papery ee See ee sronsths testa Neha tet st preperers patent Datei “ wv 2-8 at tet St i ey ae - = ne er rae a ase, ale aaa ere rere pe pent RN a ar a a et oe a dite NO TN en toc ial ee ee Fez, 9 \: brea SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Spee ‘BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY a Ste - BULLETIN 124 | - NOOTKA oe - .QUILEUTE MUSIC Z : BY, | FRANCES DENSMORE. 4ak <2 4 SET HSONON, ANYON ey J SS Tae 2 te er eee eee, oie eee O28 Le ae ot Oe Se ae ee See” SS Gees -~ . eee a ie Oe EL ae RE MeN BS Eee Oe nr chien Rt) rv bre Un sales Reagan Se Mle by, Sry oc path Mase Ae Me peh we fee teens Aa P< tl a ttt tn nie te eam He. 4 ss ae r\ 7 . : + * 7 te ae Hh” yaya? = Ogee iat ede O > ee. — ss ine “ry > es G Sp Maes i Z ; BS ay Deane Nat a Pet “ oR Rents SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC By FRANCES DENSMORE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1939 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - - + © += + Price 60cents LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau oF AMERICAN ErHno.oey, Washington, D. C., July 15, 1938. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled “Nootka and Quileute Music,” by Frances Densmore, and to rec- ommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. Srirurne, Chief. Dr. C. G. Axssor, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. iI Fi Pui ‘4 wiht!" #y (ori: Aisee eau le Ty wilellind a 24 tindilli Ad Je saalh beat J i\@E4RE.' BW ciclat Mar aaa User it OAT RO Gera Om 7 whe weir’ see Le" = the = eA a oe: TAR ‘ a: H 1 ‘ith 1 Nim Hi reat: i i WEL al GP ‘od a) Ovi at . { «4 40 Money fly Lise jae Ra a Lah a. oth) ta ws seven - ' i — i : 41 Jes ieee Lae sur f Hf weal eidin® baw @ eyole ; it Vie By Fi af > at ‘| FOREWORD The songs of the sea are here presented and their structure com- pared with that of the Indian songs from prairie, woodland, high plateau, and desert which have previously been studied.t These are songs of whalers who went far out on the ocean in their wooden canoes and brought home the mighty trophies of their chase. They were men of great physical strength and they sang of the thunder- bird, to whom they looked for help. They were warriors, cutting off the heads of the enemy, and they held the potlatch with lavish gen- erosity of gifts. In pageantry they found a natural expression, yet many of their songs contain an exquisite poetry and delicacy of thought. This material was collected at Neah Bay, Wash., on the Strait of Juan de Fuca, near Cape Flattery, during the summers of 1923 and 1926. On both trips the writer had the helpful companionship of her sister, Margaret Densmore. To her faithful interpreter, Mrs. Hazel Parker Butler, and to all who assisted in the work of collecting this material, the writer ex- tends her grateful acknowledgment. 1 Chippewa Music, Bull. 45; Chippewa Music, II, Bull. 53; Teton Sioux Music, Bull. 61 ; Northern Ute Music, Bull, 75; Mandan and Hidatsa Music, Bull. 80; Papago Music, Bull. 90; Pawnee Music, Bull. 93; Menominee Music, Bull. 102; Yuman and Yaqui Music, Bull. 110, Bur. Amer. Ethn.; Music of the Tule Indians of Panama, Smithsonian Misc. Colls., vol. 77, No. 11; Cheyenne and Arapaho Music, Southwest Museum Papers No. 10; Music of Santo Domingo Pueblo, New Mexico, Southwest Museum Papers No. 12. Vv =i ee ©. f! cits | > a . : ae 2 ' ia i Ae = es : ® ; ’ ) a ; y A ee Fi iv A 9 °¢ - b afion wiulaiate oda hen. Myth Hernlinvowe attire pa? Man weedy —-252—5- 22 See Sa eee 206 Kwati and the box containing the daylight._._..-.-.-__._--__-"2== 207 Deer and the canary-bird dancers:2:-*--2 3) 5 ee oe ee 208 Thunderbird.and brown thrushs.2225--- 2-5. - 322232 eee 208 Story, or the stolen children. 2-2-2. 25 3)2 52 eee 211 Kwati becomes a:deer.s---- 2. = 222. 252-2 Je eee es See 213 Ware-of little’children: = 2222 8252 see en Ses ee ese eee 213 Stories told to children: Kwatiand the fishing»spearss3" <= 25) oe ee eee 229 Kwati-andchismasterse= 22 oo eee ee oe ee ee eee ae 232 Story of mink and kingfisher: 2.22.2: =22_ Sst eee 233 Kwati and the kingtisher:22. 22282) Cee) So ee eee 235 Story of the beaver ‘and a flowerl.-=-)_ ===. 2-2-2) eo See eee 236 Story Of raven'and. deers. a5 2 ee ee ee 238 Story. of raven and’ the little hair sealos2:2-.-/5-° ===> = 252 sees 240 Maturity customs and feasts: 9-20 2= Sas 28a BS ee ee eee 241 Wedding custome... oo 255 nee ee ee ee ee eee 247 Narratives of dreams by Young Doctor: Dream of a. canoe_22. 2) 522222 2 Se ee ee eee eee 251 Dream: of the southwest wind. ==23—- 2222-552 8225565 22s Se eee 255 Dreamof ‘a journey 2 =..22-2 258 4eo- eee. oe eee 257 Dream of a frog. ..242 25225502 2eee eo ee eee 259 Song received in a dream by a Clayoquot--_--------------------------- 260 Songs received in dreams by, women. 2ss56 >) on he oe ener 1435 ARE VIO GEMM LOK AL SOT 2 eye ek oe ee ee ee ee 1419 AO PV GN CL CLATCE. SOL Pisco seers a a ey ee 1416 50. Song with impersonation of the wild white geese__________-__-_ 1395 51. Song with impersonation of the deer (a)_.._______.______-_-- 1397 52. Song with impersonation of the deer (b)___________-_-_____-- 1398 53. Song with impersonation of a little fish__..._._.__..__._.___- 1403 54. Song with impersonation of a raven..___._____.--._--__---- 1339 55. Song with impersonation of wolves. —_..---.2__=___._-.__._. 1396 Sones or Dancres PRESENTED AT Makan Day CELEBRATION HG msone.oOp thevhorsemen--.- 2. _ ae oe ee 1499 by.. Young: Dottar’s éanoe' song (a) eS. 2s AT a 1413 DS. VOU Doctor sicanoe songs (b) 22 one ee oe a eee eee 1414 He), Vou LOctor s Canoe SOng (6) oc.0. oo ee ee 1415 GU. Sone with: Spearman s Gancl.: ofa.) Loe. 7a eee eee 1497 Ga Genie ARNE RODE. ae) ok ee a a ie ae) Se 2 ge 1418 62. Song with changeable mask dance__._____._______-.__-___--- 1498 Go. Makett Homatsa song... 18> see le egies eee Baa 1417 G2; “Homaitsa.song (a).2.......28) syaoe es Jocisaiges apres 1496 Go.- Hoidtes song (6) _ =... -..3/ab Agee le Jas ines OF eB reAe 1500 DO. “Nootka EL omaten SON." s: 62 et ee ee Ae ee ee 1503 Or, Emterng dane pong < fo. be Sia oa 1409 LIST OF SONGS Page 90 91 92 93 94 95 97 98 99 100 101 104 105 107 108 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 121 123 124 125 125 126 132 133 134 135 138 139 140 142 143 145 146 148 LIST OF SONGS Sones or Soctat DANCES Serial No. Catalog No. De RAUEENOANCe HOD aaa. seen. see ee ee 1477 OO MoongrOndenancer(@)- eee ae eee ee ee ee es 1505 PO DONE LOLMeCNaANCet OU) a2. se ne een Sa See 1364 moeourror Eimtlachatl aanuce (a) 00-2 2 eee ee ee 1386 f2aapone ol eintlachatludance (Deen ess eee ee eee 1387 Pe asOne OL veinachatl Gance.(¢) 06 (22 Eek ee 1375 Pe wsonp OL rintiacuatl @ance (a). cee ee ee 1376 mas Oldest daughters Gance s0ng. 2-2-2520 5 2 See eee 1459 jo voungest daughter's dance’song.-2.-22 22.02. bes 1460 iaeeMa not try tounitate me” so 1408 78. Song belonging to the last Makah chief_____________-_______- 1412 PE SURORDELOLe TCOSb sn cee oe oe ee ee eee eee ee 1308 SU sone ater 100g was served... 222-5 Soe ee 1307 PIMESONMIOUIING TOASU 2c 2a at ee ee eS 1310 Pe EOMPEAL TEN LCASGee = te ett At ee ieee eee et Uae apr 1311 SoctaL GATHERINGS 83: “Iam trying to look. as pretty as Tecan” 2 225.2. 22_420-__.-- 1436 Godt, ISYOUCIT © GYOTT YA Fat Plt Seen eo ote aes Sey Pe SIR AE? SRS ED 1429 ree DOMOL COUAWAY. stat ss imap oe CS 2 ee 1471 aay they come from under the water’. = -22--._.--- 5-5... 1472 LEG, LOUET ES SIS AV QIETE) 0 2 (73) se 8 es ll I 1473 SG MTCC AUN (0) ae coors Hoe en Aes ale see ae 1474 Soe ews enol Naveshin gee oe ee ne ae Bete eee 1466 Neel ogi Ike a.sea) Parrot. 2 oo ee ee ee 1343 Oi tow, high omy forehead 1s getting” = 22-2 2) 1344 Do eee LINE Old. 2a a= eee elk ol Senco es ee 1347 Jae Vere aear friend is SOINe AWAY) 5222-25 — hoo 52 eee eee 1305 Pe SOUPTAGIDARING © 21 Faso e soo occa eee mons Sane ne 1428 HOM DOuPeOtetne CTOW=!.. 2-0) 2 oka oe oe es ena eee ee 1306 Do wedenear toe bird singing’ 282 22. be a ee 1304 OUP RILOMIGINDIN fees aS 75 Set Ne ee ee ee ee eee 1476 War Soncas POON PIOliaC. WAT ClUD=.25/- 54550 none ete ee Bee ae ee ee 1407 Doe lawl not Clb Ol YOUr MEAG t=). 2083 3 lee te ee ee 1314 iUGssong on the.way to war..o22---2.— 2222-2722 ose ees 1431 fOIAVOURCANNOL Gcleatilis 3252242 ne ss eee eee eee 1313 MPSA War BONG 2208 Ee ee Se a BO 1312 103. Song of those who remained at home___..--.-...-..-------- 1350 Tere SOngrOn a NeCAGs MuNter soo 2 2 2 oe Ss ee Se Oo eS 1388 05, Song.of & returning war partys —.2. 5 Posse ee a 1389 POG InvOCUOt: WAT. BONG (@) 2-2-2 222-2252. 0050225252225 bes 1443 POPC IAvOquotwATISON@ \O)G2aq2 2.522202 s-0b2-55—54—-54-26 1444 Logs Head vhinter s.song Of trivimph=....- 2c aces 222-55 a= = 1445 Sones ConneEctep Wita LeGEnps 109: Sonuz addressed to.a shark........--2......-2222A0_us.vaes 1300 Se SGMetOLOnING TAM oe 8 eens 2 oo ae ree AS ae et 1301 Hi pone. Of the man on the rock}. 2.-- 2242 -..5..-2.---s---- 1302 XV Page 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 167 168 169 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 193 194 196 198 13 LIST OF SONGS XVI Sonas For LitTLe CHILDREN Serial No. Catalog No. 119. “In the treetop”’......- 22+ s-2---e--2 55-2265 Se see eee 1392 Ho. Song Of the aquirrel.....22 22-222 sao se ee ee ae 1393 112. Song of the little slave man—- 0 4- eee ee ae eee 1394 115.. “How tiny you are’. as 22s eses2 352 ea ee 1464 116. “She will pick salmonberpies (-.2 +222 oe ee 2 eee 1405 117. “The. other babies bother me” .-- 9.222. ee eee 1470 116. “Tewish J was OUl Ol the TOCKS -22c 0-6 ee ee 1462 110; “Tota GO Aeter .CTaON =. o- 0 eee see ee ee 1353 Pot "Go; 10: Sleep a= 2 en ee ee ee ee 1356 Val, (Song to alittle girl. 252. 26222425252 se oo eee 1404 122s AJsongvOr prophecy... --- 3-6 oa a oe 1406 ive “kewl he.@ great WRITION a.222 5552-56552 -2 1463 ioe. MOM ey lighle SON 22 = 1-52. 5eo ees ee sos aoe we eee eee 1349 125s Avbssket full of snipe 2-<-2 ==. 5] 5ce = see ee eee _3.. 5253-23 Sok eee ee 1437 fa RW Win Bs DIGG? ots: 2. eet Be ee eee 14388 145. ‘‘My love is like the waves of the sea’”’_____._______-.___.-_-- 1439 Sones RECEIVED IN DREAMS BY MEN PGs OGnHo Tn GHOvCanOG2 2.2 foot oe ee Le ee ee 1295 et MEGHNO SOUL (OG) 2 Oe a eee ae a eee 1296 LAS PEE MOINONE (Uae yr oe oo Ses aS ee ee te ee eee 1297 140. Soup Of tbe SOUvnWesh Wilh.) ee ke oe se eee 1294 150; Young Doctor s areal song. —- a2 see 2 ee eee 1293 hol, Houe taughy.by sho irop. 5-51 22.20 2h 2 suis Be Beets 1299 Roz. pone to bring. the herring. o2. 2322255825 ois =) 2s Sey ee 1454 Page 200 201 203 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 241 242 244 246 249 250 251 253 254 255 256 258 260 261 Serial No. Catalog No. lip OmMotbeashamed of your song: 225225252 eee ee eee 1481 lode Sone received froma chipmunk=2.- 2 -- = o2ss222 50552) eee 1484 155. Song of the four little shell animals__.______________________ 1467 Heplication ObINOY DOs so ee asso eee ee ee ee 1482 iposraAnnic) ong: Lom’s dream song. =-222.222.25-2.-<222-.4_--- 1475 E575. Song, concerning a pair of shoes. 2. 23.280 5. SY ek 1483 fase vrs EaAnker s.Gream) song... 8 5c oo en 1365 Sones ComposED BY WOMEN 159. Song composed by Mrs. Irving and Mrs. Kalopa_____________ 1402 ROU esong, composed by Waeksike:(a@)2-=-::2+..-2.---2.2.2-5.2 42 1360 ipl song composed by Waksike (6).....-__..-....-..2-222--222 1361 i627 Song composed by Dawn (@) 2-2. 2. ee sel ences 1357 Hoos Song composed by Dawn. (b)..._..-2-...2si-et2s ieee! aol 1358 Heder Sone composed by Dawn (¢)... 2.2. -Vedeesi-t ene hee 1359 aaa sonewcomposed by ‘oak (@)_ 2.222.222 22deen25 522 ue Si 1362 ipo soong composed by Toak (6) 222.-2-222.. 62s 29sec 522 22h). 1401 #67. Sonscomposed by Toak (c)....<...--2.--2--2. 2-52 _-4.55- 1363 CLayoquot Sones To CALM THE SEA 16S.) cong addressed to the breakers (a)... -.-.-242-2-52225. 1448 169. Song addressed to the breakers (b)______-_______________-_- 1449 TD, SOLS ey (STUER aR =P DS RRO! 25 SL Sea a RO ICE re 1450 SPERNCISCASiCAlM 6 51s 2 wees as pe a Es 1453 ieee ebreakers, coll. more easily?) 2. oon ek ee 1451 173. ‘The water will be calm in the morning”’__________________- 1452 174. “Do you never grow tired of the clouds?”_____.________-___- 1455 iigos) ook down and. make it calm’ ......._-..s2-sobe8222%8. 2.22. 1446 MMOMBASCNCMBRa TAINDOW. = <22-.0.2--8-o85 0 sesS--- eee oe eee 1447 Sones Usrep IN TREATMENT OF THE SICK igmsaniiano.s song fora sick boy. 2... -. 2522 5222255 22225352 1329 ies ieslimng song from the east wind._-.... 5-3 sae 1331 MA ESAT TAM OLS TSON \(G) 22-32 32e2 Soe eee a oh a ae ee ee 1330 PSUS AitranO SHON (O)ia 2+ ance ets Se se ee eee eee 1328 PIMPS ATICIANOSYSOND (CO) coe aa ee ote aoe Sa eee eee a ee oe 1332 RSOME OAM CLAN OLS SON (Gee eee as ye eee ie eee Le aA 1333 183. Clayoquot song for treatment of the sick (a)________________ 1440 184. Clayoquot song for treatment of the sick (b)___._____________- 1441 iso. sone concerning the feather. 222 222k ee 1390 iso. A path on the mountain peaks” 2-2-2207 27 ce 1391 is7isone or the saivuk society (4) 2.22.02. 6 228 1410 issssoneor the Saiyul. Society (6)-_- 2222-2. 2222-225 eee ele 1411 Issa song of the Saiyuk Society (¢)--- 25.2 ee 1478 uoG= Song or the Saiyuk Society (d)..-_.-2.-22.-2 2. =. 1479 MOL song of the Saiyuk Society (e)t 22-222 .2.----.--=2_.--4.- 1480 LIST OF SONGS Sones RECEIVED IN DREAMS BY WOMEN 89728—39——2 XVII Page 262 263 264 265 266 267 267 269 270 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 281 282 283 284 285 285 288 289 290 291 292 292 295 296 299 300 303 304 305 306 306 XVIII LIST OF SONGS GAME Sonas Serial No. Catalog No. to; Game song (a).--2- =. 5-22. 42 See e eee ee 1340 193: ‘Game song (6)..2..22-222 44 s224hu=e: 20S eee 1341 192, Game song (c).- = --.<-2 222222. 0 Sea eS eee 1342 105.. Game song (d@)_.---2s22s22222Se8es st SSe eee eee 1309 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. Sones Suna By YounG MEN IN THE EVENING “Tot, mie.see the island’... 2 taceccse cence ee oa eee eee 1345 fF oan not forget VOW. -2o<.2 5 2 ee ee ee 1346 Duplication ot No. 197-2 2S 2 aoe ee ee 1400 ‘PEny, to: win her love”. 2 52. 2-t2 2. on a oes ae eee 1468 hove BONG. 32-2. see. 2s ee ee ee 1430 QUILEUTE SonGs Song when treating the sick.........22.i8: 228ib cL oes 1495 “Look andsee your tumanos’’2.5.2--22 52 eke ee 1494 Avwhale 4s singing.-22s=s<=s2s.2522ss5.2. 2 SSL See 1493 Sore of the. hair seals... 22...2s292-552254 2) eee 1492 BearisOnp-..22.255- =. Liha sso se oe eae ese eee eee 1491 Sone congratulating a rival musicians] — = =-- o= =e) 1488 ance; song’ (a) = 2242 2 Sh eds ee) So ee 1489 Danve:sangilh) 2 oct So 2 he es ae eee eee 1490 Soue or poashing 52 0ec4! 422k eee 2 ee ee 1487 SOR POL He Aven 2 US 2* tw hee bt Ae Re eee eee pe Sp sik a nt 1486 Song of a little boy in search of his grandparents___-__--_--_- 1485 9. ARRANGED IN OrDER oF CaTALoG NUMBERS Page 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 328 329 330 331 332 333 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 log Title of song Name of singer See Page No. = MaxkauH 1293 | Young Doctor’s dream song_-_--_---- Younes Doctors===—2== 150 | 258 1294 | Song of the southwest wind______--]----- dOnt s-eaezeres ae 149 | 256 f295e\ Sone int (hercanoes.- 2 2 ee el eee (6 Co Nem ee Aap apt tS, IN os 146 | 253 TZ9Gy | MEICHO-SOng(@)i2- e -- ee e eee GOees Se eee a ees 147 | 254 eon) SHeHO RODE CD). 2 ec es Soe dos. et eee 148 | 255 1298 | “The rattle is my tumanos’”__2-____|_-___ GOD Basen ee eee 21 83 1299 | Song taught by the frog_-_____-__--|_---- dq. 2 460 ee 151 | 260 1300 | Song addressed to a shark_________]_-__- dO. s/s 0 os a ee 109 | 196 TaOt. isang to Dring tain. Weer Fe eee Ot sieleet eee 110 | 198 1302 | Song of the man on the rock_______|_____ [6 [a lp ge ey ag 111 | 199 1303 | Song concerning a man’s tumanos-_-_-_|}___.__do_______________ 24 86 1304:| “I bear the. bird singing’ == 22-2 2222 2 dG 272s. ee 96 | 179 1305 | ‘‘My dear friend is going away’’____|____-_ 6 (2 apie aa Be 93 | 177 a0: | see OL the Crow. 2 2.2 sn eS (0 Ce SNe iva 2 ok 95 | 178 1307 | Song after food was served_________]__-__- (0 Ko WRN Ae pure adh a bdo 80 | 162 Pouen| sone belore Teast. _ 22 2.2) 0 oo te ese dota Sa eee 79 | 161 POUU A MXAING BONE (G) 2 ot ee ee eae doy al eee 195 | 325 Pal Song during teenth os. Se ee do. 20 eee 81 | 163 LIST OF SONGS XIX Title of song Name of singer Eerial Page Maxan—Continued Song after feast. =i oat dene eked Young Doctor=./2._-- 82 | 164 Maknhiwaneong) oo 20 So te Ll (6 (Ge Uae Beep caso 102 | 189 FaViquv cannot detest Usis2—-2 425252 - | ee Gosasary vedo 42 V8 101 | 188 “i will not cut off your head’’_...~_|-_-.- dose hk Melo fit 99 | 186 Song challenging to contest of |_----- Godt we freed” 25 87 strength (a). Song challenging to contest of |-_--- dosd oh} ay cae ereys 26 | 88 strength (0). Song challenging to contest of |----- Coed «wh kone copa. 27 | 89 strength (c). a LeN ISOM Gs 28 wetelhe: (14Lo ApS Geet w a torrets ey 22 |, 84 Song of the women guests____-___-_]----- de.) daniel Ys 20 | 82 Song before distribution of gifts (a) _|.---- oy ey: ately cherie LA 79 Song before distribution of gifts (6) _|----- GO2b 248 5 ee le 18 80 Song of invitation to a potlatch_____|-__._.do.___--.---.2_+- 12 74 emia the canoes. 226 <2! of dessa dee shin nabs fh) Age Song of a guest at a potlatch_______]-___- GOs 6 9 A aed 14 | 76 Song of the Kwikwatla dance_----_|----- d@2eu i au tes ses D5 NTE Song of the host at a potlatch______|___-- (0 (0 ene ees a Dee 16) 78 Song of Santiano at a potlatch__-_-__|-_-_- CUCM ge om ee 23 | 85 Bantisno s-sonug (b)--2&..22-|_-=_-|_24a- don taec py Se8 sie 180 | 291 Santiano’s song for a sick boy__-__--_|----- dol tao o3 Stan hin: 177 | 288 Sanvianos song (@)e2 2s-2 2 - | ae ee Choe paee eee ee Ue ee Pee 179 | 290 Healing song from the east wind_---_|--_-_- Gore tit ss 178 | 289 Bantiano s sone (6)22 352. 552-) be |_ ies COLE ashy eae 181 | 292 DAMMAMOM SONG) 228 22 Stk leo do! othe Vet isa See 182 | 292 Song of women’s dance (a)_---------|----- COs se jt sw i eee 28 90 Song of women’s dance (b)_-_------_]----- CLO} 53 BES ye fel orien esse 29 91 Song of the Kwekwasa dance (a)__-_]_--__- GOswii diss tien Shee 30 92 Song of the Kwekwasa dance (b) ----}----- dOSs lta pi 92 31 93 Song of the Kwekwasa dance (c) --__|_---- dOte Seu ghey she pep 32 | 94 Song with impersonation of a raven __|}_---- COU Gt Gurl} pd Sep 54 | 125 Gamewsonre(G)e sense ake te eee 2 tse CONS. Apsertcn HTK 1925) 322 Gameysonpu(b)se2 ae eete es hee es La Ome Gee tut tare 193 | 323 AMP SOND (6) =o Soh ee | he GOL S23 74) Say he 194 | 324 wilookdike a sea, parrot; 22252 —-- 5-|95222 COME Mier abe ot 90 | 173 “How high my forehead is getting’’ _|-_-_--- CC (0k eee EIS eee eI 91 | 174 ivet;me see the-island’*. -_-.2.-...|.2--- Ose tat tent & Mas 196 | 326 Siecennos forget you 2t225--1.----|44=22 Oi! ao pense tal 19% | 327 stearngetting Old?)2 22.22 te... |- 225 dot tsi adasenece 92 | 175 Song of Maturity feast (a)_..------|----- (lol eee ene meee ee 140 | 242 OT Aa rw Soy 0 oe i eae (ea GOs No ede 124 | 226 Song of those who remained at home_}-_--_-- GOz teeter jaestt tk 103 | 190 Dream\song, ofa whaler] =. +.2-_-|__ 242 Gost steam ke 33 95 Song to make a wounded whale |-_-_--- Cosa eae Son eee 4 60 swim toward shore. “ets go aiter crabs’’s..-.=.=.--- Mrs. Wilson Parker__--_| 119 | 221 Xx LIST OF SONGS log Title of song Name of singer | | | —_—_—— Maxan—Continued 1354 | “I am going to be a good fisher- | Mrs. Wilson Parker___-| 126 | 227 man.” 1355 | Song of a grandparent__._.--------|----- dou 2282222 uuee 128 | 229 1356:| t'Goitojsleep? 2.22554) --- Sa SS eS Gomes 2 SUS Meee 120 | 222 1357 | Song composed by Dawn (a)-_------]----- dots JHE eae 162 | 978 1358 | Song composed by Dawn (6)--------|----- do... =. Bs ae 163 | 274 1359 | Song composed by Dawn (c)-_------|----- ost. URES ie. - 164 | 275 1360 | Song composed by Waksi’ke (a)-_---|----- do... =.= ieee 160 | 270 1361 | Song composed by Waksi’ke (b) ----|----- do2s. 2AGRROE aE 161 | 272 1362 | Song composed by Toak (a)--------|----- do... .2..s22t eee 165 | 276 1363 | Song composed by Toak (c)_-.------]----- dos+-+_=.--.-s220/2- 24 désscne ual g3ie 143 | 249 TASSia) Slew win avbride””_ 4b == — = 2 See ee AdsasceencewG soso 144 | 250 1439 | ‘“‘My love is like the waves of the |_---- dG2sz#oz2ecmyt aitieg 145 | 251 sea.” 1440 | Clayoquot song for treatment of the |----- G02! 45 35. dates 183 | 295 sick (a). 1441 | Clayoquot song for treatment of the |_---- 64-4. eee 184 | 296 sick (b). 1442 | ‘““We make you join the Klokali’”’____-_|----- GOocuite sete iee S 43 | 113 1443 | Giayoquot war song (@):..-=-- 2-2-2. GOs: Jao kee a ee 106 | 193 14444) Clayoquot war song (b)z-- 2.2) =--- -|"saes Oeste. Bade He 107 | 193 1445 | Head hunter’s song of triumph- ----|----- d0u, = 2 ae 108 | 194 1446 | ‘Look down and make it calm’”’____|----- dosdids ge ote 175 | 285 1447) 1) “Send! usa rainbow? 225-242) -2-<2]2-/ 45 doz. iat os .p tes 176 | 285 1448 | Song addressed to the breakers (a) _---|----- 0st etiaee eee 168 | 279 1449 | Song addressed to the breakers (0) - --|----- G6s2 swine ae 169 | 280 TAS Owl ese Sully Se a ee See he. ees BP ap ee Gon giee eh aol ae 170 | 281 1451 | “The breakers rollimore easily” s21-|4- 42-do0s4-41 22 eelse_ 172: | 282 1452 | “The water will be calm in the |----- Ove 2 ae eae L73n\ e283 morning.” 14S a CE he sea, 1s) Callin 222 Som ae oe ee ane GOLkae: gle ignkt -«. 1704] 28 1454 | Song to bring the herring__-_------_|----- dOkae2 tae aet ee 152] 261 1455 | ‘‘Do you never grow tired of the |----- GO:2eLecse-eeriet 174 | 284 clouds?” 1456 | Song of the Raven while the seal was |----- AOs— 3042.4: os SSS 139 | 241 cooking. 1457 Song of Snail/sidaughters£222-- Sees |S-2-2 doseue tat ee ig ioe 137 | 238 1458 | Song of Crow’s daughter___--------|----- dose hee ht tte 138 | 239 1459 | Oldest daughter’s dance song___----|----- Couestyeboteef 4 he ee 75 | 157 1460 | Youngest daughter’s dance song----|----- GOwresbyl fet ls ee 76 | 158 1461 | Song of Maturity feast (6)_--------]----- dOze2* sd aeeipast. 2 141 | 244 1462 | ‘I wish I was out on the rocks’’_____- Mrs. Annie Long Tom__} 118 | 220 1463 | “I will be a great warrior’’___--__--|----- A@ea+ th Ye lees 123 | 225 HAGA a) scons tiny? yO are. © Ae Sob ee ee dot. 2-2 -ta4e ete 115 | 217 14AG5"| aeV Ou Mayaco sway see =2 == Ae Se (c(t ee 142 | 246 14665 | se will not have him’s5—- - 25-15-42 d0#2 42.2225 eee 89 | 172 1467 | Song of the four little shell animals__}---_- dGs. 2252s ae 155 | 264 Pps. Pa ary.t0 wimber love j2c25o8. 2 sits - = dose s3cea poe 198 | 328 14695) “Ay basketifull) Of snipe. 2 2222=2-_|5-2— = dOs=32 eee ae 125 | 227 1470 | “The other babies bother me’’______|__--_- GO Ssutiesee nse Se 117 | 219 Peru spomotrrodwey 8 oe ee das: S5 - 3.88 ase 85 | 169 1472 | ‘““They come from under the water’’_|_-_-- (3 (oe eee 86 | 169 ieee | Gpuresy Bong (a)... - 48.2. 2 ec Goteqnultss 5435s 87 | 170 igen) Gourresy song (>)... oh... $2. fe doses Seely Seis 88 | 171 1475 | Annie Long Tom’s dream song_-_-_-_-_|--__- COU sn 3! 28 sae 156 | 266 LIST OF SONGS XXIII Title of song Name of singer Serial Page NN ee Oe ee eee 1503 1504 1505 CLayoquot—Continued SI POPISINGINE as. So. oo ee Mrs. Annie Long Tom__| 97 eocial dance song! 22.0 228 to.) ee (3 Fae etems Bie eng we 68 Song of the Saiyuk Society (c)___---]__-_- Ome NE Seen eet 189 Song of the Saiyuk Society (d)____-|_----- GE Shee et SEAR es 190 Song of the Saiyuk Society (e)_------|----- GoPIu te tee te 191 “Do not be ashamed of your song’’_|_____ Gods seat eke = 153 Dupheation of No. 552-22. 22-5l2. en Ope aie ee ee ee a ed Song concerning a pair of shoes___--_]_---- (6 {oe ee eS Sen 157 Song received from a chipmunk-____-|----- Co (ee a te 154 QUILEUTE Song of a little boy in search of his | Mrs. Gilbert Holden__-_| 210 grandparents. SGnpremtne TAVEN. ee oe oe ee 3 ce aa CH AN pa 209 Donriof boasting Us eet hai ei eS (akc uae AR AEE ile mene 208 Song congratulating a rival musician_|_ ~~ _- doleet meas anee 205 Wancersoney(G) 4. basse Soest eee oe GOsee ss eRe a 206 WM anceisOn ge (D) se) eee Seale ee allen GOs: Jee cee se 207 LEAGUE (LTR TR peti SRS age eee cay ie nappa A | Pe Gosche eee eos 204 pong or the hairsedise oft 20S be = 0 Kea R= i ple ara 8 203 A whnleaistpinging i ee Ree. PIE Se Sk rs Vo ag is Se He Bre 57 202 ‘Look and see your tumanosg’’_____-|_____ (6 Ko) eee dices Re 201 Song when treating the sick_----_--]_---- dois 22 eee 200 VANCOUVER IsLAND (tribe not designated) tomatsai song, (@) save eee SE Charles Swan____-_--_- 64 Song with spearmen’s dance______--|----- GOs y.n2i.08 WARE MS 60 Song with changeable mask dance__}_-__-_- GOGs ease cen eee 62 Song of the horsemen: __ 22 222--+.|_=--— doles sey Ae 56 omatsa song (b).2--2- 2222222. 52 + Edwin Hayte..------- 65 Klokali song learned from a slave (a)_| Young Doctor___---_-- 41 Klokali song learned from a slave (b)_| James Guy___-------- 42 NoorKa Homatsa dance song_.-.---------- Edwin Hayte-__------- 66 QUINAIELT Song of the guests in their canoes___| Young Doetor...-.--- 13 YAKIMA song of defiance (b)-...<-==..-=-=- Mrs. Wilson Parker_---| 69 146 75 151 xxIv SPECIAL SIGNS USED IN TRANSCRIPTION OF SONGS SPECIAL SIGNS USED IN TRANSCRIPTION OF SONGS A line slanting downward, placed after a note, indicates that the tone trailed downward with a glissando and diminuendo, the end- ing of the tone being somewhat indefinite. [———1 placed above a series of notes indicates that they con- stitute a rhythmic unit. + placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less than a semitone higher than the diatonic pitch. — placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less than a semitone lower than the diatonic pitch. ¢ placed above a note indicates that the tone is prolonged slightly beyond the note value. > placed above a note indicates that the tone is given less than the note value. PHONETICS It should be noted that Indian words appearing in the text are given as they sounded to the author and do not profess to be exact phonetic renderings. The letters used to represent native sounds should be understood as a rough approximation. The vowels have continental values. ai is pronounced as in aisle. ‘The consonants represent the nearest Eng- lish equivalents, except that ¢ stands for sh, and w for the sound of German ch in prepalatal position. NAMES OF SINGERS AND Numbers oF Sonas Recorprep By EacuH 2 MAKAH Woune MD OCIOn ===. =a Se Be 60 Philip Ladde 5 MnsseWoalson) Parken) 2 sae 24 Wilson), Parker). 2) eee 3 IMCS GUY = 3 te eee 19, Chester) Wandahart. ===> = sae 2 Helenwinving: 3 on fs 2o eee 1%. Edwin, Haytes-===2—.<). 25 1 Wharlesa S wan2=—-..) ose eee 8 CLAYOQUOT SEMEN aWee( 6) ke ee 30) Annie Long) Tomes 2. 23 QUILEUTE Mrss (Gilbert) Holdense= 2222-5 all OTHER TRIBES Charles Siwale ose tees ee 4 James iGuy:2-: = = eee 1 MG wink lay lessee es 2 irs) Wilson. Parkers==2-2 =e a Young Doctor 2 “'Pwo of these songs are duplications and one was transcribed but is not presented. These have catalog but not serial numbers. CHARACTERIZATION OF SINGERS XXV CHARACTERIZATION OF SINGERS Makau Young Doctor* (pl. 1), who recorded more songs than any other singer, was formerly a medicine man. (See p. 286.) Conservative and quiet, he seldom attends the tribal gatherings but is respected by the members of the little community, both Indians and white men. He understands ordinary conversation in English but speaks only a limited number of English words. In the early morning he goes fishing, being able to manage his boat although he is so crippled that he can not stand upright. His store and his work in wood and bone carving occupy his time during the day, and he is constantly busy. As he was unable to go to the place where songs were being recorded, the phonograph was taken to his store and he recorded his songs in the rear of that building, stopping when necessary to wait upon a customer. On the wall at the back of his store is a drawing on cotton cloth representing one of his dreams. Mr.* and Mrs.* Wilson Parker are the parents of the writer’s in- terpreter, Hazel Parker Butler. Mr. Parker is a dignified member of the Makah tribe who recorded several songs, only three of which were transcribed. Mrs. Parker (pl. 2, a) does not understand Eng- lish. She was well trained in the old manner of life, which she follows, in many respects, at the present time. James Guy* (pl. 3, c) is almost blind but possesses a clear memory. His wife, Sarah Guy,* is the daughter of a Clayoquot chief and re- corded many songs of that tribe. Helen Irving (pl. 3, 6) is younger than the other women singers and more progressive in her manner of life. Her house is well fur- nished and she carries on the routine of life practiced by white _ women. She is the wife of Washington Irving. Charles Swan (pl. 4, b, c), employed as an agency policeman, is a carpenter by trade. He is a grandson of the last chief of the entire tribe and lives on the site of the old Makah village. (Cf. footnote p- 268.) Philip Ladder* lives near the creek that flows back of the old village site and recorded several songs in addition to those presented. His wife is a slave woman and is usually busy at the stream (pl. 5, 6, c). She recorded several songs that were not transcribed. Mr. and Mrs. Ladder belong to the Shaker Church, which has an organization and a building at Neah Bay. Edwin Hayte (pl. 5, a) is a quiet, unobtrusive man whose opinion is highly regarded. He was formerly a successful whaler and keeps the implements of his craft. * Deceased (1938). XXVI CHARACTERIZATION OF SINGERS Chester Wandahart recorded three songs, only two of which are presented. He is one of the more progressive Makah and comes of an old family. The native names of singers, when available, are presented with their songs. CLAYOQUOT Sarah Guy (pl. 3, d), the wife of James Guy, recorded more songs than any other singer except Young Doctor. In her child- hood she lived at Clayoquot Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Tsland. She married James Guy when a young woman and came to live at Neah Bay. The singing of songs connected with her early home aroused so many memories that she was frequently overcome with emotion. Her voice was not strong, and her records were transcribed with difficulty. She is an expert maker of baskets and very industrious, sitting on the floor with her back against the wall and her materials conveniently disposed around her. Both she and her husband experienced much discomfort in sitting on a chair to record their songs, as this position is contrary to their custom. This is from preference, as their house is commodious and their children have the furnishings used by the white race. Annie Long Tom (pl. 6, @) is also a member of the Clayoquot tribe who married a Makah when a young woman and came to live at Neah Bay. She is now a widow, living by herself and being con- stantly occupied with seasonal occupations or the making of baskets for sale. On one occasion a large amount of seal meat was seen dry- ing in her shed, and another day she was busy with fresh berries. Her knowledge of English is limited but she contrives to make herself understood. QUILEUTE Mrs. Gilbert Holden* (pl. 2, 6) came to Neah Bay from the Quileute village to attend the celebration of Makah Day. She is one of the leading singers in her tribe. The Quileute village is on the shore of the Pacific Ocean, south of Cape Flattery. * Deceased (1938). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BOULEEETRIN 124, (PEATE 1 ” | | Young Doctor. ‘UIP[OH Meaqly “sayy ‘Q “AYyIV UOs[I MA ‘Sapy *Y ¥ v - . ; ~ 1¢€ @€31v1d v2l NILS1TINA ADOIONHLA NVOIMAWY AO NVvayunae BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 PLATE 3 a, Albert Irving. 6, Helen (Mrs. Washington) Irving. c, James Guy. d, Sarah (Mrs. James) Guy. PLATE 4 BULLETIN 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY b, c, Charles Swan in dance costume. a, Jim Hunter in dance costume. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEE RIN 1245 (PEATE 5 c, Makah woman washing clothes. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 PLATE a, Annie Long Tom. 6, Drum (reverse). NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC By Frances Densmore THE MAKAH, CLAYOQUOT, AND QUILEUTE TRIBES The three tribes whose music is here presented belong to two linguistic stocks, the Makah and Clayoquot belonging to the Nootka branch of the Wakashan stock and the Quileute being a Chimakuan tribe. The home of the Clayoquot is on Clayoquot Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Island, but numerous members of the tribe have married Makah and live at Neah Bay (pl. 7). The Quileute are now the only representative of their linguistic stock and are few in number. They reside chiefly at La Push, on the west coast of Wash- ington. Although they were formerly at war with the Makah they are now under the Neah Bay Agency, together with that tribe. The name Nootka was originally applied to the Mooachaht of Nootka Sound but subsequently extended to all the tribes speaking a similar language. These extend from Cape Cook on the north to beyond Port San Juan; the Makah of Cape Flattery, Wash., being the most southern representative of the group.2 According to Swan, writing prior to 1869, the Makah called themselves “Kwe-net-che-chat” and were known by two other names among neighboring tribes, all of these names meaning “the people who live on a point of land project- ing into the sea,” or “Cape people.”* “The Makah have a legend that they were created on the cape. First, animals were produced, and from the union of some of these with a star which fell from 8 Bulletin 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., handbook of American Indians, pt. 1, pp. 305, 791; pt. 2, pp. 82, 340, 341. «Swan, James G., The Indians of Cape Flattery, Smithsonian Contributions to Knowl- edge, vol. XVI, No. 220, 1870, p. 1. This paper is prefaced by an “Advertisement” by Joseph Henry, then Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, stating that ‘The follow- ing memoir on the Makah Indians was prepared at the request of the Smithsonian Insti- tution by Mr. James G. Swan, who for several years resided among them in the capacity of teacher and dispenser of medicines under the Government of the United States. Mr. Swan had previously become well acquainted with the Indian tribes of the Pacifie, and had published a small work detailing his adventures among them. In 1855 he ac- companied the late Major General Stevens, then Governor of Washington Territory, while making treaties with the Makahs and other tribes, and was subsequently appointed to the position above mentioned.’’ Frequent reference will be made to this work as many customs seen by its author were described to the present writer or observed in a modified form. 1 9 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But, 124 heaven, came the first men, and from them sprang all the race of Nitinats, Clayoquots, and Makahs. Indians were also created on Vancouver Island at the same time.” ® The region inhabited by these tribes is shown in figure 1. ° o DS VANCOUVER TATOOSH 13: CAPE FLATTERY — LA PUSH Ficurp 1.—Map of locality. 5 Swan, op. cit., p. 56. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 3 TERRITORY OF THE MAKAH The boundaries of the territory belonging to the Makah were clearly understood in the old days, this territory including both land and water. The old people valued the water more than the land and opposed fishing by other tribes of Indians. The Makah claimed the water of Puget Sound up to Port Crescent, thence by a straight line south to Swift Shore, beyond which were the whaling grounds; from Swift Shore the lne went south to a place between Ozette village and the Quileute reservation, then straight from there to Ozette Lake and thence back to Port Crescent, this imaginary line encircling their territory. Within this tribal territory there was land and water which was owned by individuals and was a source of per- sonal wealth. Some fishing places were better than others and were owned by wealthy men. The rule of inheritance was the same with a fishing or hunting ground as with personal property. The Makah even had shore-line rights, and if a whale came ashore on a man’s shore line it was regarded as his property. One advantage of the potlatch was that it gave the host an opportunity to describe the exact boundaries of his land, especially along the shore. Tracts of land with cedar trees were also valuable and were inherited in a family, the trees being used in making canoes. The land occupied by the Makah was Cape Flattery, bordering on the Pacific Ocean and the Strait of Juan de Fuca. They also claimed Tatoosh Island. South of their territory, as indicated, lay the territory of the Quileute. Neah Bay is on the strait, near the end of the cape, and lies between two points of land, the eastern being designated by Swan as Ba-a’-dah, the western as Koit-lah, and an island near the eastern point as Wa-ad-dah. At the present time the eastern point is known as Bahada and the island as Wanda (see p. 167). “The whole of this region is of a mountainous character, and is the termination of the Olympic range which has its highest peak far in the interior, near Hood’s Canal. From the snow-covered mountains in the rear of Dungeness, the range gradually becomes depressed, till at Cape Flattery it assumes the character of hills, five or six hundred feet in height. * * * With but very few intervals, the whole of this portion of Washington Territory is covered with an almost impen- etrable forest, which at Cape Flattery is composed of spruce and hemlock, and a dense undergrowth of crab apple, alder, elder, gaul- ® According to Albert Irving, a Makah, “‘This Neah bay was first owned by the Nitinat, together with Tatoosh Island.’”’ A Makah slave engaged in a hair-pulling contest with one of the Nitinat and was killed. ‘This so enraged the Makah that they went to war against the Nitinat and captured the present site of Neah Bay and Tatoosh Island. “How the Makah obtained possession of Cape Flattery,’’ told by Albert Irving, translated by Luke Markishtum. Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American Indian, Misc. ser., No. 6, 1921. 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 | theria, raspberries, wild currant, and rose bushes.” “A long time ago, * * * but not at a very remote period, the water of the Pacific flowed through what is now the swamp and prairie between Waatch and Neah Bay, making an island of Cape Flattery.” This is shown by “the general appearance of this low land, and the abrupt and almost precipitous hills which border it on both sides through its entire length. * * * This hypothesis is supported by a tradition of the natives to that effect.” 7 NEAH BAY VILLAGE The word “Neah,” in the opinion of Young Doctor, came from “dia,” which means “far under water.” He said the old people be- lieved that salt water once filled the valley in which the village is located, and he connects this with a legend of the flood, saying, “this region may have been under water longer than the rest of the world.” As an evidence of this he said a rock with barnacles on it was dug up not long ago in the road, and that the rock could not have been moved to the location in which it was found. An authoritative ex- planation is presented by Swan, who traces it to an early chief, say- ing, “The only genealogical record that has been related to me is one commencing twelve generations ago, beginning with Deeaht and his brother Obiee, or Odiee.” Swan’s informant “was a direct de- scendant, on his mother’s side, from Odiee Deeaht (or, as it is some- times pronounced, Deeahks, or Deeah, and by the Nittinats and Clayoquots, Neeah), was the principal chief, and owned the land and resided at Neeah Bay, where Neeah Bay village, now stands.” § The present village of Neah Bay is shown in plate 7, looking to- ward the northwest. The land at the right of this picture extends out to Koitlah Point and then west to Cape Flattery. Neah Bay is about 190 miles by boat from Seattle and when the writer’s work was begun there was only one boat a week from Seattle that carried pas- sengers. The village is practically surrounded by mountains, so that it could not be reached by land from any direction. An auto road from Clallam, the nearest town east of Neah Bay, was completed in 19381. At Bahada Point a Makah village was located in early times, this settlement being combined with Neah Bay village many years ago. An island commonly called Wanda Island (fig. 2) is northwest of Bahada Point, the water between this island and the point being the channel through which boats from the east enter Neah Bay. This island is uninhabited at the present time. The island was formerly owned by a man named Wandahart, from whom it received its name, 7 Swan, op. cit., pp. 2 and 57. SIbid., p. 58. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 5 the pronunciation of his name, as well as that of the island, varying in the records. Two songs were recorded by one of his descendants (Nos. 84, 94). Practically all of the houses in Neah Bay village are on one street facing the bay. A stream called Village Creek comes down from the mountains and there is a narrow sand bar between that and the bay. On this sand bar the boats are drawn up, with their carved prows toward the water. AOTLAH PT- i AA pe i 2 = > 3 =, J ya wn yv See BAHADA Pr. Ficurp 2.—Map showing vicinity of Neah Bay village. In old times the site of the present village of Neah Bay was a thick forest and the Indians lived at what is now the west end of the village. A row of houses still stands on the location of the old vil- lage, slightly elevated above the beach. The rear of these houses, with the bridge across the stream, is seen in plate 8. The young woman crossing the bridge is Mrs. Hazel Parker Butler, the writer’s interpreter, and the three seal hides seen drying against a house in the upper right corner are on the house of Charles Swan, who re- corded many songs. The seals were caught during the writer’s stay in the village. Under this bridge it is customary to clean fish and wash clothes by pounding them on heavy planks. Mrs. Philip 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu, 124 Ladder, a slave woman, may often be seen working at this place (pl. 5, 6, ¢). In old times the people were a little afraid of this creek because there was a growling sound there in the evening. Once a woman went for water in the evening and saw the body of a sisi’chiu disap- pear in the stream. She went over to the log where she had seen it and found a bit of fur clinging to a knot. She went home and told her father that she had seen the animal that made the noise in the evening. They went down and he took the bit of fur from the knot, and by its help he became a successful whaler. The women washed clothes in the creek and used the water but were careful not to go near it in the evening. The sisi’chiu was not described, but a headdress representing the animal is mentioned on page 203. Young Doctor lived in this village when he was a boy and said there were six houses, naming the family that lived in each. He sketched the location of the buildings in the old village and said that “Captain John” was the first man to build a house with “mill lumber,” given him by the Indian agent. Captain John’s house was next to the end of the row, farthest from the present village of Neah Bay. A large communal hall was back of the dwellings. Young Doctor said that his father’s house was 14 fathoms long and that about 20 people lived in it, including the children. There were four fires on each side, used for cooking. The houses in the old village were made of flat logs and had roofs of split cedar (“shag”) dressed down with a tool. The loose boards of the roof were moved to make a smoke hole. There was no plat- form extending in front of the Makah houses, as among neighbor- ing Quileute. Instead of having carved posts like totem poles in front of their houses the Makah had carvings inside the buildings. Sometimes these carvings were ornamental and sometimes they rep- resented the tumanos of the owner. The supporting posts at the center and in the corners were carved but not painted. It was the custom, when making a center post, to take a slave man for a model, put him flat on a cedar board and mark all around him, after which the figure was carved in relief. Young Doctor said the center post in his father’s house was so large that he could scarcely reach around it. The ridge of the roof was made of a whole tree trunk. There was a little slant to the roof which was made of boards grooved like tile and fitted together so tightly that the roof did not leak, even in the heaviest rains. Three heavy poles held the roof boards down and if the people were going away from home they tied these poles to the inside rafters to hold them in place. In Young Doc- tor’s house there was a carved doorway which he sketched and has duplicated over the inside of the front door of his store. The posts DPNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 7 at either side of the door represent men while the beam across the top of the door represents a whale. The inside corner posts of the chief’s house were poles brought from Wanda Island opposite the village and were carved to repre- sent faces but not painted. Young Doctor recalls a building which had at one end the large figure of a man holding a sea lion and at the other end a figure of a man holding a whale. A house in Suez * had posts on the outside with carved eagles on top. According to Young Doctor, there were usually two drums in a house, one at each end. These were boxes about 4 feet high and 6 feet long. Three men sat on top of each and kicked it with their heels or struck it with sticks or their fists, in time with the singing. The chief used to hold meetings, or councils, in his house, inviting only the leading men of the village. They were careful not to let outsiders know of these meetings and every transaction was kept secret until it was closed. Then the men were at liberty to tell others if they wished to do so. Young Doctor mentioned the short stay of the Spaniards at Neah Bay, saying it took place in his grandfather’s grandfather’s time and that they built a little dock, designating the place. Accord- ing to Young Doctor, the next white men who came to Neah Bay were the “Boston men.” They dug large, deep holes and buried many bottles to prove that they discovered Neah Bay. The Indians believed that the white men had buried some sort of poison, because a person who went near that place came down with a disease. At the same time the white men bought a chest about 12 feet long and quite wide and high. They put it in a large tree and it was partly open. The Indians thought it contained poison and that when the wind blew the poison came out. So some brave fellows set fire to the tree and burned the chest. The “Boston men” left only one of their number—a man whose face was scarred by smallpox. When that disease developed, many Indians thought that he was the cause and a whole village of people went into the woods, where many died from the disease. The dwellings seen by James G. Swan during his residence at Neah Bay (prior to 1869) are described by him. The boards and planks used in these houses were “principally made by the Indians of Vancouver Island and procured by barter with them. There is very little cedar about Cape Flattery, and such as is found is small and of inferior quality. Drift logs, however, are frequently thrown on the shore by the high tides of winter, and whenever any such are saved they are either split into boards or made into canoes.” ®> 8a This word was pronounced Suyes’ by several informants. 8b Swan, op. cit., p. 4. 89728—39——-3 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bou 124 “Bed places are next the walls, raised about 18 inches from the ground; on them are laid Clallam mats, which, being made of bul- rushes and flags, are better adapted for sleeping upon than the cedar bark mats of their own manufacture. These mats are rolled up at one end of the bed so as to form a pillow, and on them the Indian lies down, with generally no other covering than the blanket he has worn through the day. Sometimes a thickness of 8 or 10 mats is used, but commonly from 3 to5 * * *, These bed places are arranged all around the sides and ends of the lodges, and are separated from each other by the boxes containing the family wealth, consisting of blankets, beads, and clothing, which are piled at the head and feet. Directly in front of them is a lower platform, usu- ally 3 inches from the ground. On this other, mats are laid, and here the family and visitors sit and eat or talk as the case may be. The fire is in front of it, and a chain depending from a beam overhead serves to hang the pots or kettles on while cooking. Over the beds are stowed the provisions belonging to the family, packed away in baskets, while above the fire are hung such fish or other food as they may be desirous of drying in the smoke.” ® A stick (pl. 11, e) might be stuck in the ground beside the door to indicate the absence of the family. DEALINGS WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES By the terms of a treaty made in 1855 the Makah Indians ceded to the Government all their land except the end of Cape Flattery, this land being “separated from the main body of the peninsula by a tract of swamp and meadow land, partially covered with a dense forest, and partially open marsh, extending from Neah Bay to the Pacific, a distance of about four miles.”*° They also reserved the rights of fishing, whaling, sealing, and hunting in their accustomed localities. The treaty made the usual provisions for an agency, school, and physician, the agency being located at Neah Bayt An addition to the reserve was made by Executive order in 1872.1? Writing of the territory of the Makah from the standpoint of eivili- zation, Swan says, “The only land belonging to the Makahs, suit- able for cultivation, is at Tsuess, where an open prairie of sandy loam affords material for farming; another open spot is on a hill at Flattery rocks, where the Indians cultivate some potatoes; and several acres at Neah Bay have been cleared from the forest at ® Swan, op. cit., p. 5. 10 Tbid., p. 1. 1J.ndian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Charles J. Kappler, ed., vol. II, Washington, 1903, pp. 510-512. 12 Tbid., vol. I, pp. 917-918. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 9 great expense and labor, for the use of the reservation officers and employes, who are stationed at that point * * * The humidity of the climate is extreme, consequently the cereals do not ripen, nor has it been found possible to cure hay. Very excellent potatoes, however, are raised, and the soil and climate are well adapted to the growth, in perfection, of root vegetables of various kinds.” POPULATION A report on the population of the Neah Bay Indians was made in 1852 by E. A. Starling, Indian Agent for the District of Puget Sound, who received his appointment the preceding year. He esti- mated the number of “Macaw or Flattery Indians” at 800, and states that “They scarcely ever come into the country settled by Americans. They trade mostly at Vancouver’s Island, and with vessels that fre- quently touch there for the purpose.” ** A census taken by Swan in 1861 reported a total of 654 Makah in the villages of Baada and Neah Bay, on the coast of Neah Bay, and Waatch, Tsuess, and Hosett on the Pacific coast.14 In 1903 there were 740 Indians at Neah Bay, including 234 Quileute,® and in 1930 the number was only 422, in- cluding members of the Quileute tribe.1® PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MAKAH These people are described by Swan as being “of medium stature, averaging about 5 feet 4 inches; a few men of the tribe may be found who measure 6 feet, but only three or four of that height were noticed. * * * Some are symmetrically formed, and of unusual strength. Although to a superficial observer they present much similarity of appearance, yet a further acquaintance, and closer examination, show that there is in reality a marked diversity. Some have black hair, very dark brown eyes, almost black; high cheekbones, and dark copper-colored skin; others have reddish hair, and a few, particularly among the children, light flaxen locks, light brown eyes, and fair skin, many of them almost white—a fact perhaps attributable to an admixture of white blood of Spanish and Russian stock.” A footnote by George Gibbs states that “In Holmberg’s work will be found an account of the wreck of a Russian ship, the survivors of whose crew lived several years among the Makah. As late as 1854 I saw their descendants who bore in their features un- mistakable evidence of their origin.” The brief stay of the Spaniards in 1792 was remembered by only one man interviewed by Swan, and 13 Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1852, pp. 170, 172. 14 Swan, op. cit., p. 2. 1% Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1903, p. 524. 16 Thid., 1930, p. 48. 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 was mentioned by Young Doctor, in giving information to the writer. While resemblances to the features of Europeans were often seen at Neah Bay, the present writer did not see any of the Indians of fair complexion and hair mentioned by the earlier author. In continuation of this subject Swan states that the Makah “do not appear to be a very long-lived people. * * * 'Threescore may safely be set down as the limit of life among those who escape the casualties incident to their savage condition.” ‘7 Great physical strength was, however, required for the career of a whaler and the women sought personal beauty to a greater extent than in other tribes. The latter was made possible by the possession of slaves in wealthy families, thus providing women with freedom from manual labor and leisure for the care of the body. OCCUPATION The three tribes under consideration are distinguished as successful catchers of whales, fur and hair seals, porpoises, and fish of various sorts. The country around Neah Bay contains many animals, but they were not hunted to any great extent by the Indians at the time of Swan’s stay in that locality. This authority states that “the animals most common are elk, deer, black bears, wolves, beaver, otter, raccoons, skunks, minks, squirrels, ete.,”?® which abound in the in- terior but are limited in number along the coast. The present writer was told that the animal chiefly sought was the deer in order that its hide might be used for drumheads. From their peculiar location, the Makah were traders, “conducting a traffic between the Columbia River and Coast tribes south of Cape Flattery, and the Indians north as far as Nootka. They are em- phatically a trading, as well as a producing people; and in these re- spects are far superior to the Clallams and other tribes of Fuca Strait and Puget Sound. Before the white men came to this part of the country * * * they traded largely with the Chinooks at the mouth of the Columbia, making excursions as far as * * * Point Grenville, where they met the Chinook traders; and some of the more venturesome would even continue on to * * * Gray’s Harbor and Shoalwater Bay. * * * The Makahs took down canoes, oil, dried halibut, and hai-kwa, or dentalium shells. * * * Their trade with the northern Indians was for dentalium, dried cedar bark for making mats, canoes, and dried salmon; paying for the same with dried halibut, blubber, and whale oil. Slaves also constituted an important article of traffic; they were purchased by the Makah from the Vancouver Island Indians, and sold to the coast Indians 17 Swan, op. cit., p. 4. TIbid., p. 2. DPNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC tA south. The northern Indians did not formerly, nor do they now, care to go further south on their trading excursions than Cape Flat- tery; and the Columbia River and other coast tribes seem to have extended their excursions no further north than that point. * * * When the white traders began to settle at the mouth of the Columbia, the desire to obtain their goods, which had been awakened by the early fur traders at Nootka, caused a more active traffic to spring up, the Makahs wishing to get from Chinook the blankets, beads, brass kettles, and other commodities obtained at the trading post at Astoria. * * * Blankets are the principal item of wealth, and the value of anything is fixed by the number of blankets it is worth. In the early days of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and until within the past ten years, a blanket was considered equal in trade to five dollars; but since so many different traders have settled on the Sound, with such a variety of qualities and prices, the Indian in nam- ing the number of blankets he expects to receive (as for a canoe) will state the kind he demands. * * * They are very shrewd in their bargains, and from their long intercourse with the white traders are as well informed of the money value of every commodity they wish to purchase as most white people are.” ?° CLOTHING Mrs. Wilson Parker, a Makah singer and informant, said that when she was young the old women wore a garment woven of cedar bark. When this bark was properly prepared it was as soft as down. Mrs. Sarah Guy, who recorded many songs and is a member of the Clayoquot tribe, said that the pounded bark was woven with strips of soft bark placed about a finger width apart and was trimmed around the neck with fur, nothing else being combined with the bark cloth. A chief’s family could afford the fur of the sea otter, but others used raccoon hide. Her description of the preparation of the bark was simi- lar to that given by a Makah woman and contained in the paragraph on the weaving of blankets (see p. 15). Cedar bark was used by the Clayoquot in practically everything that was woven. The Makah used also the bark of a tree with foliage like the spruce (not identi- fied), preparing the bark in the same manner as cedar bark. This was combined with duck skin. The coarse feathers were picked off the skin, leaving only the down, and the skin was then cut in strips and dried, these strips being woven with the bark. The family of a chief might have garments of sea otter, but fur was not generally used by the Makah except the fur of the seal. When a woman was at work she sometimes shortened her skirt by tucking it under her pack strap, tied around her waist. Sometimes 19 Swan, op. cit., pp. 30, 31, 32. 