it “ :
IVY
” >
351
aX
a
itt y PM ORC WEARON isn
er “ 3 i MP eh ar
sata 3 : ea dl, ‘3 4y " *)
¢ 4
: AR ate UO DD
AAT eae: vy
‘ "
Had data aa
DF eM Ue pe BT AS
air}
‘
Bis
aa
’ '
;
‘
tot
te 4
ss 4 ‘
i?
Ty .
‘ ‘
4 sere eal
rm ORT] Teas taled
? } ! . wy ht
ee
if
a ,
* .
A]
{
’ 1 4
,
a x
i” v } a
sorte te tet AO ee TL ae
MRL D Parte Looe vine A
ty yt Oi yulo vs)
\
'
;
1
’
'
'
; ‘
j
5
\
J
=F Ss
ee =
ot
Ae
3
OUT
ix eet |
i ae i
MA
Lae
ETHNOLOGY
RESO
aegeres
UTION
y
I
[NSTIT
CAN
M. :
if
7
.
OF
By
Tl
:
EAU
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 117
HISTORICAL
AND ETHNOGRAPHICAL MATERIAL
ON THE JIVARO INDIANS
By M. W. STIRLING
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1938
a lee a Ne
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - - - - Price 35 cents
i on mea ‘ahd
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Burravu oF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., July 1, 1937.
Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled
“Historical and Ethnographical Material on the Jivaro Indians”, by
M. W. Stirling, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin
of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
M. W. Srretine, Chief.
Dr. C. G. Axzzor,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.
ie
Oe es red eum, eat ae
| ee suk my or, Be th | SA Mae
sonkiios ancora hy
du qe oy iat both
ay
CONTENTS
Pages
IE oY ine Si, Se A ee ee ME ee Ix
LET oA RR Re rs Ue an SRE ee oe 1
DECIR EISSES G d ahaln ectag h 3
ae Benavente expedition -_ 2222-2... =---. eee Sette SURE PD 5
I PIRES cesses Speen SS vee ee Ae Ny ln 8 EN a 8
NICS IPs Sa a Ts Se ee eee a 16
EE a A 0S ae ch A ee Pee Va es 2 ti 18
eeeeeneniiion of Don Jerénimo Vaca___.____--_..._..._-..---=—- 20
oe ED OUTS PSECTDS S07 71: aa enn Re a a 23
NI hehe De 2 28
Account of the government of Yaguarzongo and Pacamurus- -_-_----_- 28
fe cing a pantiaco de las Montafias...__. .. --. 29
TELE LISS NSS i Se SS eS 2 2 ee 31
ee MRED SEL AAURERNS 5 de = ee aed 33
The city of Santa Maria de las Nieves_______-_ Pp NE 35
PEEL UTE —— EOP TONG. 2 es ee 36
8 TET EAD DEPRES aes a egy Oe ees eet! Ae 38
ee eee eee 4]
ae ie MRI TEND ASIEN 2 2 25k nt eee epee. oy i Sahl 50
ee eUICMBEMEINGHED IIE: CSANGSAN Sc 56
ee CREASES ce Seared oe eel SC Tc Ae an ee eI ye Seely ok 59
FS 2. se ne ager ane a Ie esl rs eS one Rees 61
0 ee 1 EL POSE PEPoUg LSS PS 61
SPE RDUMETRESE ICL 9 foe gee a ee on ee ae 63
Si PINE EOE RBaretEsO) CPR 2 os eS) ee i es ea 67
0 PL FED ITE putea ate Si blag tet i rao lads eh va 72
Se) UE EP EVE + PEST SUT eg legac a oe ed Rp lege 75
(2 Sen LES LES CT AST ace pl ea ISO IP ep i ORLA a lyn eee 76
en ePEEEIIE e en ne Ore a ree ey eM he 78
LE Lo ED nk eaten eda el el 2 Seale lie eh adie er gir pear eme 80
ce be REDD EOTLS aE ec AMR a a aes a ee a Od oe 85
i nen Tee SeERIIRNINCTG 2 Se ee ee ee 87
lS LE be a a eT RN SN mp eT ee 87
cD SE TE LTTE 2S iced copa RES SEE, ee = ee ee CR RE 89
Sc aeNmRDE ORDERS SCG LEREE cr wl MSPs OY no: io 2 by SNC as ee 91
ow PL ELL DOLE NE EEE TEE Se is ag teen oa eae SRR Se Oil) oe en ea 92
Ra MMR OPIS NORDIN IIINES fe cecteta ne Nac eg Sea ea ye ee re RS ee 94
Set MPCEAITIS (2 ek EC Mees eel eet ee ce A 96
pea URN EMATEITECTES © = So ees Se Vi RR Oe So he 99
eR OP sg PN lg Ed SA I Ss 103
ween eer bee bree eee Le SBS em 8 ASD} 103
i ineeeeipeesmerr er ate tee ee Oey ee egee 2 Bat MR ER E., DCaRE Ee 104
oo DLE Ete alee Sl Te sh RS 107
ere oe ON kp Ps oe ERR hos We A 108
TIES SE oe ee i a te a ny ig ee ee 108
came aneae Ge 2 enema amen OS ES Lh EO AS SES ee Sees 111
DEeRieeren nami eS he PR a PL Ae iia, Sas. Sere 112
Pn MISaNEE MODEEME RTA Wipne MRT: fF Ph Ses 1 eR Prey ee eae ee eA 115
LILES BLE EET SRA 2 ne Ske OI A See eS 121i
The Nuhiifio or “Earth Story” of the Jivaros___......_.........---- 124
1) DDD aR 8 oe OS hey Re ce Bo oe ie oe Ce ae 131
LE BL ee Sk Se ae a eG AL gE Re 139
‘| —_ K Peseta aE :
{ ; dey
i ‘
ae _ ee ct
0, ¢
Ee ee
-" io) bn
te
5B Sia se Sn ote C0 ee ee phy aS Sond aan Ww? tip) ate RY ie ms ee
Ms “ - ah ile he ie a eet od ay passe BA eles
+ Vickey By dk ae tem nl, He 4 ip aed "ors iy z: ,
ts sh
* “ . x a ny " a me a oy "
4 , - Se IED i
MW) t ° 4 ny - F i
é ‘ oats etl
en Ons aa Ua os nal ne ieee
' fa oy 1, ses im
Ge
nd iba
Dhan MEO ANON as
al ‘abs Cit) i e : oy $i
De Ee OE eee ae ee, eee eg ee nT le ata
Pa: ae mare
A ane ee a
ae ee ce te ges re iN La A Bee he ndecaane Sal
i i
oe Ee ee a ee en re eA
ns pitt i ti a) ees he be oF tert Ba
Bs Oh Hee
ltt ie A Te ES oh bE fot a Se a a= ©
ee ee ee oe er
Pe DA alt tel Made teetare
jo Ba a Rl el a,
2 Ps ain F (oy
i ee he ee ee ee ee rr
oh) aes & AP ed Se ae ilk gw) Spt
ny ee Doe ome a
aba!
en ‘ecakis
CS). Pahot
ee ee
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map
1. Region of eastern Ecuador occupied by the Jivaro Indians____-_Facing page 1
PLATES
1. Jivaria on the Upano River.
2. Jivaro family on the banks of the Alto Marafion, showing type of tempo-
rary house and method of building fire with three radiating logs.
8. Group of Jivaro women and girls near Mendez.
4. Jivaro types. (Photos by Beatty.) a@, Cahaka, a curaka of the Upano.
d, Anguasha, a curaka of the Yaupe.
5. Jivaro types from the vicinity of Mendez, showing methods of hairdress-
ing. (Photos by Beatty.)
6. Jivaro types from the Upano River. (Photos by Beatty.)
7. Jivaros from the Upano. (Photos by Beatty.)
8. Two Jivaros from Mendez. (Photos by Beatty.)
9. a, Woman with child, showing lip plug, Mendez. 6, Aguaruna from
Borja. (Photos by Beatty.)
10. Jivaro woman from the Zamora, wearing snail-shell dance belt. (Photo
by French.)
11. Jivaros near Mendez. a, With iron-headed lance. ec, d, With typical
small-caliber muzzle-loading shotguns.
12. Jivaros near Mendez.
13. Two Jivaros near Mendez wearing typical monkey-fur carrying bags.
14. Jivaros near Mendez. a, Carrying a chonta-palm lance and wearing
woven headband.
15. Jivaros near Mendez. Background shows wall construction of Jivaria.
(Photos by Larner.)
16. Jivaros near Mendez.
17. Jivaros near Mendez. a, 6, Jivaro mother, showing method of carrying
young child on back. c, Immature married girl with pup. d, Young man
playing bamboo flute.
18. Aguarunas at Borja.
19. Jivaros on the Alto Marafion. a, 0b, d, Wearing clothing made of bark
cloth.
20. a, b, Men on the Chinganasa River. ec, Aguaruna women at Borja.
21. a, View on the lower Santiago. 0b, Jivaro man poling a balsa raft at
Yaupe. c, Man spearing fish from stern of canoe, Alto Marafion.
22. a, Group at Yaupe. 0b, Tendetsa, a wishinu at Yaupe. ec, Man using blow-
gun, Alto Marafion. d, Aguaruna, a wishinu at Borja.
23. ad, Woman digging manioc. 6b, Manioc in carrying basket. c, Wooden
vessel for mashing manioc. d, Woman stirring pounded manioc preparatory
to making nijimanche.
24. Pottery making, Upano River.
25. a, Recently burned Jivaria on Chinganasa River. 6, Coffin made from
hollowed-out log, Upano River. ec, Temporary house on Alto Marafion.
VII
VIII ILLUSTRATIONS
26. a, Door of Jivaria, showing spirit figures designed to keep out evil in-
fluences, Upano River. 6b, Houses to protect chickens and pigs, Yaupe. 6,
Jivaro men from the Zamora. (Photo by French.)
27. House building. a, Alto Marafion. 6b, Zamora. (Photo by French.)
28. Jivaro warrior with lance and shield, from Chinganasa River.
29. View from canoe entering the Pongo Manseriche.
30. a, Man weaving; woman peeling manioc, showing nijimanche pot. b,
Man spinning.
31. Man spinning.
32. Man weaving an itipi, showing method of operating the loom. (Photos
by Beatty.)
33. Ufnushis, or shrunken sloth heads.
34. a, b, Tsantsas (after Colini). c, Effigy jar from Cuzco, showing shrunken
heads (after Castelnau, pl. 52). d, Trophy head from a grave at Nazca
(after Tello).
35. Jivaro pottery.
386. Poison dart equipment.
37. Musical instruments.
Text FIGURES
1. Prehistoric representations of reduced human heads________-__--__-- 63
25, Planvof typical jivarias lo) a2 She 88
Solem GPUT k e eicg bn ee See) ee iy ee a 93
4. Method. of firme pottery 2.2225 220 222 95
3. Mace and body painting and) tattooing! 22. 4) 3 ee 101
Gz Bisby Gras os ae ee set a eo oe eet A ee rr 104
FOREWORD
Since the year 1540 the Jivaro Indians have been more or less con-
stantly in contact with European culture. During these four cen-
turies a great deal has been written about them, unfortunately most
of it during the present century, and possibly the present contribu-
tion will but add te the confusion of what might seem an already
redundant literature. The many accounts of travelers, soldiers, set-
tlers, missionaries, and scientists contain a great deal that is of
ethnological value, mingled with much that is repetitious, much that
is garbled, and much that is speculative. With the exception of
Hamy and Rivet, most writers have neglected utilizing the early
Spanish accounts which are of considerable value for comparative
purposes, although rarely as detailed as we would like. The chief
value of the present work is the assembling and presentation for
the first time in English of most of the known early source material.
This, together with the illustrations, constitutes the principal justifi-
cation for the publication of the present volume. The translations are
the work of Marion Stirling. They have been made as literal as pos-
sible in order to preserve the style of the original writers, which in
many cases is cumbersome and involved. Frequently entire accounts
are written without punctuation. When it has seemed necessary a
certain amount of punctuation has been supphed for the sake of
clarity.
The collection of source material has been greatly facilitated by
the nineteenth century researches of such scholars as Jiménez de la
Espada, Gonzales Suarez, Francisco Maria Compte, Fernando de
Montesinos, and Luis Torres de Mendoza.
Among modern ethnographers the works of Rivet and Karsten
are outstanding. ‘The latter has recently compiled in a single volume
the bulk of the material contained in his previous scattered publi-
cations in various languages. Rivet’s report? suffers from the fact
that he did not have the opportunity of doing field work among the
Jivaro and as a result could not check the errors of his authorities.
It seems to the writer that Karsten’s report loses some of its value
through the application of too much anthropological theory in such
fashion that it is often difficult to detect which information has been
obtained directly from the Indians and which is a result of the
author’s interpretations.
1 Karsten, 1935.
2 Rivet, 1907.
x FOREWORD
The ethnographic material for the present account was secured in
the field in 1930-31, principally from Jivaros on the Paute, the
Upano, the Yaupe, the Chinganasa, and the Alto Marafion Rivers,
when the writer was a member of the Latin-American expedition,
to which he is indebted for the opportunity of making his field
studies. ‘This area constitutes a fair cross section through the Santi-
ago drainage, the heart of the Jivaro country. In his field work the
writer was fortunate in having the services of an unusually intelli-
gent and able interpreter, Santiago Baca of Mendez.
Much assistance in the field was also rendered by the late John
Verrill, and especially by Mr. William Larner. The writer would
also like at this time to acknowledge courtesies rendered by Ecua-
dorian officials, particularly Lt. Duran of Mendez. He was also
received most courteously by Mons. Comin of the Salesian mission
at’ Mendez and by Mr. Charles C. Eamigh of the gospel mission at
Chupianza. Especial thanks are due to Mr. Joseph Sinclair, who
kindly put his extensive bibliographic material at the disposal of the
writer, and to Mr. Wolfgang von Hagen for supplying the writer
with maps and other information. Dodd, Mead & Co., owners of the
copyright, have generously permitted the quotation of several inter-
esting passages from Head Hunters of the Amazon by F. W. Up
de Graff.
The map which accompanies this report was prepared under the
writer’s direction by Mr. Edwin G. Cassedy of the Bureau of
Ethnology. It was compiled from an accurate survey made by
Mr. S. B. Henry for one of the large oil companies, to which has
been added material taken from the map published by the order of
Salesians and some further details prepared in the field by the
writer. The limits of the Henry survey from the mouth of the
Morona to the upper Morona and Santiago Rivers are indicated on
the map by transverse lines. The photographs used as illustrations
were taken by the writer, except when otherwise noted.
The following account makes no pretense of being a complete
description of the ethnology of the Jivaros. An effort has been made
to present a maximum of factual material with as little theoretical
speculation as possible. The author has tried to indicate the
position of the Jivaros in the general aboriginal cultural pattern of
northwest South America. Rather than attempt broad comparisons,
the writer has selected a few characteristic topical subjects, such as
supernatural beliefs, war customs, and head hunting, in an effort to
demonstrate that these practices instead of being peculiar to the
Jivaros are traits which were formerly typical of a wide area in the
northern Andes. The method of approach has been primarily his-
torical; this chronological study bringing out several interesting
FOREWORD XI
points, such as population changes and the apparent post-Columbian
introduction of the blowgun.
The high civilizations of the Andes at the beginning of the six-
teenth century differed from the rather primitive culture of the
Jivaros, mainly in superficial aspects. A study of the Jivaros today
and of the ancient tribes of the western Andes, as viewed in historical
perspective, seems to indicate that they merely represent different
degrees of development from a common cultural background. Arche-
ological sites examined by the writer in the valleys of the Upano and
Namangosa Rivers demonstrate that the material culture of the
Jivaros in pre-Columbian times resembled that of the ancient cultures
of the highlands much more closely than do present-day survivals.
Systematic archeological work in this area will do a great deal to
further establish this relationship.
een Say che Page i aeain tah o
Tse E OE he phan,
: Goce mae
ca et we "4 1 ates Liaterd scslacaliees ie oie
ce Gere ate teen) ia Lee td Mela rte wen Reb get n
| startle anemia nile
ssi Fart ey CRON
hag Ovid ee, sia Bente af peerriaty a :
Ste Fuvene We arta: perenne gt: i
oer one ehh Loe Silt onan eae homed ition
ue aie tree sty | obs hack aiatoto caepetdlomteatin
ee tear bats, ; : eRe A : ‘ r F
A UNSY PRED Tie eid DE sor peeing Bi A tSie dad span ia
oe
pie eit
ri “
7 P24
ewe
fe
ry eva St
Fr ;
[ ae eek 4
3 y Ae V a4
AN
mh ; is eh A col a ee rk Uo AI
= at Tr, \ CB a onl fy 2 gee ry ‘sg a;
sah Aa } ; ris = , : Rie roan, ath APN Nie AAA x Aapsier me k wait
Ai pare MR REPL age oh Ce ol NUR Cie eae
\ bai
4 e495 - 4 F 2 inl ; : i eae
a a ES REE: ARISE: APD, ANOKA BAS aaa
=
i ear ee re ne “, \ . a , r = "
Pi Nee Piety SALE en oT RP een PRE ee vita ag
RAE S GO, RO pth pie: abel ed aaa ET GTS
i
zi one) eG ie 7 bee? 4 ayen' are a hat cae ie
meat: Laon Riel Eke A Arey a Raila ny we cen HON ad oo oie teres
Beer ae 1s AC ana i ea ae Camm EL OE Mi 4 Citi
ie i ET cal a re i eres i es wily ;
: . ia 6 }
tok *y .+
Towns 9 Magee
SD for
a ~
* ; i
BULLETIN 117 MAP 1
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
TL ANGAMA
GUARANDA ¥
a
x 75>
> RIOBAMBA. =.
me
poRA ‘4
pA co
cy y
e/a. TANACH!
‘i
cee pe
‘(o ANDOAS
R._CHANCHAN.
R Biv
GUALACEO
y
i
t
\
>
a ‘.
S
g
Psicsic
eB
PTO. LEGUIA
i aoe y
rainZA
B woa) .satl? L.PURAHUA
2. cAnoye
p. CHUCHUMBL zo RAIL
°
ZAMORA
Cotas -racy,
PE Seteracd fo 4. R/IMACHUMA
PR cast
REGION OF EASTERN ECUADOR
OCCUPIED BY THE JIVARO INDIANS,
SHOWING THE SANTIAGO RIVER DRAINAGE
AND NEIGHBORING TERRITORY.
BARRANCA
A RA/LROADS 777 == TRAILS =
+= FOOTPATHS
ps
mua
A/MLOMETERS
° 10 20 30
MILES
WAP BASED ON SURVEY BY S.8, HENRY AND DATA GATHERED.
AY ALBERTO CASTAGNOL/ OF THE ORDER OF SALESIANG.
HISTORICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHICAL MATERIAL
ON THE JIVARO INDIANS
By M. W. Stirtine
INTRODUCTION
The territory of the Jivaros can be encompassed between latitudes
2° S. and 5° S., and longitudes 76° and 79°. Topographically this
includes part of the headwaters of the Tigre, the lower headwaters of
the Pastaza, the Morona excepting for its lower reaches, all of the
drainage of the Santiago, including the Upano, the Paute and the
Zamora, and the lower reaches of the Alto Maranon from the Nieve
River to and including the Apaga (map 1).
In general the country is mountainous, as it includes the lower
slopes of the eastern Andes to the point where they fall away into the
vast Amazonian plain. Parts of this great stretch of territory are
comparatively level, particularly in the lower valley of the Santiago.
Lying as it does just below the Equator, the region is one of heavy
rainfall and the entire country is cloaked with a dense tropical jungle.
For the most part the climate is healthful and, considering the lati-
tude, the temperatures are fairly cool. Travel is difficult and dis-
agreeable during the rainy season, which extends from March until
October. Travel overland is by means of rough foot trails, while the
rivers, which in large part are navigable by canoes, form the prin-
cipal avenues of travel. Conditions in this respect have apparently
changed but little since the first of the Conquistadores set foot in
Jivaro country.
To the misfortune of the Indians, the headwater streams of the
Santiago are auriferous. This probably first attracted the Incas to
their territory and later the Conquistadores, who were not long in
locating the source of the precious metal which they found in such
abundance in possession of the natives of the highlands of ancient
Peru.
The greatest confusion exists regarding the naming of various
Jivaro subdivisions. They refer to themselves as “Shuara”, thus
differentiating themselves from other tribes. As is later stated in
1
y) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
more detail, they live in rather widely separated household groups
with very little consciousness of any sort of political unity. Such
groupings as exist are continually shifting location, separating,
amalgamating, or being exterminated. For centuries travelers by
the score have attached different appellations to such groups. Fre-
quently they have been designated by the name of the river on which
they lived, but the rivers have had as many different names applied
to them as have the Indian groups. Thus we find such general names
as Pastazas, Moronas, Santiagos, etc., while lesser groups are fre-
quently called by the names of the affluent streams on which they
reside. ‘Thus the Jivaros living on the four principal tributaries of
the Santiago are called the Upanos, the Pauteiios, the Gualaquizas,
and the Zamoras. These are further subdivided into the names of
the lesser tributaries. Obviously such designations have no ethno-
logic significance.
There are, however, certain fairly stable large geographic group-
ings which appear to feel a certain unity, and to which general
group names have been attached. The Jivaros proper are those
which dwell in the basins of the Zamora and Upano Rivers and on
the upper Pastaza. The Antipas live on the right bank of the
Santiago from the Zamora to the Alto Maranon. The Aguarunas
live on the right bank of the Maranon between the Nieve and Apaga
Rivers. The Huambizas occupy the right bank of the Morona and
Mangosia Rivers, including all of the territory west to the left bank
of the Santiago, from the Cordillera of Cuticu to the Maranon.
The Achuales occupy the territory between the Pastaza and Morona
Rivers from Lake Puralina north to Andoas.
The Jivaros scattered over this vast territory of approximately
25,000 square miles are of similar appearance physically; they speak
a single language and their customs, beliefs, and material culture
are closely interrelated. With this, however, their unity ends. The
scores of small independent groups, living for the most part on the
headwaters of the tributary streams, are constantly at war, one
group with another.
There is no doubt that the Jivaros, from a time dating shortly
after the conquest, have contrasted noticeably with their neighbors,
a contrast which is even more evident at the present time. Their
fine physical appearance, vivacity, energy, and love of freedom have
been commented upon by all travelers who have encountered them.
Benavente, in 1540, irked because of his inability to break the
spirit of some Jivaro captives, called them the most arrogant of all
of the tribes in the Indies.
In 1815 Prieto gave the following description:
The Jivaros are reputed to be the most cruel infidels in this part of America,
although they are not such stupid barbarians as the various other nations in
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 3
the mountains bordering on the province of Mainas. They are extremely lively,
thoroughly intelligent; they learn easily when one teaches them and even from
observation. In order to get satisfaction from the person with whom they
are dealing, they are exceedingly amiable and obsequious, giving away, for this
reason, anything that they possess. They do rot lie among themselves, and
much less steal, and if at any time this happens (which is very rare), the
thief is thought to be an extremely wicked person, is hated by all and covered
with everlasting disgrace. Neither are the Jivaros drunkards, and they look
with scorn upon the inebriated; a very unusual trait among the Indians of
America.*
Even today the intelligence and independent air of the Jivaro,
combined with a fine physique produced by an active out-of-doors
existence, creates a most favorable impression on the visitor.
When first visited by Juan de Salinas in the middle of the six-
teenth century they apparently showed no inclination to include the
Spaniards in their war pattern. The attempt to interfere with their
liberty and to force strange customs and beliefs upon them soon
changed this situation.
Typical of the statements of modern writers is that of Rivet, who
said at the beginning of the present century:
The Jivaro does not have the submissive, humble, cringing appearance, I
might almost say servile, of the civilized Indian; much to the contrary, every-
thing in him reveals the free man, passionately loving liberty, incapable of
putting up with the slightest subjection. The eye is quick, the look steady,
the physiognomy mobile and expressive, their movements rapid and animated,
their speech easy and assured. * * * So one finds him in the forests in
the midst of virgin nature whose pure splendor forms a magnificent frame
for the indomitable savage.”
This same “virgin nature”, friendly to those who have adapted
themseives to her embrace, so hostile to those who have not, has
enabled these children of the jungle to maintain the spirit of inde-
pendence against the conquering might of the Inca, the greed of
the gold-hungry conquistador, and the passionate zeal of the mis-
sionary.
The alliance between nature and the Jivaros has enabled these
Indians successfully to repulse for 400 years the most determined
efforts of the white man to establish himself in their territory. The
many-faceted account of this prolonged struggle against military,
theological, commercial, and territorial aggression constitutes one
of the most colorful chapters in aboriginal American history.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY HISTORY
The Jivaros first appear in history when the Inca, Tiipac- Yupan-
qui, undertook the conquest of the realm of Quito about the middle
1 Prieto, in Compte, pp. 64—65.
2 Rivet, 1907, p. 361.
4 BUREAU OF AMBHRICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
of the fifteenth century. The Peruvian conqueror undertook the con-
quest of the Cafnaris, who lived in the interandine valley region,
which corresponds to the Province of Azuay. ‘The chroniclers say
that the chief of the Cafiaris, Dumma, had for an ally the chief of
Macas. Inasmuch as these two tribes were hereditary enemies, it
would appear that this alliance was a temporary measure adopted
for the purpose of repulsing the common enemy. The Inca suc-
ceeded, however, in conquering the Canaris but was unable to pene-
trate beyond them.’
Huayna-Capac, continuing the conquests of his father, again un-
successfully attempted to subdue the Jivaros. His campaign was
made difficult by the unfamiliar jungle country, combined with a
type of climate to which his men were unaccustomed. Being con-
tinually harassed by the natives, he was finally forced to withdraw
hurriedly from the territory of Bracamoros, which constitutes the
basin of the Chinchipe River. Although completely driven out of
their territory, he covered up his humiliation by declaring the Jivaros
his subjects.*
Not for long were the Jivaros left in peace to continue their cus-
tomary fighting among themselves. The conquest of the Incas by
the Spaniards simply meant a new adversary for the Jivaros.
In 1548, on the morning following the battle of Jaquijaguana, in
which Gonzalo Pizarro and his companions were defeated, Don
Pedro de La Gasca, in order to keep his soldiers from being idle,
divided eastern Ecuador into four districts, whose conquest was en-
trusted to four of his captains. The first of these was the province
of Quijoa, sometimes called the province of Sumaco or of Canela.
This province was bounded on the north by the provinces of Mocoa
and Sucumbios and was 200 leagues in length from east to west and
20 leagues wide from north to south. The second province was that
of Macas, extending from the jungles of Gualaquiza to the Pastaza
River, which was then known as the Tunguragua. The third was
the province of Yaguarzongo, constituting the drainage basin of the
Zamora River. The fourth was the province of Bracamoros, which
included the drainage basin of the Chinchipe River. The last three
of these provinces, excepting for the extreme southern part of the
province of Bracamoros, correspond to the territory of the Jivaro
Indians. The conquest of Bracamoros was given by Gasca to Capt.
Diego Palomino, that of Yaguarzongo to Capt. Alonso de Merca-
dillo, and that of Macas to Capt. Hernando de Benavente.
Palomino’s expedition brought him to the valley of the Chinchipe,
which is outside of the territory of the Jivaros. On this expedition
he established the city of Jaen.
8 Gonzalez Suarez, 1878, p. 8, and Montesinos, 1882, ch. xxiii and xxvi.
4 Gonzalez Suarez, 1890-1903, vol. 1, p. 54.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 5
Ture BENAVENTE EXPEDITION
As a result of the expeditions of Mercadillo and Benavente the
town of Zamora de los Alcaldes was founded in 1549. While Ecua-
dorian historians seem generally to credit the founding of this city
to Mercadillo, the source information seems to indicate that it was
either a joint effort of the two captains, or that it was founded
by Benavente. When Gasca was leaving Peru on his return to
Spain on January 27, 1550, he wrote on board his ship, the Callao:
“JT left Captain Benavente populating another town in the province
of Macas.” Benavente’s account of his explorations indicates that
Mercadillo’s expedition and his own operated as a single party.
Apparently no account by Mercadillo is known.
The Benavente expedition began sometime between August 15,
1549, and the end of the year. Benavente evidently went over the
pass at the head of the Chambo and Upano Rivers, crossing the
divide at an elevation of 12,000 feet, and was the first of the Spanish
Conquistadores to get in contact with the Jivaro Indians. He prob-
ably crossed the Paute River and the evidence indicates that the
expedition penetrated as far south as Gualaquiza before turning
back. Benavente’s account follows:
ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUEST OF MAcAs By Capt. HERNANDO DE BENAVENTE’
My EMINENT Sirs: * * *. I entered the province of Suna (or Zufia),
which was the beginning of the exploration and was a land of mountains and
great rivers. From there I went to the province of Paira, which was eight
or ten leagues farther on, in which there were about one hundred Indian houses,
which at the time I was there had been evacuated. I tell Your Highness truth-
fully that we were almost dead from hunger because there was not enough
food, since the country consisted entirely of mountains and great rivers. From
there I went to the province of Moy (or Zmoy) and Zamagolii (or Zumagalli),
where there are but few Indians, but these gave us what we needed to eat.
From there I sent a detachment to the province of Chapico, which they told me
would be twenty leagues beyond, in order to see if there were Indians there and
if it were good land. ‘This province, I understood, is a land of great moun-
tains and the Indians there go about naked. ‘Those who had been there told
me they saw two thousand Indians. There were one or more houses to
each quarter of a league and in other places they were a half league apart
and so it was all over the district. The food of the Indians consisted solely
of fish, and seeds which they raised. There was plenty of food that they
planted, such as maize among other things. The soldiers reported that they
had two skirmishes. After seeing this province, they returned to me and
there told me of another province six leagues farther on that was called
Guallapa. The chief of this province with some Indians came to me peace-
ably and I received them as I was obliged to do and as Your Highness
5 Relaciones Geograficas de Indias, vol. IV, p. xxxviii.
® Gonzalez Suarez, 1890-1893, vol. vi, p. 47.
7™Manuscript dated Tomebamba, Mar. 25, 1550.
7943—-38——2
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
commanded me. I traveled towards the province and, as I went, saw that
likewise it was mountainous as were all the others that I had visited. ‘The
chief of that district was with me for eight days, giving us things to eat
and describing what lay beyond, and at the end of that time I learned one
night how he had elevated himself and his tribe and I tried to learn how
many Indians were under him in that territory and found that he had about
eight hundred men living in houses separated one from the other. Having
seen this province, I started on the way to a district that they tcld me was
called Xibaro, which was twenty leagues from Guallapa [sic], and in which,
because of what the Indians had told me, I intended to establish a town;
and before a day’s journey was completed, I came to a very large river which
they told me was that of Tomebamba (Paute) and that of Minas de Santa
Bédrbola, which I could not have crossed but for boats that we made there, and
we crossed it without anyone being injured. Up to this point there had been
nothing but very large mountains. And so, after crossing the river, I continued
the march and two leagues from that place I found an Indian buhio,® in which
some Indians were taken whose language and manner of speech was like
that of the Malacatos, who were near the Paltas, because some Indians who
were with me understood them. They told me that the land was called Xibaro,”®
and in that buhio those Indians told me that further on there were other buhios;
and so I continued on the way; travelling by means of trails that were very
ill-defined, I tell Your Highness truthfully that I frequently stopped to rest;
thus moving along, I came upon other buhios which were more than a league
from one another until arriving at other buhios, I realized correctly that we
were where I wished to be and consequently did not stop. Continuing on,
I encountered about fifty or sixty Indians, who, hearing me, fled into the
mountains so that the dogs that I had with me were not able to capture any.
I saw that they were naked. And still I marched and discovered smoke which
was from their buhios that they had burned, and so it was in all that region,
for they did nothing but burn their buhios and flee. Finally I arrived at the
foot of a large rock covered with woods and thickets and from there I dis-
patched certain soldiers who discovered a trail on which they chanced upon
some naked Indians, each with a lance and a round shield. Of these, they
were able to capture only a man and a woman whom they brought to me, and
being brought before me, I asked the man to tell me about the country and to
explain where his chief was, to which he answered, why would I like to
know? and that his chief was very powerful, and that if he captured me and
the others he would probably kill us and drink with our heads and would
probably sprinkle the roads with our bones; in such manner that he did not
desire to admit the truth of anything to me. I tell Your Highness truthfully
that these people are the most insolent that I have seen in all the time that
I have been exploring in the conquest of the Indies. Having seen that he
did not wish to divulge anything nor to answer truthfully what I asked him,
I attempted to see if he might talk because of fear and was as successful as
before; and hoping that some Indians would come to where I was waiting,
I spent eight days near that big rock, during which it did not stop raining
one hour ali day; and I swear to Your Highness that the horses, as though
erazy, leaped around and, running through the camp and wallowing in the
mire, eluded us, and because of the distemper which affected them in the
8 An Arawak word applied to the native community house. These establishments are
now generally referred to ag ‘‘Jivarias.”’
®*Von Hagen told the writer that ‘‘varu” is a common word ending in Palta, and sug-
gested its combination with the Jivaro word ‘ji’ or ‘‘jea’”’ meaning ‘‘fire people.”
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 7
hoofs and feet, it was not advisable to hobble them; and everyone was
breeding within himself the same sort of worms and any meat that we were
able to obtain became filled with maggots. Finally, I tell you that it was
the worst land that I have seen in all the days of my life, either in Spain
or in all parts of the Indies in which I have travelled. Thus having seen how
bad the land was and that no Indians were apparent, I started to march
again and moved along another twenty leagues, where I found a country
in which everything was rainy and wet. Farther on, I found a second river
yery much larger than that I had crossed; both sides of the river formed a
rocky gorge so that to look at the river from the top frightened one because
of the depth from above. Having looked for a place for the horses to cross
a league above and below on the river, it was found impossible. While there,
I saw on the other side of the river about fifty Indians, all with their lances
and slings and dressed in camisetas and mantas, and then they shot with bows
and arrows which did not succeed in crossing from the other side. Having
found out that the horses were not able to cross, those who had crossed
the river brought to me the good news that crossing without horses, there
would not be any place that we could go on foot and that we would not get
anything accomplished and that it would result in our destruction, so I agreed
with all my company that we turm back and our entrada should be by way
of Cuyes or Zangorima, or some other way more convenient to the service
of God and Your Excellency. It was thus decided by everyone and we with-
drew with the intention of doing this.
I tell Your Highness that, according to what we were able to see, there are
not one thousand Indians in all that land and province of Xivaro, and it con-
sists of the wildest mountain land that I have seen and is very rough moun-
tainous country, and the people of this province are all naked and very inde-
pendent, according to the way it appeared to us. From ihe river of which I
have just been speaking, we saw a range of mountains and through a gap in
these mountains we Saw a plain, and this I did think is all the news that we ob-
tained because that region did not appear to be mountainous but rather savan-
nahs. And so we returned to Guallapa, from which place we had departed.”
Having returned to Guallapa, Benavente discovered that the peace-
ful Indians he had left there had risen in rebellion against the
soldiers, and his arrival had been barely in time to setile this trouble.
He speaks of the land beyond the gorge, which had forced him to
turn back, and is very anxious that the King give him a commission
to enter this country by the route that he had previously suggested.
The chiefs of Tomebamba described this territory in such glowing
terms as to make Benavente anxious to establish a town in th
region, but as he says:
I am so often disappointed by the stories of these Indians that I no longer
give credit to any more than what I am able to see with my own eyes.
Benavente took 150 men with him on the expedition above de-
scribed and explains that because of the bad nature of the land and
the hostility of the Jivaro Indians these troops came out in very
bad shape. Many of the Indians that he brought with him died
as a result of the hardships, and 30 of his men deserted because of
* Relaciones Geograficas de Indias, vol. rv, pp. xxix—xxxiv.
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
the fact that the expedition had not succeeded, and Benavente had
nothing with which to pay them excepting future promises; although
he said:
I give my word to Your Highness that I have given to the soldiers even
the shirts of my clothing in order that they might enter this land again with
me, whom Your Highness should thank.
Toward the end of the letter, Benavente gives information which
would seem to clear up the confusion concerning the conquests of
Mercadillo and himself. He says:
The rest that I have to tell Your Highness is that the conquest which
Your Highness has given to Captain Mercadillo and to me is all one thing and
one piece of information, for in order that we might serve you better and
do as you command, we agreed to join his people with mine and we made
one company, because he had too few people to explore such a very large
section of country, and I likewise had too few; and for these reasons we
did this and accomplished what I am telling Your Highness so that we
could better achieve what Your Highness commanded us.
On the envelope which contains this letter is a notation evidently
dictated by the Viceroy D. Antonio de Mendoza, notifying Bena-
vente that all further entradas are to be suspended, this state of
affairs to last until His Majesty gives further orders. This sus-
pension of entradas and conquests was a general measure advised
by Gasca. They were not again conceded until the viceroyship of
Marqués de Cafete, D. Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza.
The results of Benavente’s expedition, as is apparent from his
account, were very meager. It is interesting that he gave the
Jivaros the name by which they have since been known; this being
the name applied to them by the Paltas.
JUAN DE SALINAS
On November 10, 1556, as the result of an order from the King,
the Marquis of Cafiete, Viceroy of the dominion of Peru, agreed
to outfit Juan de Salinas for the purpose of exploring and coloniz-
ing the provinces of Yaguarzongo and Bracamoros. It was agreed
that Salinas be given a commission authorizing him to establish
an encomienda of Indians in each town which he populated, from
which he would profit after the usual Royal fifths had been deducted.
On November 19, 1556, Salinas began the task of recruiting and
outfitting his army of exploration. The city of Loja was selected
as headquarters for this purpose. He was engaged in assembling
his expedition until July 8, 1557. Salinas states in one of his
memorials that it cost him personally more than 50,000 ducats to
provide arms, horses, clothing, and other necessary accoutrements
for his men.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 9
The memorable expedition thus begun, continued until he had
penetrated into the land more than 800 leagues and was not con-
cluded until August 28, 1559. The description of this expedition,
one of the most remarkable in the history of New World exploration,
is contained in four letters written by Salinas in Spain during the
year 1571, at which time he made a personal visit to the Royal
Court in an attempt to straighten out the affairs of his Peruvian
holdings. Several other letters and memorials by other writers
verify the accounts of Salinas.
The first letter of Salinas is dated June 10, 1571. In it he describes
how he established the towns of Valladolid and Loyola in the
interandine highland region.
Continuing his explorations beyond Loyola, he crossed with great
difficulty 20 leagues of rough mountains, which he found to be
entirely unpopulated. Making trails blindly in order that he might
move his horses and cattle, he finally reached another inhabited
section. Salinas says:
I came upon a valley in an inhabited land that was called Coraguana, a
mountainous land but very productive of the foods that the natives use,
especially of roots of a plant™ that they use most and hold in greater esteem
than maize; likewise there is much fruit and all of the rivers and streams
have many fish. It is a land of wild game and of the chase, especially of
wild hogs and a small variety of deer and other animals called antas (tapirs),
which have the size, appearance and even meat like an 8-months-old calf; the
natives make use of other kinds of animals that have good meat and since
the land is very mountainous there is an abundance of everything. The
natives are different in language, dress, and customs from those of Loyola and
Valladolid; generally, they have cotton plantations which they maintain and
make use of to clothe themselves, although they do not make many clothes
because the climate is warm. They are a very settled people and not very
warlike as the people behind, and so in this valley and at the beginning of
this land they appeared to me at once to be peaceful, and as I journeyed
farther on the people were the same and I arrived at a level vailey which
they had already told me was called Giwarra, where the people and language
were the same and because it appeared to me that there were a great many
natives in the midst of this country and as a great many of the people with
me were ill, I established a Spanish town in this place Giuarra, calling it
Santiago de las Montaiias because of having arrived at this place the eve
of Santiago Day (July 24, 1557), which town it appeared desirable to change
to a place deeper into the territory of the natives and so it was resettled on
the banks of a river” carrying much water, which is one of the principal
branches of the Marafion, which is the reason why I established it here in
order that it might serve as a post for the continuance of the discoveries and
explorations cf the river below. In the vicinity of this town many gold mines
were discovered, especially some mines that gave very good indications of
11 Manioc.
“2 This is obviously the present Santiago River. According to Juan Navarro de Beau-
monte, one of the principal soldiers who accompanied Salinas, the second seat of Santiago
was called Masquisinango. Salinas gave this river the name of San Bartolomé, because
of having discovered it on this Saint’s Day (Aug. 24). Formerly it was called Parossa
by the Jivaros.
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
richness, and it is evident that they probably are.* This city of Santiago was
about 40 leagues below Loyola; the natives here likewise were free from the
subjugation of any ruler, each town recognizing no more than its chiefs or
captains and, although they are not a warlike people, they carry on continual
wars among themselves, killing and robbing one another. They did not keep
llamas, although in this valley of Gibarra there were some.“
After Salinas had pacified the natives in this vicinity he assigned
sections of the land to various encomenderos and gave the necessary
commissions to maintain the establishment and then continued his
voyage of exploration and colonization.
