4 fi af lie BAS See Se eee Seige ere ts ia hag ds i i > 3 : dike Hh i rf ne say At iar fh i Pel ge CORE recat sprees bitin eaana etait Cee et a belie tee he ad tie ab iB c oo \ ‘3 u he EST a's BN: j i jit, af ey : tae ne pies oe wore), nay i om aN ih q my! a nae oe i) ae oe 7 A 7 At Pet F iy , : : ay THE : VILLAGE, OF THE GREAT P KIVAS 2 ON THE ZUNI RESERVATION | : NEW MEXICO ae ee H. ae ee ae: SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 THE VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS ON THE ZUNI RESERVATION NEW MEXICO BY FRANK H. H. ROBERTS, Jr. UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1932 FOR SALE BY THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS, WASHINGTON, D. C, LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., September 15, 1931. Sir: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript, entitled “The Village of the Great Kivas on the Zuni Reservation, N. Mex.,” by Frank H: H. Roberts, jr., and to recommend its publi- cation as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. StTIR1IN@, Chief. Dr. Cuartes G, Apeor, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. ll UCD ae SER sh aN ee ee PO OT Ll a ATR aE atin AUT ban hal ss HOV é bee} ig ie hiss wa yeti ae resi i hy Aaa BM ks « ae EL Cn rg a Piya se | ty ie Ph ht ay vi mae Cary Ay 6) Men eye qe reiytanl Bhd Ny iceland 3 ip, aie OE ot Woo Pe ime : Lo sit AD. dea ‘i ar ‘ aay SO iis hs aN ¥. a i ane q CONTENTS BRSECOTETES Ov COTE CGO a epg ce A AE A Sc as aces a Ue 11 Fb EET USGA CH Ne YI eR egy pS Na oe System of nomenclature for cultural stages -_ ---------------------- She eI ROMLODS Nees Slory ee | ek Wee Sion yes ene i a ae MONET CMTE TTA SUNTAS payee Coes tote ay yo SE) ES I Ne ee SS ee eae TESCO THS eA eam oe a pr eSATA ete tte a Se TRANSL = Sy Oe el TE dleg ee Bs ey a ei ao a TRG Tae PN es SI AI oo, A Aa Tea oe a sega Ce ASG T ea LS eee ea Ly Ca REN UNE EA NE A Ly cays PARE Ne EN eycte tht ci e e 2al TROT EOC ORL ile RUE li SCE OM TN a Ne ALOR ae, aN ee TRIS TIPS SA A SUES A ce NT rp ea eat RG ee BEGG S11 a ay eR ET Lal ae fe Dla Rs aA Uy gh VESTN SE Ye eh LAR EIS sR ae pe yy Ug a eNO cy ge SEE ea TACTIC CZ: Ls BB iV US RL ON Se a OR eT eo TENGE (SPREE) a fe Yt sa OS ATS me ee I ae ee aE Ye FEO UT Se ES apnea VAIN Pests CO NP aL A Ee Si is SN Pe a Nh TOC ATOMNO Le] See sme es weer UA ay Pe Ue ele NSPE Wade ee Se es ete Messer quyects OLumaterial culture sl2o5. soe ses eae == 422-2 EUGENE) eyes ea yar aS Beene Eo Oa 2 ge 2 eB ae eC Sy A aR 6c Designs;on the painted pottery 2. = oe es Additional‘ pottery objects! 12422 eee ee eee a TEE Lens AN a ae UM OAC aw Ce ROT ESE CUI OME wiOT Kem sie Sen esa ERGs i LAE a BAe em deh aha Nh ee OY STEELE TS IC) Wa [ONES MEA GR crs Ae Bao AO eee eee ge ed REE CEO Pau yap ns Mesos tet 2 erences Zhe Ce hey aya en SL Raed ae Yes ae eh MITETTSL TAM INTETICULS OR, 0) ul ee ey Oh wags Ua Aa CLC ce et Ue et Sh a ELE EW(OTEC AACS Dy NOS a ROE ed yA EM Ee cat ECs Re eA Og ee BS Bo SSUSIAITIA Tay heen COTIC UBIO US ety Maes Nah DC Na ce Py Oe Ne a ees SA SN SFO) SENG U5 LAI ae De A 2 RAE EL Bet MT OUR 4) ee Qe eS Tt 2 Yop ge mablew Measurements. in, housewA. U2. 222 es oe ee i oe Table.2:, Measurements /ini house B.2_l2 S2s8222-eee ose eee 242 Table 3, Size and provenience of objects illustrated in plates ------- Table 4, Size and provenience of objects illustrated in text figures__- EG erie 0) gee ep ae aR es IE LS ho OR 8 SE ee Ve Mog UI ee aE POL ae AT Era cl & 4 si dine dsibe 10) avy sbisuaeh ‘Vai Nee Bobabbg welP ce ‘- TERN a Bi: ° < “~~ Ag We bw iy e< = Pa Pies aie al lee Oe lee 7.4 tl ee pation lelelany ie arent Ae ae oe a alge ap’ ly ee be obi iste oe bes ree rae ear a > / vid ft abdonetliaanllt dt aa re Conon at akeerieessene lA Al “« which was to have a tremendous bearing on the future of the culture, namely, a new group of people was drifting down from the north along the cordillera and finding its way into the region. They most likely were the bearers of this new kind of weapon, although the latter unquestionably preceded them as a diffused cultural trait. The appearance of this new group was not in the form of an invasion but rather a gradual penetration by successive small bands. There is no definite evidence at the present time to show the corri- a $$ ee dors through which these immigrants entered the area. Later de-_ velopments, however, suggest that there were possibly two main lines of access. One led through the Wyoming Basin into northeastern Utah, whence some groups moved south into northeastern Arizona and others west into the isolated periphery north of the Rio Colo- rado. The latter probably were the tag-end of the movement and throughout their subsequent development continued to be laggards. The second avenue extended from the east along, or just below, the present Colorado-New Mexico boundary line to the upper or north- eastern San Juan Basin. There probably were clashes of greater or less degree between the “ aliens ” and the folk already occupying the region, but the general tendency seems to have been toward a mixing of the old and new. Evidence for the arrival of a new ele- ment in the population is clearly demonstrated by the physical re- mains of the people. For this stage they include, in addition to the various types of long heads, distinctly Mongoloid broad heads. In older sites the latter are in the minority. Levels of more recent date, however, show greater numbers, and eventually they became the predominant group. The stage immediately following the advent of this alien group was a period of transition and instability. The newcomers seem- ingly brought little with them beyond the bow and arrow, possibly the grooved ax, and a distinct capacity for cultural development. They took over, changed, and adapted to their own needs the mate- rial culture of the older inhabitants. The mixing of the two peoples apparently produced the vigor which ultimately carried them to the high development which sedentary life reached in the Southwest. This was not accomplished in a day, however, and for a considerable period the older inhabitants and culture held on, notably in the eastern, southern, and western borderlands. Throughout the north- central part of the area the coalescence and attendant growth seem to have progressed at a comparatively rapid and steady rate. There were two general phases, nevertheless, one centering in the northeast- ern Arizona district and the other in western New Mexico and south- ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 9 ern Colorado. It is this factor which has suggested the possibility of the new peoples penetrating the area along two different lines of migration. Out of the stress and turmoil several new features appeared. Cot- ton was introduced and fabrics made from it assumed an impor- tant place in the material culture. The turkey was domesticated. Previous to this the dog had been the only tamed creature. The grooved ax became one of the important implements. There was a distinct improvement in pottery making, together with an un- folding of stylistic fashions in the character of ceramic decoration. There was a change in cradling practices, because the skulls from this horizon, and continuing through subsequent stages, exhibit a pronounced deformation of the lower back portion, the occiput. In the nuclear part of the area, the north-central section which is tra- versed by the San Juan River, the crude single-room semisubter- ranean domiciles gave way to structures which had only shghtly depressed floors instead of pits. The major portion of the house was entirely above ground and had several contiguous rooms. At first the pole and plaster form of construction prevailed, but in time this was replaced by dwellings built of horizontally laid stones.” In the peripheral precincts to the south and west the pit dwellings continued in use, although the form was modified. The pits were dug deeper and entrance to the chambers was by means of a ladder through the smoke hole in the roof instead of an entryway at one side. The latter was retained, however, in a reduced and altered form and functioned as a ventilator.1t The pole and plaster type of house was late in its development in those regions, as compared to the northern nucleus, and continued into later stages. The creation of structures with several contiguous rectangular rooms brought the people face to face with a problem somewhat different from the material ones which they had been surmounting. The religious rites and ceremonies which were so integral a part of their lives were inseparably associated with the round, semisub- terranean form of house. The point at issue was how to proceed. Should the ceremonies be changed or some special provision be made for them? Primitive man clings tenaciously to established customs and so drastic a move as changing the rituals was out of the question. Consequently, each house group erected one of the old-style cham- bers, apart from the new-type dwellings, and the rites were con- tinued in orthodox fashion. As the culture progressed the cere- monial chambers became more and more specialized and ultimately developed into what investigators to-day call kivas. 10 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 124-125; 1927 a, p. 490; Morris, E. H., 1919 6b, pp. 187, 190-191; Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1930, pp. 19-73. 1 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 19381, pp. 16-86. | 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 111 Following the establishment of the new house type and consider- | able improvements in it, the people lived for a protracted period of | time in small communities scattered throughout the region. In the northern part of the area, the culture nucleus, the dwellings were mainly of the form called single clan or unit structures.’* These houses were of stone, built entirely above ground, containing a num- ber of rooms, usually between 6 and 14. They were a single story in height. The rooms were erected in one long row, a double tier, an L-shape or in the form of a rectangular U. Generally at the south or southeast side, and some distance from the building, was the subterranean ceremonial chamber or kiva. This type of dwelling did not reach as high a degree of excellence in the peripheral parts of the area. In the south and west pole-and-mud houses and irreg- ular agglomerations of rooms whose walls were formed from large quantities of adobe mud and unworked bowlders constituted the liv- ing quarters. Furthermore, the ceremonial chamber did not attain the marked specialization there which it did in the north. As a matter of fact the circular form was entirely missing in some sections. Where this was the case certain of the rectangular rooms seem to have functioned in a ritualistic capacity. In this respect the pro- vincial communities displayed a disregard for the ceremonial con- servatism of the northern nucleus. During this stage attention was turned to other cultural matters, in addition to the improvement of dwellings, and there was a distinct advancement in the ceramic industry. Pottery forms took on new characteristics and there were changes in the style of decorations applied to the vessels. These features are so typical that they fur- nish good criteria for determining the horizon. Eventually the people in the northern sections began to abandon the small-house villages and to concentrate into large, more or less isolated centers. This was accompanied by the erection of great terraced buildings with many rooms, the result of joining a number of unit houses together to make a single communal dwelling and augmenting it by constructing upper tiers which formed second and third, even in some cases fourth, stories. In addition, it became the general practice to incorporate the ceremonial chambers in the main block of the building. Although there is no definite proof on the subject, beyond the finding of an occasional unit structure which had been ravaged and its occupants slaughtered, present indi- cations are that a constantly augmented pressure from the wilder, more nomadic Indians of the borderlands forced the sedentary peo- ples, in self-defense, to gather in populous centers. There is noth- ing thus far to show who these enemies were. The most plausible 12 Wewkes, J. W., 1923 a; Prudden, T. M., 1903, 1914, 1918; Martin, P. S., 1929, 1930. | ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 11 hypothesis seems to be that raids by the Shoshonean groups north and northwest of the San Juan furnished the initial impetus to a _ concentration in large communities. Somewhat later, though not | long delayed, there was a penetration from the east by other nomads _ who stimulated the convergent movement already under way. ‘These ' newcomers may well have been of the Athapascan stock, probably accompanied by peoples from the pillaged villages of the eastern _ periphery, which moved west into the four corners region, where Arizona, Colorado, Utah, and New Mexico meet, and mixed with groups from the west and southwest to form the heterogeneous Navajos. The southern sections escaped the menace of marauding tribes until later. When the latter did invade the settlements there they apparently swept in from the east, striking in the Upper Gila region and pushing the sedentary occupants west and northwest. During the earlier stages of development in the region the cultural features had a generalized aspect. Immediately following the infil- tration of the broad-headed group there were two phases, as pre- viously mentioned, an eastern and a western. With the concentra- tion into more or less isolated communities the tendency toward specialization became increasingly pronounced. This trend finally reached its climax in the crystallization of definite and characteristic forms peculiar to each center and the provinces under its domina- tion. Because of this fact it is possible to identify pottery types with certain restricted districts; to associate different styles of masonry with particular subareas; and to correlate the several kinds of ceremonial structures, the kivas, with specific centers. It is to this period of life in great urban communities with their accom- panying specialization that the term “ Classic Era,” so frequently heard in discussions of southwestern archeology, refers. The large northern outposts for a time stemmed the tide of encroaching and plundering nomads, but they, too, eventually broke down and were abandoned. There no doubt were other factors which contributed to their ultimate collapse. The outside enemies were probably aided by factional strife within the villages and by discord between the various centers. There likely was little coop- eration between communities, and concerted defensive measures probably were lacking. At the time of the Spanish conquest the general tendency was to allow each village to attend to its own welfare. If it stood or fell concerned only itself. Hence it is logical to suppose that a similar condition prevailed in earher stages. Fur- thermore, severe droughts occur periodically throughout the South- west, and it may well be that a series of prolonged crop failures reduced the resistance of the people to such an extent that they gave up the struggle and set out to find new locations where life would be less rigorous and more peaceful. The abandonment of the north- 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111 ern frontier has frequently been explained entirely on the basis of a progressive and intensive desiccation of the region. Indications are, however, that there has been no catastrophic climatic change in that portion of the area since the days when the sedentary inhab- itants attained their fullest development. Also, many districts at the present time would support a fairly large Indian population. In view of these conditions such natural phenomena should be con- sidered only in the light of a contributing factor. Irrespective of what the actual causes may have been, it is defi- nitely known that there was a marked decline from the former high level and an era of instability and migration set in. The region which had been the nucleus for and the leader in the development of the culture, the San Juan, and whose great centers had been the guardians of the northern frontier was deserted. Shortly after- wards the villages in the Upper Gila district were abandoned, and still later there were withdrawals from the Chihuahua Basin and Lower Gila settlements. There was an even greater concentration of peoples in the more centrally located sections and a definite re- duction in the boundaries of the occupied area as a whole. The actual movement of peoples and the routes which they fol- lowed when they abandoned the northern borderlands have not been thoroughly worked out. There are certain indications, how- ever, which suggest the general trend of events. The movement was not one concerted and simultaneous exodus. It consisted of a series of small but ever-increasing migrations. The first communities to be abandoned seem to have been those in the northeastern San Juan basin, the Piedra region. The withdrawal there followed two main avenues. Peoples from the Piedra proper probably drifted south and southwest along the river, joining with other groups to make the settlements whose ruins are to be seen in the vicinity of Aztec, N. Mex., and to swell the population in the Chaco Canyon.1* The inhabitants of the large houses in the tributary canyons farther east along the San Juan seem to have spread south and east to the head- waters of the Chama River and thence into the northern Rio Grande region. The latter movement must have been retarded sufficiently to permit evacuation of the district by the westward-pushing no- mads, since no group is likely to move deliberately into a zone of marked disturbance. Farther west, in southwestern Colorado, in the Johnson Canyon region, the settlers probably foliowed two methods of escape. Certain groups no doubt took advantage of the refuge spots along the Mancos River and in its tributary canyons leading back into the Mesa Verde; perhaps even worked their way onto the mesa and joined forces with the peoples there. Others unquestionably moved 18 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1930, pp. 17-18. ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 13 _ south, going to the communities in the Aztec cluster or to the great ' Chaco Canyon centers. West of the Mesa Verde in the Montezuma Valley-McElmo Can- | yon district were two large village groups whose existence appar- _ ently was terminated at about this same time. Refugees from these centers scattered in several directions. Some worked west into _ southeastern Utah, where they left considerable traces of their occu- pancy of the canyons and mesa tops. Other groups migrated south und southeast. A backwash from this movement possibly carried some of them up the Mancos River and the side canyons to the Mesa Verde. Additional parties made their way to the Aztec dis- trict, while others continued down into the Chaco Canyon. There are distinct evidences of a considerable increase in population at all three of those localities at approximately the same time, and there seems little question but that the movements just oulined were re- sponsible. The new alignments delayed the inevitable, but one after another the centers went under. The first to fall was the Chaco Canyon group, then the Aztec towns were deserted and, finally, the Mesa Verde. The people scattered east, south, and west. A large group from the Mesa Verde tarried for a time at Aztec, where the houses had already been deserted by their builders, but eventually was forced from that refuge. The Kayenta region in northeastern Arizona seems to have escaped oppression for a considerable interval because the people in that sec- tion were still living in widely scattered small houses during the last stages of the Chaco Canyon and other eastern centers. The blow finally fell, however, and they were driven into large communities and forced to make strongholds of their dwellings. The abandon- ment of the Chaco was no doubt well under way before the fortress- like cliff structures were erected there. The exodus from the Kayen- ta district was to the south, and the migrating groups probably went into the mixture which produced the later Little Colorado settlements. Recent studies have indicated several different trends in the south. As previously mentioned, the Upper Gila peoples of central western New Mexico went north and west. The groups in the Mimbres Valley region seem to have been pushed slightly west and definitely south. They probably joined with some of the north Mexican villagers and contributed to the development of the Casas Grandes center. There apparently was a juncture in the Tonto Basin- Roosevelt Lake district of Arizona between the westward moving Upper Gila bands and itinerant parties drifting south from the Little Colorado region. From the locale of fusion the combined elements overflowed into the area south of the Gila, the Gila Basin, where they coalesced with a distinctly different group. Up until this time 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111 | the Gila Basin had had a separate growth, possibly affected by north Mexican peoples and had been but little influenced by the highly developed northern and eastern cultures.1* Later there was a backwash to the east from this center, and features peculiar to it | are found weil into southwestern New Mexico. The inhabitants of the western peripheries probably moved east and southeast to add their numbers to the communities in the Little | Colorado and adjacent districts. That portion of the southwestern archeological area has not been as thoroughly studied as other sections, and indications of movements are not as clear-cut as for the | regions just discussed. Future investigations will no doubt throw considerable light on the problem. The redistribution of the sedentary peoples had become fairly fixed, a whole new series of communities had been started along the Rio Grande and Little Colorado Rivers, and the culture seemed headed toward a renaissance when the arrival of the white men struck the final blow. Since then there has been a gradual replace- ment of the native arts, industries, customs, and beliefs by those of the white man. eS System or NOMENCLATURE FOR CULTURAL STAGES The unfolding and development of the sedentary cultures outlined in preceding pages did not follow a smooth, unbroken curve from beginning to end but progressed by stages. In each of these there was an appreciable period when conditions were static. It is the ma- terial from these intervals of quiescence which furnishes the picture of normal conditions in each stage. Between norms the boundary lines are vague; there is an overlap of features that sometimes con- fuses but which need not cause concern if all phases are carefully ob- served and interpreted. To facilitate study and to simplify discus- sion, workers in southwestern archeology have adopted a system of nomenclature by which the chronologically sequent periods may be designated. By this it is not implied that there were many different peoples, that one period stopped abruptly to be followed by another totaily different in character, or that the inhabitants themselves necessarily made such distinctions. The names given to the various stages merely furnish a convenient method of denoting them. The same thing is done to-day with respect to cultural development in the United States. Such terms as “colonial period,” the “era of westward expansion,” and the “ gay nineties” are frequently heard. Each indicates a combination of factors which sets it apart from other phases and which establishes its proper place in the historical pattern. 14 Hawley, Florence M., 1930. The Medallion Series, 1929, Undated, a, b. ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 15 The several horizons in the development of southwestern peoples and the sedentary culture of the region have been classified under | two main headings called the Basket Maker and the Pueblo. There ‘are a number of subdivisions in each; the first has three and the second five. They are designated simply by using the main title and a number. Both names have been employed by southwestern arche- ologists for a long period of years and for that reason were retained when the present system of nomenclature was adopted at a meeting of field workers and students in 1927.15 The term “ Pueblo” is the oldest, since it has come down from the Spaniards, who used it to designate the compact permanent settlements of these people as dis- tinguished from villages of scattered houses of less substantial con- struction. The “ Basket-Maker ” designation was first applied to that particular cultural phase by Richard Wetherill, following dis- coveries made by him and his brothers in southeastern Utah in the early nineties. Pepper and Prudden adopted it in describing the Wetherill finds, and subsequent investigators have continued the practice.7® The Basket-Maker phase is the oldest from the actual chronological point of view. It has three main stages. Basket Maker I indicates the period characterized by a nomadic group sparsely scattered over the area. Basket Maker II is applied to the stage where the people were semihunting, semiagricultural in their pursuits; when they stored their crops in stone-lined pits located in the floors of caves; when they began experimenting with crude, unfired containers of clay. This is also referred to as the classic era of the Basket Makers because of the fact that it was during this horizon that the making of baskets and woven materials reached its peak. Basket Maker III is the name given to the stage when permanent houses of the pit variety were erected and gathered together into small villages, when fired pottery became an integral part of the culture, when feather robes began to replace those of fur, when there was greater diversity in the raising of food products; and when the bow and arrow began to be adopted. It was at the very end of this stage when the new peoples began drifting into the area. Basket Maker I is supposed to have been distributed over the entire area. Basket Maker II, the classic Basket Maker, gained its fullest development in the Four Corners area.17 An analogous culture cen- tered around the Coahuila caves region in northern Mexico. Just what the relationship, if any, between them may have been is not 168 Kidder, A. V., 1927 a. 16 Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921; Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, pp. 204-212; Pepper, G. H., 1902; Prudden, T. M., 1897. 17 Guernsey, S. J., 1931; Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921; Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 77-79, 119-121; Morris, EH. H., 1921 b, p. 19; 1927, p. 182; Nusbaum, J. L., 1922. 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BunL. 111 known. Specimens from the two areas indicate the same general cultural level and the physical characteristics of the people were quite similar.’* No evidence is available, however, on their possible chro- nological positions. Basket Maker III remains are found in south central and southeastern Utah, northeastern and central Arizona, southeastern Nevada, southern Colorado, and north and central west- ern New Mexico.’® In southern New Mexico, southeastern Arizona, and western Texas cave deposits have yielded materials which indi- cate a close connection with the north Mexican form of Basket-Maker culture.” Recent information suggests that these remains were con- temporaneous with the Basket Maker III stage in the north. This is evidenced by the presence, in two separate collections from north- ern sites, of typical southern sandals in association with characteris- tic examples of the Basket Maker III type. The southern phase seems to have had a form of pottery in its cultural complex and for this reason would apparently bear the same relation to the Coahuila remains that Basket Maker III does to Basket Maker II, namely, represents a developed phase. There is nothing thus far, however, to show that the southern Basket Maker III reached as high a develop- ment as that observed in the northern nucleus. The stage which witnessed the arrival of the broad-headed Mon- goloid groups in the Southwest, with the attendant disturbances and transitions, is designated Pueblo I by the archeologists. Re- mains dating from this period are widely distributed over the area, although, as previously mentioned, there are two distinct phases. The eastern extends from the northeastern San Juan Basin in south- ern Colorado to the Upper Gila region in southern New Mexico, from the Rio Grande to approximately the present-day new Mexico- Arizona boundary. In the west its southern fringes penetrated somewhat into eastern Arizona. The main cultural center for the eastern Pueblo I phase seems to have been in the Chaco Canyon in northwestern New Mexico. The western Pueblo I ranged from northeastern Arizona south to the Little Colorado River, in the eastern part of the State, swung a bit south of that stream farther west, and continued across to southeastern Nevada. The major por- tion of its development, however, took place in the region bounded by the San Juan, the Colorado, and the Little Colorado Rivers, with the cultural center in the Kayenta district. The eastern borders are not sharply defined, and there is a strip extending down the Arizona-New Mexico boundary line where the eastern and western ———————— 18 Hooton, EH. A., 1930, pp. 236-238. 19 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 76-77, 121-122; Morris, BD. H., 1927, pp. 168-198; Roberts, F. H. H. jr., 1929 b. In the older reports the term “ Basket Maker” applies to what is here called Basket Maker II; “ Post-Basket Maker” is Synonymous with the present Bas- ket Maker III, * Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 a; Howard, E. B., 1930. ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS ey phases overlapped. That the two forms were contemporaneous has been shown by the finding of objects peculiar to the western phase in the eastern sites, and vice versa. The western Pueblo I was the first recognized and for a long time was thought to be the characteristic form. Later investigations in the Chaco Canyon and northeastern San Juan Basin established the second, and what appears to be the most widespread, division. The Pueblo I period, because of its differences, the transitions in pottery, house types, and such factors, for a time proved quite confusing. It was first referred to as the slab-house period,” then was frequently called the pit-house era, and later became known as the Pre-Pueblo. The tendency for house types to lag and carry over into subsequent stages in the peripheral districts vitiated the first two names, and the fact that the Basket Makers were unquestionably prepuebloan suggested that a new designation would be advisable. Since the stage represented by these remains unquestionably coincides with the inception of the Pueblo periods, it has seemed only logical to call it Pueblo I.” Pueblo II was the unit-house period, which was marked by wide- spread distribution of life in small villages. The type forms of structures for this stage are found in the nuclear region along the San Juan.” Pueblo ILI, the classic pueblo era, was the stage of the large urban centers, great developments in the arts and industries, and marked local specializations. The outstanding examples of terraced com- munal structures characteristic of the period are to be found in the Chaco Canyon, in northwestern New Mexico; * on the Mesa Verde, in southwestern Colorado; *° at Aztec, in northern New Mexico.” In the Kayenta or Marsh Pass district of northeastern Arizona the small pueblo structures held on until very late in the period; in fact, the Proto-Kayenta type of house *” was still occupied during the great Chaco Canyon phase of Pueblo III. The structures in the peripheral parts of the area were more modest, rather provincial in their nature. A good example of this was found in southeastern Nevada; °° at Orn a 21 Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919, p. 210. ; 2 For details on Pueblo I sites and discussions of the period see: Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, S. J., 1919; Kidder, A. V., 1924; Morris, H. H., 1919 0; Roberts y Hebe Ele, 1930, 1931. In the Kidder and Morris papers the term ‘“‘ Pre-Pueblo ” is used, but it is synonymous with the present Pueblo I. 23 Rewkes, J. W., 1919, pp. 12, 16, 39-40, 50-51; 1923 a, pp. 102-105; Martin, P. S., 1929; Prudden, T. M., 1903, 1914, 1918; Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 124-126; the term “early Pueblo’ used in this reference is synonymous with the present Pueblo II. % Hewett, B. L., 1921, 1922, 1930; Judd, N. M., 1922, 19238, 1924 a, 1925, 1926 a, 1927; Pepper, G. H., 1920. 2 Wewkes, J. W., 1909 a, 1911 b, 1917; Nordenskiéld, G., 1893. 26 Morris, H. H., 1915, 1917, 1918, 1919 a, 1921 a, 1924, 1928; Nelson, N. C., 1917. 27 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 72-73. 23 Hayden, Irwin, 1930 b. 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 111 Wupatki in central Arizona; 2° on the upper Little Colorado River in eastern Arizona; *° and in the ruins of the Upper Gila.** There are a number of good illustrations of centers belonging to the closing days of the period when the abandonment of the northern nucleus had begun. Kitsiel and Betatakin * in the Kayenta district fall into that category. The Mesa Verde period at Aztec, N. Mex., represents the stage ** and in eastern Arizona is Kintiel or Wide Ruins the cliff ruins in Mummy Cave in Canyon del Muerto and a portion of Casa Blanca, the White House, in Canyon de Chelly.2> Farther south in the same State are the ruins called Showlow.** In the Rio Grande area in New Mexico the closing days of Pueblo III are represented by sites comparable to that at Bandelier Bend, now called the Forked Lightning ruin, in the upper Pecos Valley.®* The pottery from the various sites is typical both of the period and of the locality. The structure, finish, style of decoration, and general characteristics are such that it is possible to recognize a vessel from the Mesa Verde, the Chaco Canyon, the Kayenta, or the upper Gila, and that it is of the Pueblo III period. In this connection it is significant to note that from practically the very beginning of ceramic manufacture there were two distinct techniques in finish and pigment content. There is a definite correlation between these and the two phases of Pueblo I. The subsequent stages in the same areas were marked by a continuation of the features. In the west the pigment used in ornamentation was a carbon mixture, while in the east it was an iron paint.** Where the carbon paint was em- ployed the vessels were polished over the decoration. On the other hand, the iron pigments were applied after the surfaces of the jar or bowl had been worked over with the polishing stone. The most exceptional vessels of Pueblo III, from the decorative standpoint, come from the Mimbres Vailey in southwestern New Mexico.*®° The Mimbres people lagged perceptibly in house build- ing, but they produced a profusion of naturalistic decorations on their pottery which was unequaled in the Southwest. This was an entirely indigenous development. It probably was the contribution of a single individual genius who influenced the other potters and a * Fewkes, J. W., 1904 (called Black Falls), 1926. 9 Roberts, F. H. ele LOST pp. 90-109, Hough, W., 1907. % Fewkes, J. W., 1911 a; Judd, N. M., 1980; Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 68-72. %3 Morris, E. H., 1919 ad, 1921 a, 1924. * Wewkes, J. W., 1904, pp. 124-133; Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 91-94; Haury, E. W., and Hargrave, L. L., 1931, pp. 80—95. *% Kidder, A. V., 1927 b; Mindeleff, Cosmos, 1897, 8? Bandelier, A. F., 1892 b, pp. 391-393; Haury, E. W., and Hargrave, L. L., 1931; Hough, W., 1903, p. 301. % Kidder, A. V., 1924, p. 87. * Hawley, Florence M., 1929. * Fewkes, J. W., 1914, 1916 a, 1923 b; Bradfield, W., 1931. | ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 19 \founded a decidedly local school.*° That its influence was not felt in other sections was possibly due to its late inception in the Pueblo ‘IL period. There is no question but that it made its appearance when the northern centers of the period were well under way. In- vestigations in southeastern Arizona have shown that the Mimbres pottery was contemporaneous with the non-Pueblo red-on-buff wares of the Gila Basin *t and the early form of the latter seems to coin- cide with the black-on-white of the Tonto Basin-Roosevelt Lake re- gion which is of late III development.