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Anianrisland middéene she = 222 22 oe 1 sl aa udp Fas eel gl EN ee 64 172 Natim faceof Pit JA, Aman Island. 0. 24 6 a 65 1RecPlan.(Charles (Pomp. eee eke | tle tie Se yee ek ee ee 68 19. Profile of east face of trench 1, Charles Point______-_-------------- 69 A0 Plan, Qalanaitik: oo foe eee ee eo se ke i a ee 74. tn _ . Profile of east face of trench 1, house 9, Qalahaituk___-------------- 75 61. 62. CONTENTS PED USO ule nGya tulle leinmeers cay SL Le ea Pe eee PeIROSCOC Malet meu A = sey as ote te Se ee eee ee Pe OUSCyleprOsLOe huleten ie. een 2 Se! ne ee ek eS cy DRL R Tee RVGIS C018 2 WOT) 81), ARS Be kale ee ef ee RE ae OP Be ema wl RRL . Profile of east face of trench 1, drain, Roscoe Inlet 1________________ Sel raineprOntoe met, WAC. . St pros sus Se Nie Me 2 EMESIS LEC TEV GME fo EE Ss Ao ree cnt ei RR SSE Bs . Profile of south face of trench 1, Kilkitei Village. ._______.________ . Profile of south face of trench 2, Kilkitei Village.__..._____________ MES CHOONET EU ASSAS Culm yeae Lime woe ala Sa ye EPONA eye ee Tea sy ae wEronic oneenooner Passage 1... 1.2.22 2-2- 225. 2ldsece | pau G3 . Pit burials Nos. 3 and 4, Troup Rapids Cemetery__.______________- (Flannery) Pein Grmibe beaufort regiome sf. Khe. ee ew lly a mphexC nesperebicldisitens Oo tne. Paw ire aN ee pe ae (Gilbert) . The Cherokee settlements, 1762-1776 (map)________-_.-..__._____- . The Cherokee settlements, 1825-1830 (map)____-_-_________-______ . The Cherokee Indian Reservation, N. C., 1987 (map)___-_--_______- EP Dideram- of the spleres of tribal activity 0.2225 2422222222223 . Western Cherokee Kinship: Male ego (after Morgan)______________ . Cherokee kinship consanguines: Male ego____.__-_______-___--___- . Cherokee kinship consanguines: Female ego______________________- Se Cherokeetsnshipratumipieses ss ee. oe ape ae ue ahs We ee . Eastern Cherokee kinship consanguines: Male ego (after Morgan) -____ . Eastern Cherokee kinship consanguines: Female ego (after Morgan) _ . Eastern Cherokee kinship affinities (after Morgan)____-_____________ Western Cherokee kinship consanguines: Male ego (after Morgan) ___ . Western Cherokee kinship consanguines: Female ego (after Morgan) _ . Western Cherokee kinship affinities (after Morgan)_________________ MmiatherspmMatrilimealiimes sts cee ea eae et . Balance of marriage exchanges between clans_____________________-_ . Seating in the Cherokee Council House (diagram) __________________ (Heizer) . Whaling methods in the North Pacific and Bering Sea (map) -----_-_- . Whaling scenes as represented by native artists____________________ . Whaling scenes according to native Eskimo artists___._____________ . South Alaskan lance-heads of ground slate________._______________-_ . Ordinary whale harpoon and poison harpoon with hinged barbs______ (Jenness) Subdivisions of the Carrier Indians, British Columbia (map)_-______ Diagrammatic plan of old Carrier village tse’kya, ‘‘Rock-foot,’”’ beside the Hagwilgate Canyon on the Bulkley River, British Columbia__- 486 peas J At r \ i t ; 4h WPA yon q y LS : wil ae Th : I dee } : laa patil 4 V - SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 133 Anthropological Papers, No. 19 A Search for Songs Among the Chitimacha Indians in Louisiana By FRANCES DENSMORE a) ae, | AMI in ie ie ANGE is un in ge a ea AS wh De } brik ri pen we le uit i 1) We r hy aN ny "e N i l4 4 : Pp I eee Smee i Fe acta ‘ i hk! f iy! se Ora! hike ‘ie uv nt ; . t i Ai fey at i Mt ; a _nottirom Haein. of me Aah Drain copie ae ein EEG Ba ollie Ua as * ) ii ; ae “i rot laiyetbna my Ag 1 : i ¥ i ; 4} lina quai aia yt pag cn “i do : r \ i : } 4 i Wi i iy ns af ) i : ( Been Ne MOe artes Wr MR auton wa Basle Ani Tare F ‘i Dim \ Mei cal 3 4 i j i ah i ry i if i ; . ‘ us y ie Hy na ‘ iy i well y ut Sane pile a «it i 1 oe Vi \y A r wai) bh J + het Ty ire i san : z A ; i abe sie cibhebtisee Heeabeticetlcai tin ee Pape tine oni Vy { ’ ‘ ih er 1 1 cA ae or ee Bitin Maoh ; / iy ‘i an ‘ WA i j 1) f am hin i i, i ! ; aK vn " ‘ ph i v) | ; i \ Mn HM r i] i : ‘4 \ nt? 1 if + i Sa ae , mate i Piri ieee bie I) eae \ er 1 t iS ea | i) TAAL ; i th Pe mth VM a ed ; Lia mat Ar hoe ‘hid , ens Vy yi. ae oy), a ri ty ‘3 A! x hi f ie iy i Tn) Pan tin Ae? ar) Aes h Py pats re ne ra | ie Lag nang at r ist fe Hy Woes ai CONTENTS PAGE CMe hitimmeCna tmiDeu. it et ah se Eee ey a bc tl fe esa 5 LLL EE RE TIES) 05 Bet EE) Me May Sa eRe AN al 2 gh PS ie sty See lg Ae an Age BI 6 Reminiscences by benjamin Pauli sss ile! ie kus Oe Se 8 Concerning his grandmother, who was a medicine woman____-__-___~-- 8 IRGsi nwt cube medicine Man oo. ole ee yee A ie i 2 haa 9 Boretellineatheshighiwateninwdes2 222. 22 ee nee ee ee a eee 10 ibheseustom. ah blessing thie seed) corn__ 22 --- 3-2 ee ease ee 10 The medicine man who brought snow and ice__________-___-__-__- 10 Beliefs concerning the wild canary and the woodpecker__-__---_-----.--- 11 Megends relateduby, benjamin iPanliie. A745 Son Gh See 12 Pbhevorieim Ofuhestiite sae tes ot es ee tea ee hee Sie ee 12 Pie wue winevor sue direst piIroguele: 22 see 9 oe ee Se 12 ihevoldvcauple than burned into bears! 22. 4- 2 2. Le 2 ee ee 13 bas foldicouple thatwurned into deer: 4) o/ie. 2222 eel. pe 14 Masee linen Usimohesis foe. ieee: i eins Si0n) we sees ody eB wiles Loser tee i geiee 14 eae timer cipede yeah NUS sya alos) ge faa Lg Ler aes eek RN 15 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES 1. 1, Bayou Teche. 2, Pirogue beside Bayou Teche__-__-_-------------- 16 2. 1, Benjamin Paul. 2, Christine Paul, wife of Benjamin Paul-_-_------ 16 3. 1, Benjamin Paul’s house. 2, Delphine Decloux’s house___---------- 16 4. 1, Delphine Decloux. 2, Live oak in Delphine Decloux’s yard_-----_- 16 A SEARCH FOR SONGS AMONG THE CHITIMACHA INDIANS IN LOUISIANA By FRANCES DENSMORE THE CHITIMACHA TRIBE Two derivations are suggested for the name of this tribe. Dr. J. R. Swanton states (in correspondence) that the name may be derived from sheti, their name for Grand River, and imasha, “it is theirs,” or “they possess,” transmitted through the Choctaw. Gats- chet attributes the origin of the term to Choctaw, chuti, “cooking pot,” and imasha, “they possess,” the name meaning “they have cook- ing vessels” (Handbook, 1907, pt. 1, p. 286). “At the present day they call themselves Pantc pinanka’nc, ‘men altogether red’” (Swan- ton, 1911, p. 337). Dr. Albert S. Gatschet says: The Chitimacha came into notice soon after the French settled Louisiana, through the murder by one of their men of the missionary St. Cosme on the Mississippi in 1706. This was followed by protracted war with the French, who compelled them to sue for peace, which was granted by Bienville on condition that the head of the murderer be brought to him; this done, peace was concluded. [Gatschet in Handbook, 1907, pt. 1, p. 286.] Swanton states: This peace was concluded late in 1718.... When we first get a clear view of the whole Chitimacha territory we find them divided into two sections, one living on the Mississippi or the upper part of Bayou La Fourche, the other on Bayou Teche and Grand Lake. It is possible, of course, that this second division was the result of a reflux from the Mississippi in later times, but the Chitimacha themselves maintain that they have lived there always. ... In 1784 we learn that there was a village of about 27 warriors on the La Fourche and two others on the Teche. One of the latter was under Fire Chief, .. . and was 10 leagues from the sea, while the other, under Red Shoes, was a league and a half higher up. ... The La Fourche band is probably the same that settled later at Plaque- mine and of which one girl is said [1907] * to be the sole survivor. The remnants of the Teche band are located at Charenton, where they are still to be found. This tribe was officially recognized by French and Spanish governors of Louisi- ana and its territorial integrity guaranteed. An act of June 19, 1767, signed by Gov. W. Aubry, recognizes the Chitimacha nation and orders the commandant at 1 Swanton, John R., in correspondence. 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burn, 133 Manchac to treat their chief with respect. Another act, under signature of Gov. Galvez, at New Orleans, September 14, 1777, commands the commandant and other subjects of the Spanish Government to respect the rights of these Indians in the lands they occupy and to protect them in the possession thereof. .. . The material culture of this tribe was similar in most respects to that of the Indians along the lower Mississippi. It was distinguished from them principally by the increased importance of food obtained from the waters and the decreased importance of food from land animals. If we may trust the early French writers, the Chitimacha and other coastal tribes were less warlike and more cowardly than the tribes higher up the Mississippi. Their houses were like those of their neighbors, i. e., they consisted mainly of palmetto leaves over a framework of poles, and like them, the houses of the chiefs were larger than those of the common people. According to Benjamin Paul, there was a smoke hole, which could be closed when the weather was bad, but, if this feature was ancient, it constituted a distinct advance on the Mississippi houses usually represented, which are generally without any opening other than the door. [Swanton, 1911, pp. 342-345. An extended consideration of the his- tory, mythology, and customs of the Chitimacha is presented in pp. 337-361, and pls. 22-31. A comparison of the language with that of certain other tribes is pre- sented in Swanton, 1919.] Gatschet states: In their aboriginal state the [Chitimacha] tribe supported themselves mainly by vegetable food; but they also ate the products of the hunt, which consisted of deer and other smaller animals. The women had to provide for the household by collecting pistaches, wild beans, a plant called kfipinu (kaéntak in Ché’hta), and another called woman’s potatoes, the seed of the pond-lily (a4kta), grains of the palmetto, the rhizoma of the common Sagittaria, and that of the Sagittaria with the large leaf, persimmons (plaquemine in Creole, ninu in Shetimasha), wild grapes, cane seed, and sficcfi [soco] (guspi in Shetimasha) [the muscadine]. They also planted, to some extent, maize, sweetpotatoes, and, after the arrival of the whites, wheat; or procured these articles by exchanging their home-made baskets for them. The fishing in the lakes and bayous was done by the women, men, and boys; not with nets, but only with hook and line. They fished at night just as often as during daytime. [Gatschet, 1883, p. 152.] The Chitimacha have intermarried with the Acadian French until small trace of Indian ancestry remains in their appearance. They take pride in the fact that they have never married among the Negroes. DETAILS OF FIELD WORK In January 1933 the writer visited the Chitimacha to ascertain whether any songs remained among them. This was part of a survey of Indian music in the Gulf States, made possible by a grant from the National Research Council, whose aid is gratefully acknowledged. About 50 Chitimacha live in or near Charenton, La., a village in St. Mary’s Parish about 17 miles from Franklin and a similar dis- tance from Baldwin. This is the region known as the Evangeline country and the Indians, as stated, have intermarried with the Acadian French. The village is located on Bayou Teche and is AnTHROP. Pap. No.19] CHITIMACHA INDIANS—DENSMORE 7 picturesque with old live oak trees from which the moss hangs in long festoons (pl. 1). The study of the Chitimacha continued about a week, the writer and her sister, Margaret Densmore, staying in Franklin and going out to Charenton by automobile. On arriving at Charenton, an inquiry was made for the home of Benjamin Paul, recognized as chief of the Chitimacha.? His house (pl. 3, fig. 1) was not far from the center of the village and was of cypress, unpainted and weathered to a soft gray. A large yard was between the house and the road. The fence was unpainted, like the house, and the gate hung by Jeathern hinges. Benjamin Paul (pl. 2, fig. 1) was found sitting in a comfortable chair on the porch of his house with his hat on and his hands folded on top of his cane, looking toward the gate as though expecting visitors. He showed no surprise, and said that a little bird had told of our coming. He said the bird was “a kind of canary” and always foretold the approach of strangers. The bird had predicted our coming several weeks before and Paul had mentioned it to his wife, saying that someone was coming from the west to see him. His wife said that the previous day he told her that the bird had given its peculiar note again, facing toward the west. The bird always faced in the direction from which the strangers would come, and we approached from Texas, where the music of the Alabama had been studied. Benjamin Paul was about 64 years of age, gentle in manner and frail in health. His eyesight was almost gone. Other students have visited him, desiring to know more of the history and language of this interesting and disappearing tribe. He was said to be the only person surviving who could speak the language fluently. He pointed to a huge live oak tree beside his house and said that he had lived in the house since the tree was a sapling. Wild pecan and other trees were in the yard. Back of the house was the bayou, the ground sloping down to the water’s edge. The interior of the house was of wide cypress boards, beautiful in their grain and mellowed to a soft color. A fire was burning in the wide fireplace in the front room, and there our conversations were generally held. Benjamin Paul’s wife, Christine Paul (pl. 2, fig. 2), and his niece Delphine Decloux (pl. 4, fig. 1), assisted him in giving information.* Delphine lived on adjoining land and her house (pl. 3, fig. 2) resembled Paul’s, with a large live oak in the yard (pl. 4, fig. 2). Beyond Del- phine’s was the home of her brother Ernest Dardin, who had taken the 2 Benjamin Paul was recognized unofficially as the chief of the remnant of the band, al- though Gatschet stated that the Chitimacha “have abandoned the tribal organization since the death of their chief, Alexander Dardin, in April 1879” (Gatschet, 1883, p. 149). 3 Pauline Paul, of Charenton, La., stated in December 1940 that Benjamin, Paul died October 15, 1934 ; Delphine Decloux died January 27, 1940; and Christine Paul died June 19, 1940. 405260—43 ) a“ 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut, 133 responsibility of tribal affairs since the old chief had been in failing health. Ernest Dardin was deeply interested in the education of the children and a room in his house was fitted as a schoolroom. These three families were the nucleus of the band. They were nearest to the old customs yet they wanted the younger generation to progress in the white man’s way. Others, though known as Chitimacha, were more French than Indian and it was considered useless to question them. The basketry of the Chitimacha has been encouraged and made profitable through the interest of white friends in the vicinity, and the best basketmakers were in the little group of Benjamin Paul’s relatives. (Concerning the basketry of the Chitimacha, see Swanton, 1911, pp. 347, 348, and pls. 23-30.) Benjamin Paul remembered customs that pertained to music but said that he “never was a singer and did not learn the songs.” The women of his household were questioned, and they, too, did not know any of the old songs. Mrs. Dardin, a relative who was at Benjamin Paul’s house during the inquiry, recalled that her grandmother used to sing to the children but they “just laughed at her.” Thus, the old songs of the Chitimacha have disappeared forever. This is the first locality visited by the writer in which this condition has been found. (The research has continued from 1907 to the present time.) From the information given by Paul, however, it was possible to reconstruct some of the musical customs of the Chitimacha which were similar to the customs in other tribes. He related legends and indicated the points at which songs were formerly sung. REMINISCENSES BY BENJAMIN PAUL CONCERNING HIS GRANDMOTHER, WHO WAS A MEDICINE WOMAN The paternal grandmother of Benjamin Paul was a medicine woman and skilled in the use of herbal remedies. She wanted to transfer this knowledge to him but died before he was old enough to receive it. As a child he sometimes went with her when she gathered herbs but was not allowed to watch her. It is a custom of medicine men or women to sing when gathering their herbs and he could hear her singing softly at her work. (Concerning this custom among the Menominee, see Densmore, 1932, p. 119.) Swanton, in his extended consideration of the Chitimacha states: Medicines were owned by certain individuals reputed to be skillful in the cure of this, that, or the other ailment—being native specialists, in other words. These might be men or women, and it is said to have been customary for them to keep their methods of treatment a profound secret until they were ready to die or give up practice, when they confided them to whoever was to succeed them. Thus Benjamin Paul’s grandmother was a snake doctor, and claimed to cure snake bites of all kinds. She had communicated to Benjamin Paul her manner of treat- ANTHROP. Par. No.19] CHITIMACHA INDIANS—DENSMORE 9 ing rattlesnake bites, but he did not feel at liberty to reveal it. All knowledge of her other remedies had died with her. She also had a reputation in cases of blindness, and was reputed to have cured patients given up by white physicians. [Swanton, 1911, p. 351.] Benjamin Paul said that on one occasion he went with his grand- mother to get a certain root for a very sick person.* This root was used only as a last resort, and in order to be effective it must be pulled from the ground, not dug, and it must not be broken. The medicinal part of the root grows horizontally from the main root and is about 14 inches long. His grandmother pulled the root and it broke so suddenly that she fell on her back. Weeping she said, “There is no hope.” Paul said, “Let me dig it,” and she replied, “It is no use. The root broke.” Paul begged to be allowed to try, so she let him take her knife and he dug some of the root. His grandmother treated the patient with this root and he began to improve. Thus encouraged, she gathered more of the root and the patient recovered. POSTIYU, THE MEDICINE MAN One of the last medicine men among the Chitimacha was Postiyu, who lived in the Indian village at Plaquemine Bayou. Benjamin Paul was about 10 years old when Postiyu used to come to his father’s house to visit. Sometimes he stayed around the village for 6 weeks. The people gave him food, and sometimes he prepared his own food, parching corn in the ashes and pounding it in a mortar until he had fine meal for his sofki. All the children liked him and ran to him. He told them stories and they would do anything for him. The parents said, “Get him anything he wants.” Postiyu had a drum and used to sing war songs, corn harvest songs, and all sorts of songs, but the people only laughed at his singing. Paul remembered this distinctly. Only one form of Postiyu’s magic is remembered. Paul said that Postiyu could make any horse win or lose a race. If he was bribed with whisky when a race was in progress, he would do anything. For that reason many men would not enter their horses in a race if he was around. His method of making a horse win a race was not described but he often made horses lose by the following procedure: He strewed crumbs of dry wood, like hackberry wood, across the track. The horse saw the fragments of wood and mistook them for a log that he must jump over, so he lost time and lost the race. Postiyu had a nephew and he used to tell the boy to do this or that. One day the boy refused, saying “That’s a humbug.” So Postiyu took his nephew over to the bayou and said, “Take a good gun for I am going to send you to get a bear.” Together they crossed ‘Narratives by Benjamin Paul are presented as nearly as possible in his own words, except for changes from the first to the third person. 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy, 138 the bayou. Postiyu made a rotten hackberry tree look like a bear and the boy was so frightened that he climbed a tree. Then Postiyu shot the rotten tree with his old rifle and said to the boy, “You see that you can’t kill even a rotten tree. What would you do if a real bear came along?” FORETELLING THE HIGH WATER IN 1882 At the age of about 18, Benjamin Paul went into the woods and cooked for a logging camp. The men were getting logs ready to “float.” One day he saw some ants working in the trunk of a tree about 10 feet above the water. A bug came out of the bog and went up as high as the ants. At noon Paul showed this to his uncle, saying, “Hurry and fix a way to take out the timber for we will have high water.” His uncle said, “How can that be? The paper did not say we would have high water.” Paul said, “The water will be so high,” indicating the height of the ants in the tree. “How do you know?” asked his uncle, and Paul replied, “I saw the sign in Red River.” The water rose so high that it came into his house, high on the bank of Bayou Teche. This was the earliest high water remembered in the region, and there was no high water again until 1927. Paul still lives in the house, which shows the mark of the high water on both the outer and inner walls. The mark inside the house is about level with the windowsill. THE CUSTOM OF BLESSING THE SEED CORN In old times each family kept its own seed corn, which was “blessed” by the chief before being planted. Alex Dardin was the jast chief who followed this custom and he died the year that Ben- jamin Paul was born, but the old people showed Paul the motion of the “blessing” and the dance connected with it. The chief also blessed the harvest before any of the grain was eaten. The same custom was observed with the first fish or game of the year. A boy was not allowed to taste the first fish or game he secured until it had been “blessed.” THE MEDICINE MAN WHO BROUGHT SNOW AND ICE A Chitimacha medicine man, long ago, knew how to “make magic” and destroy the crops in the fields. The “beard” of the wild turkey was used in this magic which brought snow and ice. The turkey, like the eagle, was believed to have magic power and neither bird was killed by the Chitimacha. Benjamin Paul related an instance of this man’s power. After the white people came among the In- dians they had a fine crop. The medicine man said, “I will freeze the AnTHROP. Pap, No.19] CHITIMACHA INDIANS—DENSMORE 11 white people’s crop.” The white missionary said, “No; that will make it hard for everybody.” The medicine man took the beard of a wild. turkey, “did something with it,” and next day the crops were frozen. This happened in June. The missionary went to that medicine man and said, “See; everybody is having a bad time.” The medicine man replied, “Well, I have done it now.” The conditions were so bad that the white people had to send to the “old country” for food, and help the Indians. Paul added, “So the old Indians did not teach those tricks to the half-breeds.” BELIEFS CONCERNING THE WILD CANARY AND THE WOODPECKER Benjamin Paul said, “Those who know our language can under- stand what the birds say. They are very tame.” He understands the notes of two birds and “talks with them.” One is “a kind of wild canary”® that foretold the arrival of the writer. (See p. 7.) The other is a large woodpecker that foretells rain or approaching danger, especially danger from a snake. At such times its warning note is “chuee’, chuee’.” Before a rain this bird often makes a sound like “kering’ kering’.” This sounds like pounding on a board. Long ago the woodpecker used to make its nest in the houses and the chil- dren were forbidden to touch the nests. When the bird made its sound “kering’, kering’,” the old people said, “The bird is building a house.” Another of its notes is like pulling out a nail, and as a sign of good luck or approval it says, “keee’ suya.” The chief function of the woodpecker is to warn of rain. In ex- planation it was said that the big woodpecker “would not go into the barge, or houseboat, at the time of the flood.” He stayed up in the sky and his feet became very cold. As a result, his feet ache in cold, wet weather. When rain is coming he gives a call like “kwi- kéke’.” “If you are on the water and hear this call you had better land and camp for there will be rain the next day.” As an example of a warning by the woodpecker, Paul said that once he went with his aunt and grandmother to gather berries. After picking some they saw a tempting berry on the top of a high bush. The woodpecker warned Paul of danger. His aunt approached from 5 “A small yellow bird, called tcintc, said to be the wild canary, was able to talk with human beings and foretell the weather. Another bird able to converse with men is a bird called ki’nsnu, which appears as cold weather approaches. [Paul stated further that] “While the flood prevailed the redheaded woodpecker (cuc-ka’kénism6n) hooked his claws into the sky and hung there.’ The water rose so high that his tail was partly submerged and sediment deposited upon it by the disturbed waters marked it off sharply from the rest of the body as it is today. After the sea had subsided considerably this bird was sent to find land, but after a long search he came back empty-handed. Then the dove was sent and returned with a single grain of sand”’ (Swanton, 1911, pp. 354, 357-358). 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 133 the other side and he told her of the bird’s warning but she said, “Ha! You and your bird!” As she touched the berry, a snake bit her. The grandmother came but was so frightened that she could not see the herb toapply. This is a plant with a white root that resembles the rattles of a snake. Although Paul was young, he knew this herb and said, “Here it is.” He took the fresh plant down to a lake, crushed and moistened it, and put it in his handkerchief. He took it to his grandmother who applied it to the snake bite, covering it with s bandage. This was in the nature of first aid. A white doctor was consulted and said the treatment could not be improved. Then the woman was treated by an Indian doctor and completely recovered. LEGENDS RELATED BY BENJAMIN PAUL THE ORIGIN OF THE FLUTE A boy sat wishing that he could make music on a piece of cane, when the supreme deity * came by, disguised as a traveler. The boy gave deer meat to the deity, who showed him how to make a flute of cane and burn the holes with sharp pieces of hot wood. The flute had four holes on top and one underneath. Later he came by again and the boy had made the flute but did not know how to play on it. The deity showed him how to make music on it. Concerning the musical instruments of the Chitimacha, Swanton writes as follows: For musical instruments they used a horn made of cane or reed, a drum, and an alligator skin. The drum was made in ancient times by stretching a deerskin over the top of a large clay pot, but later the end of a hollow log took the place of the pot. Alligator skins were prepared by first exposing the [dead] alligator to ants until all of the softer parts had been eaten out and then drying the skin. Musie was made by scratching this with a stick. [Swanton, 1911, p. 350.] THE MAKING OF THE FIRST PIROGUE The canoe used by the Chitimacha was a dugout, commonly called a pirogue. It is said that the knowledge of how to make the pirogue was given to the Chitimacha by their supreme deity (designated as God by the informant), who took six Indians into the woods and showed them how to fell a cypress tree by burning the trunk. After the tree had fallen he showed them how to secure a section of the right length by lighting fires under the log, and how to shape the ®A connection between the appearance of a plant and its power or medicinal use was noted among the Chippewa. “A class of plants highly valued as medicines are those having a divided tap root supposed to resemble the legs of a man”’ (Densmore, 1928, p. 325). 7 Chitimacha equivalents: The supreme deity, ku’tnahin; the supreme deity when dis- guised as a traveler, ohcuma’ ; cane of which a flute was made, piiya’; a flute, or the sound of a flute or any wind instrument, ha’hpkopig’ ; singing or any music except that of a flute, te’kashonkent. ANnTHROP, Pap. No.19] CHITIMACHA INDIANS—DENSMORE 13 - bottom and ends of the canoe by burning the surface of the log and scraping off the charred wood with a clam shell. A fire was made on top of the log for its entire length in order to make the inside of the canoe, the wood being charred and scraped so the opening would be the right depth and width. A mold of mud was laid along the upper edge of the partly finished canoe so the burning would not go too far down on the side, and the upper edge of the opening was made smooth by careful scraping. The supreme deity showed them how to do all this, so the pirogue “would be useful to the Indians in going from place to place.” It was propelled by a paddle, like that used in other tribes. The pirogue was commonly used by the Chitimacha in 1938, one being seen and photographed on Bayou Teche, back of Delphine Decloux’ house. Her son demonstrated its use by paddling it up and down the bayou. This pirogue (pl. 1, fig. 2) was 14 feet long and about 18 inches wide in the middle, this being the usual size for two people. It was pointed at both ends and sharper at the stern, with a little keel. Larger pirogues would hold 8 or 10 persons. THE OLD COUPLE THAT TURNED INTO BEARS Long ago an old couple raised two nephews. When the boys could talk they called the old people their grandparents. One day the old woman said that she was going into the woods to get some firewood, and she went away. The children were about half grown at that time. Late that evening the boys went to look for their grandmother and instead they saw a bear. ,The younger boy said, “That is not a bear. That is grandmother.” He wanted to go to her but the older boy said, “No, let her alone.” The children went home and said to the old man, “We saw grandmother but she was hairy. The face and ears were grandmother’s but her body was hairy.” Soon afterwood the old man went for wood. Next morning the children went for wood and saw a bear that ran from them. Later the old woman came back, and again she went for wood. The children sought her a second time and saw only a bear. Both children cried, and the older boy began to sing a song so they would forget the change in their grandmother. It was said that each song occurring in the stories had a different melody, though none was remembered. Three times the grandparents went away, returned and found that the children had been all right without them. Then they went away a fourth time and never came back. They did this so the children would become self-reliant and able to make their own living. 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 Benjamin Paul said that a family called He’kaaton cannot eat bear meat because their ancestors turned into bears, and Swanton (1911, p. 854) states that some of the old-time Indians “would not eat bear meat because they thought the bear was related to human beings.” Swanton also states (in correspondence) that hé’kx-atxkon was a name for the medicine man or shaman.” Two names were ap- plied to these men, as it is said that: Duties connected with the supernatural were performed by a class of priests or shamans called katemi’c in the language of the common people, but hé’k:x-atxkon by the nobility. There was at least one in every village, each of whom was accompanied by an apprentice who took his place when he died. A very famous hé’kx-atxk06n lived at Graine 4 Volée cove, but after his death the institution was abandoned. [Swanton, 1911, pp. 351, 352.] THE OLD COUPLE THAT TURNED INTO DEER An old couple lived in the woods, as in the preceding story, and the old woman went away every evening. Once she did not come back and the man said, “What has become of my wife?” It was too late for him to search for her that night so he waited until morning. Then he saw something in the woods and said, “That looks like my wife. The nose and ears are hers.” But when she saw that he recognized her, she ran away. The man sang a sad song with the words, “My wife went away like a deer.” (Here occurred a song.) The next spring he did as his wife had done, going into the woods and changing into a deer. Then the oldest daughter sang a sad song which no one remembers at the present day. A few months afterward the old couple returned and they were hairy, like deer. One of the children asked, “How did this happen 2?” They replied, “We had to have deer hair on our bodies.” The oldest daughter said, “That is queer.” Then she sang a sad song which, like the others, is now forgotten. Each of these songs has its own words and melody. When the old couple went back into the woods they never returned. Their descendants cannot eat the meat of the deer. MISCELLANEOUS NOTES If a man kills a snake “a big snake will fight him all night.” Such a man cannot treat those who have been bitten by snakes. If an infant holds its hands to the fire to warm them, it is a sign of cold weather. If you had a watermelon patch, an Indian would imitate a crippled dog and go into the melon patch. You would see the motion among the vines and say, “What is that dog doing in my yard?” In this way the Indian would locate the best melons in the daytime, then he would hide in the vines and carry away the melons at night. ANTHROP. Pap. No.19] CHITIMACHA INDIANS—DENSMORE 15 LITERATURE CITED DENSMORE, FRANCES. 1928. Uses of plants by the Chippewa Indians. 44th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1926-27, pp. 275-397. 1932. Menominee music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 102. GATSCHET, ALBERT S. 1882-83. The Shetimasha Indians of St. Mary’s Parish, Southern Louisiana. Trans. Anthrop. Soc., vol. 2. (Paper read before the 70th regular meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington, May 1, 1883.) HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIANS NORTH OF MEXICO. 1907-10. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 30, pt. 1, 1907; pt. 2, 1910. Frederick Webb Hodge, ed. SWANTON, JOHN R. 1911. Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and adjacent coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 48. 1919. A structural and lexical comparison of the Tunica, Chitimacha, and Atakapa languages. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 68. Reteh oein eh iads piu gt & ce “4, mae RE Galle Hii eee a ee ; een He i PTO ‘en ADEE hee SE EG a BLP ety Ma oS; SESS ee eb Wes + wae TO RG ES ii rae a Pinas hes, ied ase ce YARNS, Clack hb ae ata if fade vente eae Ade Iai jure ; Seal ee me vere bis Ft : nt As Aly, & ce pee Cate oy i ¥ he : y 4 x ‘ ra) Hig hy f mK < Jk 7 AG 3" ae et MON ee amar Th i il un f PON ERS <4 f oA ! tr i , ereyas nee Digi ah 4 wy Berra ira eet a eet “ Ee. Wi ’ ny me Ve ae . ms he a < at i” “Ah yey =) - , : a: ; epee bs i a i < eis eel +, \ FS 7 iy ¥ ‘ rs. ri 2 3! or alee AAD STN ; j ; 5 : te ; ; ‘ ' “ Poe Net i pee PARA eke sn) DUAL, POR ae OO LP tie \ bpp sikh ‘ er ‘ HY \ i COMBE STAT A Sh 2. ig aan ie! Tae ee, ie Ay Pa Onan Fa eye ry ae ; ( | : ie ; : ue Reales a fe. Nig ne RE Sy: } } at i a) At Sagas {Ut a Ae a eee ‘ieghae 4 aT ve soelie! Sitka ihe ait Hy se hades # a ’ ~ oa as: ee fi ies hy eM Ae ar re +4), : si Ag oe hither wht va ati ci ethan ve ia j AVA aC iit i sh orn ie See Pa \ fe hee Dy das Ge. av) ieoyh RA, oy Oey fm eee re eye ai a ie “ at they sd 4 ee? he ee Pi ‘ iis Siig, Suh a 4 an ine bie seal * w ’ a Ne ‘ | . bet ; é ; ' ' = is) ' e i vi pm . d 4 we , > 4 GY 1 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERIN 133) PEAIE 1 l- BAYOU TECHE: 2. PIROGUE BESIDE BAYOU TECHE. “1NWd NINVENAG AO 34IM “1NVd ANILSIYHD *Z “TNWd NINVENAg *1 Satvid se) NELARAINS ASOTIONHLA NYOIMAWY AO NVaeNa BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEEE TRING Sse PEeARE, 3 + 1. BENJAMIN PAUL’S HOUSE. 5) 2. DELPHINE DECLOUX’S HOUSE. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 133 PLATE 4 i. BEEPHINE, DECLOUX: 2. LIVE OAK IN DELPHINE DECLOUX'S YARD. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 133 Anthropological Papers, No. 20 Archeological Survey on the Northern Northwest Coast By PHILIP DRUCKER With Appendix Early Vertebrate Fauna of the British Columbia Coast By EDNA M. FISHER 17 CONTENTS PAGE Acknowledgments. -.-._---------- MBLs te Pee 2 yey es eh Mee EM EG Uk Aha, eye Byte ety Mesto et 21 Hin brOGUCtIOME a tas wie Mee ee ee SE a ew Bie eS eet es leak Sat paee 23 sheshistoric period == 22 2 .= — eh oe ee ee ak a el oe em eh et 25 Tribal distributions on the northern British Columbia coasts _ - - ~~ -- 28 eneland and she people= 222) Bemei see NV Pascoe cee ek se 28 Artifacts fromither Northwest, Coastescs eee a ee se oe ye 34 SSSR VV ra Soo capes Sa FE A es eee. SEL eae 62 Coast Tsimshian sites: Prince Rupert district_-____.__-___-______-- 63 PAINT Ura ee S12 7) Cee oere se allan bl eA DIA Ne et olcale) Seas NUE ae mie RSA Et ohne ee 63 (ar ESM Ora Geek ee eater aan) a die reed CN Me MAR 67 Other sitessinithe) brincesupertidistricte. 2 ses es eee ee 71 Sobihenme@o as ties iran slot eh rye eee ae aah a aed teh eee ene Ae 73 Cap ope rs Ul Keene 0s tee) Oe) Mer seayc athe Sees ahs oh wll Ame ve TE AS eee 73 OtherisoutherniCoasteEsimshianisitess- "22-4 e 2-2) ee ee Ee 80 Heltsuk: (Northern kMwakiutl)vsites 22 2222.2) 29) .'= ou Ce 80 Khutze Anchorage- ----- Su ken Ml Poh eet 8 la hey yin eee Pao faye 81 ROS COeMEATetabraTIG deel ah ale Que tee th Nee DN ed Se vo es 81 Artiiaets from ioscoesniet (LAM 2 bes. ae Oe Bi ee 90 TEGH US TPE NAIUE {cet Bel sey aan Ane ae D NMBA, Mies aie i pads 5 elie cide sea 92 Kynumpt Harbors 2535.52 Syn aati pat id ah ey dM Ne Minin dda 98 SchagHer Passage) bers is § ny oy fe sa ets Aaa Siew wt, apt elles 98 SlLes LOCApEa ANG TEpOrveG mak aus eae a ele ore rene wee 104 SOUpRermey aA Kilt Perri tory ss see ere WEE AE Se ei ek Ae eee 106 WG HCW ATVACHISTOMS Shots s Sine ew stl ste et Ae Tn ee eS 107 Oihenarcheolowic renege cs se men te oe Se ANE ee Ri eR 109 Results Of theslOSS SUnVey Mu tet na emia ed see Uae OIE Aes 110 Niaterialssrecovereduine laser ess foe aetna 2m ky eM eoe ereeee 111 PC CTOLC HEELERS Aue om a Lat me sie me SM OU ten Nemes SIME Musee ghee Ty ate i118} ETE VAGUS VESUIo A IONE Site lit. ise Tate nae 8 a) chet Oe alla DENT) Soe ey 2 Nn 115 Distributions of elements on the northern Northwest Coast-_------------ 123 PAGANO ErTIRAS eC tam mann snes Net Ulne hee reat ne EN eae er ra 125 The Milbanke-Queen Charlotte Sound aspect_______-_------------ 125 The Straits of Georgia-Puget Sound aspect_--______-------------- 126 Culturerof the! Wraser-Columbia Basins2)oyo20 22 92 bo reel Nami 127 LTE BVT G LESTE OUNS tan A, ge gel ey SLs hs MP kl ig a Oe fe pe 129 Appendix A. Early vertebrate fauna of the British Columbia coast, by TDs tak. WW (TOTES cS) gy ee be IR alg yt A te Me ape a isha aN ae ae RANE Ld aac 133 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES Sy leumshbian sites... oo = Ue ee EE ee ee 132 Guticwakiutlsitess2= 22 fis sou. Se a ee ee 132 7s SELOUBE TEMOINS 2 25 2 4 4s a eee ea a BG ee ln ee 132 8: Burials. 2 52 ie oe Rd a tS Sea gs Si a 132 0... Miscellancous Views = 220% 3.4 42co ee sos eee 132 TEXT FIGURES 1. Tribal distribution on the northern Northwest Coast__--____-.--__- 28 2: iy pes of harpoon barbs.2suec0 hoc ee eo eR et te ee 37 S. arpoon points. 2-228 2 ei ee ee ee 38 A. Composite harpoons =: =... 2s Sous Nios ee oe ee 40 5. Fixed bone (or horn) projectile points (class A)_-__-___-____._____- 40 6. Fixed bone (or horn) projectile points (class B)_-__-----.--------_-- 42 7) Ground slate: pomtse. 20. ook ooh ek ae wes Be ee 43 8. Nomenclature of splitting adzess2. = = ee Ses a eee 44 OF Splitting adzes= 2 22 ae =. Dee es lek ee oe a er fi 45 10:4 Celtinomenclatures: 22 205. 22s he ee eee oe 46 Bi i@eltse =< Gee sess Se a Oe ee ed 2 ee 9 ee A 47 2 Stone mais; \hafted. oe <2 22 3 es ee ee 48 Eo-vblandsmauls, stones] 1. 2. So. 22) a koa tS Shes 2k ed 49 MmStone barkishredder 2.2.8 09 5. 205. Uae le td eee er 51 te SlaterDIAdeS 2 hs) feast cc eee ee we te oe oe ee es 53 16. Anian Island midden_----- AU pee LIC ae ge ae ea ek 64 Ne. North face-of pit A; Anian Island: 2 -.'. 2224-5522. 24 Be 65 is. Jetan. heres) Pots 12 i. Us 2h ee Se he ay ee 68 19. Profile of east face of trench 1, Charles Pomt- =~... 24... 34.5508 69 20. ela, Oalahartuke: 2 es os oe ls 74 21. Profile of east face of trench 1, house 9, Qalahaituk_-___-_------------ 75 22) SELOUSe il OLA ATK ee Wee Ek el oo a ee rvs aan avoseoe Inlet, Vi andar fo he 8 Oe SL pis 2 82 24 House 1, Roscoe Inlet; fo eee the ee eee Bie 83 25 Plan, Roscoe Mmilet VAs 2.222 22 tg te 85 26. Profile of east face of trench 1, drain, Roscoe Inlet 1____-----_----- 87 2 Drain; Roscoe Imlet WA. 2b = aa es ee 88 28: Plan, whokiter, Villager." 2G. 0). 03 es ee ee 2 93 29. Profile of south face of trench 1, Kilkitei Village_-_------_-.-------- 94 30. Profile of south face of trench 2, Kilkitei Village___-_______-_------ 95 aie Schooner Passage w= 1228 set a Se ee ee 99 32. Profile of Schooner Passage 2) o2 os) a eee ee 101 33. Pit burials Nos. 3 and 4, Troup Rapids Cemetery------------------ 108 20 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In making this study I became indebted to a number of individuals and institutions for kindnesses which greatly facilitated my work. To all I wish to express my thanks. Spatial limitations preclude men- tioning all these friends, but particular thanks are due to the National Research Council, whose grant made the study possible; to Dr. William Duncan Strong, of Columbia University, whose invaluable advice and criticism guided the research; and to the following museum officers, through whose courtesy collections were made available for study: Dr. Clark Wissler and Mr. N. C. Nelson, of the American Museum of Natural History; Dr. Paul Martin, of the Field Museum of Natural History; Dr. Diamond Jenness, of the National Museum of Canada; Mr. Donald Scott, of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology (Cambridge) ; the staff of the Prince Rupert City Museum; Mr. F. Kermode, of the Provincial Museum of British Columbia; Mr. Frank Setzler, of the United States National Museum; and Mr. T. P. O. Menzies, of the Vancouver (British Columbia) City Museum. To Maj. D. M. MacKay, Com- missioner of Indian Affairs for British Columbia, I am indebted for courteous cooperation, and for permission to visit Indian Reserves under his jurisdiction. Mr. W. A. Newcombe, of Victoria, again gave me the benefit of his knowledge of Northwest Coast ethnography, which is surpassed by none. To Mr. and Mrs. Wearmouth, of Prince Rupert; Mr. and Mrs. J. A. Findlay, of Hartley Bay; and Dr. G. E. Darby and staff, of the R. W. Large Memorial Hospital at Bella Bella, thanks are owing for generous hospitality which made the field research so pleasant. 21 7 P. - 7 ayy hte \" ig My { i‘ 1 ‘ ; an n. mi M cf N ; i na i am , j : i ; i 1 tb ¢ ke Ve ; : 3:2 eee BS “ eae mi . f 2% hl | vy J mi x We Ff hy 4 es # q aa 44 vr nat A 5 { KAS TH) aA Z pid aie 7 | A ¥ ren i j ie i Ys ae j % , ; t ' 1 ¢ ‘ p Bes ae te * ene! ve a ’ zy, AS | OFA he Metis cuit a ae va ee nen ® Lax) Baidobiat aeitatod If whens 2d aay : ie Cran ect fatonifinat Pandera slovitw amesabuta es Oe Cnfietne sbeariosisg ateitationil lebagh ebapty an wen Omi Teton ta Yond ob Gab ote alent tale ipa ig Abie? gash fi: Ct aU, oi: julien ybists silt obecn jcmy ide eave aldhiverie modus yinerinlh mdenilul) t¢ % Nitrest ieeeoeta chs a sivas BRE ROD (Ot Oh Pok har itigiinctony baht EE ne Yok ldalinrs: | Shae elev aol io | bantition amotten, Gakag fa 16h . AS odd, te, ndele’, od sole wnbls Bere: wea Sout vea f apaveaul® hia, ods Lex: perianal foe 2¢- ahaa} ig eon MooUNE Msi ods to e-aanat Frecremattl eck 2 YN — AG! TORU DUKA orl dq ayes i aoa, ANE Be ine | ast, To dts (: og bi: abet s,),) washer dst bes. fe Lee’ asl rag phowmed. : TAA virtueaie y potter betty) eae) To. gal siued ivi aM : andatileoee (gabe sey bold Re esters OG Pe oat bans ahs Ne een aton ty Biman 4 feet iGo ais) {hide ae arp b us oe Seino) dete tot arated. aathok te BE BOY YRC, witsit bal delve, or npleaiiteiad sot Daa .colterqoo7 ier 3 aCe if {uma ow’ to. etic A.W att 4 9k | ytqary sfahts Oy daar to ‘aualiolerocal aid tes PD as sah preren TF aie Bik ae OD. west icf Daas “bay pee ralinelh: he ‘ptr ak a padt bie ait % yh faliqault ‘Litionalé aytnt iW Soitide Hata Site dial a ‘ poet dtoistie Nicki eats an 4) gedie ueioeateten) onk si ae cto 11% Rice Pe : te ; rea Fy oa Tos " ny ah ie x ¥ vy ae . aN ’ ay, by ihe ¥; viii Sra Ay ; aia eh en Ea oh Ri eos? Vaan halen 4 PRS WIP WivhPO)) ea me Bae hia 55 Oy ais OP NaS tf fee le ae mi ee wr ch wy 4) , ic £4 He Pi ray) ve a 2 A a ' ' re Ae } ‘ F ya r = Maing be ine’ Oh by opr oy s ier e f ee , AT BR mC TR eb ig day oe ue J | F ~ i ' : ; / a $a f , a ° \ < =) 5 iz Sto - H ‘ei ¥ ( we 4 . it) A i, he ee Ge aE . { no's ee al erie | ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY ON THE NORTHERN NORTHWEST COAST? By PHILIP DRUCKER INTRODUCTION This paper has a twofold aim, first to present the results of an archeological survey in the northern British Columbia coast in 1938, and second to attempt to integrate the various materials, published accounts, and museum collections, relating to Northwest Coast archeology. The Northwest Coast, so well studied by ethnographers and linguists, has been grievously neglected as a field for archeological research, despite the fact that numerous features of custom and myth point to strong relationships with Eskimo cultures on the one hand and those of northeast Asia on the other, and raise intriguing prob- lems of historical development. The reasons for this neglect stem from the belief that the coastal sites are small and few, that they are poor in artifactual material, and that much of what material they con- tain is so poorly preserved owing to climatic conditions as to be irrecoverable. Actually, along the entire coast, sites, consisting of middens of occupational debris on which the villages stood, are both numerous and large. Their artifact content is not high, compared, for example, to that of Eskimo sites, and the lack of pottery is a handicap to survey and stratigraphic testing, but the fact remains that they do contain a moderate per-yard quantity of artifacts, and that objects of bone and horn, and even pieces of wood, are well preserved even in the deepest of the _ per- petually damp levels. Human skeletal material, too, can be recovered. Archeological research in the area is not only desirable but entirely practicable. It is hoped that this summary of available data, incomplete as it must necessarily be, will stimulate further investigations on the Northwest Coast and thus lead to an under- standing of the historical processes involved in the development of 1 The research on which this study is based was made possible by a fellowishp from the National Research Council. Typing and drafting for this paper was done by personnel of Works Projects Administration Official Project No. 65—08—3-—30, Unit A—15. 