Harther on beyond the city of Santiago and the boundaries of the territory
assigned to it we passed the river that they called Faen and Chachapoyas and
Gudnuco, which all now come together and become the Marafion, sinee all the
rest are branches and the latter is the principal river.” I came upon a province
and country that they called Cungarapas, whose people, although they differ
somewhat in language, correspond to those of Santiago because they are all
nearly the same and the land is likewise, although here there are more savan-
nahs and less mountainous land, especially where the natives have their habita-
tions and cultivated lands. There are mountain ridges and plains and the
climate of the region is very good and it is healthful and there is an abundance
of all kinds of food as are used in the Indies, and fruits and fish in great quan-
tity, and game, and in general the water is very good; and deposits of salt,
which they prepare artificially in great quantities with fire. There were llamas,
although few, in this land and province and in the country nearby, although in
order to clothe themselves they made use of cotton, which they had and which
they planted and used generally. The natives of this country and province are
very domestic and not by any means warriors or warlike, although they con-
tinually have their disputes with one another because of not having a head
chief whom they respected but each town and group had its chiefs and cap-
tains in the manner of those of Santiago before mentioned. Twenty-eight or
thirty leagues below the city of Santiago in this territory in the most suitable
part and in a very good location, I established a town that was called Santa
Maria de Nieva. * * *
After pacifying the natives here, which Salinas says was little
work because of their being good natured and domestic, he organized
the town of Santa Maria de Nieva, as he had previous settlements.
Leaving Nieva, with a picked crew of 54 of his strongest and most
healthy men, he left the remainder to maintain the new settlement
and continued his explorations. Ten leagues below Nieva he came
to the junction of the Santiago and Marafion Rivers and then became
the first European to make the passage of the dreaded Pongo
Manseriche (pl. 29). After visiting the Mainas Indians, he continued
down the Marafion to its juncture with the Ucayal. He then as-
cended the Ucayali to a point opposite Cuzco. Finally, after having
been absent 18 months, Salinas returned by the same route to
Santiago.
4 The mines of Cangasa.
14 Salinas in Relaciones Geograficas, vol. Iv, pp. Ixv—ci.
15 Notwithstanding this, he says in another place that all these rivers together are
called the Rio de Faén.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 11
The second letter of Salinas, probably written in 1571, brings in
some additional details. After describing the Indians of Valladolid
and Loyola whom he says are
warlike people, fond of fighting and of killing and cutting off heads and
plundering, and thus perpetually have their own wars among themselves be-
cause of not having a head chief whom they respect, but each town has its chief
and captains under whom they band together,
he describes their material culture and also the game and food
plants of the region in considerable detail. Again he tells of crossing
the unpopulated section between these mountain valleys and the be-
ginning of the Jivaro country on the Upano River. He says:
This unpopulated and rough section lasted about 20 leagues, at the end of
which I came to a territory settled by natives in the mountains, although there
were sections of savannahs. They were a people different in language, dress,
arms, and customs, and were very much more domestie than those behind.
Their necessities of life and their fruits were the same; their garments and
clothes of cotton; fish in great abundance in the rivers, and salt in great
quantities produced artificially as well as occurring naturally like rock. I
travelled more than 30 leagues through settlements of the nature of the afore-
mentioned people without observing any difference in the language of one from
the other, although they had their differences and civil wars among themselves
because of not having a head chief but only local chiefs and captains in each
town or settlement, which were not clustered together but were populated
in a scattered manner. At the end of these 30 leagues travelled in a west to
east direction, I populated the city of Santiago de las Montaiias, which I believe
is in six degrees latitude. It is 50 leagues from Loyola, a little more or less.
The difference in their arms from those behind is that they have copper axes
and shields of anta** skin and of wood, and spear throwers which they call
estolicas. In this land there is abundant hunting of wild hogs, as well as antas
(they are similar to cows), and deer and a hundred thousand other repugnant
mountain insects and reptiles; they hunt big partridges like blind hens
(Odoniophorus cripiurus sp.), turkey-hens (Crag sp.) and paugies, a very
large bird with very good meat, and other birds of the pheasant type (Pene-
lope sp.). There were some herds of llamas, although few, and doves,
papagayos," and cuys,* or the before-mentioned rabbits.
Having travelled for 380 leagues from the said city of Santiego by a north-
south course continually through the same group of people, having the same
language, dress, arms, manner of livelihood, hunting and chase, fishing, salt
and fruit for about 80 leagues, I populated the city of Santa Maria de Nieva,
without the natives and all the other things differing much from those at
Santiago. I think the said city of Sania Maria de Nieva was established in
eight degrees latitude; outside of the fruits mentioned there are some that
are called Almendras” because they resemble those here” and are even better;
there are many very useful tree gums such as caraiia, taraamaca, and other
gums that I don’t remember; cacao of New Spain in great quantity. Gold
was beginning to be taken in the rivers within the environs of said city,
16 Anta=tapir.
7 Papagayos=macaws.
8 Cuys=guinea pigs.
7 AlmonGs.
20 Spain.
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
although in Santiago there are many signs of great richness. The natives
within the district of said city of Nieva have some llamas.
In the aforementioned city of Santiago, which is settled on a very great
river, as I said, in which have come together all the waters and rivers from
the city of Camora and Loyola, I named it the Rio de Sant Bartolomé, because
I embarked on the river below to make the discovery on that day (Aug. 24,
1557). After having sailed 12 leagues north-south by it, I came to another
very powerful river which I named the Rio de Faen,” in which came together
all the rivers of Faen”™ and of the city of Chachapoyas” and that of Guanuco,”
by which lower river I navigated for about 250 leagues west-east, until I
arrived at a very great river on San Miguel day (Sept. 29, 1557) and thus I
gave it that name.
Salinas again describes the Mainas, of whom he says:
Their arms are darts and shields and throwing rods with estolicas, and some
that are called macanas” which are the size of a broadsword, of palms.
The third letter is concerned more with political and controver-
sial matters than with descriptions of the country, so it is not
quoted here. The fourth letter, written in the third person, has
more information of interest.
After crossing the Continental Divide he came upon “a land settled
with natives of pleasing appearance, of good climate, and full of all
kinds of food,” which aspect of said new land pleased him very much.
He continued travelling and discovering, passing many settlements and proy-
inces and valleys, some uninhabited, for about 100 leagues, in the course of
which and in the most suitable sections he settled four cities, whose names are,
first Valiadolid, second Loyola, third Santa Maria de Nieva, and fourth Santi-
ago de las Montajias: the latter was settled and is situated on the bank of a
very great river which is one of the principal branches of the Marafion. The
natives of that province having given him good news of a well-populated land of
great richness and good appearance on the river below, he determined to embark
on said river in canoes with the group of soldiers that were most healthy, be-
cause most of the soldiers who had accompanied him in the work and discovery
made up to then were suffering with some disease or affliction; and thus he left
in said city of Santiago all of the horses and other means of conveyance, and
the sick people and that which was necessary for the maintenance of said city
and with only 54 soldiers he embarked on said river with canoes, determined
and desirous of seeing and exploring said land of which he had good news. By
navigating down said river, he encountered another very great river, at which
juncture the waters made a great disturbance, and a big narrow pass” in the
ridge of mountains through which the said rivers went, was passed with great
danger and shipwreck with no less than great risk of lives, from which danger
Our Lord delivered them, although with loss of munitions, arms, and some
natives who were with them. Past the danger and said risk, which certainly
was great, he came to a province of natives called Cipitacona, with a nose
device not seen before.
21'The same that later on and in the previous letter he calls the Marafion.
2 Chuquimaya, today Chinchipe, Cherinos and higher section of the Marafion.
23 Bahua, Bahuan, or Uteupampa.
*% Huallaga or Rio de los Motilones.
2 Ucayali.
28 Wooden clubs.
77 The famous Pongo Manseriche.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 13
Again the trip down the Marafion and up the Ucayali is described
and the return te Santiago. Salinas says further:
The going and return and the voyage of discovery lasted almost 2 years,
without being able to return any news concerning himself, and for this reason
and the long delay, the group of Spaniards that he had left in the cities
that he had populated, disheartened, believing him dead, as well as those
who had gone with him, disbanded and fied and went to Peru, for which
reason he was forced, on coming out, to refit himself with people and arms,
for which he returned to the chief part of said land, and then came back
to rebuild said four cities, which had been depopulated as a result of his long
absence, and he populated them again; and having quieted and pacified the
natives that had been in the district, and having discovered many gold mines
which promised great riches, he determined to come to the Spanish Kingdom
to recount to His Majesty what had been occupying his time and the deeds he
had accomplished.*
There is in existence a fifth letter written by Salinas after his re-
turn from the Court of Spain to Peru. In this document he says:
Following my return I have busied myself in establishing order and settling
and sustaining the four cities that I left populated when I came to the King-
dom to salute Your Highness. In addition I have populated two more in suit-
able locations, one of which is called Logrofio and the other Nueva Sevilla
del Oro. In all of these, mines have been discovered and are still being dis-
covered, which promise great riches and that the Royal fifths of Your High-
ness will ke greatly increased; even though there should be no other reward
for the work which has been put into them and the expenses incurred, that
return would be large.”
*8 Relaciones Geograficas, vol. iv, pp. x¢c—xciii.
*° The date and place of birth of Juan de Salinas is not known for certain, but he was
apparently a native of Cordoba. His legitimate parents were Martin Sanchez and Vic-
toria Gémez. He came from Spain to Mexico, where he accompanied Hernando Cortés
on his expedition to the Gulf of Higueras; he went with Benalcazar to Peru and was
one of the first settlers of Lima, where he built a house and owned his own ground.
Salinas was the third Spaniard to navigate the Marafion: the first being Orellana and
the second C2pt. Don Alonso Mercadillo in his expedition to the province of the Chu-
pachos. He was a man of strong character and great determination. He planned
large undertakings and carried them out with unusual perseverance under great diffi-
eulties. In temperament he was inclined much more to harshness than to gentleness,
but it is quite possible that the cruelties against the Indians charged to him were exag-
gerated. After his great journey of exploration, during which he explored the Marafion
and Ucayali Rivers, he returned to Spain in the year 1569 and remained for 4 years at
the Court in order to solicit favors from the King and to obtain ratification of the con-
eessions that the Viceroy of Peru, Don Antcnio Hurtado de Mendoza, had given him.
Succeeding in this, he returned to America, where he spent the last years of his life
amidst continuous difficulties. He was imprisoned in Quito, where he was implicated
in a criminal trial in which the Audiencia charged him with being responsible for
extreme cruelty to the Indians. Juan de Peralta, the Attorney General of the Audiencia
ef Quito, charged him with having had living Indians torn to pieces with greyhounds
trained for the purpose, of having buried Indians alive in pits in which sharpened sticks
had previously been placed, and of having burned them by setting fire to their houses,
forcing them to die with their families. It was also charged that he ordered a pastry
cook to pull out the teeth of the Indians, also had them put to death by impaling them
with sharpened sticks, and had them tied naked on ants’ nests so that they would be
killed. Other cruelties of a similar nature were detailed in these hearings. However,
Salinas was able to free himself from these charges and was restored to his former
position of power. He established his residence in Loja, where, broken in health, he
died in 1582, the last survivor of the Conquistadores of the Kingdom of Quito.
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
The city of Sevilla del Oro developed out of the settlement of
Rosario. From other contemporary documents we are able to ob-
tain more details than are given us by Salinas concerning the found-
ing of the two new settlements which he mentions.
Espada tells us that Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario was founded on
August 15, 1563,2° in a great hurry, with the object of acquiring
the right of possession of this territory by means of a deed con-
summated by Capt. Juan de Salinas Guinea, nephew of Juan de
Salinas Loyola, because of the fact that the territory was outside
of the government intended for the latter. However, the city did
not prosper and was abandoned in a short time, excepting for a
renegade population. The Audiencia of Quito attempted to clean
out this bad element and to repopulate the city. In 1571 Capt.
Alvaro de Paz was put in charge of the reorganization. The job
proved too much for him and he was obliged to flee with his
company.
By this time Salinas had returned from the Court of Spain, hay-
ing satisfactorily terminated his efforts concerning his government
of Yaguarzongo and Bracamoros and concerning the favors that
he considered he deserved by having discovered and populated the
territory. Believing or pretending that he considered the territory
of Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario was in his government and not in
that of the Quijos, he commissioned Capt. Jose Villanueva Mal-
donado to repopulate it in his name at a location probably some-
what to the north of its first seat ** and to rename it Sevilla del Oro.
Maldonado’s account in the Archives of the Indies is as follows:
By commission from the Governor Juan de Salinas Loyola, * * * I
collected a number of people in Cuenca and entered with them to said proy-
ince, having outfitted the soldiers with me at my expense in order that they
might enter more willingly and having entered said province and pacified
the land, I populated and founded the city of Sevilla del Oro and divided
the land, and 20 encomenderos lived in said city, married for the greater
part; and there are in the province many churches and many gold mines.
Of course, Salinas’ title was disputed and he later lost the
territory.
Maldonado’s account states that he lived in Sevilla del Oro more
than 9 years after establishing it. Since this account was written
in Quito on February 7, 1584, it seems apparent that the foundation
of Sevilla del Oro took place in 1575.
Capt. Bernardo de Loyola, inhabitant of Santiago de las Mon-
tafias, writing in Quito, January 26, 1586, says that he came to the
government of his uncle, Juan de Salinas Loyola, and that at the
* Probably near the present town of Macas on the Upano River.
31 North bank of the Upano River opposite the present town of Macas,
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 15
time his uncle returned from Spain he was made lieutenant gen-
eral, remaining in this office until Salinas de Loyola died. He says
that during this time he maintained all the land in peace without
mutinies or scandals and in order to increase the Royal patrimony
went to the province of the Jivaros with a new commission and
with 40 men in order to explore that province where, after having
suffered many deprivations, hardships, and losses of his goods, he
established the city of Logrofio*? de los Caballeros on the Paute
River, and having established it and pacified the inhabitants, and
having treated them all well, they rebelled against the Royal service
under the leadership of two half-breeds called Diego Lopez de la
Banda and Francisco de Rojas and they came to said city, killing
in the outskirts of the towns all of the people that they found,
numbering more than 40 men, until finally they came to said city
and surrounded it, where the 12 men and the women who had re-
mained in said city defended it as long as the siege lasted.
Maldonado, in his account made in Quito, February 7, 1584, states
that while he was in Sevilla del Oro—
Capt. Bernardo de Loyola, by order of his lordship Juan de Salinas, left and
went to populate the city of Logrofio in the Xibaros country, which he did
with the soldiers that Villanueva had and with their arms and ammunition
and with them populated the city of Logrofio; and said province being raided
by the Jivaros and the Hon. Juan de Salinas being advised of it and having
notified me of said raid and the death of seven Spaniards, said Villanueva sent
hurriedly some Spaniards to aid said city of Logrofio, because without such
assistance said city would suffer great risk.
Fernando de Montesinos, in his Anales del Pert,*? quotes the fol-
lowing from original documents in the Archives of the Indies:
Year 1564—After many trials that Governor Don Juan de Salinas Loyola
suffered in the pacification of his territory, he populated the cities of Valla-
dolid, Loyola, and Logrofio de los Caballeros, he appointed mayors and estab-
lished reguiations for them, put the Royal treasury in the city of Logrofio
which was nearest the Gibaros, the province richest in gold that he had
discovered. He gave each Royal official 106 pesos of gold as salary from the
same coffer. They enjoyed this benefit with much uneasiness since the Indians
are warlike and rebellious so that they are very unsure of them. At the end
of a year and a half, the Indians of Valladolid and Loyola killed the camp
master, Francisco de Mercado (uncle of the wife of the governor), and 12
other soldiers. Capt. Juan de Alderete (brother-in-law of the Governor of
Loxa) went to punish them with 80 soidiers and friendly Indians and at-
tempted to make peace with the rebels but they would not permit it until after
engaging in many batties, and finally, seeing the injury that was being done to
them, they gave in peacefully and returned to rebuild the cities, so at once
they reestablished Logrofio.
22 A manuscript letter of Juan Lorenzo Lucero dated Xeberos 1683 states that Logrofio
was first founded at the confluence of the Paute and Zamora Rivers and that “today Pedro
Espino de Caceres is missionary on that great river.”
% Vol. 11, pp. 12-13.
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
Gonzalez Suarez tells us ** that the soldiers sent for the defense
of Logrofio gathered together in a palisade which they constructed,
where they remained for an entire year. They suffered so much
want, that after sampling the leather on their shields without getting
much nourishment from it, they were forced to kill and eat all of
their watch dogs, which were greatly needed to warn them of the
frequent sorties on the part of the Jivaros. The trail to Cuenca being
held by the Indians, they finally succeeded in sending word down
the river to Santiago. Juan de Caseres Patifio, curate at that city,
proceeded at great personal risk to their assistance.
Tue Jivaro Revoir
Unquestionably the source of much of the gold utilized by the
Incas of the Highlands was in the rich placers of the Jivaro country.
It is therefore not surprising that during the second half of the
sixteenth century such strenuous efforts were made by the Spaniards
to colonize this humid and jungie-clad region. If we are to trust the
figures of the contemporary historians, many of these settlements
became surprisingly populous, but although dignified by the name
of cities, one should not lose sight of the fact that the houses were
nothing but small huts built of cane and roofed over with thatch.
The walls were of a light wattle-and-daub construction and in the
entire region not a single solid or permanent structure was erected.
Although these settlements were laid out in squares, with streets
and the ground plan of a city, they were probably not very impressive
to look upon.
During the first years of their foundation, at which time the In-
dians appear to have submitted in a docile manner to their encomen-
deros, the cities prospered and gave promise of great development.
With the death of Salinas no one with sufficient strength of charac-
ter or executive ability arose to take his place and from this time
the decline of the Spanish settlements in the region was rapid. As
the oppression and cruelties of the encomenderos began to make them-
selves felt the Indians grew more rebellious and the attitude of the
wild Indians became more and more hostile toward the Spaniards.
Successful revolts were carried out by the Indians in many places,
they being favored by the nature of the country and the climate
which was natural to them but unfamiliar to the Europeans. The
cupidity of the colonists in the end resulted in the final destruction
of themselves, of their settlements, and of their ambitious plans.
The series of revolts carried on by the Jivaros culminated in the
great uprising of 1599, which terminated in the complete destruction
of Spanish rule in the Jivaro territory and enabled the Indians to
34 Historia, General, vol. v1, p. 79.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 17
revert once more to their native customs and manner of life. The
following is Velasco’s account:
In 1599, the year the Araucanos rose in Chile against the Spaniards, the
Jivaros of Quito did the same. The cause of the terrible revolt is mainly
attributed to the avarice of the Governor of Macas, who issued an order that a
donation should be given by Indians as well as Spaniards, so as to celebrate
with due pomp the coronation feasts of Philip III of Spain. This order was
resisted by both Spaniards and Indians; the former, however, resolving to
defray the expenses of the feasts themselves, though it should cost more than
the donation. The governor now privately informed the Spaniards that he only
expected each to give according to his means; but this was not explained, or
perhaps not intimated, to the Indians.
The Macas and Huamboyas submitted to the order; but the Jivaros would
not, and were about to resolve to shake themselves off from the Spaniards and
retire to the banks of the River Morona. But Quirruba, one of their chiefs, told
them such was not the way to rid themselves of the yoke of the Christians;
rather to remain for the present, and that he would lay plans before them for
revenge. He advised first that great secrecy was absolutely necessary, and
secondly to collect even more gold than was required by the governor’s order.
Quirruba got all the Jivaros of the Morona to join in the conspiracy, the
Macas and Huampboyas promising to assist in the massacre of all Spaniards in
that region en a certain day and hour. Quirruba was to go with a sufficient
force to Logrofio (where the said governor would be), and the other two chiefs
were to enter, one Sevilla del Oro, the other Huamboya, putting all to fire and
sword.
Twenty thousand Indians under Quirruba surrounded Logrofio at midnight;
a portion took possession of the various barracks, so that the Spanish soldiers
should have no opportunity of assisting the inhabitants. Quirruba marched
upon the governor’s house, taking with him the gold the Indians had collected
ior the coronation gift. The massacre of the Spaniards now commenced, and
the governor was soon made prisoner, when he was tauntingly told the moment
had arrived to give him the gold they had collected. He was stripped, his
hands and feet tied, and, whilst some of the Indians were upbraiding him,
ethers were meliing the gold in crucibles. They opened the governor’s mouth
with a bone, saying they would now see if he could be Satisfied for once with
gold. They now poured the melted metal down his throat until his bowels
burst within him, when they raised their shout of exultation. This act having
been perpetrated, the morn began to dawn, when by this time every Spaniard
had been killed—menr, old women, and children; the younger females being
reserved as their prize.
Before midday the Indians learned that the capital, Sevilla del Oro, had not
been attacked by the Macas, who failed them. Quirruba now sent a large
force to attack Sevilla, distant 25 leagues. The conspiracy was only discovered
there on the morning of the fatal day at Logroiio. The Macas, fearful of suc-
cess, or that they did not dislike the Spaniards as the Jivaros did, failed to
cooperate ; but they did not reveal the sanguinary plans, and those distant from
the capital retired to the forests before the arrival of the fatal day.
It however transpired that the Morona Jivaros intended to destroy Sevilla
and other places on a certain night (that night). About nightfall a portion of
the inhabitants of Huamboya (16 leagues distant) arrived at Sevilla, the others
having gone toward Riobambo.
When the Jivaros were seen marching upon Sevilla del Oro the Spaniards
went out to meet them. Terrible conflicts and slaughter ensued on both sides;
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
when the Spaniards had to retreat to the city, having expended all their
ammunition. They were followed by the Indians, who set as much of the city
on fire as they could, and at night they retired. It was never known what had
been done in Mendoza, for neither Spaniard nor Indian was found there. In
Logrofio, it is said, there perished of the Spaniards 12,000. Sevilla had 25,000
inhabitants; one-quarter of these were saved, principally women and children,
but very few men. The Jivaros nearly destroyed the neighboring districts of |
Yaguarzongo and Jaen, Loja and Quijos, and even to Popayan this conspiracy
extended.
Realde, the President of the Audiencia of Quito, sent an armed force in the
Indian country, as did the Viceroy of Peru, Velasco. An armed expedition 7
under the governor went to Logrofio, where they only found heaps of ashes and
unburied bodies. The Spaniards went in search of the Jivaros as far as the
River Paute, the general rendezvous of these Indians, but arriving there they
only met with the ashes of their temporary dwellings; some of the Jivaros
having retired into the eastern Cordillera of the Yaguarzongo, the others into
the almost impenetrable forests of the Paute.
The Spanish Government gave up the idea of being able to punish the Indians,
when a rich private individual of Cuenca undertook it. He (his name is not
given) went with canoes, barks, and rafts to Logrofio, where he built a fort, in
ease of a retreat of his forces. He remained there in command, whilst his
force descended the river. The Jivaros lay in ambush and destroyed the whole
of the expedition. After 6 months those in the fort at Logronio heard of the
extermination of their companions, when they returned to Cuenca. The same
individual went with another expedition by the way of Loja, which also
failed; and in the end he had to beg for food in the very streets of Cuenca. He
applied to the Court of Spain for some recompense, which he did not obtain.
Another expedition was sent from Cuenca by land, when all died excepting
four.”
LATER HISTORY
The cities of Santiago and Nieva on the Santiago River apparently
continued to be occupied by the Spaniards to a certain extent follow-
ing the great uprising, but for 20 years Spanish activities in the
Jivaro country were practically at a standstill. The descendants of
the Conquistadores, however, never lost the idea of colonizing the
region of the Santiago, and finally in the month of September 1619
the Governor of Yaguarzongo, Don Diego Vaca de Vega, went from
the city of Santiago on an expedition with 68 soldiers and 3 priests
on a new effort aimed at subduing the Jivaros.
This well-equipped expedition embarked in 22 large canoes on the
Santiago River. Saabedra says that the river had a width of four-
quarters of a ship (400 rods) at the city of Santiago. He continues:
It is very quiet and navigable. Scarcely traveling 10 leagues down the river,
the Marafion is encountered which is very swift and powerful and, at the point
of junction with the Santiago, it is the width of three-quarters of a ship, and
together the two rivers continue their course to the Mar del Norte and, in a
little less than half a league, begin to narrow and surge through the pass of
35 Bollaert, 1863b, pp. 116-118. ‘Translated from Velasco, t. 111, p. 152.
| STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 19
the Pongo, which constricts the torrent which leaves at that place the general
_ range that crosses all of Peru, which range this river divides, passing with such
fury that it is beyond description because of both rivers going through the
pass of the Pongo which in places is only the width of one-quarter of a ship
and in other places twice the width of a street. It is a league and a half long,
' so that one passes through in little more than an hour.
In this stretch there are three places where the violent turbulence of the
water produces dangerous difficulties, the first two being due to currents exceed-
ing the ordinary ones in the pass and which originate due to the water striking
large rocks which project through the torrent in the channel, producing from
one end to the other of these rocks huge whirlpools whose vortices extend across
the river, in which torrents lie the danger, and in order to pass them it is
necessary to wait when the river rises; and the last torrent, which is the most
dangerous, the Indians call Marceriche [sic], because of the big jagged rocks
which the river here divides, the top of which is barely visible when rushing
through and the surface of the stream is composed of huge whirlpools and
their vortices, caused by the river striking against the big rocks and one big one
that is in the middle of the narrow channel where the river suddenly shifts
direction and it takes a vast amount of energy to pass that point; and they
call this latter Manseric because of the many small parrots that are on the
rocks.
Through this pass went the governor and three leagues farther down the
river encountered the first province of the infidel Mainas Indians which were
subdued by the Royal Service for there must be about 800 of them without
counting many that come every day from the river and lakes where they live.
These gave the governor a good reception.®
Saabedra describes how Vaca de Vega continued down the Maranon
and up the Pastaza to Lake Rimachuma, being very successful in his
dealings with these Indians and having no trouble with them. He
then says:
The governor, having seen that there were sufficient Indians in these two
provinces to found a city, determined to populate the city of San Francisco
de Borja and so it was done in the name of Your Majesty below the Pongo
and its pass, half a league from the general range on the left hand, on the
Marafion River toward the west; a healthful land with good air and climate
and a very good location. He founded it after considerable deliberation be-
cause the cities of Santiago and Santa Maria de Nieva of the province of
Yaguarzongo are protected by it from the continuous assaults that the infidels
are accustomed to make.”
Borja, the newly founded city, appears to have been inhabited for
some time by a mixed population of Spaniards, mestizos, and repre-
sentatives from numerous Indian tribes of the region, including some
Jivares. When Vaca de Vega returned he was named Governor of
the province of Mainas on condition that he pacify the Jivaros.
However, he apparently made no move to do this.
$6 Saabedra in Relaciones Geograficas, pp. cxxxix—cexl.
%7The account of Saabedra contains a very interesting description of the Mainas
Indians under the heading ‘“‘Manner and nature of the Indians and their mode of living;
fruits and sustenances supplied by the land of the Mainas, which land is reduced to the
Royal Service.” Unfortunately, Saabedra gives us no account of the Jivaros.—Saabedra,
in Relaciones Geograficas, pp. cxliv—cxlviii.
20 BURHAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
In May of 1645 his eldest son, Don Pedro Vaca de la Cadena,
who succeeded him in office, sent two Franciscan monks, Laureano
de la Cruz and Andrés Fernandez, into the Jivaro country from
Cuenca with a military escort under Antonio Carrefio. This expe-
dition resulted in complete failure, but it is interesting because it
marked the first of a series of combined religious and military expe-
ditions which enabled these attempts at subduing the Jivaros to be
cloaked with a more commendable purpose than was the case with |
the purely military expeditions of the past.
During the early part of the seventeenth century the Jesuits had
succeeded in establishing some flourishing missions in the regions
east of the Jivaro territory, from which source numerous expedi-
tions penetrated the Jivaro country with the avowed intent of con-
verting them to the evangelical faith regardless of consequences.
In 1656 Don Martin de la Riva Aguero, governor of Cajamarca,
organized a company consisting of 100 soldiers and an equal number
of Mainas Indians from the missions of the Jesuit father Raimundo
Santa Cruz.** The expedition followed the left bank of the Marafion
to the junction of that river with the Pastaza and here on J aly 25, &
1656, they founded the city of Santiago de Santander, which, how-
ever, had a very brief career. The Jivaro Indians, who were
promptly dressed by Father Raimundo in what he considered to be
a modest and proper manner, took the first opportunity to flee
from the expedition. When they were pursued they killed a consid-
erable number of Spaniards from ambush.
In 1690 Father Lorenzo Lucero, with a small squadron of canoes,
made a peaceful entrance into the Jivaro country, hoping to per-
suade the Indians to submit to kindness rather than to the use of
force. The Jivaros, however, had not forgotten the cupidity of
Martin de la Riva and their unhappy experiences with that expedi-
tion and Father Lucero was unable to succeed in his attempt. The
only result of this expedition was the establishment of a settlement
in the Jivaro country which they named Naranjo. There was so
little to hold it together, however, that the town soon failed and
was deserted.°*°
Tur Experrrion or Don JerO6NIMO VACA
In 1692 a very ambitious and determined effort was made to con-
vert the Jivaros by force and by persuasion. The Indians, how-
ever, evidently had other ideas about the saving of their souls, and
the failure of this expedition was as great in proportion as was
the effort put forth to insure its success. By order of the Royal
8 Chantre y Herrera, p. 176.
* Chantre y Herrera, p. 283.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 21
Audiencia, Don Jerénimo Vaca, Captain-General of Mainas, accom-
panied by the Superior of the Jesuit missions, Father Viva, under-
took the direction of this attempted conquest. Father Viva supplied
the expedition with canoes and a picked army of his best mission
Indians, consisting of Cunivos, Cocamas, Xeveros,*° Cutinanas, Par-
anapuras, Muniches, Otanavis, Chamicuros, Aguanos, and Tibilos.
The expedition was also manned by inhabitants of the town of San-
tiago and of Guallaga and the entire army, which now consisted of
900 natives and approximately 100 Spaniards, assembled at Borja.
Each of the many groups of Indians represented were in command
of their own missionary and each was armed in accordance with
its own customs The expedition had instructions from no less an
authority than the Royal Court of Madrid to find out for once and
for all the real truth concerning the richness of the alleged gold and
silver mines which were supposed to exist in the Jivaro country.
All of the missions had contributed liberally not only toward sup-
plying the expedition copiously with all sorts of foods and equip-
ment but generous financial support was rendered by them as well.
The historian tells us:
Many people in the city of Santiago not far from the land of the Givaros
had high hopes for the successful conclusion of this entrada. Among them, the
Vicar of the city, Don Isidro Moreno, a strict priest of exceptional demeanor,
was very much pleased with the prospect of seeing the Givaros conquered and
he contributed his share to the conquest, offering as many supplies as he could
without sparing expense, but the captain and the Spanish soldiers were not
a little disheartened because of the sad experiences which they had had in
the past with similar expeditions.
The priests, however, bolstered the spirits of the soldiers by ex-
plaining that the company of Jesuits would cover the entire expense
of the expedition and that the soldiers need not depend upon re-
ceiving anything from the Royal Audiencia, and so they set forth on
this final great effort for the spiritual welfare of the infidel Jivaro.
The chronicler continues:
Don Jeronimo (Vaca) having seen that everything was prepared, sent his
orders to the army to assemble at Borja. This was done, although not with-
out some difficulty because numerous canoes were cracked on account of the
violence of the currents in the river which in some places are very turbulent.
But finally having passed everything without special loss and having taken
from San Ignacio de Mainas the best Indians of that nation, they came to
the city of Borja, where they were received with many cheers and salutations
because of being one of the best and most well-organized armadas that had
ever been seen in that territory. The governor wished to assure the under-
taking and, knowing very well that courage and prudence for those in the army
must come from God, he commanded that, everyone having disembarked,
Not to be confused with Jivaros.
4 Chantre y Herrera, pp. 303-304.
7943—38——_3
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
they come in miltary order to the church of the city where, kneeling before
the Holy Sacrament, they made their vows, imploring the aid of Heaven on the
trip. Encamping near the city, all of the army prayed for several days that
they might pass without accident through the very dangerous gorge of the
Pongo, because a flood came up that prevented the transit of the armada.
They asked the Lord to lower the waters and, on the ninth day, they resolved
to pass through, which they did without losing anyone because, although 1
five of the canoes were overturned by the violence of the current, those who |
did not upset easily picked up the people.
Having passed the gorge of the Pongo, the entire party of canoes entered ©
the Santiago River, where General Vaca had embarked and was received with ©
applause and joy by the soldiers. Upon passing through the city of Santiago
they collected new provisions, and having done this, they took the direct route
to the former town of Naranjo, having sent ahead some canoes of Xeveros and
Cunivos, who, being more skilful in fishing, caught as many fish as they could
for the army. The squadron having arrived at a place called Cusahu in the
Gibaros territory, the General decided that some Spanish soldiers with some
30 Xeveros should disembark and reconnoiter the country, which party suc-
ceeded in capturing 21 Gibaros, by virtue of surprising them while they were
celebrating noisily a solemn drunken feast, because of having killed two famous
wizards, whose heads they had in the middle of the gathering. As they had
not been able to capture the rest of the Gibaros who were bathing some dis-
tance away in the river, these latter promptly spread the news to the whole
nation which rebelliously armed itself, collected together all their belongings
and carried those people unfit for war to their inaccessible hiding places. The
Spaniards camped between a ravine and the Santiago River and in 3 days had
fortified themselves in this place with a palisade and counterscarp made from
sticks and straw, which although it was not perfectly solid, was _ suffi-
cient to impede the blows of lances, the weapon used by the Gibaros. All
of our force consisted of 900 Indians, each armed according to the custom
of his tribe, and not quite 100 Spanish soldiers in whom, because of the supe-
riority of firearms, was principally placed the hope for the subjugation
of the Gibaros. This purpose would have been accomplished if the Indians
had come to a decisive battle; but far from pitting their arms against ours
in this manner, they followed the mannor of warfare which they had learned
on other occasions to be most advantageous. They did not appear gathered
together in a large body, but in small groups without order, but in advan-
tageous places, and when they saw the conflict going against them, they fled
through rough ground where they could not be followed. Our men left the
camp in various companies, somhe Spanish soldiers always accompanying the
Indians, and they made various expeditions in all directions and they even
penetrated aimost up to the city of Zamora of the other band of Gibaros; but
the result of these expeditions was so slight that it was soon seen that it would
be impossible to subject that nation strongly fortified in their impenetrable
mountains and hiding places in caves, if they did not change, as was not to
be expected, their custom of warfare, or if they did not come out of hiding.
In brief, during the 5 months that this expedition lasted, only 372 people
were captured, in reality a very small result when the great preparations are
considered, the number of people taking part, and the long time that was spent
in this much-talked-of expedition. It should not be omitted that various cap-
tives were the result of the diligence and efforts of the missionaries who at-
tracted and won these over by their good manner and kindness. The children
were immediately baptized and the people sent to the city of Borja and to the
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 23
Concepcion of the Xeveros; but as a result of carelessness during their transpor-
tation, some of the more daring ones escaped and returned to their lands. The
army, suffering now from hunger, depleted by illness, and diminished by the
death of several who fell into the hands of the enemies, was disbanded and
each section with its respective missionary took the path to its own land with-
out having even begun the conquest of the Gibaros, who were made strong by
their rough country and rocky cover from which some of the most courageous
emerged from time to time always leaving those people useless to them behind
in safety. Regarding this the Spaniards noticed a remarkable thing which
_ they admired very much. The mothers in order that they would not be dis-
covered and in order to free themselves from encumbrances would hang their
children to trees fearing that the cries of the children would give the Spaniards
some indication of their secret hiding places.” The expedition served a certain
purpose in that it enlightened those who thought that force of arms would be
sure to succeed in that territory particularly when uniting the missionaries with
the soldiers But the Spaniards were so far from succeeding in the subjugation
of the Gibaro nation that the principal result of their undertaking appeared to
be that they had succeeded in nothing more than discovering a way by which
it was possible to travel to the city of Cuenca.*
When the disastrous results of this attempt were brought to the
attention of the Viceroy of Peru he issued an edict prohibiting
similar military forays in the future.
Tuer Later Jrvaro Missions
Following this episode, the Jivaros were left undisturbed for a
long time. It was not until 1767 that a new attempt at their conver-
sion was made. In this year the Jesuit father, Andrés Camacho,
went alone into the country around the headwaters of the Morona,
where a large group of Jivaros had established themselves. He also
visited others on the Santiago River and still others between the
Morona and the Pastaza. Father Andrés gained the friendship and
confidence of the Jivaro chief Masuthaca, and because of the
friendly manner in which he conducted himself seemed well on the
way to making considerable progress with his plans. He succeeded
in baptizing about 200 children. However, just at this time the de-
cree of Charles IIT appeared, expelling the Jesuits from the Spanish
colonies and, as a result, his efforts came to naught.**
The missions which had thus been launched were turned over first
to secular priests and then to the Franciscans, who conducted them
from 1790 to 1808. It appears, however, that no progress was made
by the missions and the period was principally one of decadence and
disorganization.
2 Gonzalez Suarez adds the following: ‘The Givaros violently taken from their native
farms, either fled or committed suicide: Mothers killed their own young children, pur-
posely choking them with dirt or with mud and stones.”’ Suarez, Hist. Gen., vol. VI, p. 204.
* Chantre y Herrera, pp. 303-307.
“ Chantre y Herrera, pp. 574-577.
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
During the time that the Jesuits from their eastern missions were
attempting to convert the Jivaros the Dominicans were trying to do
the same thing from the west. The Dominican convent of Quito
sent out four priests in the year 1581 into the territory of the Jivaros
and the Canelos. Valentin de Amaya traveled down the right bank |
of the Pastaza while Baltazar Quintana explored the left bank of ©
the river. Diego de Ochoa and Sebastian Rosero penetrated into the
mountains of Penday and Poya near the source of the Pindo River. —
During the year 1581 the town of Canelos was founded at the mouth |
of the Pindo and missionary work was started at this point. How-
ever, the Spaniards were continually harassed by the attacks of the
Jivaros and it became necessary to change the location of Canelos
twice. It was finally established on the left bank of the Bobonaza
on the spot where it exists at the present day.*® This mission was
officially turned over to the Dominicans by Charles II in 1683 but
it did not progress, and by 1778 it contained only 22 converts.
About this time Father Santiago Riofrio arrived, and under his
administration the mission began to make headway. He succeeded
in adding three small villages to the territory of the mission in
1789. These were Nuestra Sefora del Rosario, San Jacinto, and
San Carlos de los Achuales.*® In 1803 the Dominicans relinquished
control of the mission and it was placed under the Bishop of
Mainas.
During part of the eighteenth century the Dominicans attempted
to expand the mission at Macas, but with little success. In 1736
Martin Huydobro de Montalvan, acting under instructions of Gov-
ernor Don Alejandro de Escalante, began work among the wild
natives of the region but succeeded only in introducing smallpox
to them instead of Christianity. The Indians, having no resistance
to this new disease, suffered terrible fatalities and the survivors
fled.”
In 1785 Don Manuel Vallano y Cuesta, Corregidor of Loja, by
order of the President of Quito, dispatched an expedition to Zamora
and vicinity.*®
With the expulsion of the Jesuits and the dawn of the nineteenth
century the series of attempts at the conversion of the Jivaros tem-
porarily came to an end. For more than a century they had re-
sisted the moral persuasion of the priests as successfully as they had
the firearms of the Spanish soldiers.
4 Voyage d’exploration d’un missionnaire dominicain chez les tribus sauvages de
lV Equateur, p. 134, cited by Rivet, 1907, p. 345.
46 Gonzdlez Suarez, Historia General, vol. vi, p. 196, note 12.
47 Compte, p. 55.
48 According to Gonzalez Suarez, the diary of Don Manuel Vallano y Cuesta contains
considerable information of an ethnological nature concerning the Jivaros living in the
vicinity of Zamora. This account, which is apparently still unpublished, also contains a
map of the region showing the site of Zamora at that date as lying te the east of Loja.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 25
During the last quarter of the eighteenth century there arose
a rumor that there was a rich treasure concealed in the ruins of
the old city of Logrofio, destroyed during the uprising of 1599.
It was also believed that, could these ruins be relocated, it would
be possible to again discover the placer mines in the vicinity, which
in legend had grown to be fabulously rich. The expeditions which
went into the Jivaro country during the last quarter of the eight-
-eenth and the first quarter of the nineteenth centuries were inspired
with the hope of discovering these treasures. The invasions usually
were thinly cloaked as missionary efforts for the conversion of the
Indians. _
In 1788 and 1789 expeditions were dispatched in search of Logro-
ho by the Bishop of Cuenca, José Carrion y Marfil. It was hoped
also to discover an easy path from Cuenca to the territory of the
Mainas missions, with the idea in mind of opening this country
to exploitation. These expeditions located some ruins which were
evidently an archeological site of aboriginal origin but which they
mistook for the ruins of the old city, and the rumor was kept alive.
The most interesting of these treasure-hunting parties was or-
ganized in 1815 under the direction of a Dominican friar, José
Prieto, who conducted an expedition to the spot where Logrofio
was supposed to have been founded. Prieto proceeded to the moun-
tains of Gualaquiza, where he was received in a friendly manner
by the Jivaros, and he succeeded in baptizing some of their chil-
dren. Having thus began the work of conversion, he took the oppor-
tunity to establish a small settlement and here founded the town
of Gualaquiza, 1 league from the confiuence of the Bomboiza River
with the Paute or Santiago. He was encouraged in this effort by
the Jivaros, who were motivated by a desire to obtain free European
trade goods and other favors from the Europeans. The Indians
told Prieto that the location of Logrofio had been carried down to
them by tradition transmitted from fathers to sons and pointed
out to him some orange trees, saying, “here lie buried the whites,
your ancestors.” #? Prieto’s article, ““Descripciédn de la provincia de
los Jivaros, su religién, costumbres y producciones”, was the best
ethnological account of the Jivaros prepared up to this time.*°
Following this period, the political disturbances in the South
American colonies and the various wars of independence practically
brought to an end further attempts at penetration into the jungle
country of the Andes. The Jivaro were left in peace until about the
429 Gonzdilez Suérez had in his possession the diary of Prieto written during this expedi-
tion which contains among other things a detailed plan of the ruins which he found at
the junction of the Bomboiza and the Sangurima Rivers. It is obvious from the descrip-
tion that these are of pre-Columbian origin.