*? Fragments from Mimbres bowls were recovered from the upper levels of a dump heap in the Chaco Canyon. Since that particular refuse mound was deposited at the end of the Pueblo III phase, when the abandonment of the houses was already under way, it may be assumed that the Mimbres culture was quite late in its florescence. A recent publication places the Mimbres development in Periods I, IT, and early III, and makes its decline contemporaneous with the begin- nings of the San Juan cultures.*? In view of the evidence just pre- sented, together with the fact that the final stage of the Mimbres seems to have been in existence when the culture of the Gila Basin- Pueblo fusion was under way and the Casas Grandes in northern Mexico was developing, as the report indicates, its degenerate period must have occurred near the end of Pueblo III. The Gila Basin- Pueblo hybrid culture began at the end of III and Casas Grandes probably belongs to period IV.‘* Finds of a late form of Upper Gila pottery in the final Mimbres stage also show that it was well along toward the end of III. Similar objects in northern centers have come from horizons, indicating that they were on the verge of collapse, in fact had already been largely vacated, when the vessels reached them. Considering all of these factors and allowing time for the spread of traded objects, it would appear that the major phase of the Mimbres activity coincided with the great era in the north, prior to the beginning of the movement which culminated in the abandonment of that portion of the area. Pueblo IV is the designation for the period characterized by the redistribution of peoples, following the complete abandonment of the northern frontiers, the cultural decline and the establishment of new communities in the Rio Grande and Little Colorado regions and the emergence of the hybrid Gila Basin centers. There are really two phases to this period. The first covers the stage of fluc- tuations, migrations, and the springing up of new nuclei, extending down to the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. The second was 40 Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 101-104. “ Sauer, C., and Brand, D., 1930. “Hawley, Florence M., 1930, chart. “ Nesbitt, P. H., 1931. “ Amsden, Monroe, 1928, p. 48. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pune, 111) of shorter duration. It covers the interval from the appearance of the first explorers until the final subjugation of the Pueblos after the collapse of their temporarily successful revolt against the in- vaders. Ruins belonging to the early phase of IV are Chevlon, Homolobi, Chaves Pass,** the final stage at Showlow,** a village, previously mentioned, which had its beginnings in the closing days of Pueblo III; farther north in the Jeditoh Valley were the centers of Kokopnyama and Kawaiokuh;*? and not far distant north and west were Kiichaptiivela (first Walpi) and Sikyatki.*s | The great ruins in the southern part of Arizona which are called Casa Grande *° are representative of the mixed culture produced by the fusion of peoples drifting in from the Pueblo area and those who had an independent development in the Gila Basin. This | started late in Pueblo III, but the major part of its existence fell in| the early phase of IV. | There are numerous examples of the first stage of IV in New Mexico. Clustered in the vicinity of Ramah, just east of the Zuni Reservation, and some miles south at Inscription Rock (pl. 1) are a number of ruins belonging to that period. East of the Rio Grande in the Galisteo Basin are three which seem unquestionably to belong in that category. These villages were founded rather early in IV and were occupied until practically the end of the phase. They are Colorado, Shé, and Blanco.°? Farther north were the pueblo of Rowe ** and the old north terrace of Pecos.*? These villages began at approximately the end of Pueblo III and continued into IV. Pecos, of course, was occupied throughout this entire period and continued into the following stage. On the Pajaritan Plateau, west of the Rio Grande, were the centers of Puyé and Tyuonyi.** The latter were somewhat later in their inception than the others but fall within the early phase. They were probably abandoned just prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, although they were temporarily reoccupied during the revolt against them. The second part of the fourth period, the early historic, is repre- sented by many ruins and villages. In the Hopi district, in Arizona, were Awatobi,* Oraibi, Kisakobi,®* the latter being the second Walpi 45 Fewkes, J. W., 1904, pp. 238-34, 56-111. 46 Haury, E. W., and Hargrave, L. L., 1931. “ Haury, E. W., and Hargrave, L. L., 1981; Hough, W., 1903, pp. 337-846 ; Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 50, 51, 52-53. Mindeleff’s Mishiptonga is the present Kawaiokuh. 48 Fewkes, J. W., 1898, pp. 585-586, 631-742. 49 Fewkes, J. W., 1912; Gladwin, H. S., 1928. Casa Grande is not the same as Casas Grandes, the northern Chihuahua center, with which it is frequently confused. The two were contemporaneous, however. 50 Nelson, N. C., 1914, pp. 74-93; 1916, p. 179. 51 Guthe, C. E., 1917. = Kidder, A. V., 1924, p. 86. 5&3 Hewett, E. L., 1909 a, c. 54 Fewkes, J. W., 1898, pp. 592-631. 6 Fewkes, J. W., 1898, pp. 585-586. “es, * -_ aes ee. = ae 7 oo Pr BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE} Terrace es Great Kiva No. | Wel s\ ~ ‘e - Refuse x Mound ve Xa ire "’e Ha Orit 4h 20D A ay ; we 4a é Great Kiva No. 2 walls traced but central portion not excavated. %, Vos “Uy, S ZS BOWLDERS es $0 SCALE FEET Numbered dots indicate burials ULL Ls in order of their discovery £ a Small House, : Refuse so only one room % excavated. g Mound 5 UP ey, VP eget MAP OF RUINS AT MOUTH OF RED PAINT CANYON Numbered dots indicate burials iv>isSvEs /'* i OBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS DA -yillage. The Zufi province in western New Mexico had six villages, of which Hawikuh °° is the best known. The Galisteo Basin villages included San Cristobal and San Lazaro,®7 and to the north there was, of course, the settlement at Pecos.°* There is, as would be expected, a certain overlapping. All of the places cited were thriv- ing villages before the Spaniards arrived. Pecos was occupied until 1838 and Oraibi in Arizona is still inhabited. Hawikuh was aban- doned in 1670, Awatobi was destroyed in the autumn of 1700, and San Cristobal and San Lazaro were apparently deserted at about the same time. Many of the early historic period villages in the Rio Grande region and those of the Zuni district were abandoned at the time of the Pueblo revolt, 1680-1696, and were never reoccupied. Period IV is ceramically distinct both from the preceding and the following stages. The black-on-white pottery which had been the outstanding form from Basket Maker III to the end of Pueblo ITI passed out of existence early in IV and there was a great outburst of colored wares. In the Rio Grande and Zufi areas the latter were characterized by glazed decorations. That style of ornamentation had reached its peak and was on the decline at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. Its vogue terminated during the period of the revolt and although the people have continued to make colored ves- sels the decorations have been applied in dull paint. The fifth and last period in the Pueblo group is that of the modern villages. This stage is better known to the general public than are those of the preceding horizons, with the possible exception of that of the great cliff houses. Along the Rio Grande are Taos, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, and Isleta, to mention but a few. Some of these date from Pueblo IV, but for general purposes they fall into the suggested grouping. Farther west is Acoma, which was inhabited when Coronado first entered the country; still farther west are the Zufhi towns, which really date from the end of the revolt; and in Arizona are the various Hopi villages. With the exception of Oraibi, none of the Hopi towns occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenth century and most of them do not antedate the early eighteenth.*® Following the Pueblo revolt Walpi (Kisakobi), Mishongnovi, Shumopovi, and Shongopovi were removed from their locations at the base of the mesas to the summits where they now stand.®° Much of the material used in the present houses, especially the timbers, was salvaged from the older structures and the result is that they give an appearance of being more ancient than they really are. ' % Hodge, F. W., 1918 a, 0b. 7 Nelson, N. C., 1914, 1916. 58 Kidder, A. V., 1924. ' Tewkes, J. W., 1898, p. 578. 0 Hodge, F’. W., 1916, p. 259. 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 111; People interested in the story of the growth of the sedentary} culture of the Southwest are rightfully desirous of knowing upon: what grounds it can be stated that the various stages occurred in the order outlined in preceding pages. The evidence was obtained from: stratigraphy, a study which deals with the order and relative posi- tion of the various cultural horizons. When an undisturbed layer of. deposits containing a group of objects is found overlying another; layer in which there are articles of a different type there is no ques-) tion but that those from the upper level are the more recent. When; the ruin of one type of house is found to rest upon a mound formed: by the débris of another it is apparent that the upper one is the more, recent. It will be recalled that an early paragraph in this intro-’ duction pointed out the fact that features peculiar to the stage’ called Basket Maker III were found overlying those of the group’ termed Basket Maker II. These positions have been consistent in so many caves that there can be no doubt of their sequence. Further- more, ruins of Pueblo structures superposed on Basket Maker re- mains have been observed at so many different places that the priority of the latter can no longer be questioned.*t Similar condi- tions have been observed in the relationship between various Pueblo horizons. At Pueblo Bonito, in the Chaco Canyon, remains of Pueblo I houses were found 10 feet (3.048 m.) beneath the founda- tions of the large ruin.®? Other sites in the Chaco region have shown Pueblo II ruins resting upon Pueblo I remains. Super- position has also been found in the southern Colorado districts ** and in eastern Arizona.** Where there is not an actual superposition of buildings there are other ways of establishing a relative sequence. Study of the vari- ous phases has shown that certain characteristic pottery types are associated with each. The order in which the different ceramic forms were developed has been determined by stratigraphic evidence obtained from the refuse mounds at the larger sites. In the ma- terial comprising such a mound, provided it has not been disturbed, the oldest potsherds are found at the bottom and the most recent at the top. Hence, if the kind of pottery found at one site is of the type occurring at the bottom of such a deposit and that from another ruin compares with the material from higher levels it is obvious that one is older than the other. On the basis of this kind of data the cultural sequence has been clearly shown at several dif- ferent centers and the period order definitely established.** Pot- “ Cummings, Byron, 1915, p. 274; Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921, pp. 3, 114— £15 Roberts; Hh. He HH. jr, 2929)0; ps 741. 6 Judd, N. M., 1926, p. 82. 68 Martin, P. S., 1930, pp. 24-33; Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1930, p. 60. * Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 85, 93. 6 Judd., N. M., 1927, p. 168; Kidder, A. V., 1924, pp. 18-20; Kidder, M. A., and A. V., 1917, pp. 340-353; Nelson, N. C., 1916. ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 23 sherds also may be used as an indication of the relative age of differ- ent centers. Fragments from Mesa Verde bowls found in late Chaco Canyon ruins, late Chaco pottery appearing in association with Mesa Verde vessels in Proto-Kayenta sites, and Proto-Kayenta pot- sherds being present in the Chaco is clear evidence that a certain contemporaneity existed between them. The fact that no true Ka- yenta material has been found in either a Mesa Verde or a Chaco Canyon site, together with the indication that it is subsequent to the Proto-Kayenta, shows that they antedate that phase. In this connection there is a factor which constitutes one of the most funda- mental principles in archeological investigations. When sites of two different cultural stages are found in the same region and objects from A are found in ruins belonging to B but never vice versa, the first may properly be considered the older.** This explains why the occasional presence of a Mesa Verde or Chaco potsherd in a Kayenta ruin need not imply contemporaneity nor cause confusion. It also illustrates another principle which all too frequently is passed over, and that is, the stage to which a site belongs should be determined by the latest material in it, unless there palpably has been an intru- sion of later objects into an older horizon. In the majority of cases such an event can easily be determined. One question which is always foremost in the minds of students is that concerning the actual age and dates for various periods. Until recently it was difficult satisfactorily to answer it. Where the site involved fell within the final stage of Pueblo IV or was one of the V group it was comparatively simple to give a fairly accurate date because reference could be made to actual historical records. From the year of the arrival of the Spaniards back into the older horizons the problem was quite different. It was necessary to cor- relate objects with datable sites and to postulate the time element by comparing certain stages with the historical period and its length. Through the efforts of Dr. A. E. Douglass, however, a definite method of age determination has now been provided. Doctor Douglass in making a study of climatic conditions in the Southwest turned to the growth rings of trees in an effort to obtain evidence on the occurrence of wet and dry years, and the extent of drought periods and intervals of moisture. In doing this he developed a method whereby he could tell whether the trees from which logs had been cut were growing at the same time or to what degree their life periods overlapped. Beginning with trees whose actual cutting date was known, he was able to devise a definite historical chart for ring growth going back to 700 A. D. By com- paring the rings in any given tree with the chart he is able to tell 6 Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V., 1921, p. 115, note. 82148—32—_3. 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 111 when the tree was cut. Since the beams used in the construction of houses were once trees it has been possible to check their rings with the historical chart and obtain a series of dates for a large | number of the structures in the Southwest. Hence, archeologists can now give rather accurate statements concerning the calendrical period of certain centers.” It was found that Pueblo Bonito con- tained timbers cut during the interval from 919 to 1130, A. D.; that the Aztec ruin was being erected during the years 1110 to 1121; the — ereat cliff houses of the Mesa Verde were being built between 1073 and 1262; Betatakin disclosed a series of dates from 1260 to 1277; Kitsiel, 1274 to 1284; Kawaiokuh, 1284 to 1495; Kintiel, 1275; and cthers too numerous to mention here. Doctor Douglass’s paper con- tains a considerable list. On the basis of the information obtained from the dating of many ruins by the Douglass method and from archeological evidence where timbers suitable for study could not be secured it is possible to assign a time scale to the various periods. This is not done with the idea of definitely isolating each stage between two dates, because as pre- viously pointed out there was no sharp break between periods, but is presented solely in an effort to facilitate comprehension of the chronological sequence. Bearing this in mind, it may be said that Pueblo V dates from 1700 to the present. Pueblo IV, phase 6, 1540 to 1700; phase a, 1350 to 1540. Pueblo III, phase 6, when the aban- donment of the northern borderlands was under way and the people were drifting south, 1200 to 13850; phase a, the classic era, 950 to 1200. At this point the definite criterion of age is no longer avail- able, at the present time, and for the preceding stages it 1s necessary to postulate the approximal dates. Pueblo II was the period of the perfection of the stone type of house and sites of the period give evidence of a lengthy occupation. It has been fairly well established that the farther back into a primitive culture one goes the slower he finds the development to have been. In view of this it would be plausible to think that the period must have covered an interval at least equal to, if not longer than, Pueblo III, a. Allowing 250 to 300 years, on this basis, the beginning of Pueblo II should be placed somewhere in the seventh century. Pueblo I was even longer in its duration, in all probability, because it was during this stage that the Pueblo peoples penetrated into the area, that there was a fusion of old and new stocks, and that many changes were made in the culture, and new features were developed. Taking all of this into consideration, it would seem that 500 years would be a fair estimate for the extent of Pueblo J, thus placing its beginning at ‘approxi- mately the end of the second century. In view of the developments _ ————— ° Douglass, A. E., 1929. te WU peel BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 2 Is GaLLuP gat 4D », aoe! “4 er) a = Ay Mg mt MEAN 5 “5 NEVADA S SOUTHWESTERN ARCHEOLOGICAL AREA INSERT © 1a Basin; 10, Pueblo Grande; 11, Peripheral Map SHOWING LOCATION OF RUINS. 1, Ruins; 2, Chaco Canyon; 3, Mesa Verde; 4, Kayenta; 5, Little Colorado; 6, tres ea 7, Mimbres; 8, Rio Grande; 9 Gil ¢ 4 - - 7 — '. * wy ' 7 y a ‘ve T J R 7 > , 0 7 ” _ . % en ‘9 Mall ‘~~ . “> all = ‘ ® rd a | &£ _—— a , ~ Pelee) Fey . a Tut velhth WUD ow . ‘o f ard Pano wi red wt otacilad 9) i } Eley Pu, j : iy - anil ei * ’ ~ * J ta ) \ Way 7 4 : ’ m Map ' \ . : rr a 7 ae ' ; »& 2A ZIAD " . iv 7 j tm, ~ ’ a : , “ 5 ‘ ] aT ; Pr oone + ities we 0 iA. = j dk os — ’ : . “a . ‘ ‘ ar : > yf VID AG MOrTAGo!)/ QaVIWOHe aaM ea | t DOO TH at (b TAME y dai ) isoynal) cant’) .& yams é, Me ees? { Mie iat a 5 ‘ es Rb ioy Ropers] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 25 which took place during the Basket Maker stages that group may - have filtered into the region from 1,500 to 2,000 years earher. Even- tually there will no doubt be accurate dates for all of these periods, because timbers from these horizons have been secured for study. _ As yet, however, it has not been possible to tie them to the historical chart since they antedate its earliest growth rings. Tue Zunt RecGion Compared with other districts in the Southwest, the Zuni region in central western New Mexico furnishes an unusually advantageous environment for a sedentary people. It is located along the boundary line between the Navajo and Datil sections of the Colorado plateaus. Its northern part consists of young plateaus with only moderately deep canyons, the relief is not nearly so pronounced as that of the canyon lands section to the north, and its southern fringes are en- croached upon by the lava flows and volcanic necks characteristic of the region east and south.®* At the east, rising from the broken, rolling terrain south of Gallup and extending southeast to merge with the plateau which stretches westward to Arizona, are the pine- clad Zufi Mountains. From the western slopes of the range flow a number of small streams, which ultimately combine to form the Zuni River. Chief among these are Pescado and Nutria Creeks. Pescado Creek drains the broad, shallow valley lying along the southwestern edge of the mountains, breaks through the series of small mesas which dot the valley fioor, moves northwest for some distance, and then curves toward the southwest. From the town of Ramah, where it has cut through the ridge of mesas, it traverses a valley 1 to 2 miles (1.609 to 3.219 k.) wide, whose bordering walls increase in height from 200 to 600 feet (60.96 to 182.88 m.) before it passes through a narrow gorge into the Zufii Basin proper. Small canyons and ravines empty into it from either side, and it is joined from the northwest by Nutria Creek just before it cuts through the uplift which forms the eastern boundary of the Zufi Valley. (PI. 2.) Nutria Creek rises toward the northern end of the Zuni range. Near its headwaters it flows through quite narrow canyons, but eventually passes into a comparatively broad valley as it moves in a southwesterly direction to join the Pescado. (Pl. 3, a.) It also has many small tributary canyons, the longest of which come in from the north. Near its sources the stream is fairly large and supplies the water used for irrigating the fields in the vicinity of Nutria. During the summer months, except after heavy rains, the flow is very meager and it is not unusual to find that consid- erable stretches of the stream bed are dry. Water can generally be 6’ Henneman, Nevin M., 1928, pp. 338-342, map. 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 111 secured, however, by digging in the sand at the bottom of the parched channel. There are also a large number of springs scat- tered along its course, so that for most purposes there would be a sufficient supply for the ordinary uses of a rather large group of people. From just below Nutria to the mouth, the bed of the creek is too far below the general surface level to permit the use OTS eee 63 nee _—-s P of irrigation, although water from the side canyons could be di- . verted for such purposes. Consequently the creek would be of no value in the nurturing of crops. The Zuni Basin is a comparatively broad plain stretching away to the southwest. It is bounded on the north by a series of low mesas of which the outstanding feature is the Zufi buttes. The — southern border consists of the precipitous slopes of the plateau with Thunder Mountain, also called Corn Mountain, towering 1,000 feet (804.8 m.) above the sandy level of the plain, prominently in the foreground. The valley broadens out along the river to the southwest. Its southern boundary breaks up into a series of small buttes and mesas and the terrain to the north fades into the rolling country extending westward into Arizona. The higher portions of the region are covered with pines, the lower levels have cedars and pinon trees, and the floors of the val- leys are overspread with sagebrush and grass. (Pl. 3, 0.) The soil in general is sandy but suitable for raising considerable crops when sufficient moisture is available. Because of the small amount of rainfall the present, and the former, inhabitants have chosen sites for their fields where the precipitation may be increased by the overflow of water derived from the higher ground. Some are located beneath the rock escarpments and others on the valley floors where the run-off from the canyons spreads out over an alluvial fan. Such places must be chosen carefully, because it is just as essential that the field should not be buried or washed out as it is that the plants be properly flooded. Most of the many ruins scattered throughout the district are located in close proximity to ground suitable for that purpose. Game seems to have been fairly plentiful in the region, judging from the various bones present in the refuse mounds, and consisted of deer, bear, wolf, wild cat, coyote, several kinds of rabbits, squir- rels, and prairie dogs. The people no doubt had a moderate supply of meat with which to vary their diet. In recent years wild animals have become rather scarce, due to white hunters, and the Indians now depend on their sheep and goats for that part of their food supply. The latter are a modern acquisition. Prior to the Spanish conquest and colonization there was no domesticated livestock, the Indians having tamed only the dog and the turkey. | lROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 27 Climatic conditions in the region are rather favorable. ‘lhe win- ters are not too severe, although considerable snow falls in the east- ‘ern portion close to the slopes of the Zuni Mountains, and the ‘summers are not unbearably hot. There is only a moderate rainfall. ‘During the spring months high winds are a common occurrence. ‘The growing season is short. Because of the high altitude, the greater part of the district ranging from 6,000 to 7,000 feet above ‘sea level, heavy frosts continue until the end of May and begin again about the middle of September. As a result of the long period of experimentation, however, the Pueblos have produced ‘corn, melons, squash, beans, and other vegetal forms which are adapted to a short season. In spite of its many qualifications the Zuni region does not seem ‘to have been occupied to any extent until comparatively late in the prehistoric era. There are a few widely scattered sites of the Pueblo I stage and an even smaller number, apparently, belonging to II. Beginning with period III a larger number moved into the district and ruins dating from that phase are fairly numerous. The peak was reached in IV and there were a great many comparatively large villages in various parts of the district. At the present time there are just four—the main pueblo of Zuni and the farming villages of Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo Caliente. There are a number of fam- ilies who live on farms the year round, but most of the people return to the main village for the winter. HOUSE REMAINS The cluster of ruins excavated during the field season of 1930 is located in the northeastern portion of the Zufli Reservation at the east side of Red Paint Canyon where it opens into the broader Nutria Valley. (Pl. 2.) Numerous investigations and extensive explorations have taken place in that region since it was first trav- ersed in 1540 by Coronado and his rapacious soldiery in their futile pursuit of a golden mirage. Few, however, seem to have observed, and no one has recorded, the existence of these particular ruins. They were virtually unknown to the white inhabitants in the vi- cinity and many of the Indians were not aware of their presence. That they escaped notice for so long a time may be attributed to their inconspicuous nature. Lying on the talus at the foot of a series of low cliffs the stone and grass-covered mounds appeared, unless closely observed, to be a part of the natural formation. (Pl. 4, a.) The remains were found to consist of three communal dwellings, a number of ceremonial chambers of ordinary size, and two large religious structures or great kivas. (Pl. 4, 0.) When the investi- 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 111 gations were brought to a close two of the houses and a number of | the ceremonial chambers had been excavated and three refuse | mounds had been thoroughly explored for burials. The larger of } the two houses, which for convenience has been designated A, was found to contain 64 rooms, 3 average-sized kivas, and had a great kiva joined to its southern side. (PI. 5, a.) In front of the main building and completely subterranean in character were four more ceremonial chambers. The smaller of the two structures, | denoted B, had comprised only 20 rooms and in contrast to its larger neighbor had contained no circular chambers. (PI. 5, 0.) Lying in the court formed by the two buildings, and completely de- tached from them, was the second great kiva. South of it was the mound covering the third house which had been a very small domi- cile. (Pl. 1.) It was not possible to excavate the isolated great kiva, but its walls were traced in order that the size could be deter- mined and the structure properly plotted on the map. Only one | room in the third dwelling, the small one south of the great kiva, | was cleared of its accumulated débris, but this was sufficient to indi- | cate that it had been of the same general character as the other small house, B. House A The largest of the houses shows only 60 rooms on the ground plan. (Pl. 1.) The other four chambers constituted a second story in the central portion of the building. The rest of the structure had been but a single story in height, although it may have had a terraced appearance because of its having been built on sloping ground. The investigations clearly demonstrated that it had not been erected as a complete edifice and that it had not been occupied in its entirety at any one time. ‘There were several distinct stages in the develop- ment of the building. In the beginning there had been only a rectangular block of rooms and two kivas, or ceremonial chambers. Subsequently several more rooms and the great kiva were added. The dwelling was inhabited for a considerable period in that form and then further construction took place. The series of rooms south of the main section and east of the great kiva were erected. Ul- timately the east and west wings were built, and the structure took on the outline shown in the drawing. The masonry in the walls of the later portions was inferior to that in the older section and the rooms have such irregular outlines that it hardly seems possible that they could have been built by the same group of people. (PI. 6, a, b.) The ceremonial chambers dug into the earth in front of the structure appeared to have belonged to the later sections of the building. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 3 a. Nutria Valley looking toward the southwest b. Red Paint Canyon as seen from house B VIEWS OF SURROUNDING REGION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULCEERING I PAs. eiitatig oR la ge a. At the beginning of operations b. At the close of the season’s work THE SITE BEFORE AND AFTER EXCAVATION ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 5 BUREAU OF AMERICAN a. View of house A from the east b. House B and Great Kiva No. 2 THE RUINS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 b. Characteristic stonework in later additions to house A TYPES OF MASONRY PLATE 6 ‘jpopmrts] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 29 The original dwelling was rectangular in shape and contained /18 secular or living rooms and two circular chambers devoted to the religious side of the community life. (Fig. 1.) Two of the |living rooms in this part of the building were eventually remodeled into a kiva, while another room was made into two compartments iby the erection of a partition. The building had been occupied for | some time before this was done and the resulting chambers probably constituted a factor in the second stage of the life of the community. Perhaps the most striking feature of the original building was ‘that of the compact regularity of its outline. The only jarring note | was that of the two small rooms at the west end of the structure, '45 and 46, which projected beyond the line of the main south ‘wall. Indications were, however, that originally there were corre- sponding chambers at the other end of the building in front of | kiva A. These would have balanced the plan and have produced a pleasingly symmetrical structure. Subsequent construction removed practically all traces of the rooms and beyond the suggestion that they once existed nothing could be learned of their character. Be- ‘neath the floors and walls of later rooms erected at that portion of the building were the remains of old foundations which gave rise to the supposition that counterparts of 45 and 46 had once stood there. The remains, unfortunately, were too fragmentary to make it possible to draw in the outlines of the rooms. Balanced structures are characteristic of the Chaco cultures, although two of the best- known ruins in that district, Pueblo Bonito and Pefasco Blanco, are decided exceptions. The majority, both large and small, evi- dence symmetrical ground plans.*® This is also true of the outlying Aztec ruin.” There are a number of features, in addition to that of the plan of the building, which suggest that it may have been built by a Chaco people, or at least by a group which was under a marked Chacoan influence. The method of wall construction produced an effect which is very similar to that found in many of the Chaco structures, name- ly, the practice of laying several courses of thick stones, then several of thin ones, so that a banded appearance resulted. There are a number of varieties of this type of masonry and some differences due to the care with which the stones were put in place, but on the whole it is one of the outstanding characteristics of the ruins in the Chaco Canyon proper“! and is to be observed throughout the entire range of the culture which centered there. The Chimney Rock Pueblo in the extreme northeastern periphery in the Piedra district of southern 60 Jackson, W. H., 1878, pls. LV—LVII, LIX. 7 Morris, E. H., 1924, plan of ruin. 1 Jackson, W. H., 1878, pl. LXII, no. 2; Judd, N. M., 1927, fig. 160. [BULL. 111 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 30 SuIp[iIng pejJetduos Jo Jue}xe MoYs Soul] peyjcqd “VW esnoy Jo uolaod |vuystz0 Jo Uk[d—'[T 94n1,7 -——_—_— Beaks ool 14I0S oy 0 i | VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 3l Colorado shows it,’ and Morris has called attention to the marked architectural similarity between the Aztee ruin and those of the ‘Chaco Canyon.’® One of the factors in this likeness is to be observed in the masonry in many of the walls. The work was not as well done ‘in house A, but the walls do illustrate the feature. (Pl.6,a@.) The ipractice of chinking with potsherds, also frequently observed in |Chaco ruins, did not prevail in this instance. Possibly this may be attributed to the fact that the original portion of the building was ‘erected on a site which had not been occupied previously and on | which there were no scattered fragments of pottery. _ Another feature which suggests a certain Chaco architectural char- acteristic was found in the corner of room 44. Built into the wall was a cupboard or storage pocket which basically is of the same nature as the corner doorways found in Chaco ruins.* As a matter of fact, _when the débris was being removed from the interior of the room and the opening first became apparent it was thought that it was one of the corner doorways and that it led into room 45. Subsequent work showed that such was not the case and that it had only been a storage place. Wall pockets of this type are so scarce that it seems that they must have been derived from the corner doorways. It may be that the builders here originally planned for such an aperture and for some reason or other did not complete it but, instead, finished it off -asacupboard. The inside was nicely plastered and on the floor were several bone and stone implements which showed that the place had been used for storage purposes. The building was occupied for some time before the construction of the western tier of rooms and the great kiva was undertaken. This was shown by the fact that the floors and foundations of 42, 47, 48, 49, and 50 rested upon an accumulation of refuse, ashes, blow-sand, stone spalls, broken bones, and potsherds. When these chambers had been erected the ground plan of the structure was as illustrated in Figure 2. The relation between the floor levels in rooms 48, 49, and 50, and those of the older chambers to the east is illustrated by the sections a and 6 of Figure 2. One matter connected with these addi- tions which would be of interest could not be determined from the evidence secured, and that is with respect to the actual building of the secular rooms and the large ceremonial chamber. There is no question but that rooms 48, 49, and 50 were erected as a unit and that 42, 47, and the great kiva constituted a single expenditure of effort. Whether the series of three living rooms represent the initial con- struction which was then followed by the building of the great kiva or vice versa, or whether they were erected simultaneously, could not 7% Jeancon, J. A., and Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1923, pl. 17, lower. 7 Morris, E. H., 1919 a, pp. 104-105. 7% Judd, N. M., 1922, fig. 117; Pepper, G. H., 1920, fig. 151. 