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 124 she shortened her skirt up to her knees in order to work more effi- ciently. In old times the Makah wore no foot coverings of any sort. The first pair of shoes worn in the village on Clayoquot Sound was ob- tained in Victoria and made the subject of a song (No, 157). The use of a blanket as part of a dance costume is described in con- nection with the dances. Mention may here be made of an ornament carried by some of the women on Makah Day consisting of a hoop about 6 inches in diameter (probably of whalebone) to which were attached “split feathers” arranged in loops and extending about three-fourths of the distance around the hoop. Circles of basketwork made of grass, with feathers a portion of the way around the edge, were also carried as accessories to the costumes. Several garments described by Swan were not seen by the writer, including an outfit for fishing in wet weather. This, in addition to a blanket, consisted of “a conical hat woven from spruce roots, so com- pact as to exclude water, and a bear skin thrown over the shoulders.” This authority states further that “Before blankets were procured from the whites, their dress was composed of robes made of skins or blankets woven from dog’s hair or from the prepared bark of the pine which is found on Vancouver Island. Very comfortable blankets were also made from the down of birds woven on strings to form the warp. 7° FISHING The halibut is the fish most taken by the Indians at Neah Bay, ac- cording to Swan, the next being salmon, codfish, and a species of fish called the “cultus” or bastard cod. Two sorts of halibut hooks are used at Neah Bay, specimens of each being obtained. The smaller hook is of cedar and has a nail as a barb (pl. 9, a) and another of the same type has a barb of bone (pl. 9, 6), each being tied in place with root. A piece of fish is placed around the lower bar of the hook and tied in that position as bait. The hook is suspended by sea-lion gut, to which a cord is attached when the hook is in use. A sinker is used with this type of hook, as it is used in “still fishing.” A sinker may be of any shape, a carved sinker with supposed magic power being described on page 32. Young Doctor mentioned hemlock as a material for halibut hooks, saying it was formerly bent by wrapping it in roots of kelp and putting it on a hot stone to steam. It was then taken out and bent quickly over the knee, after which the wood was bent into the desired shape by the hands. 20 Swan, op. cit., p. 16. *qSOMYJIOU BULYOO] oseT[IA AB YVoN *£BID VO Aq 4ysrAdoL) oa! esa Pa pIREO spot ailvid vel NILATINGA ADONONHLA NVOIMAWY SAO NvaHna ‘ISBI[LA P[O JO a}IS UO Sasnoy Jo Bay 84LV1d vel NILSATINGA ASOIONHLA NVOIMAWYV SO Nvaynsa BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 PLATE 9 a, b, c, Halibut hooks. d, Fish club. e, Reel for halibut line. f, Saiyuk Society headdress. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 PLATE 10 a, Bone chisel. 6, Gaming bones. c, Stone hammer. softening cedar bark. ] d, Implement used in BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 PLATE 11 a, Whalebone war club. 6, Whalebone knife. c, Carved toy. d, Bull-roarer. e, Stick placed in ground to denote owner’s absence from home. f, Canoe baler (model). ‘usISOp $,10J00CT SuNOX jo Surjured ‘9 “ustsap [BuOsiod s.10}00CT SuUNOX YYLM payesodop ‘ystp [Io-ayRY MA *Q ‘“UodBaM dTFoquIt, ‘np cl 3ALVId vel NILST1INGA ASOTIONHLA NVYDIYSAWY SO NVvVeayNNa DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 13 A different, heavier type of halibut hook is shown in plate 9, e. No sinker is used with this hook. A whale mouth bone (“tooth”) is used for the barb and fastened with whale sinew, the other end being tied with sinew and root. The barb is small and made of the lower leg bone of the elk. A large salmon is wrapped around the barb of this hook as bait. The making of various sorts of lines is described on pages 17 and 19. An old reel of the sort used for halibut lines was obtained and is shown as plate 9, e. A club was used to kill a fish after catching, the specimen shown in plate 9, d, being made by Young Doctor. It is of heavy wood and the head is carved to represent that of an animal said to be lke a sea lion and about 18 feet long. This animal was said to have a tail “with long points like bear’s claws. It cuts off the head of a seal with one swish of its tail, and eats the head, leaving the rest.” In a further account it was said “a woman lives here in the village whose father saw the tail of one of these animals; several others have also seen the tail.” HUNTING The Makah did not hunt much on land but the Quileute were skilled hunters and had many hunting songs. In old times the Indians of this region hunted elk, but few of these animals remain on the reser- vation. Seal hunting was an occupation of the Makah and a hunter sometimes caught ten seals in a day. A hair seal was captured while the writer was in the village and was seen on the sand. It was cut up and divided among the people, its hide being fastened to the out- side of a house to dry (pl. 8). A “little hair seal” is about 2 feet long. A seal harpoon is shown in plate 16, e. Kelp was used in the tanning of hides. FOOD The meat and oil of the whale were among the principal foods of the whale-hunting tribes. Whale meat was generally eaten cold. A dish containing whale oil was usually on the table for use with various foods, the shape of the dish being similar to that shown in illustra- tion (pl. 12, 6). Wild potatoes, cooked in the ashes, were sometimes dipped in this oil. It was customary to move the coals aside and cook potatoes or bread by placing them on the hot ashes. (Cf. sections on cooking, potlatch, feasts, and uses of plants.) The Clayoquot obtained and prepared herring eggs in the following manner: A cedar tree was put in the water at the spawning place and the eggs attached themselves to this tree. The Indians took the cedar tree from the water and put it in the sun to dry the eggs, and 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 then they smoked it a little. Sometimes they put cedar on the fire to flavor the eggs. Kelp and another sea weed were similarly used to obtain the herring eggs. It was a Clayoquot custom to store the smoked eggs in woven cedar baskets. Various articles of food are enumerated by Swan, who states that these Indians are very fond of birds, “particularly the sea fowl, which are most plentiful at times, and are taken in great numbers on foggy nights, by means of spears. A fire of pitch wood is built on a platform at one end of the canoe, and by the glare of its light, which seems to blind or attract the birds, the Indian is enabled to get into the midst of a flock and spear them at his leisure. * * * The roots used for food are potatoes, which are raised in limited quantities * * * fern roots, and those of some species of meadow grass and water plants; the roots of several kinds of seaweed, particularly eel grass, are also used. * * * In the spring the young sprouts of the sal- monberry * * * and thumb berry are consumed in great quanti- ties. * * * After the season of sprouts is over the berries com- mence. The salmonberry comes first and is ripe in June; it is fol- lowed by the other summer berries until autumn, when the salal and cranberry appear and continue until November.” ?1 COOKING A favorite method of cooking was to steam the food on heated stones, both fish and vegetable foods being prepared in this manner (cf. p. 240). A peculiar flavor was thus imparted. Young Doctor saying, “Halibut heads do not taste right when boiled, they are better when cooked on a stone heap.” He said, further, that the men used to go out early, bring in a few bass, and the family would have steamed bass for breakfast. Cured whale blubber was broiled by laying it on a piece of wood and putting the wood on the ground beside the fire. According to Young Doctor this method was so popular that when a housewife, about to prepare the blubber, asked “How shall I cook it?” everyone replied, “Broil it.” The cured blubber was said to mildew easily but this did not prevent its use. Spring salmon was cooked on a rack above a fire, the time for cooking a large spring salmon being about two hours. The flesh was removed from the bones, salal leaves were spread on the rack, and the fish was laid on the leaves, then covered with cedar mats. The salal leaves gave a peculiar flavor and were also used for flavoring halibut heads, a few branches being put in the water in which the heads were boiled. 21 Tbid., p. 25. DpNsMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 15 At a feast attended by the writer a king salmon was cooked in a split stick, held in place by crosswise sticks. A fire was built on the sand and the stick bearing the fish was placed in the sand so that it leaned slightly over the fire. SMOKING There are no ceremonials connected with smoking in the tribes under consideration and they used tobacco only as a stimulant or luxury. According to Swan, “The article generally used is the dried leaves of the Aretost uva-ursi mixed with a little tobacco; they also use * * * the dried leaves of the salal Gaultheria shallon, or dried alder bark.” ?? Annie Long Tom said that tobacco “came with her generation” and that she never heard of the old people smoking. She said that on Vancouver Island, as well as at Neah Bay, the people now combine certain leaves with commercial tobacco but did not smoke them before obtaining tobacco. WEAVING OF BLANKETS In former times the Makah raised a certain sort of long-haired dogs in order to weave blankets from the hair.“ Yarn was made from the hair and combined with cedar bark in the weaving. A majority of the dogs were white, but a few were black, their hair being used in a pattern at the ends of the blanket. The usual size of a blanket was about 4 feet long and about the same width, with a border across the ends. The weaving implements were a distaff, comb, pounder, and a horizontal pole. The distaff and comb were of wood and the pounder of bone. The hair, sheared from the dogs, was first twisted by hand, then further twisted into yarn by means of the distaff, which had a long handle. The cedar bark was removed from the tree and put in shallow water to loosen the outer layer. When this had been removed the inner bark was put in warm salt water to toughen it. The women sought a little pool where the water was always warm and laid the bark in the water for a certain time. When taken from the water the strips of bark were put on a table with a ridge in it. Dogfish oil was poured over the bark and it was pounded with an implement dipped frequently in very fresh dogfish oil. The implement used in this work was made of whalebone, an example bearing Young Doctor’s insignia being shown in plate 10, d. While pounding the bark, the women felt of it with their fingers, pounding repeatedly such portions as needed extra attention until the pieces were soft but very tough. These pieces were separated 22 Swan, op. cit., p. 27. 2 Cf. Leechman, Douglas, Fleece-bearing dogs, in Nature Magazine, September 1929, pp. 177-179, Washington, D. C. 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu, 124 into strips. The yarn was used as the warp, hanging downward from the horizontal pole, and the cedar strips were woven through the warp about one-quarter inch apart. When completed the blanket was combed with the wooden comb so that the yarn concealed the cedar strips and the product was said to “look like a commercial blanket.” USE OF METAL Mrs. Helen Irving stated that the Makah had no metal before the white men came. Someone at Bahada Point brought kettles of brass or copper which were sawed into strips about 2 inches wide and made into bracelets. Metal was also brought in the form of wire and the Indians made bracelets of the wire. TOOLS AND ARTICLES MANUFACTURED The tools used in felling a tree, before the advent of the trader, consisted of a chisel and a “pounder” or stone pestle. The chisel was made of the lower leg bone of an elk, with a handle of yew, to which the bone blade was lashed with twisted cedar bark or sea- lion hide. The hide was cut in strips when green and stored in that. form. When desired for use, whale oil was poured on the strips and they were pounded until flexible. When this implement was not in use the end of the blade was sheathed in melted elk tallow, or soaked in whale oil or seal oil so the bone would not become brittle. It was necessary to sharpen this tool after every few strokes, and a man who was felling trees carried a stone for this purpose. In a specimen of this tool made for the writer (pl. 10, a) the bone is of domestic cattle, and the handle of yew, bound to the blade with green seal hide and having a twist of cedar root around the top. The stone hammer used with this chisel was peculiar in shape. The specimen illustrated (pl. 10,¢) was obtained from Young Doctor and is of black stone, but he said that a white or greenish stone was some- times used. He said that his father had a “pretty green pounder” and when iron wedges came into use he broke the pounder, using it with an iron wedge. Swan states that the hammers “are made of the hardest jade that can be procured, and are wrought into shape by the slow drudgery of striking them with a smaller fragment, which knocks off a little bit at each blow. Months are consumed in the process, and it is one of their superstitions that from first to last no woman must touch the materials, nor the work be done except at night, when the maker can toil in solitude unnoticed by others. * * * They are valued, according to the hardness of the stone, at from one to three blankets.” ** % Swan, op. cit., p. 35. DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC UZ. Mention may here be made of a lighter tool used for fine work in wood. This tool was made of elk antler. The prongs were cut off and the end of the horn next the skull was shaped into a blade. The handle was of yew or bone, and_it was pounded either with the fist or with a heavy bone. An interesting knife was obtained from Young Doctor. This knife was made of whalebone and was exceedingly hard and very sharp (pl. 11, d). A knife somewhat resembling a round-pointed cobbler’s knife is noted by Swan, the end being bent into a hook. “This tool is used in carving, or for work where a gouge would be required, the workman invariably drawing the knife toward instead of thrusting it from him. All the native tools are made to operate on this principle. The instrument for boring holes in the canoes to receive nails or wooden pegs is simply an iron or steel wire flattened at the point and sharpened, this wire or gimlet being inserted into the end of a long stick which serves as a handle; and the manner of using it is to place the point of iron on the spot where a hole is required, and then roll the stick briskly between the palms of the hands.” Tools were also made from rasps and files procured at sawmills and pieces of metal from wrecks of ships.*° Among the articles made by the Makah in early days were canoes and whaling implements, conical hats, bark mats, fishing lines, fish- hooks, knives and daggers, bows and arrows, dog’s-hair blankets, and feather capes. ROPE Small rope was made of kelp. For this purpose the people dried long ribbons of kelp and twisted it into rope which was moistened in water when used, to make it flexible. The process of making this rope, or twine, is described in detail by Swan, who states that “They usually prefer the kelp growing in 10 or 12 fathoms of water * * *. The lower portion of the kelp stem is solid and cylindrical, and about a fourth of an inch in diameter * * *. When a sufficient number of stems have been cut [by the use of a special instrument] they are placed in fresh water—a running brook being always preferred—where they remain for 5 or 6 days, or until they become bleached nearly white. They are then partially dried in the smoke, and knotted together at the ends, and further dried in the sun, after being stretched to their full length and to their utmost tension. This process reduces the size to that of a cod line. They require several days’ exposure to the sun and air before they are sufficiently cured. They are taken in every night while curing, °> Swan, op. cit., pp. 33, 34, 35. 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu. 124 and are coiled up very neatly each time. When perfectly dry they are brittle, and break easily, but, when wet, they are exceedingly strong, fully equal to the best of hemp cod line. The usual length is from 80 to 100 fathoms, although it is seldom that fishing is at- tempted at that depth * * * and the probable reason for their being so long is to guard against accidents by which a portion of the line may be lost.” Rope was made of whale sinew and is mentioned in connection with whaling customs (p. 50). The sinew for this purpose was taken from near the whale’s tail. Swan described the process as follows: “The sinews, after being well dried, are separated into small fibers, and when ready for twisting resemble finely dressed flax. The threads are spun by twisting them between the palm of the hand and the naked thigh, and, as they are twisted, they are rolled up into balls. When unrolled for use they are twisted in the same manner by rolling them on the thigh. The strands are prepared from fine or coarse fibers, as the size of the cord or rope may require.” 27 The writer’s informant said, “When a man wanted such a rope he invited 15 or 20 old people who knew how to make it. Three or four hours were required for them to make a length suitable for a harpoon rope.” A heavy rope made of cedar boughs was described to the writer, this rope being as thick as a man’s wrist. Concerning this im- portant item of a whaler’s equipment Swan says: “Ropes of greater size, such as are required for towing whales, are made of the tapering limbs of the cedar, first twisted into withes; and from the long fibrous roots of the spruce. These are first cut into lengths of 3 or 4 feet, and then subjected to a process of roasting or steaming in the ashes, which renders them extremely tough and pliable and easy to split. They are reduced to fine strands or threads with knives, and are then twisted and laid in ropes by the same process as that described for making the rope of sinews. Those that are attached to the buoys have one end very neatly tapered down * * * to enable the whalemen to tie the rope with facility * * *. In making ropes, it is customary for quite a number of persons to assist. They are invited by the man who wishes to get ready his whaling gear, and each prepares a portion of the roots or sinews, so as to have as much as may be required at once. The next operation is to twist the fibers into threads. Another party, perhaps the same individuals, will meet on another day and work until the strands are completed. Then there may be a resting spell, probably because the provisions are exhausted and more must be obtained. The operation is often 2 Swan, op. cit., p. 40. 7 Tbid., p. 39. DpNSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 19 interrupted, and resumed at intervals, consequently much time is consumed in completing the work, a rope of 30 fathoms occupying frequently a whole winter in its manufacture.” ”* Ropes made of very fine cedar boughs or strips of sea-lion hide were used in rigging a sail on a canoe (p. 21). Swan states that “Lines for small fish are made from kelp stems of the first year’s growth, which are about as large as pipestems.” *** A heavy twist, or rope, of cedar bark was part of the costume of the Homatsa dancer. CANOES AND THEIR MAKING The information on this subject was supplied by Young Doctor who, at the age of about 70 years, is still making canoes. The form of canoe used by the Makah and related tribes is a dugout made from a cedar log. Young Doctor said that Kwati had the first canoe in existence and “gave the idea to the Indians.” The name of his canoe was Hopi’dawac. There is no explanation of the manner in which Kwati obtained his canoe, neither do the Indians have more than a vague idea of its appearance, but they said that Kwati did not need to paddle it. He only said, “Go, Hopi’dawac,” and the canoe moved through the water. According to Young Doctor the first canoe introduced at Neah Bay was a war canoe, made of the largest cedar obtainable. The stern was as high as a man and the bow was still higher, with its tip carved to represent the bill of a duck. The width where the tip rose from the boat was about 214 feet. The last canoe of the old type in use at Neah Bay had an eye painted at each end and a black band extending its length. This canoe was called Tli’dakats, meaning “canoe in a fog,” the idea being that the canoe, thus painted, was as hard to see as though it were in a fog. In that canoe the Makah drove the Nitinat away from Tatoosh Island where they were lhving. Only one head was taken, but when that man was missing the tribe moved over to Vancouver Island, where they have been ever since. Young Doctor dreamed of a peculiar pattern of canoe and was the only person owning such a canoe, the name being Dokai’akwat. An at- tempt was made to make a canoe of this sort for use on Makah Day, 1924, but Young Doctor said it was not a satisfactory representation of his dream boat (pl. 19, 5). Cedar was the only wood used in making canoes, and a tree in- tended for that purpose was felled in October. As soon as the tree was felled the canoe was shaped and the center was “dug out.” The felling of the tree was done by cutting away a small section of the 23 Swan, op. cit., pp. 39, 40. %a Tbid., p. 41. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw. 124 trunk, then making a similar cut a short distance below and “prying out” the wood between the two incisions (fig. 3). The tools used in this work are described on page 16. The roughly shaped canoe was then turned upside down and left in the woods until spring, when it was lighter and could more easily be taken to the place where it was to be finished. The canoe was completed in the spring. If this work were done in summer the heat would split the wood. The outer surface of war and whaling canoes received special at- tention. The surface of these canoes was “burned off” and then smoothed with a section of whale’s vertebra, after which the surface was again burned to remove any splinters that remained, and it was polished with a smooth stone. The “crosspieces” of a canoe were made of twisted cedar bark. Young Doctor stated that the six sizes of canoes formerly made by the Makah were as follows: . One-man canoe, 3 fathoms long. =< 2. Two-man canoe, 344 fathoms long. . Sealing canoe, 4 fathoms long. . Whaling canoe, 5 fathoms long. . “Moving canoe,” 5 or more fathoms long. 6. War canoe, 8 or more fathoms long. 4 / ar ‘ OU mB OO The elevation at the bow and stern of a canoe was made of a separate piece of wood which was not joined in a straight line but with a notch in the Per eels’ ice joint “to keep the end from slipping off.” The ac- preparatory to companying tracing from a sketch by Young Doctor ‘Aacataa shows the line of junction indicated as A-B (fig. 4). The height of these end pieces was “according to the size of the log that a man had.” The proportions of the one-man canoe were said to apply also to the whaling canoe and were probably used for the intermediate sizes. The one-man canoe was used for hunting porpoises or for fishing “in close.” Its length has been indicated as 3 fathoms and its other dimensions were said by Young Doctor to be as follows: Width, 5 hand-spreads (thumb to end of second finger). Depth where prow is joined to body of canoe, 2 hand-spreads. Depth where prow rises sharply, 2 hand-spreads and 8 finger-widths. Depth where stern is joined to body of canoe, 2 hand-spreads. Distance A to B (in a straight line), 2 hand-spreads and 4 finger-widths. It was said that a whaling canoe could easily be distinguished from a canoe for family transportation, as it was carefully built and was designed for speed, while a “moving canoe” was wide, with sides made as high as possible to hold household goods. A war canoe differed from other types in having a carved end on the prow, frequently representing the head of a wolf. This figure- DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 21 head was fastened in a socket so that it could be removed if the canoe were put to some other use; for example if it was to be used by a large number of people when going to invite another tribe to a feast. The war canoes were painted in three broad bands, gray at the top, then black, with red at the bottom and a little red on the prow. It was hard to see a canoe painted in this manner. Both native and commercial paints were used on the war canoes. Young Doctor made a model of such a canoe, painting it with his individual pattern of a wolf’s head. A Makah canoe in old times usually carried a sail. The mast was of cedar, set in a block with a hole in it and passed through a board which also had a hole in it. The sail was formerly a mat woven of cedar bark, but cotton cloth was substituted when it became available. According to Swan, “The usual form is square, with sticks at the top and bottom like a vessel’s yards; a line passes through a hole in the top of the mast, rigged from the lower stick, b Ficurn 4.—Manner in which ends of canoe are attached. and the sail is easily and quickly hoisted or lowered.” °° Young Doctor said that for a canoe of average size the sail was 2 fathoms wide and considerably longer than its width. Ropes extended from the top corners of the sail and were made of very fine cedar boughs or strips of sea-lion hide (pl. 17, a). Canoe paddles are described by Swan, who states they “are made of yew, and are usually procured by barter with Clayoquot Indians. The blade is broad like an oar blade, and the end rounded in an oval or lanceolate form. The handle is a separate piece fitted trans- versely with the length of the paddle, and sufficiently long to afford a good hold for the hand. These paddles when new are blackened by slightly charring them in the fire, and then rubbed smooth and slightly polished.” *° Small canoes are in constant use at Neah Bay (1926). Only one canoe with a sail was seen by the writer. An old canoe drawn up on land for storage was measured and found to be 38 feet in length (measured along the rim) and 5 feet at its greatest width. 292 Swan, op. cit., p. 38. 22, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 A wooden canoe baler is part of the equipment of every canoe (pl. 11, 7). When in use the cord is twisted around one finger while another finger lies along the groove in the wood. This affords a secure hold and an efficient use of the baler. When not in use it is hung up by the short cord. PAINT The best black paint was prepared from the ashes of hardwood. A hole was dug in the ground and rocks were put in the bottom of the hole. The knots from branches of hard timber were laid on the rocks and covered with sand. 22=22 210") 22-1 1,853 522 1 This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxl.) 1 Songs thus classified are ‘‘pure melody without tonality.” The tones appear to be arranged with refer- ence to intervals rather than with reference to a keynote, many being based upon the interval of a fourth. 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwt, 124 MELODIC ANALYsSIs—continued TABLH 2.—FIRST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute ! nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number hac Number ae Beginning on the— Mhirteenth=+ $6. .2su2 2a ert 6) cerns: be teer bh: ser ld od 6 ease UAT OL See ae, See De 161 Al (ae SN || ee 161 10 WleVenUhe ss 22 ee ae eee 18 Ags (BE Sethi | a ene 18 1 enue ee oe = eee eee ee 71 5 3 1 74 5 Rint ete bd” montage: 63 5 4| 2 67 y Octs yes Shr. fe ep Pp eal. 229 17 12 6 241 18 Seventh: 2. 3@...s.. epee £ 20 1 4 2 24 1 S17 ol Age RR Oop RHEE. « 45 oS 9 5 54 4 be a ae ee ee 356 27 29 | 14 385 25 MOuUrth= eats oF een DEEL ee ee 26 2 9 4 35 2 TEI WIS le gatas sind al eal cea lr eyraghe ds 131 12 44 | 2] 175 11 Secondl Shi 22h aes te Ee 29 2 16 8 45 2 Keynotes... 2 =... . al pineal 158 Lt 39 | 18 197 | 138 here ulate a ae en el eres 30 2 41 | 19 val 5 NOUS = eee ee es ee os eS lee aes 2 21022 S23) eb boa eee 1 This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. x xml.) TasLE 3.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute } one nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number ne Number an Ending on the— [ye 17 ee a A SS: SE, 2 Pa 1 | a pm et (Sd ey Poe (i Ct 1 upg tp he. 2 ee ee ee ae 431 32 teil | lS 459 80 AGEVIT Gl 2k te eek 2 tees ee PR 151 11 41 | 19 192 10 pecan. 3: MRE De fe VR ees sf pete ek 8| 4 §-fwita Keynotes aa’ tte). FP eee 729 54 92 | 44 821 53 Ugg 1 Fy See ee pee a 30 2 41 | 19 71 6 fb cT heh lanes 2a lie geet Bateycetei 1D is gl eee S 2107}. 1) Toe eee 1 This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxmr.) DPNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 37 MELODIC ANALYSIS—continued TasLy 4.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO KEYNOTE Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute ! nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number ae Number er Songs in which final note is— Rowestin song 2222805 7 ee f 960 72 96 | 46 | 1, 056 68 iphestinsong— 22-52. 2 Ty beac Aten iL | eles PAB | aon Immediately preceded by— ithe below= se 22-22 oe 1 ade Seas on ag Part fen cina 1 i eae Fourth below_..---_-_--_-_- 38 3 2 1 40 2 Major third below-_-_-_-_-__- 18 Desf se alee 18 1 Minor third below_______- 75 6 5 2 80 is) Whole tone below_____-___- 27 2 2 1 29 2 Semitone below_______-_-_- 15 1 1 hee patel 6 16 1 Songs containing tones lower than AIT ARCONG te cet re incon 208 15 103 | 49 311 20 ISG fie ee a ee ee eat ae ) rte (a ee 210) oases OD e ae 1 This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. XXIII.) TaBLn 5.—NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISED IN COMPASS OF SONG Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute ! nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number ae Number Bor 177 (EOI ESS oy es gee eee crash peste Ces (pee sence late lt etfs Cis pseseses WSCONER Stee ee Be See i oe 11 Gea ls RR oe ar 16 1 TeptOnese Rive pee ll te ek 63 Die eater hal se 63 4 TCOMeg ecw Oe ee 209 16 if Flas ts 210 14 NIECGNGS a be ee Oe a 106 8 ihe He ee 107 of MORGONGR= 7 see ee ek 139 10 13 6 152 10 PRL OTIONE acer eek ee 128 9 19 9 147 9 ESTES, TA aie 0 Se Oe Ue ep 351 26 145 |4-7, 365 23 MMUONCSS 22th be OE 109 8 16 8 125 8 BRLONCHS 52-764 ee se Be 88 a 43 | 20 131 8 [FS INOna VETS eee Os ee en ee ee 99 Uy 36 | 18 135 8 ih UGH ST Se ee eee ep eee 18 1 30 | 14 48 3 LONER ee ete ars 08 oe Pe is Se 1Os|-) oem Son eL6: 43 3 BELONGS ee oo BS eee ee PM ge Pee 4 2 Ae PROUAIERE EP APO in ee 1, 42 oh [ele ees PAV S SSG She) 5 - 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxtII.) 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 124 MELODIC ANALYSIS—continued TABLB 6.—TONE MATERIAL Chippewa, Sioux, M. Hidat ae Nootka and Panne Menuet) SGuilenies Total nee, Yuman, and : Yaqui Number | Percent | Number phen Number Fe irst«o-Loned scale 4-— = = 20 if 1 liye lesimyare 21 1 Second 5-toned secale___._._...____- 118 9 5 g 123 8 ihirdsp-toneduscaless —. 232 - oe Ae ee ee 1 eas pe ee Hourpho-voned scales = 2-—--—- ee 299 22 Ones, 324 20 Hifthep-voned scale. - = = ao ee > | aan oe AERA | STE 2»|_-3 WC oy 6 2 ree ee 17 1 3 | 2 20 1 Major triad and 1 other tone__--__-_-_ 137 10 6 8 143 9 IMinoOmtra@se nse eee GMS ee el | ee 6-28 Minor triad and 1 other tone__-____- 119 9 9 § 128 8 Octaveicomplete-t ..-=-.3:=.=.--~- 75 6 5 2 80 6 Other combinations of tones_____-__ 550 41 W589 |) 7/3 705 45 Aik een eee © eee oe 1 343" lesee see 210 |e 24) be bb3u eee 1 This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxi.) 3 The 5-toned scales mentioned in this table are the 5 pentatonic scales according to Helmholtz, described by him as follows: ‘‘1. The first scale, without third or seventh. ... To the second scale, without second or sixth, belong most Scotch airs which have a minor character. ... The third scale, without third and sixth. ... Tothefourthscale, without fourth orseventh, belong most Scotch airs which have the character ofa major mode. The fifth scale, without second and fifth.’ (Helmholtz, H. L., The Sensations of Tone, London, 1885, pp. 260, 261.) TABLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, andan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute ! nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number ee Number er Songs containing— Nersecidentals_.222-2 oS 3 1 PAL 83 184 | 89 | 1, 305 84 Seventh raised a semitone_-__-___ 27 2 3 1 30 2 Sixth raised a semitone_-_-______ 20 | [ee ore eee 20 1 Fourth raised a semitone______-_ 28 2 4 2 32 2 Third raised a semitone___-_____ ae | ek eae. | ee AWIES Second raised a semitone_______|_______]__-____ 9 § OWES Seventh lowered a semitone _-___ [| ee eed) eS eee See Sixth lowered a semitone______~ ented 2 1 Oujtiee Fifth lowered a semitone_______}]___-___|__-___-_ 2 1 2nd Third lowered a semitone_-_-____ a a a ee ee (eed Se roa Aa Second lowered a semitone_____|____.__]__-_._- 2 1 23/22 Other accidentals____________- 127 10 4 2 131 8 Ota ee ee oe el TA 343 oe 210 S| 2 ooo Wee ee 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxtmt.) DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 39 MELODIC ANALYSIS—continued TaBLp 8.—STRUCTURE Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mon a i Nootka and ’ ’ € Pawiise: Manon. Quileute ! Total nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number me Number ee Melodic (including irregular) ___-___- 872 65 175 | 83 | 1, 047 67 Melodic with harmonic framework --_ 237 18 10 5 247 16 PANINI ONC ean = Fo Ss eee 234 18 25 | 12 259 16 BR Ota es cee eA S435 | een. PA Paes LAS Yo 9 yay) 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxXIII.) TABLH 9.—FIRST PROGRESSION—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD Chippewa, Sioux, ina ecu Nootka and , Papago, ootka an Panes Monde Quileute! Total nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number Per- Number Per- cent cent WownWaAtGee e226 Soee ole see do 819 60 91 | 44 910 41 Br ahOs = Ve See cee coe 524 40 119 | 56 643 | 49 NOGA Sree ene ee wa 134g eae Z10 aes loon | pee 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes, (See Catalog list, p. xxIII.) TABLE 10.—TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD Chippewa, Sioux, Hic tsa ae o Nootka and a ’ ’ Exe Menem jeaeilents Total nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number Fer: Number ae DWowawaTdeee Sele eee ee 23, 546 62 | 3,295 | 57 |26, 841 60 Riper eee 2S lo ell oe 14, 697 88 |} 2,523 | 43 |17, 220 40 wROtalee a. eter 2 ie ale Se e437 ype SPSS. 2144: 0618 aa 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. 89728—39. 5 (See Catalog list, p. xxIII.) AO BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS Tasty 11.—PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute 1 Total nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Per- Number | Percent | Number cant Number cae MESSUITe Ss eet hee 540 40 113) | 63 653 42 Beginning on accented part of MEABUTCH Hh aaa se ee ccee Se 760 56 97 | 47 857 55 Transcribed in outline_._._______-_ 42 Bills oe ee 42 2 Without measure accents_________- Wes) See |e | 1 |ea INC Gen Same gerne ch em 1134314 S2 ese PANY WES | ads) |i. 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxIItr.) TABLP 12.—RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, andan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute ! nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Per- Number | Percent | Number cont Number Gone First measure in— Doublestime 25. 2=~ eee 797 59 138 | 66 935 60 Praplettinie e+ ott) le) ts 468 35 69 | 32 537 35 5-8 and 5-4 time____________- ill g 3 1 34 2 7-4 and 7-8 time_______-_--_- Aha i a al hamper cp ca 4i\pee8 Transcribed in outline_____________ 42 Gigi sore Loh Peaae 42 1 1 Gage Monies oe eee DAS4aue sai 210 |..._|\ 1, soa 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxIIt.) ?This group includes songs in 2—2, 2-4, 4-4, 6-4, 4-8, and 6-8 time. 8’ This group includes songs in 3—4 and 3-8 time. DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 4l RHYTHMIC ANALYSIsS—continued TaBLH 13.—CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE LENGTHS) Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute ! nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number | P&- | Number | Pet cent cent Songs containing no change of time_- 216 16 41 | 19 2a 16 Songs containing a change of time___| 1, 084 80 169 | 81 | 1, 253 80 Transcribed in outline____________- 42 ial ith cere ae] Ke 42 2 Without measure accents_________- Tig fate | Lc pl (Vos o MO talk 2 io Lap sete h eS Lto4ar |e 2 ee PAK Sell WeaBy boos 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog list, p. xxtlII.) TABLY 14.—RHYTHMIC UNIT Chippewa, Sioux, Ute, Mandan, Hidatsa, Papago, Nootka and Total Pawnee, Menomi- Quileute ! nee, Yuman, and Yaqui Number | Percent | Number Gane Number Fer Songs containing— Nomrhythmictunite 22222 == =. 2. 379 28 94 |) 45 473 30 iirhythmie wits. 2282. ese W200 54 90 |} 43 815 538 2 pEhythmicwmitss 222 2 22s) se 163 12 26 | 12 189 10 SrhyunmMicemitse. 222 3. ee 25 £7) | een ic eo 25 i Zcrhytormiciumitsetss esos a Vi re ects 2 [ea | eS (le Ome byshIMTCuUnIts=sseo eee ee PRA pie pee arto ede eh | ea Nh 2 a ae Transcribed in outline____________-_ 42 Be DR LEMS) 20d EASA 42 2 oO tees Se AR ho ee 1 DAR: 23) oy eee PAK Wo Sei) al wes eee 1This group includes a few songs from neighboring tribes. (See Catalog llst, p. xxIII.) DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS Taste 1.—The songs of the various tribes under analysis differ widely in the percentages with major and minor tonality, the major songs varying from 88 percent in the Pawnee to 71 percent in the Ute. The Sioux songs contain 39 percent in major tonality, the Yuman and Yaqui 49, the Chippewa 57, and the Menominee 66, while the present group contains 44 percent with major tonality. 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buww. 124 TaBsir 2.—With one exception the Nootka and Quileute songs show the smallest percentage beginning on the octave above the keynote, only 6 percent having this beginning in contrast to 17 percent in the total number of songs previously analyzed. The Yuman and Yaqui contain no songs beginning higher than the sixth above the keynote. In the Ute songs 28 percent begin on the octave and in Mandan and Hidatsa songs 31 percent have this initial tone. The percentage of Nootka and Quileute songs beginning on the third is 21, being ex- ceeded only by the Yuman and Yaqui with 30 percent. This initial tone ranges in percentage from 3 in the Chippewa and 5 in the Pawnee to 17 in the Mandan and Hidatsa songs. Taste 3.—The third is also preferred as a closing tone by the Nootka and Quileute, 19 percent ending on this tone, contrasted with 10 percent in the total number previously analyzed. The Pawnee songs have only 1 percent ending on the third, the Sioux and the Mandan and Hidatsa have 15 percent, while the Yuman and Yaqui show 25 percent, this being the highest in the series. Taste 4.—The final tone is the lowest in only 46 percent of the Nootka and Quileute, contrasted with 72 percent in the songs pre- viously analyzed. Kxamining the percentages in the individual tribes we note that the final tone is the lowest in only 10 percent of the Papago songs, while in other tribes the percentages are as follows: Ute 70, Pawnee 78, Menominee 86, Sioux 88, Chippewa 90, and Man- dan and Hidatsa 92. Taste 5.—A small compass characterizes the Nootka and Quileute songs, 70 percent having a compass of six tones or less, compared with 15 percent in the songs previously analyzed. The Menomineé songs contain 15 percent with this compass, the Ute 17, the Papago 18, and the Pawnee 24 percent, all the other tribal groups showing higher percentages. From this and the three preceding tables it appears that the Nootka and Quileute songs are characterized by a relatively small compass and a placing of the melody partly above and partly below the keynote. Taste 6.—In considering the tone material of these songs we look first for the familiar 5-toned scales commonly known as major and minor pentatonic. The Nootka and Quileute songs contain only 14 percent in these groups, compared with 17 percent in the Pawnee, 32 percent in the Papago, and 88 percent in the Chippewa tribes. The Nootka and Quileute songs do not adapt themselves entirely to the former bases of classification, 155 songs (73 percent) being grouped as containing “other combinations of tones,” and described in the analyses of individual songs. Taste 7.—In the percentage of songs without accidentals the Nootka and Quileute are next to the highest in the groups under analysis, the DENSMORB) NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 43 percentage in these tribes being 89, while in songs previously analyzed the highest is the Ute group, containing 96 percent without acci- dentals. Taste 8.—As the group of songs classified as melodic includes ir- regular songs and melodic songs with harmonic framework we turn to the purely harmonic songs as a basis of comparison. This group in the Nootka and Quileute comprises only 12 percent, corresponding with the high percentage of songs without accidentals, shown in the preceding table. The harmonic songs in other tribes vary from 5 percent in the Yuman and Yaqui and 6 percent in the Papago to 30 percent in the Mandan and Hidatsa. The Ute, Chippewa, and Pawnee songs contain respectively 22, 24, and 25 percent of harmonic songs. TasLEs 9 AND 10.—The downward trend which characterizes the songs previously analyzed is less prominent in the Nootka and Qui- leute songs, both in the first interval and in the total number of inter- vals. The present group contains only 44 percent beginning with a downward progression, in contrast to 60 percent in songs previously analyzed, while 57 percent of the intervals are descending progres- sions, in contrast to 62 percent in the songs of the other tribes under analysis. Taste 11.—In the percentage beginning on the accented part of the measure this is higher than any previous group except the Me- nominee, 53 percent having this forceful attack while the Menominee contain 54 percent. Only 40 percent of the songs previously analyzed begin in this manner. Taxsie 12.—The percentage of songs beginning in double time is the same as in the Papago songs (66 percent) but higher than in any other tribes except the Yuman and Yaqui, which contain 71 percent begin- ning in this manner. The average percentage in tribes previously analyzed is 59. Taste 13.—The measure lengths are unchanged in 19 percent of the Nootka and Quileute songs. The songs of tribes previously ana- lyzed differ in this respect from 8 percent in the Sioux and 9 percent in the Papago to 26 percent in the Pawnee, 16 being the average percentage of songs without change of measure lengths. Summary.—By these simple bases of analysis, applied to the songs of numerous tribes, it becomes evident that differences occur in the structure of tribal songs which, in a large majority of instances, would not be perceived by listening to the songs as performed by the Indians nor by observing their transcriptions in musical notation. It is not claimed that the analyses are exhaustive, nor that all the songs of any tribe have been recorded, but it is believed that the analyses include the principal characteristics of the melodies and that the selection of songs is representative of the music of each tribe. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu, 124 Tne TrerracHorD AND Trap In Noorka AND QUILEUTE Soncs Two types of melodic structure occur in songs of the American Indians, the tetrachord (complete and incomplete), and the triad for- mation. Combinations of the two are also found, as well as freely melodic songs that have no definite framework and songs that are said to have been composed in imitation of the sounds produced by a wooden flute. The tetrachord was the basis of the musical theory of ancient Greece, the term meaning specifically the four strings of the lyre. The outer strings were always tuned to a perfect fourth, an interval expressed by the Greeks, as in modern times, by the acoustic ratio 3 to 4. The inner strings were tuned in a variety of relations to each other and to the outer strings, these being apart from present con- sideration. ‘The musical theory of Europe since the seventeenth century has been based on the triad, in which the interval between the outer tones is a perfect fifth, expressed by the ratio 2 to 3. The octave was important in ancient times, as well as in the musical system of our own time. The Greeks linked tetrachords together in various ways within the compass of the octave, and the lowest tone of the triad is duplicated an octave higher in our musical system. The tribes under observation differ in the use of the tetrachord, the most frequent appearance being in Nootka and Quileute songs. The triad and octave, with their simpler vibration ratios, occur extensively in Indian songs. A combination of tetrachord and triad formation appears to characterize the songs of Algonkin tribes, a typical example from the Chippewa being a Midewiwin song which begins with the descending fourth C-G and closes on the descending triad G—E flat-C, both formations extending over several measures and containing many passing tones.°* In Chippewa songs the interval of a fourth occurs with particular frequency in songs concerning birds and animals, and concerning human beings in motion.’® This connection has frequently been noted in other tribes under observation, but the num- ber of songs on these subjects has been smaller than among the Chippewa. The interval of a fourth, as well as a tetrachord forma- tion, occurred with marked frequency in Menominee songs and was given consideration in the analysis of the songs of that tribe.*° In 1,348 songs previously analyzed the interval of a fourth seldom represents the boundary of the melody, the songs having a compass of four tones being only 18 in number and constituting about 1 per- cent of the group. In Nootka and Quileute songs we find a new prominence of the tetrachord as the tone material of songs, and the * Chippewa Music, Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 63, p. 81. * Chippewa Music II, Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 99-101. “Menominee Music, Bull. 102, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 22-23. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 45 fourth as a boundary interval. In this group of 210 songs there are 30 with a compass of four tones, comprising about 14 percent of the entire number. A group of 96 songs ** recorded by the writer in British Columbia shows a prominence of the fourth as an interval of progression but only three songs have a compass of four tones while nine have a compass of three tones. These songs were sung by Indians from Vancouver Island and the region of the Frasier, Thompson, Nass, and Skeena Rivers, as well as the west coast of British Columbia, the Indians being gathered at Chilliwack for the annual hop-picking. An interesting series of songs from Thompson River Indians, presented by Abraham and v. Hornbostel has been examined by the writer with respect to compass.*t | This group com- prises 48 songs, 7 of which have a compass of 3 tones, 13 a compass of 4 tones, 12 a compass of 5 tones, and 11 have a range of 6, 7, and 8 tones. The Nootka and Quileute songs having a compass of four tones occur in all classes, including songs concerning the tumanos, songs of the potlatch, and songs that were sung at gatherings in honor of infants. These songs are 30 in number, 21 being Makah, 1 from an unknown tribe, and 8 being Clayoquot. ‘The numbers and titles are as follows: MAKAH No. 7. A whale returns. No. 71. Song of bow and arrow No. 9. Song of the oil potlatch. dance (@). No. 10. Dance of the young women. No. 72. Song of bow and arrow No. 20. Song of the women guests. dance (0). No. 21. “The rattle is my tumanos.” No. 119. “Let us go after crabs.” No. 25. Song challenging to physical No. 126. “I am going to be a good contest (a). fisherman.” No. 35. Song of the Kluklukwatk No. 147. Echo song (a). dance (a). No. 150. Young Doctor’s dream song. No. 36. Song of the Kluklukwatk No. 181. Santiano’s song (c). dance (Db). No. 185. Song concerning the feather. No. 39. Klokali song (b). No. 186. A path on the mountain No. 55. Song with representation of peaks. wolves. Sone From AN UNKNOWN TRIBE, RecorpeD By A MAKAH No. 42. Klokali song learned from a slave (b). CLAYOQUOT No. 44. “Ten large diamonds.” No. 168. Song addressed to the break- No. 188. Song of crow’s daughter. ers (a). No. 148. “My island home.” No. 191. Song of the Saiyuk society (e). No. 144. “It will win a bride.” No. 204. Bear song. No. 209. Song of the raven. «a Unpublished manuscript. 41 Abraham, O., und v. Hornbostel, E. M., Phonographirte Indianermelodieen aus British Columbia. Reprinted from Boaz Memorial volume, New York, 1906. 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bouw, 124 A portion of these songs contain only the first, third, and fourth tones of the tetrachord, with a whole tone between the third and fourth, and one song contains the first, second, and fourth tones of the tetrachord, with a whole tone between the first and second. Other songs contain all the tones of the tetrachord, with a semitone variously placed. The grouping of these songs is as follows: Songs containing 3 tones of a tetrachord: First, second, and fourth tones (No. 188), the intervals consisting of a whole’ tone ‘anda’ minor third ee eee 1 First, third, and fourth tones, the intervals consisting of a minor third and ai whole tone’ (Nos21y 171572,1147,, 150; 204) ae ee eee 6 Songs containing the 4 tones of a tetrachord: Semitone between first and second (Nos. 25, 39, 40, 44, 119, 126, 144, WAG rete eS et Pe cee A ee 8 Semitones between first and second and third and fourth (Nos. 55, 11S 2223 2 ee ee eee ee 2 Semitone between second and third (Nos. 7, 9, 35, 168, 186) _---_________ 5 Semitone between third and fourth (Nos. 10, 20, 86, 42, except for a glissando;, 143. 481) 185, ¢209))- 5. = 8. 2 ee eee 8 NO ta Peete a ee ee eee 30 Among the songs with a compass of more than four tones which are based on a fourth or a tetrachord, either wholly or in part, are the following: No. 56. Irregular in tonality, based on the descending and ascending sequence D-A-D with B intervening in ene instance, these intervals being followed by A-F, and the song ending on D. No. 61. Irregular in tonality, characterized by the descending intervals D-—A, E-B, and A-K. the song ending on D. No. 98. Irregular in tonality, characterized by the interval D—A, in descending and ascending progression. No. 107. Irregular in tonality, the most prominent progressions being the de- scending series B-A-F sharp and A-F sharp-E. No. 124. Irregular in tonality, the principal intervals being G—A-C, occurring in both ascending and descending progression, No. 189. Classified as lacking the third above the keynote. The melody is based chiefly on the tones F sharp and B. No. 81. Major in tonality. A prominent sequence of tones is B flat—A flat-F. No. 82. Major in tonality. A prominent interval is G—C, in descending pro- gression. No. 142. Major in tonality, contains the following series of descending tetra- chords, E-D-B, D—B-A, A-—G—E, and G—E_D. No. 27. Minor in tonality, opens with the descending fourths C-G and A-E, the melody thereafter being entirely on the tetrachord E—G—A in ascending and descending progression. On examining the 36 songs with a compass of five tones we find that only nine are based on a triad, these being Nos. 4, 13, 14, 83, 195, 200, 201, 202, and 203. The lowest tone of the triad is also the lowest tone in these songs. The major third is the principal interval in two songs (Nos. 11 and 171), while the minor third is DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 47 the principal interval in four songs (Nos. 15, 26, 111, and 120). In one song (No. 169) a major third is followed by a fourth in the framework of the melody, and one song (No. 38) is based on two major thirds and a minor third. The fourth is the most promi- nent interval in the framework of Nos. 124 and 139. In 17 of these songs the progressions are freely melodic, with no feeling for the triad. The songs with a compass of three tones are 33 in number, consti- tuting about 16 percent in contrast to 11 percent of such songs in material previously analyzed. Five of these songs contain only the tones of a major or minor third, two songs (Nos. 185 and 210) be- ing major and three songs (Nos. 1138, 129, and 130) being minor. Two intervals of a whole tone comprise the intervals in 15 of the songs (Nos. 32, 49, 68, 74, 75, 84, 106, 127, 145, 149, 172, 176, 178, 180, and 187), while a semitone occurs between the first and second tones in 8 songs (Nos. 2, 5, 6, 33, 51, 52, 137, and 190), and between the second and third tones in 5 songs (Nos. 1, 28, 37, 133, and 148). From this it appears that, in a song with a compass of three tones, a sequence of whole tones is preferred to other progressions by these singers, WHALING The career of a whaler, with its difficulties and dangers, was be- lieved to require the help of a particularly strong tumanos (guiding, protecting spirit) and the securing of such a tumanos was the whaler’s first task. In order to obtain the tumanos he prayed, bathed in a prescribed manner, and subjected himself to severe discipline and hardship. Having obtained a tumanos, he continued the disci- pline before starting on a whaling expedition. At such a time he went to the ocean, bathed and prayed for success, this being followed by rubbing his body with herbs or hemlock branches. The latter were in ordinary use but the herbs might be a secret with the man who used them, believing they had special power. These baths were taken at the time of the new moon or while the moon was increasing, never when the moon was waning. One man considered the best time was “when the moon was turned” which was about midwinter. The prayers offered at these times were addressed to Kisi’aklak (Day, or Whoever makes the day). When offering prayers for success a whaler wore a garb of his own choosing. Frequently this consisted of something that caused bodily distress, as common nettles. The man believed this torture would help him to get whales, and said that he wanted to feel the bite of the whale as sharply and as continuously as he felt the sting of the nettles. A similar garb consisted of wild rose bushes woven together so they formed a solid mass of leaves while the thorns pricked his body. With this a certain whaler wore 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buin 124 four human scalps hanging down his back. Other “prayer gar- ments” are described in connection with the oil potlatch (p. 69). Much stress was placed upon prayers and the help of a tuma’nos in whaling, it being said “if a man is to do a thing that is beyond human power he must have more than human strength for the task.” A whale usually started for the open sea after being speared, but it was said that if a man had a good tumanos the whale would start toward shore as soon as he had speared it. Each whaler had a song which had been given by a tumanos to him or his father or grand- father. He believed this song had great power. In addition to praying and performing special acts in connection with their prayers, 1t was necessary for a whaler to learn to keep awake a long time and to eat very little food. This training was done during the winter. Edwin Hayte said that a good whaler could do without sleep for ten days, but that, when he began whaling, he was able to keep awake only four days and nights. During the winter, before the whaling expeditions, he ate only twice a day and then took only a little piece of fish, thus training himself to subsisting on a small amount of food. The lance which he used on these expe- ditions (pl. 5, @) is still in his possession. No “charms” were used to attract whales, but the whaler rubbed his harpoon rope as well as his hands and body with herbs. If a married man intended to go whaling he stayed away from his family for a while before starting, and if he failed to get a whale it was said “he has been with his wife lately.” Edwin Hayte said that his uncle told him the following story when he was at Ozette, trying to get “medicine” that would make him a good whaler. His uncle said that long ago there was a whaler named Wi’wikop, who, whenever anyone died in the village, went at night, dug up the body and cleaned it as he would clean a fish, then he packed it on his back and waded in the ocean halfway to his knees. He circled four times in the water, praying with a loud voice as he walked; afterwards he went into the woods and when he was tired he put the body down and prayed again. The people knew that someone was robbing the graves but they could not find who it was until this man’s actions became known. It was then ascertained that the man went some distance (perhaps 5 miles) into the woods and came to a small clearing, perhaps 15 feet square. There was a rope around the clearing and across the opening in the leaves through which it was entered. In one corner of the clearing was a canoe made of leaves and in the opposite corner was a whale. Seven dead men were in the canoe, each with a paddle, and other dead men stood up all around. A boy “worked a string” and made the dead bodies move in a lifelike manner, some beating upon drums. The man seeking medicine got into the canoe and it moved across DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 49 the clearing. He speared the whale and then they all got out of the canoe and prayed. The man came home before daylight and slept about two hours and his wife was the only person who knew of his absence. He went to that place every night and “worked the string” himself. This man had a brother and after a time the brother’s children sickened and died. The brother determined to watch the grave. From his hiding place he saw a man dig up the body and he fol- lowed the man into the woods. When they came to the clearing the man dropped the body and began to pray. The child’s father had a butcher knife and when the prayer was finished he seized the man, whom he recognized as his brother. When they stood up the whaler said, “Well, brother, I will give you this” (referring to the knowledge of the clearing and its gruesome occupants). The brother talked kindly to him and then killed him. The next night the brother went to the place and did exactly as the whaler had done when he prayed. This man prayed and prayed and then one of the dead bodies said, “You don’t know how.” The man dropped down in fright and then went home. Two days later he fell sick and then he told the people about the clearing in the woods. He died, and afterwards the people went up there. In that way the secret became known. The whales that “run in the spring” and were known as “spring whales” were said to have red meat because they ate clams and other shellfish which they scooped off the rocks. The “winter whale” was considered the best and had a layer of white fat on the outside and red meat underneath. Old whalers could distinguish the various sorts of whales by the appearance of the back and tail. A whaling canoe was about 5 fathoms long and was easily dis- tinguishable from a traveling canoe, as it was designed for speed and built with particular care. The equipment for whaling, in ad- dition to the canoe, consisted of floats, ropes of three different sizes, harpoons (with their poles), and a barbed iron used in “fin- ishing” the whale. The floaters consisted of the hide of the hair seal and were made by turning the hide inside out and securely stopping all the openings except one. In order to make them pli- able and ready to inflate they were soaked in water. A man in- fiated them by blowing through a tube, inserted in the single opening, and put in a cork to make the float tight. When blowing up the skin it was customary for the man to plug the hole with his tongue and breathe through his nose in order to rest himself. The hide was decorated with colored paint and was usually kept inflated when not in use. Several floaters were seen in Young Doctor’s little store but could not be purchased. They were considered, in a certain sense, the property of the entire village and it was said they must 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 be ready for use at any time if a whale were sighted outside the cape. Two floats are shown in the whaling canoe of Lighthouse Joe (pl. 17, 6). The following information was supplied in 19388 by W. W. Washburn, Jr., who has been a trader at Neah Bay for many years and extended valuable assistance to the writer when studying the Indians in that locality. Mr. Washburn states, “These floats are attached so that when the whale swims or dives the buoyancy of the floats makes it hard for the whale to stay under. When he comes to the surface the canoe goes alongside and the men use a long lance with which they attack the whale, making it bleed profusely. The floats also keep the whale from sinking after the kill.” The entire coil of rope for a whaling expedition was about 125 fathoms long and comprised about 10 fathoms of heavy rope, 30 fathoms of less heavy rope, and the remainder of half-inch rope. The harpoon head was fastened to a rope made of whale sinew having a loop at the end. This rope was covered with twine wound around it very tightly and was exceedingly strong and very pliable. By this it was attached to the rope on which the floaters were strung and also, by a lighter rope, to the pole by which it was thrown. When the harpoon lodged in the whale this pole became loosened, floated off, and usually was picked up. The length of rope used with a harpoon varied with the situation. The harpoon first thrown toward a whale had about 4 fathoms of rope, and as the whale began to “play out” the harpoons had shorter ropes until toward the last there was only the half fathom of rope that was attached to the harpoon head. Mussel shell was used in early days for the blade of the harpoon head, and a flat piece of iron or copper was used more recently. ‘Two barbs were made of elk or deer horn, and between these the pole of the harpoon was inserted, this pole usually being about 18 feet long and made of yew. The harpoon head was covered with a coating of gum from spruce trees, chewed, warmed, and spread over the surface (pl. 16, 6). The point of a harpoon was kept in a case made of cedar bark, split, decorated at the ends with basket grass, and folded together (pl. 16, a). A harpoon pole was long and heavy. According to Dr. Walter Hough, such a pole, or shaft, might be up to 18 feet in length and made of two or more sections of yew, spliced together. The technique of splicing is described by this authority, and a specimen from the Makah in possession of the U.S. National Museum is illustrated (Amer. Anthrop., vol. 35, no. 1, p. 204). The harpoon head and pole are designated as a spear by whalers, and the term “lance” is applied to the barbed iron that is used to kill a whale after it has been speared (cf. pl. 5,@). The term “spearman” is applied to the man who throws the harpoon and also to the man who throws the lance. Frequently one man uses both of these weapons. DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 51 A whaling party might consist of almost any number of canoes. Sometimes a party comprised 10 canoes with eight men in each canoe. Such a party would unite and kill the whale instead of letting the whale tow a canoe until it was tired out, after being speared. Sometimes a whale would tow a canoe for 2 or 3 days before a small party could get near enough to kill it. There was nothing for such a party to do but wait for the whale to become exhausted. If a large party were engaged in the task they would watch while the whale swam under water and spear it again when it came up to breathe. The crew of a whaling canoe comprised eight men, one seated in the bow, one in the stern, and the remainder seated in pairs in the wider portion of the boat. The man who owned the whaling outfit was the spearman, but he did not of necessity own the canoe. He and his helper were seated on the right side of the canoe, and if a whale were to be attacked, the spearman threw the harpoon and the helper seated behind him put the inflated floats into the water at precisely the same time. Sometimes he would get a float into the water close to the canoe so that it would act as a “bumper” between the whale and the canoe. It was said that the first man who speared the whale could put four floats on his line; the others of the party could attach only one to each of their lines. The first man was allowed to go up close and try to spear the whale again. If he failed another could take his place. The spearman might pay those who helped him, and if the whale were difficult to kill he might give each man as much as 10 or 15 dollars. Each man in the canoe had his appointed task, and it was the duty of the man in the bow to keep the rope clear after a whale had been speared. Sometimes the spearman seated behind him helped him with this task but was ready to spear the whale again when the canoe over- took him. The man in the stern gave the signals. Albert Irving ** (pl. 3, @), an informant on this subject, was formerly a spearman, and James Guy (pl. 3, ¢), who recorded many songs, said that it was always his duty to keep the ropes clear after a whale had been speared and while it was trying to get away. Edwin Hayte was a spearman and also had as his part the superintending of the division of the meat after a whale had been killed. On being asked how near a canoe was to a whale when the first spear was thrown, Mr. Hayte said the usual distance was 3 feet or even less. Often the jaw was several feet out of water and Mr. Hayte said a whale’s mouth was sometimes 10 to 13 feet in size. An effort was made to keep near the whale’s head because of the splash from his tail. Mr. Hayte said, “I once speared a whale near the tail, when the tail was under the front of the canoe. 