50 Prieto, in Compte, pp. 63-68.
26 BUREAU OF AMHRICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
middle of the nineteenth century, at which time the missionaries
renewed attempts at their conversion.
In 1848 Manuel Castrucci de Vernazza visited the tribes of the
Pastaza but did not have much success in his mission.
In November of 1852, Fray José Manuel Plaza, Bishop of Cuenca,
being desirous of colonizing Gualaquiza, set out for the region of the
eastern Andes in spite of the fact that he was more than 80 years of
age. He spent about 5 months among the Jivaro Indians on the
Zamora and has described his expedition in a report to the Ecuado-
rian Minister of State, dated April 9, 1853. After describing the
natural resources of the Gualaquiza region, he says:
The Indians called Jivaros live in Chuquipamba and principally on the banks
of the Zamora up to the point where the Chicani are found, this being the place
which serves as a port of embarkation in coming from Loja and which is 5
days from Gualaquiza going up and only 2 coming down. The Jivaros live in
that complete natural liberty which is so lamentable to the body as well as to
the soul, since from it arises polygamy without the vigilance and toil of the
priests being able to restrain it, resulting from this a repugnance towards em-
bracing the Christian religion and consequently a state of slavery and abjec-
tion for the women, victims of the pleasure, incontinence and libidinousness of
the men; one can well affirm that these three passions form the distinct char-
acter of these infidels.
Their dwelling, which they change every 6 years at the most, is exactly
elliptical in shape, it holds several families and each one occupies a kind of
berth made of Gadua bamboo-cane, in which one sees a blowgun, a lance, a
shield, some feather ornaments, black seeds, and four to six leashed dogs.
Round about this house there is a plantation of yucca, bananas, cotton, toquilla,
and guayuza. They abandon the house even before 6 years if a Jivaro dies;
his body is placed with lance and shield at his side and surrounded with food
and drink, and the house closed and remains closed and no one ever returns to
live there; which proves according to them the immortality of the soul and
the existence of a divine being, the judge of good actions and of bad, who
punishes through a bad character called Ikuanchi. Their language is poor and
contains many quichua words; their numerals only reach as far as four and
in order to express a greater quantity they make use of the digits of their
hands and their toes. As descendants of the old rebels of Logrono they preserve
the maxim of not fighting as a unit but scatter throughout the woods and reduce
their tactics to treachery. Their clothing consists of a skirt that covers them
from the waist to the thigh.
There are about 40 groups of houses dismantled between Gualaquiza and
Yumasa, maintained by 12 people, men and women who have remained not-
withstanding the terror that the infidels inspired in them.”
It does not seem advisable to attempt to outline the many accounts
of travelers, missionaries, and military expeditions into the Jivaro
country during the second half of the nineteenth century, but it will
be of interest to indicate in a sketchy manner missionary work which
continued during this period.
51 Letter of D. Fr. Manuel Plaza dated Apr. 9, 1853, in Compte, pp. 293-299.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS pay
In the year 1869 the Jesuits were again permitted to return to their
old field in eastern Ecuador. Missions were established at Canelos
and Macas which had been taken over from the Dominicans. Other
establishments were begun at Gualaquiza and at Zamora. In 1869
the Jesuit fathers Ambrosio Fonseca and Manuel Guzman began their
work at Canelos. The following year Fathers Andrés J. Pérez and
Nicolés Soberén settled at Macas and Fathers Louis Pozzi and Do-
mingo Garci at Gualaquiza. Of the old missions, only Zamora was
abandoned. In 1873 militant uprisings of the Jivaros forced the
abandonment of Gualaquiza and in 1885 Macas suffered the same fate.
On October 4, 1886, the ecclesiastical authority again intervened, and
the missions of Macas and Canelos were taken away from the J esuits
and given to the Dominicans, so that the J esuit order was once more
completely out of the Jivaro country.
In 1893 the Franciscans took charge of the mission of Zamora and
on February 8, 1893, the apostolic vicarship of Mendez and Gualaquiza
was created and entrusted to the Salesian group, who have operated
their missions in this territory to the present time.
In the year 1902 the first Protestant mission was established in
Jivaro territory when the Gospel Missionary Union of the United
States established a mission on the Upano, where it was operated
under the direction successively of Mr. Freeland, Mr. Olson, and Mr.
Eamigh. At present this mission is located at Chupianza, on the
Upano River between Mendez and Macas.
Attempts at the establishment of any sort of military posts within
the Jivaro country have failed in modern times as completely as they
did in the past.
In the year 1865 the Peruvian Government reestablished the agri-
cultural colony at Borja. The attempt to found this colony started
very auspiciously. Entire families were collected and embarked up
the Marafion on river steamers which it was intended would be run
on a 6 months’ schedule in order to furnish them with food and
necessities after they had established new homes until such time as
their crops materialized. The foundations of the town were laid,
the first houses built, and the first crops planted. At the end of 6
months the steamer arrived to find a flourishing community of about
100 people. Six months later the boat returned to find nothing but
charred ruins. They had been visited by the Jivaros from above the
Pongo.*?
‘The latter part of the nineteenth and the early part of the twentieth
centuries was the period of the great rubber boom in the Amazon
basin. In place of gold seekers the Jivaro country was invaded by
unorganized groups searching for wealth in the form of wild rubber.
52 Up de Graff, p. 171.
re BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
These cosmopolitan adventurers left few records of their contact with
the Jivaros, but they made no attempts at permanent settlements.
With the collapse of the rubber market, they soon left the region.
Comparatively speaking, the first of the present century has been a
quiet period for the Jivaros with respect to alien invasion. |
During the last part of the nineteenth and the early part of the
twentieth centuries the Jivaros occasionally made forays as far down-
stream as the Peruvian post of Barranca below the mouth of the
Morona.
In 1915 a Peruvian garrison on the upper Morona was attacked by
the Jivaros and practically the entire garrison was killed. Im 1925
the village and mission of Cahuapenas on the Apaga River was com-
pletely wiped out by an attack of the Aguaruna Indians. In 1928
there were further encounters between the Huambizas and the Peru-
vians and many of the Indians were killed.
POPULATION
In the year 1580, wishing to have an exact account of the enco-
miendas under his charge, Juan de Salinas dispatched agents to the
different cities which he had founded in the territories of Yaguarzongo
and Bracamoros of which he was governor, in order that they might
make an accurate census of the native Indians in these regions. The
census takers were apparently more than a year in completing their
work and returning their reports to Valladolid, which at that time
was the “capital” of the territories. During this period Juan de
Salinas died and was succeeded by Gaspar de Salinas. The latter
being absent at the time, Capt. Juan Aldrete, acting in his place,
ordered the scribe Joan Pizarro to assemble the material of this
census and to include with it a brief description of the environs of
each city taken from the reports of Juan de Salinas himself. This
census bears every evidence of having been carefully made and gives
us an excellent idea of the aboriginal population in the Jivaro terri-
tory in the sixteenth century just before the breakdown of the
encomienda. Because of its unique interest, the report is here trans-
lated in its complete form, although the sections relating to the cities
of Loyola and Valladolid are not included in Jivaro territory.
AccouNT OF THE GOVERNMENT OF YAHUARZONGO AND PacAmuRrus *2
In the city of Valladolid, where this government of Yahuarzongo and Paca-
muros is located, December 1, 1582, Capt. Juan Aldrete, governor of said terri-
tory, because of the absence of Gov. Gaspar de Salinas de Loyola, proprietor
of said government, by order of the most powerful President and Judges of the
58 Relaciones Geograficas de Indias, vol. Iv, pp. 33—45.,
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 29
Royal Audiencia of Quito, commands me, the present scrivener, to make an
account and census of the Indians and impressions of the things that are within
the territories of the cities that are established in the said government sur-
veyed by Don Juan de Salinas (so be his glory), whose memoranda and
account of the character of the cities that are populated in said government
are the following:
THe Ciry oF SANTIAGO DE LAS MontTaNas
The city of Santiago de las Montatias of this government was visited in 1580
by command of his lordship Don Juan de Salinas Loyola (so be his glory).
He commissioned for said visit Captain Joan de Rada Medrano and Pedro de
Lasarte, who visited the scattered Indians in the territory of said city and it
appears, according to their examination, the number of Indian men and women
are as follows:
First, in the encomienda of Captain Francisco Perez de Vivero, which
includes the towns of Yangoraza and Yatanbizas [sic] and Ranaones and
Andoas, 1,645 Indian men and women, children and adults, of which 951 are
males and the rest females.
In the encomienda of Captain Hernando de Orozco, adjoining said city, which
includes the towns of Yranaones [sic] and Guatuzas and Andoas, 1,082 Indian
men and women, adults and children, of which 5386 are males and the rest
females.
In the encomienda of Alonso de Hinojosa, inhabitant of said city, including
the towns of Cama, Jumbare and T'ayones and Andoas, 916 Indian men and
women, of which 496 are males and the rest females.
In the encomienda of Francisco Bricefio, inhabitant of said city, including the
towns of Yaguiza and Curiza, 1,016 Indian men and women, of which 588 are
males.
In the encomienda of Captain Bernardo de Loyola, including the towns of
Yanones and Andoas, 615 Indian men and women, of which 380 are males.
In the encomienda of Juan de Ortega, inhabitant of said city, including the
town Yranaones, 360 Indian men and women, of which 220 are males.
In the encomienda of Rodrigo de Solis, inhabitant of said city, including the
towns of Caciruma and Chuguaca, 640 Indian men and women, of which 335
are males.
In the encomienda of Juan Cornejo, inhabitant of said city, including the
town of Pinchonama, 188 Indian men and women, of which 102 are males.
In the encomienda of Juan de Acarrero, inhabitant of said city, including
the town of Moronaza, 339 Indian men and women, of which 188 are males.
In the encomienda of Francisco de Herrera, inhabitant of said city, including
the town of Curaguana, 308 Indian men and women, of which 168 are males.
In the encomienda of Juan Bautista, inhabitant of said city, including the
town of Cumigarapa, 212 Indian men and women, of which 146 are males.
In the encomienda of Francisco de Medina, in the town of Civiraonas, 90
Indian men and women, of which 36 are males.
In the encomienda of Francisco de Cardela, inhabitant of said city, including
the town of Turrumbaza, 265 Indian men and women, of whom 152 are males.
In the encomienda of Simon de Carvajal, inhabitant of said city, including
the town of Cuyumbana, 543 Indian men and women, of whom 304 are males.
In the encomienda of Diego Vela, inhabitant of said city, including the town
of Bobonaza, 323 Indian men and women, of whom 160 are males.
In the encomienda of Francisco de Tapia, inhabitant of said city, including
the town of Turrumbaza, 265 Indian men and women, of whom 152 are males.
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
In the encomienda of the late Alonso Perez de Toro and his wife who owns
them, including the town of Marazaconas, 216 Indian men and women, of whom
145 are males.
In the encomienda of Juan Zamorano, including the town of Patocurapa,
260 Indian men and women, of whom 146 are males.
The Indians who are under the head of Governor Don Gaspar in the |
districts of said city in the towns of Cenisa and Cangaza number 661 Indian
men and women, of whom 357 are males. |
Total, 10,159; men, 5,759. * * *
This city of Santiago has jurisdiction over more districts and Indians than |
these, but, because they were down the river and not all pacified, it was not
possible to visit them.
His lordship, Don Juan de Salinas Loyola (so be his glory), populated this
city in 1558 on Santiago day, which was when he discovered the said terri-
tory. The city was settled on the Marafion River, by which river his lordship
embarked in canoes for the exploration he made of said river. It was located
in a place seven leagues before arriving at the Pongo, which is a pass and
boundary made by the sierras and mountains, because from it, down to the
Mar del Norie, all is level plain. The natives make use of canoes by means
of which they travel on the rivers that are within the territory of this city.
There are many of these in proportion to the population and with these canoes
they come to the aforementioned city. The land is mountainous and very hot;
they do not have herds of llamas and therefore they dress in cotton, of which
much grows in said land. Formerly they went about generally unclothed,
but now all the men, women and children usually are well clothed, because of
this training having come to them. The rivers contain a great quantity of
very large fish; even porpoises go up to the aforementioned city from the sea.
There is plenty of food, maiz, and roots, and many different kinds of good
fruits, and much hunting in the mountains, which are not very rough, such as
wild hogs, deer, tapir, and many other game animals, which said Indians
kill easily with bows and arrows. There are many very beautiful birds,
pauxies and piures (piuriés) and big partridges, and many other birds that the
Indians domesticate in their houses. There are mines of rock salt and large
springs of salty water. They trade this with the Indians on the river below,
where salt is not found. They are a people living free from the subjugation
of any ruler, although each is a partial subject of his chief, under whom they
join together to make war and to rob and to take the heads of their enemies.
The chief is not chosen by inheritance but is the most cruel among them, he
who formerly commanded them having died. They used to suffer much harm
before the Spaniards settled among them and protected them from all the
neighboring Indians, because of being very settled people and the land being
easily traversed by canoes, which often held 40 or 50 Indians paddling; they
traveled far and, coming upon a town by night, no one escaped unless he fled
into the mountains. They had neither rites or ceremonies, but only to be
born and to die; and thus they entered the evangelic faith without difficulty,
and all in general know prayers and are baptized and receive and ask for the
sacraments; for which purpose the newcomers have formed towns and put
them in order and neatness so that each town has its church and ornaments
and its cabildos and their alealdes and magistrates, by whom the Indians who
commit crimes are taken and brought to justice in said city; and they decide
civil cases with all fairness. There are in the territory of this city four clergy-
men who preach and administer the holy sacrament, each one in accordance
with his stipend and salary, which is about 500 pesos of silver for each clergy-
man without his altar fee and provenciones. They did not have to pay taxes,
| STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 31
only the things that they took from the natives’ lands being useful, and thus
they have estimated that there is a certain quantity of food and from each
six Indian men of a certain age, they took one so that he might take out
gold seven months of the year, whom they call curicamayos ; and those who are
thus collected together are called cwadrillas, in accordance with the number
of Indians that each encomendero has.. Some have 20 curicamayos and others
50 or 80 more or less, according to the number; the encomenderos give them
for each period of seven months, two vestures, which consist of two mantas
and two shirts and the food, salt, meat, maiz, and beans necessary, and they
keep them together in their houses with all kindness, and the other five months
of each year, they live in their own houses and on their own territory; the
curicamayos must be from 14 to 25 years of age, because the others do not
travel in search of gold, which gold is taken out of the Cangaza and Lranbiza
Rivers in the territories of said city, by which rivers all the natives go to
take it out and they carry all their food from their own towns and inns up to
the neighborhood of said mines by water and canoes and thus do not burden
themselves.
They take out from said rivers each year 20 to 25 thousand pesos. They
work the river bed and the flats. It is 23 carat and grain gold. The Spaniards
have no other trade or contracts with the natives outside of said city and
said mines, where the merchandise is sold publicly.
The said city obtained Castillian things through the city of Jaen, which
came up to said city in canoes and by beasts of burden from the city of
Chachapoyas and Moyobamba, and they came by land; and from the cities
of Cuenca and Loxva came many ordinary Indian natives of the cities of
Cuenca and Loxa to said mines with their trade goods looking for barter.
They know that they should respect justice and obey calls and commands,
and they come to complain freely of any grievance against their encomenderos
and others, when they have been too rigorous in administering justice to them ;
and the governor and his lieutenants and alcaldes and their judges visit the
districts of each city, and the Indians and chiefs come to them freely to re-
count any small grievance that they might have received. They have knowl-
edge of each particular pertaining to the repairing of the roads and main-
taining them and the Royal Inns in which are sold those things necessary for
travelers, according to the prices in the book of rates.
THE City or LOYOLA
The city of Loyola of this government was visited in 1580 by command of
his lordship aforementioned, who gave the commission to Captain Hernando
de Vega, who visited said city and its districts and visited the following
Indians :
First, the encomienda of Anton Sanchez del Castillo, inhabitant of said city,
including the town of Capaparachu, 345 Indian men and women, of whom 185
are males.
The encomienda of Pero Gomez de Rueda, inhabitant of said city, in the town
of Cambuco, 320 Indian men and women, of whom 146 are males.
The encomienda of Martin Correa, including the towns of Chamanama and
Zanlonama, 460 Indian men and women, of whom 264 are males.
In the encomienda of Nufio de Monsalve, inhabitant of said city, including the
town of Camilache, 434 Indian men and women, of whom 226 are males.
In the encomienda of Juan Ferel, inhabitant of said city, absent, including
the town of Yanachima, 112 Indian men and women, of which 61 are males.
32 BURHAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
In the encomienda of Captain Francisco Gonzales Montoya, including the
towns of Misacandoro and Cutirimi, 352 Indian men and women, of which
196 are males.
In the encomienda of Alonso de Oviedo, inhabitant of said city, including
the town of Marizana, 269 Indian men and women, of which 148 are males.
In the encomienda of Dofia Ines de Estrada, including the town of Calaqui,
413 Indian men and women, of whom 214 are males.
In the encomienda of Pedro Gomez Duarte, including the towns of Changona
and Cutirinci (Cutirimi?), 336 Indian men and women, of whom 168 are males.
In the encomienda of Pedro de Bafiuelos, including the towns of Mijanoma
and Paima, 229 Indian men and women, of whom 167 are males.
In the encomienda of Jer6nimo Ponce, including the town of Ambo, 334 Indian
men and women, of whom 212 are males.
In the encomienda of Hernando de Orellana, inhabitant of said city, including
the towns of Namai and Lalanguiche and Tantamora, 316 Indian men and
women, of whom 166 are males.
In the encomienda of Gasper de Ortego, including the town of Tanchinama,
328 Indian men and women, of whom 184 are males.
In the encomienda of Francisco Caballero, inhabitant of said city, including
the town of Guarindilla, 387 Indian men and women, of whom 192 are males.
In the encomienda of Antonio de Herrera, in the town of Cumbare, 91 Indian
men and women, of whom 45 are males.
In the encomienda of Hernando Jedeon, including the town of Muchonami,
183 Indian men and women, of whom 87 are males.
In the encomienda of Alonso Sanchez, including the town of Marraco, 162
Indian men and women, of whom 87 are males.
In the encomienda of Diego de Albarreda, including the town of Caronoma,
168 Indian men and women, of whom 8&5 are males.
In the encomienda of Captain Alonso de Fuentes, including the towns of
Zambotama and Manguiche, 258 Indian men and women, of whom 149
are males.
In the encomienda of Juan Ramos de Larangui (from Caranguwi?) ineclud-
ing the town of Changata, 164 Indian men and women, of whom 86 are males.
In the encomienda of Bartolomé Lopez, including the towns of Pomanga
and Lacuemache, 366 Indian men and women, of whom 198 are males.
In the encomienda of Francisco Nuiiez, including the town of Misacho, 250
Indian men and women, of whom 147 are males.
In the encomienda of Juan Cano, absent, including the town of Caxrunguima,
112 Indian men and women, of whom 60 are males.
In the town of Mixalalangui, which is under Governor Don Gaspar, within
its territories, 400 Indian men and women, of whom 186 are males.
Total6,616.. 7 =.%
This city of Loyola was settled by his lordship Juan de Salinas Loyola (so
be his glory) when he began establishing this government. It is a land of
hills and valleys, and the natives all dress in wool, because of possessing a
great number of llamas in the territory which have the customary stones™
in their stomachs. They are a people of equal rights who never were sub-
jects nor do they pay taxes or give tributes. They have chiefs and leaders
who lead them as captains in their wars, which they have with one another
and kill each other regularly, and thus they establish their settlements in
the strongest places, which are now towns formed by the newcomers. They
* These bezoar stones were considered by both the Spaniards and the Indians as having
magical properties.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 33
have many drunken feasts and these, as well as the wars among themselves,
decimate them. They put herbs of witcheraft in their drinks, with which
they kill one another. Gold is taken from all the rivers and more will be
found. The Spaniards have discovered exposed mines and veins where gold
is now taken out. They do not have in their land anything with which to
pay taxes and thus they are taxed by making certain plantations of maiz
and roots for the maintenance of their encomenderos and curicamayos, and in
every district, according to the number of Indians in it, they give one out
of five as he must be a boy of 14 to 25 years of age, who work said mines
seven months of the year and the rest they spend on their lands and in their
own houses. They do not mill the metal but wash it with troughs for
which every year a vesture is given to each Indian. Said mines are about
seven leagues distant from said city. They provide them with all necessities.
They take out every year in the districts of this city 30 to 35 thousand pesos.
It is 42 leagues from the city of Lova to this city, and 35 from the city of
Xaen, and 30 leagues from Zamora; and 50 from Santiago, and 18 from Val-
jadolid; this is all broken mountainous country. There are many rivers across
the trails and very powerful ones that cannot be forded, and over all of them
are bridges of reeds or canes. These Indians do not leave for any trade out-
side of their native land. They trace among their own towns. There are
three clergymen in this city and in its district who preach to them and
administer the holy sacrament, 400 pesos of stipened being given to each one.
In this land, in order to make their farms, they do not plow the land, but,
having cleared an area on the mountainside with axes and burned it over,
they sow here the mayz [sic] and roots which they gather three times in
fourteen months, because of its being a rainy land, the seasons not being
definite, and having many marshes. All the towns have churches and alcaldes
and they live in an orderly manner and are intelligent people; and the
euricamayos and all are very well treated, because, although in the beginning
they made their vestments very short, in order not to hamper them in warfare,
now they make them down to their knees. The Spaniards do not mix with
them. This city obtains plenty of merchandise from Spain which ordinarily
comes from the city of Loxva and which is publicly sold in the city and mines,
including cattle and hogs and ali necessities.
THE CITY OF VALLADOLID
The city of Valladolid was settled by the aforementioned lordship when he
entered to establish this government in 1556, and by his command his captains
returned to rebuild it, it having been depopulated and abandoned by the
Spaniards at first because of his absence and occupation in his exploration and
because of the hardships and wars with the natives, who are very warlike
people and who killed many of the Spaniards.
By command of the aforementioned lordship (so be his glory), the Indians
within the territories of said city were visited in 1580, although said city and
the rest of this government had been visited other times, although not reduced
to towns. Pedro Gomez Duarte visited it and found the following number of
Indian men and women.
The encomienda of Captain Garcia de Paredes, absent, including the town of
Guambduco, 96 Indian men and women, of whom 64 are males.
The encomienda of a minor of Vasco Martin, dead, including the towns of
Yanapinga and Yanzame and Ongomania, 340 Indian men and women, of whom
250 are males.
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
The encomienda of Captain Hernado de Vega, absent, including the town of
Palanda, 230 Indian men and women, of whom 120 are males.
The encomienda of Captain Juan Navarro, including the towns of Tangoraca
and Colalayer (?), 160 Indian men and women, of whom 98 are males.
The encomienda of Andres Lopez de Agurto, including the towns of Picuncha
and Yaca, 243 Indian men and women, of whom 130 are males.
The encomienda of Juan de Saucedo, including the towns of Tapala, Larina-
manta, Callanga, Hongomanta, 263 Indian men and women, of whom 137 are
males.
The encomienda of Francisco Magarinos, including the towns of Pangora and
Gariuba, Colomata, Cananche, 215 Indian men and women, of whom 132 are
males.
The encomienda of Alvaro Camacho, including the towns of Zamayoc,
Yuminche, and Mohoche, 162 Indian men and women, of whom 10@ are males.
The encomienda of Captain Juan Aldrete, including the towns of Licaroma
and Yarami, 228 Indian men and women, of whom 128 are males.
The encomienda of Pero Ximenez Magarifo, including the towns of Zacapo
and La Rinconada, 230 Indian men and women, of whom 106 are males.
The encomienda of Diego Alvarez, including the towns of Misalenchi, Posirimi,
Quichiparra, Yangonama, 176 Indian men and women, of whom 98 are males.
The encomienda of Elvira Montero, including the towns of Yumba and
Yamtbamba, Curpa, and Paco, 178 Indian men and women, of whom 8&7 are
males.
The encomienda of Aldonza Martin, minor, including the towns of Tacanambe
and Pacamari, 120 Indian men and women, of whom 60 are males.
In the town of Culichima, with the others of Captain Juan Navarro, 108
Indian men and women, of whom 50 are males.
Totals 2-915: males: i560, 5 10s °
The natives of this city of Valladolid live on slopes and defensible places,
because of being warlike people and people of complete equality, and, as they
say, they have many times defeated the captains of the Inca who entered to
subject them. Their arms are lances of palm wood more than 25 palms in
length, and stones and axes and javelins. They do not have chiefs, but the most
courageous is chosen as leader, and the inhabitants of one town make war
against the others living in the towns nearest, by cutting off their heads and
stealing their lamas and guinea pigs. They formerly clothed themselves with
wool from the lamas, although the clothing was very abbreviated; now they
travel and are dressed in all good taste. They work their land with plows
(tacllas) and the richest ones have the best plantations because some 100
Indian men and 100 Indian women are collected together to plow and they turn
back the land to them (the rich ones). They work until midday and from
then until midnight they drink and dance, and during these dances each one
takes the woman that he desires and they go out to indulge their vices, and their
wars were caused by this, because after they had sobered up they felt the
insult and went to avenge it, and these acts of retaliation brought about others.
Gold is found in aj] the rivers and in three of them which are very great, it
is found everywhere and the Spaniards have discovered mines and veins in
the hills which are worked separately, although, the working of them is very
difficult because of the lack of natives at present, for, in addition to those
used up by the drunken feasts that they have, many of the younger Indians
having lost their parents have left and gone to the cities of nearby Peru,
and since those remaining did not have in their land anything to give as
tribute they were taxed in the same manner as the rest by giving to their
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 35
encomenderos, curicamayos, and making plantations for them. There are two
priests in this city and its territory and one administers the sacraments to the
Spaniards and the other to the natives. The encomenderos pay the priest of
the natives and they give the priest of the Spaniards 300 pesos out of the
royal treasury. They do not breed any kind of stock in this land except cattle.
Wheat is raised, although the crops are frequently lost. It is about 5 leagues
from the Cordillera and 18 from the city of Loza.
THE CITY OF SANTA MARIA DE LAS NIEVES
His lordship ordered this city established in order to satisfy those who had
not been given an encomienda of Indians in the city of Santiago de Las
Montanas, which is on the Marason River in the direction of the city of
Chachapoyas de Moyobamba. Captain Joan Navarro de Beaumonte visited this
city by command of the aforementioned lordship in 1580, although it had been
visited and examined before. From this visit it appears to have the following
number of Indian men and women.
In the towns of Titibupata and Ticancama, encomienda of Luis Darmas,
inhabitant of said city, 369 Indian men and women, of whom 2380 are males.
In the town of Bambaro, encomienda of Juan Izquierdo, 297 Indian men
and women, of whom 168 are males.
In the towns of Curagurapa and Cociaia, encomienda of Juan Gonzales,
103 Indian men and women, of whom 55 are males.
In the town of Yungagones, encomienda of Juan Diaz, 150 Indian men and
women, of whom 83 are males.
In the town of La Cordillera, encemienda of Francisce Bustamente, 341
Indian men and women, of whom 190 are males.
In the town of Chichicaza, encomienda of Pedro Vello, 213 Indian men and
women, of whom 117 are males.
In the town of Yauinare, encomienda of Bartolmé Mendez, 223 Indian men
and women, of whom 116 are males.
In the town of Zangona, encomienda of Pedro Sanchez, 283 Indian men and
women, of whom 125 are males.
In the towns of Yuniangones and Zagazagas, encomienda of Garci Gonzalez,
250 Indian men and women, of whom 1380 are males.
In the town of Palenque, encomienda of Xpbal Diaz, 123 Indian men and
women, of whom 63 are males.
In the towns of Cangaza and Tugurogones, 240 Indian men and women, of
whom 156 are males. It is the encomienda of Juan de Saldafia, inhabitant of
said city.
In the town of Chingama, encomienda of Benito Gil, 232 Indian men and
women, of whom 128 are males.
In the town of Catarima, encomienda of Dofia Francisca Valera, 262 Indian
men and women, of whom 153 are males.
In the town of Yumiraguas, encomienda of Xpbal Diaz also, 124 Indian men
and women, of whom 52 are males.
In the town of Yumiraguas, encomienda of Xpbal Diaz also, 124 Indian men
and women, of whom 66 are males.
Total, 2,427; males, 1,332. * * *
The land and territories of this city of Nieva [sic] is mountainous and of
the same temperature and nature as that of Santiago. It developed that
gold was not to be found in the territories of this city and therefore cotton clothes
were made there by the order and measure that the curicamayos of the other
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
cities gave them, and the encomenderos gave them spinning wheels and
cotton and other things necessary for making said clothes. For their work
they paid said Indians their vestuaries. In the territories of this city, there
is a sierra and range that is all salt. It is situated 30 leagues from the city
of Santiago, the Marafion River being in between, and thus the Indians have
suffered greatly from the wars made on them by the neighboring Indians on
the river below. It is a fertile land, productive of maiz and other roots, —
which they plant on the mountains. There are two clergymen, one of whom
administers the sacraments to the Spaniards and the other to the Indians as
in the rest of the towns. They are a very settled people, like those of the
Santiago. They are all orderly and well behaved. They do not have treaties
or contracts with the Spaniards.
SEVILLA DEL Oro—LocroNo
In this government was established the city of Sevilla del Oro in the territory
of Macas, which city, because of the few people settled there and also because
of the natives not being in servitude and of suitable temperament, has not been
visited in order to be divided into towns. It is a mountainous land which
adjoins the province of the Quijos, by the royal road with the seat of
Riobamba. It is a land where gold is found and taken out, although, because
of the Indians not being settled, cuadrillas have not been ordered. The land
produces much cotton and much food. There are likewise two clergymen
there, of whom one administers the sacraments to the Spaniards and the
other to the Indians, as in the other cities.
The other city which is populated halfway between this city of Sevilla and
that of Santiago, is the city of Logrofio de los Caballeros. They are a very
warlike people and have killed a great number of Spaniards and every day
they kill them. It is a very rough land, having many rivers and ravines, all
of which in general have gold, and in such quantity that the Spaniards are
obliged to forget the danger and try to subject them for the profits they ean
obtain and which the land promises. They tried to take out gold and with a
great deal of difficulty, took out almost 30,000 pesos the first year, which they
had to spend in subsistence and necessities, dividing it into lots of five for the
neighboring cities, which is the reason they did not give any profits to Your
Majesty, because of not having any other industries in the land but the mines,
and thus not having any other profit; and thus there are no military officers
or town officers or secretaries there ; because first it is necessary to find some-
one who would like to organize it after the manner of the governments of the
other cities. Because of not having anything else to Say concerning them, it is
unnecessary to enlarge the account more.
In the city of Valladolid, December 1 1582.
JUAN ALDRETE.
By command of the Governor.
JOAN PIZARRO,
Public Secretary.
Thus we find the combined population of the districts of Santiago
and Santa Maria de Las Nievas was 12,586, of which number 7,091
were males. The region enumerated under Santiago evidently in-
cluded the Zamora basin and the upper Santiago River. That of
Nieve apparently included the lower Santiago and the Alto Marafion
above the Pongo Manseriche. Because of their hostility at the time,
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 37
no census was taken of the Jivaros occupying the Upano basin. Ap-
parently no record was made of the inhabitants of the Morona and
Pastaza. It is safe to assume, therefore, that the figure given repre-
sents considerably less than one-half of the total Jivaro population
at the time.
In the year 1599 it was said that 20,000 Jivaros joined in the attack
against Logrono.** There can be little doubt that this figure is exag-
gerated, but judging from the partial census of Salinas, the Jivaro
population in the last quarter of the sixteenth century must have
totaled more than 30,000.
Tt is not easy to obtain an accurate estimate of the complete number
of Jivaros at the present time. Delgado gave a census for the Upano
basin and the upper Morona of 3,151 Jivaros, of whom 600 were men
old enough to fight. Ten years previously this same group was said
to have had 2,000 fighting men.®®> At the same time there were said
to be 2,069 infidels and 1,371 Christians on the Pastaza and its tribu-
taries.°° In 1907 the Salesians estimated that the Jivaro population
in their vicary of Mendez and Gualaquiza was 9,790. It is not clear
upon what data this figure is based and it appears likely that it is in
excess of the true number occupying this region at the time.
In 1905 Von Hassel gives us the following figures: Aguarunas,
2,000 to 2,500; Muratos, 5,000; Antipas, 2,000; Huambisas, 800 to
1,000.
Taking this estimate for the lower Jivaro country, Rivet admits a
total population of 20,000, which number, using the proportions of
Vacas Galindo, would include 4,000 fighting men.
There can be no doubt that the population has diminished consid-
erably since the time of the conquest. The decrease of population in
the Upano during the decade from 1880 to 1890 was more than 50
percent, according to Vacas Galindo.
In the year 1888 there were 172 Jivaros at Capahuari and 83 at
Copataza. The next year the combined populations of these two
communities was only 100 after a war had taken place.*?
The present writer has mentioned a similar instance where the
Jivaro population of the upper Yaupe and Canga Rivers was almost
exterminated between the years 1925 and 1930 as the result of re-
peated war raids. This sort of thing has been of regular occurrence
throughout the Jivaro territory and has been without doubt an im-
portant factor in holding down the population. Smallpox has been
an even greater factor in reducing the number of Indians at various
54 Velasco, t. II, p. 152.
5 Delgado, p. 418.
6 Colecci6n cartas dominicas. Cited by Rivet, 1907, p. 357.
57 Vacas Galindo ‘‘Nankijukima,” p. 184,
79453—38———+4
29 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
times. The combination of disease and warfare would probably have
brought about the virtual extinction of the Jivaros had it not been
for the fact that women are not habitually killed in war raids. Thus
the polygynous customs of the Jivaros tend to keep the birth rate
higher than wartime casualties would seem to warrant.
Although the Jivaros are probably the largest tribe inhabiting the
Amazon basin, owing to the large extent of their territory they are
spread out so thinly that the population is evidently not much more
than one to the square mile.
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
Brief references to the political organization of the Jivaro Indians
by sixteenth century writers seem to indicate that in this respect very
little change has taken place up to the present time. Salinas says
that the Jivaro Indians in the vicinity of Santiago—
were free from the subjugation of any ruler, each town recognizing no more
than its own chiefs or captains and, although they are not a hostile people,
they carry on continuous wars among themselves.
Referring to the Jivaros of Cungarapas on the lower Santiago,
he says:
They continually have their disputes with one another because of not having
a head chief whom they respect, but each town and group has its chiefs and
captains in the manner of those of Santiago before mentioned.
In his second letter, Salinas, again referring to the Jivaros in
general, says:
They had their differences and civil wars among themselves because of not
having a head chief but only local chiefs and captains in each town or settlement,
which were not clustered together but were populated in a scattered manner.
Joan Pizarro says of the Indians of the Santiago that—
They are a people living free from the subjugation of any ruler, although each
is a partial subject of his chief under whom they join together to make war and
to rob and to take the heads of their enemies. The chief is not chosen by
inheritance but is the most cruel among them, he who formerly commanded
them having died.
At the present time the political organization of the Jivaros is at
best a very flexible thing and is simple both in theory and in practice.
The Jivaro-speaking peoples are divided into scores of so-called tribes.
These tribal divisions, however, are merely artificial denominations
given by the whites to groups more or less isolated in certain geo-
graphical units such as rivers or divides. Tribes in this sense have
no existence in the minds of the Indians themselves.
The simplest unit of organization is the patrilineal family group
living under a single roof. Such a household is quite independent
and self-sufficient, being subservient to no one. The head of the
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 39
household is usually the oldest man in it, known by the Spanish term
“capito.” Where there are a number of houses in the same general
vicinity these may recognize a common war leader known by the
Quechua term “curaka.” It is significant that there is apparently no
word in the Jivaro language indicating the equivalent of our idea of a
chief.
A typical unit or group under a curaka consists of six or seven
houses, each with its capito, situated over an area of 5 or 6 miles on
some small river. Such a group has no name to designate it other
than that of the stream on which it is located. The blood ties in
such a group are likely to be rather close. All groupings of the
Jivaros other than the household group proper, which is a natural
family unit, are traceable directly to the custom of blood revenge.
Such groups are in the nature of loose alliances for defensive or
offensive warfare. Insomuch as war raids are purely in the nature
of feuds, these alliances are never very extensive or very permanent.
The power of the curaka is purely advisory and is confined to war-
fare. He has no authority to order men against their will for any
purpose, even that of fighting. The curaka has no special insignia
denoting rank and has no special privileges, other than the prestige
which his position gives him. He holds his position only as long as
he retains his personal influence with the group. Realinements. of
household groups are frequent as leaders lose prestige or die.
The number of households under the influence of a given curaka
is subject to a great deal of fluctuation. It frequently happens that
a strong curaka will build up a fairly powerful group of warriors
about him. A weak curaka or capito may have a blood-revenge
killing to attend to but will find himself outnumbered by the enemy
to such an extent that he is afraid to attempt a killing with his
own group. In this event he is likely to call upon the strong curaka
to arrange the killing for him, paying him with a gun or a woman.
Often, too, a weak curaka, fearing that his group would not be able
successfully to defend themselves against an attack from enemies, will
voluntarily place himself and his group under the influence of the
strong curaka in a loose sort of alliance. In this way the strong
group tends to grow and to become even stronger until one curaka
may have 8 or 10 lesser curakas more or less under his control.
This state of affairs is usually not very permanent. Owing to the
loose organization and lack of any real power on the part of the
head curaka, the large group becomes unwieldy or develops diverse
interests and it tends to split up again into independent units. Con-
sequently, in as little as 2 or 3 years’ time, the original head curaka
may find that one or more of his former lieutenants are now stronger
than he.
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
Two examples personally encountered, illustrating the manner in
which tribal organization changes, may serve to make more clear the
nature of these groupings.
Four or five years ago there was a strong chief on the Upano River
named Tuki, known to the Ecuadoreans as José Grande. In the
manner previously described, all of the curakas from Macas on the
Upano River to Mendez on the Paute River became subchiefs under
him until he was generally recognized as the strongest of all of the
Jivaro curakas. However, he was beginning to grow old by this
time and some of his subcurakas were strong men in their own right.
About 2 years ago, Ambusha, who had been gradually gaining in
power and becoming famous for his head-hunting activities, split
off with his own group, taking several curakas and their men with
him. A little later Utita did the same thing. At the time of the
writer’s visit (1981), although Tuki was recognized by the Govern-
ment of Ecuador as being head chief of the Macas-Mendez region,
actually he had lost all power excepting that over his own family
group and was in reality no more than a capito. These divisions of
the organization, if it may be termed such, took place apparently
without any ill feeling or formal announcements.
The other example serves to illustrate the effect which warfare may
have upon tribal groups. In 1925 the region of the Canga River
and the upper Yaupe was very populous and prosperous. The In-
dians here were a warlike group confident of their own strength and
much feared by all of the Indians in neighboring regions. The
curaka of the Canga Jivaros was a well-known warrior called Cu-
cusha. Anguasha (pl. 4, d), another warlike leader, was head of the
Yaupe group. The two had always been close friends and com-
panions. During a period of 10 or 15 years they compiled a notable
war record, each being credited individually with more than 50
heads during this time. Their raids extended to all of the tribes
in the district and some quite distant, until they became the terror
of the region. However, these constant raids under two such ag-
gressive leaders began to take their toll of men. Although many vic-
tories were registered, they were constantly losing warriors, until
eventually their numbers were appreciably reduced. In 1927 Cu-
cusha paid a friendly visit to the Indians of the upper Morona. In
1929 he became sick and died.
Among the Jivaros the chieftainship theoretically is inherited by
the eldest son. In the ordinary course of events, Cucusha’s son,
Asapa, would have succeeded him. Asapa, however, was sickly and
not able to go to war. Therefore he went to Anguasha and said
to him:
“Our tribes have become lately much reduced in number. Our warriors have
been killed and many of our women stolen. I am not fitted to be a curaka.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 41
My father was a cousin of your father. I think it would be best for you to be
curaka to both groups, which can now be as one.”
Thus the Canga and Yaupe tribes were consolidated under
Anguasha. Shortly after Cucusha’s death Anguasha was spoiling
for a fight. Someone happened to remember Cucusha’s visit to the
Morona 2 years previously, and it was decided that a wishinu from
the Morona had brought about his death. The lance was dug up.
Anguasha gathered his warriors together and crossed the moun-
tains dividing the Yaupe and the Morona. They attacked, found
their opponents well entrenched and well prepared for their coming,
with the result that all of Anguasha’s warriors excepting two were
killed. Anguasha himself received a bullet in the back but managed
to escape. Thus was the once powerful Canga-Yaupe alliance prac-
tically exterminated.
WAR
At the present time the Jivaros are without doubt the most war-
like group in all South America, and it is probable that this statement
would hold true for the past century. In this respect, however, they
have merely retained a custom and a war pattern that was widespread
in northwestern South America at the time of the conquest.
The present-day practices of the Jivaro with regard to war resem-
ble closely the sixteenth and seventeenth century descriptions given
by the Spaniards who attempted to conquer them and who had an
excellent opportunity to observe this aspect of Jivaro ethnology.
The accounts given of the methods of warfare practiced by neigh-
boring tribes and by distant tribes of the highlands of Ecuador and
Peru would seem to indicate that their motivation and method of
fighting was very similar. Raids on distant groups in order to obtain
trophy heads, individual prestige enhanced by this same method;
even the preparation of tsantsas and the accompanying feasts and
ceremonies were carried on over a large region.