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111 » be learned. It would be gratifying to be able to state that one or the other formed the first addition to the original structure, but since this can not be done it is fortunate that the actual precedence is not, of great significance. The masonry in these newer portions indicated that the work was done by the same group of people, or at least in the same careful technique employed by the builders of the original and older section. yi It was probably at about the same time that one of the original rooms was made into two compartments by the erection of a parti- tion. This remodeling took place in room 33 and as a consequence room 82 was formed. The partition separating rooms 32 and 33 rested upon several layers of flooring, indicating that the large | enclosure had been occupied during an interval of some duration before it was converted into smaller chambers. One of the interest- ing features connected with this bit of construction is that the doorway opening from room 31 into the original 33 was blocked by the end of the wall which separated the latter into two chambers. Here again the stonework in the wall was such as to indicate that it had been built by the same group of workmen as the others. In this instance it was again impossible to tell whether the work had actually been done at the same time as that in the other additions or was an independent procedure antedating or subsequent to it. At all events it unquestionably belonged to the same general stage in the development of the structure. Certain minor features were added to room 33 at the same time that the wall separating it from 32 was built. These consisted of the cutting of an opening through the south wall to form a small doorway and the erection of a large slab of stone at some distance from the aperture and approximately at right angles to the partition wall and almost touching the latter. This stone seems to have func- tioned as a deflector to keep the air coming through the opening from blowing directly on the fire pit. That the slab was set up and the opening made at the time when the partition was erected was indicated by the fact that the small stones which formed the jambs, sill, and lintel were laid in the same kind of mortar as that used in the wall and contrasted with that which had originally been em- ployed in the building. In both instances adobe mud had been used to make the filling employed between the individual and courses of stones but in the latter material there was considerable foreign matter, ashes and bits of charcoal, which was absent in the older. From the section 6, Figure 2, it will be observed that the floor of 32 was raised above that of 33. This was accomplished by a sand fill which was apparently intentionally made. The floor was then laid on top of this material. There was nothing to indicate why a higher we — AIvA Wy V7, | ' = —z 46 i YI 50 GREAT KIVA No.1 43 Ma Vs YY KIVA c 3I mi 268 22 40 ; KIVA Bx sin __F Wf V/ Yj a A igo KIVA = ie K-B |) K-BEs 4 8 Pea 33 632m) ed GREAT KIVA WN es ee epee ~“y ' i] ' ' } a Frovas 2—Plan of second stage in growth of house A. 0, >, ¢, d, Sections threugh building. Dotted lines show extent of finished structure 82148—82. (Face p. 32.) hi 0 ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 33 level should have been desired and all that can be done is to call attention to the fact that it was present. Chief interest in the additions to the building, except for the great kiva which will be considered in detail in connection with the sub- ject of kivas, centers in rooms 49 and 50. Room 49 had a mealing | bin, a place in which the stones used in grinding corn were set. This feature was not found in any of the other rooms belonging to the original block of the building. This does not indicate, as might at first be surmised, that the occupants of the chambers lacking such a provision for the preparation of meal did not grind their corn or that all of the milling was done in the one room. It has far greater significance in that its appearance was definitely associated | with a change in the form of metate or grinding stone employed. The older rooms yielded metates of the trough or grooved variety while those in the bin in 49 were of the simple concave form. The trough type of milling stone was rarely used in a bin while the con- cave style, without raised borders, seems in the vast majority of cases to have been set in such containers. Furthermore, not one of the later rooms in the east or west wings or in the series erected east of the great kiva and south of the main block contained one of the trough-type stones. The change began with the occupation of the series 48-50 and from that time on the new type prevailed. ‘This fact takes on additional importance in the light of what was ob- served at a ruin in the same general region during the investigations of the preceding summer. There in the remains of a pueblo belong- ing to the early part of period III it was found that the grooved or trough type of metate was the only form employed and that it was not used in bins.** From that and the present evidence it seems justifiable to conclude that the old grooved form of metate which had continued in use from Basket Maker times down to the classic Pueblo period began to be replaced, in this region, in the latter part of Pueblo ITI, and that the concave type dates from that horizon. Room 50 is worthy of consideration because of the presence of several features not commonly found in the usual rectangular form of chamber. In addition to the rectangular fire pit near the center of the room there was a second shallower depression adjacent to it, a ridge of adobe plaster separating the two, and at the far side of the smaller pit an upright slab of stone. Beyond this, in line with the pits, was an opening through the south wall. This combination of vent, upright slab, and pits (pl. 7, @) is very suggestive of the ventilator, deflector, ladder box, fire pit complex found in the cir- cular ceremonial chambers or kivas. In fact, this room is a counter- 7% Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, pp. 154-155. 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 111 part of many which have been identified as rectangular kivas. The introduction to this paper, it will be recalled, pointed out the fact that in late prehistoric times the circular kiva gave way to the | rectangular form in many districts. Also, that in the southern peripheries of the area many communities never had the circular type. If there had been no circular chambers present in this ruin, room 50 would have been considered an example of the rectangular ceremonial chamber. Since the occupants of the building had pro- | vided a number of orthodox religious structures, the problem of room 50 becomes more complex. There was nothing to indicate that it had been other than an ordinary living room, except for the ventilator-deflector features. Yet it would seem that the latter must | have had some significance beyond that of mere utilitarian function, because they are so rarely present in secular rooms. They no doubt would have been advantageous in such enclosures, but for some reason the Pueblo people did not avail themselves generally of the benefit to be derived from them. Two additional rooms at this site had them, but they were noticeably absent from all the rest. The evidence is not sufficient to warrant the drawing of definite conclusions, but it may be suggested that possibly here was an indi- cation of the beginnings of a trend which reached its culmination in the holding of certain ceremonies in rectangular rooms. This may perhaps have been due to an influence from the southern districts where such practices prevailed. -It should be explained that refer- ence is not made to the development of the rectangular kiva, since it is probably an outgrowth of the circular form; rather is it in- tended to suggest that here there may be an indication that the cus- tom of differentiating between fraternity and tribal rituals, so well exemplified at Zuni, was unfolding. In Zufi the headquarters of the various fraternities are in the ground-floor rooms of ordinary liy- ing houses, chambers in which the family eats, sleeps, and passes most of its time." The same feature is found to some extent among the Hopi, where certain societies do not meet in the regular kivas but in an apartment of a dwelling house.”*? On the other hand, the rituals which concern the entire community are performed in the kivas. Because of the fact that a certain religious importance would be attached to such a room it is possible the ventilator-deflector com- plex was deemed essential, and for that reason incorporated in it. Be that as it may, they were present in room 50. Another feature noticed in this same chamber was unique in the community. This consisted of the evidence that close to the founda- tions of the south wall, extending from the corner of the room almost aot te ot every ost Gon NT rsh averted Leora Kroeber, A. L., 1917, pp. 197-198; Stevenson, M, C., 1904, p. 428. ™ Mindeleff, We oons (. shed ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 35 to the ventilator opening, a small log had been incorporated in the wall. This took the place of a course of stones at that place. The wood was no longer present, but decayed fragments of it were in evidence and the plaster in the wall bore imprints of the pole. The use of timbers in such a fashion has been observed both in Pueblo Bonito and the great ruin at Aztec. The practice was not prevalent in general, however. The shallow pit between the fire pit and the deflector stone was probably where the lower end of the entrance ladder rested. The building was probably occupied for some time in the form indicated in Figure 2. Then considerable changes took place and the outward appearance of the structure was modified to a marked degree. Evidence indicated that the stimulus for new constructional activity was the direct result of a calamity which descended, liter- ally, upon the community. Several large bowlders and a great amount of earth became dislodged and rolled down the talus slope, to crash against the rear wall of the building in the vicinity of kiva C and rooms 31, 40, and 43. That this occurred subsequent to the erection of -the dwelling was shown by the fact that several inches of material containing ashes, charcoal, potsherds, and other refuse, underlay the mass of material which had come down the talus. That the landslide had not taken place after the complete abandonment of the pueblo was demonstrated by the level of occu- pation resting upon it. The descending débris did little damage to the walls, but the whole section of the building was abandoned and the series of new rooms east of the great kiva presumably were built to take its place. There is, of course, nothing to demonstrate definitely that the portion of the building referred to was vacated because of the fall of rocks and earth, but it was clearly evident that the occupants had moved out at some time during the life of the community and that the rooms had been used as repositories for refuse. The fact that the enclosures were completely filled with this kind of material shows that they served in such a capacity for an interval of some duration. Since no other cause for their aban- donment could be determined, it was concluded that the landslide must have been responsible. The new additions at this time were made in front of kiva A and east of the great kiva. They consisted of 15 rooms, practically twice the number of those which had been abandoned, most of which were considerably smaller than the older ones had been. In addi- tion, it would seem that the two rooms which are marked “ K-B ” on the plans of Figures 1 and 2 were converted into kiva B. This probably was done so that there would be a chamber of that nature to replace kiva C, which was in the section of the building that had been abandoned. That the enclosure constituting kiva B had 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111 not always been devoted to such a chamber was clearly shown by the fact that beneath the floor of the kiva were the remains of the foundations for the cross wall which had made the two rooms at that part of the building. Also, it could clearly be observed that portions of the original straight walls had been removed so that the circular one could be erected. On the south side the section of the straight wall had not been completely razed and a portion of it was to be observed where it was not entirely covered by the curved masonry. The top of the remaining part of the old wall was flush with the floor of the kiva. Although the new series of rooms (fig. 8) are considered as repre- senting a unit in the growth of the building, they were not erected simultaneously. This was shown by the abutting walls of the various inclosures. There probably was no appreciable lapse of time between the construction of the new elements, but there was a definite order. Rooms 17 and 20 were built first. These were followed by 23 and 27 and the latter possibly by 34. The exact position of the latter with respect to the others is not determinable. It unquestionably was sub- sequent to 25 and 27. What its order was in the remaining series is debatable, and putting it after 27 and prior to the others is more or less an arbitrary matter. There can be no question, however, that rooms 24 and 28 were later than 23 and 27 and that 25 and 29 were next after 24 and 28. There is again some question in the case of room 30. It was subsequent to 25 and 29, but whether it preceded or followed the group 16, 18-21 could not be determined. In the case of the latter there is no question about the sequence in which they were constructed. Rooms 18 and 21 were built at the same time, but they were not erected until after 25 and 29 had been completed. Then rooms 16, the second 18, and 19 were added. Then the wall separating the two 18’s was removed, and it became a single large inclosure as shown on the main ground plan of the ruin. (PI. 1.) One of the noticeable features in this new series of rooms was that of the presence of lateral] exterior doorways. There were only two of these, to be sure, but they were an innovation since not one was observed in the older portions of the building. The convenience of ground level entrances is too apparent to need discussion. The ancient Pueblos, however, were rather sparing in their use of such openings in ground floor rooms, although they were made frequently in chambers of the upper stories. As a defense measure an unbroken outer wall on the ground level had great value. To gain entrance to the first floor rooms it was necessary to ascend to the roof by ladders and then to descend through a hatchway, again by means of ladders, into the chambers. At night, however, and during periods of stress the exterior ladders could be pulled up onto the roofs and — oer sas rare = 4. GREAT KIVA We. ? AAAASANNANRARIAS 468 45 42 § 34 27 Boag 20 B /) a al 42 5 B2ee24m 21 & is / Z, b KIVA E 22 Be a 23 Be / 2s B24Bu Be as Wy MW Mi L c SOFT A // Ficure 3.—Third phase in development of house A. Stippled portions indicate abandoned rooms and dotted lines the extent of the completed building. a, 6, ¢, d, Sections through building 82148—32. (Face p. 36.) | ROBERTS J VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 37 the building thus be made less pregnable. The fact that two of the rooms in this series had first floor entrances would suggest that during the period when the community was developing to its present | stage there had been little need for defense measures and as a con- sequence the people were emboldened to provide, in rooms 21 and 34, more suitable doorways. In the remaining chambers, however, the orthodox means of access was retained. As a passing observation it might be remarked that despite their efforts to make their dwellings as secure as possible the Pueblos frequently, as in the case of the present dwelling, erected their structures in fairly vulnerable posi- tions. Enemies could readily have taken positions on the cliffs over- looking the building and hurled rocks and other missiles onto the roof, keeping the defenders inside, while others scaled the outer wall and gained a vantage point for a direct attack on the occupants. Only two of the rooms in the series 16-21, 23-25, 27-80, and 34 warrant further consideration. They are 20 and 28. Room 20 was another of the rectangular chambers which had the ventilator, de- flector, ladder box, and fire-pit complex which suggests that such inclosures possibly served for more than mere habitation purposes. In this instance, however, the ventilator was actually in the form generally found in kivas. It did not consist of an opening passing directly through the wall. Instead there was a vertical shaft or flue rising to the roof level through the thick south wall. This form of ventilator may have been used in this instance because the builders had already planned the erection of another room to the south of 20 and did not wish to have an opening between the two. On the other hand there may well have been an entirely different reason, since the people do not seem to have been averse to such openings between chambers. The ventilator in kiva B consisted of a simple aperture extending through the wall into room 27. Con- sequently the most which can be done is to call attention to the form of ventilator in room 20 and suggest an explanation. A defi- nite conclusion can not be drawn on the evidence obtained from excavations. Room 23 was of interest because it had contained a mealing bin. Here three metates or milling stones had been included. In room 49 there were but two. Whether it was just coincidence that such had been the case or whether there is some significance in the difference in number can be answered only by speculation. Where mealing bins are of common occurrence the usual number of stones found in them is three. Occasionally there may be more, but in the great majority of cases three seems to have been the preferred number. Furthermore, the stones were graded. One was rather rough, one medium, and one fine. Judging from present-day practices among 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 111 the Pueblos, the custom probably was to proceed from the rough to the fine in the grinding process. In the case of the bin in room 49 having only two while that in 23 had three, it may be suggested: that one reason for such a condition is that when the first was con- structed the new order was just beginning and that experience showed that a third stone would be advantageous. Hence, when room 23 was equipped for grinding purposes another metate was added. In this connection it will be recalled that it was previously pointed out that room 48 and the bin located there marked the transition in the type of metate employed and the method of its placement. It is rather curious that in two instances in this build- ing a room containing a mealing bin was located directly adjacent to a rectangular chamber containing elements usually found in kivas. This relation is shown in rooms 49 and 50 and 23 and 20. Whether this was a result of coincidence or had some special sig- nificance is not known. It has been deemed advisable to call atten- tion to the occurrences, since future work elsewhere may throw some light on the question and give a clue to its possible import. Due to the slope of the ground, the levels of the new rooms in front of the old portion of the building were lower and in a number of cases a certain amount of leveling off and fiiling in was essential. Indications were that there had been a certain amount of refuse in front of the structure when new operations were started. The people apparently did not trust the material as a base for the new walls, and accordingly dug through it to the old original ground level and placed their foundations on it. The rest of the material was smoothed off and used as a fill for leveling up the floors of the rooms. ‘This feature is illustrated in the sections shown in Figure 3, ¢c and d. In making these sections the old ground level was traced and recorded so that the proper relation between it and the various floors could be shown. These drawings also illustrate the possibility of the building having had a terraced effect. Had the ceilings of the various chambers been approximately the same height above the floor, then the rooms located higher up on the slopes of the talus would have projected somewhat above the others and the build- ing would have presented a characteristic pueblo appearance without having any second story. A similar condition is to be observed at the present time in certain sections of the village of Zuni. At the southeast corner of the building, in the angle formed by the walls of rooms 18 and 19, was a large outdoor fire pit. Whether this pit dates from this stage or the one following can not be stated with definite assurance. Considering all things in general, however, it appears logical to think that it belongs with this series of rooms. Outdoor fire pits were used to a conside~able extent by many of the Te ® W I aha soe Yeo « “¢ ot he be (i: ie ae tL —~Te minitbdhaeneS) [ESB ote.) RE Re 4 Het Terrace 3I-A 26-A_22-A BAS 8p 6 g4 Uf / b 47 42g 388 0g 3S_ff cogent 2 d Q 5 SOFT Frourr 4.—Final stage in growth of house A. Stippled portions show unoccupied rooms. a, b, o, d, Sections through building 82148—32. (Face p. 39.) 11) | ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 39 prehistoric Pueblo peoples, and their descendants continue the practice. There were other exterior pits in addition to the one just mentioned. In the section of the building which had been abandoned | there were four. ‘wo of these may have been of later date, but the others unquestionably were not. One was placed in the fill in room 33. The tops of the slabs which formed it were about 2 feet : (60.96 cm.) below the top of the original wall and there was a dis- tinct level of occupation 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.) below it. (PI. 7, 6.) This was later abandoned and the remaining portion of the -room filled in and a second story chamber erected over it. ‘The pit in the corner formed by the circular and straight walls at the north- east side of kiva C was also covered by later refuse, so that it undoubtedly belonged to approximately the present stage in the growth of the pueblo. It had to be subsequent to the abandonment of that series of rooms and to precede by some time the final phase _of occupancy, so it could hardly be considered as belonging to other than this horizon. The other two were in use until the final abandon- ment of the community. They may have been constructed during the stage of development at present under consideration, and for that rea- son have been indicated on the plan, or they may have pertained en- tirely to the following and final one. This could not be determined. The ultimate development of the community was attained with the adding of the east and west wings; the construction of new chambers over the old abandoned 22, 26, 31, 32, and 33; the incorporating of inclosures in other portions of the building; and the placing of the four kivas in the earth in front of the structure. All together, 31 new rooms were erected, and the plan of the pueblo took on the form illustrated in Figure 4. There was no way of determining which of the two wings was built first, or, for that matter, if they had been constructed at the same time. There is no question concerning the inferiority of their architecture, if such it may be called. The ground plan shows clearly the irregularity of the rooms, and the masonry in the walls was much poorer than that in the older por- tions of the building. (Pl. 6, 6.) As mentioned previously, the whole aspect of these portions of the dwelling suggests that a differ- ent group of people built them. It is quite possible that at this time the community was augmented by a group moving into the area and that the latter was invited to join the others. Such occurrences have been noted among the more recent Pueblo peoples and may well have taken place in the past. As will become apparent in the sec- tions of this report which deal with the lesser objects from this site, there is distinct evidence of a strong Upper Gila element in the local culture. It is quite possible that this is to be attributed to the fact that peoples from that district actually penetrated into this section . 82148—32—4 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111. and affiliated with the inhabitants of Chaco extraction. Under such. conditions the cruder additions could well be ascribed to the new- comers. The walls certainly are very suggestive of those found in the ruins to the south. There is the possibility that the poorer con- struction might have resulted from a breakdown of the local culture, a thing which did and does happen, but such does not seem likely in this instance. The tremendous increase in the number of rooms, coupled with indications that many of the older chambers continued to be occupied, bespeaks a decided augmentation of the group, a growth which hardly could be accounted for on the basis of the natural increase in such a community. The rooms comprising the east and west wing's gave evidence of a certain progression in the order in which they were built. In the east wing room 11 was unquestionably the first to be erected. It was followed by 9, 10, and 8 in the order named. Then 7, 5, 3, 4, and 6 were built. The last in the series were those numbered 1 and 2 on the ground plan. Room 15 did not come into being until after the con- struction of kiva 2, as one corner of the room projected slightly over the pit. The wall had probably rested on the roof of the subter- ranean structure. A small court was formed between room 15 and the east end of the main building by the erection of a wall. An additional bit of construction consisted of a wall connecting the south side of room 10 with the corner of room 16. (Fig. 4.) The space between this and the old original east end of the pueblo was filled with refuse, stones, earth, and rubbish. It gave every indication of having been an intentional fill and not the result of a gradual accumulation. There was no evidence that the opening at the east end of the enclosure, lying between rooms 10 and 15 and along the edge of kiva 2, had ever been closed. Neither was there anything to suggest that the enclosure had ever been roofed over. It might easily have been covered and formed a compartment, but if such had been the case all evidence of it had disappeared. There was a stone-lined fire pit along the west wall which implied that a certain amount of household activity had taken place in the court. The west wing was even more of a patchwork kind of house than the east one. The first rooms erected were 52 and 55, then came 57. It is possible that 53 may have preceded 57, but the matter is of no great importance since the two antedate 58, 56, and the enclosure numbered 54. Room 58 was built before 56 was erected and 54 was still later. The last two chambers at this end of the building were 59 and 60. Closely associated with construction at this end of the pueblo was the building of the terrace south of the west wing. (Fig. 4; pl. 1.) There was a decided slope to the original surface at this part of the site and the builders counteracted the disadvan- tage of having a sharply slanting dooryard by erecting a low wall oBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 41 some distance south of the wing and then filling in with refuse and débris of various kinds. This was not an unusual practice on the part of the prehistoric Pueblo peoples and examples of such fea- tures are to be observed at various ruins throughout the area. It does not seem to have been peculiar to any one group or horizon and has no period or cultural significance. Rooms 35 to 39 were placed in the space between the great kiva and the older chambers, 28, 29, and 34. There was no clue to the time when this was done, beyond the evidence that it took place subsequent to the construction of the latter. This was clearly shown by the comparatively thick deposit of refuse which had accumulated between the kiva wall and the west side of rooms 28 to 30 before the new chambers were erected. The section (fig. 4, d) made through this portion of the building illustrates the variation in floor and foundation levels between the two series. Rooms 35, 36, and 37 seem to have preceded 38 and 39 by a perceptible interval, as an additional amount of waste material was deposited there before the short wall separating the inclosure into two chambers was built. The four rooms, 36, 37, 38, and 39, are so small that they would have had very little value as living quarters. For this reason it is probable that they were used for storage purposes. In this same section of the building three of the older rooms were abandoned, namely 23, 27, and 34. They had not been in service as long as some of the others but were vacated for a very good rea- son, one which seems to be closely associated with the construction of the upper chambers 32—A and 33-A. The south wall of the origi- nal room 33, later 82-33, had been pushed slightly outward in its upper courses and then had begun to buckle. Investigations indi- cated that this had resulted from the combined pressure of the refuse filling the ground-floor chambers, 32 and 33, and the weight of the upper rooms, 32-A and 33—-A. In an effort to prevent the collapse of that part of the structure the occupants piled quantities of earth and rocks against the sagging wall and then completed the fill more gradually by depositing refuse in the remaining space. (Fig. 5.) The character of the material in room 34, especially, bore definite evidence that such had been the case. This is so well illus- trated by the drawing that further comment is not necessary. There was one other feature, however, in connection with this activity which should be mentioned in passing. The doorway in the south wall of room 34 had to be blocked in order that the débris would not run out. The character of the masonry in this blocking and the mortar used between the stones suggested that the work had been done at the same time that room 35 was built. It is possible that the family which had lived in room 34 erected 35 when forced to vacate its previous quarters. 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111 The fill in room 27 not only supported the weakened wall, which, however, was not so greatly damaged here as in room 34, but it completely blocked and covered over the ventilator to kiva B. | \ Nothing was done to offset this disadvantage, apparently, and the | ceremonial chamber continued to be used until the building was abandoned. ‘That this had been the case was demonstrated by the | fill in the chamber. There was no refuse in it; the material con- sisted wholly of débris of its own decay and stones from the fallen east wall of room 32-A. There was little to be learned concerning the rooms which consti- tuted the second story. A greater part of their walls had fallen, but sufficient evidence of their presence remained to demonstrate that such chambers had been erected. Although they had given the appearance of a second story to that portion of the building they can not, strictly speaking, be considered as such. The lower tier of rooms was no longer occupied, as a matter of fact did not exist, since they had been completely filled in with refuse. The three chambers 31—A, 32-A, and 33-A were built as a unit, then 22-26-A was erected. The tops of the walis of the old ground-level rooms served as foundations for the upper masonry. ‘The latter did not rest entirely upon the former. In portions of the newer walls the stones projected beyond the original construction and were sup- ported, in part, by the refuse content in the old chambers. This feature is clearly shown by the sections (fig. 4, a, 0), and a more de- tailed discussion of it is not necessary. The fact that the pseudo second story had been built subsequent to the abandonment of the lower rooms was demonstrated by this overhang and by the un- broken floors which had been laid on the leveled-off top of the refuse deposit in them. The first three rooms, 31-A to 33—A, had walls of the same kind of masonry as that noted for the old section of the building, but the fourth contained the type characteristic of the east and west wings. Examples of this may be noted in Plates 1,0. ana 8, a. The construction of new apartments on top of abandoned, filled-in rooms was a frequent practice among the Pueblo peoples in pre- historic times and also is quite prevalent at the present. A large portion of the central section of Zufi, that part of the village which seems to be perched on a hill, is built over vacated, débris-filled houses. As a matter of fact, both there and in some of the Hopi towns, the process which leads to such a condition is going on to-day in much the same fashion as it probably did in the past. Rooms are abandoned, the roofs are permitted to fall in, considerable sand is blown into the inclosure, and refuse is deposited there. As a result of erosive factors, portions of the walls collapse, and in a comparatively short time the chamber is practically filled with ac- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEERIN Tt PEATE 7 b. Fire pit on fill in room 33 DETAILS IN HOUSE A BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 8 a. Foundation of later rooms resting on top of earlier wall b. Difference in foundation levels between old and later sections of building CONSTRUCTIONAL FEATURES IN HOUSE A | ROBERTS J VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 43 cumulated material. Then some one decides to build a new house on the site. The remains of the ruined structure are leveled, and above them rises another dwelling. During the summer of 1930 a number of such operations were under way. In two instances the replaced structures had been vacated, fallen into decay, and become more than half filled with débris in a period of three years. The remaining bits of their walls were razed to the surface of the accumulation, and then the new construction started. In the com- pleted rooms the floors were several feet above those of the old house. Rooms 12 and 18 were very late in their construction. This was demonstrated by the height of their foundations above those of the back wall of kiva A. (PI. 8, 6.) Considerable débris had slipped down the talus slope and lodged against the north wall of the orig- 1 i ES ee 5) Os a es ey to et ATT: Py GS Oe am Pott aye FL OD, sa Reese meas Gd oe | Od Ta EEO FS cea oo lg op oe ek Ll 00 ge Bes e e b Ae ve tat) Sey oes Ge oS Foo ei.’ & ae Sei Nat Nh Ne OQ | Cam pene SD wat el Sparse na : a. aihaie irs he ‘any line @ Z : : . ore © = ee = TD LE PN a aad ion PANS ete Mey Ya ca wee sees et ita =i Lae lca ARC eg Oy @ OS - eben o Pes [EA BS a OEE eh Oana evar Ml GD GEES Ses a Eat APN reno he avon Ri SOS CAE (ad FR ee Oe “ PNT Sure Sei 2 othe NON Gane eo as is PWT Wish =. Jp rt BR a — a ee OA ieee mem SR OO ED TTT II eS ee aes hae US 7/ Ficgurm 5.—Diagram of fill in room 33. a, Accumulations of ash; 6b, intentional fill to support sagging wall inal structure. Possibly this was a part of the landslide which led the people to move from the section farther west, before the walls forming these inclosures were erected. As will be observed from the measuring rod in the photograph, the bottom of the wall of room 12, where it joined the back of the original building, was 2 feet 6 inches (76.2 cm.) higher than the one which it abutted. There was little of special interest in the majority of the rooms erected during the last splurge of construction activity around this pueblo. Rooms 55 and 57 warrant some consideration, however. These two chambers were built around and over a large bowlder which was too large to be moved out of the way. This is indicated on the ground plan and is also shown in the sections. (Figs. 3, a, and 4, a.) The wall separating the two rooms was built on top of 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 111 the stone. (PI.9,@.) The latter projected to a considerable degree into both chambers. In room 57 a mealing bin was constructed between the rock and the wall at the opposite side. The edge of the bowlder served as the side of one of the compartments in the bin. (Pl. 9, 6.) No metate was set in that compartment, and nothing indicated that one ever had been placed there. Consequently it is thought that it probably served as a storage place for unground grain or as a place in which to set jars or baskets holding meal. The plan of the room (fig. 4) shows three compartments in a row and a fourth at one side, a feature which provided one more stone than did the mealing bin in room 23. Only one of the original stones is in position in the bin in the photograph. The second stone was placed in position by one of the workmen after the room had been cleared. The three additional metates had been removed from the bin before the room fell into ruin and was covered over. This was probably done by dwell- ers from another part of the building or pos- sibly from one of the other houses. Several outdoor fire pits seem to have been added to that phase of the community exist- ence during the last Ficurn 6.