405260—43——3 23 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bubt, 133 the complex, and in many respects unique, civilization found by the first European explorers to touch on these shores. It may be well to make clear that the present work deals primarily with the northern portions of the Northwest Coast culture area, which in its entirety extended from Yakutat Bay in Alaska to the vicinity of Mad River in northern California. Some data from the lower Colum- bia River are drawn on for comparative purposes. This is a some- what arbitrary division, although ethnographic data indicate that this northern section was a unit distinguishable at a considerable series of points from the southern province or subarea composed of the Oregon and northern Californian coasts. So little is known of this southern province archeologically, however, that it is next to impossible to deal with it in conjunction with the distant northern regions.? It is highly desirable that investigations be made throughout the Oregon-Cali- fornia coast, to establish the relationships of the cultures of this dis- trict with the northern ones on the one hand, and those of central California on the other. The survey here described was made during the fall of 1938. Accom- panied by R. K. Beardsley, an undergraduate anthropology stu- det of the University of California, I located and tested a series of midden sites from Prince Rupert to Rivers Inlet (Coast Tsimshian and Northern Kwakiutl territories) and located a number in Southern Kwakiutl territory. The aim of the survey was to apply the direct historical approach to the regional archeology, testing sites which on historic or other evidence were known to have been inhabited during historic times, to define if possible the historic and protohistoric hori- zons, and to set the stage for linking them with, or distinguishing them from, the prehistoric cultures of the area. It was found that the coast sites lend themselves exceptionally well to this method, for because of their considerable size many of them reveal a series of levels underlying the historic ones (identifiable through the occur- rence of contact goods of various sorts) which by reason of their depth must have been laid down in prehistoric times. Conditions are thus extremely favorable for checking possibilities of culture stratigraphy or change. It is only fair to state that in the light of the ethnographically deter- minable diversity of the coastal cultures, and evidence of populational changes (Smith, 19038, p. 190), I feel that the probabilities are quite high that culture change should be manifested in these archeological deposits. While definitive evidence of such change was not found, sug- gestions of it were noted, as will be brought out in a subsequent section. The failure to get conclusive evidence pro or con stratigraphy 2 Such investigations as have been made (see Schumacher, 1877; Loud, 1918, Cressman, 1933) have been at the southern end of the province. AnTHRoP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY——DRUCKER 25 is attributable to the relatively small sampling it was possible to get with a small party on a program that entailed covering a large region. Nonetheless, I am thoroughly convinced that the results obtained justify themselves by proving the possibility of archeological research in the area. More important still, they form a nucleus of carefully col- lected data around which more intensive operations may be built, and with which the scattered, illy documented, but surprisingly numerous lots of specimens in museum collections can be coordinated and evalu- ated. Typologies based on the museum materials as well as those col- lected on the 1988 survey, and distributions of some of the more com- mon types, have, therefore, been included in this paper with the aim of making these materials more easily available to future investiga- tors in Northwest Coast prehistory. THE HISTORIC PERIOD An attempt to apply the direct historical approach to a new archeo- logical field ordinarily must be based on the records of the period of early European contacts, utilizing them to determine tribal distribu- tions and to identify sites. For the Northwest Coast, however, his- toric records are less essential, though of unquestionable value as a check and guide, because of the fact that the native cultures there per- sisted little modified much longer than in many other parts of the New World. The nature and effects of European contacts on the Northwest Coast differed markedly from those in other areas. The chief difference rests in the fact that there have been no major popula- tional movements, voluntary or enforced, since earliest historic times. Even despite the steady numerical decrease of population, and the tendency for survivors of decimated groups to assemble in central or stronger villages, the sites of early historic times (and many of them go well back into the prehistoric period) are not only still known and occasionally utilized, but are also considered the property of the rightful heirs of the past occupants. Most of these sites in British Columbia have been set aside by the Canadian Government as Indian Reserves. Consequently, the identification of historic horizons with ethnically known groups does not constitute anywhere near as difficult a problem as in the Plains or the Southeast. Any tolerably well- informed modern native can tell to what ethnic group, and what division within the group, a given site belongs; indeed, he can ordi- narily point out a number of the older people who were born there. The first important date in Northwest Coast history is that of Cook’s voyage in 1778. Bering and Chirikoff had made landfall on the southeast Alaskan Coast in 1741. In 1774 Perez, and Heceta in 1775, had sailed up from the south and put in at a few places, but the cultural effects of these early voyages could have been only 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 133 infinitisimal. Even Cook’s visit was indirectly rather than directly influential on native life, for it was the sale in Canton of the sea- otter furs his men bought at Nootka Sound that drew the fleets of adventurers to the coast—Hanna in 1785, Dixon, Portlock, Meares, and the rest in 1786, and after them a veritable multitude. In the course of a few years, the seafaring traders had pretty thoroughly combed the coast from the mouth of the Columbia to Prince William Sound. Real exploration culminated in the painstaking surveys of Vancouver, 1792-95. The sailing trade continued for some years, until the golden harvest of sea-otter pelts was exhausted. 1835 may be set as the final date of this first contact era on the coast.* So far as native life is concerned, the sailing trade era affected it but little. True, the people acquired quantities of new material objects—knives, copper kettles, guns, red silk parasols, and the like—and the hunting of fur-bearers undoubtedly came to have a greater importance than formerly, but the ancient patterns of life prevailed with little change. The fact is that these first contacts were of an ephemeral sort. A ship would anchor off a native village, waiting until the people came out with their furs. Often the traders did not go ashore at all; at most they spent but a few days in the vicinity, making sail for another village as soon as it appeared there were no more pelts to be bought. Relations were not always pleasant, of course. The traders were a hard-bitten lot, and some did not scruple to take by force or strategem furs they thought were priced too dear. On the whole, however, the numbers and warlike proclivities of the natives were a constant enough threat to ensure them reasonably good treatment at the traders’ hands. The North- west Coast was never the scene of long and bitter wars of the kind that climaxed Indian-White relationships in most other areas. From the historical ethnologist’s viewpoint, the sailing trade era is tantalizingly sterile. Not only were the trader’s opportunities for observing anything but the most obvious features of native life quite limited, owing to the short and casual nature of the contacts, but only a few of the journals kept are known. Much more valuable are the journals of the two scientific observers, Vancouver and Caamanio, who explored the region with which the present paper is immediately concerned. For our purposes it will suffice to point out that in addition to village-site locations, both accounts show that the tribal distributions at the end of the eighteenth century were the same as those of the more recent ethnographically documented era. Caamafio (1938, pp. 273, 278; compare Garfield, 1939, p. 336) speaks of a “Samoquet” (Tsimshian; sam-6 get, “chief”) in the Nepean ? For a summary of voyages of the early period, see Wagner, 1938, and Howay, 1928. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY——DRUCKER Zt Sound region, called Gitejon (probably a tribal, not a personal, name), and Vancouver (1798, vol. 2, pp. 276, 278) mentions a number of chiefs of the Restoration Cove and Roscoe Inlet vicinity: Keyet (qai’d), Comockshulah, Whacosh (wokas), Amzeet (hamtzid), Nestaw Daws, Moclah (maLo), all good Heiltsuk names. The sailing-ship traders were finally driven off the coast by the Hudson’s Bay Company which, under Simpson, began a vigorous compaign for a monopoly of trade in the region. By 1835 the Com- pany had established Fort Nass (later moved to modern Port Simp- son) in Tsimshian territory, Fort McLoughlin, near the site of the modern village of Bella Bella, and Fort Langley on the Fraser, and was in complete control of the coast from the Columbia north to the Russian-held Alaska. With the leasing of the Russian post on the Stikine in 1840, and the building of another on the Taku, the entire area came into Hudson’s Bay Company’s hands. Under Company rule, a new era came into being. The natives for the first time—save for a few localities such as Nootka, the lower Columbia, and Sitka, where there had been permanent stations for some time—were sub- jected to sustained contacts with Europeans. The increasing im- portance of European goods is reflected in the tendency of the people to move in close to the posts. Important Indian villages grew up at Fort Rupert, Fort McLoughlin, Port Simpson, Massett, etc. At the same time, the Company under its laissez-faire policy did little to interfere with native life. What changes came about were volun- tary adjustments to new materials and new values offered at the trading posts. There appears to have been an actual florescence of native culture. Well supplied with tools, with a new and unlim- ited source of luxury, or wealth goods, native art reached a new peak, and elaborate rituals and festivals came to be everyday rather than occasional occurrences. Even despite the steady shrinking of population, this was a Golden Age. It has only been in recent times, with the coming of the salmon cannery and the missionary, that native culture has been drastically and more or less forcibly altered. Yet through it all, the fact that the Indian has not been torn from his ancestral homeland but has remained in close contact with it has aided him in the difficult period of reassortment of culture patterns. For present purposes, the chief significance of the modern condi- tion of the natives is that it so markedly simplifies the task of identi- fying historic horizons, as previously remarked. There can be little question regarding the exact group to which an historic site is to be referred. Even in the case of places of which we have no docu- mentary notice, reliable ethnographic identifications can be made. 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 TRIBAL DISTRIBUTIONS ON THE NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA COASTS * From ethnographic and historical sources, the following divisions can be mapped out (fig. 1). The Coast Tsimshian held the outer seaboard from the mouth of the Nass to the northern shores of Mil- banke Sound. There were several major divisions of these people: The Northern Coast Tsimshian, consisting of nine “tribes” (really local groups), who fished on the lower Skeena as far up as the cafion in summer and fall, wintered in separate tribal villages along Venn Passage, and held olachon fishing rights at the mouth of the Nass where they went in the spring. There were three southern groups: The Kitkahtla, whose main village is on Porcher Island; the Kitqata (or Hartley Bay) group, of lower Douglas Channel and Nepean Sound; and the Kitasu tribe, of the Laredo Sound vicinity. The inner waterways adjacent to Southern Tsimshian territory were held by Northern Kwakiutl groups; the Xaisla at the heads of Douglas and Gardner Channels, and the Xaihais (“China Hat”) of Poison Cove and Kynoch Inlet. From Milbanke Sound south, the outer coasts were held by groups speaking the Heiltsuk variety of Kwakiut] (also spoken by the Xaihais). These groups cut the Salishan- speaking Bella Coola off from the sea. The southernmost Heiltsuk were those of Rivers Inlet. From Smith Sound south to Cape Mudge, lived the Southern Kwakuitl tribes, on both the mainland and Van- couver Island shores. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE As an introduction to the regional archeology, the salient features of the natural landscape and of the civilization of its native inhabi- tants, at least those features likely to be reflected in archeological findings, may be summarized. The northern British Columbia coasts are extremely rugged. Great mountain ranges rise boldly from the water’s edge to barren crests 2,000, 3,000, and even more thousands of feet above. The coast line is cut by a network of channels and fiords, and dotted with islands, large and small. Heavy glaciation, fol- lowed by general subsidence, is responsible for a great part of this irregularity. Tortuous ironbound coasts are typical of the region. Here and there, one sees a level terrace, a shallow beach, or an alluvial fan at a river mouth, but such places are not frequent. There are hundreds of miles of shoreline but few places to land. The coast ranges have an important climatic effect, acting as a barrier to the sea winds, which are saturated with moisture after * The allocations of tribal territories are based on : Garfield, 1939, pp. 175-177 ; Boas, 1897, pp. 328 ff; and supplementary information obtained by the present writer. 09ZSOvV-O—1¥61: 391440 ONILNIYG IN3WNY3A09 'S ‘4SB0-) WSOMYPION UoyyIOU 9Y4 UO MOTyNqIIy4SIp [8quy—'] guar (8% d seov,y) OW A38NI 1U3dNY JONINd ii 438Ni ¥7738 wI738 ONV"S! = W3LNNH o ONY 7S! N3ivy ONV 1s! Ag9IC ONW 16! W3edNyD ANIOd SVONNG 40 HiNOS ANIOd SYONNG 30 HLYON ONVS! BHOLIW JO LS¥3 ONV IS! ASSYYD 40 HLNON ONY 1S! 1738gIN9 "S| TN3ESIUD 4O 163M ‘SI ABDI ONNOS WVHIYHD ONINIdO LNIOd QN39371 . . Ve A Nae eee r Ve NVIHSWIS4 a 1 a@old A a Re NYSHLYON \g Pe la oe @ n $ % JINVYLNS NOXIG cet, pl! O . * od i AES TF fds 1 008! a LEGEND 7 an Hit i A waanvaense DIXON ENTRANCE NORTHERN COA ret PASSAGE NOI He d, He i TH A iF i li a HEU U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE :1941—0-405260 Ficure 1.—Tribal distribution on the northern Northwest Coast. (Faces p. 28) WVBBATAOK oy ¥ ~ AnrHrop, Pap, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 29 passing over the warm Japanese current offshore. As a consequence, the coast is a region of heavy rainfall and moderate if not warm climate, while just across the mountains, a hundred miles from the outer coasts as a crow flies, dry sub-Arctic conditions prevail. Even at the heads of some of the longer inlets, such as Dean and Douglas Channels, a marked difference may be noted—less rain than on the outer coasts, colder winters and warmer summers, and very obvious floral changes.® Temperature correlates of the prevailing winds emphasize the difference between coast and interior. A southeaster, the storm wind, often of gale intensity, is always accompanied by heavy rain, as are the westerly winds which are common in summer. Offshore winds (north or northeast) are in winter accompanied by clear skies and dry cold. The typical portions of the coast are covered with a dense tangle of forest. Conifers dominate—Douglas fir (Pseudotsuga tawxifolia), Sitka spruce (Picea sitchensis), hemlock (Tsuga heterophylla), red cedar (Thuja gigantea, or plicata), and yellow cypress (Chamaecy- paris nootkatensis). Aside from alders (Alnus oregona, A. sif- chensis), most of the deciduous forms are bushes, many of which are berry producing. Salmonberry, wild currant, red and black huckleberry, and salal are among the more common varieties. They form well nigh impenetrable thickets at the edge of the timber along the shores and stream courses. Once through them, one enters a silent gray realm of moss-covered ground and tree trunks, and jutting rocky slopes. The woods are relatively open, for the trees branch high, but are dank and sunless. So abrupt are the slopes that the precipitation runs off nearly as fast as it falls. Perhaps because of this, there is very little soil. The thick layer of needles and leaves remains half rotted and half leached out, and seems never to form good black earth. Occasional blocked basins contain black icy lakes if they are large, muskeg swamps if they are small. All in all, the woods are grim, forbidding. One need not wonder that the natives were beach dwellers who penetrated the woods but rarely. Dwelling along the shore, they were conveniently situated to exploit the vast aquatic food resources of the area—fish (salmon of five species, herring, olachon, halibut, cod, etc.), mollusks, and, for variety, various marine mammals, and birds. Such land game as was used was “hunted” chiefly by means of traps set along the river banks. The sea even provided some vegetable foods: Several kinds of edible sea weeds were utilized. The important vegetable products, such as berries and roots of one kind and another, could, however, be obtained close to the beach or 5 Data on precipitation, etc., in the area can be found in Koeppe (1931). 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy, 133 river. Thus it was that the people lived at the water’s edge, derived most of their livelihood from the water, traveled waterways in pref- erence to trails, and regulated their activities by the tides quite as much as by daylight and dark. Though there were numerous minor differences of culture between the various groups, a few major trends and patterns were common to all. Economically, dependence was not only on fish, but on species —particularly salmon—seasonly available. This brought about a series of annual movements of each group, for a settlement adjacent to a salmon stream might not be conveniently located for digging clams when the salmon run was over or for the herring fishery, or, in late spring and summer, for halibut fishing and sea-mammal hunt- ing. Each tribe, and often each lineage within the tribe, had a series of sites used at different times during the year. Some ranked as important settlements, while others were little more than camps in use but a short season. Within the territory claimed by each tribe there would, therefore, normally be a considerable number of sites, large and small. Of no little importance is the fact that the chief staple, salmon, could be obtained in great quantity, and was fairly easy to preserve. A surplus could be put up at the fall fishing that would last well through the winter, or to the time of the herring or olachon run. Not only did this almost inexhaustible food source support a dense population, and allow for leisure time in which the native arts could be developed to the peak for which Northwest Coast culture is justly famous, but it permitted the assembling of large groups in the winter villages. In each tribe, lineages returned from their several fishing places to congregate in the winter village for a season of festivity and ceremonial. It was here that carved ornaments and masks and the like were made and used, and here that the great potlatch houses stood. The dwellings of both Tsimshian and Northern Kwakiutl con- formed to the general areal pattern: they were large rectangular structures of split planks. Specifically, they were of the northern type, nearly square in plan with the side planking morticed into slotted plates between the corner posts, and gabled roofs. Southern Kwakiut] houses are known to have changed in type during the late historic period. The old type was long and narrow, the roof, gabled or occasionally of “shed” type,’ supported by massive posts and beams against which the planking was laid up. ‘These southern houses were usually stripped of their planking when time came to move to fishing stations, the planks being taken along to be used ®The occurrence of shed-roof houses in this region is reported on the basis of a photo- graph taken in the 1870’s, in the possession of W. A. Newcombe, which shows both shed and gabled roofs at Alert Bay. AnTuHRoP, Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 31 there. All the groups constructed houses at important fishing places similar in plan to those at the winter village, although sometimes smaller and usually less carefully built. Among minor patterns, we may note frequent use of pile dwellings, use of cribwork foundations to compensate for inequalities in ground level, and_ sporadic occurrence of central pits (often “stepped,” having four levels) throughout our region. Like all Northwest Coast groups, Tsimshian and Kwakiutl em- phasized woodworking in their manufactures. The presence of a variety of trees—straight-splitting, easily worked red cedar, the finer-grained yellow cypress and alder, and the tough elastic yew— made possible the use of wood for a great number of purposes, and permitted the development of a trend toward woodworking unique in western North America. Not only were there dwellings of wood, but the all-essential canoes that made possible efficient exploitation of the country were cedar dugouts, and food vessels and spoons, stor- age containers, quivers, and a great deal of the ceremonial parapher- nalia—rattles, drums, masks, and headdresses—were made of wood. A variety of tools served the native craftsman. Stone mauls, hand- held among Southern Kwakiutl, both hand-held and hafted among their northern kin and the Tsimshian, served to drive wooden or whale-bone wedges; stone-bladed splittmg and planing adzes (the former a Tsimshian tool), and hafted stone chisels were for cutting and planing. Drills with bone points were used to make holes for lashings or dowels at joints. For fine carving, it is probable that knives of beaver teeth were used, although steel blades were adopted so early that no modern natives are sure of the ancient implement.’ Sandstone and shark or dogfish skin gave smooth finish. With these tools, and a few simple techniques, the natives were able to make neatly and often beautifully finished objects for whatever purpose they required. A glance at a collection of tools and weapons from the region makes apparent the pattern of preference for bone, horn, and shell for cut- ting edges. Arrow, harpoon, and spear points were made most often of these materials. Women’s knives were usually the sharpened shells of the large mussel Mytilus californianus. Most noteworthy is the dearth of chipped stone. The stone projectile points, and occasional stone knives, were of ground slate. Stone mauls, adzes, and celts were pecked to shape and polished. That the absence of chipped stone was a matter of cultural preference, not environmentally con- 7™The pre-European occurrence of iron tools on the coast has been noted by Barbeau (1929) and has been critically analyzed by Rickard (1939). It is worth noting here that presence of small amounts of iron in an archeologic horizon is not of itself diagnostic of the historic period. a2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 183 ditioned, is indicated by the fact that stone suitable for fiaking occurs in the region, although perhaps not in vast quantities. The trees that furnished material for so many articles of manufac- ture were the source of another product, textiles. Dress consisted of furs and woven robes and capes. In such a humid climate native leathers are of little service. Neither Tsimshian nor Kwakiutl equalled the Tlingit or Coast Salish in excellence of their woven goods (though traditionally the Tsimshian are supposed to have invented the Chilkat blanket), but they were able to make technologically rather simple robes of shredded cypress bark. The inner layers of the bark were stripped off, soaked, beaten with a heavy grooved mallet, loosely spun, then twined together on a suspended warp loom. Some- times mountain-goat wool was woven, but less was used than by Coast Salish or the Chilkat Tlingit. The bark of the red cedar was utilized for making the ubiquitous checkerwork mats, used for a thousand purposes—to sleep and sit on, to cover canoes, to gamble or cut fish on, to wear asaraincape. Checkerwork baskets of red-cedar bark met nearly as many needs. The same bark was hackled with a whale- bone “shredder” to make ceremonial insignia, bandages, cradle pad- ding, and, in the days of muzzleloaders, gun wadding. The Kwakiutl and Tsimshian were important centers of ceremonial- ism on the Northwest Coast. Their rituals were for the most part dramatic performances at which supernatural beings and deeds were represented realistically. Deities, spirits, and other beings were per- sonified by masked dancers, who performed to an accompaniment of carved rattles, wooden drums, and wooden whistles. Elaborate and ingenious devices were made to reproduce supernatural events. Great wooden birds flew from one end of the house to the other, a super- natural mink might come up through the floor, run across the room, and disappear, a human dancer would be dragged down into the ground by a spirit from the underworld. Shamanism, too, had a wealth of regalia and tricks that depended on mechanical contrivances. The social system of our region is of interest on several counts. First of all, the area was heavily populated. Estimates in terms of number of persons per square mile mean little in a region where just the shoreline was habitable, but even such figures indicate a large population. Kroeber (1934, p. 12) has calculated the prehistoric density of the Northwest Coast from the Straits of Georgia north to be 26.3 per 100 square kilometers. At the winter villages, where numbers of clans or lineages assembled, large groups were the rule. Within the group, individuals occupied fixed statuses of graduated rank, the sys- tem of grading closely linked with heritage and wealth. Token ® Some spruceroot, cedar withe, etc., twined basketry was made, but less, and of poorer quality, than by Tlingit and Haida. AnTHRop. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 33 wealth consisted of “coppers” and copper ornaments, Dentalium shells, furs, and slaves, all of which were articles of trade. The chief source of copper was far to the north (though there appear to have been several places in the interior from which placer copper was obtained) ; the dentalia came from the west coast of Vancouver Island. The wide occurrence of these articles throughout the area and in neighboring regions points to a network of trade routes—channels by which not only token wealth but other culture items could be transmitted. Along with the system of graduated status in part based on ancestry was a marked interest in historical tradition. Genealogies were sys- tematically remembered, to be recited on formal occasions. These family legends, which purport to cover the family’s history from the time of its earliest ancestors, are far more than a recital of personal names and relationships—they tell also of war and conquest, and of movements of families from one place to another. The places referred to are actually long-abandoned village sites. So matter-of-fact and internally consistent are these relations, and above all, so consistent are those of one family line with the traditions of their neighbors, that no ethnographer who has worked in the area has denied their historic value. Coast Tsimshian traditions trace the spread of the several tribes coastward and north and south along the seaboard from an ancient site above the canon of the Skeena—Temlaxam. Heiltsukan folk-history brings these people from the landlocked heads of long inlets, Rivers Inlet, Dean and Burke Channels, through a series of movements down to the outer coasts and northward. One of the most fascinating possibilities of archeological research in the area is that of checking these traditions once the various archeological com- penents have been defined. Nor should it be hard to do, for, as pre- viously remarked, the sites of villages founded during the process of pushing out to the open sea coast are well known by name to modern natives. Archeology may thus be the means of determining the actual historical worth of these traditions; should they prove reasonably sound they could become an aid to research in the regional prehistory. Differences in social position were reflected in the treatment ac- corded the dead. Men of standing were accorded great honor; the bodies of the aged, and of slaves, were disposed of with a minimum of formality. The Northwest Coast as an area is one in which there was great diversity in mortuary customs. Among the Tsimshian, bodies of chiefs were sometimes put in caves in cedar boxes, but most people were cremated; while “the body of a slave was thrown out on the beach.” Interment is reported by some informants, denied by others. Kwakiutl did not practice cremation. Among the northern groups, small gravehouses were built, and bodies of relatives were put in them from time to time. Among Southern Kwakiutl, a common 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bux. 133 mode was to put the cedar box containing the body in the branches of a tree. Cave (or better, rock shelter) burials were also common. All the groups destroyed quantities of property, at least at the death of a person of note. Much of it was burned, although in late historic times valuables were placed at or near the grave. Graniteware dishes, Hudson’s Bay blankets, and even sewing machines and gramophones may be seen scattered about near recent graves. Mortuary potlatches, often involving the setting up of a memorial pole, may be construed as another form of the prevalent property destruction. More re- cently, erection of an expensive tombstone has been equated with the mortuary potlatch and memorial column. The foregoing all-too-brief résumé of Tsimshian and Kwakiutl cul- ture may serve to preface an attempt to link the ethnologic and archeologic data at hand. The major trends of native life, as we know it ethnographically, should be expressed in material remains from his- toric archeologic horizons, enabling us to identify and define the cul- ture of the upper levels so that with some surety we may trace it back in time. ARTIFACTS FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST As a part of the survey of Northwest Coast archeology, a number of museum collections from the area were examined, with the twofold aim of placing comparatively the materials recovered from the sites tested, and of assembling as many of the scattered data as possible for the convenience of future workers in the area. Collections in the following museums were utilized: American Museum of Natural History (AMNH)?, Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH), National Museum of Canada (NMC), Peabody Museum of Ameri- can Archaeology and Ethnology (Cambridge) (PMAAE), Prince Rupert City Museum (PRCM), Provincial Museum of British Columbia (PMBC), United States National Museum (USNM), and the Vancouver (British Columbia) City Museum (VCM). Since so little archeology has been done on the northern coasts previously, ethnologic materials were drawn upon to fill out the comparative picture. Their inclusion seems quite compatible with the direct his- torical approach, which aims first of all at a definition of historically identifiable archeologic components. It must be granted that, quan- titatively, the sampling error introduced by use of ethnologic specimens is considerable. These collections ordinarily contain many more masks than harpoon points and celts put together. The mate- rial, therefore, can be expected to show only gross patterns, not re- fined regional differentiations and linkages. Nonetheless, it seems ® Abbreviations in parentheses are those used in the following sections to indicate pro- venience of specimens. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—-DRUCKER 35 worth while to set up some preliminary classifications of materials found or likely to be found archeologically, and the following para- graphs are concerned with the problem of typology. A heterogeneous lot of material objects may be classified in various ways. Theoretically, it should be advantageous to group them pri- marily according to a single one of the several possible criteria— form, material, or function. To follow this procedure consistently would mean that it would be possible to compare components widely separated in time and/or space. In practice, any single criterion is insufficient for specific and detailed classification. The present body of material has been classified according to whichever of the three aspects—material, form, or function—seemed to meet imme- diate demands. In some cases, material seemed the primary factor of classification; in others, function or form played this role. This procedure has the advantage of flexibility, which outweighs its theo- retically objectionable inconsistency. The ultimate test of any classification of cultural material, of course, is whether or not it is meaningful. Basic to classification is the assumption that the traits differentiating types reflect not random variations of pattern but real cultural differences—differences of manufacturing methods, of motor habits, of use of the finished ob- jects. Thus sometimes no particular significance can be attached to what first appear rather wide differences in form, while certain minute variations are the critical ones. In other words, the validity of any typology must be determined empirically. The best testing ground for material such as the present is that of distribution, ver- tical or horizontal. Traits that can be shown to occur consistently within a certain archeologic horizon, or throughout a certain region, may be considered valid criteria of culture. Features of sporadic distribution cannot be considered significant. I have attempted to put the present typologies to the proof (tables 1,2). Many varia- tions of form and material noted in comparing a series of objects without regard as to provenience turned out to have no demonstrable meaning, and, consequently, have been lumped together, so that cer- tain “types” cover a wide range of variants. As fuller and more precise data are recovered from the Northwest Coast, and our knowl- edge of its prehistory grows, it is probable that we shall be able to discover cultural significances in some of these variations. For the present, however, it is preferable to simplify the classifications as much as possible. Refinement of the typologies will keep pace with the accumulation of information. Harpoon points—Harpoon points constitute a class of artifacts easily recognizable in any collection. They may be defined as detach- able projectile points usually of bone or horn (metal forms are known only from postcontact collections), equipped for the attachment of a 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy, 133 retrieving line. The harpoon points from the Northwest Coast fall into one or the other of two major categories: one-piece heads with lateral barbs, and composite forms.’® One-piece toggling heads, the common Eskimo variety, do not occur in the collections from the area except for some late metal types which approximate the more northerly implements." The one-piece laterally barbed points at first glance present a con- fusing range of variation of several form criteria, which may be vari- cusly combined in a single specimen: Type of barbs (isolated or enclosed; high or low) ; application of barbs (unilateral, bilateral, trilateral; in case of bilateral or trilateral: opposed, staggered) ; cross section of head (heavy rectanguloid, heavy cylindrical, heavy ellip- tical, thin elliptical, thin ovate); type of tip (simple sharp, wide spatulate, slotted) ; type of attachment (drilled, slotted, or crescentic line hole; unilateral or bilateral line guard; notch or groove; line shoulder) ; type of butt (conical, spatulate, truncated, pyramidal, wide flat squared). Despite the apparent great range of form, however, the barbed harpoon points from the area fall into a fairly small number of types and subtypes. These types are as follows: Type I. Point of moderate length, 4 to 6 inches), relatively heavy (cylindrical to rectanguloid) in cross section, 1 to 3 high isolated unilateral barbs, simple (unslotted) point, bilateral projectiles for line guard, heavy trunecated-conical butt. (See fig. 3, a, bd.) Variants of this basic type, which may eventually prove to be distinct subtypes but which for the present had best be lumped into the major group, are as follows: Ia, same as type I, with drilled line hole in addition to line guards (fig. 3, c) ; Ib, same as type I, but with unilateral] instead of bilateral projec- tion for line guard; Ic, same as type I, with wide rectanguloid butt with line shoulder instead of conical butt with guards; Id, same ag Ic, with drilled line hole in addition to shoulder. Type II. Short heavy point (length usually 2 to 4 inches), heavy elliptical cross section, 1 or 2 low enclosed unilateral barbs, simple point, rounded laterally tapered spatulate butt, slotted line hole. (See fig. 3, g, h.) Frequently the line of the under side of the barb is continued along the shaft by carving or incising. 10 “One-piece” and “composite” refer to the structure of the body of the harpoon point, not to the presence of inserted end or side blades. Thus, one type of one-piece heads is frequently slotted for insertion of a cutting point of stone (or in recent times of metal). 11 See Niblack, 1890, figs. 137, 137e. 12 While barb types are quite varied, basically they fall into two major classes: Enclosed and isolated, within each of which there are two or three subtypes. The critical feature is whether or not the barbs are enclosed within the silhouette of the specimen or stand out detached from the shaft. This actually depends on the relative areas of the barbs as com- pared with the spaces between them. If the barbs are larger than the intervening spaces, the silhouette will be of the enclosed type. (See fig. 2, a, b.) The backs of enclosed barbs necessarily are convex (either curved or rectanguloid), those of isolated barbs may be con- cave or convex. (See fig. 2, c,d.) The terms “high” and “low” refer to the relative pro- portions of length of the barbs and thickness of the shaft. Occasional specimens may be found in which the barbs are intermediate as to type, and cannot be classified on this basis, but for the present these may be disregarded. AnTHROP. Par. No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 37 Type II variants include: IIa, same as type II, with crescentic line slot (fig. 3, i) ; IIb, same as type II, with drilled line hole instead of slot; IIc, same as type II, but with low enclosed bilateral barbs (fig. 3, 7). Type III. Medium to long point (6 to 9 inches) with heavy cylindrical cross section, 2, 3, or 4 staggered rows of low enclosed barbs, slotted point, wide laterally tapered spatulate butt, drilled or slotted line hole (see fig. 3, k). The underlines of the barbs are often continued as in type II. ER ESE a d FEE PEN EE LS TT EY BEI ST TE TE FIguRE 2.—Types of harpoon barbs. ; a, High, enclosed. 6b, Low, enclosed. c, High, isolated. d, Low, isolated. Type III variants are: IIIa, same as type III, with low isolated barbs (fig. 3, 1) ; IIIb, same as type III, with simple point. Type IV. Harpoon-arrow points (usually under 5 inches long), thin elliptical cross section, low enclosed or isolated barbs, rounded base, drilled line hole (fig. 3, m). Type V. Medium to long point (6 to 10 inches), thin elliptical to lozenge-shaped cross section, 3 or more high isolated (occasionally enclosed) unilateral barbs, simple point, spatulate butt, drilled line hole (fig. 3, n). This appears to be a simple unspecialized form, which can be duplicated in collections from many other areas. 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwn, 133 Bebe Ai _—— CHA EK / a ONE INCH FicurE 3.—Harpoon points. a, Type I (VCM, no number). b, Type I (AMNH 16/5055). c, Type Ia (AMNH 16/5054). g, Type II (AMNH B/836). h, Type II (NMC XII-B-268). i, Type Ila (AMNH B/1983). j. Type Ile (FMNH-18045), Tsimshian. (Sketch, scale approx.) k, Type III (NMC XII-B-272). 1, Type IIIa (AMNH 16/8476). (Sketch, scale approx.) m, Type IV (NCM XII-B-861). Massett. n, Type V (1938/14). Anrnrop. Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 39 It would be possible to alter the present classification to make, it more elastic, indicating the various diagnostic features by factors or symbols as Gillin (1938) has suggested might be done with South- western potsherds, so that any combination of elements can be repre- sented by a compact formula. Until a larger series of Northwest Coast specimens is assembled, however, the foregoing classification will serve. Occasional specimens which fit no single category may be regarded as typological sports until the particular combination of traits occurs often enough to warrant designation as an additional type. Composite harpoons.—A. type of implement in fairly common use, though not well represented in archeological collections, is the com- pound harpoon, made of two proximally diverging barbs fitted to form a basal socket, and at their outer ends to hold a point or blade. Two types may be distinguished : Type I. Barbs channeled for tip (i. e., for a tip with a stem or slender base) (fig. 4, a). Type II. Barbs scarffed to form a blade slot (i. e., for a wide cutting blade). Many of these barbs have lashing grooves as well (fig. 4, 0). Ethnologically collected specimens unfortunately can be used but seldom, as a rule, because the lashing and pitch conceals the structural features. Fixed bone (or horn) projectile points—From ethnographic sources we know that bone and horn were often utilized as materials for arrow and dart points. Such objects may be recognized by the following features: Sharp tip, more or less symmetrical outline, and base modified for mounting or hafting. It must be admitted that all the objects classed as “points” may not have been made for tipping arrows—some may have been tips for composite harpoons or even halibut hook barbs (although the mounted hook barbs of bone that I have seen are more slender than the objects in the present category). The bone points present a considerable range of form. The most obvious division is that between those with, and those without lateral barbs. These two major classes designated as: (A) Fixed points with lateral barbs, and (B) fixed points without lateral barbs, may be treated separately. Class A—Fixed bone points with lateral barbs: Several types of laterally barbed points are distinguishable according to type of cross section, placement, and type of barbs, and form of butt. Some of these points which are very long may have been end prongs for multipoint bird darts. The barbs of this class of points are more variable than those of the barbed harpoons, many being very elaborate and delicate. Presumably strength was less of a considera- tion than in the harpoon points where the barbs had to be strong 405260—43—4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 ONE INCH FicurE 4.—Composite harpoons. a, Type (NMC XII-B-425. N.S.) b, Type II (AMNH 16/6210). Comox. Rpts itt ! i a et peril alts rit fh of tiil uD { piit i pits it 1 iit fay ple ape Sl { o d CS ONE INCH (Class A.) Figure 5.—Fixed bone (or horn) projectile points. a, Type AI, low isolated barbs (AMNH 16/5131). Eburne. 0b, Type AI, low enclosed barbs (VCM, no number). (Sketch, scale approx.) c, Type AI, long angular enclosed barbs (AMNH 16/4536). Port Hammond. d, Type AI, low ridged barbs (AMNH 16/5125). Eburne. e, Type AII (FMNH 19900). S. Tlingit. (Sketch, scale approx.) jf, Type AII (FMNH A 78725). Chilkat Tlingit. ANTHROP. Par. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 4] enough to hold a drag or float. The following barb varieties may be distinguished (see fig. 5) : Isolated (fig. 5, a), enclosed (fig. 5, 6), long angular enclosed (fig. 5, ¢), low ridged (fig. 5, d), and notched (fig. 5, ¢). Heavy high barbs are rare. The following types may be distinguished among the complete specimens: : AI. Rounded cross section (flattened to heavy elliptoid or ovoid); unilateral barbs, ridged, isolated, enclosed, or long angular enclosed; spatulate or conical butt (fig. 5, a-d). AIT. Thin lozenge or lenticular cross section (i. e., 2 cutting edges) ; unilateral or bilateral barbs, notched, often irregularly spaced; stemmed butt (fig. 5, €, f). In addition to the foregoing, collections from some regions, par- ticularly northern Tlingit territory, contain points of obvious Eskimo or Aleut type—heavy cylindrical pieces, with rows of long enclosed, or low isolated barbs, and reduced tang.’* These indicate alien in- fluences, if the specimens themselves are not trade pieces of Eskimo manufacture. Class B.—Fixed bone points without lateral barbs: A series of formal features relating to outline, hafting, base form, and cross section occur in various combinations in these points. Type of hait- ing and silhouette seem at present the most significant criteria for definition of types: BI. Points with thin squared or rounded bases, produced by convergence of the faces. Such points were made to be inserted in the cleft end of a shaft. Two subtypes may be distinguished: A. Full (unconstricted) silhouette. Four variants within this form have been noted, but as yet do not appear to have diagnostic Significance: (a) parallel sides, abrupt tip (fig. 6, a); (b) parallel sides, gradually tapering tip (fig. 6, b); (¢c) gradually tapering sides, abrupt tip (fig. 6, ¢); (d) gradually tapering sides and tip (fig. 6, d). B. Constricted sides (fig. 6, e). BII. Points with shaft bed and basal barb(s). These points were meant to be lashed against a scaffold or beveled shaft end. Informants probably have reference to this type when they tell of arrow points which detached from the shaft, and “worked around” in the quarry’s body. Subtypes are based on silhouettes like those of the preceding type: A. Full (unconstricted) silhouette (fig. 6, f). B. Constricted sides (fig. 6, 9). Chipped stone points—Chipped stone is of peculiarly restricted distribution on the Northwest Coast, occurring only in certain local- ities. In the collected materials, a fair range of point types are found: NAa, NAbi, NAb2, NBa, NBal, NBb, NE, SAa, SAb, SBa, SBc, SCb2, SCb3.14 In order of frequency, NAb1, NBa, SAa, and SBa 18 Collins figures a variety of points of this general type (Collins, 1937, pl. 34, figs. 1-13, pl. 74, figs. 5-10). 14 Classification following Strong, 1935, pp. 89-90. 4? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 d Ficure 6.