The gold in the headwater streams of the Santiago brought the
Jivaros in contact with the Spaniards at an early date. During the
sixteenth century they apparently did not offer much resistance to
the intrusions of the Spaniards, although they were continually fight-
ing among themselves in much the same manner as they do at the
present day. It took some time for the Spaniards to establish them-
selves as natural enemies, but after enduring the encomienda for
about 30 years the Jivaros finally arose in a united revolt which
freed them permanently from foreign rule, in spite of the fact that
continuous efforts have been made since that time to exploit their
territory.
The type of warfare which enabled them to maintain their liberty
against the European invaders was, however, considerably different
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
from the internecine fighting which they have always maintained
among themselves. It involved the temporary alliance in a common
cause of several groups of natural enemies who laid aside their per-
sonal feuds until their purpose was accomplished. The success of
the great revolt of 1899 is probably due primarily to the fact that
in the person of Quiruba the Jivaros found an exceptional leader in
a time of need.
The fighting which constitutes the normal war pattern of the
Jivaros consists of a never-ending cycle of blood-revenge feuds which
may vary in extent all the way from an individual murder by a
single man from ambush to desperate struggles of extermination in
which several hundreds may be involved. There appears to be a
difference, however, between the numerous assassinations which take
place and the more formalized raids on distant groups which may
more properly be termed warfare. It is typically in the latter
instance that heads are taken and tsantsa ceremonies performed.
A good description of the methods used by the Jivaros in fighting
against Spaniards is to be found in the account of the Vaca expedi-
tion in 1692.°° The Spaniards complained that the Indians, instead
of standing their ground in close formation so that they could be
effectually shot down, preferred to scatter through the brush and
reappear at unexpected times and places, attacking from ambush.
Although on some occasions considerable numbers of Jivaros unite
for the purpose of war raids, or in defense against attack from
invaders, their decentralized manner of living makes this rather diffi-
cult. Living as they do in individual houses, each containing a few
families at most, and separated one from the other by considerable
distances, there is no concentration of population at any one place
such as would tend to produce large engagements.
When Benavente first encountered the Jivaros he found them thor-
oughly belligerent and described them as being the most insolent and
independent of all of the natives that he had ever seen in the Indies.
It is likely that word of Benavente’s harsh treatment of some of the
Indians bordering on the Jivaro country had preceded him. The
fact that he attempted to capture some of the first Jivaros that he
saw by setting dogs on them did nothing to assist in attaining for
him a friendly reception.
A few years later, when Juan de Salinas first penetrated the Jivaro
country and established his colonies, he found the Jivaros a friendly
and docile people. He repeatedly contrasts their friendliness and
domesticity with the fierce, warlike nature of the tribes encountered
in the highlands.
58 Saabedra in Relaciones Geograficas, vol. IV, pp. ¢xxxix—cxl.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 43
We know, however, from many early descriptions, that the Jivaros
were as active in their head-hunting raids in early times as they
are at the present and, from the meager descriptions which have been
left us, it would seem as though their manner of conducting these
blood feuds has changed but little with the passage of centuries.
Joan Pizarro, writing in 1582 concerning the Jivaros of the Santi-
ago River, says:
They are a people living free from the subjection of any ruler, although each
is a partial subject of the chief under whom they join together to make war and
to rob and take the heads of their enemies * * *. Their chief is not chosen
by inheritance but is the most cruel among them, he who formerly commanded
them having died * * *. They used to receive much harm from all the neigh-
boring Indians before the Spaniards settled among them and protected them
because of being a very settled people and the land being easily traversed by
canoes that often held 40 or 50 Indians paddling; they travelled far and, com-
ing upon a town by night, no one escaped unless he fled into the mountains.” ®
A few early observations on the Indians of the higher valleys west
of the Jivaro country are interesting because of the similarity they
show to the customs of the Jivaros. In 1571 Salinas says of the
Indians of Valladolid and Loyola that they are—
warlike people, fond of fighting and of killing and cutting off heads and plun-
dering, and thus perpetually have their own wars among themselves because of
not haying a head chief whom they respect but each town has its chiefs and
captains under whom they band together.”
Joan Pizarro says of the Indians of Valladolid, writing in 1582:
They do not have chiefs but the most courageous is chosen as leader and
the inhabitants of one town make war against the others living in the towns
nearest, by cutting off their heads and stealing their llamas and guinea pigs
* * * | Parties of about 100 men and 100 women work together in the gardens
until midday and from then until midnight they drink and dance and during
these dances each one takes the woman that he desires and they go out to
indulge their vices, and their wars were caused by this, because having sobered
up they felt the insult and went to avenge it, and these acts of retaliation
brought on others.”
In 1665 the Jesuit Father Francisco Figueroa wrote a description
of the customs of the Indians of the Mainas provinces.
The account resembles so closely the general war pattern of the
Jivaros that it is included here.
But the ruling passion, the object of their rejoicings, of their pleasures, and
of their greatest felicity, is war. To undertake it, a general congress of all
the nation, presided over either by the cacique or by the individual who is to
command the warlike hosts, is assembled. The pipes of tobacco are lighted,
the pots of masato are handed round, and when Bacchus has already taken
possession of their senses and faculties they deliberate on this important point
59 Pizarro, in Relaciones Geograficas, pp. 36—37.
© Relaciones Geograficas, p. Ixvi.
1 Pizarro, in Relaciones Geogrdaficas, p. 42.
AA BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL 117
and on the nation which is to be the object of their vengeance. The causes are,
either a desire to plunder; or because they deem themselves affronted; or
lastly, because they have received an injury from other tribes on which they
Care not seek revenge. The expedition being resolved on, they recommended to
the Mohan certain fasts, to which he is to subject himself most rigorously.
For this purpose he retires from all human intercourse, and immures himself
in a solitary hut, which he usually quits half dead. He replies by urging the
necessity of entering on the campaign. If it be prosperous, they bestow on
him a thousand praises, and the best of the spoil; but if it terminates un-
fortunately, he receives from them as many Stripes and execrations. When
ihe day arrives on which they are to march, they invest themselves with all
the trappings and offensive weapons that have been pointed out, carrying, as
defensive ones, bucklers made with interwoven reeds, and lined with the skins
of animals. That they may have a clear sight to desery the enemy, they rub
the eyes with red pepper.” Having formed in column, the general delivers a
short harangue, exhorting his people to valor and constancy; and from time
to time bestows a few taps on the legs of those whom he observes to be slug-
gish, or to be out of their station. This disposition having been made, they
set out for the enemy.
As these piracies are frequent and unexpected, the towns they inhabit are
as many fortifications prepared for defense. They are formed of several large
buildings, with two doors of communication, one at the side of the steep ascent
and the other next the level ground. The whole represents a half moon, with
the convex part turned toward the forest. In this way, while they are assailed
at one of the doors, and while a part of them repress the enemy’s impetuosity,
the rest gain the forest by the other outlet, and, having divided themselves into
two wings, maintain advantageously the defense of the place. With the same
view, deep excavations are made in the center of the half moon, and in other
parts brambles and stones are heaped together and covered over with earth and
palm leaves, to the end that, by entangling the feet of the incautious in their
progress, they may be prevented from advancing with promptitude. At a cer-
tain distance drums made of hollow trunks are suspended from the trees: being
slightly secured in the ground, the passage of the enemy disengages the cord,
and the noise they make in their fall gives notice of the danger. As all these
Indians are, however, of the same stamp, they are acquainted with and deride
these stratagems.
As soon as the invaders imagine themselves near to the populations they
mean to assault, they halt, and dispose themselves in a column. The general
now harangues them a second time and inflames their courage. They then
proceed to adjust carefully the llautos, or plumes, as well as the collars and
bracelets, preparing their weapons, and rushing impetuously on each other,
with a view to render themselves formidable. After these preliminaries, they
send out their scouts to reconnoiter the ground and the trees, and to ascertain
the path by which they may proceed with security. Having found it, they
advance with the utmost silence, towards the dwellings, which they assail
with a terrible war-whoop, maiming and decapitating all they encounter, with
the exception of the children, whom they lead into captivity. After having
satiated themselves with the spilling of human blood, and having plundered
62 Gonzilez Suarez tells us that the Jivaros anointed their eyes with a decoction made
from peppers white insulting the tsantsa at the festival. This was for the purpose of im-
proving the eyesight that they might be more alert in war. Hist. Gen., vol. 6, p. 216.
Karsten also describes the use of pepper juice in the eyes for the same purpose. Karsten,
1935, p. 461.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 45
whatever is within their reach, more especially the heads of those they have slain,
they return victoriously to their homes. The invaded sometimes stand on the
defensive; but usually those who attack are the vanquishers. Their most
common practice, therefore, is to fly to the forest, and having assembled there,
to proceed to the encounter of the invading foe, whose progress they arrest.
Having in their turn become the assailants, the issue of the contest is fre-
quently so much in their favor that they do not leave any one of the adversaries
to carry to his nation the tidings of the defeat. But whether their attempt be
prosperous or unsuccessful, they complete the destruction of the town which
the enemy had assaulted and remove to another part.
If those who engage in an expedition of this nature succeed in all the
stratagems of the warfare they dispatch a messenger to their nation to
announce their victories. The instant these are made known, all who remained
behind, the women more particularly, collect together and sally forth to meet
the warriors, bestowing on them welcomes and encomiums in proportion to
the number of heads each brings with him, and reprehending and deriding him
who comes without them. This operates so powerfully on these barbarians
that they would suffer death sooner than enter their house without the head
of an enemy, or some other extraordinary token of their prowess. Those who
maintain that the Indian does not pique himself on his honor, of which, accord-
ing to them, he is devoid of every sentiment, certainly have not studied his
heart. The Itucalis, in proportion as they decapitate their enemies, divide
the skin which covers the bridge of the nose, and by the introduction of the
small husks of the palm into the incised parts, form warts, or excrescences,
the number of which is from time to time augmented, until at length they
extend from the space between the brows to the tip of the nose, and occasion
an uneven outer ridge, by which these Indians are extremely disfigured. The
first process they perform on the heads they bring with them is to boil them,
and having stripped the skin from the head and visage, it is stuffed with straw,
and dried in the smoke, thus forming a mask. The teeth they extract for their
collars and the skulls they suspend as trophies from the roofs of their
dwellings.
Their victories are celebrated with much solemnity, in the house of the
captain or cacique, on a particular day appointed for that purpose. For these
joyous occasions a provision is made of a great number of jugs of masato,
which are placed in rows in a large saloon, having different seats, according
to the quality of the guests. At the appointed time all the people assemble,
decked with a thousand ridiculous and extravagant inventions.
The warriors constantly bring with them the masks which have been above
pointed out, and which they grasp by the hair. Being assembled at the door of the
banqueting house, they prepare their weapons, and having made a feint at-
tack, retire backward, as if they were repulsed; at the third assault they
break their ranks and proceed to form a circle. The dancing and singing now
commence, the principal aim of the latter being to insult the masks, and to
tax them with cowardice, and with not having either fasted or anointed the
eyes with red pepper. While they vent these reproaches, they commend the
prowess of those by whom they were subdued. The dance concludes by copious
draughts of masato; and in this alternation of dancing, singing, and drinking
they remain for several days and nights without intermission, until all the
jars are empty. Father Figueroa pleasantly observes that he is at a loss
to conjecture how they have a head for so much noise, a throat for so much
exclamation, and a tooth for so much liquor.
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
The whole being terminated, they rise, form into two columns, the one
opposite to the other, and begin to dance, mutually attacking each other,
dragging the adverse party by the hair and striking him furiously, after which
they depart peaceably for their homes.
The captives made by our barbarians are treated with infinite humanity,
as if they were brethren; a quality which they observe among themselves,
begging pardon whenever they have given offence.™
In 1682 Lucero, who accompanied the expedition of Diego de
Vaca, described the methods of fighting by the Jivaros in the follow-
ing account.
The Jivaros appear formidable at first sight because their robust, tall, and
well-proportioned bodies give them an advantage over many tribes on the
great Amazon River; their lances and shields are not like those of ordinary
men but of giants; their garment is so long and ample that it reaches their
feet and is encircled with a belt a palm wide, very well made of hair, in
such a manner that this long skirt can be drawn up through it so that it only
reaches the knees, enabling them to climb their ridges with ease, carrying
in the part of the garment hanging over the girdle many stones for some
purpose or other. Their head is encircled with a red band in the form of
a wreath, all decorated with spangles of shell which was showy workmanship
and pleasing to see. Seeing many Jivaros together produces an agreeable
sight; however, in keeping with what has already been referred to, his
arrogant mode of speaking and his fierceness, even though he had no other
adornment, would be sufficient to make him known as a haughty son of the
mountains * * *, The sharpened blades with which they tip their lances
are of bones taken from men whom he has killed from ambush, a prize among
them of inestimable value because he who carries it gives to all in the region
authentie testimony that he has committed murder, or Ayuwmba, which is the
same thing. Their houses are large and are all in the wilderness because each
family lives apart; the reason for living thus being that they are all treach-
erous and kill each other without abatement except for the women, whose
number alone increases their force; and thus they observe only the law which
says, he lives who conquers, and for this reason no one trusts another, for
experience with so many fatal results has shown them that he who trusts
his best friend dies without recourse, and it has been demonstrated that the
women of the dead belong without any question to the murderer, besides which
he needs other means in his possession to show the blood on the lance and
to dance with the head in a joint festival of Ayumbas, in which the drinking
runs in proportion to the amount of manioc turned into very strong wine, so
those who become intoxicated undertake new expeditions to kill others; and
as similar excesses follow one another and are continued without fear, either
to chief or cacique (whom they do not have) [sic]; they live so well armed
and keep such careful guard that it seems a miracle to a Spaniard that any
escape in their houses; because, since they live on such high ridges, those who
climb up to them by slow degrees and with much work are necessarily dis-
covered, there being, as I have said, sentinels posted on all such advantageous
places. It appears from what I have said before that on the first rumor of
a Spaniard the word went almost at once through all of the province, and
then there was a general truce between Xibaro and Xibaro, considering the
Christian their greater enemy, against whom they joined together hoping to
6 Joseph Skinner, 1805, pp. 285-290.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 47
ambush them in the roughest part of their trails. The Christians, not knowing
of the hatred, died without warning.
In the narrowest and highest part of the ridge they set up good-sized stones
held by supports made of sticks fastened with vines, which being cut, the
stones being free fall heavily on whomever might be below and break them to
pieces, those who are coming up being unable to help themselves; then the
Xibaros without fear of injury or of falling into the hands of his enemies get
down behind the stones, so that they appear as if they were part of the road-
way itself. They rush down then to compete against each other to see who
will be successful in returning with the greatest load of heads, but when the
sides of the narrow roadway were grown with thick tree trunks the Christians
protected themselves behind them, remaining so free that the Xibaros who came
down blindly, eager for heads, found themselves prisoners of those they had
considered dead.
And when they fell into the hands of Christian Indians, not only did they
find themselves prisoners but also cut to pieces, the Spaniard being careful to
defend them from our Indian friends, which fact the Xibaro knew so well that
when he fell into the hands of the Spaniards he knew his life was safe, and
on the contrary, when he fell into the hands of Indian friends: and for this
reason if he is able he calls in the Indian language to the Spaniards, saying
many times: “Apache’, when they wish to say Spaniard."
It is of interest to compare Lucero’s account with the following
description of the Quijos written in 1577 by Diego de Ortegon:
They do not form a great state or an organized nation: each section is gOv-
erned by itself; and, when they go to war, they elect for leader the most valiant
and courageous among the caciques, and his command lasts the duration of
the war, no longer: their arms were wooden lances, shields, the macana, and
javelins. They cut off the heads of their enemies and they arrange them on
stakes stuck in the ground, around their houses * * *.
As expedients against their enemies they made use of big stones, which, hav-
ing tied them with vines, they suspend them from the sides of the hills over
the narrow and uneven trails; their enemies passing unsuspectingly they then
cut the ties and the stones fall with violence, pounding and knccking down in
their path as many as they strike on the trail: a manner of warfare very ter-
yible and disastrous, of which some of the soldiers of Gonzalo Diaz de Pineda
were victims. The thickness of the vegetation contributes to making the danger
more serious, hiding from sight that original method of warfare.”
Concerning the warlike customs of the Jivaros, Prieto wrote at
the beginning of the nineteenth century:
Their inclination to make cruel and ferocious war on their fellow creatures
distorts and obscures all their good qualities to such a degree that the Jivaros
are reputed to be the most cruel enemies in all the world. Traveling from
mountain to mountain, from forest to forest, from river to river, looking for
other infidels like themselves in order to take their lives and dance with the
heads of the dead is what most amuses, delights, and enraptures them. In order
to satisfy this ferocious custom, hardships, nakedness, long trips, hunger, and
whatever one might imagine, does not hinder them, as they aspire to no other
¢ Tucero, p. 27.
6 Gonzalez Suarez, Hist. Gen., vol. VI, pp. 58-59.
AS BURDBAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
glory nor greater happiness than to merit the name Cocarama,® as the continu-
ous wars which I myself have observed demonstrate; and thus it happened in
my time when I was Cura-Doctrinero of the town and mission of Canelos, dur-
ing the years previous to my arriving at this parish, that the town of Copataza
was annihilated, and at the same time the town of Palma in the time of M.
Rdo. P. Santiago Riofrio of the order of Predicadores, my predecessor in
Canelos. In my time these same Jivaros of Gualaquiza, Bonboisa, and Zamora,
together with the Jivaros who lived on the Paute River in the vicinity of
Macas, made various forays on the other side of the Pastaza River, where they
committed atrocities, taking the heads of many infidels in order to dance with
them * * *
Their dances are a horrible abomination and make even those with much
courage and spirit afraid upon Seeing them. A few years ago they sacrificed
all the Christians of the new Zamora near Loja to this wicked end. Among
those suffering the same fate was Don Julian Eguiguren, a native of Spain, who
was in the town of Zamora when the revolution of the Jivaros occurred. Two
months before I entered this conquest, a horrible battle occurred between the
Nantipas Jivaros, who live on one of the rivers tributary to Zamora, and
those who live in the Vicinity of the Pongo Manseriche; also another battle
between the latter and the Pafocamas, who live on the headwaters of the
Marafion near Jaen. Also the Jivaros of Mayalico and Suinde are preparing
to wage a cruel war against the Jivaros of the great Achual near Canelos.”
In October 1899, Up de Graff, with three companions, accompanied
a joint war party of the Antipas and Aguarunas comprising about
200 individuals. The party was under the general leadership of
an Aguaruna wishinu by the name of Tuhuimpi. Up de Graff
joined the party near the Pongo Manseriche as they were headed up
the Santiago River, with the object of attacking the Huambizas.
They proceeded carefully, the canoes progressing in single file.
Each day the party got under way at sunrise and, stopping only
once for drinking nijimanche at midday, they continued until just
before sunset, when camp would be made. As the party proceeded,
special hunting parties were sent out to provide food and the entire
party stopped at times in order to fish in favorable localities. Dur-
ing the daytime the Antipas and Aguarunas mingled indiscrimi-
nately, constituting a single party, but at night they camped apart.
For the most part, the members of the party were nude, although
each carried with him his best itipi, a small pot of achiote, feather
ornaments, a basket of nijimanche, a chonta wood spear and a half
gourd to be used as a drinking cup. A number of the party had
blowguns to use for hunting purposes but they were without fire-
arms. The whites with the party were warned not to use their
guns for fear of alarming the enemy.
Although a large party, it was conducted with considerable order-
liness and a certain sort of discipline was observed, inasmuch as the
leaders were apparently obeyed without question.
The Jivaros called the brave ones and those who had proved their valor by killing
many people, Cocarama.
% Prieto, in Compte, pp. 65-66.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 49
After progressing up the Santiago in this fashion for several days
the party drew near the mouth of the small stream which was their
objective. Here they stopped on a sand bar while the wishinu went
through a ceremony for the purpose of bringing rain, in order to
test out whether or not the rain god was in their favor. The rain
- came as predicted, greatly increasing the confidence of the warriors.
At the mouth of the small stream a camp was made in the jungle,
where the party was completely concealed from the rivers. A group
of four picked scouts was sent up the little river in advance in
order to size up the situation. While the scouting party was away
all of the canoes were drawn into a quiet bay, were half filled with
mud, and, after being moored by means of vines, submerged so that
none of them were visible. That evening the scouts returned, having
located the jivarfas which were to be attacked and counted the
Huambizas who occupied them.
As it was evident that the presence of the war party was entirely
unsuspected, an increased spirit of optimism came over the attackers.
That night all members of the party stained themselves completely
black with sua. Each of the two divisions of the party built a
fire and danced all night long, brandishing their spears and boasting
of what they would do to the enemy on the morrow, apparently
disregarding the fact that this performance increased the chances of
their discovery.
Very early the next morning, without any of them having slept,
they partook of nijimanche and then carefully dressed themselves
in their best ornaments. The canoes were raised and moored on the
bank of the main river where they were left in charge of a small party
of old men and boys. A number of boys 9 or 10 years of age had
been brought along by their fathers in order to gain war experience.
Led by the scouts, the party moved silently in single file up the left
yank of the small stream until within about an hour’s march of their
objective. Here the party split; the Antipas going into the jungle in
order to make a wide circle so as to attack the jivaria farthest up
the river, the Aguarunas staying close to the stream and progressing
slowly so as not to reach their objective ahead of the Antipas.
As they drew near the house, they approached with extreme care
until they reached the edge of the clearing. A few Huambizas were
loitering about and some of the women were working in the garden.
At a given signal, the attackers leaped from their cover with a wild
yell, rushing into the clearing and spearing whomever they might
reach. The Huambizas were but a handful and had no chance what-
ever against their opponents. A few, however, escaped the initial
rush and barricaded themselves in one of the houses and, although
& Genipa americana.
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
there were very few of them, the Aguarunas made no move to carry
their attack further, being content to take the heads of those they
had succeeded in killing in the open. This they did by using their
stone axes, split bamboo knives, and sharpened clam shells.
Some of the victims were still alive when they started removing
their heads. After the heads had been severed they were strung on |
thin lengths of pliable bark, which was passed through the mouth
and out at the neck and slung around the necks of the victors. Fol-
lowing this, the vacated house was looted and burned. During the
brief attack, women as well as men were killed and decapitated.
Three children but no women were taken prisoners.
The Aguarunas then proceeded in the direction which had been
taken by their Antipas allies to see how they were faring. They met
the Antipas returning laden with nine heads which they had suc-
ceeded in securing. Having rejoined, the two parties returned to the
canoes, shouting threats and making enough noise to produce the
impression that the party was larger than was actually the case;
evidently hoping in this way to discourage any possible pursuit since
they feared retaliation from the Huambizas, whom they knew pos-
sessed some firearms. After reaching the canoes they proceeded
downstream to the sand bar where the rain-making ceremonies had
taken piace, and there made tsantsas of the head trophies which they
had taken.®
Present-Day War Customs
It is certainly true that at the present time the most important
thing in life to a Jivaro is war. His greatest aspiration is to become
renowned as a fighter. His reputation increases in proportion to the
number of heads he has succeeded in securing during his career. War-
fare consists of raids conducted by one group or alliance upon an-
other, and, while of very frequent occurrence, they are sporadic in
nature.
The following information regarding war practices and the prepa-
ration of tsantsas was obtained directly from Anguasha, a veteran
warrior of the Yaupe River who had participated in many raids.
While this description may be said to apply particularly to the Yaupe
group of Jivaros, it may be regarded as typical of the whole Jivaro
territory, save for minor details.
When a man dies or when he is seriously ill the shaman of his
group takes natima.”? While under the influence of the narcotic
the source of the man’s illness is revealed to him. Then, in the
event that death occurs, a raid is made upon the house in which the
offending shaman lives.
® Up de Graff, 1923, pp. 251-271.
% Banisteria caapi.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 51
The art of warfare is drilled into young boys from earliest child-
hood. When about the age of 6 a son is instructed by his father
every morning at dawn concerning the necessity of being a warrior.
He endeavors to implant in the son’s mind the idea of revenge by
reciting the feuds in which his particular family is involved. For
example, he says:
So-and-so killed your uncle; some one else killed your grandfather; we must
have our revenge, otherwise bad luck will fall upon us. Our crops will be
- poor and we will not have success in the hunt.
This is repeated every morning regularly for more than 5 years,
until the parent sees that the son has been thoroughly moculated
with the warlike spirit and the idea of blood revenge.
When a man goes to war he usually takes with him his sons of
more than 7 years of age. These small boys do not take an active
part in the actual combat, due principally to their lack of strength,
but they often enter the fight and here accustom themselves to the
methods of warfare. Most particularly they learn to defend them-
selves and learn not to be afraid. They also harden themselves in
this manner to the bloody realism of the actual killings. The first
time a young boy goes to a fight a special feast is held in his honor
in which chicken blood is put on his legs.
The first time a boy or young man kills an enemy in actual com-
bat he is ordered by the others to cut off the head of his victim.
During this process some experienced warrior stays by his side to
instruct him in the proper technique. This adviser also stays by
him later to instruct him in the preparation of the tsantsa. After
this has been done and the boy has gone through the subsequent
ceremony on the return of the successful raiding party he is con-
sidered a full-fledged warrior and now enough confidence is placed
in him that he may be sent out to act as a spy.
The Jivaros usually attempt to maintain a spy system in all of
the groups with which they have contact. Spying is a dangerous
mission as it is common knowledge among the tribes that the others,
as well as themselves, maintain a system of espionage. When a spy
learns something which he thinks his group should know, under the
pretense of going hunting, he notifies his friends. Cases have been
known when a Jivaro has betrayed his own group in return for a
girl or a gun.
Sometimes both sides in a feud become weary of the fighting and
the affair is officially terminated by means of a peace ceremony
during which a lance is buried. The actual interring of the lance
is done by the wishinu, who goes into the forest at night and buries
it in a spot known only to himself. The lance is supposed to carry
with it the animosity of the feud. Unfortunately, it usually hap-
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 117
pens that all of the ill feeling is not buried, so that generally it is
not long before some event transpires which causes the feud to break
out anew.
War is declared with a ceremony in which the lance is officially
disinterred and carried into the jivaria. Immediately following
this ceremony, an emissary is sent to notify the enemy. Following
the conclusion of the ceremony, which may last for 24 hours, the
attacking party leaves on its mission. Occasionally the enemy,
after being notified, immediately launches a counter attack. How-
ever, the ethics of Jivaro warfare require that they too must send
an emissary in advance in such a case.
As a rule, while the ceremony is being launched, a messenger is
sent out to notify all of the allies and friends. This messenger runs
to the nearest jivaria carrying a lance which is relayed to another
messenger from that jivaria, who in turn passes it on to the next,
until in this manner all of the friendly houses have been notified,
which fact is signaled by the return of the lance over the same
route to its starting place. Each messenger, upon arrival, delivers a
warlike talk, attempting to incite the occupants of the household to
a desire to accompany the expedition. He tells of the strength that
can be mustered, of the bright prospects for victory and of the
glory and prestige to be gained by those participating in the fight.
By the time the lance returns with the recruits the attacking party
know what their strength will be and plan their tactics accordingly.
Any individual may be the instigator of such a raid, which follows
some supposed hostile action on the part of the enemy, as described
before.
During the lance ceremony much nijimanche is drunk, warlike
songs are sung, threats are made against the enemy, and the wrongs
that have been suffered are rehearsed. All of the relatives of the
wronged person assemble and take an active part in the ceremony.
In the dances accompanying the ceremony only lances are carried,
the guns being kept apart. It is interesting in this connection to
note that the chonta palm, of which the lances are made, contains
tsarutama; those made entirely of chonta wood possessing more
supernatural power than the lances with iron heads. The lances are
frequently decorated with markings which indicate the fierce spirits
whose power they contain.
The emissary, who is sent out to notify the enemy that the lance
ceremony has taken place, is always one of the most able warriors,
as this is a rather dangerous mission requiring considerable skill,
owing to the pitfalls and set-guns which he is likely to encounter
when approaching the enemy’s habitation. However, the messenger
is rarely killed. In the event that he should be killed, the wishinu,
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 53
under the influence of natima, is supposed to get in touch with his
spirit and receive his advices in this manner. Sometimes, instead of
notifying the enemy verbally, a head is fashioned out of manioc or
mud, in the form of a tsantsa, or some animal head is placed on the
point of a lance and set up near the house to be attacked, in a place
where it is sure to be seen.
When the wishinu has decided that the proper time has arrived
for the fight, those intending to participate are notified. The day
before they leave, the curaka takes natima. While under its in-
fluence the spirits speak to him and give him advice calculated to
help in the combat. In the event that the curaka is too old to fight,
or is sick, he names the most able fighter in his group to act in his
place as a war leader.
While the curaka is preparing for his session with the natima
the warriors all paint their bodies black with sua. Sua is also placed
in the hair, and the hair is carefully washed and combed. All of
the finest hair decorations and ear ornaments are put on so that in
the event their head is taken during the battle they will have nothing
about which to be embarrassed. Near midnight a dance begins in
which all the warriors take part. The dancers line up facing each
other in two lines of equal length. This is a warlike dance which
serves the purpose of stirring the fighters into a frenzy and builds
up their morale for the impending struggle. With appropriate
gestures they shout and make threats against the enemy and state-
ments calculated to inspire themselves with confidence, such as:
“Tomorrow we are going to war! Tomorrow we will kill! In this
manner will I kill him! Tomorrow we make tsantsas!” During
the dancing the curaka plays on the big telegraph drum, being the
only person permitted to play it at this time.
At dawn the dance ends and the warriors prepare to leave. Hach
man is accompanied by a woman bearing nijimanche in earthenware
_ jars. From this time until the beginning of the attack no one speaks
except the curaka, who does so only to give the necessary orders and
advice. Only the curaka bids farewell to the women remaining in
the house; the others are silent. They leave the house in single file,
each man followed by a woman. The curaka is the last to leave and
he brings up the rear of the file at all times on the march. When all
of the war party have started the curaka closes the door of the house.
As soon as the party has gone the women remaining in the house
begin to dance and sing songs of victory, meanwhile playing the
small drum. This is continued until the return of the warriors.
With the women are the old men and children and any others who
may be incapacitated for the fight.
7943—38 5
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
When the attacking party arrives in enemy territory they walk
carefully without making a sound or breaking a twig. Walking in
single file, each steps exactly in the footprints of the person ahead.
They do not travel on the trails but keep well to one side in order
to avoid pitfalls, spring traps, and set-guns. As they approach the
enemy house their presence usually is made known by the dogs, which —
have been posted for this purpose. The approach is made in the —
dark, as the attack is usually made just at dawn. |
The people within the house, expecting the enemy, have kept the |
fires down and the house dark. When they become aware of the
attackers lurking about, the defenders join hands within the house
and commence a dance to the music of a flute made from the leg bone
of a jaguar, which is supposed to carry with it the magical fighting
force of the animal it represents. As they dance, they sing songs of
defiance. The enemy are accused of being cowards, while at the
same time they extol their own bravery, predicting that because of
fear the attackers will run away.
Hearing these taunts, the attackers are made still more angry.
They reply in similar vein, contradicting the statements of the de-
fenders. Frequently some of the attackers, who are not particularly
strong-hearted, become frightened and return home. There does not
seem to be much stigma attached to such an action but it adds
nothing to their prestige.
The statements and conversation exchanged on these occasions are
reduced by custom to rather definite formulae. A typical exchange
goes much like this: Defenders—‘Come! Come! We have the
power of jaguars. The anaconda is with us also !”—then they shoot
their guns in the direction of the enemy, saying, “Take this—and
this! We have plenty of ammunition! Go away! Go away! Take
nijimanche in your own house!” They whistle shrilly. The at-
tackers reply, firing their guns in the direction of the house, saying:
“No! No! We will take nijimanche in your house! We prefer it
right here!”
If the attacking party feels that they are outnumbered, or if they
are short of ammunition, the attack is not made directly but they
will lay siege to the house, concealing themselves and firing at inter-
vals, sometimes for as long as a week, until the defenders run short
of water and food. The Jivaros rarely have the foresight to pro-
vide themselves with these commodities in sufficient quantities to
withstand a siege. During the siege, if anyone tries to leave the
house, they are, of course, fired upon. The besieging party are
tended by their women, who bring them food and nijimanche. When
the defenders have used up the last of their food and drink, an old
woman or a boy is sent out to see if the besieging party is still
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 55
around. As a rule, this individual is not molested because the at-
tackers prefer the defenders to think that they have deserted.
The attackers frequently resort to the stratagem of pretending to
go away, sending some of their men to fire shots at a distance who
then quietly sneak back to their places. It is usually after such a
ruse that the investigator is sent out. When nothing happens, the
women leave the house to gather food in the chacra and to get more
water. At the moment the women have left the house the attackers
make a rush for the door. Sometimes they pretend to run away and
those in the house run out after them. After allowing themselves to
be chased until the defenders are well clear of the house they turn
about suddenly and the fight is held in the open.
Another ruse utilized by a force which is outnumbered is for its
various members to run rapidly here and there over a long line,
firing in as many different places as possible and shouting things
calculated to indicate the presence of a large force. This stratagem
is usually employed by a small group of men who have been attacked
in the woods by a large party.
Under normal conditions the attacking party will consider them-
selves of equal or superior strength to the defending party. As soon
as the first light of dawn begins the exchange of taunts ceases and
the attack is begun. The assault is made with as much rapidity as
possible, the attackers shouting loudly in order to bolster up their
own courage and at the same time to terrify the enemy. As the
house is rushed, guns are thrown aside and only lances are used.
Once the house is entered, a scene of great confusion transpires.
The dogs are barking, women screaming and crying, the fighters
shouting, the old men pleading for protection and shouting advice to
their defenders. Children under 7 years of age are lanced and
thrown aside. All of the men possible are killed, as are the old
women. Only the young and desirable women are spared. Young
women are also killed if they take too active a part in the combat.
The attacking party always attempts to kill the wishinu first. They
fear his power and their confidence is greatly increased when he has
been eliminated. |
When a man has killed an opponent he takes his head as soon as
circumstances permit. It is customary with the Jivaros that a man,
when struck, even though not severely wounded, will fall to the
eround. Thus it frequently happens that the severing of the head
is begun while the man is still alive. The removal of the head is
usually accomplished with the lance blade. The skin is cut low on
the chest in a V-shape just above the nipples and is peeled up until
the lower part of the neck is exposed. The neck is severed, cutting
through to the bone, and the head is separated from the body by
cutting between two of the neck vertebrae.
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
If the women of the defending party are able to conceal the body
of a man who has been killed they do so quickly in order that his
head may not be taken. When the battle is fairly equal they are
sometimes able to do this.
During the fight a man is always exceedingly careful not to kill |
any of his blood relatives, who are likely to be present among the ©
two combating forces if they live in the same region. The heads |
of women killed are taken, but not those of small children, their
bodies merely being thrown aside.
As soon as the fight is over, assuming that the attacking party
has been victorious, the curaka calls his men together for a discus-
sion to decide which of the victims are relatives of the attacking
party. Any member who has had a relative killed points him out.
These are set aside, as tsantsas are not made from their heads out
of courtesy to their relatives in the attacking force. During the
heat of the fight, if someone notices that a relative of his has been
killed, he shouts to the victor: “Do not take his head! That is a
relative of mine!” However, any man who has killed an opponent
and has not been able to take his head for this reason is entitled
to make a tsantsa of a sloth’s head, as will be described later. Cap-
tured women are divided among the successful warriors, the curaka
taking his choice first.
All this having been decided upon, the victorious party mill
around, shouting, and wrecking everything inside the house. They
break the earthenware, kill the dogs, and rush about sticking their
lances in the ground where they think the dead have been buried.”
Any loot of value is taken. They then burn the house and uproot
the plants in the garden. Meanwhile those who have taken heads
string them on bark strips, wrap them in leaves or place them in a
basket to be carried on their backs. The party is then ready to
return home.
PREPARATION OF THE T'SANTSAS
They march back bearing the heads with them until at a distance
where they are presumably safe from pursuit. Here a camp and a
temporary shelter is erected, usually on a sand bar in the river, and
the preparation of the tsantsas is begun. This process requires ap-
proximately 20 hours; 12 hours for the preparation of the heads and
8 hours for smoking them.» As soon as the camp has been made the
heads are taken from the baskets and the leaf wrappings are removed.
A slit is made vertically in the back of the neck and each head is
skinned as a skin is removed entire from a rabbit. Then any meat
™ The custom of burying the dead in the houses has resulted from missionary influence
in some regions.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 57
adhering to the inside is scraped off and a fine piece of Chambira ”
fiber is used to fasten the eyelids shut. The skin is then reversed
so that it is in its original position, the head forming a sack with the
neck as the opening. Three pins of chonta wood are thrust through
the lips so as to hold the mouth closed evenly and string is wrapped
over them on the outside so as to insure the lips remaining in posi-
tion during the succeeding operations.
A large earthenware pot is then half filled with water. In this
is placed the juice from a parasitic vine called chinchipi. This mix-
ture is brought to the point of boiling and the head placed in it for
two hours. The astringent qualities of the chinchipi, according to
the Jivaros, prevent the hair from falling out. At the end of this
time the head, reduced to about one-third of its original size, is fished
from the pot. It is well cooked, the skin very thick and of a rubbery
consistency and pale yellow in color. As a rule, nothing is done
to the eyes, although sometimes a large red-and-black seed is placed
under each lid to bulge them out slightly. At this time, when the
head has cooled sufficiently to handle, the slit up the back of the
neck is neatly sewed up.
While the head is cooking the operator collects from the beach a
series of rounded stones, scaled in size so as to fit the neck orifice
during the further shrinking process. These stones are placed in
the fire so as to be thoroughly heated when the head is taken from
the pot. The operator then holds the head in the palm of one hand
with the neck up and, picking up the largest of the heated stones
with the aid of a pair of sticks, he drops it into the cavity inside
the head. He then begins rotating the head rapidly in his hand so
that the stone rolls around continuously inside the cavity. The hot
rock gives off a sizzling sound as it contacts the wet skin and a smell
like that of burnt leather.
While this is going on the operator picks up another small stone
with his free hand and with it smooths out the features, keeping them
as nearly as possible in a natural position. As soon as the rock in-
side has cooled somewhat it is removed and another freshly heated
one substituted, smaller rocks being used as the head continues to
shrink and harden from the drying-out process. During this pro-
cedure the external smoothing of the features is continued. This
goes on for 2 or 38 hours, when the head has become reduced to a
minimum. From time to time hair is plucked from the head and
eyebrows and eyelashes so as to keep the hair in proportion to the
other features.
As a final process, hot sand is used in place of the heated stones,
the head being about half filled at each application; this penetrates
72 Astrocaryum tucuina.
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
into crevices and completes the desiccation of any niches within the
head. About evening the shrinking process is completed. The re-
duction of the features makes the fine facial hairs or down very
prominent. At this stage the operator singes off most of this fuzz
with an improvised torch, being careful not to damage the eyebrows
and eyelashes.
Frequently the base of the neck is sewed around with fiber. This
being done, the crown of the head is perforated and a loop of string
is passed through and attached to a small transverse piece of chonta
wood on the inside. By this the head is hung from a rack about
3 feet above the fire. Here it remains all night over a smudge, being
heated and smoked.
The men do not go to sleep but lie before the fire with their feet
over a rack as they sleep on their beds at home, warming their feet
over the fire at the same time that the heads are being dried. The
smoke changes the color of the heads from yellow to black, and the
final drying process makes them very hard.
As a last procedure, the heads are polished with a piece of cloth,
much as one would shine a shoe.
At dawn a young man is sent to the village to report the victory and
the number of tsantsas which have been prepared, whereupon the
women in the jivaria prepare to receive them. For each head that
has been taken a fowl is killed and a bowl prepared. The heads of
the fowls are cut off and the blood is drained into each bowl. In the
same way a bow] filled with sua is prepared, one for each head.
While these preparations are being made the victorious party
bearing the tsantsas are on their way home. As they approach the
house each victor suspends his tsantsa around his neck. When they
arrive they enter the house and each man having a tsantsa sticks his
Jance into the ground, butt down, the tsantsa being placed on the
point of the lance. Each victor stands up erect, looking grim and
defiant before the lance. The women, wives or female relatives of
the victors, then come up bearing the bowls of blood and sua and,
while the men are standing in this position, the right leg of each
is painted in spots with the blood from one bowl, while the left leg is
similarly spotted black from the sua of the other bowl.
Following this, the men go to their various beds, the women follow-
ing them with the two bowls. Here each man sits down and smears
blood on his chest and arms, saying that this blood is the blood of
his victims. When this has been done, all of the party drink
nijimanche and partake of food.
Then begins a celebration of a very warlike nature, during which
they dance around the tsantsas, brandishing lances and dramatizing
the killing of the victims. During the dance the captured women
stand by weeping. This is apparently such an important part of
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 59
the ceremony that, if no women have been captured, proxies are
appointed from their own women to weep for each tsantsa. The
dance continues all day, terminating at dark with much singing and
drinking of fermented nijimanche. As soon as the dance is finished
each tsantsa is wrapped in cloth, placed in an old earthenware jar,
and either put over the man’s bed or buried in the floor of the house.
Each man who has taken a head now goes on a strict diet, which
lasts for a period of about 6 months. During this time he must
remain continent and is not permitted to eat any of the fierce varieties
of animals, birds, or fish. During this period the victors never go
out hunting alone.
DEFENSIVE WARFARE
The Jivaro house is generally constructed with an eye to defense.
As a rule, a house is erected in a small clearing, one side of which
either faces a steep mountainside or a river bank. The walls of the
house are constructed of poles or slats set vertically in the ground
and as close together as possible. The house has a door ai each end,
made by placing hewn planks side by side in a vertical position so
that when closed both the upper and lower ends are fitted into a slot.