41a Deceased, 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy, 124 The tail came up and splintered the canoe. Some other canoes were watching and came to help us but we lost that w hale.” On another occasion his canoe got between two whales, each of which was near. He said, “I gri abbed a spear but the other men said, ‘No, let him go down 3 feet, ‘then there is no splash, as there is when he is speared on top of the water.’ ” A wounded whale usually towed the canoe by means of the harpoon rope, held by the men, its speed depending on the severity of its wound. Sometimes the whale went so fast that the end of the canoe went down in the waves. This towing of the canoe might continue for 8 or 4 days, the whalers waiting until the whale became sufficiently weary to be dispatched When it was decided to dispatch a whale all the canoes in the expedition might cooperate, one spearman after another throwing harpoons or using the barbed iron lance (pls. 5, @; 17, 6). This was attached to a pole of particularly heavy wood and secured by a rope, and was thrown repeatedly until the whale was dead. Sometimes three or four canoes would work all day killing a whale. Edwin Hayte’s uncle sometimes jumped on the whale with a butcher knife, stuck it into the whale’s back and went down with the whale. He stayed on the whale’s back and came up with it. In this connec- tion it is interesting to note the name of Mrs. Helen Irving (I’asa’ko), which means “stepping on a whale” and was hereditary in her family before her grandmother’s time. The name probably had its origin in this manner of killing a whale. When the whale was dead they cut a hole in the back to let in the cold water. If this were not done the whale might “spoil,” as, in the old days, it sometimes took 2 days to tow a whale to land. In more recent years the Indians have summoned a tug to bring in the whale, and a tug once towed in four whales in 1 day. As stated, the “whal- ing songs” were sung while the whale was being towed ashore. Although this was the usual procedure it was impossible to foresee the actions of a whale after it had been speared. It might take to the open ocean and, in such an event, the canoe was often towed far out of sight of land. A whale was said to move very rapidly, with a wake and spray like that from a steamer. Occasionally a whale when weakened from its wound went out into the ocean to die and they had to let him go, as he was getting too far from land to be towed in. A dead whale was sometimes washed ashore, and was the property of the man owning that shore line. Sometimes a wounded whale chased the canoe, Mr. Hayte saying this was done by the second whale that he speared. He said that on another occasion he was with a whaling party and they saw a lot of whales coming toward them, moving very rapidly. A whale approached within about 150 feet of the canoe and dived, then rose DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 53 nearer, and they speared him. The whale went down again, rose about 300 feet away, and was speared by his uncle. It took half an hour to kill the whale, which they towed to the Vancouver Island shore, this being nearer than Neah Bay. They cut up the whale, gave some to the Vancouver Island people, and brought the rest home. On one of Hayte’s expeditions the whalers started in the evening and camped on Tatoosh Island, starting again at about 1 o’clock. They paddled to the halibut bank and at daybreak saw a whale eat- ing little fish. On another expedition he saw many whales eating. In former years the whaling was at some distance from the villages, but Hayte said he once saw a whale hiding in the kelp on the land- ward side of Wanda Island, opposite to the village. It was pursued by a killer whale which, according to Hayte, was a “wolf when on land” and made a noise like a wolf—a long howl—when fighting. The killer whale came in from deep water and went all around the island, but the whale kept still. After a while the killer whale gave up and went away. An individual whaler may have his own song, received from a tumanos by himself, his father, or his grandfather, but there are three songs that are commonly used by all whaling expeditions when towing a whale. These songs are connected with two legends, one mentioning a mysterious creature of the deep (sisichiu) (see p. 6), and the other relating the experience by which a married man became a successful whaler. LEGEND OF THE WHALE AND THE Lirrie Brrp Related by JAMES GUY As an introduction to this legend it may be stated that a man who had a whale for his tumanos once noticed a connection between the whale and a little bird which was black, about 6 inches long, and lived in water like a duck (probably a petrol). He said the whale and the bird were always together and lived in the same house. The little bird was called the protector of the whale and whenever a whale died the little bird was mentioned because it was part of the whale’s life. There is a mention of the little bird in all the songs that are sung when a dead whale is being towed toward the land. The little bird is gakatas and the whale is si’‘hwa. It was said that “anyone who had the little bird for his tumanos was good at whale catching” and whoever found one of these birds was considered lucky, as it brought riches to its possessor. There was also an association between the whale and the elk which was not explained. Elk bones were used in harpoon barbs and other whaling implements, and elk horn was the material of the “whaler’s rattle.” 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 The legend is as follows: A man was under the influence of his tumanos who told him to dive into the ocean at a certain place. The man did this and saw a strange animal called sisichiu, and when he saw this animal he sweat blood. The man had never been whaling but after he saw this animal he knew that he could be a whaler. He did not carry any amulet. The sisichiu is so rare that the fact of seeing one was enough to bring success. The sisichiu became his tumanos and taught him a song which he was to sing when he got a whale. So the man went whaling and had not been out long when he saw a whale moving slowly. He came up to it, speared it once, and killed it. As he towed it ashore he sang the following song: Makah (Catalog No. 1877) No. 1. Song Concerning the Whale Which Could Not Be Eaten Recorded by JAMES Guy d= 88 Irregular in tonality pa -(2- (2. -B- fa “y- TRANSLATION The oil of this whale is red because the little bird has made it so. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 55 Analysis —The phonographic record of this song began and ended with a howl or moan. The singer explained that the song was sung by men in boats when towing a wounded whale, the paddles keeping time with the sound. When the howl was given, the paddles were held straight up, after which the singing was resumed. The howl was said to represent the sound made by a whale after it has been wounded. ‘This was said to be different from the howl, or wail, given after certain dance songs, which was clearer and more shrill. It was also different from the indefinite downward trailing of the voice which sometimes occurs during a song, as well as after the final tone. The intervals in the opening portion of this song were sung dis- tinctly, in contrast to the opening portion of No. 4, in, which the progressions were glissando. 'The difference between the tones tran- scribed as B flat and B natural, in the later portion of the song, was clearly given. The melody contains only three tones, and has two rhythmic units, the second of which is like the second rhythmic unit of the song next following. The ending on C is the characteristic ending of the whaling songs. The sound of drumming was produced by pounding on the floor with a long stick held upright in the hand. The sound of a drum can not be recorded satisfactorily by a phono- graph and other devices must be used to ascertain the rhythm of the accompanying instrument. Pounding with a long stick on the floor, or with a small stick on a box, has been found effective for this purpose. The tempo of the accompaniment changed with that of the voice throughout these recordings. A detailed analysis of the songs is presented on pages 35-47 and 342-347. When the men reached shore and began to cut up the whale they found the blood entirely clotted. Although this was attributed to the little bird in the song, it was said that it was done by sisichiu to test the man’s courage. Finding that the whale could not be eaten, the man started out again. He saw a whale, speared it, but did not Jall it instantly. As he towed it in he sang another song, also given him by sisichiu. 89728—39——_6 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But, 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1878) No. 2. Song Concerning the Eatable Whale Recorded by JAMES GUY g=182 Irregular in tonality (1) (2) e. -SSStetes -Seeeeees SSeS — TRANSLATION We got this whale because the little bird was not at home. Analysis —Before recording this song Mr. Guy spoke sharply the following words in Makah: “Every man in the canoe must paddle. A storm is coming up so everyone must paddle.” These were fol- lowed immediately by the song, after each rendition of which the singer gave the moan in descending intervals similar to that tran- scribed with the preceding song, and the short, repeated tones, but the intervals were not clearly defined, as in the first song. Attention is directed to the drumming, in contrast to that of the preceding song. The only tones in this song are G sharp, A and B, and the only intervals are whole tones and semitones. The second rhythmic unit is the same as in the preceding song. Both the preceding songs are still used by whalers and the man who recorded them has used them on such expeditions. Song No. 4 is also used, these three being the principal songs used when towing a wounded whale. These songs were never sung at a dance. LEGEND OF THE Marrrep MAN Wuo Became A WHALER Related by JAMES Guy It is the belief of the Makah that a married man cannot be a good whaler, but this story tells of a young man who married and also gained the power to catch whales. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 57 There was once a man who wanted his son to be a good whaler. He bought a whaling outfit for the young man and rose early to start him on his first whaling trip. The father opened the roof boards so the fire would burn. This let in the light and he saw that his son had brought home a wife without asking permission. He was so angry that he threw water on them. The young man told the girl that she had better go home, and he went to look for his chum.*? He told his chum that he was going away and wanted the “first floater” from his house. In the evening the young man went again to his chum and said, “Go to my house tomorrow morning before anyone is up and get the floater.” The chum did this. Early in the morning the young man and his chum went down to the rocks when the tide was right. Both removed their clothing and the young man said he wanted his friend to drag him on the barnacles on the rocks, because he did not care if he died. The young man was dragged across the barnacles twice on his chest and twice on his back. By that time the skin was taken off his body. Then he got into the seal-hide floater and only his arms and legs were outside. His friend took alder wood and plugged up the eye openings of the hide. The daylight was just coming when his friend put him on a couple of pieces of wood at the water’s edge, so the tide would bring him in. As the sun rose a raven came and circled above him three times, lighted on the floater, took out the alder plugs, and flew away. Then a wolf made a roaring sound. The chum was watching, and after a while the wolf howled again. Then the chum saw the wolf come out of the woods. It made one circle around the man and went back. Then the chum heard a small pack of wolves howling. The pack did the same as the single wolf had done, making one circle around the man and going back to the woods. The third time a great many wolves were heard howling. They came down to the beach, and as they came out of the woods they circled once, then sat down on their haunches. The chum was watching. The wolves howled again, went away, and there was a fire in the middle of the circle where they had been sitting. They went to the young man and started to “pack” him up the trail. The wolf who carried the man made it plain that he thought he had a very heavy load and that it must have life in it. The wolves threw the young man on some sharp bones to take the life out of him, but he braced himself in such a way that he was not hurt. Then the wolf said the load was still so heavy that they must do it again. Some one said, “Don’t throw him so far this time.” The 4#33n narratives and legends of the Indians, a young man usually has one close friend, designated here as his ‘‘chum,” 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu, 124 young man helped himself and was thrown clear of the sharp bones. He was taken up by another wolf and they traveled on again. At last they came to a lake beside which was a large build- ing, the walls of which were decorated. The doors consisted of two blackfish. This house belonged to the chief of the wolves. When they got in they put the man on a big wooden platter. The wolves took off their fur and were ordinary men. One of these wolf-men came in and asked why the others had been so slow in butchering the young man, saying he had a sharp shell for the purpose. As the speaker put the shell to the young’s man throat he sat up, being only slightly cut. The wolf-man fainted. The others were so astonished that they did not know what to do. Some said they ought to take care of the man who had only a small cut on his throat. They called the chief. He had medicine brought, rubbed it on the man’s body, and the raw places were instantly cured. Then the chief ordered his men to invite other tribes so they all could learn why the young man had come to this place. When a great pack of the wolf-men had gathered they began to ask the young man why he had come. They asked one question after another, but he made no reply. A little bird spoke and said it was simple. The young man was trying to become a whaler and had come for the whale harpoon and the whaling spear. As soon as the wolf-men had given him these whaling implements they said they would take him home again. When they reached the beach the young man’s friend was still there and had a seal harpoon with him. The young man asked his friend to spear him with the harpoon. The wolves had given him such a strong healing medicine that he was not afraid of any wound, so he held up his arm and let his friend throw the harpoon into it. Then he told his friend to take him out of the pack of wolves. The young man and his friend went to a place by themselves and stayed there four days. The young man told his friend that he must have some whale sinew, such as was used in making the ropes for harpoons. This was obtained, then they got a pole and made a whale harpoon. At the end of four days the young man told his chum that they must get the canoe ready for whaling (burn off the splinters by mak- ing a fire of small trees under it). The next day it was calm. Early in the morning the young man came and got into the canoe. There were several men in it and this was the first time he had been with men, except his chum. Instead of going toward the ocean he told his men to paddle toward a little bay. They saw a whale and he told his men to paddle toward it. He speared the whale and killed it instantly ; indeed, it seemed as though the whale wanted to be killed, DENSMORB] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 59 The young man asked his men to help tow the whale ashore, and instead of going to his old home, he told them to tow the whale else- where, so it would look as though his friend had killed it. While towing the whale they sang the following song. Makah (Catalog No. 1379) No. 3. Song of the Married Man Who Became a Whaler Recorded by JAMES Guy Ae sol pl pls wal el lc eee ch ll Nl Solis iene Drum — Ll ei CU al = ai =) eee Ce SO Oe USE RUE TRANSLATION Go into that bay, that is the path (meaning the landing place of the canoe). Analysis.—Attention is directed to the slow tempo and peculiar drumbeat in this song. The interval of a fourth, which characterizes songs associated with motion, is a frequent interval. The song con- tains 12 ascending and 13 descending intervals, the ascent being often an approach to an accented tone. It is also interesting to note the short rest which occurs frequently at the close of a measure. After this, the young man became a successful whaler, was forgiven by his father and allowed to have his wife. He had proved that, although married, he was a good whaler. The young man was called Ci’baiyaa (Cz drag, baiyaa beach, or “man dragged on the beach”). When a whale was almost tired out the whaler might tie a “charm” to his line in order to make the whale swim toward shore. Different whalers had different charms, but a humming bird was 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bun, 124 often used. Young Doctor said that his family used a turtle for this purpose. He could not describe the turtle but said it was “what the Chinese eat.” The following song was sung, accompanied by the whaler’s rattle, when the turtle was attached to the line. This song is inherited in Young Doctor’s family. It is impossible to in- dicate the introductory portion of this song by means of notation as it contains a prolonged singing tone with no vocables, a few short words, and two glissando phrases in which the following words were said to occur: “Use your other flipper.” In explanation it was said “a, whale sometimes changed to another flipper when it was swim- ming.” The words “Paddle toward our home” occurred in the me- lodie portion, which is the only portion included in the analyses. The word translated paddle is the Makah word used to designate the propelling of a canoe. Makah (Catalog No. 1352) No. 4. Song to Make a Wounded Whale Swim Toward Shore Recorded by Youne Docror F| = 58 Introduction ww z z = ee = cf eee Stee ee eet VEE Singing tone Glissando spoken song i seasa (ies deoegicienes esa singing tone glissando Sip ieee TRANSLATION Use your other flipper. Paddle toward our home. Analysis—The tempo of the introduction to this song was stead- ily maintained. The glissando was gradual and the lowest tone was not clear but the succeeding rests were well defined. The difference between the “singing tone” and the “spoken” in the introduction was clear, the latter being somewhat indefinite in pitch, though ap- proaching the pitch indicated. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 61 The song is classified with D as its keynote, although that tone occurs only once, this occurrence being on the unaccented count of the measure midway the length of the song. Thirteen of the 23 intervals are semitones, but a whole tone is used effectively in the final measures. The song was sung twice with no pause between the renditions, but the intonation in the repetition was uncertain. The foregoing legend is widely diffused in the Northwest. It was noted by the writer when studying the music of British Columbian tribes and a song was recorded by a Nitinat Indian with the words, “J will scrape my body on the rocks because I want to get a whale.” Another song of a whaler inherited in Young Doctor’s family is No. 33 in the section on the potlatch. The series of whaling pictures here presented *#* was shown to Young Doctor, who expressed the opinion that they were taken when the last whale was caught by the Makah, this whale having been speared by Charles White. Lighthouse Joe, a prominent Makah in early times, is shown in plate 17, 6, with his whaling spear, canoe, and floaters. In plate 17, a, the canoe is in the open ocean off Cape Flattery. Care was used in landing a whale, as it could be moved a little when near the shore and still afloat but could not be moved if it touched bot- tom. In this situation it was managed by the men in the canoe (pl. 18, a). This picture shows Bahada Point in the distance at the right, Wanda Island at the left, and between them is the channel toward the east. Neah Bay village faces the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and, as already stated, Cape Flattery and the Pacific Ocean are toward the west. A whaling canoe was always brought up on the beach with the stern foremost, so that it could be launched again without delay if another whale were sighted. The whale was hauled ashore by ropes, the barb of the harpoon was cut out, and the carcass divided according to an established custom (pl. 18, 6). It was Hayte’s duty to measure the whale so that in the division of the meat there would be enough to go around; this measurement being the basis for the division. It was said a whale once brought in was so large that a mast pole was used in giving a knife to the man who sat on top of the whale cutting it up. Concerning the size of the whales, one informant said that the head was usually about 25 feet long, another that the entire whale was about 75 feet in length. It was also said that the distance from a point close to the head of the whale back to the high fin on its back was usually 5 fathoms. 48 The writer gratefully acknowledges the courtesy of Mr. Ashel Curtis in permitting the use of these pictures. 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw, 124 The spearman, who, as indicated, was the owner of the outfit, received the “saddle” and fin on the back of the whale, which was considered the choicest part, as it contained the blubber. Those who sat directly behind the spearman in the canoe received more than the others because they worked harder. The man who owned the canoe might receive a share on that account. The spearman might, if he desired, give the saddle of the whale to a relative who would give him 10 or 20 dollars in return and would be under obligations to give a feast. The tip of the fin on top of the saddle was dried and a whaler kept these tips as the score of whale catch- ing. The saddle, with the fin, was about a double arm-spread long and 3 or 4 feet high, but the tip which was kept for a record was only about 8 inches across where it was cut from the fin. Hayte said he had four such tips on a string, but it was said that a cer- tain man had 40 fin tips on his string. The eyes of the whale were also dried and were strung on a different sort of a string than the fin tips. When a whale hunter had caught five or more whales he invited several other tribes and gave an “oil potlatch” at which he displayed his strings of dried whale eyes and fin tips. (See pp. 66-69.) The economic uses of the whale were the following: (1) The fat and meat were smoked, the meat being so valuable that “a piece a little shorter than a suitcase sold for $2.00.” (2) The skin was scraped and eaten raw, or it was boiled and eaten, everything being considered edible except the entrails. (3) The “teeth” were used in making the whaler’s rattle and also in making a halibut hook. (4) The sinew was used for rope and tying various materials. (5) The bones were used for making knives and other implements or weapons. (6) A vertebra was used in polishing the under side of a canoe. (7) The bone had a high economic value, being used in many ways. The most important product was whale oil, and it was estimated that more than 100 gallons of oil was obtained from a large whale. The fat portions of the whale were boiled and the oil was then skimmed from the top of the water and what remained was dried. This was about the size of a side of bacon, and it was sliced when eaten. The people ate it with dried meat or fish and did not care to have it salty. A game implement was made from the gristle near the whale’s flipper. This was shaped into a ball about the size of a baseball and was buried in the sand, preparatory to a game resembling shinny. The ball was called hw’ww and was said to be tough like rubber. One ball could be used for several games, as it never broke, no matter how hard the blows with the stick, which was similar to a shinny stick. ‘Two goals were indicated by lines drawn in the sand and the DENSMORB] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 63 ball was buried halfway between these goals. No songs were sung with the game, which was played for sport and as an opportunity to exhibit a man’s physical strength. “When played in real earnest and entirely by strong men it was very rough but the men enjoyed it.” Young Doctor said he once saw a game between the Ozettes and the Tatoosh Island people. The Ozettes had gotten a whale and while they were eating someone suggested a game. They dug up the gristle ball and played on the shore, the game being played by “big husky men.” This game was not unlike the contests of physical strength that marked many social gatherings of the Makah (see p. 86). In old times the average catch for a whaler was one or two whales a year, but a man often caught four and occasionally five in a season. A successful whaler held a high position in the tribe, not only be- cause of the difficulty of this task but because of the wealth he ac- quired from the exchange of whale products in his own and other tribes. This wealth included goods such as blankets, matting, wampum beads, dried fish, and slaves. The wampum was valued as the white race values gold. The whaler also had opaque, small blue and red beads. Slaves were bought from British Columbia tribes, there being slaves in that territory. Almost all whalers had a good many slaves. James Guy said that his father had 10 slaves. Sometimes the slaves thus obtained in barter married into the lower classes of the Makah tribe and their children also were slaves. The upper classes considered it a disgrace to have anything to do with the slaves, who were sometimes well treated and sometimes not well treated by their owners. Mrs. Philip Ladder (pl. 5, b, c) recorded a song, which was not transcribed. Her status is distinctly that of a slave at the present time. It is said there are now no whales in the vicinity of Cape Flattery, as they have been hunted by people living on Vancouver Island, who use them commercially. Modern methods of pursuing and killing the whale will reduce the number more rapidly than the methods used by the Indians and lead to the extermination of this interesting animal. GATHERING IN Honor oF THE WHALE FIN The upright fin of a whale belonged to the spearman, as already stated, and he laid it aside when the carcass of the whale was divided. This portion was about a double arm-spread long and 3 or 4 feet high. A feast in honor of this fin was held at a later time. The whale hunter, or the relative to whom he gave the saddle of the whale, placed it astride a long pole in his house for four days and nights. Downy feathers were attached to the tip of the fin, and feathers were placed 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (But, 124 on the side of the saddle, painted with any desired patterns. One informant said that downy feathers were put on each side of the fin in the shape of a crescent, pounded cedar bark was put on the fin and large feathers placed in the bark, and a feather was placed at either side of the fin. The owner sat beside the saddle and kept the fire burning all night. In the evenings he would call a few old men and have them sing whale songs, using the whaler’s rattle. This was done on each of the four evenings. It was also required that the owner go around the saddle four times each night, by himself, acting as in the whaler’s dance but using no rattle and singing no song. On the fifth morning the saddle was taken down, the tip was cut off for keeping, and the remainder was cut up and cooked, people being invited to the feast. This saddle was supposed to contain the choicest portion of the meat. There was no dancing on this occasion but a peculiar custom was followed during the songs. The people were seated at long planks on which they pounded with sticks held in the right hand. Meantime the left hand was held in front of the face with the thumb up, suggesting the form of a whale, and at the end of the song the hand was withdrawn wrist first with a motion like that of a fish diving and swimming downward (pl. 20, a). Singers not thus engaged used the gestures shown in plate 20, b, ec, d, with the whale songs. The attitudes in plates 20 and 21 were posed by Mrs. Hazel Parker Butler. It is the belief of the Makah that only the exterior is changed in what is commonly called the transformation of a human being into an animal. It was also their belief that, when a whale was killed, the man who temporarily had assumed the form of this whale returned to his human form. In this form he came to the gatherings held in honor of the whale and the words of the songs are supposed to be his words, addressed to the assembly. This belief is held concerning the songs of the oil potlatch as well as the songs of the gathering in honor of the whale fin. During these two groups of songs a successful whaler would use a “whaler’s rattle” (pl. 14, a). The songs used on such an occasion were the “Song of the uneatable whale” (No. 1) and the three songs next following. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 PLATE 18 a, Bringing whale near shore. 6, Cutting up whale. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 124 PLATE 19 a, Painted cloth on wall. c, Singers pounding on planks. 02 “Io ep jou o1ye }uU os oad od Y ‘ B os a 03 jo UOrze qu oso1doyy ‘ eG C ) *sSu0S ale YM 3 al Inp suorytsog ‘p ‘9 ‘q *y B3lv1d vel NiitaTINSG ADOIONHLA NVYOIMAWY AO nvaynad BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY a, b, c, Positions during honor songs. BULLETIN 124 PLATE 21 d, Yala’bkastik dance. e, Gift-giving songs. jf, Koko’pchitib position. DensMoRD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 65 Makah (Catalog No. 1880) No. 5. Song of Gathering at Which Whale Fin Was Displayed Recorded by JAMES GUY o — 66 Irregular in tonality me iia eee St SES pa pS peers TRANSLATION I come in, I am rolling (not walking) but I am a man. Analysis—This song was preceded by short exclamatory tones, repeated several times. These, like the moan or how], are a character- istic of the performance of whale songs. The only melody tones are G sharp, A, and B, and the song is classified as irregular in tonality. The tone trailed downward at the close of the song. Makah (Catalog No. 1381) No. 6. “I Come to the Land” Recorded by JAMES Guy 6 Irregular in tonality ey eee ine | eee siete ga +2 @ Re MER ee ats Bae ee TRANSLATION Here I come from way out, to the land, To visit as many places as I can. Analysis —The ascending intervals in this song are more than the descending, and often occur before long, accented tones, making them more prominent. Frequent rests occur, as well as the prolonged tones which characterize the whaling song. A downward glissando fol- lowed the closing tone, as in the song next preceding. The only melody tones are G sharp, A, and B, and the song is classified as irreg- 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt, 124 ular in tonality. The three renditions are more exact than in many songs concerning the whale. In explanation of the next song it was said that a man had a dream in which a living whale came to him. This was a whale he had caught at some previous time and it came back, saying it was ready to be caught again. Makah (Catalog No. 1882) No. 7. A Whale Returns Recorded by JAMES Guy e= 54 Irregular in tonality palpate pets itera aE Se Spe da52 SErhnoa as De ee al =02 ; ae 660-9 ag : | d= SB, ate LEN OLR es =— BL pea ate eae somes Sa TRANSLATION I am coming back to be caught again. Analysis —The characteristics of the whaling songs appear in this melody which is small in compass and contains prolonged tones and frequent rests. The song is classified as irregular in tonality and contains more ascending than descending progressions. Its three renditions were alike in every respect. The changes of tempo prob- ably correspond to the words. OIL POTLATCH A man with a large supply of whale oil could give an oil potlatch. This was the most important potlatch of the Makah and was described by Wilson Parker, whose father gave such a feast. He said he at- DrnsMOrD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 67 tended an oil potlatch first when he was too young to understand it, and that as he grew older its meaning and customs were explained to him. His father once killed four whales in one season. These yielded an amount of oil which he estimated at about 500 gallons, and his father gave it all away at his great oil potlatch. Everyone was invited to the gathering and the successful whalers wore their “prayer garb” in which they made their prayers for success. The event opened with a dance accompanied only by pound- ing on planks and shaking the whaler’s rattle made of elk horn (pl. 14, @). At first there was a special dancer who danced alone and imitated the motions of a whale. He wore his “prayer garb” which, in this instance, was a black bear skin with eagle down sprinkled on it. The bear skin fitted like a coat and was held in place by a belt of cedar-bark fiber. Around the dancer’s head was a twist of pounded cedar bark with an end which hung to his waist in the back. Eagle feathers were stuck at the sides of his head. Black paint was applied solidly to his face, and after applying the paint he drew four fingers from his temples to his chin, removing the paint and leaving lines of natural color. His arms and legs were painted with black stripes and he was barefoot. At the opening of the dance he carried nothing in his hand, but later he shook the whaler’s rattle of elk horn. Then all the people did what the special dancer had done, imitating the motions of the whale. The elk-horn rattle was shaken again, there was more pounding on the planks, and the songs were begun, all the people singing. Only one typical song of the oil potlatch was recorded, as it was said they all were “practically the same.” In the following song the whale speaks, as in the songs of the gathering at which the fin was dis- played. The idea of this song is that the whale is bringing economic material of so much value that the man can afford to give an oil potiatch. 68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1427) No. 8. Song of a Whale Recorded by WILSON PARKER @—80 BE cede fee eee His Eeazie = = TRANSLATION I have come to see how your house is, Is it prepared for large crowds? Analysis ——The principal tones in this song are E flat, F, and G, and the song is classified as major in tonality. Examination of the melody shows that F is the initial tone in 22 of the 39 measures and occurs on unaccented counts in seven other measures. This prom- inence of the tone above the keynote suggests a tonal relationship other than the diatonic scale, but the latter is retained as a convenient basis for classification. The song contains 26 ascending and 25 descending progressions, and with two exceptions the only intervals are whole tones. The tempo is slow and the song contains many prolonged tones, which have been found to characterize songs con- cerning whales. The host provided dried halibut, dried whale blubber, and dried whale meat, beside the whale oil, everything being in great abun- DENSMORB] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 69 dance so the people could eat all they desired and have a supply to take home. There was no food except meat at this feast. The oil potlatch was considered so much above other potlatches that the gifts extended beyond material things. The prominent guests, as well as the host, gave freely the innermost secrets of their minds. For instance, a good fisherman would show the kind of herbs he rubbed on his body, hands, and fishline to insure success. Or a man wearing a prayer garb of nettles would go through the motions of bathing, donning the nettles and praying, also telling the time he considered most favorable for this action. On one occasion a successful whaler acted out the capture of a whale, himself taking the part of the animal. His attire was his “prayer garb’”—a black bear skin similar to that already described, except that in his hand he held one end of a long rope made of sinew. His wife personified the whaler and held the other end of the rope. Four human scalps were strung at intervals on the rope, near the end held by the man. These represented the floaters on a whaling rope, and the man went through the motions of a whale that has been speared. Another man enacted the reason why he failed to get whales. The people pounded on the boards for him to come and he appeared carrying his bedding and a kettle. He pretended to cook and to fall asleep. Someone tried to rouse him and he wakened for a moment, and pretended to go to sleep again. This was understood as a confession that he could only eat and sleep, and could not, or would not, keep awake, an ability which was necessary when starting on a whale hunt or when towing a whale. It was considered more to his credit to be honest and tell why he had failed to get any whales. Another instance was related of a British Columbia Indian who enacted the drinking of liquor from a bottle, and treating a comrade, both becoming in- toxicated. Thus he confessed that drinking had made it impossible for him to become a good whaler. When the time came for distributing the oil the host came in from outdoors. He had a long rope attached to him and about 20 of his female relatives held the rope. These were his daughters and grand- daughters or nieces. He acted the part of a captured whale and started the following song which was taken up by all the people. This and the song next following are hereditary in the family of the man who recorded them. 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu, 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1425) No. 9. Song of the Oil Potlatch Recorded by WILSON PARKER Voice d= 76 Drum in very se yeb sie, beats eae oe Si pa RnanRART ae TRANSLATION Here I have come to the place where people live. Analysis —The only tones in this song are F sharp, G sharp, A and B. Although the song is classified as minor in tonality the tone IF sharp occurs only in the second measure, as a final and unaccented tone. The principal interval is the semitone between G sharp and A which comprises 14 of the 24 intervals. Ascending and descending progressions are equal in number. The drum was in very rapid beats. The prolonged tones and frequent rests are characteristic of whaling songs. The close of the transcription is somewhat arbitrary. The singer said there was no exact ending to this song, as the singing ceased when the dancers had circled the building once, after which they gave the long moan, connected with songs about a wounded whale. The young women stood in a row and danced, each holding her left hand before her face with the thumb up, as in the whale songs (pl. 20, a). ‘They were all dressed alike, wearing a black blanket passed under one arm and fastened on each shoulder, and belted with cedar-bark fiber. Their faces were covered with black paint, not so heavily as the men but sufficiently to show where the paint had been removed by drawing three fingers from the mouth upward to the ear on each side. A twist of cedar bark was around the head, with one eagle feather on each side of the head. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 11 The dancing song of the young women is believed to be the dream song of an ancestor of the singer, but no one knows the meaning of the words. Makah (Catalog No. 1426) No. 10. Dance Song of the Young Women Recorded by WILSON PARKER Voice J= 76 Drum 2 76 See drum-rhythm below ceodedes Analysis.—In this song we have all the features mentioned in pre- ceding analyses as characterizing whale songs. It is a pleasing melody and comprises only the first, second, third, and fourth tones of the key of E flat major, ending on the tone above the keynote. Other songs ending in this manner are Nos, 19, 20, 44, 45, 103, 172, and 200. The general trend of the melody is downward. An ascending major third is the only interval other than whole tones and semitones. After the young women had finished their dance a large canoe was brought in and oil was poured into it, filling it to the brim. Each young woman took a blanket from the box and put it on, after which the host poured a bucket of oil over her to show how lavish he was in his use of whale oil. The young woman took off the blanket and. gave it to an old woman. By the time all the young women had been thus treated the floor was covered with oil. The host then held up a blanket. There was one man who always had the precedence in the distribution of oil. This man came forward and the host pinned the blanket on him. A box was provided and the man filled the box 89728397 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 with oil and carried it around the room. This boxful belonged to him. The host provided the box and the blanket for this man at every oil potlatch, the right to this attention being hereditary in his family. Each person who came to the oil potlatch brought a container for the oil. Usually this was the stomach of the sea lion, dried with air in it and having a wooden plug at one end. It was always kept filled with air. Sometimes a whale stomach or the stomach of a hair seal was used for a container. The oil was dipped with a box-like utensil made of one piece of cedar, the same utensil being used for carrying water. Oil was poured lavishly on the fire. After the oil was distributed the people took their presents and went home. In the evening they came back to sing. At that time each person had the privilege of starting their own song, which was sung by the entire company, pounding on the planks. The songs were started one after another, the person at the right of each singer start- ing the next song. When a person started his song he (or she) was given the whaler’s rattle and could shake it during the song if he desired to do so. POTLATCH This ceremonial is general among tribes of the Northwest Coast. Its name is derived from the Nootka word patshatl which means “oiving” or “a gift.” Dr. J. R. Swanton says: “The giver some- times went so far as to strip himself of nearly every possession except his house, but he obtained an abundant reward, in his own estimation, in the respect with which his fellow-townsmen afterwards regarded him, and when others ‘potlatched’ he, in turn, received a share of their property with interest, so that potentially he was richer than before.” #* Before a potlatch was held a delegation was sent to deliver the invitation to a neighboring tribe. This delegation (hiba’tabés) was sometimes so large that it filled several canoes, the largest of which might contain 48 men. Young Doctor (pl. 1), who recorded more than twice as many songs and gave a larger amount of information than anyone else at Neah Bay, is respected by all in the village. His Makah name is So’iye. He has a store, carves and paints many articles for commercial sale, and goes fishing early in the morning, though handicapped by an infirmity that prevents his standing upright. He attributes his health and strength to his simple, almost ascetic manner of life. The song next following was sung by a delegation inviting to a potlatch and is an old song inherited in his family. It is a favorite of his, though he does not know the meaning of the words. He said, “Nothing could be prettier than the sound of the paddles and the voices when singing “ Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, p. 293. DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 73 this song.” At the syllables “ho, ho” the paddles were held upright, then the song was resumed and the paddling of the canoe continued. Makah (Catalog No. 1823) No. 11. Song in the Canoes Recorded by Youna Doctor Vorcr g— 60 Drum ox 60 Analysis——The tempo of this song is slow and the drumbeat corre- sponds with the stroke of the paddle, voice and drum being exactly together. The drum continued during the rests in the song. Attention is directed to the accented eighth notes in the latter portion of the song. The song next following could be sung when a man was inviting a neighboring tribe to a potlatch. He would sing this in the canoe. The words were said to be about the thunder, but nothing further was known concerning their meaning. 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1822) No. 12. Song of Invitation to a Potlatch Recorded by Youne Doctor VoIcn e = 54 Drum Aes 54 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 RIES ie Analysis —This melody has much charm, especially if repeated several times, allowing the rhythm to become established. The tempo is even slower than in the preceding song and the drumbeat coincided with the voice except in the 5-8 measure, where it was indistinct. The beat continued in exact time during the vocal rests. The intonation of B flat was clear, whether approached from G or F sharp, the latter being a difficult progression. When the invited party approached the village they sang in the canoes and the song next following was sung before they landed. Young Doctor said he remembered an occasion when a certain Quinaielt man was so delighted at being invited to the potlatch that he danced on the shore, singing this song alone after the people had landed. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 75 Quinaielt (Catalog No. 1504) No. 13. Song of the Guests in Their Canoes Recorded by Youne Doctor VoIcE s= 120 Drum J 84 See drum-rhythm below -9- 5s a oe ~- -9- -8- (shouts) ho! ho! aa eee ae o— Drum-rhythm Nee Nee NS UN Ooecéegéegdaeé Analysis——This melody contains only the tones of the major triad. Its interest lies in the change of tempo and the lack of coincidence of voice and drum, the latter, whenever discernible, having a different time unit than the voice. The major thirds are more in number than the minor thirds, and the song ends with a progression upward to the third above the keynote. This gives an interesting close with an effect of expectancy. After the party landed the host sent a man down to say that a meal would be served them at once, and the messenger would escort them to the place where they would be fed. At the potlatch mentioned with the preceding song one of the men rose and held up some food in each hand as he danced around the room singing the next song. The other guests joined in the song. The women did not hold up any food, but 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boun, 124 held their shawls tightly around them and danced standing in one place. After this meal the guests went to the canoes and sorted out their belongings, ready to go to the camp where the potlatch was to be held. Makah (Catalog No. 1824) No. 14. Song of a Guest at a Potlatch Recorded by Youna Doctor VoIcE d= 72 Drum a — 84 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Analysis —The drum is faster than the voice in this, as in the song next preceding. A further resemblance is in the tone material and the proportion of various intervals, but the general effect is en- tirely different. Many of the phrases end with a short note, ap- proached by an ascending progression and seeming to express anticipa- tion on the part of the singer. ‘The host at a potlatch invited the local people as well as the tribe from a distance. The guests were fed twice or three times a day for four days and the number was so great that 40 boxes of pilot bread were required for each meal. Molasses was served with the pilot bread. Other articles of food were dried halibut, which was dipped in whale oil, and slices of whale blubber. There was no drink except water. For sweets they had clover roots, boiled and dipped in oil. Cranberries and crab apples were also used, the DENSMORB] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC V7 cranberries being put in water in a hewn wooden box. Before ob- taining pilot bread and molasses they used dried huckleberries, salal berries, elderberries, and wild currants. A favorite delicacy was dried blueberries, dried on a rack over a fire which partly cooked them. They were mixed with a certain root which was mealy, made in little cakes, and put away for winter use. The festivity began in the evening, and at the potlatch recalled by Young Doctor the local people opened the event with a dance called - Kwikwa’tla. He said that before a potlatch everyone practiced the dances and was prepared with the new dances. In the Kwikwa’tla each dancer wore a band around the head and carried a feather in each hand. There were many graceful gestures with these feathers, which Young Doctor enacted. The women wore white dresses with patterns sewed on them. Some of the women wore long full skirts and others wore shorter skirts, the latter being those who changed their positions often in the dance. Except for those who changed their positions, the motion of the dancers was only with the shoulders and arms, the feet being moved as little as possible and the dancers “sliding along with very small steps.” The following song was sung as these dancers entered, and while they danced. It was accompanied by pounding with sticks on a large box, this being done by the assembly. Makah (Catalog No. 1325) No. 15. Song of the Kwikwatla Dance Recorded by Youna Docror VoicE = 66 Drum ale 66 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Analysis —This is a particularly attractive melody, slow in tempo and dignified, yet having a certain grace in rhythm. Considering the keynote to be A, the song contains the third, fourth, and sev- enth, in addition to the keynote. It is, however, a song without key in the musician’s use of that term. 78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut, 124 Next the host danced alone while the people of his own village sang. The following is the song used on such occasions by members of Young Doctor’s family. The words mean “I am wealthy, that is why I am singing.” Makah (Catalog No. 1326) No. 16. Song of the Host at a Potlatch Recorded by Youne Doctor VOICE | = 63 Drum = 63 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 eS ree eo 3 -®- =f o Analysis—The most prominent tone in this song is B flat, the melody lying partly above and partly below this tone. The third above B flat does not occur. Ascending and descending intervals are almost equal in number, and the minor third is a frequent pro- gression. The group of five sixteenth notes is interesting, and we note the ascending progression at the end of phrases, suggesting in- vitation on the part of the host. The two songs next following were sung before the gifts were distributed. They were accompanied by a rapid beating of sticks on planks, and the dancers clapped their hands sharply on the ac- cented tones of the song. The words mean “The bones of my arms have broken,” the words referring to the position of the dancer. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 79 Makah (Catalog No. 1820) No. 17. Song Before Distribution of Gifts (a) Recorded by Youne Docror Analysis ——An ascending whole tone is the most frequent interval in this song and is preceded, in a majority of instances, by a de- scending whole tone. This gives an effect of calmness, which is interesting in view of the use of the song. All the tones of the octave except the fourth occur in the melody. This was usually followed by the next song, during which the dancers clapped their hands at different heights. Some almost touched the floor in a low bow, at the accented tones of the song. The words mean, “It is I who am dancing.” SO BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1821) No. 18. Song Before Distribution of Gifts (b) Recorded by Youna Docror VoICcE d = 80 Drum d — 80 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10. Analysis —This song affords an interesting example of the slight changes that sometimes occur in repetitions of a song, these changes being due to the words of different verses, which necessitate change of note values. In this song the first part was sung only once and the repeated portion several times, the only differences being the DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 81 substitution of two measures in the repetition as indicated in the transcription. The melody is based on the fourth five-toned scale and contains a short rhythmic unit which occurs frequently and forms part of longer phrases. It has a compass of seven tones and is a lively, interesting melody with constant movement. The rhythm of the drum consisted of eighth notes but the drum occasionally added a beat and played three instead of two eighths, corresponding to a triplet in the song. The following song is hereditary in the family of Helen Irving (pl. 38, 6), who lived at Wyatch village. Such a song was sung by the person giving the potlatch, who danced alone as he sang. The gifts were distributed immediately afterwards. Makah (Catalog No. 1399) No. 19. “Mine is a Proud Village” Recorded by HELEN Irvine VoIcE Ne 56 Drum = 56 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 13 aN aN TRANSLATION Mine is a proud village, such as it is, We are at our best when dancing. Analysis Attention has been directed to songs expressing expecta- tion and ending on the second above the keynote. (See analysis of No. 10.) The present song is an excellent example of this class. The dotted eighth followed by a sixteenth note forms part of several different phrases and therefore is not regarded as a rhythmic unit. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Buty. 124 Ascending and descending intervals are about equal in number. Drum and voice were synchronous throughout the renditions. Just before the gifts were distributed the women guests came in dancing and singing the following song. Their faces were streaked with red paint, which extended in horizontal lines across the cheeks from the nose to the ear. This song is of a class known as “honor songs,” during which the dancers hold their hands up with the palms outward as in plate 21, a, or move them from side to side in that position as shown in plate 21, 6, ¢. During the dancing at Makah Day (p. 129) the women danced for long periods of time with their hands in the position first mentioned. At a potlatch the women wore several brass bracelets that rattled. These bracelets were not complete circles but were shaped like long loops. The words of their song mean, “We have come to see what you have to give away at your potlatch.” Makah (Catalog No. 1319) No. 20. Song of the Women Guests Recorded by Youna Docror = 2s Sener | Analysis —It is interesting to compare the rhythmic units of this song and No. 18, the one having a triplet on the accented and the other on the unaccented count. The melody is short and the ascend- ing and descending intervals are equal in number. The gifts were piled in front of the host and before they were distributed he might shake a rattle and start the following song. This rattle is called tke’itkwate. Instead of pounding on boards the people clapped their hands during this song. An ascending progres- sion at the close is a characteristic of all the songs connected with the distribution of gifts. This class of songs is called Yatai’yik. The words of this song mean, “I am rich because the rattle is my tumanos”. The position of the hands with these songs is shown in plate 20, e. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 83 Makah (Catalog No, 1298) No. 21. “The Rattle is my Tumanos” Recorded by Youna DocrTor e — 84 Introduction —— ~ Analysis ——This is an important example of Makah singing, as it contains the typical tone material and mannerisms of this tribe. The introduction consists of the long tones followed by a downward sliding of the voice which occurs in the whaling songs, and the song closes with a similar glissando ending indefinitely. The down- ward sliding of the voice in the introduction ends on a definite tone, as indicated in the transcription. The prolonged tones were in the indicated time. Only three tones occur in the song, these being G, B fiat, and C, which were sung clearly, with a peculiar emphasis on each tone, affording a contrast to the sliding tone of the introduc- tion. The song comprises six phrases and contains two rhythmic units, the first containing three and the second containing four measures. The following song is concerning some blankets that a new agent intended to distribute to the Indians. The agent had the blankets arranged in piles ready to give to the Indians but an old man said, “We had better not take these presents. If a white man offers presents he wants our land in return.” So the Indians all went away and left the agent with the blankets. Later he distributed them quietly, giving them only to families of the upper class. The inci- dent occurred when Young Doctor was about 12 years old. The song 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw, 124 was sung in one of the canoes as the people went to Ozette village, and it is called a potlatch song. The words mean, “It is too bad about the presents that I and the other old men were so pleased about.” Makah (Catalog No. 1318) No. 22. Potlatch Song Recorded by Younae DocTor VoIcE d = 63 Drum A — 63 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Analysis —No rhythmic unit occurs in this song and the count divisions are unusually small, the form of the melody reflecting the disturbed mind of the singer. The closing measures, however, are an expression of firmness. The song is minor in tonality and con- tains all the tones of the octave except the fourth. Contest or Macto Power Tuat Fottowep A PotuatcH After a potlatch feast and the distribution of gifts it was cus- tomary to have a test of the tumanos of the medicine men. The word tumanos has no English equivalent. It seems to have been more definitely objective than the idea we associate with the term “magic power”, or “medicine”, yet is of this character, as will be seen in the following narrative. Young Doctor, who gave this in- formation, said that when he first began his “medicine” he “could have killed people by letting fly his tumanos but he was too honor- able to do this.” It was considered dangerous not to be on the look- out for a man whose tumanos was strong, as he might “let it fly” at any time, and a man who was struck by another man’s tumanos died instantly. The guests at the potlatch usually asked, after the feast, whether the Makah had a “good Indian doctor.” Such a man among the guests then challenged the Makah doctor to a contest. On one occa- sion a Makah doctor wanted to try his power but he was crippled and the people were accustomed to regard his assumption of medi- DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 85 cine power as a jest. However, he took the challenge and some “people helped him fix up.” This man was Santiano, who died about 1909. (See p. 286.) He sang the following song as he entered the room. The meaning of the words is not known. Makah (Catalog No. 1327) No. 23. Song of Santiano at a Potlatch Recorded by Youne Docror Analysis —Four renditions of this song were recorded and differ slightly in the intervals of the first four and last three measures. The transcription is from the first rendition, in which the intonation was excellent. Later renditions showed the difficulty with which an Indian repeats a small descending interval, as the minor second was invariably sung as a larger interval. The differences at the close of the song consisted only in the order of the tones D and B flat, the song sometimes ending on D. The rests were concisely given in all the renditions. The song is characterized by the prolonged tones and the short tones followed by short rests which is a peculiarity of Makah music. He danced and blew blood from his mouth, which he smeared on his face, giving himself a terrible appearance. The visiting medicine man stood up and let fly his tumanos in the little old man’s face, but he did not die. Other medicine men among the guests then let fly their tumanos, but they could not kill the little old man, which showed that his power was as great as he had claimed. After the failure of the visiting medicine men, he let fly his own tumanos and it took the form of a snake. He did not throw it forward, but held up his hands cupwise and the snake seemed to come out of them. It went right toward the visiting doctor and would have killed him if he had not had the courage to catch it and take the life out of it. They took the snake to the large fire in the middle of the house, and 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buww, 124 there the snake turned into a long piece of pounded cedar bark. It was given back to the little old man, who exhibited it and sat down. The song next following is concerning a man’s tumanos. It could be sung at a social gathering of any sort, and was probably used at a potlatch. In explanation of the accompanying song it was said that “a man dreamed that the old Indians were introducing him to another tribe and singing this song.” Makah (Catalog No. 13803) No. 24. Song Concerning a Man’s Tumanos Recorded by Youne Docror TRANSLATION This man’s tumanos is the same as a certain great man’s tumanos (naming the man) Analysis—Three complete renditions of this song were recorded with a brief pause between the renditions. The only differences were in the latter portion of the seventh and the first part of the eighth measures, due to a change of words. The tone was firm and the intonation excellent. It is a particularly positive song, showing the confident attitude of a man who is sure of his tumanos. The interval of a fourth constitutes about a quarter of the progressions. ConTest oF PHYSICAL STRENGTH AT A POTLATCH The interest of the Makah in contests of strength (po’sta) was closely connected with their economic life and with their safety in time of war. Such contests at weddings and at tribal feasts are noted on pages 164, 247, 248. No songs were sung with such contests at DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC Q7 tribal gatherings but Young Doctor related an instance of a contest at a large potlatch and recorded its songs. Young Doctor said that a member of the Ozette band had invited all the Neah Bay people, the Wyatch and the Suez people to a potlatch. A great many canoes were paddling together on their way to the potlatch and as they came near the Ozette village someone said, “We ought to find out who is the strongest. The Ozettes have always claimed they were the strongest.” So the Neah Bay people began to sing friendly songs. All sang, and the Wyatch and Suez people danced in their canoes. Each of the three groups had its own songs. This notified the Ozettes that they must prepare for a strength contest. When they reached the shore, two of the Neah Bay strong men got out and went up to the Ozette village. The man giving the pot- latch came out and said he did not see why a test was wanted because everyone knew the Ozettes were the strongest. He said he had a great many men stronger than they and tried to prevent their entrance. Then the Ozettes came down to the beach and pushed the canoes away from the shore so they could not land. They tried to push the Neah Bay people back into the canoes and push the canoes out into the water. Meantime some of the Neah Bay people were trying to push into the house. Finally the Neah Bay people succeeded in pushing into the house where the potlatch was to be held, which proved they were stronger than the Ozettes. The following song was sung by the men in the canoes, challenging the Ozettes, and was also sung after they had pushed their way into the house and proved their superiority in strength. It is a song of the Wyatch and is so old that the meaning of the words is not known. Makah (Catalog No. 1315) No. 25. Song Challenging to Contest of Strength (a) Recorded by Youne Doctor Analysis —The interest of this song centers in the measures with the sustained tones, the interval of a minor third, especially in the slurred, descending progression, giving the effect of a call across the 89728—39-—-8 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 water. The song consists of two phrases differing only in the last portion of the third measure from the close. Several renditions were recorded and all contained this embellishment. The ascending and descending intervals are equal in number, each group containing six minor thirds, three whole tones, and one semitone. The next song is similar in purpose and is the song of the Neah Bay people on the same occasion. Makah (Catalog No. 1316) No. 26. Song Challenging to Contest of Strength (b) Recorded by Younae Doctor — 72 ey ae OE | ne Dipper pe ES =e = Poa Hoe == =. SI SSS : i390 6-3 9 9--_____9_ 6 3~___ : 3-9-0639 Dee eeen im eee see aie acces Analysis——The transcription of this song is from the first rendi- tion, which was followed by exclamatory tones and contains five rhythmic periods. In subsequent renditions the fourth of these pe- riods was omitted and there was an occasional substituting of one tone for another, as, for example, the singing of F-F, instead of F-A flat. The song as transcribed has a splendid vigor and strength. With the exception of two major thirds in the fourth period the intervals consist entirely of minor thirds. The following is the song of the Suez, these three being the only songs that were sung on that occasion. DENSMORB] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 89 Makah (Catalog No. 1317) No. 27. Song Challenging to Contest of Strength (c) Recorded by Youna Doctor ———— = o-— = 8 6 9 Analysis—More than half the progressions in this song are minor thirds. The rhythm at first appears to be monotonous but the short rests divide the tones into unexpected phrases, giving the melody an interesting variety. The last phrase was sung several times. After a contest of this sort at a potlatch the host asked the people to assemble again the next day, when he distributed gifts. Women’s Dancers at Enp or PotuatcH At the conclusion of a potlatch the women of the local tribe pre- sented a series of dances, in some of which the men and women danced together, while in others they danced separately. These were carefully rehearsed before the event, old dances being perfected and new ones invented. A variety of costumes were worn. A curtain was stretched across one end of the building, and the people who took part in the dances made their preparations behind this curtain. When all were ready the curtain was either drawn aside or dropped on the floor and the dancers stepped forward. In one dance several men danced together, “moving their shoulders forward and back.” 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL. 124 WOMEN’S DANCE The song next following is that of a woman’s dance in which all the dancers “moved their hands,” except one at the end, who “held on to the edges of the blanket, concealing her hands.” Makah (Catalog No. 1334) No. 28. Song of Women’s Dance (a) Recorded by Youne Docror Analysis —The only tones in this song are A, B, and C, with A sharped in one occurrence. The tempo is particularly slow, with frequent rests. Attention is directed to the irregularity of the pound- ing with a stick which forms the accompaniment. This was a substi- tute for the drum when the song was recorded. Four renditions of this song were recorded, the first and second being identical and the third and fourth having different words, which affected some of the note values. The following is another song which was sung by the women in this dance. It is said to be very old, and the words are forgotten. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 91 Makah (Catalog No. 1335) No. 29. Song of Women’s Dance (b) Recorded by Youna Docror 16 pap tera pt Deo fs ) Ys ae a TH Boe Se eS “ da Da da fs SSS —= = ee A NS N Indistinct it ae ee ee Analysis—This song resembles the preceding in its frequency of whole tone progressions and in the irregularity of the accompanying beat. The compass is larger than in the preceding song, and short rests are frequent, and the melody is definitely minor in tonality. The earlier portion of the melody is framed upon the descending major third G-B. This is followed by a phrase on the minor third F sharp—A, often in descending progression, and the song closes with the descending minor third G-E. THE KWE’KWASA DANCE On special occasions there was held after a potlatch a dance called Kwe’kwasa, danced by both men and women and taking place, like the general dances just described, after the feast and distribution of gifts. For this dance the faces were elaborately decorated with red paint and also with a “sparkling stuff that looked like black paint but had a whitish stuff in it that sparkled like frost.” It was obtained in powdered form from another tribe. The faces of the dancers were rubbed with deer tallow and this substance was applied in a pattern to forehead and cheeks. Each dancer held in his hand a fan made of the wing or tail of the eagle and gestured with this 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bub 124 as he danced. It appears that the gestures and postures were indi- vidual among the dancers. Three songs of this dance are presented and are in very slow time, suggesting a series of postures rather than active motion. Makah (Catalog No. 1836) No. 30. Song of the Kwekwasa Dance (a) Recorded by Youne@ Docror Analysis —As in many songs of this series, four renditions were recorded, the first and second being alike and the last two having different words, necessitating slight changes in the note values. More than half the progressions are semitones, which were sung with excellent intonation. The prominence of the seventh in a song of major tonality is unusual and effective, as well as the opening on the fourth. A comparison of the rhythmic unit with the second and third measures from the close is interesting. This slight change of rhythm, with the sixteenth rest in next to the last measure, gives character and unity to the melody. DmNSMORB] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 93 Makah (Catalog No. 1837) No. 31. Song of the Kwekwasa Dance (b) Recorded by Youne Doctor Analysis.—This song is characterized by a change of accent within the measure, which was maintained in all the renditions. The metric unit is an eighth note, and the change of accent is shown in the sec- ond measure. The accent was clear, though less emphatic in several subsequent measures, and is indicated by the grouping of the eighth notes. It is a lively, interesting melody, with a compass of 10 tones, and begins on the highest tone of the compass, which is unusual. Although the song has so wide a range and ends on the lowest tone, the ascending and descending intervals are about equal in number. The song is harmonic in structure and contains the tones of the fourth five-toned scale. Almost half the intervals are major thirds. 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 124 — Makah (Catalog No. 1388) No. 32. Song of the Kwekwasa Dance (c) Recorded by Youne Docror g= 60 Ihregular in tonality 38 pf tht eee - Be = Ze — a = ia | 7—¥ 5 cms ——— f- @ @ 9 -9- @- -9- .@ -9-°-@ et eee Seat ae 4 4 9 9 -9- -»- -9- - 9 +- oa EE Ee Analysis —This song contains only the tones B, C sharp, and D sharp, all renditions beginning and ending on C sharp, with a brief pause before repeating the song. The melody is classified as irregu- lar in tonality, and transcribed with the signature of the key of B, the signature being for convenience in identifying the pitch of the tones. Many Makah songs have a similarly small compass, with many short tones followed by rests. Except for two descending thirds, all the intervals in this song are whole tones. The accompanying beat was irregular, but not distinct enough for transcription. The beat appears to have been chiefly in quarter notes. MEMORIAL POTLATCH A potlatch may be given in honor of a deceased relative. Thus Young Doctor, if he desired, could give a potlatch in honor of his uncle and on that occasion would exhibit the whaler’s rattle and the bone prongs of a whale harpoon which belonged to his uncle. Young Doctor demonstrated the manner in which he would lead the singing of these songs, holding the harpoon prongs aloft in his right hand and shaking the rattle with his left hand, held low at his side. If Young Doctor gave such a potlatch his uncle’s dream songs would be sung. Both men and women sang this type of song as they entered the building on such an occasion. The men had their arms smeared with whale oil. The position of the women is shown in plate 21, a-d, the arms being held before the face with thumbs erect like the fin of a whale and moved from side to side. At the end of the song they swayed to and fro, but did not change the posi- DrENSMORP } NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 95 tion of their arms. The men held the right hand before the face in the same position as the women, while the left hand was held low, shaking the whaler’s rattle. Young Doctor recorded two of his uncle’s dream songs, the first containing no words except the name of a certain whale (tutu’ pswichtk). This was translated “darkness as of approaching night on the water,” meaning the whale was so large that his presence made the ocean appear black. Makah (Catalog No. 1351) No. 33. Dream Song of a Whaler Recorded by Youna Doctor alae Irregular in tonality (lips closed) m-m a onesie | Eee Eee (ES (lips closed) m-m Fine Analysis—This song contains only three tones, with the middle tone as the apparent keynote (see p. 47). For convenience of ob- servation it is transcribed with the signature of the key of A flat but is classified as irregular in tonality. The rhythmic unit is long and the slurred notes were sung with a gliding tone, connecting them closely. The ending is peculiar in its downward glissando, followed by an ascent to a high tone from which also the voice glided downward. The compass of the first glissando was about a minor third and its duration about three quarter notes. The high tone was not held, the voice at once beginning the second glissando, which was of about the same duration as the first, but indefinite in its ending, the voice trailing away into silence. The high tone is not considered part of the melody. The labial m, with lips closed, occurs also in Nos. 149, 150, 177, and 178. The second dream song recorded by Young Doctor at this time resembles the first so closely that it is not transcribed. The tones are practically the same, but the rhythm is somewhat different. The words of the second song recall the desire of the whaler that his wounded whale shall swim toward the village. A wounded whale 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bou 124 took its own course, and if it swam toward a distant point there were added difficulties to be overcome in obtaining the economic material from the carcass. The words of this song were “My whale will land, not on the home shore but at a more isolated place.” KLUKLU’KWATK DANCE One of the old Makah dances was the Kluklu’kwatk, which has not been danced in more than 30 years. The dance step is said to have been very difficult because of the peculiar rhythm of the music. Both men and women took part in the dance, but did not dance all of the time, as will be seen in the following description. According to the usual custom there was a feast during the day and the dance was held in the evening. The songs of this dance were accompanied by various forms of percussion. Men seated on a box kicked their heels against the box or pounded on it with sticks; others clapped their hands, and the members of the large gathering of spectators pounded with sticks on long planks, in the manner described on page 27. There was a fire in the middle of the floor, and the drum was placed at one side of the room. The first two songs presented were solos. During the first song the men and women stood in a row, held their “fists” up and moved them up and down as they danced. There was no special costume for this dance. The song was sung by a man of prominence in the tribe. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 97 Makah (Catalog No. 1420) No. 34. “The Other Tribes Are Praising Me” Recorded by PHirie LADDER d — 84 - = SS = ae Bes ries me See 24 = s—aeaee ies = = ai Dae Dawa os) eitaiea iS aye I aes tS ee Mei Bree aes ea eese ae aes Brey Dont, Shes ge Jie Pes ods Saf fx | a UES ie Cee Bee eee wake ee = ests TRANSLATION I am telling what the other tribes are talking about. I hear everything they say and they are all praising me. Analysis —The first rendition of this song was without accom- paniment and the intonation was more uncertain than in the subse- quent renditions during which the singer pounded on the floor with acane. This imitated the pounding with sticks on a plank, with which the song was usually accompanied. ‘Three renditions were thus re- corded, the beat being as transcribed except that, in two renditions, the beat was on the accented part of the count in the first three measures. In all renditions the intonation was wavering on the descending phrase D sharp, C sharp, B. The lowest tone appeared to be below the natural range of the singer’s voice. The song next following was also a solo, and the man who sang it moved in a circle around the fire. For this dance a special head- dress was worn. The headdress was made of pounded cedar bark painted red and wound around the head with a knot on the forchead. Long pieces of the bark were fastened at either side of the head, tied at the nape of the neck, and extended down to the knees, Eagle tails were fastened to the hair on the crown of the head in such a manner that they nodded with the motion of the dancing. No face paint was 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buww. 124 used in this dance unless the dancer wished to disguise himself, then he painted his face red below the nose, his forehead and the portion of his face below the eyes being painted black. Words were recorded with this song, but their meaning was not known. The informant said he presumed they once had a meaning. Makah (Catalog No. 1421) No. 35. Song of the Kluklukwatk Dance (a) Recorded by PuHirre LADDER g=96 Irregular in tonality I ah DP csi pee aya MORE PJP. Tees eT NU eh 4 INTE ey Mar pay SS a ee Sy DP tacts BaodbeR tionle ES Siow Diste Bens Analysis.—The only tones in this song are G, A, B flat, and C, and the melody is classified as irregular in tonality. The two rhythms of the song comprise a quarter note followed by two eighths, and two eighth notes followed by a quarter, the former occurring in the first part and the latter occurring in the final portion of the song. The ascending and descending intervals are almost equal in number. Three songs were recorded which could be sung before or after the solos and were sung by all the people. It was said that in the next song “the women slid along sideways.” DrNsMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 99 Makah (Catalog No. 1422) No. 36. Song of the Kluklukwatk Dance (b) Reeorded by PHinie LADDER Voice g — 138 Drum g=— 138 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Irregular in tonality TRANSLATION Dance slowly Analysis—In this charming melody we have the tones F, G, A, and B flat, suggesting F as the keynote. The sequence of tone, how- ever, implies G as the keynote and, as the song ends on A, it is clas- sified as irregular in tonality. An ending on the tone above the im- plied keynote occurs in many songs with this classification. The intervals consist entirely of whole tones and semitones except for two ascending minor thirds. About one-third of the intervals are semi- tones. The singer said the next song had been handed down for many generations in his family and belonged now to his sister, whose name means “Kneeling on the earth.” It was sung when she danced. 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1423) No. 37. Song of the Kluklukwatk Dance (c) Recorded by PHirie LADDER o=96 Irregular in tonality @. @ -9- soe Paap ds he) fa) a ees Analysis.—The intervals of this song are transcribed as nearly as possible from the first rendition, but are too uncertain in intonation. They are small intervals, which are always hard for an Indian to sing. The chief interest is in the rhythm, which was steadily main- tained. In this, as in other songs of this series, the singer was asked to omit the accompanying beat at the beginning of his performance. During the next song all the people sang, but only one man danced. He wore a helmet of wood carved to represent the head of an eagle with a long beak, decorated with eagle feathers. The dance was described as “a pumping, sideways motion.” DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 101 Makah (Catalog No. 1424) No. 38. “I Am Dancing in the Air” Recorded by PHitre LADDER o— 66 Irregular in in tonality a ae pam D DIRE SAs S l ie e et eae: Sea neers pay fp = ea ay airbalias adh afer a Sf = eli Fratton st pceturnt elt ue iain Slower maa ——— TRANSLATION I am dancing in the air and dancing round and round Analysis—The intonation on the highest tone in this song was un- certain, the pitch being slightly below C sharp. Throughout the renditions the pitch was less definite than in a majority of recorded Makah songs. The ascending and descending intervals are equal in number. KLOKALI The greatest event of the year among the Makah was the Klokali, which was held about midwinter and lasted several days. Anyone might become a member of this society and might join anew each year. The organization was not made a subject of investigation, but many of its customs and songs were recorded. James Guy stated that the Klokali meant “people who had been among the walrus.” Young Doctor said the purpose of the organization was to display wealth and that he “gave a Klokali” or entertained the organization three times. In the old days a meeting lasted 6 days and closed with dramatic dances on the beach. In these dances the newly admitted members imitated the actions which, in their belief, the birds and animals have inherited from mythical human ancestors. The modern form of the Klokali is a gathering solely for pleasure and lasts only 1 day. 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 124 There are many traditions concerning the Klokali, and the wolf is prominent in them all, though Young Doctor said the wolves were more prominent in the Clayoquot observance of the event than in the Makah. A Klokali was once held on the western part of the present site of Neah Bay village and, according to an informant, “The Indians made whistles and went around the village blowing them. Wolves came out of the woods, entered the village, and cir- cled around the houses where the Klokali was being held. During the meeting someone would give a signal and all the people would give the wolf howl. It was a blood-curdling sound when given by a roomful of men.” Luke Markishtum, a member of the Makah tribe, said: “The Klokali came up from the west coast of Vancouver Is- land, each tribe that it passed through adding something to it.*° The health of persons attending it was always benefited, and sometimes it was gotten up by one man for the benefit of his own health or that cf a relative. At the beginning, a number of men were in the woods around the village with whistles, imitating wolves and pretending to seek the man who had invited the meeting of the Klokali. They came nearer and at last entered his house. Then they took one of the men to be initiated with them and went to the next house where a member of the society lived, thus gathering up all those who were to attend. The meeting lasted 4 days and afterward a more general dance was held.” Two legends concerning the origin of the society were related. According to one legend a man was fishing one day when his hook caught a shell (hi’daa). When he found that he had something un- usual he told his wife to cover her face so that she would not see it. He said: “It is all right for me to die but you need not do so.” He drew in his line and found the shell. When he reached home he began to sing the songs given him by the shell. The power of the shell was such that it ied him to see persons through the walls of a house as though through a window. He originated the Klokali, and his songs provided the music for its first dances. According to another legend an old man was splitting a certain sort of soft wood, called paper wood, when he heard the sound of a whistle and saw a little whistle similar to that now used in the Klokali. He took it home, had a dream, and started the organization. The instrument which he saw in his dream is commonly called a whistle, but is in reality a reed instrument (pl. 14,6). It is about an inch fone and is made of two 4 According to Swan, “The ceremony of the great dukwally, or the thunderbird, origi- nated with the Hesh-kwi-et Indians, a band of Nittinats living near Barclay Sound, Van- couver Island.’”’ He then related the legend presented on page 57, saying the chief wolf was so much pleased with the bravery of the young man that he imparted to him all the mysteries of the thunderbird performance. ‘The laceration of the arms and legs among the Makah, during the performance, is to represent the laceration of the founder of the ceremony from being dragged over the sharp stones.” (Op. cit., pp. 66, 67.) DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 103 semicylindrical pieces of cedar bound together with cherry bark, which is obtained near Port Angeles. A narrow strip of cherry bark passes across the open tube of the instrument and forms the reed. The informant said this “split the air.” The dancer concealed this little instrument in his mouth, two strings being attached to it and fastened to his shirt so that he would not swallow it. The instrument was also used in the thunderbird dance, which was sometimes danced apart from a meeting of the Klokali. The whistles used in the Klokali were 2 to 5 inches, while some were 12 or more inches in length. Such a whistle was made by splitting cedar and scraping is as thin as possible, it being said that “the thinner the wood the more vibration the sound would have.” The two halves of the cedar tube were fastened to- gether, the instrument was closed at the lower end, and the sound was said to “come through the seams where the halves were put together” (pl. 14, c). This whistle was used in inviting people to come to the Klokali and was blown at night. Another sort of whistle used at the Klokali was made of cedar and had six finger holes in it. The sound was said to be “as different from the former sort as the Indian language is different from the English.” This instrument appears to be like the cedar flute of other tribes but it was “never played to please the girls.” The instruments used at Klokah included four or five bull-roarers. A specimen of the bull-roarer was obtained and consists of a blade (pl. 11, d) but is without the cord and the handle of wood to which the cord is attached in this instrument. The meeting of the Klokali that preceded the dancing was, as indicated, of a very serious character. Children were kept closely in their own houses, and persons attending the meeting were not allowed to laugh or smile. There was something terrifying in the procedure of a Klokali, the members appearing to have power to discipline evildoers to a greater or less degree. If a woman I.ad told hes they cut off her front hair diagonally across her forehead. Young Doctor said he recalled a time when a young man had been telling lies and was punished. His mother brought him, saying he had told a lie and they could do to him whatever they desired. They buried a smooth rock in the ashes until it was very hot, then touched the top of his head with it. He gave a howl like that used with the whaling songs, called upon his friends to help him, and told them he was being badly treated. The man who had applied the hot stone came forward and said, “You are telling a le right now as you have no friends.” The young man said he had friends and would call them, so he called again, and there was a sound as though frogs were answering. Some men had rubbed cockle-clam shells together, pro- ducing a sound like that made by frogs, and the members of the Klokal thought the sound came from living frogs. If a man and 8972839 —9 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy, 124 — his wife quarreled the Klokali pierced their arms with certain carved bones. Sometimes, for no special reason, they took a man and slashed his arms “crisscross” so the blood flowed freely. James Guy, who recorded many songs, had had his arms cut in this manner. Some- times the Klokali took an arrow and pierced the flesh of a man’s arms. At one time a master came in with a slave saying “This slave is no good. He cannot even dance. He would be better dead.” So they brought a chisel and a pounder. Young Doctor said he did not see what took place, but when the crowd separated the handle of the chisel showed in the slave’s mouth and a little bit of the blade showed at the back of his neck and the blood was running freely. Young Doctor said he “thought there was a trick somewhere,” as the man was not dead. At a Klokali, as at a potlatch or any important event, there were renditions of songs which were inherited in families. These were sung by individuals and there was no dancing with them. ‘T'wo or three could be in progress at the same time, each person singing his own song. James Guy recorded a song which belonged to his uncle and was inherited in his family. The words personify the day in a manner customary among the Makah. The words are in the language of a tribe living on Vancouver Island. Makah (Catalog No. 1384) No. 39. Klokali Song (a) Recorded by JAMES GUY o—96 Irregular in tonality TRANSLATION My dancer is the day. -DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 105 Analysis —This song is classified as irregular in tonality, the prin- cipal tone being A, alternating with G and B. A minor third occurs six times and is always used in connection with a rest. An accented sixteenth note followed by a dotted eighth occurs frequently, but the song has no rhythmic unit. It is particularly interesting to note the 3-8 followed by a 5-8 measure. These are equivalent to a succession of 2-4 measures, but the triple phrase necessitates the division shown in the transcription. These measures are followed by a rest of suffi- cient length to permit the closing of the song in double time. The next song is one of a pair of songs inherited in the singer’s fam- ily. He learned them from his aunt. Neither song had words, the syllables used being designated as “just music.” The first song of the pair is transcribed. Makah (Catalog No. 13885) No. 40. Klokali Song (b) Recorded by JAMES GUY g— 380 a) Irregular in tonality Analysis —The only tones occurring in this song are F, @ flat, A flat, and B flat, with B flat as the final tone. The ending, together with the use of F, suggests B flat as the keynote, but the song is classified as irregular in tonality. The rhythm of the song is clearly 106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buvn, 124 he marked, and the rests in the second rhythmic unit were distinctly given. Occasionally the two measures of the first rhythmic unit were divided by a short rest. The intonation was good, and the song is an interesting example of a monotonous rhythm. The intervals com- prise 24 whole tones and 6 minor thirds, 3 occurring in ascending and 3 in descending progressions. The history of the two songs next following suggests a friendliness between the slaves and their masters, though the caste system was rigidly maintained among the Makah. The first of these songs was learned by Young Doctor from a slave who came from “up the coast” and had been exchanged so many times that he completed the circle. He went from Victoria to the region around Seattle, then to Olym- pia, Squally, Taholah, and the Makah. His relatives bought his freedom after he had been with all those tribes. The slave’s name was Wi’skwis and he was a short, fleshy man. Young Doctor said, “The men around here were more slender, so anyone could see that he did not belong here.” This slave, at a Klokali, always announced that he would sing his “home Klokali song.” This announcement was recorded by Young Doctor before he sang the song. The words “nu’chin” and “kle’chin” were not explained. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 107 Tribe not designated (Catalog No. 1501) No. 41. Klokali Song Learned From a Slave (a) Recorded by Youne Doctor j=76 Irregular in tonality ——~ ze aeaiard aeaeeie eee ee ee te E TRANSLATION The nuchin who lives in the woods is a man; The klechin who lives in the woods is a man. Analysis —This song is classified as irregular in tonality. It is a peculiar melody and worthy of attention, although the intonation on A is sometimes uncertain. The transcription indicates the pitch as nearly as possible. The phrases are short and descending in trend. but the song, in every rendition, ends with an ascending progression. The changes of measure lengths are frequent, and the rapid tones after a sustained tone at the beginning of the repeated portion are interest- ing. The rhythmic unit occurs twice and emphasizes the use of A flat. About three-fourths of the progressions are whole tones. James Guy recorded two Klokali songs which he learned from an old slave woman in his father’s family. She came from Vancouver Island. Only the first of these songs was transcribed. It was said the songs were used with a “walking dance” performed by one man who wore a cedar-bark headdress, all the people accompanying the song by pounding on planks. 108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw, 124 Tribe not designated (Catalog No. 1502) No. 42. Klokali Song Learned From a Slave (b) Recorded by JAMES GUY Analysis—The only tones occurring in this song are G, A, B flat, and F. It is a peculiar melody with the small intervals that are difficult for an Indian to sing. Only two intervals are larger than a whole tone and about one-fourth of the progressions are semitones or gradations of tone smaller than a semitone. The intonations in the sixth measure cannot be indicated, as the voice slid from one tone to another. The connective phrase is longer than usual and contains E natural, which was sung with distinctness. This phrase is not in- cluded in the analysis of a song. A Klokali song was recorded which was danced by one and some- times by two persons. The costume consisted of a blanket with one edge fastened around the neck so it hung freely, like a long cape. The hands were held in front, about waist high, with the palms downward, and were moved back and forth in that position. This song had no words and was not transcribed. Another manner of dancing in the Klokali was similar to that of the Saiyuk. (See p. 302.) The dancer held up both hands, moving them rapidly with a quivering motion. The eyes were closed and the head moved back and forth. This was demonstrated by the singer. A man living at Carmanah, British Columbia, dances with arms held up and fingers extending and trembling. He is a medicine man, said to be able to locate lost persons or articles. The dream song, to DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 109 which he attributes his power, was recorded by the writer at Chilli- wack, B. C. The Klokali was studied in that locality and one of its songs recorded. This ended with a downward glissando similar to the custom of the Makeh. The morning of the fifth day began with the thunderbird dance given at daybreak on the roof of a house. This dance was given at Neah Bay on August 26, 1926, in connection with the celebration of Makah Day, and was witnessed by the writer. It was said the proper costume for a thunderbird dancer was a red blanket around the body and a robe of bear hide. On this occasion the dancer wore a dark blanket and a headdress of cedar bark. He danced with arms extended and hands grasping the upper corners of the blanket in such a manner that the hands were covered. One arm after the other was raised and the feet seemed scarcely to move as the dancer advanced. In what might be termed the “second position” the hands were drawn back toward the face, the head drooped forward, and the blanket was “fluttered.” In the “third position” the hands were extended in front of the face with the elbows thrust outward, the blanket hanging from the arms. The chin was drawn down close to the chest and the man moved forward in this position. In his mouth was concealed the small “whistle” already described, on which he blew. Young Doctor said that when he first saw the Klokali he thought the peculiar sound was caused by the violent action of the dancers but later found it came from the whistles concealed in their mouths. Each thunderbird dancer was followed by a woman carrying a notched weapon shaped like a war club. She held this almost erect in front of her face and at times the women brought these slowly down until they touched the ground. These women represented the lightning which is known as the “thunderbird’s belt.” The modern presentation of these dances was interesting but lacked the atmosphere contained in the description of the dances in former years. The Makah custom, together with its origin, was described by James Guy and the Clayoquot custom by his wife, Sarah Guy. The Makah attribute a magic transformation to a change of something external which a mythical person assumes or lays aside at will. Thus the term “tutu’s,” from which the name of Tatoosh Island arose, was first applied to a human being, though it is com- monly applied to the thunderbird. (See p. 23.) According to James Guy, “Tutus was a man who lived on Vancouver Island. He used to watch for whales and when a whale came around his tumanos told him to go and get it. Then Tutus put on wings and dressed him- self like a big bird. He would go to the top of his house and fly to the whale. Then he would make several circles above the whale, descend, put his claws in it, and carry it ashore (fig. 5). Then he mae) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu, 124 would go home and take off the things he had worn while whaling.” In a family owning this dance the name Tutus could be given to the oldest son. The lightning dance was named for the mythical creature which the thunderbird donned as his belt when he went whaling (p. 124). The privilege of taking part in the thunderbird and lightning dances (designated as ownership) was handed down for many generations and the same families had the right to take part in both. The number of dancers in the former were two or three and in the latter from four to six children. It was for the older children to dance the thunderbird dance while the lightning dance was given by either the older or younger children, both boys and girls. Mrs. Sarah Guy * (pl. 3, 2), who recorded the lightning dance songs, said that her older sister took part in the thunderbird dance while she danced the lightning dance. There were no songs with \ eettn wads! y Tb pA aainatad Fieurp 5.—Thunderbird of the Makah. the former, and the number of songs with the latter depended upon the generosity of the chief whose children were dancing. If he gave no gifts, there were no songs. When a little girl danced the thunder- bird dance, she might be assisted by mature women “to make it successful.” Both the thunderbird and lightning dances were accompanied by pounding on cedar planks in a rapid rhythm. The dancers in the former were on a roof and there was a long plank on the ground at each side of the house. People sat beside these planks, pounding them with short sticks. The planks were at least 6 feet long and raised a few inches above the ground, giving space for resonance. Each dance was accompanied by a rattle, but these rattles were of “© Peculiar difficulties surrounded the recording of Mrs. Guy’s material. She was a Clayoquot, speaking no English and speaking Makah only imperfectly, while the interpreter did not understand Clayoquot. It was necessary, therefore, for Mrs. Guy to translate her information into Makah and explain it as best she could, so that it could be interpreted in English, Densmore] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 111 totally different types. The rattle used with the thunderbird dance consisted of a box about 6 feet long and 20 inches square, containing about a bushel of “choice pebbles.” This long box was poised mid- length on a log and operated by two men, one at each end, who tipped it alternately to one and the other end, the noise being produced by the rolling of the pebbles from one end of the box to the other. The rattle used in the lightning dance was carried in the hand and whirled in a circle, not shaken. Several of these rattles were carried by per- sons who followed the dancers. The lightning dance rattle consisted of a handle and a portion which contained pebbles. It was described as sphere-shaped but not so thick as it was long, the top carved like a bird’s head, besides which wings were sometimes added. The rattle was made of two longitudinal sections, the portion intended for the pebbles being hollowed out of each piece, the pebbles placed therein, and the two pieces securely fastened together. In both dances the leading dancer held in his mouth the wooden “whistle” described on page 28. The leading dancer in each dance wore a headdress with a carved wooden beak but differing in some details in the two dances. The dancers in the thunderbird dance, as stated, were on the roof of a house. The leader in this dance wore a black blanket and used it on his arms to represent wings. His headdress had a long carved beak to represent the beak of an eagle, and the cap covering his head was of dried hemlock branches. Two white tail feathers of the eagle, decorated, were stuck in the headdress and downy eagle feathers were placed in the hemlock branches in such a manner that they fell off when he danced. He held the whistle in his mouth and when he was ready to begin the dance he shook his head to attract attention, blew once on his whistle and made a noise to imitate the thunder, then he gave a jump, representing the leap of the thunderbird from the roof of his house. At this signal the peo- ple began beating on the board and kept up this beating steadily until he finished dancing. The dance was gone through four times. The lightning dance followed immediately after the thunderbird dance and was danced on the beach. All the dancers wore dark blankets, as in the thunderbird dance. Two leaders wore large earrings each made of a shell brought from a long distance and costing a blanket. These earrings were fastened to the hair. The leading dancer had on a headdress with a carved face and a cedar- bark cap on which were downy eagle feathers. His headdress had a long queue of dried cedar bark, made soft and dyed red, with eagle down on it. This was fastened to the man’s cap and hung down his back. He held a whistle in his mouth and also carried a weapon made of whalebone and decorated with red. This might be a war club but more often a symbolic weapon with a serrated 1193 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 edge, made by rubbing the bone thin with a stone and then cutting it in a jagged manner (pl. 12, a). In later years the leader carried a small hand saw, and still later he carried a knife. The leading dancer also wore a belt which was so long that the end was carried by the entire line of dancers. It was made of dried cedar bark twisted into a rope about the size of a man’s finger. It was tied around the dancer’s waist and something resembling the head of a snake was in the front. The last dancer in the line had a stick fastened in the corner of his (or her) blanket to resemble a tail. The dancer held this stick in his hand behind him, moving it to carry out the resemblance. The paint for all the dancers was as follows: ‘lwo fingers were dipped in red paint, and with these fingers two streaks were made on the face, starting from the hair above each eye, then downward over the eye on each side of the mouth to the chin. Men followed the dancers, whirling rattles as already described. The general action of the dance was intended to suggest the ap- proach and stroke of the lightning. The leader bent his body so it was horizontal, holding the whalebone weapon upright before his face. He made motions to right and left, bending lower and lower with these motions until he was on his knees. Then he turned his head from side to side four times. Those behind the leader imitated his actions in every particular. The leader bent his head still lower until it almost touched the ground, gradually lowering his weapon until he imitated the downward stroke of the lightning. The instructions for the lightning dance were received by a man from his tumanos. The man was not a chief, but the instructions were that the dance should be given by children of chiefs. The songs occurring in the origin legend were not used in the dance. The songs of the lightning dance were hereditary and there was no special order for them. ‘The oldest child sang first and then the others in order of their ages, down to the youngest, each selecting the songs he or she liked best. Sarah Guy, who recorded the following songs, said they could be sung only by members of her family and had been handed down for many generations. DpNSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 113 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1442) No. 43. “We Make You Join the Klokali” Recorded by SARAH GUY TRANSLATION Here we come from above to make you join the Klokali. Analysis—The intervals in this song consist of fourths, minor thirds, and whole tones, the two latter being equal in ascending and descending progression. It is vigorous in both rhythm and melody, with the tone material of the second five-toned scale. The drumbeat was rapid, approximating eighth notes equally accented, and was continued for a time after the conclusion of the song. The song next following was never sung unless large gifts were given. The native word translated “diamonds” (kliklaho) was said to be an exceedingly hard substance resembling glass with many colors in it (probably quartz crystals). The substance was very rare and the “original piece” was said to have fallen from the sky. The finding of this substance was considered fortunate, as the substance was believed to bring riches to its possessor. 114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 124 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1482) No. 44. “Ten Large Diamonds” Recorded by SARAH GUY TRANSLATION At a place far away there are ten large diamonds. This is the news which the thunderbird brings to you. Analysis —A short sparkling phrase characterizes this song and is interesting in connection with its subject. There is unusual variety in the rhythm. Attention is directed to a comparison between the second and fifth measures, also the eighth measure in which the same rhythm is extended to an additional count. The opening phrase is repeated at the close and the song ends with the upward progression that we associate with a query or unsatisfied desire. With six exceptions the intervals are whole tones, these exceptions comprising three semitones and three ascending minor thirds. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 115 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1483) No. 45. “I Possess the Salt Water” Recorded by SARAH Guy TRANSLATION Listen to me, I have possession of the salt water. I feed your herring and fish whenever you are not able to catch them for your use. Analysis—More than half the progressions in this song are whole tones, which are equal in ascending and descending progression, and give a peculiar character to the melody. The total number of inter- vals comprises 21 ascending and 22 descending progressions. No rhythmic unit occurs, although the melody is rhythmic in character and the rests were given with clearness. 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwt, 124 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1434) No. 46. Lightning Dance Song Recorded by SaraH GuY g= 42 Introduction TRANSLATION What could be greater than that which I imitate. Analysis—This song is peculiar, not only in its florid structure but in the fact that it has an introduction, distinct from the song itself. The introduction was recorded on a cylinder apart from the song, several renditions of the introduction being recorded. These differed in small phrases and the intonation was wavering. The portion transcribed is the opening of the introduction and is typical of the whole. It is not included in the tabulated analysis of the song. The melodic form of this song is so free as to suggest an improvization, but the three renditions are particularly uniform and the return to the opening measure was in exact time. The intervals in the descend- ing sixteenth notes were not exact but the transcription represents the melody as nearly as is possible in ordinary notation. The singer showed much pride in this song, which was hereditary in her family. Densmore] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 117 In explanation of the following song it was said “the wolves were always connected with the Klokali, so when the wolves howled it meant a good Klokali.” Clayoquot (Catalog No. 14385) No. 47. “The Wolves Are Howling” Recorded by SARAH GuY TRANSLATION The wolves are howling, Let this be a pleasant day. Analysis—In this pleasing melody we find no suggestion of its subject. The melody tones are those of the fourth five-toned scale and the ascending interval of a fourth at the close of the song is effective. According to one informant, the thunderbird dance at a Klokali was followed by the dance of the female elk, which was also danced on the roof of the house. The woman who represented the female elk wore a skirt made of narrow strips of deer hide wound at intervals with white basket grass (pl. 22, 6). Her face was painted black and her headdress consisted of a close cap of cloth on which feathers were fastened. Around this was a coil or crown of pounded cedar bark, and a strand of the bark hung down her back. It is believed these feathers became horns after the human being was changed into an elk. The anklets properly worn with this costume were of fawn hoofs, as elk hoofs were too heavy. They were made of pieces of the hoofs, suspended so they jingled, and similar ornaments were worn around the wrists. No attempt was made to harmonize this with the fore- going statement that the thunderbird dance was immediately followed by the lightning dance. 