—Fixed bone (or horn) projectile points. (Class B.) a, Type BIA. b, Type BIA. c, Type BIA. d, Type BIA. e, Type BIB. f, Type BIIA. g, Type BIIB. types predominate, the others being represented by a few specimens only. Basalt and slate figure prominently as the materials for chipped points in most localities. Ground slate points—Points made of ground slate are common along the coast as also in the regions farther north. They run for the most part to elongate triangular and leaf shapes (NBa, NAb1, NAb2) proportionately much longer than chipped points, some in fact suggesting ND forms, though with long tapering tips. Stemmed forms (SBa, SBc) also occur, though rather infrequently (these seem to be the commonest forms in southwest Alaska) (de Laguna, 1934, pp. 70 ff., pls. 31, 32). In cross section the points range from elongate hexagonal (flat sided with bevelled edges), lozenge shaped, to lenticular. No significant correlations of outline and cross section have been noted as yet. A distinctive form is represented by a few species only: This is a very wide point, vaguely suggesting in its proportions the shell cutting blade of the recent Nootkan whaling harpoon. Two such points from Tlingit territory had drilled lashing holes near the base (fig. 7,@). The very long heavy “bayonet” points should be classed separately. A number of such objects have blunt or even rounded lateral edges, so that they must have been made for a purpose rather different from that of the small points. The func- tion of these objects on the coast is unknown; they would have made serviceable lance or dagger points. Type I. Slate points, variable cross section, usually unstemmed (fig. 7, a, 0). IA. Very wide short points (fig. 7, c, d). Type II. Long “bayonet” points (or blades) (fig. 7, e, f). AnTHRoP. Pap. No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 43 Splitting adzes.—The designation of heavy adze blades modified (usually by a one-quarter groove) for hafting to a T-shaped handle e or os ONE INCH Ficuke 7.—Ground slate points. a, Type I (AMNH E/122). Angoon, Alaska. b, Type I (AMNH #/1803). Sitka. ¢ Type IA (NMC VII-B-207). N. Saanich. d, Type IA (USNM). SE. Alaska. (Sketch, scale approx.) e, Type II (AMNH E/122). Angoon, Alaska. f, Type II (PMBC 983). N. Saanich. as “splitting adzes,” in accordance with de Laguna’s suggestion (1934, p. 57), is a convenient one for typological purposes. It should be 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt, 133 noted, however, that large flat celts sometimes served the same pur- pose.® The Northwest Coast splitting adzes?* are of various mate- rials, tough igneous stones being preferred, and vary in size from 4.6 inches long, 1.8 inches wide, and 1.2 inches high” to huge un- wieldy-appearing blades, the approximate measurements of one of which are: Length, 11 inches; width, 1.5 inches; height, 5 inches." Most adzes are from 6 to 8 inches long, with width-height measure- ments from 2 to 3 inches (though width-height ratios vary consider- ably). It is interesting to note that the polls of many of the adzes HAFTING PLANE }—_——_———_—_—_——_,— HAFTING | GROOVE FRONT- LENGTH ave ENN i Jp ee Ficure 8.—Nomenclature of splitting adzes. from Tlingit territory are rough and battered; ‘some apparently were never completely trimmed and polished. The splitting adzes are rather difficult to classify, for they present considerable variation of form, and the several traits which might have had typologic value—type of poll, type of cross section, number of grooves, fluting, etc.—seem to occur in all possible combinations with little tendency to cluster. Nonetheless, a few major divisions may be made based on examples which are extremes in one or another respect, with intermediate groups for the in-between specimens. When further examples have been collected, it should be possible to refine, or entirely revamp, the present classification. Type I. Elliptical cross section, flat (i. e. wider than high), rounded poll (fig. 9, a). (I have seen but few of this type; they are quite distinct from the other forms, and may, indeed, be cultural sports.) 1° AMNH No. 16.1/297, 19/106. 16 See fig. 8 for nomenclature of splitting adzes. 7 AMNH 19/183. : 18 PRCM- (no number). AnTHROP. Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 45 Type II. Rectanguloid cross section, much higher than wide; heavy squared poll, height as great or greater than at shoulder, giving the adze a more or less triangular profile (fig. 9, b). Type III. (Transitional.) Cross section like type II; poll laterally narrowed, and rounded from front to back (fig. 9, ¢). —! ONE (NCH FIGuRE 9.—Splitting adzes. a, Type I (AMNH B/1265). 6, Type II (PRM-32). c, Type III (PRM-33). 4d, Type IV (PRM-14). e,TypeV. f, Type VI. g, Type VII. Type IV. (Transitional.) Rectanguloid cross section, width and height nearly equal, poll as in type II (fig. 9, d). Type V. Rectanguloid cross section, width and height nearly equal, poll rounded from front to back (fig. 9, e). Type VI. Long slender adzes, rectangular with rounded corners to cylindrical in cross section (fig. 9, f). 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 133 In addition to the foregoing, a group of adzes from southeast Alaska 1° appear to form another type, distinguished chiefly by their rudeness. On these pieces only the bit ends are well worked, the remainder being only rudely pecked to form, and not too symmetrically. Only two of the dozen had good deep hafting grooves. (See fig. 9, g.) The high polish and signs of use of the bits indicates these are not unfin- ished blanks, but finished pieces. As will be pointed out later, other POLL SIDE ASYMMETRIC 8/T SYMMETRIC BIT CURVED B/T STRAIGHT &/T Figure 10.—Celt nomenclature. utilitarian objects from Tlingit territory—celts—characteristically show the same sort of roughly blocked out asymetric polls. These rough-polled adzes will be listed as type VII. Celts.—Northwest Coast celts were an important part of the wood- working complex. A series of typologic differences to be seen in them probably reflect different modes of use. Some were hafted as adze blades, on either the “V-shaped” or the “elbow” adzes, others served. as chisels, being mounted in socketed antler hafts in the Georgia Straits 12 USNM Nos. 150075-76, 150080-81, 150083-84, 150088, 150091-92, 150094-95, 287515. ANTHROP. Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 47 region (Smith, 1903, fig. 29, d@), in scarffed or bedded wooden handles (Boas, 1909, fig. 45, a, 6, and pp. 319-820), or, as the battered polls of some specimens indicate, struck directly without a haft to absorb the blow. The most common materials of which the implements were made are jadeites in the Straits of Georgia and southeast Alaskan regions, and serpentines in the intervening districts. A fairly high percentage of the jadeite specimens show traces of sawing on one or both sides. A preliminary classification of celt types is as follows: ° —SSS— ONE INCH Figure 11.—Celts. a, Type IA (NMC XII-B-425). N. Saanich. 6, Type IB (AMNH 19/142). Chilkat. ec, Type IC (NMC XII-549). Lower Fraser. d, Type IC (AMNH 16.1/1529). e, Type IIA (AMNH E/2627). (Not to scale.) f, Type ILA (PRCM, no number). I. Celts with symmetrical outlines, sides parallel or tapering very slightly toward the poll. A number of variations in form set off the subtypes of this group. IA. Small, very thin celts, with flat faces, usually flat or square-cut poll, slightly curved symmetrical bit (fig. 11, a). IB. Larger celts, with square-cut poll, cross section elliptical to rectan- gular, bit symmetrical, usually curved (fig. 11, f). IC. Celts with rounded poll, elliptical to rectangular cross section, bit usually asymmetric, straight (fig. 11, ¢, d). IIA. Celts with asymmetric outline, sides tapering strongly to poll, poll rounded or coming to round point, cross section elliptical, bit straight, usually asymmetric (fig. 11, e, b). IIB. Same, but with roughly finished (unpolished) faces and poll. 20 See fig. 10 for nomenclature of celts. 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 133 FIcuRE 12.—Stone mauls, hafted. a, Type I, plain (FMNH-A/18611). (Sketch, scale approx.) 6b, Type I, zoomorphic (FMNH-—A/18607). (Sketch, scale approx.) e¢, Type II (FMNH A/18617). (Sketch, scale approx.) ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] N ORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 49 Occasionally, one sees a double-bitted celt in a lot of material from the area. These are variants of the widespread type IB.7 They may have been hafted to T-hafts as adzes. Hafted mauls.—Stone mauls, intended for hafting, to be used like our sledge hammers, show few significant typological differences. The chief point of difference is mode of hafting, that is (three-quarter) grooved (type I) (fig. 12, a, 6), and perforated (type IT) (fig. 12, ¢) FiIguRE 13.—Hand mauls, stone. a, Type IA (FMNH—A-18562). Bella Coola. (Sketch, scale approx.) 0b, Type IB (FMNH-—A/23318). Bella Coola. (Sketch, scale approx.) c, Type 1B1 (PRCM-H-114), d, Type IB1 (PRCM, no number). e, Type IC1 (PRCM,’no number). f, Type IC2 (AMNH 16/6276). Nimkish River. g, Type II (NMC—XII-B-365). Port Simpson. h, Type II (NMC—XII-B-365). Port Simpson. i, Type III. 1938/307. forms. The latter are usually higher (the same nomenclature is applied to these implements as to the splitting adzes, q. v.), and more nearly elliptical in cross section (parallel to the striking surface) than the former, which tend to be more nearly equal in height-width dimen- sions, and D-shaped. Grooved mauls vary chiefly in type of poll (round, pointed, or carved zoomorphic), and in number of grooves (one, two, or three), but no clearly defined subtypes appear. 21 AMNH E/2663 (Angoon, Alaska), CNM—XII—-B—1630 (Bella Coola). 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 The dimensions of the hafted mauls range as follows: Length, 4 to 7 inches; height (type I), 2.5 to 3.6 inches; (type II) 3.5 to 5 inches; width 2 to 3.5 inches. Hand mauls——A considerable variety of stone mauls or hammers meant to be used without hafts occur in collections from the coast. They fall into a number of types, as outlined below. I. Mauls cylindrical to elliptical in cross section, striking surface(s), with IA. Plain to slightly expanded ends (fig. 13, a). IB. Flanged end(s) 2? (fig. 13, b). IB1. Cone or nipple top (fig. 18, ¢, d). IC. Elliptical cross section, longitudinally tapering, square-cut ends, both ends used, occasional traces of lateral wear, with or with- out the following: IC1. Very slight longitudinal taper, long (fig. 18, e). IC2. Pronounced longitudinal taper, short, markedly elliptical (Gabe 318% 77). II. Mauls with T- or stirrup-shaped handle (fig. 13, g, h). All mauls of this type are grouped together because the T-handled specimens seem mostly to be broken and reworked variants of stirrup-handled forms.” Ill. Rectanguloid mauls (rectangular with rounded corners), D-shaped cross Section, striking surface at one end (often concave), other end rounded (fig. 18, i). These implements may have been hafted, the one flat sur- face being a hafting plane; however, there are no definite modifications for hafting, and most of these implements are much smaller and lighter than the usual hafted stone mauls. IV. Battered cobbles. Beach cobbles of convenient size were often used for pounding. Hither or both end or lateral battering indicates such use. They are probably much more common in the area than number of examples in collections indicates. VY. One-piece handled mauls with lateral striking surfaces. (See Boas, 1909, fig. 44, a, b.) Pile drivers —Large flat stones, often 20 to 80 pounds in weight, were used for driving stakes for fish weirs, etc. They ordinarily have grooves cut near the ends for grips; some have the grips cut in the form of hands, to fit the thumbs and fingers of the user. Occasionally one sees an object of this class with low-relief decorative carving. Boas has distinguished the main types: I. Circular (Boas, 1909, fig. 42). II. D-shaped to rectanguloid (Boas, 1909, fig. 43). . Stone bark shredders (%?).—These objects, whose identification is quite speculative, resemble in form the IB type of bone cedar-bark shredders, though the latter are generally thinner, longer, and wider. The stone implements have a perforated grip a little above the * Hand mauls with flanged end(s) exhibit a complete range of all possible combinations: flanged striking end with plain poll, flanged poll with plain (slightly expanded) striking end, both ends flanged. Those with flanged polls may or may not have cone or nipple tops. So far no distributional significance appears to attach to any particular combination of features, so all flanged forms are lumped together. 78 Niblack refers to these mauls as “paint-pestles” (Niblack, 1890, p. 281). ANTHROP. Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 5l middle, and taper rapidly to a rather dull, often slightly battered, edge; they were certainly pounders or choppers of some sort (fig. 14). A typical example (FMNH-A 18981) is roughly D-shaped, 6.3 inches long, 4.7 inches wide, and 1.3 inches thick. The objects are usually of rather coarse material; I have not seen any well-finished and polished pieces of this kind. Slate blades—Wide flat blades of ground slate are common in some regions. Complete specimens are usually rectanguloid in form, with slightly curved edge and back, and vertical sides. Numerous pieces occur, however, which appear to be reworked or modified frag- ments of the large blades. These are irregular in outline, though the backs are polished from use. The cutting edges are often straight. Occasional examples of a third type of blade are found: small, el- ———l ONE INCH FicurE 14.—Stone bark shredder (PRCM, no number). liptical blades, notched or tanged for hafting, similar to certain types of Eskimo ulos. Narrow parallel-sided blades, similar in form to the Eskimo man’s knife, also occur, though infrequently; they may be a subvariety of the second type—the reworked, straight-edged fragments of large blades. The use of these various types of slate blades is not known. Smith (1903, p. 159) has assumed that those he found were all knives for cutting fish, drawing attention to their similarity in form to present-day fish knives of metal.2* As a matter of fact, however, while such knives were in use in recent times, they were far less common than blades of the shell of the large mussel (Mytilus californianus). I believe that many of the blades, par- ticularly the reused fragmentary forms with straight edges, were used as saws for cutting stone and bone. The regions in which these implements occur commonly are just those in which sawing ** Smith has pointed out other types of objects as well which may have served as saws (1903, p. 167). 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 was a common cutting technique. The wide blades with curved edges and the hafted forms may have been knives, of course. I. Wide rectanguloid blade, no modifications for hafting, cutting edge usually slightly curved (fig. 15, a). II. Small irregularly shaped blade, wear-polished back, straight edge (fig. 15, b). (Distinguished from fragments of type I by wear on back.) III. Small, elliptical blade, hafted (or modified for hafting) (fig. 15, ¢c). Bone awls and awllike forms.—Kaidder’s classification of bone ‘ awls,*> with some modifications and additions, serves very well for our Northwest Coast material. Many of the pieces in collections unfortunately are unclassifiable because of their fragmentary condi- tion. The types found on the coast are as follows: 1. Mammal leg bone. a. Head of bone intact. 1. Ulna. b. Head unworked except by original splitting. c. Head partly worked down. 1. Square-cut head. d. Head wholly removed. e. Splinter awls. 2. Mammal rib. a. Whole rib. 3. Bird bone. a. Whole bone. b. Splinter. c. Hafted in another bone. Bone needles—Eyed needles, similar to those used in recent times for making sewn tule mats, are found in some sites. Typically, they are long, flat, and thin. Very fine needles like those of the Eskimo do not seem to occur, although moderately small forms are sometimes found. The criterion of size suggests a basis for a primary division. Such traits as type (drilled or ground) and location (distal or proxi- mal) of the eye may be serviceable characters when we have enough specimens to have use for detailed classifications. I. Long flat thin needles (mat needles). II. Small needles. A. Mammal bone. B. Bird bone. Bone (and horn) knives.—Several kinds of bone implements identi- fiable as knives occur in the collections. The most easily recognized are the ulnae pointed and sharpened for slitting herring and other small fish for drying. Knives of this type may have either intact or trimmed heads. Blades of similar form were made of mammal ieg bone. Another type consists of the “bark splitters,” blades used for prying loose the inner layers of cedar bark used in matting and basketry. These have rounded sharpened tips and edges. Two sub- > Kidder, 1932, pp. 202, 203-220. For eonvenience in making comparisons, Kidder'’s order of types and numerical designations have been retained, new forms or subforms being added on at the end of each series. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 53 types—one short, wide, and flat; the other long and curved, with a perforation at the butt—may be distinguished. I. Ulna knife. II. “Bark splitting knives.” A. Short, flat, side. B. Long curved (often of sea mammal rib), perforated. Bone scrapers and gouges.—Two major and several minor categories of bone implements which may have served for scraping hides, re- ONE INCH ; 7 Figure 15.—Slate blades. a, Type I (AMNH 16/6686). Comox. 6b, Type II (AMNH 16/4070). Port Hammond. c, Type III, horn-hafted chipped and ground ulo (PRCM, no number). Marine Station site, Digby Island. moving the edible inner layers of spruce and hemlock bark, etc., can be recognized. These tools seem fairly widespread, but are by no means numerous. I. End scrapers (characterized by a flat, square-cut to spatulate working end, which may be wide or laterally tapering). A. Mammal bone (usually leg), head intact, one end cut away ina long bevel to produce rounded tip. Wear usually on back of tip. B. Mammal leg bone, split, part of head remaining tip as in IA. C. Mammal leg bone, spilt, head entirely removed, blade wide rounded, dentate. 1. Same as C, blade at both ends. D. Ulna with spatulate tip. II. Sidescrapers (usually split mammal leg bone). 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 138 Bone drills (%).—Several objects which may have been drills were noted. The identification of the first type, hand drills, seems fairly sure because of the wear on the points; that of the shafted drill points less certain, because no complete specimens, or specimens with recog- nizable wear, were seen. (Boas (1909, fig. 50 and pp. 321, 323) describes one form of shafted drill point of bone.) I. Hand drill of bone, sharply reduced (shouldered) cylindrical tip. A. Of ulna. B. Of mammal leg bone. II. Hafted drill of bone, cylindrical, square to rectanguloid butt (cf. Boas, loc. cit.). Flaking tools (?).—Tools which may have served for flaking stone occur in the districts in which this technique was in use. Of course, some of the heavier, blunter “awls” may have served this purpose; there are, however, a few distinctive types which may be designated as flakers. Some are of antler tines, usually hacked or whittled off, some with unworked (but worn) points, others with reduced, but heavy, shouldered tips. Bone implements of this class are usually short heavy rods of dense bone. I. Antler flakers. A. Plain tip. B. Reduced tip. II. Bone flakers. Stone vessels—Stone vessels occur practically throughout the en- tire area. They vary considerably in size and form, and probably alsoinuse. The northernmost groups, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, are known to have used small stone vessels as mortars for grinding the native “tobacco,” and the larger ones served occasionally for smashing berries (presumably for drying) (Krause, 1885, p. 206). This use seems hardly important enough to account for the many vessels one finds. Northwest Coast foods (save in the southern pe- riphery of the area) were not of the sort that had to be pulverized, nor is grinding reported as an important culinary technique. Some of the vessels, particularly the decorated ones, were very likely dishes used on special occasions. Birket-Smith has argued that some may have been lamps,?° although they are not quite similar to any known Eskimo form. A preliminary classification may be made as follows: 76 Birket-Smith, 1929, vol. 2, pp. 189ff, esp. p. 190. His view is lent some substance by Krause’s mention of use of shallow oval stone lamps among the Tlingit (Krause, 1885, p. 206). However, in the absence of any evidence (ethnographic reports, indications of burning on collected specimens), his interpretation of all shallow stone vessels along the coast as lamps seems dubious. Further, the use to which he puts this view—linking Hskimo lamps, Northwest Coast dishes and/or mortars, and Californian mortars, thus proposing a genetic relationship of objects differing in both form and function—is logically unsound. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 955 I. Vessels with unshaped (or slightly shaped) exteriors (usually round to elliptical boulders), cavity usually shallow.” 1. Plain. 2. Decorated (usually by incising. Sometimes irregularities have been accentuated or modified to produce a representative form). II. Vessels of completely modified forms. A. Relatively high straight sides, usually wider at top than bottom, flat bottom.” 1. Plain. 2. Decorated. B. Low, round to oval forms, sides straight to convex. (Such vessels, when decorated, are often completely carved into zoomorphic forms, which consequently cannot easily be differ- entiated as a class). 1. Plain. 2. Decorated (including zoomorphs). C. Vessels “with seated human figures.” (See Smith, 1907, pp. 420-424. ) III. Paint dishes. These are small vessels, with shallow elliptical cavities with traces of wear indicating that paints were ground in them by rubbing, metate-fashion, rather than by pounding. Wedges.—Splitting wedges of bone and horn are common North- west Coast tools. They vary considerably in size, from small forms for fine work to great heavy implements for splitting logs. (In some parts of the coast wooden wedges, of yew or seasoned spruce knots, were preferred for heavy work.) Typological distinctions can best be made according to material. I. Wedges of mammal bone. II. Wedges of antler. Long bone rods——Long slender cylindrical or rectanguloid rods of bone, usually of sea mammal bone, are of rather wide occurrence. Most of them are broken, so it is difficult to tell how they were fin- ished. Some, however, had one rounded or subconical end, and at the other a tapered though not very sharp tip. Cross section varies from round to rectanguloid. The purpose of these objects is un- known. Some may have been fixed foreshafts of harpoons, though one would expect to find the butts modified for hafting in this case. They may have been points for killing lances (the Nootkans de- scribe using very long slender bone points on lances for finishing off harpooned whales). One unusual specimen from Digby Island *’ 27 These vessels correspond in form to Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga’s B.2, B.4, and B.3 mortar types (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, ipp. 8-9). 28 This type corresponds in external form to Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga’s A.1 to A.5, B.1 mortar types (1939, pp. 8-9). I have not noted such marked differences in cavity shape (wear-produced in the California mortars), which suggests the Northwest Coast vessels were used chiefly as receptacles rather than for heavy grinding. Reexamination of the Coast specimens, however, may reveal some distinctive features of wear. 227 PMBC 1830. 405260—43——_5 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu, 133 has a projection on one side like the unilateral line guards of certain barbed harpoons. Bone mallets —Heavy mallets of whale bone, with a longitudinally grooved lateral striking surface, shouldered and reduced handle, are known to have been used in preparing cypress bark for weaving into garments. They all seem to conform fairly closely to a single type, although variant forms may eventually be found. Cedar-bark shredders—For shredding or hackling the bark of the red cedar, wide whale-bone blades, with a perforated grip, were used. Two types of these may be distinguished. I. Short, rather heavy choppers. A. Rectanguloid form, straight edge. B. Round to ovate form. II. Long, thin choppers. Small slender pointed bone objects—Almost any collection of archeological materials from the area contains numbers of small pointed bone artifacts, which may have served various purposes: hook barbs, herring rake teeth, hafted drill points, pins or skewers, etc. Worked and/or polished butts show them not to be fortuitous scraps, broken awls, needles, etc., but purposefully designed imple- ments. The following classification is tentative; further information may enable us to distinguish at least some of the types according to function. I. Bipointed forms. II. Single pointed forms. A. Sharpened mammal bone splinter. B. All-over worked mammal bone. C. Bird bone splinter. D. Fish spine “pins.” Stone disks (rolling targets ?).—A distinctive group of objects is that consisting of well-worked thick stone disks, usually of lava, which are supposed to have been targets for a local version of the widespread hoop and pole game (Culin, 1907, pp. 490, 521-522). The disks range in size from 2.5 inches in diameter by 0.6 inches thick to 8 inches in diameter by 3 inches thick; most are from 4 to 5 inches in diameter and 1.5 to 2 inches thick. Slightly more than half of them are perforated; some imperforate specimens have pits pecked into the two faces. Some have a wide groove concentric to the perforation or pit. Similarly placed grooves occur on unpitted imperforate specimens. In general, the objects are so similar that these variations are probably not significant, and the disks may be considered essentially of a single type. The lava of which most of the disks are made may be identifiable; it is possible that most of them are trade pieces, coming from certain localities only. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 57 Slate “pencils.”—Slender rods of ground slate, usually hexagonal or octagonal in form, are classed separately at present. Some appear to have been bevelled or pointed at the ends, and may have been projectile points. Most of those in collections, however, are frag- mentary, so that it would be quite hazardous to speculate on their function. Chipped stone (except points)—A few pieces of chipped stone- work, other than the previously mentioned points and blades, occur in the collections. Of these, small discoidal “scrapers” constitute a fair proportion; the remainder are miscellaneous blades and tragments. Biconical stones ——From several sites elliptical stones with conical ends have been obtained. They are usually of limestone or sand- stone, show few signs of battering, and no modification for attach- ment or hafting. Their use is unknown; I would suggest that they may have been grindstones, for sanding down large pieces of worked wood. A typical example is 6.8 inches long and 3.5 inches in greatest diameter. Grooved, notched, and perforated stones.—The objects in this class are stones unworked except for modifications for the purposes of suspension. Most of them were probably sinkers, e. g., for fish lines, nets, anchor lines, etc. These objects are not common in Northwest Coast collections, not occurring in anywhere near the quantities that de Laguna (1934, pp. 51-56) found in Cook Inlet. For that reason elaborately divided classifications will not be necessary. I. Elliptical grooved stones. A. Grooved about middle. B. Grooved about middle and over one end. 1. Small stones. 2. Large (10 lbs. and over). (These are presumably anchor stones, or sinkers for deep-water angling.) II. Notched stones; small flat beach pebble with lateral notches made by percussion. III. Perforated stones. Whetstones.—Small stones used for sharpening various cutting implements, or perhaps for bringing them to their proper shape, have been recovered from some sites. They vary from neatly fin- ished flat rectangular blocks to irregularly shaped fragments with a central depression produced by the grinding. The former can be set off as a well defined type, the latter form a rather loose and heterogeneous group. Stone polishers (?).—Numbers of small round to elliptical beach pebbles of various materials averaging 2 or 2.5 inches in diameter, occur at certain sites, sometimes in considerable quantities. None show any evidences of working, but a number show wear facets, 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 indicating that they have been used as polishers or rubbing stones for some purpose. Whether this was their only use, or whether some were collected for other purposes (e. g., for sling stones, or for throw- ing) is impossible to decide. They certainly have been selected for size, and are much smaller than the stones used for cooking. Drinking tubes and whistles—Tubes formed by cutting off the ends of large bird bones occur in some sites, as do bird-bone whistles (tubes with a single stop). Fragmentary specimens cannot always be determined as one or the other, of course. Drinking tubes are known from ethnographic evidence to have been used at various life- crisis observances, and by the Southern Kwakiutl for drinking from the covered wooden water “buckets” taken in canoes.*° Bone whistles are very rare, so far as I know, perhaps having been supplanted by the various wooden whistles associated with the widely diffused Kwakiutl ceremonial patterns. Stone and bone clubs.—Boas (in Smith, 1907, pp. 403-420) has dis- cussed the more common varieties of these implements in Northwest Coast collections; there is little that can be added to his summary at present. The major categories are: I. Bone clubs. A. Whale bone, flat, spatulate, decorated (Boas, 1909, 165-171). II. Stone clubs. A. Flat, edged or spiked, ‘‘zoomorphic” (Boas, 1909, figs. 179-180). B. Heavy, pointed, square to cylindrical, daggerlike outline. (Boas, 1909, figs. 175-176). 1, With ringed top and guard. Spindle whorls.—Boas (1909, p. 373) has summarized most of the available information of these objects. A simple classification would be the following: I. Large (5 inches in diameter or more) (of bone).™ A. Plain. B. Decorated. II. Small (bone or stone). A. Plain. B. Decorated. Ornaments.—Inspection of ethnographic collections from the area impress one by the profusion of ornaments of various materials made by natives. Such objects are relatively less numerous in archelogical collections, but whether this is to be attributed to lack of investiga- tion in the centers of manufacture, to increased interest in ornamenta- tion in historic times, or simply to unequal sampling of the two types * Boas, 1909, 'p. 447 (tubes of elderberry twigs; my informants have described bone tubes also, however). * Wooden examples of both types were made, but since they are less likely to be found archeologically, they are omitted from the classification. AntTHROP, Par, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 59 of material, it is impossible to say. At any rate, eventually these objects should have some significance in both vertical and horizontal distributions, and for this reason an outline of the more common classes and types of them will be given. Future work will doubtless require more refined classifications of most of the types. I. Shell beads. A. Dentalia. B. Clamshell disk beads. II. Bone beads. A. Bird bone. B. Narrow (0.4-0.5 inches), of mammal bone. III. Cannel-coal beads (asymmetric polished lumps). IV. Pendants. A. Animal tooth or claw. 1. Grooved about end. 2. Perforated. B. Bone or horn. 1. Long cylindrical rods. a. Plain. b. Decorated. 2. Representative carvings on flat pieces of bone. C. Hatiotis (historic only?). D. (Native) copper. 1, Flat crescents or rings (Smith, 1907, p. 178). 2. Conical rolled tubes (historic only?). BH. Deer and/or goat hoof pendants. , 1. Plain. 2. Carved. F., Stone, carved. V. Labrets. A. Elliptical, grooved around circumference, of wood, stone, or bone. B. T-shaped, of stone. VI. Flat curved bone bands (brow bands?). A. Plain. B. Decorated. 1. Geometric design. 2. Realistic design. Miscellaneous objects recovered in 1938—In addition to the sev- eral classes of artifacts described in the preceding section, a few unique or unidentifiable forms, not duplicated in the collections ex- amined, were recovered from the site tests in 1938. Some of them may prove to be of significance when further work has been done in the area, and therefore they will be described briefly. 37." Bone handle (?) with carved bird head. A well polished bone frag- ment with a somewhat impressionistic bird head (raven?) at the unbroken end. The object may have been the handle of a Sopallalli-berry spoon, or part of an ornament. Length, 3.6 (+) inches; width of shaft, 0.42 inch; thickness, 0.1 inch. 2 Numbers preceding the descriptions are field catalog numbers of the 1938 expedition. 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 78. Antler pendant (?). An unfinished object of antler with a drilled hole near one end may have been intended for a pendant. The horn was sawed longitudinally from both sides, broken off, and the cancellous material partly ground down. Two transverse cuts were made opposite each other, and the piece was broken off to length. The perforation is parallel sided, though some- what irregular, perhaps from reaming out after drilling. A shallow pit was cut or gouged in one side to start the drill. 122. Heavy whittled wooden point. A fragment of rather dense wood whittled to taper to a sharp four-sided point. The object could have served as a heavy awl, a marlinspike, or it may have been an unfinished foreshaft for a (composite point) salmon harpoon. 124. Bird bunt (?) fragment. A whittled stick fragment, cylindrical, with a sharply shouldered expanded end roughly cut off to a blunt point, suggests in form the head of a bird bunt, or the end of a float plug. 128. Small whittled wooden object. A small piece of carved wood, with a blunt point and a lateral projection near the point, an expanded base reduced by a square shoulder to a cylindrical peg ; it resembles an antler of a forked-horn buck, and may have been attached to a mask or other carving. Length, 2.5 inches; average width, 0.38 inch; width of base, 0.6 inch; diameter of peg, 0.4 inch. 183. Worked deer parietal. A fragmentary object made of the right parietal bone of a deer, with part of the “burr” remaining; it may have been a scraper, or a spoon. The anterior portion of the bone has been cut to a neat rounded corner and straight edge; the corners are sharp, indicating polish rather than wear. The posterior portion has been cut irregularly anterior to the suture line, the unbroken portions of this side are rounded off; the end is missing. 210. Heavy wedgelike bone object. A whale-bone object with tapering squared off ends and elliptical cross section; it resembles a symmetrical wedge in out- line, but the head is not battered, the tip is square cut and blunt, and a wide groove, perhaps for lashing, runs across the cancellous side of the object at right angles to its long axis. Length, 7.95 inches; maximum width, 1.6 inches; width at head, 1.18 inches; width at tip, 0.74 inch; maximum thickness, 0.78 inch; thickness at head, 0.64 inch; thickness at tip, 0.12 inch. 269. Bird head ornament (?) of bone. A small fragmentary carving repre- senting the head of a long-billed bird is made of whale bone. The tip of the bill is laterally tapered and cut off by a bevel from the under side. Eyes are incised on either side of the head. The object is broken just back of the head, but traces of a groove or perforation remain. It appears too fragile for any utilitarian purpose, and was probably an ornament of some sort. Length, 2.2 (+) inches; diameter of the bill, 0.24 inch. 277. Notched or perforated long flat bone (needle?). A long flat pointed bone, with a laterally expanded head with what appears to be part of a slotted eye remaining, may have been a bone needle type I. However, the V-shaped notches along the sides of the head would seem awkward for any sort of sewing. The object apparently broke in manufacture, for it shows numerous work marks (was not well polished like most bone objects) and shows no wear. Length, 6.6 (-++) inches; width of tip, 0.48 inch; width of head, 0.76 inch; thickness, 0.14 inch. 334. Bone peg with expanded head. A small bone peg with cylindrical shaft, rounded tip, and flat laterally expanding head (not the original head of the bone) might have been meant for any one of a number of purposes: a peg or pin, a float plug, a fine drill point (though it shows no wear indicating use as a drill, and seems fragile for this use), or a novice’s labret. Length, 1.54 inches; width of head, 0.26 inch; diameter of shaft, 0.12 inch. 336. Socketed harpoon (?) fragment. A bone fragment which appears to AnTHropP, Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 61 have been the butt of a small socketed harpoon is made by cutting the proximal end of a humerus off diagonally, then making a deep notch in from one side to accommodate a rather wide spatulate-tipped foreshaft. A triangular line hole has been cut through close to the socket. The shaft of the bone was left unaltered to the point of the break; if the object was to be a serviceable harpoon, it must have been slotted for an inserted blade with barbs. It has a_ superficial resemblance to certain types of Eskimo toggling harpoon heads, but the sim- ilarity is more apparent than real. 374. Whale-bone object (fragmentary). A piece of whale bone split and rounded off to an elliptical cross section, tapers rapidly to a blunt, apparently rounded end. The object was fairly carefully made, but is too fragmentary at present for us to determine its use. 397. Cut deer mandible. A fragment of a deer mandible cut 1.06 inches anterior to the premolar. One of the molars is in place, the others are missing. The edges of the cut are rounded and suggest wear, though what purpose such an object could have served is not known. Manufacturing techniques.—There are a number of important tech- nological processes manifested in the specimens examined. They may be described briefly according to material to which they were applied. Work in stone-—Stone was worked by pecking, grinding, chipping, and sawing. ‘Tough rocks, used for splitting-adze blades, mauls, and the like, were pecked to shape, and then polished, the latter prob- ably with fine-grained sandstone grinders. Slate points and blades were ground to form from thin sheets of the stone; some pieces, how- ever, appear to have been roughed into shape by chipping before being ground down. Stone chipping (as mentioned elsewhere, p. 41) is restricted to certain regions. Some of the materials (obsidian, etc.) may have been imported, but chipped objects in local rock, such as the coarse basalts of the Georgia Straits and Puget Sound districts, attest to no little ability in this craft. That sawing of stone was an important technique was pointed out by Smith (1903, pp. 164, 167). In both the interior and Straits of Georgia regions, he notes many instances of its application. Jadeite (used for celts) was the material most often so treated. The jadeite tools of southeast Alaska were similarly worked. The possibility that the common slate blades may have been used for cutting out celt blanks and the like has been mentioned elsewhere (p. 51). Work in bone.—Bone, of course, lends itself very well to shaping by grinding-polishing techniques, and an emphasis on ground bone characterizes Northwest Coast tool and weapon patterns. Large bone, such as that of whale and other sea mammals, must be worked into blanks before the finer techniques can be applied efficiently. Sev- eral methods were in use. A piece of whale bone was sometimes reduced to workable size by hacking along the grain of the bone with a jagged cobble until it split. In other instances unfinished speci- 38 Obsidian occurs only in the interior, not on the coast, and the occasional worked Pieces one sees were doubtless traded in. 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 mens show clear traces of an initial sawing, probably with the com- mon slate blades. Small bone objects were sometimes given a preliminary shaping by battering to crack and chip them to approxi- mate form; others were sawed out. Perforations in bone were made in a variety of ways. Biconical holes were rather common. Cylindrical perforations, drilled from one side only, were also made. The type of drill used for this opera- tion is not well known, even from the better ethnographic reports; it must have been a very efficient one. In addition, slotted holes were put through, for example, in certain types of barbed harpoon points, and some bone needles, by sawing or gouging. The method by which the crescentic slots of some type II harpoons were made is not clear. Little data are available on woodworking techniques, except as these may be inferred from the tool complex. Adzes, celts, wedges, hafted and hand mauls, grinding stones, and the rest, represent the same woodworking methods that have been described ethnographi- cally for the area (cf. Boas, 1909, pp. 327 ff.). SURVEY IN 1938 In the following pages, archeologic sites located during the survey of Coast Tsimshian and Kwakiutl territory in 1938 are described. The methods used in the reconnaissance were as follows: Each site found was located on a chart of the district, and a site-card was made out for it, recording the following information: Site designa- tion, chart reference, location, water supply, type of deposit, length, width, height, house remains visible, burials, cover, owned by, mapped, photo, remarks, date. Sites to be tested were trenched, laying out the test pits to cut across the edge of an historic house, where traces of these could be seen. Artifacts recovered from the tests were located as to vertical position, and in the case of cuts made partly in the sloping face of the midden (for drainage) the horizonal distance from a fixed datum was also recorded. During the latter part of the survey it was found very helpful to note also the matrix in which the artifact lay, as a check on depth measurements, which are sometimes difficult to make accurately in deep pits and ones put down from sloping or uneven surfaces. This makes it possible to locate every artifact precisely on the trench profiles. All these data were recorded by means of artifact slips of the type used by the University of Cali- fornia archeologic surveys. Most of the digging was done with shovels, scraping the bottom of the trench, then shoveling out the dirt thus piled up. It was thus possible to uncover most of the artifacts without disturbing them. Want of time and somewhat low artifact yield prevented use of trowels as the chief tools. Faunal remains ANTHROP, PAP. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 63 recovered were kept in foot-level bags. After completion of each cut, profiles were drawn, vertical measurements from top to bottom being taken at 3- or 4-foot intervals. The dip of various layers was read off with a Brunton compass. Samples were taken of the various layers. The point at which each sample was taken was noted on the profile, as a check. A sketch map was then made of the site with a Brunton and tape. Large measurements are in whole feet and tenths (as: “36.8 feet” means 36 whole feet and 8/10) ; small measure- ments are in inches and tenths of inches (as: “7.5 inches” means 7 whole inches and 5/10) .*4 Method of designating sites —The designations given the sites refer to the island, headland, or bay on which they are situated, and have been taken from the standard marine charts of the region.** Follow- ing the site designation, the chart reference is given. Canadian Hydrographic Office charts are indicated by “Can.” followed by the chart number; United States Hydrographic Service charts by “U.S.” and the chart number; British Admiralty charts by “B. A.” and the number. This procedure should facilitate the recording of additional sites as they are reported from the area. COAST TSIMSHIAN SITES: PRINCE RUPERT DISTRICT ANIAN ISLAND (Can. 301) A large midden on Anian Island, on the north side of the inner end of Venn Passage, was located and tested. (See pl. 5,a.) Entirely surrounding the island are sand and mud shoals which dry at low water. ‘These shoals, which extend most of the way along Venn Pas- sage, are rich clam beds, and are probably the source of the shell material of the Anian Island and other middens of the vicinity. Near the beach, on the south side of the midden, is a spring which is sald to flow constantly, even in rainless periods. The site consists of a large mass capping the southern promontory of the island, with a lower terrace along the southern face. (See fig. 16.) The terrace is relatively narrow (about 50 feet in width) and somewhat longer than the main upper midden; since it was in cultiva- tion, testing was confined to the main portion. The latter extends 350 feet (measured along the crest) in a northwest-southeast direc- tion; the greatest width is 180 feet. On the southwest side, the deposit rises gradually from the terrace, falling away sharply (30°-40°) on the northeast face. The crest is about 30 feet above the high-tide line (the terrace is about 10 feet lower). The subsoil on which the deposit rests rises to the northwest, so that the deposit, with little 84 1 foot=0.3048 meter ; 1 inch—=2.54 centimeters. 35 Native designations have not been used, except in one instance (Qalahaituk) in which the locality is not indicated on any published chart. 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL, 133 change in altitude becomes progressively shallower, until it dwindles away entirely. To southeast the deposit slopes away gently to merge with the lower terrace. In form, the midden is irregular, tending to parallel the south beach frontage. Owing to clearing, the natural cover could not be determined. Mr. Wearmouth, the owner, informed us that formerly there were several large shallow depressions visible SEACH Figure 16.—Anian Island midden. (Sketch, contours only approx.) (which he had filled in), which may have been house pits. It was not possible for us to test these pits, however, to determine if they were houses or not. Two trenches and two test pits were dug in the main midden. Trench 1, at the western corner of the deposit, was 20 feet long (northeast-southwest) by 4 feet wide. The deposit at this point proved to be quite shallow, 31 inches deep at the inner northeast end of the cut, while a rock outcrop rose nearly to the surface at the outer end. Trench 2 was cut into the northern face of the midden at about the midpoint. When completed, it was 13.5 feet long by 9 feet wide. At the outer end of the trench the midden material was 35 inches deep; at the inner, where the upper edge was approxi- mately 48 inches below the highest portion of the midden, 103 inches. Pit A, sunk near the crest of the deposit, was 6 feet by 4 feet by 110 inches; pit B, nearby, was 6 feet by 4 feet, and discontinued at a depth of 60 inches. Human skeletal remains, occurring near the surface 6 to 10 feet east of pit B, were exposed and excavated. The composition of the midden material exposed by the four cuts was essentially uniform. 