In order to open the door, these planks are lifted up so that the lower
ends come out of the slot and the butts are set to one side so as to
make an entrance in the shape of an inverted V. These doors can
be barred from the inside.
If a jivaria has reason to suspect that an attack is impending a
palisade of balsa logs is set up around the house with small loopholes
here and there between the posts to serve for observation and to shoot
through. The walis of the house itself are reinforced on the inside
with posts about 5 feet high. At intervals along the trails leading
to the house strong saplings are bent back, attached with strings
leading across the trail with trap releases. Spears are attached to
these saplings so that when the string is stepped against, the sapling
will react as a catapult, launching the spear into the body of the
person releasing the trap. Deadfalls with pointed chonta sticks on
the bottoms are dug at various strategic points. Frequently a trench
with the bottom covered with chonta points in this fashion is dug
entirely around the house. Great pains are taken to cover this nat-
urally, so as to make its location difficult to detect. Loaded guns
with strings attached to the triggers are also set up here and there
along the trails in the manner of the spear-catapults. Sometimes
houses which are built near a river bank have concealed tunnels
leading from inside the house through the bank to the edge of the
river through which they can escape or send out messengers if badly
pressed.
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
On the Casu, a tributary of the Apaga River, were two large
abandoned jivarias, both strongly fortified by means of an inner
wall 6 or 8 inches from the main wall standing about 5 feet in height,
the intervening space being filled with small boulders gathered from
the river bed, thus affording an excellent barricade in case of attack.
Just off the end of the building which was evidently considered least
vulnerable there was a small room barely 15 feet square which was
protected on all sides in the same manner, but was raised about 20
feet from the ground, supported by four stout posts and placed
conveniently near the little door of the main building so that one
could at once step on a notched tree trunk and climb to safety,
throwing the ladder away. These places are used for the safety of
women and children in times of raiding and as a final refuge.
Should the enemy try to climb to the hut, a shower of rocks is
dropped down upon them, a supply being kept ready for that pur-
pose. Climbing into one of these curious towers, it was found to
have convenient niches in order that the occupants could command a
complete view of the clearing on all sides and any Indian being
fortunate enough to own a rifle and ammunition could easily hold
at bay a strong force. However, the purpose of the structure is
primarily as a protection for the women while the male occupants
of the jivaria fight the enemy with their lances and shields.
When warned that they are to be attacked, the chief plays on the
big telegraph drum in order to notify their friends and call them
to their assistance. When the allies arrive from the other houses
the little drum is played.
The blowgun is never used in warfare and, as has already been
mentioned, only lances are utilized in the hand-to-hand fighting in
the house.
Poison is never used in warfare because of the fact that it was
given to men for the purpose of hunting game and to use it for
fighting would be to offend the spirits. Force only is supposed to be
used in killing enemies in war.
As soon as notification has been received of an impending attack,
dogs are tied up all around the clearing. If, while awaiting attack,
a dog barks or growls, an old woman is sent out to investigate.
When the attack takes place, if the defending party is victorious,
they, of course, kill as many of the attackers as they can and, when
the remainder have been routed, they will follow them into the woods
in the hope of killing more. They do not, however, conduct a raid
to the attackers’ house. After the attackers have been thoroughly
routed the defending party return to their own house, where tsantsas
are prepared from the heads of the enemy who have been killed and a
consequent celebration is held. While this is going on the wishinu
takes natima in order to find out when the enemy will reorganize and
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 61
reattack, for the vanquished, by virtue of their defeat, have that
much added to the vengeance which it is required of them to take,
and, if possible, they will later make another attempt, usually with
redoubled vigor.
The desire or obligation of revenge is the principal cause of war.
This may happen as a direct act of reprisal brought about by the
killing of one member of a group by another; it may also come about
as a result of woman stealing or adultery. Perhaps the most common
cause is the death of a member of the tribe which presumably has
been brought about by the magic of the wishinu of another tribe.
The Jivaro wishinu is supposed to have the power of sending death
to anyone whom he desires. As a result, many deaths from illness
or natural causes are laid to this source.
TSANTSAS
Of all the accomplishments of the Jivaros, their custom of shrink-
ing and preserving human heads has most caught the popular
imagination. In spite of the fact that the general method of prepar-
ing these trophies has been known for centuries, the legend persists
that it is a most mysterious and carefully guarded secret.
The Jivaros themselves make no mystery of their methods, al-
though they may be reluctant at first to speak of it in a personal
connection, because of their suspicion of the possible motives of the
white interrogator. The early descriptions of the methods used in
preparing tsantsas are lacking in detail, while the majority of the
many given in more recent years have obviously been based on the
garbled second-hand accounts received from mestizos and missionaries
living on the borders of the Jivaro country. Because of the interest
in this subject I have thought it worth while to devote to it a special
chapter.
Far from being an art developed only among themselves, it seems
very clear that the Jivaros are the last group to retain what was, at
the time of the first white contact, a widespread custom in north-
western South America.
Pre-CoLUMBIAN EVIDENCE
There is considerable archeological evidence that the preparation
of shrunken heads was practiced in pre-Columbian times over a
rather wide area in Peru. Representations of reduced trophy heads
occur commonly in both ceramic and textile art and less frequently
in carvings on stone and shell. Max Uhle in 1908 noted pottery
vessels from Ica and Nasca decorated with paintings of head tro-
phies, “showing the custom of closing the mouth by means of sew-
ing in the manner now used on the reduced heads produced by the
62 BURHAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
Jivaros.” 7 At Tiahuanaco there are carved stone figures of warriors
carrying trophy heads.™* Castelnau figures two effigy jars, one from
La Paz and the other from Cuzco, decorated in the art style of Tia-
huanaco (pl. 34 c). Both of these have likenesses of reduced heads.
Tello figures one in which a warrior is shown holding two shrunken
heads by the hair.”
Tello states that figures of shrunken heads are common in the art
of Chimu and reproduces from Baessler 7° two representations of a
jaguar divinity shown in each instance carrying a shrunken human
head by the hair. These were taken from Chimbote. He further
makes the statement that this same divinity represented carrying the
shrunken human head trophy occurs in the black ware of northern
Peru. |
Tt is in the region of Nasca, however, where evidence of head tro-
phies is most abundant. Tello illustrates numerous examples from
various localities, some on textiles and others on pottery ™ (fig. 1).
As final evidence of the former use of head trophies in this region,
Tello figures a number of actual examples recovered from graves.
While these head trophies were not of the shrunken variety, there is
much about them reminiscent of the present-day Jivaro tsantsa
(pl. 34, d). The frontal bone was perforated with a circular hole
and the head suspended by means of a cord which passed through
this hole and on through the foramen magnum, where it was kept in
place by being fastened to a transverse wooden peg. This method
ef suspension recalls the technique employed by the Jivaro, but the
most striking comparison is to be found in the preparation of the
lips, which were pulled forward and skewered together by means of
wooden pegs in precisely the manner employed by the Jivaro. Tello
states that these heads are from graves representing a late period
and in several instances they are post-Columbian. It would appear
that these trophy heads were either prepared by people who had for-
merly practiced the shrinking of heads or who had been in contact
with such people. In preparing reduced heads it is necessary to
skewer or sew the lips, whereas this would not be essential when the
heads were mummified without removing the skull. Since there are
so many representations in earlier Nasca art showing what seem to be
true reduced heads, it seems likely that the head trophy, prepared
without removing the skull, in this region at least, developed out of
the more highly specialized technique of shrinking heads.
73 Uhle, p. 263.
7% Tello, 1918, p. 23.
® Tello, 1918, p. 24.
76 Baessler, pl. 60, fig. 240, and pl. 71, fig. 261.
7 Tello, 1918, pp. 34-53.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 63
When Lubbock presented his article on Jivaro shrunken heads be-
fore the British Anthropological Institute in 1874 Franks called to
his attention a specimen in the National Collection of London, which
had been presented by the Prince Consort of 1853. This example is
AS
0, &€; €;. f, Textile
designs from the peninsula of Parcas (after Cachot). d, Detail from a design on an
effigy jar from Nasca (after Tello).
FicurRE 1.—Prehistoric representations of reduced human heads. 4a,
described as being about 1 inch in height, attached to a stick and
dressed like a doll. It was said to have been discovered in a tomb in
Pisco, Peru.*®
Harty Historica Data
There are several references in contemporary writings of the
sixteenth century indicating that it was a common practice among
the Incas to take the heads of enemies killed in warfare and to return
with them as trophies. Cobo reports that the Inca, Tupac
78 Lubbock, 1874, pp. 29-32.
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL, 117
Yupanqui, having learned of a revolt led by the chiefs of Collao,
sent an army. which successfully put down the rebellion. Cobo says:
He flayed two of the most important chiefs and he ordered two drums made
of their skins, with which and with the heads of those killed placed on lances
and many prisoners to sacrifice to the sun, he returned triumphantly to his
court where he celebrated these victories with many sacrifices and festivities.”
Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti says that—
Inea Yupanqui in the war that his father Huiracacho had with the Chancas,
fought with great ferocity, destroying the Ancohallos and Chancas and break-
ing through victorious up to Quiyachili, where he cut off the heads of the
enemy generals Tomay MHuaraca, Asto Huaraca, and Huasco Tomay
Rima font eee
Pachacuti states further that Yupanqui on returning to his city
sent to his father presents consisting of heads of the Chancas and
Hancoaillos.
Referring to Huayna Capac, Pachacuti says that after conquering
those who were fortified at Sacsahuan—
he enters the fort and takes out all the Carambis and Pastos and those who
tock part in the war, and the severed heads of the defeated which had been
prepared for this purpose, he anoints with the blood of lamas and puts them
on the spears. They display them, gloating over them as far as Curi-
eancha , = ° = "=.
The heads mentioned above were very probably of the type de-
scribed by Tello from Nasca in which the skulls were not removed.
There are, however, other references which indicate that shrunken
heads-prepared in precisely the manner now practiced by the Jivaros
were still being made in various places in northwestern South
America at the time of the Conquest.
Estete, who went to Peru with Pizarro on his third voyage in,
1527, describes the practice as it was then followed on the Ecuadorian
coast.
The heads of the dead they preserve with certain balsams in this manner:
After removing the skull through the neck, the face, retaining its true form of
nose, eyes, eyelashes, eyebrows, and hair, they cure and give it a certain con-
fection by means of which they preserve the flesh or skin so that it does not
rot, and the gristle of the nose is entire and the hair and eyebrows and eye-
lashes (remain) attached to the flesh. So many are the baths that they give
it, so as to cure and preserve it, that they make the face of a man to be wasted
and shrunken and become quite small, much more so even than that of a new-
born child. After having reduced it to a small size, they guard it in some
small chests that they have in the temple, and it lasts so many years without
rotting that the Indians say it lasts for two or three ages. Certainly it is a
thing to admire, and one never seen before. And so it seemed to us when we
7 Cobo, pp. 168-169, cited in Tello, 1918, pp. 20-21.
80 Pachacuti, pp. 271-272, cited in Tello, 1918, p. 21.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 65
first saw it, holding it to be certain that they were faces of a race of dwarfs
that had lived in the country, until we learned the truth of the matter.™
Zarate, who went to Peru in 1543, wrote in 1555 concerning the
natives of Pasao ** near the Equator:
In some temples, especially in the towns that they call of Pasao, on all the
posts of these there were men and children crucified, the bodies or the skins
so well cured that they did not smell badly and fastened to the posts many
heads of Indians that had been shrunken with a certain decoction until only
the size of a fist.”
Figueroa, writing of the Itucalis of the Mainas provinces in
1665, states that when they have taken a head they insert a palm
husk in an incision on the bridge of the nose, which forms an ex-
erescence when it heals and thus indicates the number of heads each
individual has to his credit.84 Regarding the preparation of the
heads he says:
The first process they perform on the heads they bring with them, is to boil
them, and having stripped the skin from the head and visage, it is stuffed
with straw and dried in the smoke, thus forming a mask.”
More details from Figueroa are given in the chapter on warfare.
It is interesting to note that boiling, the most essential process in
connection with head shrinking, is here mentioned for the first time,
and as far as the writer is aware, 1s not mentioned again in any
account until the present century.
In 1692 Father Lucero was with General Vaca when they cap-
tured 21 Jivaros who were surprised “while they were celebrating
with loud shouting, a solemn drunken feast because of having killed
two famous wizards whose heads they had in the middle of the
gathering.” °°
Saffray, while traveling among the Cunas and Caimanes Indians
on the Atrato River in northwestern Colombia in 1868, received
from an old Indian by the name of Comagré the following informa-
tion:
When a chief dies his body is placed above a slow fire on a frame, until
completely desiccated, then it is wrapped in cotton cloth decorated with gold,
pearls, and jewels, and it is religiously cared for in a separate room. Of the
common people, they preserve only the head. Comagré showed me one of
these mummified heads. The bones had been taken out, and it had been dried
in such a manner that the skin, having been contracted in a uniform manner,
81 Hstete, p. 317.
® Cape Pasado is on the coast of the province of Manabi, a little north of Bahia de
Caraques.
88 Zarate, 1555, p. 465.
& Juan de Salinas evidently refers to this mutilation of the nose, when in 1557 he en-
countered the Mainas and states that they were made striking by a “device of the nose,
not seen before.”
85 Skinner, 1805, p. 289.
8 Chantre y Herrera, p. 305.
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
remained a perfect reproduction of the original, reduced to almost one-sixth
of its original size, without wrinkles and without deformation of the features.
Saffray reproduces a crude drawing of this head which seems to
be identical with the Jivaro tsantsa as it even has the string tassels
depending from the lips. It seems possible to the present writer
that this specimen may have been imported from the Jivaros, but
if the information is correct as quoted above it is of unusual interest.®?
Some other tribes employ methods of preserving the bodies of their
enemies that suggest the technique of the Jivaros. Mendoza, speak-
ing of the Popayan of southern Colombia, says:
The skins of the corpses that they have eaten, having been flayed, are filled
with coarse ashes and they have attached them to the walls of their houses
like people.®
Lorente, referring to the pre-Columbian Huancas of the Jauja
Valley, Peru, says that these natives skinned their prisoners and
with these skins, which they filled with ashes, made victory trophies
which they exhibited in their temples.®
At the time of the Conquest similar practices were followed as far
north as the Panuco River in Mexico. In the Huastec country the
Conquistadores on visiting a native temple found that the heads of
their captured companions had been skinned and tanned and then
placed on the walls of the structure. It was a common practice in
Mexico to skin the heads of sacrificial victims and exhibit them on
poles. ‘These heads were described by the Spaniards as being dried,
wrinkled, and shrunk to the size of the heads of small children.®
The stone monuments at Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala
display numerous carvings depicting warriors holding human trophy
heads which apparently have been reduced. There are many indi-
cations that Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa was subjected to Nahuatl
influence. Fowler % describes the practice of head shrinking reputed
to be carried on by Indians in the interior of British Honduras.
The account, however, emanated from Father Pozzi, who had pre-
viously spent a number of years in the Jivaro country, and it is
obvious that his descriptions apply to the Jivaros of Ecuador and
not to any Honduran tribe.
Several of the sixteenth century travelers in the Jivaro country
refer to the practice of these Indians of taking heads and dancing
with them, but the first to attempt a description of the actual process
of their preparation was Prieto, writing in 1815. Prieto, who made
an expedition in search of the ruins of the ancient city of Logrono,
87 Saffray, 1873, p. 103.
88 Coleccién Documentos Inéditos, vol. v, 1866, p. 489.
89 Lorente, 1860, p. 82.
* Thompson, 1933, pp. 124-125.
*l Fowler, 1879, p. 16.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 67
became well acquainted with the Jivaro Indians. Concerning the
preparation of shrunken heads, he says:
* * * they committed atrocities, taking the heads of many infidels in
order to dance with them, which was done in this manner: When they have
killed the infidel, they cut off his head from his shoulders and take out the
interior, leaving only the neck, the hair, nostrils and ears; then they introduce
hot stones, and thus keep it 20, 80 or more years in some earthenware jars,
from which annually they take out many heads in order to dance with them
and celebrate for 15 days the anniversary of their victories, preparing before-
hand with many foods and beverages.”
Among the writers of the early part of the last half of the nine-
teenth century, the first to give a brief description of Jivaro tsantsas
was Villavicencio. Writing in 1858, he says:
In their wars these Jivaros are accustomed to cut off the heads of their
enemies and to carry them home with them in order to have a celebration with
the skin of the face and scalp which they remove intact and dry by moulding
it with hot stones; they strip the long hair from their enemies in order to make
braids and tie them to their naked waist, for the purpose of showing their
courage and to terrify the enemy.”
Tue Moprern JivAro TsaAntsa
Kuropeans first became acquainted with Jivaro shrunken heads in
1862 when Maiz presented before the Anthropological Society of
Paris an example which had been sent to him by M. Galvez, Minister
from Peru to France. The specimen was said to have been found in
an old tomb located in the territory between the Chinchipe and
Pastaza Rivers. The report of this meeting of the society is inter-
esting as it gives a very good idea of the type of speculation con-
cerning tsantsas which has characterized discussion on the subject
even among scientific bodies. In describing the example, Maiz said:
Simple inspection of this head makes it clear that these Indians were very
skillful in the art of taxidermy. They have removed in a single piece all of
the skin of the face and of the cranium and of the upper part of the neck;
then they have deSicecated it with so much skill that it shrank uniformly so
that the head became in volume the size of that of a newborn child, still pre-
serving perfectly all of the contours and even small features of the face.™
After expressing the opinion that Peruvian mummies were often
preserved naturally by burying them in the dry sands of Peru, he
quotes Dr. Lorente’s opinion that the Indians “make in the hot sands
of their countries some pits where the corpses are buried for some
time in order to be exhumed later.”
- He then misquotes Villavicencio as saying that—
The skin is dissected and separated from the bone and put on molds of
earth, where it is baked and dried at a high temperature.
*2 Prieto, in Compte, 1885, p. 65.
% Villavicencio, 1858, p. 361.
®4 Moreno-Maiz, 1862, pp. 185-188.
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
At the conclusion of Dr. Maiz’s presentation different members
gave opinions on the procedure of preservation. M. de Quatrefages
thought that some pieces of skin had been removed and that thus
was explained the small size of the head. M. Broca remarked that
this explanation could not hold because the slightest trace of an
incision would be visible on the surface of the skin. M. Trelat be- —
lieved that an exterior mold must have been employed, desiccation in
the free air or by artificial heat never permitting such perfect preser-
vation of form. M. Gratiolet said that chemical action had been
necessary, without which the dermestes would have invaded and
destroyed the skin at the end of a short time.
The following year, 1863, Bollaert described a tsantsa which had
been secured by José Felix Barriero and sent to Bollaert in 1860.
Barriero sent a letter with the specimen in which he briefly described
the process of preparation as follows:
After a war, the victors cut off the heads of their victims, a stone heated by
fire is introduced into the skin of the head, desiccation goes on, and it is reduced
to a miniature size, without its loss of the features. This is how I understood
the matter; however, I may not have well understood the process.”
Barriero’s description of the ceremonies carried on in connection
with obtaining the tsantsa are more complete than his description of
the method of preparation. Bollaert apparently was not convinced
of the accuracy of Barriero’s description, for he says later:
A string was attached to the top of the head, so that it could be worn round
the neck. Another string was passed through perforations in the lips, and
hanging down. The ears had been pierced, and the nostrils were in one and
filled with black resin. Professor Owen thought it had been reduced by tanning
the skin. It struck me that it might have been shrunk and dried over a fire,
on a mold of clay.”
In the same year, 1863, Merritt presented two examples before the
American Ethnological Society of New York, which with eight
others had been obtained in the vicinity of Macas. Merritt says:
There is a tradition among the Indians, that these heads were originally taken
from “Huacas”™ belonging to their ancestors, many generations ago, and that
since they have been kept in their huts, preserved with great veneration,
and jealously guarded as household divinities.
How these heads in question were contracted to such a diminutive size, I
can only repeat rumors; one is, that they were contracted by hot stones or
pebbles, which were put into the cavity of the head after bones were removed;
another is, that they were contracted by a process which occupied a year.”
% Barriero, in Bollaert, 1863a, p. 112.
8 Bollaert, 1863a, pp. 114-115.
Tombs. It is evident that the practice of burying trophy heads with their owners
was commonly practiced in ancient Peru as described earlier in this chapter. The Jivaros
appear now to have abandoned the custom. If Karsten is correct regarding the motives
in preparing tsantsas this would seem to indicate a different attitude in earlier times.
% Merritt, 1863, p. 13.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 69
After quoting from Bollaert’s article, he describes in detail the
specimens in his possession. In this account Merritt expresses the
opinion that the tassels depending from the lips of the tsantsas may
have some connection with the old Quipu records of Peru.*®
From this time on, descriptions are so numerous that it would be
impracticable to mention them all. Both Rivet and Saville give
lengthy bibliographies of the literature referring to shrunken heads,
where most of the later references may be found.*
This series of quotations is concluded with the only detailed eye-
witness report known. This is the account of Up de Graff, who in
1899 accompanied the Antipas on a war party against the Huambizas
tribe, witnessing both the taking of the heads and the preparation
of the tsantsas. The returning war party having arrived at a sand
bar on the river at a considerable distance from the scene of their
successful raid, preparations were begun for making the tsantsas.
The ceremony commenced with the placing of the heads in the sand, face
upwards; each naked warrior in turn seated himself on one of them and the
medicine men, of which there were two with the party, commenced to chew
tobacco. Approaching from behind, one of them took a half-Nelson on the
seated warrior, drew his head back, took his nostrils in his mouth, and forced
a quantity of tobacco juice up his nose. This strange procedure is not without
explanation; it is the local equivalent to an anti-toxin against the baneful in-
fluence of the enemy’s medicine man, a form of protection which the natives
firmly believe makes them immune from the disasters and plagues to which
their foes can subject them * * *, The effect which this treatment had on the
warriors was at once exhilarating and overwhelming—the former on account
of their unshakable faith in its merits, the latter because of its natural physical
results.
Recovered from their choking and gasping, the privileged few who had merited
this nicotinous inoculation by reason of their having participated in the killing
of the victims and dipped their spears in their blood, proceeded to peel the
heads.
This is done by carefully parting the hair straight down from the crown to the
base of the skull, slitting the skin down the line formed by the parting, hard on
to the bone of the skull; turning-it back on both sides, and peeling it from the
bony structure just as a stocking is drawn from the foot. At the eyes, ears,
and nose, some cutting is necessary, after which the flesh and muscles come off
with the skin, leaving the skull clean and naked but for the eyes and teeth.
The incision or slit from the crown to the base of the neck was then sewn
together again, with a bamboo needle and palm-leaf fiber (the chambira from
which the hammocks, ropes, fish-lines, and nets are made), leaving untouched
for the moment the opening at the neck. The lips were skewered with three
bamboc splinters, each about two and a half inches long and lashed together
with strands of cotton fiber, which held them tightly closed, in the same manner
as the sheets of a sailing boat are fastened to the cleats on the deck; tassels
being afterwards formed by the frayed ends of the fiber. The eyeholes were
closed by drawing down the upper eyelashes. The eyebrows were held from
® Merritt, 1863, pp. 14-16.
1 Rivet, 1907; Saville, 1929.
7943—38——_6
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
falling by small pegs or props of bamboo, vertically set between the outer rim
of the eyelashes (thus effectively holding them in place) and the shoulders of
the corresponding eyebrows. The holes of the nose and ears were temporarily
plugged with cotton,
The purpose of these several operations was to hold the features of the face
in position and to seal the openings, so that the head could again be expanded
to its normal proportions by filling it with hot sand and thus permit an even
contraction of the whole in the further process of curing. The meat at the
base of the neck was “basted” with chambira, to prevent its wearing and wasting
away by handling in the succeeding operations.
In the meantime, several large fires had been kindled and numerous earthen-
ware crocks filled with water were placed in readiness * * *,
The erocks which are used on these occasions have been made with the utmost
eare by the medicine men in person, far removed from all human eyes and under
auspicious lunar conditions; they are brought carefully wrapped in palm-leaves
to ensure the impossibility of their being either touched or seen by any unauthor-
ized person until the moment for the ceremony arrives. For every head there
is one of these red, baked clay, conical pots, some eighteen inches in diameter
by eighteen inches deep; the apex of the cone rests on the earth, the sides being
supported by stones; in this way the fire has ample access to the greatest
possible surface.
The pots were filled with cold water, straight from the river, and the boneless
heads, filled with sand, placed in them. Within half an hour, the water had
been brought to a boiling-point. This was the critical moment. 'The heads must
be removed before the water actually boils, to prevent the softening of the flesh
and the scalding of the roots of the hair, which would cause it to drop out. The
heads, on being removed, were found to have shrunk to about one-third of
their original size. The water, I noticed, was covered with a yellow grease
similar to that which forms when other meats are cooked.
The pots were cast away into the river, too holy to be put to any further use,
and the fires were heaped up with fresh logs, to heat the sand on which they
stood. For henceforth the sand played an important part in the proceedings.
Meanwhile, those who had been treated, or initiated by the medicine men,
namely the participants in the actual kill, were privileged to hold a special
ceremony of their own; the naked skulls were taken off, and each group retired
a short distance to hold the sacred rites which follow the boiling of the
flesh-heads * * *,
So the skulls were brought back and stuck on spearheads, the spears standing
upright in the ground, and around them took place a dance, celebrated by all
and sundry with wild yells, and the throwing of spears across the skulls from
one warrior to another * * *,
By now hot sand had been prepared in large quantities. This was poured
into the heads at the neck-opening and while thus filled they were ironed with
hot stones picked up with the aid of paim leaves. This process, which began
that day on the sand bar, is continued in the ordinary way for some fority-
eight hours until the skin is smooth and hard and as tough as tanned leather,
the whole head gradually shrinking to the size of a large orange. The resem-
bianece to the living man is extraordinary. Indeed, the reduced heads, when
skillfully made, are exact miniatures of their former selves. Every feature,
hair, and scar is retained intact, and even the expression is not always lost.
When perfected, they are hung in the smoke of a fire to preserve them from
the depredations of the multitudinous insects which would attack and demolish
them. As I noticed that afternoon, however, the preservation of the features
in their former shape is not always the object of those who prepare them;
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 71
some of the Aguarunas were to be seen deliberately distorting them while they
were still flexible, as if in mockery of their enemies. They took a particular
pieasure in distending the mouth, which accounts for the expression to be seen
on many Jivaro heads.
Into late afternoon, the careful preparation of the heads continued. By
this time, all were working with a will to cure them, so that a start down-
stream could be made that evening. Time and again the cool greasy sand
was poured from the half-dried heads, giving out the odor of an evening meal,
only to be refilled with a fresh hot supply. Flat stones were always in the
fires, being heated for the constant ironing to which the faces were subjected ;
they slid easily over the skin, like a flat-iron on linen, due to the natural oil
which exuded from the contracting pores.
Hot coarse pebbies were substituted for sand in the final process, the heads
being constantly tilted from side to side to prevent them from burning the
meat, as dice are shaken in a box. The small amount of oil still exuding on the
face was now wiped away with fresh cotton as fast as it appeared and the
operation continued until all the fat and grease was “fried out” of the head,
when it was considered “cured” or mummified; shrunk to the last diminutive
size attainable.
Hven the captive children were playing round the fires, innocent of the
hideous import to them of this, the most tragic moment of their lives. Little
did they realize that in a few years’ time they would themselves be called
upon to kill and behead their own kin. Already they were friends with their
captors into whose family they had been merged forever * * *,
The Jivaros never take adult male prisoners, but the women and children
who are caught in the periodical raids are given the same standing in the
victorious tribe as those who-are born into it. Polygamy is forced on the
Jivaro peoples by the constant drain of the maie population caused by the
incessant intertribal warfare. But for polygamy they would soon become
extinct.
What the ip is to the North American Indian, the battle-standard to the
civilized warrior, the heads are to the Jivaro. But the comparison is only
true up toa point. For whereas the glory of the battle-standard and the scalp
is undying, that of the Jivaro heads endures only to the end of the great
Festival of Rejoicing with which they are honored on the return of the war
party to their homes.
During the absence of the warriors their women have made ready vast
quantities of giamanchi. This preparation contains just enough alcohol to
inebriate when taken in enormous quantities, as the savages do on these
occasions. Unlike civilized intoxicants its only action is stupefying. The
tom-toms are brought out, and men and women throw themselves into the
business of dancing and drinking themselves to sleep. 'The rhythmic beats of
the drums resound through the woods for many a long hour. Only the soporific
effect of the liquor suffices to bring the orgy to an end.
Afterwards the heads are shorn of their hair, which is converted into
permanent trophies in the form of belts to be worn round the loin-cloths of
their distinguished owners in battle or at the feast. The possession of such a
trophy singles a man out for special regard. But the heads themselves have
now lost their value, as surely as pearls which have died. It is curious that
the fanatical jealousy with which they are guarded up to the time of the
festival should give place to that complete indifference which allows them to
be thrown to the children as playthings and finally lost in river or Swamp.”
2Up de Graff, 1923, pp. 276-283,
72 BUREAU OF AMHRICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL 117
In the chapter on war the writer has given the process of making a
tsantsa as described by Anguasha on the Yaupe River. This agrees
quite closely with the one just concluded.
SUBSTITUTE TSANTSAS
When during a raid an individual is killed who happens to be
related to a member of the opposite party, Jivaro custom does not
permit that a tsantsa be made of the victim’s head. It also happens
that a Jivaro will sometimes succeed in killing an enemy but will be
compelled to retreat before he has had the opportunity of taking his
victim’s head. Sometimes during the heat of a battle the friends of
slain Jivaros have an opportunity of concealing the bodies or taking
them away before the enemy can secure them. In such instances the
Jivaro victor later prepares a tsantsa from the head of a sloth, which
serves as a substitute (pl. 38). There is a reference by Barriero
which seems to refer to this practice:
If pressed by the enemy so that the Jivaro does not have time to cut off
the head of his dead enemy, the traditional ceremony takes place anyway and
the tsantsa is replaced by the head of a sow which is treated in the same
fashion as the real human trophy.®
This must have referred to the sloth and Barriero probably misun-
derstood his informant.
In the origin myth of the J ivaros, Ufiushi, the sloth, is represented
as the first Jivaro and, when the original blood revenge feud took
place, the sons of Mika and Ahimbi cut off Ufiushi’s head and from
it made the first tsantsa.4
The writer had an opportunity of witnessing a portion of a cere-
mony of this nature at the jivaria of Cahaka on the lower Upano
River. Several years previously one of the wives of Nakata, a
brother of Cahaka, was persuaded by a man of the Achuales tribe
by the name of Ungucha to run away with him. Nakata followed
them to Ungucha’s jivaria, where he succeeded in Inlling Ungucha
and recapturing his wife, whom he brought back with him. As she
had been an accomplice in the affair, he cut off her ears and her nose
and then with a machete cut off both her hands before the other
women in the jivaria as an example to them, and he threw the body
into the river.
Ungucha was a relative of Nakata, for which reason his head was
not taken at the time of his assassination. After several years had
elapsed Nakata killed a sloth and the ceremony was performed in
Cahaka’s jivaria. In general, the ceremony is very similar to the
regular tsantsa feast, except that the head is shrunk in the Jivaria
® Barriero, in Bollaert, 1863a, p. 113.
4See p. 128,
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 72
and the ceremony of leg painting is omitted. In this instance the
sloth was prepared during the night in Cahaka’s house, where it
was hung from a pole. A large number of visitors were present,
representing numerous jivarias in the vicinity, including some who
had been enemies as a result of the killing of Ungucha. Enough
time had elapsed that these had temporarily at least become friends.
The head was hung over the fire from a lance, the butt of which
was planted diagonally in the ground. The ceremony lasted for
4 days until the food and nijimanche was exhausted. Cahaka, as
head of the household, played the large wooden drum, while Nakata
played the small drum or tambo. At the conclusion of the ceremony
the head was placed in a closed basket and hung from the rafters
of the house. Shortly afterwards the writer secured this head
(pl. 33).
Apparently the term ufiushi, the ceremonial name for the sloth, is
properly used for trophies ot this sort. When on the Chinganasa
River, we inquired at one of the jivarias if they had naki tsantsas.
Naki being the regular Jivaro word for sloth, the Indians cor-
rected us, saying not to call them that but to refer to them as ufushis.
This same distinction between common and ceremonial names is
encountered in numerous instances. Thus the common name for
lance is nangi, while the chonta war lance charged with tsarutama
is referred to as shingi. Ordinary pottery vessels are called by
various names according to their use, but the ceremonial nijimanche
vessels are called mika. The common name for the goatsucker is
auhu, whereas, when mentioned in his mythological connections, he
is referred to as aishiru.
There are evidently other occasions when animal heads other
than those of the sloth are prepared in the manner oi tsantsas.
Karsten refers to an instance when a woman on the Zamora was
killed by a jaguar. Her relations killed a jaguar in retaliation and
shrunk its head.®
Homer Eamigh told the writer of having witnessed the cere-
monial preparation of a condor’s head in a jivaria, on the Upano, but
unfortunately did not inquire as to the circumstances.
When we were on the lower Santiago we had with us a number
of Jivaros from the Yaupe River who killed a Matasapi, one of the
large monkeys of this region. We requested one of these Indians,
who was said to be the most expert in the art, to make a tsantsa of
5 Often deaths in the jungle are attributed to the supernatural action of the jaguar.
The writer was told on the Chinganasa of a boy who had recently been killed by a
jaguar. Further inquiry developed the fact that he had fallen from a tree while
retrieving a monkey shot with a poisoned dart. The “jaguar” had caused a limb to
break, thus killing the boy. In the same manner a Jivaro will say that a person or
persons were “eaten by an anaconda” when actually they had drowned in the river after
the canoe was upset by “Pangi.”
74. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [PULL 117
its head. He complied with our request and we were able to watch
the process in detail.
First he cut the two muscles which run down from the base of
the neck along the top of the shoulder. These were both cut through
at about the center of the shoulders. Then he selected a point at the |
top of the sternum, making an incision and bringing the cut in wide
curves on either side from this point until it joined the cuts which ©
he had made on top of the shoulders. A similar cut was then made |
in the back. When the skin had been cut completely around he
lifted it up and severed the neck at a point just below the chin.
Then, making a small vertical incision in the back of the neck and
part way up the rear of the head, he extracted the skull by. literally
peeling off the skin, taking great pains that none of the face should
be torn and easing the process along by using a small knife. When
the skull had been removed the skin of the head and face resembled
an empty sack with holes where the eyes and mouth had been and a
wrinkled portion where the nose bones had been removed. The ears
were left attached.
The skin was then put into a pot partially filled with water which
was brought almost to a boil. From time to time he lifted out the
skin by the hair to see how it was progressing. After being im-
mersed in the hot water for about 10 minutes he removed it, as he
did not desire to shrink it too much. By this time its size had de-
creased approximately one-fourth.
With his fingers he then picked the loose flesh from the lips and
face, much in the manner that one would pick off the dead skin from
a mild case of sunburn. Then, putting his hand inside the head, he
carefully cleaned it of any clinging flesh that still remained inside.
This being done, he placed it back in the pot for about a minute in
order to wash off the loose sections of skin.
Again removing the head, he skewered the lips together with three
splinters of palm wood placed completely through the lips in a
vertical position. He next took a length of chambira fiber and laced
around the splinters, thus binding the lips firmly together. Then he
inserted a hot stone just large enough to enter the neck orifice, rolling
the head about in his hands in such a manner as to thoroughly sear
the inside of the skin. After the rock had cooled off somewhat he
removed it and inserted another one which had been freshly heated,
repeating the process. With his fingers and a smooth pebble he
molded and smoothed over the face.
Next he pierced the crown of the head with a heavy splinter of
palm wood and ran a cord of chambira fiber through the opening
thus formed. With this he hung the head from a stick so that it
was about 2 feet above the fire, which by this time was blazing very
little, so that the smoke from the fire curled up around the head. He
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 75
also placed a number of green leaves on the fire in order to produce
a smudge. After allowing it to smoke in this manner for about an
hour he removed it, carefully wiped it off, and, using a small bone
awl, very carefully and neatly selvaged the rim of the neck with
chambira fiber. The head was then considered complete.
While this was no doubt an abbreviated method of making a
tsantsa, particularly since he did not desire to make the head ex-
tremely small, it probably represents approximately the technique
employed in preparing a human head.
PuRPOSE OF THE TSANTSA
To understand the motives behind the preparation of tsantsas it
is necessary to realize that the tsantsa possesses tsarutama or magical
power in much the same manner as did the prepared scalps or the
sacred masks of the North American Indians. Properly cared for,
they were agents for the good of the possessors. Improperly treated,
they were powerful factors for misfortune. Anguasha, the famous
head hunter of the Yaupe, explained that the tsantsa was a trophy
which indicated that the maker had properly fulfilled the obligation
to his lineage in taking blood revenge and therefore possessing it
would act for his good fortune as it would please the spirits of his
ancestors.
According to Anguasha, the Jivaros gave much more thought to
harm that might come to them through the ill will of neglected rela-
tives than they did to the revengeful actions of enemy ghosts. At
the time fathers instruct their young sons in their duties along these
lines they recount the killings that their enemies have perpetrated
and urge them to take revenge whenever the opportunity affords,
saying that if they do so the spirits of their dead relatives will be
pleased and will bring good crops and good luck to them, but that
if they neglect doing so these same spirits will be angry and will
bring them corresponding misfortune.
The ceremonies held with the tsantsas are in the nature of an
exhibition for the benefit of departed relatives in order to show that
the Jivaros are fulfilling their obligations of blood revenge. The
severed head, previous to its preparation as a tsantsa, is looked upon
as inert and impotent. The ceremonies and processes attendant upon
the preparation of the head, transforming it into a tsantsa, charge it
with magical powers so that it becomes animated with tsarutama,
much in the same manner as ceremonial masks and other parapher-
nalia are vitalized in the pueblo area of the American Southwest.®
®This interpretation differs considerably from that of Karsten, who says that the
principal reason for the preparation of the tsantsas is to paralyze the spirit of the dead
enemy attached to the head so that it cannot escape and take revenge upon the murderer.
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
Because of this fact, it is necessary in making a tsantsa to follow
these rituals carefully and to continue to comply with certain observ-
ances, which link the tsantsa with its maker on the one hand and his
lineage on the other, for a stated period of time following the
preparation.
Most of the early tsantsas that came to the attention of Europeans
in the middle of the nineteenth century were looted from burial
sepulchers of the Jivaros. There is no doubt that in former times
it was the custom to bury the tsantsa trophies with the warrior who
had prepared them, and this is probably done in some sections of the
Jivaro country at the present time. It seems very improbable that
a Jivaro would desire to have the bottled-up ghosts of his enemies
interred with him in the same tomb. The preparation of a tsantsa is
considered a definite insult to the enemy. Because the ghosts of
relatives are feared more than those of enemies, tsantsas are never
made of relatives killed in fights or battles,
CountTERFEIT Tsantsag
In concluding this discussion of shrunken heads, a word should
be said concerning counterfeit tsantsas. It is probably safe to Say
that the majority of specimens now in private collections, and even
in many scientific museums, are of fraudulent origin. Formerly it
was not easy to induce the Jivaros to part with their tsantsas. How-
ever, In recent years, the more or less standard price of a gun for
a head became established between traders and the Indians. To
discourage this traffic, both the Ecuadorian and Peruvian Govern-
ments have passed Jaws prohibiting their exportation. N everthe-
less, as might be expected, a good many are smuggled out. The ma-
jority of the heads which leave the country, however, were never in
. the hands of the Jivaros but were prepared by various individuals
from the bodies of unclaimed paupers to supply the constant demand
of tourists and travelers.
The trade of manufacturing imitation tsantsas has been pursued
for at least 75 years at various places in Ecuador, in Colombia, and
in Panama. The first reference to this profitable form of taxidermy
is by Philippi,’ in 1872, who calls attention to the activities of a
white man living on the borders of the Jivaro country. This man,
having learned the method. of preparation from the Indians, had
made and sold two such heads which Philippi had seen. Philippi’s
description and illustrations of an acknowledged fraudulent speci-
men shows the difficulty, in some cases, where Jivaro techniques are
closely followed, of detecting spurious examples.
7 Philippi, 1872b, p. 343.
4
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS Vi
Ambrosetti,® in 1903, published another less clever imitation, and
Rivet,® who discusses this matter at some length, illustrates an ex-
ample which he secured in Quito, made by a student in Loja.
Up de Graff * says:
It has come to the author’s attention that there is in Panama a man who
makes a business of preparing and shrinking heads, and who has even shrunken
two entire bodies, one of an adult, the other evidently a child; the body of
the latter only 10 to 12 inches. These heads, human or otherwise, are much
more skillfully prepared than the legitimate work of the Jivaros. The slit in
the legitimate Jivaro head is drawn together with a very coarse fiber, while
the work of this expert is so neatly done that the incision can hardly be noticed.
The heads are those of white men, negroes, Chinamen, and natives, probably
selected from unclaimed hospital dead. In Europe the author has also run
across these heads which evidently must have come from the same source. In
Panama, where tourists have created a brisk demand for these uncouth curios,
heads, either human or monkey, are made to order or sold for $25 each.
Karsten ™ states that he was told of a man in Guayaquil who made
a real business of the preparation of shrunken “Jivaro” heads.
In most instances it is not difficult to detect the frauds. The Jivaros
have a somewhat stereotyped method of distorting the features by
pulling out the lips and spreading the nostrils, producing a false
prognathism and giving the impression of a retreating chin. The
forehead is compressed laterally and at the level of the temples there
are two depressions, probably resulting from the technique of grasp-
ing the head at these points while preparing it. Most of the counter-
feit heads reproduce the features much more naturally than the
genuine specimens, preserving the aspect of the features more nearly
as they were in life.