—Section through pi-gummi oven stages of its develop- ment. The location and position of these are shown on the plan (fig. 4), and the pits themselves call for little discussion. All were lined with stone slabs. Some were rectangular in outline, while others were roughly circular. There was one, however, which was not so much a fire pit as a pit oven. It was located on the slope some distance south of the east wing and on the plat of the ruins (pl. 1) is called a pit oven. In shape this pit was very suggestive of one of the large culinary vessels used during this period. The inside showed distinctly the marks of a digging stick used in making the excavation. Very hot fires had been kindled in it, because the whole interior was burned to a brick-red color. Perhaps the most in- teresting feature was the small vent or flue extending obliquely from one side of the pit to the ground level. (Fig. 6.) The walls of this tubelike opening were also burned until the earth had taken on a distinct reddish hue. Around the orifice, on the ground level, the hard-packed dirt was considerably blackened by smoke. A large, worked stone slab had been used as a cover for the main opening ROBER'S J VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 45 into the pit. This object had been broken, but the fragments of it © were found lying on the bottom of the pit. In all of its features, except that of size, this earth oven is very similar to the ones em- ployed by the Hopi in baking sweet-corn mush wrapped in corn husks."* The latter have been described as follows by Mindeleff : Hach of the pi-gummi ovens ... is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or 4 inches [7.62 or 10.16 cm.] in diameter, descending obliquely from the ground level into the cavity. Through this opening the fire is arranged and kept in order, and in this respect it seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of the Zuni dome-shaped ovens. When the principal opening, by which the vessel containing the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has been covered with a slab of stone and sealed with mud, the effect is similar to that of the dome- shaped oven when the ground opening or doorway is hermetically closed.” No one seems to have recorded such an oven for the Zufii, and the workmen employed in the diggings said that they were not familiar with the type. It seems curious that the form was in the district in prehistoric times, and yet no traces of it are to be found among the Zuni, while it is present in the Hopi country. There is the possi- bility that this kind of cooking pit was replaced by the dome-shaped oven of the present day soon after the arrival of the Spaniards, and that all remembrance of it has been obscured by the haze of uncer- tainty which envelops the past. Mindeleff long ago suggested that the complete adoption of a wholly foreign idea or feature of con- struction was not likely to be found among so conservative a people as the Pueblos and that the cooking pit developed to the point of the pi-gummi oven of the Hopi may well have been the stem upon which the Spanish type of oven was grafted.*° More extensive work in the Zufi region may show that such earth ovens prevailed in later stages than that represented by the present site and that the place which it occupied in the culinary customs of the people was taken by the dome- shaped ovens. The Zuni continue to roast green corn, in the husks, in deep pits, but none of the latter have the oblique orifice at one side. The oven near house A had been abandoned before the entire community was deserted, because the lower portion of it was filled with refuse and ordinary débris of accumulation, and a burial had been made in the upper part. The skeleton had reached an advanced stage of disintegration, due to the fact that the pit caught and held considerable moisture, but there was enough remaining to show that the individual had been an adult and that there had been no attempt at cremation. It was at first thought that the pit had been employed for such purposes, but this was not borne out by the evidence ob- tained. The mouth of this pit measured 1 foot 9 inches (53.34 cm.) 7 Hough, W., 1915, p. 66. 7 Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 164. See fig. 53, p. 1638. Hough gives the name pigame instead of pi-gummi. 80 Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 164. 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULL, 111 in diameter. The sides sloped from this orifice to a point 2 feet 4 inches (71.12 cm.) below the opening, where the maximum diameter of 8 feet 4 inches (1.016 m.) was attained. At the bottom the pit measured 3 feet 3 inches (99.06 cm.) across. The total depth was 4 feet 9 inches (1.447 m.). The vent opening was 1 foot 7 inches (48.26 cm.) above the floor. It was oval in shape with an up-and- down diameter of 1 foot 3 inches (88.1 cm.) and a cross diameter of 9 inches (22.86 cm.). The tubelike tunnel narrowed near the outer end, where it measured 1 foot (30.48 cm.) by 8 inches (20.32 cm.). The vent orifice opened 2 feet 2 inches (66.04 cm.) from the edge of the mouth of the pit. The tapering of the flue suggested that it had been dug out from the inside of the pit rather than tunneled from the outside toward the oven. One additional feature connected with the house A group should be considered before the kivas are described and discussed. At the base of the low cliffs east of the large building a series of inclosures, rather puzzling in character, was found. (Pl.1,4,B,C,D,#.) It was difficult to determine whether the construction had been brought to completion or left in an unfinished state. Room A had unques- tionably been occupied as a dwelling, but none of the other walls had been carried to a sufficient height to warrant the belief that the inclosures had been roofed over. The masonry extending from A to the base of the rocks, forming B, was only 3 feet (91.44 cm.) in height and gave no evidence of having had additional courses. There was no fallen wall material in the débris which filled the narrow space. Furthermore, the even tops of these walls sug- gested that there was no intention of adding to them. They did not present the usual appearance of unfinished masonry. On the contrary, inclosure C gave every evidence of not having been brought to completion. It seems quite apparent that it was the intention of the builders to add another chamber to A, but for some reason this was never carried out. D no doubt functioned as a court. EZ gave satisfactory indications that the masonry forming that inclosure had been erected as a retaining wall around a small refuse mound. The space was entirely filled with waste material from the dwelling and also contained two burials. It was at first thought that the refuse had been deposited in an abandoned cham- ber. When the investigation of that particular place had been concluded, however, there was no question but what the wall had been built around an already sizable accumulation of ashes, house sweepings, and other residue from the daily life of the community. Room A in this group was of particular interest because of the fact that a large bowlder formed one side of the chamber. The builders had taken advantage of this natural object and erected their ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 47 walls alongside of it in such fashion that it was necessary for them to construct only three sides of the room. The top of the stone was 5 feet 6 inches (1.676 m.) above the floor level. The highest part was on the room side, and the sharp slope of the upper surface would have effectively drained rain water away from the chamber. It is not generally supposed that the prehistoric Pueblos provided a pro- nounced slant to their roofs, but they did allow for a certain amount of drainage, and it is quite possible that in this particular case the tilt was toward the bowlder, so that the water would follow a natural course’and not drip down against the wall on the other side or tend to run into the room between the edge of the bowlder and the ceiling. The most satisfactory explanation for the long, narrow corridor designated B is that it may have functioned as a pen for keeping turkeys. There was plentiful evidence around the village that the people had had considerable numbers of such fowl, and the birds may on occasion have been confined in an inclosure of this kind. Beyond the fact that the skeleton of a turkey was found in it, the place itself gave no indication that it had functioned in that capacity. It was not filled with refuse, however, as was the case in EK, and suggested that it had stood open until the time of the abandonment of the village. The débris in its interior was of the type which accumu- lates as a result of the action of natural forces. The walls were rather low to have functioned as an effective barrier, but sticks and brush placed across the top would have kept the birds from straying. Pens of this kind, stone walls, and brush tops, are not unknown among the present Pueblos, and may well have been employed in the past. Hence the suggestion in this instance. The masonry in the walls of this cluster of inclosures was similar to that found in the east and west wings of the large dwelling. For this reason it is thought that they probably date from the same horizon in the development of the community and consequently were a late addition to the village. KiIvas One of the most interesting features associated with ruins is that of the ceremonial chambers, or kivas. As previously mentioned, there are two general types, one rectangular and the other circular. The circular group falls into two main divisions, the ordinary-sized chambers which are frequently called clan kivas and the super- ceremonial structures, or great kivas. The round form was the more highly specialized and reached its greatest development in the nuclear portion of the Pueblo area. In its spread to the more peripheral districts certain features were lost, although most of the essential characteristics were retained. The origin and growth of the small 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 111 or clan type of circular chamber has been fairly well determined, but there is still considerable to be learned about the rectangular ex- amples. This may be attributed in no small degree to the paucity of work in sites where the latter was the predominant form. Future investigations should do much toward removing this condition, and it is possible that its development may be found to have paralleled that of the other form. It is only recently that considerable infor- mation necessary to an appreciation of the small circular type has been secured. Because there is so much labor involved in clearing one of these chambers of its accumulated débris, and because museum specimens are so rarely found in them, most of the earlier investi- gators did not excavate them. As a consequence, there are many districts where the house type is known, but data on the kiva are totally lacking. Since it has become recognized that knowledge is as essential as objects to be placed in an exhibition case, more atten- tion has been devoted to the less productive phases, from the speci- men standpoint. An example of this is the Little Colorado region. Until very recently it was glibly said that the circular kiva was miss- ing from that area, but intensive investigations there have shown that such was not the case. Southwestern archeologists long expressed the belief that the circular kivas, of the ordinary-sized group, represented a survival of the old original type of dwelling. The well-known tendency of primitive peoples to cling tenaciously to ancient practices in matters pertaining to religious observances furnished the basis for that con- clusion.*t During the last few years examples of the ancient type of domiciles have been found in the remains of houses dating from Basket Maker III and Pueblo I times. These semisubterranean structures contained many of the features which later were incor- porated in the kivas and definitely substantiate what for a consider- able period was little more than theory.®? In the introduction to this paper it was pointed out that the development of the rectangular- roomed, above-ground houses created a problem, inasmuch as the religious ceremonies were probably inseparably associated with a round, semi-subterranean form of structure. In surmounting this difficulty it became the custom to provide one of the old-style cham- bers for each small-house group. When a number of these groups combined and built a single large dwelling several ceremonial structures were supplied. The older, more primitive kivas show a closer resemblance to the pit houses than do the later highly specialized ones, but the derivation of the latter is still apparent. The earliest kivas were "Mindeleff, V., 1891, pp. 111-112; Nordenskiéld, G., 1898, p. 168. 8 Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1929 b, pp. 81-90; 1931, pp. 16—86. | \ ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 49 detached from the main building. Their roofs were only sufficiently elevated above the ground level to provide for drainage and en- trance was generally through a central opening in the roof, which served as a combined smoke hole and hatchway. Later the cere- monial chambers were attached to the dwelling and ultimately were brought above ground and incorporated into it. It was at this time that the practice of inclosing the kiva within a rectangular room developed. When this was done the space between the outer and inner walls was filled with earth, probably as a means of simu- Jating an underground structure. Toward the end of the golden age of the house-building cultures, Pueblo III, there was a tendency to return to the practice of erecting the ceremonial chamber in a detached position. This is exemplified by the four kivas placed in the earth in front of house A. The revival of the older custom became quite marked in the subsequent horizons. The Hopi vil- lages and some of those along the Rio Grande are present-day ex- amples of the feature. At Zuni, however, they still remain in the main mass of the dwellings. This condition did not prevail always. Many of the late prehistoric ruins of the Zuni district have remains of kivas in the courtyards and in other instances they occupied more marginal positions. The oppressive policy of the Spanish authori- ties, and fear of the priests, at one time forced the people of this pueblo to hold their religious observances in secret in the innermost recesses of the ancient portion of the village. The original kivas were probably completely abandoned at this time and as a result of unfavorable conditions there was a general breakdown in the nature of the chamber. There is little structural evidence to differentiate the present kivas from ordinary large living rooms beyond the type of fire pit and hatchway entrance through the roof and, as Mindeleff has pointed out, it is doubtful whether these rooms represent the original form of kiva.** Characteristics common to most of the small circular kivas are: A banquette or bench; pilasters, columnar projections along the wall above the bench, which supported the roof timbers; a central fire pit; a deflector or screen; a ventilator consisting of a vertical flue and a horizontal passage opening into the room on or below the floor level; and storage boxes around the wall and in the floor. Quite a number of these structures have additional features in the form of a hole in the floor, near the center of the chamber, called the sipapu, and a deep niche or recess above the ventilator. These will be considered in more detail in the discussion of the kivas in house A. Not every kiva has all of the features listed above, but a majority of them are to be found in most of the structures. In gen- 58 Mindeleff, V., 1891, p. 112. 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BULL 111 eral it may be said that there were two types of kiva roofs; one was flat and the other was cribbed. The latter was the prevailing form in the northern districts. The great kivas seem to have been a definite heritage from Basket Maker III times. and they have been found in numerous other sites throughout those districts.*¢ Another group of awls made with little change in the form of the original material are those fashioned from the leg bones of the jack rabbit. The front leg of the animal supplied a larger percentage of the raw material than any other portion of the body, judging from the actual number of such specimens in the collection. Plate 45 shows a group of these implements. Included in the collection are a number of large scrapers or fleshing tools made from deer bones, the humerus, which are characteristic of a type which was developed in the Pueblo III period. (PI. 46.) This form of implement is one which is best known from the elabo- rate examples found by Pepper in the Chaco Canyon. The people at Pueblo Bonito frequently embellished the shafts and heads of these tools with a mosaic of turquoise or turquoise and jet.°’ Large numbers, in an undecorated state, however, were found at Aztec.®* They were present on the Mesa Verde and have been noted at numerous sites throughout the northern part of the Pueblo area. They were not confined to that region, however. Examples were found by Fewkes in ruins in the eastern Zuni district, and sites farther west have yielded an occasional specimen.*® Considered from a general point of view, they are more characteristic of the northern and eastern portions of the area than of the southern and western. A short, stubby form of scraper which is also character- istic of the northern cultures was made from the phalanges of the deer. Two examples were found at this site. (Pl. 47, a, 6.) In making this type of implement one end, including the condyle, was cut off and a beveled edge supplied. In shape and general treatment they are quite similar to the large ones just described. Hxamples are numerous in the collections from Pueblo Bonito and Aztec.%° The short, blunt-pointed implement with a groove around its base end (pl. 47, ¢c) is the only specimen of its kind in the collection. The point is not sharp enough to have been used as an awl, although it could easily have functioned as a punch. The groove possibly was provided so that the object could be fastened to the person of the owner by a thong. ‘4 Hodge, F. W., 1920, Pl. xvii. 5% Pepper, G. H., 1920, pl. 9. % Morris, E. H., 1919 a, p. 39, fig. 23, d. st Pepper, G. H., 1920, pls. 1, 11. 8 Morris, H. H., 1919 a, p. 36, fig. 23, e. 59 Fewkes, J. W., 1909 b, pl. 1, nos. 13 and 17; Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1951, pl. 31. © Morris, HD. H., 1919 a, p. 37, fig. 22, 0d. 138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pub. 111 Tubes and beads of bone are distinguishable solely by their size; as a matter of fact, a division of objects of this nature into two groups is purely arbitrary. The difference is one only of length, the range being from seven-eights of an inch (2.222 cm.) to 3 inches (7.62 cm.). The tubes were usually cut from the shaft portions of turkey bones, the ulna, radius, or femur. The longer forms were more generally used as beads in necklaces, while the shorter were employed in bracelets of the wrist-guard type. The small examples also were occasionally made into handles for awls. In other in- stances the larger ones may have been used as flutes, whistles, or drinking tubes. The object 7, Plate 47, is a tube with a perforation in one side at approximately the center of the shaft. This is one of the so-called turkey calls used by hunters in attracting game. The Zufis employed in the excavations were able without the slight- est difficulty to reproduce various sounds made by the turkey by blowing into the hole. All insisted that it was for such a purpose, and since they were able to use it so efficiently there is no reason to doubt its purpose. Objects of extensively worked bone are not as common as those of the slightly modified forms. Punches and awls were made by cutting, shaping, and polishing the original form. Plate 48, a and 3, illustrate two examples. The first, a, is a punch with a spatulate end opposite the point. The perforation probably was for suspension. The unusually sharp pointed implement, 6, also has a spatulate base. The bone in this awl was trimmed and polished until there is little left of the original contour, and it is not possible to identify the animal from which it came. The objects ¢ and d, Plate 48, also exhibit a high degree of workmanship and a very fine polish. Inas- much as both are broken, it is difficult to determine what their func- tions may have been. The notched end of d suggests that it might have been a weaving tool, but if it were intended for such a purpose it was never so employed, because there are no traces of wear or rubbing in the notches. The Zufii workmen insisted that the object was a head scratcher. It unquestionably would be very serviceable in such a capacity, but whether that was its actual function or it had some other use is purely conjectural. The specimen e@, Plate 48, was carefully cut and rubbed to an unusual degree of smoothness, and the ornamental head suggests that it was for decorative rather than utilitarian purposes. It may have been a hair ornament or might well have functioned as a pin for fastening an article of clothing. The group of small tablets made from shafts of long bone, Plate 48, 7 to 7, were neatly trimmed and rubbed to a high gloss. They probably were fastened to some sort of base which was worn as a decorative object. One hundred and ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 139 ten such pieces were found lying in a rectangular form on the floor in one of the rooms of house B. Their position was such as to suggest that they had been part of a plaque, perhaps an ornamental breast- plate, the foundation of which had disintegrated and disappeared. In most cases there is a fine groove at each end of the small pieces, and they might well have been held in place by sinew or fine thread lying in the groove. Only one example of a bone pendant was found. (Pl. 48, m.) A piece from the shaft of a long bone from a large mammal furnished the material from which it was made. The dec- oration on the pendant was cut into the bone and the incisions filled with a dark-colored substance. This treatment emphasized the lines of the design and produced a contrast between them and the natural color of the bone. Oxssects or STONE Tools, implements, weapons, and other objects made from stone are numerous in the collection of specimens from this site. The material was employed in the manufacture of metates or milling stones, mortars, mauls, ax heads, jar stoppers, arrow-shaft smoothers, small mortars and pestles for grinding paints, ceremonial objects, knife blades, spear and arrowheads, ornaments, and effigy heads. Some pebbles and stones were employed in their natural state; for example, the pottery polishers and various forms of concretions which were endowed with supernatural characteristics. Several kinds of stone were used in making the different objects. In the collection are specimens of sandstone, lava, diorite, amphibolite, chalcedony, jasper, granite, and slate. ‘Two techniques were em- ployed in the manufacture of objects. One was pecking and grind- ing, the other chipping and flaking. The metates or milling stones were shaped by the pecking and erinding method. These objects are of two types and were made from two different materials. One form is the open-end trough or grooved variety. (Pl. 49, a, 6.) The other type is flat from side to side and slightly concave from end to end. (PI. 49, c,d.) The material in all four of these specimens is a hard sandstone. Both types of metate were also made from lava. No whole specimens of the trough form were found, but there were sufficient fragments to show that the material had been used in them. Two examples of the flat form are illustrated by a and 6, Plate 50. While it might seem that the large holes and depressions in the surface would be a hindrance to the proper grinding of corn, the lava blocks were more efficient than the sandstone variety. The holes would soon become filled with ground meal and not retard the milling process. In addi- tion, portions of the surface would not be ground into the meal to as great a degree as in the case of the softer sandstone. At the present 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111 time many of the metates in use at Zufii are of lava, and the women prefer that material because of its durability. It will be recalled that in the discussion of the mealing bins in rooms 49 and 23 it was pointed out that the trough or groove type of metate was found only in the old, original part of house A, while the flat concave forms occurred throughout the subsequent additions to the structure and in house B. Attention was also called to the fact that all evidence seems to point to the use of the flat metate in mealing bins. The grooved form at this locality was not used in a bin. This same condition was observed in the pueblo on the Long H Ranch,* and evidence elsewhere points to a similar prac- tice. The grooved metate is essentially a northern form, while the flat variety is more characteristic of the southern and western por- tions of the Pueblo area. The evidence in this location was that the flat type replaced the grooved variety at approximately the same time that the community was augmented by an appreciable number of people. This would tend to show that the flat metate was prob- ably a contribution on the part of the new arrivals, and taking into consideration various other factors in the material culture would suggest its southern origin. The manos or hand stones used with the metates were of the flat, single-hand form. The sandstone examples have a convex upper surface as a general rule, but an occasional specimen is of the flat, tabular shape. The material from which they were made was prob- ably too hard to warrant the additional efforts needed for rounding off the upper surface. The association between metates and manos was such that there can be no question but what sandstone was used on sandstone and lava on lava. Only a few examples of mortars were found around the site, and there were no pestles accompanying them. The mortars are large sandstone blocks with a deep, circular depression cut in one side. (Pl. 50, c,d.) In some instances the outside of the block was shaped, while in others little attempt was made to alter the irregular form of the stone. The insides of the cup portions did not show signs of a marked amount of wear. These objects may have been used for grinding nuts and wild seeds or in pounding roots and herbs. Be- cause of the numerous metates it is not likely that they were em- ployed in grinding corn. Why there were no pestles to accompany the mortars is not known. From the relatively small percentage of whole specimens and fragments it would appear that objects of this type were not extensively made by the inhabitants of the village. The only locations in which mortars and fragments from them were found were the late portions of house A and in house B. In view ® Roberts, F. H. H., jr., 1931, p. 154. ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 141 of this, together with the fact that grinders of this form occur more commonly in the ruins to the south and west, it seems evident that they were another contribution on the part of members of the com- munity coming from that region. Mauls were made from lava and sandstone by the pecking and grinding process. Two shapes are represented in the coliection. The commonest form is a short, cylindrical head with flat striking surfaces and groove completely encircling the object. (Pl. 51, 0, c, d, f.) The other variety is a tabular-shaped object with flat sides. (Pl. 51, a, e.) The striking surfaces on most of them are flat, as in the case of e, but an occasional specimen tends to a rounded or blunt pointed end as illustrated by a. The groove on the flat mauls is of two types; on the majority of specimens it completely encircles the stone. A few examples, however, show it only on three sides. The three-quarters form is more common to the south and west than in the north. The ax heads are all of the grooved form, with comparatively short cutting edges. (Pl. 52.) In some instances they were made from oval-shaped bowlders and in others from rather fiat pieces of stone. On some of the specimens the base is quite flat, while on others it is rounded. There is a distinct correlation between the type of base and general shape of the axes. The oval forms have the rounded base and the tabular specimens the flat. The grooves on the ax heads, as in the case of the mauls, are of two forms. They either completely encircle the stone or are of the three-quarters type. The complete groove is present on a majority of the speci- mens. The short, stubby type of cutting edge is characteristic in the Little Colorado region, and while no typical examples of that kind of bit are present in this collection the axes indicate a tendency in that direction. Materials used in making ax heads were diorite and amphibolite. Stoppers for use in the large jars were made from sandstone. (PI. 58, a, 6.) These stoppers were made with a neck or plug which fitted _ down inside the neck of the jar and a head which served both as a handle and as a means of holding the stopper in place so that it would not slip down too far into the orifice. The plug portions of these objects were either cylindrical in shape, such as that illustrated by a, or rounded off, asin 6. The heads were of the mushroom or flat varieties. The mushroom type generally is associated with the cylin- drical plug, as in the case of a, and the flat heads with the rounded stem illustrated in 6. Stoppers of this kind are found in fairly large numbers in ruins to the south and west, but only occasionally are they present in northern sites. Fired-clay stoppers are not un- common in the northern parts of the area, but the stone forms seem to have been a southern development. Thin, circular disks of sand- 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pub 111 stone were quite generally used as covers on jars, but the more specialized forms, such as shown here, were more restricted in their distribution. Among the stone objects is a considerable group comprising what is commonly referred to as arrow-shaft polishers. The latter are irregular-shaped stones, generally sandstone, with a groove in one side. (Pl. 53, c-f.) Objects of this kind are commonly supposed to have been used in smoothing and shaping the shafts of arrows. Whether or not they were actually for that purpose can not definitely be stated. Similar objects have been found at various ruins through- out the region. Hodge illustrates the form he found near Hawikuh.” Hough obtained examples in the section east of the Petrified Forest,®* and Fewkes secured numerous specimens in the course of his work at various sites in Arizona. The form is not always as simple as those illustrated in Plate 58 but occasionally has an elaborate and careful finish. The latter are more commonly found along the Upper Gila, although the simpler forms such as pictured here were also employed in that section. An interesting series of stone objects is the group of paint grinders. These are small stones with circular or oval depressions in which the minerals supplying the pigments used for various decorative purposes were ground. The stones may be small, irregularly shaped fragments with a small concave cup, flat tabular stones with an oval depression, or flat rectangular slabs with two circular depressions. (Pl. 54.) Occasionally one of the paint mortars is a circular cuplike object with a groove around the center. (Pl. 55, ¢.) The pestles used in grinding pigment are cylindrical stones with flattened ends. (Pl. 55, a, 6.) Mortars of the forms pictured in Plate 54 are com- mon throughout the region, and examples can be found in use at the present time in the village of Zuni. The more elaborate type with the encircling groove has not been observed at many sites. Fewkes found an almost identical specimen at Pueblo Viejo on the Upper Gila.** He does not report it as a mortar but simply calls it an unknown stone object. He does, however, suggest that it has the form of a paint mortar. The example in the present collection leaves no doubt in the matter, since the inside of the cup was thoroughly covered with red ochre. The occurrence of paint mor- tars in the Pueblo area is more pronounced in the southern portions than in the northern, and it may be a cultural feature developed in those parts. The specimen with two depressions (pl. 54, d) is ® Hodge, F. W., 1923, fig. 2. & Hough, W., 1903, pl. 55. «% Fewkes, J. W., 1904, figs. 112, 113. *& Hough, W., 1914, p. 18. 66 Mewkes, J. W., 1904, fig. 115. | | BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 49 Grooved form Flat type SANDSTONE METATES BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lava milling stones Sandstone mortars METATES AND MORTARS BULLETIN b 111 PLATE 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 51 MAULS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLER MIN) Pi AsireeDe AX HEADS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEEMIN til) PEATE 53 JAR STOPPERS AND ARROW-SHAFT SMOOTHERS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY PAINT MORTARS BULLETIN 111 PLATE 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUELERIN 111 PEATE 55 STONE OBJECTS a, b. Small pestles for grinding paint; c, paint mortar; d, e. Corn goddess symbols BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 56 MISCELLANEOUS STONE OBJECTS a, Ceremonial figure; b, bead polisher; c, decorated slab; d, concretion fetish; e, sipapu cover; /, sipapu. ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 143 interesting because the pigment adhering to the surface in the larger one is red while that in the smaller is black. The two rounded conical objects d and e, Plate 55, are what is known as corn-goddess symbols and have considerable ceremonial significance among the present-day Hopi and Zufii. The Hopi call them the Idols of Alosaka or Muyinwu, the germ gods which are supposed to cause the corn to germinate when it is planted. The Hopi place such objects on the altar during the performance of the Powamu ceremony, the festival for the purification and renovation of the earth, which is held in February of each year. According to the Zuni, stones of this type represent the corn goddess or mother of all corn and if placed in a field where that grain has been planted will assure a bountiful crop. Similar stones have been found in other prehistoric sites. Fewkes secured several on the Mesa Verde, and also obtained examples from ancient ruins in the Hopi country. The stones themselves are very simple in form, as may be observed from the photograph. They were fashioned from sandstone blocks by the pecking and rubbing method. In shape they suggest in a very general way the end of an ear of corn. One feature which they possess is not shown in the photograph; that is a concavity in the bottom which makes it possible to place small offerings, such as turquoise and bits of shell, under them. This shallow cup is not always present on the object but occurs fairly often. These two specimens, it will be recalled, were found in kiva A of house A. Other examples were found throughout the village. One came from the single room excavated in the small house south of the great kiva, while two were dug out of house B and several others turned up in the dump heaps. A long, flat object with a beaklike projection at one end (pl. 56, a) was found in the refuse mound near house B. It undoubtedly func- tioned in a ceremonial capacity, but what its actual purpose may have been is not known. Similar stones are used by the present Zuni in some of their ceremonies to represent certain anomalous mythological birds. In the Zufii kiva an object of this type is placed on a line of meal extending out toward the center of the room from the altar at oneend. A similar practice may have been in vogue at the time this village was occupied and the present stone used in that way. The second stone, 6, Plate 56, is characterized by a long, narrow groove extending its entire length along the center of one side. The stone was probably used in the shaping and polishing of beads. Practically the only difference between bead polishers and arrow- shaft smoothers is one of length and regularity of groove. Some % Fewkes, J. W., 1916 b, pp. 111-113. * Fewkes, J, W., 1911 6, p. 67; 1916 b, pp. 96-117, 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLE. 111 of the present-day Zufii use almost identical stones in making their beads. Fragments of stone were sometimes ornamented with geometric patterns scratched in their surfaces. An example is illustrated by c, Plate 56. What the significance of these stones may have been is not known. They generally are small, irregularly shaped slabs, whose edges have not been worked and whose flat surfaces show no signs of preparation, the only workmanship on them being that in ‘ the design. None of these objects was found under conditions im- plying any ceremonial significance, and as a consequence it does not = seem quite logical to attribute such function to them. Merely asa | suggestion, an explanation from the standpoint of purely utilitarian aspects may be offered. The people were continually sharpening and resharpening the points of their bone implements, and stones bearing evidence of such activity are frequently found. They generally have | an unrelated series of grooves on one or more faces. In many in- stances these grooves are quite like those which form the patterns on the decorated pieces. In view of this similarity and taking into consideration an inherent artistic quality found in occasional indi- viduals, it may be suggested that such persons at times worked out a pattern instead of making a series of aimless scratches in their tool-shaping endeavors. If such were the case no ceremonial qual- ities need be postulated to explain stones like the one pictured. The two specimens e and f, Plate 56, are the sipapu and its cover from kiva A, house A. The circular disc which served as a lid was made from a piece of slate. It was well dressed and carefully smoothed and made an ideal cover for the sacred hole in the floor of the ceremonial chamber. The block of stone, with a perforation through its center, which was embedded in the floor to form the symbolic place of emergence, is sandstone. It was roughly shaped, but the edges were not as carefully smoothed as those of the lid. The hole through the center is not cylindrical in form but funnel shaped. The diameter of the orifice on one face is considerably larger than that of the other. The stone was placed in the floor, with the smaller opening uppermost. The use of a perforated slab to form the sipapu is not uncommon in this region. Some of the present-day kivas in the village of Zuni have just such sipapus. Hodge also found an example in one of the circular kivas near Hawikuh.