7 405260—43 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 tend unbroken, though thinning out, to the sill (fig. 27). Against the sill was an area of brown sandy dirt with numerous large stones. This apparently was an artificial fill to level off the latest house floor, that ae CHARCOAL ye SHELL [Je a Y, : : &b LL7 RQ é f Dy oe, Ny Fred lay =. ) DS BAK DIRT . Oa, S SS, © WITH SHELL SROWN SANDY OIRT. wrt STONES C: y 8 ] § ai cies et ete halle N i: > © ~ a = (of BROWN, WITH MICACEOUS pines Y EE aa ale x SANO, STONES aah) Gp ay wipe eg. Be =. S Oeil eet tra hs Re oe ig : ~- 3 = ee oe ee ee ew wee we —— STERILE Y&tLlouw SAND tm i (CwEXCAVATED) — SE. FicuRE 27.—Drain, Roscoe Inlet 1A. (X=location of artifact; numbers in parentheses indicate indeterminable worked fragments. ) of house 1, represented by the uppermost black horizon. Beneath the fill, the mussel-shell horizon rose to a slight crown 19 inches from the surface (from 35 inches at the north wall of trench 1), then dipped beachward. ANnTHROP. Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 89 Contact goods (trade beads and iron) were found in trench 1 in the uppermost (dark brown) horizon, and in the light brown sand with stone horizon (fill) beneath it. The drain of trench 2 (see fig. 27) exposed a series of differentiated layers in which the predominating constituent was sandy soil, with varying amounts of charcoal, ash, burnt stone, faunal remains, and cultural material, alternating with ash layers and layers of shell (chiefly mussel). A number of dark brown or black strata con- taining a considerable quantity of organic matter, and occasionally small amounts of broken shell, seemed of the same type as the dark brown to black horizons in trench 1. Tests to determine the back edge of the deposit showed the midden to contain a fairly large proportion of clam (Saaidomus nuttalli Conr., Venerupis staminea Conr.) and cockle (Cardiuwm clinocardium nuttalli Conr.) shell there, rather than mussel shell as in the outer (and probably older) part of the site. The artifact yield of the drain and trench corresponded to that of trench 1. The most striking feature of the profile of the drain is the change in the trend of the habitation levels. The uppermost level carries straight out to meet the sloping face at a definite angle. Presumably this reflects the use of a type of house similar to that found around the point at Roscoe Inlet 1, where the house was built as far out over the edge as possible, filling in against a sill where necessary to level off the floor. The lower strata (again as in the adjacent site) in- dicated a gradual, more usual type of deposition, in which the layers slope off gradually, and the areas of occupation kept moving back- ward as well as upward. To summarize, the middens Roscoe Inlet 1 and 1A represent an extensive site extending downward in time from the historic period. The very characteristic conformation of these middens, steep face joining the top at a pronounced angle (as in some Tsimshian sites), is probably to be associated with a late feature of house construction, and the tendency to build houses as close to the midden front as possible, artificially filling and leveling when necessary. The occur- rence of certain distinctive strata which seem to be habitation levels should make it possible with more extensive excavation to define the earlier as well as the recent dwelling types of the region. 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 TABLE 4.—Artifacts from Roscoe Inlet 1 Measurements N D ipti reac no Depth te R 0. escription Length ? ept | oR emarks (or di- | Width aloe inches ameter) HASSE Inches | Inches | Inches | Inches 72a Contact goods: (Plass bead) =-225|) 200 == |. eae een Aer 5 176; |) Bone\point fragment (class! B)=-|_2 2 | ee i 6 178) || Bone awl; typerlb----=----25-=- 2.86 0.8 0. 45 8 173 | Stone hand maul, type III_--_-- 4.77 2.4 1.96 9 174 | Stone hand maul, type IV____- 3.4 2.79 1.73 10 180) Bone awl), type Lal -- = 2128 S208 bl teen =o. ee 10 181 | Bone point, type BIIA (4 2. 28 32 21 10 asymmetrical proximal 0-12 barbs). 182 | Bone point, type BIA__________ 3. 22 .47 .16 11-12 183 | Scraper (?) of deer parietal_____ 3.6 1.78 “15 12 177 | Elliptical chipped bone (point 1.97 42 .14 7-12 See p. 62. blank?). 184 | Contact goods (chinaware frag- |______.__|_..--.-__|_-____-_- 0-12 ment). 192 | Whale-bone cypress bark beat- |________- 1.85 1. 65 10 (1) er, handle missing. 185 Sie celt fragment, type |________- TEAS te eet 2 14 1 ; 226)| Contact goods) (ron object) 22 |e eee ee eee eee 16 1874| Boneiawilhtype ld. a2 4.6 . 54 . 24 19 12-24 188 | Bone gouge or scraper, small, 2. 63 APT . 23 19 type IA. 201 | Rectanguloid slate straight- 1.78 1. 52 . 34 24 edged stone blade (‘‘saw’’). 195 ewe CU) PALSe MEN LS Ey; pe s|mewee ee ere Soe ee Ra 25 1 5 197 | Whale-bone object (blank?), 14.5 . 93 .6 27 one side hacked, one sawed. 202 | Serpentine (?) celt poll frag-} _-_.___}_-_.___- . 63 27 ment, type IB (?). 206 | Fish-spine pin (?) fragment____ Cc | eee A ee 27 207 | Bone point fragment, type 2.7+ 3 15 27-28 BIIA (?). 208; | sawe dunone fragment: 2 ee |e |S es ee 28 210° | ‘Blunt. tipped “wedge-shaped”? {228-220 i ijti22) Bie 30 See p. 60. object. Zit || *BoneawlifragmentAtypedoo sete l i ee Ce ee 30 212 | Composite harpoon point frag- |_________ . 54 322 30 ment, type II. 24-36 200) | ;Stoneiband maul) type VV sso so ae eee eee 30 199 | Bone point, type BIIB_________ 3. 22 . 44 a3 27-30 191) |pStonehand) maulatype ves ete ue a ee ee 24-32 215 eerepen point butt fragment, |___._____ - 96 . 34 33 type I. 216 ae nie (?) fragment, type |________. . 88 +22 33 203 ||| Large ‘flati chip! of ‘serpentine? | .25) 3/2 al ee 34 (celt fragment?) 217 | Bone awl (or gouge?) fragment, |___.____. 4 . 25 34 sawed, type 1b (?). 219 | Small bone (sea mammal rib) 3.3 . 96 . 53 35 wedge. 220 | Bone point, type BIB__-_______ 3.5 42 wee, 36 205 | Bone awl, type le______________ BOO 4 | sen ee eee 24-36 24-36 222 | Stone polisher with wear facets_ VBA CEAL ELLE AES Ba 24-36 24-36 22 | Splittingadzeragment=_ = 222" Sih eee Se ee ee No loc. (2) 228 | Harpoon fragment, spatulate |__.______]_.._..___]_..__-..- No loc. () tip type, V (?). | Total mum ber artifacts fromytrvenchl 2: ae a ee OY (See as Se eee So 40-3 from drain. Total yardage tee ere ee ee ee epee ees PT OPS TiO Vardss use aes Artifact ils 2s se ee eer ee eh ee wa ES ORD. 5.2 per yard_______ Also 6 indetermin- able worked bone fragments recov- ered. 1 From drain. 2 From drain. ARTIFACTS FROM ROSCOE INLET 1A For descriptive purposes, four levels may be distinguished on the basis of type of midden material. It must be made clear that these ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER. 9] levels are not culturally defined, but represent periods of different usage of the portion of the midden through which the trench cut. Level a (see diagram fig. 27), extending to a depth of 39 inches at the northwest face, consisted chiefly of ashy strata, with one black dirt (habitational) horizon. Level 0, 39 to 60 inches at the northwest face, consisted of several habitational layers, interspersed by layers of lenses of mussel shell, and of ash. Level c, 60 to 125 inches may also represent a type of habitation, although the composition of the midden material differs somewhat from that of other habitational layers. Level d, 125 to 151 inches, differs again, containing as it does quantities of stones and sand (fill). The small habitation area at the bottom of the deposit might be distinguished from “d” had we enough material to make it worth while to do so. TABLE 5.—Artifacts from Roscoe Inlet 1A* DRAIN Measurement No. Description ‘ Depth Remarks Length | Width | Thick- Inches | Inches | Inches 200K sUlnaknifeirapmentinns. sto a eee Level a___ 246 | Bone point, type BIA heavy, | 2.26 0. 48 0.2 | Levela__- blunt tip. 237 | Bone point, type BIA__-_----_- 3. 54 41 .25 | Level b__- 247 | Split piece of whale bone,hacked | 11.5 =‘ |_--------|--------- Level 6.__| Saw cuts 0.26 in. wide. to length, split sawed from can- cellous surface. 276 | Seamammal bone rod, elliptoidal | 5. 2(-++) . 58 .39 | Level 6... cross section, tapered toward one end (tip broken). 2iaioue awilu (tip emMissine) by pen sssses— ease aae an aaa ae Level 6..- lal. 277 | Thin flat bone object (needle?)__| 6.6(++) 3 .18 | Level 6___| See p. 60. 242 | Bone point, type BIA__._-_-__- 4,12 5 .26 | Level c____ 259 | Bone point, type BIA_-____-_-_- 2.6 . 62 wae wevelicsies 251 | Bone gouge (Scraper), type IA, | 5.58 |-.-------]--------- Level c___. narrow rounded tip. 241 | Hacked seamammal bone object} 3.1 . 56 .44 | Level c___- (point blank?). 258 SIT awl fragment, type 1 |___------ .42 . 24 | Level c___- 257 | Cylindrical, tapered, sea mam- |_______-- zi. Vol age Level d__- mal bone rod, (broken medial portion missing). 273 | Awl tip (broken annd reused), | 2.18 aR hl ee Level d__- original type indeterminate. 234 | Seamammal bonerod,rectangu-} 3.7(-+) .39 .29 | Level 6___| Objects 234-245 were im- loid cross section, one rounded properly located, so end, one end missing. that their loci are not 245 | Bone awl, type le_-_---.-------- 6 4aR) Seen | tues Level b___| certain, except that they came from levels aand b. 274 | Cylindrical whale-bonerod frag- |________- PEE Lay oY (ees Asa ee || De Be os APE Objects 274, 275, 278, 260, ment, with rounded end. 289 from the drain are 275 | Bone awl, type 1ld____-----_---- 4,21 .61 SEOs, [ear ee ea without location. 278 eral pointed bone, square-cut | 1.6 . 28 BA ys 2 ee See ase. 260 | Bone point, type BIA____----_- 2. 59 . 44 LOH | Reet ween 289)1|) Stonepolisher® lek Ae ek sie Ske Oi Ao le wey oH es a Ue ep Several noted not saved. In addition, a total of 15 pointed or otherwise worked bone fragments indeterminable as to form, were recovered from the cut. 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 Taste 5.—Artifacts from Roscoe Inlet 1A *—Continued TRENCH 2 Measurement No. Description f Depth Remarks Length | Width | Thick- ness Inches | Inches | Inches Inches 279 | Bone awl, type le_..------------ BROT bak a eer che ee 1 t ee oes Sage Level a, depth 0-89 inches. 266 | Slender sea mammal bone rod,} 9.9(+)| 70.45 |--------- 16=17eee= Point slot, 0.08 inch slotted for point, (arrow fore- wide. shaft?) butt broken. Pay fal Ofte tl rah fay yee I ee AE Sp Cer) A ee a ee ee ee 72 ee 264 | Hand drill (?) fragment reduced |_________ aS1Ob 2 2 eee 14-18te 4 % cylindrical, blunt point. 263 | Small sea mammal bone rod 1.9(+) co Nye | eens SS ee nb EAT Level a, 0-39 in. fragment, 1 rounded end (drill point?). 269) pirdsheadionnament (2) pes eee es ee eee | aeons [pone oeee PAS ea es See p. 60. 281 | Barbed harpoon point tip frag- | 1.34 . 62 ON2bi | p22q25 eee ment, whale bone, type ? 280 | Bone awl, type le (tip broken)--| 5.2(-++)|_--------]--------- 79 Nie ara say 282) sBonewawl strasment type: LO: 222-22 eles eee as lece ee be 72 has aE Objects associated. partly sawed on one side. QBS ABONE BWI t ye il Omen eS | eh an Sa ie a a BNE 234 yBone awl, fragment type lei(7)2s|o- 8 2s oe ee 77 EA A 285 | Mountain-goat horn core with |_......._|-.--.----]----.---- bh) ee cut base. 2860 MBOneOINt CY POND LAr on sameenn pena Sone ere ee eee Lee 24-288) 20s) 237) Bonerawl, typevtc (ulna, head. | 222222 Pan kasi eee 40-41______ Level b. partly worked). ROtAIATUILACES See el canes Aap Mee IAN tee ae SIR wee tl ng se wedge Met 14} Also 6 indeterminable MROLBIEV ATG Ao Ore eee eet a Jou re Emre cent UN 3 ai se nn ne RRR eee 4.5 worked fragments. ATtILACTS DOLEVaLd cee er ee ere a ae ee aire Loe a ee ee A 3.1 | Excluding indetermina- es. In a depth test at the rear side of the midden, ashort heavy rectangu- lar cedar-bark shredder of whale bone: length, 6.23 inches; height, 7.38 inches; thickness, 0.6 inches; with an irregu- lar elliptoidal perfora- tion near the upper end, 1.46 inches by 0.61 inches, was found at a depth of 18 inches. 1 See profile diagram (fig. 27) and indicated artifact loci. ? Diameter. KILKITEI VILLAGE (Can. 320) A site designated on the chart as “Kilkitei Village” is situated on a small promontory on the southwest end of Yeo Island, at the junction of Spiller and Return Channels. (See pl. 6, 6.) It belongs to the Qoqwaiat (qdqwaiat*) division of the Heiltsuk, and is known as “kaba.” # The site is fairly well sheltered, being protected from heavy seas in so’easters by the islands to the south (though the force of the wind is not abated), and from westerlies by Grief Island di- rectly in front. A narrow beach, wide enough, however, for launch- ing canoes, and rocky in some places, fronts the site. At either end of the promontory is a narrow sheltered cove; the one to the north 42 Tt was probably the village from which the attempted massacre of the Atahualpa was made in 1815. (See Howay, 1928 a.) AnTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 93 has a good landing, from which a trail leads to the village. Remains of several native houses are to be seen on the site, as well as a modern frame house. The site is used by people from Bella Bella for grow- ing potatoes, and a good part of the surface has been cultivated at one time or another. On the little knoll at the north end of the promontory are several modern graves with marble headstones, in a fenced plot. Next to them are a pair of carved grave posts (ca. 15 feet apart) between which a gravehouse once stood. (See pl. 8, g.) A landslip, caused by the fall of a large tree over the bluff, has car- ried away the house. A creek running into the cove to the north gS canoe SNIPS ‘Ficure 28.—Plan, Kilkitei Village. provides water, for a well-defined trail leads from the site to the stream. Three canoe runways were seen on the beach, one directly in front of the site, two at the landing in the cove to the north. Unlike those previously seen, these have been kept in repair, poles about 8 feet long being laid across, 2 to 5 feet apart and weighted down with the rocks of the row of stones on either side. The arrange- ment is a most effective one, as we learned by sliding our skiff up the one in the cove. The midden is long, straggling along the front of the promontory (see fig. 28). Its dimensions are: Length, 575 feet (along the top) ; average width, 50 feet. Formerly, it must have been both longer and wider, for the north end appears to have been considerably eroded, and the front has suffered from wave cutting. Height of 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 the midden varies from 5 to 8 feet about tide line. Some midden material, black dirt with shell fragments, was noted over the low saddle to the landing in the north cove, but whether this is but a thin mantle or deep deposit was not determined. The portions of “MATERIAL 1S" HETEROGENEOUS -: SAND AND STONE MATERIAL HETEROGEN Equs WITH SHELL GREY SANOY, Ba CCOARSE REO-YELL OW sano) Ficure 29.—Profile of south face of trench 1, Kilkitei Village. GREY, SANDY BROWN i re) 2 q t “ 3 Sore 3 Es “foe 5 a 2 © 4 5 e 8 = w is) NS 3 & v 3 N 2 5 Ay x (5) a N 0 = tt W BS $ E 2 z = 3 3 ry > < 5 t 9 $ E \ the site which have not been cultivated support coarse grasses, nettles, and some salmonberry bushes. Various stubs of house posts and miscellaneous timbers were noted, but none of the houses was measured, save for a rectangular pit, 19 feet by 22 feet, at the northern end. The pit is surrounded by a low bank, 1 to 2 feet high, and 3 or 4 feet wide. Pieces of boards, etc., were noted in the pit. Presumably, this is the remnant of a plank house with a central pit, like those so often described ethno- graphically, although this pit seems rather small for such a structure. ANTHROP. Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 95 Two trenches were dug in from the outer face in apparently undis- turbed portions of the site; trench 1, 12 by 4 feet, showed a maximum depth of deposit of 38 inches; trench 2, 9 by 4 feet, horizontally, had a maximum depth of 73 inches. Trench 1 was complex in the stratigraphy of the undisturbed por- tions (fig. 29). The outer 5 to 6 feet proved to be mixed, owing to wave undercutting and caving-off of the midden face. The re- mainder of the deposit at this point consisted of numerous small lenses and strata of differentiated material—dirt, sand, shell, and ash. x 344 ate) x345 CK ¥ ae ’ ' & » SP. iS C BARNACLE SHELL X S38 x 339 Muss | CLA SH STERILE SvGsoiL CY¥EL6OW SAND avo GRAVEL) e—— Ficure 30.—Profile of south face of trench 2, Kilkitei Village. Apparently the trench cut across the former point or corner of the midden, for the layers in general dipped both north and west. The trench cut through an historic house. In the upper layer a 6-inch pole with iron spikes lay horizontally along the edge of the midden. This may have been a sill similar to that of house 1 in Roscoe Inlet 1, though no clear evidence of artificial fill behind it could be noted. There were traces of fill at lower depths which, however, were not related to the same sort of house construction: a few bone fragments, chiefly in the black dirt with burnt stone layer (4 to 8 inches below the surface) lay at rather acute angles, suggesting loading of this material, and at 19 inches a 4.5-inch lens of beach-worn shell and gravel extended in a tongue to 1.7 feet of the head of the trench, widening rapidly beachward to cover the width of the trench. A few other observations may be recorded here. In the northeast corner of the trench an ovoid pit, 1.4 feet by 1.8 feet, extended down- ward 15 inches from its point of origin at the bottom of the black 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 133 sandy surface layer. Its purpose could not be ascertained. In mid- trench in the 0- to 12-inch level and again at the base of the deposit (overlying the lowest midden layer) at the edge of the cave-in material, were a number of large unworked stones, 20 to 40 pounds in weight. There was no determinable purposeful arrangement of either of the two lots. The artifact yield of the trench was moderate, as compared to the Roscoe Inlet middens; the layers below 24 inches yielded little artifactual material or animal bone. Trench 2, like the preceding, cut through a recent house on the surface, as indicated by stubs of house posts on either side. The outer edge of the deposit for about 5 feet from the present face has been disturbed by undercutting and sloughing of upper levels. The undisturbed portion presents a simpler stratigraphy by far than did trench 1. (See fig. 30.) The layers, again well differentiated, are for the most part thicker and apparently continuous, and slope gradually beachward. The original face of the midden must have been much farther out than is the present one. In the upper levels a series of horizons resembling the habitation levels of previously investigated sites were noted. They did not occur at this point below the 30-inch level. The artifact and animal bone yield of the lower levels (51 to 73 inches) was somewhat less than above that point. A pit penetrating the lower levels for 10 inches had its point of origin in dark brown dirt horizon at 65 inches. In general, the Kilkitei Village midden paralleled those at Roscoe Inlet in structure, though it was considerably shallower. Again the latest houses were built out to the midden edge with sills to hold and level the floor, while the strata below dipped gradually beach- ward, indicating that houses of a different type were in vogue anciently. ANTHROP. Pap, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 97 TABLE 6.—Artifacts from Kilkitei Village TRENCH Measurements No. Description ; Depth Remarks 311 | Stone celt (burned) ___-______-- 5. 93 1. 62 0. 68 6-12 310 | Contact goods (glass fragment) _|___..____]_--______]_-_-____- 12 ala) Contact coods! (glass) iron)p ee |e noe pane 0-12 318 | Small cylindric bone object, 1 | 1.35 Es 1p ee ees 17 end pointed, 1 spatulate ; (hook barb?). 323 | Bone point, type BIA_--_-__-_-- 2. 98 .39 aval 32 B0Sn Contact eoodsiGrGm) eee see | he eile Sk eae eas See 312 | Small hand maul, type III_____| 2.4 1.39 117, RCN ee IS) eHand maulitype TVs 222 4. 66 2. 68 IL GSY | Pee Sve 314 | Hand maul, type III___________ 3. 38 1.65 1072 |e wee aN Objects that cannot be def- 315 | Small pebble with abraded | 2,28 1.19 LOSE |e werent ces initely located as to depth, ends (hand maul, type IV?). since they came from the 222 | Bone awl, tip missing, sawed, | 2.7(+) -41 3 Pee ee disturbed ground at the type 1d. outer (wavecut) portion of 330 | Stone celt, type IB__________-- 3. 65 1.47 BAZ) eho = Pee the trench. 331 | Hand maul, type IlT__..2--___- 2.95 1.7 TS2ie | esate zie py VoOpkeaiclam shellifragmentes.|seeees sehen a oe ae ane THOLAIALUILAC TS eae eee eens a Jo nee oe eee le 1b) Peeps ae Excluding contact goods, 5 indeterminable worked fragments. eMotalby ara meas ve ak 5 a em Ae pn Se Ast oyoe ea Approximate. PAT Tifa CESIPEL VAL Ge see ee tne oe See ee PT eee 220 2a Excluding contact goods, indeterminables. TRENCH 22 Measurements No. Description Level Remarks . Thick- Length | Width Miss —!| | SS Inches | Inches | Inches Soon MO ONLACH ZOOGS CrOlOLCs) acs oe | ee eee | ee teem | tee ee a 336) | Socketedibone harpoon fragment. — 2 2- |) 22 2 | ee b See p. 60. 335 | Hand drill (?) fragment (reduced cylin- |-_-______]__---____]_-___-___- b Tip diameter, 0.12in. drical tip). 334 | Small blunt bone pin with expanded |__-----__|__-______]__---___- b See p. 60. head (drill point?). 338 | Bone gouge (?) fragment, type IC (?) | 3.92 |_--__--__]---_-__-- c (shorter and narrower than Tlingit skin-scrapers of this type). 339 | Bone gouge tip fragment, type IA or IB_|---_--_-- 0. 66 0. 27 c 342 | Bird bone awl (?) fragment hafted in |__-______- AD? yl ae oleae d Diameter of haft, another bone. 0.38. 344 | Flat, elliptical cross section bone pin (?) 1.8(+) APL ail d fragment, with tapering rounded butt. 345 | Bone point (?) tip fragment, type B- | 1.2(-+) 41 .15 d IB (?). Width at tip, 0.22 in 346 | Bone gouge tip fragment, type IB (?).__| 3.2(+) . 58 . 24 d 347 ey oe fragment, tip broken, type | 2.4(++) P46 Ulsan ee e e (?). Area 348 | Bone point, type BIA (?), butt broken_| 2.6(++) . 34 215 f Objects recovered from the disturbed area (f). 351 | Slate blade fragment, with beveled |__-___-__|__----__-- 722 blade, unworked sides (saw?). FROG Ar LI SCs eases See ee ees ee eee eee eae eS ee ae ee OEE py een co Excluding contact goods, 3 indeter- minable worked fragments. Motali Vard ages cee se sence seen eee see ee eae rah Senne TR WARN Seem ete 5.0to 5.5 | Approximate. WAT tifacts| pen yardescece onsale ase ae BCE ee a 2.1 to 2.4 1 Diameter. 2 As in the case of material from Roscoe Inlet 1A, artifacts from trench 2 will be listed according to location levels. The various strata can be grouped according to type into 5 main levels, a-e, with anjareaf to designate the disturbed area at the outer end of the cut. (See profile, fig. 30.) 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 KYNUMPT HARBOR (Can. 320) A small site is situated on the north end of Campbell Island, on the narrow peninsula between Kynumpt Harbor and Norman Mor- rison Bay, fronting on the former body of water. The site is locally reputed to be the place in which Vancouver wintered and careened his vessels in 1793; however, Vancouver did not winter on the coast that year, nor can I identify the harbor from his account. The navigator entered Milbanke Sound by way of Return Channel, and probably never came near this place. A pit, 25 feet square, enclosed by low ridges of earth, marks the site of a native house. According to native testimony, Kynumpt Harbor (qaindmt‘ is the Heiltsuk name) was a minor camp, used chiefly in late summer for berry-picking. The site is fairly well sheltered, and fronted by a long gravel beach. It actual extent was difficult to ascertain owing to clear- ing and cultivation of a considerable portion of it. The length is in the neighborhood of 200 feet; from the beach the deposit sprawls back following the rising contour of the hillside for about 100 feet. The maximum depth of deposit noted was 69 inches. Several test pits were dug, but all proved to be in disturbed ground; the present occupants of the site were unable to inform us of the full extent of cultivating and leveling that had been done by previous white settlers. Pit A had undisturbed deposit below 24 inches; the upper portion being fill to level off the slight terrace at that part of the midden. Below this point were well-defined horizons of char- coal, decomposed wood (similar to habitation levels seen elsewhere), and shell, resting on the clean gravel bottom (apparently an old beach). A small number of artifacts were recovered. Of some in- terest was the incidence of fragmentary human remains in the deposit. Those in the disturbed ground, of course, indicated only presence of skeletal material, perhaps burials or just fragments, in the site. A skull fragment (portion of parietal), however, occurred in the undisturbed black dirt with shell layer at a depth of 30 to 36 inches. SCHOONER PASSAGE 1 “ An important site in Wikeno (southernmost Heiltsuk) territory on lower River’s Inlet was tested. The midden is located on the northwest end of a small island just off the entry to Schooner Pas- sage, the northern entrance to Rivers Inlet. (See pl. 6, ¢.) 429 ao sSN 6 SAS erry CORE Ss) AR a ~ °Cog DAR GREY DIRS Z Witt ASH, SOME SHELL, BURNT 5 7; are (sor sARPLY PLUFFERENTIATEO) EES XAOS “ MUSSEL SMELLS WiTy ASH, | Se Wy < CHARCOAL wf =o Ct BACK DIRT, ; K399 CUXEOD SHELL 398 AND OIRT x907 DARK GREY ORT WITH LENSES OF SHELL SARNACLE SHELL «424 * LOCATION OF I ARTIFACT @ APPROXIMATE LOCATION, DE- TERMINED BY MATRIX. a E-PIT AR Die zs EA ©4738) RCome 2 aN \ a aay g BROWN Sanoy OR WITH SYELL, ASH, STONES €7¢ CROWN SANDY ————— xIS2 OIRT WITH SHELL LENSES, ASH, SIUSSEL SHELL AND SANA Ere CLE v7 fe CAN uss. SHELL eo ae FLEVEL FigurE 32.—Profile, Schooner Passage 1. Erosion of the outer face, of course, makes interpretation of so small a section as the present one difficult, but the small well-defined peak in the lowest exposed section, succeeded by lenticular horizons 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 133 whose apices appear to have been beachward (at present eroded away), seems to have been followed by a period of retreat of the midden landward. This irregular growth brings up the problem of the mode of deposition of the lower levels. Tests on the beach showed, at a point of 40 feet from the datum, shell material to a depth of 38 inches, at which point the hole flooded. The upper 10 inches consisted of fine particles of white shell (apparently crushed clam and barnacle), overlying a thick bed of mussel shell with fragments of white shell. Both layers contained some ash, and in the lower layers bits of charcoal and burnt stones were noted. At 60 feet from the datum (by eye, 4 feet below the beach line), shell mate- rial was found to extend to a depth of 86+inches (the seepage level.) At the surface was a layer of beach gravel, followed by a 9-inch layer of mussel shell with clam and/or barnacle fragments and con- siderable ash and charcoal. Inferior to this was a very compact layer of broken mussel shell 8 inches thick, which overlay a bed of mussel shell with ash (lighter in color than the preceding) which continued to the bottom of the hole. The presence in several of these apparent strata of materials of differing specific gravity (different types of shell, charcoal, ash, and burnt stone) argues against the differentiation being due to water-sorting. If this is correct, the midden formerly extended much farther outward, which means that there has been a sharp subsidence of the island. It must be noted, of course, that the possibility of subsidence does not demand the assumption of profound geologic changes over a long period of time, for the northern Pacific coast is notoriously unstable, numerous minor local subsidences and emergences being known (Dawson, 1877; 1880, p- 94B ff.). One burial and numerous isolated human bones were found in the trench. The burial, that of a child of 10 or 12, was found in a layer of mussel and barnacle shell with ash at a depth of 106 inches, 1.25 feet from the head of the trench, level 4 in the profile. The body was laid on the back, tightly flexed, with the head to the east. (See pl. 8, 7.) No pit outline could be traced but the lay of the remains— the pelvis and feet slanted upward—indicated there had been a pit. An undisturbed mussel-shell horizon 92 to 97 inches (part of level g) lay above the burial, indicating the point of origin of the pit was below 97 inches. Finely divided black material covered the entire burial; no artifacts were found in association. The bones were some- what crushed, but articulated. Fragmentary remains were found as follows: Skull fragment (sphenoid, adult) 89 to 94 inches; a tibia and several fragmentary vertebrae (juvenile), 123 to 126 inches; a group of bones consisting of a humerus, radius clavicle, two ribs, portion of a tibia, and a cervical vertebra (all juvenile) in an area of 1.8 feet by 1.5 feet at 131 to 133 inches. AntTurop, Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 103 The predominance of juvenile remains is of interest. None of the bones showed traces of gnawing, indicating that they were not from burials dug up by animals.‘ The artifact yield of the trench was moderate compared to that of the Roscoe Inlet middens, although there was a decrease in quan- tity in the lower level (in part, at least, owing to reduction of the horizontal area excavated). TABLE 7.—Artifacts from Schooner Passage 1 Measurements No. Description : Level Remarks Length | Width | Thick- Inches | Inches | Inches Bb77 |Oontact 2o0dsi(1AsS Dead) kostees seas aaa eee ee eee a 358 | Bone point, type BIA _-..------------ 1. 66 0. 46 0.19 a Sot |! Contact’ zoods'Gron bucket: bale) 222-3 |---| as | a eee Probably level a, 369 "Serpentine celt fragment, type t+. =---|--------=}=-----2-2)0-2_-- = depth 0-12 inches. 360 | Small flat elliptical cobble with ab- | 2.71 2.22 . 92 raded ends (type IV, hand maul). 362))|)Serpentine(celifracment> "as ies (ee oa aad eee 363 | Composite harpoon barb, type II---_-- 428 | Small bone pin, one end pointed (?) (tip missing), one cut to steep bevel hook or rake point?). 364) |) Bone point) type BAG >. 2 ~~~ = === 3. 28 41 35 365 | Hand maul, type IV (burned) ------- 371 | Longitudinally split bear (?) canine, with encircling groove at base for suspension. 372 | Serpentine chip with rounded sharp ground tip (knife of reworked celt fragment?). 367 | Bone awl, type le (?) tip missing_--_-_- 429 | Bone point, type BIA__-_----------- e : : d 374 | Split whale-bone fragment, tapering | 5.8(+)| 1.9(+) ats d See p. 61. with rounded edges. d d e logos meh oe ~ oa to fo‘) aan on on vs 7 \ 1 1 H 1 ‘ ' i oO Qan wo S o ~1 a et er) ° S73h i pBonelawlinagment type t-sas—22 2-24 leone ae |e” |e eeeee 3760) Bonelawl hyped 22es2 2 ee eee 368 | Split bone awl (?or gouge), tip miss- ing, head unmodified except by original splitting (awl, type 1b). 378 | Composite harpoon barb, type II (broken). 377 | Boneawl, type3 (a head broken) ----- 379 | Bone point, type BIB_-_-_----------- 382 | Bone point, type BIA (butt broken) -- : : 384 | Bipointed bone pin (gouge?) - __----- Bh2 . 28 Po sc | (eae From disturbed are 381 | Rounded cut whale-bone fragment. -_-|_-_--_---|--------- 6) (or pit?). 390 | Elliptoidal cut whale-bone object-_--- 442 | Whale-bone fragment with slanting |--------- 1.38 . 28 beveled edge (chisel or wedge frag- ment?). 383 | Small bone gouge, type IA__--------|--------- 403 | Worked whale-bone fragments_-___--_-|--------- 392 | Ulna knife, with partly modified |--------- (square cut) head, 393 | Whale-bone fragments_-______--------|--------- 402 | Small (bird-) bone pin fragment with slender tapering point. 394 | Bone awl, type 1c____.___----------- 5 - 395 | Boneawl, fragment, sawed, typeld__|____----- . 54 AB} 422 | Small cylindrical bone ‘‘pin’”’ (1 end |__-_------ That Henn ee es missing), rounded end (drill point?) 396 | Sea mammal bone “‘bark splitter,’ fragment, type IIB. 404 | Small bone awl (?), unfinished (?), type 3a. 1 Diameter. Width at tip, 0.28. _~ o a x 00 to oo BS bp ppb’ ae eee 48 Natives state that occasionally wolves and bears molested graves in former times. Modern graves are often covered with a layer of concrete, apparently to prevent this. 405260—43——_8 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 133 TaBLE 7.—Artifacts from Schooner Passage \—Continued Measurements No. Description Level Remarks Length | Width | Thick- | | S| Inches | Inches | Inches Soven@ut deer mandible: < ANTHROP. PAP, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 111 as those in vogue in the historic period have prevailed throughout the period represented by the accumulations. This interpretation is substantiated by the fact that the prime requisite of an important site was clearly a good beach where one might land at any stage of the tide; shelter from storms, defence, and the like, were far less im- portant, although native legends speak often of refuge sites occupied in time of war. From the time of first occupancy of the sites, good landing places were sought, and ipso facto canoe navigation and all that it signifies in recent native life and economy was an integral part of the culture. The great number of sites in the area bears out. the same interpretation. The survey located only a fraction of the total sites in the region surveyed. To account for so many middens we must assume that the dense population of the early historic period, which was functionally linked with the basic economy of the area, was no new condition but one of moderately long standing. The only alternative would be that the region has been occupied by a small population for an extremely long time, a view for which I can see little justification. It should also be pointed out that the midden sites of the area are extremely well suited for the type of approach used in the sur- vey—that of beginning with historic horizons and working back from the ethnically identifiable known cultures to the prehistoric horizons. At all but one of the sites tested (Anian Island) European goods were encountered in the upper levels, with a series of underlying horizons which carry well back into prehistoric times. The value of the direct historical approach has been discussed elsewhere, and I do not need to go into it, but I feel bound to point out that, as facile as it is to follow on the Northwest Coast, no future investigations in the area should slight it. MATERIALS RECOVERED IN 1938 . The most obvious fact concerning the artifactual material recovered by the 1938 survey is the varying quantitative yield of the sites. It seems possible to account for this in terms of type of site, although a certain allowance must be made for sampling error. Two of the three Tsimshian sites tested were camps rather than winter villages; the major site, Anian Island, yielded but little apparently because we missed the inhabited areas, i. e., the houses. Even there, pit A, near the midden crest, yielded moderately well, especially from the 60-inch level down. The trench on the back slope (trench 2), on the other hand, patently was not in pay dirt. The tests in Northern Kwakiutl winter sites, which yielded well, all by good fortune cut through habitation levels (floors). Camp sites, whether Tsimshian or Kwakiutl—Charles Point, Qalahaituk, Khutze Anchorage, and 112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny, 133 Kynumpt Harbor—are plainly poor digging. A reasonable explana- tion of this site difference is that natives did not take much beyond the immediately necessary tools and gear to camp sites and thus might be expected to leave less in the way of artifacts. Consequently, the increase in the horizontal area worked in a given time by no means increases the yield. On the basis of our exploratory work, therefore, it is possible to make certain recommendations in regard to choice of sites in the future. Winter village sites (identifiable both by ethnographic data, and size) should be selected, and if there are no surface indications of houses, the floor or habitation levels should be prospected for by small test pits before laying out the major trenches. The matter of yield in general may be brought up here appropriately: The moderate yield even at the better sites in- dicates that the middens require a fairly large investment of man- hours before really definitive results can be obtained. While there are well preserved artifactual and skeletal remains in the middens, one must be prepared to move a fairly large yardage of dirt to get them. Had our party consisted of six or eight men instead of two, or had we been able to treble or quadruple the length of our stay at each site, I am convinced that it would be possible to define the various components with some precision. Since the 1938 expedition was primarily exploratory, and not at all aimed at solving all the prob- lems of Northwest Coast prehistory at a blow, it was felt preferable to cover as much ground as possible rather than to devote enough time at a single site to get a full sampling of artifact material. The general impression given by the collections made is that, al- lowing for minor site differences and sampling error, there is little difference between the archeological cultures and those enthnograph- ically recorded. The chief division appears to be between Tsimshian and Northern Kwakiutl, as will be emphasized in the discussion of horizontal distributions of traits. Vertically, at none of the sites was there any indication of early cultural components radically differ- ent from those of the uppermost, i. e., historic, levels. While the sampling is not at all adequate to permit us to state that no changes have occurred, it appears that the cultures of the earliest horizons explored were essentially coast cultures of the same general order as those of the historic period. Nonetheless, I see no reason for assum- ing that Northwest Coast culture has remained perfectly static all that time, particularly since series of cultures have appeared in regions both to north and south (in Alaska and central California). A few vertical distributions at Schooner Passage hint at change which future investigation may verify or negate: The occurrences of human re- mains only in levels f to 2; objects (bone knives, awls) with square-cut heads; and increased quantity of whale bone, from level f downward. ANTHROP. Pap, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 113 Whether the simultaneous appearance of these traits is fortuitous and due to sampling error, or whether the items are among those indicative of cultural stratigraphy cannot be stated as yet. Two other sugges- tions of culture change may be pointed out from our present data. Whether they are veritable changes or only due to our limited sam- pling must be checked by more intensive investigations; whether they are to be reckoned of major or minor significance can be determined only after the areal archeologic complexes have been defined more precisely. The first concerns the absence of splitting adzes from the lower levels of the Anian Island tests. It will be recalled that a num- ber of these objects have been found in the surface layers (p. 67). Their apparent absence in our tests may be due to sampling error, or it may mean that they are relatively late introductions.*? It is im- possible to estimate at present to what extent the entire woodworking complex must have differed from that of the ethnographic horizon without this important tool; certain it is that some changes must have accompanied its introduction. Perhaps of more import than the addition of a new tool to the woodworker’s outfit is the change in house type suggested by the re- sults of the tests in the Heiltsuk sites. The squarish house built out over the front of the midden slope, with a sill to level off the floor, apparently is the “Northern” type. Its recency in Kwakiutl territory is attested by the changes in midden structure close below the surface at the Roscoe Inlet middens and at Kilkitei. Erosion of the midden face at Schooner Pass has made it impossible to determine if the type was ever in use there even in late times, although the lower horizons clearly show it absent anciently. All in all, while the present collections are insufficient for the certain determination of presence and extent of culture change over the period represented by the middens tested, they suggest that more extensive excavation will show some local and temporal differences, but that in the main the various components are intelligible as pertaining to the same phase and aspect as their latest (historic) manifestations. AGE OF THE SITES There is no key as yet to the temporal span represented by the midden deposits. The tremendous extent of some of the winter village sites suggests a fairly long period of accumulation, particularly in view of the fact that they were occupied only part of the year (the annual shifting of residence reported ethnographically may be predi- cated for early times as well because of the distance of these sites from salmon streams). A few possible approaches to the problem, however, are worth suggesting. 52 de Laguna (1934, p. 172) has suggested that the splitting adze may be a late element on the basis of its position in the Cook Inlet horizons and its limited distribution. 114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 The first and most obvious line of attack is through dendrochro- nology. As yet Iam not certain that woods from the area are suitable for this type of analysis—whether annual fluctuations in rainfall and/or sunlight are marked enough to be reflected consistently in the growth rings. If the wood can be used, it should be no great task to work out a master chart, beginning with standing trees and then beams and posts still in place above ground, as at the Roscoe Inlet middens, or at Qalahaituk. Wood from the various levels in the middens should make it possible to carry the ring count back, for not only charcoal but large pieces of wood occur in deposits, even at con- siderable depth. The wood comes out fairly sound, although on dry- ing it tends to check and crack. Whether any of the present tech- niques for salvaging ancient wood would suffice to preserve these pieces, I am not certain, but a method could surely be devised. The house middens at Qalahaituk suggest the possibility of working out a rough time scale of yardage-accumulation of midden material. That is, had one a dateable house deposit (or even one belonging en- tirely in the historic period, as presumably did house 1), it might be possible to calculate an approximate deposition rate. The numerous variant factors—length of time the site was used each year, size of the house group, seasonal differences in food habits, ete-—would render it impossible to reach more than an approximate figure, although the ethnographic data that could be acquired with reference to specific historic horizons should partly correct the error here. Even an esti- mate with a probable error of a couple of centuries would be useful in default of a more precise time gauge. Another time indicator—although this one is even rougher than the preceding—is the type of cover on the sites. It will be recalled that at all but one place (Roscoe Inlet) the sites were devoid of the normal forest cover, supporting instead deciduous bushes, grasses, and the like. The apparent reason is that conifers require a slightly acid soil, whereas the shell content of the middens makes the deposit basic. The hemlock cover at Roscoe Inlet is Jess a contradiction than it appears, for there the trees grew chiefly on the fallen house timbers. Both Smith (1903, p. 187; 1907, pp. 331, 373, 399, 400) and Reagan (1917), however, report sites covered with normal forest. Seemingly, the only way to account for such sites is that sufficient time has elapsed since their abandonment to allow precipitation to leach out the calcium carbonates of the upper levels. Whether this leaching process pro- ceeds at a rate near enough constant to make it possible to calculate the time represented by such strata is a matter for a soils expert or chemist, but other things being equal, a site which supports a stand of mixed conifers can safely be assumed to be considerably older—at least, last occupied at a much earlier date—than sites with distinctive ANTHROP, Pap, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 115 deciduous cover.®* Although the 1938 survey found no such wooded middens, it cannot be assumed they do not occur in the regions sur- veyed. Obviously, such places would be difficult to find except by very careful combing of each district. Our party was looking for late sites with historic levels. The possibility that ancient hidden sites may occur should not be overlooked when the time comes to do intensive work in the area. PREVIOUS INVESTIGATIONS The prehistory of the Northwest Coast has been sadly neglected. What little work has been done north of the Columbia cannot be compared in point either of quantity or of scientific precision to the investigations made in recent years to the north and south. The me- ticulous researches of Jenness, Collins, and de Laguna in west and southwest Alaska, and of the University of California surveys in central California, have brought order and intelligibility to cultural melanges as confused and complex as that of the Northwest Coast. The prehistory of this vast intervening stretch has been left to the mercies of specimen collectors, who in their quest for beautiful jadeite celts and objets d’art have failed to unravel the first skein of culture history. The contrast with our ethnographic knowledge of the area is incredibly great. Thanks to the efforts of a series of scholars, early and late—one need cite only a few outstanding names of the many worthy ones: Krause, Dawson, Swanton, Boas—the re- cent culture of the region is about as well known as that of any com- parable part of North America. The archeology is the least known, with the possible exception of that of the Mackenzie-Yukon, and northern Plateau hinterland. One of the first to concern himself seriously with coast archeology was Hill-Tout (1895-96, pp. 103-113; 1900, pp. 492-494), who has recorded his impressions in a series of papers, although various earlier notices had been made of the occurrence of sites, and of “relics” picked up here and there in the region. (Eells, 1889; Wickersham, 1900; Dawson, 1877.) Hill-Tout called attention to the occurrence of large middens at the mouth of the Fraser River, and described some of the artifactual and skeletal material they contained. He was the first to note the presence of two sharply differentiated physical types in the skeletal material from these sites. He also described some of the burial cairns of the vicinity. 