Many of the false specimens do not have the facial down removed,
nor are they polished. The Jivaros usually singe off this fine hair
and polish the skin. Likewise, some of the counterfeiters fail to
blacken the skin. This black color is superficial, however, and in old
or worn specimens the yellow color of the skin is often exposed.
On most of the genuine examples there is a median posterior in-
cision extending from the occiput to the place where the neck was
severed. Sometimes there are two lateral cuts going up each side
of the neck toward the mastoidal region, and Rivet *? describes one
in which the posterior incision dces not disjoin the cervical section
but is in the form of an occipital buttonhole.
The nature of these incisions is not a safe criterion in judging
specimens, as similar techniques are employed by the counterfeiters.
However, the method of sewing the incision may often tell the tale.
8 Ambrosetti, 1903, pp. 519-523, pl. Iv.
® Rivet, 1908, pl. 1, fig. 1.
10 Up de Grafi, 1923, note on p. 288.
11 Karsten, 1935, p. 82.
22 Rivet, 1908, p. 80.
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN PTHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
The counterfeiter usually does a more skillful job of sewing than
the Jivaro, having finer tools, and generally uses a much finer fiber
than the Indians, or he may even substitute thread.
The Jivaros invariably pierce the crown of the head with a cir-
cular hole through which the suspension cord is passed. Sometimes —
there are two such holes placed along the median line of the crown.
The counterfeiter usually omits these perforations.
The Jivaro specimens likewise have the lips perforated vertically ;
as a rule with three or four holes made by passing through the
chonta pins to prevent the mouth from warping during prepara-
tion. Sometimes the pins remain in place with cotton cord lashings;
sometimes they are removed and the lips tied together with cotton
strings, often with long ornamental pendant tassels. During the
present century, in order to enhance the “showiness” of their prod-
ucts, it has become the frequent practice of counterfeiters to decorate
their tsantsas with feather headdresses and similar ornaments, a
practice never followed by the Jivaros. The only decorations ever
seen on genuine tsantsas are the lip cords, which sometimes have a
few beetle wings or feathers attached, and occasionally small toucan
feathers are attached to miniature tubes in the ear lobes, but not
through the rims of the ears as is done by one counterfeiter.
Occasionally, as Up de Graff has indicated, counterfeiters shrink
an entire body after the fashion of a tsantsa. Most of these speci-
mens have evidently originated in Panama. Von Hassel states that
a tribe exists in the region of the Cusicuari, Rio Negro, and Orinoco
who reduce entire bodies in this manner. However, if his informa-
tion in this regard is no more accurate than it was when he recorded
that the Aguarunas reduce human heads to a fifth their size, more or
less with hot stones and the smoke of a bonfire of the roots of cer-
tain palms, saying, “This smoke, which has the same quality as alum,
contracts and reduces the head to the size they desire”, we may well
discount the former statement.
Rivet encountered an Ecuadorian who told him that in exchange
for an old gun he had persuaded a Jivaro to shrink an entire body
for him. This brings up a final type of counterfeiting most difficult
of all to detect, namely, occasional shrunken heads prepared by the
Jivaros for trade or to order, which are not actually tsantsas at all.
WEAPONS
A study of the weapons used by the Jivaros in warfare and in
hunting indicates that interesting changes have taken place since the
Spaniards first entered their country. Benavente, in 1540, speaks of
the first group of Indians that he encountered in the Jivaro country,
STIRLING] —* THE JIVARO INDIANS 79
probably on the Paute River, as being armed with lances and round
shields. Later, at the point where he terminated his penetration, he
encountered another considerable group of Indians which he de-
scribed as being dressed in camisetas and mantas. He says these
Indians were armed with slings and shot at the Spaniards with bows
and arrows. From this general description I believe that there
might be some doubt as to these latter being Jivaros.
Salinas, writing in 1571 (second letter), says that the Indians in
the vicinity of Santiago have copper axes,'* shields made of tapir
skin and of wood, and spear throwers.
Joan Pizarro, writing in 1582 of the Jivaros of the Santiago, says
that they hunt game with the bow and arrow. Speaking of the
Indians of Valladolid, western neighbors of the Jivaros, he says that
their arms are lances of palm wood more than 25 palms in length,
stones, axes, and javelins. The stones very probably refer to the
use of slings.
Salinas says that the Mainas, eastern neighbors of the Jivaros,
for their arms have darts, shields, throwing rods with spear
throwers, and wooden clubs (macanas) made of palm wood. There
has been no reference to the use of clubs by the Jivaros.
Lucero, writing of the Jivaros a century later, speaks of lances
and shields, adding that the lances were frequently tipped with hu-
man bone taken from enemies killed in battle. He also speaks of
the Jivaros of the Santiago carrying stones in the slack of their
skirts, which might point to the use of slings.
Guns did not come into general use among the Jivaros until the
early part of the twentieth century. During this period they cap-
tured: some guns from the Peruvians, and later the light muzzle-
loading escopetas or shotguns were introduced in considerable num-
bers by the traders. At the present time it is the ambition of every
Jivaro to own a gun, although probably less than half of the men
possess them. This strong desire to own “escopetas” can scarcely
be based on practical considerations, since they are little more effec-
tive for hunting purposes than the blowgun and have the additional
disadvantage that the noise made in shooting frightens game.
While guns are becoming more common, blowguns still continue to
be important adjuncts of every Jivaro household.
It seems clear that during the sixteenth century the Jivaros used
lances, spear throwers, and bows and arrows. Sometime during the
latter part of the seventeenth century the bow and arrow and the
spear thrower began to go out of use, being replaced by the blowgun
with poison darts.
13The author found two archeological specimens of copper axes on the lower Upano
River.
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | [BULL 117
Tue BLowcun
During the writer’s investigations he noticed that the blowgun,
now the most striking and characteristic weapon of the Jivaro, is
never mentioned by the sixteenth century writers. This is of special —
interest when we observe that later writers have been particularly ©
impressed by its occurrence and never fail to speak of it. This fact
led to an investigation of early records in other regions of South
America in an attempt to discover from which direction this weapon
reached the Jivaro. The only instrument at all comparable which |
is mentioned in the sixteenth century is the pea shooter or pellet gun
of Mexico and Central America. This simple device, which was
little more than a toy for shooting small birds, is a far cry from the
elaborately manufactured, complex blowgun, shooting long-range
piercing darts made effective by the use of poison. The earliest refer-
ence to the true blowgun found by the writer is in Saabedra, who in
1620 describes the blowgun with poison darts in use among the
Mainas on the Morona, who were the first of the eastern Andean
tribes to be missionized.
The remarkable parallel between this weapon and its accessories
as manufactured in Indonesia and in South America has been a fre-
quent subject of comment by ethnographers. Details regarding the
nature of many of these parallels and the improbability of their in-
dependent development need not be mentioned here. As far as the
writer is aware, no one has suggested the post-Columbian introduc-
tion of the blowgun into the South American region. The amazing
similarity in the methods of manufacture and materials used would
seem to make it extremely unlikely that this highly specialized com-
plex could have developed independently in the two areas. It seems
to the writer much more probable that the use of the blowgun and
its equipment was brought into South America by southeastern Asi-
atics, possibly from the Philippines, who were carried across the
Pacific on one or more of the many Spanish galleons which followed
this route in the sixteenth century. These individuals, escaping into
a familiar jungle environment which supplied all of the necessary
materials, could easily have used their knowledge to manufacture
this complicated but most useful weapon.1*
Judging from the early literature, its use in South America origi-
nated in the general vicinity of the Mainas, from whom it was ob-
tained by the Jivaros, who today are probably the most expert blow-
gun manufacturers in South America. From this region it spread
across the northern Amazon basin to the Guianas, where its intro-
isa The writer has been informed by Dr. Wendell Bennett that there is an early Chimu
vessel in the collection of Rafael Larco Hoyle, of Trujillo, with a painting of what appears
to be a man using a blowgun. This may represent a pellet gun.
STIRLING ] THE JIVARO INDIANS 81
duction appears to have been comparatively late. It seems quite
certain that the Jivaros did not have it until the seventeenth century.
In northwestern South America the blowgun is called variously
cerbatana, or bodoquera, or by the Quechua term pucuna. By the
Jivaros it is called umi.
There are numerous variations in the technique of making blow-
guns as practiced in different sections of the Jivaro country. The
descriptions given by Rivet ++ and that of Up de Graff * approximate
most closely the process described below as witnessed by the writer
on the Chinganasa River. The writer has on numerous occasions
observed Jivaros at work manufacturing blowgun darts and pre-
paring them for use. The following descriptions are based entirely
on personal observations.
When a man desires to make himself a blowgun he first cuts down
a suitable chonta palm which is allowed to dry in the sun for a period
of about a week. At the expiration of this time the thorns are
removed from the outside of the trunk and it is split in half. From
these pieces, two strips, each about 8 inches in width, are split off
and cut to the length desired for the blowgun. Then with a machete
these strips are shaved until they are very straight and taper from
one end to the other. One side of each is made flat while the other
is rounded in such fashion that when the two flat sides are placed
together the two strips form a cylinder which tapers from about 114
inches in diameter at one end to three-quarters of an inch at the other
end.
The operator then places in the ground 8 feet apart two forked
uprights at a height of about 3 feet, one of these being an inch or two
jower than the other. Karsten says that the drum represents the sacred anaconda Pangi. The lugs are
the head and tail, the openings the pattern on the snake’s back.
93
THE JIVARO INDIANS
STIRLING]
TUNDULI OR SIGNAL DRUM
eo eR ATT SY SOT eS a Se OTN,
I 6 a tl et A epee abhi ld CI i perme =
= ements SSS SSS ES = Sa aera yen oe emer ey ee es = Hetero a EN ee
—
= HE sas
=< > ss F
5 he aad
TATTOOING
by MU: YW
1
malig [DE
D> MD
{
BODY PAINTING
amma a
ils rman
ip, ea
LE Por
Fieurs 5.—Face and body painting and
tattooing.
79483—38——$
102 BUREAU OF AMHRICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
with the black fur attached, about 2 inches high, worn as a hoop
about the head. Women do not wear feather crowns of this nature.
Numerous types of collars, necklaces, and body ornaments, con-
sisting of seeds, shells, teeth, bird bones, and at present beads and
buttons, are worn. One conspicuous ornament worn somewhat after
the fashion of a Sam Brown belt consists of numerous strings of
small black seeds held together at intervals by transverse cotton
strings worn in such fashion that it crosses both shoulders and en-
circles the waist. It requires almost a year of work to manufacture
one of these ornaments which the Jivaros call “nupish.” It is worn
at the big fiestas and occasionally when a Jivaro wants to make an
impression on a visit (pl. 6,a@). Necklaces consisting of many strands
of this same seed are also worn, as are similar necklaces of glass
beads (pls. 4, 6, ¢; 5, a, c). Collars woven of chambira fiber or made
of bark completely covered with shells or buttons are a favorite orna-
ment of the men (pl. 5, 0). Another elaborate ornament worn by
the men is the “tayocunchi.” ‘This is an elaborate back ornament
made from hundreds of femurs of the tayo bird, which is found only
in certain caves in the Jivaro country. The possession of such an
ornament marks the owner as a brave man, as it requires courage to
enter the caves which are the dwelling places of jaguars (or jaguar
spirits) in order to obtain the birds. These ornaments are further
embellished by the addition of bright-colored feathers and beetle
wings. The most elaborate type of ear ornament consists of long
hangings of iridescent green beetle wings which depend over the
shoulders and terminate in tufts of red and yellow toucan feathers.
These are called “kuishi” (pl. 15, a).
When the Jivaro is traveling he carries his feather ornaments
neatly rolled and packed in tubes of bamboo. These tubes, together
with other ornaments, hair combs, ear tubes, achiote paint and other
accessories, are carried in a rectangular bag with a flap which is
either woven of chambira fiber and suspended by a strap over one
shoulder or else 1s made of monkey skin with the fur attached and
suspended in the same manner (pl. 18).
While the women do not wear as elaborate ornaments as the men,
they are fond of bead or seed necklaces or collars. A characteristic
ornament of the women is the dance girdle, made by attaching to a
cotton tape numerous triangular segments cut from the shells of
the giant land snail which jingle like sleigh bells as the wearer walks
or dances. This girdle is called “unda acacho” (pl. 10).
Jivaro men also wear a girdle made from human hair called “inda-
shi acacho.” Tufts of human hair taken from the head of a coura-
geous Jivaro who has died are attached by means of a resinous gum to
a woven cotton tape. These girdles are supposed to possess magical
power which transmits to the wearer some of the qualities of the orig-
:
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 103
inal owner of the hair. The manufacture of them involves definite
taboos and practices on this account. While at work on the girdle the
maker accounts the most noteworthy feats accomplished by the orig-
inal owner of the hair and upon completing his task he holds a
small feast, during which he dances while wearing the girdle and
sings songs calculated to give him additional strength and courage.
The women frequently wear on the breast an amulet which they
call “napue.” This consists of a collection of objects which are sup-
posed to be beneficial in producing sexual attraction and in holding
the affection of the woman’s mate. These objects consist of certain
perfumed herbs, manatee teeth, bird bones, and similar miscellaneous
objects. While collecting and attaching each object to the napue
the woman sings and prays for assistance from each spirit repre-
sented in the amulet.
Both men and women occasionally wear about the wrists and ankles
narrow circlets made from the skin of a small variety of green snake
which are supposed to protect the wearer against evil influences in
the forest. There are numerous variations to be found among the
ornaments worn by both sexes, but as a rule they conform rather
closely to the types enumerated above.
THE FOOD QUEST
FIsHING
In the higher mountain regions where the streams are small and
torrential very few fish occur. In most of these streams the only
food fish is the naiwmbi, a curious looking fish whose body 1s sur-
rounded by a hard shell and which attaches itself on the under sur-
face of rocks by means of a sucking appliance similar to that of the
pilot fish. These ugly and bony creatures, while not very delectable
in appearance, are sometimes the only available food supply in the
gameless regions of the higher mountains. The Indians capture
them by simply wading out into the stream and overturning rocks
to which they are attached, removing them with their fingers. In
the lower regions and along streams which are less turbulent fish
life is very abundant and the Indians have devised many different
ways of capturing them. Fishhooks are seldom used excepting
where the Indians have been able to obtain them from the whites.
The Jivaros apparently do not’ make or use fish nets at the present
time.”6
22Up de Graff describes the use of nets among the Antipas, saying: “Their nets are
made of palm fiber, and in place of corks and leads they use balsa wood and stones. The
net is fixed across a rivulet, and the party makes its way by a detour to a point up-
stream. There they throw stones into the water and frighten the fish into a hurried
flight to where the trap awaits them. The meshes of the nets are so proportioned as to
catch the fish by the gills as they rush downstream.” Up de Graff, p. 210.
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
The aboriginal methods of fishing appear to be poisoning, trap-
ping, and spearing. Fish traps as a rule are constructed during
high water in overflow areas where streams are about to subside, or
along small swollen streams up which fish have ascended from the
main rivers. For poisoning fish a dam is generally constructed ©
along a small stream during low water. Barbasco shrub is gath- |
ered in sufficient quantities, macerated by means of pounding it |
between large stones, and then thrown into the water, being careful |
to distribute it evenly at a point 30 or 40 yards above the fish dam.
The juice of the plant spreading through the water stupefies the
fish, which rise to the surface in a more or less helpless condition,
where they are gathered up by the Indians. On these fish-poisoning
occasions generally a large part of the community participate; men,
women, and children taking part and make of it an enjoyable social
affair.
: : a HVE
oe
ee Ss oS ASS
ig LA E & ; iy (—~
LaF OK Bs gs 844
OS 01 | eZ.
\
FIGuRE 6.—Fish trap.
In constructing a typical fish trap a mat is made of flattened bam-
boo strips. This is laid across parallel sticks and two winged dams
are made to divert the water onto the mat. In flowing over the
mat the water strains through, leaving the fish stranded as they
swim downstream. The edges of the mat are rolled up a little so
as to make a trough of it, and a dam of leaves is placed at the far
end to prevent the fish flopping out (fig. 6). Fish spears are made
of a long, slender shaft of chonta palm, fitted with a bone point
(ple oie).
HUNTING
In the forests of the Santiago wild game is very abundant.
Among the larger mammals are to be listed the tapir, the capybara,
the paca, the peccary, wild hogs, the giant ant bear, deer, and
monkeys. Several members of the cat tribe are also to be found,
the puma occurring in the higher mountains while the jaguar and
ocelot are very abundant in the lowland jungles, as well as in the
eastern foothills of the Andes. In the rivers are to be found both
the manatee and the fresh-water porpoise. The most striking mem-
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 105
bers of the reptilian family are alligators, turtles, the giant boa
constrictors, and anacondas.
Bird life is remarkably abundant and varied. The principal
food birds are the greater and lesser pawil and toucans of several
species. The Indian does not scorn for food purposes the various
members of the parrot family, or in fact almost any bird which
he might be able to kill.
Various insects are also utilized for food purposes. A certain
variety of giant red ant is a favorite delicacy, these as a rule being
eaten in a parched form. In addition to this, large white grubs
are secured in quantities from rotten wood and are considered to
be a particularly choice morsel of food. Frogs, lizards, and snails
are likewise frequently eaten.
It is seldom necessary for the Jivaro to go hungry. With his
skill in woodcraft and his knowledge of the wild plant and animal
life of the jungles in which he lives, he is able as a rule to find food
at all times on comparatively short notice.
~The Jivaro is at his best when hunting in the forest. His knowl-
edge of the habits of the game animals, his keen ears and eyes,
his ability to imitate the calls of animals and birds, all contribute
to his success in the hunt. Where a white man could walk through
the forest without being aware of any game in the vicinity, the
Indian is constantly aware of the presence of birds and animals and
is able to tell from the sounds just what varieties they might be.
A common Jivaro method of hunting is to construct in a suitable
location a blind made of palm leaves in which the hunter sits quietly
with his blowgun, from time to time repeating the calls of certain
birds or animals so that the game will come to him instead of his
pursuing the game. Great patience is exhibited in this form of
hunting, and as a rule is rewarded by success.
When any member of a jivaria locates the trail of a herd of pec-
caries or wild hogs a community hunt is organized. Preparations
for such a hunt constitute somewhat of a social occasion. All of the
dogs owned by the jivaria are put on leash and, under the care of
the women, are brought with the hunting party into the forest to
the point where the trail of the herd has been seen. A consultation
then takes place between the leading men in order to decide the prob-
able course taken by the herd. Many things are taken into consid-
eration, such as the direction of the wind, the occurrence of trees
furnishing suitable foods on which the animals are likely to be
feeding, the physical nature of the terrain itself, and the probabil-
ities of the herd being turned aside by streams or gullies. After
the likely location of the herd is determined, various individuals are
spread through the forest to act as drivers, while others are stationed
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
with their weapons at favorable points where it is expected the
animals will be driven past.
Guns, lances, and blowguns are all used. The peccary is a
dangerous animal when aroused and a man in the path of a charging
herd is forced to take to a tree in order to save his life. Because of
this fact, a great deal of excitement prevails at the final contacting
of the game. The beaters with their dogs have all arranged a series
of signals sounding like bird calls, by means of which they make
their presence and position known one to the other. With the dogs
howling as the trail is struck, the woods are filled with bedlam as
the animals are driven out and swing into motion.
As the herd approaches, grunting and with teeth clashing, the
hunters stationed along the path grow excited as the shooting begins.
Those with guns fire and reload as rapidly as possible. The men
with lances station themselves at the base of trees where they are
able to receive the rush of the animals, lancing one or two if possible
as they charge, and then immediately taking to the tree above them
in order to escape the rest. As soon as the herd has arrived, all of
the Jivaro hunters are to be seen seated on the lower limbs of small
trees, frantically ramming charges in their muzzle loaders or shoot-
ing blowgun darts as rapidly as possible into the herd of charging
animals. The men with the lances lower themselves from the trees
in order to use their lances effectively, but taking care not to allow
themselves to fall to the ground or get in the path of the peccaries.
In due course of time the excited animals rush past and the hunters
descend from their perches and collect all that have been killed.
Those shot with poisoned darts it is necessary to follow a consid-
erable distance. All of the dead animals are then brought together,
singed, cleaned, and carried back many weary miles through the
jungle to the jivaria. All of the carrying is done by the women. In
case there are not enough to bring all of the animals which have been
killed, instead of the men helping so that it could be done at one trip,
the women return and make a second trip in order to secure the
remainder.
Meat which is obtained as the result of a community hunt is di-
vided among the hunters by the curaka. On one occasion when we
were present at a peccary hunt of this sort we were unable to pur-
chase any meat because of the fact that, inasmuch as it had been a
community venture, there was no one entitled to receive payment for
it. The only solution was to give us part of the meat as our share
for participating in the hunt.
Another mass method of killing wild pigs or peccaries is to drive
them into a large stream where they are pursued in canoes and lanced
in the water. A hunt of this nature was witnessed on the Marafion
when five pigs were secured from a large herd crossing the river.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 107
Certain of the available animals are not utilized by the Jivaro for
food purposes on account of magical taboos. Notable among these
exceptions are the deer and tapir. Deer are considered to contain
tsarutama of the feared spirit, Iguanchi. The Indians have no hesi-
tancy in killing deer and furnishing them to white people to use as
food, but no Jivaro will partake of deer meat himself. In the same
way, in some regions, the flesh of the tapir is taboo.
AGRICULTURE
Although the Jivaros receive a considerable part of their subsist-
ence from the products of the chase and from fishing operations, they
might safely be termed a truly agricultural people. Maintenance of
the gardens is almost solely the duty of the women. The only portion
of the labor of preparing and maintaining a garden clearing which
is done by the men consists in the felling of trees in making the
original clearing. The planting, care, and harvesting of the crops
is all women’s work.
Sweet manioc, taken in the form of nijimanche, constitutes the
most important single food item. The boiled fruit of the chonta palm
is likewise used to form a drink prepared in the same manner as
nijimanche. To a lesser degree, maize, sweetpotatoes, sugar cane,
squash, and peanuts are raised. As a general rule, a good-sized gar-
den clearing surrounds the jivaria itself, but frequently additional
fields are maintained which are a mile or more distant. Bananas,
plantains, and papayas are grown extensively, but require no care
other than planting.
The ground is not tilled in any fashion. The only agricultural
implements are a digging stick and a planting stick; frequently,
the same implement serving both purposes. A typical digging stick
is made of hard chonta palm, is about 4 feet in length, 114 inches
in diameter, and is flattened at one end (pl. 23, @). The manioc is
planted by taking small shoots from growing plants and placing the
stems in shallow holes punched in the ground with the digging stick.
The earth is then packed around the stem with the fingers and the
plant requires no further care, the moist ground and the more or less
continual rains doing the rest. The roots of the manioc are usually
harvested when about a foot in length. If permitted to grow to a
much larger size the tubers become coarse and woody. In harvesting
manioc, which is one of the principal routine duties of the women,
the tubers are excavated by means of the digging sticks, placed in
the carrying baskets and borne by means of a head strap from the
gardens to the house. This is no inconsiderable task, especially where
the fields are at a distance over steep mountain trails from the jivaria
(pl. 23, 5).
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
Bananas and plantains, as is customary in the region of the eastern
Andes, are seldom permitted to ripen. When the fruit is mature the
bunches are picked. The bananas or plantains are first peeled and
then either boiled while green or roasted in the coals of the fire. The
Indians prefer it in this mealy and tasteless fashion rather than in
the form of ripened fruit.
In addition to these staple food plants, other plants for various
purposes are raised in the clearing about the houses. Among these
might be listed cotton, tobacco, mycot, natima, achiote, and barbasco
shrubs.
Wild fruits are rather extensively used for food purposes. Among
those occurring most abundantly in the region of the Santiago are
guava beans, sapotes, and the fruit of the chonta palm.
The combination of fertile soil, warm and abundant rainfall, and
mild temperature causes the various agricultural products to grow
rapidly and luxuriantly. No finer bananas or plantains are to be seen
anywhere in the world.
THE LIFE CYCLE
MARRIAGE
Marriage among the Jivaros is by a form of purchase. When a
man sees an unmarried girl or a widow whom he wishes to take
as a wife he speaks to her father or brother and, unless they par-
ticularly object to the suitor, a price is agreed upon and he takes
the woman away. There is no ceremony attached to the transac-
tion and no ceremony of marriage. A woman does not have the
right to refuse a man if her father or brother have accepted pay-
ment for her. Very frequently immature girls of 8 or 9 years of
age are purchased as wives. ‘They are at once considered as being
wives and go to their husband’s household to live. Sexual inter-
course does not take place, however, until puberty. In other re-
spects, the young girl functions as a wife, attending to her house-
hold duties along with any other wives her husband might have.
Because of the prevalence of the custom oi head hunting, the
women outnumber the men considerably, as marriageable women are
rarely killed in the head-hunting raids. As a result, polygamy is
an inevitable consequence. José Grande, an old chief on the upper
Upano River, has 11 wives and 5 or 6 wives are not uncommon for
an influential man.
It is not to be supposed that the lot of women is an unhappy one
because of these facts. Most women appear to have a real affec-
tion for their husbands and the young girl wives appear to be as
much attached as a rule to their husbands as to their own parents.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 109
Jealousy between wives is apparently a very rare trait. Almost al-
ways a household of women get along very well together and the
various wives of a man become very fond of one another. A typical
marital group in the case of older men consists of three wives—one,
an older woman of approximately the husband’s age; another, a
young wife of 16 to 20 years of age; and the third, an immature
girl.
Just because a man may usually purchase any woman he likes, it
cannot be assumed that romantic love is lacking in the lives of
the Jivaros. Asa general rule, a man does not care to have a wife
who does not reciprocate his affection. When he sees an eligible
woman who stirs his emotions, particularly if he be a young man, he
begins a rather elaborate campaign of courtship in order to gain
the affection of the woman. When a man is in love he quite
naturally desires to put on his best appearance; therefore he always
keeps himself well painted and decorated. He is very particular
about his hair and dress.
When he begins his courtship he pays a visit to the house where
the girl of his choice lives, always taking care to invent some other
reason to account for his presence there or else making the visit
seem quite accidental. When he enters the house, according to cus-
tom he is served mesato by each of the women in turn. When his
particular woman steps up with her bowl of nijimanche for him he
acts very serious and gruff. He takes the bowl roughly from her
and, after drinking, returns it with the same violence. Following
the chicha drinking, again according to custom, the women begin
serving him food. When the woman of his choice brings him
manioc or sweetpotatoes he takes it from her without looking at
her, examines the food, breaks off a piece and hurls it on the ground.
If there was any doubt in her mind before, this assures her that
the man is in love. Generally this is all that is accomplished on
the first visit.
As a rule, before his second visit, he allows an interval of 3 days
to elapse, on the theory that during this time the girl will have a
chance to think about him and his actions and to wonder if she
created enough of an impression for him to return. His prepara-
tions for the second visit are considerably more elaborate.
First he goes to the river and calls upon Tsungi, the mythical
water monster, to aid him in his affair. He sings songs especially
composed for the occasion. Tsungi is supposed to exert a particu-
lar control over love affairs. In the forest he has probably already
collected leaves of the plant called muspa, which he dries and from
which he makes a powder. The Jivaros believe that when the otter
wishes to catch fish he rubs his paws on this plant and on his face.
110 BUREAU OF AMHRICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
The lover goes through the same procedure when he collects the
leaves. The muspa powder is mixed with achiote and yaona, a
sweet-smelling herb. This combination is then mixed with a little
grease and placed in a small bamboo tube. Sometimes the prepara-
tion is purchased from the wishinu. This preparation is called
semica.
On his second visit he also brings with him the fangs of an ana-
conda or a bea; these are supposed to bring good luck to a woman.
Other little gifts as well are prepared, such as nuts, from which
she can make amulets, vanilla beans, yaona plants wrapped in cot-
ton, combs, and similar trinkets. The teeth of the manatee are sup-
posed to be effective in fostering a love affair and are regarded
particularly as being good luck charms for women.
When he enters the house on his second visit he contrives, if pos-
sible, to rub some of the semica on the palms of her hands and on her
breasts. If the man had succeeded in making any sort of impression
on his first visit, the woman is likely to act with more affection
toward him on this occasion. She may even go so far as to encourage
him by inquiring as to why he had not returned before and express-
ing interest in his doings. The girl’s acceptance of his presents is
her way of indicating that she reciprocates his affection. All that
now remains is for the suitor to make satisfactory purchase arrange-
ments with her father.
There is generally a show of reluctance on the part of the girl’s
male relative. They drive as good a bargain as they are able and
express a real or feigned dislike of the idea of the girl leaving home.
In pressing his plea the suitor usually employs a friend as spokes-
man and the debate that ensues is somewhat in the nature of a stereo-
typed ceremony. While the girl’s mother theoretically has nothing
to say, actually she takes an active part in the argument.
It frequently happens, however, that a wife is purchased without
a word being said to her. This is usually the case when an older
man, acquires a young wife. There are two prime requisites that
make a man attractive to a woman, or, for that matter, respected
generally in the community. One is that he be a good warrior, and
the other that he be a good hunter. The symbol of his ability as a
warrior is the number of tsantsas he has made. The symbol of his
ability as a hunter are the bones of the tayo birds which he has killed.
One bone is taken from each wing and these are worn as ornaments.
The tayo frequent a few caves where they are hunted with the aid
of torches. Because of the fact that the hunter is likely to encounter
a jaguar, it requires a brave man to obtain a large number of these
bones. Such items are a considerable asset to a man in gaining the
regard of a woman. Desirable traits in a woman are that she be a
good worker, have a good disposition, and be free from nagging.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 111
When tobacco is blown up a woman’s nostrils and she is able to
retain it, this is regarded as an omen that she will have strong
children.
Marriage takes place immediately following the purchase arrange-
ments and the woman takes up her duties in the man’s residence,
where they do not differ much from the duties to which she has
been accustomed at home. The work of clearing the chacras and
the work of housebuilding is done by the men. The women plant
and tend the crops. The men do the hunting and fishing, while the
women cook and attend to the household duties. The house is di-
vided into two halves, each of which has its own door; one for the
men and one for the women. In one half are the beds of the men
and the section in which they remain while in the house. In the
other half the women live and tend to their household functions.
CHILDBIRTH
When a woman becomes pregnant, the husband is much more atten-
tive than usual and performs numerous little services that he would
not do ordinarily. If it is her first child she is likely to be nervous,
in which case the others in the house attempt to keep her mind off
the coming event and distract her interest in various ways. Children
are very much desired by both men and women and a barren woman
is almost invariably discarded as a wife.
When the time for childbirth arrives the woman drinks water
with which has been mixed scrapings from the spine of the cashpa-
ray. This is supposed to deaden the pain of childbirth. The mother
is usually attended by one or two old women. Delivery is from a
sitting position, or, if difficulty is experienced, from a half-standing
position. Asa rule, Jivaro women are very little discommoded by
childbirth. At delivery, the umbilical cord is tied in a knot and then
cut. Immediately after the delivery the mother goes to the water and
washes herself while the old women wash the child. One month
after the birth of a child a fiesta is held.
From the time a child is born until it has begun to walk the father
observes a moderate sort of couvade. During this period he abstains
from eating the foods from animals or plants containing tsarutama.
Such foods have power over the spirit of the child and may wreak
harm upon it.
Young children are very seldom disciplined, in spite of which,
like most primitive children, they are very wellbehaved. The chil-
dren, especially young boys, have almost complete liberty to do as
they please. As they grow up the girls stay with the women and
learn the various household duties which it is necessary for them to
practice in earnest after they are married. Inasmuch as many girls
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
marry at 8 or 10 years of age they have very few years of childhood.
Small boys play at hunting and fishing and accompany the men on
their hunts at an early age. They are even brought on war expedi-
tions by their fathers when as young as 7 and 8 years of age, for the
purpose of becoming accustomed to fighting as soon as possible.
The daily instructions a boy receives in warfare and in inculcating
the idea of blood revenge in his mind has been described under the
section dealing with warfare.??
Children do not have many formal games which they play but,
like children in all parts of the world, they contrive to occupy them-
selves. There are usually mud banks to slide down and a fine play-
ground in the jungles adjoining the chacras. Most of the games
played by the girls consist in playing at making pottery, cooking,
or working in the chacras. By playing at these tasks, they learn
the duties which they must later perform, and at a very tender age
they begin to be of real assistance to their mothers,
Dratu
The subject of death and burial customs appears not to have been
mentioned by the earliest writers on the Jivaro. Plaza, writing in
1853, says:
They abandon their house even before 6 years if a Jivaro dies; his body is
placed with lance and shield at his side and surrounded with food and drink;
it is closed and remains closed, and no one ever returns to live there, which
proves, according to them, the immortality of the soul and the existence of a
divine being, a judge of good actions and of bad, who punishes through a bad
character called Ihuanchi.”
Villavicencio, writing at about the same period, says:
It is with difficulty that they are persuaded to bury their dead in the
churches, since they prefer to bury them in their tambos, for the reason of
thus having some guardians to watch over their belongings. They believe that
death is not natural, and when someone dies, they attribute it to sorcery sent
by some enemy, which is a cause for division among families, and they profess
an eternal hatred against the supposed sorcerer. When they do not know to
whom to attribute the ill deed they believe, notwithstanding, that it is caused
by some hidden enemy.”
Vacas Galindo states that the dying person usually indicates the
kind of burial which would please him, reminding his relatives not
to leave his body exposed to the weather nor to forget to put in
nijimanche and food. As to the final disposal of the body, Galindo
says:
They seat the dead person on a kutanga, well tied to one of the pillars of
the house. They put his lance in his hand so that he can defend himself from
7 See p. 41.
28 Plaza, in Compte, p. 295.
» Villavicencio, p. 357.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 113
other souls, human or animal, who will come to trouble his sleep. The women
put around him many piningas of chicha, pots full of an infusion of guayusa,
plates full of manioc and bananas; then the doors of the house are closed and
fastened solidly and the relatives go to live in some place far away.”
The Salesian missionary, Father Pancheri, at Gualaquiza, has left
a detailed description of the manner in which a prominent Jivaro
had been buried. Hearing that the body of this individual had been
disposed of in the pagan manner and wishing to give his bones a
Christian burial, he searched for and found the body in a native
sepulchre. The shelter consisted of a well-built house 2 meters long
and 114 meters wide. As viewed from the outside, it gave the ap-
pearance of an embankment surrounded by a strong palisade over-
grown with living plants. The interior, like a small room, was fur-
nished with a seat having a back, on which the corpse had been
seated, hands and feet crossed after it had been dressed in its best
clothing and personal adornments. A second palisade, erected in
the form of a cylinder, surrounded the body so closely that it could
not fall over. This palisade was even more solidly constructed than
the other and was covered inside and out with large leaves, making
it so tight that even mice could not enter. The circular opening
at the top of this cylindrical palisade was covered by a thick disk
of wood weighted down by a large rock. In the little circular corri-
dor between the first and second barriers a large quantity of food
was placed; manioc, bananas, meat, etc.; many earthenware jars
filled with nijimanche and other liquids were set against the walls.
Pancheri says:
We had to break the first palisade with a machete. Here many vases of
nhijimanche were hung and it was only under the second palisade that the
bones of Captain Huambashu were found.”
The following information was received directly from informants
on the Yaupe River. Twenty-four hours after a Jivaro dies his
body is placed in a log which has been hollowed out, in a small
canoe, or in a box made of split bamboo. All of his hunting and
fighting weapons, lance, blowgun, poison kit, etc., are placed with
him. When the coffin is made from a log the bark is first peeled
off and a space hollowed out in the log of a size sufficient to receive
the body. The bark is then replaced and secured in place with
pegs and vine wrappings, so as to cover the opening (pl. 25, 6). If
a canoe is utilized the opening of the canoe is covered with bark and
large leaves which are bound in place with vines. When a box of
split bamboo is used a cover is made of the same maierial.
The coffin is then suspended from the ridge pole of the house by
means of two vines. An ordinary warrior is suspended horizontally.
% Vacas Galindo, Nankijukima, pp. 78—79.
*1 Bulletin Salésien. August 1896, p. 178. Cited by Rivet, 1907, p. 611.
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
If the deceased should be a curaka he is suspended in an upright
position. The body hangs in this manner without further attention
except for mourning by the women for a period of 6 days. On the
sixth day, if the dead man be a curaka, nijimanche, meat, fish, man-
ioc, and plantains are placed in vessels on the floor and on that day
the house is abandoned, the body remaining suspended from the
rafters. Each month for 2 years someone returns to replenish the
food supply.
The Jivaros believe that after death they are reborn in various
forms of animal life. A warlike curaka becomes a jaguar when
he dies and goes to live in the forest near enemy tribes in order
that he may continue his vengeance toward them. The explanation
of the 2-year period during which the corpse is fed and tended is
that it requires 2 years for a jaguar to develop to the point where he
can competently shift for himself. When this time has expired
the bones are taken down and buried.
In the case of an ordinary warrior the house is not abandoned
following the 6-day period after death, but during this time a
strongly built small house is erected in the vicinity of the jivaria
and the body is placed in it. Here it is fed and attended during
the 2-year period in the same manner as described for a curaka.
The bodies of women are treated in the same manner as those of
ordinary warfiors, excepting, of course, that the woman’s domestic
utensils and implements are placed with her instead of weapons.
In the event of the death of young children the bodies are placed
in a small thatched shelter near or in the clearing without any
attendant ceremony. It is believed that children under the age of
puberty change into small birds.
When Anguasha was asked if he expected to become a jaguar
he said no, that he hoped to be a chicken hawk, because he was
very fond of eating chickens and birds.
The levirate prevails among the Jivaros. When a man dies the
brother who is closest to him has the right to claim his widow. It
is not compulsory for him to take her as a wife, although usually he
does so. Custom dictates, however, that in the event he does not take
her as a wife, she nevertheless lives in his house and becomes a
member of his household until someone else marries her. It is not
necessarily the oldest brother upon whom these duties fall.
Mourning customs are not very elaborate. During the 6 days
following death the women of the house wail and lament and, if
the deceased were a married man, his wives cut their hair in the
form of a bob. During the time that a corpse is suspended in the
house the men generally leave, going into the bush, or visiting some
other jivaria, leaving the mourning and the tending of the body
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 115
to the women. There are evidences of a lasting affection for the
dead on the part of close relatives, and mothers sometimes retain
keepsakes which they treasure in true sentimental fashion as re-
membrances of their dead sons.
Since the advent of missionary influence, the Jivaros in some places
have been persuaded to bury their dead, which is usually done in
the floors of the houses. There is archeological evidence that urn
burial was formerly practiced in the Jivaro territory, and Figueroa
describes this custom among the Mainas in the seventeenth century.
SHAMANISM
The practice of shamanism among the Jivaro Indians is basically
conditioned by their religious beliefs and conceptions of life and
nature. The impersonal magical force which gives supernatural
properties to certain classes of animals, plants, or natural phenom-
ena is called by the Jivaros tsarutama, more or less the equivalent
of the Iroquois orenda, the Siouan wakonda, or the Polynesian
mana. Possessing this force or quality are a large group of spirits,
usually of an animistic nature, as well as all of the animals and
plants which are mentioned in the sacred origin myth. Certain
birds, fish, insects, reptiles, and plants contain tsarutama, each of
which is responsible for producing certain important effects upon
the welfare of man.
In time of war an attacking party always attempts to kill the
shaman or wishinu of their enemies as early in the fight as possible,
so as to free themselves from possible injury by the spirits which
he controls.
Not only is the wishinu respected for the power which he wields,
but he is likely also to be the wealthiest man of his group, because
of the high prices which he charges for his services incuring. He may
also draw pay for sending sickness for someone who desires revenge
upon another person. There can be no doubt that the wishinu be-
lieves in his powers. He is thoroughly conscientious as a practitioner
and spends many long sleepless nights working with his patients.
He is regulated by a code of ethics whereby he will respond to a
call however inconvenient it may be for him to do so. This con-
scientiousness may be partly determined by the fact that the wishinu
is held personally respensible in the event his patient dies, and being
so responsible, is liable to either compensation or blood revenge.
As a curing doctor, it is the task of the wishinu to identify the
particular spirit which has invaded his patient and then, through
his knowledge of the method of controlling this spirit, to call it
forth.
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 117
All of the principal nature gods or culture heroes contain power-
ful tsarutama. These, as a rule, are personified and are assigned
particular dwelling places. Thus, for example, Piribri, the Rain
God, lives in the solitudes of the cloud-wrapped mountain peaks.
Therefore the mountain itself is charged with his tsarutama. The
trail from Mendez to Yaupe crosses Cuticu, and no Jivaro will
speak while crossing the summit of the mountain because Piribri
likes solitude and silence. If offended by disrespectful invasion
of his dwelling place, he causes heavy rains to fall upon the traveler,
produces floods in the streams, and makes the way difficult and
dangerous. Likewise, Pangi, the great anaconda River God, dwells
a captive in the Pongo Manseriche, the great cataract of the
Marajion, and the same taboo of silence is observed by the Jivaros
in passing through this gorge. Etsa, the sun, and Nantu, the moon,
contain powerful tsarutama which influences all that goes on on
earth. The chonta palm, one of the plants mentioned in the sacred
origin myth and much used by the Jivaros in making weapons,
utensils, and even their houses, also contains tsarutama. The In-
dians believe that a lance made entirely of chonta wood is more
effective in warfare than one which is tipped with iron.