®® Stones in their natural, unmodified forms were also employed for various purposes. Many odd-shaped concretions served as fetishes, charms, and lucky stones. Perhaps an occasional example was col- lected and saved solely because its unusual shape appealed to the fancy of one of the Indians. In other cases they may have sug- °° Hodge, F. W., 1923, pp. 15-16, Pl. vil, a and 0, | RoBuRYS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 145 gested some animal or bird and for that reason appealed to the superstitious side of their collector’s nature. An example of the | kind of concretion frequently treasured by present-day Zuni is shown 'in Plate 56, d. These are thought to be portions of the gods, of their weapons, implements, ornaments, and often are considered the -wherewithal of being. The form illustrated in the photograph is usually considered representative of the genital organs of some ancient person and is highly prized not only as a means of approach- ing the spirit of the particular god but also as an aid to a young man in his conquest of women and to a young woman in helping her to bear male children.” Smooth stones and pebbles were used to smooth and polish the surfaces of pottery vessels. The main distinguishing features of such objects are the high gloss which they have taken on as a result of long use and the fine striations or scratches which constant rub- bing over clay surfaces produces. A typical group of stones of this class is illustrated by Plate 57. Chipped implements consist of spearheads, knife blades, and arrow points worked from flakes of chalcedony, jasper, chert, and obsidian. Only a few examples of this class of stonework were found. Why there should have been such a paucity of specimens of this nature is a question which can not be answered, but one, nevertheless, which was probably of some significance. A similar lack was found in the pueblo on the Long H Ranch, and ruins throughout the Zuni district do not furnish the numbers of arrowheads generally picked up around such sites. Examples of knife blades are illustrated by the speci- mens in Plate 58. The three varieties pictured represent the types found. Judging from the material, no one form was predominant. They seem to have been made in about equal numbers. The long slender blade 0, Plate 58, is of particular interest because an attempt was made to remove a longitudinal flake down the center on one side. The maker was only partially successful, as the flake broke off mid- way along the blade. From the standpoint of the craftsman this probably was an unfortunate circumstance, but from that of the archeologist it was an opportune break. In its incompleted state the blade shows clearly that the attempt to remove the long central flake was not made until after the stone had been shaped to its desired form. This might not have been so easy to determine had the maker been successful in his efforts. The removal of a longitudinal flake from the center of the blade is one of the characteristics of the Fol- som points found in association with an extinct species of buffalo. The present specimen should not be considered as an example of a Folsom point, however, as it differs in other respects. Cushing, F. H., 1883, pp. 44—45. 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY eabtaniaet Not many arrowheads were found, but all are of the same type of point. All are notched and have a broad, squared tang. The notches were placed at right angles to the long line of the blade and formed small barbs and a tang. The tang is as wide as the widest part of the blade and has a straight base. None of the concave or convex forms were found at this location. The chipping on the specimens does not show any special degree of excellence. The flakes were struck off from nodules of chalcedony; chert, and obsidian. The heads were shaped by removing chips along the edges. The chips were rather large, and the edges are somewhat serrated as the result. No examples illustrate the fine, minute chipping which was characteristic in some localities. The arrow makers seem to have been content to produce an efficient weapon without taking the time or expending the effort necessary to make the more finished types of head. (Pl. 59, a-e.) Spear points have an even smaller percentage in the collection of specimens than do the arrowheads. Only a very few examples were found, and some of these might by some be considered knife blades rather than spear points. Three different forms are present. One has a rather broad, heavy blade, with small barbs and a short, heavy tang. (PI. 59,7.) The size of the barb varies slightly on the points of this type, but in general they are quite like the example illus- trated. The second form of spear point consists of a long, rather narrow blade without barbs, notches, or tang. (Pl. 59, g.) Means for attaching these blades to the end of the shaft was provided by the slight tapering near the base end. The widest part of the blade occurs at a distance of approximately one-fourth of the total length of the object from the base. From there the sides taper to the point. The third form of spearhead consists of a comparatively long and broad blade with barbs and a narrow, short tang. (PI. 59, h.) The line from the barb to the tang on these specimens runs approximately at right angles to the long axis of the blade. There is an almost imperceptible obliqueness on some of the examples which gives the barbs a down-raking appearance. ‘The sides of the tang are slightly concave, so that the base is somewhat wider than the shaft. The base of the tang has a tendency to be convex, but this feature is not pronounced. Ornaments made from stone were not numerous. The collection contains only a few specimens, consisting of beads, pendants, and fragments from inlays. The beads are all of the flat, tubular variety (pl. 59, 2) and were made from a rather soft white stone which is known as southwestern alabaster. Some of the pendants were also made from this same material. Ornaments of this class consist of round or oval disks with a perforation at one side so that they could be suspended from a necklace. (PI. 59, m, 0.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEE ENG ii eieAshrs a7) POLISHING STONES BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERING HIT BeAvsEe5s8) CHIPPED BLADES PLATE 59 BULLETIN 111 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ARROWHEADS, SPEAR POINTS, AND STONE ORNAMENTS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUIEEEGIN it (RPEAGENGG HEADS CARVED FROM STONE a, Snake; b, unidentifiable animal. ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 147 Pendants were also made from a red ferruginous shale. Approxi- mately the same shapes are to be observed in this group as in the preceding. An example is illustrated by n, Plate 59. For some ‘reason or other turquoise was practically absent from the site, only a few unworked fragments being found. There were no beads or pendants made from the material. This condition is rather strange when it is considered that this particular stone was held in high favor among the Pueblo people. Sites of a slightly later date in this region yield considerable amounts of it and the Chaco area to the north, from which region the first group of settlers in the village are supposed to have come, is noted for its beads and pen- dants. Why the people here did not have such ornaments would probably make an interesting story if the facts in the case could be known, but unfortunately all that can be done is to call attention to their absence. One of the most interesting of the groups of stone objects is that of the heads. They were carved from blocks of sandstone and indi- cate a rather high degree of artistic talent on the part of their mak- ers. It is not possible to tell in each case what creature is depicted. This may be due to the fact that they were intended to represent mythological as well as actual beings. They no doubt served as fetishes for use in ceremonies, but in just what manner they were employed is not known. In every instance the features of the head are quite well defined, but the neck consists of an unfinished cylin- drical stem and there is no indication of the rest of the creature. For this reason it is thought that they probably were mounted on bodies fashioned from some perishable material. The slight groove present on the stem just back of the actual head would provide a suitable means for attaching the body. A string or thong tied around the stone at that point would hold the pliable material, from which the rest of the creature was made, firmly in place. One of these heads unquestionably represents a plumed serpent. (Pl. 60, a.) The features are very suggestive of those on the plumed serpent used in some of the more important ceremonies at Zufi. The Ko’loowisi, as it is called by the latter, is one of the important under- world gods having to do with the giving of water, seeds, and grass. When this god participates in various ceremonial performances a figure made of deerskin is used. It has a body between 5 and 6 feet (1.524 and 1.828 m.) long. The back is painted black and bears half-moon symbols in yellow and blue-green to designate the scales; the underside is painted white. A cottonwood stick placed in the body makes it rigid and symbolizes the backbone. Ribs are fash- ioned from cottonwood and extend from the neck to the posterior end at regular intervals. The head is made from a gourd and tied to the deerskin body. and the throat is wrapped with a fox skin to 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 111, hide the joint. A group of plumes rises from the head. A similar — form of body may have been used by the prehistoric people and a stone head employed rather than one fashioned from a gourd. As | will be observed from the photograph, a distinct row of teeth is indicated along the lower jaw. The present-day serpent head used at | Zuni has pronounced teeth on both jaws. ‘Two holes indicate the nos- trils and there are two for the eyes. At the top of the head are two projections. In both instances the upper portions have been broken off so that it is not possible to determine their original extent. They undoubtedly represented the plumes or perhaps furnished a base to which actual feathers were attached. The second head pictured in Plate 60, b, is one of the best pre- served in the entire group, but one which it is difficult to identify. In some respects it suggests a parrot and in others a deer. Both play prominent parts in certain phases of the life of the present-day Zuni. For this reason it might be either so far as the ceremonial side of the matter is concerned. It would seem, however, that it is more suggestive of a deer or antelope than a bird, despite the beak- like character of the snout. The eyes are represented by holes. At either side and just above them are small knobs indicative of horns and at the back are the broken bases of what may have been the ears. What the purpose of the deep parallel grooves just below the eyes on each side of the head may have been is not known. They may represent the markings on an animal or have had some significance from a ceremonial point of view. The deer and the clan named after it plays an important part in certain rituals among the modern Pueblos and may well have done so in the past. This head was found in kiva A and must have been of some ceremonial importance. The frog is no doubt represented by one of the carved heads, Figure 34, a. This creature plays an important part in the mythol- ogy of the Zuni because of its association with rain and moisture. The present-day people unquestionably regard it in this light because of beliefs and myths handed down from the past and the dwellers in the Village of the Great Kivas may well have attached considerable ceremonial significance to it. At the present time members of the rain priesthood at Zuni keep fetishes made from four hollow reeds, all of which are filled with water. The largest one also contains a small live freg (really a toad but called frog by the Zuni). Bowls used in certain ceremonies have frog symbols painted on them or are ornamented with bas-relief figures of the creature. In the rain ceremonies certain songs which are believed to be efficacious in the bringing of moisture are sung by a member of the Frog clan. In view of these facts it seems logical to conclude that the frog head 2 Stevenson, M. C., 1904, pp. 94-95, 101. ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 149 found in the ruins may have been for use in rituals consecrated to the rain gods, or was the fetish of a water clan, or both. The second head (fig. 34, 6) also suggests a deer or antelope. In this case, how- ever, the resemblance is more striking than in the case of the one previously described. There may be no particular significance in the presence of these stone heads and the creatures which they represent, but it is interest- ing to note that at the present time there are, or recently were, clans at Zufi which bear names similar to those suggested by the objects. It is possible that the inhabitants of this village were antecedents of the deer, or macaw (if the first head described is so interpreted), snake, frog, and antelope people. It would be interesting to pos- FicurE 34.—Stone heads tulate further along this line, but there is not sufficient evidence to warrant more than the suggestion of such an occurrence. PETROGLYPHS The artistic talents of the inhabitants of the Village of the Great Kivas found expression in other ways than that of ceramic decora- tion, bonework, and carving in stone. Additional examples of their handiwork are to be found scattered along the face of the cliffs back of house A in the form of large numbers of figures pecked into the rock. They occur singly and in groups. The symbols include both geometric and life forms. There has been considerable comment and argument over the mean- ings of petroglyphs and the extent to which they may be regarded as symbolic of definite things associated with the life of the Indian. Many writers in the past have sought to endow them with the quali- ties of a written language and have read far more into them than they logically should. Others have gone to the opposite extreme and have dismissed them with the statement that they were aimless draw- ings executed at idle moments and as such were held to be meaning- 150 Ps BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 111 less. The chances are that both were right and both were wrong. In some cases the symbols no doubt have a definite meaning, while in| others they probably were done merely to pass away the time and! give vent to a certain artistic urge. In the following discussion - Zuni explanations and interpretations will be given. In some cases these are quite logical, while in others they are rather far-fetched. | Whether their meanings are the ones which the prehistoric people had in mind or whether they are entirely removed from the original : conception no one can tell. The Zufi interpretations are more in: keeping with the Indian point of view, however, and for that rea- son are presented as a suggestion of iit the drawings may possibly ' have stood for. Just east of house A, in a sheltered spot well up on the side of the rocks, is a group of drawings representing several insects. (Pl. 61, a.) : According to the Zuni, the first figure is that of the centipede, called | Sho’lah; the second, a scorpion, Kia’te’tsi is their name for it; the third was not completed and could not be identified; the fourth is some kind of ant, about which the informants were rather hazy but which they unhesitatingly called Pe’nommeh; the fifth is another centipede figure. All of these insects are endowed with more or less poisonous stings and their likenesses, according to the modern Zuni, were placed on rocks as a part of rite during which the gods were called upon to wreak vengeance upon their enemies. When a war party was away from the village in pursuit of the Navajo, or on its way to attack them, the war priest in charge of the warriors had a song which he sang at night in which he petitioned various animals and insects to bite and torture his enemies. During the course of the song he drew pictures of each insect as he called upon it to sting the object of his incantations. It is not known whether the ancient people had such a custom or not, but it is not at all improbable, and the present example may be the record of just such an occasion. At another place on the rocks to the east of the village is a group of figures of which only a few are sufficiently well preserved for identification. ven in the case of the latter it was necessary to fill in the outlines with whiting before photographing them. The three main figures in this group consist of a conventionalized horned toad, an unidentified insect, and one of the humpbacked flute players. (Pl. 61, 6.) The latter are found in widely scattered sections of the Southwest and no doubt had some marked significance. The Zuni say that the figure represents a rain priest and that he is pictured on the.rocks for the purpose of attracting clouds and moisture to that vicinity. ‘The horned toad or lizard and insect figures accompanying him are supposed to aid this bit of magic. They call the flute-player figure Chu’lu’laneh, the name for the type of flute used by the rain priests. They were not sure what the other figures should be called. nonerrs] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 151 The largest group of rock pictures is located north of house A, on the face of the cliff just above the top of the talus slope. There are numerous geometrical symbols in this group as well as life forms and conventionalized figures of living beings. (PI. 61,c.) As will be observed from the photograph, there are spirals, zigzag figures, representative both of lightning and the snake; insects, the outline of a human hand, deer, possibly the mountain sheep, spiral symbols with legs, tadpoles, another humpbacked flute player, and in addition a number of indefinite scratches and aimless marks. Spiral figures are to be observed elsewhere along the rocks. (PL. 62, a.) This symbol is frequently interpreted as being a water sign, but the modern Zufii say it refers particularly to the period when, as their migration myth relates, the ancients were traveling about in search of the center of the world so that they might settle down and build their permanent home. Their designation for this symbol is Al’lolowish’keh. The figure of the deer shown in this same photo- graph is a record, so the Zufii say, of an unusually successful hunt and the killing of many animals. It was placed there in order to propitiate the spirits of the slaughtered animals and to attract others to the region. The figure at the lower right-hand side is undoubtedly that of a turtle, Et’towa by name. The turtle is also important in the minds of the Zufi because of its connection with water. It appears in a number of places in their creation myths. The figures illustrated in 6, Plate 62, are particularly interesting because part of them refer to a definite folk tale. The two symbols at the lower left-hand portion of the photograph are recent. The one at the extreme left is the sign for growing corn and that slightly above and to the right of it is a Zui cattle brand. The rest of the group constitutes a unit. The drawings are not prehistoric, although they are old Zufii. They refer to one of the incidents in a folk tale which is commonly told to the children. At the upper right-hand corner are the symbols for the new moon and the evening star, and at the lower left is a figure of an owl. The zigzag line extending from the moon and star to the owl is supposed to trace the flight of the bird. The story to which it refers is one which the war chief tells. It relates how in ancient times the owl would occasionally come to the war chief and tell him where Navajo hogans were located. The bird would lead the chief to the houses of his enemy. He would then don a headdress of pifion jay and quail feathers, the latter making him invisible, and enter the hogans where the Navajo were sleeping. After he had counted the number of sleeping forms he would return to Zufii and gather a group of warriors together and go and capture the Navajo or steal their belongings. The owl did not always favor the Zufi, however, as sometimes he would fly on 821483211 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [puLL. 111 ahead and warn the Navajo that their enemies were coming, and | when the Zuni arrived they would find a deserted hogan. The rock drawings illustrated in Plate 63, a, are unusual, espe- | cially the row of dancing figures. None of these figures suggests either the work of the prehistoric people or of the modern Zuni. They | are not recent, as the pecking shows definite signs of age, but they may belong to the old modern period. The full-faced figure with headdress is a Navajo sun symbol and it is possible that the dancing | figures are of the same origin. The three symbols in 0, Plate 63, are not as well done as some of the others. The one at the upper right- hand part of the photograph is a good example of the deer. The figure just below it is made up of a series of turkey tracks. Why they were attached to the straight lines is not known. The lower left-hand figure is that of a man, according to the Zufi, but was not finished. These three drawings are on the same rock as those illustrated in Plate 61, c. In the latter picture they are at the extreme lower right-hand corner. | | HUMAN BURIALS The inhabitants of the Village of the Great Kivas buried their dead for the most part in the refuse mounds located at various points around the community. In a few cases the remains were interred in the native earth outside the bounds of such deposits and in a single instance the body had been placed in an abandoned fire pit, or rather an oven, the pi-gummi oven previously described. A few infant burials were found close to outdoor fire pits. This practice was comparatively frequent throughout the Southwest, as many sites have furnished examples of the custom. It is possible that it is a record of a local adherence to a belief that was widespread among peoples of that degree of culture throughout the world. That is, the deep-rooted conviction that the family circle could be kept unbroken, even in death, by burying the deceased close to the hearth. This be- lief has been observed among the modern Pueblos and apparently was quite prevalent in some of the late prehistoric centers, also to a lesser degree in older horizons, as the dead were frequently buried beneath the floors in the houses. Sixty burials were uncovered during the course of the investiga- tions. The location of these interments with respect to the dwellings and other features of the village is shown by the numbered dots on the plan of the ruins. (Pl. 1.) There were certain features about the burials which may be briefly summarized. ‘Twenty-four graves out of the total contained the bodies of infants and young children. The 36 adult remains comprised 12 males, 16 females, and 8 which were too indefinite in their characteristics to permit the determina- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 61 a. Insect figures b. Insect, lizard, and humpbacked flute player c. Group of geometrie and life-form symbols DRAWINGS ON ROCKS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULPEERIN Sit REA KE 62 a. Spiral and zoomorphie figures b. Ancient and modern symbols PETROGLYPHS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 111 PLATE 63 a. Dancing figures and sun symbol b. Deer and unknown figures CARVINGS ON ROCKS PLATE 64 BULLETIN 111 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TYPICAL BURIALS ROBERTS | VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 153 tion of the sex. Although there was a fairly large number of child burials it does not seem likely that the number represents all of the deaths for that group in the village. infant mortality among the present-day Pueblos is quite high and probably was as great, if not greater, in the earlier periods. Hence it would seem that there should have been a greater proportion of such remains than actually was found. It is quite probable that the bones of many of the infants did not withstand the agents of decay as well as those of older chil- dren and adults. For that reason the burials seem to indicate a lower death rate for children than for the adults, when the reverse was probably the actual state of affairs. The customary position for the body, in all cases where it was possible to tell from the remains, was the flexed or contracted. (Pl. 64.) The lower legs were drawn tightly against the thighs and the knees were either at right angles or close to the body. In some instances the arms were folded across the chest, in others the hands were placed beneath the head, and again they were extended along the sides with a shght bend at the elbow. There was some attempt at orientation; 35 were placed with the head to the east; 5 had the head slightly north of east; and 6 were interred so that the head was a little south of east. In general it may be said that 46 out of the 60 had the head placed in an easterly direction. Of the remain- ing group, 2 had the head to the west; 2 to the south; and in 10 instances, largely infant burials, the bones were too decayed to make an accurate determination of the body direction. From the stand- point of the side on which the body was placed, the left seems to have been the favored one, as 34 were found in that position, 7 had been placed on the right side, 6 were lying on the back, and 1 was face downward. Twelve were too badly preserved to tell just what the exact position had been. Mortuary offerings were placed in most of the graves. The com- monest were pottery vessels, although an occasional stone or bone implement accompanied the remains. In a majority of the graves the offerings were placed near the upper end of the body. To be spe- cific, in 387 cases they were at the head, and in 12 were near the shoulders. Just two examples were found where the pottery was at the feet, and in both of these the head was to the west. Because of this, and taking into consideration the prevailing easterly direc- tion for the head and the fact that in more than half the interments the offerings were near it, the suggestion may be made that in the case of the two exceptions the body bundle may inadvertently have been turned around when it was being carried to the grave and as a consequence the offerings were placed at the feet with the thought that they were being deposited at the head. One burial had the 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ponn, 111 pottery at the knees. In one instance it was placed above the body, and seven had no offerings of any kind. The grave itself in most cases was a rather shallow hole scooped out in the refuse mound or earth. The depth of the bodies beneath the surface ranged from 1 foot 6 inches (45.72 cm.) to 3 feet 6 inches (1.066 m.); rarely as deep as the latter. Twenty-eight had simply been covered with earth, 18 had a layer of rough stones over them, 10 were covered with worked slabs of stone, 2 were found lying on a stone slab, and 1 had been placed between worked slabs. ‘The remaining burial was in the pit oven previously referred to. No- where was there any indication to suggest that the inhabitants had practiced cremation. If an occasional body was burned the remains were more thoroughly consumed by the fiames than is usually found to be the case where such a method prevailed. Consequently it would seem that inhumation was the sole method of disposing of the dead. The skeletal material was in rather poor condition, and for that reason an extended. study of the various features was not made. Certain significant things stand out, however, among them being cranial deformation. In every case where enough of the skull was present to show the occipital region a pronounced flattening was ob- served. This shows that the people constituted a typical Pueblo III community. In size they fell well within the average for the Pueblo peoples. An occasional individual shows traces of having suffered from rheumatism or arthritis. This occurred most frequently in the mid- dle aged and aged individuals. An occasional fracture of an arm or leg bone was present, but in most cases they had healed before the death of the individual. Two of the adult male crania showed de- pressed lesions suggestive of blows which may have been received during an altercation or as a result of participation in some phase of warfare. The most noticeable physical defect was that of decayed teeth. Many of the adult crania had caries in the molars and bicuspids. All showed considerable wear and an occasional broken tooth was observed. In the group of elderly people extractions seemed to have been common and practically every skull of a middle-aged and older person which was sufficiently intact to show the teeth had two or three bicuspids and molars missing. Two aged females had no teeth at all and the bones showed distinctly that the teeth had been lost some time previous to their deaths, because the alveolar proc- esses had completely grown over. It would be interesting to know what method the people used in extracting bad teeth, but nothing was found to indicate the kind of implements used. It may be that they, like some of their modern descendants, placed the end of a stick against the aching member and dislodged it by means of a sharp ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 155 blow struck at the outer end with a stone. In some cases the indi- viduals may have suffered from pyorrhea to such an extent that the teeth were loose and easily removed. Pyorrhea was fairly common among the Indians.”7 The poor condition of the teeth may have been due to a deficiency in diet. The people no doubt had sufficient vegetable food, but judging from the amount of bones found in the refuse their supply of meat was not as plentiful as might be desired from the standpoint of proper nutrition. There is no way of knowing just how long the village was occupied or how many people lived there. On the basis of the present-day Pueblos it is possible to make a rough estimate of the population. Tf all of the buildings were occupied at one time the population may have reached as many as 150 inhabitants. Investigations in the dwellings themselves, however, have tended to show that portions of house A were abandoned and used as dump mounds, consequently a certain allowance must be made in estimating the number of people living there. Out of the total of 64 rooms the largest number occu- pied at any one time was probably 51. If house B was inhabited at the same time that would make a total of 71 occupied rooms for the two buildings. Estimating three rooms to a family, with an occa- sional group using four, it may be said that 20 to 22 family groups, in this case referring to father, mother, and children, constituted the community. The average family, judging from present-day groups, probably numbered about five. This would give a total of 100 to 110 individuals as a maximum. The number 100 probably more nearly represents the size of the group than the larger one, and that only for the latter part of the life of the village. On such a basis 60 burials would indicate a fairly long period of occupancy. Nothing is known of the average annual death rate among such groups, but records from European countries have shown that in the more barbaric stages of culture the yearly deaths per hundred range from 3 to 4. In his study of the skeletal material from Pecos Doctor Hooton estimated that the average annual death rate per hundred for that pueblo from the date of its founding down to 1700 was slightly under three.”* If this same figure is taken for this village it may be postulated that the site was occupied from 15 to 20 years. Judging from the amount of débris in the refuse mounds and the changes which took place in the village it would seem that this is a fair estimate for the life of the community. It should be borne in mind, however, that the group was probably not as large during the early phase in the building and development of house A, hence it is possible that a few years should be added to the 72 Hooton, H. A., 1930, p. 369. 78 Hooton, E. A., 1980, p. 333. 