53'The possible significance of distinctive midden cover may be of value in many other regions. (See Hrdlitka, 1987; Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, p. 65.) Of course, temporal interpretations of midden flora would have to be based in each instance on local factors of climate, drainage, soil chemistry, etc. In the New World, where exact dates are exceptional, all possible leads to chronology must be tested. 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 As a part of the American Museum of Natural History Jesup Expedition program, intensive archeological investigations were to be conducted on the Northwest Coast. Harlan I. Smith carried on this work for a number of years, chiefly in the Fraser-Columbia River drainages and the Straits of Georgia-Lower Puget Sound re- gion. Later he extended his operations northward on the coasts, but, lacking time and facilities, these later explorations have borne less fruit than did his initial ones. Smith has published full accounts of his work, in addition to a series of preliminary and summary papers.** His results can be briefed as follows: Although he dug in a considerable number of sites in the Georgia Straits-Puget Sound district, Smith’s important localities were Eburne midden near the mouth of the Fraser, Port Hammond near the upper part of the Fraser Delta, and North Saa- nich on the southeastern end of Vancouver Island. Despite minor differences in material from these sites, Smith maintains that, by and large, they represent a single culture, and one which was but slightly different from that of the historically known Coast Salish occupants of the region. Nor is there, according to Smith, any evidence of culture change from bottom to top in any of his sites. Nonetheless, he did find evidence of population change. In the three sites men- tioned above there were remains of two markedly different physical types. Boas’ description (7m Smith, 1903, p. 190) makes their dif- ference apparent: The one is characterized by a narrow head, the narrowness of which was emphasized by lateral pressure, with a marked median ridge on the forehead, narrow and high nose, and rather narrow face . . .; the other, by a wide head (produced partly by antero-posterior pressure) and a wide face. The brachycephals appear to be essentially the same in type as the recent inhabitants of the region. Stratigraphically they are reported to be later. The sequence appears only at North Saanich, where only the dolichocephalic type occurred in the lower levels, the brachy- cephalic in the upper (Smith, 1907, p. 354). At Eburne, both types were found “in the same layers,” and at Port Hammond only the brachycephalic type occurred (Smith, 1903, p. 187). The sequence T would suggest to be: Period North Saanich EHburne Port Hammond Brachycephalsie2-u) eae een ee eee Brachycephals. Transitionals (3) S22 goes eee Brachycephals and dolichocephals. Batly..224 2-2-2 Dolichocephals. Smith’s (1929, p. 4) interpretation is that the broad-headed type rep- resents an intrusion from the interior, which, in view of recent linguistic distributions seems reasonable enough. The anomalous 5% See bibliography. AntTHroP, Pap, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 117 thing is that he denies any correlated culture change, despite the fact that he sees the culture of the adjacent interior as quite dis- tinct from that of the coast. Yet at the same time he feels himself forced ino the position of postulating culture change, to account for occurrence of interior traits: Stone chipping, tubular stone pipes, decorative art (geometric representative) (Smith, 1903, p. 190). Smith’s views on the way this came about are not altogether clear; he seems to link these elements (and there are others that can be pointed out as probably of interior derivation) with the migration of interior people to the coast (i. e., presumably the brachycephals), yet treats the traits as reflecting strong cultural influence from the interior (Smith, 1907, pp. 489, 441), by which one would understand something different from migration-borne introductions, and really more consistent with his denial of abrupt change. If these interior elements correlate perfectly with the intrusive physical type, it should have shown up at North Saanich—in other words, there should be stratigraphic change there, else the change must have transpired still earlier, and so cannot be associated with the brachycephalic in- trusion. Smith recognizes the decrease of “interior influence”— another culture change, though perhaps slight—in the period between the occupancy of his sites and proto- or early historic times (Smith, 1907, p. 441). His plight is that of an archeologic Ancient Mariner: culture stratigraphy all about, but not a sequence could he find. It is to be regretted that neither his published accounts nor his catalogs give vertical distributions consistently enough to make it possible to re-examine his results. One can say only that there may or may not be determinable sequences in the Lower Fraser and other middens of the district; properly conducted excavations remain to be made. Among the various archeologic remains of the Georgia Straits- Puget Sound region, Smith found numbers of burial cairns of stone, or stone and earth, some containing interments made in the flesh and others apparently cremated remains. These he has been unable to correlate with any particular time interval, especially since there are no ethnographic accounts describing such a mode of burial in the region (Smith and Fowke, 1900, see especially p. 55). I would suggest that some at least are relatively late, on the following grounds: Some are situated on top of middens (at North Saanich, Point Roberts, etc.) (Smith, 1907, pp. 331, 362); while we have no data on physical types found, it is reported that the same antero- posterior type of skull deformation prevalent in historic times in the district occurred among the cairn burials; and, finally, in at least one of them contact goods have been found (Smith, 1907, pp. 60, 63).°° 5 AMNH No. 16.1/1922, “7 white porcelain beads found in skull of 99/1698 from cairn. North Saanich, British Columbia.” ts BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 Smith’s investigations in the adjacent interior regions, on the middle Fraser (1899, 1900) and in the Yakima Valley (1910), should be of significance in their relation to the archeology of the coast. He excavated burials at a number of sites in both districts. His interpre- tations are that the archeologic cultures were essentially the same as those of the ethnographically known natives of the region, and that, despite a few points of difference, the middle Fraser and Yakima Valley (middle Columbia) are closely akin (Smith, 1899, p. 161; 1900, pp. 432-433; 1910, p. 143 ff.). We have but little data for temporal placing of the materials; they would have to be examined with considerable care to determine whether or not there are but two components—a middle Fraser, and a Yakima Valley one—repre- sented. By and large, the material in Smith’s figures and plates sug- gests that these two would stand, and that, as Smith sees it, the two foci are related. The logical conclusion must be that both foci are to be placed as relatively late in time, the northern one slightly earlier, on the basis of scarcity of such elements as: Contact goods (unless some of the plentiful copper found should prove to be of European origin), and small triangular chipped points reminiscent of late Plains types.°* Nonetheless, the presence in many poorly sheltered graves of such perishables as tule matting, woven textile of sagebrush, birchbark, deer and bird skins, and the like (Smith, 1899, p. 185, 159 ff.; 1900, pp. 484, 486-440), indicates that to none of the finds can much antiquity be attributed. The lateness of the Yakima Valley graves is attested by the frequency of contact goods, late Plains type points, and quantities of perishable materials of the same sort as those just mentioned.*" All in all, it is probable that in comparing this material from the interior with that from coastal middens of Georgia Straits, Smith is crossing boundaries not only of space but of time. The floral cover of Smith’s coast middens suggests a fairly long time since their abandonment (see p. 114) and they are said not to have yielded contact goods (although one of the burial cairns did; see p. 117). Reagan (1917), in a brief sketch, refers to sequences of archeological components in northwestern Washington, beginning with historically occupied horizons (in which contact goods occur). He finds three components (including the historic) in Quileute territory, four in that of the Makak-Ozete, the third of which (counting from the historic downward) he links with the prehistoric Quileute, and sev- eral—it is not clear whether three or four—in the Clallam and 66 Contact goods (aside from the doubtful copper) consisted of an iron awl found in grave 1, Government Hill site (Smith, 1900, p. 436) ; European textiles, grave at mouth of Niola Lake (Smith, 1900, p. 4838) and (probably) the spiral end copper hair ornaments from the “main burial site’ at Lytton (1899, p. 151). Small triangular points were found in graves 9 and 10 (these are the only ones figured) at Kamloops (Smith, 1900, p. 435 and fig. 332, f-j). 7 Smith, 1910. See lists of grave lots 152-171 for contact goods; pl. 2 for point types. AntHrop. Par, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 119 Lummi-Nootsak region, one of the older again being linked with an early member ‘of the Quileute series. “The most serious difficulty from the point of view of intelligent criticism of his results is that Reagan gives no information at all as to the diagnostic elements of his various components, beyond saying that some—the historic and supposedly prehistoric Makak-Ozete horizon and the earliest—are distinguishable from the intervening “Quileute,” and the other com- ponents in Quileute territory, by an abundance of stone implements and decorated objects (Reagan, 1917, pp. 18-20). Lacking these pertinent data, there is no way to judge how he has arrived at his conclusions, nor to compare his horizons with those of adjacent » regions. Reagan also extends the distribution of the burial cairns to include northwest Washington. Strong, Schenck, and Steward’s (1930) excavations in the Dalles- Deschutes region represent the first systematically conducted re- searches on the Northwest Coast. Properly speaking, however, their sites were less coastal than interior in culture, though Wakemap mound and adjacent localities are in territory held in historic times by Chinookan groups, who, of course, are culturally coast people. The occurrence of semisubterranean earth lodges, cremation, mortars, metates, tubular stone pipes, etc., indicates to the authors an Interior Salishan culture, rather than one of coastal genre. Coastal trade connections, apparently up the Columbia, are indicated by presence of dentalia, whale-bone objects, etc. The upper levels at Wakemap and the cremation material seem to be referable to the protohistoric period, indicating that a cultural change had taken place sometime during this period but previous to the arrival of Lewis and Clark, who saw near the midden the “Echeloot” (Wishram) village of rectangular plank dwellings. The components revealed in the Dalles-Deschutes region are not, however, identical to those of the Yakima Valley and Thompson River regions. Different types of mauls, absence of celts, absence of large carved stone objects, comparable to the zoomorphic “mortars” and “vessels with a seated human figure,” occurrence of small stone statuettes or figurines of northern Basin type, different point types, the “throwing stones” and notched pebble sinkers, all point to con- siderable local deviation from the culture configurations to the north. The problem of the relationships in time and space of these various cultures is a critical one, and must be solved before that of their bearing on coast cultures can be approached. It is to be hoped that presentation of Krieger’s (1927, 1928, 1935) extensive operations further upstream, as yet only summarily recounted, will bring solution near. 405260—43——_9 120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 133 TABLE 8.—Distribution of northern Northwest Coast artifact types S bey a & & =] he ee FI i) & 3 18 oO ss & “ 2] sy [sae 3 |B les pre hee -)}0 ) a BEL 2 | 2 | ao | od & See Y Alen a o| o | o a |'3 ® a18 Artifacts giel/clslsMslaliale . | & [Ss a| a _ n ~ ° Lon! Ln = fey (i Hea eal Cyril tes g s/Si/4| S ./2/ 8] 2 yeaa eee Peial) cet eeee 8 | 8 eS) | eta S$ja]FA a alSif&/sieis)S le Slalew|e|/s rs == — = om = a= oO 2 = a 3 |S S| & a S| = /S|/ala;G|alolo o/co|PhP/S 1/8) 5 1/8 || Onl ee lite HI(HI/Se8/41/O1/Cl[AlZ |S IM IM IM l|Alalna |O/AZla]a ANOLE SAS VION ll P| eee ee alee | eel ice he ee | [sales fee all ee AL 2 ABS al, 5B Class B (un- barbed): ype Dales. Eds 7A fe fig fa | a kes ap Ue Se LE Gi alee Dale 2" Sil Fir ee | ba aD abate) ils} eee |e a eee eae 1 fy a Fe ees esl Peabo 28) ee ea Hiv epi Aueees | ones eon ee ae eee tone Jed ape aa (Reser) badearebeers | em Ie (ee Hue Ped fe PS |p LAr 0 7s) O03 Wh | eS |e tl ey Pb eee | E24 Foe Cod rea ES eas ee 2 1k SR ES ae ae Totaley — |e ar eee v7) esse | RFS) | ne SSA) ile: 6 1 1 3 Gyls=e2) give sere es “12 Ground slate re points: Atk oY ee Tesh lessee pal hed ee al eee 1 eee | eee ee Se See Tic Soe Cimaniins TypevEAs- - == 94.) Be alot males cle koe aloe ee eal ella Ee || WP Hes Sh Lea le ee Type IITA------ eee ee |e eel ee ee Sf |e ie alle 2352) 2228/0 oA) eee eee 2 Motaleess == PH eee [ani | 84d Peel bere Dee Os ee oe [Eee eee 87 3.) 10 6 25 points: A See footnotes at end of table. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 121 Taste 8.—Distribution of northern Northwest Coast artifact types.—Continued Artifacts Tsimshian (general) Anian Island -_ ~_ 3 = a4 » ss a BR o | 4 | .8 Ma a}e; es C3) = 2 ss 3/a]}0 |a~ eh Cll Pech I ee ae) Silas aq 3 o |° O/C A1Z Roscoe Inlet 1 Roscoe Inlet 1A Kynumpt Harbor Schooner Pass. South Kwakiutl Georgia of (general) —— | — | — | | fe ef ef | | —— | —— | bo] qa HE alle eles S 2 alegre si (eer 6 ea ZOE ae LAMM SG Gaanainice dy a a 12} 9] 26 Sia ia leary a Suet tong Pheu ey ae He lerolieire 3 4 1 3/19] 16 111 [133 | 126 1 Fragment(s) (type indeterminable) included. 2 Specimen is from the Interior Tsimshian (Gitksan) (PMAAE 85849). 3 Provenience not certain. 4 Smith reports recovering 24 points at North Saanich and figures some NAa, NBa, SAa, SB6, and SC61 forms from the vicinity (Smith, 1907, p. 332, and fig. 118). 5 Specimen from Xaisla (Katamat). 6 Specimen type IB or IB1 fragments noted. 7 Five type IB or IB1 fragments noted. 122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuULL, 133 TABLE 9.—Distribution of northern Northwest Coast artifact types (occurrence, not frequency )* Artifacts Bone awls: A_lolf 23) 8/8 |4/s a Salle ie oar SislO 8 mol Sala S18) 3/3 /S a 2\3\éia & OIC |A a = et | [-+} ~— zo] 2 m8] 8 S| Sis Ho) Siete S a [ae] ’ Lo} sis gi\a |ka| |S/e 2 Id Ee Sa om | Oo 5) AY ji a aig = |e SalO oO § \es w | Si.e| [ale » |£.a| ‘So & S/S 3). IFIS)o o|3 = 8 less] S/alela oO — Ble |B| S| fesislelels fo} . 4g 2 & tp ro) me | |< 8 ja ldlzicla Ain |n |O|Z\u\y Type la Type lal Type 1b Type le Type Icl Type 1d Type le Type 2d Type 3a_ Type 3b Bone knives: [D7 0]2)8 ee eee Se Se Sarre AS 4012) 6 Se ee eee Seine nL eee Wedges: bi Ord 0: a eer eer reer ee iy pews Sa Bone or horn flakers z Horn celtibatts...2---- 2 to = iBone wmalleweses o=2 Ge eee Cedar-bark shredders: POL. aie se Sa A oe eee ype lubes --22" eee es Re ee 2. Bone needles: TO Ne seas 2 Se ona oes ae Af ol: 0 tl eS ee Stone ‘‘bark shredders’’.-..----------- : Piloidriversse sc s--astdesveocs ssh se Biconical stones (grinders) Wihetston@se os. sleet eee Grooved sinkers= 22.242 ee Woteched'sinkers:: #2. 5 --.---4-2--- + == Perforatedisinkers»-2.--. -.*..-.22--<= ssl)-5 Spindle whorls: PRY DOW ae saaee soe ee ase --|--|---- ee | |e FE ae I IN ee re (eee b> el ia eh | [ Adio Ml 123 a A Sees te ||5=l= oneal De) Cees fa 2] Ga =o] ce nll Stone vessels: ie bal sone ear ene neee eae --|X| X |--]--]--]--]----]---- oat eee eee 222] XK] GABE ISS Nv NOW Roe eee ee ee ea|es|eeen|@| ool e=|2N ete ----|----]---- =-|-=--=| % |--len}e- TAY pe VAT» het he ee ay Sle Ae (rae feel Ps eae eee eee | wera 5 eee eee alee ee hee MyneuliBila sss 22 eee 2 ee ee BE eel ex |e ae as | ee ae eae pee eee) aie nal Ia feo izial ip clio |< MyMenBOs 2 ho: 28S ok Ue Sal hae =| 2/2 ere = =|) Xa lens easa]) Silicone eae eee Ty POC seers ene 64/54) SeS eee Seles) |Se= 4) Se Ae oe =o =| coal woe Teen eee Tyne ile aa er aL ARE EI Xlloee 2X |e] a5| 23 | sao ae ealeeeligos 3 ella Oya pee en Stoneidiskss 222e- een ese Belay eel Eel eels feed eee =| lore Yeap eer eel| ase 2 s| Ss el a een Slatetpencilsvs2- 222 P= 2 P<) eS EA EE pd sel ese elt Sears [ ae WP We ||P <8 ea bse! | =X Outibird=-bone tubes: 2)-.--—---- Es ies | ees oN eee ae pe | eres | ee Ge een Sal | 58) Sar! 2 IIe Bird-bone whistles--_----------------- 1B ES |S a (ed fe ae Fe ee eo bcs | rae ed eee | Shell beads: Dentalia(archeo).)/==--=--2-=-- = ey (a Peal fe (ee) (ee Ome eee [aural Rm ary eee | Se Heme Pees edt Nal 2 1 @lameholldiskse2-22222222 25-225 a >< ee ae | 2 el Pe meee el fe eee Be es ee al eae ile Bone ease sees a ee ee eee See ee ee ee ee ee | ere HE CE | ae TP SRIS Cannel-coal beads- ------------------- Ba ee res |e | | eae nee |e ao is ee 3 odes tee | eee Pendants: Mooth or claw--------s-- -=------— sa 2s| Xe eal 2 alee eee eee Se [>| eee |e SQPaaISe ong boneirods. -.=-+--=---==—-- Sal] Be Io ee ee ee) e=ee ae eae (semen WED CYS | ll Blaticarved bones:—2-=-=-------—— | ae ees ees | ce re ee ao|eecu)c eel ee eee Copper crescents. .--------------- te eS aS a el fae] ee x | SS Ooppertubess. 26 ee EY NS PSE See Se es fn aa Ce eel Peer or goat hoof-.----=2=-~---=- SoCal ee estos] alesis Eee peak) 2 | Seca] eee es eer eae Stone. 2220. eee eae Mis lesss|==|es|=3 | Peres eel ee eye |uL eel SS Se es ee Labrets: Mi ptiCilessss="20 pe oeerseesneaee Sos eer se el Pd Se pees Jafeceal deeal 2k Se eos ee Ticciet\o\:s Wake ee ees eee Kisales-= s={\= 2|23))S5) Bese 23 .|-ce cc eSelh aa Seis Flat bone bands.._------------. ~----|--|--|----|--|--|--|--|----|----|----]----]----|----]----]-2>-|--lzsls5 Stone pinesicas.0 2c -- esa oes eee ee S| aan e= meena Rae (es (An Weel eR Ste SII Nc Massive stone carving. ...---.--------|--|--|----|--|--|--]--|----|----]----]----]----]----]----|----]--|z5]=; x Geometric incised design__----------- x|x< | PO Fee VR ee ey |) eee (ee et > [eV (RI ld | een ee | Pe << XSI IS Stone and bone sawed_..-------------|--|--|----|--]--|--|--|----|---- sleceoe be cnleo 3] Cass] Ree et ee a Dee ee ee EERIE EERE 1 The artifacts in this table are those whose frequency, because the several parts of the area, by (X). however, Blanks mean no specimens seen; of insufficient number of examples from is not worth recording at present. For this reason occurrences only are indicated they are not necessarily true absences. where fair samplings of material have been recovered, the blanks are probably significant. In a number of cases, ANTHROP. Pap, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 123 DISTRIBUTIONS OF ELEMENTS ON THE NORTHERN NORTHWEST COAST If we turn now to an examination of the horizontal distributions of archeological elements in our area (see tables 8 and 9), without regard ‘to possible vertical differences, some striking facts appear. There are, first of all, three fairly well set off divisions, which in the main fit geographic and linguistic groupings. It is possible that this seeming regularity may be in part a result of generalized information as to provenience of some of the museum material (ie., “Tlingit,” “Tsim- shian,” “Bella Coola,” etc.) that further research may modify. At present, however, we may suggest a Northern aspect ** which would includeTlingit-Haida-Tsimshian territories; a Milbanke-Queen Char- lotte Sound aspect, coextensive with the Kwakiutl territory of historic times, and a Straits of Georgia-Puget Sound aspect, all belonging to the Northwest Coast pattern. (Our data are inadequate for placing the Bella Coola. Some strong affiliations of this group to the North- ern aspect are indicated; in other respects they aline with their Kwakiutl neighbors.) It is worth stressing that ethnographic mate- rials indicate essentially the same divisions. The diagnostic features of these aspects can be summarized from the distribution charts: THE NORTHERN ASPECT One-piece barbed harpoons, Types II, III, and IV. (Composite harpoons rare?) * Class A fixed bone points. Chipped stone points (not common). Ground slate points. Splitting adzes. Hafted stone mauls. Hand mauls, type I. Slate blades, especially type II. Few bone awl types (?). Celts, types I and II, usually jadeite. Stone “bark shredders.” Stone vessels, especially type ITA1. Grooved, notched, perforated stones (?). Cut bird-bone tubes. Bird-bone whistles. * Parentheses denote a significant absence. Italics denote relatively high frequency. 58 The taxonomic designations proposed by McKern (1934) for the Middle West are used here in a modified sense, indicating cultural divisions of differing order. By ‘‘pattern’’ is meant a group of cultures sharing the same basic industries and general cultural orientation. In the present instance, the Northwest Coast ‘‘pattern’’ is synonymous with the Northwest Coast culture area. ‘Phases’ are subdivisions of the pattern which are alike in the trend of their specializations of the basic trends of the pattern. I would group the coast cultures, from the Columbia north, into one phase, as opposed to those of coastal Oregon and north- west California (this is on the basis of comparative ethnography). Within the phases are the ‘‘aspects’”—cultural-regional divisions of fairly high degree of similarity of culture. 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 Tooth and/or claw pendants. Long rodlike bone pendants. Deer and/or goat hoof pendants. Elliptical, T-shaped labrets. Stone polishers. Biconical stones. Geometric incised designs (occasional). Midden burial, cave burial in boxes, cremation (ethnographic). MILBANKE-QUEEN CHARLOTTE SOUND ASPECT (One-piece barbed harpoons rare). Composite harpoons (probably common) (Class A fixed bone points rare). Class B fixed bone points, highly specialized types. (Chipped stone points rare or absent). (Ground slate points rare). (Splitting adzes very rare). Hafted stone mauls(?). Hand mauls, types III and IV. Considerable number of types of bone avwls. Celts, type I, chiefly of serpentine. Stone pile drivers. Stone vessels, especially Bella Coola. Stone disks, especially Bella Coola and southern Kwakiutl. Grooved stones. Spindle whorls, type II. Long bone rods. Bone mallets for shredding cypress bark. Rock-shelter burial in boves, midden burial, grave houses, box burial in trees (ethnographic). STRAITS OF GEORGIA-PUDGET SouUND( ASPECT One-piece barbed harpoons, types I and IV. Composite harpoons, type I (lacking at Eburne). Class A fixed bone points Class B fixed bone points, types IA-IB. Chipped stone points, [especially Eburne]. Ground slate points, all types. (No splitting adzes). (No hafted mauls). ~ Hand mauls, type J. Slate blades, types I and II. Variety of bone-awl types. Celts, types I, and II, commonly of jadeite. Bone needles [Eburne only]. Flaking tools. Stone vessels, type IIC. Bone and horn wedges. Horn celt hafts. Perforated stones. Cut bird-bone tubes [Eburne]. Bird-bone whistles [Eburne]. Spindle whorls, type I. Clamshell disk beads (not common). AnTHROP. Pap. No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 125 Cannel-coal beads (not common). Tooth, claw pendants. Copper crescents. Labrets, T-shaped. Stone pipes (not common). Flat bone “browbands.” Massive stone carving. Geometric incised designs. Midden burial, cairn burial, occasional cremation. THE NORTHERN ASPECT An interesting feature of materials from the Northern aspect, par- ticularly from Tlingit territory is the lack of finish of many of the pieces, particularly adzes and celts. This would seem a minor point, were it not for the well-marked tendency on the Coast as a whole to finish all manufactures well and neatly. So pronounced is this habit that it seems basic to Northwest Coast material culture and technology. The rough-polled celts and adzes suggest again influences from the ruder culture of the interior, where expediency took precedence over pride in workmanship. In addition to the interior affiliations of the Northern aspect, it has strong ties in another direction, namely, to the southwest Alaskan variants of Eskimo cultures. The parallels in our limited sampling from the Northern (Northwest Coast) division—numerous barbed harpoon points, splitting adzes, hafted mauls, mirrors, sawing in stone working, and the like (cf. de Laguna, 1934, passim)—are amply cor- roborated by the occurrences of Eskimoid barbed bone arrow points, Eskimoid harpoon-arrow points (type IV), and ethnographic par- allels such as the Tlingit throwing-boards, lamps, and umiaks.*? Which way the major trend of influence has moved cannot be known until we have the results of investigations on the northern part of the Coast to compare with de Laguna’s meticulous studies in Cook Inlet. That the two regions have exerted mutual influences at many points cannot be doubted. It may even be that each owes its distinctive- ness—the Northern from other Northwest Coast phases, the southwest Alaskan phase from the rest of the Eskimo pattern—to contacts with the other. This is once more sheer speculation, yet it seems to help place transitional aspects whose relationships to each other are very nearly as strong as those binding each to its distinctive pattern. THE MILBANKE-QUEEN CHARLOTTE SOUND ASPECT With the few data that we have at our disposal, it is difficult to say much about this phase, other than to point out the apparent basis 59 (Throwing boards) : Niblack, 1890, fig. 127; Dalton, 1897, p. 230. (Lamps): Krause, 1885, p. 206. (Umiaks) : La Perouse, p. 35 and pl. facing p. 34: Olson, 1936, p. 214. 126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 of its distinctiveness. I would stress that its outstanding char- acteristic, that which differentiates it from adjacent divisions, is the absence (or much smaller quantity) of elements traceable to interior influences. This is intelligible enough on the ethnographic time level. We know that the historic occupants of the region had very little contact with interior tribes (save for the Bella Coola, themselves presumably intrusive). In this regard the Kwakiutl dif- fered from Tlingit and Tsimshiar to the north, and from the Coast Salish in the south. What intericr influences there are in Kwakiutl cultures must have come in a roundabout way. The apparent ab- sence of abrupt cultural change during the time interval represented by the Heiltsuk deposits tested indicates that this isolation was a con- dition of at least moderately long standing. This hints that in the Milbanke-Queen Charlotte Sound phase may be seen the coastal culture of purest strain. Whether not only the purest but the oldest coast-dweller culture is to be found in this region, only further investigations can determine. THE STRAITS OF GEORGIA-PUGET SOUND ASPECT Perusing the foregoing lists of elements brings out the surprising fact of the numerous parallels between the Northern and the Straits of Georgia-Puget Sound divisions, emphasizing, though in a negative fashion, the distinctiveness of the central Milbanke-Queen Charlotte Sound aspect. Although classifications based on ethnographic data indicate three divisions similar to these proposed from archeologic distributions, this high similarity does not appear so clearly. If we analyze the group of parallel elements—one-piece barbed harpoons, class A fixed bone points, chipped stone points, ground stone points, hand mauls type I, celt types and materials (especially jadeite), stone vessels, cut bird-bone tubes and whistles, geometric incised designs, cremation—it becomes evident that we have to do with a series of traits most of which can safely be attributed to interior influences.°° Many appear to be characteristic of the middle Fraser-Columbia River cultures, described by Smith, and Strong, Schenck, and Steward; others, like the one-piece barbed harpoons and ground slate blades, have a wide if not altogether regular distribution across the northern part of the continent. Lacking stratigraphic evidence, it is impossible to say whether in either or both of these coastal phases the interior elements form an old substratum or late overlay. The fact that the longest series of interior items of very restricted coastal distribution— bone mat needles, clamshell disk beads, tooth and claw pendants, flat bone “browbands,” cut bird-bone tubes and whistles (numerous)— 60It is interesting in this connection to note that the only Type I harpoon point noted north of Georgia Straits is from the interior-dwelling Gitksan of the Upper Skeena (table 8, and note 2). ANTHROP, Pap, No, 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 127 come chiefly from Eburne (which, on the basis of physical type occur- rence, has been suggested as possibly transitional) or from Eburne and Port Hammond, suggests that for the Straits of Georgia phase at least the interior elements may overlie an older purely coastal component. CULTURE OF THE FRASER-COLUMBIA BASINS It becomes pertinent to bring up the question of relationship be- tween the block of interior traits apparently intrusive on the coast in the Georgia Straits region, and the archeologically known cul- tures of the interior. Our data, unfortunately, are so indecisive as to the interrelations of the Fraser-Columbia cultures that the most that can be done at present is to point out certain possibilities. For the most part we have to do with late manifestations; apparently late prehistoric to full historic in the Thompson district, mostly historic in the Yakima Valley, and only in the Wakemap material do we have remains suggesting a temporal span even possibly comparable to that of the coastal middens. Smith’s conclusions as to the downstream trend of culture flow on the Fraser (whether by migration or diffusion is beside the point) appear logical enough. They raise the problem whether or not the coastal components at Eburne and Port Hammond, and their equiva- lents at other sites in the district, may not be derivatively interior in genre; in other words, whether these cultures might not be viewed as a specialized or modified aspect of a Plateau, or, perhaps better, Fraser-Columbia River phase. In default of conclusive evidence, this much may be offered: The massive stone carving appears so widely distributed in the interior as to suggest that region as its source, particularly when we include the “sculptured ape heads” from eastern Oregon as part of the complex (Terry, 1891). This stone carving is the oldest art style of which we have any knowledge on the coast; the many stylistic similarities to northern wood carving of the classic period have been pointed out. (Boas in Smith, 1907). Its place of origin inevitably must be regarded as the fountainhead of everything we consider “Northwest Coast” in culture in the sense of the coast culture of historic times. The antiquity of this art in the Georgia Straits region is not known. Yet Smith reports no ex- ample of it from the lower levels of North Saanich—those containing only the older type dolichocephalic skeletal material, and by far the greatest quantity comes from Eburne, the site with mixed (transi- tional?) population and with the greatest number of interior traits. This at least hints at an interior provenience of the carving complex. While we have no evidence of this massive art at Wakemap, there are traces of a rather similar stone carving of small animal forms which 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 133 may well be related to the complex and which extends far down into the Great Basin.* Also it is probably significant that the very dis- tinctive bone carving tradition that seems to center on the middle Columbia * is patently linked with the massive stone art, as indi- cated by the carved “ribs” and “vertebrae” on a number of the stone pieces. (See Smith, 1907, figs. 183¢, 185¢, 190, 196, 198.) I can see nothing impossible about the suggestion advanced by Strong, Schenck, and Steward (1930, p. 145) that “in coast Salish [I would say simply ‘Salish’] territory we may yet distinguish the early manifestations of the widespread northwest coast culture,” if by that they mean Northwest Coast culture of the classic or ethno- graphically known period. Such an origin would involve the as- sumption that the center of dominance or focal center (in Kroeber’s sense) shifted northward in the course of time. Such shifts have occurred more times than one. The dominant center of Anasazi culture has not been the San Juan for many years; and the rude Pima and Papago gaze uncomprehendingly at the cultural remains of their Hohokam predecessors. On the other hand, it is entirely possible that the culture hearth Jay to the north, in the Northern phase, where stimulus to new de- velopments may have grown out of the welding of inland, Eskimoid, and coastal elements. Or, as a matter of fact, the Milbanke-Queen Charlotte Sound phase may have produced the new trends autochthonously. The truth of the matter can be determined only by careful and extensive investigations. My aim here, however, is not to soar off into the realms of speculation, but to point out a series of problems, and specifically at this point, the vital need for more rigidly controlled excavations in the Fraser-Columbia region as well as on the adjacent coast. RR, F. Heizer has recovered a series of surprisingly well done stone figurines, etc., in his surveys of the Humboldt Basin region in Nevada. They are quite similar to the objects figured by Strong et al. 1930, pl. 26, c—d, h-i, fig. 17, b,c, e, f. 82 See Smith, 1904; Steward, 1927; Strong, et al., 1930, pl. 9, a—j, and pp. 142-143 (dis- tribution). : BIBLIOGRAPHY BARBEAU, CHARLES MARIUS 1929. Totem poles of the Gitksan, upper Skeena River. Nat. Mus. Canada, Bull. 61, Anthrop. ser. BIRKET—-SMITH, KAg 1929. The Caribou Eskimos: Material and social life and their cultural posi- tion. Pt. 2, Analytical pt., Rep. 5th Thule Exped. 1921-1924, vol. 5. Boas, FRANZ Qi 1897. 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A prehistoric pit house village site on the Columbia River at Wahluke, Grant County, Wash. U. S. Nat. Mus. Proc., vol. 73, art. 11, pp. 1-29. 1935. Salvaging early cultural remains in the Valley of the Lower Columbia River. Explor. and Field work of the Mmithsonian Inst. in 1934. pp. 53-56. KROEBER, A. L. 1934. Native American population. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 1-25. LAGUNA, FREDERICA DE 1934. The archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska. Univ. Mus., Univ. Pa. Press. La PE£ROUSE, JEAN FRANCOIS DE GALAUP, COMTE DE 1937. Le Voyage de La Pérouse sur les cétes de ]’Alaska et de la Californie (1786) avee une introduction et des notes par Gilbert Chinard. Inst. Francais de Washington, cahier X. The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore. Liarp, J. B., Heizer, R. F., and Fenenga, F. 1939. An introduction to the archeology of Central California. Sacramento Junior Coll., Dept. Anthrop., Bull. 2. Loup, LLEWELLYN L. 1918. Ethnogeography and archaeology of Wiyot territory. Univ. Calif., Publ. Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., vol. 14, No. 3, pp. 221-436. NIBLACK, ALBERT P. 1890. The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Colum- bia. Ann. Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus. 1888, pp. 225-3886. ANTHROP, Pap, No. 20] NORTHERN NW. COAST ARCHEOLOGY—DRUCKER 131 Otson, Ronatp L. 19386. Some trading customs of the Chilkat Tlingit. Hssays in honor of A. L. Kroeber, pp. 211-214. Berkeley. REAGAN, ALBERT B. 1917. Archaeological notes on Western Washington and adjacent British Columbia. Calif. Acad. Sci., Proc., 4th ser., vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 1-81. RicKArRpD, T. A. 1939. The use of iron and copper by the Indians of British Columbia. Brit. Colum. Hist. Quart., vol. 3, pp. 25-50. ScHUMACHER, PAUL 1877. Researches in the Kjékkenmdddings and graves of a former popula- tion of the Coast of Oregon. Bull. U. 8S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv. Terr., vol. 38, No. 1, pp. 27-35. SmitH, Harran I, 1899. Archaeology of Lytton, British Columbia. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 129-161. 1900. Archaeology of the Thompson River region. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 2, pt. 6, pp. 401-442. 1903. Shell-heaps of the lower Fraser River. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 3, pt. 4. 1904. Costumed human figure from Tampico, Washington. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Bull. 20, pp. 195-203. 1906. Noteworthy archaeological specimens from Lower Columbia Valley. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 8, pp. 298-807. 1907. Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 4, pt. 6, pp. 303-441. 1910. The archaeology of the Yakima Valley. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop. Pap. 6, pt. 1, pp. 1-171. 1913. Archaeology; the archaeological collection from the southern interior of British Columbia. Mus. Geol. Surv. Canada, Ottawa. 1924. Trephined aboriginal skulls from British Columbia and Washington. Amer. Journ. Phys. Anthrop., vol. 7, pp. 447-452. 1936. The man petroglyph, near Prince Rupert. Hssays in honor of A. L. Kroeber, pp. 309-311. Berkeley. SmitrH, H. I., and Fowks8, GERARD 1901. Cairns of British Columbia and Washington. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 4, pt. 2, pp. 55-75. STEWARD, JULIAN H. 1927. A new type of carving from the Columbia Valley. Amer. Anthrop., n.s., vol. 29, pp. 255-266. STRONG, WILLIAM DUNCAN 1935. An introduction to Nebraska archeology. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 93, No. 10. Strone, W. D., SCHENCK, W. E., and STEWARD, J. H. 1930. Archaeology of the Dalles-Deschutes region. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., vol. 29, No. 1, pp. 1-154. SUDWORTH, GEORGE B. 1908. Forest trees of the Pacific Slope. U.S. Dept. Agric., Forest Service. TERRY, JAMES 1891. Sculptured anthropoid ape heads found in or near the valley of the John Day River, a tributary of the Columbia river, Oregon. New York. 132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 TIDAL AND CURRENT SURVEY DIVISION 1938. Tide tables of the Pacific Coast of Canada for 1958. Dept. Mines and Res. Ottawa. VANCOUVER, GEORGE 1798. Voyage of discovery. 3 vols. London. WAGNER, HENRY RAUP 1937. The cartography of the northwest coast of America to the year 1800. 2 vols. Berkeley. WICKERSHAM, JAMES 1900. Some relics of the Stone Age from Puget Sound. Amer. Antiquarian, vol. 22, pp. 141-149. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEE RING SS PEA ES TSIMSHIAN SITES. a, Anian Island midder. 6, Robertson Point midden. c, Wilgiapshi Island midden. d, Shawatlan Falls camp site. ¢, Qalahaituk midden. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 133 PLATE 6 KWAKIUTL SITES. a, McLoughlin Bay site. 6, Kilkitei Village midden. c, Schooner Passage 1 midden. d, Roscoe Islet 1A, front slope of midden. e¢, Nimkish River 1 site. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEPEGINGTS3S> PEATE 7 ‘A ‘ Pe HOUSE REMAINS. a, Rock-filled fire pit, Charles Point midden. 6, Flooring, northwest corner House 1, Qalahaituk, from west. c, Standing house post, House 6, Qalahaituk. d, Cross trench through House 1, Qalahaituk, showing supporting timbers, from center of house. e, Southwest cornerpost, end of beam, and front sill, House 1, Roscoe Inlet 1. Note hem- lock growing over end of beam. f, Southeast cornerpost and beam, House 1, Roscoe Inlet 1. Note hemlock which has split post from top, and others growing on beam. ‘aSUT[[A IIH[ly avou sodaarig ‘3 ‘] odesseg Jauooysg “9 [vlung “{ ‘sseg dnoiy, *(paaowai ¢ yeling jo xoq) + [lang Suruiequos xog ‘a ‘sseg dnory, ‘*poaouias ButsaAco pivog ‘¢ re [elaing SULUIeUOD xOq ? “SSt dnoiy, *p9aowod snuny SSOUL id [elang SULIOAOD Sp1vOq ‘2 “dAeD [elang 9A07) AYSIU “q “puelsy uPluy ‘T [eng ‘D “SIVINNG 8 3ALV1d €€1 NILA1TINA ASOIONHLA NVOIMAWY SO NvaeYHnNEG BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUIEEERIN 1337 (PEAhESS MISCELLANEOUS VIEWS. a, Rows of rocks for canoe skids, east of Charles Point. 6, Midden face cleared for trench, Schooner Passage 1. c, Petroglyphs, Kitkiata Inlet. d, Petroglyphs, Kitkiata Inlet. e, Petroglyph, Kitkiata Inlet. f, Petroglyphs, Meadow Island. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 133 PLATE 10 t — STALLINGS PLAIN AND PUNCTATE SHERDS FROM THE CHESTER FIELD SITE. (For explanation, see page 168.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 133 PLATE 11 Oo STALLINGS PUNCTATE SHERDS FROM THE CHESTER FIELD SITE AND CHECK STAMPED AND CORD MARKED SHERDS FROM THE LAKE PLANTATION. (For explanation, see p. 168) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEERIN 133) PEATE si2 f MISCELLANEOUS SHERDS FROM LAKE PLANTATION AND TWO STALLINGS PUNC- TATE SHERDS FROM JONES ISLAND. (For explanation, see p. 168) - EEE APPENDIX A EARLY VERTEBRATE FAUNA OF THE BRITISH COLUMBIA COAST By EpNA M. FISHER The excavation of several kitchen-middens along the coast of British Columbia resulted in the collection of numerous animal bones of interest. The animal bones are on the whole in a poor state cf preservation; several are cracked and most of them are broken; flak- ing and peeling are a common condition; and in many instances all important diagnostic characteristics are gone. Owing to this frag- mentary condition, it has been impossible to do more than assign some of the bones to certain major vertebrate groups. For example, there are many bones that surely belong to three genera of the Order Artiodactyla, but only a relatively few of these that can be definitely identified as those of either mountain sheep, mountain goat, or Columbian black-tailed deer. I wish to thank Edward W. Gifford, Curator of the Anthropology Museum, Berkeley, Calif., for his most cordial cooperation in this study. Also I wish to thank Dr. Alden H. Miller, Director of the Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, University of California, for the privilege of consulting the osteclogical collections under his care. The identification of the bones brought no unusual finds. No form was found that might not have been expected to occur within the regions studied. In fact, fewer species occurred in the sampling of the kitchen-middens than had been expected; particularly is this true for the water birds. Evidently, the elements recovered repre- sent some of the species that were hunted by the early inhabitants for food and as a source of clothing. The comparatively small num- ber of elements is most surprising. Why so few? Was it due to lack of equipment for capturing the game, the small number of natives living at a given site at any one time, or the lack of interest in large amounts of animal food as compared to plant materials? Surely it could not be that there was a scarcity of animals in the region. In a study of the vertebrate remains no species was found that was not already known from this province. Food and clothing needs 133 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 would account for the largest number of bones, but hardly for the many bones of the domestic dog that were found. For details con- cerning the age of the different levels and of the respective deposits, the reader will be referred to Dr. Drucker’s discussion of the sub- ject (pp. 113-114). No attempt has been made here to evaluate the various areas of relationships. The different localities from which animal bones were saved have been grouped in this study into five major areas. These major areas are as follows: 1, Anian Island (a winter village), Kaien Island, and Charles Point (the northernmost group included here) ; 2, Qala- haituk; 8, Khutze Anchorage; 4, Roscoe Inlet and Kilkitei Village (both winter habitations), and Kynumpt Harbor; 5, Schooner Pas- sage (a winter village site). By winter village is meant the perma- nent home site that supposedly was occupied throughout the year with, perhaps, short trips inland at certain seasons. The following is the list of genera and species which it has been possible to identify to date among the vertebrate remains in this collection: MAMMALIA Euarctos americanus perniger (Allen)__---__-___- Black bear. Euarctos americanus pugnax (Swarth)___________ Black bear. Euarctos americanus altifrontalis (Elliot) -_-______ Northwestern black bear. (GER TESIC eg wl OH g g(a peep, Cae an 2S IR OS SN CON, le Bear, genus and species un- known. Canis jamiusaris Linnaets: oe ee EY Domestic dog. Lutra canadensis periclyzomae Elliot___.------__- Alaskan river otter. Enhydra lutris lutris (Linnaeus) ._.---.--------_- Northern sea otter. TODS: se bes BaP Ms ys A Ne MMR on Sea lion, species unknown. Eumetopias jubata (Schreber)______-------_____- Steller sea lion. Callorhinus alascanus Jordan and Clark__________ Pribilof fur seal. Phoce richardi richardi (Gray). 2 see. 6 oP) oe Harbor, or hair seal. Erethizon epixanthum nigrescens Allen_______---- Porcupine. Castor canadensis canadensis Kuhl___________-_-_- Beaver. Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richardson)_.__. Columbian black-tailed deer. Ovisrearindensist ia. oUt See i ole Bake oe wesc Mountain sheep, subspecies unknown. Oreamnus americanus columbiae Hollister - - -_-__- Mountain goat. Phocaena phocoena (Linnaeus)____-------------- Harbor porpoise. AVES Gavia immer immer (Briinnich) _---_-___-_------ Common loon. Gavia arctica pacifica (Lawrence) ___-.___-_------ Pacific loon. 1It is doubtful at present if the bones of mountain sheep are included in the collection. There is insufficient comparative material available at present to settle this point. The bones herein listed as mountain sheep are probably those of mountain goat. So far as is known there is no record of the natural occurrence of mountain sheep in the area studied, either in paleontological or recent times, It is known that the coast Indians did trade with the inland tribes for the horns of the sheep and there is the possibility that some Indian might have traded for more of a sheep than just the horns. ANTHROP. Pap. No, 20] FAUNA OF BRITISH COLUMBIA COAST—FISHER 135 Cygnus columbianus (Ord) tos. ese a he Whistling swan, probable species. Branta canadensis canadensis (Linnaeus)_.___._._..- Canada goose. Branta canadensis occidentalis (Baird) -_--------- White-cheeked goose, prob- able subspecies. Daflaacuta tzitzthoas(Vieillot)\.- 9. 32 = = American pintail duck. Glaucionetta islandica (Gmelin) ----------------- Barrow golden-eye duck. Oidemia americana Swainson------------------- American scoter, probable spe- cies. PCCUMI GTI LO: 2 oo 5 ie nee ees Se eye ciara ae ee Genera and species unknown. Haliaeetus leucocephalus alascanus Townsend -- - - - Northern bald eagle. IBUteOrSDOANSONt BONDAPALLe === se ea ae ae a Swainson’s hawk. Worusiglaucescens Naumann===* 2s a es Glaucous-winged gull. Larus occidentalis occidentalis Audubon- - - -- - - --- Northwestern gull. Manus Reermannt Cassin. of 2uen oo Heermann’s gull. Larus canus brachyrhynchus Richardson - - - - ----- Short-billed gull. Cerorhinca monocerata (Pallas)_. 