In discussing the matter of shamanism it is necessary to under-
stand something of the background of the system of blood revenge
as practiced by the Jivaros, because many shamanistic practices re-
sult directly or indirectly from this basic custom. The Jivaros
make a distinction between evil caused by witchcraft and ordinary
disease. If a man is afflicted with localized pains in some part of
the body the trouble is attributed to witchcraft. However, there
are a number of ailments, particularly those which have been brought
to the Indians by the whites, which are looked upon as natural
ailments.
If someone brings sickness to the house of a Jivaro so that a
member of the family becomes ill and dies, that person is con-
sidered responsible for the death and is liable to blood revenge by
the relatives of the victim. They may be willing to admit that
the disease was not brought intentionally, but this does not excuse
the responsibility. However, where the culprit is not considered
morally liable, in most instances he may free himself from the
blood revenge system by paying compensation to the family of the
person who has died.
In the same way the Jivaros are apt to recognize extenuating
circumstances in other cases where the crime has not been caused
willfully, as for example, when someone in a state of intoxication
or under the influence of a narcotic drink has been the cause of
another person’s death. However, in any of these instances, if the
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 117
evildoer refuses to pay the compensation asked, he becomes liable
to blood revenge.
To illustrate the manner by which a man becomes a shaman and
how he performs his many duties, the experiences of Tendetsa,
a prominent wishinu of the Yaupe River, are related (pl. 22, d).
Tendetsa first determined to become a wishinu through his interest
in watching others operate in curing the sick. It so happened that
among his relatives there was not one to look after those who be-
came ill and he felt a desire to perform this service.
After making up his mind that he would attempt to become
a wishinu, he went to consult Usatcho, an old wishinu of the Yaupe
tribe. A bargain was reached whereby Usatcho agreed to train
Tendetsa. It was necessary for Tendetsa to pay a high price for
this course of training. He gave Usatcho many things, including
gifts of food, ornaments, clothing, and other articles of considerable
value. The period of training lasted for one month, beginning and
ending with the full moon.
The principal function of a wishinu is that of a curing doctor. In
order to be able to cure sicknesses he must learn how to gain control
of the various spirits which cause different classes of illness. Once
in control of these spirits, he likewise has the power to send sickness
into people as well as the power of calling it forth, a fact which
makes the wishinu the most feared and the most respected member
of his tribe.
Sickness is carried on an allegorical blowgun dart called tsensac,
which is identified with the thorn, tunchi, of the magical chonta
palm. One of these darts exists for each class of illness. This is a
widespread belief in northwestern South America. During the proc-
ess of becoming a wishinu it was necessary that Usatcho give Tendetsa
control of each ftsensac. The course of instructions took place in
the house of the pupil, Tendetsa. Before beginning his instructions,
in order to determine his eligibility, he was sent out by Usatcho at
night to catch a small type of fish called chumagaie. He was given
bait which Usatcho previously rubbed under his armpit and was in-
structed to throw in the hook with closed eyes, not looking until
the fish was caught. He obeyed these instructions and succeeded in
catching the fish, which Usatcho then told him to eat. Then Usatcho
went into the forest and collected a bunch of leaves called sasango.
These, when waved in the air, make a swishing sound and are used
for the purpose of calling the spirit desired.
The first day of his initiation Tendetsa fasted, but, with Usatcho,
took quantities of piribri (an herb which is chewed and mixed with
water, in which form it is taken as a drink which has a narcotic ef-
fect). The two men sat facing each other during the entire time.
7943389
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
On the second day the same routine was followed excepting that the
narcotic mycot was taken instead of pz7ibrz7. On the third day the
drug was changed to ahinhibri. On the fourth day sango (tobacco)
is made into a strong liquid infusion which is snuffed up the nose,
each blowing the liquid up the nose of the other in large quantities.
On the fifth day natima is taken. During the next 5 days this cycle
is repeated, beginning with pzribri on the sixth day and ending with
natima on the tenth day. During all of this 10-day period no food
whatever is taken. On the close of the tenth day the initiate ate
two ripe plantains, mashed and mixed with water, and later he ate
two green plantains, roasted or boiled.
At the close of the tenth day, before taking the food they blew
into the air calling to Pasuca, the spirit of the blowgun dart. After
10 days of taking quantities of drugs without food they were very
light-headed, especially the initiate. They sat waving the sasango
leaves and blowing, repeating songs to Pasuca until he appeared
finally to them in the form of a bold warrior. When Tendetsa saw
him he called out to Usatcho, who began to massage his body vigor-
ously. During this operation he became unconscious. When he
recovered his body was sore from head to foot and he knew then
that the spirit of Pasuca had taken possession of him.
During the next 20 days they ate only a few boiled green plantains
each day and drank a little carefully strained nizimanche. During
this period they also ate cameron, a small reddish fish. For another
month the diet of the last 20 days was followed, excepting that they
ate only snails in place of cameron. The green plantains and the
nijyimanche were taken as before. During the last 20 days of the
first month Tendetsa was instructed in the method of controlling
the various spirits of disease which are borne by Pasuca.
The first of these spirits is Minura, the spirit of the cashpa, or
ray fish. This is the strongest of all of the disease spirits and con-
sequently the most difficult for the wishinu to remove. In order to
call Minura, the sasango leaves are waved persistently after the wish-
inu has taken natima, during which time he calls upon the spirit by
name, asking him to come forth. He sings songs addressed to the
spirit, meanwhile playing upon the small shaman’s drum.
When treating a patient the wishinu at intervals sucks the afflicted
part of the patient and if successful in his efforts, which may last for
many hours or even days, the spirit will enter the mouth of the
wishinu, who then rushes out of the house, gagging and retching
while he spits or vomits the spirit out of his own body. After this
has been done, with many gesticulations he orders the spirit to leave
and not to enter the house again. He makes a complete circuit of
the house, pausing at intervals to repeat the performance. As he
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 119
does this, he is helped out by the people within the house, all of
whom are shouting for the spirit to go away. The treatment is al-
ways carried on at night and in the darkness, no lights being per-
mitted in the house while the wishinu is operating. The spirit
Minura is described as looking like a bearded warrior. Because of
the difficulty of calling this spirit, it is necessary for the wishinu to
take natima three or four times in order to give him extra power for
the purpose.
When the wishinu desires to send Minura into some person in order
to give him the sickness he goes alone to the river where the cashpa
lives. The spirit is called out by blowing tobacco smoke toward the
river and when Minura appears to the wishinu he sends him by
means of the blowgun dart tsensac into the body of his intended
victim. The same songs are sung as are used in calling him out
from the body of a patient. Because of the difficulty eee men-
tioned of calling out this powerful spirit, the wishinu charges excep-
tionally high rates for his treatment, sometimes as much as a gun.
If the neophyte shaman does not succeed in producing Minura’s
appearance during his training he will be unable to do so as a prac-
titioner. The same holds true of all the other spirits.
The second of the disease spirits is called Amaron. This is the
spirit controlled by napi, the snake. He is called out in cases of
snake bite or other poisonous bites of similar nature. The method
of treatment is exactly the same as in the case of Minura, excepting
that this spirit responds more easily and the wishinu does not have
to work so hard nor so long. The songs which are used in calling
are, of course, special songs to Amaron. In addition to the magical
treatment, the patient who has been made sick by Amaron is also
given an enema of crushed red pepper. The wishinu fills his mouth
with the fiery liquid and by means of a bamboo tube blows it forcibly
into the rectum of the patient. In order to send Amaron into the
body of anyone he desires the wishinu goes into the forest and calls
the spirit in the same manner as described for Minura, using, of
course, the appropriate songs.
The third disease spirit is Yabi. This spirit is described as ap-
pearing but rarely. It is said to have no face and is “like a door.”
The wishinu in calling it addresses it as a door, calling upon it to
open. Yabi causes barrenness in women. The method of procedure
in controlling this spirit is the same in general as the others.
A fourth spirit is Chingi. This spirit is controlled by the toucan
(Tsucanga) and by the woodpecker (Tatash). All stomach troubles
are caused by Chingi. The beak of the bird pecks at the entrails,
thus producing the illness.
All localized aches and pains in various parks of the body other
than in the stomach are caused by a fifth disease spirit known as
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
Morovi. This spirit is possessed by the night bird which the Jivaros
call by the same name. The treatment of these sicknesses is as
before described. When the wishinu wishes to send the spirits of
Chingi or Morovi to someone else he goes into the forest and calls
them by blowing tobacco. Such parts of the forest are selected as
are known to be occupied by the birds which represent the spirit.
The sixth disease spirit is Tunchi, the spirit of the biting insects,
such as ants. This spirit produces all rashes, itches, and skin
eruptions. 'Tunchi is controlled by the wishinu in a similar manner
to the other spirits.
It is interesting to note that when a wishinu has sent a disease
spirit into a man he does not have the power to cure this individual,
although a cure might be effected by another wishinu.
After the first month of training, during which the new wishinu
has learned control of the spirits, he undergoes a strict diet for
another month and thereafter a number of foods are taboo to him.
He cannot eat deer, armadillo, peccary, wild pigs, tapir, cholo mon-
key, manatee, peanuts, chonta fruit, and many other animals, birds,
fish and vegetables. The reason for this taboo is that all of these
possess tsarutama. Should he eat any of these foods their ¢sarutama
would enter him and neutralize or confuse the particular class of
tsarutama that he might be attempting to isolate for his particular
purpose.
Not all diseases are caused by spiritual invasion. Colds, fever,
dysentery, and others are regarded as natural sicknesses in which no
spirit is involved. The Jivaros are very much afraid of contagious
diseases. Whenever a man develops a cough or symptoms of some
contagion the other Indians abandon the house and disappear into
the bush, where they will have no contact with him. In the same
way, they will avoid all persons who have been in contact with the
sick person after he contracted his illness.
It is also the duty of the wishinu to treat natural diseases. The
remedies used are generally herbs or extracts taken internally or
apphed externally according to the nature of the trouble. In the
case of broken limbs, chicle is put around the injured member as a
cast after first setting the bone. Leaves are wrapped around this
and wooden splints placed over the leaves and fastened by means of
vine wrappings. |
The wishinu has many duties apart from his function as curing
doctor. In fact, while this may be considered the most important of
his occupations, it comprises considerably less than half of his du-
ties. When a young man wishes a particular woman to become en-
amored of him he calls upon the wishinu to prepare a love potion,
which requires the mixture of several articles containing the requi-
site ¢sarutama and which can be prepared only by the wishinu. He
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 121
also has control over the great body of nature spirits. He is able,
when necessary, to contact Piribri, the rain spirit, in order to pro-
duce storms and floods or to stop them as the case may be. In order
to call Piribri he blows smoke in the direction of the spirit’s dwell-
ing place, using the proper songs, much in the same fashion as he
calls upon the disease spirits. Likewise, if he wishes to call on
Pangi in order to overturn the canoe of some enemy or to control
the river in any way, he can do so. All sudden storms or floods are
attributed to the activity of some enemy wishinu. The wishinu is
also called upon to determine action in many tribal matters; for
example, when a curaka dies the wishinu is called upon to take natima
in order that it will be revealed to him who the successor should
be. The wishinu also plays an important indirect function in the
conduct of warfare. Ifa man dies in his group, he takes natima and
by this means determines which rival wishinu sent the fatal illness.
This, of course, applies only to death brought about by the disease
spirits and not to deaths from natural causes. Occasionally a Jivaro
desires to join some tribal unit other than his own. In this case his
eligibility is determined by the wishinu of the new group.
Because of the lack of real political organization among the Jiva-
ros, the wishinu, on account of his ability to control supernatural
forces, is the most influential individual of his group. Frequently
a wishinu is also a curaka, but this is not typically the case.
MYTHOLOGY
It must be remembered that the Jivaros have been subjected to
Christian missionary influences since shortly after the middle of the
sixteenth century. Traces of this can be detected here and there
throughout their stories. The story of a universal deluge occurs at
such an early date, however, that it may be aboriginal in the region.
The myths of the Jivaros, in common with many other culture
traits, appear to have formerly been widespread over a large area.
After stating categorically that the Jivaros do not have any
religion, Prieto proceeds to disprove it by saying:
They know that there is a supreme being, giving him the name of Cum-
banama as God, and at other times the name of Neche; but they do not give
him any worship or type of adoration. They know that there is a bad spirit,
who is the devil, but they say that they like him; they have him always for a
friend so that he will be favorable to them in their wars. They believe in the
immortality of souls, forming the opinion of transmigration, like some bad
philosophies, saying that if the Jivaro who dies has been a man of spirit and
courage and one who killed many of his enemies, his soul changes into some
brave animal, as a lion, tiger, bear or other of this class; but if the Jivaro
who died has been a coward, of little spirit, and has not done any heroic
deed, his soul changes into a snake, spider, toad or some other repugnant
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
animal. Aside from this, they do not worship any deity or adore idols, nor
do they have any other kind of belief beside the aforementioned.
They are very exact in their traditions, communicating from fathers to sons
all the wars, heroic deeds and glorious actions of their grandfathers and fore-
fathers, as can be seen by the circumstantial stories about the lost city of
Logrono and of the city of old Zamora. For proof and in order to be sure
their traditions are constant, let it be shown by their opinion of the universal
flood. They say that a cloud fell from the sky and that it inundated the
land with water; that all the animals were killed and that a Jivaro man and
woman fled to a big high hill, where they found a cave in which they shut them-
selves up with all the animals, and the waters having subsided, they all left
and began to reproduce and populate the world. ‘They likewise have a tradi-
tion confused with the curse that Noah gave to his son Ham. They say that
there was a rich man who had some good sons and one very bad one, who
separated from the others, cursing the first. All the foreigners and white
Christians descend from the good sons and for that reason have the things
necessary for passing through life with much ease and an abundance of riches;
but the Jivaros descend from the bad son, and for this reason do not have
axes and machetes, suffer innumerable hardships, and have an extremely
miserable life.”
The story of a universal deluge is widespread among the Jivaro,
differing considerably in detail in different sections of the territory.
Suarez recounts one version, which relates that at the time the deluge
took place two brothers escaped by taking refuge on a high mountain
which projected above the level of the flood. After the water had
dropped they came down in search of living things but were unsuccess-
ful and decided that they had been the only survivors. On their return
to their refuge they were greatly surprised to find some dishes of food
placed in the shelter that they had constructed. In order to solve this
mystery one of the brothers concealed himself and saw two parrots
enter the hut in the form of women who prepared the meal. Jumping
from his hiding place, he seized one of the birds, married her, and from
this marriage: three boys and three girls were born who were the
ancestors of the Jivaro people.**
In the early part of the seventeenth century Saabedra gives a
legend from the Mainas near Lake Rimachuma which is reminiscent
of the above.
Von Hassel gives the following creation myth from the Muratos:
The creator amused himself by making pottery objects. He constructed a
large blue vase and placed it at the height where the sky is found, thus creat-
iug the universe. A Murato had been fishing in a lake near the Pastaza when
a small crocodile swallowed his hook and the fisherman killed him. The
crocodile’s mother was enraged and beat the water with her tail in such a
manner that she inundated all the territory surrounding the lake. Everyone
drowned excepting one individual, who climbed up a chonta palm tree, where
he stayed for many days in the midst of continuous darkness. From time to
time, he dropped one of the seeds of the tree but always heard the splash
2 Prieto, in Compte, p. 64.
83 Gonzalez Suarez, 1904, p. 28.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 123
: in the water. Finally one day the thud of the seed falling on dry ground
_ rewarded his ears. He descended the tree, constructed himself a house, pre-
pared a field for cultivation, and, cutting a piece of flesh from his own body,
he placed it on the ground and made a woman who became his wife.
At the beginning of the world, all men lived in a big subterranean cave,
the entrance to which was guarded by a huge jaguar. One Murato more
intelligent and courageous than his fellows attacked the animal and killed it,
giving freedom to his fellow creatures. The occupants of the cave prepared to
leave but, as they were very dirty, they warmed water in a large jar in order
to wash themselves. The first to wash, while the water was clean, became
white men; those who followed, after the water had become dirty, are tbe
Indians; those who were last of all are the negroes.™
At the present time the Jivaros recognize a distinction between
the sacred origin myth which they term Nuhifio and the many dis-
connected legends and tales which are not sacred in character. Most
of the Indians interviewed by the writer professed ignorance of the
origin myth, although they knew of its existence and mentioned two
or three old men whom they stated would probably know it. After
a considerable search, one of these men was located, Anguasha, on
the Yaupe River, who recounted the tale.
The story was told dramatically with much gesturing, pantomime,
.and voice modulation, and with the display of considerable emotion.
Anguasha stated that it had been many years since he had occasion
to call the story to mind and he had to correct himself many times
as it gradually came back under the spell of the candlelight and his
own oratory. Frequently he paused to say that he wished Hisama
were with him so that they might discuss certain points together,
because he was not always sure of the proper continuity. A number
of times he corrected himself on a previous statement, seeming very
anxious that the details should be correct as well as he could re-
member them. Finally he announced that it gave him a pain in his
heart, reminding him of older and more virile days, and requested
that he might tell the rest alone with his old friend, Santiago, the
interpreter, and with unlimited quantities of nijimanche to loosen his
memory and his tongue. In its proper and complete form he said
the story is much longer, all of the principal characters having many
more adventures than the ones here recounted, but that the story as
told gives the principal outline of the significant events of the myth.
Tt seems strange that a myth of this nature should become forgotten
while the general culture of the Jivaros has changed so little, but
Anguasha lamented and the other Indians agreed that, with the death
of himself and one or two others, the sacred Nuhifio would be gone
forever. Most of the Jivaro myths that have been recorded appear
to be disconnected fragments which were once a part of this con-
nected account.
% Von Hassel, 1905, pp. 68-70.
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
Tue NunINo or “HArRtTH Story” OF THE JIVAROS
In the beginning there were two parents, Kumpara,®* the Creator,
and Chingaso, his wife. They had a son, Etsa, the Sun. One day
when Etsa was sleeping, Kumpara took a piece of mud and, placing
it in his mouth, blew it on Etsa, with the result that it became a
daughter, Nantu, the Moon. Nantu was created in this fashion in
order that EKtsa might make her his wife, which he could not do were
she a blood sister.
There was a bird, Auhu,®* the goatsucker, who was active only in
the nighttime. When the Moon appeared he became enamored of
her and attempted to have an affair but his advances were not re-
ceived by Nantu.
After a time Etsa likewise became enamored of Nantu, having a
strong desire to have children. Although he paid ardent court to
her, Nantu was coy and kept away from him. One day Etsa was
painting his face with achiote to make himself attractive and, while
he was doing so, Nantu took advantage of his preoccupation and
disappeared by shooting up to the sky. Nantu, upon arriving at the
sky, painted herself black with sua (witau) so that her body would
become the night. She also painted her face, these being the mark-’
ings on the surface of the Moon. Then Nantu followed a steep trail
upward, climbing and climbing like a Jaguar over the curving vault
of the sky.
Auhu, seeing his loved one climbing thus above him and sensing
that Nantu was escaping from Etsa, decided to try his luck again
at courting. There was a vine hanging down from the sky and Auhu
began to climb this in order to reach the object of his desire. Nantu,
seeing him, cut the vine, which fell and became entangled in all the
trees of the jungle where one may see it now. Auhu, foiled in his
pursuit, fell with it, and once more sulked among his trees.
Now when Etsa discovered that Nantu had eluded him, he was
very angry and immediately decided to go in pursuit. At first he
knew no means of reaching her, but finally he caught two parrots,
Awamasa, and two parakeets. On each wrist he fastened a parrot
and on each knee a parakeet, saying to them: “Let us look for
Nantu.” The birds flew upward with him, carrying him to the sky,
where he finally caught up with Nantu and a violent quarrel ensued.
During the altercation Etsa became more and more angry and struck
Nantu. When this happens the Sun eclipses the Moon [sic]. Nantu
retaliated and struck Etsa; this is the Moon eclipsing the Sun. As
a result of this exchange of blows, Nantu was subdued and began to
cry, Etsa saying: “Now you see how much bigger and stronger I am
% Doubtless a corruption of “Compadre.”’
83 Also called Aishiru.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 125
than you and all you can do is weep.” Now whenever the face of
the Moon is red it is an indication that it is going to rain.
Following this quarrel, Nantu went off by herself to prove that
she could produce a son unaided. She gathered some dirt and,
blowing upon it, created a son, which she called Nuhi. Being lonely,
she devoted her affection to this son. Auhu, seeing this, became
jealous and, approaching stealthily, broke this son, modeled of clay,
and Nuhi died, becoming the earth.
Nantu, lonely and now thoroughly subdued, received the advances
of Etsa. They were married on the River Kanusa. Here a son was
born to them, Ufiushi, the sloth, who was the first Jivaro. Being so
old, he now moves very slowly. The waxing Moon indicates
the period of pregnancy; it wanes as it gives birth. The mating
of the Sun and the Moon takes place on earth when they have both
descended from the sky. The earth was used as a place for Ufushi
and his descendants to live and also as a mating place for Etsa and
Nantu. Ufushi was put into the forest, which was to be his home
henceforth.
Nantu and Etsa then constructed a canoe of caoba wood and in
it went out into the river where a second son was born. This was
Apopa, the manatee. He was immediately placed in the water and
told hereafter he was to live in the river and that whenever Ufushi
should encounter danger on the water he was to come to his
assistance.
Following this, a third son was born to them in the mountains.
This was Huangafi, the peccary. He was born during a tempest to
the accompaniment of rain and thunder, for which reason the pec-
caries always move about during storms, following the rain as the
storm moves along; a fact of which the Jivaros take advantage in
hunting.
Shortly after this, Etsa and Nantu were in an open space in the
forest when a daughter was born. This was Nijamanche, the manioc
plant. She was destined to be for all time the friend and intimate
companion of the Jivaros.
Some time elapsed and no more children were born to Etsa and
Nantu. Then it was that Chingaso gave them two eggs which they
were told to place on a sand bar by the side of the river. This they
did, but upon returning next day found that the two eggs had dis-
appeared. While they were puzzling over this fact, Tingishapi, the
cricket, came out of the ground and tried to speak to them. He was
so small that they did not notice him, so to attract attention to him-
self he bit them on the feet. They picked him up and said: “Who are
you?” The cricket replied: “I am Tingishapi. I am one of your
family. I have come to tell you that Untujo, the egret, has flown
away with the two eggs which you left here.” Ktsa immediately set
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 117
out in pursuit of Untujo and finally caught up with him. Untujo,
when caught, dropped one of the eggs, which fell and was broken.
The other one Ktsa recovered and returned to Nantu.
Remembering how they had almost missed seeing Tingishapi, Etsa
instructed him not to move around during the daytime because
then many people would be walking about and he would likely
get stepped on. He was told that he should henceforth live in the
houses of the Jivaros as a guardian. All of this transpired. How-
ever, in addition to the desire to guard the house, when night comes
on he feels the desire to bite something so that he eats the clothes
of the Jivaros.
The egg which had been recovered from Untujo was the color of
the sun and, tending it carefully, they produced from it a woman,
Mika.** Then they brought Mika to the River Kanusa, where
Uniushi was sleeping, in order that Mika could become his wife.**
They were married and then instructed by Etsa and Nantu as to
what their respective duties should be as man and wife. Ufnushi
was to do the clearing of the forest where their home was to be
built and was to build the house in which they were to live, after
being told the manner in which it was to be constructed. Mika was
to attend to the planting and care of the manioc, to the preparation
of food, and to general household duties. It developed, however,
that Ufiushi was very lazy by nature, with the result that most of
the disagreeable work was passed on to Mika, so that now the big-
gest share of Jivaro work is done by the women. After establishing
their household, Ufiushi and Mika got into a canoe and started to
go down the river. During the voyage, a son was born in the
canoe. This was Ahimbi, the water serpent.
After the birth of Mika, Chingaso gave many eggs to Nantu from
which were produced the birds and animals inhabiting the forests
and mountains; these were to be the friends of the Jivaros and were
to furnish them with food.
Now, however, Ufiushi and Mika were away from their home ter-
ritory and they needed food. At this juncture two little birds flew
to the canoe, calling to them to follow, so they left the canoe and
went ashore. The two birds preceded them, entering a hollow tree,
which immediately was transformed into the chonta palm, laden
with ripe fruit. Gathering the fruit, they cooked it and, after satis-
fying their hunger, they returned to the beach where they had left
their canoe. There was a surging of waters and out of the river
came Pangi, the anaconda. Crawling onto the gravel bar, he broke
with his tail a large rock from which he fashioned a stone axe for
% Mika is the name of the red bowls in which chicha is stored and served.
8 Here again it is interesting to note that Mika is produced from an egg, apparently in
order to prevent an incestuous marriage.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 7
them, showing them the method of its fabrication. With this,
Ahimbi cut down a tree, Awamo (the cedro), and from it fashioned
a canoe. He was of an adventurous disposition and wanted to shift
for himself and see the world. Getting into his canoe, he left his
parents and set out on a long trip.
Far down the river he met a white man, Apachi, who was travel-
ing in an iron canoe. He showed Ahimbi iron and various mechani-
cal contrivances, saying: “These are my things. You don’t know
them so I will show them to you.” In order to show Ahimbi, Apachi
constructed a large boat of iron, saying: “Now you know what these
things are, but they are not for you. On the water you are to use
canoes and balsas.” Saying which, Apachi left. During a long
period of time Ahimbi traveled and had many adventures, but finally
decided to return to his parents.
On his way back, in the evening, he encountered Mika traveling
alone. He asked her the whereabouts of Ufiushi. Mika replied that
she did not know; she had not seen him for some time, because he had
wandered off and become lost in the forest.
When night came on Ahimbi told his mother that he would like to
sleep with her. This he did but overslept in the morning, so that
when Etsa came at dawn he was still with Mika. Etsa was angry
and awoke them, grasping them both by the hair, saying: “Why are
you two together in this way?” Ahimbi replied: “We are doing
nothing; it has been a long time since I have seen my mother. I am
so pleased to be with her again that I merely wanted to be close to
her.” Not deceived by this tale, Etsa ordered them to leave
immediately.
They went away together, after which severai children were born
to them as they wandered looking for a place to reestablish themselves,
but all of the birds and animals who had previously fed them were
so much offended by this unnatural union that they refused their
help. When they wished to sleep in the cave of Yumbingi, the jaguar,
their former friend drove them out and has been an enemy of man
ever since.
Finally, Ufushi learned what had happened and, much enraged,
brooded upon the idea of taking revenge. When Nantu came down
to visit her offspring, Ufiushi accused her of having consented with
Ktsa that Mika should go away with a man other than her husband
and have children by him. Refusing to listen to her denial, and being
much enraged, he fell upon her with his chonta lance and beat her
violently, finally throwing her into a hole and covering her over with
earth.
It so happened that the dove witnessed this episode and told Auhu
what had happened. He also told him to put on fine beetle-wing
ear ornaments and to paint his face beautifully with achiote; then to
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
go to the river where he would find a large land snail. This Auhu
did, and still following the instructions of the dove, made a trumpet
of the snail shell. With this, he entered the hollow trunk of a fallen
chonta palm where he blew upon the snail-shell trumpet. At this
call, Nantu very suddenly burst out of the hole where she had been
buried, passing through the hollow chonta palm, knocking Auhu
violently out of it, and heading straight for the sky again.®® Auhu
cried: “Come back! Come back!” in his most entreating tones, but
Nantu was so anxious to return to her place in the sky that she did
not even look back, let alone pause to thank Auhu for enabling her
to escape. Thus once more, having had an opportunity to gain the
favor of his loved one and again having had his hopes dashed to earth,
Auhu resumed his melancholy condition. For this reason he sings
only on moonlit nights his mournful cry, “Aishiru, Aishiru’”’, mean-
ing “Beloved.”
When Nantu had made good her escape she told what had trans-
pired. The sons of Mika and Ahimbi, hearing the tale, immediately
sought out Unushi and cut off his head, making a tsantsa of it.
When Mika found out what had happened she beat her sons born
of Ahimbi and killed them, saying that they had killed her husband.
After this had taken place Ahimbi fought with Mika because she
had killed his sons.*°? They fought so violently that a great tempest
was brought about. Huge black clouds came up, rolled along by a
terrific wind; torrential rains descended with great fury; lightning
flashed and terrific peals of thunder reechoed through the sky.
At the height of the hurricane there came a tremendous clap of
thunder and out of the blackest cloud there flashed to earth a mighty
bolt of lightning which struck the ground and at the spot there leaped
up immediately a powerful Jivaro armed with lance and shield.
This was Masata, the embodiment of war.
He viewed the fighting with great enthusiasm, enjoying it so much
that when he saw signs of the struggle slackening, he encouraged both
sides, going among the many children of Ahimbi, Ufiushi, and Mika,
urging them to fight one another and assuring each faction that they
were in the right. So successful was his propaganda that they all
separated into their various factions, this being the origin of the
different Jivaro groups.
After this split had been completed Masata visited each group,
secretly telling each that they were right and that those who possessed
any manhood would go out and kill their enemies, and that he who
killed the most would become powerful and would be a great Curaka.
In relating this episode the Jivaro have in mind the action of a dart going through
a blowgun.
“This sequence of events is the origin of the custom of blood revenge.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 129
Some were partisans of Mika, some of Ahimbi, and some of Ufushi.
“Go out and avenge yourselves and you will become a strong Curaka”,
said Masata. This was the beginning of war.
When Etsa and Nantu looked down and saw the turmoil that had
seen created they were much displeased. They descended to earth
and sought out Ahimbi, accusing him of being responsible for all of
the trouble because of his conduct with Mika. Seizing him, they
brought him to the Pongo Manseriche. Here Etsa took the trunk
of a hollow chonta palm and thrust Ahimbi in it. Then Etsa, blow-
ing upon the chonta tube after the fashion of a blowgun, turned it
slowly while so doing. As he did so, Ahimbi slowly came forth from
the other end in the form of Pangi, the boa. After he had emerged
completely from the chonta log, Etsa bound him up and placed him
under the waters of the Pongo Manseriche. The boiling, turbulent
waters of this narrow gorge are brought about by Ahimbi’s titanic
efforts to free himself from his bonds.
After this punishment had befallen him Ahimbi desired that his
sons should have peace, so he thrashed his tail and sprayed water
into the air, forming the rainbow, as a sign to Etsa to be compas-
sionate and release his bonds in order that he might restore peace
among the warring factions. Masata, however, saw the rainbow and
ingeniously placed clouds and rain in the way so that Ahimbi’s
signal would not be seen by Etsa, and thus bring about an end to the
fighting. Whenever Ahimbi attempts his signal, he has always been
thwarted thus far by Masata, who has obscured the rainbow with rain
and mists.
Having successfully prevented this threat of peace, Masata once
more started visiting each of the tribes, hurling out his slogan, “Make
war! Make war!” Chingaso, however, feeling sorry for the plight
of Ahimbi and desiring to see peace brought about, went down to the
Pongo Manseriche in a canoe with the intention of releasing him.
Ahimbi, however, thrashing about in his rage, did not recognize her.
He ed ee canoe and ate her, thus ending his best opportunity
for freedom.
Thus ends the Nuhifio of the Jivaros.
we. wie
ix
5
od ie ren Rees fie, yaad roe anes,
ciate te tetany ipsa A ES ;
; . Nhs UR ae ee a) page & mene Peel: ee AP ae
A AED Cotes ilk ove Bote coma be bapeoodt acini Peeper sae
a ie Ot Beal siteocn by wie he a seagl nea Gee” Nebel ee Baas
fee ee Ly 12 6a i se hie Baseerert ea ms) 3
aia these ayers i sie wl to deiecicnd
SO ecg e ea See aan elie
yet metal a fiat peal ais cotati
Hs, BN AG 8g ; TRS Oe, anely
TCS Dey #3 "3 BE: Fie Be Rhee A ie wR Bis sepbait cm md
pe WS, Rae a 4618 A ly COUR TAT Sy AD fret ae deka
el Lee lon 4 Ba heh AES be aries yok ast ‘6 digi adttcalcn eats reuntiths
raloabeus. xeaett toe eet ht 2 oie penseos Ml peti MP ey: weed
Listed oulcdacet ds Vo Godse acho rad S55 SOWs WaT TRE .
We taro Resa axe 5a a Saree Nee sons seh nip lipdontihgs
ieee Lrceits ida a ithe, adhe dad. Poet Agoxlulelshg ae
tas. nial ais brad etcby Beekbeaeag ty ge We Oe Ee,
CARI 04. O32 Bae: burma. k ae, nen ih gina
Spee tapebeos Stet: gah ths miybaee | 468 abused girl op eniionabe
be mosteias G54 wat tan Ce peheaoT&s escotiea sation ii
au Ritieds Basly, ox Ape alice y tise, hemeebom in, hike
: pear re base (oe MOS Beata. eke bak eleaek, ideawas’ Bier |
; Ae tehe ate tee dere aaeigawtie deems A cone
CRED EH Shemp Nc teu pant elon Or bibtry aasith, ghia
bei eats ose eee
pienyitge 5, acute: a ited; Bh ity Sotapteannisill ens,
ple Me heel, teh Jue wifi? odineh-asld hodiuse Saher
Sdalgnedhort, unde paliek omen aed sew oat ci
poh ohgevomly. sac: dv odaantdran if sung qe 0% gainiealy Deve ai
hes ft waggle ge SRR 3 t oe ted es Hh To ;
‘ampladabiccs ore an aan Bh sat fg | Ag
faite eeppatiio dag etd
nat
Bane Tears Tics at Achy Fea ke ge ig ae ME x oe EA ig aan
J t
: : i
= Let eee 4
e454 8 Ss « ry .- ?
ee eae if C ee ape
ie wha oe bode era
oF Alte Br 2 aa ag we
BIBLIOGRAPHY
[ABENDROTH, R.]
1871. Ein Menschenhaupt als GOtterbild. lobus, vol. x1Ix, pp. 317-518.
Braunschweig, 1871.
ALVAREZ MINO, CARLOS.
1930. Escena y costumbres tipicas de los Jibaros de nuestro oriente equa-
toriano. El Telégrafo, p. 9, Guayaquil, Dec. 11, 1930.
AMBEOSETTI, JUAN B.
1903. Cabeza humana preparada segtin el procedimiento de los Indios
jivaros del Ecuador. An. Mus. Nac. de Buenos Aires, 3d ser., vol.
lm, pp. 519-523. Buenos Aires, 1903.
ANTHONY, H. E.
1921. The Jivaro Indians of Eastern Ecuador. Natural History (Journ.
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.), vol. 21, no. 2, pp. 147-159. New York,
1921.
BAESSLER, ARTHUR.
1902-1903. Ancient Peruvian Art. New York, 1902-1903.
BARRIERO, JOSE FELIX.
1860. Letter to the Secretary of the Spanish Legation, Quito. Ecuador,
Macas, Dec. 2, 1860. Jn Bollaert, Idol Human Head of the Jivaro
Indians, pp. 112-114.
BASABE Y URQUIETA, JOSSEPH.
1902. Informe sobre las Provincias de Quijos, Avila, Canelos y Macas.
In Vacas Galindo, Limites Ecuatoriano-Peruanos, vol. 1, pp. 61-70,
Quito, 1902.
BENAVENTE, HERNANDO DE.
1897. Carta-relacion de la conquista de Macas. Jn Relaciones geograficas
de Indias. Publicalas el Ministerio de Fomento. Pert. Tomo ry,
pp. xxix—xxxiv, Madrid, 1897.
BEUCHAT, HENRI, and RIVET, PAUL.
1909. La famille linguistique Cahuapana. Zeit. fiir Ethnologie, vol. 41,
pp. 616-634. Berlin, 1909.
1909-1910. Ia langue Jibaro ou Siwora. Anthropos, Revue Int. d’Ethnol.
et de Ling., vol. Iv, pp. 805-822, and vol. v, pp. 1109-1124, Vienna,
1909-1910.
BLUNTSCHLII, H.
1925. Bei den Kopfjagern des Amazonas (nach Up de Graff). Geog.
Zeitschrift, vol. 31, pp. 236-238. Berlin, 1925.
BOLLAERT, WM.
1862. The idol head of the Jivaros The Intellectual Observer: Review
of Natural History, Microscopic Research, and Recreative Science,
vol. 1, pp. 184-187. London, March, 1862.
1863a. On the Idol Human Head of the Jivaro Indians of Ecuador. Trans.
Ethnol. Soc. London, n. s. vol. m, pp. 112-115. London, 1863.
1863b. Some observations on the Jivaros (Jébero, Jivira), from Antiqua-
rian, Ethnological, and other Researches in New Granada, Ecua-
dor, Peru, and Chile. Ibid., pp. 115-118.
131
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [BULL, 117
BRINTON, DANIEL G.
1892. Studies in South American native Languages: The Jivaro language.
Proe. Amer. Phil. Soc., vol., xxx, pp. 59-67. Phila., 1892.
BRUNING, HANS H.
1928. Reisen im Gebiet der Aguaruna. Baessler-Archiv. Beitrige zur VOl-
kerkunde, Band x11, pp. 46-80. Berlin, 1928.
CALVETE DE ESTRELLA, JUAN CRISTOBAL.
1889. Rebeli6n de Pizarro en el Perfi y vida de D. Pedro Gasca. Vols.
I-1r. Madrid, 1889.
CARRION CACHOT, REBECA.
1931. La Indumentaria en la antigua Cultura de Paracas. Wira Kocha,
Revista Peruana de Estudios Anthropologicos, vol. I, no. 1, pp.
37-86. Lima, Peru, 1931.
CASTELNAU, FRANCIS DE.
1852. Expédition dans les parties centrales de l Amérique du Sud. 3d part,
Antiquités des Incas, pl. Lit. Paris, 1852.
CASTRUCCI, GIUSEPPE HMANUELE.
1854. Viaggio da Lima ad alcune tribu barbare del Peru. Genova, 1854.
CHANTRE, ERNEST.
1886. Observations sur une téte momifiée d’Indien jivaro. Bull. Soc.
d’Anthrop. de Lyon, vol. 5, pp. 211-214. Lyon and Paris, 1886.
CHANTRE Y HERRERA, JOSE.
1901. Historia de las Misiones de la Compafii a de Jess en el Maraiién
Hspafiol. 1687-1767. Madrid, 1901.
CoLECCION DE DocUMENTOS INEpDITOS relativos al descubrimiento, conquista
1864-84. y colonizaciOn de las posesiones Espafiolas en América y Oce-
ania. Vols. I-xLI, Madrid, 1864-1884. Vol. v, 1866; vol. xx, 1873.
CoLint, G. A.
18838. Osservazioni etnografiche sui Givari. Atti della Accademia dei
Lincei, (1882-83). Memorie (Cl. sci. mor.) ser. 3*, vol. XI, pp.
337-880. Roma, 1883.
CoMPTE, FRANCISCO MARiaA.
1885. Varones Ilustres de la orden Serdfica en el Ecuador. Segunda edi-
cidn. Vol. m. Quito, 1885
CORDIER, RAYMOND.
1928. Les ‘“Tsantsas” de VAmazone. Aesculape, new ser., 18th year, no. 4,
pp. 116-119. Paris, April 1928.
JRESPI, CARLO.
1926. La Valle del Upano nell’Oriente Equatoriano. Le Vie d'Italia e
dell’ America Latina, anno xxx, num. 9, pp. 1031-1041. Milan,
Sept. 1926.
DELGADO, ALBERTO.
1903. Censo de los Jibaros que pertenecen 4 la Misién de Macas. In
Vacas Galindo, Limites Ecuatoriano-Peruanos, vol. m1, pp. 413-417.
Quito, 1903.
DICCIONARIO JIBARO-CASTEILANO Y CASTELLANO-JIBARO.
1924. Compilado por los Misioneros Salesianos del Vicariato de Mendez
y Gualaquiza. Bol. Acad. Nac. de Historia, vol. 1x, pp. 1-67.
Quito, 1924.
E\STETE, MIGUEL DE.
1918. Noticia del Peru. In El Descubrimiento y la Conquista del Peru.
Relacion inédita de Miguel de Estete. La publica con una In-
troduccién y Notas de Carlos M. Larrea. Boletin de la Sociedad
Ecuatoriana, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 800-3850. Quito, Ecuador, 1918.
STIRLING] THE JIVARO INDIANS 133
FARABEE, WILLIAM CURTIS.
1911. Some Customs of the Macheyengas. Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc., vol.
xx, pp. 127-131. Worcester, Mass., 1911.
1919. Mummified Jivaro Heads. Univ. Pa., Mus. Journ., vol. x, pp. 173—
183. Phila., 1919.
1922. Indian Tribes of Eastern Peru. Harvard Univ., Papers Peabody
Mus. Amer. Archaeol. and Ethn., vol x. Cambridge, Mass., 1922.
FIGUEROA, FRANCISCO DE.
1904. Relacion de las Misiones de la Compaiiia de Jestis en el pais de los
Maynas. (Coleccion de Libros y Documentos referentes a la
Historia de America, vol. I.) Madrid, 1904.
FOWLER, HENRY.
1879. " =322>>** = — 121-122
See also TABOOS.
BENAVENTE, HERNANDO DE:
Cliegee et) ee ee 2, 42, 78-79
conquest assigned to-------- 4
expedition of-_-__----------- 5-8
route followed by—---------- 5
treatment of Indians by---- 42
BENNETT, WENDELL, information
supplied by------------------ 80
BrEzOAR STONES, reference to_----- 32
BLOOD REVENGE:
GHStOMm Of ee ee 39
feuds arising from____------ 42
results from system of___--- 116
BLOWGUN :
Garis used: (nee sete 83-84
details of making_---------- 81-82
@iscuSsidn Of2=2 222 80-85
earliest reference to_------- 80
manner Of Using! - === == 83
origin and spread of-------- 80-81
possible introduction of----- 80
post-Columbian introduction
Often en ae eee xI
restricted use of -----~---- 85
various names for_--------- 81
weapons replaced by-------- 79
BLOWGUN DART, ALLEGORICAL, Sick-
ness bore -by==s=2---<- 117, 118
Bopies, HUMAN, shrinking of---- 73
See also TSANTSAS.