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puw. 111 length of occupation. On the other hand, the number of burials found probably does not represent the total losses to the community, and for that reason would offset the variation in the number of inhabitants. The foregoing is largely speculation and should be regarded as such, but it seems a conservative estimate to say that the village Srobablly numbered around 100 people and was Pesiata o for a period of from 15 to 20 years. AGE OF THE RUINS One question which naturally arises with respect to a group of ruins which have been excavated is that of its age. The archeolo- gists and people in general are always anxious to know when a place was built and occupied. Many times this information can only be obtained from comparative sources, such as the indication of trade pieces which come from a dated site or by approximation on the basis of stratigraphical material extending back from some known hori- zon. In the case of the present village, however, fragments of burned beams were salvaged from various parts of the ruins and sent to Dr. A. E. Douglass. On the basis of the latter he was able to give a date 1015, plus or minus 15. In other words, the ring evidence from roof timbers used in the houses shows that the struc- tures were built and occupied during the interval between 1000 and 1030 A. D. This is particularly significant from several standpoints. It will be recalled that in the introduction to this report the dates 950 to 1200 A. D. were given for the main phase of the classic era, the ascending stage of Pueblo III. From this it will be noted that the village of the great kivas belongs to the early part of the horizon. What is even more important, however, is the fact that the building of the houses coincides with certain activities farther north. The beam material from Pueblo Bonito in the Chaco Canyon indicates a period of constructional activity at approximately the same time. Additions to that center were made in 1017, and during the interval from 1033 to 1092.74 There has been more or less question concerning the great kivas in the Chaco Canyon. They unquestionably were erected during activities subsequent to the original building program, but just where they fitted in has proved a problem. ‘The evidence from the present site with its two great kivas suggests that the supercere- monial room at Pueblo Bonito belongs to the same phase of develop- ment, the expansion age of the early eleventh century. In so far as the Chaco Canyon and its history is concerned another salient factor ™ Douglass, A. E., 1929, p. 743. ROBERTS | VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 157 becomes involved, namely, the period of notable growth at that cul- ture center coincides with a marked increase of population which evidence indicates was probably due to an incoming wave of immi- grants. The latter no doubt constituted the beginning of the move- ment which culminated in the eventual abandonment of the centers in the Montezuma Valley-McEImo district in southwestern Colorado, the growth of the Mesa Verde center, and the development at Aztec, N. Mex., events preceding and leading up to but not to be confused with the ultimate collapse of the northern frontier. Closely associated with the movement in question is the problem of the spread of the great kiva. The discussion of such structures in the consideration of great kiva No. 1 suggested that the type attained its greatest refinement in the southwestern Colorado dis- trict and was introduced into the Chaco region. Such a conjecture agrees quite well with the other factors involved in the spread of peoples over the area. On the other hand, a different point of view, and one with certain justification to be sure, is that there was an expansion of the Chaco culture at an early date over a region of considerable extent. This was followed by a contraction and return to the main center when conditions in the outlying provinces became too severe. As might be expected under such conditions, villages in the more remote districts while retaining most of the parent traits would tend to develop some distinct features of their own. They also might obtain new ones as a result of contact with outlying groups from another center, and upon returning to the original home would conceivably introduce some of the variant traits. Re- gardless of which of the foregoing theories is accepted as a possible explanation for conditions, there seems little question that the great kiva was a northern development and that the first group at the Nutria Canyon site was from that region. They may have come from the Chaco itself or have migrated from one of the more northern places which was a provincial outpost dominated and characterized by that center. They certainly carried many of its traits. There is the possibility, of course, that a local group living in the Zufii region had come under an influence from the Chaco and that the idea of a superceremonial chamber was transmitted to them. Such structures were so specialized, however, and features associated with them are so typical that it seems that they would only be erected by people already familiar with them. In addition to this, there are no indications in this immediate vicinity of an earlier group. Hence the conclusion that the builders must have come from the north and brought their architectural practices with them. 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bucy. 111 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Investigations were conducted during the summer of 1930 in a group of ruins located at the mouth of Red Paint Canyon on the north side of Nutria Valley, 16.7 miles (26.875 k.) from the village of Zuni, on the Zuni Reservation in western New Mexico. They demonstrated that there had once been a settlement composed of three communal dwellings and two great kivas or superceremonial structures at that place. The accumulated débris was completely removed from two of the houses and one of the great kivas. Only one room was excavated in the third house and examination of the second large ceremonial structure was restricted to tracing its walls so that its size could be determined and its position properly plotted on the map. The largest of the dwellings was a house containing 3 small cere- monial chambers, a great kiva, and 64 rooms, 60 of which were on the ground level while the additional 4 constituted a second story. In addition, there were four detached subterranean ceremonial rooms in the earth in front of the east end of the structure. Evidence was that the building had not been erected as a unit but had grown as the result of several periods of constructional activity. The original structure was a rectangular block of 18 rooms and 2 small ceremonial chambers. Subsequently five more rooms and the great kiva were added. Accompanying this was a certain amount of remodeling in the original rooms. The building was occupied for some time in that form, when considerable changes were brought about by a land- slide which forced the abandonment of several rooms and the build- ing of new ones to replace them. The new addition consisted of 15 rooms placed at the east side of the great kiva and south of the original block. Furthermore, two of the older enclosures were remodeled into a small ceremonial chamber to replace the one vacated because of the falling rocks from the cliff behind the structure. Up to this point in the growth of the village the house type was pre- dominantly Chacoan in character. With the adding of the east and west wings; the construction of new chambers over the refuse-filled rooms which had been abandoned after the landslide; the incor- porating of enclosures in other portions of the building, a total of 31 new chambers; and the placing of the 4 small kivas in the earth in front of the structure, a new element appeared. The masonry in these later portions was different from that of the earlier sections and the shapes of the rooms were more irregular. Features of construction which suggest the type of architecture associated with the Chaco Canyon cultures are the plan of the older sections; previous to the addition of the east and west wings; the method of wall construction, in which courses of large stones were ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 159 separated by layers of small ones; the size of the rooms, and their ceiling height. The east and west wings were characterized by their irregularity of outline, the poorness of the masonry in the walls, and their lack of size. In this connection it was suggested that the poorer quality of workmanship evident in the wings might be the result of a cultural breakduwn in the group living in house A, but such did not seem to have been the case. The marked increase in the number of rooms in the dwelling which these additions brought about, together with the evidence that many of the older chambers continued in use, indicates a decided enlargement of the community. This growth was too rapid and covered too short an interval to be accounted for on the basis of natural increase. Con- sequently it is thought that the original settlers, who in all likeli- hood came from the north, were joined by a new group migrating into the district in small parties. Because of the type of masonry and the character of some of the lesser objects of the material cul- ture, it is believed that these later people came from the south, pos- sibly as a backwash up the Zufhi River of a migration down the Little Colorado from the Upper Gila region. Kivas or circular ceremonial chambers associated with house A were of two varieties. One type was the stone form incorporated in the block of the building, the other a subterranean earth chamber placed in a detached position in front of the structure. Two of the kivas in the dwelling were characterized by benches, ventilator recesses, subfloor ventilators, fire pits, deflectors, Katcina niches, and subfloor vaults at the west side of the chamber. The sipapu, or symbolical representation of the mythical place of emergence, was present in only one of these two kivas. This difference is one which has been noted at two other sites in the Zui region and undoubtedly had some definite significance. The presence or lack of a sipapu is explained, on the’basis of Hopi traditions, by the belief that originally there were two kinds of kivas: One, containing a sipapu, devoted wholly to the purposes of a ceremonial chamber; the other, without such a feature, not especially consecrated and intended for more general uses. The absence of pilasters for roof supports and the occurrence of subfloor vaults in the small ceremonial chambers also seems to be characteristic of the district. The third stone kiva was a simple form of chamber remodeled from two secular rooms and was lacking in many features. It had no bench, no sipapu, no subfloor vault, and no Katcina niche. It probably was built to re- place one of the other chambers which had been endangered by the landslide which caused the abandonment of a portion of the building. The dirt kivas in front of house A were not elaborate. They were roughly D-shaped rather than circular or oval in outline. They had 160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 111 merely been dug in the ground and had their native earth walls cov- ered with plaster. They had intrawall ventilators, instead of the subfloor variety, deflectors, fire pits, sipapus, and Katcina niches, but none of the other floor features present in the stone chambers. Three of them had recesses above the ventilator. The one which did not differed from the others in that it also had paintings, geometric de- signs, on its walls. Evidence indicated that these structures belonged to the later portions of the building. In one or two of the chambers there was a suggestion of the prototype of the rectangular kiva which replaced the circular form in some districts in late prehistoric times. Both stone and dirt kivas suggested a northern derivation, although they were characterized by some features peculiarly local. Two rectangular rooms in house A contained features generally found in kivas, and for that reason it was suggested that they pos- sibly were the prototype of the fraternity chamber, not the rectangu- lar kiva, as contrasted with the true ceremonial room. This differ- ence is exemplified at Zuii, where the various fraternities have their headquarters in ordinary living rooms. There they meet for the observance of rites pertaining solely to the society. Rituals which concern the entire community, however, are performed in the kivas. A similar feature was present to some extent among the Hopi. Hence it is thought that the two rooms with kiva features may indi- cate a trend toward the custom among the prehistoric people. House B, the smaller of the two main dwellings, contained 20 rooms. It did not give evidence of as distinct stages of growth as house A did, but nevertheless showed that a fairly small dwelling had been enlarged from time to time to meet an increasing demand for new chambers. The walls were built of cubical blocks of stone, but in contrast to the masonry in the wings of house A the material was more carefully worked. There were 18 open doorways and 1 which had been sealed in this structure, while there were only 7 in house A. Five of these were in the later sections, and both of those in the older part had been blocked early in its development. This presence and lack of doorways is thought to be another indication that the village was formed through the fusion of two groups of people. The original settlers migrating from the north came from a region where outside pressure had fostered the practice of building fortresslike structures with unbroken walls. In erecting their new dwellings they adhered to the custom of no exterior openings on the ground level, even though there may have been no need for continu- ing the practice in this district. The later arrivals, however, possi- bly migrated from their southern homelands before they had been subjected to pronounced depredations and had been forced to do away with the plan of providing numerous doorways. Consequently, ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 161 in keeping with their habits they left a fairly large number of openings in the walls of their structures. There were no circular ceremonial chambers in house B, nor were any present in the earth outside of the building. It is difficult to explain why one section of a community should have built kivas while another did not. One reason advanced was that the occupants of house B may have joined those in house A in the performance of their rites and thus escaped the necessity of providing chambers of their own. Such a plan would not be in accord with general ideas of Pueblo custom, and it was pointed out that some other reason may have been responsible; as, for example, the builders of house B hav- ing come from the south, where present knowledge indicates that it was not a prominent feature, were not devotees of the circular kiva. A rectangular inclosure of the fraternity-room type like the two described for house A may have fulfilled all their needs. This seems especially plausible since there was one such chamber in the struc- ture. This question will be referred to again in a subsequent para- graph, however, when the relationship existing between the struc- tures is discusssed. The presence of two great kivas at one location in the Zuni district is significant. They demonstrate that the superceremonial chamber had a wider distribution than had been suspected and add materially to the evidence for a strong northern element in the village. Only one of these structures, that attached to house A, was completely excavated. Walls of the second one were traced so that its size could be determined, but no other work was done on it. Great kiva No. 1 contained all of the essential features of such a structure. It had a double bench, masonry-support pillars for the superstructure, a north alcove or altar room, a fire pit, and two sub- floor vaults. There were no true peripheral chambers around the structure of the type found in other localities, but there were a few bordering rooms. Great kiva No. 1 measured 51 feet (15.545 m.) in diameter above the large bench, which makes it somewhat larger than the example in the ruin at Aztec, N. Mex. Great kiva No. 2 was much larger, with its diameter of 78 feet (23.774 m.). As a matter of fact, it surpasses in size any of the known structures of the type. The presence of two of the superceremonial structures in a com- munity of this size is unusual and might be considered an indication that the religious side of its life was overemphasized. The two may not have been contemporaneous. There was clear evidence that great kiva No. 1 had been destroyed by fire, and it.is quite possible that the second one was built to replace it. This can not be stated definitely, because great kiva No. 2 was not excavated. If the struc- tures were in existence at the same time two explanations for their presence can be given. One is that this was the ceremonial center 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 111 for the entire district and that people from all the surrounding small villages gathered here for the observance of major ritualistic performances. The other reason for two such structures is that the village may have been divided into two large groups, as is the case among some of the modern pueblos, and each had its own great ceremonial house. These large structures are thought to have been the places where the most important of the religious festivals per- taining to the whole village were held. In this connection it was suggested that the present-day inclosed dance courts of some of the modern pueblos may represent a degenerate survival. The question of the relationship between houses A and B is one which is of interest to the student of the growth of Pueblo villages. The evidence secured during the course of the investigations indi- cated that the groups coming to the site after the northern people had become established probably built rather hastily to provide themselves with suitable quarters. They chose locations at each end of the existing pueblo, possibly because they were thought to be the most advantageous. After an appreciable length of time had elapsed their numbers had no doubt grown, both as a result of natural increase and the arrival of new increments, until the small rooms abutting house A no longer were sufficient to house them. Consequently, further buildings, detached and somewhat removed from the original dwelling, were provided. In erecting them the construction work was more carefully done, so that the walls of house B are of better quality than those in the wing portions of A, an indication of an improvement in the technique of building. Although a few of the old rooms in the wings of house A were abandoned, most of them continued to be occupied, which argues for a still further increase in the size of the village. From a general point of view the narration of events would seem more logical had the story been the reverse of that outlined in the preceding paragraph. It would be more in keeping with the idea of how cultures develop had the newcomers first built their own houses apart from the original dwellings; then, eventually, through the processes of amalgamation, merged with the other group to the extent that they built additions to its domicile and abandoned their own, forming as a result a compact, homogeneous community, but one in which there was a certain degeneration in material culture, especially the houses. One of the main factors against such a sup- position is that of the pottery types. House B and the other small structure had a higher percentage of red and polychrome wares than did house A and the abandoned rooms in its adjoining wings. Since these pottery forms were shown by the refuse deposits around the site, as well as by independent studies in the region,’® to be a 7% Spier, L., 1917. — ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 163 later development than the black-on-white there seems little ques- tion but what the structures containing them were subsequent to those which did not. The erection of new chambers in detached locations need not be attributed to a rift in the harmony of the community. More practical reasons were probably responsible for the choice. There was no more suitable space adjoining house A where rooms could be built, and the logical thing to do was to begin a structure at another place. Reverting to the problem of a lack of kivas in house B and bear- ing in mind the probable order of development in the village as outlined in a preceding paragraph, the most plausible explanation for the absence of circular ceremonial chambers in the small dwell- ing seems to be as follows: The earlier group from the south which joined the community, building the east and west wings of house A, probably through association or coalescence with the original set- tlers adopted the idea of circular chambers and provided such struc- tures by placing the kivas in the earth in front of the east wing. Then when the size of their group increased and it was necessary to build an additional structure they did not construct accompanying ceremonial rooms but continued to use those already in existence. This explanation is somewhat contradictory to the idea expressed in the discussion of the small house, but there is no other apparent reason for conditions as they were found unless perchance the build- ers of house B constituted still another group coming into the region from the south. They may not have been associated with the kiva- building people long enough to have adopted the feature before the village was abandoned. If the growth of the community had taken place along other lines, as suggested in another paragraph, and the occupants of house B had erected the two wings at the ends of house A and moved into them the explanation of the kiva problem would be simple. It would be a clear case of an incoming people living alongside another group for a time, then joining and mixing with it and taking over some of its cultural features. Since such does not seem to have been the case, the kiva problem must remain in the more or less confused state described above. In passing, it should be made clear that while the new arrivals in the village constructed and occupied houses or portions of dwellings distinct from the structures already in existence, it is not thought that the different groups lived side by side, maintaining strictly their own ideas and culture, but rather that the community merged into a single large assemblage of people, although it was one in which clan lines were distinctly drawn as in the case of the modern pueblos. There no doubt was intermarriage, an exchange of ideas, and a certain amount of borrowing from both sides, so that, while the 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunb. 111 various phases of village activity show clearly their derivation, they nevertheless tended to blend into a characteristic local complex. — The site upon which the Village of the Great Kivas was located was well chosen. It is considerably higher than most of the sur- rounding terrain, excepting, of course, the cliffs at the north and east sides which provided protection against the chill winter winds from those directions. All surface water from rain and melting snow would rapidly drain away from the buildings and courtyards, and the immediate environs of the village would always be dry underfoot. Furthermore, there was plenty of available crop land adjacent to the houses. Both Red Paint and Lonesome Canyons, at the mouths of which the village was placed, have broad, flat bottoms in which the planting could be done. In addition, there is an even larger expanse extending across Nutria Valley from the tributary canyons. Not only is this land well suited for the growing of beans, corn, and squash, but it is so situated that drainage water from both side canyons spreads out in a thin sheet over it and would provide suffi- cient moisture for growing plants. In this connection attention was called to the fact that most of the Zuni villages, prehistoric as well as modern, were placed where full advantage could be taken of the overflow water from the higher ground. Consequently this site was typical in that respect. The lesser objects of the material culture of this community present only a one-sided picture of the arts and industries of the people, be- eause, with very few exceptions, the only objects which have survived since the days when the community flourished are those fashioned from imperishable materials. The collection of specimens from the site consists in the main of pottery vessels, stone and bone imple- ments, ornaments made from the same materials, fetish heads carved from stone, and stone objects employed as tools without alteration of the original form. The few fragments of articles which were fash- ioned from perishable material consist of some bits of charred bas- ketry and scraps of cloth. A large percentage of the pottery comprises forms typical of one single period in southwestern archeology, Pueblo IIT, although a few sporadic specimens suggest the preceding stage. The vessels as group are classified under two headings, the culinary and nonculi- nary wares. The culinary jars are in most cases characterized by indented corrugations covering the entire exterior surface. A few examples have the corrugations only on the neck portion, a Pueblo II feature. The shapes in the cooking jars consist largely of wide- mouthed globular-bodied containers, although a few handled vessels belonging to the pitcher class are found jn the group. The nonculinary vessels are characterized by smooth surfaces and some form of painted decoration. The group includes black-on- ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 165 white wares, red vessels with an ornamentation in black, red con- tainers with designs in black and white pigment, buff or cream-col- ored bowls and jars with the decoration painted in red bordered by black, yellow or buff bowls with red interiors bearing designs in black and exteriors embellished with red, and red bowls with polished or burnished black interiors. Shapes in this group in- clude short-necked, globular-bodied water and storage jars, globular canteens, seed jars, jars with stirrup handles, pitchers, ladles or dippers, bowls, and mugs. The decorations were placed on the exteriors of the large jars, seed jars, pitchers, canteens, and mugs, and on the interior of bowls and ladles. Exterior ornamentation is rare in the case of the black- on-white bowls but is common on the red and polychrome bowls. The designs and elements from which they were composed were used indiscriminately on all forms of nonculinary pottery, and except for the exterior decorations in the colored-ware group, which are readily identifiable, it is practically impossible to tell from a pat- tern itself whether it was taken from a black-on-white or colored vessel. The main elements used in the designs are solid and hachured figures. In some instances solid symbols were exclusively used, while others bear only hachured patterns. A third group of decorations comprises those in which there are combinations of the two placed in contrasting and balanced order. The designs on the black-on- white wares show patterns typical of the Upper Gila, of the Chaco Canyon, some Little Colorado forms, Proto-Mesa Verde, and a mix- ture of Chaco and Upper Gila types of decoration. The latter prob- ably represent a development growing out of the fusion of two ceramic styles in this community. The Little Colorado and Proto- Mesa Verde examples present appear to be actual trade pieces rather than vessels locally made but influenced by the ceramics of those districts. Most of the red vessels with black decoration are typical of the class found throughout the region from western New Mexico into Arizona along the Puerco of the West, the Zufii, and Little Colorado Rivers. Similar examples have been found in the Chaco Canyon, at Aztec, and other northern centers. A few bear patterns which are more characteristic of the Upper Gila and the eastern part of the Little Colorado district proper. The red vessels with black in- terior designs and exterior decoration in white are typical of the Little Colorado bowls, which were the most extensively distributed of the types from that culture and which are considered typical of the ceramics of the region between St. Johns and Holbrook. The polychrome bowls with red interiors ornamented with black designs and orange-colored exteriors with decorations in red are of the type which is known as Houck ware. The interior decorations in 166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 111 this group are quite similar to the black-on-red patterns in general, which would indicate that it was a local specialization of a wide- spread form, the chief distinguishing feature of the ware being that of the exterior surface. The polychrome vessels with black-on-red interiors and red-on-white exteriors are very suggestive of the more highly developed St. Johns-Holbrook form of the Little Colorado wares. ‘Lhe distinction between the containers of this class and those of the Houck variety lies in the exterior treatment. The Houck group owes its exterior color to the unslipped surface of the paste, while the St. Johns-Holbrook type has a light-colored slip applied around the outside. The latter group suggests that it might have been a prototype for the pottery which later developed into the early Gila Basin polychrome. Red pottery with burnished or polished black interiors is represented by only a few specimens, and they seem to have been importations and not locally made. The type of ware is very common in the sections to the west and may well have been carried to this village. Basketry is represented in the collection of specimens by only a few charred fragments and it is not possible to give a detailed dis- cussion of the variety of such objects made by the occupants of the village. ‘There are two forms of technique apparent in the pieces re- covered from the ruins. One is the coiling method of basket making which was widespread throughout the Southwest. The coiling in this case consisted of two rods and a bundle, the rods being placed side by side and surmounted by the bundle. The second type is that of the twilled or diagonal checker weave. This is only occasionally found in prehistoric ruins, but it is employed now and then by the modern weavers. The bone implements recovered from the site include a large variety of awls, scrapers, punches, beads, bone tubes, turkey calls, and ornaments. Animal bones used for tools were from the mule deer, antelope, jack rabbit, lynx, wolf, fox, and dog. The only bird bones used were from the turkey. In general it may be said that the implements are quite like those usually found in ruins in the more northern parts of the Pueblo area. Certain of the large scrapers or fleshers are of the type characteristic of Pueblo Bonito in the Chaco Canyon, Aztec, and the Mesa Verde. In fact they represent a form of implement which is called the San Juan flesher. The presence of these tools correlates with the other northern features and indicates that the Chaco element in the community brought many parts of the culure complex into the district with them. Objects of stone include milling stones or metates, mortars, mauls, jar stoppers, arrow-shaft smoothers, ax heads, small mortars and pestles for grinding paint, arrowheads, spear points, ornaments, effigy heads, and pebbles and stones which were employed in their natural ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 167 state. The materials used in making these objects were sandstone, diorite, lava, amphibolite, chalcedony, jasper, granite, and slate. Part of the objects were made by the pecking and grinding method, the rest by the flaking and chipping. The metates or milling stones are of two types, the open-end, grooved or trough form, and a flat- surfaced stone slightly concave from end to end. It was found in the investigations that the trough type was the oldest and that it was replaced by the fiat form at about the time when alterations in the original portion of the village were being brought to comple- tion. The trough metate is essentially a northern form, while the flat type is southern and western and may have been introduced into this section by the group which joined the village after it had become well established. Two types of mauls are represented in the collection. The pre- dominant form is a short cylindrical cne with flat striking surfaces and a hafting groove completely encircling it. The second is a flat tabular-shaped stone with rounded or blunt-pointed ends. On some of this group the groove completely encircles the object, while on others it is present only on three sides. The three-quarters style of groove is more commonly found in the south and west than in the north. Ax heads are grooved and have comparatively short cutting edges. Some were made from oval-shaped bowlders and others from fiat stones. The oval-bowlder forms have rounded bases and the tabular-shaped heads have flat ones. The hafting grooves are of the two forms described for the mauls, but the complete groove is present on a majority of the specimens. The ax heads from the Little Colorado region are characterized to a marked degree by their short cutting edges, and while no typical examples of that style of bit were found at this site the axes indicate a tendency in that direction. The chief significance in the sandstone jar stoppers and arrow- shaft polishers is that they are objects more commonly found in the Upper Gila and Little Colorado areas than in the northern parts of the Pueblo region. Consequently they may be considered a southern contribution tc the material culture of the community. This is also true to a certain extent in the case of the paint mortars. An occasional example of the latter is found in the ruins to the north, but they occur in large numbers only in the southern sections. On the other hand, the rounded conical objects designated corn god- dess symbols may have been introduced from the north, although they are not by any means unknown in Little Colorado ruins. Spear heads, knife blades, and arrow points are not numerous in the collection. Why there should have been so few specimens of this kind is not known, but there probably is some significance in 821483212 168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 111 their absence, since other ruins in the same general region have shown a similar condition. The arrowheads are all of the same type. They have a broad squared tang and the notches for hafting are at right angles to the long line of the blade. The chipping does not show any special degree of excellence. Ornaments made from stone were scarce. The collection of speci- mens from the site contains only a few beads, pendants, and frag- ments from inlays. The beads are all of the disk form and were made from a soft white stone known as southwestern alabaster. Pendants are round or oval shaped disks with a perforation at one side. Some were made from the same material as the beads, while others are a ferruginous shale. ‘Turquoise seems not to have been used, since only a few small unworked fragments were found. The effigy heads carved from blocks of sandstone show that some of the inhabitants of the village possessed a fairly high degree of artistic talent. It is not possible in all cases to tell what the objects were intended to represent, but this may be due to the fact that they depict mythological as well as actual creatures. What their exact function may have been is not known. ‘The suggestion was made that they had served as fetishes in ceremonies or that they may have been clan symbols. Indications were that the heads were intended for use on bodies made from perishable materials. Besides sculpturing, the people engraved symbols .and figures on the faces of the cliffs back of the village. The latter occur in groups and as single petro- glyphs and include both geometric and life forms. Some of the rock drawings are unquestionably late and probably represent the work of the historic Zuni and Navajo. Among the unquestionably ancient figures are two of the humpbacked flute players which are found in widely scattered regions in the Southwest. Considering the petroglyphs as a group, there is nothing about them which can definitely be attributed to people from any one particular region. Similar carvings can be found in practically all sections of the Pueblo area. Sixty burials were uncovered during the investigations at the site. Most of the interments had been made in refuse mounds located at various points in the village. A few, however, were found in the earth outside the bounds of such deposits. Several infants had been placed close to outdoor fire pits, and one individual was buried in an abandoned pit oven. ‘Twenty-four of the graves con- tained infants and young children. Of the 36 adult skeletons 12 were males, 16 were females, and 8 could not be sexed. Because of the rather high mortality rate among infants in the modern pueblos the percentage found at this site probably does not repre- sent the true relation between the child and adult groups. Infant remains no doubt disintegrate more rapidly than do those of older ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 169 people, and for that reason many such interments probably could not be found. The customary position for the body was the flexed or contracted. There was some attempt at orientation, as 46 out of the 60 burials had the head placed in an easterly direction. In 2 cases it was to the south, 2 others had it to the west, and in 10 instances it was not possible to determine the body direction. Most of the graves contained mortuary offerings consisting of pottery vessels placed near the head or upper part of the body. Just two examples were found where the funerary objects were at the feet. These two were the burials with the head to the west, and for that reason it is thought that the body bundles were reversed on the way to the grave and the pottery placed at the feet with the idea that it was near the head. Seven of the interments had no offerings of any kind. The skeletal material was in such poor condition that a careful study of the physical characteristics of the people was not feasible. Two things were outstanding, however. One was the pronounced occipital flattening of the crania and the other a large percentage of decayed teeth. The latter probably was due to a deficiency in diet. On the basis of occupied rooms and the num- ber of burials found it is estimated that the village probably had a population of about 100 individuals and that it was occupied over a period of from 15 to 20 years. This conclusion is based on the postulation that there were 20 families averaging 5 each and that the annual death rate was approximately 3. The date of the village according to present-day chronology was obtained through charred beams salvaged from various parts of the ruin. From this material Dr. A. E. Douglass was able to give the date 1015, plus or minus 15, for the cutting of the timbers. Consequently it may be said that the village was built and occupied during the interval between the years 1000 and 1030 A. D. It was during this same period that considerable building activity was under way in the Chaco Canyon in the north, and evidence suggests that there was some correlation between the two, that both belonged to the expansion age of the early eleventh century. There is no doubt but what the Village of the Great Kivas was inhabited in the days when the Pueblo cultures were forging toward the peak of their classic era and that it was built by groups migrating from two different regions. . i } My te V; ie ‘Abs POO Li pei Q piey. Ri it f minristahs < ° ald igen t Wehiog a: e, ie a , BM rrattcl tas yeas beat ‘ons deat by ait: i Ree ‘ pail ‘i 189 oat, sith ‘tp. HOT | ¥ : Ae “dein aot bein enw ot Od. had afi aie E ited pily, War gity i wo hana vie Bs tee ms ‘chad > art ; Sanit ae ya Bap gag ftir root bi id hy baanleg. 