po Nu ap A reer eaai ayidlhbicvoe Approaching shout. SimaycOne =. ace Se eens Ce Dan Morgan Beil wate SOL! PETS ere ee No bone in his back (Louis Pigeon). Waitkwone/minete2: consis ae Something in the mouth. 1054 ep ee ae en Nee Mitchell Wakau. Wapitno’mita’mo. = 2..2--.._. East medicine woman. A VNB G51 20g Ae Rg ere Treading a hollow in the ground(David Amab). ‘ge SV Sl li ee Ne a RR Little bear (Louis Wickobe). We'cawa’nakwit_...2..._ 2.2 Brown cloud. WWarpaieseue te Uhtock ck uk
MytuHicaAL PERSONAGES
Ca wihnG a.) . SS See Ue a South god. WAG RIKen, sities ee Eternal person. Gre Si eee Sees es ee Weisiou ia Soe kee te ee Sky woman. sires ia rok SANE ENS CS 2
ys Lamas cans ea eas yO tek Manitu’kiwdg (plu.)_-._.-_---__- Spirit women.
Miadjitkikwa’ wis 22.2222 222. © Oldest in series of women.
3 Additional Menomineewords appear in the list of plants on p. 125. Valued assistance in preparing these lists was received from Frank 8. Gauthier, grandson of Joseph G. Gauthier who for 30 years acted as interpreter for the Menominee Tribe. See also classified vocabularies in Menomini Culture; and Menomini- English and English-Menomini vocabularies in The Menomini Indians, Hoffman, pp. 295-328.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 25
Opa wantno' Kes.< 222000 ks 2. Copper dawn woman. Ws DOMINOS TT OEE tts “ays East woman.
We BONG. ok ye a = East god.
Wa, pano mite’ we---.5...-___ = East medicine woman:
Worps OccurRING IN TEXT
PII KO nt et Doctor who ‘“‘sucks out the sickness through a bone.”
Aue cinnal: (pli) 242. 32) Implements of bowl-and-dice game, also the game.
JAI STE OS SS eee a ne ree Ry 2 Earth.
CSSA So) aan a | i Beggars’ dance.
PG Waele ee Noon, also south.
Agni nimalkcae) 28 2 Paes el Direction of the sun’s setting (west).
IM an 2 Re ee DM Dan ee ek ee Flute.
Bisemo ia hess a5 324. en ye: Direction of the sun’s rising (east).
Ca/winoka’ win.......-....-._~ Dance given by the south god.
ON Ei aa ec a5 9 BN nce ot He is startled (Song 118).
BT, OE So eee yt The duck that opened its eyes while danc- ing (p. 149).
Beales fe 3s JU ee, 8 Disembodied spirit.
miner) vemos ce yee wet i Juggler.
1 DUTT oy: hale 9 Danes ee Oe Crawfish (Song 118).
LET eh a a a a eS Game of any sort.
DEIR oe Thunder bird or thunderer.
MemrWir Mats 2 eh es He jumps (Song 117).
NES ea 2 ed ee ee Eagle.
Mime males | ey bem. bee tO Buzzard.
oma somasinoL = 2 = Grandfather, term applied to the ceremony
commonly called the dream dance and to the drum used in the ceremony.
PRO kobkcoreerss ae A tents: Fa piee Horned owl (Song 27). Kowitci’isopa’kahat___.______- Stick used in double-ball game. WowiterisowOk $2) 4 es, Double-ball game. Maka’cinatatitwin___________ Moccasin game.
WARIO 25 cer st tt Frog (Song 117).
GSI i, Se a a aS Sea a Spirit.
1 By Ea OT gs a A SS Owl.
Bi cikino pik 2023. 22 fete “Hairy serpent.”
Misatlcata iwa cos) ose haus bas Fast intended to secure a favorable dream;
also applied to ceremony terminating period of mourning.
2) 2 age i afl a een Man or woman who has had a dream concern- ing the cure of sickness.
NitAtwinte Le ot ie cadet Organization known as the medicine lodge.
Te a Sa aes Member of the medicine lodge.
Wiper wiswitt ny 2S Person treating the sick by the use of herbs.
mn canmas del Co Ceremonial adoption of person of either sex.
ages eeriithe ee eres oY de oe Song.
Nimau’aka/kwin-_-____-____- Tobacco dance.
% This is a Chippewa word commonly used by the Menominee. The word manitu is also heard.
35 According to Skinner ‘‘ Mitawit is sometimes used to denote a candidate for admission into the lodge”’ and ‘‘a full-fledged member is mitao.’’ (Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, lowa Wahpeton Dakota, op. cit., pp. 16, 17.)
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
INE Mune eect oo a Dance.
TGRH Da Witte ook ee Ae AS Aide or messenger in the drum ceremony.
eR IRAON yi ee 2 ot Cold direction (north).
Odt’keciay 24-2. Sea Zenith.
LOY c 2 at Sa ae AO AR aD Be Chief.
Oma’noméni’wik (plu.)_______- Rice people (Menominee).
Omatnominisr soe od Se be Member of Menominee tribe.
RP GN ee ee “Chicken man,” and official in the drum ceremony.
IES SURO WIS. we oo eee One of the two sticks struck together while singing hunting songs.
RaMALOMAY oes eee tee ae Open mouth (Song 116).
IBapadkstkeue sete ic lk Uae Bird commonly called a striker.
BEAGCTICOM Sy esate eee a US Bundle of any sort.
LETTE PUG NIRS aye ad a pagal a eee Partridge (Song 115).
PG Owais Mage st Doctor who administers medicine by blowing it through a bone.
ST (OR ied tel Ripley ol he Species of duck.
eke tsoke mas. 2.28. oe ee War chief, term applied to a mythical bear.
Sl PMO walt. oe eS Act of drawing blood to surface of skin by
sucking through a horn, also horn used for this purpose.
SOME a EO sen eee Seen ri Rattle of any sort.
Sonawa minima ss os See Rattlesnake; also medicine man’s rattle.
Rakofsiwie wuss tn he a a Love charm, designated as “‘bad medicine.”’
SU BEES ih 0 a 0 ll Drum.
Wcespwekitay Wile 222 Sue Sn ae A certain spirit.
PG MGR oh te eee a He is startled (Song 118).
ARCIEGT KONO. eee ue a enero Sounds (Song 115).
cL S| 0 Og et eR a ah pn Dream, also person who has had an important dream.
ICSU oa er ab pee he hyp alpen fel Rabbit.
‘hE IAT Spa ARS ORI PIT he cg Dance ornament known as the “crow.”
Wear hUnO Walls ose eee Dance given by the east god.
ie UO pes eas RU aR ae. ee Double ball (pair of pouches) used in a woman’s game.
Wistwyil samen ieee ane ee eee Ee Whirling air (little whirlwind).
Weta katowko. 2 0 Soa ee Playing together (Song 27).
GAMES PLAYED IN A CEREMONIAL MANNER
The custom of fasting in order to receive a dream is common to many tribes of Indians. The dream promises certain benefits and makes certain requirements in order that the benefits may be received. These requirements differ among Indian tribes, and the Menominee believe that they must play certain games in order to receive the benefits of two classes of dreams. If a woman dreams of the spirit women in the east, she must play either the bowl-and-dice (aka’- sianik’) or the double-ball (kowitci’isowik) game at definite times and in a prescribed manner, according to the directions received in the dream. If aman dreams of the thunderers, he must hold alacrosse game in order to receive the help promised by the thunderers. The
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 27
playing of these games is a proclamation to all men that the person is under the protection of the spirit women or the thunderers. The person usually relates the dream before the game is played.
A similar belief concerning the publicity of a dream has been noted in other tribes. For example, a Sioux enacted his dream, imitating an elk or a buffalo, so that all men might know that the power of these spirit animals was in him. Among the Chippewa, in old times, a man might wear a turtle pattern on his beadwork or display the figure of a bird outside his house, showing the nature of his dream, although its detail was a secret known only to himself. If a medicine man in any tribe uses the feathers of an owl or the tail of a deer in treating the sick, it is known that the owl or deer are his spirit helpers. By such action he acknowledges his dependence upon these forms of spirit guidance and assistance.
The Menominee dreams which require the playing of games are usually dreams that promise health and success in personal under- takings. The games must be played at specific times; but if the person is ill or in any difficulty, he (or she) may institute a game for relief. Such special games are often prescribed by a juggler. (See pp. 32, 38.) A lacrosse game was played as a dream obligation at Keshena Falls on August 2, 1925, and the writer attended the gathering. A large number of spectators saw the game, which was played in the usual manner, but the preliminary acts of a ceremonial nature were witnessed only by the Menominee. This custom is called ‘playing out a dream.”
The person for whose benefit the game is played does not take part in it, neither is he interested in the winning of the game by either set of opposing players, but he must make a speech before the game is played, offer tobacco, and provide a feast. In the speech he relates his dream and explains the reason for his request that the game be played at this time. Others beside himself may receive benefit from the ‘“‘playing out’ of his dream, and it is said that sick persons are often relieved by attending a ceremonial game of lacrosse and com- plying with certain requirements. (See p. 39.)
Bow.1-ANv-Dicre GAME
A dream of the spirit women, as already stated, requires the playing of either the bowl-and-dice or the double-ball game. The spirit women in the east (manitu’kiwfig) are eight in number, and it is not always the same ones who appear to mortals. Pigeon named four and Amab added the names of three others. Each has her own song, and when a person who has dreamed of the spirit women hears one of these songs at a gathering he (or she) is expected to rise and dance. The spirit women usually appear to women, but Pigeon said they had
48819°—32——4
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
appeared to him and given him two songs which he now uses in treating the sick.
The spirit women enumerated by Pigeon were Mifdji’kikwa’wis (oldest in a group or series of women), Osa’waptino’ke (copper dawn woman), Ke’sigo’kiu (sky woman), and Wa’ptino’mita’wé (east medicine woman). Amab added the names of Ka’kike&’sin (eternal person), Wa’pdniu’ki (east woman), and Kea’sin. It was impossible to ascertain the name of the eighth spirit woman.
It was said, ‘‘Harly in the morning, when the sky is red, the spirit women are playing their dice game,** and the color in the sky is the color on their faces.’””’ The game played by the spirit women is that in which the dice are tossed upward in a bowl, and when they appear to a woman they usually tell her to play this game. They tell her to play it once a year, and whenever she is sick or beset by trouble and anxiety. ‘They say that every morning, in the eastern sky, they are playing this game to give help and pleasure to their sisters on the earth. ‘Look in the sky,” they say, ‘‘play our game and give us a feast. So you will make us happy, all your troubles will vanish, and your health will be restored. At the feast you must make a speech and say that you are playing the game for us.”’
An incident was related concerning a woman who instituted the playing of this game in 1928 for the benefit of her daughter, who was not expected to live. Mitchell Beaupre attended this game, and some time afterwards he saw the daughter apparently in perfect health. The game was played by six women on each side. The woman instituting the game had killed a turtle, hung up the shell, and used it for the bowl, probably in accordance with a dream.
Katherine Laughrey held the game in July, 1929, in accordance with the instructions received in her dream (see p. 32) and invited a large number of persons to the feast.
Each of the spirit women had a song, as already stated, and it is interesting to note the individuality in the songs of the four women.
3 According to Thundercloud, a Winnebago informant, there are four spirit women playing the bowl- and-dice game in the northern sky, and the eight stars in a circle (constellation known as the Northern Crown) are their dice. Once these stars dropped down to the earth and became the dice with which the
Indian women play the game, Among the Winnebago the purpose of the game was the securing of good health by the women,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 29
No. 1. Song of Mudjikikwawis (Catalogue No. 1517)
Recorded by PraEoN
Analysis.—Dignity and tenderness are expressed in this melody with its extended compass and gentle trailing of the voice on the downward progressions. Attention is directed to a comparison between the closing tones of the rhythmic unit and those of the short phrase in measures 3 and 4; also to a comparison between the rhyth- mic unit and the final phrase of the melody. The distinction between A flat and A natural was clearly given in all the renditions.
No. 2. Song of Osawapunoke (Catalogue No. 1518)
Recorded by PigEOoN
(Indistinct)
Analysis.—After two occurrences of the rhythmic unit we find, in this song, a phrase beginning like the rhythmic unit but contain- ing an eighth rest. The eighth notes on the final count of the measure continue to the end of the song, but the rhythmic unit does not reappear. The song has the unusual compass of 13 tones.
fg 23% 3 a Bes & ms H Eo CoD) aq Z oem 2 aoe = 80 ie Sere — (20) no £ 235 ral oO & of o} = cries < sp 4 4 oe = fe) o2058 es cS B = Z sa 6 a & 8 o> g 2 ee e 2S .2 < Sa} Ay qe L ne e ~.5 2 &@ & Ars ° = 5 3 One on oe E a" e 5 ee) Ss «6 8 ‘BA * Ss ® = a. Zee =) Ps de SoS < Sa a oa: 5 ao & a2 0 9 z Aes ern the o Ses S Amo i! | @- @ = 2.48
iva)
Se S28 Seeds ie Se eo oS
30
A more frequent
period differing from the preceding in its rhythm.
ariation in the rhythm of the third period.
shows av
structure
No. 4. Song of Wapunomitawe
(Catalogue No. 1520)
Recorded by PricEoN
= 416 (4)
J
Analysis —This song contains no count divisions except quarter
and eighth notes and the principal phrase is a triple measure with a
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 31
quarter note on the first count. Three rhythmic units are designated for convenience in observing the song. All the tones of the octave occur in the melody and two-thirds of the progressions are whole tones.
The manner in which the spirit women appeared was described by Amab, who said that as a boy he was present when a juggler (djisako) called them into his tipi. Amab and another boy set up the tipi for the juggler and were allowed to remain during his performance. The tipi was about 6 feet high and 4 feet in diameter at the base, and this juggler required that the four tipi poles be of ironwood, cedar, white oak, and young pine. Amab said, ‘‘There was not room for the juggler to stand inside the tipi and he crouched on the ground. It was dark, the tipi was closed and everything was dark. My grandfather, grandmother, and three or four other men and women were there and we sat outside, close to the tipi. The juggler sang a great many songs and shook his rattle. We went four nights, and on the fourth night the juggler talked loud and said, ‘‘The women are coming.” Then we could hear a soft, whistling sound and the juggler said, ‘‘They are singing.” They did not say any words and the whistling was like the wind, but so soft that I could hardly hear it. When the women stopped making that sound the juggler said, ‘‘Do you want to see those women?” My grandfather said, ‘‘Yes.”’ The juggler said, “Give me a birch-bark dish.”” My grandfather handed in an empty dish, perhaps 9 inches across. In a few minutes the juggler handed out the dish and in it was a little round stone, spotted light and dark. It was smooth, about the size of a marble, and shaped like a woman, humped over. The juggler told them to kiss it. The little dish was passed from one to another and everyone kissed the stone; then the dish was handed back to the juggler.
The soft whistling was heard again, then it stopped and the juggler said, ‘‘Now the women have gone.”
Amab knew the performance was to benefit some one’s health and that the spirit women had told the juggler what to do, but he was a boy at the time and remembered only the soft sound lke the wind and the little stone shaped like a woman humped over.
Amab remembered another instance which took place many years ago. The juggler was a different man than in the preceding incident. His name was Ikwe’man, and he died about 1910 at a very advanced age. His performance was held for a little girl about 7 years old who was not in good health. The spirit women came into the tipi and told the medicine man what to say to the child’s mother. After the spirit women had gone away he told the child’s mother that she must give a medicine dance and put the child in the middle of the lodge. He said that if she did not do this the child would die.
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
The mother did not believe what the juggler told her, and did not tell anyone what he had said. She did not give the medicine dance and the little girl was well for two or three years, then she died. The woman thought the juggler did not know what would happen but the little girl died, as the spirit women had predicted.
The spirit women did not always say the same thing, but they never told anyone to take material remedies, such as decoctions of herbs or roots. Sometimes they said that a game must be played, either their own or some other game. An instance of the former was related by Katherine Laughrey, who said that she plays the game every summer and believes this has brought her health and success.
One of her names (Ke’sigo’kiu) is that of a spiritwoman. She said that when she wasa baby she cried so constantly that her parents consulted a juggler. He called the spirit women, who said the child belonged to them and that they would take it away unless their (bowl-and-dice) game was played. Her parents then requested two women to play the game in the child’s behalf, with the under- standing that as soon as she was old enough she should be taught to play the game herself. She said that she undoubtedly would have died if this had not been done.
When she was a young girl her health was not good, and it was decided that she had better strengthen her connection with the spirit women. This was done by attending a performance at which a juggler called the spirit women into the tipi and talked with them. She was outside the tipi. The spirit women made a whistling sound, like that described by Amab, and from it she learned the following song. The spirit women did not actually sing the song, but it came to her from the sound that they made. Ever since that time her health has been satisfactory.
No. 5. Song Received from the Spirit Women
(Catalogue No. 1635) Recorded by KATHERINE LAUGHREY
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC oO
Analysis.—In this song we have an interesting example of a melody formed upon three descending whole tones, these being E to D, B to A, and F sharp to E. The song might be considered as irregular in tonality, but is classified as lacking the third above the keynote. At- tention is directed to the substitution of D for E at the opening of the second rhythmic unit, also to the descending progression at the beginning of the final phrase, these intervals seeming to express the tenderness that has been noted in previous songs received from the spirit women. The interval of a whole tone comprises only 10 of the 18 progressions, although it appears so prominently in the framework of the melody.
Once each year Katherine Laughrey plays this game in a ceremonial manner, in order that the benefits may be continued to her. This is called “playing out the dream,” and the number of games is 4, 8, or 16. When the same game is played for pleasure the number of games is decided by the players, but the manner of playing is the same. Mrs. Laughrey showed her game implements to the writer and demonstrated the manner of playing the game, even requesting the writer to attempt asharein thegame. In former times a hand-made bowl was used, but she had a small shallow chopping bow! purchased at a trader’s store. The dice consisted of six wooden disks and two small objects carved from wood. One of these objects was about an inch long and repre- sented a turtle and the other represented the crescent moon. The disks were round and thicker in the middle than at the edge and were slightly smaller than the turtle. All the wooden disks were painted red on one side, representing the day, and black on the other side, representing the night. When the game was played the dice were placed in the bowl and tossed sharply upward, falling back into the bowl. The score depended upon the color of the exposed surfaces and the manner of counting differed somewhat with different players. The following is a portion of Katherine Laughrey’s method of counting the score:
All black or red except the turtle counts 10 points.
All black or red except the moon counts 5 points.
All black or red except two disks counts 2 points.
All black or red except three disks counts nothing.
All black or all red ends the game, regardless of the existing score.
If this game is played as a dream obligation the importance lies in the playing of the game, not in the victory of either side.
This game, played for pleasure, was seen by the writer at Zoar on August 4, 1929. (PI. 9,a.) The dice consisted of six circles of bone painted dark green on one side and two others, one of which was carved in the ordinary shape of a turtle and the other was like the erect head of a turtle protruding from its shell. (Pl. 9, 6.) One purpose of
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
the game was to cause this carved piece to stand upright. Mrs. Charlie Dutchman, who conducted the game, said the round turtle represented a mud turtle and the head was that of the great spirit- turtle that soars through the sky. This is called mici’kén by the Chip- pewa and is often sent by medicine men to look for lost persons or articles. Six women took part in this game, which was watched for about two hours. Some women used both hands in tossing the bowl and some used only one hand. A portion of the count was as follows:
All white except the two turtles counts 10 points.
The turtle’s head erect counts 10 points.
All green except the flat turtle counts 5 points.
All white except one disk counts 3 points.
All white except two disks counts 1 point.
All white except one turtle and one disk counts 1 point.
All white or all green ends the game, regardless of the existing score.
The player who first scores 10 wins the game.
At this game one woman (wife of John P. Matcokema) kept the score by announcing the sum of the player’s points. As indicated, each player continues as long as she is scoring, being allowed one addi- tional throw for some scores and two for others. If she fails to make any score, amajority of the players usually give an exclamation which means ‘“nothing’’ and the bowl is passed to the next player. The count of games is kept by sticks placed upright in the ground. The women sat in a circle and the passing of the bowl was clockwise, each player handing it to the woman at her left.
Dovsue-BaLLt GAME
The spirit women sometimes require that the double-ball game be played, the occasion being the same as that of the bowl-and-dice game. Like the former, it is a game which may be played for pleas- ure, but when played ceremonially the balls are usually painted red, like the color on the faces of the spirit women in the east. The double-ball game resembles the ‘‘woman’s game” of the Chippewa, which is played with two short thick billets of wood connected by a cord instead of with the two pouches. The game implements of the Menominee consist of a pair of pouches or “‘balls” made of deer hide stuffed with cat-tail down. (P1.10,a.) The pouches are slender and connected by a thong about 5 inches long, the total length of the pouches and thong being about 11 inches, while the largest diameter of a pouch is about 1% inches. Six, 8 or 10 women play on each of the opposing sides and each woman carries a straight stick, perhaps 3 feet long. The women on the two sides have their faces painted differently. The purpose of each side is to carry the pouches (double-ball) to the goal located behind their opponents.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 9
b, DICE USED IN GAME
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 FLATE 10
a, ‘‘DOUBLE-BALL’’ USED IN GAME
b, MENOMINEE WOMEN PLAYING DOUBLE-BALL GAME
c, LACROSSE RACKET
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 35
The double-ball is placed on the ground, a woman pries it up with her stick and thus tosses it into the air. All try to catch and carry it. The ball is supposed to be handled only by means of the sticks, but it was quaintly said that ‘‘some women pick it up with their hands, if they are in a hurry.”
This game, played for pleasure, was witnessed by the writer at Zoar, on August 4, 1929. (PI. 10, 0.)
The name of one of the spirit women, as already stated, was Ka’kikea’sin, and some Indian women bear this name. The follow- ing song is concerning the gift of this name to an Indian woman.
No. 6. A Spirit Woman Gives a Name (Catalogue No. 1584)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION Kakikeasin names me; the spirits
Analysis.—This song has a compass of 12 tones, lying partly above and partly below the keynote. A rhythmic unit occurs in the first and last phrases, while the middle portion shows a slight but interesting change in the rhythm. Two-thirds of the progressions are whole tones. The tempo is slow and in keeping with the serious- ness of the words.
LACROSSE
A dream of the thunderers requires the playing of lacrosse, as a dream of the spirit women requires the playing of the women’s games. Both war and lacrosse came from the thunderers and they directed that the lacrosse racket be shaped like a war club. The game was supposed to resemble a battle.
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
A tradition of the origin of lacrosse *” among the Menominee was related by Mitchell Beaupre, as follows:
A man named Ac’kinit (Uncooked) had a dream. He had been hunting in the woods all winter and had a great deal of game hanging up. As it was time for sugar making, he thought he might as well stay for the sugar camp. The snow was deep. One night there was a severe storm, with thunder and rain. Everyone was frightened and could not lie down, and the wigwam was bright with the lightning. Suddenly Ackinit heard a voice say, ‘‘ Ackinit, go on top of the bluff where you killed the deer. We have left something there for you to show your friends every spring.’’ Ackinit’s oldest boy was about 6 years old and had never been in the deep woods with his father. Ackinit wanted to take his first child with him, so he told his wife about the voice that said ‘Something has been left for you on top of the bluff where you killed two deer.”
Ackinit and his son traveled about 3 miles, then he said to the little boy, “‘ Do you see that place? There is no snow up there. I brought you to carry what we find.”
The boy said, ‘“‘ What shall we look for?’’ His father replied, ‘‘ Medicine.”
When Ackinit and his son reached the top of the bluff they found a big nest full of feathers. They were out of breath when they reached the top, and Ackinit saw the feathers shaking like snow that is blown by the wind. He stepped softly because the motion looked as though something alive was in the nest. Looking in, he saw a green egg, and a voice said, ‘‘ Keep this and show it to your people every spring.’’ The little boy carried the egg back to the sugar camp.
This egg was left by the thunderers, who said, ‘‘We want tobacco. We live among the rocks, but your people have earth and can raise tobacco. Hach person who comes to see this egg must give a little tobacco.”
The next year, when they heard the first thunder, Ackinit called the people together and showed the egg. He collected tobacco and tossed it into the air for the thunderers and talked about his dream.
After Ackinit died, the egg was in charge of his grandson, Wecawanakwut, who kept it in his medicine bag and showed it every year. Mitchell Beaupre said he had seen it many times and that it was about the size of a duck’s egg. It was in the feathers which once were white but had become yellow with age. Wecanakwut collected a great heap of tobacco and passed it around, both men and women smoking while he talked about Ackinit and his dream. He said, ‘‘ We will have a lacrosse game to-morrow, and if I am telling the truth you will hear the thunder- ers coming to their game.’”’? The weather was clear when they began the game, but soon they could see a little cloud next to the horizon, and by the time they
37 A different legend is recorded by Hoffman, who states that ‘‘Manabush wanted to discover and destroy those of the Gna’maqki’t or underground evil ma’nidos, who were instrumentalin the death of his brother the Wolf. He therefore instituted the ball game, and asked the thunderers to come and play against the ana’magki’G as their opponents, after which the game should be the property of the thunderers. The Kine’Gv, Golden Eagle, came in response to this invitation and brought with him the ball, He was ac- companied by all the other thunderers, his brothers and younger brothers. Then the 4na’maqki’a began to come out of the ground, the first two to appear being the head chiefs in the guise of bears—one a powerful silvery white bear, the other having a gray coat. These were followed by their brothers and younger brothers.’”’ (Menomini Indians, p. 131.) Culin states that ‘‘ The game of ball with rackets is . . . confined to the Algonquian and Iroquoian Tribes of the Atlantic seaboard and the region of the Great Lakes; and to their neighbors, the Dakota, on the West, and the Muskhogean Tribes of the South. It occurs again among the Chinook and the Salish in the Northwest, and in a limited area in California. It is not recorded in the Southwest... Among the Huron, however, lacrosse is recorded by the Jesuit missionaries as played as a remedy for sickness... There can be no doubt that, though the game of racket may have been modified in historic times, it remains an aboriginal invention.’”? (Games of the North American Indians, pp. 562, 563.)
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 37
made a goal there was thunder and rain. Then Wecawanakwut always said, “Don’t be afraid. We gave tobacco to our grandfather yesterday and he has come to the game.” (Beaupre said that Wecawanakwut always said ‘‘grand- father,’’ but he meant the thunderers.)
The informant said that the first lacrosse ball was made in imitation of the egg found by Ackinit, in accordance with the instructions of the thunderers. The inside was of basswood twine, wound solid, and the outside was made of the hide of the black squirrel.*®
Concerning the origin of the lacrosse club, Mitchell Beaupre said that a thunderer told Ackinit he was going to strike a tree and cut the wood. Ackinit found a tree which the lightning had struck, leaving a black mark, and he made the club according to this mark. John V. Satterlee, however, stated that the thunderers gave the first war bundle, which contained a war club, and that the lacrosse stick (racket) was made like the war club. He also said that the thunderers gave the lacrosse game to the Indians.
When a man wishes to have a lacrosse game played as a dream obligation he sends a messenger with tobacco to invite the players. He provides prizes, which may consist of pieces of calico about 4 yards long, one prize being provided for each player on the winning side. If two men combine in holding such a game there are twice as many gifts. They may play one large game with twice as many players, or they may play two consecutive games, one set of players taking part in each game. It is the usual custom to continue playing until one side has won four games.
The playing of the game is preceded by certain ceremonial acts and by a feast. Mats are spread on the ground, showing respect for the occasion. The prizes of calico are hung on a horizontal bar between two upright poles. In front of the prizes a large mat is spread and on this mat the host places his lacrosse bundle, opened and exposing its contents to view. Amab said the outer covering of his grand- father’s lacrosse bundle was of soft white buckskin, painted red in the center. His grandfather’s lacrosse ball was covered with buckskin and painted half red and half blue, both colors representing the sky. In the bundle and displayed with its contents was a little cross made of two sticks painted black on one side and white on the other and a little dish for an offering of tobacco. The possession of the lacrosse bundle indicated that his grandfather had dreamed of the thunderers, and when a game was played in his behalf he always wore a fur head- band with a feather in the back. Amab knew of an instance in which a man was told to make his lacrosse ball with a sturgeon bone in the center, covered with something soft and having an outer covering of hide sewed with sinew. A man’s dream might require him to put certain feathers in the bundle, wrapped together with his lacrosse ball.
8 The animal thus designated on the Menominee reservation is the black phase of Sciurus carolinensis teucotis Gapper.
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
Such feathers might be the tail of an eagle or buzzard. The feathers themselves did not possess ‘‘medicine power,” being simply a part of the instructions received in the man’s dream. Sometimes a man’s dream required that he make a little war club, a few inches in length, and keep it in the bundle with his lacrosse ball. No herbs are placed in the lacrosse bundle.
When the guests are assembled the host makes a speech, relating his dream and saying that he wants the men to ‘‘play it out” so that he will receive the promised benefits. It may be the regular time for playing the game in this manner or the man may be in some difficulty which requires a special playing of the game. Perhaps he has con- sulted a medicine man and been told that the thunderers are angry and must be appeased by tobacco and the playing of the game. He does not lift the tobacco upward as an offering but speaks to the thunderers, saying, ‘‘ You like tobacco and we give it to you; now we want you to give us what we want.’”’ Then he tells the guests to take the tobacco and smoke for the thunderers. This is followed by a feast. There is always an abundance of wild rice at such a feast and the host may have killed a large animal for the occasion. In the old days it was said that the thunderers liked snapping turtle and always came to a feast for which a snapping turtle had been cooked. Because of this belief, the host at a ceremonial lacrosse game was particularly happy when he could provide a snapping turtle for his feast. The guests may smoke again at the conclusion of the feast, while the host tells how he wishes the game to be played.
The lacrosse bundle remains open during the feast and the game, often being exposed for three or four hours.
The lacrosse field is prepared with a goal at each end. It is said that in old times the goals were 1 or 2 miles apart, as ‘‘the Indians used to be limber and tough, with good wind.” At present the field is much shorter, the length varying in different locations. A leader is desig- nated for each side and one of the leaders chooses the end of the field on which his side will begin to play. The clans are in groups of four, and a leader, in choosing his players, says that he will ‘‘take east,” or ‘take west,’’ meaning that he chooses the men who belong to that group of clans. It was said, ‘‘The clan animals are contending too, the underneath animals and the birds are contending.”
The lacrosse racket illustrated (pl. 10, c) was formerly the property of a man who dreamed of the thunderbirds. The lacrosse ball is 2%; to 3 inches in diameter and is made of tanned deerskin stuffed with hair.
The leader of each side has an attendant who collects the lacrosse clubs which are marked for identification by their owners. Accord- ing to Hoffman, the collecting of the clubs takes place the day before
8% The Menomini Indians, p. 127,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 39
the game, and each leader selects a powerful medicine man to protect the clubs from evil magic during the night.
At the time of the game each player identifies and claims his la- crosse stick and the leader takes his own ball from his lacrosse bundle. He tosses the ball into the air and gives four loud whoops, ‘“‘so the thunderers will know the game is beginning.” There is a brief pause between these whoops. One of the players catches the ball and the game has begun. The four whoops are given, and tobacco is smoked for the thunderers when the game is played for pleasure as well as when it is played ceremonially.
The success of the players is attributed largely to their individual “‘medicine.” For example, a man may have dreamed of a buffalo who told him of a certain herb, telling him to chew the root of this herb when playing lacrosse, or before the game, and to spray his body or touch the soles of his feet with it. The man took tobacco when he went to dig this herb, singing his dream song and saying, “Grandmother (earth) I insert my hand and take this herb.” The application of the herb gives him success, and if an opponent steps on his footprints the opponent’s medicine is neutralized so that he can not play successfully.
At the close of a game the prizes of calico are distributed by an attendant, and the leader of the winning side sometimes ties his strip of calico around his waist as a sash, or over one shoulder. If aman is married, he gives his calico to a sister, cousin, or niece, and if none of these are present he may give the calico to his wife. An unmarried man is expected to give the calico to a sister, cousin, or niece, and she gives a whoop when she accepts it, showing she understands that the thunderers are listening. The whoop may be a shrill, clear cry, or the woman may move her hand back and forth in front of her mouth, producing a vibrant cry. In this action the hand is held flat with the fingers touching the open mouth, and the hand is moved sharply back and forth as the cry is given. The motion may be described as clapping the mouth while the sound is being emitted. It was said “‘the thunderers hear this sound and are pleased.’”’ The same vibrant cry was given by the Sioux and Chippewa women as a sign of approval or pleasure.
The host is not interested in the victory of either group of players. Having held the game and complied with all the requirements, he awaits the benefits which he is sure will follow his action.
It was customary to bring sick persons to a ceremonial game in order that they might be benefited. The following song was sung when sick persons were present but was not used when the game was played simply as a dream obligation,
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 7. Song with Lacrosse Game (Catalogue No. 1539)
Recorded by Pigeon
Analysis.—The tone D in the fifth measure of this song was uncer- tain in its intonation, but the several renditions of the melody show a minor tonality in the first portion and a major tonality with good intonation in the latter portion of the song. Attention is directed to the rhythmic unit which begins with an accented half note and con- sists entirely of descending progressions. Such a rhythmic unit is well adapted to the song.
If a man desired, he might assume the obligation of holding a lacrosse game in memory of a relative who had been a particularly successful player of the game. Mitchell Wakau (pl. 2, 6) holds a lacrosse game every year in honor of his father, and after his death, the custom will be continued by his son. This family has inherited the old beliefs. Wakau’s grandfather dreamed of the sun and moon and also of the kineu (eagles), and his father was named Ke’sige’beta (living in the sky), which indicatesadream. In his youth Ke’sige’beta was one of the fastest runners on the reservation. When he played lacrosse his opponents set four men to watch him, because if he got the ball it was considered to be already at the goal. Suddenly he became blind, having been “‘witched.’’? When he was about to die he sent for a nephew and his wife and said, ‘‘I shall leave you about 12 o’clock to-night. Before I die you will see a cloud coming up and when the cloud reaches the top of the sky I will die. When you see that cloud again you must put tobacco on the ground. After I die I will go up and live with the thunderers.”’
ADOPTION DANCES
An intimate phase of Indian life is shown in the Menominee custom of adopting a person into a family to take the place of a member of the family who has died. This may be done on the day after a
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 41
death, but usually does not take place until some time afterwards. The custom is continued to the time of this writing, an adoption being held near Keshena Falls about July 20, 1929.
The custom of adoption (napé’nimu) had its origin in the following legend which was related by Mitchell Beaupre (pl. 2, ¢):
“Long ago a man and his wife had seven children. One season they began to die, one after another, until by fall they had only one child left. The man felt so badly that he went away off in the woods by himself. He had good luck hunting, but he saw no one. After a while he returned, and soon his last child died. Then he took his wife and went back to the place in the woods. They lay down on either side of the fire, and it was so still that each could hear the other’s heart beat. Next morning they told this to each other. They said, ‘Why should we go back home? ‘There is nobody there.’
“The old man fasted two or three days, then he went hunting and got a great deal of game. That night some one came and they heard him stamping his feet as though he were shaking off snow. The man said ‘ Halloo,’ but there was no answer. He put fresh wood on the fire for light and looked for tracks, but he saw only his own tracks, made when he returned the night before. His wife wakened and she too went out and looked. It was moonlight, but they could see nothing but the man’s own tracks. The same thing happened the next night. ‘There came a sound as of stamping snow from the feet, and the man said ‘Halloo.’ Then someone spoke and said, ‘I am sent to tell you to go back quietly to the place you came from. Gather your people together and start the custom of adoption. You came to camp here, and whichever is awake hears only the beating of the other’s heart, but now you will find a man shaped just like your son. You will adopt him, give him your son’s name, and treat him as though he were your son.’
“The man thought he was asleep, yet he knew that he was not asleep. He went home, did as he was told, and that was the begin- ning of the custom of adoption.”
The person who appeared to him was the east god, so the Menom- inee received the custom from that source.
From THE East Gop
Two forms of adoption dance are held by the Menominee, the more important being the waptino’win, received from the east god, and the other being the ca’winoka’win, received from the south god. The dance given by the east god is the more important because he is the greater god.” Persons could also be adopted in the Mitawin.
40 A song of the Chippewa Midewiwin contains the words ‘‘ Where is the dwelling of the greatest spirit?
My Mide brethren, in the east is the dwelling of the greatest spirit.”” Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Song No. 38,
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
According to John V. Satterlee the wapunowin was held only when a man who had dreamed of the east god adopted a young man who had had the same dream. David Amab, however, stated that the choice — rested with the persons making the adoption, those of serious mind — being free to hold a wapunowin if they desired.
The east god is the only one who is represented as a man. The © moon is his sister and lives in the west. The morning star is his — little brother and always starts out with him, carrying his bow and arrows. Both the sun and morning star appeared to men in dreams, but it was understood that the term “east god’? (wapuno), as used — by the writer’s informants, referred to the sun. The power of the morning star was always used for help in any undertaking, as well as for protection, and it was he who gave the drum to Be used in the east god’s dance.
Those who had dreamed of the wapuno formed a cult and in old times had an image of the east god outside their dwellings. They held wapunowin annually when the first fish or game was obtained; the dance was also held when the warriors returned from a war expedi- tion.” Amab said that his father always gave one of these dances when he caught the first sturgeon in the spring. He caught four or five of the fish and invited 15 or 20 people. When they were assem- bled he explained the reason for the gathering; then they sang the four — principal songs of the east god’s dance (Nos. 8, 9, 10, and 11), after — which they had a feast of fish and other food and danced with common wapunowin songs, such as Nos. 13, 14, 15, and 16. He did the same after killing the first deer or bear in the fall. An instance of disre- garding this rule, with its consequences, is mentioned in connection with Song 17.
Members of this cult were accustomed to give public demonstra- tions of their powers, providing a feast for their guests and, after certain ceremonial actions and songs, showing their ability to handle fire or plunge their naked arms into boiling water or maple sirup. They had power to predict events several years before their occurrence and to locate lost objects.”
Mention has been made of the drum given by the Morning Star for use at the wapunowin. This is a double-headed drum about 12 inches in diameter with heads of deerskin, and it is struck with a light stick having a small hoop at the end which touches the drum. When in — use the little hoop is at right angles with the drumhead, the stick touching the head of the drum." There was a variety in the decora-
41 Cf. Bull. 98, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 18-22.
“ Cf. Skinner, Material culture of the Menomini, p. 71, and Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 66 and 151-157.
“8 Skinner, Associations and ceremonies of the Menomini, p. 191.
‘ A similar stick was sometimes used by the Chippewa in the moccasin game and is shown in Bull. 53, pl. 3. A small stick of the same sort is shown in Bull. 45, pl. 1.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 43
tions of the drum, one side of which represented the earth and the other side represented the sky. A man might paint his drum with a bear or the figure of a man, in accordance with his dream. Two such drums were sometimes used at an adoption dance, but it was required that they be alike in sound and be struck exactly together. The use of the Morning Star drum at the east god’s dance was not compulsory, as a man might use a water drum, like that used in the Mitawin, if his dream required it. The Morning Star drum could also be used on other occasions.
Both the east god and the south god adoption dances are held in a medicine lodge (see p. 92), but there is a difference in the direction of the dancing. For a wapunowin the lodge has an opening toward the east and the dancers move from the west toward the east, contra- clockwise, while in the south god’s dance they move in a clockwise direction, from the east toward the west. Several persons may be adopted at a time, by either form, and attendance at either is supposed to benefit the sick, although the east god’s dance is supposed to be the more beneficial. Mitchell Beaupre stated that he remembered an occasion when a very sick woman was taken to a wapunowin. A stretcher was made by taking two springy poles and making a lattice of rope between them, on which blankets for the sick woman were placed. Two men carried her a distance of about 2 miles. She donated as much as was given to the person being adopted, and was greatly benefited by attending the dance. This was in the fall, and it seemed probable that she would live only two or three days, but the next spring at the sugar camp she was in perfect health.®
Extreme generosity was shown a man adopted through the wapu- nowin. Mitchell Beaupre described a wapunowin that he saw long ago when Corn’s brother was adopted by an old couple. They gave him a suit of clothes, a pile of clothing sufficient to last him two or three years, several quilts, and two blankets, one red and one blue. The man put on about three shirts, one over the other, then he made the other gifts into a pack that he carried on his back with a tumpline across his forehead. The old man was on one side of him and the old woman on the other, steadying the pack. It was impossible for the boy to dance, as he could scarcely walk with the weight of the pack, but the old people shook the pack a little, pretending it was the motion of the boy’s dancing. They told the drummers to start a lively tune
45 A wapunowin dance was given by the Chippewa at Grand Portage, Minn., on July 5, 1930, its purpose being to benefit a man who was suffering from a distressing abscess of the ear. The writer was invited to this dance, but arrived too late to hear the singing. The lodge was similar to a Mide lodge, with fresh pins branches about 3 feet high around its circumference. The entrance was toward the east and at the right was a post about 6 feet high, on top of which alittle windmill was whirling, the windmill being set east and west. This had not previously been observed at such gatherings, and was said to be used only ata wapunowin, being an invitation to the east wind. It was further said that the east wind always came
and made its presence known in this manner. This wapunowin was in charge of a recognized medicine man whose shaking of a juggler’s tipi is described on pp. 102, 103,
4 48819°—32. 5
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
and the drummers sang such a lively song that the old people sitting around could not keep their feet still but moved their knees up and down, as though they were dancing. Even people away out at the edge of the circle were dancing. One old woman had a sore foot, but she ‘‘danced”’ with her other foot and her cane. ‘This incident indi- cates the spirit which prevails at an adoption.
The instructions for the wapunowin, as indicated, were received from the east god. The faces of the dancers were painted red like the eastern sky in the morning. Some old men painted their entire faces, while others put red paint on their faces in dots or any desired pattern.
The four songs given by the east god were sung at every dance in the following order. It was said that no one could help dancing when they heard the first song.
No. 8 ‘I Paint My Face Red’’ (Catalogue No. 1585.)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
Analysis —This song is unique in that the third above the keynote occurs only as the next to the final and lowest tone. The song is rhythmic in general character. The structure is based upon suc- cessive fourths (D—-A, A-E, C-G, G—D) and ends with a major triad, descending to the final tone.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 45
No. 9. ‘*The East God Gave Us this Dance’’
(Catalogue No. 1622)
Recorded by Lirrte THUNDERER Voice vr 224
Drum @ = 112 (See drum - rhythm below)
After last rendition
a se
FREE TRANSLATION
The east god (sun) who moves across the sky in a day gave this dance to an Indian in a dream
Analysis—The drumbeat in this song consists of eighth notes accented in groups of two. These are synchronous with the eighth notes in the song and an unaccented stroke is added to fill the meas- ures that are in 5-8 time. Several renditions of the song were recorded with and without the drum, and the 5-8 measures were uniformly given throughout the performance. The song contains only one interval larger than a minor third and no interval smaller than a whole tone. The repetitions of the rhythmic unit are continuous throughout the melody.
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
The next song declares the greatness of the east god. It was recorded by a man whose name (We’cawa’nakwit) means Brown Cloud. This name is hereditary in his family and was given him by his great-grandfather, who selected him as his namesake. He is not the old medicine man mentioned on page 36 and elsewhere in this work,
No. 10. Song to the East God (Catalogue No. 1610) Recorded by PETER FisH
Voice @ = 104 Drum d = 104 (See Drum- rhythm below)
Drum Rhythm
dddddh ah
FREE TRANSLATION
East god (sun), you are the greatest god
Analysis—Three distinct rhythms appear in this melody. The first is the rhythmic unit which, with its repetitions, comprises four measures. This is followed by a rhythm resembling the former in one measure. ‘The interval of a fourth is prominent in the framework of the melody. The closing period contains a particularly pleasing sequence of tones in upward progression, followed by a glissando measure and a descent of an octave within two measures. There is an unusual gentleness and strength in this melody.