118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 124 It is interesting to compare the old Klokali songs with a song recorded by Charlie Swan which, he said, is a “new sort of Klokali song.” It was sung when all were assembled and ready to enter the building. Probably this is associated with the form of the dance which was said to be for pleasure and to continue only one day. Makah (Catalog No. 1419) No. 48. Modern Klokali Song Recorded by CHARLES SWAN Voice s= 120 DruM J= 120 See drum-rhythm below iti =a i .. ee Ss te ee f 2 #£ if 2 2. Drum-rhythm NN He ae NNN eee” — aoe | etc Analysis —This song is classified in B flat major because of the emphasis on B flat and D, and the presence of F. The structure of the melody consists of short phrases, each complete in itself, and the feeling of the melody is for intervals rather than for a keynote. The drum was synchronous with the voice in the double measures but is accented on the second instead of the first count, producing a peculiar effect. The adaptation of the drum to the triple measures was not clear enough to transcribe. Half the intervals are whole tones. The several renditions show slight changes to conform with words but con- tain no important differences in the principal measures. An interesting dance connected with the Klokali was danced by Charles Swan on Makah Day, 1926, and witnessed by the writer. The costume consisted of a decorated cotton robe, or blanket, and a headdress of eagle feathers and eagle down, the feathers being almost entirely white. The dancer carried a stick about 18 inches DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 119 long firmly between his hands and moved around the four sides of the platform with fluttering steps, the blanket waving freely around him. At the end of the platform he danced in a squatting position (pl. 23, a), holding the stick extended before him, and leaped from this position with almost incredible agility, hopping forward. Makah (Catalog No. 1416) No. 49. Wand Dance Song Recorded by CHARLES Swan Voice d= 92 Drum = 92 See drum-rhythms below Drum-rhythm in first rendition — === @e¢@e8 60686 : . aye | Tempo of voice and drum in second rendition g — 60 Gap Ut Ga et ee ‘um-r i iti N N N N N N Drum-rhythm in second rendition sing ges ig 44 => =>? => Analysis —F¥our renditions of this song were recorded, constituting two pairs. In the first rendition of each pair the drumming was rapid and in the second it was slow, as indicated in the transcrip- tion. These correspond with the two portions or phases of the dance. The melody is in moderate tempo and particularly smooth and sus- tained. Attention is directed to a comparison between the seventh and next to the last measure, the latter carrying the rhythm for- ward to the close of the song. The melody contains one semitone, eight major thirds, and one augmented second, the remaining inter- vals consisting of 18 whole tones. DANCES REPRESENTING BIRDS AND ANIMALS On the fifth evening of the Klokali, after the lightning dance, there were dances in which members of the Klokali imitated the actions 89728—39——10 120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bucn. 124 of birds and animals. As already stated, a person might join the Klokali every year and thus he would be eligible to take part in these dances annually. The Makah believe that human beings were changed into animals at a remote time in the past and that the peculiar actions of birds and animals are retained from their human ancestors. Thus the Klokali dancers were understood to be repre- senting the human ancestors of animals, not the creatures seen in everyday life. All those who had joined the Klokali had their faces painted black for these dances and it was hard to tell them apart. All who desired to join in the dances came into the middle of a circle and the leader asked them, one at a time, what bird or animal they wished to represent. If children were among the number, their parents answered for them. If an infant had been taken into the Klokali, he would, of course, have a substitute do the dancing for him. The substitute would be well paid, and all those who sang or pounded with sticks during the songs of the representation would be well paid according to their social position. Each dancer would select his assistants and the more elaborate his performance the greater honor he would receive. The songs of these dances (tsi’ka) were sung by women, so Young Doctor did not know them. The songs here presented were recorded by Mrs. Irving. The dances were given in the order of the member’s social standing. An announcer gave out the name of the person and stated what animal he would impersonate. A majority of the impersonations had special songs but a few had no songs connected with them. Various sorts of wooden headdresses (“masks”) and costumes were worn by the dancers, the purpose of these and of the pageantry being to identify the bird or animal. Almost all these dances were given on the beach and the waves often formed part of the little pageant. A wide variety of birds and animals were imitated in these dances. The parents of a 7- or 8-year-old boy would probably choose that he represent a snipe. The little boy would dance, but boys 14 or 15 years old would have the responsibility and do most of the dancing. These assistants were paid by the boy’s father. Each wore on his head a band of pounded cedar bark with a sharp stick projecting in front, like the bill of the bird. They wore white blankets with black markings and danced along the beach, dancing out when the tide went out and running along with the breakers, imitating the actions of snipe. The dance representing the dog was said to be “very pretty.” The costume consisted of a red blanket with a black blanket worn over it; the headdress was like that of the elk (see p. 128), and the dancer Io0uBp Yo speulay ‘q “Lo0.UBp YO [Vy ‘Dd ee ALV1d vel NILATING ASOTNIONHL]A NVOINAWY AO NVvayna ‘OOUBP SUI MA “Q “oouRp puBA ‘D €¢ 3ALV1d v2! NILATING ASOIONHIA NVOINMAWY SO Nvayna BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEETRIN' 1245 (PEAiE a, Pintlachatl dance. b, c, Bow and arrow dance. 24 DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 121 carried a shining long knife in each hand. As an example of repre- sentation, it was said that a dancer impersonating a raccoon wore a long tail and gave a grunting sound to indicate pleasure when he saw some edible roots. The raven was also represented in these dances. The impersonations might take place in any desired order, but the impersonations of the wolf and the male elk were always given toward evening. Among the most picturesque was that representing the wild white geese. All the impersonation songs were recorded by Mrs. Helen Irving, whose Makah name is Iasako, meaning “stepping on a whale.” (Cf. p. 52.) This name was hereditary in her family before her grandmother’s time, and all her songs were said to be “oenuine Makah.” The dancers who represented the wild white geese wore white blankets with one side fastened around the neck, allowing the blanket to fall like a long cape. In dancing, the arms were moved like wings, holding the blanket as shown in plate 20, e, f. On their heads they wore cedar-bark bands with a wooden projection to resemble the bird’s bill. They danced on the beach, not in unison but each with a differ- ent motion, and with sounds like the honking of geese. After “sweep- ing around” they squatted on the sand in a circle. The leader rose slowly, with a honking sound, and all rose, singing this song. They imitated the action of soaring and pretended to fly away. Their song contains the word “koka’p,” which means “wild white geese,” but the meaning of the other words is not known at the present time. Makah (Catalog No. 1395) No. 50. Song With Impersonation of the Wild White Geese Recorded by HELEN IRVING Voice g— 108 Drum d = 112 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bucy 124 Analysis.—The six renditions of this song differed only in that three renditions contained D in place of the rest in the first two occurrences of the rhythmic unit. The drum was slightly faster than the voice in all the renditions. Attention is directed to the last three measures, this phrase differing shghtly from the rhythmic unit. The melodic material of this song consists of the keynote with its second, minor third, fourth, and sharped seventh. The only interval larger than a whole tone is the ascending minor third, which occurs once. Those who represented the deer carried nothing in their hands and wore nothing that was associated with the deer. Their costume consisted of a blanket passed under the right arm and pinned to- gether on the left shoulder. It was held at the waist by a belt of some bulky material, tied in the back. Some wore a headdress of “wampum beads” and others of cedar bark, but all had white shells above the forehead and a strip of cloth decorated with shells down the back. The dancers stood in a semicircle, and at the end were men with drums. Within the semicircle stood a man with a feather who acted as “timekeeper” for the performance and directed the singing. The dancers “danced standing still” and the motion con- sisted of slightly bending the knees, the dancer turning from side to side as the knees were bent. The hands were closed and the dance positions are shown in plate 20, g, h. The time of this song was said to be very difficult and the “dancers had to practice a long time to get it right.” In later times this song was sung when anyone who had impersonated the deer gave presents at a gathering. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 123 Makah (Catalog No. 1397) No. 51. Song With Impersonation of the Deer (a) Recorded by HELEN IrvING N Nae Nie N N ; N N N Deum) PS tig de ie’ ote re e aay es DR —- = 7 —— ff -»- - -@- a Se iz Sal ds Away ds a 2 > a 2 Jess Js i 2 spa a => => — => => TRANSLATION My hands are my feathers. Analysis —The phonograph cylinder contains two renditions of this song as transcribed, the only difference being that, in the second rendition, the ascending progression at the close is delayed one meas- ure, the drum being continuous during the intervening time. The time unit of voice and drum is the same. The rhythm of the drum was steadily maintained except in the 7-8 measure, the adaptation of the drum in that measure being shown in the transcription. The melody contains only three tones, is classified with B as its keynote, and contains no rhythmic unit. The progressions consist of five 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bow. 124 whole tones in ascending and four in descending order, and the same number of semitones. Thus the song contains 10 ascending and 8 descending progressions. The dancers with the next song wore a cedar band around the head with four prongs of cedar bark to represent the horns of the deer. They carried arrows in one hand and a bow in the other. They said “Whoo-whoo,” then turned the upper part of the body slowly and repeated “Whoo-whoo.” The upper part of the body was swayed in the dance. Makah (Catalog No, 13898) No. 52. Song With Impersonation of the Deer (b) Recorded by HELEN IrvING Voice g—80 Drum g—80 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 18 See Ta TRANSLATION Representing a deer, Representing a blackfish. Analysis ——This song resembles the preceding in its tone material but is shorter and much simpler in rhythm. Five renditions were recorded with a break in the time after the third rendition. No important differences in the renditions were noted except that the singer had difficulty in maintaining the intonation in the last part of the performance. The tone transcribed as B flat was sung more nearly B natural in the 7-8 measures of the later renditions. The intervals consist of three whole tones and three semitones in both ascending and descending progression. The singer who recorded the next song said her father dreamed that a bullhead was swimming toward him. This was the song of his dream and he used it in the representation dances of the Klokali. The motion of the dance was like that of small fish swimming, and the singer said “it looked very nice when several people danced it.” D®NSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 125 She never knew what the words meant and it is probable they were in a “dream language.” At the present time she sings the song at social gatherings. The drum and striking sticks are silent during the opening measures. Makah (Catalog No. 1403) No. 53. Song With Impersonation of a Little Fish Recorded by HELEN IrvING VOICE J 72 Drum é= 72 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 18 Irregular in tonality Analysis —This melody consists of repetitions of two whole-tone intervals, that between D and E and that between Gand A. The song is classified as irregular in tonality. Attention is directed to the close of the song, which consists of repetitions of a high tone in a slower tempo than the preceding portion of the song. Makah (Catalog No. 1339) No. 54. Song With Impersonation of a Raven Recorded by Youne Docror Analysis —This is one of the most pleasing melodies recorded among the Makah. It contains the prolonged tones found in no 126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bun, 124 other tribe under analysis, also the short, exclamatory tones char- acteristic of the Makah. The mingling of motion and repose may suggest the ocean, on which so much of the life of these people was spent. The melody has a compass of only six tones but the intervals are such as to give the effect of a much wider scope. Only one inter- val larger than a minor third occurs in the song, which progresses chiefly by whole tones. The dance representing the wolves, as stated, was given toward evening. The dancers who represented wolves wore bear hides and entered on all fours. Imitations of the wolf are part of the dance and the words are supposed to be in a “wolf language” which can- not be understood by human beings. Makah (Catalog No. 13896) No. 55. Song With Impersonation of Wolves Recorded by HELEN IRVING VOICE d = 66 Drum 4 == 166 See drum-rhythm below Irregular in tonality be- cSt See ae Soe Be ee Se Se” eS eetee es # £ pra oe a at Earp Sse : a ea ss Drum-rhythm 2809 8898080 =o = — ee) a Analysis—This song is characterized by an accented sixteenth note but has no unit of rhythm. It is irregular in tonality, the melodic material consisting of B, C, D, and E flat. Nineteen of the 32 intervals are semitones and 10 are whole tones, the remaining progressions consisting of two fourths and one minor third. It will Densmore] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 127 be noted that the drum has four beats to each quarter note of the melody. Two renditions were recorded, the drum being continuous and unvarying in time. Howls in imitation of the wolf were given between the renditions. These can not be transcribed but their dura- tion and upper tones are indicated. There was an upward sliding of the voice in attacking this tone, both upward and downward glissando being after the manner of a howl. The dance representing the male elk was given just at dark on the beach. This dance was witnessed by the writer on Makah Day, 1926, and the information concerning its history was given by Albert Irving (pl. 3, a). The costume of the male elk dancer was lke that of the female elk except for a mask and two streaks of black paint on his chest. He was disguised by a black mask of deer hide consist- ing of a wide band across the eyes and two bands that hung down each cheek. The material for the mask was prepared by soaking a strip of fresh deer hide in water until the hair began to fall off and then drying it so that it became tough and rigid. Black paint takes the place of this mask when the dance is given at the present time. An elk dancer at Makah Day, 1926, is shown in plate 22, a. Earlier in the dance he walked in a dainty manner, imitating the elk and holding the antlers in his hands. In the latter part of the dance he held the antlers at his waist and assumed a threatening attitude, as shown in the illustration. The antlers were frequently clashed together as the men danced. The informant said, “The elk dancer walks as the human being did before it was changed into an elk, and the elk still keeps that manner of walking. When the change had been made, a man sawed off the elk’s horns and made a whale harpoon, and by means of this harpoon the tribe were fed all winter. Unless the human being had taken the form of an elk the people would not have had food. How thankful I am that a human being took the form of an elk, as by its horns I still have food all winter and whale hide to sell and buy groceries.” In the old days as many as 80 men danced in the elk dance. There was no song with the elk dance, the only accompaniment being the pounding with sticks and the rattle of the deer hoofs carried by the dancers on wrists and ankles. A characteristic of this dance was that if anyone spoke the word meaning elk the dancer flew into a rage, attacked with the antlers he carried, and often destroyed much prop- erty. Mr. Irving said he did not know whether it was with power derived from the costume but the elk dancers sometimes became so violent that it was necessary to catch them and tie them up with ropes. The people had to be very careful not to speak this word, as so much property might be destroyed, but sometimes a person said it just to 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwy. 124 test the dancers. He had to be watchful, however, that others did not know that he was the guilty man. After the dance of the male elk was concluded the people went into a building and those who had contributed to the success of the im- personations were paid. The dances of the thunderbird and female elk were the most costly to give and only persons of great wealth could give these impersonations. Young Doctor stated that sometimes, after the fourth day of the Klokali, an elk performance more extended than the dance already de- scribed was given. This continued four evenings and began on the night of the fourth day of the Klokali. Several men without special costume or decoration went up and down the village in the manner of “follow the leader,” each stepping in the footsteps of the preceding. The next time they went around the village each wore a headdress with four points of pounded cedar bark and carried elk horns. The next time they had headdresses without prongs but having in front a long, pointed projection of cedar bark and their faces were painted with two black streaks extending down the forehead and cheeks. They went into the houses of people who did not take part and listened to hear what was said. The people were afraid to talk and kept still when the dancers came around. This was repeated four evenings. Then the people gathered to hear what the dancers would report. If anyone at that time mentioned deer horns or horse clamshells the dancers “went on a rampage.” Young Doctor said he remembered one of these affairs at the old village, about 50 men taking part in it. In front of the houses was a long thick board that the men used as a lounging place. One dancer drove the horns that he carried into that board so firmly that no one could pull them out and they re- mained there a long time. A great deal of property was destroyed at that Klokali. ANNUAL CELEBRATION AT NEAH BAY The Makah Indians of Neah Bay hold an annual celebration in commemoration of the visit of the Wanamaker Expedition. This celebration is known as Makah Day, is held on the 26th of August, and is characterized by the giving of old, important dances by expert dancers. The writer witnessed the celebration and also the re- hearsals for the event in 1926. No publicity was given the celebra- tion, visitors from a distance (except Indians) were not desired, and very few white people attended except those connected with the agency and village. The purpose of the dancing was to instruct the younger people in the traditions and old customs of the tribe. Cer- tain of the dances were dramatic in character, depicting old tradi- tions (as that of the whaler), while others were closely connected DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 129 with beliefs that are no longer held by the Makah and Clayoquot. Among the interesting dances were those of the Homatsa, received by the Makah from Indians living on Vancouver Island. The songs of a majority of the dances given on Makah Day were recorded by those taking part in the celebration. The Indians objected to the taking of photographs by others than members of the tribe. Accord- ingly the writer lent her camera to a Makah, who took the pictures presented as plates 19, a; 22, b; 23, a, b; and 24, a, b, c. The essentially native character of these songs and dances was more evident in the rehearsals than at the celebration. There was a wild freedom in the rehearsals that was somewhat obscured by the formality of the celebration and the wearing of unfamiliar clothing in the form of costumes. The writer and her sister were the only white persons who attended the rehearsals. The preparations for the celebration began about 10 days before the event, with rehearsals of the songs by small groups of singers, gathered in the houses. The first public rehearsal of singers and dancers in the “hall” was preceded by a procession of three men with drums, one wearing a feather headdress. They walked slowly from Irving’s house to the hall, singing what was said to be a love song and which had the character of wild longing that pervades the love songs of all tribes. The effect was simple and dramatic, as they came through the dusk with the dark waters of the bay as a background. The village hall, in which the public rehearsals were held, had a wide platform across one end. Some of the men sat on this plat- form and some on benches in front of it, while the spectators sat on benches around the side of the room, many keeping time to the songs by striking together of short sticks. A few elderly women sat on the side seats near the platform. Two or three “danced in their places” during the songs, holding their hands in the position shown in plate 20, a, 6, c, which is that assumed during “honor songs.” Some of these women offered suggestions as the dancers rehearsed their parts, and their suggestions were received with favor. The only semblance of a costume worn at the rehearsal was a blanket, about 18 inches of which was folded downward along one side. The folded edge was pinned rather tightly around the neck and the blanket hung like an ample cape or cloak. This was swayed and swung by the dancer, the heavy cloth being manipulated with ease and grace. One of the first dances was a whirling dance in which the dancer whirled round and round, then stooped with head for- ward and arms extended, the blanket in billows around him (pl. 23, 0). The man who danced the thunderbird dance wore such a blanket cape, extending his arms in the curve assumed in the whale dance, the blanket falling from his extended arms. 130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burn 124 The singers at rehearsals numbered usually 14 men, somewhat past middle life, most of whom had been whalers. They were men with fine physique, clear eyes, and impressive presence. Some beat upon hand drums. Seven held spears with hemlock branches tied below the spearheads and in certain songs they held the spears upright and struck the ends on the floor in time to the song. Four men beat upon drums and the rest of the singers, as well as many women among the spectators, kept time by the striking together of sticks. The men sang with great volume of tone. These songs were slow in tempo and the steady pounding of the heavy spears gave a deep, reverberating accent, the drums were higher and the sound of the sticks still higher, each having its own quality of tone and the various sounds uniting to form an effective whole. A few songs were sung by the two or three women near the platform, singing in parallel fourths. This singing was also given by the Quileute on Makah Day, but the present writer does not regard this as a native custom. In one of the dances, at rehearsal, a woman had a shawl wrapped around her like a skirt, and held a spear horizontally in her hands, with arms dropped in front of her. She shifted her weight from one foot to the other and at a signal, laid the spear on the ground and stood behind it, dancing where she stood with a motion of the arms from side to side, after which she took up the spear. This was not explained at the time nor given at Makah Day but is an example of the type of dancing. A favorite custom of the men was to dance with hands clenched, the fists being on a level with the elbows. In certain songs the women and some of the men clapped their hands, the palms and fingers laid exactly upon one another, while in other songs the hands were clapped crosswise. The former man- ner of handclapping was used in the gift dance, with which the rehearsals closed. The plan of the celebration may briefly be described as a representa- tion of the arrival and entertainment of a visiting tribe or band in the old days. This included the welcome, the dancing by the Makah and their guests, and a feast. The program advertised was as follows: Flag raising, canoe songs, and horse parade, brown bear dance (no songs), whaler representation, war dance, wolf dance, hunter’s dance, elk dance (no songs), wand dance, spearman’s dance, Klokali, Makah Homatsa, changeable mask dance, nest of the thunder- bird (no songs), thunderbird dance, and Cowichin. Several of these are described and their songs presented, these including the thunder- bird dances, wand dance, and Klokali. The identity of the war and wolf dances is not clear; also the hunter’s and roamer’s dances. The DPNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 131 wand dance (pl. 23, a) is described, with its song (No. 49). The dance songs here presented are those of the spearman’s dance, the Homatsa, Klikitat, and changeable mask, together with a description of the whale enactment, its legend and a song connected with the legend. Indian visitors to the number of at least 100 came from Vancouver Island and from coast villages for the event and were entertained by the Makah in their homes. The celebration opened with the raising of the flag at half past 9, this being the flag presented to the Makah by the Wanamaker Ex- pedition and highly prized by the Indians. Addresses were made by leading members of the tribe. At half past 10 a procession of men and women on horseback moved from Neah Bay village up the shore. The water of the bay was calm and the tide was ebbing as they took their way on the hard, smooth sand below the narrow sidewalk that extends the length of the village. The procession con- sisted of about 20 men and women, the first man wearing a red blanket and having a quiver on his back. Some of the other riders wore red blankets and one had a robe of bearskin. One of the women wore a red and green handkerchief around her head but there was no attempt at costume. This simplicity was maintained throughout the celebration, adding greatly to its artistic effect. As the procession advanced the riders sang the following song, the leader of the procession pounding on a hand drum. The informant was uncertain whether this was a Makah song or obtained from some other tribe. 132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 124 Tribe not designated (Catalog No. 1499) No. 56. Song of the Horsemen Recorded by CHARLES SWAN Voice d= 104 Drum d= 104 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 18 Irregular in tonality -(2.« pei ee re hel Analysis —In this song we have a typical example of a melody which has the fourth as a prominent interval and is irregular in tonality. Songs classified as irregular in tonality are either songs with an interval formation or songs in which the tone material is that of our system but having the tones in a sequence that does not suggest a keynote. The present song belongs to the first of these groups. The tone material consists of D, E, A, and B, with frequent occurrences of the fourth between A and D and between E and A. These occur in descending progression and consecutive order in two measures, midway through the song. The rhythmic forma- tion is also interesting, the rhythmic unit being long and followed by a repetition of its principal phrase cut short by a rest. The melody then descends to the lowest tone of its compass, and the song closes in a monotonous rhythm. The phonograph cylinder con- tains one complete rendition and three renditions of the repeated portion. The drum is in eighth notes, usually unaccented, but in the latter portion of the performance slightly accented on the first of each group of two, coinciding with the accent of the voice. The “canoe songs” inherited in families were sung at this time, because in the old days they would have been sung while in the DPNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 133 canoes when going to invite another tribe to a feast. The three fol- lowing canoe songs belong to Young Doctor and were sung at this time. The words are not in the Makah language and the meaning is not known. Makah (Catalog No. 1413) No. 57. Young Doctor’s Canoe Song (a) Recorded by CHARLES SWAN VoIcE = 88 Drum a — 44 See drum-rhythm below Drum-rhythm Recker Analysis —Three renditions of this song were recorded, the drum being continued steadily for several measures between the renditions. The beat of the drum is only on the first count of the measure, which is very unusual in recorded songs. Attention is directed to the first and second measures after the first rhythmic unit. These were sung with no accent on the second measure and a slight rwbato producing an effect of elusiveness or freedom, contrasting with the uniform measure-divisions of the rhythmic unit. About half the intervals are semitones, numbering 18, while the whole tones number 15 and other intervals comprise 6 of the progressions. This is a particularly inter- esting example of a song to be sung on the water. 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut, 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1414) No. 58. Young Doctor’s Canoe Song (b) Recorded by CHARLES SwAN Voice d= 50 Drum c= 50 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 age i ee ee. Da a pe Se 2 ie -o- | £ .. f. Analysis —Attention is directed to a comparison between this and the song next following. There is a strong resemblance, yet each is distinct, and was sung several times in a manner that showed no un- certainty. The phrases are longer in this than in the next song but have the same characteristics. The augmented second, appearing in this song, has been noted rarely in Indian songs. Major thirds, minor thirds, and whole tones are about equal in number and the song con- tains three occurrences of a semitone. Tn the next song the canoe is referred to as an animal, the first word being commonly used in referring to a wolf. (Cf. Young Doctor’s dream, p. 253, in which a canoe was seen as an animal.) 2s DensMore] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 135 | Makah (Catalog No. 1415) No. 59. Young Doctor’s Canoe Song (c) Recorded by CHARLES SWAN Voice d= 54 Drum e =— 54 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 ee ee 2. age Pie NP Rails 205 sob sey . ~.. @ TRANSLATION On all fours on the water is my craft, Flashing light is my craft. Analysis —The rhythm of this song is suggestive of the motion of a canoe over the waves. The tempo is deliberate, like the long roli of the ocean, and the phrases are short, ending with a descending pro- gression. The accidental was clearly given in, all the renditions. As- cending and descending intervals are equal in number and the major third constitutes one-half the progressions, which is an unusually large proportion of this interval. Later in the celebration a woman began her own canoe song, inherited in her family for many generations, and others joined in the singing. She held up her hand as she would have held an heirloom at a pot- latch, when singing a family song. The heirloom would have been an article inherited from the original owner of the song (see p. 34). The “hall” is located about midway the length of the village and in front of it, against the wall of the building, was a large painting on cloth (pl. 19, @). Here was the platform from which the morning address would be delivered and where the dances would later be given. A group ofj people was on this platform and sang as the pro- cession approached and passed, a majority of the women holding their 89728—-39—_11 136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 124 striking sticks upright, one in each hand, while a few struck them together. Two or three men pounded on drums. They continued singing and the group of horsemen could be seen far up the beach, their red blankets bright against the sand, while above them towered the pines and beyond to the right was the blue line of the Pacific Ocean beyond Cape Flattery. They were not far from the place where, long ago, the heads of enemies were laid a few days awaiting the victory dance. There was a pause of perhaps half an hour. At length a decorated canoe was seen approaching from the east. The horsemen returned. from the west and prepared to welcome their guests. The canoe used for this purpose in 1924 was an old dugout with a false, gaily deco- rated prow (pl. 19, 6), as used in old times, but the boat used in 1926 showed the change from the native art to a crude realism. It was a scow, propelled by a launch that brought the mail, and on its prow was an enormous representation of the thunderbird made of white cotton cloth mounted on a frame of curved sticks. It stood at least 6 feet high, was adorned with red and blue streamers, and its wings were absurdly worked by means of strings. The songs of the visitors, how- ever, were old songs and they danced in the old manner, on the scow, with an accompaniment of beating sticks. Meantime the people on the platform were also singing and the horsemen took their positions beside the water. First the representation of the thunderbird was brought ashore, its nodding white cotton head crowned with white eagle feathers. The men and women disembarked from the boat and, led by a man with a drum, took their way up the shore to the plat- form, a distance of perhaps 80 feet when the tide was out. The women danced with a graceful waving of arms, some of the men held paddles aloft, and others carried spears decorated with hemlock boughs. In one of the first dances a representation was given of a legend concerning the man who carried dead bodies on his back in his desire to be a successful whaler. The bodies were represented by a mass of green boughs (see p. 49). The man who gave the “whirling dance” wore a headdress of twisted cedar bark with bunches at the four corners. He also wore a nose labret of silver. This dance was given in a particularly effective manner in 1924 by a man from Vancouver Island (pl. 23, 6). It is said the “whirlwind spirit” has power over fire, wind, and water. The dance helmets and a portion of the painted robes worn on Makah Day were the work of Jim Hunter (pl. 4, a), the son of a chief at Clayoquot Sound who is shown wearing a robe painted with the heraldic design of his family. The dance helmets were of many patterns, including representations of the wolf and various DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 137 birds. In his workshop were seen two or three elaborate masks covering the face and having the lower jaw moved by means of strings. Charles Swan wore a dance helmet representing a raven and a painted robe (pl. 4,2). He is also shown wearing the cedar- bark crown and neck ring of a Homatsa dancer (pl. 4, c). The songs were accompanied by beating on hand drums. It is not the intention to describe in detail the dances witnessed on this occasion. All the paraphernalia was simple and the dancers were limited to those who knew the steps. The more difficult dances were given by three or four, or perhaps ten, persons, while the number was considerably increased in the easy dances. During the spearman’s dance the following song was sung and spears decorated with hemlock boughs were carried by the dancers. The words were said to “have a foreign sound” but were not in any known language. 138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 124 Tribe not designated (Catalog No. 1497) No. 60. Song With Spearman’s Dance Recorded by CHARLES SWAN VoIOE = 76 Drum = 76 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 56 VOICE A 63 Drum = 63 (See below) ee [ Sl | - Fine Drum yery rapid SS Drum-rhythm N NN NON é a oe y oe 2 hs Ss SS — Analysis.—This elaborate song consists of two parts with different tempo, rhythmic unit, and drumbeat. In the first part the drumbeat DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 139 is practically a tremolo, while in the second part it is in triplets with the second beat omitted and the first strongly accented. The singer called attention to the pauses and drumbeats in this song, saying they were correctly given. The song has a compass of only five tones except for one low tone (E) near the close. The pro- longed tones are the chief interest in the first portion, while the triplet division gives a steadiness and dignity to the latter portion of the song. The intervals are about equally divided between ascending and descending progressions, and about one-half are minor thirds. Guns were carried in the Klikitat dance and the following song was sung: Makah (Catalog No. 1418) No. 61. Klikitat Dance Song Recorded by CHARLES SWAN Voice ex 92 Drum é = 92 See drum-rhythm below Irregular in tonality 2. ae 2 g oo : Fa i ti ek -f. axes Wa cd Sh ee AT a | (CE OE De ee ae ES 2 a eee ee ee eee ee SrS4 2 jase — SS Drum-rhythm > => —_ 9 9p 9p Oi Bei WAM Analysis.—In tone-material this song consists of three pairs of tones which are a whole tone apart. The tones, in ascending pro- gression, are D-E and A-B, the song closing on the descending tones E-D. The song contains 22 intervals, 12 of which are whole tones and 7 are fourths. Attention is directed to the two consecu- tive fourths in descending progression occurring about midway through the song. In structure this melody consists of two rhyth- mic periods of six measures each. These are clearly defined and dif- ferent in rhythm. The triple measures at the close, with their sim- ple progressions, give dignity to the melody. 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (But. 124 The “changeable mask” is a dance of the Kwakiutl but it was not adequately given at Neah Bay and no description of it was ob- tained. Tribe not designated (Catalog No. 1498) No. 62. Song With Changeable Mask Dance Recorded by CHARLES SwAN VoIcE A 0 Drum J = 10 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 13 Analysis —Three different rhythms occur in this melody, each com- prising four measures. Each rhythm is interesting and this pecu- liarity suggests the “changeable mask” from which this dance de- rived its name. By a comparison of these rhythms it is seen that the third begins like the first, but this resemblance is cut short by a rest and the closing counts are like those of the second unit. After one rendition of the entire song the repeated portion was sung four times, the fourth rendition ending as transcribed, this ending being said to be correct. In all renditions the chromatic progressions in the third measure were sung with good intonation. The descend- ing slurred notes in the 8-8 measure are unusual and were carefully sung with a short rest, as indicated before the measure in 5-8 time. The song contains 28 intervals, 13 of which are whole tones and 6 are semitones, One of the most important dances was the Homatsa, a strange dance received from the Indians on Vancouver Island. Three songs of this dance were recorded, one being a Makah song and the others learned from the tribes living on Vancouver Island. This was said to be a “cannibal dance” and Charles Swan said, “there were two kinds of Homatsa, one higher up and more fierce than the other,” but circumstances were not favorable for study of the subject. The beliefs of the Kwakiutl were learned at a subsequent time and may DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 141 be briefly summarized as follows: The Homatsa were cannibal spirits and the Homatsa Society was composed of men who had come under the protection of one of these spirits. The first people did not have the Homatsa nor his dances. Instead they had the Hamshantes, who are now considered inferior to the Homatsa, acting as their servants. The Hamshante dances are mostly by women, and the differences between these and the Homatsa will be described. The Homatsa dance is part of the winter ceremonial, the first portion of which is secret and the latter portion is public. Wooden masks are worn by the assistants while the Homatsa himself (represented by the candi- date for initiation) is in the secret room. The common decoration of the Homatsa’s garments is associated with the killer whale, the thunderbird, and the sisichiu. The candidate for initiation goes into the woods, returns at the time of the ceremony, and appears before the assembly in the mouth of an enormous painting. He is sup- posed to crave human flesh and is restrained by a rope attached to his neck ring of cedar bark. “Emerging from the painting, he moves around the room in a squatting posture, his arms outstretched and eyes lifted as though looking for a corpse. His lips protrude and he trembles violently. His attendants surround him and two hold his neck ring that he may not attack the people. In this manner he encircles the room four times, occasionally putting his hands on his hips and jumping in long leaps. His costume consists of a bear-hide robe, twisted cedar-bark crown, and neck ring. These are flecked with eagle down and he has cedar-bark cords on his wrists and ankles.” The crown and neck ring are shown in plate 4, e. Initiates for the Hamshantes also went to the woods, and their costume, as well as the ceremony following their return, was the same as the Homatsa but the cries, dances, and masks were quite different. Their head rings were of flat cedar bark while those of the Homatsa were either twisted or plaited. The Hamshantes used a rattle made of rawhide, thin and somewhat oval in shape, with a smiling face painted on one side and a mournful face on the other. In the second Homatsa dance the initiate returned wearing a mask like the head of a bird, the lower beak of which was manipulated by strings. He then impersonated the slave of the great cannibal spirit and encircled the room four times, snapping at everyone. Helpers of the Homatsa sometimes painted the face with a great mouth or wore a mask representing a bear, and had a cedar cable around the neck. “The Nutlmatl or ‘fool dancers’ are messengers and helpers of the Homatsa and punish those who break ceremonial laws. They attack people with stones and sticks; conceal their faces with masks and act in the manner of demented people. They wear neck rings with little bladders filled with blood which they prick, pretending to stab them- 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bur 124 selves.” Various details of the above description were seen on Makah Day, but the representation was not given as a whole. Makah (Catalog No. 1417) No. 63. Makah Homatsa Song Recorded by CHARLES SWAN Pinion Ddox Mae sais e i ygtatty S OES RP DANS Sete. Analysis —A peculiarity of this song is the omission of the drum- beat with the first count of each measure and the irregular beat on the phrase that occurs between the repetitions. The accidental is the same occurring in several other songs of this group and was sung with good intonation. The occurrence of two eighth notes at the end of many measures suggests a rhythmic unit, but the rhythm is varied so cleverly that no phrase is accurately repeated. An interesting phrase occurs at the close of the song and is marked by several progressions of a whole tone. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 143 Tribe not designated (Catalog No. 1496) No. 64. Homatsa Song (a) Recorded by CHARLES SWAN NNN NNN Neen NON NNN DED et ia hichied mire) iceerer Sind cea eS geek di Sl 9- -C- -6- e D eo fabikae: VPs [oe ee PD ae ———— a NANA Ne aN SEK \ Bias By tye ar EE CAL abe a a is etghth notes without rests NNN N hah eighth notes without rests ae oe eee = = NNN NNN TINTING NUNN IND nln DaNGIN Pa IN Sa 2 a et a 1 eee e 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 124 Analysis—In this song we have the tone material of the fourth five-toned scale and a compass of only six tones but an unusual elab- oration of rhythm in both voice and drumbeat. The changes of meas- ure-lengths are no more frequent than in many other songs, but there are more rests, and the phrases are more irregular in length. The tempo of the drum is the same as that of the voice (two drumbeats equivalent to one quarter note of the melody) and the two are syn- chronous throughout the performance, but the principal rhythmic pattern of the drumbeat consists of three eighth notes and an eighth rest, which manifestly cannot be maintained in 38-8 and 38-4 measures, keeping the accents of voice and drum together. The more interest- ing measures are transcribed, showing the relation of drum and voice. In the remainder of the song the drum was similar to the transcribed portions. The continuous drumbeats give emphasis to the close of the three principal phrases which are respectively 11, 14, and 12 measures in length. The manner of singing this song is marked by a careful pronunciation of syllables which suggests an ignorance of their meaning, each syllable seeming to be given separate considera- tion as though learned by rote. This has been noted in other Indian songs with foreign or obsolete words. The singer said that he learned the following song in British Columbia: a term commonly used to designate Vancouver Island. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 145 Tribe not designated (Catalog No. 1500) No. 65. Homatsa Song (b) Recorded by Epwin HAyTE (1) (2) i Se 6 al ean So STL Es aN SL eee eee s ——— = —» a—e <: ee ee a) (1) Aer @__________» »—»—# 9 ——_________ Analysis —The performance of this song was followed by a repeti- tion of the last 12 measures with slight changes in melodic progres- sions but with no new rhythms, after which the singer returned to the opening bars of the melody. The short rhythmic unit suggests a rhythm of unbroken monotony but important changes in the rhythm cecur with the introduction of the second rhythmic unit. These are the only measures having a quarter note on the opening beat. This 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buvu, 124 tone was sung with firmness, giving stability and form to the rhythm of the entire song. In structure this song is melodic with harmonic framework. The minor third and major second are about equal in number and the song contains only two intervals larger than a major third. The singer said, “I got 180 boxes of apples in Victoria, so the chief gave me this song.” Nootka (Catalog No. 1503) No. 66. Nootka Homatsa Song Recorded by EpwIn HAYTE Voicr 32 60 Drum <= 60 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 18 (1) (2) f i] : —9—° wv) as (1) (1) (2) ea Se Ne igo o Sig cee eeretee LT niet epee. (2) Q) (1) ck) Pe Mi as A Si p—p 2-909, oso * ~~ os - BES eemrer oreaetacereaares (2) (2) (1) (ee et ee ee eo i} a ae ae is | Analysis —The tone material of this song is the fourth five-toned scale but the melody is based on the minor triad on C with the seventh added. The song begins on the upper tones of the compass, which are G and B flat; it then descends to E flat, completing a major triad, and in the closing measures it descends to C, producing the chord effect indicated. The last three measures were sung several times. DensMore | NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 147 There is a lightsome, carefree suggestion in this melody, in spite of its slow tempo and connection with a cannibal dance. The ac- cidental was sung with clearness and is the same which occurs in several other songs of this group. Attention is directed to the break in time occurring in the ninth measure from the close. This meas- ure contains the first of the three quarter notes that occur in the melody. The Co’wichin dance was danced entirely by young girls and was said to have been received from the tribe of that name. The songs of this dance were simple and not interesting and none were recorded. In the Bow and Arrow dance the men carried bows and arrows, holding them first toward one shoulder and then toward the other. The leader wore a dance shirt trimmed with suspended arrow points of wood (pl. 24, 6, c). The dancers were followed by women who moved their hands in front of them as they danced. A song of this dance was recorded but not transcribed. On the evening of Makah Day the resident and visiting Indians assembled in the village hall. This was an informal occasion and a pleasant air of friendship prevailed. The Quileute sang their own songs and tribes from Vancouver Island sang their songs. Many gifts were given, the visiting Indians taking this means of ex- pressing their appreciation of the courtesy which had been extended to them. Many speeches were made, including one by a member of the Quinaielt tribe. The Indians from Vancouver Island presented the Makah women with bunches of the grass used in basket making and obtained only on Vancouver Island. Many silver dollars were given, each with a speech by an individual, and a box of apples was passed around the company. The visiting tribes presented numerous dances. Among the general dancing songs used at the evening dance on Makah Day was the following, known as an “entering the building song.” Such songs were used in the dance competitions held during the winter. 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bou. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1409) No. 67. Entering Dance Song Recorded by HELEN IRvING VoICcE d= 84 Drum e — 84 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Analysis.—The first half of this song was sung three times before proceeding to the second part, after which it was sung again, this form being similar in all the renditions. Attention is directed to the last occurrence of the rhythmic unit which was not accented. The song contains only one tone longer than an eighth note. More than half the intervals are whole tones. SOCIAL DANCES In old times the dancing of the Makah continued all winter, the various communities competing with one another. These contests were friendly and aroused much interest. So much dancing would have become monotonous except for the invention of new dances with varied costumes and postures, as well as new songs. The accompaniment consisted of striking on boards with short sticks, while some of the dancers carried drums. Certain songs were sung by individuals or by the dancers, but a majority were sung by the entire assembly. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 149 The entrance of the dancers into the building was considered an important part of the performance. Certain songs were designated as used during this entrance, although in some dances no songs were sung at that time. The custom varied with the dances, as will be indicated. Some of the dances were by women alone, while others were by men and women. In the latter dances the men entered first, walking backward and followed by the women. Mrs. Helen Irving, a member of the Makah tribe, said that in such a dance the men and women often wore a blanket over the left shoulder and under the arm. The men wore a crown of hemlock boughs and their faces were painted with charcoal, there being no prescribed pattern for this decoration. The women wore any style of bandeau about the head, but a flat band decorated with shells was popular. Only two such ornaments remain in the village and one of these was worn on Makah Day, 1926. A specimen of the shell was obtained and iden- tified by Dr. Paul Bartsch, of the United States National Museum, as “Dentalium (probably vulgare Da Costa of the Mediterranean).” Clayoquot songs were freely used in these dances, Young Doctor recorded a song of an “Entering the building dance” by the women alone. In this dance each woman had the first two joints of the first fingers painted red. In the first position of the dance the women folded their arms and swayed from one side to the other in a slightly jerky manner; in the second position they held up their first fingers, this position being called “koko’pchittb” (pl. 21, 7). They then resumed the first position. The signal for the change of position was given by the leader, who. said, “Sing the words.” The women then held up their fingers and almost imme- diately the words followed. Before recording the song Young Doc- tor recorded the words (probably used in the dance), “We will dance today, women, we will dance.” This was also designated as a song of the daba’e or social gathering. The words of the song were “My koko’pchittib is bleeding.” The song was not transcribed. These “entering the building songs”, like many other dance songs, were in pairs, each song being sung twice. A pair of such songs from the Clayoquot tribe was recorded by a member of that tribe. These songs were sung by middle-aged women. The name of the dance was Whu’yit and Mrs. Guy said that she took part in it when she was younger. A Clayoquot woman’s hair usually came several inches below her waist and in this dance the women wore their hair loose and unbraided. Their cheeks were painted with three vertical stripes from forehead to chin. The headdress was of pounded cedar bark with white eagle down sprinkled on it. The women wore white tunics with black skirts and strings of beads were wrapped around their wrists to the width of about 3 inches. Only the first song of the pair was transcribed. 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt 124 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1477) No. 68. Social Dance Song Recorded by ANNIE Lone Tom (1) (1) a td Q) Soy eee eee ae | cee ae Spore SS aS a (2) Ds Samaaeaeary stair Hat aaa Baaeeer ies] Analysis—This is an interesting example of a melody which progresses chiefly by whole tones. The song contains 33 whole tones and two major thirds. It is transcribed with the signature of F but contains only the tones F, G and A, with F as the principal tone. Both rhythmic units were sung distinctly and a comparison of the two is interesting. For another of these dances the costume was a black skirt, a white tunic, and a red blanket, held by a belt around the waist. The head- dress was a black or white bandeau on which were sewed two rows of white shells. A song of this dance was recorded but not transcribed. The Yakima song of an old warrior is used by the Makah as an “entering the building dance,” and with it is coupled a Makah song. The warrior’s name was Lucai’. It is said that he “was having trouble with the Government soldiers and defied them in this song.” The headdress worn in this dance was a band with erect feathers. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 151 Yakima (Catalog No. 1505) No. 69. Song of Defiance (a) Recorded by Mrs. Wirson PARKER ¢—80 (1) (1) SO oe ea oo Ss 7 : = ——————— io EaRemey | > Sarma SA 71 om eter nee a) (1) Q)_ | Q) | @ 9--9—-s- : NY (2) oa are ee peeney SSS SS ee eee (1) re pa | ha aeees| TRANSLATION You will not find my path, even if you do go. Analysis —There is a taunting quality in both the rhythmic units of this song. In the first unit we note the ascent of a whole tone followed by a corresponding descent, the higher note being accented. The second unit is longer than the first, its count-divisions are more regular, and it suggests a sustained strength, while the frequent descent of a minor third gives an effect of sadness. The melodic freedom of this melody is native in its character, while the clearness of rhythmic form suggests that the song has been correctly sung. The last note was followed by shrill war cries. The Makah song used in connection with the foregoing has no words. It was the custom to sing first one and then the other. 89728—-39 12 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bow. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1364) No. 70. Song of Defiance (b) Recorded by Mrs. WILSON PARKER stg Spr eecreeery Analysis —A succession of eighth notes characterizes this melody, which has less of flaunting defiance than the preceding. About four-fifths of the progressions are whole tones, their arrangement suggesting the steady motion of a traveler. Attention is directed to the progressions that form the framework of the melody. The first four measures are based upon B-C sharp—B, followed by F sharp and EK. The next four measures are based upon B—A-B, followed by E and D, the phrase having dropped a whole tone. The ascent at the close of the song is interesting, the rendition being followed by shrill yells. All the tones of the octave except the fourth are present in the melody. The keynote occurs only in two measures in the middle of the song. Among the dances when entering the building was the Yalt’bkasik, in which the men carried bows and arrows, placing them first toward one shoulder and then toward the other. It was a very difficult dance, as it was danced in a cramped, squatting position. The women moved their hands as in plate 21, d. There were only two songs and they sang one as they entered, then rested a little and sang the same song and danced around the circle. The two songs were said to be almost alike, and one was recorded but not transcribed. The wail commonly given after the songs of this dance was more clear than that given after the whaling song. When this wail, or howl, was given, the dancers jumped up and down several times, which was said to be a relief from dancing in such a cramped position. A different dance, in which bows and arrows were also carried, was the Pintla’chatl, originated by a man at Wyatch about 50 years ago (pl. 24, a). The manner of the dance came to him in a dream when the people of his band were entertaining and “hard pressed for DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 153 new dances.” The name of the dance signifies that bows and arrows are carried in it. The men’s costume consisted of a fringed tunic and they carried bows and arrows. The women danced with hands on their hips. The men entered the building first, followed by the women, and this was a long-continued dance, as each person had a little time in which to dance alone after entering. The steps did not progress far, as they only “inched along.” The motion was forward, not side- ways. It is probable that the two songs next following were received by the man in his dream. They have no words and were always used in this order. The Yalubkasuk and Pintlachatl are different from the Bow and Arrow dance described on page 147 and shown in plate 24, b,c. Makah (Catalog No. 1386) No. 71. Song of Pintlachat] Dance (a) Recorded by JAMES Guy VoIcE c= 112 Drum = 132 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 2 SS | "7 ar eam Analysis—Ten renditions of this song were recorded in groups of five, the first group being without the drum. The only difference is that, in one rendition of each group, the second measure contains an extra count and ends with a quarter instead of an eighth note. The drumbeat was in quarter notes with a tempo of 182. This is dif- ferent from the tempo of the voice, but each was steadily maintained. Comparing the two we find that the ratio of 112 to 132 is approxi- mately that of 5 to 6. The singer found it difficult to sing this song without the drum but was entirely at ease in the second group of renditions. The song contains only three tones and is minor in tonality. 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buvw. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1887) No. 72. Song of Pintlachatl Dance (b) Recorded by JAMES Guy VoIcE d= 66 DruM g = 66 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 13 sarees > a Saat a EE Ga Lig tigi ace: 3 os ae ere eee ee See a an > > Se ye we en 1 3 $$$. | a “—— Fine Analysis—The phonograph cylinder contains one complete rendi- tion of this song, followed by six renditions of the repeated portion. In all these renditions the third measure of the repeated portion is sung as a phrase, with no secondary accent. The rhythm of the drum is indicated as quarter notes, although the time-unit is half that of the voice. It is not possible to hear the drumbeat in the entire record and, when audible, it appears to be independent of the voice, not synchronizing on the first of each count. The song contains no change of measure-lengths. An interesting effect is secured by the ascending interval in the first measure of the repeated portion. The general trend of the melody resembles in a peculiar manner the dance songs of the Cocopa on the Mexican border. (See Yuman and Yaqui Music, Bull. 110, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Nos. 112, 114.) DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 155 Makah (Catalog No. 1375) No. 73. Song of Pintlachatl Dance (c) Recorded by Mrs. WILSON PARKER Dai very rapid Se very rapid Analysis —The exactness of musical custom among the Indians is shown in the singer’s explanation of the drumbeat. She said, “In the first part, where the beat is fast, the dancers have not entered the building; then there is a short pause; and in the last part, with the steady drum, they have entered and are dancing.” The drum is par- ticularly clear in both renditions of this song. It is impossible to transcribe the descending glissando that follows this song, but it is indicated by a downward line from its initial tone. This glissando continued for the duration of five counts, ending on a low tone, approx- imately indicated, which was not prolonged. The drum was rapid during the glissando, with a sharp stroke at its termination. The song is based on the fourth five-toned scale and has a compass of six tones. With one exception the intervals are minor thirds and major seconds. The next song was sung after they had entered the building and was commonly used in connection with the preceding songs. 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | Buu. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 13876) No. 74. Song of Pintlachatl Dance (d) Recorded by Mrs. Witson PARKER VoIcE é= 63 Drum d= 63 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 13 Drum very rapid > TRANSLATION I have seen my tumanos, Is your tumanos as good as mine? Analysis —The manner of singing this song resembled intoning. The first tone of each measure was stressed, not with an accent but with a steadily sustained tone, and the progressions were somewhat glissando. It will be noted that a majority of the melody is on the highest tone of its compass. The drum was synchronous with the voice and changed to a rapid beat (tremolo) at the close, ending with a sharp stroke at the expiration of the melody. The ascending and descending intervals are equal in number, each comprising six major seconds and one major third. There is nothing in the character of this melody to suggest that it was used with a dance. Songs inherited in families might be used in the competing dances. Such songs were not in pairs like the ordinary dance songs. They were known as Tsi’ka songs and had various uses. For example, when Jim Hunter went to the Clayoquot, the women sang this sort of song as he walked up the beach from his boat, because he belongs to the family of the chief. One of these songs, inherited in her family, was recorded by Mrs. Wilson Parker, the words meaning “The rich man is going to give away freely.” This song was not transcribed. Mrs. Sarah Guy recorded two such songs of the Clayoquot tribe that belonged in her family. The costume of the dance in which they were sung consisted of a blanket worn like a robe across the shoulders. Several women danced together, not progressing but standing still, and they moved one arm after the other, upward and downward, with a motion from the elbow. The songs had no words. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 157 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1459) No. 75. Oldest Daughter’s Dance Song Recorded by SaraAH Guy @=100 (1) i eg ees a ae i : Pees sara eee a) Analysis.—This song contains only three tones but an interesting effect is given by the diversified rhythm with its frequent rests. At- tention is directed to the measures following the second appearance of the rhythmic unit, which repeat the last phrase of the unit. The remainder of the song, containing the second rhythmic unit, is in a smoother rhythm with a 5-8 measure. The several renditions of the song are uniform in every respect. 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt, 124 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1460) No. 76. Youngest Daughter’s Dance Song Recorded by SARAH Guy d=72 sia a ees Peery eee eee eel omy Une en tires pate => wre = 2 Analysis—This song has the same keynote as the preceding but is minor instead of major in tonality, has a larger compass, and is more free in its movement. The interval of a fourth which is asso- ciated with freedom and motion occurs three times and is absent from the preceding song. In this we seem to feel the youth of the youngest daughter. The ascending are more than the descending intervals, which is unusual. The song is based on the minor triad and fourth, and begins and ends on the same tone. The song con- tains no rhythmic unit and the keynote is in the middle of its com- pass. A competing dance song of the Makah was recorded by Mrs. Helen Irving. In this dance the men had one set of gestures and the women another, but these were not described. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 159 Makah (Catalog No. 1408) No. 77. “Do Not Try to Imitate Me” Recorded by Hrten Irvine Voice e = 72 Drum d= 72 Drum-rhythm similar to No 13 TRANSLATION Do not try to imitate me in my ways, If I invited other tribes I would have wolves on the beach, Do not try to imitate me. Analysis —The rhythmic structure of this song is unusually in- teresting. It comprises four periods of equal lengths, and contains two rhythmic units which begin with the same phrase. In the first unit this phrase is followed by a double and in the second phrase by a triple measure. The song omits the fifth and sixth above the keynote, the omission of the fifth suggesting a lack of completeness, which is further suggested by the ascending interval at the close. Both these peculiarities are unusual. The ascending intervals are more than the descending, and with one exception, the only intervals are whole tones and semitones. The several renditions are alike in every respect. FEASTS Every social gathering was followed by a feast, and before the food was distributed it was customary for persons of prominence to sing the songs inherited in their families. The last chief of the entire Makah tribe was known as Chief Peter. It was his desire to teach all his songs to his grandson, Charles Swan (pls. 4, 6, c; 23, a, 5), in order that they might be preserved. Several of these songs were recorded by Swan, but only one was transcribed, this being the chief’s 160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bout. 124 song at a large gathering, just before the food was served. It was Chief Peter’s custom to lead this song, and everyone joined in the singing. (Cf. footnote, p. 268.) Makah (Catalog No. 1412) No. 78. Song Belonging to the Last Makah Chief Recorded by CHARLES SWAN VoIcE Je 104 Drum e — 138 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 — H4L AE a f@.- wey K A p-. TRANSLATION There is no tribe that can beat the chief in dancing. Analysis—This vigorous melody is minor in tonality and has a compass of only five tones. The minor third B-D is prominent in the framework of the song, with a frequent descent to A sharp, fol- lowed by a return to B. It is interesting to note the prominence of C sharp, the tone above the keynote. This seems a peculiarity of Makah songs. Attention is directed to the discrepancy between the tempo of voice and drum. Young Doctor recorded four songs connected with feasts. The first song had been handed down in his family and was sung by certain Ozettes who were related to him. He said the Ozettes were the same tribe as the people at Neah Bay but lived elsewhere at certain seasons of the year; thus he had relatives in both groups. This song was sung by a man just before he distributed the food. DENsMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 161 Makah (Catalog No. 1308) No. 79. Song Before Feast Recorded by Youne Docror Sas AS as SSS ey Analysis.—This is a particularly pleasing melody with the pro- longed tones and short tones followed by rests that characterize Makah songs. It has a rhythmic unit and a short phrase near the close which occurs twice. More than half the intervals are whole tones and almost one-third are minor thirds. After the food was served the following song was sung, accom- panied by the clapping of hands. This is a “family song” of Young Doctor’s and he said that he is the only person living at the present time who can sing it. The song is so old that the meaning of the words is lost except that one sentence means “A chief is in a canoe with many men.” 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1307) No. 80. Song After Food Was Served Recorded by Youne Docror Analysis —This song is rhythmic, with a steady pulse. About half the progressions are minor thirds, although the tonality of the song is major. The song has a compass of nine tones and is based on the fourth five-toned scale. The next song was sung while the people were eating. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 163 Makah (Catalog No. 1310) No. 81. Song During Feast Recorded by Youne Docror Analysis.—In this song we have a hearty, cheerful melody with an interesting rhythm. The unit of rhythm consists of simple count- divisions chiefly in descending progression. More than two-thirds of the progressions are whole tones. The song has a compass of seven tones and contains all the tones of the octave, which is unusual in Makah songs. The following song was sung after the feast was concluded. 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1311) No. 82. Song After Feast Recorded by Youne Doctor Analysis.—This song begins and ends on the same tone, which is the lowest tone in the compass. This structure is unusual in Indian songs. The fourth is the opening interval and occurs with unusual frequency, constituting 12 of the 22 intervals. This interval, as frequently stated, is associated with activity, and we note that the song was sung at the conclusion of the feast. The song is major in tonality, the third above the keynote occurring only once, but the fourth is present in 10 of the 14 measures of the song. About half the progressions are minor thirds. The song has a compass of nine tones and is based on the fourth five-toned scale. ContTESTS OF PuysiIcaAL STRENGTH FOLLOWING FRAstTs After certain feasts the Makah had contests of strength between members of the tribe. These contests were intended to determine who were the strongest men in that locality. The man who proved himself the strongest was expected to “give pointers” to the men whom he defeated, so they could develop their strength for contests with other bands or tribes. The men of a locality were known by three degrees of strength, as good, better, and best, and everyone knew their rating by this scale. Thus it was known on whom the people could depend in emergencies. The contests between individuals were somewhat like wrestling matches and the purpose of each man was to “throw” his opponent. In one instance a defeated man was thrown against a post. The DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 165 “hold” was by the hair on either side of the top of the head, and for that reason the men desired long, heavy hair. (See stimulants for the hair, p. 316.) A man’s hair often came below his waist and was arranged by folding part of it in several folds on the crown of the head and winding the rest of the hair around these folds. When men wanted to look particularly fine for these gatherings they took the tips of pine branches and stuck them in their hair. There were no songs connected with the contests of strength between individuals at tribal gatherings or feasts. The following incident was related concerning this custom. Each person had a special place to bathe and pray (see p. 31) and a man had a right to kill anyone who intruded upon him when thus engaged. A man was once bathing and praying for strength when he heard some- one near. He went in the direction of the sound, moving stealthily, and came upon a great giant, bathing like himself. This giant was known to live in the woods and the people could distinguish him from other creatures of the woods because the print of one foot was that of a giant but the other side of him was small. The giant had a fair skin and was talking in his own language as he rubbed himself with brush. Behind him was a white blanket. While rubbing his body the giant reached back his hand and the Indian took hold of his thumb for a moment; then the giant drew back his hand and the Indian fainted on the white blanket. When he regained consciousness the giant and the blanket were gone but the Indian knew that he had become a strong man. He went home, took up a log, and easily stood it on end. Soon afterwards he saw his brother making whale sinew rope and said, “Make it stronger. That can easily be broken.” His brother said, “Try it,” and threw him a piece. The Indian broke it easily. Then his brother made a rope twice as large, but the man broke that as easily as the first. So the whole tribe knew this man was very strong. The news spread and 4 days later the Ozettes came and brought their strong man to contest with him. The Ozettes urged, but he would give no reason for declining. Then the Ozette chief made a speech in which he said that perhaps the Makah held back because the challenger was not of sufficiently high social position. He said if that were the case he would offer his own son to fight the Makah, and no one could have a higher social position than he. Even then the Makah held back. Finally the Makah’s brother said that he had better go in, because even if he were knocked down he could get up again. So the fight began and the Makah took hold of his opponent’s hair, in the custom of such contests. He did not seem to press hard at all but in a moment the Ozette’s head broke. Without a word the 166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut, 124 Ozettes took up the dead man and started for home. After 4 days they came back prepared for actual war. They had bows and ar- rows, but after the fight it was impossible to say which side was the winner, so the Ozettes went home. After 4 days they returned, but the result was the same and neither side would admit defeat. In 4 days they returned again. Not many Makah were at home then, as the people had scattered, and that time the Ozettes were victorious and burned down many houses. The Makah had their revenge. The Ozettes lived on shellfish which they gathered on the rocks, and during the next winter the Makah prayed for awful storms so the tide would not go out. Thus the Ozettes could not get their usual food and many starved to death. Even the chief died. After that, the Makah and the Ozettes were good friends, SOCIAL GATHERINGS An ordinary social party of the Makah was called daba’c. No gifts were distributed, there might or might not be dancing, and the affair was quite informal. The chief features of such parties were the refreshments and the singing. The writer and her sister attended a gathering of this sort on the beach at Neah Bay. After a repast of fish cooked on the shore, the people seated themselves on the sand, facing long planks arranged on three sides of a square (pl. 19, ¢). In front of the people, on the planks, were the packets of food that they intended to carry home. The food was usually in a pan brought from home for the purpose and tied in a cloth. As al- ready described, the people pounded on the planks with short sticks as they sang. It was the invariable custom, at a dabac, for each person to start a song. This was usually a personal song handed down in his or her family, though general songs might be used. This was done after refreshments and was a form of etiquette, intended to show appreciation of the entertainment and is given the title of a “Courtesy Song.” Each guest started a song and the others joined in singing it. Ifa person were obliged to leave early someone would say, “Why do you go before you sing your ‘thank you’ song?” The person thus chided would probably remain long enough to start a song. In some instances these songs mentioned some peculiarity of the guest, or some incident in his life, these little personal touches showing a pleasant friendliness among the people. Sometimes old lovers sang of past days. It was said that “one composer might sing about an- other composer and he or she might respond. Sometimes these ex- changes were complimentary and sometimes otherwise.” The first of these songs here presented was sung at the gathering attended by the writer. It was started by Sarah Guy (pl. 3, d), who DENSMORE J NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 167 later made the phonographic record. She said it was given her by her grandmother, who always sang it at parties. When Mrs. Guy sang it she pointed at her husband (pl. 3, ¢). Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1486) No. 83. “I Am Trying to Look as Pretty as I Can” Recorded by SARAH Guy TRANSLATION I am trying to look as pretty as I can because my sweetheart is in the crowd. He is the reason for it. Analysis—This melody contains only the tones of the minor triad and fourth and is characterized by a short descending phrase. The downward intervals are about twice as many as the upward intervals. Four renditions were recorded and show no variations. The following is an old song inherited in the singer’s family and used by them at social gatherings. 89728—39——13 168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1429) No. 84. Social Song Recorded by CHESTER WANDAHART VoIcE d= 88 Drum » Sh. Drum-rhythm similar to No. 13 5S = eS See Analysis —This song has a compass of only three tones and is particularly interesting in rhythm. It consists of three periods, the first and second being in the same rhythm. The third period begins with a rhythm that has already been presented but ends this rhythm abruptly with an accented half note. Four renditions were recorded and are uniform in every respect. The four songs next following are “courtesy songs” that might be sung by any woman. In explanation of the next song it was said, “The women are supposed to be going out on the rocks to gather shellfish.” It appears that the “calling” of a woman was an invita- tion to join the party. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 169 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1471) No. 85. “Do Not Go Away” Recorded by ANNIE Lone Tom TRANSLATION Do not go away when I call you. Kokoanak (meaning a very poor, thin, unhealthy woman) came before she was called. Analysis —This song has a compass of 10 tones, the lowest being faint but audible. Two-thirds of the intervals are whole tones. The tempo is very slow and was not rigidly maintained, but the triplet of quarter notes was clearly given in the time of two quarter notes. Several renditions were recorded and show no differences. Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1472) No. 86. “They Come From Under the Water” Recorded by ANNIz Lone Tom TRANSLATION They come to the surface, whatever lives under the water. 170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bouuw. 124 Analysis—It is impossible to show, with any degree of accuracy, the pitch of the tones occurring in the opening portion of this song, and the transcription should be understood as approximately correct. The third tone in the first measure was approximately a quarter tone below D sharp, thus dividing the descent from D sharp to D natural into almost equal intervals. The intonation throughout the third measure was uncertain. Four renditions of this interesting song were recorded, the only difference being in the note values in the third measure. This song and the song next following were said to go together, although the connection is not clear. Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1473) No. 87. Courtesy Song (a) Recorded by ANNIE Lone ToM + = =» _|@ 6 _@ 6 6 — 5 Sere eae 6 es aT ee ea TRANSLATION I do believe that person on the horse has taken the ring. Analysis —This group consists of songs inherited in families, and it is significant to find a wide variety in the material. The present song is not particularly interesting but is important for the reason above mentioned. In certain respects it is a typical Indian song, containing characteristics which occur so frequently as to approach anorm. The descending intervals are twice as many as the ascending intervals, progression is chiefly by whole tones, and the song lies partly above and partly below the keynote. It is not typical, how- ever, in its lack of thematic quality, and the song as a whole does not have the rhythmic completeness found in many Indian songs. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 171 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1474) No. 88. Courtesy Song (b) Recorded by ANNIE Lona Tom TRANSLATION It seems that my husband is scolding me all the time. (Some one is supposed to reply) Perhaps he has a reason for scolding you. Analysis —This is a pleasing melody, with a range of 10 tones. Jt contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh, and moves with a wide freedom. The song is characterized by the interval of a fourth, which constitutes 13 of the 58 progressions. The next song was designated by the interpreter as a “sort of love affair song.” 172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw. 124 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1466) No. 89. “I Will Not Have Him” Recorded by ANNIE Lone Tom VoIcE d= 65 Drum z= 56 See drum-rhythm below ee => ar erpevns epee bo 32 eS qo lp —— ot aR a OE ae = rae ——— a =e fet att gee 3 by ESE esa) eae pe enares fe Se ela igre erat gies ii @ =e = SEPEs =the = EE a ==. =i aoe PL =eeaa! Drum-rhythm “9 © 47 9 #9 4% » ~p as bv vb 8 ane Se WE TRANSLATION I will not, I will not have him because he is too old. His head and shoulders are good looking but I will not have him anyway because he is too old. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 173 Analysis —A peculiarity of this song lies in the tones transcribed A flat, which were sung with firmness. In some instances the tones transcribed A natural were slightly below that pitch, but they were not sung with the confidence which marked the tones transcribed A flat. A further peculiarity of the song is the rhythm of the drum, which is very unusual. The drumbeat was steadily maintained. A triplet of eighth notes is the principal feature of the rhythm and occurs on all counts of the measure. The next song would be started by a man. Makah (Catalog No. 1843) No. 90. “I Look Like a Sea Parrot” Recorded by Youne Docror (2) eo ce Pea baa TRANSLATION Of all the things that come with old age, I look like a sea parrot with white patches on the side of my head. Try to become old as quickly as you can, I look so handsome. Analysis —This song is distinguished by the large compass of 10 tones and the clearness of the highest and lowest tones, which were easily within the singer’s range. Attention is directed to the tenth and eleventh measures, which resemble the second and third measures but are differently accented. There is no rest in the 3-4 measure preceding the second rhythmic unit, the rest being deferred four measures. This sustains the rhythmic interest in an unusual man- ner. The ascent of a seventh between renditions was given with 174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bub. 124 confidence and accuracy. Jour renditions were recorded and are uniform except for unimportant note values due to differences in words. It was not unusual for a man or woman to dance alone in front of the line of persons who were pounding on a plank with sticks. This “solo dancer” used various postures. With the song next following the dancer held up his hand, as though holding a mirror. The writer saw a dance in which a man held a little mirror and looked at his reflection in it as he danced. Makah (Catalog No. 1844) No. 91. “How High My Forehead Is Getting” Recorded by Youne Doctor == Sa 5 aa a A 2 a : ge | R= FE A Pee | pS eta lee patra carmel = |__|, —~— aaa is a ee Sie a2 opp ee get > = —S TRANSLATION How high my forehead is getting. This is the first time I have looked in the glass. Analysis——The rests in the opening measures of this song were concisely given, and the short phrases in the fourth and fifth meas- ures are so crisp as to seem exclamatory. The song has a compass of 12 tones and contains 12 descending and 11 ascending progres- sions. It is analyzed as having B flat as its keynote but the third above that tone does not appear. Five renditions were recorded, the words in the fifth rendition changing the note value to some extent. The next song also refers to advancing age, and was sung as a “courtesy song,” as already described. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 175 Makah (Catalog No. 1847) No. 92. “I Am Getting Old” Recorded by Youne Doctor TRANSLATION What a pity I am getting old. Analysis —The only peculiarity of this song consists in the meas- ures in 7-8 time that were sung uniformly in all the renditions. The principal time is 3-4, and an eighth note-value is added in these measures. Two-thirds of the intervals are whole tones. The tone material is that of the fourth five-toned scale and the framework of the melody consists of three descending series—D to F sharp, D to D, and G sharp to B, Another song, not transcribed, contained the words, “I am approach- ing old age in my beautiful home.” The Makah songs concerning old age present an interesting contrast to a song on the same subject recorded among the Pawnee which contains the words “He comes. It hurts to use a cane. It becomes painful to pick it up” (Bull. 98, Bur. Amer. Ethn., No. 23). The Pawnee song was sung to inspire the warriors, showing it was better to die young in battle than to live to an enfeebled old age. It belonged originally to a brave man who lived to an advanced age. As a tribute to a woman named Wisla’tas the following song could be sung at a party. It was said that “a person could cry and sing this song.” This refers to a peculiar manner of singing, occasionally noted in Indian songs. 176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1805) No. 93. “My Dear Friend is Going Away” Recorded by Youne Docror otf cae San orsiaaiae = Eo esea eee oa = SMe! a eee eS! 2 ae ae Sere ee iter a e ae EY oe ae a BL ease o(esaae Sime eeeaesecicn! TRANSLATION My dear friend Wislatas is going away, My very close friend Wislatas is going away. Analysis—This song is unique in that both ascending and descending intervals comprise a fourth, six minor thirds, and eight whole tones. The keynote occurs only as the highest tone of the compass, which is unusual. The tone material consists of the major triad and sixth. Attention is directed to the rests in the last portion of the song, which add to its interest. The words of the following song are partly in English and partly in Chinook. The word “good-bye” is sung in English and the re- mainder in Chinook. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC Lier ere Makah (Catalog No. 1428) No. 94. Song at Parting Recorded by CHESTER WANDAHART VoIcE d= 96 Drum J= 96 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 -@-* -9- -9- a ee Spore aaee laa Se SSE ee eae as eeieas = = Good-by, my sweetheart. Analysis —This melody contains, in a marked degree, the charac- teristics of Makah songs. We note the prolonged tones, descending trend in short phrases, and the short rests, usually preceded by eighth notes. The song contains no rhythmic unit, though a dotted eighth appears frequently on the last count of a measure. At the same sort of “parties” the next song could be sung. 178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burn 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1306) No. 95. Song of the Crow Recorded by Youne Docror Ss = preaziee Sireerri Sa TRANSLATION I can see the snow on top of the mountains. Analysis.—This song is characterized by two-measure phrases with a descending trend, yet it has no rhythmic unit. The tone material is that of the fourth five-toned scale. More than half the progressions are whole tones, but the ascending fourth occurs four times and gives vigor to the melody. The song is in three long periods, the third resembling the first but containing several triplets of eighth notes. The bird mentioned in the next song was not identified, but the inter- preter said she thought it might refer to the gray loon that “makes a horrible noise.” The appearance of the bird was not described, but it was said that all the people feared it. The sound of this bird was said to make the earth tremble, and it was said that whoever caught a glimpse of the bird would die instantly. Its voice was heard in the mountains. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 179 Makah (Catalog No. 1304) No. 96. “I Hear the Bird Singing” Recorded by Youne Doctor VoIcE = 88 Drum d= 88 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 ~S cS) =. ia : ae a SS ES ee cs aa a 8 fe 0 TRANSLATION I hear the bird singing in the high mountains. Analysis—In this song concerning a bird we find the interval of a fourth at the opening and close. This interval has been noted especially in songs associated with birds or with the idea of motion. The descending intervals are more than twice as many as the as- cending. Several renditions were recorded and the variations are unimportant, the singer keeping the time of the rests exact, as well as the length of prolonged tones, but allowing himself a slight liberty in other respects. The descent of a seventh within the space of two measures occurs twice, and there is a descent and ascent in the sixth, seventh, and eighth measures, all these suggesting the sweeping motion of a bird in flight. The song next following was undoubtedly sung at these gatherings, and suggests that not all the musical performances were satisfactory to the listeners. 180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 124 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1476) No. 97. “Stop Singing” Recorded by ANNIE Lone Tom oie’ StS: Efees og TRANSLATION Stop singing, they are beginning to make fun of you. Analysis—In this, as in a few other songs recorded by this singer, there are small indeterminate intervals in downward progression, the rest of the song being sung with good intonation. These pro- gressions occur in the third, fourth, and sixth measures from the close, and the transcription is, therefore, only approximately accurate. The song is characterized by frequency of the ascending fourth and the descending whole tone. The descending minor third is also a frequent interval. It has a compass of nine tones and contains all the tones of the octave except the fourth. A “courtesy song” which was not transcribed contained the words, “How can anyone find fault with such a poor person as I who just came after water ?” The wide variety of songs used in this manner included songs which were sung by young men in the evenings, expressing admira- tion for the girls (see pp. 825-829). WAR CUSTOMS AND SONGS The canoe used by the Makah in their war expeditions was de- scribed by Young Doctor, who is a maker of canoes. He said that Kwa’ti had the first canoe and “gave the idea of the canoe to the Indians.” No one knows exactly what Kwa’ti’s canoe was like, but he did not need to propel it by paddle; he only said, “Go, Hopi’dawae,” and the canoe darted forward. The first canoe introduced into Neah Bay was a war canoe, made of the largest cedar available. The stern was as high as a man and the bow was still higher, carved to represent the bill of a duck. DENSMORE | NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 181 Young Doctor said a war canoe would hold 40 to 60 men, each of whom used a paddle. The length of such a canoe was 8 or more fathoms, and it was about 214 feet wide at the pomt where the bow rose above the body of the boat. As stated in the description of canoe making (p. 20), the outer surface of canoes intended for war and whaling was burned, then smoothed with a portion of the vertebra of a whale, after which the splinters were burned off and the surface polished with a smooth stone. The carved end of the bow of a war canoe was detachable, being fixed in a socket and re- moved when the canoe was used for friendly visits to neighboring tribes. The canoe shown in plate 19, d, is a large canoe with the carved end typical of a war canoe, the design of the carved end being the wolf head seen by Young Doctor in his dream. The cance was used in the celebration of Makah Day in 1924. The upper part of a war canoe was painted gray, below this was a wide band of black, and the bottom of the canoe was red. There was also a little red on the bow. It was said to be very difficult to see a canoe thus painted and it was called Th’dakata, meaning “canoe in the fog,” the idea being that the canoe was as hard to see as though surrounded by a fog. The last war canoe used by the Makah had an eye painted on each end. In this canoe they drove the Nitinat from Tatoosh Island, which lies in the open ocean, around the end of Cape Flat- tery from the Makah village. The Makah took only one head, but when that man was missing the Nitinat moved across to Vancouver Island, where they still live. When going to war it was customary to fill the end of the canoe with hemlock branches which were used to conceal the canoe while the war party were ashore. ‘The weapon of general warfare among the Makah and the imple- ment with which they cut off the heads of their enemies was a heavy blade, usually made of the jawbone of a whale (pl. 11, a). A replica of this weapon was made by Young Doctor (pl. 1), who said the proper length was one handspread (thumb to end of second finger) plus one spread of thumb to end of first finger. The usual decoration was of eagle feathers, though some men used red or black feathers. These feathers had a use, as they kept the club from shipping out of a man’s hand when in use and “protected the arm from the shock of the blow.” If a man dropped his club in the thick of a fight he could identify it by the feathers and also by the paint. The design painted in red and black on a war club was usually the man’s tumanos and was some very fierce animal that attacked human beings. A slightly different weapon made by Young Doctor is decorated with the head of a wolf, in accordance with his dream (pl. 12, a). This was carried in the lightning dance, as de- scribed on page 111. There was said to be only one club in the village 182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 124 that had been used to kill enemies. A knife similar to plate 11, d, was also used by warriors. The war strength of the Makah in the old days was said to com- prise “about 200 men at one end of Wyatch, not counting the batch- elors, old men, and children, 200 at Bahada Point, and 200 at the other end of Wyatch, not counting those at Suez and Ozette; also another branch of the tribe at Takwach.” Preparations for a war expedition were begun a long time before the event. ‘The chief called his men together secretly at night and they lounged on the floor instead of sitting erect. The chief whis- pered his plans in the ear of the man next him, this man whispered to the man next him, and so the plans were made known to all, though not a word had been audible. There was no food and no smoking. After the men had discussed the matter they went home very quietly. Great care was taken that a woman should not know, as “she would surely tell and the enemy would find it out.” The men then went to their various places for bathing and pray- ing. Some bathed in salt water and rubbed their bodies so vigorously with helmlock or other branches that “the flesh came off.” They applied medicine to the wounds and prayed that “whoever caused the daylight would make their muscles so hard that no arrow could pierce them.” After the bath they went home and said nothing of what they had done. The next day they turned over the canoes and burned off the splinters. This was 4 days before they were to start, but still nothing was said. The arrows and war clubs were prepared by rubbing them with the gall of fish or animals, and it was said a wounded enemy usually died from sores produced by this gall. The war accoutrement was quietly put in order. For use in battle they had a wooden armor made of slats of very hard wood about an inch wide and perhaps 14 inches long, fastened vertically on an elk- hide vest. The head covering was a hood of elk hide whose only opening was a slit across the eyes. This hood covered the throat, chest, and shoulders, and overlapped the wooden slats. It was made of partly tanned hide, so it was neither very hard nor soft. The slats diverted the arrows, and if a man were hit on the head with a poisoned club he was not hurt as badly as he would have been without the protection. Once a man wearing one of these jackets was shot by an arrow that passed between the slats and went entirely through his body. The Clayoquot customs are described on page 194. The war paint gave the men a terrifying appearance. The entire body, the face, arms, and legs were painted black with charcoal. This was then removed in a band across the eyes and white paint was applied to that space. The white material was a substance “gotten from somewhere on the sound,” or was made from clam- DENSMORE ] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 183 shells,47 and either material was mixed with a little fish egg so it would stick to the face. After this had been applied they dipped a finger in the black paint and made black dots on the white surface. This paint “meant war.” The body of the warrior was also smeared with medicine and “everybody was chewing medicine.” Red paint was not used in war by the Makah. On the day the war party left the village each husband told his wife exactly where they were going and said the women must watch and be prepared for attack by the enemy. He also told her not to worry as he would return bringing scalps. While he talked in this manner she put the canoe in the water. When embarking they did not “mix families in a canoe.” If the family were large they used several canoes and kept near together. They often used the large whaling canoes holding 12 men, and it was not unusual for a family to fill two or three canoes. There was a special formation for a war party. The chief’s canoe went first, then his relatives in a line, then a space was left, then the canoes of another family came in a line, and so on. After they had paddled a while the chief stood up and said, “Let anyone who knows in which house the chief (or chiefs) of the enemy lives, stand up and tell us.” Then whoever knew would get up and locate these houses for them. One family would then pick out a cer- tain house for attack, and so on until every house had been assigned. When they came near the enemy they moved in a zigzag line because they believed they were about to undertake that which no human be- ing could do, and which could be accomplished only by Tutu’s, the thunderbird, wearing his belt (the lightning), so they imitated his manner of attack (see p. 23). When they reached their destination they did not land in front of the village but a little distance away. After landing on the shore eight men got out of each canoe, leav- ing four men in the canoe. The landing party had clubs, and each man carried his club by the handle in such a manner that most of the club extended behind him. The highest in position in a family went first, and so on until the least important man came last, each man holding the end of the weapon of the man in front of him. They did not proceed in a straight line but moved like a snake. The attack was made at night. When they came near the houses a man who knew the camp went ahead and spied around. He gave an imitation of some bird pre- viously agreed upon to let the others know he was safe as he ex- plored the village. If all was satisfactory he gave the call of the 47The Tsimshians used armor and helmet when they went to war and tattooed the family crest on their chest or hands. By means of this crest they could be identified by their relatives if slain in battle-—Boas, op. cit., p. 536. 89728—39 14 184. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 124 screech owl, which was the signal for them to come. When they ar- rived he took the lead and everyone stepped in his footprints, being careful not to break a twig or make any sound. The order of men in the line was arranged so that each could attack the house to which he had been assigned, the man who had farthest to go being the first in the line. When all was ready the leader gave the “raven call.” One man in each family carried a tool which was used in prying open the door of the house. They entered every house, cut off the heads of as many as possible, and made slaves of the children. Every per- son in the village was accounted for. By this time the four men left in the canoes had brought them to the beach in front of the village. All the warriors got in, paddled a little way off, and stayed there until daylight. Each man put a handful of salt water in his mouth and blew it out forcibly. Then the leader said, “It is time to go back.” They returned to the vil- lage and took whatever they wanted from the houses. After gather- ing up everything, they started home, but did not travel in a forma- tion until they came near home. Then they formed in order as when departing and moved in a zigzag line. As they approached, the women got on the roofs and beat on the roofs with sticks. They “gave a very long howl,” and urged the canoemen forward. The men “danced out of the canoes,” and soon after they landed the heads were put in a line on the beach. There was no dancing or singing the first day, but they began to dance and sing the second day. The heads of the enemy were not painted nor changed in any way. On the second day they were put on thick, high poles stuck in the sand and left there. Another informant stated the time to be 4 days. It was said that “the mouth opened, and the tongue enlarged, protruded, and hung down.” The custom of taking the heads of the enemy is attributed by the Makah to the mythical personage called Kwati, who stole the box containing the daylight (see p. 207). The owner of the box over- took Kwati, regained the box, and killed him. When Kwati was about to be killed he said they must not bury him but must cut off his head, take it home, and let it lie on a smooth sandy beach for 4 days, then put it on a pole, stick the pole upright in the sand and let it remain there until it fell. He also gave instructions that, when the warriors landed after an expedition, the women must be on top of the buildings, pounding with sticks and giving a tremolo cry. The Makah carried out these instructions faithfully, taking the heads of the enemy, leaving them on the beach 4 days, and then putting them on poles. The last war party was in Young Doctor’s time, but he was a child and does not remember it. Three heads of “Elloa” DmNnsMoRv] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 185 Indians were on the sand above the village in the direction of Cape Flattery. After 4 days they were brought on poles to the beach in front of the present village of Neah Bay. In this connec- tion it is interesting to note that Swan describes a war expedition of the Makah that took place while he was among them. This was against the Elwhas, a band of the Clallams. After describing the expedition in detail he says, “On the third day the party returned, bringing with them the heads of two Elwhas they had killed. They came with songs of victory, with shouts, and firing volleys of mus- ketry. * * * The heads were taken from village to village * * * until they finally arrived at Tsuess, the residence of the chief of the expedition, where they were stuck on two poles, and remained several months, presenting a weather-beaten and very ghastly ap- pearance.”*S This undoubtedly was the expedition referred to by Young Doctor. The following is supposed to be Kwati’s song when he told them to cut off his head. This was called the song of the war club and used in war dances. It is the Makah custom to use the pronouns “I” and “my” when referring to the entire tribe, as in this song. Makah (Catalog No. 1407) No. 98. Song of the War Club Recorded by HELEN IRVING VoIcE d = 69 Drum d = 126 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Irregular in tonality TRANSLATION Who is my equal or can compare with me? I have forty whales on my beach. 48 Swan, op. cit., pp. 50, 51. 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 Analysis.—This song is transcribed with the signature of the key of D because of the frequency of the fourth A—D and the presence of C sharp, these suggesting D as the keynote. It is, however, classi- fied as irregular in tonality, as F sharp does not occur and G is sharped in its only occurrence. Attention is directed to the contrast between the fourth and eighth measures showing a rest after the first occurrence of the rhythmic unit and an active rhythm after the second occurrence, thus carrying forward the interest. The first and last tones are alike and there was no break in the time between the renditions, thus making the rhythm of the performance contin- uous. Five renditions were recorded and show no differences. The drum was used in only the last two renditions. The words of the next song refer to the custom of cutting off the heads of the enemy. Makah (Catalog No. 1314) No. 99. “I Will Not Cut Off Your Head” Recorded by YouNG Doocror TRANSLATION The only reason why I do not cut off your head is that your face would have a crying expression when I carried the head. Analysis —This interesting melody contains the tones F, A flat, and C flat, with B flat as an accented and FE flat as an unaccented tone. The tempo is slow, as in a majority of Indian war songs, and the ascending and descending intervals each comprise seven minor thirds and five whole tones. DENSMORE } NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 187 The next is a very old Makah song, the words of which are for- gotten. Makah (Catalog No. 1481) No. 100. Song on the Way to War Recorded by JAMES Guy VoIcE j= 92 Irregular in tonality pay lat ope trey Analysis—The tones F sharp, G sharp, and E natural occur in this song which is transcribed with a signature of four sharps and classified as irregular in tonality. Two complete renditions were recorded. In the first rendition the opening phrase contains B in- stead of C natural but the singer did not seem sure of himself, mak- ing several progressions smaller than a semitone until he reached the eleventh measure. Beyond that point he seemed at ease, sang the song as transcribed, and in every instance gave the tone C natural with distinctness. In the structure of this melody we note the promi- nence of the descending minor third with the intermediate tone as a passing tone. This appears as C-B—A, then as B-A-G sharp, and as A-G sharp-F sharp, each series being a tone or semitone lower than the preceding. The song is a particularly interesting example of interval formation. The next song was learned by Young Doctor when he was a young man. 188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1313) No. 101. “You Cannot Defeat Us” Recorded by Youne Docror TRANSLATION Do not think for a moment that you can defeat us, for we own slaves from all other tribes, even from the coast tribes to the north. Analysis—The changes of tempo in this song suggest correspond- ing changes in the words which were not identified with the tones. As in many other Makah songs, the tone material consists of a keynote with a whole tone below and a minor third and fourth above. The only intervals are minor thirds and whole tones and 11 of the 16 intervals are descending progressions. The last four measures sug- gest other songs connected with the sea, recorded by the Makah. A short rhythmic unit occurs three times. It is interesting to note the words of the next song in connection with its use. The song was sung just before attacking and again as the warriors came home in the canoes bringing the heads of the enemy. DINSMORE ] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 189 Makah (Catalog No. 1312) No. 102. Makah War Song Recorded by Youna Docror VoICcE = 84 Drum J = 84 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 55 TRANSLATION The Makah have no equals in numbers or strength. It is nothing for us to have 40 whales on the beach in a day. Analysis.—The progressions in this song are unusual and comprise 10 intervals of a fourth, five semitones, and three whole tones. The keynote is G, and its reiteration, together with the moderate tempo, give an effect of determination which is interesting in connection with the use of the song. Yet the rhythm is agitated and characterized by a dotted eighth note on both the accented and unaccented counts. The song is minor in tonality, with the fourth and seventh raised a semitone. Attention is directed to the downward glissando, follow- ing the final tone. The following song comes from a time when so many warriors had been killed that the people who remained at home were discouraged. Youg Doctor exxpressed the opinion that, as so many wars took place because of trouble over land, this song was sung by people who were going to lose a large amount of territory. It was sung by those who remained at home while the warriors were absent on the war path. 190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bur 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1350) No. 103. Song of Those Who Remained at Home Recorded by Youne Docror : 3 a a a e—_—_# ——— 8 — SS =e es TRANSLATION I have become weak by speaking of my home. My home is a great home. Analysis —The characteristic phrase of this song is a descending triplet of eighth notes, occurring on the first count of the measure. An accented sixteenth followed by an eighth note is also frequent. With these agitated phrases we note a steady rhythm of consecutive quarter and eighth notes. The song is major in tonality and progresses chiefly by whole tones. Other songs ending on the tone above the keynote are noted in the analysis of No. 10. The song as transcribed was followed by a partial rendition showing no important differences. The following Makah song was sung in the canoes by a returning war party, the paddles marking the time. The song begins and ends with a long howl during which the paddles are held upright, as during the songs sung when towing a dead whale. The song was also sung when holding up the head of an enemy in the victory dance. When this was sung in dancing the hands were held sideways at first, then the right hand was pointed upward. DpNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 191 Makah (Catalog No. 1888) No. 104. Song of a Head Hunter Recorded by JAMES Guy o=96 Irregular in tonality SSS fae po Pee Sp See Fine TRANSLATION There is my head (that I took). Analysis—This song was prefaced with the sustained tones and downward glissando indicated in the transcription. The voice trailed away into silence, the exact termination of the tone being impossible to determine. Only the tones C, F, and G occur in this song, with A in the connective phrase between the end of the song and its re- peated portion. The third above the keynote occurs only in the con- nective phrase which is not considered in the analysis. The melody is accordingly classified as irregular in tonality. The repeated portion was sung twice, after which the final tone (G) was prolonged and followed by a downward glissando like that at the beginning of the song. The progressions comprise six ascending and five descending intervals. The next song was sung by a returning war party, the paddles marking the time. 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bui. 124 © Makah (Catalog No. 13889) No. 105. Song of a Returning War Party Recorded by JAMES GUY (1) (1) | | | 5 =| par ap Sa Se (2) p= ee ee ; ma ee |” SE SSS a Analysis——Three renditions of this song were recorded and show no differences. Attention is directed to the two rhythmic units, the second being an extension of the first. The frequent rests give a crispness to the melody, suggesting the steady stroke of the paddles. The connective phrase between the renditions necessitates an ascent of a seventh, which is unusual and interesting. | This and the song next following are Clayoquot songs and were sung after the warriors had entered the canoes and were preparing to start. All the village sang these songs, which were also sung by the people during the absence of the warriors. One song followed immediately after the other, when they were used. DPNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 193 Clayoquot (Catalog No. 14438) No. 106. Clayoquot War Song (a) Recorded by SARAH Guy = 88 rregular in tonality pene) Ee ; —s-9 6-8 # 9— 9-9-9 15 9-9 papa ee ed Analysis —Variety is given to this melody by the changes from double to triple time. The melody is simple, progressing only by whole tones and ending with an ascending progression. The words of the next song call upon the warriors to enter the house of the enemy and mentions Akse’tsus, a prominent warrior of the tribe. Akse’tsus was the grandfather of Mrs. Long 'Tom, who recorded many songs. Sarah Guy said that she remembered Akse’tsus when she was a young girl. He was an old man at that time. Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1444) No. 107. Clayoquot War Song (b) Recorded by SARAH GUY 4 — 144 Irregular in tonality 2) eee ee TRANSLATION Jump in, Akse’tsus, and take ten. Analysis.—This song contains only the tones F sharp, A, and B. These tones suggest D or B as keynote and, for convenience, the song is transcribed with a signature of two sharps, although classified as 194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bout 124 irregular in tonality. A rest occurs frequently in the middle of a measure. No differences appear in the renditions of the song. The war customs of the Clayoquot were described by Sarah Guy (Mrs. James Guy), who said the warriors of that tribe protected their bodies with an armor made of slats of wood and covered their heads with a wooden helmet under which was a braid made of bark. The material was not cedar but a tree with foliage resembling that of the cedar. The preparation of the bark was as follows: The bark was peeled from the tree, put in shallow water to loosen the outer layer, then put into warmer water, and after soaking some time it was taken out and put on a table with a ridge. Dogfish oil was then poured on the bark and it was pounded with very fresh dogfish oil, a substance used with practically every material that was woven. The wooden helmet was made of narrow strips of hard but pliable wood, pointed gradually at one end. These were woven with the bark into a case, or covering, the shape of the head. Akse’tsus, the Clayoquot warrior already mentioned (see p. 193), would not let anyone attack a warrior of another tribe because he wanted to do it himself. The Makah warriors imitated the raven as they approached an enemy village, but the Clayoquot imitated the wolf because that tribe regarded the wolf with special esteem, even dancing and singing of it. Once Akse’tsus gave the wolf call and crept into an enemy’s house. A man rose up, Akse’tsus pulled him out of bed, and the man hit him on the head with a hatchet. His helmet and braid of bark protected him from the injury; his son rushed in and together they killed the man and cut off his head. It was said that Akse’tsus sang the following song when he cut off the man’s head, holding it up in triumph. The words mean “The head I have cut off is bleeding.” Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1445) No. 108. Head Hunter’s Song of Triumph Recorded by SARAH Guy J=96 Sa ea en! ——_ a = 8 2 3 os L 8 2 se [Sales Geetiaen ral ore Pea = | tio copie tite cdl TRANSLATION Watch the heavy rain. It will be so heavy that it will look like vapor and a strong east wind will blow. Analysis —This is a rhythmic, not a melodic expression, and con- tains only one change from its principal tone. We note with interest DENsMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 937 that it is supposed to be the expression of a beaver, an animal with which we scarcely associate a vocal sound. The time was steadily maintained in all the renditions. After the rain and wind had come Beaver said, “This is why I don’t like to sing my rain song often. It always happens this way.” Then he asked Fox-tail to sing, which he did. He sang the following song. In explanation of the words it was said that the little fox-tail flowers have a little extra petal that can be pulled off. This extra petal is referred to as the “other rain garment.” With the rain he caused a moderate south wind to blow. Makah (Catalog No. 1873) No. 136. A Flower’s Song to Bring Rain Recorded by Mrs. WILson PARKER d= 66 que Irregular in tonality ee EOL MNe anes TRANSLATION Rain hard. You will put on another rain garment. Analysis —This is the first song attributed to a flower which has come under the writer’s observation. It is characterized by the change of tempo occurring in all the renditions and the paucity of melodic material. The preceding song, also intended to bring rain, consists of two tones a major third apart, but this consists of two tones only a semitone apart. It is strongly rhythmic but less force- ful than the song next preceding, the reiterated eighth notes sug- gesting the gentle patter of rain. After Fox-tail sang his song the rain fell, but not so heavily as after Beaver’s song, and a moderate wind blew from the southwest. The following is a Clayoquot story told to children to teach them the effects of overeating.°** ‘4a Myths concerning Raven are widely diffused in the north. (Cf. Boas, op. cit., pp. 618-712.) 938 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 124 Story oF Raven AND DEER Related by SArAH Guy Raven was feeling sad one day, and he told some one to go to Deer and say, “I want you to go to a certain place and mourn for the dead.” Deer replied that he did not want to go as he had no one to mourn for. The messenger carried this message back to Raven, who said, “Go back and tell him that I want him to mourn for his great-grandparents.” Raven sent several messengers to Deer teasing him to meet him at a certain place and mourn for the dead, and Deer always made the same reply. Finally Deer grew tired of the teasing and said that he would go. Raven took Deer to a high cliff and said, “Here is where we will mourn, close to the edge.” Deer said, “I do not know how to mourn.” In those days they used to talk while they wailed, so Raven showed him how and said he must shut his eyes and gradually throw his head back until his face was upturned. But Deer only gave a little bit of a sound—‘kwish kwish”—short and crisp. Raven said, “That is not right. You do not shut your eyes and draw out the sound long enough.” The reason Deer did not shut his eyes was that he was afraid Raven had some bad intention. Raven said he was patient and would keep repeating the words until Deer learned them. As soon as Deer learned them, he shut his eyes and threw back his head. Raven pushed him off the cliff. Then Raven flew down to where the deer was and began to eat him. When he had finished picking the bones he went home. His body was bloated and he was very sick. Then he told some one to get Snail’s daughter, who was a doctor. As soon as Snail’s daughter arrived she began to treat him and sang the following song. Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1457) No. 137. Song of Snail’s Daughter Recorded by SARAH Guy TRANSLATION The tide is temporarily out. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 939 Analysis.—In this song we have a different type of melody from those connected with other stories. No suggestion of an animal ap- pears in the melody and instead we have a rhythmic song of the type used in treating the sick. This song contains more ascending than descending intervals. Raven did not like this song. He said that it was too short and she had better sing a prettier song. Snail’s daughter had no other song, so he said she might go home.®> After Snail’s daughter had gone away Raven told them to send for Crow’s daughter, saying she might have a longer and prettier song. Crow’s daughter came and as soon as she saw Raven she knew what ailed him and sang this song. Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1458) No. 138. Song of Crow’s Daughter Recorded by SARAH Guy = 108 | Itty = No ape aa eee ee eee Hediatuds othtows vi lB -a]call aia Saag SE Pater re ea TRANSLATION It is the deer you ate that is making you sick.” Analysis.—This is an example of the soothing song used by Indians in treating the sick, this effect being produced in the opening phrase by the descending minor third sung glissando and in the later phrases by the small intervals and the descent at the end of the phrases. The song consists of five phrases, the third phrase differing from the preceding phrases in the use of a quarter in place of two eighth notes. This individuality of rhythm in the middle phrase of a song has been noted in many Indian melodies. The keynote of this song is regarded as C and the song is thus classified, although the third above C does not appear. The fifth is prominent as an accented tone. The keynote is the highest tone, which is somewhat unusual. 6 Hdwin Hayte, a Makah informant, said that Raven squeezed the foot of Snail’s daughter and told her not to tell. So she gave up and said she could not cure him. 6 Edwin Hayte said that Raven squeezed the foot of Crow’s daughter and said as he said to Snail’s daughter, ‘Don’t tell,” but she said right out, “He has eaten Deer.” 240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bur 124 Raven was a very rich man, so many people came to see the doc- toring. When Crow’s daughter sang this song Raven did not like it and told her not to sing any more because it made him groan. Neither woman gave him any medicine. That is the end of the story. The following Clayoquot story is also told for the amusement of children. The narrator is a Clayoquot woman who married a Makah. Story or Raven AND THE Lirriter Hair Sean Related by Mrs. SARAH Guy Early one morning Crow’s daughter took her basket and went to find what had drifted in during the night. Passing through the vil- lage, she saw her brother Raven sitting in the sun. After passing him she saw a little bullhead on the beach. Turning it over with her foot she said, “I do not care for you. What I am looking for is a hair seal.” As she walked on the beach she kept saying to herself that she wanted a hair seal. Then, as she walked, she finally found a little hair seal, put it in her basket, and started home. As she passed where Raven sat he said, “O sister, I want to fix your seal more snugly in your basket.” At first she would not listen as he was a glutton and she was afraid he would steal it. She finally yielded, and he took out the seal, putting a stone in its place. When she got into the house she called the children to bring a platter. She tipped her basket over her shoulder but instead of a seal there fell out a stone that broke the platter. She exclaimed, “My! That brother of mine is awful. He took my seal and gave me a stone. The best we can do is to go and tease a meal from him.” So she sent her two little girls to her brother Raven’s house. When the little girls got there Raven welcomed them and seemed pleased to share the seal with them. He showed them where to sit. He had the rocks all heated to cook the seal. In mak- ing these preparations he put the rocks in a heap and made a fire on top of them. When the rocks were hot he removed the fire and threw a bucket of water over them. Then he laid the seal on the rocks and covered it with cedar mats so that no steam could escape. Hav- ing finished this he said to the little girls, “In order to pass the time more quickly you may dance and I will sing.” He got slender sticks (such as are used for devil fishing) and gave two of them to each little girl, saying they must look right at the ends of the sticks. He said, “I will sing the song and you must dance with your eyes on the ends of the sticks.” These sticks were so long that they reached almost to the top of the building. They began to dance, looking upward, and he sang this song. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC YA Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1456) No. 139. Song of Raven While the Seal Was Cooking Recorded by SARAH Guy pigeehyttte EP ptt agit SSS eS ae] Fer Analysis —This song contains 19 measures and the tone B occurs on the accented count in all except four measures. The fifth above this tone (F) occurs in seven measures, and the song is analyzed as having B as its keynote, although the third above that tone does not appear. The intervals comprise 9 fourths and 12 whole tones, divided equally between ascending and descending progressions. This melodic structure is exceedingly rare. In ane connection we note that the fourth is an interval that has been found to characterize songs concerning animals. The 3-8 measure occurs before what is practically a repetition of an earlier phrase. While the little girls were dancing the seal was cooked and he ate it himself. Then he said they might stop dancing and begin to eat. When the little girls removed the cedar mats there was no seal under- neath and they began to cry. Raven said, “You had better go home.” They went home and told their mother, who said, “He is an awful brother.” She did not try for revenge because he was always playing tricks about their food and he was the biggest eater of them all. MATURITY CUSTOMS AND FEASTS As in other Indian tribes, the arrival of a young girl at maturity was attended by various prescribed customs. At this time the girl was tattooed, a woman doing the work. The tattoo might be of any 242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 pattern and was usually placed on the lower arm, though sometimes it was put on the leg below the knee. A common design was a zigzag or saw-tooth line with or without a straight line as a border. The tattooing was done by pricking the skin with a sharpened bone, be- lieved to be the “splint bone” of a deer, after which the skin was rubbed with the charcoal of alder wood. At a later time a woman was tattooed in a fancy pattern, and her whole arm was very sore. This later tattooing was done by a man. When the girl first matured she was wrapped in a blanket and required to sit on the ground with knees pressed against her abdomen to prevent corpulence, with her back against a wall so that her back would be straight. She sat in that position for 4 days, and during that time she was supposed to take neither food nor water, but it was said that the mother usually gave her some food. At that time a great many old women usually came and stayed at the girl’s house, and during these 4 days they were free to ask for whatever they wanted. The old women “sang all the time,” singing their “family songs.” Some asked for very valuable things, taking advantage of the occasion, but the girl’s parents always gave what was asked for. The following is such a song. Makah (Catalog No. 1848) No. 140. Song of Maturity Feast (a) Recorded by Youna Doctor TRANSLATION What kind of a blanket is the girl wearing? I should like to wear it. Analysis.—This is a lively melody, harmonic in structure and based upon the minor triad and seventh. With one exception the intervals are minor thirds and whole tones, and the ascending intervals are _ DpNnSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 243 more in number than the descending. Several renditions were re- corded without a break in the time, the final rendition being followed by the descending glissando which characterizes many Makah songs. On the fifth day the girl bathed in cold water and sat in the water in the same position as in the house. This was done even in cold weather when it was necessary to break the ice in the creek. After her bath the girl was given pieces of dried fish. She was not allowed to break off pieces from the large piece of fish but was given small pieces at first, then increasing in size, and she was given a little water. It was believed that if a girl ate fresh fish during the first few periods the fish would be scarce that year. On this day a feast was given to invited guests, each of whom received a gift. This was different from the coming of the old women who asked for whatever they wanted and often were very unreasonable. The parents of a baby girl began as soon as she was born to save for this feast. If they were well prepared with gifts the feast was held as stated, on the fifth day of the first maturity. If they were not able to give the feast at that time it was postponed for a year or two. The girls of the lower class need not invite everyone to this feast and asked only a few of the upper class, but the girls of the upper class were required to ask all of the lower class. The girl was carefully prepared for this feast. Her eyebrows were plucked to make them a smooth, clear line, and any extra hairs at the edge of the hair were removed, medicine being applied so they would not grow again. Her hair was braided and then folded so the folds of braids rested on her chest like two cushions. The braids were wrapped in hide thickly decorated with long white wampum beads, and at the ends were tassels of beads. A beaded band was around her forehead. Her dress was made of dog-hair cloth woven like a blanket about 4 feet square and having a border across the ends. This garment was held in place by a belt of pounded cedar bark, either twisted like a rope or woven in a flat sash. Dogs were kept by the people to supply hair for this cloth (see p. 15). If the people had no dogs they used the skins of birds dried with the feathers on, cut in strips, twisted, and woven. Most of the dogs were white but a few were black and the Indians used the black hairs for the pattern on the blanket. At this feast each guest started a song, as at other social gather- ings. The song next following would be sung by a member of the gitl’s family, probably by one of her parents. The words state that the festivities are being held, and the singer is so rich that by merely wishing or speaking he can give valuable gifts. Mention is made of a “big sheeting with paintings on it” which has been hung up, and it is said that the “frontlet” is ready, the latter referring to 944 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu 124 an ornament of leather about 10 inches wide, beaded solidly, that was worn around the girl’s neck and hung below the waist. Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1461) No. 141. Song of Maturity Feast (b) Recorded by SARAH Guy Analysis —In this rather monotonous song more than half the in- tervals are minor thirds. The ascending intervals are more in num- ber than the descending, as in the song next preceding. -2.-2-2-__— = leo ha nue NN vaTy (2) Oe ee ee Potenilla anserina L___________ Pyrus diversifolia Bong__-----_- Ranunculasisps eee. s-=2—---5 Ranunculas bongardi Greene_-_ Rhamnus alnifolia L’ Her_______ Rhamnus purshiana DC_______ Ribes bracteosum Dougl_-_-_--__ Rubus laciniatus Willd_--_-__- Rubus parviflorus Nutt__-_____ Rubus spectabilis Pursh_______ Rumex obtusifolius L________- Sambucus callicarpa Greene___- Samucus racemosa L__-_______- Scirpus americanus Pers_---__-_- DeQUInispe see ee ee eens Sonchus oleraceus L_-_-_-_____- POUT CLS yf] O ebeo Sipe Mis SAMI ae Se Na Sirepropussps =e sb ee Struthiopteris spicant (L.) Weis_ Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake. Thuja plicata D. Don________- Trifolium fimbriatum Lindl_ _ _ - Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Sarg_ Unifolium dilatatum (Wood) Greene. Vaccinium parvifolium Sm___-_- Vicia gigantea Hook___________ Xerophyllum tenax (Pursh) Nutt. One-flowered winter- green. Woodisorrel2 42 = 225 Sitkamspruce. 9.22 5. 25— Plantaine==2s.s26. se Haireapes eis * os Silverweedale = eae Grabapples2) #2 ase2- Buttercups ee se Cascara buckthorn _- __ Stinkacurrante= sae Cutleaf blackberry____- Thimble berry______-_- Kuropean red elder____- Three-square____------ Stonecrop]—=24--= oo Cow thistie--2to Aclichene: Sema eee Two-leaved Solomon’s seal. Red whortleberry__- __- Giantivetch==2e22——— 2 Western turkey-beard_- Wildl roses ee Use Medicine. Economic. Medicine. Do. Medicine and food. Medicine. Do. Food. Medicine and food. Medicine. Do. Do. Medicine and food. Do. Protective charm. Medicine. Do. Basketry. Medicine. Children’s play. Medicine. Do. Medicine and food. Protective charm. Medicine and dye. Food. Medicine and dye; also economic. Food. Do. Attractive charm and food. Basketry. Medicine. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 309 ARRANGED ACCORDING TO Common NAMES Common name Botanical name Use Alder buckthorn_-_-__-_--- Rhamnus alnifolia L’ Her__-___ Medicine. IBedstraweo == see Galium triflorum Michx______ Do. Black salmonberry--_---- Rubus spectabilis Putsh_--_-__-_ Medicine and food. Bublercup.- — == 25 =< Rawunculis sp 22-2 aaa ss. Medicine. puitercupo=— ===. =-4=- Ranunculus bongardi Greene__ Do. Cascara buckthorn_----_- Rhamnus purshiana D. C____- Do. Chiloe strawberry____--- Fragaria chiloensis (L.) Duch_| Food. layer = 2.86 ee J. Trifolium fimbriatum Lindl__- Do. Cow thistle. — =~ - =~ Sonchus oleraceus L__--___-- Children’s play. Grabapple2.-2=====--=-- Pyrus diversifolia Bong----_-__ Medicine and food. Cutleaf blackberry_-___- Rubus laciniatus Willd__-____ Food. Wandelinn yee s- 2-22 ae Leontodon tarapacum L-_-_-_-_- Medicine. Peer-fern-=. . 222-22 Struthiopteris spicant (L.) | Medicine and food. Weis. Wackssser to Se os 8 Rumex obtusifolius L______-- Protective charm. Dunegrass, American___-| Elymus mollis Trin_________-_ Medicine. Widener es oe Sambucus callicarpa Greene - _ Do. European red elder- - - -- Samucus racemosa L_-_------- Do. Giant arborvitae_______-_ Gantivetch 22) == Thuja plicata D. Don__--__-- Vicia gigantea Hook_______-- Goatsbeard, common_-__-| Aruncus sylvester (L.) Kostel- Haireap moss= — 225. =. 2 Polytrichum:sp-.255-22-2.2- Hawkweed:2..=:..--=--= Mera chim Spee 2542 se Eady-fern= ==... =< Athyrium filix-femina (L.) Roth. Tichen (A) Es S20 Stictais paso. = eer ot ahs eee MEnTWNee! . 25S 2552 8 Mnium punctatum L__-_-_-_-_- One-flowered wintergreen} Moneses uniflora L_____-_--_- Eainted-eup-=..-.-._..< Castilleia miniata Dougl-_-_-_-_-- Pearl everlasting_--_--~-- Anaphalis margaritacea (L.) B. and H. bh Oe ee Plantago major y_2) 225.222 - Pinipalles 2. 8s Calvatia lilacina Berk__-__--_- Hed alder 2 <2 502 3 Alnus oregona Nutt___-_----- Red whortleberry__----- Vaccinium parvifolium Sm___- Sra lege ge ee es Gaultheria shallon Pursh--_--- Sedgesa ae oo fe ee CATGX BD = sap: eae ck ts Silverweed =. — 2245. S22 Potenilla anserina L__.____-_- Sitkasprices: & o-oo) Picea sitchensis (Bong.) Carr-_ Skunk cabbage___------ Lysichiton camtschatcense (L.) Schott. Snowberry, common_-_--| Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake. Stink curranG=22 2-2 -— Ribes bracteosum Dougl----- Stonecropes2 = si2> soe s=— DOM Uap ae es Miisticeen 3-2-2 at Cirsitegyes 282 22a oh ec Thimblevberry.222- 22-5 wthree-squares=5. —s-2—— Rubus parviflorus Nutt__—--_- Scirpus americanus Pers_-__-_-_ Medicine and dye. Attractive charm and food. Medicine. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Children’s play. Care of body. Medicine. Do. Medicine and dye. Food. Do. Basketry. Food. Medicine. Do. Protective charm. Food. Medicine. Do. Medicine and food. Basketry. 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bour, 124 Common name Botanical name Use Twistedstalk.........-- Sbreptopls spses2sSaese=eeee= Medicine. Two-leaved Solomon’s | Unifolium dilatatum (Wood) | Food. seal. Greene. Western hemlock ------- Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) | Medicine and dye; Sarg. also economic. Western turkey-beard__-| Xerophyllum tenax (Pursh) | Basketry. Nutt. Wiildiroses.2 2225 - ot eee ROSS Re ee oe ae ee anes Medicine. Wood:rush2 7-25 JUNCOIdEN Splsss = —— Se ne Do. Wood sorrel ee eee Oxalis oregana (Nutt.)~___--- Medicine and food. Yarrow, common-.----_-- Achillea millefolium L____-~~--- Medicine. ARRANGED ACCORDING TO NATIVE NAMES Native name Meaning Common name Apacs’ 2 Por the hairscce. ee ee Bedstraw. Chaa’kabip----=-=— Chaa-crow and bup-plant-__-__- (?) Chaiba'keun- ---~.~- Bowne ee eee ae ee eo Wood sorrel. Chaskwa’abiip- ---- Derder stenis.S.- seo ee (?) Cha’ chakliv. 2. “Filled with water’ (the | Stonecrop. little leaves being filled with water). Ghia’kabat_—— =. Male planta = ele se cere oe Hawkweed. Chiki’asibfdp - ------ Chikia, fruit of the plant; full | European red elder. name meaning, plant that bears chikia. Didi'dichias == 322.2 Growiig On rocks=-=- .. = Lichen. Daau’kchiakabat___| Female plant__.___...-____- Hawkwood. Hidatksasiz= 222. —- (16) ieee ah hon seared ata fate Common snow berry. Pua pein 2 Se oe Breaks tip 4 plans .20 ose Dock. Hihi’iboklosis_ ____- Plant with flowers that look | Common goatsbeard. like herring eggs. Hlachu’bip-2--—— ~~ Female weed_-c: oe. 2 ee Grass, not identified. itspakak- <2 ees Resembling another plant | Deerfern. called i’itsba. Kaka wuse-2 = Remedy for use in childbirth __ Karkyip 225222025. The berries will be salmon- | Black salmonberries. berries. Kiki’ chidoas_ _____~ Growing in rotten logs______- One-flowered wintergreen. mecha pie 2s 6 cheb S. pooe eee see eee eee Silverweed. lstbeku sibip job!" 2 Ege ae Alder buckthorn. Klastu’bat_._____-. Blossoms look like the spots | Common yarrow. on a child’s face when peel- ing from sunburn. Klilwa’tibat________ It produces klikwatroseber- | Wild rose. ries. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 311 Native name Mesning Common name Kloklo’sasud_---_-_-- Leaves wither quickly____.____| American maidenhair. Kloklo’chibabok__--| It resembles the green dye | Woodrush. plant. Kuwi’kabfp- ------ Stolen plant. 2 {Us027>_ #2 sot Sh Two-leaved Solomon’s seal Kwai’yabfab_--_--_-_- Turns the mouth brown__-_-_-_-_ Petasites speciosa (Nutt.). Kwa’sambat--_-_---- Meaning not known_-___-_-_-__- Red alder. Lulu’ whatsbiip-_---_- Plant bearing thimbleberries__! Thimbleberry. Salolabip_——...— = Dalal Mantes as ceo 37 Salal. Buswehkws. 2.262 Resembling a tree__-___----- Haircap moss. gl bro, 1 nepeee INo' meaning iif cet lei fs s Skunk cabbage. Dkaka’ bap: 22+-ic- Meaning not known-_--_-_-_---_- Western hemlock. Tloho’chitlis_- ~~ -- Covered by something - ~~ ---_- One-flowered wintergreen. VIVES SEE su gt AN RY RE a ae SR ag Umbelliferae family. Wawa’ hiabdp------ Looks like wake_-..--....---- Do. USES OF PLANTS In MeEpIcine Each family had its own remedies that were handed down from one generation to another. The plants here described were obtained from Mrs. Wilson Parker, Mrs. Helen Irving, Mrs. Sarah Guy, Mrs. Hazel Butler, and others, and were identified at the United States National Herbarium. The largest number were obtained from Mrs. Parker, who said she has transmitted all the knowledge of medicinal plants which she had inherited from her ancestors and that she attributed her excellent health to the use of these remedies. Ac- cording to Mrs. Parker, the knowledge of all the old remedies was received in dreams, and she said “while picking the plants we pray all the time that the remedies will help the sick person. We pray to the Day to give the plant strength to help in the desired way.” Mrs. Guy, a member of the Clayoquot tribe, said they believed that their remedies would lose their power if used too freely, so the doctors seldom gave herb remedies unless very highly paid. She said that among her people it was customary to give herb remedies in the following ways: 1. Decoction. 2. The herbs were chewed and swallowed. 3. The herbs were chewed and applied as a poultice. 4. Green leaves were sometimes rubbed on the abdomen instead of being made into a decoction. This was done for babies and for very sick persons. 89728—39———_22 312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu, 124 Sometimes an Indian dreamed of a medicine, but such a person might not be a doctor. On the other hand, a doctor might or might not give material remedies. A doctor always sang, and if highly paid he would give herbs as well as sing. Valuable remedies were pounded and prepared so that they could not be recognized. Even in a family, the head of the family would have the medicine prepared in such a manner that the others would not know the identity of the plants which were used. He trans- mitted the knowledge to his oldest child, preferably a son, and in that manner it was handed down in the family. After bringing about 20 plants and describing their uses, Mrs. Parker said, “I have given you all the remedies that have kept me alive and well for so many years.” She is a woman past middle age and in excellent health. The arrangement of remedies is the same as in the Chippewa and Menominee tribes, insofar as there is a resemblance in the ailments.** None of the Makah remedies were for disturbances of the nervous system, such as convulsions, headache, and “craziness.” Remedies for these were noted in the tribes previously studied. A Makah in- formant was asked whether this tribe had many remedies for colds, as they were so often exposed to stormy weather. She replied that they did not suffer from colds or lung trouble in the old days, and that the remedies needed most frequently were applications for bruises and sores caused by walking among the rocks on the shore. They wore no foot coverings and their daily occupations were along the shore. The basis of classification begins, therefore, with the second group, the arrangement being as follows: 1. Circulatory system: 5. Skin: In the blood. Rash. 2. Respiratory system: Boils. Pain in chest. Abscess. Soreness of chest. Sores. Lung trouble. Hair. Cough. 6. Wounds and injuries. Tuberculosis. 7. Bruises. 3. Digestive system: 8. Hemorrhages. Pain in stomach. 9. Diseases of women. Dysentery. 10. Diseases of the eye. Constipation. 11. Baths. Physic (use of). 12. Tonics. Emetie (use of), 13. Not otherwise classified. 4, Urinary system: Kidney trouble. Stoppage of urine. % Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians in Forty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Hthn., p. 335; and Menominee Music, Bull. 102, Bur. Amer. Ethn. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 313 1. CrrcULATORY SYSTEM Leontodon tararacum L. (Dandelion). The roots were boiled and used as a remedy to “clear the blood.” Picea sitchensis (Bong.) Carr. (Sitka spruce). Decoction used to “take out bad blood” and as a strengthening bath. 2. RESPIRATORY SYSTEM Umbelliferae (not recognized). The root was chewed and swallowed for pain in the chest. The native name is wawa hiabub, meaning “looks like wake,” the latter being the name of a plant similar in appearance and used as a physic. Adiantum pedatum var. aleuticum Rupr. (American maidenhair). The leaves were chewed as a remedy for sore chest. This remedy was also used for stomach trouble. Struthiopteris spicant (l.) Weis. (Deer-fern). The green leaves were eaten for lung trouble or distress in the stomach. Moneses uniflora L. (One-flowered wintergreen). The native name of this plant is Kiki’tcidoas, translated “growing on rotten logs.” The plant grew on rotten logs and also in the ground, Tea was made of the entire plant and drunk freely for a cough. For severe cases the patient drank this freely, for a mild case it was sufficient to drink it morning and evening. The leaves were applied to an abscess. Aruncus sylvester (L.) Kostel. (Common goatsbeard). The leaves are chewed, as a remedy for persons spitting blood and showing a tendency toward tuberculosis. The root was used as a remedy for kidney trouble. Achillea millefolium L. (Common yarrow). This plant is called Klastu’bat, meaning “blossoms look like the spots on a child’s face when peeling from sunburn.” It is a remedy for tuberculosis. The entire plant is chewed and swallowed. For a severe case this is chewed constantly; for a less severe case it is chewed morning and night. The in- formant said she knew of several cases that had been benefited by this. The plant has several other uses, among them being its use to secure easy child- birth. In the informant’s knowledge it is never combined with any other plant, but she said that others might use it in combinations, 3. DIGESTIVE SYSTEM Adiantum pedatum var. aleuticum Rupr. (American maidenhair). The leaves were chewed for stomach trouble. The same remedy was used for a sore chest. Struthiopteri spicant (L.) Weis (Deer-fern). The green leayes were eaten for distress in the stomach; also for lung trouble. Ovdalis oregana Nutt. (Wood sorrel). The Indian word meaning sour, Teaiba’kcun, is used for this plant. The whole plant was sometimes eaten fresh and sometimes cooked with very little water aS a remedy for “summer complaint.” 314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Buu 124 Rhamnus purshiana DC, (Cascara buckthorn). Inner bark used for dysentery. The bark was peeled, pounded, put on in cold water, and allowed to boil up. The proportion was a handful to a quart of water. Claytonia sibirica L. The plant is pounded, no water is added, and it is applied to the abdomen as a remedy for constipation. Umbelliferae (not recognized). Makah name, Wake’. It is said that foliage of this plant resembles a fern used for pain in the chest, but it is a different plant. The bulbous portion of the root was chewed as a physic. Rhamnus alnifolia L’Her (Alder buckthorn). The meaning of the native name, Kla’bokusibup, is not known. This plant is the barberry. The bark was used as a decoction for physic. It could be made stronger by boiling in sea water. Coelopleurum longipes C. and R. This plant, found on Tatoosh Island, was chewed as a physic. Sambucus racemosa L. (European red elder) This is called Tciki’asibOp, the fruit is Tciki’a, and the entire name means plant that bears tciki’a. The roots were pounded, water added, and the remedy used as an emetic. One-half cup was a dose and the medicine was said to have a very bad taste. Lysichiton camtschatcense (L.) Schott. (Skunk cabbage). The Makah name, Tibiut, has no meaning. This was used after the emetic (next preceding) to soothe the stomach, a little of the root being chewed. It was said to be hot, like pepper. Gaultheria shallon Pursh (Salal). The Indians called it salal’abup, or salal-plant. The leaves were chewed to sweeten the breath. 4, URINARY SYSTEM Aruncus sylvester (L.) Kostel. (Common goatsbeard). The native name Hihi’iboklosis means “plant with flowers that look like herring eggs.” This plant was said to have white blossoms resembling those of spirea. It has very large roots—perhaps 4 inches in diameter and 6 or 8 inches long. The plant grows 3 or 4 feet high. The fresh roots were ground on a slab of rock, a little water was added, and the mixture was drunk as a remedy for pain in the region of the kidneys. It was drunk cold, with no preparation other than that described. The leaves were used for lung trouble. Elymus mollis Trin. (American dunegrass). The part of the stem above the root, about 2 inches in length, was chewed for stoppage of urine. Symphoracarpos albus (l.) Blake (Common snowberry). The leaves were chewed as a remedy for stoppage of urine. This was a very strong medicine and was used also to counteract an evil charm. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 315 5. SKIN Hieracium sp. (Hawkweed). The Indians use the female plant (Hdaowk’tci’akabat) the male plant being called tci’akabat. The roots of this are used for a person who is growing thin and has a rash over the entire body that looks like the sting of nettles. The freshly pounded roots were eaten and had a pleasant taste. As this root was easily obtainable it was not dried. Pyrus diversifolia Bong. (Crabapple). A decoction of the bark was used for boils. Moneses uniflora L. (One-flowered wintergreen). When used for a cough this plant was called by a name which means “grow- ing on rotten logs.” In its present use it is called Tloho’chiklis, which is said to mean “covered by something” and to refer to its use with the shell. The leaves were mashed, heated, and put in a “cone shell” this being bound over an abscess. It was said this would form a blister and draw out the pus. This shell was identified by Dr. Bartsch as “Acmaea instabilis Gould. Found from Vancouver Island to San Pedro, Calif., on kelp.” Ranunculus sp. (Buttercup). A poultice was made of the mashed leaves and applied to the sore. Only a little was used as if too large a surface of skin were covered the plant would itself create a sore. The amount usually applied was about what could be heaped on a dime. This was made into a roll, like a cigarette, about an inch long and was tied on the sore. Often it was tied on at night and by morning the place had opened. This remedy was used frequently. The informant said “My daughter had enlarged glands on her throat and without our knowl- edge the grandmother applied these leaves. It opened the sore and healed it.” Plantago major L. (Plantain). The entire plant was applied to a sore “to draw out the pus” and to heal it. A specimen, not identified, with the native name meaning plant-bearing thimbleberries. The withered leaves from this plant were gathered from the growth of the previous year and mixed with water to form a poultice which was applied to a sore to bring it to a head, and was then continued as a medi- cine to heal the sore. Rubus parvilorus Nutt. (Thimbleberry). A certain growth on the plant is powdered and applied to sores. The berries are eaten. Rosa sp. (Wild rose). The Makah called this Klikwat’ibak or the plant which produces rose berries. The leaves were mashed and used as a poultice for any sore and were good for sore eyes. This poultice was good for a severe pain and for any form of abscess. Pyrus diversifolia Bong. (Crabapple). The bark of this tree was prepared in a decoction and used for washing sores or for boils or for a bad case of bleeding piles. It was also used as a tonic. Sticta sp. (a lichen). The native name, Didi’dichia, means growing on rocks. This is a fungus found on rocks and was used for running sores that were hard to heal. It was mashed and made in a poultice and was used especially for sores on the leg caused by bruises from walking among rocks. 316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu, 124 Calvatia lilacina Berk (Puffball). The powder inside this puffball was applied to heal sores on the leg. Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Sarg. (Western hemlock). The meaning of the native name, Tkatka’bfip, is not known. There is a growth of bark that forms over a wound of the tree. This growth is dipped in water and then rubbed on a rock. It is then used as a poultice for an old, obstinate sore. The use of the bark in dye is described on page 320. Galium triflorwm Michx. (Bed straw). Apsi’i, meaning “for the hair,” was the name by which this plant was known among the Indians. The leaves were mashed and rubbed on the hair. The plant has no other use and the informant said that the roots were so fine that she had never noticed them. Another informant brought a duplicate of this plant and said its native name meant “sticky.” According to this informant the leaves were pounded, mixed with cold water, and applied to the hair to stimulate its growth. Sambucus callicarpa Greene (Elder). The root was pounded well, soaked in water, and used as a hair wash. A decoction of the bark was used to counteract an evil charm. Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Sarg. (Western hemlock). The powdered bark was mixed with oil and rubbed in the hair as a remedy for head lice. A tonic for the hair, made of huckleberry sprouts, is described on page 245. No specimen was obtained. 6. WOUNDS AND INJURIES Ranunculus bongardi Greene (Buttercup). The leaves or stalk was mashed and applied as a poultice, without water. It was used for a wound or an injury to prevent blood poisoning. The poultice was covered with a small shell. The poultice produced a blister and was renewed if the soreness returned. Moneses uniflora L. (One-flowered wintergreen). This is similarly used and may be applied to an abscess. It is also used as a remedy for boils. Adiantum pedatum var. aleuticum Rupr. (American maidenhair). “Leaves wither quickly” is the meaning of Kloklo’sasfid, the Indian name for this plant. This is the maidenhair fern and is one of the most valuable medicines. The leaves were chewed and swallowed to check internal hemor- rhages from wounds. “Those who knew of it carried it on the war path.” 7. BRUISES Petasites speciosa (Nutt.) Pyser. The native name for this plant is Kwai’yabup, meaning “turns the mouth brown.” The root was mashed and used as a poultice for severe bruises, being renewed until the soreness was gone. The Indians were often on the rocks and if they slipped they would pick the leaves of this plant and apply them to the bruise. 8. HEMORRHAGES Calwatia lilacina Berk (puffball). The inside portion was used to check a hemorrhage. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 317 9. DISEASES OF WOMEN Sedum sp. (stonecrop). The Makah call this cha’chakli, “filled with water,” the little leaves being filled with water. This plant has yellow flowers and grows on the rocks. It was used by a women to “bring on her periods.” The little bunches of leaves were chewed and swallowed until the desired result was obtained. Gaultheria shallon Pursh. (Salal). The berries were used as a remedy for excessive flowing. They were also used as food and the leaves were chewed to sweeten the breath. Juncoides sp. (wood rush). The Indian name is Kloklo’tcibakok, meaning “it looks like the green dye- plant.” This was given to a woman who had had no children to produce fer- tility. She ate freely of the little tender new shoots. Streptopus sp. (twistedstalk). This plant had but one use. If childbirth were too long delayed this would produce labor, the roots being chewed and swallowed. A woman expecting a child would locate a plant of this kind and mark it so that she could dig the roots later if she found it necessary to do so. Claytonia sibirica L. This was called Kakawuse’, meaning remedy for use in childbirth. The whole plant was chewed and swallowed to hasten or bring on labor. Cirsium sp. (thistle). The root was used for pain in confinement. Achillea millefolium L. (common yarrow). The fresh leaves were pounded, the proportion being three small plants to a quart of cold water. The water was brought to a boil and the liquid admin- istered to secure easy childbirth. Another informant stated that the entire plant was chewed and swallowed as a similar remedy. It was also used as a remedy for tuberculosis. Athyrium filiz-femina (l.) Roth. (lady-fern). The bulbs on the root were eaten and it was said that the Clallam Indians ate the new shoots. The stems of four ferns were pounded, boiled, and given to a woman for easy labor. In preparing this medicine the fronds of the fern were stripped from the stalk with a downward motion toward the roots and a prayer was offered that the child would “slip” as easily as the fronds of the fern were removed. Rubus spectabilis Pursh. (Black salmonberry). Ka’kuip is the Indian name, meaning “the berries will be salmonberries.” This has a paper-like bark which was scraped up, chewed, and swallowed to check hemorrhages, following confinement. The amount used was “a little handful at a time.” 10. DISEASES OF THE EYE Rosa sp. (Wild rose). The leaves were mashed and used as a poultice for sore eyes. The same rem- edy was used for severe pain and for any form of abscess. Another informant said that a decoction of the leaves was similarly used. 318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bowe. 124 Unifolium dilataum (Wood) Greene (two-leaved Solomon’s seal). The Makah call this Kuwi’kabuk, “stolen plant.” The informant said she thought that from its name Kwati must have stolen this plant at some time. The root of this plant was pounded, made into a decoction, and dropped into the eye to remove a “white growth.” Ten or 12 roots were used in one-half cup of water, this being boiled and strained. It was administered three times a day, putting in as much as the eye would take. Ten days was believed to be the longest that this treatment was continued. 11. Barus Picea sitchensis (Bong.) Carr (Sitka spruce). A decoction was used as a strengthening bath; also taken internally to clear the blood. 12. Tonics Umbelliferae (not recognized). This plant was said to have flowers resembling those of the parsnip. Its root was used as a tonic. Pyrus diversifolia Bong. (Crabapple). The bark of this tree was prepared as a decoction and used as a tonic. It was also used as a healing wash for sores, boils, and piles. A plant not identified was called by the Makah Chaa’kabdp from Tcaa’, crow, and bap, plant, meaning the berries are grown on purpose for the crows. This was described as a tree growing about as high as a plum tree and bearing small blue berries. The bark of the tree was very thin and was whitish in color, almost like white cloth, and was easily peeled off. The leaves of the tree had many uses. Two or three might be chewed by sick persons to strengthen them, the leaves acting as a stimulant or tonic. The leaves were also used to see how long a person would live. For this purpose a “stack” of the leaves about an inch high was prepared, and the person was required to swallow this packet. If it were retained the person was said to be destined to live to old age, but if it were vomited the person would not live so long. 13. Nor OTHERWISE CLASSIFIED (a) Swelling—Sazvifragaceae. The Indian name, meaning tender stems, is Tcaskwa’abfip. The fresh leaves were chewed as a remedy for swelling of the legs extending up to the body. The informant said she did not know of a case in which this swelling has resulted in death. (0) Internal injury. Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Sarg. (western hemlock). A decoction, drunk hot, was used for internal injury. (c) Severe pain in back. Alnus oregona Nutt (red alder). The meaning of the Indian name Kwasa’mbat is not known. This was used for pain in the back so severe that the patient could not stand erect. The whole bark was pounded and made into a decoction which was drunk freely. The alder trees were so plentiful that the bark was not stored. At certain seasons it comes off the tree easily but if needed at other times it must be chopped off. The bark and wood have various economic uses. DBNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 319 Mnium punctatum L. (Mnium.). This is a “moss” and the leaves were used as a remedy for swelling on the legs. It was said to heal a swelling, whatever the cause. ANTIDOTE FOR POISON Sambucus callicarpa Greene (Elder). The bark was pounded, a decoction was made, and a cupful was drunk if a man thought he had swallowed poison. It acted as an emetic and purgative and “was used when Indians poisoned each other.” OTHER USES OF PLANTS Other uses of plants are arranged as follows: 1. Food: 3. Basket making. Plant. 4, Mat weaving. Leaves. 5. Charms. Berries. 6. Antidotes for evil charms. Roots. 7. Economics and not otherwise classi- 2. Dyes and paints. fied. 1. Foop PLANT Trifolium fimbriatum Lindl. (clover). This was found on Tatoosh Island and was eaten as food. Polytrichum sp. The Indian name, Sussuch’ku, means, resembling a tree. Mrs. Parker said that her father told her to eat this freely, but did not explain the instruction. Petasites speciosa (Nutt.) Pyser. This plant was used as a seasoning for food. It is prepared as follows, together with the young shoots of the salmonberry: Rocks are heated in the fire and alder leaves and ferns are placed on the hot stones, then the alder sprouts and these two plants are placed on the leaves and ferns, a bucket of water is poured over them, and they are covered with a matting and allowed to steam for an hour. LEAVES Struthiopteris spicant (l.) Weis. (deer-fern). The Indians named this plant Ili’tsbakfik, meaning resembles another plant called litsba. The little leaves were eaten by anyone staying a long time in the woods without food. It was said that a man could subsist on this for several days. BERRIES Gaultheria shallon Pursh. (Salal). The berries were used as food. Unifolium dilatatum (Wood) Greene (two-leaved Solomon’s seal). The berries were edible. Rubus laciniatus Willd. (cutleaf blackberry). Fruit eaten. Rubus parviflorus Nutt. (thimbleberry). The Makah call this bush Lulu’whatsbfip, meaning plant bearing thimble- berries. The fresh berries were eaten. The dry leaves had a medicinal use. 320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 Ribes bracteosum Dougl. (stink currant). The berries of this were edible. Rubus spectabilis Pursh (black salmonberry). Berries eaten. Vaccinium parvifolium Sm. (red whortleberry ). Fruit eaten. Fragaria chiloensis (.) Duch. (chiloe strawberry). Fruit eaten. ROOTS Potentilla anserina L. (silverweed). This was called by the Indians, Ki’chapi. The roots were eaten. 2. DYES AND PAINTS The root of grapevine was used in making yellow dye and certain berries were used for purple dye. Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Sarg. (western hemlock). A red dye was prepared from this plant as follows: The inner bark was pounded and boiled in salt water. This made a reddish paint that was applied to spears and similar articles, and seemed to preserve the wood. Some be- lieved that a painted paddle lasted longer if held over a fire, thus baking the paint. A grass, not recognized, was called by the Makah, Hluchu’bfp or female weed. The plant was used in making green dye. Alnus oregona Nutt. (red alder). The outer bark was used in making red paint. 3. BASKET MAKING Scirpus americanus Pers. (three-square). This plant was brought from Vancouver Island and is a grass used in making baskets. Caren sp. (Sedge.) This was used for the bottoms of the baskets, being woven with cedar bark. Xerophyllum tenagx (Pursh) Nutt. (western turkey-beard). “Basket-grass from Taholah.” This was split preparatory to use. 4, Mat WEAVING Menziesia ferruginea Sm. The twigs of this were woven into a matting together with cedar bark, the matting being used to cover a canoe, to prevent its cracking in the sun. 5. CHARMS Vicia gigantea Hook. (giant vetch). The native name, Chicha, patsaklibip means plant-bearing moss. The root of this plant was pounded and rubbed on the body, being used by young girls to attract the boys. The leaves of the plant were used to flavor salmonberry sprouts, being put with the sprouts when they were steamed. DBNSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 321 6. ANTIDOTES FOR Evin CHARMS Rumezw obtusifolius L. (dock). The Indians called this huap’si; breaks up a plan. This medicine was used when a person was conscious of being near an enemy which meant death. The fresh roots were pounded and rubbed on the body. A man would pay from five to ten blankets for one application of this remedy. When “given out” this and similar plants were pounded and fixed so they could not be recognized. Symphoricarpos albus (L.) Blake) common snowberry). The native name is Hidak’sasii. The word Hidaksas is used when an Indian doctor wants to kill a person. He throws an instrument into the person and this remedy counteracts the effect, the fresh leaves being swallowed. This plant is highly valued. The berries are white and mature in November or December. 7. EcONOMIC AND NOT OTHERWISE CLASSIFIED Anaphalis margaritacea (L.) B. and H. (pearl everlasting). Ptiklo’kobip, meaning to make the skin soft, is the native name. A young girl would massage her body with a wad of the leaves, after bathing, to soften the skin. Sonchus oleraceus L. (cow thistle). This plant was used in children’s play, the stem being broken off and dots of juice put on the cheeks to resemble tattoo. The informant said she used the plant thus when a child. Thuja plicata D. Don. (giant arborvitae). General economic uses. Castilleia miniata Dougl. (painted-cup, also called Indian pink or paint-brush). A trap for humming birds was made by tying a bunch of the flowers to a stick, which was placed upright in the ground. The petals were plucked off and the honey sucked from them. The humming bird was used as a charm by whalers. Alnus dregona Nutt. (red alder). The alder bark had numerous uses. The outer bark was used in making red paint. The bark itself was used in Klokali headdresses, after being pounded and put in water that had been colored by pounded cedar bark. The wood is not valued highly for economic use, as it is soft, but canoe-balers and oil containers are made from it. GAME SONGS The playing of games was one form of entertainment offered to visi- tors. On one occasion the Makah were playing a game with visiting Indians and were badly beaten. They saw that the visitors were cheating but said nothing, allowing them to keep their winnings because they were guests. The principal Makah game is that of “hiding bones.” The players are divided into two opposing sides, and each side is entitled to hide two pairs of bones. One side hides the bones until the other side has guessed correctly the location of both pairs of bones. A pair of these 322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bunn. 124 bones was obtained and are shown in plate 10, b. The counters are 21 in number and are placed on the ground between the rows of players. At the present time each side has at least two drummers who pound as the songs are sung. The game is called ha’laa by the Makah, though com- monly designated as sahal’, a term used by other tribes in the region.*° According to Indian custom, there are many spectators and the game is accompanied by much gambling. In the song next following the only words are “the canoe,” referring to a wagered article. Makah (Catalog No. 1340) No. 192. Game Song (a) Recorded by YOouNG Docror VoIcH a. LG Drum e — 116 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 18 Analysis.—Voice and drum are synchronous in the performance of this song. The phrases of the melody are particularly short and are followed by short rests, a characteristic that has been noted in the game songs of several other tribes. This is an instance in which the fifth above the apparent keynote is the most prominent tone in the song, the keynote occurring only on the seventh count of the measure in 9-8 time. The ascending progression at the close of this song is noted frequently in Makah melodies. In the next song the players taunt their unsuccessful opponents. The words mean “You did not get me.” * This game was witnessed and its songs recorded at a large gathering of British Columbian Indians at Chilliwack, B. C., in 1926. DENSMORF] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 323 Makah (Catalog No. 1341) No. 193. Game Song (b) Recorded by Youna Docror Analysis —The syncopations (nota legato) appearing in this mel- ody are found seldom in Indian songs, but are always given with clearness. The keynote of this song occurs only as the highest tone of the compass and is frequently on the unaccented count of the meas- ure. The phrases are long and the change in rhythm after the middle of the melody is a characteristic of Indian songs. This is a particu- larly lively melody and well adapted to its use. It was accurately repeated. The words of the next song are in the “Chinook jargon” and are used only when a wrong guess has been made. 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwu, 124 Makah (Catalog No. 1342) No. 194. Game Song (c) Recorded by Youna Docror —n yoo eeegtetespsees eel TRANSLATION Can’t you see on which side I have the bones? You have missed it again. Analysis —No secondary accent was given in the measures tran- scribed in 44 time, which is unusual in Indian songs. An interesting melodic group is found in the second and third measures containing the ascending and descending fourths. The rests are short and divide the song into rather unexpected phrases. The tonality is minor and the melody progresses with unusual freedom. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 325 Makah (Catalog No. 1309) No. 195. Game Song (d) Recorded by Youna Doctor Analysis.—In its structure this song is simple, being based on the major triad with the fourth as an occasional passing tone. The rythmic unit is short and direct, and the song, with its easy freedom, does not contain the subtle quality frequently noted in the gaming songs of the Indians. SONGS SUNG BY YOUNG MEN IN THE EVENINGS In the old days it was customary for a crowd of young men to gather in the evenings and go around the village singing. Each man carried a couple of little sticks which he struck together and there was usually a drum in the party. Sometimes they would go into a house and be given refreshments, after which they went on their way. This is a pleasant custom, possible only in a village, and noted among the Mandan and Hidatsa. In the latter tribes such songs were des- ignated as “serenades” and were connected with the various societies whose members sang them when going around the village or sitting on top of the lodges. The love songs differed from these but were sung in a somewhat similar manner (Bull. 80, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 112). ‘The songs used in this manner by the Makah were varied in character, including songs of admiration for the girls and other songs which were used as “courtesy songs” at general gatherings. Young Doctor said that two songs sung by the young men were Nos. 90 and 91, one containing the words “I look like a sea parrot” and the other 326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 124 with the words “How high my forehead is getting.” While certain of these songs express sentiment the songs cannot be regarded as “love songs” in the modern use of that term. The next song is supposed to be sung by a young man in Neah Bay village whose ladylove is on Tatoosh Island. A point of land hides the island from the village, and in this song the young man calls upon the point to move back a little so that he can see the island. This point of land is Cape Flattery, west of Neah Bay village. Makah (Catalog No. 1345) No. 196. “Let Me See the Island” Recorded by YouNG Doctor Analysis—This song has a compass of 10 tones, beginning on the highest tone of the compass and ending on the lowest. It is a par- ticularly rhythmic melody and a short phrase occurring three times is indicated as a rhythmic unit. A more positive phrase in the fourth and fifth measures resembles the unit. There is an interesting per- sistence in the repetition of phrases based on a descending sixth. The tone material is that of the fourth five-toned scale and the song contains no change of measure lengths. Several renditions were re- corded and show no differences. An interesting example of duplication occurred in connection with the next song, which was recorded by Young Doctor in 1923. A song recorded by Helen Irving in 1926 was found to be a different version of the same song. This will be noted on comparing the two transcriptions. The words of both are exactly as given by the inter- preter. DENSMORD] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 327 Makah (Catalog No. 1346) No. 197. “I Cannot Forget You” Recorded by Youna Docror pa SS aaieerret TRANSLATION No matter how hard I try to forget you, you always come back to my mind, and when you hear me singing you may know I am weeping for you. Analysis —This song contains 31 progressions, 21 of which are whole tones, occurring chiefly between D flat and E flat. Two fea- tures that give character to the song are the descending fourth at the seventh measure and the triple time in the ninth measure, fol- lowed by a return to double time. We note the descent of a ninth in less than three measures in this portion of the song. A vigor and briskness is found in the fourth measure from the close, with its sixteenth rest. The song contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh. Mrs. Helen Irving, who recorded the duplication of this song, said it was composed in her generation by a man now dead whose name was A’schakabik, translated “Catcher of mother and son” and under- stood to mean the catcher of a mother whale and her offspring, a feat of unusual skill. 89728—39——23 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 124 Makah : (Catalog No. 1400) Duplication of No. 197 Recorded by HELEN IRVING Vorce Abe 80 Drum 12 72 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 13 aN fee Ge ee Se Se SS TRANSLATION No matter how hard I try to forget you, you always come back to my thoughts. When you hear me singing I am really crying for you. Clayoquot (Catalog No. 1468) No. 198. “Try to Win Her Love” Recorded by ANNIzE Lone Tom oe =58 a Sona es ea -: sma tl ie 2 Soe Caen s ——s =3° Se Saas = E [ ———- = _—— SS TRANSLATION Try your best to win her love. DENSMORD | NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 329 Analysis —This song is minor in tonality, with frequent sequences of the tones A, G, A. The minor third comprises more than half the progressions. In the change of tempo we seem to discern the character of the words which, unfortunately, were not fully trans- lated. A certain division of the final count occurs in three measures but the song contains no rhythmic unit. The man who recorded the last song of this group said it was an old Makah love song and belonged to a friend of his. The words were not translated. Makah (Catalog No. 1480) No. 199. Love Song Recorded by Epwin Hayts VoIcE = 92 Drum e — 144 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 =e Sa Oe ee es es ee eS SS a= ee ee ee eases Analysis —Except for its second tone this song is framed by the interval of a fourth. The principal intervals, however, are whole tones which usually occur in pairs. The opening measure contains the tones A-G—A, and the latter portion of the song is characterized by the progression E-D-E. The song is classified with G as the key- note, although the third above that tone does not occur. Attention is directed to the discrepancy between the tempo of voice and drum, both being steadily maintained in all the renditions. QUILEUTE SONGS The Quileute Indians number less than 200 and are located at La Push, on the Pacific coast south of Cape Flattery (see fig. 1). They are under the Neah Bay Agency but it is impossible (1926) to go from the agency to their village by land. The trip is made eastward by water to Clallam and thence southwest by road. The songs here 330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw. 124 presented were recorded at Neah Bay, when the Quileute were attend- ing the celebration of Makah Day, 1926. During that celebration they often sang their own songs, thus affording an opportunity of hearing a much larger number than were recorded. It was noted they often sang in three parts, some of the women singing an octave above the men, while a few women sang about a fourth above the men. The high drone or “metal pitch” was not heard, though the writer’s in- terpreter stated it is often used by women of this tribe. The Quileute are different in temperament from the Makah and are generally understood to be less agreeable. Among the Quileute who treat the sick at the present time is a man named Lester. It is his custom to sit beside the sick person, “put his hand where the pain is,” and sing the following song. Lester’s tumanos was said to come from the ground and in this song the tumanos is speaking. It is interesting to note a resemblance to a Cocopa song with the words “The bush is sitting under the tree and singing.” (Bull. 110, Bur. Amer, Ethn., No. 91.) The word “singing” in this connection sig- nifies a putting forth of magic power, by human beings, animals, or objects in nature. Mrs. Gilbert Holden (pl. 2, 6) is a leading singer. Quileute (Catalog No. 1495) No. 200. Song When Treating the Sick Recorded by Mrs. GinBert HOLDEN VoIcE al 80 Drum e= 72 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 18 TRANSLATION I come from where the bushes are singing. Analysis.