9p pst. i 1 Yo: Banlinite. eit hei ai 1) aghd, ko Bee, 8% fast} daidibdss | TOOq f Ute Ht an Tabradact istoloae pd Teper alos ont” tb Boe iat Pra fons fuvievdg alt. 46'5 "bn 50) Yavewoul yuh ade “Ate ey GN) “aupuield awl ig i Rt Wi tarlio ea Sits sii) acta fay . aniantien Agtierk He ‘a gee neh ae icedbag tal ot tit) hoganoh, te “Nona ce eit ails hia By CHOY Livi eee » oe a Ale fel. agtt ee) iat cn pact Thine! re a ayy i ty if ay J Ba at ee pi ah hastot Bolegivasty” he (i 3 “De rE Ret chek OOF tind Ke Daan ORE tigte its uM i ett” Bye ban Gl cor}, ‘tg. oi a ae Fait vac batt itt UE. “ein nad, ja} covelneog oe vini pent xe vac Br, ave otis ayy. ol). Tews Lie 4 ath t bite y lanH 3 ofa vig tit thh, HOA (st Bin byone at THN 4 eld oe inh - my | “te Bi atta; VAY tart, hoyavhee arises. by VLA Szang ) | i 4 Ks “ali. BW. wewbapOrt ah. h. on ntrasacs odd, ‘pont BEC Be relia ‘oat ‘i h Beth asis's anid rey Gt age cM Wy Hee, STOR 9 Baik] Eyatiey eee Nid ant sualite Ae art , tail 4 lps ad Tit a nhs tk TT math # OG0E. Fra “Ot pte mY, act vpwgod Lavra ARC, vane HE aintbltiad Adtaabta KO, Brie a fiat Gosia te peeotiine SONADT 14 F hia “ree On), i AOTHH.) Copied Ach tt WS “Bag doted arid > hey 5nd ait} {hye sw dod HONiehatToy “VOR Ae Ott ry ‘peal rptnieg Ainavole Tita, alt Jougar, iam wits Pie Bid EN tr BLA, nore). ast te ayadlic) ald aul ; ade tod? TA Heer et q f thyros, ago} ST "has aotutices aie Aeigy’ EY, 8 owe set Baiiargica poor, vd alge os, th uh ‘bag. #4 . : e oe "ABE t ty Pay Th 7 ' Mh eh erm Ny WY, ae ee Crvk * "} as ee. mee p i‘ i 1 Rieaensok tas neh a haheg » WA eraccee cls LRM yt tae he adoth f ‘ th } NB clita ’ , ‘ 7 eb a / aie q MRCS AN. SRS R EPS ts bik tO ts PORN Da bw! Ea Bit ye Dae Fhe ba gty eae Tl aan Vi. HRS ¥ cany oy sit dann rr they SPIN RAM RIN) HOHE Pinte g ee 4 nie gite: preok: oly: ae tio | HR Att RAS tok Oh CIM oe Aneta i haah) Perea ERED OL!) te viii (oe (Liydes Phage) Me hin Bis ¥ Wane ity alk he Teen APPENDIX TABLE 1.—MEASUREMENTS IN HousEe A [Taken through center of rooms] Room No. East-west North-south Room No. East-west North-south Ft.in. | Meters| Ft. in. | Meters Ft. in. | Meters | Ft. in. | Meters ies Le Se ee Th 3 2. 286 8 4 255400) pase see os 95-08 2. 946 10 5 3.175 7) 2) 32 See ee @ | Oa) 25261 526 TPiG(6bl| B42 e ee 2 Fes 19 2] 5.842 66 1. 981 332) 11 aa ae 6 10 2.083 7 #4 2H 235 | BOL ee 324 gee, 3.480 | 11 0 3. 353 a ee eS 7 .2\) 2.184 SeuG, T6769 (S622 t= £2 2 11 . 889 bons 1. 981 iz) £ = aa eR 6 4 1. 980 6520 La829Ni | S7ee Eb. S28 PEL . 787 4 6 1. 346 (jis 5 ees ee 13 41] 4.064 5 6 LAG VOWW SSae et! Bas 2hLt5 BY eY | 4 4 1, 321 Vict 2 2 eR SS 6 10) 2.0838 fi Ww) 15241) BOE Fe et SiO 1. 624 2.5.5 Aveys (:) 2 ¢ eee Ce ORDER Is Ly P DSB F5i| AQAM se. al 8s Aid 1. 295 LOW 3. 200 ORR... A SF Gal2n8o6 6 0 OT 27248) 9 RC 9 a ae ane 3 10 1. 168 TO 7 3. 226 OME. OTR eo 10 O} 3.048 8x16 ZASGLE AZO ee eee 20ber bi (6223 oy 2 2.794 14) See 9 6222 1. 880 6 4 L930) | 4S oe oot 4 3 1. 295 UR cD) 8. 404 5742 te 1 10 6 3. 200 Siuee! DyaG 4a 4dee se Loe Aye? 1. 270 LOR 3. 099 US tee Jk Be 12 8 3. 861 SiteO 25438] 45% £ by. Soe seak 8 10] 2.692 Bia. ah} 1. 041 AR Uf EN ROR oo) W829 4GRe eo oe Syni2 1. 575 PH eal . 889 Whee Ls EE tijaet:S 1. 626 6 0 DWS29i | 47ee es ok et 14 6 4. 420 SO) 2. 743 At Se ie Gy 1. 956 Ao 5 IMB46))| 482% 225. aa 9 3 2. 819 5) 0 1. 524 1b; Ae Sea Se pa Gh 2 1. 880 yO) JW6245)) 49k te Le SR le 9iV3 2. 819 6 1. 905 15) SR 2 3 Cf AMS PAH lal 5.09 45 801M || 5020 2 225-328 9nd 2. 870 9540 2. 743 PEs Ie (6 all 2. 413 4050) TSHR (Shee Me. = eee 4 2 1. 270 4 0 1, 219 VAD) oa 2. a OU OM 43 inde DEBUG! O2Ee Ses 6 10) 2.083 8 T,a27 70S SE eS Ra hr! 2. 845 Noirs} 1 BO0M) oa ee 2 eee 6 eR2 1. 880 6 3 1. 905 UP) i eee Lay 7% LO) 25388 LOW ez Oy 0994 bAe eS soso e ees 6 4 1. 930 6) 0), 813829 Oe oe See 5 9 1. 753 8.0.) Na 22438ii Spee eek kes 4 4 1. 321 6i) 2 1. 880 20 A Ma Lay RIES} 27, fy ee) DSN oO: ah 6 8 2. 032 Sy. 2. 565 Zoey oS Les 8 Bud) 1. 702 708) P4a74 aM Way ( pee ee Tee RoR | 25261. (ie!) 2. 134 74) Ne Sees Ch |) PARI LORae yn 7: | ts Sates Wenkd: 2. 261 8 0 2. 438 aes OR 8 0] 2.4388 ee Or 2 261i VSO ete ee 6 8 2. 032 4 ll 1. 499 Poe) es See eS ae 7 O|. 2.134 ay NG} 1 G76] || 60a. oe ee bs 6 10) 2.083 10 4 3. 150 742). See eed 6 4 1. 930 Tine tnt! Da 2G Ae eee SEN 7s TORN (52436 8 10 2. 692 BOM ers! oe Ci Nee 007, 8.2 23489 BIA AE 2 kee 14 10) 4.521 10 10 3. 302 Sikes ole aie ee and 15 4 4. 674 10 3 PH 4: Aa VS PAC Wn A ee 66 1. 981 Oy 2 3. 099 SPSS eee ee the 4 1. 575 TOPS DLO tobe Ave se ones 70") (2,184 10 4 3. 150 1 To end of wall. TABLE 2.—MEASUREMENTS IN HousE B [Taken through center of rooms] Room No. East-west North-south Room No. East-west North-south Fi.in. | Meters| Ft.in. | Meters Ft.in. | Meters| Ft.in. | Meters SEA eae Ota 2. 870 et) DAES, [ha th La Oe Er 4 7 1. 397 20’ 0 6. 096 Peas RR ee ipa) 3. 708 9 O ePaper Bucw ee me a 9) 10 2. 997 Caan: 2. 235 5 ets ee ee | 4 10 1. 473 Sie 1562611 seeee See o Geeige 1. 879 8 10 2. 692 tap porate A i ygamits) 1. 727 1369 ALOU eta cee eee 13° 9 4,191 8 9 2. 667 (i ne ee me ee aoheled 12 4 3. 759 6m 7; D2 OOTH lb eee tens tees 12) 23 3. 734 Shs 2. 616 Gare ee CS: | 1. 626 5 6 TA6Y ONPG eae ae 6 4 1. 930 oes 2. 337 ic Speen eee 3 3 . 991 34 «6 LORS! vse seers es) Gi 2 OA: 2. 235 at ma f 2. 311 Bees cls cone i chil 1. 803 9 8 ON G4Gt|| Thea 12) -'0)}, 33658 8 § 2. 642 (3) Sts aa aay Sees oly 1. 803 15° 0 CP AN | a Hea eee gah ee ge 6 ll 2. 108 8 il 2. 718 07 2 AS (SOLE AS Ue SYT 1 Klom U jem We es $20) |/ (2488 || 104 2 Bil) se astos alia 172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY L {BULL. 111 TABLE 3.—SIzE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES Plate Plate ——— Diameter Height | L MAS : Provyenience ale Nuene Inches | enti: | imenes| Cent ne --|, 1844 34.290 | 14M%o6 Sp:/710))| SHOUSe A’ rOOM 10-42 - oes eee 130A 351779 Bele P44 31.115 | 10%6 26;:825))||RELOUSE:D TOON 4.5 21h eae eee 375 351994 --| 123% 31. 432 12 30. 480 |__--_ Gos ese tase iene renee eae 376 351995 ae 57% 14. 922 5%6 14..128:| (Buriali2os «) oi dente 2 pt ee 50 351701 so 644 15. 875 6% 15.5574); Binal 307. 5.2 92 2) ARO oR es 88 351740 se 55% 14. 287 5%6 145.1280) Burial(2' 2.82 2. 2) Fe OO Pek Oe 7 351659 i 7 17. 780 644 16. 510%) (Buriali6) + &) Pon Jey Oe 3 21 351671 358 9. 208 454 1), .7480) Burnell A-2e. 280. be ee ee 282 351905 BY 4546 10. 954 416 1154300) Burial AA7i. 2 Bi oh Pi 26 351676 a 434 11. 113 454 11.7485) Buniali3ss- 0. 0) RAO bk ee ee 87 351739 au" S8Hs 9. 049 4Ke 11. 272%) \Adrefuse-.0_--8.. 2 PA Ore 292 351915 me 414 10. 478 446 10; 9544| (Burial'372. 8.5... bee 2 ee 85 351737 | 4% 11. 430 338 8.573"! House B, rdom/4__: 22 = 24. 2 366 351985 41346] 12.224 358 9:208*| (Burial B-99.._4 ... fei 2 2pm 310 351932 <|*4 13 33. 020 1034 27.3051 House B, room!4.-! 28 fw 334 351957 zs 454 11. 748 31g 7.9980) Burial B=45--_% | 0 hoe ee te ae 302 351924 a 734 19. 685 5%o6 14,3298) Burial’ 2-1-0. 8/28 Sa a eee 3 351654 ae 25% 6. 668 2%o6 6.509? | Burial 300%. 8-280 S| Soke ae 69 351720 en 21546 7. 461 234 6..033*| House A, room) Wt -¢ 2 8 2a 132 351781 a 2%6 6. 509 258 6. 6680) Burial 352_4_. -S 1) Aae fee 82 351734 Be 34 8. 255 21546 4616) (Burial 342! a2 AGO ye 76 351728 a 3346 8. 096 3 8:2560| (Burial B50... 20. U pye Be ee 303 351925 --| 36 8. 096 36 WOU Burial A-be.- hi Sek Ro ee es 290 351913 ae 8% 20. 955 3Hi6 S$ 7o10) Bupial 25522. PL eee he 61 351712 Za 2|\¥ 18 20. 320 358 9: 208%) House Birooml4_ 2238 i ew 364 351983 a 7346 18. 256 6316 15.:;7163| (Burial(25:-2.. 00 _— Sak fl ape! 60 351711 -.| 6% 15. 558 613i6|/-. 175.3040) Burial’ 32!) 4.) aa ee 74 351726 Ae 6% 17. 463 74% 18,008 |'eurial B-se.-.4.__-. 98h Ff ae 299 351921 ee 6144 15. 875 634 1751458) 'eBurial 621-4. 282 8 ae yg es 16 351668 --| 516] 14.446 6% 1655103) Burial A-3e- OF ee Oa 283 351906 --| 5%6 13. 176 51346|)- 14.763) |\ (Burial B=10_ 202. _- eek ee 313 351935 a 6146 16. 510 5146 15.0818) (Burial 161-0. _¢__9 Shy. tar Be 47 351698 --| 57i6 13. 811 534 14:6053) (Btinial J. 2-92 _ 9. bee ge Ps ee 2 351652 Se 654 16. 827 74 1854155) (Burial B-10__ 2. LT ey 296 351917 Length Length of bowl | Width of bow] a- E : ‘ ) Provenience F on be Inches | meters | Zaches | meters | Inches | ent nae 6346 | 15.716 3Hie | 8.731 Biie,| 70790| Avrofase.t sete: tease oe 94 | 351746 4%eo | 11.271 254 6. 668 214 5.715 | Below R. 31, house A____- 148 | 351795 31346) 9. 684 216! 6.826 11346) 4.604 | House A, room 22_________ 134 | 351783 7% 18. 415 44 10. 795 346 72000) Pala nk eee ee 301 351923 944 | 23.495 41546) 12. 541 AYA WN) 10.7950 MBUPIS) 6522 = to ee 22 | 351672 956 | 24.448 41546 12. 541 4346 | 10.636 | House B, room 4__________ 372 | 351991 -_ ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 173 TABLE 3.—S1zZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLATES—Continued Plate Plate Diameter l- Inches oe 11\%6 28. 099 11136 30. 004 1234 31. 432 6%e 15. 399 6% 16. 510 634 16. 193 6% 15. 875 6H6 16. 351 646 15. 399 8% 21. 590 8%6 21. 749 86 20. 479 8146 22. 066 746 18. 574 7%6 19, 209 Length of bowl Inches 546 534 51546 56 43% 5 THe 846 738 734 8 634 834 84 914 978 846 834 116 111346 123% 123% 4\%eo 3%6 27% 3%6 314 3146 3416 31146 46 46 3%6 Centi- meters 13. 018 13. 970 15. 081 13. 811 11.113 12. 700 18. 256 20. 479 18. 733 18. 733 20. 320 17. 145 22, 225 20. 955 23. 178 25. 083 21,114 22, 225 28. 099 30. 004 31. 433 31, 433 10. 319 9. 049 7. 303 9. 049 8. 890 9. 366 8. 414 9. 366 11. 271 10. 319 9. 049 Height P Provenience me Rees Inches | Cent ae 434 125065 sis urialel 6:22. 55-2 2) eee oe 46 351697 544 13. 385 | House B, room 4__----_--_-----_-. 374 351993 6346 15, 71Gn)earialeBoll. 22.2 le seks ee od | 2, 316 351938 24 6.350) Burials oie oar ee oe Lod 6 351658 234 SB O8hsWaBuTA Gels oe we eines 24 351674 3546 8 414N) (Burialhg6es so 2 Oe ue eh Oe 83 351735 234 GB: O85 wi Es rae eTO eee eagle ae ST 49 351700 27 (SUH VSUTIBIEA—O a= os hoot eee aS 289 351912 11546 ASOZI BUnalGss oo se 2 lot ae ee 86 351738 4% LON 795s pB UTA oe kee ee eee ee 40 351690 3%6 COMER SEH T BT ( Pee eis SU Se eee 9 351661 414 LO.478h Burial so see 2 See as SS 1 351651 43% WSUS eB Taleg2 ote eee ce aire BB SS 72 351724 3% 8: 573i) Burial A=4 6 ce eh fore ee 287 351910 344 SS 800e PE Uriale yds oF ey ae 228 38 351688 Width of bow] tas Provenience Meld vat nti- ‘ y Inches een ae 414 LOZ 967 SB Url aly =6oeeeeoe a hence = Tere eey, 306 351928 4%6 T5896 | WB UnialW 7 ses eee ne eer 25 351675 41346 2224 AUT ehuse sees eee ee en ie 92 351744 416 1430) Burialiayees2 ieee at Oe ab 84 351736 334 QNB 25 yl WAV a) 2eenees sealed ck SR NE De 116 351768 4 VOMMICOR WAsrellisezes ast ee eee 91 351743 334 PSS Y (57 a peed 0 Dap E25) NCS Cee LP ee ee 280 351903 34% BiSOOn Burial aie eae aed ei ras ey 317 351939 334 eA ARLES ch aie) UR LR a a ee eee 71 351722 36 Bra 4a Ror alg? sass een Re 73 351725 354 9: 208; ElouseiB, room'4.222) ese 364 351983 36 TCT e209 bake eee eh ret eet gra 67 351718 4% TON Gbu | BiniAlbA jase 4 eens Be eee te 284 351907 3%%6 Sa Sle UTI AMO ee sn ska nee ee 61 351712 4g TONS1ON | BurialiB=oe 2s ee ee 300 351922 56 123859 i UBurialyB tose asst ee 297 351918 3% QuSsoy I Rarialep— Os ese ee ee ee ee | 314 351936 334 ciiialp ys EesE5 117 see ae ee ea Lewy! Se | | SIBeS 434 SO (VAY PTT Ay AY, A hen 46 351697 5 13) 435:| House ,Brroontt,-.-2 iu. 2 | 374] 351993 47% 120383. ees (ole ies See Ae ae gt ee Re | 373 351992 6ii"| 0) ls vier Buran Bil etek | 316 | 351938 34 +953; | ‘HouseA; room'33= 2222. 23222. 158E 351805 % - 953 | House B, room 15-_......---.--.-- | 359B 351977 34 AL tl ah 2) Zia SF RR tS th 120D 351771 6 04h | MELOUSEVA TOOMOGh esse! meee eee 158F 351805 % Od0N| PELOUSeNE LOOM bee ee eae | 359C 351977 Ae W110) HousesBjroom T0822 2° a 2-2s | 347D 351970 Ke 15420) HousevA, room 3d4-—.- 22... 2.2 2 196B 351833 56 11688) EousevaA., room: 282222 Fo 28. eee ee 236B 351869 As 1.100) | House ) eee 4 10. 160 236 | 6.033 138 | 3.493 | House A, room 34_________ 206 351841 dames 334 9. 525 2%6| 6.191 1% | 4.763 |_---- Cs (orem Web Ee 207 351841 ee 378 | 9.843 27% | 7.303 1% SHOLOn a2 55 3 do. 2-5 J Se a: 260 205 5a 4% | 10.795 234 | 6.985 18g | 3.493 | House A, room 10_________ 131 351780 } Top diameter |Bottomdiameter| Thickness Na- y Field tional Plate A Provenience Wo: Mu- Inehes | meters | Inches | Cent. | Inches | Conti. No, i iy Onna 4\%6| 10.319 21346! 7.144 3346] 8.096 | House A, room 34_________ 201 351836 ee 37% | 9.843 21546| 7.461 2346] 5.556 | House A, room 33_________ 162 351806 Length Width Thickness meh . tiona Plate ; | : ; Provenience nee Mu- tnches | Cent |rnohes | Cepth | inches | Cent — Done ao 334 9. 525 414 | 10.795 11346] 4.604 | House A, room 27_________ 216A 351849 (i 344 8. 255 274 | 7.303 1% Ks ay 49 ul ele ee fo (a erases mee elrly S O| 216D 351849 (hal 21% | 6.350 336 | 8.573 1% 4128" |scsat (3 (0 SSS Spiele Se 216C 351849 ices 41g | 10.478 2% | 7.303 2% 5.398 |_---- (6 (oh SER Bieter ol EN Sono 216B 351849 vv ea eee 534 | 13.970 334 | 9.525 1%6 | 3.969 |_-.-_ (0 | 0 eae! Mahe Be Beg 218 351851 frp see 5%6| 14.129 536] 13.176 14% 3.175 | House A, room 22__.____-- 135A 351784 Gees. 9546] 23. 654 538 | 13. 653 13%4 4.445 | House A, room 27_________ 217 351850 (aes 1038 | 26. 353 474 | 12.383 1546 | 3.334 | House B, room 4__________ 336 351960 a a gn ee ee — ROBERTS J VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 177 TABLE 3.—SIzE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLaTEs—Continued i ee a el Length Diameter 5 National Plate x ane Provenience ae ae enti- enti- Z oO. Inches | meters |1¢beS| meters Fifiph (Re a 1% 4. 445 14 STON PAC ROLUSD 245 2200 Ss Jee SrA 102B 351756 [ijeg ees 13% 4.763 146 Josoae BUNA bees oe a See ne 298A 351920 Yel eeapata A i 1% 4, 445 3 72620) | House AY, room 34. . 2.22252" 2) Ve. 202 351838 Width Breadth | Height Na- : tional Plate ay, oot | Ose Provenience Se Mu- enti enti enti- * | seum Inches | meters | 12°HeS | meters | ™Ches | meters No. | fifate( aren 734 | 19. 685 614) 16. 510 SEialh 22" OBB ||! KaivianyAs: 2 22 Se eee 265 | 351898 (ee es 71\Ye] 19. 526 654) 16. 828 856 | 21.908 |----- (Lejos abe aan meetin pea 266 | 351899 Length Width Thickness Na- ’ tional Plate x aes pee Provenience Misia Mu- enti- enti- enti- es seum Inches | eters | °bes | meters | Ces | meters No. {sy cyt epee 12% | 31.115 3%4| 8.255 154 4198) SBsTeOluUSO sos aif == So ee 321A 351943 peer: 12% | 31.115 21%) 6.350 134 A445 ib inial 222-222 222 oe 10 351662 (gy 714 | 18.098 514) 13.335 138 3.493 | House A, room 33_-------- 163 351807 aes: 41% | 10.795 314] 8. 255 354 ON QOSH IK VatAte 2 2= eeptere 2 See 264 351897 ( ages a Hel OSAGN eee ans eee ae He pS GO ee LORRY trite tsnsnain Berens 241 351873 (ae 6%6| 16. 034 554) 14. 288 WS) 4921. | = CO oes a ee 241A 351874 hte uel i elle ee ol ieee ole ee al eee eee | ! Length Width 3 7 Fiela | National Plate Bae =a Provenience No Auaeuy enti- enti- : 0. Inches meters Inches meters Die 145 3. 810 1\%6 2 OGON Kiva BE os ergs 2 238 ee 250C 351882 [ bs noah Ba 138 3. 493 1\%e 25009! ELOUSS A TOOWI2( 2) 222 — ona ee 210B 351844 Ce 14% 3.810 34 Lat?) Nah Ml GREAT 6 ee Rea eee a 250F 351882 (fl es pes. ot 1% 3.810 1\%6 DABUGH PACT PLUISG seats an eae ne kee 102H 351756 Ctesssaes 138 3. 493 K% 2, 223} House A, room 27_----__---_---=-- | 210A 351844 eee 136 3. 016 146 AO7AGNBUPIAl Slee ee ee hoe oe wee ie Sap Veta ge! Gust ees. 1%6 3. 969 136 Sr40s we oublace) bas sees a eee 329C 351953 Wosseose. 134 4. 445 114 2.858 | House A, room 49_._.------------- ieee G23 aly eee as L j ength Greatest width aie Watlonal Plate cand ais = Provenience No ee enti- ‘enti- 4 0. Inches | meters | Mches| meters OS ass. Ae 258 6. 668 16 331016) Ouse A\ FOO o4e0222= === = 198 351834 [ asa Sys 338 8. 573 1346 35016") House A; room 410222222 =_- 228s 165 351809 (he eee 31e 9. 366 1% 4.763 | House A, room 34__--------------- 197 351834 69, a...-....| 1%e 3. 338 % 15270) ELOUSVA TOOM Renae noe eee 229 351861 {p32 1% 3.175 %6 TV ADG rial ose! sep oe J oe 1 351656 Creeeees 1346 3.016 %e 1.429 | House A, room 34--_----------+---- 200A 351835 dee 1\%e 2. 699 % 12270) eee (i ape 25 poe ees Seah a oes ee ee 200C 351835 Ay ae ee 1 2. 540 \ TA.7 (ih (ities EAS eS eee ee 200B 351835 a 2 5. 080 1% DUG MGTOat KAVA ee 2 oo eee 259A 351892 (eee ee 11346 4. 604 lg TA746 MS LOLUSO 226s 2. Se oe ee 370 351989 | es 154 4.128 34 1005+ Great kival’.-2--2-see22.25Sesene2 259C 351892 178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 111 TABLE 3.—SIzE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED IN PLAtTEsS—Continued EEE eee Length Width ki : | wiela | National Plate MP Geet in Aves Provenience No Museom enti- enti- c 0. Inches Meters Inches meters tS eee 58 1. 588 He 111) | EouseyBy room 132-22 ae es 350B 351971 | Eee 1542 1.191 36 sOsuwGrentikive Tas 200 be een 258B 351891 {Oe hae oe 4 - 635 Ke aOAy NGViawAle ho == Boo Ee ee 245 4 | 8 2 ee \ 1) OE ae, 14g 1.746 146 U4 0) PETOUSO A TOOT 140 ene meena 225 351858 Mesos 1 2. 540 1%6 BHOLG) is FELUSGss aaa = et eee eee 321B 351944 (1) a ea 16 1. 746 Ne 1; 429 |House A, roomgiate | 145 351793 Length Width Top to bottom Na- : tional Plate eae ae a Provenience ae Mu- enti- enti- enti- o. | seum Inches | meters | Mches | meters | aches meters No. GON css 538] 13. 653 3 te B20 i Sos eee a en House B, room 4__________ 339 | 351963 a 638] 16. 193 336] 8.573 PSAP NOS B85 Kiva Ase tt age 240 | 351872 TABLE 4.—S1ze AND PROVENIENCE OF OBsECTS ILLUSTRATED IN TEXT FIGURES . Diameter Height : , 4 Fielq | National Figure ; : Provenience No, | Museum Inches one Inches cout No. 195 @-- aae = 1378 35. 243 11% 29,8401) House By room 13-620) sos 377 351996 D2 UNS Rapti ded 134 33. 655 10% 26.670 | House A, room 34_________._______ 271 351900 PA eee ae 61% 15. 558 534 14..605:)|) Burial'3 te iee en aa 32 351682 liek nh EE 6346 15. 716 3% 82.890) MB Una 24 re eee et eee ee 57 351708 PPA Ts OS Sa 5% 13. 018 26 5. 556 | Below zoom’ 31,9. Avs 2223 149 351796 Pasi eke 558 14, 288 534 14°,605)| Burials oe ee 1 eae yan 70 351721 (ee aeons 2 634 17. 145 638 161930 | PB uni alt26 hese Les sleeer pee 63 351714 Poy ee oe 3% 8. 890 334 9.525 | Below.room 10, H. A._-_-_----_-__ 151 351800 Payee eee Bi THe 19. 209 3%6 SHOR [Fa AU et lpep NM ANE lad ATA 52 351703 (joa 734 19. 685 314 S800) | EUR Talo apeay e inR ee ee 51 351702 PL RT ne Se THe 18. 891 3 Ga O20 5 | Es Ue lelge eee eee este ee 44 351695 Ly) eee ee 758 19. 368 3% 8890) hBiinial( S26 Sos tet es eek eee 33 351683 PA ps (1 eS Na 76 18. 256 3% S.S00nl Burial oe. Seid e Seen le Mena 66 351717 De ee 734 19. 685 334 J020.0 HOUSE LB STOOM ine = ta 5 eee 363 351982 P20 aa ae 844 21. 590 34 8) 890 ELOUSG UAs TOOM Gob = ose 208 351842 [Jeane a 838 21. 273 334 S525" Burial B-222. ease. eee oe 298 351919 295 (Geos cone 838 21. 273 356 95 208e) ATousesAS room ?4 ee 222 351855 Ae Bhs 8 20. 320 354 0: 208 HUA aN, Ss eee. oo cee aie ea 89 351741 Baia ee fae 954 24, 448 4% 1027960) BURIED = oe eo te eae renee 8 351660 fife 856 21. 908 414 LOS 79) Appia lens ota e eee en ae 17 351669 Sd (oe are we af a 2% 6.350) | 3B reftsel Nes ha 28 2 378 351997 Lae 534 13. 653 216 65350) || Houser Broom 7je2 aoe sate see eee 379 351998 Length Width Height Na- : Field | tional Figure Centi- | Centi- | Centi- eee No. | Muse- Inches nantes Inches meters | Laches | une um No, | BY lay ae 5 | 12.700 2% 6. 350 358) 9.208 | House B, room 7_______-_- 341 | 351965 Dene 336) 8.573 2 5. 080 254) 6.668 | House A, room 23_________ 219 | 351852 BIBLIOGRAPHY AMSDEN, MONROE. 1928. Archaeological Reconnaissance in Sonora. Southwest Museum Pa- pers, No. 1, Los Angeles, 1928. BANDELIER, A. F. 1892. a. An Outline of the Documentary History of the Zuni Tribe. Papers of Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition, Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, Vol. III, Cambridge, 1892. 1892. b. Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians of the South- western United States, Carried on Mainly in the Years from 1880 to 1885. Part II. Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, Amer. Ser. IV, Cambridge, 1892. BRADFIELD, WESLEY. 1931. Cameron Creek Village, a Site in the Mimbres Area in Grant County, New Mexico. Published by the School of American Research, Santa Fe, 19381. BRYAN, KIRK. 1929. The Recent Bone-Cavern Find at Bishop’s Cap, New Mexico. Science, pp. 444-456, New York, 1929. BRYAN, W. A. 4929. The Recent Bone-Cavern Find at Bishops Cap, New Mexico. Science, Vol. LXX, No. 1802, pp. 39-41, Lancaster, 1929. CHaPin, F. H. 1892. The Land of the Cliff Dwellers. Boston, 1892. Coox, H. J. 1927. New Geological and Paleontological Evidence Bearing on the Antiq- uity of Mankind in America. Natural History, Journal of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVII, No. 3, pp. 240— 247, New York, 1927. 1928. Glacial Age Man in New Mexico. Scientific American, pp. 88-40, July, 1928. CUMMINGS, BYRON. 1915. Kivas of the San Jusn Drainage. American Anthropologist, new ser., vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 272-282, Lancaster, 1915. CusHING, F. H. 1883. Zuhi Fetishes. Second Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 8-45, Washington, 1883. 1896. Outlines of Zufi Creation Myths. Thirteenth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 321-447, Washington, 1896. Dovucrass, A. HE. 1929. The Secret of the Southwest Solved by Talkative Tree Rings. Na- tional Geographic Magazine, Vol. LVI, No. 6, pp. 737-170, Wash- ington, 1929. FENNEMAN, NEvIN M. 1928. Physiographie Divisions of the United States. Third Edition Re- vised and Enlarged. Annals of the Association of American Geog- raphers, Vol. XVIII, No. 4, Albany, N. Y., 1928. 179 180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BoLL. 111 FErwkKEs, J. W. 1898. 1904. 1909. 1909. 1911. 1911. 1912. 1914. 1916. 1916, 1922. 1923. 1923. 1926. 1927. Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895. Seventeenth Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 2, pp. 519-742, Wash- ington, 1898. Two Summers Work in Pueblo Ruins. Twenty-second Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 1, pp. 3-195, Washington, 1904. a. Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park: Spruce Tree House. Bull. 41, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1909. b. Ancient Zuni Pottery. In Putnam Anniversary Volume, Anthro- pological Essays, pp. 48-82, New York, 1909. a, Preliminary Report on a Visit to the Navajo National Monu- ment, Arizona. Bull. 50, Bureau American Ethnology, Wash- ington, 1911. b. Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park: Cliff Palace. Bull. 51, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1911. Casa Grande, Arizona. Twenty-eighth Annual Report Bureau Ameri- can Hthnology, pp. 25-179, Washington, 1912. Archeology of the Lower Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. Smith- sonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 68. No. 10, pp. 1-53, Wash- ington, 1914. a. Animal Figures on Prehistoric Pottery from Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 18, No. 4, pp. 535-545, Lan- caster, Pa., 1916. b. The Cliff-ruins in Fewkes Cafhon, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado. In Holmes Anniversary Volume, Anthrop. Essays, pp. 96-117, Washington, 1916. . A Prehistoric Mesa Verde Pueblo and Its People. Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1916, pp. 461-488, Washington, 1917. . Prehistoric Villages, Castles, and Towers of Southwestern Colorado. Bull. 70, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1919. . Field Work on the Mesa Verde National Park, Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1920. Smithson. Mise. Colls., vol. 72, No. 6, pp. 75-94, Washington, 1921. Archeological Field Work on the Mesa Verde National Park. Ex- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1921. Smithson. Mise. Colls., vol. 72, No. 15, pp. 64-83, Washington, 1922. a. Archeological Field Work on the Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado. Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian In- stitution in 1922. Smithsonian Misc. Colls. vol. 74, No. 5, pp. 89-115, Washington, 1923. b. Designs on Prehistoric Pottery from the Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 74, No. 6, pp. 1-45, Washing- ton, 1923. Archeological Studies of the Wupatki National Monument. Ex- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1925. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 78, No. 1, pp. 96-105, Washington, 1926. Archeological Field Work in Arizona, Field Season of 1926. Hx- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1926. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 78, No. 7, pp. 207-232, Washington, 1927, ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 181 Fiecins, J. D. 1927. The Antiquity of Man in America. Nat. History, Journal of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVII, No. 3, pp. 229-239. GLADWIN, H. S. 1928. Excavations at Casa Grande Arizona, February 12 to May 1, 1927. Southwest Museum Papers No. 2, Los Angeles, 1928. (See The Medallion Series. ) GUERNSEY, S. J. 1931. Explorations in Northeastern Arizona. Report on the Archaeological Fieldwork of 1920-1923. Papers of the Peabody. Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Vol. XII, No. 1, Cambridge, 1931. See also Kidder, A. V., and Guernsey, 8. J.; Nusbaum, J. L. GUERNSEY, S. J., AND Kipper, A. V. 1921. Basket Maker Caves of Northeastern Arizona. Papers Peabody Mus. Amer. Archaeol. and Ethn., Harvard Univ., Vol. VIII, No. 2, Cambridge, 1921. GuTHE, C. E. 1917. The Pueblo Ruins at Rowe, New Mexico. El Palacio, Vol. IV, No. 4, pp. 33-389, Santa Fe, 1917. HARRINGTON, M. R. 1930. a. Ashes Found with Sloth Remains, Discovery in Gypsum Cave Thought Ancient Camp Fire. Science News Letter, Vol. XVII, No. 478, p. 865, Baltimore, 1930. 1930. b. The Mystery of Gypsum Cave. Scientific American, pp. 34-386, July, 1930. HaAovry, E. W., AND HARGRAVE, L. L. 1931. Recently Dated Pueblo Ruins in Arizona. Smithsonian Mise. Colls., vol. 82, No. 11, pub. No. 3069, Washington, 1931. HAWLEY, FLORENCE M. 1929. Prehistoric Pottery Pigments in the Southwest. American Anthrop., n. s. vol. 31, No. 4, pp. 731-749, Menasha, Wis., 1929. 1930. Prehistoric Pottery and Culture Relations in the Middle Gila. American Anthrop., n. s. vol. 32, No. 38, pt. 1, pp. 522-536, Menasha, Wis., 1930. HAYDEN, IRWIN. 1930. a. The Last Stand of the Nevada Pueblos. Scientific American, pp. 182-134, February, 1930. 1930. 6. Mesa House. In Archaeological Explorations in Southern Nevada. Southwest Museum Papers, No. 4, pp. 27-92, Los Angeles, 1930. ABWETT, Epear L. 1909. a. Archaeology of the Rio Grande Valley. Out West, Vol. XXXI, No. 2, pp. 698-719, Los Angeles, 1909. (Reprinted under the title ‘Excavations at Puyé, New Mexico, in 1907,” in Papers of School of Amer. Archaeol., No. 4, 1909.) 1909. 6. The Excavations at El Rito de Los Frijoles in 1909. Archaeo- logical Institute of America, Papers of the School of American Archaeol., No. 10. (Reprinted from the American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. 11, No. 4, Oct—Dec., 1909, pp. 651-678.) 182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLn. 111 Hewett, Encar L.—Continued. 1909. ec. The Excavations at Tyuonyi, New Mexico, in 1908. American Anthrop., n. s. vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 484-455, Lancaster, Pa., 1909. (Reprinted in Papers of School of American Archaeol., No. 5, 1909.) 1921. a. The Chaco Canyon and its Ancient Monuments. Art and Archae- ology, Vol. XI, Nos. 1-2, pp. 3-28, Washington, 1921. 1921. b. The Excavation of Chettro Kettle, Chaco Canyon, 1920. Art and Archaeology, Vol. XI, Nos. 1-2, pp. 45-62, Washington, 1921. 1922. The Chaco Canyon in 1921. Art and Archaeology, Vol. XIV, No. 3, pp. 115-181, Washington, 1922. 1930. Ancient Life in the American Southwest. Indianapolis, 1930. Hopes, F. W. 1916. In the Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630. Translated by Mrs. Edward E. Ayer; annotated by F. W. Hodge and C. F. Lummis, Chicago, 1916. 1918. a. Excavations at Hawikuh, New Mexico. Explorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1917. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 68, No. 12, pp. 61-72, Washington, 1918. 1918. b. Excavations at the Zuni Pueblo of Hawikuh in 1917. Art and Archaeology, vol. VII, No. 9, pp. 867-379, Washington, 1918. 1920. Hawikuh Bonework. Indian Notes and Monographs, Vol. III, No. 3, Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York, 1920. 1921. Turquoise Work of Hawikuh, New Mexico. Leaflets of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, No. 2. New York, 1921 1922. Recent Excavations at Hawikuh. HI Palacio, Vol. XII, no. 1, pp. 1-11, Santa Fe, 1922. 1923. Circular Kivas near Hawikuh, New Mexico. Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Fcundation, Vol. VII, No. 1, Hendricks-Hodge Expedition, New York, 1928. HotMEs W. H. 1878. Report on the Ancient Ruins of Southwestern Colorado, examined during Summers of 1875 and 1876. In Tenth Annual Report of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Terri- tories, F. V. Hayden, pp. 383-408, Washington, 1878. 1886. Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos. Fourth Annual Report Bureau of Hthnology, pp. 265-860, Washington, 1886. Hooton, E. A. 1930. The Indians of Pecos Pueblo, A Study of Their Skeletal Remains. Papers of the S. W. Expedition, No. 4, Dept. of Archaeology, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. Yale Press, New Haven, 1930. HovueH, W. 19038. Archeological Field Work in Northeastern Arizona. The Museum Gates Expedition of 1901. Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1901. Washington, 1903. 1907. Antiquities of the Upper Gila and Salt River Valleys in Arizona and New Mexico, Bull. 35, Bur. Amer. Ethnol., Washington, 1907. 1914. Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila River Region, New Mexico and Arizona, Bull. 87, United States National Museum, Washington, 1914. 1915. The Hopi Indians. Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1915. 1919. Exploration of a Pit House Village at Luna, New Mexico. Proceed- ings of the United States National Museum, vol. 55, No, 2280, pp. 409-431, Washington, 1919, ROBERTS ] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 183 Howakrp, Epcar B. 1930. Archaeological Research in the Guadalupe Mountains. The Museum Journal, Museum of the University of Penn., Vol. XXI, Nos. 3-4, pp. 189-202, Philadelphia, 1930. JACKSON, W. H. 1878. Report on the Ancient Ruins Examined in 1875 and 1877. In Tenth Annual Report of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, F. V. Hayden, pp. 409-450, Washington, 1878. JEANCON, J. A., and Roperts, F. H. H., JR. 1923. Further Archaeological Research in the Northeastern San Juan Basin of Colorado during the Summer of 1922. Colo. Magazine, vol. 1, Denver, 1923-24. Jupp, N. M. 1922. Archeological Investigations at Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico. BEx- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1921. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 72, No. 15, pp. 106-117, Washington, 1922. 1928. Archeological Investigations at Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico. Ex- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1922. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 74, No. 5, pp. 184-148, Washington, 1923. 1924. a. Archeological Investigations at Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico. Ex- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1923. Smithson. Mise. Colls., vol. 76, No. 10, pp. 71-77, Washington, 1924. 1924. 6. Two Chaco Canyon Pit Houses. Smithsonian Report for 1922, pp. 399-418, Washington, 1924. 1925. a. Archeological Investigations at Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico. Ex- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1924. Smithson. Mise. Colls., vol. 77, No. 2, pp. 88-91, Washington, 1925. 1925. b. Everyday Life in Pueblo Bonito. Nat. Geog. Mag., Vol. XLVIII, No, 3, pp. 227-262, Washington, 1925. 1926. a. Archeological Investigations at Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Ar- royo, New Mexico. Explorations and Field Work of the Smith- sonian Institution in 1925. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 78, No. 1, pp. 80-88, Washington, 1926. 1926. b. Archeological Observations North of the Rio Colorado. Bull, 82, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1926. 1927. Archeological Investigations in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. Ex- plorations and Field Work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1926. Smithson. Misc. Colls., vol. 78, No. 7, pp. 158-168, Washington, 1927. 1930. The Excavation and Repair of Betatakin, Proceedings of the United States National Museum, vol. 77, art. 5, No. 2828, Washington, 1930. Kipper, A. V. 1924. An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology with a preliminary account of the Excavation at Pecos. Dept. of Archae- ology, Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. New Haven, 1924. 1927. a. Southwestern Archeological Conference. Scieuce, Vo!. LXVI, No. 1716, pp. 489491. New York, 1927. 1927. b. The Museum’s Expeditions to Cafion de Chelly and Cafion del Muerto, Arizona. Natural History, Journal American Museum Natural History, Vol. XXVII, No. 3, pp. 203-209. New York, 1927. See aiso Guernsey, S. J., and Kidder, A. V.; Nusbaum, J. L. 82148—32 13 184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 111 Kipper, A. V., AND GUERNSEY, S. J. 1919. Archeological Explorations in Northeastern Arizona. Bull. 65, Bureau American Hthnology, Washington, 1919. Kipper, M. A. anp A. V. ; 1917. Notes on the Pottery of Pecos. American Anthrop., n. s., vol. 19, No. 3, pp. 325-360, Lancaster, Pa., 1917. Ikgorser, A. L. 1917. Zui Kin and Clan. Anthrop. Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, Pt. II, New York, 1917. Martin, P. 8. 1929. The 1928 Archaeological Expedition of the State Historical Society of Colorado. Colorado Magazine, Vo!. VI, No. 1, pp. 1-35, Denver, 1929. 1930. The 1929 Archaeological Expedition of the State Historical Society of Colorado in Cooperation with the Smithsonian Institution. Colorado Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 1, pp. 140, Denver, 1930. MEDALLION SERIES. [GLADWIN, H. §S.] 1929. The Red-on-Buff Culture of the Gila Basin. Pasadena, Calif., 1929. Undated. a. The Red-on-Buff Culture of the Papagueria. Globe, Ariz. Undated. 6. The Western Range of the Red-on-Buff Culture. Globe, Ariz. MINDELEFF, C. 1897. Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona. Sixteenth Annual Report Bureau of American Hthnology, pp. 73-198, Washington, 1897. MINDELEFF, V. 1891. A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola. Highth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1891. Morris, EH. H. 1915. The Excavation of a Ruin near Aztec, San Juan, County, New Mexico. American Anthrop., n. s. vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 666-684, Lancaster, Pa., 1915. 1917. Discoveries at the Aztec Ruin. American Museum Journal, vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 169-179, New York, 1917. 1918. Further Discoveries at the Aztec Ruin. American Museum Journal, vol. 18, No. 7, pp. 603-610, New York, 1918. 