The fourth song of this group is in honor of the drum which was given by the morning star for use in this dance.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 47
No. 11. Song in Honor of the Drum
(Catalogue No. 1524)
Recorded by PragEon
a = Bf a eR rf i Fe 2 ee ee
Analysis —The rhythmic unit of this song is unusually long and occurs twice, the remainder of the song resembling the unit but con- taining frequent rests. Only four progressions occur in ascending order, each phrase showing a continuously descending trend. The tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale.
This song was followed by a speech by the person giving the wapu- nowin and by a feast.
The next song is omitted if the wapunowin is given on any occasion other than an adoption.
No. 12. Song for the Person to be Adopted
(Catalogue No. 1516) Recorded by PIGEON
Analysis.—This melody is well adapted to a serious gathering. The rhythmic unit has a steady meter and its repetitions comprise the entire song. All the tones of the octave occur in the melody which
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 102
has a compass of 12 tones, beginning on the ninth and ending on the fifth above the keynote. The descending fourth is prominent in — the framework of the melody and occurs as C-G, B flat-F, and F-C, — followed by B flat-¥ in the lower octave. ;
After this song the dancers moved in procession around the lodge, led by the person giving the dance. Behind him walked the person or persons being adopted. ‘The movement was, as indicated, toward the east in the wapunowin.
After this procession the person giving the dance might sing his per- sonal songs. Then followed the general dancing songs of the wapu- nowin, which were numerous and not sung in any prescribed order. After many of these songs the vocables Wa-a-a-hi-hi-hi-hi were given, the dance being more lively during these syllables.
No. 13. Dancing Song from the East God (a)
(Catalogue No. 1611)
Recorded by PrrerR Fis
Analysis.—The structure of this song is unusual. The rhythmic phrases consist of four measures and their repetitions comprise the entire song. Each is divided into two short phrases, having either an ascending or a descending trend. The compass of these phrases varies from a whole tone to a fifth. Although major in tonality, the song contains only two major thirds, one being in ascending and the other in descending progression.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 49
No. 14. Dancing Song from the East God (b)
(Catalogue No. 1612)
Recorded by PETER FISH
Analysis.—This and the two songs next following will be com- bined in the present analysis. AJl are major in tonality and two have a compass of 12 tones, beginning on the highest tone of the compass and ending on the lowest. The three songs are in about the same tempo. All consist chiefly of repetitions of rhythmic units, although in No. 16 the third period is in a contrasting rhythm.
No. 15. Dancing Song from the East God (c)
(Catalogue No. 1637) Recorded by PAMAPOMI
Voice d = 120
Drum @ = 120
Drum- rhythm similaz to No. 9 (REI ha ee a eae Ga
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 16. Dancing Song from the East God (d)
(Catalogue No. 1638) Recorded by PamMapromti
Voice a - 120
Drum =) 440 Drum- rhythm similar to No.9
— " l
Mention has been made of the custom of giving a feast after killing the first game of the season. The following incident was said to be ‘‘known to everyone” and to show the punishment of a man who failed to observe this custom.
Long ago a Menominee had been killing deer which he did not need for food and leaving the bodies where they fell. He had been doing this a long time when the sun became angry and said, “I will stop you.” One day a spirit spoke to the man and said, ‘In four days you will do the wapunowin.”’ Four days passed and at the beginning of the fourth day the man wondered what would happen to him. He saw the sun rise a little way and said, “‘I can stop and have a smoke.’”’ He had some native tobacco with him and rubbed it fine in his hand, after the Indian custom. Suddenly he felt a pain in the thick part of his palm, where he was rubbing the tobacco. The pain increased and he said, ‘‘What can be the matter?” Still he kept rubbing the tobacco. A coarse stem of the plant had made a wound in his hand and blood came from it. His arm and hand swelled so that his fingers stuck straight out. He threw away the tobacco, saying, ‘‘T guess this is what was meant by my dream.” The pain reached his shoulder and his heart, and he died within an hour. The message from the spirit meant that in four days there would be a place in his family which could be filled by the wapunowin adoption dance.
The man had a wife but no children, and after his death she went to an old man, saying, ‘‘Why did this happen?” The old man replied, ‘The sun did not give us deer to waste. Your husband was punished for killing deer that he did not need for food and leaving their bodies where they fell.”
The following song is connected with this story:
DENSMORE} MENOMINEE MUSIC 51
No. 17. ‘‘In Four Days’’ (Catalogue No. 1628) Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN
Voice d - 100
Drum @ = 100 Drum- rhythm similar to No.9
FREE TRANSLATION
I will be alive only four days
Analysis —In its general form this melody is adapted to the announcement contained in the words. It is a formal melody divided into three instead of the usual four periods. All the tones of the octave are present, but the fourth is sharped in its only occurrence. The rhythmic unit is long, and the time of the 5-8 measures was uniformly given in all the renditions. Although the song is major in tonality, the major third occurs only in the first complete measure, one-half the progressions being minor thirds.
From THE Souty Gop
The origin of the dance given by the south god was related by a Chip- pewa during the study of the music of that tribe. This narrative was read to the Menominee, who said that their tribe held the same tradition. Nawajibigokwe, a reliable Chippewa informant, said, “The cawunoga is a very old dance and was first a dance for healing. It was not to cure people who were very ill, for that was done by the Mide, but it was for people who were not in good health. The South Manido taught this dance to a very good young man whose relatives were ill... The young man got up the dance as he was instructed by the South Manido and his relatives recovered. After- ward the dance was used as a social dance and the songs are particu- larly pleasing.”
48 Bull. 58, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 129, and songs Nos. 47, 119, 120, 121-122. Concerning the Shawano dance Skinner says: ‘‘ This sacred rite (Cawanokau, or Tcipai’ cimun, ghost dance) is performed in honor of the dead and is said to have been borrowed from the Shawnee at an ancient time when they lived near the Menomini. It is held a year or more after the death of some person, when the relatives prepare a feast and invite their neighbors to attend. ... It is thought that he [the dead] responds and is also happy with those present.” (Associations and ceremonies of the Menomini, p. 212.) This dance is not identified in the present work.
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
An adoption using the songs and ceremony from the south god was less serious than that with the east god’s songs and often was followed by atobaccodance. (See pp. 184-187.) Thesongs are lively; and the dance began at dusk, usually continuing until break of day. It was not unusual for three or four persons to be adopted at one of these dances. The songs were accompanied by the drum given by the Morning Star and sometimes by a water drum or a squash rattle. If a water drum were used the leader of the singing sat beside the drum and others took turns in sitting beside him, first on one side and then on the other, all drumming with the sticks commonly used with this type of drum, turned sharply downward at the end.
Many guests were invited to a south dance adoption, as it was more social than the east god’s dance, and after the feast there was a speech by the host, explaining the reason for the gathering. The gifts to the persons adopted were valuable and included clothing, blankets, and many other articles.
In this dance a man and a woman faced each other and moved first toward the west, with a short sidewise step. Each moved the right hand before the other’s face with a rapid motion, and Amab said that he always fanned his partner with his hat. A handkerchief or any small article might be used in the same manner. The best dancers kept the time of the fanning exactly with that of the singing and drumming. When the dancers had moved a suitable distance each man swung his partner around and they started back again. Presents were sometimes given, but the exchange of gifts did not form an essential feature, as in the woman’s dance of the Chippewa. A woman sometimes beckoned to a gayly arrayed young man, threw her blanket over his head, and took some of his finery as they danced together. A man might also throw his blanket over the head of a woman as they danced. The songs were particularly pleasing, and the dance was exciting.
Characteristics of songs: Eight songs of the Cawunowin were recorded and have so many characteristics in common that they will be analyzed as a group. We note first the small compass of these songs. In the songs received from the east god the compass was from 8 to 12 tones, but four of the songs from the south god have a compass of 5 tones, two have a compass of 6 tones, and the remainder have a range of 7 and 8 tones. A majority end on the lowest tone of the compass and all are major in tonality. A majority begin in triple time, and six of the group begin on the unaccented count of the measure. An unusual variety of intervals occurs in these songs. A peculiarity occurring in four of these songs and very rarely noted in Indian songs is a change of tempo during the song. In No. 18 this change was gradual in the first rendition and abrupt in the later renditions, while in the other songs it was an abrupt change in tempo.
53
MENOMINEE MUSIC
DENSMORE]
It will be noted that these were recorded by four different singers.
At least two or three of the songs were sung in succession.
Dancing Song from the South God (a)
No. 18.
0. 1573)
(Catalogue N
Recorded by AmMaB
No. 19. Dancing Song from the South God (b)
(Catalogue No. 1623)
Recorded by Lirrte ‘THUNDERER
[BULL. 102
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
54
No. 20. Dancing Song from the South God (c)
(Catalogue No. 1574)
Recorded by AmaB
No. 21. Dancing Song from the South God (d)
(Catalogue No. 1521)
Recorded by Praron
MENOMINEE MUSIC
DENSMORE]
No. 22. Dancing Song from the South God (e)
(Catalogue No. 1613)
Recorded by Peter FisxH
No. 23. Dancing Song from the South God (f)
(Catalogue No. 1614)
Recorded by PETER FisH
It is customary to dance and sing for the one who is “‘dressed up
The following song is used in that manner.
the finest.”
[BULL. 102
56
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
No. 24. ‘‘My Gay Dress’’
(Catalogue No. 1538)
Recorded by P1igEON
N
I
FREE TRANSLAT
You will dance for me in my gay dress
The dance closes with the following song:
No. 25. Closing Song ef Dance
(Catalogue No. 1572)
Recorded by AMAB
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC ay
THE GIFT OF MEDICINE TO THE MENOMINEE
There is no subject more closely intertwined with Indian customs than that of substances believed to have magic power, called “‘medi- cine.””’ By means of these substances the Indian believes that he cures the sick and achieves success in the hunt, in war, and in Jove, as well as in all other undertakings. Among the Algonquian tribes the knowledge of the preparation and use of such substances is preserved and taught in the medicine lodge. The substances are usually vegetal, but animal and mineral substances often enter into the making of charms.*
The following legend of the origin of medicine was related by Pigeon and Amab, who said that all forms of medicine were developed from the four given to the little girl by the owl.
In olden times, if a child cried and the mother wanted it to stop, she said, ‘‘ We will throw you outside and the owl will get you.”” Once a woman threw her little girl outside and said to an owl, “T’ll give you this child.” All the owls said to that owl, “‘Why don’t you take the child? She gave it to you.”
The owl took the little child to her home, which was a hole in a tree. It was round and brown and looked like a little round wigwam, when the child was inside. The owl had a little pail. She put the pail on the fire and cooked some blueberries for the child to eat, and she had a little wooden bowl for the child’s food.
For a period of four years the child stayed with the owl, but the time seemed so short that it was called ‘‘one.” By that time the girl had become a woman and the ow! decided to take her back to her people, but before doing so she made four little bundles, or packets, of red squirrel hide, and placed in each a substance with magic power. Each packet contained a different sort of ‘‘medicine”’ and was tied with a different color in order to identify it. The packet tied with red contained “‘lovemedicine”’; that tied with yellow contained asubstance that would cause its owner to receive valuable gifts; that tied with black was “hunting medicine”; and the fourth packet, “‘ tied with any- thing,” contained medicine giving success in playing games. This was the first time that magic substances had been given to the Indians. The owl taught the young woman a song to be used with each sort of medicine and also gave instructions in the manner of their use.
The people were in the sugar bush making sugar when the owl brought the little girl back. The owl brought her to a place where she could see the smoke of the wigwams and said, ‘‘ Your house is over there. Youcansee thesmoke. You can walk over there.”’ She sang the songs of the ‘“‘love medicine” when she took the girl to that place.
It was almost dark when the owl said, ‘“‘Granddaughter, look at
me.”’ She stood on an old log as she spoke. The girl looked and saw
# Cf. Densmore, Chippewa Customs: Uses of plants by the Chippewa Indians.
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
an owl and then she saw an old woman again. That was the first time that she knew she had been with an owl.
Afterwards the girl walked toward the smoke of the wigwams. Her mother came outside, saw some one standing in the dusk and said, “‘Is that you?”
She seized the girl, drew her into the wigwam, and said, ‘‘ Who took you away?” The girl said, ‘‘An old woman about so high.”
‘What have you got?”
“Some medicine that my grandmother gave to me.”
Ever since that time the Indians have had ‘“‘medicine”’ for the four purposes, handing it down from one generation to another.
Two of the four songs given by the owl were recorded. The first was that with which the owl brought the girl back to her home and the words were said to refer to their nearness to the wigwams. ‘This is the song of the love medicine. It was sung at the Owl Dance wit- nessed by the writer and recorded by one of the men who sang at the drum on that occasion. (See p. 194.)
No. 26. Song of Love Medicine (Catalogue No. 1829) Recorded by Picron
d = 146 Irregular in tonality = 112
FREE TRANSLATION
Mi’aniu, owl tcek’nepowin, obsolete word meaning ‘near by”
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 59
Analysis —This melody contains only the tones F sharp, B and C sharp, and is classified as irregular in tonality. The interval of a fourth comprises almost half the progressions. All the phases have a descending trend and the song consists almost entirely of repetitions of the rhythmic unit. The performance was followed by sharp yells. This song and the song next following were characterized by the use of meaningless vowel syllables, as in many other songs concerning medicine power.
The next is the first song of hunting medicine. In the course of time each hunter had his own songs, which usually were in sets of four, but this was the original song.
No. 27. Song of Hunting Medicine
(Catalogue No. 1840)
Recorded by AMAB
Meaningless ‘syllables are underscored
FREE TRANSLATION
koko’ko, horned owls weto’katowtk, playing together
Analysis.—The transcription is from the first rendition of this song, the second rendition having different words in the latter portion with corresponding changes in note values. The song is based on the minor triad, and 14 of its 17 intervals are minor thirds. Itisa pleasing melody with the gentleness that has been said to characterize the owl. In this, as in the songs of animal dances (Nos. 114-118), there was a hastening of the tempo in the latter part of the song, but the change was not enough to be indicated by a change in the metronome time.
48819°—32——-6
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. luz
HUNTING AND WAR BUNDLES
The medicine given by the owl formed the nucleus of certain packets of magic substances commonly called bundles. The use of such bundles is widespread, especially in the Mississippi Valley region, but ‘“‘traces of the beginning of sacred bundles may be found among the Seneca, where the secret medicine of the tribe made as the result of a revelation is supposed to be composed of portions of the brains of all animals of the world, which was given with its accompanying rituals to certain young men by the powers.’”’*8 Among the Winnebago and certain other tribes the bundle is the property of the clan and is inherited within the clan, but among the Menominee a bundle is the property of an individual. A man may have two or three bundles, such as a hunting bundle, a war bundle, and a lacrosse bundle, the number and their entire contents being known only to himself. Each bundle has certain songs that are sung when it is opened either to renew or to exert its power. The man who in recent years had the most bundles was Wecawanakwut, who is shown in Plate 11, c.
Among the Pawnee and certain other tribes a sacred bundle was received direct from the higher powers, but it is said that the Menom- inee bundles, with a few exceptions, “have come through the inter- mediation of some minor power. The ordinary war bundles came via the thunderers, though made by the sun, the morning star, and the animals, while the hunting bundles came to men through Manabus, who got them from the greater powers.’
An interesting legend concerning the origin of the hunting bundle is related by Skinner, who states that Manabus, after receiving the hunting bundle from ‘‘his grandfather and grandmother” (the higher powers), looked into it and was disappointed to find few medicines. His ‘‘grandparents” knew this and took him to an island in the middle of a great ocean. The “‘grandfathers”’ opened the bag and began tapping two sticks together as they sang a song. Toward night Manabus saw the animals appearing, one after another, and thus he became convinced cf the power of the hunting bundle. Then he gave the bundle to the Indians and taught them the songs which he had heard his grandparents sing, telling them to sing the songs whenever they opened the bundle.' This origin was not mentioned by the writer’s informants, who attributed the origin of the hunting bundle entirely to the owl. According to these informants a hunting bundle always contained the medicine revealed by the owl and four sticks representing the legs of the deer, which was the animal chiefly hunted
48 Skinner, Social life and ceremonial bundles, p. 95.
49 Densmore, Pawnee music, p. 5.
60 Skinner, Social life and ceremonial bundles, p. 95.
51 Skinner, Social life and ceremonial bundles, pp. 140-142,
Bienawone) MENOMINEE MUSIC 61
by the Menominee. It usually contained red or blue paint. The bundle of one hunter differed from that of another in the roots and medicines which it contained, these having been revealed to the hunter in a dream or purchased from someone who had received them in that manner. White buckskin was wrapped around the roots, paint and sticks, and the outer covering was of cloth, hide, or any desired mate- rial. Amab said that his grandfather’s hunting bundle was about 24 inches long and about nine inches in diameter, and that it contained both red and blue paint. His grandfather’s name was Wai’kwone’mi (Something in the mouth).
If a man kept his hunting bundle in his house it was placed in a trunk and a young girl was not allowed to go near it. When he was hunting and absent from his camp during the day he hid the bundle in a tree at a considerable distance from his camp, concealing it carefully, after taking out a small packet of medicine to carry with him. Wecawanakwut never kept his bundles at home, but kept them in a big swamp, where no one ever went. His hunting bundle was hung in a tree that was on top of piles of rocks. Wecawanakwut sewed the medicine in leather and put the packet in water long enough to soak the leather, then he fastened the bundle high in a tree where the sun would not strike it. There it dried so hard that the weather could not affect it. This medicine man was Mitchell Beaupre’s cousin and once showed him the place where the bundle was kept. Beaupre tried to find it afterwards and “‘crawled over stumps and rocks for a day and a half,’”’ but could not find it, so cunningly was it concealed.
Distinct from the complete hunting bundle was the small packet of hunting medicine which resembled a man’s personal charms of other sorts. Such a packet, exhibited in the Milwaukee Public Museum, contains only a wooden effigy of a bear and two pieces of the fur of a cinnamon bear. A hunter sometimes wore, as his “medicine,” a turban made of wolf hide, as the wolf is the master of the bear. Probably this contained herbs known only to himself, and the wearing of the turban was undoubtedly in accordance with instructions received ina dream. (PI. 12, a.)
Every hunter carried medicine to protect himself and his equip- ment from harm by evil influences. It was said that a “‘bad medicine man or woman” sometimes changed into the form of an ow! and sat in a tree near the hunter’s camp calling ‘“‘Kay-ko-ko” like an owl. Such creatures could steal a man’s bullets while he slept, and they could affect his gun so that he could not hit a deer, no matter how close he might be to the animal. If a man suspected that he was being influenced in this manner he took coals from the main camp fire and made a little fire on which he put some of this protecting medicine.
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 _
None of his companions noticed the action, but the owl smelled the
medicine and did not come near the place.”
Wecawanakwut was willing to sell the knowledge of his hunting Y medicine, and if a man wished to buy it he took the man out and ©
i \
ay
showed him the bundle. When a few steps away from the bundle -
he sang the songs of his medicine, then he said to the man, “TI will show you the same root that is in that bundle.” He then found a fresh plant, showed it to the man, and taught him the song that would makeit effective. Wecawanakwut said, ‘People think there is no game around here, but I can always get game with this medicine.”
It has been stated that the owl gave only four songs to the little girl, one for each sort of medicine, but Pigeon said that she gave four songs with the hunting medicine. According to Pigeon the owl said, ‘‘When you get home give this packet to your father. Tell him to take it into the woods and he will find that he can get all kinds of game.” The following are the songs said to have been taught by the owl for use with a hunting bundle:
No. 28. ‘‘I Offer My Song’’ (Catalogue No. 1506) Recorded by PigEoN
FREE TRANSLATION
When I begin this I offer my song, so I may succeed in getting game
Analysis —A peculiarity of this song is the 5-4 time, which con- tinues until the third measure from the close, the repetitions of the rhythmic unit being also continuous to this point. The song con- tains 12 descending and four ascending intervals, only one of which is
52 The use of protecting medicines by the Chippewa is described in Densmore, Chippewa customs, p. 112,
and in Uses of plants by the Chippewa Indians, p. 386. An incident of an owl’s visit to a camp to cause starvation is related in Chippewa music, pp. 105-106, together with the song used to drive it away.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 63
other than a minor third or a whole tone. The descending intervals of a fourth and seventh are prominent in the framework of the melody. No. 29. ‘‘I Will Find Game’’ (Catalogue No. 1507)
Recorded by PiagEon
FREE TRANSLATION I am now going to look for game and am sure that I will find it
Analysis.—An interesting peculiarity of this song is the descend- ing interval of a seventh which forms the boundary of two phrases. The song is major in tonality and about half its intervals are minor thirds. In the third and fourth occurrences of the rhythmic unit the opening tone was slightly prolonged. The general effect is similar to the song next preceding, but the melody is smaller in compass and more elaborate in form.
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 30. ‘‘I Will Get a Buck’’ , (Catalogue No. 1508) —
Recorded by Pigzon
FREE TRANSLATION J am going to get a buck and I will pack him Analysis.—This song is transcribed and analyzed with G as its keynote, although the melody is largely framed on the interval of a
fourth. Only eighth and quarter notes occur, and the song contains only one rest.
No. 31. ‘‘I Will Shoot Him Through the Heart”’’
(Catalogue No. 1509) Recorded by P1GEON
FREE TRANSLATION
When I aim at a buck I will shoot him through the heart
Analysis —The framework of this melody consists of a descending seventh followed by a descending fourth. It is interesting to note that these are followed by a rest, an ascending fourth and two tones, the second of which is prolonged. The descending seventh has been noted in songs of pursuit, and this peculiar ending of the phrases in this song may suggest the shooting and fall of the deer. This melody is minor in tonality and lacks the fourth and seventh tones of the octave. These are the tones lacking in the fourth 5-toned scale which is major in tonality.
When David Amab (pl. 11, a@,) was a boy he went on a hunting trip with his grandfather, who had a hunting wigwam near the river, 5 or 6 miles from his home. The frame of this wigwam was permanent and
LAMMVYNVYMVORM “9 SVNIdINAMVD NHOfe ‘4 aVNV AIAVG ‘?
kL ALW1d 72oOl NILATING ASOTIONHLA NVOIMAWYV AO NVaHNa
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 12
a, TURBAN AND PACKET OF MEDICINE USED AS HUNTING CHARM
b, WAR BUNDLE, CLOSED
“PENSMORE] MENOMINER MUSIC 65
they carried the coverings with them. The opening of the hunting bundle took place on the night before the hunt. His grandfather told him to sweep the ground clean inside the wigwam, saying there must be no dust around when a medicine bundle is opened. Amab helped his grandfather prepare the sticks which were tapped together during the songs, and he helped cook the wild rice and other food for the feast, to be held after the bundle had been opened. The sticks used with these songs are called paka’sikona’tig. Those made for the writer were about 9 inches long, but it was not unusual for a hunter to use sticks that were longer. One stick was designated as the “beater,” and a song concerning this stick was recorded, with the sticks tapped together as an accompaniment (No. 32).
When all had been prepared, Amab’s grandfather spread a blanket on the ground and opened his hunting bundle, the contents resting on the white buckskin. A dish of food was placed in front of it and his grandfather sang his hunting songs, tapping the sticks together and pointing the ‘‘beater”’ in the direction he expected to take on the morrow. After these had been sung the food was eaten and the bundle rewrapped. Each man had his own songs and the four next following were used by Peter Fish and his father, their use of the songs continuing to the time when they were recorded (1927). A description of the hunting customs given by Peter Fish was substan- tially the same as that of Amab. These songs were recorded with an accompaniment of the sticks struck together sharply.
No. 32. ‘‘ My Tapping Stick’’ (Catalogue No. 1606)
Recorded by Perr FIsH
FREE TRANSLATION I am now going to use my tapping stick
Analysis —The first count of the measure is emphasized more strongly in this than in a majority of Indian songs. Only one interval is larger than a minor third and the song contains only one semitone. The tempo is rapid and the melody consists of eighth and quarter notes.
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No. 33. ‘‘You Are Struggling”’ (Catalogue No. 1605)
Recorded by PrrrerR FisH
FREE TRANSLATION
Tomorrow, when I am hunting, you will be struggling and I will shoot you through the heart
Analysis —The descending phrases and short, frequent rests in this song are interesting in connection with the words. More than half the intervals are whole tones. Attention is directed to the close of the fifth and beginning of the sixth measure in which the use of C sharp gives an appealing effect. The closing phrase is rather emphatic in character.
No. 34. ‘‘ The Slender-legged Animals”’ (Catalogue No. 1607)
Recorded by PreTER FisH
FREE TRANSLATION When hunting I want to see the slender-legged animals
Analysis —There is a grace and charm in this melody which suggests the motion of a startled deer. The opening intervals are unusual and comprise an ascending whole tone followed by an ascend- ing seventh. The song consists of three phrases, the first and second ending with a triple measure, while the third phrase is melodious and continues to the end of the melody. The lowest tone of the compass occurs four times, which is somewhat unusual. The tone material is that of the fourth 5-toned scale.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 67
No. 35. “‘ Tomorrow I Will Get Them ’”’ (Catalogue No. 1608)
Recorded by Petr FisH
Analysis.—Three phrases occur in this song, the second having a descending trend of an octave and the third differing from the others in the omission of the introductory tones. About two-thirds of the progressions are whole tones. There is no change of measure lengths, which is unusual in Indian songs.
The following song was also used by Peter Fish and his father:
No. 36. “I Will See a Bear’’ (Catalogue No. 1609) Recorded by Prerser FisH
Analysis —The characteristic motion of a bear is suggested by this song with its prolonged tones and small intervals. This song re- sembles others of the present group in having a compass of eight tones, lying partly above and partly below the keynote. It contains more tones than other songs of the group, all the degrees of the octave being present except the seventh.
Amab remembered one of the songs sung by his grandfather after the feast, while the contents of the hunting bundle were still exposed to view.
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No. 37. Song After the Feast (Catalogue No. 1575)
Recorded by AMAB
FREE TRANSLATION I bring the ewe deer
Analysis.—It is interesting to compare this with the songs next preceding which were intended to strengthen, or renew, the power of the hunting bundle. This song consists of three periods, like the preceding, but differs from them in its small note values and almost constant motion. The song is minor in tonality and lacks the fourth and seventh tones of the complete octave.
At the conclusion of the feast the hunting bundle was carefully wrapped in its coverings.
The next morning Amab’s grandfather drew coals from their cook- ing fire, put finely shredded roots on the coals and “incensed” their guns, pack straps, and feet by holding them in the smoke. Cedar was not used in this incensing, although it formed part of the material used in a similar manner on some other occasions. Sometimes his — grandfather sang in the morning as well as on the previous night. Sometimes he dipped his finger in the red or blue paint and put a little on his cheeks. Paint was used sparingly by the old people, and therefore a little packet lasted several generations. A hunter might carry the paint in his pocket during the day and replace it in his hunting bundle at night. Amab remembered that his grandfather took a little packet of medicine from the bundle when he went to hunt and put it back when he returned at night.
The hunt was continued four days, as the hunting bundle could be used only that length of time. The game was allowed to hang for a while, and the hunter incensed it before taking it home. Serious results would follow if a man’s wife touched meat which had not been incensed in this manner. The meat would be defiled, she would suffer harm, and the man’s hunting bundle would lose its power,
ics MENOMINEE MUSIC 69
SONGS CONNECTED WITH WAR BUNDLES
The contents of a war bundle differed from the contents of a hunt- ing bundle, although the general characteristics were the same. The writer’s informants said that a war bundle always contained the skins of two sorts of owls and that other bird skins might be included accord- ing to the dream instructions received by the owner. The herbs and roots placed in a war bundle were believed to have particularly strong medicine power. The articles and herbs were wrapped in the soft tanned hide of a deer and around this was placed a wrapping of plaited rushes, secured by a thong. ‘The rushes used in making this outer covering were boiled to make them soft and the bundle was some- times called a ‘‘white mat” because of this covering.
The origin of the war bundle is described by Skinner, who states that the sun and the morning star looked down upon human beings and were moved by pity for their constant wars. In response to an appeal by these higher powers, the swift-flying birds promised to endow the warriors with their abilities, the buffalo promised to give them strength and courage, the weasel gave them cunning, and the pine snake the ability of ambush and stealthy escape. The sun and the morning star made these gifts into a bundle which the thunderers transmitted to mankind. According to this authority, all war bun- dies contain the skins of the swift-flying birds that are the warrior’s chief protection, also skins of the pine snake and the weasel, and that buffalo tails are sometimes found in these bundles. He states, further, that a war bundle always contains ‘‘reed whistles for signaling to the braves, deer hoof rattles for accompanying the sacred songs, and the paint given by the thunderers to cure the wounded.” »
A remarkable war bundle is shown in Plates 12, b, and 13. This is a double bundle, very old, and belonged to Frank Corn, who died in 1907 at the age of 88 years. He was a medicine man of great power in treating the sick, and his death was due to old age. The bundle is now the property of the Milwaukee Museum. Among its contents may be recognized the skins of birds, the deer hoof rattles for accom- panying the songs, and the reed ‘‘whistles’”’ that were used as war signals; also when the war bundles were opened, when victory dances were held, and on various other occasions of a ceremonial nature. According to John V. Satterlee, the material for these whistles was first obtained from a great distance, but in recent years they are made of sections of bamboo fishing poles. The small packets contain var- ious medicines, the uses being known only to the owner of the bundle who received the knowledge in his dreams. Attention is directed to
83 Skinner, social life and ceremonial bundles, pp. 7, 93, 102-103.
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
the tiny war club and gun, made of wood, which were also the per- sonal charms of the bundle’s owner. It was not unusual in the old days for a collection of such objects to be started in childhood. The parents of a boy might believe him to be a “‘thunder-child” and present him with the symbols of war; later he might dream of the thunder bird and acquire dream articles, and he might add to the group by later visions and experiences, and all these articles would be kept in his war bundle.
With a similar war bundle at the Milwaukee Public Museum is a piece of birch bark about 2 by 17 inches, on which the mnemonics of the war bundle’s songs are inscribed. A war bundle at the American Museum of Natural History contains a robe of hide, painted with symbolic designs pertaining to the thunderers.
Distinct from the war bundles were the charms carried by individual walriors, instances being mentioned in connection with Song 128.
A war bundle was carried by its owner when on the warpath, and he might at any time give a feast to it in order to increase its power. On such an occasion he opened the bundle, exposing its contents, and placed tobacco beside it. The tobacco was not lifted ceremonially, but the bundle owner ‘‘talked” to the four wind quarters and the — sky. He did not address the earth. Amab said that his grand- father and his father-in-law had war bundles and he had seen them opened; the procedure resembling that described on page 37 in con- nection with the lacrosse bundle.
A group of four songs belonging to a war bundle was recorded by Pigeon, who said they were received from the thunderers. These songs were sung at a feast to the war bundles and were intended to make its power effective. They were accompanied by a water drum and three gourd rattles. The words are in the Chippewa language.
No. 38. War Bundle Song (Catalogue No. 1510)
Recorded by PiagEoN
Analysis.—This song has a range of 12 tones, beginning on the high- est and ending on the lowest tone of the compass. The melody tones are those of the fourth 5-toned scale and the progressions, with two
<
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC yor
exceptions, are minor thirds and major seconds. The rhythmic unit has a descending trend and is continuous throughout the song, except in the two final measures.
No. 39. Song When Opening War Bundle
(Catalogue No. 1513) Recorded by PraEon
=== a ol og a ie ie ee BEA SSESsana
Analysis —The rhythmic unit is continuous throughout this song except in the fourth and fifth measures, this change in rhythm giving character to the melody. The song, like that next preceding, has a compass of 12 tones, beginning on the highest and ending on the lowest tone of the compass. About two-thirds of the intervals are minor thirds. The song contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh.
The words of this song mention the ‘‘great water,’”’ which is con- sidered a source of power by members of the medicine lodge.
rip? BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
No. 40. War Bundle Dance Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1514) © Recorded by P1cron
FREE TRANSLATION
In the middle of the great lake I went around
Analysis—A peculiarity of this song is the unusual number of repetitions of a tone, thus the first occurrence of the rhythmic unit contains 10 tones and only one progression. It is interesting to note the break in the rhythm, with the triplet suggesting a repetition of the rhythmic unit. Near the close of the song a triplet of eighth notes is again followed by a rhythm different from that of the rhythmic unit. The song has a compass of 10 tones, the highest tone of the compass occurring midway the length of the melody
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 73
No. 41. War Bundle Dance Song (b) (Catalogue No. 1515)
Recorded by Pianon
Analysis.—The chief characteristic of this song is the 5-8 time which continues throughout the melody. The song is further charac- terized by a steadily descending trend which extends over the compass of 10 tones. The tempo is rapid and the rhythm is well marked and continuous. Progression is chiefly by whole tones and the song is based on the fourth 5-toned scale.
The two songs next following are connected with the use of the bundle on the warpath. Each of these songs was sung twice when used to bring success. In the first song the bundle is being carried by its owner.
No. 42. He Carries the War Bundle
(Catalogue No. 1511) Recorded by PicEon
FREE TRANSLATION
He walks and carries it on his back
Analysis —The rhythmic structure of this song consists of six periods, the first, second, and third of which begin with an unaccented tone which is omitted in the later periods, A short rest occurs mid-
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.102 _
way the length of the second and last three periods, which is somewhat — unusual. The song has a compass of 12 tones and is based on the © fourth 5-toned scale.
Concerning the next song it was said that the war party had made camp and the owner of the bundle had placed it on the ground, putting tobacco on it as he sang this song. It was the purpose of the song to cause a fog so that the warriors could approach the enemy without being seen.
No. 43. The War Bundle Causes a Fog (Catalogue No. 1512)
Recorded by P1gEON
Analysis —In frequent repetitions of tones this song resembles No. 40, recorded by the same singer. More than two-thirds of the progressions are whole tones, but the melody is lively and interesting. It has a compass of 12 tones and a steadily descending trend, con- taining 17 descending and only 7 ascending progressions.
SONG CONNECTED WITH A BOY’S FAST
Among the Menominee, as in other tribes, there formerly were certain customs connected with puberty. A boy was expected to fast and to secure a vision. A girl also fasted and hoped for a vision, but her fast was not surrounded with so much strictness as that of a boy. She placed a round dot of charcoal on each cheek, but a boy blackened his whole face for fasting. A girl was considered fortunate if she dreamed that she had a husband who was a good hunter. If she dreamed of tallow in her mouth it was considered a sign of wealth. The girls, as well as the boys, made “‘charms”’ representing the sub-
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC ~ 75
ject of their dream and kept the charms with the care accorded such objects in all Indian tribes.
A boy was prepared for his fast by his father or by a medicine man. _ He blackened his face with charcoal, and if he were a little boy he played near his home or perhaps went on little hunting expeditions during the day but stayed in the house at night. If he were old enough, he went away from home for his fast, and his parents went frequently to question him concerning the progress of his effort. Drink as well as food was prohibited during the period of fasting, but the child held a bullet in his mouth so that his mouth would not become dry. If even a tiny bit of food were taken the fast was considered broken and must be begun again. The time of the fast might be a single day for a little boy, or periods of two to four days for older boys, and these periods might extend over a whole year before the boy secured a dream that was satisfactory to his parents. It was believed that the longer the fast the stronger would be the power received in the dream.
In the old days, according to Amab, a boy who desired to fast went out and cut a basswood sapling, either his full height, one-half or one-fourth his height, the length of the stick being a measure of his determination to secure a dream. He removed the bark from the stick and cut rings around its entire length, the rmgs being about 1% or 2 inches apart. Then he charred the stick in the fire and placed it upright in a corner of the wigwam. A boy’s fast was usually begun in October. When he began to fast he broke off one section of the charred stick, pulverized the charcoal in his hand, and put it on his face. He kept the stick and broke off similar sections as might be required.
After a boy had begun to fast he was questioned by his father at frequent intervals, and the boy told whatever had appeared to him. If the father was not satisfied, he said, ‘‘That is not a good dream. You had better eat and start over again.’ So the boy ate and entered upon another fast. His experience might be the same on the second night, and his father would again tell him to ‘‘eat and start over again.” If a boy dreamed of the thunderers, an eagle, the sun, or the moon, he was told to put on more black paint and continue his fast in the hope that the same dream would come again. This could be con- tinued an indefinite time, and the boy was urged to go without food as long as possible. It was said, “If you are getting a good dream you must hang on to it.”” In this way the power of the dream was increased. Many boys dreamed of the sun in the old days. <A song often came with a dream, and it was considered good to get two songs. When these were sung at a gathering the people danced during the second song. If the thunderers were heard “singing”
48819°—32 7
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 —
they made a sound like that made by the spirit women and described on page 31.
The benefits believed to be received in a dream were similar to those recorded in other tribes and included success in war, hunting, and the treatment of the sick.
It sometimes happened that a boy who had failed to obtain a dream was reluctant to try again. His parents then placed two dishes before him, one containing food and the other containing charcoal, and he was told to choose between the two. If he chose the food, it meant that he preferred a life of ease to the securing of a dream, but he if chose the charcoal, he blackened his face and made another attempt to secure a vision. This is interesting, as it placed the decision upon the boy himself, while the institution of his first fast had been under parental guidance.
Cawunipinas said that his father was a medicine man and that the boys often came to him in order that he might prepare them for fast- ing. He remembered that his father sang his own dream song at these times, hoping that the spirit which appeared to him in his dream might appear also to the boy. His father’s name meant ‘‘From the eagle in the south.’’ His dream was of the eagles, and the chief purpose of the dream was the securing of game. The following is the song thus sung by his father.
No. 44. “I Am Standing On a Cloud’’ (Catalogue No. 1577)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
Analysis. —This song consists of three repetitions of a long rhythmic unit. Its chief peculiarity is the rhythm of the ascending progres- sions. This gives an effect of cheerfulness to the melody. The tone material is that of the fourth 5-toned scale and the song has a compass of 12 tones.
DENSMORF] MENOMINEE MUSIC Ti
DREAM SONGS
The importance of the dream song is indicated by the many phases of Indian life in which it formed a part.
When Pigeon was a boy he sometimes fasted two days at a time, abstaining from both food and drink. At last he secured a dream which gave him power to treat the sick, and said that his own ad- vanced age proved the power of his dream. Pigeon’s treatment of the sick is described in the section on that subject (pp. 111-118). In his dream he saw two birds which gave him songs. ‘The first bird (a crow) was said to ‘‘come from the south when the weather begins to get warm,” and the second bird (a raven) was said to “‘stay here all the year.” In the first song the birds are speaking to him and giving him authority to treat the sick, and the second song was intended to be used by him in his treatments. The melody of the two is practically the same and the transcription is from the first record.
Dream songs of this sort were sung at gatherings connected with the drum religion.
No. 45. Pigeon’s Dream Song (Catalogue No 1541)
Recorded by PigEoNn
FREE TRANSLATION Your tribe will come to you to be cured of sickness
Analysis.—Attention is directed to the extended compass of this and the eight succeeding dream songs. Six of the group have a com- pass of 12 tones, the others having a compass of 13 and 9 tones. The present melody is based on successive fourths. It is interesting to compare the two rhythmic units of this melody, which begins with the same count divisions. The first unit contains only 2-4 measures, but the second unit contains a triple measure and changes the dotted eighth from an accented to an unaccented count. The two renditions
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 103
are uniform in every respect. Progression is chiefly by whole tones, and in this, as in the song next preceding, the manner of rendition was characterized by a sliding of the voice from one tone to another,
The same singer recorded two dream songs which he received from his uncle, who lived to old age and used the songs in treating the sick. His uncle’s dream was concerning a bird that ‘“‘has a white head and stays up high in the sky.” (See Nos. 72, 73.)
The next song belonged to the singer’s father, who was mentioned in connection with No. 44.
No. 46. Dream Song (Catalogue No. 1578)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION In the heavens a noise like the rustling of the trees
Analysis —This song is peculiar in that a large number of progres- sions are on the higher tones of the compass. The song contains no rhythmic unit and the rhythm is given by accenting the first tone of each measure. In many instances the accented tone is preceded by
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 79
an unaccented sixteenth note which gives it prominence. More than half the progressions are whole tones and the manner of rendition, with a sliding of the voice, was the same as in the song next preceding, which was recorded by another singer.
Two unusual and interesting dream songs are concerning the sun which, it is said, spoke to the man in his fast. These are a pair and the people danced during the second song.
No. 47. Dream Song Concerning the Sun (a)
(Catalogue No. 1579)
Recorded by CawuNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION I am the one, traveling
Analysis —A peculiarity of this song is the measures in quadruple time. There is no secondary accent and the tones can not be tran- scribed as 2-4 measures. Quadruple measures are exceedingly rare in the Indian songs under analysis. The song has a steadily descend- ing trend over its compass of 12 tones and consists of three repeti- tions of the rhythmic unit. The two renditions were uniform in every respect.
During the next song the people rose and ‘‘danced it out.”
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 48. Dream Song Concerning the Sun (b)
(Catalogue No. 1580) Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION
I know the heavens
Analysis —This song, like the song next preceding, consists of three periods, which is a structure occurring less frequently than four periods. The triple measure, occurring midway the length of the rhythmic unit, seems to steady the rhythm. The song has the unusual compass of 13 tones and did not vary in its repetitions. The interval of a fourth is prominent in the framework of the melody.
The two songs next following constitute a pair, the people dancing during the second song.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 81
No. 49. Song of the Thunderers (Catalogue No. 1581)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION We are coming and will cover the earth
Analysis —All the tones of the octave occur in this song, which is major in tonality, melodic in structure, and has a compass of 12 tones. Two rhythmic units occur, the phrase designated as the second unit being similar to the first phraso of the first unit. It is thus designated for convenience in observing the rhythmic form of the song. About two-thirds of the intervals are whole tones.
The second song of the pair is concerning certain birds that are said to be white, as large as eagles, and are said to fly very high (buzzards). As an evidence of their great power it was said they ‘‘can kill an otter in the water when they come down from the sky. They come down and get him, take him up and eat him.”
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 50. Song Concerning the Kinewuk (Catalogue No. 1582)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION
The voice of the kinewuk comes before them announcing their approach
Analysis.—The tempo of this song is unusually slow, although it was used for dancing. The characteristic phrase consists of two sixteenth notes followed an eighth, occurring on the final count of the measure. It is interesting to compare the occurrences of this phrase in the rhythmic unit and in other portions of the melody. The song has a compass of 12 tones and lacks the seventh tone of the complete octave.
An interesting dream song is concerning a ‘‘little whirlwind on the earth,” called wawid’nati (whirling air). The informant said the little conical cloud of dust that whirls along the ground has a little bug inside it that gathers up the dust and whirls it around. This song is probably very old, and its history and purpose are forgotten.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 83
No. 51. Song of the Little Whirlwind
(Catalogue No. 1583)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION
The little whirlwind says, ‘‘One who whirls with the wind they call me, the spirits”
Analysis —The subject of this song carries a suggestion of whimsical character to a member of the white race, but the Indian concepts of natural phenomena are different from our own. The melody is simple, with no notes shorter than eighths. It consists of three periods, each ending with two half notes. The 5-8 measure near the close was clearly given in both renditions. Like a majority of the songs received in dreams, this has a compass of 12 tones, is major in tonality and progresses chiefly by whole tones. The melody is chiefly based upon the interval of a fourth.
The two dream songs next following are connected with the buffalo. In explanation of these songs it was said that a man dreamed of a buffalo, invited his friends and made a speech which was followed by a feast. There was a large dish which was empty. The man said to his friends, ‘‘My dream says that you must use your head to tip this over.” Many tried it and at last one man succeeded in upsetting the dish. The dreamer was asked, ‘“‘ Why shall we do this?” He replied, “Because all buffalo do it.” In both these songs the buffalo is speaking. A similar performance was described by Amab, who has seen a man have a bow! of corn meal or such food and tell his friends to tip it over. Each tried in turn to upset the bowl by hitting it with the hand and finally one succeeded. This was said to be “‘like the ponies do.”” The action was in accordance with the man’s dream and not for the purpose of making fun.
84. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 52. Dream of Buffalo (a)
(Catalogue No. 1594) Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
By «P< PU wT YS wee Ba
FREE TRANSLATION
I am the chief of all the animals that walk
Analysis.—In this, as in several other dream songs, we find a rather unusual structure consisting of three periods, each containing the rhythmic unit. The trend of the melody is steadily downward. The upward progressions occur about midway through the melody and are followed by a descent of nine tones in four measures, every tone of the octave except one being included in this portion of the song. After an ascending third the melody descends six tones to the close. Attention is directed to the short rest in the last phrase. ‘This is evidently a pause for breath, as a similar rest occurs in the preceding phrase of another rendition, without a rest in the final phrase. Such pauses are unusual in these songs.
No. 53. Dream of Buffalo (b) (Catalogue No. 1595)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 85
FREE TRANSLATION In the south I stand
Analysis —This is a particularly pleasing melody based on the fourth 5-toned scale. The compass is almost as large as that of the song next preceding and, like that melody, it consists of three repeti- tions of a rhythmic unit. It is interesting to note the descent at the end of each phrase, followed by a rest. Progression is chiefly by whole tones.
According to Skinner, the great underground bear was white in color, larger than a grizzly bear, and was killed by Manabus. ‘‘Be- neath the earth there is, in the lowest tier, the great white bear with a long copper tail who, in addition to being the chief and patron of all earthly bears and the traditional ancestor of the Menomini tribe, is the principal power for evil.” *
John V. Satterlee said that there was a mound near his uncle’s house, and at one end of the mound there was a rock with a bubbling spring beside it. This spring was owned by the great underground bear. Someone “insulted the spring” by putting hot stones in it. This action offended the underground bear and charcoal came out of the spring, with water that foamed high. A man once saw the tracks of a bear that had come out of this spring. The tracks were round and there was red scum scattered about the place but no one knew where the bear had gone.
No. 54. Dream of the Underground Bear i (Catalogue No. 1618)
Recorded by Litrt—eE THUNDERER
Analysis.—The first portion of this song is on the higher tones of the compass and is major in tonality. The second portion introduces B flat and E flat and is minor in tonality, the keynote in both portions
% Skinner, Alanson, Material culture of the Menomini, pp. 30-31,
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
being ©. We note the prominence of the fourth in the minor meas- ures, a peculiarity which seemed to please the Menominee and was noted also among the Chippewa. The melody progresses chiefly by whole tones.
The great underground bear, besides exercising his own power, was willing to join his power with that of the common bear for the benefit of the sick. Thus a man who had dreamed of a common bear might rise and dance at this gathering. It was said that the common bear ‘‘goes in and out of the ground” when there is little snow.
No. 55. Dream of the Common Bear
(Catalogue No. 1568)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis —This song is peculiar in that the third is the highest tone of the compass and occurs only in the opening measure. All the tones of the octave occur in the melody, which is framed upon the major thirds C-E and F—A. It contains an unusual variety of inter- vals in both ascending and descending progression.
The following song recalled the ‘‘ancient buffalo” with their mighty strength.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 87
No. 56. Dream of “Spirit Buffalo’’
(Catalogue No. 1619)
Recorded by LirrLe THUNDERER
Analysis.—An interesting peculiarity of this song is the slight pro- longing of certain tones marked ¢, this occurring in both renditions. The first two measures are like the opening of the rhythmic unit. One-third of the intervals are major thirds, which is an unusually large proportion of that interval.
Among the Chippewa a dream of buffalo is a sign that great physical strength will come to the dreamer, the same word being used to indicate domestic cattle. It seems probable that, as the great underground bear gave power to the common bear, so the “spirit buffalo” assisted the domestic cattle that might appear to a man in a dream. The next song was said to be connected with a dream of domestic cattle and also associated with the dream of the ancient or spirit buffalo.
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 102 No. 57. Dream of Domestic Cattle
(Catalogue No. 1562)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis —This is a vigorous melody, consisting of four repetitions of a rhythmic unit. The tones are those of the fourth 5-toned scale and the song has a compass of 11 tones. A triplet of eighth notes occurs on both the accented and unaccented portions of the measure. The first part of the song is based upon consecutive fourths.
The next song belonged to an old woman named Swan Woman (Bina’cia’kiu) whose married name was Mrs. Corn. She lived to old age, and this was her dream song. It seems probable that the purpose of the song was to obtain gifts, as the old lady was said to have “‘used it on the storekeeper and others.”” The old lady was quoted as say- ing, ‘‘I fill my pipe with tobacco and a little medicine and the smoke is over the people.”” The use of ‘‘medicine” in a pipe was particularly subtle, as the smoking attracted no attention and the odor was widely carried. The custom of smoking certain roots to attract game was noted in the writer’s work among the Chippewa (cf. Chippewa Cus- toms, p. 129), and the plants thus used were the Arctostaphylos uva- urst (L.) Spreng, Aster novae angliae L., and Aster puniceus L. The first name is mentioned by Huron H. Smith, but no use other than medicinal is given. (Ethnobotany of the Menomini, p. 35.) The other two plants are not noted by this author.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 89
No. 58. Song for Working Magic (Catalogue No. 1636)
Recorded by KatTHERINE LAUGHREY
FREE TRANSLATION The pipe that I use to do this
Analysis.—This song is based upon three intervals of a third, oc- curring one below another. The song opens with the descending interval E-C sharp, followed by C sharp—A, and A-F sharp, with a return to A, which is regarded as the keynote. With one exception the intervals are minor thirds. The song contains three periods, a structure that has been noted in several other songs said to have been received in dreams. A more frequent structure consists of four rhythmic periods.
THE MEDICINE LODGE
In its essential aspects the medicine lodge (Mita’win) of the Menominee is identical with the Grand Medicine Society (Mide’wiwin) of the Chippewa. On attending the Menominee medicine lodge it was found that the songs were practically the same as those used by the Chippewa, from the musical standpoint, and that many songs contained Chippewa words. For that reason no songs of the medicine lodge were recorded among the Menominee and the subject did not receive extended consideration.
The first account of the Menominee medicine lodge was written by Dr. Edwin James in 1826, and Hoffman began his investigation in 1890, the results of Hoffman’s study being embodied in his mono- graph on the Menominee Indians. A later study by Alanson Skinner gives the hitherto unknown origin myths and the rituals of the Menominee. This authority states that ‘‘the society seems to be of Algonkian, and presumably of Ojibwa, origin,” and that at least three types of the ceremony once existed. These are: (1) The Dakotan type, still practiced by some bands of Winnebago in Wis-
85 Cf, Hoffman, The Menominee Indians, pp. 66-137, and Mide’wiwin of the Ojibwa, also Bull. 46, Bur, Amer, Ethn., pp. 13-115, and Bull. 86, pp. 86-97 and 175. 88 An unpublished manuscript in the library of the New York State Historical Society.
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
consin and Nebraska and by refugees near Portage La Prairie, Manitoba; (2) the Omaha type, formerly practiced by the Omaha, Ponca, Iowa, and Oto; and (3) the Algonkian type, which is actively practiced at the present time by the Menominee, Chippewa, Potta- watomie, and Sauk.5” Mnemonic records of teachings and songs, inscribed on birch bark or wood, are not so common among the Menominee as among the Chippewa.
Four degrees are still maintained among the Chippewa, but, ac- cording to Skinner, no Menominee now living has taken more than two degrees. The medicine bag generally carried by persons holding the first degree is made of otter skin, while a man holding the second degree usually carries a bag made of a bird, mink, or weasel skin. If a person were advanced to the third degree he would receive a panther or bear foot bag, and the fourth degree is characterized by a bag made of the skin of a horned owl. Four articles are placed in the medicine bag of a newly initiated member, these being (1) the small white shells used in ‘‘shooting,”’ (2) blue paint for painting the face of the candidate, (3) the “medicine” which is swallowed during the initiation, and (4) the medicine used for resuscitating those ‘‘shot’’ with medicine during the ceremony. In a bag made of otter skin the medicine is always kept in a pocket formed by the left foreleg of the hide, while in bags made from the skins of birds or very small mammals the medicine is kept in the skull. Any number of additional medicines may be kept in the bag, among these being the charm given the member by his dream guardian. Protective medi- cines are usually included to keep the owner from harm by ‘‘bad medicine”’ and evil charms. The otter skin is elaborately decorated (pl. 14, a, 6), and colored feathers are thrust into the nostrils of every hide thus used in order to show the purpose of the bag. Concerning the origin of the bag it is said that ‘‘all the gods stripped off their animal nature as birds and beasts and became men, and the skins which they drew from them became all manner of medicine bags.”
Kvery medicine bag had its own song, in addition to the songs of the several medicines it contained. Thus a bag which belonged to Oshkosh, the Menominee chief, was said to have contained 60 dif- ferent medicines, each of which had a song to make it effective. The blue paint symbolized the sky, and with its application the candi- date for initiation was instructed in the use of the simpler medicinal roots and herbs. Later he was instructed in more difficult and unusual medicines. The lodge and scenes within it are shown in Plate 15, a, 6, c.
Mention has been made of the “shooting’’ which characterizes the ceremonies of the medicine lodge. In this action the medicine bag is thrust forward toward an individual with the violent ejaculation
5’ Skinner, Alanson, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton Dakota, pp. 10, 12.
SLNALNOD AGNV DNIiddvVyM “STIGNNG Y¥vVM
€l 3L1V1d 2col NILATINGA ASOTIONHL]A NVOIMAWY AO NvaeHna
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 14
a, MEDICINE BAG CARRIED IN MED- b, MEDICINE BAG CARRIED IN MEDICINE ICINE LODGE (A) LODGE (B)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 15
c, SCENE IN MEDICINE LODGE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 16
a, FRAMEWORK OF MEDICINE LODGE
b, FRAMEWORK OF MEDICINE LODGE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 17
DRUM, DRUMSTICK, AND RATTLE USED IN MEDICINE LODGE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 18
TURBAN AND OTHER OBJECTS USED IN PUPPET TRICK
¢ ; ; 4
~
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 91
Wa hi hi hi! Skinner states that the owner of the bag places a powerful medicine in his mouth before shooting. ‘‘He then blows on the bag, and the essence of his power then flies into the body of the person at whom the shot is directed. Care must be taken in pointing medicine bags. Spectators are usually kept back from the ceremonial lodge about 25 feet lest they be accidentally hurt. Only special doctors can cure such a wound.’”’ The persons on one side of the lodge “‘shoot”’ those on the other side of the lodge in this manner and they droop forward or appear unconscious, afterwards they revive and direct similar shots at those on the opposite side. The candidates for initiation are shot in a similar manner, this being the method of transmitting medicine power. Age or sex is not con- sidered in admitting to membership, small children being initiated, and women as well as men holding office in the lodge. The songs, like those of the Chippewa Grand Medicine (Midewiwin), are accom- panied by water drum and gourd rattle (pl. 17), the Menominee using a gourd rattle and the Chippewa using four ‘‘spice-box”’ rattles.
The origin myth of the medicine lodge is summarized in three parts by Skinner. The first part contains the story of Manabus and, the little wolf (pp. 136-139), closing with the offer of the gods to teach Manabus the rites of the medicine lodge and his acceptance of the offer. In the second part the gods below, aided by those above, prepare a medicine lodge. The third part of the myth relates Manabus’ return to the world “where he called upon his grandmother, the earth, to arise and assist him. ‘The earth then arose, personified as an old woman, and Manabus taught her the entire ceremony. He also gave her the root and herb medicines to care for.”” Then he tendered the rites to the tribal elders of the Menominee, assembled for that purpose.®
The same authority states that, “The ritual of the Menomini medicine lodge is divided into four parts, the first of which is a dramatization of the initiation of the hero-god Ma/’nabus, the cere- monies representing the first mythical performance of the rites... . The second part is the Jebainoke (or Jebainoket), the private funeral ceremony at which the soul of a deceased member is recalled from the hereafter, feasted and dismissed forever, according to the com- mand of Manabus, the master. The third part is the .. . oblitera- tion ceremony, a public and more elaborate form of the Jebainoke held in a medicine lodge erected at or near the grave.” “The fourth and last part of the ceremony .. . is in fact a reinstatement for those who have fallen from the favor of the gods.” ® Only the first part is here considered.
88 Of. Skinner, Alanson, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton, pp. 163-177. 89 Skinner, op. cit., pp. 23, 24, and 128, 48819°—32——_8
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
The Mitawin, like the Chippewa Midewiwin, holds its principal meeting in the early summer, but another meeting may be held later in the summer or in the fall if anyone wishes to join the society at that time. A meeting of the society was attended by the writer in July, 1925, the meeting being held at the native village of Zoar, near Neopit, Wisconsin. Several persons were initiated at this meeting, the principal candidate being Mrs. Hogg, who was received in place of her grandmother who had died. Speeches were made admonish- ing her to emulate the virtues of this deceased relative. A man was similarly initiated in place of a deceased member. The invitation to this gathering had consisted of a wing quill, painted red, and a portion of tobacco. If the person receiving the invitation could not attend the dance he was required to “‘redeem”’ the invitation with a valuable gift. If he attended the dance he brought the colored quill and the tobacco with him, returning the quill to the messenger who had delivered the invitation.
The lodge in which the ceremony was held consisted of an arched framework, similar to that of a Mide lodge, with branches placed part way up the sides and a canvas over a portion of the top. The only entrance was toward the west, but there was a little opening about halfway down each side where members could make their way in and out of the lodge. The framework of this lodge was photo- eraphed a few days after the meeting (pl. 16), but no photographs were taken during the ceremony. A horizontal pole extended the length of the roof and over this were hung eight blankets and eight lengths of calico which were given to the four men and four women who had special duties to perform. For example, each of these men could start the singing of his own song or could start a song in honor of the woman who was being received into the society. These men and women sat midway the length of the lodge and one of the men acted as messenger (ockapawis).
The leader of the ceremony was a man named Kame’wino’kimas, who was commonly known as Kime’win (Rain). It was said that he was a medicine man of great power who did not hesitate to use that power in working evil charms. Thus an informant said, “If anyone goes to him and tells him their troubles he does something to the people that are hurting them.”’ His power over the movements of figurines is described on page 95.
This ceremony began in the morning and the initiation was its opening event. Being informed that visitors were not desired at this time the writer did not arrive until about 1 o’clock in the after- noon, but remained until the close of the ceremony at 5 o’clock.
60 Two drum ceremonies and several social dances and games were witnessed at the same place on other occasions. See pp, 150-184, 194,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 93
When the writer arrived, the men and women to the number of about 100 were seated along the sides of the lodge, the leader, who made the speeches, being seated midway the length on one side. The place appointed for the drum and the leading singers is opposite the leader, on the other side of the lodge, but at that time the drum had been taken to the eastern end of the lodge and was held by four men, each holding a corner of the hide that formed the drumhead. One man held a gourd rattle in his left hand and the four men were singing. The drum (pl. 17) was similar to that used in the Chippewa Midewiwin and illustrated in Bulletin 45. The writer was invited to enter the lodge and sit with the members of the society, but preferred to stand outside, watching the proceedings through an opening in the brush at the eastern end. This was entirely agreeable to the society and afforded an opportunity to hear the songs and see all that took place.
The songs were found to contain many Chippewa words, and the melodies were either adopted from the Chippewa or closely resembled the Chippewa songs.
Speeches were made by the leader of the ceremony, and the drum was frequently struck twice, signifying assent to his remarks. Some of these speeches were addressed to the woman being initiated, im- pressing upon her the responsibility which she was assuming. He also made a speech in which he accepted tobacco presented by the writer, this tobacco being distributed to the assembly.
The “‘shooting with medicine power”’ formed an important part of this meeting. (Cf. Bull. 45 and Hoffman, op. cit.) Each member had his or her own medicine bag which was hung over one of the poles along the side of the lodge when not in use. During this ‘‘shoot- ing,’ however, a portion of the members walked around the lodge carrying their medicine bags and thrusting them forcibly toward the persons who remained seated, making powerful ejaculations of ho, ho. The person to whom a bag was directed gave evidence of its effect by drooping forward, feigning unconsciousness. After a few moments these persons lifted their heads, took up their medicine bags and walked around the lodge, ‘‘shooting’”’ those who had been per- forming this function. A similar action is said to take place when a person is being initiated, the candidate falling to the ground and remaining entirely unconscious until “restored”? by members of the society. The purpose of the performance witnessed by the writer was the “renewal of medicine power” among all the members of the organization. This ‘‘renewal’’ consisted in a benefit to their health and a general strengthening of all the powers attributed to the “‘medicine”’ contained in their individual medicine bags.
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
The entrance to the lodge, as already stated, is toward the west. At the conclusion of the ceremony the drum was carried out of this entrance, around the outside of the lodge, and into the lodge through an entrance broken for that purpose in the east wall. This manner of entering the lodge was opposed by part of the company, who indulged in a “sham battle” with all the force at their command. It was, however, understood that they would be overcome and the drum taken again into the lodge. When this had been accomplished the writer entered the lodge and shook hands with each person who was present.
After instructing Manabus in the rites of the Mitawin and the uses of herbs, the great powers (grandfathers) imparted to him a certain trick called the “puppet trick” in which objects emerge from an apparently empty bag, telling him to use this at initiations and memorial ceremonies. The deep purpose beneath this trick is de- scribed by Skinner as follows:
“One of the great parts of your grandfathers’ ceremony is when they pause to amuse and enjoy themselves, and this performance is called pa’pewin. They consider it the acme of greatness among them, and they give it to you to use and carry it out. ... When a young person received the Mitawin he may not take interest in the first part and it may not remain in him, so we give you this to make it more impressive and cause the candidate to venerate your power the more. Otherwise your young people will not care for the rites after the first year. But when you do this, having seen your power, they will be afraid of it and will preserve their belief.
The man performing this trick holds in his hands a woven bag of the sort used for containing personal belongings, and makes a speech, telling the people what he is about todo. The people sit still in their places and the bag is carried around the lodge so that all may see the performance. The man who holds the bag may have a man walking on one side of him and a woman on the other, or there may be three persons beside himself, and they may sing with him if they know his songs. The man has a root in his mouth which he chews and “‘sprays”’ the bag, then the figurines begin to appear out of the top, one after another. These may be the heads of loons, mink or snakes, or puppets which represent human beings.
A specimen in the possession of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee consists of a bag with the heads of loons, also a turban worn by the man performing the trick in order to increase his power. (Pl. 18.) The loon heads, attached to the horizontal rod, protrude from the top of the bag when the trick is performed.
A memorial ceremony of the Menominee witnessed by Hoffman was followed by this and other tricks performed by djisako. The heads of snakes were shown in this performance, described as follows:
6! Skinner, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa and Wahpeton, pp. 63, 64,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 95
The performer held before him a red flannel bag which measured about 20 inches in width by 30 in depth. Along the top of the opening of the bag were attached fluffy white feathers. The upper corners were held by the hands so as to spread out the bag like a single piece of goods. Then taking the bag between his hands, he rolled it into a ball to show the beholders that there was nothing within. Again taking one of the upper corners in each hand, the performer held the bag once more before the face like a banner, and as he began to dance slowly forward along the southern side of the inclosure, his confederate preceded him, chanting with the performer, and making various gestures before the bag. Presently two snake heads began to emerge from the top of the bag, and gradually became more and more exposed to view, until their bodies protruded perhaps 6 inches. Slowly the beads retreated into the bag, until the performers had turned at the eastern
FIGURE 2.—Inside construction of bag used in puppet trick
end of the inclosure. ... Although seemingly complex, the whole construc- tion of the bag became apparent as the performer reached a position between myself and the sunlight. The bag was not fully stretched out, and between the corners held by the thumb and forefinger of each hand was visible a strip of cloth or tape, to the middle of which were attached the ends of the stuffed snakes. These ends were only about 8 inches long, and as the tension upon the tape was lessened, the weight of the snakes’ bodies forced them down into the bag. The heads and necks emerged through loops, made of pieces of calico, just large enough for these members to slide through easily. (Fig. 2.)
The song here presented is concerning figurines of human beings with feathers on their heads. After watching the performance the men and women follow the bearers of the bag, carrying their medicine bags in their hands. It is said that Kimewun can perform this trick.
62 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, p. 97.
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 59. Song Concerning the Figurines
(Catalogue No. 1528)
Recorded by P1iGHON
Analysis —As this song is so strongly hypnotic in character, we look for a peculiarity in the rhythm. The song contains no change of measure-lengths and, except for a few unimportant tones, it con- sists of 11 repetitions of a short rhythmic unit. On examining this unit we note that it begins on an accented tone and consists of short tones with a prolonged tone at the close. Such a rhythmic structure is well adapted to the purpose of the song. An unusual variety of intervals occurs in this melody, which has a compass of eight tones and moves freely within that compass.
The medicine lodge has many adherents among the Menominee at the present time. Lindquist states that, ‘it is probably a conserva- tive estimate that 25 per cent of the Menominees are still under the influence of the old Indian religion and superstitions.” ® There still are medicine men who can give the old performances, an instance being related by Mitchell Beaupre. In the autumn of 1928 he was asked to attend a meeting of the medicine lodge at Zoar, Wisconsin. During that meeting a contest of medicine power took place between four men who obtained their power from the snake, otter, beaver, and weasel. Each man, as already described, carried a bag or pouch made of the skin of such an animal. The man with the snake medicine bag carried it at his hip. The snake skin was inflated, as
83 Lindquist, The red man in the United States, p. 126.
' DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 97 Ki;
+ ~
in life, and a noise like that of a snake came from its mouth. It moved its tail and the rattle was distinctly heard at a distance of about 20 feet. Beaupre was told to go nearer and he saw thesnake’s head begin to move. It looked at all the poeple on one side of the lodge, then at the people on the other side, and darted out its tongue. After this demonstration the snake skin became limp again and they put it around a little boy’s neck. The men who had the otter, weasel, and beaver bags gave similar exhibitions. The man who escorted Beaupre said, ‘‘ Why are you afraid? This is just to show skill, like any other trick.”” Then he said, ‘“‘The people at the ends of the long lodge are dangerous. Do not look at them, or if you look in that direction be sure to look high up. The people at the sides of the lodge are safe to look at. Sometimes the shoot- ing with the medicine bags is dangerous and the person toward whom it is directed has a small chance in this world unless he is carrying a stronger medicine.”’
The following song, with its legend, has come down from the days when the Menominee believed in evil magic. It was said that “‘a skull flew through the air and had power to kill people if it became angry. The people first knew this when it settled down and killed them. Some medicine men drove it away, and then they had no more trouble from it.’”” An extended version of the story by Skinner and Satterlee states that the skull was found by four sisters and that it compelled the oldest sister to carry it on her back. They lived together, and the skull made trips to various villages where it ‘‘would bite all the inhabitants to death and chew them up, but it could not eat them because it had no body.” The woman’s son discovered her plight and together they attacked the skull and threw it into the fire. ‘‘ The skull jumped out of the fire, but they threw it down while they piled on more wood, until at last it was destroyed. If they had not dispatched it, there would not be a human being left at this time, for the skull’s task was to destroy everyone alive.... The skull had wings at the side of its ears and it could talk, but no one understood it.” ™
6 Menomini folklore, op. cit., pp. 429, 430. The story is also related by Bloomfield in Menomini texts, pp. 429-443, with the title ‘‘ The Rolling Skull.”
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 60. ‘‘The Flying Skull ”’ (Catalogue No. 1522)
Recorded by Piagron
Analysis —The only tones in this melody are F, B flat, and C, and the only intervals are fifths and major seconds. ‘The melody is framed by the fifth F to C, and the song is classified with F as its keynote. It is to be regretted that the words were not translated as there is probably an interesting change in the words with the change in tempo.
TREATMENT OF THE SICK
The ability to make a diagnosis or to treat sickness is believed by the Menominee to rest with men or women who have had a dream. Such a person is commonly designated as tipa’pe, meaning dreamer,” though the proper term is mita’ope, meaning one who has dreamed of sickness and its cure. Every home has its simple remedies, but in case of serious illness the first procedure is to send for a tipape. The actual treatment is given by him or by some one whom he rec- ommends, and whoever gives the treatment is designated by a corresponding name. Thus he or she who treats the sick with herbs is called micki’ki wini’ni (herb person) and he who confers with spirits concerning the sick person is called dji’sako (juggler). These are the principal modes of treatment and will be described in detail. A dreamer uses either of these methods, according to the instructions received in his dreams. The two methods are distinct, as an herb doctor never resorts to magic and a juggler does not give material remedies.
It is not required that they who treat the sick shall belong to the medicine lodge, but they are usually members of that organization or recognized by it. Among the doctors described in this section, Pigeon is the only one living at the present time (1929) and he is a giver of herbs and a member of the medicine lodge. Nata’wika also gave herbal remedies but did not belong to the Mitawin. Wecawa-
65 The use of the word tipape may be compared to our use of the word ‘‘doctor,’’ which indicates a certain preparation and authority. The several terms by which the Menominee designate methods of treatment may be compared to phases of therapeutic treatment, all of which are given by “doctors” in our own parlance.
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nakwut, however, was a member of the Mitawin and a djisako, erecting a tipi to which he summoned the spirits. He also was a po’towandé’ma (one who blows through tubular bones). Mitchell Beaupre said that Wecawanakwut paid a great deal to learn the latter method of treat- ment and used it for diseases affecting the head. He held the medicine in his mouth and blew it forcibly through the bone, ‘‘in order to get it at the seat of the trouble.’’ In treating the head he made a vertical line upward from the nose to the hair, then made a line on the forehead crossing this, and blew the medicine on the intersection of these lines. If the trouble were in the jaw, he blew through the ear, holding out the lobe of the ear to permit free passage of air. This was a legitimate use of the tubular bone, differing from the juggler’s tricks, which consisted of swallowing and regurgitating the bones, and claiming to ‘“‘suck out the sickness through a bone.’’ (See p. 100.)
Singing, like the dream, is inseparable from the treatment of the sick. Many herbs have their own songs which must be sung to make them effective. In other instances a dreamer has his own song or songs, received in dreams, which he sings when gathering or preparing herbs, or when he is in the presence of his patient.
A knowledge of herbs is among the most important teachings of the medicine lodge. A person initiated into the lower degrees is taught the simpler herbs and in many instances uses them only for himself and family, but if he advances to higher degrees he is taught the use of rare herbs and the combinations of herbs in difficult reme- dies. He may then become a recognized medicine man, treating the sick in accordance with the knowledge obtained in the medicine lodge and with knowledge which he receives in his personal dreams. It is believed that all the Mitawin remedies originated in dreams, some of them having come down through many generations. More recent dreams have added to this store of knowledge, both within and without the medicine lodge, and a dreamer may sell his knowledge if he so desires. It is said this custom continues at the present time (1929) and a person seeking such knowledge must go to the medicine man on four consecutive nights, carrying tobacco and food. During the first three nights he will be taught the songs connected with the plant and on the fourth night he will be shown the plant, which generally has no name or designation. Instructions for its use are imparted and the man is then qualified to use the plant in treating the sick.
The manner of preparing plants, roots, and barks for medicinal use is described in connection with Natawika’s remedies. (See p. 119.) Supplies of medicinal herbs were formerly stored in bags woven of basswood bark, and small quantities were wrapped in the bark of the white birch tree, split to extreme thinness, tough, and as soft as silk. Such a package was tied with a fine strip of basswood
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
or other bark. Enough medicine for one treatment was wrapped in buckskin. At present the prepared medicine is wrapped in clean white cloth, tied with a strip of cloth or a bit of twine. If a person is seriously ill, tobacco is sent to a dreamer with a request that he visit the patient. He comes, bringing his rattle (sonawaé’ninim), which is commonly called by the Chippewa term cici’gwan, meaning rattlesnake. (Cf. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pl. 10.) The rattle is thin and flat, consisting of a hoop covered on both sides with the hide of a woodchuck. No other hide is used for this purpose, and it appears that no other use is made of the hide of the woodchuck. It was said that ‘‘ordinary people must put something inside a rattle to make a sound, but a medicine man calls the spirits and they get inside the ‘cicigwan’ rattle and make the sound.’’ The procedure of singing and shaking the rattle may be sufficient and the tipape may say, ‘‘I know who has the medicine that will cure you. Send and get it.’’ Then the sick person’s relative takes tobacco to that man and receives some of the medicine. The tipape usually says, however, that he wishes to ‘‘dream over it’’ and goes away, promising to return the next day.
The instructions given by the tipape vary in character even as the ils of humanity and the many temperaments with which every physician comes in contact. The tipape, returning next day, might give herbs from his own knowledge, or if he felt that the patient was being ‘‘witched,’ he might advise a djisako performance to ascertain who was responsible for the influence and to thwart it. If he were a djisako he might proceed to make a tipi and do this himself, or he might direct the patient to someone else.
By Means or Maaic
The treatment of the sick by a djisako is primarily an exhibition of magic. He aims to impress and mystify the relatives of his patients by the violent shaking of his little tipi, the sound of spirit voices and his own strange actions. If his dream requires that he ‘‘suck out the sickness”’ he uses a tubular bone and places it in a basin of water after taking it from his mouth. With the bone will be found a small sub- stance such as a quill, a pig bristle, or a bit of down, and the juggler says this came from the body of the patient and has caused the distress. He destroys this substance and says the patient is thereby cured. Sometimes jugglers ‘‘work in pairs.” Thus one may say, ‘Does any remain?” and the other may reply, ‘You haven’t gotten it all out yet.” The treatment is then repeated until both are satisfied that the cause of the difficulty is entirely removed. An instance was related in which a juggler swallowed and regurgitated a bone and then used it in ‘‘sucking out the sickness.”” A man’s dream
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prescribed every phase of his performance and he impressed this upon beholders as a guaranty of his success. The swallowing and regurgitation of bones was similar to that of the Chippewa medicine men. ‘The bone used in this manner is generally about 2% inches long and about one-half an inch in diameter. It is not unusual for a medicine man to wear a string of these around his neck, brown and polished from long use.
David Amab said that he had frequently seen bones about a finger long swallowed by a juggler and retained about 20 minutes while the man sang, after which he ejected the bones into a pan of water. Some jugglers used only one bone while others used four or eight, according to their dreams. If several bones were used it was cus- tomary to have one from each of several birds or animals believed to have “spirit power.”’ Thus a group of four bones might include a wing bone of the crane, blue heron, a species of duck called sata’in, and a leg bone of a woodchuck. It was said the woodchuck “‘lives and eats like a bear and is smart, yet nobody is known to have received medicine power from a woodchuck.”’ Wecawanakwut was a juggler, but his dream did not require him to swallow the tubular bones. As stated, he used one of these bones in blowing medicine forcibly upon an affected part, this being one of his modes of treating the sick.
Jugglers frequently showed their power by locating lost persons or animals. Two instances of this were related. Jim Turtillot is a prominent member of the tribe who held a responsible position in the Indian Service for many years. He said that a few years ago one of his nephews was hired to Jook over a tract of land north of the reservation. The man disappeared and a systematic search failed to locate him. Turtillot thought of Kaya’wikit (Prickly Man) and took tobacco to him with a request for help. Kayawikit replied, “T can find him if you let me alone, but I must touch something he has worn.” Kayawikit ‘‘dreamed”’ and said, ‘“‘The man is in a kettle hole, beside a log, toward the east.”” The men hunted a Jong time and finally found the man in a hole, as described by Kayawikit. He had tripped over the log, fallen into the hole, and was unable to get out, as he was suffering from heart disease. The second instance is concerning another juggler named Jim Wiso, who died about 1926 at the age of 70. A man lost two ponies, and after searching a month he went to Wiso, giving tobacco and calico. Wiso said, ‘“‘Come tomorrow.” The next day he said, ‘‘ Your ponies are all right. They have crossed Wolf River and are 5 miles away.’”’ The man looked for his ponies as the juggler had directed and found them.
The following incident was related by a reliable informant who was a relative of Wiso. Many years ago the informant had a nephew of whom he was very fond. This young man was “‘in the west’ and
6 Cf. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 120, and Bull. 8&6, p. 46.
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suffered a severe attack of pneumonia, of which his family was igno- rant. Wiso was staying with the informant, and one day he said, ‘‘Our nephew is very sick.”” A few days later he said, “‘Our nephew will get well. Last night J saw him in a dream and a buffalo was standing over him, breathing strong breath into him.”
The practice, which was common to all jugglers, was the building of a tall, slender tipi, entering it and summoning the spirits. The juggler might ask the spirits what should be done for the sick person, or, if the person were being ‘‘witched,” he might call the spirits that were working the harm and say, ‘‘Why have you witched this man?” They would reply and give their reasons, perhaps saying they were angry with the man forsome reason. The juggler said, ‘“‘ We will fight it out now,” and the swaying of the juggler’s tipi indicated the fierce- ness of his fight for the man’s life. If his power was greater than that of the spirit, he would “‘beat the spirit and make him stop witching the man.”’ This custom has been discontinued among the Menominee for many years, but there was one man living in 1929 who, it was said, could give a juggler’s performance. He was a little lame man named Kaya’wikit, an instance of whose power has already been described.
A juggler’s tipi was from 6 to 8 feet in height and the number of poles was 4, 6, or 8, according to the instructions received by the man in his dream. A reliable informant said that if four poles were used the pole at the west was often of cedar, that at the north of elm, at the east of ironwood, and at the south of maple. A different set of woods was used by the juggler whose performance is described on page 31.
In erecting the frame of the juggler’s tipi a shallow hole was dug for each pole, and this was made deeper by a sharp, heavy pole which was thrust downward into the hole until it was about 10 inches deep. According to Amab, the poles of the tipi frame were blunt at the lower end and were placed in the holes made in this manner, the earth being firmly packed around them. After a performance the poles were sometimes found to be embedded in the ground a foot and a half. An informant said that he and some friends once found the frame of a juggler’s tipi in some brush, just as he had left it. The poles showed the marks of the tool known as a crooked knife and had been cut with great care. The hoops were still in place and the structure was so firm that they were unable to move it. Outside this framework of poles are several hoops, securely tied in place with basswood fiber. ‘The number of hoops was either 2, 4, 6, or 8. The outer covering was formerly of birch bark, but later was of cloth,® on which there was no paint. Such a framework is shown in Plate 20, c.
The writer witnessed the shaking of a similar tipi in July, 1930, at Grand Portage, Minn., and afterwards inspected the framework of the tipi. This performance was given by Edward Ely Burntside, a Chip-
* Cf. Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, fig. 20.
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; j
- pewa juggler credited with proficiency. He did not know that the
4
writer saw the performance, but afterwards he talked with her about it, saying that he was tied with thongs in the usual manner and freed himself. He said that he gave the performance in order to ascertain whether his treatment of a certain sick man would be successful. If the spirits whom he summoned into the tipi ‘‘spoke loud and clear” he believed that he would succeed, but if they spoke very low the sick man would die. On this occasion their response was said to have been satisfactory. The time of the performance was early evening, there was no breeze stirring and the day had been clear. The tipi was located in a grove of slender poplar trees near a house, and the writer saw it by chance when passing across a field, several hundred feet away. Standing still, she watched it for about 15 minutes, then approached near enough to hear the singing and drumming and, without being noticed, remained at least half an hour. The songs resembled those of the Midewiwin and the drum was in rapid, even beats. The writer had been at the house Jess than half an hour before the performance and had noticed that the juggler was singing softly and beating his drum, but attached no importance to the circumstance.
When first observed the top of the tipi, about 6 feet in height, was swaying back and forth with the regularity of a pendulum. This continued for at least five minutes, after which it stood still for a time, then was violently shaken, the upper part of the cloth waving convulsively. These activities were repeated in varying order during the time it was being observed.
A few days later the writer called at the house and was allowed to see the location of the tipi, which had been erected near the house, and to inspect the equipment. On viewing the little circle it was noticed that the grass was undisturbed around the holes where the poles had stood and that the edge of each hole was as firm as though the hole had been made by an implement. ‘Thus the earth gave no evidence of a swaying of the poles. A little stick was inserted in one of the holes, which was found to be more than a foot in depth. Jt was further noticed that many stout cords were tied to the hoops, some of which appeared to be larger than the circle in the ground, though it was not advisable to make any measurements. ‘The cloth cover, resembling that of an old tent, was folded and lay near the hoops. Small branches of pine were within the little circle and had been flattened to the ground by the weight of the juggler’s body.
The writer offers the suggestion that the motion which was wit- nessed might have been produced by the pulling of cords attached to the hoops, beneath the cloth cover, these hoops being fastened to the upright poles by cords sufficiently long to give a certain freedom of motion. Such manipulation of cords could be accomplished by a clever magician while continuing to sing and beat the drum.
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Such a performance was usually given at night. The juggler was alone in the tipi, crouching on his hands and knees. Some- times he was bound with thongs from which he freed himself in a seemingly miraculous manner. It was desired that the sick person be outside the tipi; but if he were unable to be brought, his friends and relatives sat around the tipi and someone shook a ratile and sang. Soon the tipi began to sway as though a tempestuous wind were blowing. The tipi shook from east to west, then from north to south. It swayed and bent so that the top almost touched the ground, and the cloth covering was torn to fragments. An instance was described in which bells were hung on the uppermost hoop and were heard to ring as the tipi swayed to and fro. Strange sounds were heard in the tipi, said to be the voices of spirits summoned by the juggler. Each juggler had his own source of power and summoned his particular spirits. The juggler understood what the spirits said and talked with them. Some spoke a strange language that only he could understand. An informant said that several voices might be heard, but the last was always that of a Chippewa. Mitchell Wakau said that he had heard voices of crows and many sorts of animals, but that both large and small turtles came into the tipi. The former was the great turtle, one of the strongest among the spirit animals. The mud turtle made a whinnying sound,® and when the people heard this some one might say, ‘‘ We want the mud turtle to dance.”” Then they heard a sound like blunt sticks pounding on the ground, and they sald, ‘‘The mud turtle is dancing.’ ®*
It is said that many years ago, when the Menominee came to their present reservation, there was a man named Okwi’tciwa’no whose power was so great that he gave this performance with four tipi. He placed some of his clothing in three tipi and entered the fourth and when one began to sway they all swayed together with equal force. Such a demonstration usually began in the evening and lasted all night. ‘Toward its close the tipi quivered and the juggler said, ‘“‘One has gone.” It quivered again and he said, ‘‘ Another spirit has gone.”” One of the songs here presented (No. 66) was attributed to
°8 In this connection it is interesting to note the following description of a juggler’s performance in which the spirit is said to have made a similar sound:
‘‘The Ojibways had been debating whether they should go to Detroit to the assistance of Pontiac, ... but, distrusting mere human wisdom in a crisis so important, they resolved, before taking a decisive step, to invoke the superior intelligence of the great turtle, the chief of all the spirits.” The juggler’s tipi and performance are then described, and it is said: ‘‘ A low, feeble sound, like the whine of a young puppy, was next heard, . . . upon which the warriors . . . hailed it as the voice of the great turtle, the spirit who never lied. The magician soon announced that the spirit was ready to answer any question which might be proposed.”” (Parkman, Francis, The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada, vol. 2, pp. 165-166. Boston, 1908.)
Mitchell Beaupre said he had heard that a juggler made these sounds by means of a small whistle con- cealed in his mouth, but this was denied by another informant. The Makah Indians use a small whistle, held inside the mouth, when imitating a wolf. In order that it may not be swallowed, a cord is attached to it and fastened to the dancer’s shirt.
6sa Of, the summoning of the spirit women, p. 31.
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the spirits as they were about to depart. Sometimes the juggler freed himself from the thongs with which he was bound, he jumped up and down inside the tipi, and climbed to the top by means of the hoops. He sang while on the uppermost hoop, the structure swaying to and fro. The song next following was sung by a juggler when in that position.
No. 61. Juggler’s Song (a) (Catalogue No. 1596)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION I am going home
Analysis.—There is a soothing, almost caressing, quality in this, and the following song, which is difficult to describe but has been noted in the strongest healing songs of several other tribes. The slow tempo adds to this effect, yet the song is far from monotonous. Two measures near the close are in a faster time and begin with a sharp accent as though to arouse the sick person or attract his atten- tion. These are followed by the closing measures, with a continu- ously descending trend and gentle glissando. We note that rests occur in a portion of the rhythmic units and give variety to the melody. All the tones of the octave except the fourth occur in the song, the seventh is flatted in its only occurrence, and the third is flatted in the opening phrase. The general trend is downward, about two-thirds of the progressions being descending intervals. No. 66 resembles this song in tone material.
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While the juggler was singing the spirits came and filled the tipi. After descending from the top of his lodge the juggler sang the follow- ing song.
No. 62. Juggler’s Song (b) (Catalogue No. 1597)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION The inside of my house is full
Analysis—Two short units of rhythm occur in this song, the space between them varying from one to two measures and giving an effect of deliberation. The song has the same descending trend as the preceding (No. 61) but is less interesting. The principal interval is a whole tone which comprises 14 of the 19 descending progressions. A glissando is heard on the descending whole tones in measures 8 to 11. The closing measures of the melody are gentle and soothing.
The next two songs were sung during the treatment of the sick, the juggler blowing violently upon the sick person four times after singing each song. ‘The first of these songs is concerning the juggler’s lodge, which he has been able to sway to and fro, although it was constructed in such a substantial manner,
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No. 63. Song During Treatment of the Sick (a) (Catalogue No. 1567)
Recorded by AMaB
FREE TRANSLATION My lodge stands solid. I walk all over the world
Analysis —This song is different in character from the two next preceding and belonged to a different man, yet it resembles them in its descending trend from the highest to the lowest tone of its compass. All the tones of the octave are present in the melody, which contains an unusual variety of intervals. The whole tones comprise less than half the progressions instead of being the most prominent interval as in the song next preceding.
The song next following was learned by the singer from his uncles, who were twins and who worked together as jugglers. No. 64. Song During Treatment of the Sick (b)
(Catalogue No. 1568) Recorded by AMAB
Analysis —With four exceptions the intervals in this song consist of minor thirds and whole tones, yet it is a lively melody, with a
48819°—32 9
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
compass of nine tones. It contains no rhythmic unit but comprises four rhythmic periods, each of which begins with two sixteenth notes and is followed by a rest. It is interesting to note the frequent occurrence of the keynote in the upper octave.
Concerning the next song it was said, ‘“‘The red-headed woodpecker came, and because he was good at pulling bugs out of trees he was selected to pull the sickness out of the sick person.” This song was said to be ‘‘very strong medicine” and after recording it the singer said, ‘‘We have sung enough powerful songs so that the spirits might come here to us.””’ He seemed perturbed and the subject of inquiry was changed.
No. 65. Song of the Woodpecker (Catalogue No. 1588)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION
Woodpecker they call me, the spirits. A person may have worms in him
Analysis —This song consists of three periods, each consisting of two phrases based on different intervals. Thus the first phrase, con- taining seven measures, is based on the interval A flat-E flat, with the third flatted, producing a minor triad. The second period, con- taining seven measures, is based on the descending tones D flat—A flat-F—-D flat, constituting a major triad and its octave, while the tones of the third period are less regular in sequence. Each period is distinct and begins with two unaccented sixteenth notes, but the song contains no rhythmic unit. Instead there is a long rhythmic swing which is made more effective by the slow tempo. We find in it none of the tap-tap of the woodpecker but rather a persistence and determination. Minor thirds and major seconds constitute 25 of the 29 progressions.
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The next song was attributed to the spirits who had come into the lodge, being summoned by the juggler. These spirits have finished their work and are about to depart.
No. 66. Song of the Healing Spirits
(Catalogue No. 1598)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION
They are circling around in the sky (preparatory to going away)
Analysis.—Attention is called to a comparison between this song and No. 61. In both songs the fourth tone of the octave is absent and the third and seventh are flatted. The effective entrance of B flat after a rest occurs in both songs. The tempo of this song is much slower than the one with which it is compared, the rhythmic unit is shorter, and the interest of the song is chiefly in the tones that occur between the repetitions of the unit. About one-half the progressions are whole tones.