—This song is transcribed and classified in the key of E and is one of a small group of songs ending on the tone above the key- note (see No. 10). A change in the voice tempo occurs midway the length of the song, after which the drum and voice have the same meter, two drumbeats coinciding with a quarter note of the melody. The latter portion of the song is more positive and energetic DmNsMoRE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 331 than the opening portion, a contrast frequently noted in Indian songs for the sick. Attention is directed to a comparison between the fourth measure from the close and the first and third measures of the song. Several renditions were recorded and show practically no differences except in the note values in the final measure. The singer said that she received the next song in a dream. about a whale. Quileute (Catalog No. 1494) No. 201. “Look and See Your Tumanos” Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HoLpEN VoIcE — 116 Drum 7 144 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 (2) (1) i eee Gann ry oe a Poe. i 2. ae TRANSLATION You look, you look first and see. It is your tumanos out there. Analysis —An interesting peculiarity of this song is the change of accent in the seventh from the last measure, the change being uniform in all the renditions. The tempo of the drum is steadily maintained and is at variance with the tempo of the voice. Almost one-half of the intervals are semitones, this being an unusually large proportion of the interval. The keynote implied by the melodic progressions is G, but C is sharped in all its occurrences. 332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (But, 124 In the next song a whale is singing about the way his face is painted. The words of the song say the paint is made of something that lives in the rocks. The paint is blood root. A man heard this song in a dream and afterwards painted his face as the whale had said his own face was painted. The man became a successful whaler and always painted his face in this manner before starting on a whal- ing expedition. The manner of painting his face is shown in figure 6, which is a tracing of lines drawn FIGURE 6.—Face painting representing a E whale. by the singer. Quileute (Catalog No. 1493) No. 202. A Whale is Singing Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HoLpEN VoIcr j= 58 Drum d= 58 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Q) tir 1 SAPs 2 =< oy SSL sa aeaees og PP ap RLY STS DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 333 Analysis —This song has a compass of five tones and is minor in tonality. Each phrase has a descending trend. The rhythm is characterized by the frequency of a dotted eighth followed by a sixteenth on both the accented and unaccented parts of the measure. The rests were given clearly in all the renditions. A seal hunter dreamed the next song. The hair seals used to come to the long rocks over by the Quileute and he heard them singing this song. They were all singing together. It was his custom to sing this song before he went to hunt seal and he was very successful. Quileute (Catalog No. 1492) No. 203. Song of the Hair Seals Recorded by Mrs. GiLpert HOLDEN Voice ¢—100 Drum e = 38 Drum rhythm similar to No. 10 -8- -9 -6-° -o- -8 o- -B o- =D == y = oe es edineed aaaaae eae eee o BRT =o.) Sa o e = J low wee | & - : lo 2 sD =—{e— ea raed ° ri mE = See 7 = -9- -9--9- Spa! Sop EB i] TRANSLATION When we come to a big rock, we all sing together. 334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 124 Analysis——Only three tones occur in this melody which, never- theless, is lively and interesting. Progression is chiefly by minor thirds and the trend of the melody is downward, especially in the FicurgE 7.—Face painting representing a bear. rhythmic unit. The discrepancy in tempo between voice and drum con- tinued through all the renditions. The song is simple in rhythm as well as in melodic structure, sug- gesting that the hair seal is not an animal of great subtlety. An old lady named Sada’iks dreamed of a bear not long ago. The meaning of her name is not known but she was designated as a “very nice old lady.” In her dream she saw a bear with his face painted in red lines and she learned his song. When she was hungry and wanted salmonberries, she painted her face like that of the bear (fig. 7) and went around to the houses, singing the song of the bear, and pounding her drum. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 335 Quileute (Catalog No. 1491) No. 204. Bear Song Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HOLDEN VoIcE d = 84 Drum d= 132 1) Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 aS ag ae TBANSLATION I am hungry for salmonberries. Analysis.—This song contains only three tones; other songs con- cerning the bear, previously recorded, have also been small in com- pass. The discrepancy in the tempo of voice and drum is interesting and was steadily maintained. Attention is directed to the sixteenth note and the triplet division of the last count of several measures, the difference between these two count divisions being clearly given. The rhythmic form of this song is more interesting than appears on first hearing the record. A clear distinction is made between the sixteenth note group and the triplet group of notes occurring in the final count of the measure. Two rhythmic units are indicated and differ only in the division of one measure. The singing of this song continued for about one minute, the only differences in the renditions being that the tone C occurred only in the latter part of the performance. This tone was sung with an upward toss of the voice. 336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BoLu. 124 It is said that Sadaiks made up many songs. In the song next pre- sented we have a glimpse of her interesting character. She and an- other woman were trying to see which could make up the best song, and they took turns in singing at a dance. Sadaiks made up this song, saying that the other woman had done better than she, and the song was afterwards used at social dances. The Quileute women dance with a gentle motion of the body, holding the hands slightly below the level of the shoulders with palms outward. They advance from one position and the “dance” is little more than a rhythmic physical response to the music. Quileute (Catalog No. 1488) No. 205. Song Congratulating a Rival Musician Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HOLDEN Vo1cn a= 69 Drum s= 138 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 (1) Chee og eg pasa ee Z sa Tae ease s oe pups ies git : \ fees _ =p TRANSLATION You are glad, you are glad, You beat my song, you beat my song. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 337 Analysis.—The final tone of this song was perceptible, though in- distinct. It was reached in only one of the renditions, the others ending on B, like the first section of the song. It appears that the upper boundary of this singer’s voice was more clearly defined than the lower, as none of her songs go above middle C. The relation be- tween the meter of voice and drum is that of two to three, two pulses of the voice being equivalent in time to three of the drum. The same peculiarity occurs in No. 207, in which the voice is continuously in double time and the relation of drum and voice is clearly maintained. The present melody contains 3-4 and 5-4 measures, as well as meas- ures in 2-4 time. The beat of the drum is not always clear but there are many consecutive measures in which three drumbeats with two melody counts are clearly audible. Two rhythmic units occur, differ- ing only in the division of one count. Intervening parts of the mel- ody are varied and do not repeat any portion of the rhythmic units. This interesting and intelligent use of rhythm is particularly credit- able to the Indian composer. The melody is pleasing, with a wide compass and an unusual number of progressions. The repetitions are uniform in every respect. The two next songs following were “dreamed” by the singer and were used in social dances, Quileute (Catalog No. 1489) No. 206. Dance Song (a) Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HOLDEN Analysis —This is the first song recorded by the singer, who re- quired considerable urging before consenting to sing. The pitch of the song is very low, even for an Indian woman, and the trend of the song implies A as the final note. The transcription ends with C, after the tone was thrown back into the throat in a manner often observed at the close of Indian songs. The time between the rendi- tions was maintained throughout the performance. The tone material is that of the fourth five-toned scale, 338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (But. 124 Quileute (Catalog No. 1490) No. 207. Dance Song (b) Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HOLDEN VoIcE é= 92 Drum ¢—138 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 Analysis—Three rhythmic periods constitute this song, the third differing from the preceding in the length of the opening tone and in the addition of a closing tone. It will be noted that the first tone of the first and second phrases is sustained while in the third phrase it is lower in pitch and ascends to a higher tone with an accent, giving force as well as variety to the rhythm. A second peculiarity of this song is the relation of the meter of voice and drum, the voice having two counts and the drum having three beats in each measure. Voice and drum synchronized on the first of each measure and the tempo of each was steadily maintained in all the renditions. In the old days the Ozette division of the Makah were often at war with the Quileute. Once a Quileute man went to the Ozette village disguised as a woman and married an Ozette man. At night the Quileute cut off the head of the Ozette man and carried it home. In this song he is boasting of his action. DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 339 Quileute (Catalog No. 1487) No. 208. Song of Boasting Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HoLpEN VoIcE d= 80 Drum = 80 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 18 Ges ses ee 8 so er reer, a 66 eS 80 Yared TRANSLATION Maybe I am the best one, I can run faster than the other man. Analysis—This melody is marked by directness and simplicity. Drum and voice have the same metric unit and coincide except in the fourth and fifth measures. So many words occur in these measures that the tempo of the voice was slightly retarded. The tempo of the drum did not change and the two coincided when the original tempo was resumed. It is interesting to note the different approach to the rhythmic unit in its second occurrence, a short higher note being introduced in that measure. The song is minor in tonality and contains all the tones of the octave except the seventh. The two remaining Quileute songs are connected with old legends. The first is summarized as follows: A raven killed the young geese that were crying for their mother. Then he pretended to be sorry and to cry, but really he was glad, for he intended to eat them. The raven is speaking in the song. 340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bute. 124 Quileute (Catalog No. 1486) No. 209. Song of the Raven Recorded by Mrs. GILBERT HOLDEN VOICE d= 100 Drum ‘) = 80 See drum-rhythm below Irregular in tonality OS a Oe ee ee (2) : = ee ieee i ir ieee ter cee. SEs = — — F a (2) (1) aa ee ee Ae ee EY Drum-rhythm = \ \ = \ N ~ \ \ 3 N \N = 2 N N PE WE a a ay ee waslaniinie sia > => — => Analysis —This song divided itself into two parts, the division being indicated by the change in tempo. The first part seems to be inquiring in its character while the second is gay, suggesting the feelings of the raven toward his feast of young geese. The tempo of the drum is the same throughout the song, though it coincides with the voice only in the latter portion. Two rhythmic units occur in the first portion of the song, having the same initial measure but differing in subsequent rhythm and in length. The melody tones DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 34] are G, A, and B, the song ending upon A and being classified as irregular in tonality. Ascending and descending progressions are equal in number. The second of these stories was said to be very old, and is as fol- lows: A little boy was born far back in the woods and his parents used to teach him this song so that he could go and look for his grandparents. After a while the boy’s parents died and the boy started out, singing this song, to search for his grandparents. He only knew their names, but did not know where to find them. At last he met an old man who took him to his grandparents. A fter- wards he became very rich and went to the moon, and we see his face in the moon at night. Quileute (Catalog no. 1485) No. 210. Song of a Little Boy in Search of His Grandparents Recorded by Mrs. GirpErr HoLpen VoIcE J= 100 Drum g—100 Drum-rhythm similar to No. 10 yi - aan et -9- “35 en ee ee e998 a= ===s== 32 ee ee | TRANSLATIUN I am going to H’kwali’kwaus (grandfather’s name). Analysis.—This song contains only the tones A and C, the former being regarded as the keynote. Attention is directed to the long phrases which were sung without a pause for breath. There was, however, a brief pause between the renditions. Drum and voice have the same metric unit and coincide throughout the song. 342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 124 MELODIC AND RHYTHMIC ANALYSIS OF SONGS BY SERIAL NUMBERS Metopic ANALYSIS TABLE 1.—TONALITY Num-| Per Serial numbers of songs eg es Major tonality 2222222022023" 223 3, 4, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 30, 31, 34, 44, 92 44 47, 48, 49, 59, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 103, 108, 109, 112, 115, 118, 123, 127, 128, 135, 141, 142, 144, 145, 149, 152, 156, 157, 159, 163, 164, 165, 166, 172, 174, 176, 179, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 200, 201, 206, 207. Minor tonality ?_......---------- 9, 15, 21, 22, 25, 27, 28, 29, 42, 43, 45, 46, 50, 51, 52, 54, 57, 58,60, | 71 33 69, 71, 72, 76, 78, 83, 84, 96, 99, 101, 102, 110, 111, 113, 114, 116, 117, 120, 121, 122, 125, 129, 130, 132, 133, 137, 140, 143, 147, 148, 150, 151, 155, 158, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 175, 177, 181, 185, 186, 194, 198, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208, 210. Third lacking.._....-.---.------ 16; "OE, 105;(198;.180; 109. i) 522s es eee ee 6 8 erearlag es foes ek See 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 53, 55, 56, 61,98, | 41 19 100, 104, 106, 107, 119, 124, 126, 131, 134, 136, 146, 153, 154, 160, 161, 162, 173, 178, 180, 190, 191, 209. 1 Songs are thus classified if the third is a major third and the sixth, if present, is a major sixth above the keynote. 3 Songs are thus classified if the third is a minor third and the sixth, if present, is a minor sixth above the keynote. 3 Songs are thus classified if the tones do not have an apparent keynote. In such songs the tones appear to be arranged with reference to intervals rather than with reference to a keynote, many being based on the interval of a fourth. TABLE 2.—FIRST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO THE KEYNOTE " Num-] Per- Serial numbers of songs here sent Beginning on the— Months sc see eae ee eee UL Dae Bie ae eh SS ee eg Di eas Stee eed ay 3 1 Ninth ee eee 85; '86;, 164. 166 ee ee ee Oe eee eee eee eee 4 2 Octavertsse = Sere ares 23, 24, 46, 88, 90, 91, 96, 105, 163, 165, 167, 197.......________ 12 6 Beventh=asece--sese ee eee ps fa WT Tat VR Sp) Bs Te ee es eee ee ee ee 4 2 Bixthtso se s-2 22 = ae aD ae aay (Ur A 28 FG OE ED CS ee g § fon es eee eee ee 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, 29, 34, 58, 64, 65, 67, 83, 89, 93, 97, 108, 115, 29 M4 117, 125, 128, 156, 157, 179, 193, 195, 198, 200, 202, 205. INGUNCR Esa ae eee 105'30)48;60!;69 101 ROA tae ee ee 9 4 ‘hird- 238 ee ee a 4,9, 11, 15, 21, 25, 42, 47, 49, 52, 63, 66, 71, 72, 74, 78, 80, 81, 44 21 87, 99, 102, 109, 118, 120, 122, 129, 130, 132, 140, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 169, 170, 181, 186, 188, 192, 194, 201, 204, 208. Seconds s3s2see25 psec sea 8, 12, 19, 50, 51, 62, 68, 73, 116, 133, 168, 172, 175, 176, 185, 207_ 16 § IGynOle) 23267 oe ak es 16, 17, 18, 20, 43, 44, 45, 57, 59, 75, 76, 78, 82, 84, 95, 103, 112, 39 18 113, 114, 127, 135, 137, 138, 189, 144, 145, 151, 155, 158, 159, 171, 177, 184, 187, 189, 199, 203, 206, 210. EerOe War ie re sca anos acwe [eaten dae beeee oats See ees ie ee ee ee 41 19 otal ss Se. -Sfote a Ses. Alen ae eee aes on er ee ee 210i} 2s. 1 See Table 1. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 343 Meuopic ANnAtysts—Continued TABLE 3.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO THE KEYNOTE F Num-| Per- Serial numbers of songs bar’ licant Ending on the— Mitte seers tole 17, 18, 58, 67, 70, 73, 79, 80, 81, 87, 93, 97, 109, 112, 114, 115, 28 18 138, 139, 141, 142, 152, 155, 156, 157, 159, 183, 189, 199. AN ch tits ee ee a ee 4, 8, 9, 12, 13, 21, 26, 51, 52, 60, 65, 72, 74, 77, 89, 99, 101, 113, 41 19 117, 118, 121, 122, 123, 125, 129, 130, 135, 137, 168, 169, 171, 177, 184, 186, 188, 192, 193, 204, 205, 206, 207. sfc it l= 22 ees Seen a ee 10; 19) '20;/44545; 1035 1722008: Sos oe oo ae = ee ee 8 4 Keynoter= =a = Sh eS 3, 11, 14, 15, 16, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 42, 43, 46, 92 44 47, 48, 49, 50, 54, 57, 59, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 69, 71, 75, 76, 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98, 102, 105, 108, 110, 111, 116, 120, 127, 128, 132, 133, 140, 143, 144, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 158, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 170, 174, 175, 176, 179, 181, 182, 185, 187, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201, 202, 203, 208, 210. Werep yal are ee oe oa ses a ats | Ga oe son nena santa ten nccnee at edecs athlete eee 41 19 LUCEY SSA pa a SG | Eek A a a A ee yk Soe ee ee SO ee PA) | a TaBLE 4.—LAST NOTE OF SONG—ITS RELATION TO COMPASS OF SONG Num-|} Per- Serial numbers of songs Dart itaaie Song in which final tone is— Lowest tone in song__--__--- 11, 14, 17, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 41, 46, 49, 51, 54, 56, 58, 61, 96 46 63, 67, 68, 71, 73, 75, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 105, 109, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116, 119, 120, 124, 126, 127, 128, 131, 132, 133, 138, 139, 142, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 174, 175, 176, 183, 187, 189, 190, 193, 194, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 210. Highest tone in song__.--__- OQie Se Sea SK hs Beg Sask coe cksenc case sececese ) Wy es Immediately preceded by— Kourthibelow2-=----.--- AR RO. eee ees cokes cree eae ee Meee rece ee Nano e ee eo ee 2 1 Minor third below-_-__- 2 tags ot Ps BA apa (2 Ye A a a ee ee 5 2 Whole tone below-_--__- MOQ PL ot secon = he eee re em oa est ees coe rea ee re eee 2 1 Semitone below-._-__--- eS ee EE ee Ce i ie eo ane t s eo ewee eee 1 ees Immediately; preceded: by: }\.1;' 213; 45/5, 0/5, 0) Osa se ac eon ane eno ce eee sae eeeeees 9 4 and containing tones low- er than final tone. Songs containing tones lower thanviinal tone. 2=222---<-22 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 26, 3C, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 94 45 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 50, 53, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 64, 65, 66, 69, 70, 72, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 89, 91, 93, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108, 110, 113, 117, 118, 121, 122, 123, 125, 136, 137, 140, 141, 143, 144, 146, 151, 153, 155, 161, 169, 170, 171, 172, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 184, 185, 186, 188, 191, 192, 195, 198, 204, 209. 89728—39——24 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Mextopic AnAtysts—Continued [BuLu, 124 TABLE 5—NUMBER OF TONES COMPRISED IN COMPASS OF SONG Serial numbers of songs Compass of— Twelve tones. <++.2...-ss:-- Oise es eo te see Se we 3 eis ee ee eee came eee Eleven tones_~ <=:-3=<------ 163 o> pcos cae eabaas ane pesssscsnnesoe ge ssaee meee oaree sere Tenitones £44 22-5. 44 ose a2 31, 46, 85, 86, 88, 90, 92, 142, 162, 164, 188, 196, 205_.._._._._- Nine tones -¢22- seu--ses- 22, 34, 56, 61, 67, 70, 80, 87, 96, 97, 105, 115, 156, 157, 166, 167, 179, 182, 197. ight tones sss" oe eee 19, 23, 24, 48, 58, 60, 117, 125, 155, 165, 177, 194, 198, 206__.__- Seven ‘tones: 2:2 24- <= =2--¢ 18, 43, 57, 66, 69, 73, 76, 79, 81, 102, 108, 121, 151, 154, 184, 207_ Six tones-2..82---~-: .c=-=- 3, 12, 17, 27, 30, 45, 47, 53, 54, 59, 62, 64, 65, 89, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99, 100, 103, 109, 112, 114, 118, 122, 128, 132, 140, 141, 152, 153, 158, 159, 170, 173, 174, 183, 189, 192, 193, 208. Nive tones:ee == s- ss5_ 2 - 4, 8, 11, 18, 14, 15, 16, 26, 29, 38, 41, 50, 63, 77, 78, 82, 83, 101, 104, 107, 110, 111, 116, 120, 124, 134, 139, 169, 171, 175, 195, 200, 201, 202, 203. OUTICONOSse- eee e ee ee oe 7, 9, 10, 20, 21, 25, 35, 36, 39, 40, 42, 44, 55, 71, 72, 119, 126, 138, 143, 144, 146, 147, 150, 168, 181, 185, 186, 191, 204, 209. Three tones---2 = 2252-=" oe 1, 2, 5, 6, 28, 32, 33, 37, 49, 51, 52, 68, 74, 75, 84, 106, 113, 127, 129, 130, 133, 135, 137, 145, 148, 149, 172, 176, 178, 180, 187, 190, 210. WO WONCS o-oo -e=s 1315 1363160316 less 2222 2 a cose acecscencocceesecneoneneen First 5-toned scale_..-.........- B72 ee Ok ae eek oh es he on cece ee Second 5-toned scale. _-_.-..--_- 43 AS2S LOD +1 O41 OS Se pied See ee tee eee Third 5-toned scale____-_-_----- aU Yea oe eS a es Se os ee ee ee Fourth 5-toned scale__._____--_- 3, 18, 31, 47, 64, 66, 78, 80, 85, 86, 92, 95, 108, 109, 112, 123, 156, 159, 165, 179, 189, 192, 196, 206, 207. Mision trindte 2 9-2 ooo sacle 1S Fd 7 (ae ne oe Se ee ee Major triad and fourth__-_____-- A106 cenn tt ce cece aeecateis paseo a ae ede an ees eee Major triad and second-_-___--__ 59}62:163; 10ds2o- 288 2 ee ee ee a eee Bea Minor triad and seventh-_-______ W40). nen ees Se ee EE AL oe ene eee ee Minor triad and fourth_____--_- 76:'Sdopll (8 2635202';208,, 204; 200 sese ae aoe eee eee eee Octave complete._..._-.-_-_____ 46, 815/121; 163; 188 = 20.3828 28S LP eae Se ee eee TABLE 6.—TONE MATERIAL Serial numbers of songs Other combinations of tones in- cluding irregular. 22 22.22 2 fase a sec cee ce oan ccs ne snot nee ee ere Num- ber 36 30 33 Num- ber 25 em how Per- cent 20 18 Per- cent DENSMORP] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 345 Meptopic ANnAtysts—Continued TABLE 7.—ACCIDENTALS Serial numbers of songs Num-} Per- ber | cent Songs containing— No accidentals, including ATG yt Ale ese ee ee a | rn ee err as henge ee ae 184 89 PaventingasedcaSomucone= (oO Otestaanee er atone] once. oe a en ee 3 1 Fifth raised a semitone_-_.__- (OES 2224 oSenakalses soacoeaonc on ca dee se sees eee hk See Mourthiraised a semitones--15,,L18, 100,20. senso. 2 oe ee 4 2 Second raised a semitone--..| 49, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64, 66, 89, 149._._._.._____-___-_-___- 9 & Keynote raisediasemitone: =| 2825... .s2cessaesncccetstcsecesbesecce cecnea tee eee jig) Heese Seventh and fourth raised a SOMMILONG See senna ee M02 o acess ooe as sase sesso ol sce te peek sees ne eee eS ee Fourth and second raised a SOIMLONO nse ee AS ae ee he or ee ae ee 1) |e. Sixthlowered'a semitones. =|) 12,141 a— os se cence ee eee ee 2 1 ifthnowerediaisemitone:=--|) 0012) acs es ean ee ee ee ees 2 1 Secondilowered/aisemitone7-|¢38 4252s. 2 oo ae as oa eee ese ee 2 1 TOT emer Reece See as na ee re wh ene ae ees SoS De ene 210) | TABLE 8.—STRUCTURE Num-} Per- Serial numbers of songs harilcant Mrelodiq tee te ss ee se! 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, | 175 83 27, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 193, 194, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209. Melodie with harmonic frame- WOT eens ee ee 245 29565 ;S0n S88; 1U2 Nile M205 Leg hOmn = anes oan an ee 10 § sai (0 (0.6 Se ee 13, 14, 25, 26, 31, 46, 54, 74, 76, 83, 84, 89, 113, 129, 130, 140, 148, 25 18 156, 158, 169, 179, 195, 196, 203, 210. 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buww. 124 Mevopic AnAtysts—Continued TABLE 9.-FIRST PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD Num-| Per- Serial numbers of songs bor: ene Piiwaenr don eee es 1,9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 35, 36,| 91 Mb 37, 38, 39, 42, 46, 47, 49, 52, 54, 58, 63, 64, 72, 74, 79, 83, 86, 88, 91, 92, 94, 96, 100, 101, 102, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 114, 116, 117, 120, 123, 125, 129, 130, 131, 138, 140, 142, 148, 149, 150, 152, 154, 156, 162, 164, 165, 166, 170, 172, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 191, 195, 196, 198, 200, 201, 202, 205, 207. Nipwsardiss ag eee ee 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 40, 41, | 119 50 43, 44, 45, 48, 50, 51, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 93, 95, 97, 98, 99, 103, 104, 105, 111, 112, 113, 115, 118, 119, 121, 122, 124, 126, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 141, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 151, 153, 155, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 163, 167, 168, 169, 171, 173, 175, 178, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 197, 199, 203, 204, 206, 208, 209, 210. TABLE 10.—TOTAL NUMBER OF PROGRESSIONS—DOWNWARD AND UPWARD Number Percent DOWNWSls 25 5523 oe = 5 os ok oe Peco eic ae eee oe See ae ee ane doeacaces 3, 295 57 Wipwardies 2 Sasser = So es oe et st ears ee ae eos cee 2, 523 43 Rotel ost Se ok a SO eo 8 a See ee eee ee ee ee eee ae 5, 818)) eee eee Ruyrumic ANALYSIS TABLE 11.—PART OF MEASURE ON WHICH SONG BEGINS Num-| Per- Serial numbers of songs bart ane Beginning on unaccented part of MNIGASUTO: oe wee ek 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 14, 19, 20, 22, 26, 27, 30, 32, 33, 35, 36, 39, 113 58 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64, 65, 68, 70, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 82, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 118, 121, 122, 123, 124, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 147, 148, 149, 151, 153, 154, 155, 158, 159, 161, 162, 164, 166, 167, 168, 175, 177, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 190, 192, 197, 208, 210. Beginning on accented part of measure_--__-_- eee eee 1, 4, 10, 11, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 28, 24, 25, 28, 29, 31, 34, 73, 97 47 38, 42, 48, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 60, 61, 66, 67, 69, 72, 74, 79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 88, 93, 94, 95, 96, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 125, 126, 127, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 150, 152, 156, 157, 160, 163, 165, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 180, 181, 185, 186, 189, 191, 193, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 209. DENSMORE] NOOTKA AND QUILEUTE MUSIC 347 Ruyrumic ANALysis—Continued TABLE 12.—RHYTHM (METER) OF FIRST MEASURE Serial numbers of songs Aunt, phan First measure in— PAIN O sees sare ee ee hoe sews | secs ae scat re See toa cc ae cone wees uuee ce con boleee nets es 136 65 OSLO = oe. scueenncon acon 3, 5, 6, 8, 13, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 27, 28, 32, 45, 47, 49, 56, 60, 61, 68 32 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 73, 79, 82, 85, 86, 92, 95, 100, 102, 112, 115, 117, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 129, 130, 131, 138, 140, 142, 144, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157, 161, 165, 166, 172, 178, 179, 180, 181, 191, 199, 201, 205, 209. OMG a ee see ee Od eee ek a oe co es Sen oe chan Sea ee ese oe see eee 1) tee ROiGhNG@ ee eee se es LSD, IO DU ee ed eee ee eee ee eae cae ease see 2 1 G-Sitimet= 2.2 222 0 eS Sa Pe ea ee gS eae epee eee ee Snot i hel spe 4—O'times 2522 225522552 ss5 WQosecsesssiscs oe she wees es oe ee sce tees ae ee L jeseese Ls tere Me Ss es Sco ae ee ee Be ee 1 eee otal beeen eee nese acon (soak nse ee koe eee ne enn ee a eels Stas eee 210) |aeeeee TABLE 13.—CHANGE OF TIME (MEASURE-LENGTHS) Num-| Per- Serial numbers of songs Hariltcant Songs containing no change of GHG Et seen een eee 1, 14, 15, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 30, 37, 38, 53, 65, 72, 83, 91, 94, 41 19 97, 99, 104, 109, 114, 128, 130, 132, 136, 137, 144, 145, 146, 149, 166, 173, 181, 196, 200, 204, 206, 207, 210. Songs containing a change of TABLE 14.-RHYTHMIC UNIT OF SONG Num-} Per- Serial numbers of songs Hariltcede Songs containing— No rhythmic unit__--_.._._- 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 04 45 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 51, 52, 54, 55, 61, 62, 63, 69, 71, 73, 74, 76, 78, 80, 85, 86, 87, 88, 93, 94, 96, 97, 102, 104, 109, 110, 111, 112, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 126, 129, 131, 132, 134, 136, 137, 143, 145, 147, 151, 155, 156, 159, 164, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 180, 184, 187, 190, 191, 192, 197, 198. One rhythmic unit-__________ 3, 4, 5, 10, 11, 12, 18, 19, 20, 26, 30, 33, 41, 44, 48, 49, 50, 53, 56, 90 43 57, 58, 59, 64, 66, 67, 72, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 89, 91, 92, 95, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, 106, 107, 108, 113, 114, 115, 116, 121, 123, 124, 125, 128, 130, 133, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 148, 149, 152, 154, 157, 160, 161, 162, 165, 167, 169, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189, 193, 194, 195, 196, 199, 200, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 210. Two rhythmic units.---.__- 1, 2, 21, 40, 60, 65, 68, 70, 75, 77, 90, 105, 127, 135, 138, 146, 150, 26 13 163, 166, 177, 178, 179, 201, 202, 205, 209. wt i 7 4 A) @ ee & of . “epg pte Vw pee tate be Seed FL eS, fo ee 7 oh wh mY ait a ae ae te RN ae s. AT) S10 SOY ul AU A RE Ge OF reas ae os are tat JF) ga ETE Pe 7 a Se EO aA tH, G8? CH Qt Mee ea & Re Ae may? . ; Be STE ast Ml / = +". == 2 thy Se 7 oy. a ay) hy ~~ ’ - a ha > 24D 7 f i 4 ' az a gd . »” i * | i " is “ : rite aif r vit 1! SHHAN- 2A werad Dy : el tyr \ : : 4 > J» iter 7 rs ; , j s 4d . 7 "a | I WS tA Oe oe at iat £ = a ws intdnay ag ‘ 2: * C00 cg se ee Kat a a) ! ‘= in meted ee. a male oe ; —~prlo otties : Ried Sy PPS OS AC ee OS OL AP OE ee | .. Jad signi os ai aahé J at ui th aa pa 1 78 Y > sta » vit OY Be VF. LM A Ee ek OE eT ee sf min) aces ee 7 ’ = F Li gud It ' Pi , wv ‘ ee a U1; Mn tlds ine ’ ' : ' - 4 * News stun At ic wT J *. « « a @ + (8 aa AUTHORITIES CITED ABRAHAM, O., UND Vv. HornBoster, H. M. Phonographirte Indianermelodieen aus British Columbia. Boas Anniversary volume, pp. 447-474, New York, 1906. Boas, Franz. Tsimshian Mythology. Thirty-first Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer, Ethn., Washington, 1916. DENSMORE, FRANCES. Chippewa Music. Bull. 45, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1910. Chippewa Music—II. Bull. 53, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1913. Mandan and Hidatsa Music. Bull. 80, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, Uses of Plants by the Chippewa Indians. Forty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 275-897, Washington, 1928. Chippewa Customs. Bull. 86, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929. — Pawnee Music. Bull. 98, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1929. Yuman and Yaqui Music. Bull. 110, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 19382. Music of Santo Domingo Pueblo, New Mexico. Southwest Museum Papers No. 12, Los Angeles, Calif., 1938. HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIANS NortH OF MExico. Bull. 30, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Pts. 1-2, Washington, 1907-1910. HeLMHOLtTz, H. L. F. The sensations of tone as a physiological basis for the theory of music. Translated by A. J. Ellis. 2d ed., London, 1885. HoRNBOSTEL, E. M. See Abraham, O., und v. Hornbostel. HoueuH, WALTER. The origin and development of metrics. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 35, pp. 448-450, Menasha, Wis., 1933. INDIAN AFFAIRS. Laws and Treaties. vols. I (Laws)-—II (Treaties). Compiled and edited by Charles J. Kappler, Washington, 1904. Report of the Comm. of Ind. Affs. to the Sec. of the Int. for 1852, Washington, 1852. Report of the Comm. of Ind. Affs. to the Sec. of the Int. for 1903, Washington, 1904. Report of the Comm, of Ind. Affs. to the Sec. of the Int. for 1930, Washington, 1930. LEECHMAN, DoucuaAs. Fleece-bearing dogs. Nature Magazine, vol. 14, pp. 177- 178, Washington, Sept. 1929. Swan, JAMES G. The Indians of Cape Flattery. Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. xv1, No. 220, Washington, 1870. 349 ' a Howvore , ’ Thai 2 a a ae ey ee oe) oe ity ; i = . iin? :* PAV ITHT 2. tia t atl ¥ ‘ ’ . a 7 ox te) wn Pine, AN i] 4 ; rai foegfGec th ven delinnr hw — * p PAREN STRONY See at, ell 3 a “at : . era > % itt yi wihteay E- Fine) nites wept > niraae a seay ‘ tie 7 r % } Nv wry, ’ . ae ® » ( : : , - a . a , ¥ ‘ uj nab 1 a A, ; ig —— —_~ 7 rs ih . + wd =f } foulT “Do INDEX ACCOMPANIMENTS, pounded on [LP 11 Sh pg A Se ea 110 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS_____-____-_ Vv AKSE’TSUSB: MENON Ofee ses 193 SLOnyiANOW bs 222 ANALYSES OF SONGS: Comparative. .=—.----..—.. 35-40 MeRCKIptiVe a2 -2acess ee 41-43 melodie. ..2.2.2- 35-39, 342-346 mhaybomics s2 .. 2. 40-41, 346-347 ARMOR, description of___-_____- 182 Bawaba Pont, village at______ 4 Bark: clothing made of___-__--__- 11 preparation of, for armor___ 194 use of, in weaving. ___--_-_- 15 Bartscu, Pavt, shells identified Lye et ee 149, 264 BASKET MAKING, plants usedin__ 320 Barus, use of spruce in_______- 318 BELIEFS: concerning birds and ani- VEEL LS eli Nae a 120 concerning children_____-_-_- 213 concerning cremation _-_-__- 33 concerning prayers -_-_------ 30, 31 concerning separation____ 213, 247 concerning the elk________- 127 concerning the loon_____-__- 178 concerning the thunderbird__ 23 concerning the whale___-__-_ 64 concerning transformation_ 64, 109 Kwalsutiae 2-22. eee 140-141 See also TABOOS. BLANKETS: as a standard of value______ 11 GistHbuvion Ola] eee e eee 83 materials used in_________-_ 12 WES Vii ee ee Be a oe 15-16 Boas, Franz, mention of work (OS GPE Ss aA Ne cae leh an als a 30, 209 Bow AND ARROW DANCE: brief description of___-_-_- 147 SONGS Olesen! abe eee 153-156 Page | Bowcnopr, CHARLIE, statement Page OF SAL EE Oe ARIE Eye eed ee 24 Box, BURIAL, description of____- 33 BRACELETS, worn at polatch__-_- 82 BRUISES, remedies used for___-_- 316 BuRIAL customs, discussion of__ 33-34 ButuLer, Mrs. Hazen PARKER: acknowledgment to___--__- Vv information furnished by___ 222 MenvonOfh ase ee 5, 247 plants obtained from__-_-__-_- 311 CANNIBAL SPIRITS, impersonation OP PINUGaN Ces esas a eee 140-141 CANOE SONGS__________- 132-136, 253 CANOES: destription, of-2 ==! 19-22 manufacture Of. 22) oe = 19-22 SIZCLOfae ee hoe ee eee 19, 20 Wate sce 2 a cee ys seen nee 19, 181 Whaling SIZeiOl sees 49 Captain JOHN, mention of____- 6 CARVING IN StOn@--0) 222] oo 31 CEDAR, ropes made of______-_--- 18 CEREMONIALS, winter_____-___-_- 29 CEREMONIES: FIAG=VAISING Ce ee oe ae 131 MaksheD aye so sae 136 See also Dancers; FEASTS; PoTLATcH. “(CHANGEABLE MASK” DANCE, SORPIOf 2202 aa Sone mee 140 CHARMS: plants used foresee 320-321 use of, in whaling____.___- 59-60 Cuier, CLtayoquot, power of__. 297 CHILDBIRTH: customs concerning------ 213-214 remedies used in___--_---- 317 CHILDREN: CATE TOL Ne ee ee rene 213-229 MASSA PT CVOl =a ee 214 SONGS ON ey yee ae 217-229 SLOLIES Hl Ole ee ae 229-241 CHINOOK JARGON, reference to_-_ 323 CHISEL, BONE, description of - - -- 16 351 352 INDEX Page Page CIRCULATORY SYSTEM, remedies IDANCH BONGS._ ==. 22- 225222 337-338 UseG forsee Sas. Sosa eee 313 | DANCEs: CLAYOQUOT TRIBE: bird and! animal’ == 222222 119-128 Classilicationsofaas= == 65s =— 1 bow and arrow_-___-- 147, 152-153 TOOGiOl= 2c he te Sea ee 13-14 Mikrtait, songiols=ss =. =e 139 listiof songs ofe--- 2222 XXI-XXIII Kokali, description of_.___ 108 loeationtols == eee 1 Kinkinkwatk2 225.222) 228 96-101 CLAYOQUOT SINGERS, list of__-___ XXIV Kewekwaseuo5 =~ eee 91-94 CLOTHING: Kwikwatla, at potlatch___- 77 Ofaunen Vile) cals ae ee 11-12 lightning == so. ee 110-112 See also Costumes; H®ap- Makah Day, purpose of___! 128 DRESSES; PRAYER GAR- of the female elk__.._____- 117 MENTS. of the little fish__._.______ 124-125 Cup, use of, in fishing...__.._- 13 of the male elk_______.__-- 127 ConrtTESTs: of the wild geese___._____- 121 OD Maric power-=4..55-- 25 84-86 of ‘the wolves’. 2. =-=2 26 126 of physical strength_-_-____- 86-89, aly so os552 65-50 302-303 164-166 SOCISL. 5522 38 ae eee 148-159 Cooxine, methods of__--_----_- 14-15 speatman’s) 25. 22s 137-138 CosTUMES: thunderbird, description of__ 109 OlCancersaeeee a aes ae eee 24, Wanda aes ose eee 118-119 G7, 69, 70, 77, 108, 109) 111, 117, whirling i202} se eee 129 118, 120-121, 122, 127, 149, women’s, at potlatch______- 89-91 150, 302. DANCING ROBES, description of__ 24-25 of girl at maturity feast-__. 243] Dawn, songs composed by__-- 272-275 of Homatsa initiate____--_-_ 141 | DECORATION: Councits, holding of ___.-_---- ¢f dream animals used in-_---- 24 COURTESY SONGS..---------= 168-171 See also CostuMES; DANCING CourTsHIP: ROBES; FACIAL PAINTING; CUISTOMSIO l= sae nes eases 245-247 HEADDREsSES; HELMETS; {ONDE AIO) Cog a ge Oe NER Nant a 246 ORNAMENTS. CoWICHIN DANCE, mention of ___ 147 | Derr DANCE, description of_____ 122 CRADLEs, description of______ 214-215} DeNsMorE, MARGARET, acknowl- CreEMATION, belief concerning _-_ 33'l), ,edgment to. 522. == a—— ee vi (RON OSON Oil 6 ga ee ee 178 | DIGESTIVE SYSTEM, remedies used Curtis, ASHEL, acknowledgment fOf= 2 oe ee eee 313 OPA Sees eee - pa 61} Doe HAIR, use of", in weaving_-__-_ 15 Customs: Drvums: purigles aes 2 ies a ee 33-34 boxes lised as. -2 3-5 96 MOArriAre eas See 245-250 descripbionofe 2 == 32 sss2s5 Up ees MmeCNS (12) ee eee 242-243 | Duck SKIN, use of, in weaving_- 11 MOVER Pe ee eee 34-35 | Dweuuinas, furnishings of_____ 8 DAMNING ea 213-214, 216-217 See also Houses. pertaining to music__-__-_-_- 25-29| DyEs AND PAINTS, plants used relating to childbirth_____ 213-214 forssed. discs oes eee 320 Wi Ue sere Mya Spey 180-185, 194] Earrinas, of dancers_________- 111 weddings 2205+ ea leek 247-250 | Exx, belief concerning_____.____-_ 127 Wh afin Pena sey a ee 47-53 | ELK DANCE, account of______-_ Waly, Pari See also CEREMONIES; ELK PERFORMANCE, description CourtsHiIp; Mepicau Of. Mesa Sas Oe ee 127-128 PRACTICES; PRAYERS. “ELLoA”’ INDIANS, mention of. 184-185 DANCE HELMETS, description of _- 25, | ELwuHas, expedition against_.__._ 185 100, 136-137 | Ey pisrasgEs, remedies for... 317-318 INDEX 353 FACIAL PAINTING: Page | Guy, Mrs. SAarRAH—Continued. Page fornmdances ee saht sss sea 67, stories related by__-____-_ 238, 240 70, 91, 97-98, 112, 117, 120,} Hasrrarions. See Houses. 127, 149, 302 Hair: LOPAW Sirs ee ee eee Sa 182 CATG. GF... seas be Se 245 representing bear_____-___- 334 tonic usedifors == see eee=as 245 representing whale____--_-_- 332 | HAIRDRESSING: FEASTS: Clayoquot, for dances______ 149 BwoNepouatChe= see es eee 68. 69 girl’s, at maturity feast_____ 243 atpotiatch..=---+-=-3=-42 76-77 | Hammnr, STONE, description of __ 16 maturity, description of-_ 243-244] HamsHanres Socrety: Sr tep a ---------------- eee initiation into... __-= 141 Wwialte-n ----------------- = origin [of 72 * =: eee eee FIGURINE of mythical creature_-_ 32 Ha ea aaieanieiecon oe FisuH, varieties of, at Neah Bay_-_ 12 paniment..._ 32 2.22 .cszace- 27-98 FisHHOOKS, description of___-_-_ 12] E , arene a AYTE, EDWIN: — by a Bayindiang. 2. 10 characterization of ee oe Te XXV otingcworn f6r-c..02. 12 information furnished by_ 48,51,52 eects oumurship af 3 songs recorded by. XXI, XXIII, XXIV 3 aa story related by_...2- 22 210; 211 FLAG-RAISING CEREMONY------- 131 ae Roop: HEADDRESSES, description of - ___ 97, heen ee ee 13-14 111, ab, 118, 120, 122, 124, 136 plants used for. ..--.__- 319-320 HEAD-HUNTER’S SONG_____.-- 191, 194 served at potlatch __ 68-69, 76-77 | H#aps, enemy, taking of-__-_-- 184 Foo. pANcrrs, performance of. 141-142 | HELMEts: Froa, Young Doctor’s dream of. 259 dancers’ -___.---- 25, 100, 136-137 Four, use of, by Makah______-_- 11 WACCIOUS (eae eee 182 GAMEs: HEMORRHAGES, remedy used for. 316 playing Ofs. 2 s25 3-1 t= 321| HERRING nGas, preparation of, resembling shinny__-___-~_- 62—63)|e OT Oo dere ae 13-14 songs connected with____ 322-325] ‘‘ Hip1na@ Bonzs,”’ game of_____-_ 321 GrBBs, GEORGE, quoted__._--_- 9} HoupEN, Mrs. GILBERT: GIFTs: characterization of____----- XXVI at naming party___. __._-- 216 songs recorded by__. XXIII, XXIV distribution of, at potlatch. 82-84 distribution of, at wedding. 247 to child and mother__-__--_- 215 Guy, JAMEs: characterization of__._-__-- XXV information furnished by-- 51, 109, 278 MEN TONY O hes ae ee eee 104 songs recorded by_. ------ OG, XK KT, OK: stories related by._..--.---. 56, 109, 199, 297 Guy, Mrs. Sarau: characterization of__..___._._ XXVI information furnished by___ 109, 110, 278-279, 293 plants obtained from____-_- 311 songs recorded by__------- XxI- XXII, XXIV, 156 HoMATSA DANCE, discussion of. 140-142 Homatsa Socrety, initiation CELEMIO Nyse 141 HoMATSA: SONGS2.- 2-55-22 2- 142-146 FIORSEMEN, | SON) Olas a= ae sae 132 HospiTauity of the Makah___-_~ 29 Howven, WALTER, cited..._...-- 50 Houses, OLD MAKKAH 2-3-2 2 - 6-8 Hunter, Jim, mention of__--- 136, 156 HUNTING: among the Makah____-..-- 13 around Neah Bay.-_------- 10 INJURIES, INTERNAL, remedy used LOT ah ee fe ead A eS 318 INSANITY, rare mention of___--_- 265 Irvine, ALBERT: information furnished by-_-- 31; 32, 34, 51, 127 82 354 Irvine, Mrs. HELEN: Page characterization of___._-__- XXV information furnished by--- 16, 149, 303, 327 meaning of Indian name of - 52 Mention Olea =e 326 plants obtained from__._--- 311 songs composed by._------ 268 songs recorded by_-_--_-- XXI, XXIV IrRvING, WASHINGTON, mention Of ee 2 eee = ee ee ee a XXV Katopa, Mrs., songs composed YS ser ase eee 268 KEup, rope made of___._------ 7s KILLER WHALE, story of___.___- 53 KUIKITAT DANCE, song of______- 139 KLOKALI FESTIVAL: description of.2 =) -2.t2 424 102 SOnpsiOf-2 22 tte tes 2 104-108 KLoKatti Society: TOSIV AOL s [04-2 0H, feo 2 101 lepends Of tree Ss) + 102 punishment inflicted by__ 103-104 DUTpOKE OF-— = 8 He Ae 101 KLUKLUKWATK DANCE, descrip- {NCO T: Ct cea el a em ie 96-101 Knives. See WEAPONS. KWAKIUTL, beliefs of________ 140-141 Kwati: a mythological character-_ _- 30 lerendsiofse. eee 184, 195-213 Lapper, Mrs. Pxiuip, mention Oe ee ee a ee ee er ee 5-6 LappeER, PHILIP: characterization of________- XXV songs recorded by------ XXI, XXIV LEECHMAN, Dovetas, cited____- 15 LEGENDS: concerning the whale_-__-__- 53-59 Makah origins] ie aes 1-2 Of lysthtian 2. - ose 297-301 OF Keyati eee 1e eer 195-213 See also STor15Es. LEONARD, E. C., plants identified 2h Eee He a Pe ARE II ROE Ek 307 LesTER, Quileute medicine man. 330 LIGHTHOUSE JOE, mention of___ 61 LIGHTNING DANCE, description (0 Bat hes A US eG oe Ae ea 110-112 LIGHTNING FISH, beliefs concern- INES oe ae ee ee eS 23-24 Lona Tom, ANNIE: characterization of________- XXVI information furnished by--._ 302 INDEX Lone Tom, ANNIE—Continued. Page songsreceived by,indreams. 261 songs recorded by__-____-_- XXII- XXIII, XXIV Loon, Gray, belief concerning__. 178 LOVE SONGS. — 22200 eae 325-329 LULLABY, -MAnan 2 JUSamen 222 MAKAH: classification of ./2 222.4222 1 land claimed by__________- 3 location: Of 25502 2" sPaee 1 origin legend of___-______- 1-2 physical characteristics of _. 9-10 territory Of. * 222)4) eae 3-4 treaty made by___--_-_-__- 8 Makau Day CELEBRATION: description of_-.=-+-=-2-2 128-148 pian Of? Stee eee 130 MAKAH SINGERS, list of.._____- XXIV MANDAN AND Hipatsa INDIANS, serenades of. —-- 2-22 -u eas 325 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. -_--_~-__- 245-250 Masks. See CHANGEABLE MASK; HeappreEssEs; HELMETs. MassaGs of babies_-_________-_ 214 Mats, plant used for weaving._._ 320 Maturity customs, discussion ORS kt ee oe 241-247 MATURITY FEAST: description of._._._-_._-- 243-244 preparation for__......--.- 243 MEDICAL PRACTICES: discussion: Of. 2. = S42544" 286-287 useso£ herbs}ingso=. sea 311 See also PLANTs; REMEDIEs. MEDICINE MAN: Clayoquot, songs of_____- 295-296 Tattlenused by 22-222 eens 294 Songs Ofas Sas ose ae eee 288-292 source of power of_____-_- 293-294 treatment by, of the sick. 286-287 MEMORIAL POTLATCH: description ‘of-— 22 oes Se 94-96 SONQ Obs: oe eee 95 MENOMINEE: mention of songs of_______-_ 268 vocal drone used by----_--- 26 MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS_-____-_- 242-243 Maran, use ol. 222 2c eee 16 MOURNING CUSTOMS. ____------ 34-35 Music, customs pertaining to___ 25-29 MosIcaL INSTRUMENTs, descrip- ton Ofe REE SE eee oases INDEX NAMES: Page CUAREOVOl so anaes aes 216 OL SIN GELSR meee es XXIV NAMING CUSTOMS..-_ 213-214, 216-217 NeEAuH Bay: lechtion O12 ao o5.. 5552) 25H 3 trbesiate was eee wee SS 1 Neau Bay InpiAns, population Ole eee ee ee nee 9 Neau Bay REGION, description OMe se a oe SSeS 3-4 Neau Bay VILLAGE: description of.- =. -s=2=-=- 4-8 locabionOle 22-2 = ea tee 4 origin of name of.--------- 4 NITINAT TRIBE: mentioniOle see == 2s alee 256 territory lost by---..------ 3 Nootka INDIANS: application of the name---_- 1 SONG Of ee EE Se XXIII Nootka HoMATsA SONG..-----. 146 O’HaMMoN, JIMMIE, songs com- POSCOYDY Sse eee sas eek 268 OIL POTLATCH: description of._...-...---- 66-72 distribution of oil at._.__-_- 71-72 performances at_....------ 69 SuperioritysOrss2o.>---- 69 OLD AGE, songs concerning--- 172-175 ORIGIN LEGEND, of the Makah__ = 1-2 ORNAMENTS: beaded leather_________-_ 243-244 carried by women__----- Sos 12 See also DECORATION. OzETTEs: battle of, with Makah-___- 166 identification of ___.___.-_-- 160 potlatch given by.__-_---_-- 87 wars of, with Quileute___-- 338 PADDEESs CANOD:= 52.24 22.2225-4- 21 Pain, remedy used for... .------ PAINT: manufacture of..... _..-.- 22-23 See also FACIAL PAINTING. PAINTINGS, discussion of_.-____ 23-25 PAINTS AND DYES, plants usedfor. 320 Papaao, reference to music of___ 26 PaRKER, Mrs. WILSON: characterization of___.-__-_- EKG; dream song. of....2=2+=--=- 267 information furnished by ._ 247 legend related by_------- 206-208 300 PARKER, Mrs. Witson—Continued. Page Names i0f 4s 222 217 songs recorded by_ xXIx—xx, XXIII, XXIV stories related by_______-_- 229, 232, 233, 235, 236 PARKER, WILSON: characterization of________- RXV; songs recorded by_... XXI, XXIV PAWNEE: old-age song of________-_~- 175 reference to music of___-_-- 26 PICTURES, WHALING, discussion of_ 61 PINTLACHATL, & bow and arrow dances 2 Ser cak el eae 152 PLANTS alphabetical lists of _ ~~ -- 307-308, 309-310 meaning of names of__-__ 310-311 medicinal use of__.____-_- 311-319 native names of________- 310-311 unclassified uses of_______-_- 321 uses of, by the Makah____ 307-310 Poison, antidote used for______- 319 PopuLaTION of Neah Bay In- Gianss ee ae ee ea eee 9 POTLATCH: brief account,of.2-_-- == 29 description, Ofs2s-22--22—. 72-94 opportunity offered at_----- 3 songs of invitation to___--__- 73-74 See also MEMORIAL POT- LATCH; OIL POTLATCH. PRAYER GARMENTS: oMthenwhaler= a. —as 47-48 worn at potlatch__..------- 67, 69 PRAYERS: customs connected with_--- 30-31 medicine man’s, efficacy of-_ 293 PROCESSION, EQUESTRIAN, de- SCrIpblOny Ola. a= 4-2 = sree 131 PropPERtY, disposal of, at death_ 33, 34 PROPERTY RIGHTS, Makah_-_--- 3 PuBEertTy customs. See Maru- RITY CUSTOMS. QUILEUTE INDIANS: brief account of --------- 329-330 classification ofe222=2—— =] 1 locationlOles= ans ee aao a 1 mMentionOle@ —see e 147 Songs Olas seo a= Xx111, 329-341 QUILEUTE SINGERS, list of_----- XXIV QUILEUTE soNGS, manner of SUN SING et Wee ee ACS eas oF. 330 356 Page QUILEUTE VILLAGE, location of_. xxvi QUIN AIELT: MER CLO Olesen ee 74, 147 SON PiOle eas ees ee ee Xx1u, 75 RAN, songs fore. o5. 526-255 198, 237 RATtTLEs: Geseription Or. = 62 yes 28 different types of._._-__- 110-111 of the Hamshantes.-______- 141 use of, by medicine man__._ 294 Rewearsats for Makah Day Celebration 22s eee 129 RELIGION. See PRAYERS. REMEDIES, Classification of___ 311, 312 RESPIRATORY SYSTEM, remedies MISE GulOT oe ore 26 ap 313 RoBeEs, DANCE, designs on____-_- 24 Ropn: forawialing 224.2 ee ec ae 50 MANULACTUTC Olea 17-19 SADAIKS, songs composed by_--_ 334 Satyuk Socrery, dances of____ 302-303 Satmon, method of cooking____- 14 SANTIANO: carvings made by____--__-_-_ 32 medical practices of______ 286-287 SEA FOWL, method of taking__-__- 14 SEAL SHUNTING. - 0005-2 =2-.- 13 SELF-TORTURE, belief in________ 47 SEPARATION after marriage, be- liefs concerning___________- 213, 247 HARK BONENIOs 20 oo ee 196 SHOEs: introductionlofe-— = =a 12, 266 song concerning__________-_ 267 Sickngss, treatment for______ 286-287 Sipvu, a food shellfish____._____- 220 Stans used in transcription of BON SS Sean ena Ga Pema ers XXIV SINEW, rope made of____._____- 18 SINGERS: characterization of____- XXV-XXVI NAMOSIOl~en- a eee ee XXIV Srvaina, rehearsal of _____-___ 129-130 WINIGMR ISCLOLs— = Sle see 12 Sioux INpDIANs, song produced | 2h ASSES AAR at cea _ Mebane liad 268 SKIN AILMENTS, remedies used FONTS ee ae en ee) eee 315-316 SLAVERY, practice of___________ 63 SLAVES: songs transmitted by____-_ 106-108 LT RE Cee ee ee ee 10-11 INDEX Page SMOKING, brief discussion of _ —_- U5 SocIAL DANCES, discussion of. 148-159 SOcIAL GATHERINGS, description (i Ca ECR Sis, DE yee te Bae de 166 SocIaL LIFE, discussion of ___-_- 29 Sones: analysis, of _.-.-- 35-43, 342-347 St Teastess: scoops 159-164 boasting: - 225522255 sues 339 Can0es2 255. sees 132-135, 253 Clayodtiob- 22 ae as=- eee XVII, XXI-xxill, 45, 278-286 competing dance_______- 158-159 composed by women__-_-_- 268-278 composing of, discussed____ 268 concerning old age_______ 172-175 concerning the whale_-_-_-~_- 54, 56, 59, 60, 331-332 courtesVs=-= 2-22 52 eee 168-171 customs pertaining to___-__-_ 25-27 dance.=—. 92-1 sss see 337-338 dancing, at potlatch_______ 77 Gaughters-s 157, 158 descriptive analysis of______ 41-43 echo! 2622). 23s 254-255 entering dance______.___.- 148 forchildren====— = aa 217-229 forirain. 3.2244 ee 198 for treating the sick_.___-_-_ 239 from unknown tribe_--___-_ 45 from Vancouver Island___-- XXIII hereditary 2). 252 -25_ = ee 112 Homatsas—o.—- ee ae 142-146 inheritancelOhss= =e 26 Klokali. 2g reas ate eles 118 lullaby 22 ee 222 Makshiseste ui eet ae 45 Makah, description of, by Swans ==. OS ees hore 26-27 Makah, list of22_ 2228.2 XVIII-XXI Makah, words of_______--- 26 Nodtkass 2s a 2 XXIII Nootka Homatsa_.____-_-- 146 of bow and arrow dance__ 153-156 of challenges eee 87, 88, 89 of congratulation_________- 336 of courtship and marriage __ 246, 248-251 of deer dancers____.-_-2- 123, 124 Oprdefiancesse-2 2s eee 151 of ‘‘entering the building’’_. 149 of guests at potlatch.____ 75, 76, 82 INDEX 357 Sones—Continued. Page | STOMACHS, ANIMALS’, use Of, as Page of head hunter_-_-_-__---- 19194) “oil’containers—= 2"--- = s2-- oe 72 of host at potlatch_________ 78, 81| Stories: of invitation to potlatch_.__ 73, 74 Charactersnne ssa = === 30 OWivyathigees=—- coco 22 299-300 for childrens2aeeeen === 229-241 of Klikitat dance__.____..- 139 of animals and birds____--_ 208-210 of Kluklukwatk dance____ 97-100 of beaver and a flower_ __-_-_ 236 of Kwekwasa dance__-_ 92, 93, 94 of lightning dance______~_ 113-116 Olslovetse=2--- seee 2s 325-329 of maturity feast __._.____- 242, 244 of medicine men_ 288-292, 295-296 of ‘‘Nine Brothers” legend. 200-— 201, 203 of oil potlatch._...-. = - 68, 70, 71 OMpaltin gee. =! sees 176-177 of Saiyuk Society________ 303-306 of social gatherings _ -_-_- 167-180 of Southwest Wind_-____-_- 256 of spearman’s dance-_------ 138 Ofuheibear= = 2-2 soso 2 es 335 OmUnerChOW asso. sss == Sa 178 Ofithewtroge sos seeo ee 260 Oftheshainrisealss2 2532525 38 333 of the horsemen_-_-_-_-_-_----- 132 of thenokaliz2= 222 2. 2. 104-108 of the little boy__-.---_--- 341 Ofstheslittiesish==_ 2225-252 125 of the raven_—--_-_- 125, 339-340 of the wand dance_-_-_-_--_--_- 119 Ofethenwhales a2. 2 5-2-5 331-332 of the wolves=_ 2222 22252— 126 OLB WAT as as Ss 185-194 of whale-fin feast_______--_- 65-66 of wild-geese dance-_---__--- 121 of women’s dances-_-_------- 90, 91 oldtand*new.. = 2-4-2822 27 preceding distribution of Fi 1 ee SA an 79, 80 Quileute, list of. __-_- XVIII, XXIII @uinaielt® sete ee ee are XXIII BETENAd ests ee eee 325 sung by young men_-_-_-_-- 325-329 Gon oT Petts es ee ee eee 260-261 to calm the sea__..---__- 278-280 to influence the weather__ 280-286 tonbhe shanks eye 2 196 used in children’s stories____ 230— 239, 241 Sedan eamMese= esas 322-325 used in treating the sick_____ 330 women’s, receivedindreams. 261-— 267 Vakima 2. =) eee hie XXIII of Kwati and his master. 232-233 of Kwati and the fishing 229-232 197-199 of mink and kingfisher___ 233-235 of raven and deer__--__-_- 238-240 of raven and hair seal____ 240-241 of the nine brothers__-___- 199-204 of the stolen children____ 211-213 of theiwhaler] S42 5e—522=s 48-49 of Young Doctor’s dreams_. 251- 259 StTorYTELLING of the Makah___. 29-30 Sun: beliefs concerning - ~~ _---_-- 293 observations taken of ~___--- 32-33 Swan, CHARLES: characterization of__..----- XXV Costume Ofs= =a ase == 137 dance performed by ------- 118 TObeMad CID yee eee 24 songs recorded by. XXI, XXIII, XXIV SwAn, JAMEs G.: C1UCC Sa eas oa eee ee ee ee 1,4 Makah described by------- 9 quoted... 2 Sau ates 3, 7, 89, 14, 15, 17-18, 18-19, 21, 23, 26-27, 30, 102, 185, 247 WOOL 22 32 See ee 1 Swanton, J. R., quoted on pot- 72 SWELLINGS, remedy used for__ 318, 319 SwWINOMISH TRIBE, mention of-__ 257 TAaBoos: food, for girls: =--=-= 5-22 244-245 for menstruating girls_---_-- 243 for pregnant women- ------ 214 for whalers= 2 s2es2 22224 a 48 TatoosH IsLANp, claimed by Malka 2 oars 2 te ee A eS 3 Tarrooine of girlss:s-2 22-52-22 241 TESTS: of strength and courage_-- 247-248 _ See also ConrTEsrTs. TETRACHORD AND TRIAD in songs- 44-47 358 THUNDERBIRD, discussion of _____ THUNDERBIRD DANCHB, description 109-111 ToAK, songs composed by--_--- 275-278 Tonics, plants used as_._------- 318 Too s, description of---..------ 16-17 Torture. See SELF-TORTURE. ToTEM POLES, substitute for____- 6 MOV Sites ot Saas Soe eee 217 TRADE, articles used in_ - __-_- 10-11, 63 TRANSFORMATION, belief in_____ 64, 109 TSIMSHIANS: SEMOM OF Sey ee ice 183 tattooing Of 242262 325.4% 183 TUMANOS: song concerning— ==. .<- 86 the spirit helper___._...--- 31 ‘bores; legend of2— 222... == 109-110 URINARY SYSTEM, remedies used FL ee An eS eel ees Se) 314 U.S. GovERNMENT, Makah deal- BOS WLU eee ery ey Oy 5, Se 8-9 U. S. Nationan HERBARIUM, plants identified at__-_-_-__- 311 VANCOUVER IsLAND INDIANS: Pilon Prone =o ~ Se 147 RONGIOke se. Ken ee ee XXIII VILLAGE CREEK, native fear of __ 6 ViOCAL DRONE, use’ of _--___ 2 8 25 WAILING, after songs_________- 5d; 152 WAKSIKE, songs composed by. 270-272 WANAMAKER EXPEDITION, men- TiC Ole ae eh eee 128, 131 WAND DANCE, description of___ 118-119 WANDA ISLAND: locetion oF. ot ee a oc 4 Owners iOf2i22 32s Sees ee WANDAHART, CHESTER: characterization of_._..____ XXVI songs recorded by_-_-___- XXI, XXIV WaR CANOE, description of____ 19, 181 Wark CLUBS, description of____ 181-182 WAR CUSTOMS: Clayoquetize sos iusdaroues 194 discussion of_____.____-- 180-185 Wak PAINT, preparation of__ 182-183 WAR PARTY: movements of___-.__._--- 183-184 preparations of__..__---_- 182-183 songs Of f6--- = - 187-189, 192-194 WIA SONGBicos see Sou. ese 185-194 Page Warriors, Makan, number of __ 182 WasHBurn, W. W., JrR., infor- mation furnished by______-_- 50 Weapons, Makah__-_-___--_--. 181-182 WHAVING: GiscussION Ol. 24-2 a 15-16 plant used. for... 25" ee 320 WEBERHARD, CHARLIE, state- mentite! 222242 ee eee 24 WEDDING cusTOMs, discussion OP i33y4) Ae oo) eke eee 247-250 WHALE BLUBBER, cooking of___ 14 WHALE FIN, feast in honor of__. 63-64 WHALE OIL, distribution of, at poslnbeh 2. 2 2 eee 71-72 WHALES: STOO. {ahha ees 13 BVELAgE SIZG Ol 22-3 een 61 division of meat of_____-_- 61-62 economic uses of_____----- 62 probable extermination of _ - 63 property rights in-.__-_--- 52 WHALING: customs connected with__-_ 47-53 detajled description of___-_- 51-53 equipment for_2->-- ee 49-50 TODGCS UBER. IN@ 5 ee 18 SONPSLOle. 2s ee 54, 56, 59, 60 training for. = S262 sea 48 WHIRLING DANCE, rehearsal of... 129 WHISTLE: Klokali, description of__- 102-103 MSC:Ol. 2.2007 Sa 28 Wotvges, connection of, with the Klokali. 22 < eo. eae 102, 117 WoMEN: remedies for diseases of-___ 317 songs composed by------ 268-278 WOUNDS AND INJURIES, remedies UseG [OP. cae 6 = eee ee 316 YAKIMA, HONG Of. = <2) 5— aoe XXIII Youne Docror: characterization of. _-_--_-- XxXV information furnished by_-- 6, 7, 12, 14, 19, 32, 33, 60, 77, 84, 87, 94, 102, 104, 128, 180, 181. legend related by_-------- 207 ile Of 2 22 2. =e 72-73 song composed by-_------ 225-226 songs recorded by_---- XVIII-XIX, XXIII, XXIV O e Oic ae ou , ey Lore ‘eins. | Aan? i) | | Se 3