BoLLAERT, WM
piipetenst) SLR A eS 18
tsantsa discussed by-------- 68
Bongorsa, forays of Jivaros of__ 48
BoNES, BROKEN, manner of set-
fing 22 ee ee See 120
140 INDEX
Page Page
BorgA. See SAN FRANCISCO DE CAssEDY, EDWIN G., map _ pre-
Borsa. pared bye 2 bw eae x
Bow AND ARROW, use of, by CASTELNAU, FRANCIS DE, cited___. 62
Jivaros ~--------------------- 79 | Castrucct pe VERNAZZA, MANUEL,
Boys: mission (of ..4 1.4 tea 26
ACTIVITIES Of ie sr ea 112 | Ceremonies:
INStrUChON: Of se oes eee 51 of declaring Wartcc ba taleee 52
BRACAMOROS PROVINCE: of speace.8s to. Sa 51
census Ge Set Oleh oa a aaaae ae of sloth’s-head tsantsa______ 72-13
expedition to ------------_- S18 tsantsa wnature of! a asaaane v3)
extent of----------------_- 4 See also DANCES; FESTIVAL
TeLerence Oe st ee ee 14 OF REJOICING,
RUE disse BACAMUEUS: CHANCAS, decapitation of___-__- 64
sRITISH HONDURAS, reported head CHAnine ¥ HMRRERA TON 20
Shrimiking dice Se ee 66 ‘ ; 21. 93 65
Proca, M., opinion expressed by 68 : Rie
BuHIos, use of the word_____-_- 6 CAIN ’ :
RURAL ACUISTONES mummification of... 4a eee 65
Jivato us 26.56, 7G (12115) CC len Ota =
TOR CHAS Pek Se ee 65 | Chieftainship:
Peruvian. oh ee eae 64-65, 68 descent in--------_-----___ 40
CAcERES, Pepro EsPINo DE, men- Jocal character of_-_-_-___- 38
AG apo Ninel RRA HOMER Gelert 5 1 15 | CHILDBIRTH, customs of__-___- 111-112
CAHUAPENAS, destruction of mis- CHILDREN :
SG YA ey Ae fs ine he Sle a 28 belief concerning___________ 114
CAIMANES INDIANS, custom of___ 65 buna ot ====— === ae 114
CaMACHO, FATHER ANDRES, mis- traiming, of -=2=222—-==——==— 111-112
Sionany, works Of uae see 93 See also INFANTICIDE,
CANARIS : CHIMBOTE, pottery from__-_____ 62
CONGUESE (Of S22 se 4|CHINCHIPE RIVER, tribe occupy-
Temporary alliance of, with ing basin Of2= 222 aa 4
IS CaS at ea es ee 4|CHONTA PALM, magic possessed
CANELOS: Dy...) oe 116
mission Of o26 2222S 27 | CHRISTIANS, mention of sacrifice
SitUAtiOn Of 2) eee ee 24) (MOP 232 3 48
CANELOS INDIANS, missionary CHUPIANZA, Protestant mission
WOPK (AMONe = 45.2 ee 24 te fol er oT
CANEROS, description of visit to__ 96-98 | Gryirizarion, of the Jivaros_____ xI
CANGA TRIBE, consolidated with CLOTHING, of the Jivaros________ 26, 30
Yaupe——--------------------- 41 See also ADORNMENT; COoOs-
CANGA-YAUPE ALLIANCE, end of__ 41 erin
CANNIBALISM, mention of, among Coo, Farurr, cited. 64
yee Eopayan TREN TS ea ae BY ComBs, wearing of, by men____- 99
CANOES, burials Innis 113.
CapaHvarr, Jivaro population Comin, Mons., acknowledgment
(03 CL i a aE Oe PENT ND ah 2 37 M0 a: -ghasa 3 a an ree fi
Gunes CoMPTE, FRANCISCO MARIA, cited_ 24, 25
preservation of skins of_____ gg | Condor, tsantsa made from head
tLeatment wo be 50 use 46, 71 of -__-_-_-----~------------- 3
CaRRION Y Marri, Jost, expedi- CONQUISTADORES, SPANISH, first
tions organized by---_--__--_- 25 contact of, with Jivaros_____- 5
CASERES PATINO, JUAN DE, Logrofio Cooxine, method of----_------- 91
16 | Copataza, Jivaro population of-_ oh
VIGO Dye a ee ee
INDEX 141
COSTUMES: Page, DEATH: Page
G@iscussion Of 99-103 beliefs concerning______-- 112, 114
TT (Ch ree 100 customs connected with. 112-115
Ser WRPETIONS = 22 46,53 | Deteapo, cited on population____ 37
Le 100 DELUGE, tradition of. 22- = 222 ee 122
See also ADORNMENT ; CLOTH- De Vaca, reference to expedition
ING. Oi et ie en Eee ee 46
CouRTSHIP, customs of__------ 109-110 | DISEASE. See MEDICAL PRAC-
COUVADE, observance of______-_- 111 TICES ; SICKNESS.
CREATION MYTH: Divisions, of the Jivaro________- 1-2
ioe the Muratos__-______ 122 193 | Dopp, Mmap & Co., acknowledg-
See also ORIGIN MYTH. ment to_----~--------~------- x
CrIMB, compensation for__-_-- 116-117 | DoMESTIC ANIMALS, customs con-
Cruz, LAUREANO DE LA, mission cerning __~------------------- 91
send ae 299 | DoMINIcANS, missionary efforts
CUCcUSHA: of___-_---------------------- 24
curaka of Canga Jivaros__- 49 | Doors oF HOUSES, description of_ 89
Mae Tee@rd, Of. 2 AQ EES
CunAs, customs of_....-._--. __ 65 Mes Eon of__--------_--- 92
CUNGARAPAS, described by Sali- UN a Dasaaassssesss=o ee
nas 10 USE OL Min wane es 44, 60
xe wae es DumMMA, CHIEF, mention of______ 4
CUNIVOS, mention of____________ 22
DvuRAN, LT., oF MENDEZ, acknowl-
le oa edgment to x
corial! Ge errs 114 EEE LOBE ES
: DwELLINnNGs. See Houses.
power and influence of_____ 39
DYEING. methods Or 22) as 92
HSe-Or, Ge term... 39
A HAMIGH, CHARLES C., acknowl-
CUSAHU, a Jivaro place name___ 22
edement tov wee 2 Se ee Ee x
CUSTOMS: ; '
; : 2 HAMIGH, HomeEr, information fur-
concerning domestic ani- P
NISHEOs Wy 2 ee ee a a 73
TENG) Sy oid 2 ek» a pee Se 91 f
pone ceamel iihdélit 79, | WAR ORNAMENTS__—-—-__----__- 99, 102
: sage Serer te | “Harru Srory” of the Jivaros_ 124-129
in region of Loyola_________ 382-33 ;
: d ; EXFFIGY JARS, Showing head tro-
in region of Valladolid______ 34 5
: NTC Sa Seer freee ener nes enemas 62
mOounmMMe Otek 114-115 apy ee 4A
PegemMidhirths- 111-112 Siscavtir ire Wea Ppa :
of courtship_____________ 109-119 | !STETE, MicueL De, quoted__--_- 64-65
of marriage______________ 108-111 | ETHNOGRAPHIC MATERIAL, source
Obey SU ac i 96-98 | Of--------------------------- x
See also BURIAL CUSTOMS; ETIQUETTE OF VISITING___-_-_--- 96-98
CEREMONIES; COUVADE; FACE AND BODY PAINTING___-__-- 96,
LEVIRATH ; MANIOC ; TABOOS ; 97, 99-100, 101
WARFARE. FAMILY GROUP, discussion of____ 38-39
€uzco, pottery from.__—--- = 62,| FEATHER CROWNS, types of, de-
PAWCESGIEDLE, deseription of2__ 102)) scribed) 2u22-_-- ye 100-102
DANCES: FERNANDEZ, ANDRES, mission at-
fears aroused by___________ 48 temp redness eer AE ete 20
ORMVICEOrY Stes #3 Sk 45, 58-59'| FESTIVAL OF REJOICING, descrip-
OLS WALTIONS==> <1) othe 53. GLO Dy mG ek USL cei ciety 71
Vi SI UMG AES St eS 70'| Feups:
DaRTs: a Cause of wares. es os) 42
poison used for____________ 84, 85 termination Lots. Se eae 51
used in blowgun____________
See also BLooD REVENGE.
142
FIGUEROA, FATHER FRANCISCO: Page
elteda we a2 ee Be ee 65
Mainas Indians described by— 43-46
FisH, poisoning of._______-__-_- 104
FISH NETS, use of________-____- 103
FISH TRAPS, construction of____-_ 104
FisHING, methods used in_____ 103-104
FLUTE:
magie properties of-_______ 54
pO AS{ Sat 0) Haeeapanseaten UC OFS cr Bevis MEIN Sree 92
Fonseca, AMBEOSIO, mention of_- Dal
Toop:
placed with the dead_ 112, 113,114
CUES GeO fete ae a a 103-108
Served to visitors__________ 97
See also AGRICULTURE; FISH-
ING; GAME; HUNTING.
I'OWLER, HmNRY, cited__________ 66
FRANCISCANS, missions conducted
Dy Sa ie ecebn teie nt let a ed 23:
FRANKS, reference to__~________ 63
GALVEZ, M., specimen collected
Diy So Bees. ih cee Se ee 67
GAME:
division of, after hunt-_____ 106
VArletics) Of sees Sad. nels 11, 104-105
See also HUNTING.
GAMES OF CHILDREN_______-_____ 112
Garci, DomInGo, mention of_____ Zi
GAScA, PEDRO DE LA, conquests
planmed: Diy oes ae teh Aye ie ee 4
GIFTS, use of, in courtship______ 110
GIRDLES :
mens, human hairs > 102
men’s, making oft2 24422 — 102-103
women’s, snail-shell________ 102
GIRLS:
DCELVITICS Oi sa sae a 19 fe a a
early marriage Of] 112
Gop, of the Incas, source of____ 16
GOLD MINES, of Cangasa, discoy-
CLYAOF 22 ete 2 a ee eee 9-10
GOLD MINING, use of Indians in__ 31, 33
GONZALEZ SUAREZ:
4, 5, 16, 24, 25, 44
quoted on infanticide______ 23
GRATIOLET, M., opinion expressed
Dy tbr, cis Palit ea eg 1) uate © 68
GREETING CUSTOMS______________ 96-99
GUALAQUIZA :
forays of Jivaros of__.___-__ 48
LOUNG ING 2Of! Sarees
mission established at__--__
Origimiof namevols eee. 2
INDEX
Page
GUALLAPA PROVINCE, Benavente’s
Cxpedigion TO. 222 222 es eae 5-6
Guns, use of, among Jivaros____ 79
GUZMAN, MANUEL, mention of__- 27
HAIR:
care and dressing of__-_____ 99
of enemies, use of__________ 67
Of tsantsas, use of2 72 === 71
Hamy, EH. T., reference to work
OF a ee Ix
HANCOAILLOS, decapitation of___ 64
HEADDRESSES :
man’s; monkey fur®2S2senes 96
of ‘women 2-2 eee 96
See also FEATHER CROWNS.
HEAD HUNTING:
activity “Mo 2.2222 See 43
taboos connected with______ 59
See also TSANTSAS,
HEAD SHRINKING:
detailed description of_____- 69-71
discussion of. 25-2 3234522 67-68
HEAD TROPHIES:
suspension. .of_.__-_3 4 62
See also 'TSANTSAS.
HEADS:
removal Of.) eeoet Eee 45, 50, 55
shrunken, representations of
62, 63
treatment of, by Itucalis___ 45
See also SKULLS; TSANTSAS.
Henry, S. B., reference to survey
DY 225-2 i ee x
History of the Jivaros_______~- 3-28
HOUSES:
burials. ino. 2) = 4a eee 112
construction. 0£ —. 24.) 2ae 59
defenses of. =... os) 59-60
deseription. Of221_ 224 26, 87-90
ilustrations Ofs-22) eee 88
interior arrangement of____ 90-91
isolation of... 44 eae 42, 46
sleeping arrangements in___ 90
ty DCS OF 2226 ee 89-90
HUAMBIZAS:
attack Ono 2 eee 48-50
hostilities: with 222-3 2esses— 28
population: Of 22a 37
territory occupied by__--_-- 2
HUAMBOYAS, part taken by, in
Jivaro rebellion=22= 225-528 17
HUANCAS, custom of_---___-_2-- 66
HUASTEC COUNTRY, custom in____ 66
INDEX
HvuayNa-CAPAc:
attempt of, to subdue
- OS a Ae eee =
ae ee 64
HUNTING:
J 3 eae _ 105-106
peer igs. 105
general discussion of__-_- - 104-107
wivaro ability im 105
use of blowgun in__-_------ 83
Huyposro DE MONTALVAN, MArR-
TIN, missionary work of___-~-- 24
IMMORTALITY OF SOULS, belief in- 121
IMPLEMENTS, agricultural_______ 107
encase custom of. 63
INFANTICIDE, practice of_____---- 23
INFIDELITY, punishment for__-_-- 72
ee Si | ie re 105
ItucaLis, self-mutilation of____- 45, 65
JABN, establishment of city of-__ a
JAGUAR:
belief concerning__--__---~- 114
supernatural power of___-_- 73
tsantsa made from head of__ (6:
mee of Henes of... 86
JAGUAR DIVINITY, representations
0D ue EE ee eee 62
JAVELIN :
BeSPrIpLinn: (GES 86
See also LANCE.
JESUITS:
expelled from Spanish colo-
“Tit J RR Seen ee 23
missions established by_--__ 20
JIVAROS:
PHAEAPICTISLICS Of (220 2-3
country occupied by______-—_ 1, 26
TLD DeT a Se ate xI
(OSES. DT: Sea es 38
Brean Gf Name Of. ahs 5): 6, 8
CSET ST) a ee 16-18
BHEVISIONS Of fern po) es: 1-2
CETTE et 7 AIS ae Sa a 2
JIVAROS PROPER, dwelling ground
peeeerie aes Peeters. tae peat tt oe 2
KARSTEN, cited__ 44, 68, 73, 75, 77, 84, 92
KINSHIP, custom connected with. 56, 72
See also RELATIVES.
107, 111
LABOR, division of____________
LANCE CEREMONY, description of_ 52
LANCE HEADS, significance of____ 46
LANCES:
beliefs concerning__________ 86
deraraiion. of 2 Je 17 ti bess 52
143
Page LANcEs—Continued. Page
Jivaro:; name fers oi 85-86
eri teihy). 0 es Deen 79
material used for__-------- 2, 86
fl Se | | ae ee 2 eee eS Le Le 79
FSO OP 2 Sop trl bps 3 60
LANGUAGE, JIVARO2 2 es) 26
La Paz, pottery from_.____-___-_ 2
SRNER, WILLIAM, acknowledg- :
HIGRG A602. x
LATIN AMERICAN EXPEDITION, ac-
knowledgment to__----------- 24
LEVIRATE, among Jivaros_----~~- 114
Lip PLUGS, wearing of__-__-___-~- 99
Lips, TSANTSA, treatment of__ 62, 69, 78
LOGRONO DE LOS CABALLEROS:
GGEGTSC. R205 5 etl TE 16
description of region of____~_ 36
establishment of ----.-----~- 15
expeditions in search of___- 25
Lovga, city oF, Salinas’ headquar-
LOOMS AND SHUTTLES___--------~ 91
LOPEZ DE LA BANDA, DIEGO, re-
bellionled.- by 3 15
LOREEN CHeH 222 8 eo, ee 66
LOYOLA:
census of region of__-_-_-~- 31-33
description of Indians of___ 11
description of region of____ 32-33
establishment of town of___ 9
Trebuildine f-5 2 fetes: 13
settled by Salinas______---- 12
warlike Indians of______-___ 43
LOYOLA, CAPT. BERNARDO DE,
achievements of________-__--_ 14-15
LuBBOCK, JOHN, cited_____-__-- 63
Lucero, FATHER JUAN LORENZO:
attempted mission of_-----~- 20
TLEEC AL Sn 3 * Ia Pao pew erodes 15, 46
Macas INDIANS, part taken by, in
et7aro...cebellion:.<..... ete ie 4
MAcAS MISSION:
Dominicans at —-ReT se xara 24
establishment of _____----__ 27
MACAS PROVINCE:
COHBNESESE 24 = FF Fe eT 5-8
Eyre Tidy C Ph ORE ae eee es 4
MAINAS INDIANS:
described by Saabedra___-- 19
HUMDET OR ei 19
Teferenes ($0). 22) ee 122
use of blowgun by------__- 80
visited by Salinas____.----~ 10
144
Marinas InpIANS—Continued. Page
warlike nature of____-__---~ 43
WES PONSAOL Sea ees Pathe)
MALDONADO, JOSE VILLANUEVA:
WOE Gee ee ee is 14, 15
work assigned to______-_-__ 14
MANATEE, teeth of, as charms__- 110
MANGOSIA RIVER, tribe dwelling on. 2,
MANIOC:
chewing Of 2052 ot ee 90, 91
cultavationsofe eae 107
HMpoOLtance, Ot ses Wow ees a 107
See also NIJIMANCHE.
MARANON RIVER:
NaAviICAtOrS Ores ies ee aa ae 13
tribe dwelling on___________ 2
MARRIAGE CUSTOMS__—_-_______ 108-111
MASKS, preparation of..____---_ 45
MEDICAL PRACTICES_________ 50, 117, 118
See also SICKNESS.
MEN:
GQWbeSiofsa eS) We a 111
ideal qualifications of_______ 110
MENpDOzA, ANDRES HURTADO DB,
menGonlols.2* £2) eee eek os 8
MeEnpozA, ANTONIO DE, mention
(Lifeson st ee AS ERE Re Be 8
MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS of the
SUVA OSS wate eed: Big vole ME bps 2-3
MERCADILLO, CAPT. ALONZO DE:
conquest assigned to__-_____-_ 4
expedition of 2 Bente bye, 5
MERCADO, FRANCISCO DE, mention
Ofsesuie! Bo ous win, eet Beh peiptee ay 15
Merritt, J. K., tsantsas discussed
Dye Bee ee. 2 it Ne te decease as 68
Mexico, shrunken heads in______ 66
MinitTary posts, failure of______ 27
MISSIONARY WORK:
among the Jivaros____ 20-21, 23-24
failure of, among the
DIVATOS 26 se ee ca 20, 24
MISSIONS among the Jivaros____ 23-28
MONKEY TSANTSA, detailed de-
scription of making of_______- 74-75
MONKEYS, shooting of-______-___ 85
MONTESINOS, FERNANDO DE,
Quoted 2230 ko 2 I ee 15
Moon, supposed influence of.... 116
MorENO, ISIDRO, expedition as-
SiSted: oy y4o ot eee 0 oe eae 21
Moreno-Maiz, Dr., quoted on
PSAMESAS ci) cele Sele parceled Bake ce 67
Morona RIver, tribe dwelling on_ 2
INDEX
Page
MORTICLETY (cited) 22 eee 86
MOURNING CUSTOMS, description
OB IB SS ee 114-115
IUMMIES :
preparation oOf.2-) aes 65
preservation of =e 67
MURATOS:
Origin myth) Of. 22232. 122
population 0&2 eee 30
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS, descrip-
iON Of 2.4.34 eee 92-94.
MUTILATION, SELF, to indicate
achievements 2222 -2=)- ee 45, 65
MyTHoLoey, discussion of__ 116, 121-129
Mytus. See ORIGIN MYTH.
NAMES:
ceremonial, use of_-_--__-__-
of Jivaro groups___________
NARANJO, Settlement of______-__
NASCA REGION, evidence of head
trophies in. _: + eee
NAVARRO DE BEAUMONTE, JUAN,
NigvA. See SANTA MARIA ODE
NIBVA.
NIJIMANCHE:
serving of, to visitors____-_-_ 96, 97
use of, in courtship_____-_~ 109:
Nosz, mutilation of, to indicate
achievements 2.222222 45, 65
NUHINO, of the Jivaros______- 124-129
OcHoA, DIEGO DE, missionary
work of 4“) jee 24
ORGANIZATION, POLITICAL:
discussion .0f24. 22.755 38-41
divisions ini -2tosee ee 40
Stability of. 2s 38
ORIGIN MYTH of the Jivaros_ 72, 123-129
ORNAMENTS:
back, significance of-__----
description of___-__.-------~
of snail. shells______-+_-2& 94, 102
See also COSTUME.
ORTEGON, DIEGO DE, quoted__-_--
OTTER, belief concerning_-_--_-_~
PACAMURUS:
account of government of___ 28-38
See also BRACAMOROS.
PACHACUTE -cited22). 2s eae 64
PALISADES, use of, in burials_____ 113
PALOMINO, CAPT. DIEGO:
conquest assigned to_------_ 4
expedition of_--542 25s 4
Page
PANCHERI, burial described by--_ 113
Parrots, use of, for food__------ 105
Pasao, custom of natives of----- 65
PasTAzA RIveR, tribe dwelling on_ 2
PasTazas, reference to__-------- 2
PAUTENOS, origin of name of_--- a
Paz, ALVARO DE, task assigned to-_ 14
PEACH CHEMMONY =~ 51
PECCARIES, community hunting
OS. eS Ee 105-106
PEPPER JUICE, use of, on eyeS_--- 4
Pérez, ANDRES J., mention of____. 27
20 eg) 76
oe 86
Pisco, PERv, shrunken head from_ 63
Pizarro, GONZALO, mention of__ =
PIZARRO, JOAN:
Tf ES ee ee 38, 79
Tol > PES ee ae oe 43
isles seen tose: os te 28
PLANTS IN CULTIVATION, list of-. 108
PLAZA, FRAY JOSE MANUEL:
Sle a) rr 26
OSS DEST Se en ee 26, 112
Porson:
for darts, ingredients of____ 84
for darts, making of_______ 84-85
CTS DS ASS 104
manner of using__________ 84
SiS Sp ee 85
Fesimeved wise Of. -_._____- 60
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION, discus-
SLD ES ee 38-41
POLYGAMY, reason for 71
PONGO GORGE, pasSage of expedi-
I ree ts | a a ef d
Poneo MANSERICHE, reference
Sr 10, 12
PoPAYAN INDIANS, custom of____ 65
POPULATION, JIVARO:
TES P SS 28-38
_ IAS ES Ti ae See eee ee 37
proportion of, to territory__ 38
Ef os ee ee 37
Ports, special, for tsantsas______ 70
POTTERY:
blowgun depicted on________ 80
firing of, illustrated________ 96
head trophies represented
[See a oe eee eee 61-62
[UST ee 2 ee eee 94-95
POTTERY VESSELS, names of___--_
Pozzi, FATHER LOUIS, mention of_ 27, 66
PRIETO, JOSE:
contents of diary of-------- 25
expedition conducted by_--- 25
head shrinking described by_ 66—67
RIC) Po Ses ae ee nee 2-3, 47-48
QUATREFAGES, M. DE, opinion ex-
pressed) bys = = 5% ee 68
QUIJOA PROVINCE, extent of__-__-- a
QUIJOS, war customs of__-__---- 47
QUINTANA, BALTAZAR, missionary
ie ae |! a a Se coon Oe ener 24
QUIRUBA, CHIEF:
lendershin Gis es 8 0 42
rebellion headed by__------- 17
QuIvER, used for darts__-___-__-- 83-84
iam, Gon power Of.) 4-3) .. 116
RAIN MAKING, by the wishinu__- 121
REBELLION, JIVARO:
ACER (08 Fae ae 17-18
CDSG 200 hs eee a LT
REINCARNATION, belief in-__-__-- 114
RELATIVES :
belief concerning spirits of__ 75, 76
See also KINSHIP.
RELIGION of the Jivaros_____~
REVENGE, aS a cause of war___-__
REVOLT against Spaniards___ 17-18, 41
RIOFRIO, FATHER SANTIAGO, mis-
Sionary) Wena NOt ees © 24
RivA AGUERO, MARTIN DE LA, ex-
pedition organized by —------- 20
RIver Gop, belief concerning____ 116
RIVET:
erted.. 28) 2a eee 2A, 37, T1, 18, S1
quoted... Sees ot eee 3
reference to bibliography by 69
reference to work of_______ Ix
Rogas, FRANcIScCO DE, rebellion
Tene ay ee 15
RosARio, NUESTRA SENORA DEL,
establishment of --__-_--____ 14, 24
RosERo, SEBASTIAN, missionary
cf LE Oa TS SR a a ii i inet toe 24
RUBBER, WILD, search for_____--~ 27-28
SAABEDRA, CRISTOBAL DE:
reef ©? | Siaiies shes wet ewes sete ae rem 80, 122
TULEL E32 | eer nee ee eee 19
Santiago River described
a ae 18-19
146
SAFFRAY, Dr.: Page
CLEC: ie asthe A IS ACERS, 66
GUOTEGHLI Es ne Eee 65
SALESIANS, population estimated
DY Se Bee 37
SALINAS DE LOYOLA, GASPAR DE,
TNENELON: (Obes tele chu se
SALINAS GUINEA, CAPT. JUAN DE,
mention ‘OLE itiar 20... A 14
SALINAS LOYOLA, JUAN DE:
biography Vote eters aera 13
census ordered by__-__----- 28
cited 2s TAS SRET EMEA TAME alert 38, 79
cruelties charged to__---__- 13
Exped Ilion "OF 2 2S Seite 8-16
government of territory of__ 15
Jivaro attitude toward_____ 42
LEELETS FOL Pe ee RM Ee See 9-13
Mention OL ee hee 14
result of death of____-_-____ 16
return Of to Peruse 22s 13
ViISiE OF, to’ Jivarose2! es 5
SAN BArTOLOME RIVER:
JIVATO* NAMIE OL ee eens ee G
named by Salinas! 2222 ees 9
San CARLOS DE LOS ACHUALES,
establishment of __-_______-__ 24
SAN FRANCISCO DE BorsJA:
COLOIY Ae ec ee ee rae eee 7ui f
expedition received at-_____ A
founding of city of Lo = 2 19)
San JACINTO, establishment of__ 24
SANTA Cruz, FATHER RAIMUNDO,
MENCtION OL. ext: Tye reers wepe ul 20
SANTA Lucid COSUMALHUAPA,
carvings at, showing tsantsas_ 66
SANTA MARIA DE NIEVA:
census of region of________
establishment of _____-_____
occupation: Of 32222. 22a ee
repuugimg Of. |. ee ee 13
settled’ ‘by Salinas 222222 os 12
SANTIAGO DE LAS MONTANAS:
census of region of________ 29-31
description. of region of____ 30-81
establishment of______ 9. ti) 12.30
OCCUPALION 20b a ee ee 18
PEMOVAL. Ol 22 emer eee ee 9
SANTIAGO RIVER:
Geseription "Ol2—= ee ee 18-19)
settlement established on___ 9
tribe dwelling on___________ 2
SANTIAGO RIVER REGION, plans for
colonizing] — ses) eee ue ae
Page
SAVILLE, M. H., reference to bib-
hogtaphy byline ee eee 69)
SEMICA, magic power of________- 110
SEVILLA DEL ORO:
description of region of____ 36
establishment of_____-_____ 14
SEXES, division of, in household__ 111
SHAMAN. See WISHINU.
SHAMANISM, discussion of____ 115-121
SHIELDS:
deseription ‘0f..22 3) 22 86-87
Jivaro name’ for... eee 86
magic properties of_________ 87
material used: ina) See ees 86
of tapir skin“ {tie 19
taboos concerning _______ ae 87
SICKNESS:
beliefs concerning 98, 116, 118-120
responsibility: for)... = eae 116
See also' MEDICAL PRACTICES ;
SPIRITS OF DISEASE.
SINCLAIR, JOSEPH, acknowledg-
ment t0.i.222.24-2. os ee x
SKINNER, JOSEPH:
Cited. 2. 65, 85
Quoted: cot 46
Skins, stuffed with ashes_______ 66
SKULLS:
dance witheie!..2- 5a 70
See also HEADS.
SLOTH :
ceremonial name for__-_-_~- 73
tsantsas from heads of__--- 56,
72-73
SMALLPOX, introduction of_______ 24
SNAKE BiTH, treatment for____-__ 119
SNAKE-SKIN CIRCLETS, magic prop-
@tty (00 222220 ee eee 103
SoclAL ORGANIZATION. See FAm-
ILY GROUP.
SONGS:
Variety Of... eee 92
use of, in warfare__________ 54
SOURCE MATERIAL, reference to
collection. of) 2a.) ae Ix
SPANIARDS:
cruelties -0f).22 2. 2a eee 16
hostility toward. 22. 2282 16
revolt against. .22524 0 £2 16-18, 41
SPEAR THROWER, description of__ &6
SPINNING AND WEAVING, the
Work’ Of Ten 2 eee 91
INDEX 147
Page ; TSANTSAS—Continued. Page
SPIRITS OF DISEASE, discussion of knowledge concerning prepa-
118-120 AIT OR ve oe pee 61
NPY SYSTEM —----—-_-_=_.-_=__ o1 law Goncerning fe. 70a 76
StTirtine, Marion, translations maggie power Of) 2220 wee QD
OT ao SS ee De IX method of preparing--__-_~ 56-58,
STOMACH TROUBLE, supposed cause 62, 64-65
pee ee a et 119 modern’ Jivaro ee ee 67-72
STONE CARVINGS, with trophy preservation of hair on_____ 57
iS 62 DUCDOSE\ Ofe se see ue eee 75-76
MeN, imiuence Of... 12 116 SUDSTHLUG ChOR 2 ee 72
TABOOS: trade of manufacturing_____ 76-77
concerning blowgun_---~--- 83 | TuBEs, BAMBOO, use Of__________ 102
concerning deer____-------- 107 | Tux!, CHIEF:
eoneerning gorge____—_____ 116 DOWEL Of ue ome beer Ube meat 40
concerning shields__-__----- 87 visit of, to Caneros_2_.____ 96-99
concerning tapir——_.___-.-___ 107 | Tupac-YUPANQUI, conquest un-
BOP WaArrIOTe. 88.2 sd 59 dertakem Dye es Sn 3-4
CD GSC) | i ae ann 120) Chen Minx, “elted ee tn eee 61, 62
imposed upon fathers__--~- 111 | Upano River, tribe dwelling on__ 2
TATTOOING, limited extent of____ 100] Upanos, origin of name of_______ 2
TAYO BIRD BONES, significance of Up DE GRAFF:
Drnamients, Of = 110 COVE) henieenonenee Sirs cap tears esc vada ee ARs 81
ite ume ©, cited oo 62 quoted] 222 ease i 69-71, 77, 84, 103
TENDETSA, training of, for wish- reference to quotations from_ x’
foocp | acl ella an 117-118 war party described by__-~- 48—50
TERRITORY OF THE JIVAROS, de- URN BURIAL, evidence of_______~ 115
Senirmnioteee. 4 | UsatcHo, wishinu trained by_-___ 117
TIAHUANAOO, stone figures at____ 62| UTITA: _
TOBACCO: division headed by—--__--- 40
warriors inoculated with___ 69 Visit oe to Caneros__---___- 96-99
women tested with_________ 111 | VAca, EE ONIBLG
Tomss, tsantsas from___________ 67, 68 expedition Chess SSSE ESSE Ss 20-23
Towws, defenses of_____________ 44 results of expeditions of____ 22-23
VACA DE LA CADENA, PEDRO, ex-
TRADITION : ie :
oo. es 422 pedition ordered by- Pal a eB ook 20
i VACA DE VEGA, expedition of____ 19
. ; VACAS GALINDO, ENRIQUE:
(ee EEE by Marion Stir- AERO aks Saas 37
Ss i quincedsetin= SES ITAL ote 112-113
EuEAS UE HUNTING, expeditions VALLADOLID :
inspired by---------------__- 25 census of region of_________ 33-35
TRELAT, M., opinion expressed by_ 68 description of region of____ 34-35
SRUMEHUS, Use “Of /22 252-1 _= 252 92 establishment of___________ 9
TSAMAGASHI, Visit of, to Caneros_ 96-99
TSANTSAS:
COmrHLerfeit, oo 76-18
custom concerning__________ 76
distortion of features of__.__ 70-71
early historical data on_____ 63-67
final disposition of 20). = ee.
genuine, identification of... 77-78
in pre-Columbian times_____ 61-63
rebuildins Of ee ee 13
reports returned to__-_---__ 28
Settlement (Of. 2 Paya:
VALLADOLID INDIANS:
described by Salinas________ 11
warlike nature of__________ 43
Weapons “ol ft See 79
VALLANO Y CUESTA, MANUEL, un-
published: diary of-22--2 1222 22
148
Page | WEAPONS:
VELASCO, JUAN DE, rebellion de-
Seri bed iy32 es ee 17
VERRILL, JOHN, acknowledgment
COs bole! IY ee ee DK
VICTORY DANCE:
deseription of___------- 45, 58-59
mse of tsantsas!) ine
See also FESTIVAL OF RE-
JOICING.
VILLANUEVA, Logrofio aided by-- 15
VILLAVICENCIO, MANUEL:
MISGUOCCR {Ses ee es 67
CULO CCG ee eee 67, 112
VIOLIN, PRIMITIVE, of the Agua-
TMA se SSL een hcaa Nay 92-94
VISITING, customs concerning_-. 96-99
Viva, FATHER, expedition accom-
DamMled: (DY. 22.2 0s = ee Pay
Von HAGEN, WOLFGANG, acknowl-
eEdement) GOs. ke ae eee ek x
Von HASSEL, G. M.:
CBN Fes ) (mea ents ieebg eee eae ae 78, 124
error made by—=—=——-—==—-— 78
population estimated by--- 37
CULOU CG ae a Sea ae 2 122
WAR
against Europeans, method
Ea tia Be 41-42
ceremony of declaring______ 52
importance of, to Jivaros___ 50
JiVaToO: CUStOMS, In== === 47-A8
methods used in_------~-- 44, 46-47
DUACHICES: Of te eo 41-50
preparations. fora = 43-44
present-day customs of_____ 50-56
WAB DANCE, description of______ 53
WARFARE:
Gefensives 2 ee 59-61
ALVATO, manner, Obl -22 =e se Fates
OL the @uijos. = saa eee 47
USe.OL StONes: 12 2s ae ee 47
WAR PARTY:
assembling ‘Of. 22 22S ys 52-53
retuim Of... 2.5 eo 2 ae 45
start of, described________- 44
WARRIORS:
burial customs concerning.__ 114
COSUUING «Oi ae es ele yee 53
inoculation of, with tobacco_ 69
WATER MONSTER, MYTHICAL,
109
POOWOT Of oo el a ie
INDEX
Page
described anaes Se ee ee 44, 46
general discussion of__----- 78-87
of the: Jivaross 22" 25. 32238 11
of the Mainas. 2+. os ee 12
placed with the dead__-~-- 112, 113
WEAVING, the work of men___-_~ 91
WISHINU OR SHAMAN:
dutiestiof. 244228. 115, 117, 120-121
ethics 0f 2.28 eee 115
food: taboos for. .-3254223 120
initiation: Of. 2-2 ee 117-118
method of, in curing sick-
NESS ask ee 118-119
supposed powers of____--~~ 61, 115
test of eligibility for ______- 117
training, of 24). eee 117-118
WIVES:
duties of uw... eee 111
purchase: 0fzs2._-s==] 2s 110
See also WOMEN.
WOMEN:
as burden bearers_-_-----~- 106
burial customs relating to-_- 114
desirable traits iIn-__--—-___ 110
labor of, in agriculture____ 107,111
part taken by, in war_-____- 53,
54, 56, 58, 59
See also WIVES,
XEVEROS, Mention of____-__--___ 22
YAGUARZONGO PROVINCE:
census taken Of 22225-22228 28
expedition” [02.222 8-13
extent: ‘of. 4 ee it)
reference t02222 2) ee 8
See also YAHUARZONGO.
YAHUARZONGO, account of govern-
ment ot...-32) = Ue 28-38
YAUPE TRIBE
consolidated with Canga__- 41
war customs of: 22-2 50:
YUPANQUI, exploits of_____-_---- 64
ZAMORA DE LOS ALCALDES :
forays of Jivaros of__-_____ 48
founding O0f.22..222.. 5
mission: atu. eee 27
ZAMORA RIVER:
description of Jivaros of___- 26
tribe dwelling on_-___--_-_~ 2
ZAMORAS, origin of name of___--_- 2
ZARATH, quoted on _ shrunken
Wea GS pk a el 65
“MSAIM ONVdM AHL NO VIEVAIL
L SaLlvidd Zbb NiLAIaoSs ADOIONHLA NVOIMAWY AO NVaene
S907 ODNILVIOQVY SSYHL
HLIM 3AYI4 ONIGTING AO CGOHLAW GNV 3ASNOH aO0dW3al AO AdAL ONIMOHS ‘NONVYVW OLIV AHL AO SHNVG SHL NO ATINVS OYVAIC
¢ ALVId Zbl NILATINGA ASOTIONHLA NVOIMAWY AO nNvsaYyng
“ZAGNSUW YVAN STYID ANV NAWOM OYVAIC SO dNoOuS
EALV1d ZIl NILATING ADOIONH.LA NVYOIMAWY AO NVvVaena
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE 4
eos
eee
|
Photos by Beatty.
JIVARO TYPES.
a, Cahaka, a curaka of the Upano. d, Anguasha, a curaka of the Yaupe.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEERRING HZ. (PEAnE 5
Photos by Beatty.
JIVARO TYPES FROM THE VICINITY OF MENDEZ, SHOWING METHODS OF
HAIRDRESSING.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE 6
Photos by Beatty.
JIVARO TYPES FROM THE UPANO RIVER.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY SIONS INYN Wl JANIS 7;
Photos by Beatty.
JIVAROS FROM THE UPANO.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERING IZ PEeAiEsS
Photos by Beatty.
TWO JIVAROS FROM MENDEZ.
BULLETIN 117 PLATE 9
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SUES
Photos by Beatty.
a, Woman with child, showing lip plug, Mendez. 06, Aguaruna from Borja.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Photo by French.
JIVARO WOMAN FROM THE ZAMORA WEARING SNAIL-SHELL DANCE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 117 PLATE
11
a, With iron-headed lance.
JIVAROS NEAR MENDEZ.
c, d, With typical small-caliber muzzle-loading shotguns.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE
JIVAROS NEAR MENDEZ.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLER RIN Tit, (PEATE: 13
TWO JIVAROS NEAR MENDEZ WEARING TYPICAL MONKEY-FUR CARRYING BAGS.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE 14
JIVAROS NEAR MENDEZ.
a, Carrying a chonta-palm lance and wearing woven headband.
BUELE RING PEATE AS
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Ra acceler meitiacmaemiotiitiona sa
VOT hi: A a RA ce eabt ater:
EEO LLB A 5 HOR ia
thompeecuvun “ pete: ol iaparmanahaatibe:
fey & 7
ional iilibiaarrpumnuntsipiissl Mbldsppuisitin
Photos by Larner.
JIVAROS NEAR MENDEZ.
Background shows wall construction of
jivaria.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
JIVAROS NEAR MENDEZ.
BULLETIN 117 PLATE
BUREAU
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Lie.
JIVAROS NEAR MENDEZ.
a, b, Jivaro mother, showing method of carrying young child on back.
d, Young man playing bamboo flute.
AONE )LPS IU WIT eels it7/
c, Immature married girl with pup.
BULLETIN 117 PLATE 18
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
°
AGUARUNAS AT BORJA
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE 19
JIVAROS ON THE ALTO MARANON.
a, 6, d, Wearing clothing made of bark cloth.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE 20
a, b, Men on the Chinganasa River. c, Aguaruna women at Borja.
BULLETIN 117 PLATE 21
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
:
a, View on the lower Santiago. b, Jivaro man poling a balsa raft at Yaupe. c, Man spearing fish from
stern of canoe. Alto Maramion.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE 22
a, Group at Yaupe.
b, Tendetsa, a wishinu at Yaupe. c, Man using blowgun, Alto Maranon.
d, Aguaruna, a wishinu at Borja.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUBEERIN iy PEATE 23
a, Woman digging manioc. 6, Manioc in carrying basket. c, Wooden vessel for mashing manioc.
d, Woman stirring pounded manioc preparatory to making nijimanche.
“YSAIMN ONVdM “ONIMVW AYALLOd
ve ALV1d Zll NILATINGA
ADOTONHLA NVOIYANV
dO Nvsayna
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BOE EE TING, ee AdiEe 25
a, Recently burned jivaria on Chinganasa River. 6, Coffin made from hollowed-out log, Upano River.
c, Temporary house on Alto Maranon.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 117 PLATE 26
a, Door of jivaria, showing spirit figures designed to keep out evil influences, Upano River. 6, Houses to
protect chickens and pigs, Yaupe. c, Jivaro men from the Zamora (photo by French).
BUEEESRING iy ae PAE E27
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
, Alto Maranon.
a
Photo by French.
6, Zamora.
HOUSE BUILDING.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEBRRIN liz (RPEAtEy2Zs
en ATE heres
JIVARO WARRIOR WITH LANCE AND SHIELD, FROM CHINGANASA RIVER.
BUREAU
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULERRING Liz, ~ PEATE 29
VIEW FROM CANOE ENTERING THE PONGO MANSERICHE.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERRING ii7 ee AEs
b, Man spinning.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERIN 117) PEADE 31
MAN SPINNING.
Gs Shi /akel 72) NIMES aake
"AY BOEE AG SOJOUd
ADSOTONHLA NVOIMSAWY AO NVsaynNa
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEEGING 17 s