At the close of a demonstration for the cure of the sick the juggler announced what the spirits had told him. An incident has been described (p. 32) in which they said that the sick child’s mother must have the spirit women’s game played for her benefit until she was of age to play it herself. Sometimes the juggler said the people must “‘get up a ball game so the sick person would get better,’’ and some- times they directed that the man have his own dream ‘played out for his benefit.”” It was said that in old times a man was often told to make a war club and ‘‘keep it forever.’”’ Thus instructed, a man made a fine war club about a foot long, wrapped it up, and kept it carefully as long as he lived. It would be interesting to know for
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
what ailment this was prescribed. The informant said, “If the djisako does his work right and the directions are followed, the sick person will get better. He makes a feast and gives many gifts to the djisako.”’ |
Each juggler had his own source of power. Mention has been made of ‘‘eight spirit women in the east’? who appeared in dreams. The two songs next following are those of a juggler who treated the sick by power said to be received from four of the spirit women. These songs were the property of Name’konimit (Feathers), who lived to be more than 90 years of age. He sang the first song “‘when beginning to work”’ in treating the sick.
No. 67. Healing Song from the Spirit Women (a) (Catalogue No. 1569)
Recorded by AMAB
FREE TRANSLATION I am going into mud turtle’s house
Analysis —This melody differs from the preceding songs of this group in that it descends to a low tone midway its length, thus divid- ing the melody into two parts, each of which has a descending trend. The song is minor in tonality and contains all the tones of the octave except the second. The final tone is below the convenient range of the singer’s voice and was sung indistinctly.
In connection with the next song it is interesting to note that the quiet of the night and the freedom from interruption were considered favorable to the treatment of the sick and that all the Indian tribes under observation by the writer preferred that time for treating the sick,
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No. 68. Healing Song from the Spirit Women (b) (Catalogue No. 1570)
Recorded by AMAB
FREE TRANSLATION The east women help me all night
Analysis.—The interval of a fourth is prominent in this melody, more than half the intervals being fourths and fifths, occurring chiefly in descending progression. A descent of nine tones in three measures occurs at the close of the song.
By Mrans or HERBS
Louis Pigeon (pl. 1) is a representative of the Indian doctor using herbs. He related the dream in which he received power to treat the sick (p. 77) and recorded three sets of songs which he uses in treat- ing the sick, each set containing four songs. A portion of each set was transcribed. The first set (Nos. 69, 70, 71) was acquired by pur- chase at the value of two ponies, the next set (Nos. 72, 73) were in- herited from an uncle who received them in a dream, and the third set (Nos. 74-76) were inherited from his great-grandfather. All these are used by him at the present time (1929), and he related a recent instance of a successful treatment. He sings the song next following when he digs a certain root, from which he makes a decoction and administers it to his patient,
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
No. 69. ‘‘I Use My Medicine to Cure the Sick’”’
(Catalogue No. 1533) Recorded by P1agEON
d-7
Irregular in tonality
FREE TRANSLATION I use my medicine to cure her
Analysis —This song is classified as irregular in tonality and con- tains the descending fourth as a prominent interval. The rhythmic unit is long and occurs three times, with a short, independent phrase after its second occurrence. The melody has more motion than the other songs used by the Menominee in their treatment of the sick. It was used with herb remedies, and we do not find in it the soothing quality which characterized the songs of the jugglers who did not habitually give herb remedies. Several songs of this class are more rapid than the songs used by the jugglers.
The use of the next song was not stated, but it was probably sung when the herbal remedy was administered. Pigeon uses no drum or rattle when singing in the presence of a patient.
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No. 70. ‘‘I Give You Medicine to Drink’’
(Catalogue No. 1534) Recorded by PIGEON
d= 50
No perceptible accents
Lee = ——
FREE TRANSLATION
I will at least try to give you this medicine to drink
Analysis.—This is the first song transcribed by the writer since 1909 in which measure lengths are not indicated. A series of Chip- pewa songs of the Grand Medicine were at that time transcribed in outline, without note values. The first note of each quarter-note group received an accent, but these were equal throughout the melody. The song has a compass of 12 tones and is based on the fourth 5-toned scale. All except two of the progressions are minor thirds and major seconds. Two renditions of the song were recorded
and are uniform in every respect.
The melody of the next song in the series resembled this so closely that it was not transcribed. The words were translated as follows: “The sick person says ‘I am sick.’” I reply ‘I will conquer this
sickness.,’”’ The last song of the series was said to be a favorite of the old
medicine man.
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 71. ‘‘I Will Drive the Sickness Out of You’’
(Catalogue No. 1535) Recorded by PigHOoN
a aa bel Irregular a tonality 1
Analysis.—This song is classified as irregular in tonality. The tones are those of the key of C with A flatted in two of its occurrences, but the triad C-E-G is not suggested by the progressions of the melody. The final tone is not the lowest, as in all other songs of this group, but is preceded by a fourth lower, the song also containing this lower tone. Two rhythmic units occur, the first being the more interesting. The song contains an unusual variety of intervals, especially in downward progression. Two renditions were recorded and show no points of difference. .
Pigeon recorded two songs which his uncle received in a fasting dream and used when treating the sick. His uncle lived to old age and Pigeon received the songs by inheritance. The dream was con- cerning a bird with a white head that stays high in the air.
No. 72. ‘“‘I Am Rewarding You’’ (Catalogue No. 1528)
Recorded by P1gEon
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FREE TRANSLATION
The power above said, It is I who am now rewarding you so that you will live to old age
Analysis ——The subtle rhythm of this song is worthy of attention in its possible effect upon a sick person. The characteristic phrase is contained in the first and second counts of the third measure. In this instance it is followed by a dotted eighth note on an unaccented count. The fifth measure contains the same phrase followed by a dotted eighth on the accented count. This is an unexpected change in the rhythm and delays the entrance of the accented half note. The eighth measure contains a phrase similar to the rhythmic unit but without the sixteenth rest, and the song closes with a repetition of the rhythmic unit. The song is based on the fourth 5-toned scale and is stimulating in its general character. Two renditions were recorded and they are uniform in every respect.
No. 73.‘ The Heavens Help You”’ (Catalogue No. 1529)
Recorded by PIGEON
FREE TRANSLATION The heavens speak and help you and others will depend upon you for help
Analysis —This song differs widely from the song next preceding. It is minor in tonality, the tempo is slower, and the rhythmic unit is longer. This unit comprises the first, second, and fourth periods of the song, the third period differing in rhythm. The song has a com- pass of 12 tones, the highest tone occurring only in the first measure and the lowest tone appearing only at the close of the melody.
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 102
Four healing songs recorded by Pigeon were received from his great-grandfather, whose name was Hohopetca (Little Shouter). This man received his name from two dwarf gods who ‘‘sometimes roam about but prefer to stay in The Dalles of the Wisconsin River.” ® They appeared to him in a fasting dream and gave their own name to him, promising that he would live to extreme old age. The songs were also given by the dwarfs and constitute a set, according to the custom of the Menominee and certain other tribes. He used these songs in treating the sick. Only three of the songs are transcribed.
In Hohopetca’s dream he swallowed a knife and was told to do this as a demonstration of his power. He had an iron knife made accord- ing to the instructions received in his dream. It was about 4 inches long and he could swallow and hold it for a few seconds. Pigeon said his grandfather saw this and told him about it.
No. 74. Healing Song (a) (Catalogue No. 1530)
Recorded by PIGEON
Analysis.—Three rhythmic periods occur in this song, the second being in a much slower tempo than the others and introducing a differ- ent rhythmic unit. It is a rather lively song, with a major tonality and short, crisp phrases, and has a compass of eight tones lying partly above and partly below the keynote.
Hohopetca was told by the Thunderers that he could swallow a bullet as well as the iron knife and his second and third songs were concerning this feat, performed to demonstrate his power. The words were imperfectly translated, and the third song resembles the second so closely that it is not transcribed.
69 Other songs attributed to these dwarfs were recorded among the Winnebago.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC EZ
No. 75. Healing Song (b) (Catalogue No. 1531) Recorded by Piaron
Voice d= 93 Drum @)= 184 Drum rhythm similar to No. 410
Analysis.—The opening phrase of this song arrests the attention with its descending fourth followed by a rest and a return to the higher tone. The descending interval of a fourth appears throughout the song first as D to A, then as C to G, and as G to D, and is always followed by a rest. The song contains 19 measures and has only 19 intervals, 14 of which are in descending progression.
The words of the closing song of the set are typical of songs received in dreams
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 76. “‘ Two Sides of the Heavens”’
(Catalogue No. 1582) Recorded by PicEoN
FREE TRANSLATION
The two sides of the heavens are coming together
Analysis——The phrases of this song are characterized by a de- scending trend of whole tones and semitones. Two rhythmic units occur, the second being like the first except for an additional measure and the absence of the eighth rest. All the tones of the octave are present in the song, which was sung twice, the transcription being from the second rendition.
One of the most successful doctors among the Menominee in recent years was a woman named Nata’wika (pl. 19, a), who died February 16, 1918, at the age of more than 80 years. She had been ill more than a year as a result of a fall when her moccasin caught on a wooden step. Her name was said to mean ‘The whippoorwill looks for a place and when she finds it she dances.’”’ Natawika is also known as Sophie Piti’ta (Approaching Shout), the latter being the name of her second husband, who was also a medicine man. She was a kindly woman, always eager to help the sick, and often went to a sick person when she had not been summoned, believing that she could be of serv- ice, yet she said ‘‘the medicine will not work unless they pay for it.’’ She had no fixed charge, but required her patients to give what they were able, perhaps a little tobacco, a handkerchief, or about four yards of calico.
The knowledge of Natawika’s procedure and the identity of a portion of her herbs were obtained from her daughter, Mrs. Harriet Longley (pl. 19, b) of Keshena, Wis. Mrs. Longley said that when she was a child her mother tried to teach her the uses of herbs, and as she was inattentive her mother stuck a needle through the lobe
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 119
of one of her ears. She continued careless and her mother pierced the other ear, saying, ‘‘This will make you listen to what I say.” Her mother told her to try to remember the herbs and their uses, saying, “‘Some time, after I am dead, a sick person who is not being helped by a doctor may come to you and ask for Natawika’s reme- dies.” Knowing the importance which her mother attached to receiving pay for services, Harriet said, “I can not pay you, but when I use these herbs I will put tobacco in a saucer on the table and I will imagine that your spirit comes and smokes it.”’ Her mother said, ‘‘That is the same as if you paid me now.”’ As a result of this instruction and her own observation she was able, in 1929, to gather 56 specimens of plants and trees and to describe their uses. A much larger number could have been obtained if the collecting had extended over a wider territory and occupied a longer time. These specimens were obtained on three expeditions into the woods near her home, one expedition to a lake and another to the high burned-over country in the northern part of the reservation. On these trips she was accom- panied by the writer; she also gathered many herbs by herself. After the first expedition it was evident that the work would be successful, so the writer presented Mrs. Longley with a gift, some food and tobacco, requesting that she comply with the old customs. Mrs. Longley, thus relieved of embarrassment, went alone to the woods where the herbs had first been gathered. On returning she said, “‘T put tobacco in the ground and put some on top of the ground and talked to my mother as though she was living, and told her that I was getting this medicine as she taught me to do.”
Natawika had a personal song, received in a dream, which she sang when gathering herbs and preparing her medicines. This was sung by her daughter but not phonographically recorded. It was a simple melody characterized by a descending trend and the words were concerning Natawika’s medicine. Although Natawika did not belong to the medicine lodge she sometimes attended its meetings. Her song would then be sung as a recognition of her presence, and she would rise and dance. |
It was Natawika’s custom to gather her medicinal herbs as system- atically as a farmer gathers his crops, each in its season. Many were gathered near her home. (Pl. 20, a.) The roots were washed thoroughly and “trimmed up.” The larger roots were cut in half lengthwise, strung on a cord, and hung up to dry. The small roots were spread to dry on a table which extended along the west side of her dwelling (pl. 20, b) exposed to the sunshine. Here she also pre- pared her herbs. Plants were hung to dry with the roots uppermost.
The bag in which she kept a convenient quantity of herbs was made of basswood fiber, boiled with the ashes of hardwood to make it pliable. (Pl. 22,a@.) Whenshe had time and felt inclined she got out
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
this bag and mixed some combinations to have ready for use. Thus she might pulverize three or four roots together and wrap in a paper the quantity she would probably need. A mixture of herbs pre- pared by Natawika is shown in Plate 21,6. The quantity was said to be “‘about right for a pint of water.” The mixture contains two roots used as a remedy for ‘‘distress in the stomach” and it could be used in decoction, as described, or chewed and the resultant liquid swallowed. The bag shown in Plate 22, 6, is woven from narrow strips of cedar bark and is a type of bag commonly used for the storage of herbs.
When summoned to a sick person Natawika spread a sheet on the floor, put her bag of herbs on it, folded opposite corners above the bag, tied the other corners in a knot, and slung the pack around her shoulders. If it were winter she drove in her sleigh, which is now lying overturned at the edge of the woods where she gathered many of her herbs.
On arriving at the sick person’s house her procedure, like that of any doctor, varied with the nature and gravity of the case. If the person were in great distress her first effort was to give immediate relief. She selected the proper herbs from her bag, boiled them in water and administered the remedy. Then she smoked ber pipe and expected that the patient’s condition would show a change during the time required for smoking. When her pipe was empty she rose, looked at the patient, and made her next decision. If the patient seemed to be feeling more comfortable, or if she were not sure of the diagnosis, she might ‘‘dream over it,’’ either while she smoked a pipe or during a night. This action has been described on page 101. If there seemed grave doubt of the patient’s recovery she made a test with certain small black seeds which she carried for the purpose. There were cases in which she felt obliged to make this test as soon as she saw the sick person. She also made the test during the crisis of a disease or at any other time that she considered it advisable. The dried seeds were from Hamamelis virginiana L. (witch-hazel), and four or five were sufficient for the test. She took a saucer of water, requiring that both water and saucer be very clean. Placing the seeds on the surface of the. water she watched them. If they floated, there was a chance that the sick person would recover, but if they sank there was no hope.
Another test of recovery is described on page 128 in connection with the use of a remedy combining several ingredients.
Natawika’s methods of treating the sick did not include the blowing through a tubular bone described on page 99. She used surgical means of relieving distress, lancing the inside of a patient’s lip and lancing the temples. The latter treatment was for headache and was followed by ‘‘sucking the blood to the surface.” In this pro-
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 102 PLATE
b, HARRIET LONGLEY
19
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 20
c, FRAMEWORK OF JUGGLER’S T IPI
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERIN 102) (PieAiE 21
a, HORN USED BY NATAWIKA IN TREATMENT OF THE SICK
b, SPECIMEN OF NATAWIKA’'S HERBS, PREPARED AS MEDICINE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 22
_— = See. hen i
= AC <me Sp
See 58 OS Ws ee ie Or er
wee &
« shoal
a.
4 i Hy ht ¥ LY « K , ay é& i 4 t ¢ wd = base
a, BAG IN WHICH NATAWIKA STORED HERBS; 4, STORAGE BAG
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 121
cedure she placed the larger end of a horn over the incisions and applied her mouth to the smaller end, sucking until the blood came to the surface. (Pl. 21, a.) (Cf. surgical treatment and appliances in Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians, pp. 332-335.) It is probable that a more extended inquiry among the Menominee would have shown further resemblances in the customs of the two tribes.
In preparing her liquid remedies Natawika distinguished between steeping and boiling. She also prepared some of her remedies by placing the ingredients in a saucer of water. The liquid remedies were administered both internally and externally. The former included “snuffing.”” An ordinary dose was ‘‘a swallow,” and as the early Indians had no clocks the dose was repeated “now and then,” or ‘‘when convenient.” The external application included steaming, rubbing, and poultices which could be moistened without being removed. She recognized the fact that some physical conditions are incurable and the descriptions of her remedies show that she was guided only by observation of the effect of the medicine.
The present material, as indicated, is only a portion of that used by Natawika but is sufficient for present consideration. The plants here listed were collected by Natawika’s daughter, Mrs. Harriet Longley, and identified at the United States National Herbarium, the identification being chiefly by Mr. E. C. Leonard.
The Menominee custom of designating plants is similar to that of the Chippewa. It will be noted that a portion of the following names refer to the appearance of a plant and a portion to some of its prop- erties, while other names indicate the manner of its use or are simple terms applied to more than one plant. The name of one plant refers to its origin as an ‘‘east medicine,”’ this being a particularly strong remedy. Among the Chippewa a few remedies were attributed to Winabojo and called ‘‘Winabojo medicines.” It is possible that, if the information had been given by Natawika, some of these plants might have been recorded as ‘‘Manabus remedies.”
Puants Usep By NATAWIKA
List or PLants ARRANGED ACCORDING TO BoTANIcaL NAME
MEDICINAL Botanical name Common name Use Abies balsamea (L.) Mill_-___-__-_ Balsany Aree eee Sores. Achillea millefolium L._.....-_-- WEECOW: © 5 tese noe Sores, swelling. Acorns calaniys W.. ...-..5.-..- Sweetflag_......._-- Contraction of facial
muscles, colds and diseases of women.
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
List or Puants ARRANGED AccoRDING To Botanica NAME
MEDICINAL—Continued Botanical name Common name Use
Adiantum pedatum L__________- Maidenhair fern-__-_-_ Dysentery.
Apocynum pubescens R. Br-__-_--- Velvet dogbane- -- ~~ Indigestion.
Araia nudicalis bo 2022 2 Wild sarsaparilla____| Sores, lung trouble.
Arctium lappa Li.) 2i2 elec dos Butdoeki& [2226.84 Scrofulous sores.
Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr_..-| Indian turnip-_-_____ Contraction of facial muscles.
Asarum canadense L_________--- Canada wildginger___| Indigestion.
Asclepias syriaca L_-. 2-22. Common milkweed--| Pain in chest.
Asclepias tuberosa L.....------- Butterflyweed___-_-- Tonic and bruises.
Betula papyrifera Marsh____--_-- Cafioe birch. oo ee Dysentery and tonic.
Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt_._| Shepherds purse-_-_-_-_ Poison ivy.
Ceanothus americanus L-----_-_-- Jersey-tea_...------ Cough and lung trouble.
Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt__| Common pipsissewa_| Remedy for the blood and diseases of
women. Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter_| Sweetfern__..._-__- Tonic. Diervilla lonicera Mill__..._____- Dwarf bush-honey- | Remedy for the blood { suckle. and diseases of women. Eupatorium purpureum L__-____- Joe-pye-weed_._____ Diseases of women. Gnaphalium obtusifolium L______ Fragrant life ever- | Headache. lasting. Helenium autumnale L_________- Common sneezeweed_ Do. Hepatica, triloba Choix__________ Roundlobe hepatica__| Dysentery. Heuchera americana L__________ American alumroot__| Pain in stomach. Hydrophyllum virginianum L_-_-_-| Virginia waterleaf_.__| Headache, pain in chest. Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze____| Spike gayfeather____| Weak heart. Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt_.__| Culver’s physic_____ Laxative. Lilium philadelphicum L________ Orangecup lily_____- Sores. Lithospermum canescens(Michx.) | Puccoon__---___--__- Tonic and sedative. Lehm. Mentha canadensis L__________- American wild mint__| Fever. Mitchella repens 2. Sey et Partridgeberry _____- Diseases of women. Monarda fistulosa L.._._______- Wildbergamot- ----- Strengthening bath. Nepeta extaria bio ve ieee Capmip se /2 25) fee Sedative. Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) | Woolly sweetcicely___| Sore eyes. Clarke. Pinus strobus Le. 2). ea ee White pine....2....# Sores. Plantago rugelii Dene__.________ Rugel’s plantain; | Inflammation or burn. ““White-man’s foot.”
Polygonatum biflorum (Walt.) | Small solomomseal__| Acute pain. Ell. Lact eae TTT ESE RT eer eer ROMEO RE Re STEN Pe Oana: er an Do.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 123
List oF Puants ARRANGED AccorDING To BoranicaL NAMB
MEDICINAL—Continued
Botanical name Common name Use
Prunella vulgaris GY oe tosh Selfheal__.....___-- Dysentery.
Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp__--| Western chokecherry_| Lung trouble.
Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill____| Northern pin oak____| Diseases of women.
Quercus macrocarpa Michx-_--___- Mossycup oak_-____- Do.
Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw-_--_------ Staghorn sumac____-_ Cough.
Rubus canadensis L__-_--_._----- Thornless blackberry_; Dysentery.
Salix humilis Marsh__-________- Prairie willow_____-- Tonic.
Sambucus racemosa L_.________- European red elder__| Emetic.
Sanguinaria canadensis L____-__-_- Blioodroot. Le eee Diseases of women.
Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bick- | Eastern blue-eyed- Do.
nell. grass.
Solidago flexicaulis L____..._.--- Broadleaf golden-rod.| Headache and nose- bleed.
Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf______ Skunkcabbage- -~___ Convulsions and weak heart.
Thuja occidentalis L__-__...____- American arborvitae_| Swellings.
Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) | Snow trillium______- Diuretic.
Salisb. Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr____-_- Canada hemlock_-_--| Swellings.
Nits PUIpINA a A Pi IOS Riverbank grape___-| Eye remedy.
Zanthoxylum americanum Mill__-| Common prickly- | Cold, rheumatism. ash; toothache tree.
Puants BELIEVED TO Possess Maaic PROPERTIES
Hamamelis virginiana L. Witch-hazel.
Dried seeds used in a test of sick person’s recovery. Uvularia grandiflora J. E. Smith. Large-flowered bellwort. Vagnera reacemosa (L.) Morong. Wild spikenard.
The roots of these two, combined with the root of Hydrophyllum vir- ginianum, Virginia waterleaf, and one other root (not obtained), were dried, pounded, and placed on live coals to attract game. A hunter might also “‘incense”’ his traps and guns by holding them in the smoke. The medicinal use of Virginia waterleaf is noted on page 130.
List oF PLANTS ARRANGED ACCORDING TO Common NAME !
Common name
Alumroot; American. 2202/2221 2022322 Arborvitae, American + (at) #22) ete Ash, common prickly; toothache tree_-_ Bellwort, large-flowered__...______-- Bergamot; wilde. JU yas ee eoneoys Bireh, cances#usvisiws PPO es Blackberry, thornless___.........----
Botanical name
Heuchera americana L.
Thuja occidentalis L. Zanthoyxlum americanum Mill. Uvularia grandiflora, J. E. Smith. Monarda fistulosa L.
Betula papyrifera Marsh.
Rubus canadensis L.
1 Attention is directed to the fact that the common name ofa plant frequently differs in different localities and that in some instances a plant is known by more than one common name. The list herewith presented contains the names by which the plants are most widely known.
48819°—32——_10
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
List oF PLants ARRANGED AccoRDING TO Common NamEe—Continued
Common name Botanical name IBigodroOtess sucu atte ae Sanguinaria canadensis L. Burdock sats tea et ae Lk ae a Arctium lappa L. Butterflyweedsc.gwe oe oe oh Asclepias tuberosa L. Ga ee eee ar te I A A A OS Nepeta cataria L. Chokecherry, western___.....------- Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp. Gulvers. phiysie 2 22h eet oe ete Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt. Doghane, velveje ue oo ee Apocynum pubescens R. Br. Elder, European..red: - 2526 3.2 2550 Sambucus racemosa L. Bern. jmoaidenhair fo7_i 2. . es Adiantum pedatum L. ern Sweebsesen = fy eee eae. Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter. Binge lease eed Stele de he 8 Sith Sea Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. Ginger, Canada wild__.__...._...--- Asarum canadense L. Golden-rod broadleaf__________-__--- Solidago flexicaulis L. Grape miverbanicn ol ee eal Vitis vulpina L. Grass, eastern blue-eyed____________- Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell. Hemlock, Canada. >. ..42caiten cena Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Hepatices, roundlobe: —) .- -- 2. ghee Hepatica triloba Choix. Honeysuckle, dwarf bush___.__-_-_-- Diervilla lonicera Mill. JOrsey=tes tues eee oe he Ceanothus americanus L. JOe-PYe=Weede et wed ee ee Eupatorium purpureum L. Life everlasting, fragrant._.....-___- Gnaphalium obtusifolium L. Thily, OPANGOCUp Meo 8 oak a Lilium philadelphicum L. Milkweed, common-.-._........-_-=2 Asclepias syriaca L. Mint, American wild too Mentha canadensis L. Make sMOse Cup ete a to a ie Quercus macrocarpa Michx. Ogkomorihernipm cs .c 0 2 oe Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill. Partridgebermy: jn. foo eh Mitchella repens L. Pine, white oo: 4.22. coer a nde Pinus strobus L. Pipsissewa, common________-___-____-_ Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt. Plantain, Rugel’s; ‘‘ White-man’s foot’’_| Plantago rugelii Dene.? Ruccootine! soni We Jue add ftir uh Lithospermum canescens (Michx.) Lehm. Sagsapariila, (wildaicia te) eer alt Aralia nudicaulis L. Selfheale it sete e sf eat ay toy yb ye ce Prunella vulgaris (L.) Shepherds purse.___...-__---_-___.- Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt. Skunkeabbage...-2:_-. .. 1 Si apes Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Sneezeweed, common-_-_____________- Helenium autumnale (L.) Snow trillimmeG. OV ees OS Bales Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb. Bolomensenleniallrs oe es Polygonatum biflorum (Wald.) Ell. ppikewasfenather <2 ee Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze Bpikenard, wild. #- 2 actos aie ee tee Vagnera racemosa (L.) Morong Huma Aetaghorn: _.¥ 2t 42.02, 0. nee Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw. Sweetcicely, woolly....-_..._..____- Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) Clarke. SA a hs a oT Le Oe Te: Acorus calamus L. Termip, Indian 2.5 2%. 43458 toss Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. Waterleaf; Virginiaxs..... 182 oo clei Hydrophyllum virginianum L. IVVELOW) TAUPIC = oh Fk oe ce tea Salix humilis Marsh. VE Ee CY) Sh ae ee Seam wile Paar! Hamamelis virginiana L.
arrow sual ad © anion sronuiiing ong te Achillea millefolium L.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 125
This list contains only 53 names, while the specimens obtained by Mrs. Longley were 56 in number. As already stated, the Indians identify a plant by its appearance, the name being of secondary importance. In the unnamed specimens Mrs. Longley knew the appearance and use of the plant but did not know its native name.
List oF PLANTS ARRANGED AccoRDING TO NatTIvE NAME
Native name Meaning Common name Ai’yatciu’nése’k(n__-_-__---_- Se a a i ee Common sneezeweed. PEW PIS... 25k Indicates use as a poultice__| Small solomonseal. PSIG Hi) Aner so oe Small pine. .9 2 SSS. se White pine. TS Sa Ee ee | ee ae en Mossycup oak. Aya’ wisawa’ki----------- Square, understood to refer | Wildbergamot.
to stalk of plant. CEUTA a | as SO Pan aed fe A Le IE Staghorn sumac. Ma mikAipOk 42... -52 52) Byerercen sch eee eh Tee Common pipsissewa. Ka’/sukaé’ micki’ki______-_~ Cat:medicine - .. ++) 224e2% Catnip. ano pird’s.!_ 2.222. Banke praus...ossseesoe =~ Eastern blue-eyed-
grass.
Kino’ piktter’ pss 2 242 2 Snake root-v22 "ee Wild spikenard. PePPMNENICTI Fie 2 oo See Le ee ee Sweetfern. ES) i a Red: warereeee. on ae eee Jersey-tea. eC DTEESL SESS Cs Ilan Rn AAR a Ben ah er Rugel’s plantain. Ma’/tcmama’ tsétau - - -_--- Bie india . fea > eee Butterfly weed. MEE STG Wy Gy wes ee a Te Mucko’tau’odji’pé-__-_---- Prairie Toot... 22s ey Miukata’ ono’ kanvk. =... .:|/"Black perry oye _ of ss Nama’ kocid’sa_-_-.------- BVateribugsgl! 14 pes = ati VEST ESSE Tr Ra ER BSD, (POEL Ee EP ATE RY Pes eerie ETT TO gS ena a ES A ek eo Naren ut seusederiah Binpudgew. 2 = Na’sikin wa/biskidji’pé_-__| Smudge, white root__-__--- Ona’ mimitci’ ps... - - 3. Pueclerrantee 2 Ona’wini’koso’_.__--_---- Squirrel tail... _wiive.it Ota’ pipény i’ g._.- = 1.20 Crinkled) Poot. ....--=-.-.- Pai’sanaki’ki___..___L__.- Hien hairy. toe eins (LSS ee ee eee eres Little pitch, understood to
be from balsam. “SE ah FS) Tp ta, erpawge A t eeREDS Seal i a preegen akeltecmeeH ee Sika’kacmi’aékwa_-_-__-__-_- Bink OUD. Set ene. OES OTE CDR Ry eT a a po CAS ASSET ae | ee eee nS, a EES ie PN ee ee ee UNO, WR sa a East medicine...s---+----3 US ta STS Se al (a eee Sere Et TO ES RES AEE Tee WER apernes « Sapee Crr, ae me We’sfksa’ pose’ ktin - -___ ~~ Bitten T00be s0.+ Asoc) eet
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
The following plants are assigned the same medicinal uses by Huron H. Smith in Ethnobotany of the Menomini Indians, pages 21-58.
Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.
Asarum canadense L. Canada wildginger.
Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed. (Also other uses.) Eupatorium purpureum L. Joe-pye-weed.
Helenium autumnale L. Common sneeze weed.
Pinus strobus L. White pine. (And other uses.)
Sambucus racemosa L. European red elder. (And other uses.)
The following plants are assigned different medicinal uses by Smith.
Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. Balsam fir.
Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.
Adiantum pedatum L. Maidenhair fern.
Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. Indian turnip. Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea.
Hydrophyllum virginianum L. Virginia waterleaf. Mitchella repens L. Partridgeberry.
Monarda fistulosa L. Wildbergamot.
Nepeta cataria L. Catnip.
Salix humilis Marsh. Prairie willow.
Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot.
Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunk cabbage.
Thuja occidentalis L. American arborvitae.
Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb. Snow trillium. Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Canada hemlock.
Vitis vulpina L. Riverbank grape.
Zanthorylum americanum Mill. Common prickly-ash.
The following plants are not listed in Ethnobotany of the Meno- mini by Smith:
Apocynum pubescens R. Br. Lilium philadelphicum L. Arctium lappa L. Padus demissa (Nutt.).
Betula papyrifera Marsh. Polyporus sp. ?
Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter. Quercus macrocarpa Michx. Hepatica triloba Choix. Rubus canadensis L.
Heuchera americana L. Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell. Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze Vitis vulpina L.
The following plants were similarly used by the Chippewa in treatment of the sick. (Cf. Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians, pp. 286-294.)
Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.
Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.
Asarum canadensis L. Canada wildginger.
Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea.
Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt. Common pipsissewa. Diervilla lonicera Mill. Dwarf bush honeysuckle. Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt. Culvers physic. Nepata cataria L. Catnip.
Plantago rugelit Dene ? Rugel’s plantain.
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The following plants were differently used in the treatment of the sick by the Chippewa.
Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. Balsam fir.
Aralia nudicaulis L. Wild sarsaparilla.
Asclepias syriaca L. Butterflyweed.
Betula papyrifera Marsh. Canoe birch.
Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt. Shepherd’s-purse. Eupatorium purpureum L. Joe-pye-weed. Heuchera americana L. American alumroot. Hepatica triloba Choix. Roundlobe hepatica. Pinus strobus L. White pine.
Prunella vulgaris L. Selfheal.
Quercus macrocarpa Michx. Mossycup oak.
Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw. Staghorn sumac. Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot.
Solidago flexicaulis L. Broadleaf goldenrod. Thuja occidentalis L. American arborvitae. Trillium grandiflorum (Michx.) Salisb. Snow trillium. Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Hemlock.
Vitis vulpina L. Riverbank grape.
The following names do not occur in Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians.
Adiantum pedatum L. Maidenhair fern.
Apocynum pubescens R. Br. Velvet dogbane.
Arctium lappa L. Burdock.
Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. Indian turnip. Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed.
Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea.
Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter. Sweetfern. Gnaphalium obtusifolium L. Fragrant life everlasting. Helenium autumnale L. Common sneezeweed. Hydrophyllum virginianum L. Virginia waterleaf. Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze. Spike gayfeather. Lilium philadelphicum L. Orangecup lily. Lithospermum canescens (Michx.) Lehm. Puccoon. Mentha canadensis L. American wild mint.
Mitchella repens L. Partridgeberry.
Monarda fistulosa L. Wildbergamot.
Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Roemer. Western chokecherry. Plantago rugelii Dene. Rugel’s plantain. Polygonatum biflorum (Walt.) Ell. Small solomonseal. Polyporus sp.?
Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill. Northern pin oak. Rubus canadensis L. Thornless blackberry.
Saliz humliis Marsh. Prairie willow.
Sambucus racemosa L. European red elder. Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell. Eastern blue-eyed-grass. Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunkcabbage.
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
CLASSIFICATION OF DISEASES AND INJURIES TREATED BY NATAWIKA”™
1. Nervous system: 5. Urinary system: Diuretic. Convulsions. 6. Skin: Headache. Inflammation. Contraction of the face. Sores.
2. Circulatory system: 7. Bruises. Heart. 8. Burns. “Tn the blood.” 9. Fever.
3. Respiratory system: 10. Hemorrhages. Cold. 11. Diseases of women. Cough. 12. Diseases of the eye. Lung trouble. 13. Rheumatism. Pain in the chest. 14. Baths.
4. Digestive system: 15. Tonics. Indigestion. 16. General remedies: Pain. Swellings. Dysentery. Acute pain. Physic (use of). Injury to the eye. Emetics (use of). Remedy for poison ivy. Worms.
1. Nervous SysteEM CONVULSIONS
Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunkcabbage.
The dried and powdered root was mixed in a saucer with the seeds of prickly ash. Warm water was placed on the mixture and used as a remedy for con- vulsions, being given to infants, children, or adults.
Lithospermun canescens (Michx.) Lehm. Puccoon.
The root of this plant was combined with the root of skunkcabbage, the inner bark of prickly ash, and one other plant in a remedy for persons very sick and threatened with convulsions. The four powdered ingredients were mixed with water in a saucer, the sick person was required to drink a swallow, then the re- mainder was rubbed on the palms of the hands, the arms, chest, and abdomen. After this treatment the patient usually quieted down and went to sleep. The dosage and treatment were repeated at intervals. When in doubt of the result in a particular case Natawika used this mixture of herbs in the following test. She took a saucer of water, then lifted a little of the mixture on the point of a knife and placed it on the surface of the water. She did this four times, placing the little portions of medicine one above another on the water, then she watched the result. If the mixture sank to the bottom of the saucer she believed that “the medicine was not willing to work for the sick person,” but if the mixture spread over the surface of the water she accepted it as a sign that the sick person would recover.
70 This classification, except for a limited number of omitted remedies, is the same as that appearing in Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians, Fourty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 335. In determin- ing this basis of classification the author received the valued assistance of Dr, D. S. Lamb, who at the time was pathologist at the Army Medical Museum, Washington, D. C.
ae MENOMINEE MUSIC 129
HEADACHE Solidago flexicaulis L. Broadleaf golden-rod.
The leaves were dried, powdered, and snuffed as a remedy for headache. (See nosebleed.)
Gnaphalium obtusifolium L. Fragrant life everlasting.
The dried leaves were put on hot coals and the fumes inhaled as a remedy for headache or for ‘‘foolishness.”’
Helenium autumnale L. Common sneezeweed.
The dried flowers, pulverized with other ingredients, were snuffed to cause sneezing and relieve headache. The dried flowers were mixed with the dried leaves of the broadleaf golden-rod and applied to the temples after a treatment somewhat akin to cupping. The flesh on the temples was lanced with four or five ‘‘quick, sharp little gashes’’ made with a bit of glass, the blood was then ‘‘drawn to the surface”’ by sucking through a horn, and the moistened medicine was applied. This was covered by a round piece of paper, about 1% inches in diameter, secured by a bandage around the head which was worn the rest of the day. The horn used by Natawika is shownin Plate 21,a. Mitchell Beaupre said that some doctors used as lances the splinters from a tree which had been struck by lightning.
CONTRACTION OF THE FACE
Arisaema triphyllum (L.) Torr. Indian turnip.
The root of this plant, finely pulverized with the root of sweetflag, was used as a remedy ‘‘to straighten a person’s mouth that had been drawn to one side by © witchery.”” An incision was made with a bit of glass on the inside of the person’s lip. The powder was placed on this incision ‘‘so it would work in.”’ The writer has seen a Chippewa Indian suffering from this affliction which was attributed to a similar cause.
2. CIRCULATORY SYSTEM HEART
Lacinaria spicata (L.) Kuntze. Spike gayfeather.
A decoction of the root was used with other ingredients as a remedy for a weak heart. Spathyema foetida (L.) Raf. Skunkcabbage.
A decoction of the root was used for a weak heart. In combination, this was used as a remedy for convulsions.
‘IN THE BLOOD’”’
Chimaphila umbellata (L.) Nutt. Common pipsissewa.
The leaves were prepared in a decoction “‘to clear the blood.’’ About a cupful was drunk as often as desired, the treatment being continued about a month. Diervilla lonicera Mill. Dwarf bush-honeysuckle.
_ The stalk of this plant was sometimes used in combination with the plant next preceding (pipsissewa) for the same purpose. No other part of this plant was used medicinally.
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102
8. RESPIRATORY SYSTEM
COLDS Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.
The root was used as a remedy for colds, either as a decoction or chewed. (See also diseases of women.)
Zanthorylum americanum Mill. Common prickly-ash.
A decoction of the inner bark was used as a remedy for a cold which had settled on the chest. It was also used for rheumatism.
COUGH
Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw. Staghorn sumac.
A decoction was made from the red top. This was strained, sweetened, and boiled down as a remedy for cough.
Ceanothus americanus L. Jersey-tea. A decoction of the root was drunk for a cough with a tendency to consumption.
LUNG TROUBLE
Prunus demissa (Nutt.) Walp. Western chokecherry.
A decoction of the inner bark was used for lung trouble. Aralia nudicaulis L. Wild sarsaparilla.
A decoction was made from three roots and a quart of water as a remedy for lung trouble. It was also used as a remedy for sores.
PAIN IN THE CHEST
Hydrophyllum virginianum L. Virginia waterleaf. The root was boiled in combination with other roots for pain in the chest.
In the early spring, before the plant blossomed, the roots were boiled and eaten as food.
Asclepias syriaca L. Common milkweed.
The buds were eaten and the root was used in decoction for discomfort in the chest. The root was also used in various combinations.
4. Digestive SystTEM
INDIGESTION
Asarum canadense L. Canada wildginger. A decoction of the root was used for indigestion.
PAIN
Heuchera americana L. American alumroot.
The root was eaten raw for disordered stomach. It was also used in a decoc- tion, with other roots, for pain in the stomach.
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DYSENTERY
Rubus canadensis L. 'Thornless blackberry. Hepatica triloba Choix. Roundlobe hepatica. Adiantum pedatum L. Maidenhair fern. A decoction was made of the roots of these three plants as a remedy for dysen- tery. The first named was also used alone for this purpose.
Prunella vulgaris L. Selfheal. The stalk was steeped, not boiled, in a decoction for dysentery. This remedy was said to be particularly good for babies.
Betula papyrifera Marsh. Canoe birch.
A decoction of the inner bark was used for dysentery. Mitchell Beaupre stated that a decoction was made from the fine tips of the branches and used as a tonic, the tips of the branches being stored for use in winter.
PHYSIC (USE OF)
Leptandra virginica (L.) Nutt. Culver’s physic.
The root of this plant was used as a purgative, being prepared in two different ways. (1) A root of average size was steeped (not boiled) in a quart of water. This was allowed to cool and a small cupful taken three or four times a day as a gentle laxative. (2) A root was boiled with a smaller amount of water, being allowed to boil hard until the quantity was reduced to less than a cupful, which was taken at a single dose. This was said to act as an emetic and as a powerful purgative.
EMETIC (USE OF) Sambucus racemosa L. European red elder.
The inner bark was scraped and prepared in a decoction for use as a quick
emetic in cases of poisoning. The dose was a tablespoonful. WORMS
Apocynum pubescens R. Br. Velvet dogbane. A decoction of the root was used for worms. The dose was half a cupful. 5. Urtnary SystEM DIURETIC Trillium grandiflorum (Michx) Salisb. Snow trillium. The root was steeped and used as a diuretic. 6. SKIN INFLAMMATION
Plantago rugelii Dene? Rugel’s plantain. ‘‘ White-man’s-foot.”’ The fresh leave were applied to any inflammation.
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
SORES
Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. Balsam fir. The gum inside the blisters was applied to sores. Lilium philadelphicum L. Orangecup lily. The root was boiled, mashed, and used as a poultice for sores.
Pinus strobus L. White pine.
The trunk of the tree was cut in small blocks, which were boiled. The outer bark was easily removed and the inner bark was pounded and used as a poultice for sores.
Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.
The leaves were dried, pulverized, and used as a poultice for sores or swellings.
Arctium lappa L. Burdock.
The leaves were boiled and used as a poultice for scrofulous sores on the neck. 7. BRUISES
Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed.
This remedy was used both externally and internally. The root was pounded and used as a poultice for bruises, swellings, or lameness and prepared as a decoc- tion which was taken internally at the same time. It was also used as a tonic.
8. Burns
Plantago rugelii Dene.? Rugel’s plantain.
The fresh leaves were applied to a burn or any form of inflammation. 9. FEVER
Mentha canadensis L. American wild mint.
The entire plant was steeped as a remedy for fever.
Nepeta cataria Li. Catnip.
The entire plant, except the root, was steeped and the decoction used to pro- duce perspiration and a restful sleep. The informant, on being questioned, said she ‘‘did not know whether it was used for a fever, but this was the action of the medicine.”’ This indicates that she had been instructed in the action of the medicines rather than in diagnosis or the reasons for their use.
10. HeMoRRHAGE FRoM THE NosE
Solidaga flexicaulis L. Broadleaf golden-rod.
The leaves were dried, finely powdered with other ingredients, and inserted in the nostrils to check nosebleed.
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11. DiszaAses or Women
Acorus calamus L. Sweetflag.
The root was ground with that of bloodroot (Sanguinaria canadensis L.) and with bits of cedar wood and a decoction made as a remedy for irregular periods. The first ingredient was used also as a remedy for colds.
Mitchella repens L. Partridgeberry.
The leaves were used in a decoction for diseases of women.
Quercus macrocarpa Michx. Mossycup. Quercus ellipsoidalis E. J. Hill. Northern pin oak.
The inner bark of these and two other species of oak were made in a decoction for women who suffered a stoppage of periods because of taking cold.
Sisyrinchium atlanticum Bicknell. Eastern blue-eyed-grass.
A decoction of the entire plant with three other ingredients was given a woman immediately after confinement, for the expulsion of the afterbirth.
Eupatorium purpureum L. Joe-pye-weed.
The root was used in combination with the stalk of bush-honey-suckle, the leaves of pipsissewa, and one other ingredient in a decoction given to a woman 10 days after confinement ‘‘for internal healing.”
12. DiIsEASES OF THE EYE
Osmorrhiza claytoni (Michx.) Clarke. Woolly sweetcicely.
The root was boiled and used as a wash for sore eyes. 13. RHEUMATISM
Zanthorylum americanum Mill. Common prickly-ash; toothache tree.
The inner bark was pounded, moistened, and used as a poultice for rheumatism and sharp pains. The patient’s limbs might be entirely covered with such a poultice, which could be moistened without being removed.
14. Batus Monarda fistulosa L. Wildbergamot.
All the plant except the root was prepared in a decoction and used as a strength- ening bath for infants. 15. Tonics Saliz humilis Marsh. Prairie willow. The stalk was boiled as a drink for ‘‘general health.” Comptonia peregrina (L.) Coulter. Sweetfern.