1919. a. The Aztec Ruin. Anthropological Papers American Museum Nat- ural History, Vol. XXVI, pt. 1, New York, 1919. 1919. b. Preliminary Account of the Antiquities of the Region between the Mancos and La Plata Rivers in Southwestern Colorado. Thirty- third Annual Report Bureau American Ethnology, pp. 155-206, Washington, 1919. 1921. a. The House of the Great Kiva at the Aztec Ruin. Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, Vol. X XVI, pt. 2, New York, 1921. 1921. 6. Chronology of the San Juan Area. In Proceedings of the Na- tional Academy of Sciences, vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 18-22, Easton, Pa., 1921. 1924, Burials in the Aztec Ruin, the Aztec Ruin Annex. Anthropological Papers American Museum Natural History, Vol. XXVI, pts. 3 and 4, New York, 1924. 1925. Exploring in the Canyon of Death. National Geographic Magazine, Vol. XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 263-300, Washington, 1925. 1927. The Beginnings of Pottery Making in the San Juan Area; Unfired Prototypes and the Wures of the Earliest Ceramic Period. An- thropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVIII, pt. 2, New York, 1927. ROBERTS] VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS 185 Morgis, E. H.—Continued. 1928. Notes on Excavations in the Aztec Ruin. Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVI, pt. 5, New York, 1928. NEtson, N. C. 1914. Pueblo Ruins of the Galisteo Basin, New Mexico. Anthropological Papers American Museum Natural History, Vol. XV, pt. 1, New York, 1914. 1916. Chronology of the Tano Ruins, New Mexico. American Anthrop., n. s. vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 159-180, Lancaster, Pa., 1916. 1917. Excavation of the Aztee Ruin. American Museum Journal, vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 85-99, New York, 1917. Nessir, P. H. 1931. The Ancient Mimbreficos, Based on Investigations at the Mattocks Ruin, Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. Logan Museum Publications No. 4, Beloit, Wis., 1931. NORDENSKIOLD, G. 1898. The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, Southwestern Colorado; Their Pottery and Implements. Translated by D. Lioyd Morgan. Stockholm, 1893. NusBaum, J. L. 1922. A Basket-Maker Cave in Kane County, Utah, with Notes on the Artifacts by A. V. Kidder and 8. J. Guernsey. Ind. Notes and Mono., Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation, New York, 1922. Prpper, G. H. 1902. The Ancient Basket Makers of Southeastern Utah. Suppl. Journ. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II, No. 4 (Guide Leaflet No. 6), New York, 1902. 1920. Pueblo Bonito. Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XX VII, New York, 1920. POWELL, J. W. 1886. Explorations in the Southwest, work of Mr. James Stevenson. Fourth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, pp. xxxIv—-xxxvil, Washington, 1886. PRUDDEN, T. M. 1897. An Elder Brother to the Cliff Dweller. MHarper’s Monthly Mag- azine, June, 1897, Vol. XIV, pp. 56-63, New York, 1897. 1908. The Prehistoric Ruins of the San Juan Watershed in Utah, Arizona, Colorado, and New Mexico. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 5, No. 2, pp. 224-288, Lancaster, Pa., 1903. 1914. The Circular Kivas of Small Ruins in the San Juan Water- shed. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 33-98, Lancaster, 1914. 1918. A Further Study of Prehistoric Small-House Ruins in the San Juan Watershed. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Asso., vol. 5, No. 1, Lancaster, Pa., 1918. Roeerts, F. H. H., JR. 1925. Report on Archaeological Reconnaissance in Southwestern Colo- rado in the Summer of 1923. The Colorado Magazine, vol. 2, No. 2, Denver, April, 1925. 1929. a. Recent Archeological Developments in the Vicinity of El Paso, Texas. Smithsonian Misc. Colls., vol. 81, No. 7, Pub. No. 3009, Washington, 1929. 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 111 Rosgrts, F. H. H., Jr—Continued. 1929. b. Shabik’eshchee Village: A Lake Basket Maker Site in the Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. Bull. 92, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1929. 19380. Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, Southwestern Colorado. Bull. 96, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1930. 1931. The Ruins at Kiatuthlanna, Hastern Arizona. Bull. 100, Bureau American Ethnology, Washington, 1931. SAUER, CARL, AND BRAND, DONALD. 1980. Pueblo Sites in Southeastern Arizona. Uniy. of California Publica- tions in Geography, vol. 3, No. 7, pp. 415-458, Univ. of California Press, Berkeley, 1930. Spier, L. 1917. An Outline for a Chronology of Zufli Ruins. Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVIII, Pt. III, New York, 1917. 1918. Notes on Some Little Colorado Ruins. Ibid., Pt. IV, Vol. XVIII, New York, 1918. STEVENSON, M. C. 1904. The Zufii Indians: Their Mythology, Esoteric Fraternities and Cere- monies. Twenty-third Annual Report Bureau American Ethnology, pp. 138-608, Washington, 1904. Stock, CHESTER. 1931. Problems of Antiquity Presented in Gypsum Cave, Nevada. Scientific Monthly, pp. 22-82, January, 19381. THONE, FRANK. 1929. Did Earliest Americans Hunt Sloth? Science News Letter, Vol. XVI, No. 445, pp. 237-239, Baltimore, 1929. WINSHIP, GEO. PARKER. 1896. The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542. Fourteenth Annual Report Bureau Ethnology, pt. 1, pp. 329-598, Washington, 1896. Page Acoma— niches in kivas at_________ 60 POLIOG OLE en ee tee 21 pits in kivas at____.._---- 59 spectator’s position in kiva £2 Rage til fai tf si 56 AGRICULTURE— BeGInnINe OF 2 oo soso 2s 4 effect of introduction of____ 4 use of flood water in______ 103 See also FIELDs. ALCOVE— measurements of________-_ 96 opening into kiva, discussed. 92-93 POOUNPTOL fees see os 93-94 ANIMALS— domestication of_________- 9 extinct, bonés of______.___ 3 extinct, man contempora- MEOUS! With 2 ee 3 APPLIQUE POTTERY DECORATION, GiStributron Of 2 9 ea wee 106 ARCHITECTURE, conclusions Ta WRTrOMe tee Sates 158 ARROWPOINTS— conclusions ON] ==) 2-2 = — 168 GesCnibed ne en ee 146 ARROW-SHAFT POLISHERS— described= an leaner 142 significance of__._-___-_-_- 167 ARTIFACTS— from Gypsum Cave_---_--- 3-4 of imperishable material ___ 164 ATLATL. See SPEAR THROWER. AWATOBI— culture period of_________- 20 date of destruction of____~_ PA AWLS, BONE— Gescribed 22422. eee. = 135-137 made of splinters. - -_--_-- 135 Specialy, Cuuseeee = = 136 Ax HEADS— GeSCriIDEG= ee eee ee 141 grooved, increased impor- TATICEROL eta e ae te ee 9 grooved, possible introduc- EIOTINO Re pe eee re 8 summary of types of_____- 167 Page Aztec, N. Mex. See AztEec RUIN. AZTEC RUIN— construction of pillars at —__ 88 Gate Ol sae ee ee ee 24 discussion of fire box at____ 90 painted Kiva at.-22- 2520 -= 79 reference to... 2) 2 oo oon 18, 29, 31, 35, 89, 90, 92 reference to bone scrapers C7 apc Ml sed apis ele Say dh 137 reference to masonry at___ 100 size of great kiva at_______ 96 Btruetures: tts => see 17 AZTEC WARE, reference to_____-_ BAND DESIGNS, use of, in decora- Eiormemer iis k ahs 119-121, 124-127 Basins for water storage______ 102 BaskKET-MAKER CULTURE, origin of thewerm 28806226 22 15 BaskET-MAKER PERIODS— i Lapel) F253 0 lB bales pp theta 15 distribution of remains of__ 15, 16 BaskET Makrers— distribution of-= === 15-16 in Four Corners area_____- 15-16 north Mexican form of cul- EITC RO Lee ee eee ee es 16 physical characteristics of_. 5-6 BASKETRY— technique used in__--_--- 134, 166 yuces,used foro... es 2 134 BaskKETS— decrease in importance of -- 7 employed as molds_-_-_----- 7 BEAD POLISHER, stone_-_-_------ 143 Braps— Of boneten = eee ae 138 southwestern alabaster - - -- 146 BENCHES— measurements of____--- 70-71, 95 OM Plea tek Vale as = aoe 86, 91-92 spectator’s in Hopi kiva___ 55-56 BETATAKIN— cultural period of_-------- 18 Gatevol 62 A= Jee 24 BisHops Cap, N. Mex., dis- COVerIes alesee eno see 3 188 INDEX Page Page BISON, EXTINCT, remains of____ 3 | CavEs— BLACK-ON-RED WARE— evidence in, of cultural characteristics of__-___- 124-129 PIOSTesS io. oon 6. CONCLUSIONS (ONe eee es 165 remains of houses in_____-_ 6 Gescribede ys iio Da ae 110 temporary occupation of___ 5 identification marks on__ 128-129 use Of =~ 3) ee 4 BLACK-ON-WHITE WARE, charac- Ceramics. See Porrrery. BOTIBtIC: Ole so Le eae 109 | CEREMONIAL CHAMBERS. See Bianco, mention of__________- 20 Kivas. BonE— CEREMONIAL OBJECT described. 140 implements of_________- 135-138 | Cuaco Canron— ornamental objects of___ 138-139 characteristic pottery of___ 117 polished, punches and awls period of constructional ac- 5 a ste i a A ah i 138 TiViby Ab.) ee eee 156 Bonrs— reference to bonework at__ 137 animals represented by__-- 135 reference to kiva of_______ 92 human, associated with ex- reference to masonry of___ 100 tinet animais.-~ = 2 3 reference to pottery of. 120, 121, Bow aND ARROW, introduction 122, 124, 131 Cpa bY fal gid canes ale ony 8 ap 8 SuUrUCtures in. = ae 17 BowLs— CuHaco CULTURE— decoration of__._._____- 119-131 characteristic of... ___= 29 (elt 2. 2ipt sj Rallies ae eave 109 INGICATIONS Ola |= eee 86 BuriaLs— CHACO STRUCTURES— adult, number of______--- 152 characteristic of | .2- =e = 29 conclusions drawn from__ 168-169 MALONEY OLS 7 ee 29 Gescribed =.) ce es 152-156 | Cuaves Pass, mentioned______ 20 Alexei s ease ee aes re ae 153 | CHaves Pass REGION, reference in abandoned oven___-___-_ 45 to pottery Of... 2) See 115-116 in refuse mounds________- 152 | CHECKERBOARD DESIGN— in storage bins__---_-_--- 5 on pitchers—~ 2 322 Seo 118 infant, near fireplace___-__-_ 152 Use. Ofs 2 25 ee ee 120, 121, 125 of children, discussed___-___ 153 | Coettro Kerrte— orientation in.) 2u eee 153 mentionsol!- =e eee 90, 91, 92 position of body in_______- 153 size Of Kiva ates eee 96 CaMEL, bones of, in New CHEVLON, mention of________-_ 20 Mexico 23 2 44 he! peered 3 | Curmney Rock PusEsLo, refer- CANTEENS— ence tot. 25 sie 29-31 decoration of. = 114 | Cuiprpep points, found with aescribedisa i 4.52 vee 108 extinct bisona) 222) 25 ee 3 handles! ofiw 2) eo ae 108 | Cuasstc Era— CANYON DE CHELLY, reference meaning of the term______ iy! * 1 ER RDI ASE ht eee Bia 79 movement of peoples at Canyon DEL Muerto, painted Close of _ 232 2 12-13 IVR GNOte sro ee she 79 | CuimatTE— CARVING, STONE______ 61-62, 147-149 effect of changes in______-_ 11-12 Casa Buanca, reference to_____ 18 of the Zufii region_____-__ 27 Casa GRANDE, representative of CLOUD-BLOWER PIPES, absence mixed cultures. 4 20 2) eS a a eS RIE ON 133 Casa Rinconapa, kiva com- COAHUILA CAVES, Basket Maker pared jwith® jae see ea 96 culture ine 4 2. eee 15 CavE BEAR, bones of, in New Cotor oF porTeRy, affected by 1.0 (54 (co Rae ea Face IS AGI 3 firings 202 ie See 110. INDEX 189 Page Page CoLtorapo CoLLEGs, reference Depressions in floor of great toe ce ee EN 73 Rivas coud yee ge 88 CoLORADO VILLAGE, period of-_- 20 | Design— ConsTRUCTION— balanced, use of -____----- 113 granaries first form of-_--- 5 checkerboard pattern in--_ 116 See also DWELLINGS; KIvas; combined solid and ha- Masonry; WALLS. Churesinid eet ea ege 127-128. Corn— elements of 2245252. see 112 introduction of ___-------- 4 fret, example of_________- 12>: Storagetore. SNlcith Oe CAGE 4 on painted ware_______- 112-133 Corn GODDESS— Bolted 2 eo CRN eae HP Op ae aie” symbols OTTO ae EOS 61, 143 use of bands in_____ 119, 124-125 Zuhi explanation of------ 143 use of slip paint in______ 131, 132 Coronabo— use of triangles in___-_-_- 116, 117 mention of_-------------- 21 See also DECORATION. Zufi region traversed by-- 27 | Disxs, porrery, use of ____-_-- 133 Cortez, Coto., painted kivas DoMESTICATION OF ANIMALS in é ir He lating pha i BoA 79 Toni region... oo oe ee 26 leat oan of : : Moguwian RADLES, change am orm OF---- Ilaekced fect sre oe ee 32, 41, 101 CREMATION, no evidence of__-. 154 é : conclusions drawn from____ 160 CuLtTuRE, affected by mixtures eae 8 corner, reference to-_------ 31 LR lar ite ual maa a explanation for lack of ---_- 101 CULTURE PERIODS— ‘ : lateral-extertor_ =~ 22 _"S2s2 36 character of, explained-_--- 14 * aoe ‘ possible association of, with Gabesoheyiee sos ee 24 p ; TENGE eee rae a er rere 54 evidence for sequence of___ 22-25 Ayre i significance of, discussed___ 101 nomenclature of_----_---- 14-25 ‘ See also ENTRANCES. overlapping of 22222210 2ae se 14 Doveuas, A. E.— See also MatTreRIAL CUL- é : ‘ ee method of, in dating ruins. 23-24 Cusuina, F. H., theory of, con- Tuin dated by~---—-—~-7-- ie cerning kivasyv222 ool 2e 51 DwELLincs— DAGGERS, OLONEL ae aeons 136 abandonment A tieesk ses Lae 20, 21 Dawson, Lex, ruins excavated described - ---_--_- 28-47, 98-103 ys eee es OD: 79 development of_____------ 9 DrEcoraTION— enlargement of. ____.--.-. 98 combined solid and _ha- entrance to__------------ 7 chured= 2 UTaih. 10 Rok, 113 lack of remains of, for early Saverio seine fn. 130, 131, 132 ptage--~--------------- 4 life forms used in______- 122-123 reuse of material in______- 21 on kiva wall: ___ 2222222 78 superposition of__-------- 22, 43 on nonculinary vessels__ 112-133 terraced, growth of ______- 10 summary of_______-____-- 165 terraced, introduction of__- 10 use of star figures in_ ____-_ 114 unit type of-_----------- 10 at eee hae 112-113 See also PiT DWELLINGS; See also DESIGN. PUEBLO DWELLINGS; DrEFLECTORS— Rooms. described _____- 56, 74, 78, 82, 84 EARTH LODGE. See PIT DWELL- different types of ________- 56 INGS. measurements of_ 62, 76, 80, 82,85 | Errigy HEADS, conclusions purpose Of 5545) seeds ae ee 56 drawn fromloe 824 juss 2k ass 168 StONCIRIA Oe ea ey 82 | ELpEN PuEBLO, mention of__-. I11 190 INDEX Page Page ENTRANCES— GRANARIES, preservation of____ 4 change in type of__._.___< 54 | Graves— discussion of - - -_-..------ 36-37 depth of i21 Sei og 154 location of, as a means of knowledge derived from__- 5 g ¢ ea tamer tages 3 36 | Great Bown at Chettro Kettle, ee also Doorways. iva ecrbared sath 96 FEATHER ROBES, fur replaced by__ 8 “| i YRROR AD Tirmsues— GREAT KIVAS— concretions used as_____ 144-145 an addition to pueblo---__- 3l found in kiva_......____- 61-62 comparison of size of_____- 96-97 Fewxes, J. W.— conclusion drawn from__ 161-162 reference to______________ 55, depressions in floor of ____- 88 106, 111, 115, 137, 142, 143 deseribed ten nntyy cites 50, 86-96 tidory, of... si aalunaeiet bs 73 development of______----- 50 Fieips, location of___..______- 103 function of=- *2322s2e Rater 50-51 FIRE ALTAR, discussion of _____~- 90-91 interior features of____-__- 86 Fink Boxssmasonry 45" o2 ese =-e 90 not yet excavated_---__-- 97 Free Pits— period of construction of. 156-157 described _______--- 57, 67, 82, 84 problem of spread of -_---- 157 Aan EI, ACPA PRI 102 significance of_2—22.a8s—44 86 lined with masonry -_____-_- 75 subfloor vaults in________- 88-89 measurements of _-_- ~~ -_-- 63, | Gypsum Cave, NeEv., discov- 66, 71, 76, 80, 82-83, 85, 96 eTlésvebwse eS 8 a 3-4 of great kiva, described _ -- 90 | HacuurE— outdoor _-_-.-.-.---- 38-39, 44 design composed of__---~-- 117 FLoop water, use of, for irri- two styles of_______-____- 113 u gation____---_--------- 103 use of, in ‘desion®~"s 72a" 126 ie aa HAcHURED DECORATION— leveled by filling Fon de oEN, wy 38 Chaco Canyon form of__--- 113 a great kiva, depressions be Upper Gila form of ____- 113, 114 Pei apnea a 2 sa HaNDLES— gous eee cue ee cea decoration of___ 115, 119, 124, 133 meaning of, in petroglyphs_.. 150 method of attachment of__ 107 Fouisom, N. Mex., discoveries mushroom headed - - - - - --- 115 atone ine lt OY, 3 of canteens=2 2.5 ae 108 Fousom pornts, reference to___ 145 of culinary pitchers - --_- 106-107 ForRKED LIGHTNING RUIN, ref- of culinary vessels Wace: 105 areriGeeel ioe RAMA Tes ae 18 of ladles or dippers___----- 108- Four CorRNERS AREA, Basket 109, 124, 133 Malorne tee 15-16 of pitchers__----..-24---- 108 FRET DESIGN— polychrome ladle, de- CXEMplOfOhe = nn 2 ee Ses 122 Scribedsesa=-veeebese 133 wauhisttion orld 20) WP 125 stimup type of i =saeee 115 Froa, associated with rain_____ 148 | HawikuH— GALIsTEO Basin, period of Peo 4 «os 2228 eee 21 UU SON ete te, PEPE Oe 20 reference to bonework of... 137 Game in the Zufii region_--- - __ 26 reference to kivas of___--- 90 Gero Gaops, Hopi name for__.. 143 reference to pottery from. 113, 115 Gita Bas1n— reference to stonework of__ 142 relation of, to Pueblo cul- subfloor vaults at______ 58, 59, 70 turesicteckve des LOLI 19-20 | Heap pEFORMATION— separate growth of culture custom. of... cut EER 154 INS oe oe Sh ee 14 Introduction of. 22225-5=—— 9 — See also Toous. IncLosureEs, of unknown use_. 46—47 InsEcTs represented in petro- 150 INDEX 191 Page Page HEADS, STONE— Jounson Canyon, painted kiva described... --- 61-62, 147-149 Teste eee 79 signifieance:ofiiss . s+ 149 | Katroina NICHE— Hewett, Epear L., reference deseribedie Laks Jona 78, 82, 84 BOs Gece by meatedlrin Kg! 8 90 in Miva Ghalsdooge Jo obs 70 Hopag, F. W., reference to-_ --_- 58, measurements of____ 71, 81, 83, 85 70, 73, 90, 118, 115, 137, 142, 144 purpose.of 210 250 _yaADsges 60 HOLEs IN FLOORS— KawatoKuH— measurements of- -_ --- 63, 77, 85 date\of Soneuoes alae 24 of great) Kiva: 2) eu eseusdl 91 mentioned 22 4920218 4 pe 20 Homes, W. H., reference to__ 96, 106 | KayvEnTA piIsTRICT— Homo.tosi, mentioned_-_-_------ 20 exodus fromialewn. Laude 13 Hooron, E. A., estimate by, of structures) of {UL Bdliee fun 17 Pecos death rate________--_- 155 | KippErR anp GUERNSEY, refer- Hopi— enceitocc veo. salonogs ama 106 germ, gods of_jooLevsqoiay 143 | KintreEL— location of villages of- ---~- 21 dateyofeionsooge -: fle 24 niches in kivas of________- 60 reference to... 2eeeee 18 ovens of, described____-__-- 45 | KrsaKost, period of______----- 20 reference to ceremony of___ 143 | KitsreL-— sipapu rite abgyt Joe Leu 59 culture period of___--_---- 18 ‘Horst, Extinct, bones of, in Gateroloue BE 24 New. Mexieo. <2)... sets 3 | Kiva RECESS— Houck warE— construction of __------ 81, 83-84 conclusions on__-------- 165-166 described _ _-_---_---- 67-69, 72-73 decoration of__-__-- 130-131, 133 distribution iof__2 2-2-2 ee 56 type known as-_-------- 111-112 measurements of ___-_--- 70, 82, 85 Hoven, WALTER, reference to__ 73, purpose of... = Saas 55 106, 110, 142 | Krvas— Hovusrt REMAINS— aboveground, reason for--- 52 character.of 2. . Stave 27-28 circular, discussion of - - - -- 47-51 of Zuni Reservation__-__-_-_ 27-103 circular, in rectangular HUMPBACKED FLUTE PLAYER, TOOMSe oy See eS 49, 51, 67 meaning: of 2 Seok fe ese 150 circular, succeeded by rec- Hunt, Epwarp, an informant_ 59 tangular’ 2) cet .sd- 34 Ipots or ALosaka, Hopi name Cushing’s theory about_--~_ 51 for germvipodstie 4 _ 6 So 143 Deshapedscw eu. 72, 77-79, 81 IMMIGRATION, routes of________ 8 describedsewiniawar aes 67-72 IMPLEMENTS— detached position of-_----- 48-49 bone, conclusions drawn development of___-------- 48 from. 20 Boeuod ilo Wat 166 dirt, period*of Gice= 2 = -==5 75-76 bone, desecribed_______-_- 135-138 distribution of recess in_--- 56 chipped, discussed _ - ---- 145-146 explanation of lack of__ 161, 163 recovered from caves_---___ 5 featuresiofes_ 22 81, 83, 159-160 stone, conclusions drawn importance.of....... 21 982 98 frome ee el et a 166-168 incorporated in dwelling__- 29, 67 incorporated in terraced buildingsis a Sera ae ee 10 inside, construction of-_---- 65 kateina niche in--+-2- -1-- 60 lack of, discussed - - - - --- 101—102 measurements of____------ 62, 66, 70, 76, 80, 82, 84, 95 192 INDEX Page Page Kivas—Continued. Lonesome Puace, Zufii name of origin Obs ee ee 9 canyonel= ii 22 2.2 ee ; 1 original functions of__----- 64-65 | Lone H Rano, reference to___ 134, painted, of the Southwest_- 79 140, 145. position of spectators in, at Manos, examples Of) 3 juve 140 ACCOM A... Ho phstcinnsnatereney 56 | Marsu Pass, structures of ____- 17 present-day use of_____---- 64 | Masonry— purpose of recess in--~----- 55 conclusions drawn from____ 159 rectangular, discussion of__ 51-52 constructed over bowlder __ 43. resemblance of, to pit deterioration in quality of - 39 houses: _- = eaeere ie 48 differences in_.__________- 28, 29 roofing of, discussed_---- 50, 93-94 of large pueblo dwelling___ 29, 31 room opening into_-_-.---- 92 qualityofiacd§ine.&. 2 98-100" rooms converted into___--- 35-36 See also PILLARS; WALLS. TrOOmE, encircling_-— = “et 93 | MarTERIAL CULTURE— small, described _ - - - _ _- 52-62, 64 development of_________-- 7-8: small, incorporated in lesser objects of ________ 103-104 building... ab seqeue 64 See also CULTURE PERIODS. small, possible use of_-__- -- 60-51 | Mauits— small, typical features of__- 53 describedtaniachs ast gana 141 small circular, character- summary of types Offi. setae 167 SPICS Ofte sede toe eS 49 | MBALING BINS— subterranean dirt, D- described... cea ie= 44 BHaped..-. Je; dpb ae 83 location of rooms contain- subterranean dirt, features Ing... 2h: eaeeeeas 38 Of eWeek ings 72,77 metates in... lo.-chases 140 subterranean dirt, period of_ 84 significance of_.. -..-2---- 33 two, types of_._.-- bs see 47,159 | MrasuREMENTS— underground structure sim-- - Gi mipove._ . (2 2 96 ulated bysest Aevesteyn 49 df benches_ _. .-- 2204.28 70-71, 95 with decorated wall-_--_---_- 78 of defiectors___-- 62, 76, 80, 82, 85 Zuni form, compared with of fire pitessidev mes? Je 63, Secular rooms______wiase 49 66, 71, 76, 80, 82-83, 85: See also GREAT KIVAS. of holes in floors___---- 63, 77, 85 KNIFE BLADES— of katcina niches__- 71, 81, 83, 85: conclusionsionzo4)4 4 seule 167 of Aivas Jeet - ssc 6 62, described... ened, 145 66, 70, 76, 80, 82, 84, 95 KoxopnyaMa, mentioned_--- -- 20 tables “of 3445424. 171-178 KicHaptuvELa, mentioned --- 20 | Mesa VERDE— LADDERS, entrance by means of_ 36-37 bone scrapers of__--~------ 137 LaDLES— date of cliff houses of__---- 24 decoration of___ 123-124, 131-133 painted kiva ofs..--.--2: 79 described ohec_ bs wobteruue 108 reference to ware of__----- 124 LANDSLIDE, rooms abandoned structures ons_cus3seeees 17 pecause Of) 2k = fe een ahaa 35 | MeraTEs— Lire rors in decoration____ 122-123 change in type of__----.-- 33 LittLeE CoLoRADO REGION, ref- conclusions drawn from____ 167 erence to pottery of__---- 174 PLS: desernbedinesas42¢ 432 5% 139-140 122, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130 gradedey..)_ t.).9gaheqeaie 37 LitTLe CoLorapo River, struc- number of, in mealing bins_ 37 LUFeH, ON... eal. te 2b 18 | Miaration, into the Southwest- 8 LitTLE COLORADO WARE, type MIMBRES CULTURE, position of, calleds Ost AT 20 (AB sees TOL in southwestern chronology - - 19 INDEX 193 Page Page MimBRrEs VALLEY, pottery of_.__ 18-19 | PEcos— MINDELEFF, Cosmos, reference mentioned... s#ncuumieee 21 LO gre eee = PU gags fe NB el Ae 79 period of weer sek was ae 20 MIsHONGNOVI, removal of _ - --- 21 | PeENasco Buianco, reference to_ 29 MIXTURE OF PEOPLES, effect of_ 8 | PenpDants— 3 Morris, E. H.— Geibone 2 > sels Ce 139 fire altar described by----- 90-91 of stone. 2 2-28. we ae 146, 147 reference to______- 79, 89, 91, 106 | PEopuss, effect of mixture of___ 8 Mortars described____------- 140 MorTUARY OFFERINGS, location Bhs UR s A A. OUI ihe 153 Mucs— decoration ofiteo hs © Home 119 fragmentary =e Se ae 109 Mummy CAVE, reference to__-__- 18 Navasos— OLigin Of 22 2 hala ee A 11 rock drawings of_________- 152 NIcHE IN KIVA— described) 10 Jos vb 60 measurements of_________- See also KaTCINA NICHE. NOMADIC PEOPLE movements ofi 22/2220 02.2 11-12 of the Southwest____--_--- 2 NORDENSKIOLD, G., reference 13) Sep ANaE eI Fahy ab 2%! 79, 106 Norris, a farming village of the ARIMIETERIOME yo eB, 27 Norria Canyon, archeological] WORK IN 22 EL A 0 1 Nourria CREEK, described_____- 25-26 Oso CALIENTE— a farming village______-__- 27 pit dwellings near_-__-_----- I OrarBiI— culture period of____-_---- 20 occupied in sixteenth cen- DUA VE No. send irs 21 ORNAMENTS— DONG es. Bathe Re Meas hu 1388-139 StOMe ee ee ve se st 146-147, 168 See also Braps. Ovens— Uta Ramses kos 2 Ba at 152 GIS CURBSEG pare Eli ee phe a, 44-45 measurements of_________-_ 45-46 pi-gummi, described___-_--- 44-46 On STOTT ede es sn 151 PAINT GRINDERS, described _.-_ 142 ParntTeD Kiva Houss, reference GOs eg Uys ee pcos 79 Perper, Geo. H., reference to. 15, 137 Prscapo, a farming village of the Zui region... 22.2222 27 Prescapo CREEK, described____ 25 PEsTLES— lack..of ... 1d Iasthn abs 140 used in paint grinders__-__- 142 PETROGLYPHS— description of 22 222-2222 149-152 meaning of... 2). ase 149-152 summary /(ofeessh_csisiet 168 symbolism of .._... 5-jayn4s 151 PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS— Mongodloid__.__..-._.... 24 8 new groups shown by-___-~ 8 non-Mongoloid___-___---- 6 ofjearly tribes 54 selee ast 5-6 racially mixedson 4248 jae 6 PI-GUMMI OVEN— . {OO as) V0 te 2p apenas ME ae 152 described sgcpu ihe, sparse seety 44-46 Pivasters, lack of___-_---- 53-54, 67 PILLARS, MASONRY— atvAZtecu wey tis suse 88 construction) ofs- 28s" —_& 87-88 measurements of____------ 95 roof supported by__-_----- 86 PIPES, TUBULAR, absence of---_ 133 Pit DWELLINGS— change in entrance to__-_-- 9 D-shaped... 4-2... pee ae described is ein cet ee @ modified form of______---- 9 near Ojo Caliente___._---- 1 Origin of jas ee 6-7 survival of, in peripheral. Fepions ae g Pit OvVEN— qesenbede 225) 75. eee 44-46 measurements of___.------ 45-46 PircHeRs— culinary, described _-_---- 106-107 decoration, Of -2 2-2). =e 117 desenbedea. 325 ee 108 typical designs for__------ 118 194 INDEX Page Page Pits— Puresio Bonrro—Continued. measurements of____------ 96 reference to_ 29, 35, 91, 92, 131, 137 used as ladder rest__-_---- 66 BIZe OL KIV a ile eee 96 See also FIRE PITS. PUEBLO CULTURE, origin of the PLUMED SERPENT, description term s-teie neers 4 ae 15 Df 2a ee eee 147-148 | Pursio pet Arroyo, reference PoLYCHROME WARE— ¢oomasonry ofwulizasel: sales 100 described _ _--_-- 110-112, 129-133 | PurBLO DWELLING, LARGE— example of, described_ --_ _- 114 additions to____- 31, 35-36, 39-41 type ofsiies B28 sea fe 165 deserihed: ~-54.2s444veehe 28-47 PoruLaTION, estimate of______- 155 resemblance of, to Chaco PoTsHERDS— structures 2. date 24 evidence furnished by - - - -- 80 stages in development of_-_- 28 trade indicated by --_------ 23 | PurBLo DWELLINGS— PorreRy— conclusions drawn from_... 162 color of, affected by firing-. 110 See also DWELLINGS. composition of, according Ronucotonseee to Se ea eee a 104 enemies.of_.. 23 sue aaa 10-11 conclusions drawn from__ 162-163 migration of). .2.9neam 8, 11-12 corrugated----~-------- 104, 106 movement of___=. - eee 13-14 culinary, characteristics Te ee ee 14 of ROO Le Ee 104, 106, 164 PuEBLO PERIOD I— culinary, shapes of__------ 105 ee a eee 24 development of------.---- 9 distribution of remains of.__ 16-17 introduction of ----.------ 7 eastern phase of___-__--_- 16 ciadiinacy: Gharentclniogno 8 |.) eee ae i! pe ’ > ie ae 104-105, 164-165 naire ty Ls de ihe add nonculinary, shapes of_-_--_- 105 a eer 24 noneulinary » types of --.--- 105 period designated _-_-_-_---~- 17 period represented by__. 104, 164 pigment differences in_____ 1g | Pussio Prrrop Ly red, with polished black Gates of toca eee ae sehte iia: dee eheeterreuricens 112 period designated a=etusosa 17-18 summary of decoration of__ 165 ruins belone mes] 17-18 summary of kinds of... 164-165 | PU=BLo0 Psrrop IV— techniques in making_____- 18 dates of ___---- = "Sc88com 24 typical of periodand locality 18 i at a ruins of first Pe phase jofwetyis tf. hates tse of fragments of... 133| examples of ruin of second with appliqué decorations.. 106 phase of_-_-_---------- 20 PRAYER sTICKs, deposited in Pia fer at -Soooaee ee micheseitent =. I es 61 pottery Of_-~~------------ Proro-Mrsa VERDE WARE, ref- two phases of _ --_-------- 19 grencestets. 119, 120, 124 | PuzBLo Pertop V— PROVENIENCE OF ARTIFACTS, dates, Of = 2 — a. et. 24 tables Ofte. see badh 172-178 examples of villages of _---- 21 PruppEn, T. M., reference to__ 15 stage designated by------- 21 PuEBLO BoniTo— PUEBLO REVOLT, mention of__-_ 21 approximate culture period Pursxo Virso, mortar found at_ 142 Offs. ote ee ee 156 | Puncu, made of bone_-__------ 137 date ofuce et. 2e eee 24 | Poytperiod of. 202. 25 20 decorated scrapers at____-- 137 | PyorrupA, presence of, among motcenvnOls ee Aces Soe 117 Indians.:3 ot Sh. ee 155 INDEX 195 Page Page RaInFALL, selection of sites Rovuins—Continued. infiuencedsby_.-2 222 Baie 26 method of dating____-_____ 23-24 Recess. See K1va RECESS. of Pueblo IV period___-___- 20 Rep Paint Canron— Satt RiveR District, pottery investigations at__.------- 158 Of sue Sao eee 111, 114 muaip Car 2. SR ps sap 27 | San Crisrosat, period of _ _ ___- 21 Rep Paint Puace, Zufi name of San ILpEFoNsO, period of _____- 21 LTE) pay heli tidy Taal eae 1 | San Juan arReA, abandonment RED WARE, with polished black Obi. che ee ee ee 12-13 INTETIONT Bae e ft tees Ape ah. 112 | San Juan River, reference to ReEFvsE, disposal of_---------- 103 Seay, along Se ae aes 100 Rims, shape OF oe MOT AS SAD 109 San Lazaro, period OLe St a ReN 21 Rito pE Los FRIJOLES, painted Santa Cran, period of ._--.--- be i jd NCCT oat eee Ne tp Fa) Peak «i Beet ee bone, described. _ 425-22 137 community, place for_-___-- 160 Ble sae {eae TEMES a0 182 fraternity, place for__---- 34, 160 Bint ORO wake dbacun 118 tribal, performed in kiva_-_- 34 Hevavibied, \.\vocse qkeciauen 106 Roserts, Linpa B., work of_-- 2 Suamieriod of |. 2 nti tints 20 Roor— SHONGOPOVI, removal of ______- 21 form of, for early kivas__-_. 49 | SpowLow— great kiva, postulated form PeMiodkothuid: sleet Loe 20 Ol nnn a 93-94 PUINSKOLS Hyon ee ea 18 kiva, two forms of ____---- 50 SHuMOPOVI, removal of _ ___-__-- 21 lack of, over recess__-____- 55 | SrxyaTKr, mentioned_________- 20 Divalep vee 93-94 | orpapu— supported by masonry pil- described _------ 57-58, 78, 82, 84 lars————- ~~ ~~ 4. 86-87, 93 explanations for__-----_-- 57 timbers of, supported by TCI, on, tacit a aitel it Senate 65, 67 pilasters__.__----------- 49 meaning of presence of __ ___ 159 Rooms— measurements of_ 63, 77, 81, 83, 85 abandoned and filled with MAINES LOT pei 57 TESUSC ae ee 41 possible presence of __~---- 91 bowlder forming wall of - -__ 46 sandstone, and cover----_-- 144 built on abandoned rooms__ 42 Symbelism Of:ece.--- gue 57 containing kiva features--- 33 | SKELETAL MATERIAL, condition converted into kiva_-_-_--~-- 35-36 Py Fiee ge te ah A, ek) Sm 154 destroyed by fire___-------- 100 | Suip, method of producing___. 109-110 encircling kiva_____-_-__-- 93 | Srora— of pueblo described ___ - _- 100-101 bones of, in New Mexico-_-__ 8 opening into kiva_____--_--- 92 man contemporaneous with 3 partitioned into two-_____-- 32 | Snaxe Kiva, reference to_____- 79 rectangular, ceremonial use SouNDING BOXES, vaults pos- igh S we eee ee Bea 3 Bibly used for... —.--- 4sses% 90 second-story._----------- 42 | Sournwest— use of, as fraternity cham- climate of, favorable to ces ee eae 100 preservation of objects_- 5 used for storage_______---- 41 movement of peoples in___ 8, 11 Rowe, pueblo of, mentioned __-_- 20 prehistoric inhabitants of - 2 Rvuins— States included in archeo- CVSS (0) 1 na oe eee 156-157 logical field of... 122+ 2 CL AUCSHOT ee eee ares file Flys 24 study of remains in_---_-- 2 196 INDEX SPEAR POINTS— Page | TEETH— Page conclusions on____-_---- 167-168 condition of, in skeletal re- Geseribed=2 2-28 v.82 10 Dee 146 MAINS 356 225-e0 aee 154-155 See also CHIPPED POINTS. extractionvofo2 212 see = 154 SPEAR THROWERS, recovered TERRACED DWELLINGS, introduc- | FLOM? CAVES= 2 = 2 2 ee 5 mon Of... 5.28 eee 10 STEVENSON, JAMES, reference TESUQUE, ‘period of 4. 22 ae 21 iif pee ene eee he cal ¢ Aaa a 79 | THUMB-NAIL DECORATION of Stiruine, M. W., acknowledg- Povlery - 2. 2255.25 104 MENG tO sas alo rae 59 | Toots— Stone— kinds of, used in excavat- heads carved from__-_____-_ 61- Ip So! os ee eee 52 62, 147-149 See also IMPLEMENTS. objeets of 2250 Pore rade 139-149 | TREE RINGS, use of, in dating varieties of, used in im- PUlNS. 2 o DA ee ee 23-24 plementg_-- DOU sie 139 | Trotter, G. A., acknowledg- See also IMPLEMENTS. ment tos: 22 Ok ee 2 STONE SLABS— TuBEs, of bone, described _ -- _- 138 perforated, use of _______~_- 73 | TURKEY CALLS, made of bone__ 138 ring-shaped: 2222/2230) 73 | TURKEYS; pens for___-__- ae 47 to protect ladder________- 74, 84 | TurquoisE— StonEs— as-an offering = 422 5 e2 ee 58 Ommamentedeo 22.2 eo aes 144 lack of ornaments of _____-_ 147 used as pottery polishers... 145 mosaic of, on bonework__-__ 135 STONEWORK— TyYuonyf, period ‘of 222222 == 20 techniques used in_______- 139 | Unir strucTUREs described ___- 10 See also IMPLEMENTS. Upper Gita— STOPPERS FOR JARS— reference to pottery of____-_ 117, FORMS (OP. IS ee nce ND 141 122, 124, 127, 129, 130 significance of___________- 167 Eiructures of-—_ =. 18 STORAGE BINS, secondary use of_ 5 | Upper GiLa pDIsTRIicT, people STORAGE POCKET, built into from, at Zufi village________ 39-40 corner of wall, 2's Meee ae 31 | Upper Gita wars, black-on- STORY of the owl. 2.222.221 220 151 white, example of___________ 114 STRATIGRAPHY— VAULTS, SUBFLOOR— explanation? of is Jers 22 characteristic of Zufiregion. 53-54 pottery sequence deter- CoVerings Tor? sf eee 59 mined byt. ALS TAM 2k 22 described — ____2'- 58, 69-70, 88-89 WSC 3 Olea ay tn cre errr are Ne 22 discussion of function of___ 89-90 Sun symsBot, Navano, drawn measurements of____ 63, 71, 95-96 Os Fla oY 6) fle ae pli lp ly en 152 possible use of: 27-22 {722 59, 90 Swastika, use of, in design-__ 121, 122 | VenrT stone, setting of________ 74 SymMBoLismM— VENTILATOR— of kivasniche22 io ett 24 71s 60 Construction ole. == 55, of pictographst _.22292. 22 149 73, 77-78, 81, 83-84 of sipapie ee 2 YL Dee 57 deseribed ssc ee 54-55 TABLES— kiva form of, in secular of measurements of arti- TOOMY Woe 2 Soe oe 37 facts2200 OL Baeny Te 172-178 measurements of_________ 62, of measurements of ruins__ 171 66, 71, 76, 80, 82, 85 of provenience of §arti- of double construction_____ 67 factss_O1 Lu Liaat 4 172-178 OFiginiOl 21 Paes eee 9, 54 aos, period of 2. 0 UtOl, Lege 21 subfloor type________~_.2 54 —— INDEX 197 Page Page VENnTILATOR—Continued. WATER JARS— unusual feature of - ---_-_-- 73 deseribed)oiou4 2 ub A oe 107 RIT OG Ay tes ese ce ESI 1 54 handles of sot ae 107 VENTILATOR-DEFLECTOR— WEAPONS— occurrence of, in secular recovered from caves__-_-___ 5 10) 3110S Rn ERR ie 34 See also CHIPPED POINTS. Slgmineance.Ofo2 =o 34 | WeTHERILL, RicHARD, origina- VESSELS. See PoTTERY. tor of the term ‘Basket VILLAGE OF THE GREAT Kitvas— IVa eerie Una a Oe 15 approximate date of__-_-_-- 169 | WuuistiEs, made of bone_______ 138 choice location of___--_---- 164 | Wuire House, reference to____ 18 component parts of______-_ 158 | WipE Ruins, reference to_____-_ 18 length of occupancy of___ 155-156 | Wupark1, structures at________ 18 order of development of_._ 158 | Yucca, use of, in basketry_____ 134 Populationvol ee 22 — fe 2 155 | Zosi— VILLAGES— rooms on top of rooms at__ 42 abandonment of__-_-_------- 12-13 thenmain: puebloze 22222222 27 Cunlyitormiof ys) oo. .’ | Zui Basin, described________- 26 of the Zufii region_--_-_--_--- 27 | Zot Inprans, interest of, in ex- WaLis— CAVaALIONS =O: ee 2p: Sor Se 1 height of, in great kiva_--- 94 | ZuN1 REGION— painted, occurrence of-_--- - 79 described kines D2 aw eee 25-27 Ghickness Of. 2255382 64, 72 oecupationof. 222s.) Fee 27 W aLPi— ZuNt RESERVATION— first: village of—..2-.5..-5-2 29 archeological work on- ---- 1 TEMOV AiO. Hs eee 21 house remains of________- 27-103 second village of_--------- 20-21 pie pcre ; er iyieetn wt Ja pera Tass | i“ r ie cHodged ai a atts ADHD iy Cie Bie u ni tb x + — G0} Go adios 7 ¥ *. ‘ ras {re uy niavom ants ; s a pn bh Sap cghBOX ; hactiyoue ts Mead iTS ee Lh dossotiit “Brcanécel eas Hye diets a nS at ol ola parmia Yas a "n dari moe ue a tt ee eet ot. ob AD TRY vote oot por), MOA YSaBest To’ a, 2 Er nie ladiaoloadary. a 4”, GOT X¢ pe : ahi ai gente aie, f ai ay Povey ee sane Ris Ce ric PMitane We wo 4: Sane we ol eRe PRO ars) hel dG . ; “en cea Bvt mw x : : cans i BS tary 4 et RS Bere Weld inet Ne wth avid veh Wey cael My 3) uhh era ae Fi hha rary i Yih ad wm : Ween! mr in ge Ua BELAY ea ti wads | v4 fare CEQhayiny On pri tind Far : | ig by i J Legal tite cowie all ee a : a, ae qe ited: Leman ef Cae ae ay > es a ee aa Aa, iryitg AA Pema ey aM ae phy eke vol rveihie aor oe as Oa ee pa eR VENT WeOwR Hohe By Ob. pd Mat » Es foe , ‘ NORA TOR «« ; ey MEW, That A wl exter etyatde : OO MemATAphW Gis. oe ‘ aah a pron ee ' OP RE rae 7 , wat hdd od ' } ‘i il iy n ) } , Sl ae a Z FE. ig Mk 1 OM aad he «fc ho Hvnmtbestbucotn OCs al ik CM ae 7a} 691, ae “ee eo ptiavenietad Calico whis Basar era BH I F a Wit et 1u7 Le) a... ; oc ee TET te oe ‘x ‘o | - —- meat — rome mar, : hs : fv i > , * nf 4 Ae ts i Th ap is ih aii vt REL ae it - 7 ; ne py : i ey ia ai 1% ba wi a Waa { od b ib vey ' he ie a a 4 pers ie ry lof an es Poy b d aa NIAN INSTITUTION LIBRAR SMITHSO “IMM 3 90 II 88 01421 8556