A decoction was made of the root, with other ingredients, as a mild tonic.
Asclepias tuberosa L. Butterflyweed.
A decoction of the root was used as a tonic.
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [sutt. 102: pensMorz] 16. GENERAL REMEDIES
SWELLINGS
Achillea millefolium L. Yarrow.
The dried and pulverized leaves were used as a poultice for swellings.
Thuja occidentalis L. American arborvitae.
The leaves were dried, powdered, and combined with finely powdered fungus (Polyporous sp.? “‘sterile, abnormal, fragmentary’’) as a poultice for swellings.
Tsuga canadensis (L.) Carr. Canada hemlock.
The branches of this, together with the branches of white cedar (arbor vitae), were placed in water which was heated by means of a hot stone, thus securing a somewhat even temperature. The swelling was exposed to the steam.
ACUTE PAIN
Polygonatum biflorum (Walt.) Ell. Small solomonseal.
The root was boiled, mashed, and combined with fungus (Polyporous sp.? “sterile, abnormal, fragmentary’”’) which had been finely pulverized. This was moistened and applied as a poultice for sharp pain. If used for a very sick person, two other ingredients could be added.
INJURY TO THE EYE
Vitis vulpina L. Riverbank grape.
The ripe grape was squeezed into the eye to remove a bit of rice husk. For this reason a supply of wild grapes was taken to a rice-making camp.
REMEDY FOR POISON IVY
Bursa bursa-pastoris (L.) Britt. Shepherdspurse.
The entire plant was steeped as a wash for poison ivy.
The following example of the treatment of a serious condition was related by Mitchell Beaupre:
A man cut his hand severely, the hand gradually discolored, and it appeared that an amputation would be necessary. A prominent man on the reservation named Dan Morgan saw it and said, ‘‘It would be easy to kill that blackness. I will go home and get the right stuff.’”” On his return he tied a weasel skin around the man’s wrist, at the edge of the discoloration. Then he spread ‘“‘a stuff like pitch,’’ mixed with medicine, on the discolored flesh next to the weasel skin, making a band of it around the wrist. Instructions were given for moisten- ing the pitch during the night.
Two days later the discoloration was passing away, and in three or four days it had disappeared. The man recovered, and for his services Morgan received at least $35 and a suit of clothes.
LEGENDS CONCERNING MANABUS 7
Origin Myrus or tart Mepicinr Lopcr
The private memorial for members of the medicine lodge (Mitawin) is an important ceremony of the organization. (See p. 91.) The origin myth of the medicine lodge is related at that time and its songs are sung. When a Mitawit is buried a relative or close friend who is also a Mitawit addresses the spirit of the dead and promises to conduct this private memorial at the proper time. In this speech he tells the spirit to “follow the trail of Nahpota”’ (the little wolf) to the place of departed spirits. There it will remain until Nahpota permits it to return for the memorial ceremony, or feast of the dead. In that memorial it is impersonated by some one selected for the purpose who is arrayed in the garments of the deceased. After the feast the impersonator is faced toward the west, and the soul is dis- missed to return to the realm of Nahpota.”
At such a memorial the origin myth of the medicine lodge is always related and its four songs are sung. ‘This myth was related by David Amab, and a year later a partial version was obtained from Wickobe. Amab said he felt no fear in telling this and the Mitawin legend which follows. He had performed certain acts which entitled him to instruct a member of the tribe in the traditions of the medi- cine lodge and this was known in the tribe, so he was violating no confidence. Before he began the narration, the writer gave him tobacco, two large handkerchiefs, and some food, as well as the usual compensation for his work. He partook of the food and accepted the gifts, thus conforming to the requirements. In reply to an in- quiry concerning his personal belief, Amab said thoughtfully, “If I dream much I go somewhere else. If I die, perhaps it will be as when I dream and I will go somewhere else.’’ An element of pathos was added to this incident, as Amab was growing weaker from an incurable malady. His death occurred Jess than a year later.
1. The mythical character known as Manabus among the Menominee is known as Winabojo among the Chippewa, and by various similar names among Algonquian peoples. Concerning this character J. N. B. Hewitt writes as follows: ‘‘The myth of Mudjikewis, ‘The First-Born (on Earth),’ commonly called the story of Nanabozho (i. e. Inabi‘oji‘o‘), remarkable for beauty and comprehensiveness, details the cir- cumstances which gave rise to the name ‘Nanabozho.’ In that recital the name appears as Inabi‘oji‘o‘ and means ‘Created, or formed, by the look (of the Great Spirit’). (Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1925, p. 69, Washington, 1926.)’’
72 Skinner, Menomini culture, p. 46; Hoffman, Menomini Indians, pp. 68-69 and 73-75; Michelson, Menominee Tales, Amer, Anthrop,, vol, 13, No, 1,
135
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
MANABUS AND THE WOLF
Manabus walked around the earth alone for many years and at last he met an old wolf with four sons. Manabus said, ‘‘Ha, brother,” and the wolf replied ‘“‘Well, Manabus.”” So Manabus camped there and the wolf talked with him, saying, ‘‘ You had better have a wig- wam and stay somewhere instead of wandering around all the time.” Manabus said, ‘‘What would I eat if I sat still all the time?” The wolf replied, ‘‘Here are my four sons. Pick one out. He will hunt for you and get deer and all sorts of game.”
Manabus selected the youngest son and the wolf said, ‘‘He is a good one. He can kill a deer at any time.”
Manabus called the wolf ‘‘little brother.” They walked a little way, looking for a good place to make the wigwam. At last Manabus said, ‘‘Let us have the wigwam here by the lake so we can see a long way.” So the wigwam was made by the lake.
For a long time Manabus lived there, and the little wolf brought him plenty of meat. After a while the lake froze over. The little wolf hunted all day and Manabus said, “‘Don’t run across the ice when you come home. It is shorter, but don’t come that way, and be sure to come home before sundown.”
One morning the little wolf got up, ate some berries, and went hunting. At noon he saw a deer as white as snow. He wanted to get that deer, and he said, ‘If I get that deer Manabus can have the hide to sit on. I will try to get him.”
The deer ran and the little wolf ran after him all day. About sundown the little wolf stopped and remembered what Manabus had told him. He ran toward home and came to the edge of the frozen lake. He could see the smoke of the wigwam on the other side. If he went around the lake he could not reach home before dark. He said to himself, ‘I am a good runner, I can get across the lake quickly.”” So he started to run across the ice. When he was about halfway across he heard a roaring and the ice broke into large pieces that floated around. He could not get a foothold and went down into the water.
The underwater people” were angry because Manabus was showing greater power than their own, and it was one of their number who pulled the little wolf down into the water. They also sent the white deer for the little wolf to chase, so that he would be late in returning and would attempt to cross the ice.
As the little wolf went under the water he called, “‘Manabus, I am drowning.”
73 The references to the underwater people are from a version of this story related by Louis Wicko’be in 1929. In other important respects his version corresponded with that of Amab.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 137
Manabus heard a sound and went outside but he could hear nothing but the birds. He went inside and lay down. Manabus went to sleep, and in his sleep he knew that the little wolf had been drowned. He moaned, and every time he moaned the earth shook. Manabus lay still four days and nights with his head on his chest and his closed hands on his face. On the fourth day the earth shook and seemed to tip. On that day the underwater people told the one of their number who had pulled the little wolf down that he must let the little wolf go, because it would make matters worse for them than ever to have Manabus feel so badly. They said, ‘‘He is so powerful that he will destroy us,’”’ so this underwater person told the boy to go, and took him to the shore where Manabus was sitting.
Manabus faced the west, sitting with his back toward the lake. The boy came out of the water and walked up the shore behind him. Then the boy touched Manabus and said, “Don’t cry any more. I am back again.”
Manabus turned around, looked at him and said, “Brother, I have cried too much now. You are no more a creature living on the earth; you are a spirit.” Manabus was going to send him back to the underwater people, but he said, “‘They let me go. They will not take me back again.”
Manabus said, “‘This is not good. If I take you back the under- water people will take our people and send them back after four days, doing it for fun. Those people will not be in their right senses after they come back.”
The little boy did not know what to do. He said, ‘‘You call me djipe’ and say I am no more a living creature. What shall I do? You must make some plan for me.”
So Manabus wiped his eyes and looked at his little brother, then he said, ‘‘First I will change your name. While you were with me your name was White Wolf. From now on you shall be called Nah’pata. You must start straight for the west, where our great uncles who have already died and all those who shall die will follow you.”
The boy was told to travel four days and to make four fires, one each night at the place where he camped. The place he reached after his length of journey was the place where he was to stay, and he was making a trail for the dead people to follow. He was told that he would find a river and must put a long tree across it for a bridge. This tree or pole must float on the surface of the water, and those who have been good will cross it safely, but if a man has committed a murder he will fall off and sink out of sight forever. The boy was also told to make a long Mitawin lodge, and to make a water drum, like that used in the Mitawin, so that the dead people going on this
138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
trail would hear the sound and know which way to go. This drum was very large—perhaps 8 or 4 feet high—and it stood in the middle of the Mitawin lodge. That was the beginning of the Mitawin drum, and because of the four fires made by the little wolf it is the Menom- inee custom to build a fire four nights on a newly made grave.
Little Wolf called the people his uncles and aunts as Manabus had done. When one of them came he would say, ‘‘ Well, uncle,” take the man inside, and they would have a dance with the drum. After a while there were a great many wigwams in that place. Some old men know about that now in their sleep.
Manabus found his way there, but his little brother said ‘‘Dont come near. Stand where you are. You told me to come here to live, and to make myself a wigwam here.”
Manabus said, ‘‘It is a nice trail. There are flowers on each side and everything is beautiful.” But the little wolf sent him away and Manabus came back to earth.
Manabus felt very badly when the little wolf sent him home. He put his head on his hands, his elbows on his knees, and sat in that position for eight days. He said, “‘What shall I do?”
The underneath spirits said they were going to harm him, but the upper birds came to his wigwam and said, ‘‘Don’t feel this way. You will spoil everything.”
After eight days Manabus went to the shore of the lake and cried. The water kept going down. Everything on the shore was carried down and he saw all kinds of animals underneath.
Manabus said, “‘You stole my brother. You know how strong Tam. IJfI think anything it isso. I can tear down mountains like sand. When I shout the sky comes down.”
The upper birds were frightened. An upper bird said, ‘‘ What is the matter?” Another said, ‘“‘Somebody is doing something to Manabus.” Another said, ‘‘It is not one of us. It must be the underwater spirits.”
Everything was shaking—the trees, rocks, and everything. Big hills were flat. Everything was frightened because Manabus was showing his power.
That is when the medicine dance started. All the animals told him to dance. The otter was the leader and he told Manabus to stop being angry, but nobody could stop him. He said that he was going to kill everything. The otter had a song and some nice medicine, and he was singing. Manabus heard all the animals singing and making sounds and he paid no heed, but when he heard the otter he raised up his head and said, “‘Who comes. That is a nice song and I will take you. Come on.”
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 139
So the old otter came into Manabus’s wigwam. The otter was white. He said, “I am coming in. Don’t you feel that way.” Tt was he who persuaded Manabus to go to the medicine lodge.
Manabus lived in a wigwam of his own. At a considerable dis- tance was the long medicine lodge, built by every kind of animal. They were inside and the place was full. The animals looked like old people. One old one said to another, ““Go and get Manabus.” So an animal came to Manabus and said, ‘Your grandfathers want you.” He replied, “I do not want to come.” The messenger said, “That is too bad.”
The messenger went back to the animals and they said, ‘“‘ Who can make him come?” There were all sorts of pretty birds as well as animals in the wigwam.
Then the otter went over, entered Manabus’s wigwam, and said, ‘“‘What is the matter?” Manabus said, ‘You are the one I want to see.”
The otter took him over to the medicine lodge and the otter went inside. Manabus looked in and saw all kinds of people.
Later he went into the lodge and received instructions as to the ceremonies of the medicine lodge, which he taught to the Indians, and which are followed to the present time.
Two of the songs said to have been sung by the little wolf were recorded by Pigeon in 1925. He was so deeply affected that he was not asked to give any infor opneoe concerning them, the interpreter stating simply that they were ‘‘sung during the ae of a spirit on its way.” (Nos. 77, 78.) <A third song was heard, but for personal reasons the singer was not asked to record it. Amab was about to record the entire series in 1928 when interrupted by the arrival of persons whose presence made the singing of the songs impossible. The following year, when the work was concluded, he was too near death to sing.
A burial ground at Zoar is shown in Plate 23, a, this being located near the home of John P. Matchokema. (See p. 156.)
48819°—32——11
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
140
No. 77. Funeral Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1536)
Recorded by Pigzon
FREE TRANSLATION
A path on which he goes
Analysis.—This melody contains four periods, three consisting of the rhythmic unit, while the fourth begins with the same measure
division, but is longer and ends in a different rhythm. The song contains the descending trend which has characterized many songs
of this group, the lowest tone of the compass occurring only as the final tone of the song. The tone material is that of the fourth
5-toned scale which (in the usage of the white race) is cheerful in
The sixth is lowered a semitone when it occurs in the
character. upper octave.
No. 78. Funeral Song (b)
(Catalogue No. 1537)
Recorded by PiagEoN
Analysis. —This song resembles the preceding funeral song in con- sisting of four periods, the last being in a different rhythm than the
It has a compass of nine tones and contains all the tones of
others.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 141
the octave. The melody has more motion than many of the songs under consideration. It is major in tonality, has a compass of nine tones, and lies partly above and partly below the keynote.
MANABUS AND THE STONE
The following story, like that next preceding, is among the most sacred legends of the Mitawin. It is presented in a brief summary, the words of the narrator being practically unchanged.
An animal that looked like a man once made a wigwam for Mana- bus, covering it with bulrush mats. When it was finished the animal said, ‘‘I am through now.”
Manabus started to enter the wigwam but the animal said, ‘‘ You must have a song when you go inside.’ Manabus answered, “All right. I have a song.” Manabus was a short distance away when he began to sing, and he sang this song as he went into the wigwam.
No. 79. Manabus and the Stone (a) (Catalogue No. 1835)
Recorded by AMAB
FREE TRANSLATION I am going inside
Analysis.—In structure this song resembles the songs of the medi- cine lodge in both Chippewa and Menominee Tribes. There is a coherence in the entire melody and a clear relation between the tones and a keynote. In the portion before the repeated section we note the dividing of a whole tone progression into two semitones, as in No. 110, recorded by the same singer.
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY taint, 108
When Manabus was inside the wigwam he went around the south side first, then to the west and north, returning to the door at the east, where he sat down. He put his head on his hands, and after a while he heard some one say, ‘What are you thinking about?” Manabus answered, ‘‘I am wishing for somebody good and strong.” Soon he heard a sound like heavy pounding, stroke after stroke. Manabus said, ‘Some one is coming who walks heavily.” Then a voice said, “I am coming, Manabus.”’ The sound was made by a heavy stone—perhaps a foot and a half in diameter. The stone said, ‘“‘T am the one; I live forever.”
The stone came in and Manabus said, ‘‘Is that you who lives for- ever? J suppose you have got something with you.” ‘Yes,” said the stone, ‘‘I have medicine with me.”
“Have you a song?”
“Yes; about the medicine.”
““Well,”’ said Manabus, “I will take you for a friend to help me, and I will tell my uncles and aunts about your songs and how to use the medicine.”
“All right,’’ said the stone, ‘‘I will tell you.”” Then the stone said, “T am not going to stay here; I am going back.” There was @ pounding noise and the stone went away.
Manabus thought that was queer, but after four days the stone came back. 'Then the stone sang the song and taught it to Manabus. When Manabus had learned the song he said, ‘‘I will teach it to my uncles and aunts.” The following is the song.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 143
No. 80. Manabus and the Stone (b)
(Catalogue No. 1836) Recorded by AMAB
)
(Indistinct
FREE TRANSLATION I am going into the green-clouds wigwam
Analysis —In this, as in the preceding song, we note a coherence and calmness which are absent in the songs of social dances. The keynote is established in the first four measures, and the entire melody is clearly related to this tone. The ending was indistinct. A trailing away of the voice at the end of an important song was noted among the Winnebago and said to be intentional, but this was not noted among the Chippewa nor in other Menominee songs. The pro- gression of this melody is chiefly by minor thirds and whole tones.
Because of the visit of the stone to Manabus, a stone is placed in the Mitawin lodge. A smooth stone is selected and it is painted blue. In former times the stone was placed in a small wigwam erected as an addition to the medicine lodge. ‘‘At the east, where we first enter, there was a small wigwam containing a stone and this became blue clay (color). The stone that was seated there was a moving power.
. . though it had no hands or legs. It was round, but it spoke like a human being.’’”
74 Skinner, Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton, p. 145.
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 Fotk STORIES
The stories and songs next following are said to belong to the early period of Manabus’s life, while he was roaming and before he started the medicine lodge.”* He called all the Indians his uncles and aunts and always carried a bundle of sticks. When asked, ‘‘What have you?” he replied, ‘‘Songs.”” Thus Hoffman states that ‘‘Manabush asked his grandmother to hand him his singing sticks.’’”* (See p. 148.) The following stories were related by Pigeon.
MANABUS AND THE UNDERWATER SNAKE”
Manabus made a canoe and a spear. His grandmother said, ‘‘ What are you doing? What use have you for those?” A great creature (mi’cikino’pik, hairy snake, understood to live under the water) had been killing people and Manabus determined to kill the creature but he did not tell his grandmother. He finished the canoe, got into it and pushed far out from shore, singing a song in which he challenged the underwater snake to swallow him.
No. 81. Manabus Challenges the Underwater Snake
(Catalogue No. 1641)
Recorded by PicroN
FREE TRANSLATION
Come and swallow me
Analysis—The indicated change of tempo does not occur in the second rendition of this song and the first tone in the third measure is C, giving an effect of greater agitation. The only tones are A flat and C, and the song is classified as major in tonality.
The underwater snake heard Manabus and came and swallowed him. After a time Manabus looked around him and saw a circle of animals
75 These and other stories are attributed by Hoffman to a later instead of an earlier period in the life of Manabus. According to this authority ‘‘ The subjects pertain to the exploits and adventures of Mii’nibush, but do not come within the scope of the ritual of the Mitii’/wit, although some of the older mitii’/wok believe that at some time in the past they were part of the instruction given to the candidate. ... Whenand how they became separated and so altered as to have lost their reverential character it is impossible even to sur- mise.’”’ (Hoffman, Menomini Indians, pp, 161, 162.)
7 Hoffman, Menomini Indians, p. 125,
7 Skinner, Menomini culture, p, 31.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 145
that had previously been swallowed. He said, ‘‘Little brothers, how did you get here?”” The porcupine said, ‘“‘I went down to the shore to drink and he swallowed me.” ‘The deer and moose said the same. Then Manabus said, ‘‘ Little brothers, have none of you got anything about you?” ‘There was silence and then a little squirrel said, ‘“‘I’ve got something.” ‘What is it?” asked Manabus. ‘A little knife,” said the squirrel (referring to his sharp teeth). Then all the animals danced and sang the following song, and Manabus told his little brothers what should be done with the knife.
No. 82. Dance Inside the Underwater Snake (Catalogue No. 1642) Recorded by Piazon
d = 108 Irregular in tonality
Analysis.—This song is based upon two descending whole tones, C sharp to B, and G sharp to F sharp. On comparing the rhythm of this and the preceding song there appears to be more firmness and determination in the present melody. The intervals are smaller and the count divisions are more even.
As they were circling in the dance Manabus saw the heart of the monster and stabbed it with his knife. Then he said, ‘Go to my grandmother on the shore.”’? The monster went rapidly toward the shore, and went up on the sand near the place where Manabus’s grandmother lived. Manabus began to cut the surface above his head and soon he could see trees through the hole he had made in the body of the monster. He made the opening larger and pulled out all his little brothers, one by one.
It is a characteristic of Indian story telling to reserve the name of the principal character or the meaning of the story until the end. Thus Pigeon, after relating this story, said that the underwater snake was the evildoer upon earth, and that the story is a manner of teaching the great power of Manabus in subduing evil and helping his brothers on the earth.
MANABUS AND THE DUCKS
The following story was told by Louis Wicko’be in 1929. A summary of the story was related by Pigeon in 1925, when recording
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 102
the song. The same story has been noted by other writers and was obtained among the Chippewa, together with its song.”
In the spring of the year Manabus was traveling along by himself and he came to some wolves—an old man and his seven sons. One of them said, ‘‘Ha, there is Manabus.” The wolves had packs on their backs and they all came and sat down. They were sorry for Manabus, traveling alone, and the oldest said, ‘Well, Manabus, which way do you go?” Manabus replied, ‘‘Everywhere.” The wolf asked, ‘‘Do you always go alone?”’ Manabus said, ‘‘Yes, there is no one to go with me.”
They all sat around and the old wolf looked at the sun. He saw it was about noon and told the oldest boy to go and build a fire. The oldest boy did so, and they made soup of a little game they had with them. Manabus sat waiting patiently to see what they would do.
The old man opened his pack and took out some birch-bark dishes. He had only enough for his family, so he asked one of the boys to look for bark, and he made a dish for Manabus. When everything was ready he dished out the soup and invited Manabus to eat with them. When they had finished he gathered up the dishes. Manabus watched and saw that they packed his dish with theirs, so he supposed that he was to travel with them, but he did not say anything.
The wolves talked among themselves, and when they got ready to go Manabus still sat where he had eaten his soup. He was about to go on his own way, when the old man took his pack on his back and said, ‘“‘Well, Manabus, you had better come along.” Manabus said ‘‘How,” for he was glad to go with them. He did not know where they were going but followed anyway.
As they were traveling the oldest boy picked up the trail of a deer, ran after the deer and killed it. He came back and told his father that he had killed a deer. The old man sharpened a knife and told Manabus to go and skin the deer. Manabus did this, divided the meat, and each had some to carry.
When the sun was getting low the old man said, ‘‘We will camp here tonight.”’ All did as they had done at noon. A fire was made and after eating they all smoked around it.
The old man said to one of the boys, ‘‘Remove the meat from those bones and grind them fine, for soup.”?’ Manabus wondered how the boy could grind bones. The old man was so powerful that he knew what Manabus was thinking, and Manabus was aware of this. Each laughed to himself.
The old man threw a blanket to each and said, ‘‘Now cover up your heads.’”’ The bones were piled together and the old man did not want them to see how they were to be prepared. Manabus was
78 Bull. 45, Bur, Amer, Ethn., p. 206 and song 197. Cf. also Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 203-
«V0.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 147
curious about this but the old man said very strictly that no one must look out from his blanket. The old man covered his head like the rest, and one of the boys chewed up the bones. Manabus heard the sound, which was terrible. His jaws ached as though he was chewing the bones himself. So he opened his blanket and looked out to see how it was done.
The boy saw Manabus peeking out, and the bone in his hand slipped and struck Manabus in the eye. This caused a sharp pain and the eye turned black. Manabus groaned a little, but did not want to admit that he was hurt. The old man, however, knew at once that something was wrong. The boy stopped chewing the bones and everyone wondered what had happened. They all uncovered their heads and asked why the boy stopped.
Manabus still had his head covered. From under his blanket he said, ‘‘My little brothers, what is wrong?’”’
The old wolf said, ‘Somebody has peeked, and I think they got hurt because ofit.”? He pulled off the blanket and there was Manabus with his black eye. Manabus began to laugh and said. ‘‘ Never mind, that was only a joke.”
They built a fire, made soup, and had their supper. Then they talked among themselves and went to sleep.
Manabus could not forget how he had been struck in the eye with the bone. All night he thought about it and wondered how he could get his revenge. Finally it occurred to him that he could chew bones as well as the wolf. The next day he told the old wolf that he could chew bones as well as the little wolf.”
The old wolf said, ‘‘ Well, try it.”
Manabus told them to cover their heads with their blankets and not peek, but he knew where the wolf sat who had thrown the bone athim. The wolves knew better than to peek. Manabus chewed the bones, and after a time he got hold of a knuckle which he threw, hitting a wolf in the eye. This was the wolf who had thrown the bone at him. Manabus said, “‘The bone slipped.”’
After a while the wolves got tired of soup made of game. They came to a lake and said, ‘““Now, Manabus, we ask you to get some different meat for our soup.”
Manabus said, ‘‘I can doit. You wait here and I will get you some ducks.”
They waited and Manabus went along the shore. He saw all kinds of ducks out in the middle of the lake. There was red willow growing along the shore and Manabus put a lot of it on his back and walked along the edge of the water. The ducks swam toward him and one shouted, ‘‘Manabus, what have you got on your back?”’
76 For this reason a person who tries to imitate a trick performed by someone else is called a ‘‘manabus.”’
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
Manabus replied, ‘‘Songs.’’ The duck said, ‘“‘Sing them.” Mana- bus said, ‘‘I must build a brush house first. If you will all come and dance I will sing these songs.” The ducks said, ‘‘We will come.”
This is the song with which Manabus invited the ducks.
No. 83. Manabus Invites the Ducks to a Dance
(Catalogue No. 1648) Recorded by PigEoNn
d-06
Irregular in tonality
Analysis—The opening measure and tone material in this is the same as in the preceding song, but the rhythm and progressions in the latter portion are different. The rhythm suggests an awkward, jerky dance. The fourth constitutes about one-third of the progressions. This is in a slower tempo than the other Manabus songs.
Manabus built the brush house in no time at all, and it had only one little opening. Then he said ‘‘ All right, friends. If you want to hear the songs you must all walk in here.”
After the ducks and all the birds were inside the brush house Manabus called his friends the wolves to see how he killed his game. They stayed outside the brush house.
Manabus said, ‘‘ Now, all you little ducks, shut your eyes and I will sing my songs. If you open your eyes you will have little red eyes.”
This is the song with which he told them to do this.
No. 84. Manabus Tells the Ducks to Shut their Eyes (Catalogue No. 1644)
Recorded by PigEON
Analysis.—The compass of this is larger than the compass of the other Manabus songs. It begins with the same phrase as the two
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 149
next preceding but contains no rhythmic unit. A group of four eighth notes occurs frequently, but in each instance is part of a differ- ent phrase. This suggests less simplicity and directness than the preceding songs and we note that it was sung under complicated circumstances. :
The ducks did as they were told and every little while he would wring a duck’s neck and throw it outside to the wolves. The duck said ‘‘Quack”? when he wrung its neck and Manabus would say “That’s right, friend. That’s the way. You want to quack every little while.” Aswan was among the ducks and it made more noise than the others. This made the wood-duck suspicious, and it opened its eyes a little way. ‘‘Manabus is killing us,” it cried. Then all the birds tore through the brush house and flew toward the lake. The hell-diver was the last, and just as he was going into the water Manabus put his foot on him, saying, ‘‘ You will be like a little salt sack after this and have no tail.” To the one who peeked, he said, “You will always have red eyes and you will be called cu’pucik.”
The narrator of this story said that Manabus and the wolves had a feast with the ducks, but Pigeon, who recorded the songs, said that Manabus decided to eat them all himself. He made a fire, and when he had plenty of coals he made a furrow in the coals, placing the birds there to roast, each sort by itself. He covered them all except the feet, which were sticking up. While he was asleep the birds were stolen and the feet replaced in the coals, so that when he awoke and pulled the little feet from the coals there were no birds beneath them.”
MANABUS AND THE RUSHES
When Manabus first came among the Indians, after he had lost his brother, he saw the tall grasses in a marsh moving in the wind. He thought they were people who were dancing, so he began to dance with them. Then he looked around and saw only the tall grasses swaying in the wind. The legend formed the basis of a dance which was seen by the writer and its song heard but not recorded. The legend without the song was related by the Chippewa.
A second ‘‘Manabus dance,” witnessed at Keshena, was based on a legend stating that Manabus invited his grandmother to partake of the first game he killed, but required that she “dance lively” before he allowed her to eat. This was said to be the origin of the ‘first hunting dance,” held when the first game of a season is procured.® This was a particularly lively melody.
80 Cf. version of this story in Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, pp. 203-205. 81 Of. Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 72 and 121.
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
THE DRUM RELIGION AND ITS SONGS
In comparatively modern times the Menominee have adopted a form of religion which centers around a drum. ‘This religion lacks the esoteric elements of the medicine lodge and contains resemblances to Christianity. Persons seldom belong to both organizations, but may do so if they desire. This religion has been noted among the Prairie Potawatomi, Iowa, Sac and Fox, and Kickapoo, as well as among the Chippewa and Menominee. ‘The latter tribes attribute its origin to a Sioux woman, while the Foxes, according to Michelson, are not entirely agreed as to whether the prophetess was a Sioux, a Potawatomi, or a Chippewa.
The first description of this dance was given by Rev. Clay Mac- Cauley in 1893. He witnessed the dance when in Keshena in con- nection with the Federal Census of 1880. His comment, quoted by Hoffman, closes with the following paragraph: ‘‘My general conclu- sion...is that the dreamers... are religious enthusiasts, somewhat fanatic in their enthusiasm, devoted to a strange admixture of pagan ritual, monolatory. or degenerate Christian theology, and Christian ethics.’
The dance was studied by Hoffman in 1890-1892. This authority states that ‘This society became known to the Menomini in the autumn of 1880, through the Potawatomi of the Prairie, or those living in Indian territory and Kansas. Itis asserted by the Menomini that Kisha’ Ma’nido became angered at the Indians because the old customs and ceremonials of the Mit&é’wit became corrupted, and that, desiring to give the Indians a purer ritual and religious observance, Kishi’ Ma/’nido gave to them the “dance.” * According to the writer’s informants, the Menominee received the drum and _ all instructions for the ceremony from the Sioux.
Dr. S. A. Barrett witnessed the dance among both the Chippewa and Menominee in 1910 and has described and analyzed it in his ex- tended treatise on the subject. Two performances of the ceremonies were witnessed by the writer, the first in 1910, in connection with the study of Chippewa music,® and the second in 1928 in connection with the present work. Both ceremonies were held at the native village of Zoar. On the first occasion the ceremony was held in a large open space, the dance circle being outlined by a low embank- ment of earth which served as a seat for the people and in part of the cirele by low bushes placed upright in the ground. The second event took place in a circular lodge, like the dance lodge
8 Hoffman, The Menomini Indians, p. 161. 83 Hoffman, op. cit., pp. 157-160. ; 1 Barrett, Dream dance of the Chippewa and Menominee Indians.
* Bull, 53, Bur, Amer, Ethn., pp. 142-180,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 151
of the Winnebago, located a few rods away from the field in which the first ceremony was held. (Pl. 23 6.) Another form of inclosure used for this dance is shown in Plate 27, 6. On the first occasion two drums were given to the Menominee by the Chippewa, these being a chief drum and a warrior (or brave’s) drum, each having its complement of officials. On the second occasion only a warrior drum was given. The ‘‘donor” on both occasions was White Feather, a prominent member of the Lac du Flambeau Band of Chippewa. The drum is called kimi’som4’sino (grandfather), and this term is commonly ap- plied to gatherings connected with the drum, though the term ni/mihito’dk, referring to the dance, is sometimes used. Rattlesnake, a leader in this religion, said the Menominee refer to attendance at its gatherings as ‘‘going to talk with grandfather.” Referring to visits to the drum at the house of its custodian, he said, ‘‘The Chip- pewa told us to talk to our grandfather if we are sick, to give him tobacco and ask him to drive away the sickness that we can not see.” Among the Chippewa the ceremony is known as dewigun omigiwen, meaning ‘‘drum giving away.”
Mention has been made of the Sioux prophetess to whom the origin of the drum religion is attributed. This woman was seen by an early writer on the Chippewa, who described the incident as follows:
It was in the spring of 1878, I think, that considerable excitement was caused in and around Ashland, Wis., over a report in circulation that Indians were dancing and having powwows further west and were working their way toward reservations in this part of the country . .. The next I heard of them they were within 100 miles of Ashland . . . There were between 60 and 70 in the party, which consisted of a young Sioux girl and her interpreter, the balance being made up of Chippewas from this immediate vicinity . . . She represented herself to be of the Sicux Tribe and a member of a band of the tribe that were massacred by Custer’s army on the Little Big Horn about May, 1876, in which all her people were killed except herself; that she saved herself by jumping into the water on the approach of the soldiers and hiding herself by clinging to roots and bushes of an overhanging tree or upturned root until the slaughter was over and she could make her escape; that she was in the water about 20 hours; that she reached a band of her tribe and told them the story . . . she said that spirits had told her she must teach a new dance and to teach it to all the Indian tribes; that she had taught her own tribes and had come to this reservation to teach. She taught that the Indians must put away the small drum they had always used and make a larger one and stop their war and pipe dances and practice only the one she was teaching. She said the small drum was no longer large enough to keep away the bad spirit and the larger one must be used on all occasions. Her nation, the Sioux, she said, had given up all other dances since the massacre of her own little band.*
The woman told the men how to make the drum. When it was finished and the singers learned the songs they all gathered around it. The instant that the drummers struck the drum for the first time the manito appeared again and the two men who had made the drum fell dead beside it.”
86 Armstrong, Benjamin G., Early life among the Indians, pp. 156-158, Pa it %’ Condensed from Bull. 53, p, 144,
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102
It is said that the Sioux gave the original drum to the Chippewa and that permanent peace between the tribes was a result of this presentation. The Menominee claim to have received this original drum from the Sioux. As time passed other drums were made in exact imitation of the one whose construction was directed by the Sioux woman. A Menominee said ‘‘the drum we received in 1882 or 1886 is worn out and another has replaced it in general use. John Kinase is said to have the first drum still in his possession.”” The ceremonial songs are believed to be those originally taught to the woman by the manito and in many of the songs used at the present time there are Sioux words.
In describing this religion Rattlesnake said, ‘‘There is really only one drum in this world, for if you belong to one drum you belong to all. If I go anywhere, in any tribe where there is a drum, I am welcome and given a seat, and those people have their seat whenever they come here. Whenever I run across a band of Indians with a drum the people have been trying to do right.” Among the teach- ings were the following: “‘If anyone tries to quarrel with you, walk away. If anyone is talking bad about anyone, walk away. If a bad scheme is afloat, walk away.” ‘‘The drum religion is strictly against moonshine and teaches that men must not steal.” These are not unlike the general teachings of the Mitawin, and many belong to both organizations.
The presentation of a drum is accompanied by the bestowal of valuable gifts for which the recipients makes a partial return at the time of the ceremony, completing the equivalent at a later time. The band receiving the drum retains it for a few months or even for a period of years and then gives it to another tribe, or band of the same tribe, the interval of time depending somewhat upon their ability to accumulate the gifts which must accompany the drum. Thus the Bad River Band of Chippewa once kept a drum four years before giving it away.
When all is ready the intended recipients are asked whether they are willing to receive the drum, and if they so desire the drum is transferred, gifts are bestowed, and those receiving the drum are formally instructed in its care as well as in its songs and teachings. Although the drum is given to the band of a tribe, it is in the care of a man commonly called the drum owner, whose duties are those of a custodian. He keeps the drum at his house and is responsible for its safety, together with the articles which belong to it, and is also the custodian of the ceremonial songs and the teachings which per- tain to the drum religion.
In order to enter into the Indian’s regard for the drum religion, it is necessary to emphasize the personality of the drum. It was said ‘‘the drum has a heart inside it,” and this was found to be the tongue of a
——— ss
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 23
a, BURIAL GROUND
c, DRUM CEREMONY
BUREAU
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102
c, WHITE FEATHER DANCING AROUND THE DRUM
PLATE 24
== -
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC i Wis 333
“‘nony-bell,”’ suspended inside the drum. After a speech, at a certain point in the ceremony, the custodian strikes the drum with a decorated drumstick, and this is said to signify that the drum has heard the speech and will grant any request which has been made init. Without this action there would be no result. A similar stroke signifies the acceptance by the drum of tobacco which is offered to it. This calls to mind the first stroke on the original drum, after which the manito appeared and the men who made the drum fell dead beside it.
The larger of the drums presented to the Menominee in 1910 was 27 inches in diameter and about 12 inches in depth, and the drum presented in 1928, being a war drum, was somewhat smaller. The drum is made from a washtub, the bottom being removed and rawhide stretched over both openings, tightened by means of thongs passed from one head to the other. Both drumheads are painted in accord- ance with the instructions received by the Sioux woman, half the head being red and half blue, with a band of yellow near the edge of the blue segment. The side of the drum is concealed by a flounce of flannel, half red and half blue, which is fastened at the upper edge of the drum and falls to the ground when the drum is suspended from the curved stakes. Disks of hammered silver are fastened to this flannel, and above it is a broad band of black velvet bordered with ribbon fringe and with occasional thimbles hung like little bells. On the drum seen in 1928 the beaded designs on the velvet included two manito, two hands reaching downward, and a little cross in blue beads. The figures of the manito were similar to those on the Chippewa Mide drum. (Bull. 45, pl. 1.) Rattlesnake said the hands were ‘‘the hands of God; they mean we are all in the hands of God.” ®
A band of otter fur outlines the upper edge of the drum. The curved stakes which support it are more than 3 feet in height, covered with beadwork and otter fur, and tipped with large feathers, also with the tufted end from a cow’s tail and a few ribbon streamers. On all the drums seen by the writer these ribbons were of a texture in use about 1860 to 1870, indicating the age of the drum. On the stakes toward the west and north the ribbons were blue and on the stakes toward the east and south the ribbons were red. According to Barrett the red symbolizes “‘the brightness of the sun and light toward the south” and the blue symbolizes ‘‘the darker sky toward the north.” ®
The curved stakes are called the legs of the drum and the position of the feathers differs in a chief drum and a wardrum. The feathers are erect on the stakes of a chief drum, being placed in a socket which
88 Concerning this decoration Barrett states: ‘‘These represent . . . the hands of the Great Spirit who gave this ceremony to the people, and to whom the invocations during the ceremony are made,.’’ (Dream dance of the Chippewa and Menomines, p. 264.)
8° Dream dance, p, 264,
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102
holds them in that position (cf. Bull. 53, pl. 18), while on a war drum they hang downward (pl. 24,a). The drum is suspended by a loop of otter fur hooked over a projection on the side of each stake, the drum and stakes having a span of about 6 feet when in position.
The articles belonging to the drum consist of the ceremonial drum pipe, an ordinary pipe, called a war pipe, a tobacco box, the four curved stakes on which the drum is suspended when in use, four drumsticks for the leading drummers, and a bag containing about 10 ordinary sticks for the assisting drummers. The drum pipe has a square stem and is smoked only by the drum owner, the aide, and the four drummers. The ordinary pipe has a round stem, longer than that of the drum pipe, and is smoked by the ‘‘four old men” of the drum organization and others to whom they offer it, and this is the pipe used with messages pertaining to the drum. Thus a Chippewa brought this pipe with a request that the Menominee accept the drum, and the Menominee will send it with a message to those upon whom they may wish to bestow the drum. Both pipes are kept filled.
An important property of the drum is the fund of money, con- tributed to it during a ceremony or gathering. This is in the nature of an insurance fund, for use in case of illness or misfortune. Thus it was said that a man joined the drum adherents, and about three months later two daughters died near together. He received money from the drum fund to ‘‘help him through.” Some objected because he had been a member so short a time, but others said, ‘‘You may need as much or more help at some time.’”’ This money was also available for replacing the drumhead, if necessary, or for other repairs to the drum. The care of this money was one of the responsibilities of the drum owner, and if obliged to leave home for any period of time he took the drum and all its belongings with him. Thus a drum owner found it necessary to be away from home about four days during hay- making time, but he took the drum with him, keeping it in his tem- porary abode at the hayfield.
The members of the drum religion do not depend entirely upon the drum fund for help in time of trouble, as dances are arranged for their benefit, at which contributions of clothing and money are received. At such a dance a speech would be made saying that such and such a man can not come to this dance because he ‘‘has had bad luck.” The informant said, ‘‘We dance two or three hours and then we help bim. I take off a nice beaded shirt to start the pile and I say ‘Who next? Put down something for the children. Put something for the man who is sick and can not come to this dance.’ Sometimes it takes four days, but we help the man and have a good time besides.”’
The principal songs belonging to the drum are sung at every gather- ing. These are the two songs for the men who prepare (‘‘heat’’) the drum (Nos. 90, 91), the song for lighting and offering the drum
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 155
pipe (No. 85), and the songs for the four stakes of the drum (Nos. 92,93, 94,95). At the small gatherings, held at the house of the drum custodian, the number of additional songs varies with the occasion. Rattlesnake said that he, as first of the four old men, would announce how many additional songs would be sung—whether 4, 6, or 8. The entire group of drum songs is taught by the singers of the band giving the drum to the singers of the band which receives it. One of the most important phases of a drum presentation consists of the teaching of these songs, yet it is somewhat of a formality, as the songs have been heard many times by the band receiving the drum. The singers are required to listen attentively and appear to learn the songs as carefully asif they were not already familiar with them. This is necessary, as there may be new persons in the group and all must know the songs.
The women sing with the men at the drum dance, sitting in a circle behind the men at the drum, holding their hands or shawls across their mouths and singing an octave above the men with a nasal tone similar to that used by the Sioux women. (PI. 24,6.) The four principal singers sit at the four stakes of the drum, the head drummer being their leader. Other men, known to be good singers, may sit beside these singers from time to time as they are inclined to do so. There are no singers except those at the drum and the women who sit behind them. The leading singer begins the songs, the other singers and the women joining after a few tones. Sometimes the women sing alone for a short time during a song, this being done in four repeti- tions, after which the men end the song. Sometimes the drummers give a sharp, heavy stroke as a signal that the women are to finish the song alone, these being customs of the songs during the dancing. If one of the four leading singers makes a mistake in a song, one of the others will sing it correctly, after which the singer who made the mistake must sing another song and dance as a penalty.
The Menominee, as stated, received a drum from the Lac du Flambeau Chippewa in 1928. White Feather had been keeper (‘“‘owner’’) of the drum while it had been with the Chippewa, and thus he appeared as donor of the drum. The ceremony took place at the native village of Zoar, beginning September 2 and continuing four days. About two months previously White Feather sent tobacco with a request that the Menominee accept the drum, and about a month before the ceremony he sent the war pipe filled with tobacco. Both were accepted by Rattlesnake, signifiying the willing- ness of the Menominee to receive the gift of the drum. At some future time Rattlesnake will take the same pipe to the tribe whom the Menominee wish to honor with the gift of the drum. At present this pipe is with the other articles belonging to the drum, in the care
48819°—32--—12
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
of John P. Ma’tcoke’ma, the drum custodian (or “‘owner”’). Mat- cokema is a younger man than Wi’skino, to whom White Feather, as already stated, gave a drum in 1910; he also belongs to a different settlement. ‘The drum was seen in his house which is near the lodge where the ceremony was held, and the final exercises were held in front of his house. The number of persons attending the ceremony was not so large as in 1910, and they were easily accommodated in the circular lodge shown in Plate 23, b,c. The entrance of the lodge is toward the south (or southeast), the drum is in the center, and there are benches around the sides of the lodge for the assembled members of the tribe. The drum (pl. 24, a), is in the center of the dance circle and in front of it may be seen the case for the stem of the drum pipe and the cloth bag containing the drumsticks. Beside it is the box for to- bacco, in which may be seen FIGURE 3.—Diagram of Drum ceremony—first day and uBey sin i ihe ee oe Be
pees during the entire cee ’ drum pipe. Opposite the
A, B, Chippewa ‘‘speakers’’; C, White Feather, Chippewa entrance Is & special seat
donor of drum; D, John P. Matcokema, Menominee cus- provided for the Chippewa todian of drum; E, Table for food, before feast; F, American : d ( 1 25 a th flag: G, Menominee aide; H, Four Menominee‘‘old men”; “10 (pt. , a), and on the
I, Position of White Feather when addressing the Chip- last day of the ceremony a pewa; J, Position of articles ‘‘belonging to drum”’; K, t bl f f d 1 d Drum; L, M, N, O, Leading drummers; P, Circle of women able for {£00 was piace
singers; Q, Menominee spectators; R, Chippewa spectators; outside the lodge, at the
5 Eeachion phish the Chivpews sie ee Aated, tei oe rane lentennie laine
position of the various par-
ticipants in the ceremony, during a majority of the time, is shown in Figure 3.
White Feather had grown perceptibly older since 1910 and had failed in both eyesight and hearing, but his voice and personality were strong, enabling him to take part in the ceremony with dignity. A large company of Chippewa came from Lac du Flambeau for the ceremony, but there were not so many as on the former occasion. The Chippewa camped in the woods near the place where the cere- mony would be held, and the writer found an old acquaintance among them who in the following days helped her in identifying the various parts of the ceremony.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 157
The following were the leaders of the ceremony in the two tribes. It was required that the “‘old men” be sons or nephews of warriors.
PERSONNEL OF THE Drum CEREMONY
CHIPPEWA Prin owners 22 2 - SULEU S20 White Feather. Ockapawis (aide) _..._..--_-_-- Frank Douds. Giembcrs.... feo $5 Lees ot Not ascertained. SS a ee nee Not ascertained. MENOMINEE PO ON ORL doo oe ae John P. Matcokema. Mnmrawine soe ee eet DS! George Spoon. Bpeieer sees. ee SAP Og US Charlie Dutchman. ape ann) 22S AS eS Rattlesnake (who had charge of the ceremony). Kimewun.
Simakun (known as Dan Morgan).
Matcokema (father of drum owner). Singers (drummers) -_.-_------ Star Amos (leader).
Peter Sim.
Pete Wabunaskun.
Howard Rain. Wowtion! singers. «<< .+..=--.26- Wife of Simakun.
Wife of Kinewun.
Wife of John P. Matcokema.
Wife of Star Amos.
The Chippewa ockapawis, and later the same official of the Menominee, wore the feather ornament, or dance regalia, commonly called the crow, or crow belt, and designated by the Menominee as wana’n.” (PI. 25, a.)
While the speeches, gifts, and the transfer of the drum and its articles were important, the interest that ran through the entire ceremony was the teaching of the songs and ceremonial actions to the
% This dance ornament is described as follows by Fletcher and La Flesche in The Omaha Tribe, pp. 441- 446: ‘‘A man who had attained more than once to honors of the first three grades became entitled to wear a peculiar and elaborate ornament called ‘the crow.’ This was worn at the back, fastened by a belt around the waist; it was made with two long pendants of dressed skin painted red or green, which fell over the legs to the heels, On the skin were fastened rows of eagle feathers arranged to hang freely so as to flutter with the movements of the wearer. An entire eagle skin, with head, beak, and tail, formed the middle ornament; from this rose two arrow shafts tipped with hair dyed red. On the right hip was the tail of a wolf; on the left the entire skin of a crow... ‘the crow’ decoration is said to symbolize a battlefield after the conflict is over. The fluttering feathers on the pendants represented the dropping of feathers from the birds fighting over the dead bodies.... The two arrow shafts had a double significance: they represented the stark bodies and also the fatal arrows standing in a lifeless enemy. The eagle was associated with war and with the destructive powers of the thunder and the attendant storms. The wolf and the crow were not only connected with carnage but they had a mythical relation to the office of ‘soldiers,’ the designation given to certain men on the annual tribal hunt.... These men were chosen from those who had the right to wear ‘the crow,’ and this regalia was generally worn at that time. It was worn also at certain ceremonial dances.” A ritual is described in which a wolf and crow address the people as ‘‘little ones,’’ and by their help bring the herds near to furnish food and sustain life. ‘‘To preserve the story of this association and promise, the war ornament, ‘the crow,’ was devised. The Ponca and the Omaha claim to have been joint originators of this insignia, which has since been adopted by other tribes.”” This was seen among the Sioux by the present writer. (See Bull. 61, Bur. Amer, Ethn., pl. 77, a.)
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
Menominee. All these must be learned by the tribe receiving the drum in order that they in turn may teach them to those upon whom they bestow the same drum. The songs recognized as having been sung in 1910 are Nos. 61, 62, 69, and 70 in Bulletin 53, these being, respectively, the song of painting the faces and the mourners’ song, the song of the pipe, and the song of the drum. The only one of these songs which is duplicated in the present work is the song of the pipe (No. 85), and a comparison of the Chippewa and Menominee versions of the song are contained in its analysis. This is a melody with a peculiar phrase which would be easily remembered, and it is a song occurring so frequently that it became familiar. The songs of this ceremony are not intended to produce an effect, like the “‘medicine songs’”’ of supposedly magic power, and there is less necessity for exactness in repetition. By transmission from one eroup of singers to another of a different band or tribe the form of the melody is evidently modified, though the occasion for singing the songs remains, as in the songs for the several stakes of the drum and for the men who heat the drumhead.
The following should be understood as a notation of the events as witnessed without an interpreter, excepting as a question to an ac- quaintance might designate the action which was in progress. Both Chippewa and Menominee were courteous in replying but were occupied with the ceremony. It was impossible to secure a competent interpreter, and in many ways there was a freedom from restraint which would have been impossible if the Indians had felt themselves the subject of constant discussion. Permission to take photographs was given but the Indians were not asked to pose, the pictures here presented being taken from time to time during the ceremony.
Each drum has an American flag, which signifies that there is peace among the Indians. This is displayed on a pole at the entrance of the lodge as a signal that the ceremony is about to begin, and is taken down at the close of the day, with appropriate ceremonies. The care of the flag was one of the duties devolving upon Rattlesnake, the leader of the ‘‘four old men.” On the first day of the ceremony (September 2, 1928) the flag was thus displayed and the people assembled in the lodge. In the early afternoon the Chippewa brought the drum into the lodge, suspended it from the four stakes, and sang the ceremonial songs. The stakes were then laid on the ground and the drum was lowered to rest upon a white cloth spread on the ground beneath it. The Chippewa drummers then escorted the Menominee drummers to a place beside the drum and sat beside them, but the Menominee did not touch the drum or its stakes. The drum pipe, tobacco, and tobacco box were placed at the right of the head Menominee drummer, gifts were placed beside the Menominee
_ pENsMoRE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 159
drummers, and speeches were made by the Chippewa drum owner and leader and by the corresponding members of the Menominee tribe. The stakes were then carried away by the Chippewa singers, who left the lodge.
After a time the stakes were brought back and given to the four leading Menominee singers, each taking a stake and holding it upright but not planting it in the ground. These stakes were formally accepted by the four Menominee “‘old men,” each of whom took a stake from a singer, made a speech, and returned it, after which the singer planted the stake in its proper position for supporting the drum. The speech made by each old man was concerning a deed of valor performed by one of his ancestors. Thus Kimewun related that bis uncle killed a man during the Civil War, and for this bravery Kimewun could have put up two stakes if he had wished to do so. Rattlesnake’s father was one of General Sherman’s scouts during the Civil War. He was captured and about to be hung, when by a clever ruse he reached a revolver under his shirt and with the revolver still in that position he shot his two captors and escaped. This entitled Rattlesnake to put up two stakes at a dream dance. During his speech Kimewun evidently made some witty remarks, as there was a ripple of amusement through the gathering. The atmosphere of the ceremony was serious and there was close attention to the speeches, yet there was an air of ease and pleasure, with the friendliness that is so strongly emphasized in the ‘‘drum religion.” Similar speeches were made by Simakun and Matcokema, each holding a drum stake and then handing it to a man at the drum.
When the four speeches were finished and the stakes erected in the ground the four Chippewa singers joined the Menominee at the drum, and gifts were bestowed upon the Menominee singers by members of the Chippewa Tribe. All the old men and the aides danced, but as yet the drum had not been suspended from the stakes.
The Menominee who was to receive the drum made a speech. Then the singers tapped on the ground with their drumsticks, making nosound. The tapping grew stronger and a low sound could be heard. A leather strap with sleigh bells lay on the ground and one man tapped on the leather, holding it with his left hand and tapping it with a stick in his right hand, but the other drummers continued to tap on the ground.
The Chippewa aide and the old men danced as the “‘song for the aide”? (No. 88) was sung.
A long drumstick with beaded handle was brought by the Menom- inee aide, and everyone except the drummers stood as the drum was put in place and formally accepted by the Menominee. The singers, seated on the ground, continued to tap on the ground and on the leather strap until the Menominee drum owner signaled them to
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
lift the drum and suspend it from the stakes. The Menominee drum owner made two feints with the beaded wand, lowered it a third time, and struck the drum lightly in the middle, after which he and the four drummers struck the drum, one after another. Then both Chippewa and Menominee beat the drum and another song was sung. The Chippewa who gave the drum danced, also one of his ‘‘speakers.’’ The aide danced and more gifts were bestowed. The head singer of the Menominee received many pieces of beadwork, a woven-yarn bag, clothing, and quilts. The Chippewa aide gave a little stick (repre- senting a horse) to a Menominee who had presented him with a beaded bandoleer. Among the gifts bestowed by the Chippewa women were a rifle, many woven rush mats, and various articles of clothing. A red blanket was spread on the ground by the Chippewa to receive the ‘‘return presents”’ as the exchange of bounty proceeded during the day.
Two Menominee, each holding a bag of ordinary drumsticks, had been seated at the left of the Menominee ‘“‘old men,” and during the preceding action they joined the four leading singers at the drum, together with the other men who were to assist in the singing.
The offering of the pipes is enacted four times every day, the stem of the pipe being pointed toward the drum, and the zenith, then turned slowly around the circle of the sky.“ If a bit of punk, lighted by a match, is used, the pipe is lighted before being offered, but if a match is to be applied to the tobacco the pipe is offered before being lighted. Both methods of lighting were used by the Menominee at this time.
The war pipe is used first, being ceremonially offered by one of the old men and passed to the other old men and then to the aide and the Menominee seated around the circle. Kimewun is seen offering this pipe to Matchokema in Plate 25, 6. On comparing this with Plate 25, c, it will be seen that Dan Morgan is in his place and that John P. Matcokema is not seated next to Rattlesnake. A young boy, one of the spectators, chanced to be seated at the left of the entrance. The war pipe is not offered to anyone at the drum unless one of the four old men happens to be sitting there. The song does not continue after the four old men have puffed the pipe. The drum pipe is cere- monially offered by the head drummer a few moments after the war pipe is offered; indeed, the two pipes were sometimes being circled toward the sky at the same time. The drum pipe is offered only to the men at the drum.
Soon after the offering and puffing of the pipes four songs were sung, one for each of the old men. During these songs the four old men
%The directions toward which a pipe is offered are designated as aki’hi, earth; odji’kecia, zenith; bisomo’kaha, direction of the sun’s rising; asna’wakik, noon; asni’kiniika, direction of the sun’s setting, and odji’kiciu, cold direction.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 161
danced in their places, but the man for whom the song was being sung danced the hardest. This dancing is shown in Plate 25, c, the action consisting of a flexing of the knees. In this picture John P. Matco- kema, the Menominee recipient of the drum, has left his place at the right of the entrance and is with the old men, being seen next the entrance. Next him is Rattlesnake, then Kimewun. Dan Morgan was absent from his place, which is vacant, and the fourth old man is Matcokema, father of the drum recipient. The first song was for Kimewun. He danced harder than the others during this song and at its close he placed a blanket on the pile of gifts for the Chippewa. Another old man gave a blanket to the Chippewa speaker after his song was sung.
These were followed by the songs for the stakes of the drum, the first being the song of the “‘head-singer’s”’ stake, during which he danced, afterwards placing gifts on the pile. The singers who sat beside him at the drum danced with him, and after the song they placed money on the pile of gifts. The next song was for the stake opposite the head-singer’s stake, followed by the songs for the stakes at the head-singer’s left and right. Each man and his assisting singers danced during the song connected with his stake and gave gifts, the last-named man crossing the circle and shaking hands with White Feather and the Chippewa seated next to him. In these songs the drum was beaten lightly on its edge during the opening portion of the melody, after which the head of the drum was struck in the usual manner. The women joined in the singing of these songs, seated on the ground outside the circle of men and holding their hands or shawls over their mouths, in the manner of the Sioux. Occasioally a woman sang a “high drone” (see p. 10). The “‘crow” was brought and laid onabench. At this time there were 15 men seated around the drum, two of whom tapped on the ground with their drumsticks.
The song for the drum pipe was sung and a Menominee placed a blanket on the ground for the pile of gifts. Four songs were then sung “to heat the drum,’ these songs being called the ‘‘heaters.’”’ Two such songs are presented as Nos. 90 and 91, entitled “‘Songs for men who prepare drum.” Other songs included the song for the aide and a song for the Menominee women singers, during which they walked around the circle and placed gifts on the blanket. White Feather made a speech relating the history of the drum. This was translated and found to be similar to that recorded in 1910 and summarized at that time. Many dances and speeches filled the time until early even- ing, when the four songs for lowering the flag were sung in a dignified manner. The flag was then lowered, the drum was lifted from its stakes and allowed to rest on the rush mat beneath it. Each drummer took his stake and his drumstick, and all walked around the circle, led by the head drummer, who carried the folded flag, the drum pipe,
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
and the tobacco box. The drum was wrapped in a clean white cloth, and the man who carried it led the procession from the dance lodge, followed by the head drummer and the other drummers, walking in single file, about three or four feet apart. This procession was watched respectfully by the assembly.
On the second day of the ceremony the flag was again displayed as a signal and the people gathered at about 11 o’clock in the morning. The principal events of this day were speeches and dances and the ceremonial songs were again sung, the pipes being offered as on the first day. The large drum was used, as on the previous day. The writer remained beside the dance circle from the opening of the dance until its close.
On the third day the drum was kept in Matcokema’s house where it was seen on a white cloth in a corner, neatly placed with the pipe, tobacco, and other articles beside it. One of the chief interests of this day was the final instruction of the Menominee in the ceremonial songs, and for that purpose the Chippewa used small drums, similar in size to those used in the moccasin game. Six drums were thus used. One was decorated with a bird, another with a bird and the figure of a manito, and a third was painted red with a white circle in the middle. Both Chippewa and Menominee were in the middle of the lodge with drums, the former assisting the latter in learning the songs.
Many war dance songs were sung, but it was said there were no speeches about war—‘‘only prayers to the birds that give success.” A feathered banner was stuck in the ground near the drum and one man after another took this banner, made a speech, and led the com- pany around the circle, carrying the banner. (Pl. 24, c.) Simakun gave a horse to a Chippewa, picked up the feather banner, and danced with it around the circle. Among the dances was a war dance in which the women faced the drum and hopped sidewise with both feet, moving thus around the drum while the men danced in their places. Long speeches were made by White Feather and others.
During portions of the day there was no dancing, the Menominee singers being engaged in practicing the songs with the Chippewa singers as in Plate 26, a. Sometimes the women danced in their places, as they might feel inclined to do. (Pl. 26, 6.) The woman nearest the middle of this picture is the wife of Kimewun, who was a constant and typical dancer. Sometimes individuals among the men danced around the drum. The Chippewa aide is seen at the left in Plate 26, c, dancing in his accustomed manner, while an older man is at the right of the picture.
Each person who entered the lodge on this afternoon was required to give tobacco to the man at the entrance. This was in packages as well as loose. All the packages except one were opened and the
ONIONVG NAW G10 GNY YS3NMO WnNYqd AANINONSAW ‘9 Adid IVINOWSYSD ONIYSSSO NOMAWIM ‘9 SLSID AO AMd 3AGISAG AGIY VMAddIHD ‘BD
S@ 3A1LV1d col NILATINGA ADOIONH.LA NVODIMAWY AO NVaEHNa
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 26
c, MEN DANCING AS SONGS ARE TAUGHT TO MENOMINEE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 102 PLATE 27
Ee
oe
{wo 4
c, DRUM USED IN SOCIAL DANCES
_ DENsMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 163
tobacco mixed in a large handkerchief. Simakun, one of the old men, made a speech, gave some tobacco to the drum, and distributed the remainder, giving the unopened package to White Feather, the Chippewa donor of the drum. ‘The Menominee owner of the drum then distributed the tobacco which had been given to the drum, ac- companied by a Chippewa who designated the persons to whom it should be given. During the distribution a speech was made by a Chippewa speaker and the drummers tapped softly on the edge of the drum. A Chippewa gave a package of tobacco to a Menominee woman as a personal gift. The writer presented tobacco when en- tering the lodge, turned to the left, and walked around the circle, according to the Indian custom.
Three important events took place on the afternoon of this day: The restoration of mourners,” the feast, and the transfer of the dance ornament known as the ‘‘crow,’’ which had been worn by the Chip- pewa aide and was then formally transferred to the Menominee aide. During the ceremony it had occasionally been worn by the Menominee aide, but was not transferred to him until this time.
The restoration of mourners took place at about 3 o’clock in the afternoon, terminating the period of mourning of three members of the Menominee tribe, the rite being performed by members of the Chippewa tribe. These persons had suffered bereavement during the previous year and after this ceremony were expected to show no further signs of grief. The corresponding ceremony witnessed among the Chippewa took place at Lac du Flambeau, before they went to the Menominee Reservation with the drum, and was performed by mem- bers of their own tribe. (Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 153-157.)
In preparation for the Menominee rite a double blanket was spread full length on the ground, at the west of thedrum. There was a general interest in this rite and a deep sympathy on the faces of both Chippewa and Menominee. Twelve singers were seated at the drum, and 17 women were in the circle of spectators. The Menominee whose period of mourning was to be terminated at this time were Louis Flye and his wife, who had lost a child during the previous year, and a woman named Ka’ko, who had lost a child. (Pl. 27,a.) Each of these had an attendant who was a Chippewa. These attendants escorted the mourners to the blanket, where they were seated, facing the drum. Gifts were placed before them, and each attendant brought a basin of water and towel with which she washed the face and hands of the mourner. The hair was combed smoothly and the hair part and faces were painted. The man’s face was painted with two blue lines and the hair part of the younger woman was painted blue. The face of a
child beside her was painted with a blue dot on each cheek. During ingitevine oh ts gtte st rane Suen hatin vetsle annul, wetted
® This was called misa’kata’wa, a term applied also to a fast in which a dream was expected. It implies a happy outcome, as the fast ended with a fortunate dream and the period of mourning was now ended.
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 102
this action the mourners sat passive, with eyes downcast. A feather was given to the man, by which he was probably entitled to claim the credit for valiant acts performed by its donor. (Cf. Bull. 53, p. 156.) Each of the women was given a packet of medicine. The mourners were then arrayed in new clothing, several shirts being put on the man, one over another, while three dresses (or waists) were put on the women, besides chains of beads around their necks and bows on their hair. More gifts were bestowed upon them, and a speech was made by White Feather, who said, ‘‘We hold up our hands to Manido for the persons whom we have now arrayed.” On the similar occasion attended in 1910 White Feather made the following speech (Bull. 53, p. 155):
A person who believes in the drum and has lost friends can not go to a dance unless he is invited, but I asked that these mourners be invited. I came myself and spread my own blanket on the ground for them, and I asked the warriors that they be invited and their mourning ended. When I did this I knew how this ceremony should be conducted. I thank my people and Manido that the war- riors are so generous as to bring these mourners here to share our happiness.
More gifts were bestowed on the mourners, after which they were escorted to seats beside the drum and still more gifts were placed before them. Throughout this ceremony they appeared to take little interest in their surroundings, and after being seated at the drum they hung their heads and the younger woman wept softly. After the dance, however, it was expected that they would show no signs of sorrow, as their mourning had been terminated by the affection of their friends.
The Menominee aide donned the ‘‘crow” and presented gifts, fol- lowed by a speech. He consulted Rattlesnake in regard to the dis- tribution of the piles of presents which had been given by the Chip- pewa, giving clothing and quilts first to the four ‘‘old men”’ and to the women who sat around the drum and helped in the singing. When a woman received a gift she placed it beneath her and sat upon it. Rattlesnake distributed more tobacco, carrying it in his hat, and many individual gifts of blankets and money were bestowed. The quilts, blankets, and clothing were generally articles which had been used, and there was a certain pathos in the value of the gifts, contrast- ed with the large good will of the gathering and the pleasure of the recipients of the bounty.
The father of the Menominee drum owner went outside the dance circle, broke a little branch from a tree and gave it to a Chippewa, representing a horse.
Both Chippewa and Menominee were sitting in the middle of the lodge with their drums, and they sang, drumming softly, while White Feather danced alone, dignified and erect in spite of his advanced age. John Matcokema then danced alone, in his fine strength and
ae
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 165
vigor, with the responsibility of the drum and its many speeches all before him. The dance ornament was laid on the ground at the right of the entrance, on the side where the Chippewa sat, with the belt toward the Menominee. On either side stood one of the aides, facing each other. The Chippewa stooped and drew his hands downward over the feathers, raising them closed and with the fingers away from his face, then opened them as though allowing something to fly from him. This action was repeated two or three times. Then he put on the ornament and the two aides danced in small circles. The Chip- pewa aide took a wand, holding it in both hands and advancing in small circles. Then he appeared to pick up loose earth and opened his hand toward the heavens, repeating this toward the west.
The singing ceased and a portion of the food was brought and placed on the ground. This food had been placed on a rough table at the right of the entrance, as it was required that no food be brought into the lodge until the proper time. There were many pans and kettles, closely covered with a clean white cloth, which had been brought by the women when they came to the afternoon gathering. The feast consisted of eight loaves of bread, five pails of tea, a pail of cookies, a quantity of ‘fried bread,’ and a soup made from rice, carrots, tomatoes, and 10 pounds of meat.
The singing and drumming were resumed, Matcokema, White Feather, and others danced in their places, and when the singing ceased White Feather made a speech in which the words ‘‘manido”’ and ‘‘migwétch”’ (thanks) were often heard. The drumming began softly, and White Feather danced alone, after which Matcokema again danced alone. Then the Chippewa aide stepped forward and presented food to each of the four Menominee drummers, taking a tiny bit of food on the end of his knife and putting it in their mouths. The Menominee aide stood behind him, watching every motion, in order to learn what he would be expected to do when transferring the drum at a later time.
The food was then distributed and the people put it in dishes brought for the purpose, placing it beside them on the bench. Meat was not then permitted inside the lodge. Tea and soup were not offered at this time, the feast taking place later.
A very soft tapping of the drum was heard, leading up to a song. The first Chippewa ‘“‘speaker” (or ‘‘old man’’) knelt on the ground and the aide went through the motions of a bird feeding its young, with the customary three feints before the food was given. The Chippewa aide then went across to the Menominee drum owner and bestowed food, but the action was different. Matcokema sat in his place, and the food, before being placed in his mouth, was offered to the cardinal points, the earth and the sky. When this was finished the song ceased.
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The sun had set. There was a soft tapping of the drums and the Chippewa aide put on the crow belt and moved slowly around the circle, holding a wand in his hand. Then he led the Chippewa speaker to a place directly in front of the entrance, and the speaker seated himself on the ground. A pail containing meat was placed before him. The Chippewa aide circled the drums and brought another Chippewa, after which he brought two Menominee, and when the four were seated the song ceased. These men ate with their fingers, taking the meat from the pail. The meat was not that of a dog, but the act represented the dog feast sometimes held on the fourth day of a drum presentation, and the pail was supposed to contain the dog’s head. (Cf. Bull. 53, pp. 173-179, and Songs 72-78.) When they had finished, the pail was removed and a piece of rib was laid on a paper directly in front of the entrance. (This represented the skull of the dog.)
Then followed a brief intermission during which the drums were taken out and warmed and some ponies which had ventured too near the lodge were driven away. ‘There were only a few men remain- ing in the lodge, but 17 were counted around the fire.
The mists of night were gathering among the pines and trailing across the open spaces.
When the drums had been sufficiently warmed a song was sung and the drums were beaten rapidly with vigor. Rattlesnake walked once around the piece of rib, made several feints, and pretended to spear it, after which it was taken by a Chippewa and thrown out of the circle. In the full form of the ceremony, as given in the old days, he would have related one of his uncle’s war victories and sung a song commemorating the event, and would have been followed by the three other ‘‘old men,’’ who, with him, had eaten of the dog’s head. This was followed by dancing, in which all took part.
The final portion of the ceremony consisted in the transfer of the dance bustle or “‘crow’’ ornament to the Menominee. The Chippewa aide danced around the circle, wearing the bustle, and everyone else danced in their places. Then he took off the bustle and hung it at the left of the entrance, at the side where the Menominee sat during the ceremony. He went to the Menominee aide, conducted him to the place, and the two danced side by side. They danced toward the bustle and the Chippewa aide stretched out his arms toward it, approaching it three times, each time going a little nearer, and the fourth time taking it down. The Menominee aide was beside him, following his motions, as this was part of his instruction in the details of the ceremony. When the Chippewa aide took down the bustle the song ended with a heavy stroke of the drum.
The Chippewa aide walked around the circle, carrying the bustle in his right hand and waving it before the people; then he walked
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 167
around again, carrying it in his left hand, after which he put it on the - Menominee drum owner, adjusting it properly, and returned to his seat. Matcokema, the Menominee drum owner, went around the circle, a few followed, then more and more, and all stopped beside the _ head drummer as the song ceased.
Matcokema then went over to the former drum owner, who re- moved the dance bustle and walked to the drum with Matcokema, carry- ing thebustleinhishand. Hegaveitto the Menominee aide, who walked around the circle carrying it in his right hand. He stopped in front
_ of Rattlesnake, the ‘‘first” old man, who had charge of the ceremony. The bustle was fastened upon Rattlesnake, who danced around the circle wearing it, and then went to the first Chippewa speaker, who removed it. The Chippewa aide took it again, went around the cir- cle, and placed it upon the next Menominee speaker, who danced with it, after which it was removed by the second Chippewa speaker.
This was repeated until all the Menominee speakers, or ‘‘old men,’’ had worn the bustle. It was then considered to have been finally transferred to the Menominee.
By this time the hour was growing late, and the writer had been continuously beside the dance circle for more than 10 hours. Being assured that the remaining dances were of slight importance, the return trip to Keshena was begun.
The next morning at about half past 9 o’clock the drum was seen in front of Matcokema’s house, in what was called the “‘farewell to the drum.”’? Once more the Chippewa and Menominee singers united in the drum songs, with the people of both tribes seated on the ground around them. It was a serious little gathering, with the solemn pines as a background. Some of the Chippewa had already taken down their tents, preparatory to departure. When the songs and final speeches were finished, the drum was taken back into the house and reverently placed in its corner, with its pipe, tobacco box, the curved stakes, and the decorated drumsticks beside it. The Menom- inee had entered into possession of the drum.
Passing from one tent to another the writer said farewell to Chip- pewa friends and to the aged White Feather, sitting thoughtful in his tent. An hour or two later the place was deserted except for Kime- wun, whose horses had strayed away. He was hunting them on the road through the forest.
Another drum ceremony had passed into the history of the Chippewa and Menominee Tribes.
The following songs of the drum dance are arranged in the order designated by Amab and no attempt has been made to coordinate them with the ceremony witnessed by the writer in 1928. This series of songs implies a larger number of persons than the present custom, and the presentation of two drums, a chief drum and a war
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
drum, with songs for each. In the description given by Amab there were four aides (ockapawis) with songs, and a separate song for the ‘wearer of the crow,” but in 1928 there was only one ockapawis for each tribe, and he wore the feather dance ornament known as the crow. This series contains songs for the leaders of the ceremony, the members of the council, the warriors, and the ‘old men.” ‘The “songs for owner of chief drum” indicate that two drums are being given away, but the ceremony, as indicated, is now given with a small number of officials and with the presentation of only one drum.
The first song of the series was recorded by the Chippewa in 1910 ® and a comparison of the two versions will show that the principal phrase is the same, the differences being unimportant. The Chip- pewa did not record the second part of the song, which was sung during the presentation of the pipe to the cardinal points.
No. 85. Song when Pipe is Lighted
(Catalogue No. 1616) Recorded by Lirrte THUNDERER
% Chippewa Music, II, Song No. 69, p. 169.
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Analysis.—This song is in two parts, the first being sung while the filled pipe is being presented to the cardinal points and the second being begun when the pipe is lighted and continued as it is passed from one to another in the assembly. The first part of the song is based on the minor triad C—E flat—G, and the second is based on the minor triad F—A flat-C. The song is analyzed in the key of F minor. The melodious phrase in the second part (third to sixth measures) would attract attention to the lighting and passing of the pipe. About two-thirds of the progressions are minor thirds and major seconds, although the fourth is a prominent interval occurring chiefly in descending progression.
Two songs were sung for the owner of the chief drum and during these songs he danced.
No. 86. Song for Owner of Drum (a) (Catalogue No. 1543)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—The rhythmic structure of this song consists of four periods, the third being entirely different from the others and the fourth showing an interesting variation of the opening phrases. It is an interesting example of the structure of many Indian songs which have a change in rhythm directly after the middle of the song. The progressions in this melody comprise 11 descending and only three ascending intervals. The song progresses chiefly by whole tones.
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No. 87. Song for Owner of Drum (b)
(Catalogue No. 1617) Recorded by LirrLe THUNDERER
Analysis —A compass of 11 tones characterizes this song, which begins on the highest and ends on the lowest tone of the compass. The song is further characterized by a descent at the end of its phrases, and by a slower tempo in the phrase that precedes the repetition. The opening phrases are based upon consecutive descend- ing fourths. Two rhythmic units appear, the first recurring at the close of the song and giving a rhythmic completeness to the melody. More than half the intervals are whole tones.
In former times there were four aides, and the dancing, after a feast, was begun with four songs in their honor. Before the songs a speech was made by the chief of the four aides, and when a song was sung the four men in turn danced and distributed gifts. Each aide had a man and a woman assisting him and they sang the songs but did not dance. While this was in progress others might distribute gifts if they so desired, and the recipients were expected to bestow gifts of equivalent value at the next drum ceremony. Only one of these songs was recorded.
No. 88. Song for the Aide (Catalogue No. 1601)
Recorded by Prrer FisyH
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Analysis ——This song is classified as having E as its keynote, although the third above that tone does not appear. Almost half the intervals are fourths, a peculiarity noted in many other songs that lack the third above the keynote. The rhythm of the song is positive and is charactertized by two rhythmic units and a measure in 5-8 time, followed by the only triple measure in the song.
Then followed a “‘personal song” for the man who lighted the pipe.
No. 89. Song for Man Who Lights Pipe (Catalogue No. 1544)
Recorded by AmaB
Analysis.—A portion of this song lies above the keynote and a por- tion below, in contrast to a majority of the dream dance songs which have the keynote as the lowest and last tone of the melody. The rhythmic unit occurs twice with an interesting difference in its clos- ing measure. Then follows a continuous descent of an octave in two measures, and the rhythm is steadied by a half note before returning to the smaller count divisions at the close of the song. The same number of whole tones occurs in this as in the song next preceding, and this song progresses by 21 intervals, while the preceding contains 22 intervals, but there is no further resemblance between the two melodies.
Two songs were sung for the men who prepare the drum. Part of their duties consisted in warming the head of the drum in front of the fire so that the tension of the drumhead would produce the desired tone. These songs were commonly called ‘‘heaters.”’
48819°—32 13
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In the description of the Chippewa ceremony one such song was recorded with the following explanation: ‘“‘It sometimes happens that the untanned head of the drum becomes loosened during a ceremony. When this occurs, the Song of the Drum is started by one of the drummers. At this signal the five men who have charge of the drum rise and dance around it. When their special dancing is finished they take the drum from the inclosure and hold it near a fire until the desired resonance is restored. The fastening of a drumhead is rarely disturbed, tightening being accomplished by exposing it to the heat of a fire or of the sun.” (Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 169-170.)
No. 90. Song for Men Who Prepare Drum (a) (Catalogue No. 1545)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—Both this and the song next following have a compass of 11 tones and are based on the second 5-toned scale, but the rhythm of the two melodies is entirely different. The present song consists of repetitions of a rhythmic unit, except the final phrase, which resembles the rhythmic unit. Each phrase ends with a descending progression. The rests in the last occurrence of the rhythmic unit give animation to the melody. The intervals of the minor third and major second are about equal in number.
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No. 91. Song for Men Who Prepare Drum (b) (Catalogue No. 1546)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis —The group of four sixteenth notes occurring in this melody is unusual in Menominee songs. After two opening phrases the rhythm is varied, with slight resemblances to the rhythmic unit. The first tone in the repeated portion was slightly prolonged.
The drum used in the drum dance, as already stated, is suspended between four stakes. These are referred to as the “legs” of the drum and each has a designation. One singer is seated at each stake and next him, at his left, is a man below him in rank whom he selects, the drum being so placed that the head singer is toward the west. There is a song for each stake of the drum and when one of these songs is started the man who sits at that stake of the drum rises and dances. The songs are always sung in the following order,
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No. 92. Song for Head Singer Stake of Drum (Catalogue No. 1547)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—This is a particularly attractive melody, minor in tonal- ity and having a compass of an octave. The song is based on the minor triad E-G—B, with no other tones present except A, which occurs only twice. The peculiar effect attained by this use of A is characteristic of Chippewa songs. The phrases of this song are short and end with a descending progression. The rhythm of the first half of the song is crisp and decisive, with 2-measure phrases, while in the remainder of the song the phrases are longer and the rhythm is less positive.
No. 93. Song for East Stake of Drum (Catalogue No. 1549) Recorded by AMAB
Analysis —This song is less animated than the preceding, with a longer rhythmic unit ending with a half note. The measures in 3-8 time were clearly given in all the renditions. After this diversion the melody returns to the original rhythm. About two-thirds of the intervals are whole tones.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 175
No. 94. Song for North Stake of Drum (Catalogue No. 1548)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis —Two rhythmic units occur in this song, the second unit reversing the count divisions of the first. This is an interesting example of thematic structure in Indian song. The principal interval of progression is a whole tone.
No. 95. Song for Wounded-Leg Stake of Drum
(Catalogue No. 1550) Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—In order to assist the observation of this song a phrase near the close is designated as a repetition of the rhythmic unit, although a quarter note was substituted for a dotted eighth note. This change gives an interesting steadiness to the close of the song. The phrase in double time, midway the length of the song, is reminiscent of the phrase which accompanied the lighting of the pipe and is in contrast to the triple time which precedes and follows
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
it. The song is unusual in that 40 per cent of the intervals are larger than a minor third.
Two of the leaders of the ceremony carry crooked staffs and are called by aname commonly translated ‘‘chicken-men”’ (paha’kwin). These staffs are about 3 feet long, wound with otter hide and having a crook at the upper end. One song is sung for each of these men, during which he dances. The first song is said to refer to the Thunderers.
No. 96. Song for Leaders of the Ceremony (a) (Catalogue No. 1551)
Recorded by AMaB
Analysis —No rhythmic unit occurs in this song, which is harmonic in structure and is based on the fourth 5-toned scale. The 5-8 meas- ure was sung in exact time. ‘Twenty-two of the 39 progressions are minor thirds, no larger interval occurring except two ascending octaves. The descent of a tenth in two measures which occurs twice in the song is unusual.
No. 97. Song for Leaders of the Ceremony (b)
(Catalogue No. 1552) Recorded by AMaAB
Analysis——This song bears no resemblance to the preceding. It consists of four periods, the first two differing from the last two
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC UZZ
in rhythm. The descent of an octave in two measures, with the change of rhythm, is particularly effective. The measures in 3-8 time give an interesting irregularity to the opening portion of this song.
It was said that the songs during which individuals danced were ‘‘about the right length for a dance,” and that the man might use ‘fancy steps” if he desired but must keep time with the drum. During the next song the members of the council danced. If a drum dance lasted four days this was sung every afternoon.
No. 98. Song During Which Members of the Council Dance (Catalogue No. 1553)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—The two occurrences of the rhythmic unit, with which this song opens, are followed by a phrase beginning with the same count divisions but changing to an entirely different rhythm, with which the song closes. The song has a compass of 10 tones and contains the complete octave except the sixth. Half the progressions are major seconds.
This song, like the preceding, was sung every afternoon if the dance continued four days. The song is for the wearer of a feather garment called a ‘‘crow.” (See p. 157.) The wearer danced first and others followed him. In the ceremony witnessed by the writer in 1910 this official sat at the entrance of the dance circle and took a toll of to- bacco from all who entered. Four Menominee dancers wore such a dance ornament in the old days.
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 99. Song During Which the Wearer of ‘‘ Crow’’ Dances (Catalogue No. 1554)
Recorded by AMaB
Analysis.—This song has a compass of 12 tones, the first 8 measures being in the upper and the last 7 measures in the lower part of the compass. The two occurrences of the rhythmic unit are followed by an incomplete repetition of the same phrase. The two sixteenth notes, occurring on an unaccented count, produce a peculiar jogging rhythm which suggests the motion of a Menominee dancer.
During the next four songs the warriors dance and others follow them. No. 160. Song During Which Leading Warrior Dances
(Catalogue No. 1555) Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—This song contains only the tones of the minor triad and is characterized by a descending trend, though it does not end on the lowest tone of its compass. An unusual variety of intervals occurs, none being smaller than a minor third. The song comprises six ryhthmic periods, the fourth and sixth beginning with a triple measure and being longer than those designated as a rhythmic unit.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 179
No. 101. Song During Which Next to Leading Warrior Dances (Catalogue No. 1556)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—This song comprises four periods of about four measures each. The third is reminiscent of the rhythmic unit and the closing period is in a different rhythm. The song has a compass of 13 tones, beginning on the highest and ending on the lowest tone of the compass. Nineteen of the 24 progressions are whole tones.
No. 102. Song During Which Third Warrior Dances
(Catalogue No. 1557) Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—The rhythm of this song is contained in two units and is somewhat monotonous except in the first measure of the second unit. It is interesting to note the recurrence of the first rhythmic unit be- tween the repetitions of the second unit. The interval of a minor third does not occur, and the interval of a fourth comprises more than a third of the progressions.
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 103. Song During Which Fourth Warrior Dances (Catalogue No. 1558)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis —All the tones of the octave occur in this melody, which is major in tonality and has a compass of 11 tones. It contains three sorts of intervals in ascending and five in descending progression, but has little variety in rhythm. The semitones at the close are unusual in Indian songs.
The next song is for young men and is sung im order that they may reach old age. During the song any old man may rise and dance, usually imitating extreme age by leaning on a cane. If a young man wishes to do so, he may join the dancer. The song is started by one of the drummers. This is sung only once or twice in a dance which lasts four days.
No. 104. Song During Which Old Men Dance
(Catalogue No. 1559) Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—This song has the unusual compass of 12 tones, beginning on the highest and ending on the lowest tone of the compass. The
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 181
first measure is in 5-8 time, a beginning which is unusual in Indian songs and which continues, with occasional interruptions, throughout the song. The rhythmic unit occurs only twice, though the sixth measure from the close of the song resembles a measure in the unit. The fourth is a particularly frequent interval in this song, though progression is chiefly by minor thirds and major seconds.
Many songs are connected with the general dancing and do not sueceed each other in any prescribed order. The next song was said to “‘refer to the boys and girls, holding hands in a long line.” During these songs the men stopped singing near the close and the women finished the song.
No. 105. Dancing Song (Catalogue No. 1602)
Recorded by Perrer FisxH
Analysis —The interval of a fourth constitutes almost half the progressions in this song. The tempo is not rapid and the voice was slightly trailed on the smaller intervals. Each of the four rhythmic periods contains four measures, the last period differing from the others in its count divisions. A comparison of the first and second rhythmic units affords an interesting example of thematic treatment. The song is unusual in that it contains no change of measure lengths.
[BULL. 102
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182
“Two Women Go Traveling’’
106
No.
(Catalogue No. 1560)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis—Each phrase in this song is descending in trend, and
io fo]
Cc
scending intervals are almost double the number of ascendin Twenty-el
the de
t of the 33 intervals are minor thirds and
The song has a compass of 11 tones and contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh.
a
al
gr
J
intervals.
whole tones.
The closing song of this dance is peculiar in that the women sing alone for a short time near the end of the song, after which the men
finish the song without their assistance.
No. 107. Closing Song of Dance
(Catalogue No. 1561)
Recorded by AMAB
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Analysis.—The transcription is from the first rendition of this song. In other renditions the initial tone in the second measure is B. It is interesting to note that the first rhythmic unit is followed by three different series of tones, thus completing the phrase in three different ways and in varying lengths. The second rhythmic unit resembles the first but is differently accented.
Attendance upon a drum dance is supposed to benefit the health of a sick person. Songs for the benefit of the sick are sung at a small gathering held at night while the drum dance is in progress. These songs are concerning a bear or a buffalo (see Nos. 54-56), and if a person is present who has dreamed of either, he rises and dances. If no such person is present the singers sing the song four times and then stop. It was said, ‘‘The dancing of a man who had a dream of a bear or a buffalo calls down the power of that animal and the sick person is helped.” If the man desires, he may signal the drum to be silent while he relates his dream.
In expectation of a benefit or cure, a sick person brings gifts which he presents to the dancers after feeling that he has received benefit from their performance. As on similar occasions, the gifts usually consist in lengths of calico. Instances are related of men who have been cured during two days of this dancing.
GIFT OF A PONY
The gift of a pony was witnessed twice at the Menominee drum dance. On one of these occasions a man stepped outside the dance lodge and broke a little branch from a pine tree, bringing it into the lodge and presenting it to a member of the Chippewa tribe, this branch representing a horse which would be given him in a few hours. The men at the drum began a song and the recipient of the twig danced around the circle, imitating the actions of a horse and waving the little branch like a whip. The donor of the horse danced in his place while the song was sung. When it was finished the recipient of his gift went to him, saying, “Migwétch, migwétch”’ (thank you).
There was said to be only one song for the gift of a horse at a dance,
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
No. 108. Song with Gift of a Pony (Catalogue No. 1839)
Recorded by AMaB
Analysis.—With the exception of an ascending octave this song progresses entirely by minor thirds and whole tones. Only two of the whole tones are in ascending progression. There is a suggestion of the canter of an Indian pony in the short rhythmic unit followed by a longer unit, occurring in both portions of the song. The frame- work of the melody consists of the whole tones E flat to F and B flat to C, and the song is classified as lacking the third above the keynote.
TOBACCO DANCE
At the conclusion of a drum dance and often after a cawunowin a tobacco dance is given. This is an acrobatic dance and is usually danced by two men selected for the purpose, though others may join if they wish to do so. On the occasion when the writer was present, two men began to dance as soon as they rose from their seats, placing both hands on the ground and waving their feet or waving one hand and one foot. Men and women took part in the dance, but these two were always the most prominent. Long ago a man named Kako excelled in this dance. He wore a sleigh bell on each knee and at first he danced in a circle, then he held a hoop above his head, passed it down over his body and put one foot through it, and then drew it up to his head again, dancing all the time.®
The information concerning the origin of this dance was given by David Amab, Louis Pigeon, and Mitchell Beaupre, who were ques- tioned separately, and their accounts found to be similar in every respect. They said that the tobacco plant % was given to the Indians by their creator, so that they could always raise it, and that the
*’ This was witnessed in 1930 by the Winnebago, who called it the hoop dance.
* According to Smith (Ethnobotany of the Menomini, p. 81) the silky cornel (Cornus amomum Mill.) and the alternate-leaved cornel (Cornus alternifolia L. f.) were smoked by the Indians before the coming of the white man. ‘These, however, are not the plant referred to, as a reliable informant known as Charlie Dutchman said that so far as he knew there was not a plant of the original native tobacco remaining on the reservation,
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 185
_ Indians gave the tobacco to Manabus. The knowledge of the plant was not imparted in a dream but “given” to a man who gave it to the other Indians. They liked it so much that they wanted more and more, and he made them dance before he would give it to them. The tobacco dance was made up when the Indians gave the tobacco to Manabus.
A different origin legend is given by Skinner, who states that “tobacco was procured for the Indians by Manabus,” who caught erasshoppers and ‘‘caused them to spit out the tobacco.” (Menom- ini Culture, p. 357.) This authority designates the tobacco dance as ‘‘perhaps a degenerate form of the Calumet of the Southern Siouan tribes” (op. cit., p. 75) and includes it in a list of obsolete dances and ceremonies. Hoffman presents a myth related by Neopit which states that the Indians received tobacco from Manabus (Menomini Indians, pp. 205-206), but does not state whether other Indians than Neopit were questioned. He states that ‘the tobacco and shawano dances are much esteemed as affording great pleasure and excitement.’”’ (Op. cit., p. 247.)
The songs of the tobacco dance were in three groups, one of which had words with the melody. The songs were accompanied by a large drum, similar to that used in the drum dance, which was struck rapidly at first and during a portion of the singing.
No. 109. Tobacco Dance Song (a) (Catalogue No. 1645)
Recorded by PIGEON
Analysis —The short phrases of this song, first ascending and then descending, suggest the motion of an acrobatic dancer, although the tempo of the song is not rapid. The fourth, which is often associated with motion, comprises one-third of the intervals in this song. One tone (marked -)) was given less than the indicated time.,
Amab said that he recalled a time when he was a boy and was in the sugar camp with his grandmother. There was always some festivity in the evenings, and he, with two companions, got up a tobacco dance. There was quite a crowd. An old man sang and one man had a drum like a moccasin game drum. Amab said, “I lay down on my side and shook my head and arms like a fish, and dragged
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
along, first on one side and then on the other. I moved my feet like a fishtail and my hands like fins and kept my eyes shut a long time.” He said this was simply an acrobatic performance and not like the fish dance described on page 190.
No. 110. Tobacco Dance Song (b) (Catalogue No. 1837)
Recorded by AMAB
FREE TRANSLATION We will begin to dance like a fish
Analysis.—The angular trend of this melody suggests the acrobatic nature of the dance. Almost half the intervals are fourths and fifths, which is an unusual prominence of these intervals. The song contains 13 measures and 18 progressions. Attention is directed to the first, second, and third measures, which contain an ascent and descent of an octave.
No. 111. Tobacco Dance Song (c)
(Catalogue No. 1833) Recorded by PigEon
Analysis —The general characteristics of this song are similar to the song next preceding. Almost half the intervals are fourths and we note the ascent of a seventh and a similar descent within three measures. The rhythmic unit is shorter than in the preceding song, but the frequency of whole tones produces a smoother melody. A major tonality is indicated by the first note of the second measure,
eauonn) MENOMINEE MUSIC 187
without which the song would be classified as irregular in tonality. The ascending major third near the beginning of the melody gives a free, careless swing which is particularly interesting.
No. 112. Tobacco Dance Song (d) (Catalogue No. 1834)
Recorded by PigEoNn
Analysis —This melody consists of three descending phrases of three measures each. The first phrase has a descent of 5 tones, the second of 6 tones, and the third of only 3 tones. The interval of a fourth occurs only twice, the principal progression being a major third. The excited character of the dance appears in the hurried phrases of the second and fifth measures and in the 5-8 measure. All the tones of the octave except the second and fourth are present in the song.
BEGGARS’ DANCE
An event of the sugar camp and of all large gatherings is the beggars’ dance (ani’mowin). At evening, toward the end of a sugar camp, a party of men and women start out with one man carrying the drum. They stand in front of a wigwam and sing and dance. The people understand their purpose and invite them to enter. The leader of the party is given maple sugar and three or four members of the party have bags in which to carry it away. If the dance is held after a general gathering they are given various sorts of provisions. After receiving these gifts they dance again, and if they can not complete the round of the camp in one evening they finish the next night.
This dance is in four parts, each with its songs. In the first part the drum is slow and even and the people dance in a circle. In the second part the drum is rapid, the women stand still (‘‘dance in their places’’), and the men move around them. The third part was said to be “‘like a jig’’ and the fourth part was ‘‘very lively.’’ The song here presented is one of the songs of the second part of the dance, taking place directly after the gifts have been received.
48819°—32——14
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No. 113. Song of the Beggars’ Dance (Catalogue No. 1838)
Recorded by AMAB
Analysis.—This song is based on the first 5-toned scale in which the third and seventh tones above the keynote do not occur. Progres- sion is chiefly by whole tones, although the fourth and fifth comprise nine of the 38 intervals. A trotting motion is discernible, due to the sequence of a quarter note and two or more eighth notes.
The wolf dance, or dog dance, is different from the beggars’ dance. Tradition states this dance originated with a member of the Wolf clan, who was accustomed to beg when in need and said that he had success in begging ‘‘by the power of the wolf.’’ Three songs of this dance were recorded but not transcribed. The words were as follows:
No. 1. The wolf leads the man in begging from his friends.
No. 2. I wish he would give me food—corn meal with sugar spread over it. No. 3. Little things that fly about in the night-time.
DANCES IN IMITATION OF ANIMALS AND BIRDS
Among the dances witnessed at the Indian Fair at Keshena in September, 1928, were six dances in which the dancers imitated the actions of birds, fish, and animals. These dances were so old that only a few old men remembered the songs, Pigeon and Kimewun being the principal singers. They said that, so far as they knew, these dances were intended only for pleasure. The creatures imitated were the rabbit, partridge, fish, frog, crawfish, and owl. Several repetitions of the dances were given in order that the writer might observe them more closely.
The crawfish dance was said to be a dramatization of a familiar folk story; the rabbit, partridge, and frog dances were said to have originated in dreams; the origin of the fish dance is uncertain; and the owl dance was attributed to the first gift of medicine to the Indians. None of these creatures are totem animals among the
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Menominee. For this reason it is difficult to connect these with the all-animal dances described by Skinner as ‘‘An obsolete ceremony said to have been especially for the totem animals. It was intended to make them happy and contented so that they would continue their amicable relations with mankind and be easily obtained for food.” **
Rassit Dancer
Origin.—A man who was bunting once saw a rabbit sitting and eating. He saw a wildcat coming toward the rabbit, which jumped but was afraid to take another jump. It went under a log, and so the wildcat lost the trail. As the rabbit sat under the log he made up a song because he was so glad to be safe. The man heard and learned the song, which is now used in the rabbit dance.
Action.—Men and women moved around the drum, crouching and pretending to put food in their mouths, with lips moving in imitation of a rabbit.
No. 114. Rabbit Dance Song
(Catalogue No. 1831)
Recorded by PIGEON
Vv Wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos
a a 2 ee €
LI Paes
a ea iors) =
y , fine Y Y wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos man-i-to wa-bos man-i-to. TRANSLATION Wa’bos (rabbit) manito’ (spirit)
Analysis.—In this song we find a longer rhythmic unit than in other songs of the animal dances, with note values that suggest agitation and are in keeping with the origin legend of the song. The progres- sions consist of nine major thirds, one minor third, and one whole tone. The compass is five tones, as in a majority of the animal dance songs. Because of the accented C in the second measure the song is classified as melodic with harmonic framework instead of harmonic in structure.
% Skinner, Associations and ceremonies of the Menomini, p. 206.
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 PARTRIDGE DANCE
Origin.—A man who was hunting, long ago, heard what he believed to be a song. He thought that some one was singing and he crept close to the place whence the song seemed to come. When he came close he saw a partridge on top of alog. The partridge was drumming and he had mistaken the sound for a song. He made up a song from the sound which he heard, and also made up the dance to go with it.
Action —Men and women joined in this dance, moving around the drum with arms held widely apart from the sides of the body and moved in the manner of wings.
No. 115. Partridge Dance Song (Catalogue No. 1830)
Recorded by PrGEoN
na-u_ tei-tci-ho pi-nau tci-tei-ho pi-nau pi- pi-nau. TRANSLATION
Pina’u (partridge) teitci’koho (sounds)
Analysis.—The third syllable of the second word was omitted by the singer. The tone material of this song consists of the major triad and fourth and the song is harmonic in structure. It is interesting to note the overlapping of phrases in the fifth and sixth measures, the latter introducing a new rhythmic unit. Progression is chiefly by major thirds and each phrase has a descending trend. The change of tempo occurred in all the renditions and resembles other songs of the group. Shrill, sharp yells followed the performance, the final note being given its indicated time and the yells following in the same time as the notes in the connective phrase, introduced between the renditions of the song.
Fish Dancr
Origin.—In explaining this dance Pigeon said, ‘‘When the day is warm this fish (sunfish) stays under the deadheads, under water. When the weather is very hot he comes out and acts as the people do in this dance. He goes away somewhere and then they start to
sing.”
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Action.—This dance is performed by men and women in a slightly stooping posture, with arms moving slowly like fins. They squat on the ground, continuing to move their arms with a finlike motion and turning their heads to one side; they also move forward dragging one leg at full length behind them.
No. 116. Fish Dance Song (Catalogue No. 1827) Recorded by PIGEON
Voice @ = 112 Irregular in tonality
TRANSLATION
Pa’/kitona’ (open mouth)
Analysis —The primitive character of this melody is shown in its structure. The song is based upon two intervals of a whole tone, these being the intervals between B and C sharp, and between ¥ sharp and G sharp. These comprise all except three of the inter- vals, the remainder comprising two fourths and one minor third. While F sharp occurs in a majority of the measures it is not regarded as the keynote because of the peculiar sequence of tones. Two pairs of renditions were recorded, each followed by sharp yells. In this and in No. 117 meaningless syllables are underscored.
Frog DANCE
Origin.—Long ago an Indian who was going close to a lake saw a frog’s head above the water. When the frog saw the man he started to run right on top of the water, then he dived and sang, and appeared above the water farther along. The man learned the song from the frog. This dance was never used for any purpose except pleasure.
Action.—In this dance the hands are used like paws and the men and women dancers assume a squatting position.
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No. 117. Frog Dance Song (Catalogue No. 1828) Recorded by PicEon
Voice é - 400
ih in tonality
TRANSLATION
Mama’kako (frog) kakwi/nau (jumps)
Analysis.—The structure of this melody is the same as that of the song next preceding, but the melody is less fluttering and the song consists almost entirely of repetitions of the rhythmic unit. This unit is longer than in the fish dance and consists of eighth notes except for the quarter note in the first measure. The principal in- tervals in the song are the whole tones between F sharp and G sharp and between B and C sharp. The performance ended with a short note followed by sharp yells. The first syllable of the first word was omitted in singing.
CrawFisH DANCE
Origin.—This dance is founded on a folk story which is familiar in many tribes. The same story, with its song, was recorded among the Chippewa (Bull. 53, p. 305 and Song 180). The Menominee
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 193
version differs only in details which are not important. Pigeon relates the story as follows: A coon was walking on the bank of a river and a crawfish, going that way, was carrying a little crawfish on its back. The coon lay down, pretending that he was dead, and the crawfish, after looking at him closely, went home and told all the people in the crawfish village that the coon was dead. They came in large numbers and gathered around the coon. The first crawfish took out his knife (thrust out his claws) saying, ‘‘Now we will make fun of that coon.’ They all pinched the coon with their claws and when they pinched very hard he moved a little. They got this song when the coon moved.
Action.—During this dance the men and women dancers use their hands like the claws of the crawfish, pinching each other and the men at the drum. The action is humorous but not rough and the dance is the occasion of much merriment.”
No. 118. Crawfish Dance Song (Catalogue No. 1832) Recorded by PIGEON
d = 100 Irregular in tonality
tan e- si-ban-e tci - pi-tan e - si-ban-e. TRANSLATION
Tci’pitan (he is startled); e’siban (coon)
Analysis —Almost half the intervals in this song are fourths, an interval associated with motion and suggesting the activity of the crawfish. All the phases are descending in trend with an ascending interval at the close which suggests a query. Two pairs of renditions were recorded, both containing the indicated change in tempo.
% A Winnebago informant said: ‘‘The Menominee have the crawfish dance in the spring when the frogs wake up. Nature wakes them up and the Indians take this as a sign of spring. ~The Menominee have this dance and a feast to show their thanks.”
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Ow. Dancer
Origin.—This dance is founded on a legend concerning the first gift of medicine to the Indians, by which they were able to secure success in all their undertakings. (See p. 58.) This gift of medicine came from an owl.
Action—Men and women unite in this dance, advancing around the drum, stooping down and peering through ‘“‘spectacles” made by touching the tips of thumb and second finger and holding these hoops before their eyes. These suggest the eyes of an owl.
The songs of this dance are Nos. 26 and 27.
SOCIAL DANCES
Other dances seen at this time included dances said to have been received from Manabus, especially that which he compelled his grandmother to dance before he allowed her to partake of the first game he killed. There were old Menominee war dances and modern dances adopted from other tribes. Among the latter were part of the green-corn dance; the ‘‘snake dance,” in which the dancers follow a leader in an erratic path; the ‘‘friendship dance,” in which couples face each other in a dignified ‘‘round dance’’; also a new dance called ‘“‘fortynine,”’ which is said to have originated in Oklahoma and said to be ‘‘like the old scalp dances but made up by soldiers about the late war.’ The music of the last-named was pleasing, but all the songs seemed to have been learned from other tribes. Like the pre- ceding, it was a social dance, the dancers moving around the drum.
In the following year (1929) an afternoon of social dances was attended at Zoar, the accompanying drum being shown in Plate 27, c. Under this drum a hollow had been made in the ground, this hollow acting as a resonator for the sound of the drum.
WAR SONGS
Four classes of war songs were recorded among the Menominee, (1) songs of individual warriors, (2) general war songs, (3) songs con- nected with Black Hawk, and (4) songs connected with the service of members of the Menominee tribe in the Civil War. The Menominee appear to have composed no songs concerning the last war. The war customs of the Menominee were similar to those of other tribes of the region and are not considered in this paper.
Two songs of an individual warrior belonged to Pawa’kone (Falling Feathers, as from a bird molting) who was the singer’s great- grandfather. The meaning of the words of the next song is not known.
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No. 119. Pawakone’s War Song (a) (Catalogue No. 1525)
Recorded by PIGEON
Analysis.—This song, like several others in the present series, has a compass of 12 tones, beginning on the highest and ending on the lowest tone of the compass. It is a pleasing melody, with the slightly jerky rhythm noted in many Indian war songs. The rhythm contains many occurrences of a sixteenth note followed by a dotted eighth, and it is interesting to note the variety produced by the use of this simple phrase in various combinations. The tone material is that of the first 5-toned scale in which the third and seventh above the keynote are absent.
It is still the custom for warriors to rise and dance when their songs are sung, and if Pawakone were living he would follow the custom when the men at the drum begin the next song. The words consist in a repetition of thg term for ‘‘warrior.”’
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No. 120. Pawakone’s War Song (b) (Catalogue No. 1526)
Recorded by P1agEON
Analysis —This has the same compass as the song next preceding but contains three instead of four periods. The first and last have the same rhythm, while the middle period contains none of the count divisions which occur in the others. The song contains no interval larger than a major third and includes all the tones of the octave except the sixth and seventh.
The Menominee warrior believed in two sources of help and pro- tection. One was his personal medicine (described in connection with Songs 122 and 123) and the other was the war bundle (pp. 69-74). The next song refers to two kinds of owls whose skins were placed in a war bundle. The owls are represented as “eating together,” which indicates that they were ready to unite their power for the protection of the owner of the bundle. This song was sung ‘‘from time to time during a battle” to increase the power of the war bundle. It was learned by Peter Fish from his father, when he was a child. It is said that ‘‘war medicine” was usually obtained from birds and the fetish was a bird or a part of a bird. This is the first of the general war songs.
No. 121. War Song Concerning the Owls
(Catalogue No. 1615)
Recorded by PretrEerR Fisu
F :
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Analysis.—Attention is directed to the second note of the second measure in this song. If this were an eighth note we should have a repetition of the first phrase, but the quarter note leads forward to the succeeding phrase, thus giving strength and interest to the melody. The structure of the song is harmonic and the tone material com- prises the minor triad and second. The melody is pleasing and rhythmic, its repetitions compensating for its brevity.
Men and women danced in a lively manner during the next song. The words have been forgotten.
No. 122. War Dance Song (Catalogue No. 1586)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
Analysis.—Three rhythmic units occur in this song, the resemblance between them being of unusual interest. Except for unimportant tones, the only part of the song not included in these units is that oc- curring after the repeated portion and containing no count divisions like those of the unit. The song has a compass of 10 tones and is based on the fourth 5-toned scale. Progression is chiefly by minor thirds.
The history of the Menominee tribe shows that in the early days they were alternately under French and English rule. The next song
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
is very old and its history is forgotten. The Menominee joined the British in the war of {1812-14,% and the song may have originated at that time, the present words being added many years later by someone lacking in historical knowledge.
No. 123. ‘‘The Queen of England’’ (Catalogue No. 1627)
Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN
FREE TRANSLATION The Queen of England wants us to fight against her enemies
Analysis.—The descent of an octave in the first three measures of this song is unusual, and the rhythm is somewhat miltiary in its precision. The song contains the tones of the fourth 5-toned scale and is harmonic in structure. Progression is chiefly by whole tones with the interval of a fourth next in frequency.
The third class of war songs is connected with the wars against Black Hawk, a subordinate chief of the Sauk and Fox Indians. Ac- cording to Mrs. Agnes Sullivan (pl. 8, b), a woman of advanced age, the white men asked the Indians to join them against Black Hawk, and she recorded a song with the words, ‘‘The white man points his pipe at me,” referring to this invitation. The Menominee, however, had their own provocation to war, as Black Hawk’s warriors killed some members of that tribe in 1831, the year before the “‘Black Hawk war” against the white settlers.1 They boast of their victories, one song containing the words ‘‘Mita’mika (Black Hawk) ran away so fast that he left his children (warriors) behind him.’”’ Another has the words, ‘‘Black Hawk threw away his daughter and we took her alive.” In explanation it was said that Black Hawk’s daughter was “played out” and her father told her to face the enemy, being sure they would not kill her. Two other songs concerning women captives were recorded, one of which is here presented.
The man who recorded the next song said that he learned it when a young man and that his grandfather was in the war against Black Hawk. A woman belonging to Black Hawk’s band was taken captive
9 Hoffman, the Menomini Indians, p. 19. 1 Handbook of American Indians, pt. 1, p, 151.
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and the following song was composed by the warriors when they were bringing her to their camp. She afterwards married a Menom- inee and lived in that tribe the rest of her life.
No. 124. Song Concerning a Captive Woman
(Catalogue No. 1587)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
Analysis.—This song is not in 5-4 time, although double and triple measures frequently occur in succession. ‘There is an initial accent in these measures. A portion of the song lies above and a por- tion below the keynote. The song is major in tonality, contains all the degrees of the octave except the seventh, and progresses chiefly by whole tones.
History states that Black Hawk died in Iowa in 1838, but the next song asserts that he was killed by a Menominee. It is possible that the song may have been imperfectly translated and was intended to refer to one of Black Hawk’s warriors, or it may be an exaggeration of a victory over Black Hawk.
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No. 125. Song of Victory Over Black Hawk (Catalogue No. 1589)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
FREE TRANSLATION
I bring Black Hawk’s scalp home with me
Analysis.—The rhythmic form of this song consists of five occur- rences of the rhythmic unit. The eighth notes at the end of each unit are interesting, as they give a crispness to the song. In tonality this melody is major, containing the tones of the fourth 5-toned scale. Progression is chiefly by whole tones. The song contains no change of measure lengths, which is unusual in the present series.
The next is a dancing song, and after singing it the Indians pointed their spiked war clubs toward the south, where Black Hawk lived. John V. Satterlee, the interpreter, said that he heard this song when a young man, showing that it was used and connected with Black Hawk long after his death.
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No. 126. War Song (Catalogue No. 1625)
Recorded by Agnus SULLIVAN
Analysis.—This is a particularly interesting melody, beginning on the highest tone of its compass of 11 tones and descending to the lowest tone of the compass in the seventh measure. The melody then ascends a seventh and descends to the keynote, which is the final tone. Attention is directed to a comparison of the rhythmic units, the dotted eighth in the first unit being divided into two six- teenths and an eighth in the second unit. The principal ascending intervals consist of two fifths and two fourths. The descending intervals contain no progression larger than a minor third. The song is minor in tonality and contains all the tones of the octave except the sixth.
The fourth class of war songs comprises those which are connected with Menominee in the Civil War. It is said that 125 Menominees enlisted for the Civil War and that one-third of the number were killed in battle or died in hospitals.2 The member of the tribe who acted as recruiting officer for the United States Army was Joseph G. Gauthier, grandfather of Frank S. Gauthier. He was a son of Chief Toma’s sister and was in the employ of the United States Govern- ment for more than 50 years. (Cf. footnote, p. 24.)
Among the Menominee who served in the Civil War was Cawuni- pinas (pl. 11, 6), who asked to be photographed wearing his G. A. R. badge.
Several songs concerning the enlistment of Menominee in the Civil War were recorded, one containing the words, ‘‘The white man came and took the Indians.” Only one of this group is presented.
2 The Upper Mississippi, by George Gale, op. cit., p. 195,
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No. 127. Song of Enlistment in the Civil War
(Catalogue No. 1593)
Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS
Analysis.—The first three phrases of this song are framed by the descending octave on D and the remainder of the song by the de- scending octave on G, thus completing its compass of 10 tones. It is a particularly lively melody which might inspire the Indians in their great undertaking.
Cawunipinas said that he attributed his safe return from the Civil War to the fact that, in accordance with a dream, he carried the feathers of a bird called the ‘‘striker” (papa’ksikeu). He said this bird is not large but is very swift and kills with one blow of its wings, even killing ducks in this manner. He carried some feathers from the tail of this bird for his protection and in the thickest battle he ‘“‘could not be hit.”” The next song was sung in a large gathering on his return, the people dancing to the song.
No. 128. Song of Protection During the Civil War (a)
(Catalogue No. 1590) Recorded by CAWUNIPINAS ‘
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Analysis. —This song contains three periods, the first and second being alike, while the third contains an interesting triple measure which gives variety to the rhythm. The song contains no change of measure lengths. It has a compass of eight tones, lying partly above and partly below the keynote.
A Menominee named Kapo’sa, who served in the Civil War, carried the feathers of several birds and attributed his safe return to the protection of this fetish. The birds were the eagle, the ‘‘white eagle,” buzzard, and other large birds.
No. 129. Song of Protection During the Civil War (b) (Catalogue No. 1571)
Recorded by AMaB
FREE TRANSLATION All the powerful birds like me and gave me this song
Analysis.—In this song we find a more varied rhythm than in the preceding, although there is a resemblance in the occurrence of two unaccented eighth notes on the final count of the measure. The song has a compass of 10 tones, ascending to the highest tone of the compass. It contains the tones of the fourth 5-toned scale; the keynote is prominent, and the structure is melodic with harmonic framework.
A similar song, not transcribed, contains the words ‘‘Raven knows me as manito,” probably meaning that the raven recognized his equality in “spirit power.”
MOCCASIN GAME SONGS
It is the belief of the Menominee that the moccasin game was given to them by Manabus. The manner of playing the game is the same as among the Chippewa,’ the players being divided into two opposing
3 Cf. Bulletin 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 207, 210-213, 48819°—32——15
204. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
sides and one member of each side hiding four bullets under four moccasins while his assistants sing and one of them beats a hand drum. One of the bullets is marked and the game consists in guessing the location of the marked bullet.
The moccasin game is never played as a dream obligation, like the bowl-and-dice game and lacrosse, but is sometimes played at the termination of the period of mourning for a relative who was fond of the game. A son may hold a game for his father, or a father may hold it for his son, or it may be held for any relative. David Amab said that he once played in a moccasin game given by a woman for her deceased father. The woman’s name was Waptino’mita’mo. The time was winter and the game was held in her house with four men on each side, one to hide the bullets and the others to sing and drum. If such a game is held in summer, it is played out of doors near the burial place of the deceased.
The person who institutes a ‘memorial game” provides gifts for the successful players, usually consisting of a suit of clothes for the leader and lengths of calico for the others. He or she also provides a feast, after which a speech is made by some one selected for the purpose, explaining the reason for the gathering. The players are divided into two opposing sides and the game is played according to the usual custom. At its conclusion the person who instituted the game dis- tributes the prizes and thanks the players for their services. After this event the family and friends refrain from outward expression of grief and do not talk of the deceased.
The score of a moccasin game is kept by means of small sticks, 10 being required to win a game. ‘The wives and friends of the players dance to bring good luck and receive a share of the wagered articles from those whom they are supposed to have assisted in this manner.
The following incident, related by Mitchell Beaupre, shows the manner in which a moccasin game was regarded in the old days. There was to be a moccasin game between the Menominee and another tribe and Wecawanakwut, the juggler (see pp. 98, 99), was to represent the Menominee. Before the game he met the opposing player. Weca- wanakwit plucked a weed, put it in the palm of his hand and rolled it with the other hand, then put it in his mouth and chewed it. After chewing it a few moments he spat it on the ground where it turned into a green snake and wriggled away. Wecawanakwut said to the people, “Do not go near it nor kill it or you will have bad luck.” Then he said to the opposing player, ‘‘ Now, my friend, you can’t beat that. Dll show you who will beat this game.” They began the moccasin game as soon as Wecawanakwut could go home and get his bullets. He won, and divided the wager among his relatives, giving 15 yards of calico to his cousin, Beaupre’s mother, and a pair of blankets to another cousin. There was a long pair of beaded moccasins
Saanaecinall MENOMINEE MUSIC 205
and Wecawanakwut, knowing Beaupre’s father to be a tall man, stood up and said, “‘Where’s Beaupre? Tell him to come and get these long moccasins.” ‘The relatives of a successful moccasin player had many nice clothes, quilts, and blankets as their part of his winnings in the game.
Wecawanakwut refused to sell the trick about the snake, saying, “T got that trick in a dream and was told to use it myself and not to sell it to anybody.”
The player hiding the bullets has an assistant who sings and pounds on a drum while the hiding is in progress, or he may have more than one assistant if he desires. Certain songs may be sung by either side, while others belong only to the side which is hiding the bullets. Thus a song (not transcribed) contains the words “That young man on the opposite side, [ make him guess wrong.” The intention of such a song is to confuse the player who is trying to guess the location of the marked bullet.
The first song of this group would be sung by the side which is hiding the bullets. The words may refer to a tradition noted among the Chippewa (Bull. 53, pp. 210, 211) in which a man was told in his dream that he would find four bullets hidden in the woods and that they would bring him success. The Chippewa sometimes placed their bullets in the water at the edge of a lake to insure success.
No. 130. “I Will Hide My Bullet ’’ (Catalogue No. 1566)
Recorded by AMaB
FREE TRANSLATION I will hide my bullet in the ground so no one ean find it
Analysis—This song consists of four rhythmic periods. The melody moves freely and opens with an ascent of an octave in two intervals, followed by a descent to the original tone accomplished in three intervals. The second phrase comprises a descent from G to C and the third continues the descent to G, the final phrase returning to the initial tone of the song. The tones occurring most frequently are C and G, but the sequence of tones suggests F as the keynote. The third above that tone occurs only in the third phrase.
206 BUREAU OF AMBRICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 102
The next song can be sung by either side and is general in char-
acter. No. 131. “I will beat you’’
(Catalogue No. 1540) Recorded by P1igEON
AT TF See = (a a: eee. eee ee Seon a eee a as = a a) ee Fe a Ce =
FREE TRANSLATION
I will beat you anyway. You are not smart enough.
Analysis—The only tones occurring in this song are G, A, D, and E, and the tone G is indicated as the keynote. The ascent of an octave at the opening was changed to a major sixth in the repe- tition of the melody. The repetitions of the rhythmic unit are continuous except for the break that frequently occurs about midway through the song. It is a lively melody, with an unusual frequency of the interval of a fourth.
No. 132. Moccasin Game Song (a) (Catalogue No. 1565)
Recorded by AMaB
Analysis—Every measure in this song begins with a dotted eighth note, yet the rhythm is varied and interesting. Attention is directed to a comparison between the two rhythmic units and the phrase con- tained in the third and fourth measures which differs from both. It is also interesting to note the recurrent phrase in the fourth and seventh measures, each being followed by a short rest. The tones are those of the minor triad and fourth and the intervals comprise 13 whole tones, 5 minor thirds, and 1 minor sixth.
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No. 133. Moccasin Game Song (b) (Catalogue No. 1632)
Recorded by Mocruar
Analysis—This song begins and ends on EH, which is the lowest tone in the song and appears in all except two measures. In these measures E occurs in the upper octave. This insistence upon one tone suggests the concentration which was so important to success in the moccasin game. Five repetitions of the rhythmic unit comprise the entire song. It is interesting to note the ascent of an octave within three intervals at the opening of the song and in one interval, midway the length of the song. The tone material is that of the fourth 5-toned scale.
The final song of the group is very old. Its owner is said to have used a set of bullets revealed to him in a dream. The words, not translated, concerned the hiding of the bullets.
No. 134. Moccasin Game Song (c) (Catalogue No. 1640)
Recorded by OKIMASE
: = 188 Irregular in tonality
Analysis.—This song resembles three of the Ute hand-game songs (Bull. 75, Nos. 96, 97, 98) and several of the Pawnee hand-game songs. It is not a distinct melody, but is exclamatory in style with short frequent rests. 'The melody contains only three tones and its interest lies in the rhythm, made more effective by the change from triple to double time. The song is classified as irregular in tonality and pro- gresses only by fourths and semitones.
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
Four other moccasin-game songs were recorded and transcribed. In one of these the player is compared to a house mouse, which is considered a particularly stealthy animal. The song is addressed to the player and contains the words, ‘‘ Mouse, you are winning.”
FLUTE MUSIC AND LOVE SONGS
The flute used by the Menominee is of wood and similar in construc- tion to the wooden flute used by other tribes (see p. 11 and pl. 7, a). It was used as a courting instrument and an informant said that a man who played the flute always carried “love medicine,” indicating that magic was called to the aid of his music.
An intelligent Menominee said, “‘ Long ago there was a kind of sing- ing which had no words and was in imitation of the flute. This was intended as a love song and it was different from any other kind of singing.” Another stated that the use of words in such singing (or vocalization) came later, and that the love song with words arose in this manner. Both Chippewa and Menominee use a peculiar nasal tone in singing love songs which is different from that used in any other class of songs. This is not pleasing to members of our race, but is supposed to be an imitation of the flute.
Four records of flute playing were recorded, two by Mocihat and two by Okimase, and each player ‘‘sang”’ one of his performances, adding words to the melody he had played on the flute. A comparison of Flute Melody No. 1 and Song No. 135 shows a resemblance, though they are not identical in every respect. It would be difficult to sing the exact tones played on a flute but this represents an attempt to do so. The song corresponding to Flute Melody No. 3 was not tran- scribed. These records of flute playing were made possible by the courtesy of John V. Satterlee, who lent the flute and secured the services of skillful performers.
Fiture Mertopy No. 1
Recorded by MoctHatr
209
MENOMINEE MUSIC
DENSMORE]
Future Merpopy No. 2
Recorded by Mocruat
Fuurre Metopy No. 3
Recorded by OKIMASE
Frure Meruopy No. 4
ry
Recorded by OKIMASE
Analysis —On examining the transcriptions of the flute melodies we
note that they contain all the tones of the octave except the seventh. They have a compass of eight tones, beginning with A (second space,
treble clef) and extending upward. The tones occurring most fre-
quently are the fundamental and its simplest upper partials or over-
cellent and the inter-
D.4
ation is e
the inton
Generally speaking,
tones.
iven. A collective analysis of the following love songs is presented on
page 212.
or 5
vals clearly
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
210
No. 135. Love Song (a)
(Catalogue No. 1630)
Recorded by Mocinat
d = 100
Irregular in Tonality
TRANSLATION
I will keep on courting until morning
Similar
s were found in one of the Chippewa love songs but have not been
The words of the next song are taunting in character. noted in other tribes.
word
136. Love Song (b)
No.
(Catalogue No. 1631)
Recorded by MoctHat
il
FREE TRANSLATION
your mother loves you so much
)
You had better go home
which were
,
gs
The mention of weeping occurs only in love son
closely associated with into
xication.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 211
No. 137. Love Song (c) (Catalogue No. 1542)
Recorded by Piazon
FREE TRANSLATION Do not weep for me, my sweetheart, for you will see me in the springtime
The next song is a Menominee version of a Chippewa song which was recorded in 1910 at Lac du Flambeau, Wis. (Bull. 53, No. 112.) The words of the Menominee song were not translated, but the Chippewa song is that of a mother who asks that her son be per- mitted to marry the daughter of Bugac and promises that he will give her brass kettle as a wedding gift to his bride.
No. 138. Love Song (d) (Catalogue No. 1624) Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN
Two additional love songs were recorded and transcribed, one having the words, “‘Oh, how that girl loves me—the one I am secretly courting.” The other song, said to be very old, was addressed to his sweetheart by a young man who was dying. The words of the latter
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
song were, ‘‘At some future time you will think of me and you will cry, my sweetheart.”
Analysis.—The six love songs recorded by the Menominee have two outstanding peculiarities. First and most important of these is the prominence of the interval of a fourth, found to characterize songs pertaining to animals and birds. This interval comprises 37 (22 per cent) of the intervals in the love songs. As a second peculi- arity we note that an unusually large part of each melody is on the upper tones of the compass. The subdominant is more prominent than in a majority of Menominee songs and many of the progressions are sung glissando. The tempo of these, as of Chippewa love songs, is slower than in a majority of other songs. Four of the love songs are on the fourth 5-toned scale, and only one contains a rhythmic unit. Attention is directed to No. 136, which consists of two phrases, the second seeming to answer the first in a pleasing manner.
It is difficult for Indians to keep from laughter when recording love songs, and it is probable that No. 135 would have ended on F if the singer had not been overcome with amusement. ‘The song, however, is transcribed as sung and classified as irregular in tonality.
LULLABIES
The sound of a mother soothing a child is not dignified as a ‘‘song”’ by the Indians. In some instances this sound, or crooning, has been found to be formless, there being no repeated phrases in a long period of recording. It appears that a distinct, repeated melody for sooth- ing a child is gradual in its development. It is different in its origin from other songs which are received in dreams or composed as a conscious act. Pleasurable phrases may be repeated, and a woman may adopt or imitate fragments of melody which she hears another woman sing until the song takes a definite form. Such a melody of the Chippewa is presented as No. 149 in Bulletin 45, and a version of the same song occurs as No. 127 in Bulletin 53, the two being recorded on widely separated reservations. The first Menominee lullaby resembles this and may be another version of the same song.
The Menominee women who recorded these lullabies used a peculiar mannerism, consisting in a slight upward glissando when releasing a tone before a rest. This can not be indicated in the transcription.
Between the renditions of the next song Mrs. Laughrey said, ‘‘Be still, my child, or the owl will get you,” thus imitating the action of a mother when singing the song to a child.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC plat
No. 139. Lullaby (a) (Catalogue No. 1634)
Recorded by Karuprtns LAUGHREY
Analysis —This and the song next following will be analyzed together as they have many characteristics in common. Both are based on the fourth 5-toned scale, progress chiefly by whole tones, and end on the keynote. The phrases in each have a descending trend. The low tone at the close of this song was sung distinctly. Although this song has so extended a compass, it is the gentler and more soothing of the two melodies. Attention is directed to the seventh and eighth measures in the second lullaby in which the progressions are the same as in the rhythmic unit, but the phrase is in double instead of triple time. Such changes of accent are interest- ing and give character to the song.
No. 140. Lullaby (b) (Catalogue No. 1629)
Recorded by AGNES SULLIVAN
MELODIC AND RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS OF SONGS BY SERIAL NUMBERS
MeEtopic ANALYSIS
TABLE 1.—TONALITY
Num-| Per
Serial numbers of songs ber |\cont
Major tonality...-....------ 1, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 93 66 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85, 87, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 109, 111, 112, 114, 115, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130,
133, 136, 137, 139, 140. Minor tonality. .--.-----.--- 2, 3, 9, 21, 24, 25, 27, 31, 37, 67, 73, 86, 90, 91, 92, 98, 99, 100, 105, 106, 24 17 120, 121, 126, 132. Both major and minor-____--- EA ee a ee ee ee eee See wees eee 2 i hirddacdking. .22ceL 12S 2 DB G1, 68764; 88, L08;110N 11S 119 M131 ess o Sas ese Se eae ate 11 8 Prregiilars 20 2 Wee ey 26, 69) 71,82, S306 117 185 134, 1S bec et — eee ee 10 6 otalies she Nf Mh Wee Se SE cea sok Ase eee ab cee bee eee 1402225
TABLE 2.—FIRST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
A Num- Serial numbers of songs ber pa Beginning on the—
Dwelftis..2 see esses 162. Se SPSSRSO STON oy 99,9110, LOO stan e eA woe SER EN ee eee 11 9 MLO VEN UN. eee ee ee Was TOs Oe can 8 CEE Soa hee cee A Re ee 3 2 Tents. 3. Ses see eta MOMTOU: sees eae oe ew Ses ese sae eee see eee 2 1 NGG on eee oes 6, 11, 12, 16, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54, 61, 31 21
62, 64, 65, 66, 68, 93, 103, 104, 106, 107, 125, 139. Octavel#®_2244f 224908 10):1428,°51, 155,59, 87,92, 975,98; 100/105, 1202 soe ees _ 2 eee 13 9 Seventh-eeon veces 5G, 86) FID TOG oe Soe ae es sll es Sa lel ee ee 4 3 Sixth os 22st ees Ts LORMOs OA OSSe Cen oek be ow ak 2 Cee RE ee eee ee 5 s ACA Or) Teese ey oe Se ee 4, 5, 8, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 27, 29, 31, 33, 34, 37, 57, 58, 60, 63, 72, 43 80
74, 76, 77, 84, 85, 88, 89, 95, 109, 114, 115, 122, 123, 124, 127, 128,
130, 131, 132, 138, 136, 137, 138. Hourght eee ree ee Ly aia pes pee lb ge aS ae SR NE Ee PRI a Be oS 1 1 LN sph nts baieaanna mieten bers, Aor at 175.25; S081 2065 LOZ mista see ree a a ee ee eee 7 6 Second) wees ese ti WIV S0 Th ate PES a. te de Rida lr Deel es A 2 1 Keynotes. 200 nee oe 18) 305 82°35 366i LlOe 1a we ates ei Sak ee eee 8 6 Trregulars: cae hohe cae 26,169; 71, 82).85ublO lds. MS ed04, LO. ee ee Beetle 10 8
AY OCA ee es eee | a i eee eet eee See Ue eee eee ee 140 | ee:
[BULL. 102: DENsMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 215
Metopic ANALysis—Continued TABLE 3—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE
Serial numbers of songs Pe ze
Ending on the— Wittn es ose sens 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 16, 18, 22, 28, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 60 48 50, 51, 52, 53, 56, 57, 63, 65, 67, 72, 74, 76, 78, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 95, 101, 102, 104, 107, 108, 109, 111, 113, 123, 124, 128, 130, 131, 133, 136, 137, 138. Piird= 2.2 es UF EAE eRe LAD sal 0-7 Lal opt hc a a i Lhd RO pee ne aE 5 3 Keynote_-_----- 1, 2, 3, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 30, 31, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 65 46 46, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 66, 68, 70, 73, 75, 79, 81, 84, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 105, 106, 110, 112, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 125, 126, 127, 129, 132, 139, 140. Trregular___---- 26, 69, 71, 82, 83, 116, 117, 118, 134, 135.
TABLE 4.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG
| Serial numbers of songs ne prea el | Songs in which final note is— | PEGS LTE) BOS ee Bee ee Be ee Es Eerie 120 86 Immediately preceded by—! MGnTtn POLO Weesees Ae et Pees Cee ANS LOF S137 084s 1S leses SO: Sere 5 3 Enon third | bel0Weasss= 2<=2225s2Ssu5522<52 222222 DS yao ees ee oe ays See 2 1 Wrouole tone pelowess22es ee sek 22s lol ere Debs 220 Ee A Sees anos he eee se aed 1 1 (alata ete) 1010) ea a lt) See ee eee ee eee 1 1 Songs containing notes lower than final note— GRENDEL OW set ea a= oa no en aces ene ennceas 24, 37, 100, 110, 111, 1380, 132_...____ ia MINOR BIT DOO Wns so et oo own eon ee ca 18.023. 1003 340 a< aasee owen eee ese 3 2 WiRDIPILOHO DOlOWs 6 ao ta a eee ener ee 1358 22 oe Fe a oe Seen 1 1 CGY Lae 2 ee Re I Sh a nl bene enema = eee rer eee ee ee 140" | 2s
1 Songs 31, 58, 71, and 118 contain additional notes lower than the final note. TABLE 5.—NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISING COMPASS OF SONG
Serial numbers of songs pints bee Compass of— TAS 3or rae (2a ea ee a a ae ae Dees Pd ak Uris ip tat 0) [Oats ee 5 8 LO BY LUST of a A lt REE PD RES 1, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 15, 16, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 28 20 51, 53, 65, 70, 73, 75, 99, 104, 119, 120, 127. INES Wa TQ Tk: Se eee 10, 28, 57, 67, 72, 77, 87, 90, 91, 100, 103, 106, 107, 110, 16 11 126, 130. NOIEOH Otten ea en oe ane 40, 41, 54, 55, 56, 61, 66, 79, 86, 96, 97, 98, 122, 129, 139 __ 15 il OOnOS een oe on won ee ess 4, 7, 13, 46, 62, 64, 68, 69, 76, 78, 85, 89, 93, 94, 108, 111, 18 18 125, 137. BiGONGS pos ae ono nc tawacooeee eens 5, 14, 17, 24, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 59, 63, 74, 80, 33 24 84, 88, 92, 95, 105, 109, 118, 118, 123, 124, 128, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 138. VIR ee Seen en ee SOU ROTO LIS ee week eee ee ee 4 3 Gipnesss oes ae oon neneen an 17) SEES Si oneness 3 ITA TTE (iat Sy Regs pr en 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, 27, 30, 60, 82, 83, 114, 115, 116, 117, 16 11 121, 140. CMF Dre Dies) ges eee ae nce sen sae 7 tool ari i sl RRR ODE Ie Wap oly See pS ESET ui 1 PON OB sis seca ee stete eens Bo eater ne nae eee snes nour Bases esis i 1 GN Gtk he oe RS oe SE ee ee ee ee ee eas nee eee 140) 32825
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102 Me topic Anatysis—Continued TABLE 6.—TONE MATERIAL : um- Serial numbers of songs hoe Bee Hirst 6-toned scale.-2- 23.2.2 22 525-22 DUB 219 oe oe ba ce ee Fe ee he ee 2 1 Second 5-toned scale__...__-.-.-----. 9, 90; Oli. ae wate coos Senet wes 2s ase ee a ee a 1 Fourth 5-toned scale__.--.----------- 1, 6, 11, 13, 14, 15, 22, 23, 28, 29, 34, 35, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44 31 44, 45, 46, 51, 53, 57, 64, 70, 72, 74, 77, 79, 87, 89, 94, 96, 104, 107, 111, 122, 128, 125, 129, 133, 136, 137, 139, 140. Major triad and 1 other tone_____---- TS AQs OZ SAO 2 UD LAO Soil ise oa a eres ee 6 4 MNENONMITIAG se see eae eee 7 EG (1 Sepa OY EE Poke a ee eee eter ere a ee 2 1 Minor triad and 1 other tone---_---_-- 24, 25;02 105, (uA LAI Wis oeeo~ es Se ee 7 5 Otiavercomplete-.2--222 23-8 39145 )N7405 005) 0051005100118, 805 LOS setae so-so neeee 12 | 9 Octave complete except seventh- -_-- 8, 20, 21, 32, 33, 36, 39, 40, 50, 52, 75, 93, 95, 101, 106, 17 | 12 124, 128. Octave complete except seventh and | 2, 10, 30, 31, 59, 86, 120_-_----------_---_-_-------------- 7 5 1 lower tone. Octave complete except sixth_____-__ 85 GRUTL 26 tee ae ae EE RE LE eK a ee 3 2 Octave complete ‘except, sixthyandy |S 7seare 28) oh Oita ee Se ee Pee 1 1 1 lowered tone. Octave complete except fourth ___- 12 1G HAP AR OL 62,00, Obp L0dse eee ae nen eee eee 9 6 Octave ‘complete except: fourth! and!) 11D eee ee ee 1 1 second. Octave:complete: except second. 2-267 feo. eae 8 a ee ee ee ee 2 1 Other combinations of tones_-_------- 5, 58, 60, 68, 81, 84, 88, 99, 108, 110, 131, 138____----__ 12 9 Both major and minor____---_----_-- ly Ci es 2 ery BS 22 8 Ce i a 2 1 ATVORUIRG eee te cee ake he eee 26;'69;' 71,182) 835116, 117, 118 134, Noble eee 10 7 Motel. ss. eek Sock ee ec be ee BS i oe ee 1 oe TABLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS F Num-| P Serial numbers of songs fen fe Songs containing— Naaccidentals-=-2=. 22-22 52s82 32 2,3; 4;'5;'6, 8, 9,10; 11, 12).13, 14515, 16; 17,18; 19) 21; 117 84 22, 23, 24, 25.) 2iy, 295) 20s iB0y (Oly O2, 035,045 GD, BOs Olly 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 67, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140. Sixth raised a semitone_________- (2 este tate el Ala eA, RET UR Se URED LES Hd Sorin Ne nce 1 ih Fourth raised a semitone________ DONO 5 iis pete wae te ke Ee, eh et a eee 3 2 Third raised a semitone ________- eth alo ta eet ete ALB Bie Rt ns 1 1 Seventh lowered a semitone______ 1 GD pe een pe eee amas NT en om ee 1 t Seventh. and." third. lowered v8 iO) (GG ete ee oe eee ee | 2 1 semitone. Sixth lowered a semitone________ Wf peta ats oh pleas tall 6 gh Nl A CRC SE et cp 1 1 Third lowered a semitone_______- i PY keep tie = ps a ee A ME HA oe 2 1 Both major and minor_____-_____ WP i beeen hac Be yl at ae MR PN BD en id tu aps 2 1 Rapa of he A a Roc ges 5 eae aca 26,69; 71582, 80, 226, JI7, 118) 184, 135222222 oe ee 10 7 SRO LAL stew aan ee eck eee |S Slee Ue eae ct A oe She Gene eee fe ea 140), j-a2223
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC yA ws
Metopic ANALysis—Continued
TABLE 8.—STRUCTURE
Serial numbers of songs ye i ISG bron: 2 ee ee 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 107 76 22, 24, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 119, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 137, 138, 139, 140. Melodie with harmonic framework-_-| 10, 44, 55, 85, 98, 105, 106, 114, 120, 129____.-___________ 10 7 Parmonic! #92 == - fees See 2 ee ok 19, 23, 25, 27, 92, 96, 97, 100, 115, 121, 122, 123, 136_____ 13 10 Lacie rt on eee ee eee een Ae OO; Wl; Saneas lO, ly, WIS Lod, ope se eee eee oe 10 7 CGN EE IS I a er | Se, See ae a a eB ee a ee rege at [ee LAO; eee
TABLE 9.—FIRST PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Serial numbers of songs Nas ver ih Ae i eer 1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24,| 97| 69
25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 53, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 94, 95, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105, 108, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 132, 134, 136, friaest heroes rere ee er tee on 2, 3, 4, 13, 22, 23, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 41, 48, 51, 52, 54, 55, 43 31 57, 73, 76, 77, 89, 91, 93, 96, 97, 98, 103, 106, 107, 109, 110, 121, 126, 129, 130, 131, 133, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140.
TABLE 10—TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD
Number | Per cent
TOG EIST TG | 3 een Se ee ee ee. ar eee nn ns 2, 090 65 Tne rvil 2 Bes oe a ea a ee a ee ae oe Se ere a ee 1, 105 85 BF icteric an te ee a Ree eens Jokes eect es| 3; 198 | ee
TABLE 11—INTERVALS IN DOWNWARD PROGRESSION
Number | Per cent Number | Per cent
Intervals of a— Intervals of a— nS la? ee 18 Major second.....----.--- 1, 086 52 OUP UNE tess See 52 ose ok 192 9 Minor second...-.=-.--._- 128 6 WE Dei 105 5 ————— Mirtor third. = 2.2. <2+-2.5. 561 27 Eh ign) °:| Eee eS eer, 2; O80) \asatonaa=o
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102
Metopic ANALYsIs—Continued
TABLE 12.—INTERVALS IN UPWARD PROGRESSION
Number | Per cent Number } Per cent Intervals of a— Intervals of a—
Menten 22 tee Fes ee ee ii] Bee ee Mourthss24she es eyes 208 19 Ninth: 624 eee ee see 1 Eee eee Majorthird 2.2255. s2264 60 5 Octave:c Behe ere are (yesh ae Minor thirds 22. 2252. 224 2g Seventh: sc teewee eee sence LONG sae eee ee Major second_--__-------- 456 41 Mision Sixtheessooteese se Qitseees se Iiinorisecond.s5. 222 seee 37 3 Minor sixthis= 228222025 fof Re | EGE Seg eee 87 8 Motal 2 634s osee coe 1-105 )|Se eee
Number Nm ber: Of SONgS= jhe ste he ea ue a dd eae Re oe AB Lease ae om 140 Wumber of intervals 2.2 2s coce coe oA ee ee 2 NE ou eat tO 3, 195 INtIMIDer Of SeMItOneSs: 2 <cee se! oe ee eo 10, 043 Average number. Of, Semi tonesyimi am WM Cer veils st ee oe ae eee 3.11 Ruytumic ANALYSIS TABLE 14—PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS 3 Num-| Per Serial numbers of songs Bere eane
Beginning on unaccented part of | 1, 2, 4, 5, 8, 14, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 30, 32, 76 54 measure. 34, 35, 36, 37, 40, 42, 48, 45, 46, 51, 53, 55, 57, 59, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 91, 95, 96, 97, 98, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 110, 113, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 132, 133, 135, 138, 140. Beginning on accented part of mea- | 3, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 19, 20, 26, 27, 29, 31, 33, 38, 63 46 sure. 39, 41, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 56, 58, 60, 63, 69, 72, 74, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 99, 100, 102, 108, 109, 111, 112, 115, 116, 117, 123, 125, 180, 131, 134, 136, 127, 139.
DENSMORE] MENOMINEE MUSIC 219
Rauytumic ANAtysts—Continued TaBLE 15.—RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE
: Num-| Per Serial numbers of songs ber | cent
First measure in—
VR Diet ee 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 32, 33, 89 64 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 71, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 109, 110, 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 133, 136, 137, 139.
Soh See 1, 5, 7, 10, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 31, 34, 39, 43, 53, 54, 57, 42 80 60, 67, 68, 69, 72, 76, 78, 85, 86, 89, 90, 95, 107, 108, 111, 113, 118, 123, 127, 131, 132, 134, 135, 138, 140.
fo it) ee ee ee Ce Nee Boe ee ee ee eee 1 1
AC init. Ses ee eee ee GLO BO iO (tan ee oa ae car re) et ae RAR) ne a 4 8 SEMIN Dore ce oe nc ak ae Oo) LOSS oe oie coe magenta Sees See ee eae eee 3 9 Without measure accents___-----___- 4 inl et at Aen here Pree ae enna ee ere = a 1 1 SE ish eee ere ek OE see Oe as a tere sec eden Sa eeee awe Se dace s sa ee ace 140) |e
TABLE 16.—CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE LENGTHS)
-—_—_—___
Serial numbers of songs Nee bios
Songs containing no change of time-_| 15, 18, 25, 32, 35, 38, 31, 42, 52, 56, 58, 59, 79, 82, 83, 87, 26 19 90, 99, 105, 106, 114, 118, 125, 128, 130, 131. Songs containing a change of time---} 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 113 80 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 129, 182, 183, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140.
TABLE 17.—RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG
Serial numbers of songs ant: pes Songs containing— No rhythmicwunit =... 22 30, 32, 34, 36, 46, 63, 64, 65, 84, 96, 103, 121, 134, 135, 17 12 136, 137, 138. En YyGHMNO UNG 5 nn ne 1,/2) 3; 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11; 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 101 72 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 106, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 133, 139, 140. Arhyihmicwmnits---...=.-.=-2---- 14, 19, 24, 25, 45, 49, 62, 71, 74, 76, 87, 88, 94, 97, 102, | 20 14 105, 107, 108, 126, 132, sroytioiie units: - 22-2 2522-223 2 a i alt A Lat ar A Pde 2 1 “DEE Le Be ER ees ee eee eee See See ee a ees Coens 140) |-t2ak
48819°—32
AUTHORITIES CITED
ARMSTRONG, BENJAMIN G. Early Life Among the Indians. Ashland, Wis., 1892.
Barrett, §. A. Dream Dance of the Chippewa and Menominee Indians of Northern Wisconsin. Bull. Pub. Mus. Milwaukee, vol. 1, art. 1v, Milwaukee, 1911.
BLooMFIELD, LEonaRD. Menomini texts. Publ. Amer. Ethn. Soc., vol. xu, New York, 1928.
Cuin, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. Twenty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1907.
DensMorE, Frances. Chippewa Music. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Wash- ington, 1910.
Chippewa Music—II. Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1913.
Teton Sioux Music. Bull. 61, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1918.
Mandan and Hidatsa Music. Bull. 80, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington,
1923.
Music of the Tule Indians of Panama. Smithsonian Inst., Misc. Colls.,
vol. 77, no. 11 (Publ. 2864), Washington, 1926.
Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians. Forty-fourth Ann. Rept.
Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 275-397, Washington, 1928.
Chippewa Customs. Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929.
Papago Music. Bull. 90, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929.
Pawnee Music. Bull. 93, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929.
FiercHer, AuicE C., and La FLEescue, Francis. The Omaha Tribe. Tweniy- seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1911.
GaLE, GEorGE. The Upper Mississippi; or Historical Sketches of the Mound Builders. Chicago, 1867.
Hanpspookx oF AMERICAN INDIANS NortH or Mexico. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Bull. 30, Pts. 1-2, Washington, 1907-1910.
Hetmuoutz, H. L. F. The sensations of tone as a physiological basis for the theory of music. Translated by A. J. Ellis. 2d ed., London, 1885.
Hewitt, J. N. B. [Report on field work for 1925.] Jn Smithsonian Report for 1925, pp. 67-70, Washington, 1926. HorrMan, Water J. The Midewiwin or ‘“‘Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa. Seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 143-300, Washington, 1891. The Menomini Indians. Fourteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pt. 1, pp. 3-328, Washington, 1896.
Inpian Arrarrs. Laws and Treaties. Vol. I (Laws). Vol. II (Treaties). Compiled and edited by Charles J. Kappler. Washington, 1904.
Report of the Comm. of Ind. Affs. to the Sec. of the Int. for 1929. Washington, 1929.
INTERIOR DEPARTMENT. Report of the Secretary of the Interior, vol. I [H. R. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, 42d Cong., 2d sess.]. Washington, 1871.
JeENKS, ALBERT Ernest. The Wild-rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes. Nine-
. teenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, pp. 1013-1137, Washington, 1900.
221
222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 102: DENSMORE]
Kaprier, Cuas. J., ed. See INDIAN AFFAIRS.
La Fiescue, Francis. See Fuercuer, Auice C., and La FLEScHE.
Linpauist, G. E. E. The Red Man in the United States. New York, 1923.
Massacuusperts Historica Society. Collections, vol. x, Boston, 1809.
Micuetson, Truman. Menominee Tales. Amer. Anthrop., vol. x11, no. 1, pp. 68-88, Lancaster, 1911.
Preliminary Report on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes. Twenty-eighth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 221-290b, Wash- ington, 1912.
ParKMAN, Francis. The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War After the Conquest of Canada. 10th ed., vols. I-u, Boston, 1908.
Pituinc, James C. Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Bull. 18, Washington, 1891.
SATTERLEE, JoHN V. See SKINNER, ALANSON, and SATTERLEE, JOHN V.
Skinner, ALANsoN. Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians. Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. x11, pt. 1, New York, 1918.
Associations and Ceremonies of the Menomini Indians. Anthrop.
Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. x1, pt. 2, New York, 1915.
Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, and Wahpeton Dakota,
with notes on the ceremony among the Ponea, Bungi Ojibwa, and Potawatomi.
Indian Notes and Monographs, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Found., vol. 1v, New
York, 1920.
Material Culture of the Menomini. Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Founda- tion, Indian Notes and Mono. (Misc. no. 20), New York, 1921.
SKINNER, ALANSON, and SaTTERLEE, JoHN V. Folklore of the Menomini Indians. Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. x11, pt. 3, New York, 1915.
Smitu, Huron H. Ethnobotany of the Menomini. Bull. Pub. Mus. Milwaukee, vol. 4, no. 1, Milwaukee, 1923.
INDEX
Page
ABIES BALSAMBA, use of_____ 121, 132 ACHILLEA MILLEFOLIUM, use of. 121, 132, 134 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.__-------- Vv
ACORUS CALAMUS- ------ 121, 130, 133 ADIANTUM PEDATUM, use of__ 122, 131 ADOPTION—
GUstoOM OMe S252 Beni tt 40-41
legend of origin of.__----- 41 ADOPTION DANCES—
Recount oftte Wuwss ae ey 40-52
Grain of Ys seu YUL 22 51 ALUMROOT, use of___-------- 122, 130 Amas, Davip—
Sisinger. 2. Ship eel = XIX
characterization of__------ XXI
myth related by---------- 135
AmBERICAN Museum oF Natv- RAL History, mention of__-- 70 ANIMALS, dances imitating.-._ 188-194
APOCYNUM PUBESCENS, use of-. 122, 131 ARALIA NUDICAULIS, use of___ 122, 130 ARBORVITAE, AMERICAN, use of. 123, 134 ARCTIUM LAPPA, use of__--_--_ 122, 132 ARISAEMA TRIPHYLLUM, use of__ 122, 129 ASARUM CANADENSE, use of__ 122, 130 ASCLEPIAS SYRIACA, use of_-_- 122, 130 ASCLEPIAS TUBEROSA, use of_-_ 122, 132, 133 BALSAM FIR, use of____------ ay 192 Barrett, S. A., dance described yee te ek AAO TS 150 BATHS, INFANTS’, plantsusedin- 133 Baan power ofss.-.~ = 2 2u be 86, 87 BEAUPRE, MrtcHELL— an informant. 2222 282 24. XIX characterization of__------ pO. aii incident related by_.------ 204 personal reminiscence of_-_ 3-4 BEGGARS’ DANCE— eseriped. 2 f22..2. 02 ee 187 BOnmOrsYs _ i As 188 BELIEFsS— concerning the spirit - ~~ --- 135 Menominee compared with Chippewa...2..--22 2224 6
Page BETULA PAPYRIFERA, use of__ 122, 131 BIRCH BARK, transparencies of __ 9 Brrps, dances imitating_ ~~ - 188-194 Buack HawK— NGAUH OF cena oe ce ee 199 songs connected with-_-_-_-_-- 194, 198-201 story of daughter of_____-__ 198 BLACKBERRY, 'THORNLESS, use Of. ..22S25 22034 5s SPRUE 123, 131 BLOOD DISEASES, remedies for.__ 129 BLUE-EYED-GRASS, EASTERN, use Of! .. 2222230 2 Eee 123, 1383
Bongs, used in curing the sick_ 100-101
BOwWL-AND-DICE GAME— ~ ceremony efi2iL2_. Veiea described ees osgosee aso 33
Boys, puberty customs of__-_-_-- 74-76 Brouisss, treatment for__------ 132 BuFFrAaLo— dreams .ofitie Delgenso3 a 87 songs connected with____-- 83-84
BUNDLE, LACROSSE, described__ 37-88
BUNDLES, SACRED. See SACRED BUNDLES. BURDOCK, use of....+22----= 122, 182
BURIAL CUSTOMSE2)_ 23222555 — 135 BURIAL GROUND, location of... 1389 Burns, remedy for__..-------- 132
BURNTSIDE, Epwarp Ety, a Chippewa juggler___.----- 102-103 BURSA BURSA-PASTORIS, use of. 122, 134
BUSH-HONEYSUCELB, use of.. 122, 129 BUTTERFLY WEED, use of. 122, 132, 133
CANOE BIRCH, use of_------- 122, 131 GATNIP, U8G OF) 222 one 122, 132 CAWUNIPINAS, JOHN—
8 SING CL ae a ee eee D4 :<
characterization of__------ XXI
in. the Give Wat..=—- = 201 CEANOTHUS AMERICANUS, use
Ee ee ee eae. 122, 130
CEREMONIES—
comparison of... ....-- 5 = 5-6
of restoration of mourners. 163-164
of the drum religion------- 150— 151, 156-167 CHARACTERISTICS, MENOMINEE. 4-5
223
224 INDEX Page Page CHARMS— Dancres— carried by warriors_...---- 70 adoptionse. . tse fase 40-42, 52 for hunting 20. 2sset) 61-62, 68 benefit performance of__-._ 154 made at puberty___.-----, 74-75 for healing the sick_-____- 51 making) ofec seme tee J 57 imitating animals and See also FrtisHes; Mepti- birdsuse acne tess es, 188-194 CINE. in honor of the dead__-_-- 51 CHIMAPHILA UMBELLATA, use of. 122, of the drum religion_-_--_-_- 150 129 social $<)... 2.0 eee 194 CuippEwa INDIANS— tobaccowes=:: 3ehs eta s 184-185 drum religion among------ 150 wolf, songs of. us -. 222007 088 medicinal plants of___--- 126-127 | DreRVILLA LONICERA, use of__ 122, 129
presentation of drum by, to
Menominee. ..-..-.-~.- 155 resemblances of, to Menom- INCE eaters oe eae 5, 6, 9 wapunowin dance of __-__-- 43 CHIPPEWA SONGS, resemblance of, to Medominee____-------- Vv CHOKECHERRY, WESTERN, use REE. hota 8 iy aye 123, 130 Civin War— Menominee participation inebiige 2 4b sa! wot Rt geet 5, 201 songs connected with____-- 194, 201-203 Coups, remedies for_._-------- 130 COMPTONIA PEREGRINA, use PIL Se Oth Sa Rede Ee 122, 133 Convutsions, treatment for... 128 Cornet smoked by Indians-__-_-_-_ 184 Covueu, remedies for__-------- 130 CRAWFISH DANCE— Origin ORM - Gk Kivy. anaes 192 BOTR OP acy «SOUR 193 Crow BELT. See Crow ORNA- MENT. Crow ORNAMENT— GESCHIDeU te ee eter mm 157 AVI OSM OM as see eos 157 CULTURE, MATERIAL. = _--_-__- 9 CULVER’S PHYSIC, use of_____ 122, 131 Customs— | ob i251 Leng gs af Ste 135 COMpParisOny Olees |= ee oe 5-6 hppa 50, 60-62, 88, 123 Ghadopionen.s2. 2s 22k 40-41 Puberty) = secs 74-76 Dauton, Capratn, statistics fur- 125-110 1 2 A aN 4 DANCE BUSTLE. See DANCE OR- NAMENT. DANCE ORNAMENT, or regalia, qescribede seo sae eee ees 157
DisEAsss, classification of-_-_-- 128 Di1vuReEtTI¢, plant used as__----- 131 Doa FEAST, representation of___ 166 DoOGBANE, VELVET, use of__-. 122, 131 DovUBLE-BALL GAME, ceremonial playing of . 220. 259. 34-35 Dovups, FRANK, aide'in drum ceremony. 5. 2esusd hese see 157 DREAM songs— concerning the sun____---- 79-80
connected with the buffalo. 83-84
dincussedus hut! woh-pe reels 8 77-89 of the little whirlwind_-_-_ 82-83 of the thunderers- -------- 81 DrEaMs— benefits derived from____-- 76 induced by fasting_-_------ 26 requiring playing of games_ 27 See also Visions. Donn, in singing. --22--2-2 10 DRUM CEREMONY, songs of_-- 168-182 DRUM RELIGION— and itssongs_2S42eee ses 150-183 ceremonies of___-_------ 156-167 origin, of. 22. te ae ee 151 teachings of. geo2h. A. 28 152 Drums, CEREMONIAL— articles belonging to_____-- 154 custodian, of 2255244 sens 152 described ) = 2-- L222 10, 152-153 of the east god’s dance, de- scribed... Sun ss ipaeme ae 42-43 presentation of__------- 151, 152 religion centered around_-- 150 songs belonging to__---- 154-155 Ducks, story of ..222-.226ee 145-149 DuTcHMAN, CHARLIE, mention Ofc S At Be 157 DysENTERY, remedy for_------ 13] East Gcop— account ol. 42 => = Seen 42 Cult Of. See e eee 42 dance received from____--- 3-52
INDEX 995 Page Page
ELpER, EUROPEAN RED, useof_ 123, 131 | GAmes—
EmeEtic, plant used as___------- 131 ceremonial playing of___-__ 26-40
ENVIRONMENT of the Menominee V See also LacrossE; Mocca-
EUPATORIUM PURPUREUM, use SIN GAME.
Ole. 6 5s Eo ess - 122,183 | GauruierR, Frank S8.—
Eyz— an dnforimant.a2\ cue 2 inet s 2 XIX remedy for diseases of ___-__ 13 MENON OF 2 2 coat 201 remedy for injury to_____- 134 | Gauruier, JosepH G., recruit-
FACIAL CONTRACTION, medicine ing officer in Civil War_-_---- 201
a ee ees ee ee eee 129 | Girts, bestowed at adoption___ 43
aike— GINGER ROOT, use of________ 122, 130 at puberty_.._.-_--------- 74-76 | GIRLS, puberty customs of __--_- 74-75 dreams induced by___--~--- 26 GLOSSARY- - -------~--------- 24-26 length of time of_.___--_-- 75 | GNAPHALIUM OBTUSIFOLIUM, visions induced by----- 74, 75, 76 use of _---~-------------- 122, 129
wees. GOLDEN-ROD, use of____- 123, 129, 1382 Dien cocaine 50 GRAPE, RIVERBANK, use of__ 128, 184 Teh rocee ertereala byes 37, 38 Hasitat of the Menominee- mye 1
Piierrdetased aorenened’'!! 9p, 208) 24PAC =, medicine for_2-- = pee
Heart, weak, medicine for_____ 129
FrETISHES— feathers used as___----- 202, 203
MSGchAns Wal ae = sas =~ = 196 See also Cuarms’ SACRED BUNDLES. FrEver, remedies for____------- 132 Fisu, JIM— CMT Ts =) ea xix characterization of____-_-- XXI
Fiso, PETER— SRC RT ee oe ea 2a DS
characterization of__------ XXI FIsH DANCE—
GUI Oe 190
TES ee See 191 Fiac, AMERICAN, use of, at In-
dian. ceremony... — +, === 158
FLUTE—
te ar ee a 11
melodies played on-_----- 208-209
NS i nett eed 208 Fiyr, Lovis, a mourner------ 163 FLYING SKULL, story of_.----- 97 Pesce ATORINA.<..~———-- =~ 144-149
See also LEGENDS. FoLLE AVOINE, French name for the: Menominee..--22-...— == 1
PONBHA SONGS .2.— 5452.0. 140 FROG DANCE— EDO ae = sh 191 GOOF e = oie te 192 Gag, plants used to attract... 123
HELENIUM AUTUMNALE, use of 122, 129
Hemuock, Canapa, use of___ 123, 134 HEMORRHAGE, remedy for- -- -- 132 HEPATICA TRILOBA, use of___ 122, 131 HERBS— care and storage of- ----- 99-100, 119-120 importance of knowledge Oh oe a oe 99 medicinal use of _-_------ 111-121 See also PLANTS. HEUCHERA AMERICANA, use Of sian veninte te wae ae 122, 130 Horrman, W. J.— dance studied by_-------- 150 study by, of medicine lOd@Gs + Santana Secse—cee 89 Howopertca, songs of__-_----- 116-118 Hoop DANCE, described------- 184
Horse. See Pony. HuntING, songs connected with. 62-68 HUNTING BUNDLE—
CATE OLjhe .a*) oe See 61 ceremony of opening- ----- 65 contents/of--.—-- == 55-225 60-61 discussed | 2 2.2 - ee 60-62 HUNTING CHARMS. .---------- 61-62 HUNTING CUSTOMS-.---------- 50, 60-62, 88, 123
HYDROPHYLLUM VIRGINIANUM, USCAOL 2530 ts Sees 122; 130 INDIAN TURNIP, use Of------ 122, 129
226 INDEX Page Page INDIGESTION, remedy for- ----- 130 | Lecenps—Continued. InFANnts, plants used in baths of origin of medicine_-~____ 57-58 Of 220 Mak 2a 133 of origin of sacred bundle__ 60
INFORMANTS, names of___---_-- XIX oftlie: twists 1a. . Bee 6-7
INITIATION into medicine lodge. 92-93 See also FouK sToRIEs;
Iowa Inprans, drum religion ORIGIN MYTHS.
among s42e4escse 20 Ml 150 | Leonarp, E. C., plants identi- James, Epwin, medicine lodge fied. byt hide ud_voage 121 described By 2. 024 20 eee 39 | LepranpR&« VIRGINICA, use of_ 122, 131
JERSEY-TEA, use of_________- 122, 130 |- Lire EVERLASTING, fragrant, use
JOE-PYE-WEED, use of_______ 122, 133 Of A Sete th kas 5 ee 122, 129
JuaaLers— LILIUM PHILADELPHICUM, use lost people located by---. 101 Of nih 2 aeons tony: meas 122, 132 magic used by, in curing LINGUISTIC RELATIONS, Menom-
sicknesseee | vse eee 100-111 infer Si. se ueteeks ae by Rent if BONES Of sa 2202 MAU MOM 105-111 | LirHospERMUN CANESCENS, use spirits summoned by-_-_--_-- 103, CPLA: AU og tae a eae ee 122, 128 104, 106, 109 | Lonetey, Mrs. Harriet— tipi performance of_____ 102-105 an informants... 12. 3usee XIX
Kako, an acrobatic dancer_-_-_-_- 184 characterization of_...___- XXII
Kapésa, in the Civil War_____- 203 herbs gathered by__- 118-119, 121
Kayawikit, lost man located LovE sones, manner of singing. 208
by Sees CI SURES 102) LUDEABI NGS. 222s Se -oU eas 212-213
KursHena, Wis., songs recorded LUNG TROUBLE, remediesfor_.___ 130
bee a nce pe ph A = T v | MacCautey, Cuay, dance de-
Kickapoo, drum religion seribed byweiiees. ee 150
CSUN of 1y coe ne 150 | Maaic—
KimMEw uN— use of, in treating the Mention Ofs Sas =s ae eee 157 SIC kes he ree cree 100-111 reference to...--.----_- 159, 161 See also PUPPET TRICK.
KinasE, JOHN, custodian of MAIDEN HAIR FERN, use of___ 122, 131
drum, ER RE 152 | Makan INDIANS, reference to-_-- 104
Kirtson, Jon— ManaBus— ansntormants.. 22 see SK a mythical character _____ 135 characterization of________ XXII legends concerning __-_-- 135-149
LACINARIA SPICATA, use of___ 122,129 | Marcoxrema, JoHN P.—
LacrossE— custodian of drum_-__~__ 156, 157 ceremonial playing of____ 35-40 MenHOD Of 12 o's ee ee 139, deseribed SOS Lae. hmnte 38-39 157, 160, 161, 164, 167 in memory of the dead__-__ 40 mention of wife of_______- 34 tradition of origin of______ 36-37 | MaTERIAL CULTURE_~__--__-- 9 tribes) playing ees eee ee 36 | Mrpicinr—
LACROSSE BUNDLE, described___ 37-38 legend of origin of______--- 57-58
Lancina, to relieve distress__.. 120 lists of plants used as____ 121~128
Laveurey, KaTHEeriInse— meaning of the term_------ 57 Eh SUT OT ee Ah ie Site aie ARIE EIA) XIX songs oft Joe Awe ae 58-59 characterization of_______- KE See also CHARMS; Herps; game held bys2eVl eu. WO 28 REMEDIES; SICKNESS.
LEGENDS— MEDICINE BAGS— concerning Manabus__-_ 135-149 contents oft cens22 ret eee 90 of Manabus and the stone 141-142 describe there 90 of Manabus and the wolf_ 136-139 shooting with. ..------ 90-91, 93 of origin of adoption. -.--- 41 songs Of. wii eecbede Shes 90
INDEX 227 Page Page
MEDICINE LODGE— NOSEBLEED, remedy for_-______ 132 Beton Greeks. oot 89-98 | OAK, NORTHERN PIN, use of___ 123, 133 emo So ee Soe 96-97 | Oxrimasn, JoHN— building of, described __-____ 92 Misinger® 222. tee sane XIX Ceremony Or oo = 2S Se 92-94 characterization of________ XXI Pemnees WS ec oo Se 90 melodies played by, on flute 209 meetings of -----------.-- 92 | OxwrrciwaNo, a powerful jug- origin myths of - --_-- 91, 135-148 Glen hot ee Rete nears 104 types of ceremony Of oS 89-90 OMAHA, ornament originated by_ IUsi7¢
MENOMINEE, meaning of the ORANGECUP LILY, use of_____ 122, 132
es acta een eas ss 1 | Orrern MytHs of the medicine
MENOMINEE TRIBE, account of__ 1-5 lodges <= -== Te 91, 135-143
MENTHA CANADENSIS, use Of-_ 122, 132 | Ornament, “the crow,” de-
MILKWEED, use of___------- 122,400 geri ee eT 157
“Soy elae tas Pustic Museum, OsukosH, REGINALD, an infor-
STIG 00: a a i AO Tab haulers splaalina dh ly: aa
Mint, AMERICAN WILD, use of 122, 132 | Ocyorrniza CLAYTONI, use of 122, 133
MITCHELLA REPENS, use of--- 122, 133 | ows, pance—
spas heel (? deseribed sso eee 194 a memorial games os 204 Grin oe ee 194 MEREIMped an ss ee 203-204 Cr Bae ees gts cic Tate associated with hunting_ 60, 61, 62
ea. in war bundle 196 BSINGCT eS 2 ae XIX STs OES ONS or
rae song concerning_____----- 196
characterization of____-_~- XXI d g Pain, remedies for__...----- 130, 134
melodies played by, on P :
2 Lh ee 208:/209,) AF OMe MonakDaA FISTULOSA, use of__ 122, 133 3 SEE See nea ee xIX Money, fund of, belonging to characterization of__------ xt
DSS) goo ose ah Sp ln eae 154 | PARTRIDGE DANCE—
Morean, Dan— Orig Olen eo aaa 190 Meniow or. — = oe 160, 161 SOMPLOL. 4 hee 190 wound treated by_____-_-- 134 | PaRTRIDGEBERRY, use of__--- 122, 133
MortuaRy CUSTOMS__________ 135 | PAWAKONE, war songs of_ 194, 195, 196
Mossycoup, use of_____-____- 123.139 | PHoNErics.- 24. 5-2 23
Mourners, ceremony of res- Puysic, plant used as_-------- 131
(i050 0) ga ee 163-164 | PHysicAL CHARACTERISTICS of
Museum or AMERICAN INDIAN, the Menominee.+:-=--..=--- 5
Heyer Founpation, acknowl- PicrocrapHs at Menominee : BinmmeniptOe oe si v th ee MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS-_______ 10-11 | Praron, Lovrs— Mytus. See LEGENDS; ORIGIN B Singetee So S8 ot = So XIX MYTHS. characterization of__------ KT NAMES, PERSONAL- - ---------- 24, 25 herbs"used. bye=-. 223 i NANABOZHO, a mythical char- sick treated by----------- 98 CTE eee ee en Sate 135 | Prxe, Mason, Menominee de-
NaTawika— SCHbCd-DY = = ss eo 5 @ woman doctor_-_-------- 118 | Pinus stTRoBUvS, use of-_----- 122, 132 herbal remedies used by- -- 98 | PrpsissEWA, use of__-------- 122, 129 MEuIOGs Ole 22 - =— SS 119-121 | Prrrs—
Neopit, Wis., songs recorded ceremonial use of - --------
pH yo = lps pe ee ia a Vv Gifiy ste ns soos ete
NEPETA CATARIA, use of__---- 122, 132 | PLANTAGO RUGELII, use of 122, 131, 132
228
Page PLANTs— medicinal, lists of --._-- 121-128 possessing magic properties 123 used to attract game-_-_-_--- 123 See also HERBs.
Poison Ivy, remedy for_----- 134 POLYGONATUM BIFLORUM, use Papi hl bala, Eig dell 122, 134 Ponca, ornament originated by. 157 Pony— Gilt Of.8b ances... —4— = 183 song with gift of..._..---- 184 PorvuLaTION of the Menominee- 5 Prarrie Potawatomi, drum re- Ligionmamone so-so see 150 PRAIRIE WILLOW, use Of__-_-- 123, 133 PRICKLY-ASH, use Of__..- 123, 180, 133 Prizks awarded for games- ---- 39
PRUNELLA VULGARIS, use of__ 123, 131 PRUNUS DEMISSA, use Of___-- 123030 PUBERTY, CUSTOMS2.2e22—--— = 24> 74-76 Pustic Musrum or Mitwav-
KEE, acknowledgment to-_--- Vv Puccoon; useofjce 222-4 -22 122, 128 PUPPET TRICK, described ------ 94-95 QUEEN oF ENGLAND, song re-
ferrng tO. 2 5-2. =- 222 Pee 198 QUERCUS ELLIPSOIDALIS, use Of sees ee EL ECL 123 33 QUERCUS MAGROCARPA, use of 2 AW SSURNETE! Paki ae oy pean eg Ci As 123" 133 RABBIT DANCE— GTipin Of iI0. Be) Let ye ae 189 Song ole eek CAN Le eee 189 Rain, HowarbD, a singer_-_--_-- om RatrLEes— EOuStruCctION Of 25242 sae es 100 GESCTIDEdG =e eee eee nee 10-11 used by medicine man-_-_--- 100 RATTLESNAKE— a leader in drum religion--_ 151 SM MCORMA NG ss BRaTaNs characterization of________ >. O61 drum accepted by -------- 155 CUIDTES Ole sane ee aie 158 in charge of ceremony -__--- 157 MeEntION Ol 2 160, 161, 167 Stary Of fatuher OF... =~ 2 159 REMEDIES— preparation and adminis- PrAION Seo eee ea = 121 See also Heres; MEDICINE; PLANTS,
INDEX
Page RESERVATION, MENOMINEH, de- SCEIDCG) tai. kas en ieee sea 3
RHEUMATISM, remedy for__---- 133 RHUS HIRTA, Use Of__.----_- 123, 130 Rice. See WILD RICE. RicHarpson, Wm. T., report
MACE bys Hee eee Bees 5 Rirvuau of medicine lodge, parts
0) Sem ib hig NE aN ce ORE 8 91 Roots smoked to attract game-_-_ 88 RouNDLOBE HEPATICA, use of. 122, 131 RUBUS CANADENSIS, use of___- 123, 131
RUGEL’s PLANTAIN, useof_ 122, 131, 132 Sac anp Fox, drum religion 150 SACRED BUNDLES— GISCUSSIONUO fesse eee See also HUNTING BUNDLES; MEDICINE BAGS; WaR BUNDLES. SALIX HUMILIS, use of__.-_-- 123, 133 SAMBUCUS RACEMOSA, use of. 123, 131 SARSAPARILLA, WILD, use of__ 122, 130 SATTERLEE, JOHN VALENTINE—
acknowledgment to_--_---- Vv
an Informant. 222.2255 5 XIX
characterization of _-_ _-- XXI-EXII
FAVE TAG TOI fesse ee 200 SaTTERLEE, V. Morte PAtrer-
SON, MEMGIOM Olas se = eee XXII
SELFHRAL, Use Of. 2225255" 123, 131
SHEPHERDSPURSE, use of___-_ 122, 134 SHOOTING with medicine bags 90-91, 93 SICKNESS—
ability to tresh..2225es ee 98 cured by attendance at dances 22 kas eee 43, 183 cured with herbs___----- 111-121 magic used in curing---- 100-111 methods of treatment of _-_- 98
plants used in treating--. 121-134 songs lised fore= 22 5e = 77, 105-118 test of recovery from__---- 120 SULWHR, WORK... 55.0 e. ae 9
SIM, PETER, a. SINGer 28-2 oe 157 SImAKUN, mention of____------ 157 SINGERS— (drummers), list of ...--- -- 157 NAMES (OF 22.8 as ee XIX WOMEN. list) Ola == ae 157 SINGING— Manner Ole s-= ee ee 155 used in treating the sick_-- 99
See also SONGS.
INDEX
Page Sioux, drum religion originated 150, 151 SISYRINCHIUM ATLANTICUM, use 123, 1383 Skin, treatment for inflamma-
OT i A Se ee RST Sc Ee 131 SKINNER, ALANSON, medicine lodge studied by_..--.---..- 89
SKUNKCABBAGE, use of__ 128, 128, 129 SmirH, Huron H.—
MeMUON Olno-= ake a 88 plants listed by_---------- 126 SMOKING, to attract game-____- es 88 SNEEZEWEED, use of____---- 122, 129 SNOW TRILLIUM, use of__---- 123, 131 BOCIAL DANGHS.---- 22.55 oe 194 SoOLIDAGO FLEXICAULIS, use of-_ 123, 129, 132
SoLOMONSEAL, small, use of__ 122, 134 Sones— acquired by inheritance__-_ 111 acquired by purchase__-_---- 111 belonging to war bundle_-_ 70-74 compared with those of other tribes__-----~- v, 11-23, 89 compared with those of
White race. o =. fo 19-23 connected with Black Hawk_ 194, 198-201 connected with boy’s fast_- 76 connected with Civil War__ 194, 201-203
connected with puppet trick <<555501 SESIO 7 2 96 for gathering herbs__-_-_---- 119 for working magic____---- 89 general war-_-_------ 194, 196-198 Cl): | ee XI-XVIII folisiies. 26 2321 2st: 212-213 Braman Ss so eS 62-68 of individual warriors. - --- 194, 195-196 of lacrosse game-_._-_------ 40 OMNI ee 8 208-212 Of medicine... ........--- 60 of the Beggars’ dance_- --- 188 of the bowl-and-dice game. 29- 30, 32 of the double-ball game_-- 35 of the Drum dance-_---- 168-182 Bone GUCKS. 5. 2.s6.----- 148 of the east god_---------- 44-51 of the flying skull___------ 98 of the jugglers---------- 105-111
229
Page Soncs—Continued. of the moccasin game... 203-208 of the south god__-.______ 52-56 of the stone: o.<c2.eu- 4 of the underground bear__- 85 of the underwater snake. 144-145
of Tobacco dance_._-_-- 185-187 similar to Chippewa_____-- v, 89 used during battle________ 196
used in curing with herbs. 112-118
used in treating sickness__- 77, 105-118 war Ganee,, .=2.=.=.-% aa 197
See also Srnerna. Sores, remedies for__.....___- 132
SourtH Gop, dance taught by_-- 51
SPATHYEMA FOETIDA, use of___._ 123, 128, 129 SPIKE GAYFEATHER, use of___ 122, 129 Spirit RocK, legend of___------ 9 SPIRIT WOMEN— secount 0f..2...2-42 27-28, 31-32 healing power of_.-------- 110 Spoon, Groras, leader in drum ceremony-_.=..-1..-42 5484 157 STAGHORN SUMAC, use of__-_ 123, 130 Star Amos, leader of singers... 157 STonE—
legend and song of the-. 141-1438
kept in medicine lodge-___ 148 Sutiivan, AGNES—
a singer sab 23 fegecheeas XIX
characterization of.__----- XXI
SwAN WOMAN, dream song of__ 88-89 SWEETCICELY, woolly, use of. 122, 133 SWEETFERN, use of____------ 122, 133 SwWEETFLAG, use of___--- 121, 130, 133 SWELLINGs, remedies for__.---. SYMBOLISM, of crow ornament _- TABOOS, huntings 2.3522 - 2525 68 Tates. See Fok sToRriss; LEGENDS.
THUJA OCCIDENTALIS, use of_. 123, 134 THUNDER BIRD, beliefs concern-
ing: — fase eee a eee 6 THUNDERCLOUD, a Winnebago
informants: === eee 28 THUNDERERS, use of the term--_- 6
TIPI, JUGGLER’Ss, described- ---- 102 Toxsacco, story of origin of-. 184-185 ToBaccO DANCE—
GPReMDed sa. 3. ot eae 184-185 BOURM Ola 345-5.cceso= 185-187 Tonics, plants used as- - ------ 133
230 INDEX Page Page TREATIES with the Menominee. 1-3 | Wuitn FEAaTHER— Tricks. See JUGGLERS; PUPPET mention Ofesa2sss4e=2e2 161, 164 TRICK. driim, ownerss2sse--=-2—— 157 TRILLIUM GRANDIFLORUM, use drums presented by----- 151, 155 Of Aware ten se eee O 123, 131 | Wuire PINE, use of__------- 122, 132 TsUGA CANADENSIS, use of_-- 123, 134 | Wicxosn, Lovis— UNDERGROUND BEAR, _ beliefs an informant.__---------- XIX concerning --------------- 7, 85, 86 characterization of__------ XXII Giictaliceedmnbetiing 2 iiss story of---------—- pe5)rae- 16s | We a sees U. 5. NaTIoNaL HERBARIUM, WILpBERGAMOT, use of___--- 122, 133 mention of_---------------- 121 | Witnow, PRAIRIB, use of____- 123, 133 Se NGL a apa use of_ 122,130 | wiyaros 0, a Chippewa mythical ISIONS, induced by fasting. 74, 75, 76 een enc rer ee et tte eee 135 oe VULPINA, use of - oo 123, 134 WINNEBAGO, resemblances of, ABUNASKUN, PETE, asinger-. 157 PA NOHO ere se meee 5,9 Wakav, MircHELit— Wisk1no, drum given to, by an informant=-—~-22<2—-—— XIX | White Feather._.__-------- 156 characterization of-------- XXII | Wiso, Jim, lost ponies located Wark BUNDLES— Pe Te US ee 101 contents Of to === anno a— 69-70 | Wircr-HazEL SEEDS, used as a discussed Sg ta oe ea 60-62 test of recovery.—.-=-===-- 120, 123 ve of. Bas be sk Ph ii) ue Wotr, Mrs. Henry, informa- owl-skins in-------------- 196 | tion furnished by----------- 9, 10 War DANCE inh aad a Se 197 WOLF DANCE, songs of___------ 188 WAR MEDICINE obtained from . i EG era eee 196 Women, remedies for diseases ofeaaaws Sees Sees 133 ct ari wheal. aoprbnbt osune neh i 194 WoopPECKER, RED-HEADED, be- examples of_.---------- 194-203 lief concerning-------------- 108 Wars participated in by Me- Worps, MENOMINEE, trans- Se yr ti Gaile esas Oh SU ea OR a 4-5 lated 242432. 6 2 CER eee 25-26 WECAWANAKWUT— Worms, remedy for_---------- 131 methods of, in treating the Wovunp, treatment of --------- 134 fica ace 1) eT gg | YARROW, use of_------- 121, 132, 134 trick performed by-------- 204 | ZANTHOXYLUM AMERICANUM, use WEEE, J AMES— GE ne AS ae A ANE pees 123; 130, 133 a. pinpeniieiny Share hy eee xrx | ZIZANIA AQUATICA, use of------ 1 characterization of__------ xxi | Zoar, Wis.— WHISTLES— burial ground at_.-------- 139 ingwan bundles. osc.-2e— 69 ceremonies at__-_------ 150, 155 HSCObe 22 sone ee noo 11, 104 songs recorded at_-------- v
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