2222) U = se eee Rhinoceros auklet. AMPHIBIA Several leg bones of a medium-sized species of amphibian. Owing to the com- plete lack of comparative material, it is quite impossible to further identify them. The size of the bones suggests that they might be from either a frog or toad. PISCES Again owing to insufficient comparative material, accurate identification is not possible at this time. That the bones are from salmon and bass seems a logical suggestion since these two types of fish are relatively numerous along this northern coast line. The bones of the domestic dog were found at almost all levels explored on the Anian Island site. Of all the sites excavated Anian Tsland contained the most dog bones. In some of the other mounds there were a few dog bones but these were usually at lower levels only. Artiodactyls (deer, sheep, or goats) were present in most deposits and at most levels. The deer bones identified certainly outnumbered by far the bones of sheep or goats. There were numerous bones or fragments that were from some carnivore but due to the condition of the bones it has been impossible to date to identify them further. This group may contain pieces of fox or wolf since these forms probably did occur within the region. There are numerous bones too fragmentary to even hazard a guess as to the kind of animal to which they belonged. The number of species represented and the number of elements, that is, the volume of material recovered, is small in the northern deposits and increases with each area studied to the south. Perhaps more ex- tensive collections from the northern areas would change the picture somewhat. 405260—43——_10 136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 133 The following is a list of the species for the various areas begin- ning in the north and continuing to the southward: ANIAN ISLAND Mammalia: Odocoileus hemionus coluwmbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. son). Brethizon epizanthum nigrescens Allen-__--_- Porcupine. Canis familaris Winnaeus22=- = {ot ea ee Domestic dog. @amniGdaes = 222 oe ee Genera and species unknown. Enhydra Wtris lutris (Linnaeus) —---------___ Northern sea otter. Aves: Dafila acuta tzitzihoa (Vieillot)__-_________- American pintail duck. Oidemia americana Swainson-----------_-_-- American scoter, species un- certain. KAIEN ISLAND Mammalia: Cams familiaris Linnaeus___—-—_==-==_-+_____ Domestic dog. CHARLES Point Mammalia: Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. son). Canidae sho ae eee aes fhe RE aS Genera and species unknown. Enhydra lutris lutris (Linnaeus)--.-.---.---- Northern sea otter. Canis familiaris Linnaeus 2224+ 2241222 none- Domestic dog. Phoca richardii richardii (Gray) --.--------- Harbor seal. Aves: Branta canadensis canadensis (Linnaeus)__.._._ Canada goose. Cerorhinca monocerata (Pallas)_..._._____-_- Rhinoceros auklet. QALAHAITUK Mammalia: Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. son). Enhydra lutris lutris (Linnaeus)_--._--------- Northern sea otter. Euarctos americanus perniger (Allen) - ----~--- Black bear. UO CLOS | QIMETUCEILUS 2 eee eae Black bear, subspecies un- known. Phoca richardii richardii (Gray)_.---------- Harbor seal. Oreamnus americanus|columbiae Hollister_-__ Mountain goat. Callorhinus alascanus Jordan and Clark --- -- Pribilof fur seal, probable species. Aves: Haliaeetus leucocephalus alascanus Town- Northern bald eagle. send. KuutTzE ANCHORAGE Mammalia: Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. son). Canis familaaris Linnaeus_...~--=-----=---- Domestic dog. Ovis.canadensisza: So 2u% Sf ee Shs es Se Mountain sheep, subspecies unknown. AnTuror. Pap, No.20] FAUNA OF BRITISH COLUMBIA COAST—FISHER 137 KuHuUTzE ANCHORAGE—Continued Mammalia—Continued. Phoca richardii richardii (Gray) ------------ Harbor seal. Erethizon epizanthum nigrescens Allen- --- --- Porcupine. Castor canadensis canadensis Kuhl --- ------- Beaver. IE} UORCLOSACTILETUCOAL LS © eee eae = Black bear, subspecies un- known. Enhydra lutris lutris (Linnaeus) - - - --------- Northern sea otter. Ovis canadens7sia ean eo Mountain sheep, probably. Aves: Branta canadensis canadensis (Linnaeus) -- - - - Canada goose. Roscot INLET Mammalia: Phocaena phocoena (Linnaeus) - - - - ---------- Harbor porpoise. Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. son). Erethizon epizanthum nigrescens Allen- ------ Porcupine. Enhydra lutris lutris (Linnaeus) - - ---------- Northern sea otter. Phoca richardii richardii (Gray) ------------ Harbor seal. Lutra canadensis periclyzomae Elliot_-------- Alaskan river otter. USO CONMOMEIUS Sa ne See River otter, subspecies un- known. Castor canadensis canadensis Kuhl-_--------- Beaver. AUG 1 MOISSY SUM Rapa Pas SUSIE ope a ep en Sea lion, species unknown. Kynumpt Harsor Mammalia: Phocaena phocoena (Linnaeus) -------------- Harbor porpoise. Enhydra lutris lutris (Linnaeus) ------------- Northern sea otter. Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. son). MAGN NAST) PUR aI SAANATED esl ee Ata oy Sead ep ae Bene a at Sea lion, species unknown. KILKITEI VILLAGE Mammalia: Phocaena phocoena (Linnaeus) - ------------- Harbor porpoise. Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. son). Euarctos americanus pugnaz (Swarth) -------- Black bear. Enhydra lutris lutris (Linnaeus) ------------- Northern sea otter. Erethizon epixanthum nigrescens Allen- ------- Porcupine. Castor canadensis canadensis Kuhl____------- Beaver. PHI AY OY (AUIS cs Riel EI a SLSR Aa ge cee ap Sea lion, species unknown. Phoca richardw richardi (Gray) =.----.-_-=-- Harbor seal. Aves: Larus heermanni Cassin. 2 222225 222-22. - Heermann’s gull. NCEIPICTHO Reem oe ee ia ee ee Hawks, eagles, genera un- known. Cygnus columbranus (Ord:)2e4nes oo Skee Whistling swan, probably. 138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 133 SCHOONER PASSAGE 1 Mammalia: Odocoileus hemionus columbianus (Richard- Columbian black-tailed deer. SOM) 225. 3). ah Be ee LALO DAUR yin om ois Di ee Sl a Sea lion, species unknown. Phoca richardii richardii (Gray) ~----__--- Harbor seal. Enhydra lutris tutris (Linnaeus) —~-~------- Northern sea otter. Phocaena phocoena (Linnaeus) —-------------~ Harbor porpoise. Eumetopias jubata (Schreber) —-—----------- Steller’s sea lion. Canis familiaris: Linnaens. ene atl Domestic dog. Erethizon epixanthum nigrescens Allen______ Porcupine. Aves: Da/jila acuta tzitzihoa (Vieillot)-___________ American pintail duck. Branta canadensis canadensis (Linnaeus)____ Canada goose. Gavia immer immer (Briinnich)____________ Common loon. Larus occidentalis occidentalis Audubon____ Northwestern gull. Haliaeetus leucocephalus alascanus Town- Seng Sri aie FON A TS ee Northern bald eagle. Larus glaucescens ‘Naumann—__.-__-—- 3 Glaucous-winged gull. Glaucionetta islandica (Gmelin)_~__________ Barrow golden-eye duck. Buteo swainsoni Bonaparte________-_-____- | Swainson’s hawk. Gavia arctica pacifica (Lawrence)___________ Pacific loon. Am DNV Sood = IRONS Uae een RT Probably frog or toad. The following tables give the vertical distribution of the various animal remains. These tables are also arranged from the north group to the south. Blank spaces indicate that no animal bones were found at those levels. All measurements of depth are given in inches unless otherwise stated. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 20] FAUNA OF BRITISH COLUMBIA COAST—FISHER 139 "4100p *Ie}}0 89S ‘OIOATUIBO *y100p ‘9s003 Bpeury ‘Shy “oyTI00C *reeq ‘10940 vas ‘UST, € Wouery, “op ‘Teas 10q -rey ‘10330 Bas ‘UST “1990p ‘{['BOS ‘10310 Bos ‘aIOAIU -1e0 ‘[eumureUL ‘YST yy “OxT[10Ep “10940 Bos ‘pilq ‘USI “I00p ‘10310 BOS ‘[eUr -mem ‘Yysy ‘psig ‘QoryNne _So1sd0UIYy Ay V Ud e Pes ee wR Metal eater es ges ae ye sy eg oe EEOC Ul Ses eo ace aaa goeeel merge eres [geo Goons claps Joap ‘sop ‘pig |~-“OTI-#8 *10}10 BaS Epaa ees SOE er Pl irae een cape cee i 25 ea | ead Cale baat te al eee torr be Jo) oie (yznmeng foe gi) oF 1 Ce pall nae sche pai er eat [ge ci tenn SIRs Yor ‘reap ‘ould SD fe ee eo ee ae Se ae Se Pe est ae t= | eae “Ieep ‘OIOATUIBO ‘SI |-~~~77-- 777 |7- 7-7-7777] -nogod ‘sop ‘ystg |----%2-09 TE RSS Se Same ta le ae en i Si | mates Sa oak JOOP [GOS AUST He lenies tenes ana ee cae Heel | GenOOD hy) LOLI] GO lesan Q0=RP Gls) 9) *19}10 Bos “aryne j100p *199D soleooulgi ‘YStgq | {loop ‘10490 vas ‘GSIy |7777777- >> ‘QIOAIUIBO ‘184009 |~~---~-- >> 7 >> SUNULO DONG 6 Ele See aie SSS SS aS mem ote 8F-98 *“Ioap ‘10440 *I9ap ‘10440 Bas ‘eurdno Bos ‘eloATuIed ‘YsIy | ‘epyNe sorsD0UTGY |--~~~ 30q | -10d ‘o10Atureo ‘Ysty |---- ~~~ 0 Gl all| = a seas | be ere eee Joep ‘pilg |~~~~98-FZ “ayI[I99p *Ia0p ‘19440 *‘Ioap ‘d0p *10}}0 Bes ‘sop ‘YysIq | Bos ‘eeprlueg ‘ys ‘|7~--77-777 ‘yonp peqjurd ‘ysty |~---~~ 1OOG[: |e os aeaes 3 |) aoe aaa ee al esa ¥2-21 “Ioep ‘19140 ‘1090p ves ‘oeplueD ‘yonq | ‘10340 ves ‘aIOATUIeD |~~~~~-~-~7|----7- refoyo) opado( MuAIeGE | rete) oy PetoKaE |aaGejo) Cloyqr [a5 vee eo 21-0 & Youel [, T qouoly, @ YouolL, T qouely @ Ud V Ud sayout = ‘J Uoley ul yydoq qulog sepreyoO pus, uvioy I vaip ‘surnwmas jourun fo worngriystp 109149 A—"[ AIA, 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 TABLE 2.—Vertical distribution of animal remains, area 2 0-12..-.- Sesjotter, deers 2o-42". 2s see 12-24____| Fish, salmon?, sea otter, harbor seal, deerlike,!deer, moun- tain goat. 24-36_._..| Mammal, sea otter, harbor seal, deer? DO-psee= Mammal, carnivore?, sea otter, harbor seal. Qalahaituk House 9: Trench 2 Carnivore, bear?, deer?_-__---- Fish, bird, Northern bald eagle, mammal, sea otter, seal, harbor seal, bear, moun- tain goat. .|Bird, seal, deerlike, deer. 1 House 1: X. House 1: A Carnivore, sea otter, deer? House 1: B Deer? House 1: C .| Carnivore, bear, deer? House 1: D Fish, carnivore, sea otter, bear? (Euarctos americanus perniger), deer? 1 Explanation of levels: X, Trench in house 1; house 1: A, northwest quadrangle, in sand below floor poles; house 1: B, northwest quadrangle, sand horizon with large shell fragments; house 1: C, northwest quadrangle, sand with charcoal lenses; and, house 1: D, sandy muck with wood chips. TABLE 3.—Vertical distribution of animal remains, area 3 Khutze Anchorage Depth in inches Pit A Pit B Pit C Pit D 0-6) 22-2 Fish, harbor seal, dog, | Mammal, carnivore, | Bird, Canada goose, | Bird, sea otter, seal, deer?, mountain sea otter, bear, seal, mammal, harbor harbor seal, porcu- sheep, deer. porcupine, deer, seal, porcupine, pine, deer. mountain sheep?. deer, mountain sheep? 6-12"-+| Kish, harbor ‘seal, Mammal, carnivore, |2-!222222--==---2---se mountain sheep?. seal, porcupine, deer?. FR ae as re pps | eee, Sly Seema | ERE hed Bird, Canada goose, carnivore, sea otter, beaver, deer. DA Nios aI aes ae BSS ee ee Nish; mammal, deer.24| 222-2 - =) oneal eee nee = GDB | ae oe Ses eS Se Pe ee eee Deer, see TRS Od ee EY Se Ee oa Se ee ee | Be See ee Se Pee ans Se a Bee Deer? 7) she Re PR 1 ee ee SUS CE eS Le ee ne oe See Bear (Euwarctos amer- icanus perniger), m deer. ANTHROP, Pap. No. 20] FAUNA OF BRITISH COLUMBIA COAST—FISHER 14] estodiod ‘1eep ‘4[eas ‘s[pmMmeM ‘[[ns SuutullooE §=‘SPJIq ‘asseq ‘,uoumles ‘YS y ole doBjINs poqinysiq ‘Joep ‘Ieoq ‘OTL Bas ‘spliq ‘guou[es ‘ysty “astodiod ‘1990p *10940 wos ‘[euIUTeUT § ‘UST ‘asiodiod ‘190p ‘10A -Baq ‘[Bas ‘[euLUIeUL “parq ‘(guour[es) ST "1990p ‘Twas ‘4.19}]0 Bes ‘spaiq ‘guour[es ‘qsTy ‘Ieap ‘{[Bas ‘10990 eos ‘[euImmeU ‘UBMs Z Youoly, ‘aurdnoiod ‘Teas ‘1090p ‘pug “YStA ‘asiod -Jod ‘190p ‘aurdnoi0d ‘19}40 BOS ‘{a[sBO ‘USI *[BI04 -e8Ul pexiur ‘astodi0od ‘Jeop ‘19}}0 Bas ‘[eUI -WeU ‘o[d¥9 Peg ‘YSIy ‘astodiod ‘1909p ‘reoq yovlq ‘eur “meu ‘{uomyes ‘YSstiT T qouoly, OSeIILA LOY AT ap ate [ce Joop ‘[eurureur ‘sty “1090p ‘,UOIT BAS ‘199}0 Bag ‘1090p ‘{UOI[ BES ‘Teurmment ‘prrq ‘Yshy ‘astodiod ‘190p ‘[vas ‘{UOI] Bes ‘19}90 BOS ‘eure ‘piiq ‘YS ‘astod -10d ‘Ieep ‘MOI, Bos *109}0 Bas ‘[vuTUTeUT “‘piiq ‘{uowyes “YSsty JoqieyH ydunus yy -astodiod ‘1909p ‘reoq ‘aurdnoiod ‘Foavoq ‘yeas INJ ‘MOlT] BAS ‘3.10940 IOATI £19340 Bas ‘aIOATUIBO ‘spliq ‘guouyes ‘qst ay “oop ‘ould -nolod ‘;uomes ‘ystT @ youedy, “V-T og (eee ye tema apa a aeeoes | eee +09 Siecle ener eee se | 89-02 oo iy co ge a a | el 8S-8F ES tyne emer ins Ge ee 8P-9E ‘loop ‘auidnoisod ‘sop ‘19}}0 Bas ‘dIOATUIBO ‘Teuurvor “yyonp ‘YS |~~~9-#e “1090p “q[e9s Inj ‘Z[Bes Joqaeyq ‘10310 vos ‘TeuTUTeUT ‘(jews pus ods1e[) spiiq ‘juomyes ‘ysl |~~~F2-Z1 ‘astodi0d ‘yoop ‘eurdnoiod ‘Teas Joqiey ‘10340 Bes ‘p1iq ‘sseq ‘juouljes ‘sty |~~~~Z1-0 I qouely, ‘T 0718 soqoul yideq 4o[UT 9008077 p DawD ‘supUmad JoUUD fo W014NgGL.L4SIP 19914440 A—P ATAV I, 142 Depth in inches Surface_--- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 TABLE 5.—Vertical distribution of animal remains, area 5 SCHOONER PASSAGE 1 Trench 1 Seal?, bear?, deer. Fish (salmon?), American pintail duck, Canada goose, common loon, mammal, seal, harbor seal, sea lion, sea otter, Canidae (dog?), bear?, deer?. Fish (salmon?), western gull, northern Mel eagle, mammal, sea otter, seal?, eer. Fish, salmon?, Canada goose, Barrow golden-eye duck, mammal, sea otter, seal, carnivore, Steller’s sea lion, deer, porpoise. see (salmon), birds, mammals, seal, eer. Fish, salmon, American pintail duck, mammals, sea otter, deer. Fish, salmon?, glaucous-winged gull, Barrow golden-eye duck, mammal sea otter, seal?, deer. Depth in inches 84-128 ___ 130-138... 136-150___ 150-162__-- 162-174. 5 - 108-120 __- 120-132-_-. 132-144. __ 144-156___. 156--. ..4=- Trench 1 Fish (salmon?), bird, deer. Fish (salmon), birds, mammals. Fish (salmon?), Swainson’s hawk. Fish, salmon?, birds, sea otter, deer? Fish, bird, deer?. Fish, salmon, Amphibia, birds, Ameri- can pintail duck, northern bald eagle, mammals, sea otter, dog, porcupine, deer. Fish (salmon?), carnivore, dog, deer. Birds, Pacific loon, mammals, porpoise. Fish (salmon), American pintail duck. Fish (salmon?), birds, American pin- tail duck. Fish (salmon?), birds. Fish, bird, sea otter, porcupine, deer. ae salmon, birds, glaucous-winged gull. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 133 Anthropological Papers, No. 21 Some Notes on a Few Sites in Beaufort County, South Carolina By REGINA FLANNERY The Catholic University of America 143 aap, ay } * ¥ i ® ahd Hone er iy. ere ‘oth ey Nee eeraini faseocsbrtie - i, eh i . . cae oetaaniie ‘2 iy co! ‘ ’ = a \ ae we. uy ; ‘ ae is ot i ; ney & siifons.) Hane. inal Piles i amie wo & 60 a) ‘ a ; i ay a Ont " witinne I AVE a ell aa) } e hee Wok anivinnt oy ieiribial 7 siesta Sy KGa tas | : ‘. ‘ ‘ . { i ‘ 3 vee ais Pies Ra Ls Ny i < ve ah ae ge 49?) ’ ‘ : i eT fre oak malin hd i wk fe fem-gm oh hp (elegy eee ee ee Tse 8 inthe Obs ea geo WNL A Wanda esl peas seen ah em segeumrt wat pacar eel 1 J ILLUSTRATIONS TEXT FIGURES S41) Mapvor-the Beatifort regions A. 2. 2.2 ah ee eee Be eee 35. The Chester Field site eA) CURMOR AM THEE. Vly CO en ah Re ee On ewe WMT AM Ma RL Ech ene sien 2 Wiabidihd gy ak. Naan i ‘Vise - 4 ee i aah ; y E ie reeds yr ee ea el » a « Whehit foaled tidal y= of eee | Lo ‘- = tary, 4 a | & ry fe SOME NOTES ON A FEW SITES IN BEAUFORT COUNTY, SOUTH CAROLINA By REGINA FLANNERY The Catholic University of America This is a summary account of some archeological work done on Port Royal and the sea islands near Beaufort, S. C., by Dr. Warren K. Moorehead, February 8 to March 12, 1933. Assisting Dr. Moore- head were especially Woldemar H. Ritter, an architect of Boston, and Hughes H. Lake, of Port Royal Island. Mr. Ritter did the surveying, supervised the excavations, and carefully compiled the daily field report. Mr. Lake, devoting his whole time to the under- taking, was in charge of the workmen and assisted in the digging operations. Both Dr. Moorehead and Mr. Ritter have since died. The present writer participated in the work as a student assistant. She is not in a position to draw up a complete technical report; * she does, however, wish to put on record something at least of the culture revealed by the excavations in this little-studied region (fig. 34) 2 The interest of Dr. Moorehead in the archeology of Port Royal Island had been awakened by Mr. Ritter, who, together with Mr. Lake, had done some exploratory digging in several sites during 1931 and 1982. The excavation of a burial mound on St. Helena Island prior to 1898 by Moore (1899) had been the only other archeological work done in the immediate region. During some 20 years’ residence on his plantation, Mr. Lake had accumulated a collection of surface finds from Port Royal Island. These comprise some 80 or 40 chipped-stone objects, including 1 fine black flint point 7 inches in length, 1 celt, a few decorated bone 1 The detailed field report containing all notes, maps, and drawings is available for con- sultation at the Department of Anthropology, Catholic University. A few specimens from the Chester Field site are also here. Samplings of pottery were sent to the Ceramic Reposi- tory for the Eastern United States at the University Museums, Ann Arbor, for analysis. The bulk of the pottery, other artifacts, and all skeletal material were sent to the Charleston Museum. A few of the choicer specimens were retained in the small local museum at the Library, Beaufort, S. C. 2The writer wishes to acknowledge her indebtedness to Dr. John R. Swanton and Dr. James B. Griffin for their valuable suggestions, and to Miss Grace Fowler for her kindness in drawing the accompanying map. 147 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 133 awls, and quantities of potsherds. There is also one small pottery figurine in the shape of an animal head. The stone and bone ma- terial is rather scarce as compared with the number of sherds. The Lake Plantation occupies a considerable portion of the south- ern tip of the southwestern extension of Port Royal Island, and had been a strategic center for Indian life, with direct access to deep water as well as to numerous springs. In addition to the extensive SS ZXSTAMPED AND CORD-MARKED POTTERY FOUND ~~“? MARSH LAND FLOODED AT HIGH TIDE ‘ 1 ° 1 2 & b—— et — ——: et SCALE IN MILES X= FIGURE 34.—Map of the Beaufort region. 1, The Lake Plantation. 2, Cat Island. 3, The Chester Field site. 4, The Jones Island site. 5, The burial mound. shell heaps along the shores, the entire cultivated area of 20 or 30 acres north of the Lake house is strewn with broken oyster and conch shells, ete. Indian occupation of the locality indicated on the map drawn by Jacques Le Moyne, 1564, is borne out by the archeological evidence, although unfortunately we are unable to correlate the arche- ological and ethnological source materials.* ® Dr. Moorehead concluded that the numerous shell heaps on the Lake Plantation repre- sented temporary camp sites to which the Indians returned from time to time rather than permanent habitations. Juan Rogel, S. J., who arrived at St. Helena Island 1569, wrote that the Indians lived scattered for 9 months of the year, ‘“‘each one to his own place, and came together only at certain feasts, which they held every 2 months, and this was not always in one place, but at one time here and another time in another place, etc.’’ (See Swanton, 1922, p.57). There is no evidence to date, however, which would indicate whether ANTHROP. Pap. No.21] BEAUFORT CO. ARCHEOLOGY—FLANNERY 149 More than 200 test pits were sunk at various points on the Lake Plantation. A great many oyster, periwinkle, and clam shells * were found as well as a number of bones of deer and other animals,* but, with the exception of pottery, scarcely any artifacts. In excavating the larger test pits it was noted that the earth had been disturbed in places to a depth of 6 feet. But there were no true ash pits, and no suggestion of a hearth or fireplace, except at one spot where the on his eon" TER —~ 4 / : f f Lut Lise ani uy ae MARSH ~ Slane SE put Mla. EV?) rae aha ily M Fieurn 35.—The Chester Field site. clay was rather hard and burned to a depth of 3 feet below the sur- face. Griffin (whose paper appears in this Bulletin, pp. 155-168) has analyzed the pottery from the Lake Plantation and has discussed it in its wider distributions. Ware similar to the types found there, with the exception of the few sherds of Stalling’s Island culture or not the Indians referred to used artifacts of the type recovered from the shell heaps. Griffin informs me that the available material gives us no reason to expect European trade goods. 4A random sampling of shells from one of the larger pits was sent to Dr. Frank C. Baker, Museum of Natural History, University of Illinois, who kindly reported as follows : ‘“‘“Marine species—the common oyster, Ostrea virginica Gmelin, Nova Scotia south to Florida ; a long narrow clam with thin shell, Tangelus gibbus Spengler, range from Cape Cod to Trinidad. West Indies; a small quahog or round clam, Venus mortoni Conrad, range Virginia south to Florida Keys; a salt water mussel, with coarse radiating lines at one end, Modiolus de- missus plicatulus (Lam.), range Nova Scotia south to Georgia; a periwinkle or snail with very thick shell, Littorina irrorata Say, range Rhode Island south to Jamaica. Land snails— a 2-inch long, elongate ovate shell, Huglandina rosea (Ferussac), found from South Carolina to Florida and Texas; a small land snail, 44 inch in diameter, shell thin, the aperture with 2 teeth or ridges on the base, Gastrodonta gularis (Say), range S. Carolina west to Ten- nessee, a rare shell in South Carolina at least.”’ 5 A sampling of bones from the same pit was sent to Dr. Glover M. Allen, Curator, Museum of Comparative Zoélogy at Harvard, who wrote as follows: “I have examined the bones, and find most of them to be Virginia deer, some of the antler-bases of maximum size, but I can match them with material here. There is one raccoon jaw, and a fragment of a large radius as large as that of a medium-sized cow and apparently indistinguishable from domestic cow, but cut square across near the end. There were no other species.” 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 type, were recovered by excavation of shell heaps at Cat Island and elsewhere from the surface as indicated on the map. Unfortunately, none of this material was sent to the Ceramic Repository and no more definite statement can be made regarding it. On the same southwestern extension of Port Royal Island, but on the west side thereof, and on ground owned by Chester Field, is a horseshoe-shaped mound, the ends of which meet the steep overgrown bank of Broad River. (See fig. 35.) A marsh at the foot of the bank extends half a mile or so into the river, but is flooded at high tide. Whether or not the mound was at one time circular is impos- sible for the present writer to say. Nothing in the lay of the land suggested this possibility to Dr. Moorehead at the time. At present, however, the level space enclosed by the mound measures about 110 feet at its widest point and 55 feet from the riverbank to the center inner periphery of the mound. There is a good spring about 130 feet to the south. Scattered in the central portion of the level area enclosed by the mound, seven test holes disclosed the ground disturbed to a depth of from 12 to 30 inches, but otherwise sterile. One test hole, dug by Mr. Ritter in 1932, in the true center of this enclosed area showed a fire pit, 24 inches below the surface and filled with debris. In the northeast section of the level area, another test hole, 10 feet by 10 feet, showed sand disturbed to a depth varying from 18 to 30 inches, and in the southeast corner of the test hole a compact shell deposit 12 inches thick and 16 inches below the surface. The artifacts re- covered from this test hole comprise some 27 potsherds, a worked antler prong, several chipped flints and flakes, one-half of a round pitted stone, and some animal bones. The test hole on the opposite side of the level space enclosed by the mound showed near the surface a 6-inch layer of shells, below which was disturbed sand to a depth of 30 inches. Only 6 or 8 sherds and a few animal bones were recov- ered therefrom. The mound itself is about 25 feet wide and varies in height from 3 feet above the level of the enclosed space on the south side, to 5 feet on the north side, or from 14 feet 8 inches to 16 feet 2 inches above the high-water mark on the bank. As Mr. Ritter and Mr. Lake had already excavated the central portion of the mound to some extent, a trench 10 feet wide was started where the north side of the mound meets the riverbank and was run 25 feet east through the middle of the mound. The mound is artificial, being composed largely of oyster and other shells, interspersed occasionally with ir- regular layers of dark earth several inches thick and containing a few shells and some debris. Pockets of periwinkle shells, measuring roughly about 2 gallons each, occur rather frequently. Undisturbed ANTHROP. Pap, No. 21] BEAUFORT CO. ARCHEOLOGY—FLANNERY 151 ground is reached on an average at 30 inches below the present level of the enclosed area, which corresponds with the undisturbed base of the enclosed area itself. Refuse occurred with equal frequency among the shells and in the irregular layers of earth. More than 1,000 potsherds were re- covered from the midden when the trench had been extended 20 feet to the east. There were a large number of animal bones and pieces of antler, but relatively little stone—only 8 pieces of worked flint, several chips, 3 round rocks, and one pitted stone. Worked bone was represented by four carved pointed objects ® and one bone scraper broken into three pieces. There were also one antler prong, marked with an incised line, and one antler point. The trench dug by Mr. Ritter and Mr. Lake in the central portion of the mound was then enlarged. The same type of midden com- position as described above was noted. Parts of four more carved bone objects, a large flint nodule from which pieces had been flaked, and several worked antler prongs were added to the collection. Of the two test holes toward the south end of the mound, one revealed two potsherds with drilled holes, and the other, sunk at the highest point at the south side of the mound, yielded about 20 sherds and about 40 small pieces of animal bones. The shells were much de- cayed, and more dirt and sand were mixed therewith than was the case at the north end of the mound. The Chester Field site seems to indicate a permanent camp or village, the level space enclosed by the mound evidently having been reserved for the dwellings. The numerous animal bones sug- gest that meat was an important element in the diet of this people, although seafood was probably the staple. There was no evidence of maize.’ The importance of the site lies especially in the fact that it repre- sents another locality of the Stalling’s Island culture. The complex is present at the Chester Field site in its essentials, though some of the items ascribed to the complex by Claflin (1931) are lacking. The pottery of the site has been analyzed by Griffin (p. 159), who states that it identifies the site as a component of the same cultural division as the Stalling’s Island complex. Found in association with this type of pottery are decorated bone-pointed objects of the same gen- eral types as those described by Claflin. The designs on these objects are individual, no two of ours are identical in carving, nor presum- 6 Decorated bone objects of the same type are considered by Claflin to be ornamental pins. See Claflin (1931, pp. 23—24, and pl. 38, f, d, g). ™Two caches of burned corncobs were found in Stalling’s Island site (see Claflin, 1931, pp. 12-13) but not assigned definitely to the true Stalling’s Island culture. Griffin informs me by letter that there is every reason to believe that maize was not grown in the Southeast at the Stalling’s Island period. 405260—43——11 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 133 ably are those from Stalling’s Island. The stone material from the Chester Field site is not so varied as that from Stalling’s Island, but so far as it goes it agrees therewith. In neither the Chester Field nor Stalling’s Island sites was there any evidence of pipes of any sort, but worked and unworked antler is characteristic of both. The net sinkers, so numerous at the Georgia site, are lacking, so far as we know, from the Chester Field midden. The Stalling’s Island pottery type was yielded by one other mound investigated by Dr. Moorehead and his assistants in 1933. This shell mound, belonging to C. C. Jones, lies in the marshland, across the Beaufort River from Paris Island. The mound covers about half of the land left free at high tide, and runs parallel to the river for about 350 feet. The deposit is massed at the southern end, being exposed 30 inches above ground level and extending to a depth of 30 inches below level at the high point, which is on the western side. The de- posit gradually pales off toward the other side of the mound and rather abruptly toward the land side, where the deposit is only a few inches thick and does not extend appreciably below the level of the ground. Several test pits were sunk and one small trench was dug. The mound is composed of compact shells, lacking the layers of earth as intermixed in the Chester Field midden. The ware is the same as the Stalling’s Island type. One decorated bone object and a bone comb, together with some food bones and pieces of antler, were recovered, Another site, the last one to be investigated, proved to be a burial mound, similar to that excavated by Moore on St. Helena Island. This mound is at the Kempfer place on Ladies Island, about 565 feet from the Beaufort River, on level sandy ground about 15 feet above the river which runs close to the steep bluff forming the bank. There are a spring and a small water course a short distance north of the mound, but no signs of Indian occupation in the immediate vicinity. The gently sloping mound is circular in shape, the diam- eter being about 70 feet, and the highest point 41 inches above the present surrounding level. The ground had never been cultivated, and four large live-oak trees are growing on the mound. A systomatic excavation was made of the central portion of the mound to include an area 15 feet by 15 feet, and 12 test holes were sunk at various other points. The mound is artificial and composed of sandy soil. At a level 48 inches below the grade at the highest part of the mound, or 7 inches below the present surrounding level, is a stratum of very dark earth, heavily colored by charcoal. This stratum is 4 inches thick in the central area of the mound and grad- ually thins out until about 10 feet from the periphery on the east- west axis it becomes very faint. Directly in the center of the mound, ANTHROP. Pap, No.21] BEAUFORT CO. ARCHEOLOGY—-FLANNERY 153 and resting on this charcoal bed, were massed human bones forming a compact layer over an area 12 feet by 6 feet on the north-south axis. Disposition of the skeletal remains suggests that the bones were massed on the charcoal layer with no regard for order or com- pleteness. Skulls, jawbones, and long bones predominated, repre- senting at least 30 or probably 40 individuals. Evidence of crema- tion in situ on top of this layer of bones was noted in seven instances. The remains were in a bad state of preservation but were removed as carefully as possible to the Charleston Museum where they await further study. Three feet to the west of the northern end of the massed bones and just below the charcoal stratum was evidence of another cremation. Six feet west of the southern end of the massed bones, and just below the charcoal stratum, was a basin or depres- sion about 24 inches deep and 18 inches in diameter, apparently lined with clay which had been slightly burned. Half of this depression was filled with charcoal and ashes. There was no trace of any artifacts with the exception of one round sandstone with two hollows, found in the charcoal stratum, under the layer of massed bones, at about the center of the mound. The fact that, as Claflin notes (1931, p. 44), it was not a common practice.of the Stalling’s Island people to place mortuary offerings with their dead may suggest the possibility that the mound on Ladies Island may have been made by people of Stalling’s Island culture. On the other hand Claflin (1931, p. 43) ascribes a number of flexed burials to the Stalling’s Island people and, furthermore, concludes that it was customary for them to bury their dead beneath the floors of their dwell- ings. Investigation of the Chester Field village site showed no evi- dence of such a practice. It would seem then that no conclusion can at present be reached regarding the culture type to which belonged the people whose burial mound on Ladies Island was investigated. LITERATURE CITED CLAFLIN, WILLIAM H., JR. 1931. The Stalling’s Island Mound, Columbia County, Ga. Pap. Peabody Mus. Amer, Archaeol. and Ethnol., vol. 14, No. 1. GRIFFIN, JAMES B. 1942. An analysis and interpretation of the ceramic remains from two sites near Beaufort, South Carolina. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 133, Anthrop. Pap. No. 22. Moore, CLARENCE B. 1899. Certain aboriginal mounds of the coast of South Carolina. Journ. Acad. Nat. Sci. Philadelphia, vol. 11, pt. 2, art. 3. SWANTON, JOHN R. 1922. Harly history of the Creek Indians. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 73. in che Fibs ye ry fags) eras to. {fo Se >: ; aut pen f end | ei aa te: ' ea Os et oy ve “— Sieh yom : s , vit - Sky tah) Sect atte SOS if AY Le ie "> mani a4 4 > tort 2S ony 'y * “Fi. i ain arty) ney ‘ ¥ (ew mamiihs a (& 1 bet tort 4 Ys ee ; ; write He QHIEEB Qui DOAT, S95 oe ai - ne Cuero : Le 1 o, lanes sei me dati pods et amg Spk58 sat fatiann¥ he dyeosl oun & Ripe ie hi ry HY. sf ROS OR XO af} & ty A tov Mie one foe "eh ] yl j aa ag ’ oi \ iP AP A Mid hy cael te ee av ae J ipa! ™ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 133 Anthropological Papers, No. 22 An Analysis and Interpretation of the Ceramic Remains from Two Sites near Beaufort, South Carolina By JAMES B. GRIFFIN Assistant Curator, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan 155 Seneca keen Se coe Ae ea. u sieht pnmnS ere ea amok CONTENTS ‘ PAGE Chores prep) UCM Ke eso ee Py Sa eC ESI of Sie, af hla OY Sia pl 159 Mey PE TAMIC MN SbALINRS Aa tien Sree ee se es eee ahs ee 159 Thezil Eeey- 4 22 Wo EN EGY a RN is Ma PE A pee ny FS =e eS Re eR DE CPSP de, 162 Comparable rstavemMenG a. 12 eke oe rete, Reka bee et Re ees 163 BS nTa ang Teper ae say se Sk Rl ee eS ee eae a 2 aS a ae 165 eaoliogEa ply eso tere Sakis eee ee ae ea ee ee hae 167 HE xplanatOuvol pla veaee = . 2-2: 2 = 23 ed eee 287 Towe formulas: anaes Seas O ay i a kes ON ee 289 Disease Tormpylad -aeee Ree Ne ete nes Cee eee ee ee alpha et 292 Ofherrformulast =: SSee sis es ake whe eine tA eR ee ee 297 Mythology and itsfumetion= *7 SA 5 stern ee es Lee OU Summaryrof the present-dayculture mes eee Se ee eee ee ee 304 Sotialtopposition==* ses 2s 2s 225 Miler ks oh = pe eee eee ae 304 Social‘solidantysamd reciprocity S220 4 hes = hts ee eee 306 NOcialriNvepraviony 256 .* <= t/a\) yay ee ee ee eee eo ee ee ee 309 Ae fOLMeET SOCIEbYy Bae ae © Me = oe wee SHEL Le eee ne nee ee 313 MErOUMChIONS esa a Ne wees ae oo Se SEE Se ot en eee eee 313 snheories sof Oni cins#!= 2204 ye eee ee 313 Barlybistoricalrecordsss == ==" mss asses Usa ssa 315 Payne-Bubrick’ Manuscripts dava- 22 at Sees 319 Thewwihiteiorganizationesa=: “+ as yee ver hee eee eee ee ee 321 Oificisisus <" xDk ss vee eee Se eee eee 354 Otheriwanr features: 5! sot: o =e Sak sss Ae Aen ee oe eee 355 Structure and function of the former society. _____---__-_-_--_--__- 356 AlernahloncOL war ikia peacens ne +2 Ht Sorter sede Re oe ee 356 Symbolism of the ceremonies—social cohesion______-__________ 358 DOCININeHangel t= hss Kane esa cy hai nto: onli sl ae ARI ee ot We 360 (herevidenceror changers “35 te ae: seo se ee ee ee eee 360 Heonomickehanges 53597 2Nom = ye) 0 > sete Eee oe Re 360 Politieaitchange ss 223 8a0 9-226 252 ee ee Sree gee or ee 363 Ceremonialc hamper 25 oa 2 e.5 5a. 91S Hey REE ee RRR ree 367 IVER On trends ee et i Nef abe eS 26am 87s me pon Vine Oren any Sr 370 POMCIVSION! <9 602» Fn mat Wrens Nei sam bs Bind 4 Wa Nie Ae Ba ely oer ee eee 371 Appendix A. Chronologically arranged data summary on Cherokees- - - _ - 373 Appendix:b: Outline of Cherokee: cultures oo os Sesh. eee 374 Appendix C. Material culture of the Cherokees_____...___________-_---- 385 Appendix D. Cultural traits of the Cherokee (Payne)_-___----_--------- 388 Bibtiogreph yt sos sree se soi) Pela ses nlitnst 5 LORIE. ee See enone rae eae 402 Nb OND oe ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES . 1, Cherokee terrain 2, Cherokee eagle dance_.____._-.------.----- . 1, Cherokee ball game, tackle. 2, Cherokee ball game, intermission- . 1, Cherokee ball game, foul. 2, Wiliwesti’s artifacts__.------------ . 1, John Driver family. 2, Four women of Big Cove_--------------- . 1, Sampson Owl, ex-chief and interpreter. 2, Sampson Ledford, informant, Grahamypeounty so. h2cheyes k eos ee FIGURES The Cherokee settlements, 1762-76, G@nap)) 2. 224-32 e022 64s Seen +) Dhe-Cherokee settlements, 1825-80 map) se). 2222 e228 see . The Cherokee Indian Reservation, N. C., 1937 (map)-_------------- E Disgramoh jhe spueres Of tribal activity... 25—- = ose es25 252 oe . Western Cherokee kinship: Male ego (after Morgan)-------._------ . Cherokee kinship consanguines: Male ego . Cherokee kinship consanguines: Female ego___.------.------------ a @herokeelkinshipiaiamities w= Ce Uke eee a Sk a ee ke . Eastern Cherokee kinship consanguines: Male ego (after Morgan) - - - . Eastern Cherokee kinship consanguines: Female ego (after Morgan) -_- . Eastern Cherokee kinship affinities (after Morgan) ----------------- . Western Cherokee kinship consanguines: Male ego (after Morgan) --- . Western Cherokee kinship consanguines: Female ego (after Morgan) -- . Western Cherokee kinship affinities (after Morgan) __--------------- minathersmatrlines| Niner ss. ee Leek eh De ls oes ee Ot ee PeNViotherspmatrilinealalime seem sees eee iy ote eee Ee A Mother s1acher sunagrlinealiine: 30342.) 202 Je ee ee eee Mathers tather samatrilines|lingy) 2250 ss Gee eee . Balance of marriage exchanges between clans___------------------- Seating in the Cherokee Council House (diagram) ------------------ TABLES Clanimnames Of tie @herokees sii sik: 2 Mik eh hese apes Survey of clan affiliations of family heads of Eastern Cherokee house- Representative numbers of the members of the various clans among Pari livres shea li GO yee eae a ln lee see eres ee sary Comparative table of kinship terms of the Cherokee_____--_----~- Dancessol ihe Cherokees Wi wily bln 2h Slee hea Be ale 2 ee Cherokee:kanship. 322222 oo ae sl 2 Spe Le ae Ae aS oe ao Hlementsiin! Cherokee myths 202 20a ae ee Principles of Cherokee social organization_._...---.-----...---- Culture changes as gleaned from comparison of Cherokee omens in MSS Gy suita hl TG Bok ose SL Pe tee fg aR Sa ie on be oe wenn bee ES : pee: Heraeus Te Sa t wee Petih Ahi ne Vw on ‘ Dea Rah Ca he it i Pci Poke ry ic ae oF ee a ste cee Fi aie Oe a iy tate ie iy bi gacvsl fe BLE Oa Dai a ; “aaron: Rh Wire se shea rig cee “ehae) ween aes Wi APR oR cgi Val ag ae slyly OBA eineauahitee nT) eee tea ROWE Oe nobiensaait agatha! oat si ad ia inh ae Sar Past 1 Oy abe a ladie toc sont ad W ne es ie hy ph A ‘ im x Sing Wf. ote Ua) ger TaN” Seite: mia Osea ai Sin | aS pee OL as Me i ~ope efeM wsctihyenagg aitauioks ERR AC aera mis mi La aac tn ier ONE smeorths gelato qidas? oye Ad a A Aue aproa y a itelitin fo frie asl a elie raid eosin atl de ada vr PA eT ‘sit Ome Slalk teantiuingamos Cfistastiol oatooa ae saz bane ie ep” Re ort ties ahartby 44: cenhasermuutesey: iteuttol neil HAD Gs ) eat ed rf PO amie wajiay seiiiha qidentd Bee ect Gee Noi iow ty jaa Bim somnis imate) qlelavtias nse ui bah.) i i aH Bur), hig Shin"! jawaleranennus qth wg honed im 1s): RDN odes lpia igus aneiny roi atdebidl edit owed a min | LRG ana ee SER ere Peers 1.) fund inhale ilu he sees i eam pe oe ER cOHa ee Boe . oe Pui dehy i Seibtearttterecct 4 yltal wags et ‘ ae heat me = ie Lh a eel Rees) ony “ett tag cethnisn a yisd hak it ys SARE! alae Md te ky 1e cogent Ci arden heey once oer sae saiN yao A a Saye eens Sk an BissoRE eres Fowmurie: ag ld Age C08 Fe eS ae 1b asl bean Re sieae ec A ‘phosstin or Mee a : afar A Sakic tat: ake i eat 6 olin ulin ® % asaited ‘ait inh, lo 4a i SRR SO ARUIER RD Ts 3 at apa ps ce oa Sc de casa de ae a ee ites ait? ane 1 gO" ay ths he itanfsveci Hibh eo enaclanzer ovina Pe eas oa eg at nv can ROW st le ocala ak Hivantty outs ie’ bAvead i Seat lo vide} gvetep Nee nM ah oe pha ~o ei Cen OE sates f , ~ : vee a MeN ee eee Le eae mee ire \ ae a eh ip aretngey ke" sanlgarheon, wiped, Hotta vey wogoulty, ¢ corey i. i ail CER ice PREFACE This study is the result of 2 years’ research on the Cherokee In- dians of North Carolina. Field work with this band was made possible by a grant from the Department of Anthropology of the University of Chicago in 1932 and was carried out in two visits from September to December of that year. The village of Big Cove was made the type of the whole reserva- tion because it was the most conservative district of the region. The data from Big Cove was later checked by material collected from the other five towns of the Eastern Cherokee Reservation. The purpose of the field survey was to obtain a fairly complete description of the existing society of the Cherokees. The data col- lected consisted in the main of descriptions of persons, households, land tenures, genealogies, clan memberships, places of residence, and the terms and behavior included in the kinship system. The author endeavored to enter into the social life of the people as fully as possible. By virtue of living at the home of the chief informant, who was also the head man of the village, he was able to follow the daily round of activities and participate frequently in the native dances and games. In this way a better understanding of the spirit of Cherokee affairs was obtained than might have been acquired through the method of having the informant come to some strange and unfamiliar surroundings for questioning. It is a pleasure to acknowledge the assistance of many kind friends. Invaluable aid was rendered in the field by native Cherokees, notably Will West Long, the councilman at Big Cove, and ex-Chief Sampson Owl. Aid was also rendered by local white officials, in particular Miss Louvica Wyman, Superintendent R. L. Spalsbury, Farm Agent A. M. Adams, and Chief Clerk J. L. Walters. Elsewhere, Dr. J. R. Swanton, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, furnished the original stimu- lus for this study and many subsequently helpful suggestions; Drs. F. Olbrechts, F. Speck, and the late J. N. B. Hewitt, as students of the Troquoian-Cherokee field, made helpful comments; and, at Chicago, in- dispensable aid was rendered in the final organization of the materials by Prof. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown and by Drs. Fay-Cooper Cole, Robert Redfield, and Fred. R. Eggan. 175 | ? rite ¢ hy ita t HW ioe WE. weuiliacaly ee ot: 40 nl opt: ‘davthehn agg, atl Arab pee Mt ; sate ow of a byter as BAW: Deo SOE dite ibs 0 Mk Oe DRE ae ey i nHRTI ich sr aedcay BAA fom bate me ti. hep dh shea sor geod pi Ao das Pout stuskins od¥ ter tiruily help iru pacity oF cere te canort etaalfary firteatany sad bent Beth oR era ued . vi saa Nodkbevwang? eoakirey Ae se apes Bk 4 Ny: deve mgt cio viaiet @ iitidh ot amie Yavin bist aby het | ea MeO aE, easly tas!! J at bi, yoaiodse DATE RY aglty te jotdslontoetro wanoateg: ty suo tmeb! ta. apoyo, she hg. PBs: aN niteb ey ED) amoaley edi tboredite weet, pate ae / oe gta? iF alas weet eh (te: hebieloisl if 0 te sisi. a, toahil igh: 10%, ee ment Oa nasa Oe at eae ae 10 5 safle Rais arty Bo satus oukt de iia fey Supt ake. VETERE Bits aide Bai mt. onal lhe el}. Dey cenerd, lined oot ale zante ONS Cae “ey tlinergoyt Bee or tad bina # meth create Geni ipebrines alte, ae 6, gorbtredeietu rr yaid ae yaw eit sik, petioles Tai ep ORS Ligad Hradd Aehna iaxt won Foohiatorls: ‘wat cn tis | colo em, iad oe eat daatnqot ot aslh ibukend a bodies od syeiay | eect a ‘Baldaltennh. ad eamtbnoiratia ath crs be Bie ; iobeh fae yinper to appt Mager sd Het Ae ese ate font ioasle sah) Hy ides ed Sits ett git fy betaine sig bis Fale 9 ARTLINE Ran OED. brid rel atti Kgasenlaibinlged a stock SG chent SF weaker: Shes Pe eet averiiy: Lae, Syct Fieve Wier. aE BAD he ots ey ree We J yeah. SAUCE nt 7 t) te alae rod teneriny igs Gt DF HOTTY ve a pa shoal ae sen OD eh Jeol tale 2. Dy be Reo tel, Baud: eet (eiehie en 1st ota: As Qt wok: Cabal pak ngs Sesipns ur hh eee Ais iat Mi: ya, pie sh wi ats ri iota vie: Pty ae it Aba acon the ey } a it Sane Hak Diakacise ai ses mosis ae ed Pca owronttsaihi tintin ia Ca ie dees, © 3S-21-15-un ii? as - 9a] - a6 - uy ag pe ete ay ae et oe yny-emb-up) et ab- ah as- a -36- a ynu- a -26-UN eer u Bee se Is} eu-ay-uny az}-emb-y azj}-emb-yy = yop-ay-uy y-28u-ay- uy oO Vv oO Vv ep-op-aB-yy ep-op-ab-yy -eu-3]-2)} —1Zp-00p-ab-yy a7-pib-yy = -eu-a}-e O=97 OVS W/ 12p-o0p-ab-Yy az-pib-yy 1e) Vv Oo Vv oO Ses: oe: (se1eW) SSSR EeSe 22 2223 23% ae Sa aie Soe as-8a}-ab-Uy as-a]-ab-Uy as- aaq-a6-uy as - 9a] - a6 -uy #a0e £8 £6 qeerererered ap erar or rarer ay 4n}-emb-ul) yny-emb-up) yi6-0)4-36-4y yop-ay-uly ynu-am-ab-up, = az3-eMb-y az}-emb-yy ynu-am-ab-uy) az}-emb-yy ep-op-ab-yy ep-op-ab-yy oO Va=0 Vv ie) Vv O Vv oO Vv oO Vv Vv yop-3}-uy/ Vpaal-ey-uy 1S}eu-py-uy Yop-ay-uy 1s}-ynu-ep-eu-sg 418-014-36-yy —_ep-op-aB-yy Oo oO Vv Vv Vv oO Vv O Vv =J30) eX A900 24K | | 223-16-yy ep-op-ab-uy az-p1b-yy 27-p16-yy ep-op -ab-yy ep-op-ab-yy eu-ay-e] = ep-op-ab-yy 4 15-0yy-eB-yy -eu-aj-e) 12) O=V Vv Oo=V O=V 1$}-eU-ay-Uy 40 1-20u-ay-uy Vv Re ep-op-ab-yy 46-o]4-26-yy Vv oO ee see yis-aapab-yy 1$}-00p-a6-yy yis-aa}-ab-yy — 1s}-00p-ab-Yy 95}-00p-ab-yy —-us-aay-ab-yy asj-oop-ab-yy —y1s-aay-ab-yy Vv oO O=V Vv Oo \/ oO O=V oO fe} ee ee Se eS ee THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 223 ANTHROP, PaP. No, 23] ‘(uvS10y{ Joly) OFo o[BUe,T : SouINSUvSUOD AIYSUTY eoyOIOYO UloISea—'GF ANI, age? Get te oor hee eae ee az} ynu-am-a6-uA ynu-am-ab-uy) 9Z}-eMb-UYy ynu-em-ab-un ie emd-Up 37}-emO-uy yny-emb-up) ynq-emb-un) yl-e}-86-uy O V O Vv O V O V O V O V O V O V O V op- aye uy 4y}-8)]-35-uy Op-ay-uy y}- 2)-a5-uy 093 Yop-ay-uy yl-e}-35-uy 1S}- yn ep-eu- aq] 224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 With these prefixes in mind it will be somewhat easier to place the principal terms as they occur in the list that follows: The principal kinship terms of the Cherokee are the following: giDaDa (father), gitoki (aunt), giDzi (mother), giDudji (uncle), agwetsi (child), ungiwina (nephew), ungwatu (niece), u Natsi (wife’s parents), djiDzo i (hus- band’s parents), agi Nudji (daughter’s husband), agiDzo i (son’s wife), agila Na (uncle’s wife), giDuDiya (aunt’s husband), ginisi (male paternal grand- parent, male grandchild), gilisi (female grandparent, female or male grand- child), giDuDu (mother’s father), ungiDa (sister, brother), unginutsi (younger brother), unginili (older brother), ungilu i (sister), and agwelaksi (relatives- in-law). giDaDa (“Ah-ge-do-da” of Morgan): This term means “father” primarily. It is extended to father’s brothers and to all male members of the father’s clan except lineal ascendants of ego’s father. This term is applied to father, father’s brother, father’s sister’s son, father’s sister’s daughter’s son, mother’s sister’s husband (along with the term agwatina i, or “stepparent’’), father’s father’s brother’s son, and father’s father’s father’s brother’s son’s son. Special uses are made of the father term in the following: giDaDa awina, “vounger father’ (father’s younger brother), giDaDa ayuli, “older father” (father’s older brother), giDaDa udanti, “gentle father,” and giDaDa unagalu i, “cranky father” (the last two referring to distinguishing characteristics of the father’s brothers). Giloki (“Ah-ge-h lo -gih” or Morgan): This term means “father’s sister” pri- marily. It is extended to all females of the father’s clan except those lineally ascendant to him. This term is applied to father’s sister, father’s sister’s daugh- ter, father’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, father’s father’s brother’s daughter and father’s mother’s sister’s daughter. giDzi (‘‘Ah-gid-ze” of Morgan): This term means “mother” primarily. It is extended to the mother’s sisters and to the wife of any male member of the father’s clan if she is of ego’s clan. This term is applied to mother, father’s sister’s son’s wife, mother’s sister, mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter, mother’s mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, and father’s brother’s wife if she is of ego’s clan. giDudji (‘Ah-gedoo-dzi” and “Ah-ge-doo-tsi’” of Morgan): This term means “mother’s brother” primarily. It is applied also to mother’s mother’s sister’s son, and to mother’s mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s son. Various epithets are used to distinguish the mother’s brothers such as udanti giDudji, “gentle uncle,” unagalu i giDidji, “mad uncle,” utkanista giDudji, “cranky uncle,” and udajati giDudji, “stingy uncle.” agwetsi (‘“‘Ah-gwa-tse” of Morgan) : This term means “child” primarily, and is used by both sexes generally. It is extended to the child’s parallel cousins and to anyone whose father is of ego’s clan. This term is applied to one’s son and daughter (male and female speaking), to a brother’s son and daughter (male and female speaking), to a sister’s son and daughter (by a female speaker), father’s brother’s daughter’s child (female speaker), father’s brother’s son’s child (f. sp.), mother’s sister’s son’s child (m. and f. sp.), mother’s sister’s daughter’s child (f. sp.), father’s father’s brother’s son’s son’s child (m. and f. sp.), mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s daughter’s child (f. sp.), mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s daughter’s daughter’s child (f. sp.), mother’s mother’s brother’s children (m. and f. sp.), etc. The absence of sex distinctions in the term agwe- tsi requires various supplementary terms. The term tcu ’tsa awina, “male child,” and ge’yutsa, “female child,” are used for children not yet at the age of puberty AnTHROP, PaP. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 225 (12-14 years). The term awinutca is used for young males from 12 to 20 years of age and the term atu(N) is likewise used for young women of this age. At 20 the boy becomes askaya, a “man,” and the girl agehiyu, a “woman.” ungiwina (“Un-ge-we-nuh” of Morgan): This term means “nephew” primarily and is used only by the male speaker for sister’s son, father’s brother’s daugh- ter’s son, mother’s sister’s daughter’s son, and mother’s mother’s sister’s daugh- ter’s daughter’s son. ungwatu (“Ungwa-tuh” of Morgan): This term means “niece” and is used by the male speaker only. It is applied to sister’s daughter, father’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, mother’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, and mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s daughter’s daughter. ; u Natsi (“Tse-na-tze of Morgan’): This term refers primarily to the wife’s parents (male speaking). It is applied to wife’s father, wife’s mother, and their brothers and sisters, and to wife’s grandfather and grandmother (and their brothers and sisters). This term seems to be closely related to the term for son-in-law, agi Nudji. dji dzo i: This term refers primarily to the husband’s parents and is used only by the female speaker. It is applied to the husband’s father, husband’s mother, husband’s parent’s siblings, husband’s grandfather, and husband’s grandmother. agi Nudji (“Ah-ge-h na-tze” of Morgan): This term refers to the daughter’s husband, brother’s daughter’s husband, sister’s daughter’s husband, and mother’s brother’s daughter’s husband. agi Dzo i (“Ah-ge-tzau-hi” of Morgan) : This term refers to son’s wife, brother’s son’s wife, sister’s son’s wife, and mother’s brother’s son’s wife. agila Na: This term refers to the mother’s brother’s wife or to the mother’s mother’s sister’s son’s wife. giDuDiya: This term refers to the father’s sister’s husband and means “he becomes grandfather” or “he makes himself grandfather.” Any husband of a giloki is called giDuDiya or giDuDu. ginisi (“Eni-si’ of Morgan) : This term refers to the father’s father or son’s son, primarily. It is applied to the following: Father’s father, father’s father’s brother, father’s father’s brother’s son, the father’s mother’s brother, son’s son, brother’s son’s son, sister’s son’s son, father’s brother’s son’s son’s son, father’s brother’s daughter’s son’s son, mother’s sister’s son’s son’s son, mother’s sister’s daughter’s son’s son, mother’s brother’s son’s son, and mother’s brother’s son’s son’s son. gilisi (‘‘An-ge-lee-see” of Morgan) : This term refers primarily to female grand- parents through the mother and to grandchildren through a daughter. It is applied to the following: Mother’s mother, mother’s mother’s sister, mother’s father’s sister, mother’s father’s sister’s daughter, daughter’s children, son’s daughter, brother’s daughter’s children, brother’s son’s daughter, sister’s daugh- ter’s children, sister’s son’s daughter, mother’s brother’s son’s daughter, mother’s prother’s daughter’s children, mother’s sister’s daughter’s children, mother’s sis- ter’s son’s daughter’s children, mother’s sister’s son’s son’s daughter, father’s brother’s son’s son’s daughter, father’s brother’s daughter’s daughter’s children, father’s brother’s son’s daughter’s children, ete. giDuDu (‘‘Ah-gedoo-dze’’(?) of Morgan) : This term refers to mother’s father or father’s father’s father. It is also applied to mother’s father’s brother, moth- er’s mother’s brother, and mother’s father’s sister’s son. It is apparently a term meaning “grandfather” on the mother’s side. ungiDa (“An-ke-do(h)” of Morgan) : This term means “sister” with the male speaker and is extended by him to father’s brother’s daughter and mother’s sister’s daughter. The same term is used by the female speaker for “brother” and is extended by her to the father’s brother’s son and mother’s sister’s son, 226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buin. 133 unkinu’tsi (“Aun-ke-na-tsi” of Morgan): This term means “younger brother” with the male speaker. It is extended to the father’s brother’s son younger than self, mother’s sister’s son younger than self, father’s sister’s son’s son younger than self, and father’s mother’s brother’s son younger than self. The term awinage’i, “he is younger,” is also used for this relative. unkinili (‘“‘An-ke-nee-lee” of Morgan): This term means “older brother” with the male speaker and is used for the same relatives as the above who are older than the speaker. ungilu i (“An-ge-la-ih” of Morgan) : This term means “sister” and is used by the female speaker for the following relatives: Sister, mother’s sister’s daughter, father’s brother’s daughter, father’s sister’s son’s daughter, father’s mother’s brother’s daughter, ete. agwelaksi (‘‘Squa-lo-sih”’ and “Ga-ya-loh-sih” of Morgan): This term refers primarily to relatives-in-law and is applied to the following: Wife’s brother or sister, husband’s brother or sister, sister’s husband, brother’s wife, and to affini- ties of like relatives. There are various supplementary terms used for particu- lar persons in this relationship. astadali i (‘“Au-sda-li-gi’” of Morgan) is used jokingly for father’s brother’s son’s wife. asatlu i (“Au-su-dlun-hi” of Morgan) is used by the female speaker for her father’s brother’s daughter’s husband and is a joking term. awadu i (“K-na-duh-hi” of Morgan), meaning “they are pretty,” refers to husband’s brother’s wife (f. sp.) and to wife’s brother’s wife (m. sp.). There are a number of other supplementary kinship terms of which the following are of importance: agwati Na i (“A-gwa-ti-na-i” of Morgan) refers to “step-parent” and is applied primarily to the father’s brother’s wife and the mother’s sister’s husband and for genuine stepparents. agi Nudji a is a term applied to the man who is courting one’s daughter and is a prospective agi Nudji, or ‘‘son-in-law.” There are several terms used for siblings which are of considerable importance with reference to the solidarity of brothers and sisters in the individual family. The following are notable: uda Nilige i, “he is older,” is used for older brother. awinage i, “he is younger,” is used for the younger brother. tsukinu’dji, is used by the younger brother with the meaning, “we are brothers.” tsukinili, is used by the older brother with the meaning, “we are brothers.” otsalinu’dji, “‘we are brothers and sisters,” is used by siblings in referring to their common relationship together. tsotsalinu’dji, ‘‘we are brothers,” is applied to the wife’s sister’s husband. In the husband-and-wife relationship there are a number of supple- mentary terms. The most notable are the following: agwada iyusti, “like a wife,” is applied to a woman with whom a man is keep- ing company but not living. dji’ye i, “I’m holding her,” is a term sometimes used for wife. akstayu uski, “she’s my cooker,” is often used for wife. owasulasu i, is applied to a widow or widower. agi(X)yei (husband), is often supplemented by such terms as ostine’li, “we are living inside together” (in a house), and utusane i, “the old man.” AnTHROP, Pap, No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 227 MORGAN’S SYSTEM As may have been noted from the parenthetical inclusions, the kin- ship terms listed by L. H. Morgan in 1871 for the Cherokees differ somewhat from the present kinship terms. From its incomplete character, so far as collateral lines are con- cerned, it is difficult to obtain a clear-cut pattern for kinship terms in the list furnished by Morgan in his tables. A complete comparison of this list of terms with the one just described (Long’s) is therefore impossible. Enough can be adduced, however, to note two differences from the Long terminology. There is, first, the rather inconsequential differences in the morphological forms used for the same relative, such differences arising from alternation of prefixes, use of substitute words, and the like. Secondly, there are the differences arising from real usage, relatives being classified in a different pattern. Differences of the latter category include two important instances: (1) the mother’s mother’s brother’s son is called “mother’s brother” in Morgan’s terminology and “child” in Long’s; and (2) the father’s father’s sister’s daughter is called “father’s sister” in Morgan’s list and “grandmother” in our terminology. In spite of the Cherokee tendency to equate the father’s sister with the grandmother in behavior and terminological usage, it would seem that, in Morgan’s terminology, there is a real asymmetry in the terms used for the father’s and mother’s cross cousins. This point is still further emphasized in that the paternal male cross cousin’s male descendants are called “fathers” by ego. This fact leads one to sus- pect that Morgan’s terminology may be to some extent “filled out” on a generation or other basis from analogy with other tribes, according to the logic of the compiler. The Long version, obtained at Big Cove in 1932, does not possess a perfectly symmetrical terminology, but it does allow of a lineage basis for the implied usage of preferential mating indicated in the pedigrees. Following the version of Morgan, it would be difficult to obtain a clear-cut lineage basis for preferential mating. KINSHIP DISTINCTIONS The kinship terms are always of some use to the people who possess them in the distinguishing of certain relatives toward whom specific behavior is due. The type of distinction made is best analyzed by comparing the native terms for relatives with our own English system as a yardstick. The first and most obvious distinctions occurring in the Cherokee system are those of lineage and generation. The unilateral basis for the kinship grouping on a lineage line is perceptible in the identity of the terms applied to persons in a direct descent through females. 228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL,. 183 The giDaDa-giloki descent in the father’s matrilineal lineage is in- dicative of a lineage distinction which is heightened by the application of the terms eTee (grandfather) and giDzi (mother) to persons marrying into this line. The eles Dua descent in the mother’s matrilineal lineage is likewise further distinguished by the application of the term agwetsi (children) to the issue of all of these persons. In this case, however, there is a difference in terminology for those gen- erations above ego from those below. TABLE 4.—Comparative table of kinship terms of the Cherokee Eastern Cherokee Western Cherokee Long Morgan Morgan Fein isis 2 ee eT ee era a eee ee ee fe ee ese eS E-ni-si PSC he eae ee Se oe eeaye An-ge-lee-sih. SAIN PHISi eyes Ocnh ete hae oo An-ge-lee-se_._________--______-- An-gi-li-si or Un-gi-li-si. Per at DCB | eas ee ee ee ee Aner e=do-d are 2 io nee eo E-dau-da. SLU Zig Lee rare Sy tA, Fock Ah-gid-zess 23 tg Perk pi sees E-tsi GHEY Spel SS Ee aL ae ee AN=DWA=bZe ee neetees 2 ten ae gene A-gwae-tsi. Hs An-ke-nee-li____._.--__---------- Un-gi-ni-li. 8. SI MAn=ke-d0 (Dye fe ar EN ee etd Un-gi-dau. 9. i ATinpG-le-ihrs._beiyt bcikae Man | Wea Un-gi-lun-i. 10. -| Ah-ge-doo-tsi. ll. uw _..| Aun-ke-na-tsi or An-ke-na-tsi____| Un-gi-nun-tle or Un-gi-nun-tli. r2) Tsa-ke-na-tsi or Tsan-ke-toh_____ An-tsa-li-nun-tli. 13. ae plas ee ae rR ey sh |i Ah-ge-tzau-hi____.......__.-___-_- E-tsau-hi. GU IE VEA Uh 0 TC Ip k pe ae I PA Peshy =Na=O7h eo. na ee a ce E-hua-tsi. AUG) (ohat'd hvshats ey Seeger 5 ee ON as ee Un-ge-we-nuh______-______-_____ Un-gi-wi-nun. LBIUIN Sw Btls 2 eee No oe Lee ii Swaeci hae eee See Un-gwa-dun. DAbAliNe LOND Zier seo Pe ae te Ta-le-na-ah-gi-tze. Lr AEWA TION Giles Waseem 2a Wien Soe ORT ee eee es SU Lee 8 A-gwa-ti-na-i. 19 S05 me oe ese eek 90. eee De-na-da-nuh-tsi____________-_-- Tsan-sda-da-nun-tli. 20; OStaGalinive-s=mes eed 34 awed Ath =Ire-tS0-Hle chro See Au-sda-dun-hi. DIP AM AGU Lee ereyee wieeie dye Sh TOF ats 6) 0) ats sb eey gun Se ey ee one ee ee Au-sda-li-gi. 22. asalu i or agwelakei____.__-______ Ga-ya-loh-si or Squa-lo-sih______- Au-sda-dun-hi or Au-sda-lau-si or Au-se-dlun-hi. PareOUiO Kies eee e ete eee ee Alh-ve-hilo-pihe 02 = e e E-hlau-gi. 24 italine el DaDa- 22 8 eee Ta-le-na-ah-ge-do-da. PAHS 3 a DAY (Gh) Ui See Se SE es Ne ae oe Ah-ge-doo-dzi or Ah-ge-doo-tsi | E-du-tsi. or Ah-ge-doo-tse. Grav CX) yoni 22 ee ae SN Nae Ah-ge-he-a-hih___________-__ _._--| Ah-gi-ya-hi. 27 np DS WAALS ses 8s See eo eee Ag-gwa-da-le-ih_________________ Ah-gwa-da-li. Za Cties G20 nao ann oe ee ARSE=1 = GZ teeta See a ee E-hua-tsi. 20) TN atsieeg ie De Teo wD ee Tse-na-tz0. <2 22a sch eee. Soe E-dzau-hi. SOS Ws eat ee one eae emer te ae Mba ier pie Vek en ENS See OSS Si-da-na-lun. In the mother’s father’s matrilineal lineage there is again a carry- ing of the giDuDu-gilisi descent from above to below ego’s gen- eration. In the father’s father’s matrilineal lineage the giDuDu- gilisi descent is again carried on from above to below ego’s genera- tion. The distinctions of generation are most apparent in the termi- nology for immediate relatives and for siblings. As Lowie’s ter- minology expresses it, this is a “bifurcate-merging” system in that one-half of the collaterals are merged with the lineal line. This is to say that the persons who are parallel cousins are “brothers” and “sisters,” while cross cousins are given a different terminology. In the case of the Cherokee this terminology happens to take the line of a lineage basis; in the case of cross cousins through the 229 THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT ANTHROP, PaP. NO, 23] *(UBSIOW 10}JB) SaTjluUnTe drysuLy voyxoI19yO UslsISVA— OF TINY 18}-Bny-9 Ty nesp-9 : =V @— Y (or 9)c! | Ty-BA-13-Ye O=V, O= Gay O=v AV | af | ? 1S}-eny-9 a | 1sj-eny-9 O=V ony V | i | | v Isy-Bny-9 | Isqj-eny-o Isj-6ny-9 | Is}-enp-9 O=V Oy Isj-eny-o 1q-nes}-9 O=V O=V [oI pecans REE oan | I[-Bp-BM3-Y8 | ODA O=V O77 =V O=V | | ° T | Iy-nesp-9 | Iy-nesp-o i ° qe % a ic Iy-nesp-9 | Ty-nesp-o 1y-Nesp-9 | Ty-nesp-2 O=V O=V [BULL, 133 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 230 O }s-)]-16-up 1S-1]-16-uy ie if 1S-1-16-up) Is-1P16-uN) 1s-1,15-uQ Q Vv O V 1s}-aemb-y 1s}-2emb-y ae }-U-aj-emb-y —1S}-np-9 O=V *(UBs10y_ 19}JV) OSa a[ByT : SoUINSuUBSUOD AIYSUIYy VoyOIEYO UW19}soAA— LP AANOLA > oF 2 2 ©. is-1]-16 -up $-1]-16-u py) i ft 1s-1]-16-up) 1S -1]-16 - OViory 6 ¥ ov ORVFOEV 40 WW OrV =O) V; OW OnY, OLY, er (! aL Sei wled ale re unu-1m-18-up) —18}-8emb-y unu-1mb-up) }s}-aeMB-7 1s}-3em5-\/ 274-eMb-yY O Vv O V Oo V O Vv O Vv Oo Vv Oo V | al} unt As “Un | 11}- PU ae un nep-16-up yA ub. -u} nep-)6-up) 094 y-lu-16-up) 1yJ-unu-16-uy nep-15-up) ie 1 ‘6- “un O V oO Oo WV Vv Vv Oo V 1S}-}—}-eu-1}-emb-y 1$}-9 S}-9- &p-nep-9 ep-nep-3}-eu-1}-emB-y — ep-nep-J O=V Oo O=V Vv O=V Peey 16-nely-3 ep-nep Oo Vv 16-ne[y-3 fe) oO nee wane L g ep-nep-3 nep-3 Vv ep-nep-3 Vv 16-ne]y-9 1-eu-1}-emB-y O 1S}- abe 3 Be 7 ba j eer a nt Oe ee 3 Vv O Vv Oo Vv O Vv Oo Vv 12) =V ep-nep-3 16-neyy-3 V Oo \S-IU-JYS-]U-JS-YU-9 \S-1U-J{$-1U-1S-10-3 4 fe) Oo O=V V oO O=V V Vv THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 254 ANTHROP, PaP. NO, 23] oO eae *(UBSIO 19}J8) OSa s[VUAy : SOUINSUBSUOD AtYysUTY voyOIeyO U19ISa9AA—'SP TAOOIT OW OO WV/AORV OL ORV Oy, (o) WY 10) WW -@) W/ (0) Sy OV Tia! Tt TUT [tet ae ae 15}-aemb-y unU-|M-16-U unu-1M-16-Up) 1S}-aeMb-y unu-1M-36-up) 0} cult un 1S}-3emb-7 np- ae un unp-em6-up) O Vv oO V O V 1-un}-16-up) nep-16-up -un-b-ug = ()9)4 nep-16-upj 1-un}-I6-up —nep- [ Oo Vv e) Oo O Vv V @) Vv 16 405260—43 [Butu. 133 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 232 *(UBZIOJ, JojJe) setae drysury svoyxo1eyH U19}S9oM— 6p TAAL ees eee ——————— ee 9z4-8uU Y -08-Y4B 1y-Nez4-03-Yye O =V O= y OD | YIYy-8-oY-03-38 QD Oy O=V Ce a | | | 9Z4-BU-98} | 9Z4-BU-984 OT O ay, V | | ’ | | i 9Z4-BU-BS} | 2Z4-BU-BS} 9Z4-BU-98} | 9Z4-BU-BS} OEAY O=V7 9Z4-8U Y-08-Ye Iy-N’s}-93-4B O=V O=V | Y-o]-Bp-BM3-38 | ODa O=V O=V ORV o-™ O=V | | 9Z4-BU-eS} | 9Z4-BU-98} Y i ry i Y 9Z4-BU-BS} | 0Z4-BU-BS} 02Z4-BU-98} | 9Z4-BU-BS} O=V Omy oe SS ee eae AnTHROP, Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 233 father the cousins are put in the father’s matrilineal line, whereas in the case of cross cousins through the mother the descendant terms “child,” “grandchild,” etc., are used. Hence, generation can be said to be important so far as immediate siblings and parallel cousins are concerned. Also, the use of certain distinctions of superordina- tion and subordination distinguishes the parental generation from the child’s. The grandparent generation is alone distinguished throughout as “grandparents,” the other generations being bisected by the lineage principle. Two important types of relationships occur in the terminology, namely, the complementary reciprocal and the self-reciprocal. The complementary reciprocal terms are terms used between close rela- tives exclusively and are not used by others. Such terms are father- child, mother’s brother-sister’s child. The self-reciprocal terms con- sist in identical terms used between two relatives. Such would be grandmother-grandchild, brother-sister, ete. In the case of com- plementary reciprocal terminology, linkages of persons who must remain distinct for certain reasons are secured. In the self-recip- rocal terminology a merging of social personalities is desired and to a certain extent obtained.® Other factors entering into kinship distinctions are those of sex and age. The sex distinction is expressed in three principal ways: (1) Sex of the speaker, (2) sex of the person spoken to, and (3) sex of the person through whom the relationship exists, including relatives by affinity. The distinction of the sex of the speaker is often made clear by implication. The male speaker calls his sister’s children “nephew” and “niece,” while the female speaker calls them “child,” the husband and wife apply different specific terms to each other and each other’s parents, and the male and female speakers use entirely different terms for brothers. The distinction of the sex of the person spoken to is expressed in the following: Father and father’s sister distinguished, mother and mother’s brother distinguished, nephew and niece through sister dis- tinguished by a man, grandfathers distinguished from grandmothers, husband and wife distinguished, and the use of the term giloki for any female member and of giDaDa for any male member of the father’s clan. 8 The present writer has experimented with the use of the reciprocal terminology among a group of University of Chicago students engaged in a common vocational activity. In this ease the term “John” was introduced and adopted among a dozen male persons ag a sort of joking term for each other in direct address. The general result was a surprising increase in group solidarity and familiarities. A like solidarity was generated by the use of the terms “citizen” and ‘‘comrade” during the French and Russian Revolutions, 234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 133 The distinction of the sex of the person through whom the rela- tionship is traced is expressed in the following: The giloki or aunt is a person related through the father; the mother’s brother is related through the mother, the mother’s brother’s wife is related through A=0 - grandfather | grand- father | mother FicvrRE 50.—Father’s matrilineal line. mother or step or ‘‘aunt”’ parent _ihoustiiogr we Jott [toate | | | | 20) A=0O A O grandfather | grand- father mother older sister mother or step brother or “aunt” parent or younger brother salads 60 tah eo pang sl see | | | | A=0O A=0 A O grandfather | aunt father mother older sister or step brother parent or younger brother | | | | = = A 2 O grandfather | aunt father mother ego sister or step parent | | | b = ee A grandfather | aunt father mother older sister or step brother parent or younger brother 1 | | | ae = A og grandfather aunt father mother older sister or step brother parent or younger brother 1, All women are “‘father’s sisters’ or “‘grandmothers,” all men are “‘fathers.’’ 2, All men marrying “father’s sisters’ are ‘‘grandfathers,”’ all women marrying ‘‘fathers” are “‘mothers’’ or “step parents.’’ 3, All children of ‘‘fathers’’ are ‘‘brothers’’ and ‘‘sisters’’. 4, The fathers clan and line is nonmarriageable. the mother and brother, and the relationships through the wife are distinguished from the relationships through the husband. With regard to the relative importance of the various sex distine- tions the following may be said: Of some 28 kinship terms listed, the AnTHROP, Pap. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 235 distinction of sex of the person spoken to is omitted in 10, the distine- tion of the sex of the person through whom the relationship is traced is omitted in 12, and the distinction of the sex of the person speaking is omitted in 18. Hence, the order of importance of emphasis of distinctions is in the following order: (1) Sex of person addressed, (2) sex of person through whom relationship is traced, and (8) sex of the speaker. The age of relatives is not distinguished as a rule except by supple- mentary terms such as “older” and “younger.” In the case of brothers, however, the distinction of older male sibling from the younger is clearly marked in the terminology. This is a relationship of a com- plementary terminology and is to be explained on the basis of the function of the older brother in the family to protect and avenge the younger brother and to act to some extent like a father or uncle to him. LINEAGES The nature of the kinship system will be still more elaborated in a study of the charts which illustrate the lineage basis for the kinship reckoning (figs. 51-53). The grouping is partially on a vertical and partially on a horizontal basis and there is as much of an emphasis on the unilateral matrilineal descent as there is on the bilateral origin of the individual, so far as the terminology is concerned.® In ego’s father’s matrilineal lineage all of the women are “father’s sisters” or “grandmothers” and all of the men are “fathers” or “grand- fathers.” All men marrying women of the father’s matrilineal lineage are “orandfathers” and the wives of “fathers” are “mothers” if of the same clan as ego, or “stepparents” if not of the same clan. Any child of a man of the father’s clan is a “brother” or “sister.” In ego’s mother’s matrilineal lineage the women may be “grand- mother” or “mothers” and “sister,” “niece” (male speaking), or “child” (female speaking). The men are “grandfathers,” “mother’s brothers,” “brothers,” “nephew” (male speaking) and “child” (female speaking). All of the women who marry a “grandfather” are “grand- mothers” and the women who marry a “mother’s brother” are denoted by a special term. Any child of the mother’s clan may be a “mother’s brother,” “mother,” or “child.” In ego’s mother’s father’s matrilineal lineage all of the men are called “grandfathers,” the women are called “grandmothers.” ‘The rules of ey for women marrying into this line are the same as in the case of ego’s mother’s matrilineal lineage above. In ego’s father’s father’s matrilineal lineage all of the males are “orandfathers” and the women “grandmothers.” A man marrying ®The writer is indebted to Dr, Fred Eggan for the initial suggestion in drawing up these lineage charts, 236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 133 into this line is a “grandfather”; a woman marrying into this line is a “orandmother.” . The kinship terminology of the Cherokees extends the terms for relatives of close degree in the lineage to collateral and remoter rela- | A= A= grand- | grand- older or | ‘‘relative’”’ father | mother younger | (agwelaksi) brother a ea 6 : LG A= A=0 A grand- | grand- older or | ‘‘relative’’ children father | mother younger brother (sometimes grandfather) ) | au REO ; father | mother mother’s | mother’s children brother | brother’s wife (gila Na) | aii “rela- | sister EGO older or | ‘“‘relative’’ children tive” younger brother | | | AS ©, ; son-in- | niece nephew | daughter- children law in-law | | : A=6 A=0 Aer’ grandchild older or “relative’’. grand- younger children brother FIGURE 51.—Mother’s matrilineal line. 1. All women are grandmothers, grandchildren, mothers, sisters, or nieces; all men are brothers, mother’s brothers, nephews, or grandchildren. 2. Men marrying grand- mothers are grandfathers, those marrying mothers are fathers, those marrying sisters are relatives, those marrying nieces are sons-in-law, women marrying brothers are relatives, those marrying mother’s brothers are mother’s brothers’ wives; those marrying nephews are daughters-in-law. 3. Children of males of own lineage are children or grandchildren; children of females of own clan are nieces and nephews, etc. 4. Mother’s matrilineal line is nonmarriageable. tives. “ Qualificatory terms such as taline, “second,” and weti, “far off,” may be attached to the terms when the remoter relatives are designated. The range of the primary extensions of kinship in line- ages may be considerable but it is still further extended by means of the clan system, ANTHROP, Pap, No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 237 The clan extends the range of kinship almost to every one in the community. Every male in the father’s clan is a “father” and every female is a “father’s sister.” Likewise every member of ego’s clan is a “brother” or “sister” and any child of a “brother” is a “child” to ego, Every member of ego’s father’s father’s clan or mother’s father’s clan is a “grandfather” or “grandmother.” Any person whose father is of ego’s father’s clan isa “brother.” In the ordinary Cherokee town aver- aging 300 persons, it is possible to discover relationships with almost | | A=0 A=0 grand- | grand- grand- | grand- father | mother father | mother | | | | | A=0O A=0O A grand- | grand- grand- | grand- grand- ‘grand- father | mother father | mother father mother Trike Care aa ery a cam aes grand- | grand- grand- | grand- mother’s father | mother mother brother father | mother father | | | | | | | A=O A=0O A O A © grand- | grand- grand- grand- grand- grand- EGO EGO father | mother father mother father mother | | A=0O A=0O grand- grand- grand- grand- father mother father mother FIGURE 52.—Mother’s father’s matrilineal line. 1, All women are grandmothers; all men are grandfathers. 2, Allmen marrying grandmothers are grandfathers, all women marrying grandfathers are grandmothers. 3, All children of grandfathers (except own mother and her siblings) are grandfathers and grandmothers. 4, The mother’s father’s clan and line is marriageable. everyone in the community since there are generally only 4 or 5 main clans predominant. The configuration of Cherokee kinship relations is extended to the world of plants, animals, and inorganic elements and forces. The bears and other animals of the forest and the mountains are regarded as being organized into moieties, clans, and towns, and the magical “little people” of the wastelands live in a similar organiza- tion and dance and play ball just as the Cherokees do. Spirits designated as “father” and “mother’s brother” are thought to send apoplexy. The maize in the fields is regarded as a “mother,” the fire and the sun are “grandmother,” while the moon is regarded as a powerful protecting “elder brother.” 238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 133 PREFERENTIAL MATING When the author was first collecting pedigrees among the Chero- kees, he was told by an informant that, “The Cherokees marry their ‘grandmothers’ (digilisi).” Since then the preponderance of the evidence collected has tended to substantiate this statement of a basic preferential mating principle. The marriage preference principle stated in its simplest form is that the choice of one’s mate is generally restricted to persons in | A=0O A=0O grand- | grand- grand- | grand- father | mother father | mother BES Na :* | | | | A=0O A=O A O grand- | grand- grand- | grand- grand- grand- father | mother father | mother father mother Ral ct Se Alaa elt ea | | | | b= (@) AX @ grand- | grand- grand- | grand- grand- grand- father | mother father | mother father mother ————) paailittonnatil lee Bi" grand- | grand- grand- | grand- father | mother father’s father | mother father | mother sister (ginisi) (ginisi) | | | | | | | | A=0O A=O A O A O grand- grand-_ grand- EGO EGO grand- | grand- grand- father | mother father | mother father mother Tein wanda ove ye (ny aay dsb) unt | | | | A=0O me SH) A grand- grand- grand- grand- grand- mother father mother father mother wer FiGuRE 53.—Father’s father’s matrilineal line. 1, All women are grandmothers; all men are grandfathers (father’s father distinguished by term “‘ginisi’’). 2, All men marrying grandmothers are grandfathers; all women marrying grandfathers are grandmothers. 3, All children of grandfathers are grandmothers and grandfathers (except ego's father and his siblings). 4, Father’s father’s clan and line is marriageable. one’s father’s father’s clan or in one’s mother’s father’s clan. The matrilineal lineage of the father’s father and the mother’s father, as we have seen in the section on the kinship system, contain only grandfathers (digiDuDu) and grandmothers (digilisi). The evidence for preferential marriage can be divided into two parts, direct evidence and indirect evidence. Under direct evidence ANTHROP, PaP, No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 239 can be listed the testimony of the pedigrees and the inherited clan affiliations. Under the classification of indirect evidence there ex- ists the pedigree evidence of the children within given families pre- ferring to marry certain clans, the statistics indicating a tendency for persons who marry more than once to marry into the same clan, the statistical evidence of a low incidence of marriage with one’s own or one’s father’s clan, and, finally, the overwhelming evidence of the kinship usages. First, as to the evidence from the pedigrees directly. It was ex- ceedingly difficult to derive many cases showing marriages of the preferential type for the reason that families are always moving from one village to another and the informant’s knowledge soon stops in these cases. Again, it is difficult for the informant to recall clan affiliations for more than two generations above his own and the determining of marriage preferences in the present day require a knowledge of the clan affiliations of the grandfathers on both sides of the union, a total of four persons who can be exceedingly elusive on occasions. As may be seen from a glance at the accompanying list of clan mar- riages (below), recorded from the pedigrees of Big Cove, a random sampling of 35 unions gives the following results: Marriage with the grandparent or great-grandparent clan occurred in 29 cases, marriage with the father’s clan occurred in 4 cases, and marriage with own clan in 2 cases. The marriages within the clan constitute about 6 percent (2 cases out of 35), and the marriages with the father’s clan 11 percent (4 cases out of 85). The other 83 percent of the marriages are of the normal Cherokee type. List or SAMPLE CLAN MARRIAGES IN Bia COVE AREA A. Marriages according to the rule of preference 1. J. W. (Twister) and M. T. (Deer). This marriage resulted from an acquaint- anceship in which both respected Bird Clan. In addition, the man’s father’s father was Deer. 2. D.C. (Blue) and N. B. (Deer). The woman was of the man’s father’s father’s clan. 0. B. C. (Wolf) and O. W. (Blue). Her mother’s father was Wolf. . C. W. (Wolf) and N. T. (Deer). His mother’s father was Deer. J. L. (Paint) and A. (Wolf). Her mother’s father was Paint. C. L. (Wolf) and M. A. (no clan). Her father’s father was Wolf. W. W. L. (Wolf) and M. W. S. (Deer). Her father’s father was Wolf. His father’s father was Deer. 8. U. W. (Wolf) and M. W. S. (Deer). Her father respected Wolf. The man and the woman of this marriage both respected Blue. 9. U. S. (Wolf) and N. D. (Deer). Her father’s father was Wolf. Both the man and the woman in this marriage respected Blue. 10. W. T. (Potato) and G. (Deer). His father’s father was Deer, 11. A. B. (Deer) and S. P. (Blue). Her mother’s father was Deer. NOME 240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 133 12. N. P. (Blue) and BH. (Deer). His mother’s father was Deer. 13. A. W. (Wolf) and A. R. (Blue). His mother’s father was Blue. 14. J. L. (Deer) and C. P. (Blue). She and he respected Blue. His father’s father was Deer. 15. S.S. (Wolf) and K. D. W. (Bird). Her mother’s father was Wolf. 16. U. (Blue) and L. A. T. (Deer). Her mother’s father was Blue. His father’s father was Deer. 17. L. L. (Deer) and K. L. (Twister). His father’s father was Twister. 18. C. D. (Blue) and O. W. (Wolf). Her mother’s father was Blue. 19. ©. D. (Wolf) and E. B. (Twister). Her father’s father was Wolf. His grand- mother’s father was Twister. 20. C. B. W. (Twister) and R. D. (Wolf). His father’s father was Wolf. 21. T. W. (Twister) and K. C. B. (Blue). Her mother’s father was Twister. 22. O. C. (Wolf) and M. I’. (Blue). Her mother’s father was Wolf. 23. L. H. (Deer) and L. J. W. (Wolf). Her mother’s father was Deer. 24. D.S. (Blue) and A. F. (Wolf). His mother’s father was Wolf. 25. J. C. (Bird) and C. T. (Blue). Her father’s father was Bird. 26. L. C. (Wolf) and HE. B. (Paint). His mother’s father was Paint. 27. L. C. (Wolf) and O. C. (Paint). His mother’s father was Paint. 28. J. W. (Bird) and J. W. (Wolf). His father’s father was Wolf. 29. W. D. (Blue) and E. W. (Bird). His father’s father was Bird. B. Marriages of Outlaw Status 1. J. D. (Blue) and E. W. (Wolf). This is a violation of rule because her father’s clan was Blue. 2. J. W. (Wolf) and A. C. (Deer). This marriage is a violation of rule because her father’s clan was Wolf. 3. F. S. (Deer) and L. D. (Blue). This marriage is a violation of the rule because her father’s clan was Deer. 4. M.C. (Wolf) and 8S. A. L. (Deer). This marriage is a violation of rule because his father’s clan is Deer, 5. L. S. (Deer) and O. C. B. (Deer). This marriage is outlaw because both are of the same clan. Both the man and the woman in this case respect Blue. 6. W. W. L. (Wolf) and A. E. W. (Wolf). Here again both are of the same clan. The predominant factor governing marriage choices as shown by this list seems to be the membership in the grandfather’s or great- erandfather’s clan. Only in the case of the woman’s mother’s father’s clan was there a slight predominance of one of the four possibilities over the others. Again, it is noticeable that, of the out- law marriages with the father’s clan, there were more on the part of the women than on the part of the men. Common respect for the clan seems to have led to acquaintanceship and marriage in several cases. The preceding element to marriage is the familiarity relationship and in some cases extensive pedigree investigation is necessary in order to determine just how such a familiarity relationship can exist. Persons standing in the relation of giDuDu (grandfather-grandchild) or gilisi (grandmother-grandchild) to each other are always on fa- miliar terms and capable of marital relation. Just such a cause ANTHROP, PaP. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 241 arises in the case of the marriage of J. T. (Potato) and L. W. (Wolf). According to the pedigree record, he should have married either Deer or Blue and she should have married either Deer or Twister. But the Deer Clan is giDuDu to both of them and such being the case they were placed in the relationship of familiarity to each other (and not being of the same clan as each other) were allowed to marry, as giDuDu to each other. One favorable factor in the present pedigree studies is the fact that family names are now transmitted back through the male line for at least three generations in most cases. This is a valuable aid in determining the fathers whose clans are so important in the selec- tion of a mate. The pedigree showed among other things several cases of the soro- rate, at least one case of the levirate, and several examples of mar- riage by exchange and marriage of two or more brothers to two or more sisters. The pedigrees demonstrate also the practical necessity of determining the identity of the so-called “invisible man” in the case of illegitimate births in order for the child to develop a proper orientation in its kinship relations. The mechanics of the pedigree allow for no alterations of the kin- ship behavior anywhere along the line. If there is a slip-up at any time this is bound to affect later generations. Therefore outlaw marriages tend to run in certain families and to cause increasing dis- ruption as they proceed. There ensues a conflict of principles such as that in which one party married within his own clan because his father’s father was of his own clan. Some quite unexpected consistencies are brought out in the pedi- grees. In one case a Cherokee man whose father was of Wolf Clan married a white woman of no clan. The woman bore him a daughter who was, of course, clanless since the clan is transmitted only through the mother. But the daughter followed true to the rules of the tribe and married a Cherokee man of the Wolf Clan. In a few cases a literal following out of the rules of preferential mating has taken the line of marrying an actual grandmother or person of the grandmother’s generation. One man contracted marriage with a woman and later with his adopted daughter through her. In summary of the pedigree situation, then, it is possible to say that actual evidence seems to point in a sprinkling of sample cases to a law of preferential mating with the grandfather’s clan or the lineage of the father’s father or mother’s father of ego. This is the direct evidence adducible. The limitations of the pedigree samples make some corborating evidence for preferential mating desirable and this is to be found in the incomplete pedigrees in connection with certain rules which seem 242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunt 133 to inhere in them, together with census data as to relative numbers of clan members and, lastly, kinship usage. The evidence from the incompleted pedigrees, i. e., pedigrees in which the clan affiliations of one or more of the four grandfathers of the two members of a union are not at all certain, can be characterized as the indication by choices of mate. These choices of mate by clan affiliations may be of two types, namely, (1) a preference may be shown by all of the children of a family for marrying persons of one or two clans, and (2) a preference may be shown by persons who marry more than once to marry persons of the same clan. List oF CLAN CHOICES IN MATES IN Bic COVE Clan of mother of family Clan choices of children nA) S41 beens A Sa ea Se oe Bird, Deer (2). AND) 0) Ys 2 leh toe ren a ie Wolf (2), Bird, Twister. £3 es ar Es, Fea aaa Wolf (3), Twister, Potato. g: apd O22) pices Sst iae APN aI Wolf (2), Deer, Bird. 8: Wolf. Sees bec aeey PG. Twister (3), Paint (3), Blue, Potato, Deer. Gi (Deere srelever im ipa DES, Blue (5), Wolf (3), Twister (1). (6133 ees ee ee Deer (8), Wolf (1). fo} 012) pee Wolf (2), Potato (1), Twister (1). SV BluGe aaa e Sey Bird (2), Wolf (1). nC oh hh (owe pcan he EAP Deer (2), Bird, Blue, Wolf. DTT Bie Se ee a ers Wolf (3), Potato, Blue. AQ PB C208 ua eas ere, Wolf, Deer. 13. BUC Tee eee ek Ce sae Twister (2), Deer, Blue. 1 Berd fey) ees Rk a Ba Deer, Blue, Twister. BLS pee Pn ee gE Ee A Deer (3), Potato (1). GR aia tes eee eB Deer (2). Be (i) Oey ey ek MY CERES WAL ett oa BE REY Bird, Deer. Bere 2d a larch “ae ELD, Bird (2), Wolf (2). TOS TE wiSsternie es eke 2 tee Twister (2), Paint (1). ZOO CS a. SUA ae Wolf (3), Deer. DAW OLR as ee a ace caer Deer (2), Blue (2), Wolf. SEE WISUGT er een eer Deer, Wolf. 2a ALWISter tose heat oe Deer (2), Blue, Wolf. 24a Deers: ives ibs pee 2 Ve Twister (2), Wolf. P5901 D ITs ease ae ee eM ee Wolf (3), Bird (3). OG et AO = ee ee Wolf, Paint, Deer. Seven of the families listed exhibited no clan preferences in the mates chosen by the children. Of the remaining 20 which seemed to exhibit a definite preference, some five were shown by additional data to be preferences which conflicted directly with the principles of non- marriage with one’s own or one’s father’s clans. The remaining 15 (about 60 percent of the cases) showed a definite preference in mar- riage for one or two clans. It is not entirely impossible to suppose that these two clans are the grandfathers’ clans. The remarriage of individuals shows even more definitely a tendency to select certain clans. An examination was made of 35 persons who ANTHROP, Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 243 married more than once with the following results. One person mar- ried four times, and two of the mates were of the same clan. Six persons married three times and five of these six married persons of the same clan twice. Twenty-eight persons married twice and of these, nine married in the same clan both times. This appears to be a rather large percentage of repetition of choice. Another line of indirect evidence, the average local numbers of clan members, shows a close correlation with the data just cited. The average local preponderance of two clans is about 58 percent as can be seen by comparing the local percentages mentioned in the section on the clan. The average percentage of marriages showing a definite choice in clan affiliations is about 60 percent. Here is an interesting correlation. This can be interpreted in three ways: (1) The local preponderance in clan numbers may have given rise to the marriage preferences, (2) the marriage choices may have given rise to the preponderances, and (3) both of these phenomena may be examples of an underlying principle. The local preponderancies in clan numbers can hardly have given rise to the indicated marriage preferences for the following reason. An enumeration of the heads of households in Big Cove showed the following numbers of clan memberships: Deer, 19; Wolf, 18; Blue, 10; Bird, 9; Twister, 6; Paint, 1, and Potato, 1. On the basis of the relative clan numbers, a certain order of expected matings would occur if local concentration of clan numbers was the most important determining factor in marriage preferences. If a comparison of expected order of matings in terms of frequencies of occurrence of clan persons as based on local clan numbers were made with the actually observed order of frequency of matings and a fair amount of coincidence were shown, then it would seem justifiable to assume that chance local or geographic propinquity governed clan matings.?° But such a coincidence does not occur as can be seen from the ac- companying table. ORDER OF FREQUENCY OF CLAN MATINGS Expected order: Observed order: 1. Deer-Wolf. 1. Deer-Wolf. 2. Deer-Blue. 2. Wolf-Blue. 3. Wolf-Blue. 3. Deer-Twister. 4, Deer-Bird. 4. Wolf-Bird. 5. Deer-Twister. 5. Deer-Blue. 6. Wolf-Bird. 6. Deer-Bird. 7. Wolf-Twister. 7. Wolf-Twister. 8. Blue-Bird. 8. Paint-Bird, _ 9. Blue-Twister. 9. Potato-Blue. 19 Unless, of course, previous factors had interfered. None such were recorded, however. 244. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 133 It will be observed from this table that with the exception of the Deer-Wolf matings, which are unavoidably most numerous because of the immense local concentrations in numbers of these two clans, the observed order of matings does not in any way correspond with the expected order. Another indication that geographic propinquity does not govern clan marriage preferences may be obtained from the relatively low percentage of marriage within the clan already cited, namely, 6 per- cent, and the similarily low percentage of marriage with the father’s clan. If local number of clans governed clan marriage choices, then in some regions an immense amount of Wolf-Wolf matings would occur, and so on. The inevitable conclusion must be from this evi- dence that cultural factors operate to restrict and guide behavior rather than chance propinquity so far as marriage choices are con- cerned. It is a difficult task to show that the marriage preferences indicated could have given rise to the local clan preponderancies. If clan mar- riages had been totally a chance series of permutations, it would per- haps be expected that the numbers of clan members would be locally and generally quite equal or roughly so. With only chance guiding marriages, the possibilities of selecting mates from any 2 of the 7 clans would be 29 out of 100. Instead, there occurs an average selec- tion of 2 clans in marriage in 60 cases out of 100. It is most likely that the local clan concentration and the marriage choices indicated are the expression of some common principle. This principle may be the formerly existing dual division of society into dual organizations. Two groups of clans may have existed, probably comprising four in each, and marriage regulations were possibly orig- inally such that marriage only into the opposite moiety was allowed. The basis for this argument lies in the historical records showing that not only the ancient Cherokees but also the neighboring Creeks and other Southeastern tribes had a complete double system at one time involving the division into red and white groups of a basic eight- clan series. The Creeks still retain remnants of the moiety system but the Cherokees have lost it entirely. The ancient Cherokee double division and its functioning will be discussed more fully in the section on historical change. It would be exceedingly desirable if the pedigrees would be able to show within given lineages that a balance was struck between mar- riages with the father’s father’s clan and marriages with the mother’s father’s clan but unfortunately the genealogies are not complete enough to show this definitely. It can be observed from the List of Sample Clan Marriage in Big Cove Area (p. 239-240) that there were six choices each of the man’s father’s father’s clan, man’s mother’s AnTHrop, Pap, No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 245 father’s clan, and the woman’s father’s father’s clan, while in the case of the woman’s mother’s father’s clan there were nine choices. This latter number may or may not have been accidental and of no signifi- cance but the general purport of the sample seems to be that there is a remarkable degree of evenness in the numbers of selections from the four primary possibilities of a given union. There is generally an active and a passive party in each case of pref- erential mating. The active party is the one whose grandfather’s clan is the same as the passive party’s clan. The passive party is the one who is “selected out,” so to speak, by the active agency of the active party. There is apparently no correlation of active and passive parties with either of the sexes. Preferential mating is carried on mainly by means of the clan mechanism. As has already been stated, four clans are important in the life of every individual, and it is the kinship restrictions and privileges attaching to one’s behavior toward each of these four clans which determines the choice of a mate. Therefore, we can safely make the functional generalization that the Cherokee clan is primarily the regulating agent of preferential mating and the most important single manifestation of its structural basis. The clan is a structural mecha- nism whose rasion d’etre lies in the special principle of preferential mating. The single clan is a unit possessed of intense social solidarity but, by means of a self-adjusting mechanism expressing itself through preferential mating, it allows of an exchange of constituent members in marriage between itself and other clans. Under present condi- tions there exist no relationships between clans as a whole. There exist only relationships between individual members of the clan and other clans as wholes. This situation was probably not always in existence, as historical evidence seems to indicate that formerly the clans were divided equally into two groups. If this was true, preferential mating was probably between these two segmentary groups. This, however, brings us into the problem of diachronic changes which will be discussed later. FAMILIARITY AND RESPECT As has been mentioned before, the problem of usages of privileged familiarity and respect involves the mechanism which leads to pref- erential mating. At an early age the Cherokee child learns that he may be familiar with some relatives and not with others. These two categories of relatives standout as most important in his be- havior throughout life. The following relatives must be respected and never directly joked with: (1) First degree ascending generation persons (father, mother, 246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 133 aunt, and uncle); (2) first degree descending generation (chil- dren, nephews, and nieces); (3) the respected relatives of one’s familiar relatives (wife’s parents, husband’s parents) ; (5) the fami- har relatives of one’s respected relatives (son’s wife, father’s sister, father’s clan, etc.) ; and (5) one’s son’s child or father’s father. The following relatives may be joked with: (1) One’s siblings and their affinities (brothers and sisters and their wives and husbands) ; (2) cousins through the father’s brother or mother’s sister (parallel cousins); (3) one’s whole clan except the mothers and mother’s brothers; (4) most persons in the grandparent generation except own father’s father; (5) reciprocally the grandchildren’s generation can be joked with except the son’s children; (6) one’s own affinities and their siblings (spouses and their brothers and sisters); and (7) the familiar relatives of one’s familiar relatives and the respected rela- tives of one’s respected relatives (parents’ parents and children’s children) with exceptions above noted. Respect and familiarity behavior may be extended in various ways. Ego may be forced to respect a man whose father is of the same clan as ego’s father’s father since that man is a “brother” to ego’s father and hence is a “father” to ego. Ego may likewise set up relationships of familiarity at once with any man whose father is of the same clan as ego’s father since that man is a “brother” to ego. First, as to the privileged familiarity connected with preferential mating: It has already been mentioned that familiarity and respect are two fundamental poles of behavior in Cherokee society. The distinction seems to be correlated with the marriageability of lineages. The father’s and mother’s matrilineal lineages are not to be inter- married with nor (by extension) the clans correlated with these two lineages. The individual must always maintain an attitude of formal respect toward the father’s matrilineal lineage and clan. With his mother’s matrilineal lineage and clan he can maintain an attitude of familiarity with the men (except mother’s brother and his own sons) but with the women he must maintain a certain reserve. On the other hand toward the persons whom he meets and finds to be in the matrilineal lineages and clans of his grandfathers he can maintain the utmost familiarity. They are giDuDu and gilisi to ego and he or she can marry the women or men of these lineages and clans. Familiarities may be of three types, namely, intersexual, satirical, and indirect. Each of these types of familarity has a functional cor- relation with the preferential mating pattern. Intersexual familiarities transpire between persons of different sex standing in the grandparent-grandchild relationship to each other. The most common occasions for the display of these familiarities is at the dance and while visiting. We shall mention those occurring at the dance as typical. AntHROP, Pap, No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 247 The young men convey various meanings to the young women by sign language with the hands or by scratching and tickling the hands of the girls in the dance circle. The various familiarities of the Friendship Dances are in particular occasions for the display of familiarity be- havior—the men putting their hats on the heads of the women, plac- ing their arms about their shoulders or necks, and other movements. In the Raccoon Dance the men pretend to rub grease on the women. In the Bear Dance the men pretend that they are bears and endeavor to scratch the women. In the Chicken Dance the women place one foot on one foot of their male partners. More violent and overt forms of familiarity take the form of feinted blows with the hands, tickling, and poking with the fingers, and in various obscene gestures in the Bear Dance and Bugah Dance. All of these familiarities are limited to persons of the grandparent- grandchild relationship and the other persons present are relatives who cannot be joked with and who enjoy the fun in a vicarious fashion, so to speak. The end result of the familiarities is that the sexual rela- tionship is established between young men and the young women with whom they are enabled by means of the familiarities to become ac- quainted. Acquaintanceships of the type leading to marriage are not likely to be developed between a young man and his gitoki (father’s sister) or with his ungiDa (own sister). Intersexual familiarities appear to have a special correlation with the dance as a vehicle of the display of the relationship. In this con- - nection it is curious to note that the periodicity of the dances inclined them to correlate with the lunar cycle throughout the Southeastern area. Regular monthly dances were formerly held among the Chero- kees and Creeks at the time of full moon only. There is a negative correlation of sexual familiarities with the periodic menstrual cycle. During the menstrual flow, great stress is laid on avoidance of relation- ships so far as the woman is concerned, and this sets up a barrier to intersexual familiarities. She cannot participate in the dance during this period. The husband-wife relationship of solidarity is set up from the intersexual familiarities. This acts to break up the former soli- darity of the two families of orientation of the pair forming the new union. Thus anew family is born. The second form of familiarity, the satirical type, is that which pre- vails between brothers in the main. In the Eagle Dance and in the Friendship Dance ego’s clan brothers may twit him about his faults and misdeeds and indulge in various comments at his expense. The person who is addressed is made the butt of every joke and sly dig. This is also an incessant activity wherever two or three relatives of the correct relationship are gathered together and is accepted as the only forms of exchange of the social amenities between great numbers 405260—43——_17 248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Boy. 133 of persons. The principal feature to be noted in connection with this joking is the very obscene and coarse joking directed toward these men who attempt to marry their own giloki (father’s sister). The person who indulges in this socially unwholesome marriage is made the butt of severe ridicule for the rest of his day. The satirical familiarities can, in this case, be seen to have the force of a satirical sanction of preserv- ing the social system from violation of rule because few are the men able to stomach the ridicule thus self-imposed. Another form of satirical familiarity, or at least familiarity used with the force of a satirical sanction, occurs in the case of the man who marries the father’s sister. This person is said to “make him- self grandfather” and he is the subject of a peculiar joke on the part of his wife’s brother’s sons and daughters. These latter gather together on an auspicious occasion when they can catch the father’s sister’s husband alone and ask him for tobacco, saying that they have diarrhea and need the tobacco to cure it. If the father’s sister’s husband refuses or has no tobacco on him, the children of his wife’s brother have perfect right to set upon him, throw him to the ground, and then strike, kick, and otherwise maltreat him without resistance on his part. This joke can be played only once by the same person on the same father’s sister’s husband but ego can play it on any one who marries a woman of his father’s clan, otherwise he must respect persons of this relationship. The application of this ridicule sanc- tion to the system of preferential mating can occur through the fact that the brothers and sisters of ego can plague him with this joke and get others to do so should ego decide to marry a woman of his father’s clan. The threat of this joke has been known to actually deter men from such a violation of clan law. The third form of familiarity, the indirect, is that which occurs between a father and mother and their children or between an uncle and his nephew or niece. This has been referred to in the section on preferential mating as one of the preceding elements to that event. Indirect familiarity between a father and mother and their children or between an uncle and his nephew or niece is allowed with preferential mating. The relation between the father and his son is typical. At an early age in his son’s life the father speaks to him about marriage. “You must marry my aunt,” he tells the boy. The boy cannot understand at that time that it is the father’s classificatory “aunt” who is meant and thinks only of the old and somewhat ugly person whom his father calls “aunt” in the home. This is hugely enjoyed by the father who is aware that sooner or later the boy will “catch on” to the joke. This enables the father, however, to AnTHROP. Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 249 have a good deal of enjoyment at the expense of two relatives whom he cannot ordinarily joke, his father’s sister and his own son. The point of this joke is that a respected relative is joked indirectly by ego about another respected relative. In this manner familiarity relations are implied between the two respected relatives. And so it turns out. Eventually the son finds that he can joke with and be entirely familiar with his father’s giloki, who is gilisi to him- self. It seems possible, then, to interpret the indirect joking of this type as correlated with preferential mating through its asso- ciation with the embryonic stage of the grandparent-grandchild familiarity. The kinship terminology of the Cherokees finds a natural comple- ment in the general kinship behavior peculiar to the tribe. The behavior, however, must be kept separated from the terminology in order to discover the amount of correlation between the behavior and the terminology in the case of the individual relationships. KINSHIP BEHAVIOR OF PAIRS The kinship behavior is best analysed as a series of relationships between pairs of relatives. The most important relationships are the following: Father-son; mother-daughter; father-daughter; mother- son; husband-wife; brother-brother; brother-sister; sister-sister ; father’s sister-brother’s child; mother’s brother-sister’s child; father’s father-son’s child; mother’s father-daughter’s child; grandmother- grandchild; wife’s parents-daughter’s husband; husband’s parents- son’s wife; and, lastly, the somewhat involved relation between hus- band’s or wife’s siblings and sibling’s husbands or wives. The father-son relationship (giDaDa-agwetsi).—Neither the father nor the mother differentiates the sex of the child in the terminology, yet behavior is conditioned somewhat by the sex of the child. The father jokes in an indirect fashion with his son but does nothing of the kind with his daughter. The father does not regard it as his duty to discipline the son since the latter is of the mother’s clan and not his. The father, therefore, leaves to a considerable degree the up- bringing of the son to the latter’s mother’s brother. Yet the father is very important in the boy’s life. He aids and assists his son in obtaining skill in the crafts of life. Beyond that he always maintains a reserve and distant aloofness toward the son, as befits a person to be respected. For the son the father is a skayegusta, which means a “road boss,” “a chief,” or “a person well dressed.” The father is the representative of a clan or group of persons of the highest quality. The father must always be upheld in arguments with other persons, and it is impos- sible for a son to derogate or belittle his father in the slightest degree. 250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 133 In joking with his “brothers,” the son must never joke about his father’s clan. The father often jokes with his son about a third party, but the joking is kept on a strictly impersonal plane and as will be seen later develops into an important functional relationship. The father will joke with, and derogate his clan brothers and it will be the duty of his son to come to their defense. So far as could be ascertained, the child does not differentiate in his behavior toward his real father and the numerous clan “fathers” with whom he is brought into relation. Toward all the attitude he must maintain is one of respect and exaltation. Mother-daughter relationship (giDzi-agwetsi)—The somewhat stiff and formalized relationships existing between father and son pre- vail also between mother and daughter. The mother attempts to instruct the daughter in the arts of life, but the bonds of sympathy between the two are apparently not many. Most of the daughter’s affection goes to the mother’s mother, with whom relations of famili- arity are maintained. Father-daughter relationship (giDaDa-agwetsi).—Little could be ascertained as to the importance of this relationship. The father plays with his daughter when she is little but he maintains an aloof attitude later. The daughter in turn learns to respect and uphold her father and his clan. Mother-son relationship (giDzi-agwetsi).—The mother is very im- portant in the life of the son. It is she who first introduces him to the age-old lore of the tribe and starts him out in life. The mother must be respected and upheld by the son. Between the mother and son there can take place the same indirect joking as that which takes place between father and son, namely joking about a third party. Husband-wife relationship (agi(x) yehi-agwadali e).—The relation- ship of husband and wife is held close by bonds of familiarity privi- leges. Various accessory epithets are used between the pair, the hus- band being referred to as “my supporter” or “he who lives with me,” while the wife is called “the old woman,” “my cooker,” ete. The sexual division of labor is somewhat marked, the woman doing the domestic work of cooking and laundering while the husband culti- vates the fields or cuts wood for the fire. There are many cooperative labors such as hoeing and harvesting, in which the sexes join. In some fields of work the division of labor is very marked indeed; only the women make pottery, only the men carve wooden effigies or stone pipes. Certain games such as the ball game and bow and arrow games are reserved for the men exclusively. On the other hand certain dances are exclusively feminine. AnTuRop, Par, No. 23] THE BRASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 251 There is an avoidance of sexual relations between husband and wife during the menstrual period and also in pregnancy but there is no segregation of the woman during these events. Divorce is easy and frequent. The mode of separation depends upon the type of marital relationship involved. In those cases in which the husband has come to live with the wife at her home he simply leaves and does not return. The business of protecting the abandoned wife and her issue is then relegated to the woman’s broth- ers. In other cases wherein the man and woman are living together away from relatives or with the man’s relations, the woman picks up her belongings and goes back to her family. The bonds of privileged familiarity which bind husband and wife together are described in the section on familiarity. Older brother-younger brother relationship (unkinili-unkinutsi).— The relations between brothers are very close. There isa great amount of familiarity and privileged joking between them and brothers take a special pleasure in teasing each other before one another’s children. The children must always defend their fathers in cases like this. The older brother has the express function of protecting the younger brother and avenging any wrong done to him. The older brother generally leaves the family household at an early date to set up his own home elsewhere. The youngest or younger brothers tend to stay at home and to take care of their parents. It is the younger sons who generally inherit the land tenures. Brothers act as the moral censors of each other’s behavior. If a man attempts to violate the law of clan exogamy or to marry someone of his father’s clan, his brothers tease him and threaten a large number of practical jokes which are calculated to make the offender uncomfortable for the remainder of his life. There is no differentia- tion apparently between brothers who are sons of the same clan and real brothers so far as joking is concerned. In the use of coarse and quite obscene joking between brothers, a tendency toward homosexual relationships characteristic of the South- eastern area is to be seen. Significantly enough, obscene joking is not extended to the sisters. Brothers often name each other’s children and may joke each other by giving silly or ridiculous names to the children. Brother-sister relationship (ungiDa—ungiDa).—The brother gen- erally takes a protective attitude toward his sister. If his sister has been made pregnant, it is her brothers who take the initiative in accusing the so-called “invisible man” responsible. The accusation, if sustained by local opinion, leads to some sort of settlement on the part of the man responsible. If a sister has a number of children by “invisible men,” her brothers will take the lead in building a house for her to live in and raise her children in. 252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 Brothers act as moral censors to prevent their sister from marrying someone in her own clan or her father’s clan. A sister who indulged in such an outlaw marriage would have to stand for a great amount of teasing, more than she would ordinarily have to endure. Brothers cannot joke on sexual topics with their sisters. She can be joked in a mild fashion only. The sexual division of labor separates brother and sister at an early age. The types of recreation and play of male and female children also differ immensely. Notwithstanding, if neither brother nor sister marries they may live together all of their lives in the parents’ home- stead. ‘The solidarity of brothers and sisters is immense, so great, in fact, that a number of accessory cultural devices in the line of privi- leged familiarity have to be called into play in order to overcome it and provide for the development of a normal husband and wife solidarity. Sister-sister relationship (ungilu i-ungilu i).—The older sister is not distinguished from the younger insofar as terminology is con- cerned as the brothers are distinguished. There is a greater amount of sister solidarity and identification with each other as sociological equivalents. There is still a tendency for a man to marry first one sister and later another younger sister of his wife. Polygamy would be more common, or at least more open, were it not for white laws. The older sister acts to instruct her younger sibling of the same sex in many of the duties of the household and she also acts somewhat as a protector. One sister may jokingly refer to the husband of the other sister as “my husband.” Outside of these points no marked features appeared in the sister-sister relationship. Father’s sister-brother’s child relationship (gitoki-agwetsi).—The paternal aunt is always accounted a person to whom the highest re- spect must be paid. She is just like a father. She protects and looks after her brother’s offspring whenever necessary. She accounts her brother’s children just as important as her own children. It is her function to name her brother’s children, quite frequently. She will pick out a name such as her father’s or her mother’s for the child. Mother’s brother-sister’s child relationship (gidu.dji-ungiwina or gidu.dji-ungwatu).—The mother’s brother is, next to the father, the person regarded with the highest respect of all ego’s male relatives. It is the mother’s brother who acts to regulate the conduct of the growing boy and he teaches his sister’s son much in the way of hunting lore and magical formulas. He also jokes with his sister’s son in an indirect fashion about third parties just as the boy’s father does. When his nephew or niece is sick, it is the mother’s brother who attends ANTHROP, Par, No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 258 to them. The nephew or niece will be able to tell the mother’s brother to do something and he will generally do it. Father's father-son’s child relationship (ginisi-ginisi).—The father’s father can play with and tease his grandchild but the grand- child is not supposed to reciprocate. It is thought best for the grand- child to accept the indignities involved in the teasing because the paternal grandfather is a person of respect. Toward anyone else in the father’s father’s clan, however, it is quite the proper thing to ex- hibit behavior of the utmost familiarity. Mother's father-daughter’s child relationship (giDuDu-gilisi). — The mother’s father can tease and joke with his daughter’s child to his heart’s content and the child is likewise free to tease and joke with the mother’s father to any degree. It is in his grandfather’s clan ma- ternal or paternal that the boy finds the greatest amount of freedom and familiarity. The husband of the paternal aunt, who is regarded as a giDuDu by ego, is the subject of a peculiarly ritualized joke on the part of his wife’s brother’s children. This is the tobacco joke to which full ref- erence was made in the section on familiarity (p. 248). Grandmother-grandchild relationship (gilisi-gilisi or gilisi- ginisi).—The great freedom prevailing between the mother’s father and his daughter’s children also exists between the grandmother both paternal and maternal, and their grandchildren. Joking is carried on all of the time and a great amount of familiarity is always present. The grandmother is the person who is remembered as having first borne her grandchild on her back and as the playmate of the grand- child. Yet some grandmothers are feared and an ugly old woman or grandmother is said to be a witch and the children are greatly afraid of her. Wifes parents-daughter’s husband relationship (tcinatsi-agi Nudji).—This is a relationship of mutual respect. One may joke mildly with a son-in-law but not in a really familiar manner. Ego must respect the mother- and father-in-law just as he does his or her own father or mother. Husband’s parents-son’s wife relationship (djiDzo i-agiDzo 1).— This is a relationship of mutual respect which is virtually the same as the preceding. Mate’s sibling-sibling’s mate relationship (agwelaksi-agwelaksi) — The relations that ego bears to his wife’s brothers and sisters or to her husband’s brothers and sisters is invariably one of familiarity. There is reciprocal joking of a complicated and extensive nature be- tween these relatives which is partly expressed in special terms for agwelaksi relations. The familarities involved have important impli- cations and will be dealt with later. 254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 133 GENERAL SOCIAL FEATURES BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD There are certain social features adhering to the individual life cycle, the dances, and the games of the Cherokee which merit atten- tion in this description. First, on the life cycle. The information available on the birth rites and early life of the Cherokee infant is rather scant. Frans Olbrechts has investigated this phase of Cherokee life and intends to publish considerable data on it in the future." The pregnant mother goes at each new moon to the waterside to pray. The conjurer laves her head, bosom, and face and prays with her. He then divines with beads on a cloth as to whether the child will live or not, and how long. In order to facilitate delivery and cleanse the system of the mother, various drinks are administered. Various taboos are laid on the pregnant mother as she is considered very dangerous. She must not prepare any meals nor go near grow- ing crops or fishtraps. She must not eat a number of foods, must not wear certain articles of apparel, must not see a corpse or a mask. The pregnant woman’s husband is likewise under various disabilities. He must dig no grave, not play in the ball game, and must accom- pany his wife in her various rites before delivery. In parturition, four women attend. A conjurer may be present if the delivery is difficult and he resorts to various magical formulas to induce the child to be born. The placenta is disposed of by the father, who crosses two to four ridges and then buries the placenta deep in the ground. The next child will be born within a number of years corresponding to the number of ridges crossed. If the placenta were thrown away in the open, another child would be born almost any time. The child is given a name some 4 or 7 days after birth, according to some accounts, by a prominent old woman of the community. From the field accounts of the present writer, the father’s family is gen- erally delegated with the task of selecting a name for the child. Sometimes the father’s brother will select a ridiculous name as a joke for the child and the parents will be forced to accept it. Gen- erally, however, the father’s sister selects the name for the child. Later on in life new names may be acquired by the child, descriptive of its character or achievements. When the child is 3 or 4 weeks old it is carried about sitting astride the mother’s back. The grandmother has this function also and the term gilisi used for her means “she bears me on her back.” rf u Parts of the following are from his Swimmer manuscript (Mooney and Olbrechts, 19382, pp. 116-131), ANTHROP, Pap, No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 255 Certain children are raised to be “witches.” These are given a special diet of a liquid potion of corn hominy for some days and then certain other medicines are administered and prayers said at the end of a given period. These children then grow up to be powerful magicians who can fly through the air and under the ground and assume any shape. They can wish anything and it immediately takes place. They are a terrible calamity to the community so they are generally sought after and slain in infancy. Twins are regarded as potential witches, also, whose abilities may be even more readily developed. At the age of 4 or 5 the young boys make bows and arrows under the supervision of their fathers or elder brothers. Little girls of this age begin to assist in the household duties. The children also begin to participate in the dances at this age. Various games occupy the time of the children. Toy bows and arrows are used to shoot at crickets and apples in the trees. The game of hunter and deer is played. Other sports are indulged in, such as rolling stones down the mountains, and playing on toy musical instruments, and various athletic sports. Instruction now begins to follow the line of the sexual division of labor. The boys are taught by the mother’s brother various formulas for success in hunting and obtaining success in love affairs; the girls are taught to make baskets, pottery, and to perform various household tasks. MARRIAGE AND ADULTHOOD There are apparently no ceremonies connected with the initiation of the child into the adult group. Entrance into the adult status gen- erally occurs automatically with the marriage relation. The direct mechanism involved in courtship will be described later in the dis- cussion of familiarity and the dance. (See pp. 263-264.) The young people meet at various places. The principal mode of acquaintanceship is the habit of visiting relatives. The mother and the father of the family are always taking the children around with them in their visits to relations. The friendship of the boy and girl may be still further developed at the dances, at the friendship dances, and the ball dance in particular. A marriage may take place in various ways. The man may simply go to live at the house of the woman, and she may then bear him chil- dren. Afterward he may tire of the woman and leave for some other community. Or in other cases the man may take the woman to his own house, and she will stay there while their family is being raised. In still other cases the young couple may go out and found a home- stead of their own on the mountain slopes. There is little or no ceremony connected with the formation of a new family. The groom may give a wedding feast at his home for all 256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 133 the relatives of his own and the bride. It is said that in the past a woman signified her acceptance of a young man’s proposal of marriage by pounding up into flour and then baking into bread a sack of corn left at her door by hin. The age of consent in marriage is 15 for girls and 17 for boys. How- ever, marriage earlier than these ages frequently occurs. Late mar- riages are by no means uncommon. Either these later marriages are generally of ugly persons unable to find a mate earlier in life or re- marriages by conjurers, Late marriages and many of the early ones involve the use of love charms or magic to induce affection in a woman who is much desired. After marriage the man farms, looks after the stock, cuts wood, hunts game, fishes in the river, or visits other villages. The woman does the household chores, looks after the children, cooks, sews, washes the clothes, and perhaps follows her husband around in his visits. In all public meetings, such as the ball game, dances, church services, and the like, the women always congregate by themselves apart from the men. The man regards with great respect his wife’s parents, and she does the same with his. The husband will never joke with or treat in a familiar manner the wife’s parents, but he can treat with great jocu- larity any brother or sister of his wife. She likewise jokes with the brothers and sisters of her husband. SICKNESS AND DEATH As age creeps up, the number of diseases afflicting the individual begin to multiply and assume increased importance. Disease is re- garded as being caused principally by malevolent conjurers or by nature spirits whose evil influence must be warded off by enlisting the aid of some powerful conjurer on the side of the patient. Later on in this paper some attention will be given to the theory of disease causation among the Cherokees and its social implications. (See pp. 294-297.) When sickness comes to the family and its activities are so definitely crippled as to threaten its health and well-being, the local cooperative poor-aid society steps in and does the farming and housework of the family until the latter is on its feet again. When death comes to the family, the local cooperative again func- tions, this time as an undertaking establishment. Mooney and Ol- brechts (1932, pp. 131-144) have graphically described the death and burial of an important member of the Big Cove community. Beyond a few miscellaneous tasks, relatives or immediate kin are not allowed to take any part in the funeral arrangements or burial of the deceased. The corpse is washed, dressed, and then lies in state for sev- eral days for all to come and get a last look. The friends of the family ANTHROP, Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 251, watch the corpse day and night. The coffin, which has been prepared’ by the funeral society, is brought, and then the corpse is placed inside it and borne to the cemetery. An ordinary Christian burial service is generally held at the house of the deceased before burial. And so the life cycle is completed. THE DANCE The next general social feature is the dance. There are some 24 dances current or remembered among the Cherokeees of Big Cove. Some 8 of these have fallen into disuse. The following are the dances known: Ant, Ball, Bear, Beaver, Buffalo, Bugah, Chicken, Coat, Corn, Eagle, Friendship, Green Corn, Ground Hog, Horse, Knee Deep, Medicine, Partridge, Pheasant, Pigeon, Raccoon, Round, Snake, War, and “Woman Gathering Wood.” The Ant, Buffalo, Chicken, Medi- cine, Pheasant, Pigeon, Raccoon, and War Dances have all lapsed from current use and are only half remembered. In Birdtown several addi- tional dances are performed to which later reference will be made. In most of the dances both men and women participate, but only men are allowed to lead and to do the singing for the dancers. A few dances are confined to one or the other sex. Most dances are led by a singer who has a drum or gourd rattle in his hand and who may or may not participate in the motions of the dance. The rank and file of the dancers, who follow the leader in single file, may accompany the singing of their leader, or they may finish out his initial phrases, or they may reply in antiphony. A woman with tortoise-shell rattles fastened to her legs generally follows imme- diately after the leader and keeps time for his singing by shaking the rattles on her legs in rhythmic sequence. The musical instruments used in the dance consist of (1) a ground- hog skin drum, (2) one or more gourd rattles on short sticks, and (3) several tortoise-shell rattles bound about the legs of the woman leader. Various ornamental and characteristic features are introduced in the dances, such as pine boughs, sticks, eagle-feather wands, pipes, masks, and robes of various kinds. Costumes of skins were said to have been used in the past but today, except for the masked Bugah Dance and the dances at the annual fair in imitation buckskin, the plain overalls of everyday life are worn. The dances are usually held at night. Certain dances are given only in the early part of the evening and others are relegated to the hours after midnight. The evening dances are the Eagle, Bugah, Beaver, “Woman gathering Wood,” and Pigeon. The Friend- ship Dances may continue all night as may also the Ball dances. The general order of the evening dances is for a Bugah Dance to precede an Kagle Dance after which may come a Friendship Dance. Or perhaps a Pigeon Dance may start off the evening followed by a 258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 133 Beaver and then a Bugah Dance. If the Eagle Dance was sched- uled, the Pigeon Dance would be left out, or vice versa. The Bugah Dance, again, will almost always contain a Bear Dance given by its masked performers. Somewhat after midnight, at about 2 o’clock in the morning, there commences another series of dances known as tcudale Nuda or “dif- ferent dances.” These are also called uskwiniye’da or “every kind,” from the word for a general store. These dances generally run in about the following order: Coat, Ground Hog, Corn, Knee Deep, Buffalo, Ant, Quail, Chicken, Snake, Raccoon, Bear, Horse, and, finally, the Round Dance after full daylight has come. Dances may be given in the daytime. The Green Corn Dance is given at any time during the day but is never ended until after dark. After a morning Round Dance as mentioned above, the new day may be started with another Eagle Dance or perhaps by a game of women’s football. Some dances should be given only at certain seasons. In the recent past if the Eagle, Bugah, or Snake Dance were given in the summer, snake bite or cold weather would be sure to follow. The proper time for these dances is the frosty season from November to March. It is thought that the disappearance of the old-time conjurers may have something to do with the fact that these dances can now be given with impunity in the summer. As we shall see in the section on culture change (p. 367), a regular annual cycle of dances used to be held monthly throughout the year among the Cherokees. Of this cycle but little evidence is available now. Although dances can, in the main, be held either out of doors or in the house, the majority are now held indoors. Sometimes a reg- ular periodic round is made of all the houses in the neighborhood, each weekly or biweekly dance being held at a different house. At Big Cove, during the writer’s visit there, all of the dances were held at a convenient house in the valley flats. The number of song accompaniments to a given dance may range from 1 to 14 but the average is about 4. A song consists of an in- dividual melody sung with a series of more or less meaningless words or syllables, consisting of terms for obsolete towns and places, unintelligible onomatopoetic phrases, and the like. In the Friendship Dances considerable scope may be given to the improvising of syl- lables and melodies and in the course of several hours as many as 40 or 50 songs may be sung. In the main the syllables and the ac- companying melodies seem to be somewhat stereotyped except that vowel quality of the syllables seems to vary in the numerous repeti- tions. The average duration of a single dance with its 4 songs and their repetitions may be from a quarter to a half an hour, AnTHROP, Pap. No, 23] THE EHASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 259 A roughly alternate order of slow and fast melodies seems to be maintained, with the faster tempos seeming to predominate toward the end of the dance. The steps used in dancing do not vary per- ceptibly from dance to dance and consist of simple rhythmic walk- ing steps in time with the drum or rattle. In fast time a sort of quick hopping motion develops. In the Bugah Dance any kind of a step may be allowed. Much dancing is done with the upper parts of the body, especially the arms, shoulder, and head. Ail kinds of conventionalized and naturalistic motions accompany the dances. Except in the cases of the Green Corn Dance and the Ball Dance, most of the dances have lost all significance in connection with outside activities or occurrences. True, hunting methods and habits of various animals are simulated as well as the movements of sowing seed and tillage of the soil. But these motions are incidental and apparently lost in a maze of other less explicable movements. The basic motif of the dances as they are at present performed seems to be the social one of a good time and making acquaintances. Clapping of the hands is a common feature of the Friendship Dances. This action expresses the joy and happiness being experi- enced by the participants. Bears are thought to clap their hands when pleased. The enjoyment of the dance was so great in the past that whenever some family had lost a member by death the rest of the neighbors would give a dance to make them forget their sorrow. SPECIFIC DANCES In the Friendship Dances the young people get acquainted. There is a great amount of teasing and joking of relatives occurring at these dances in particular. The young men will scratch the young girls’ hands with their fingernails, slap them or feint blows at them, poke at them, or otherwise tease these familiar relatives. For the older people the word “Friendship,” attaching to these dances, signifies the renewal of the pleasures of their youthful experiences in love and social inter- course. In the Eagle Dance and in the Friendship Dance the leader or principal performer can tell a story as he dances. He may perhaps recount his conquests over women or his acquiring of great wealth. He will never fail to get in some jibes at his joking relatives while he sings. The gotogwaski, or “caller,” is the organizer of a dance occasion and it is he who calls off the names of those who are to lead each song step. At the end of a song he shouts out words of encouragement and ap- plause. He always endeavors to pick the best and strongest singers as leaders. 'The leader starts to walk around in a circle singing his song and followed at first only by one or two old men. Other men join 260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 133 the circle and then the woman with rattles on her legs and finally a vast number of girls, boys, men, and women are circling around at a faster and faster rate. After the song ends the whole group makes a wild dash for the door and fresh air. Since the dances of the Cherokees are of extreme importance in the social integration of the tribe, it will be in point to briefly mention the outstanding characteristics of the remembered dances, especially those whose social function seems more strikingly important than others. The Ant Dance (daksu dali) consisted of a snakelike procession in single file, the participants moving about like a colony of ants. Both men and women participate but the men do all of the singing and the singing leader dances with a gourd rattle in his hand. The leader sings about the ants and says that their grandmothers are flying. The Ball Dance (dundje-la Nuni) is performed in two parts, one by the men and the other by the women.1?, The men go to water both before and after a ball game. The men’s dance consists of a proces- sion of the players about the fire, racquet in hand, singing some four songs. The singing leader has a gourd rattle in his hand and dances at the head of the line. Simultaneously with the men’s ball dance, or perhaps in its intermissions, the women give their dance. The details of this dance are very important and are worth considering at some length. A male singer seats himself facing the town which the team is to play against and takes his drum in his hands while the seven women dancers line up in a row behind him. Then, as the drummer begins to sing, the women dance forward and backward. Only the first and last songs are danced, the others consist in merely singing to the ac- companiment of the leader. After each song the drummer will give some derogatory remarks about his familiar clansmen in the opponent town, saying that their town is bound to lose in the coming game. Then the women may likewise make up jokes about their clans-persons in the opponent town. After one drummer is tired, another will take his place and joke his fellow clansmen of his own clan in the opponent town. ‘This magical rite concludes with the whole group “going to water” for certain lavations and purifications. This joking of the opponent town has the apparent effect of magically weakening the opponent town and causing them to lose the coming game. This is one of the most striking correlations of magical potency with relations of familiarity imbedded in the kinship system to be found." Fuller reference to the possible significance of this rite in connection with 22 The Ball Dance has been described by various authors, of which Mooney’s description in his article on The Cherokee Ball Play (1890, pp. 105-132) is perhaps the best. This dance dates back at least 100 years. 148 No previous mention has ever been made of this joking in the numerous references on the Ball Game. Mooney, in the article previously referred to, mentions the “conjuring” which goes on at the Ball Dance. AntTurop. Par. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 261 other magical establishments of familiarity will be made in the dis- cussion on integration and extension of social principles to magic and myth. The Bear Dance (yo na) is an important dance given after mid- night.* Men and women both take part in this dance, which requires the use of gourd and tortoise-shell rattles. The general course is a spiral motion by a group in single file about the fire or pot or what- ever can be made to serve as the center of revolution. Various obscene familiarities are indulged in between relatives in this dance, especially between the men and the women. The words of the songs refer to the bear’s habits. The Beaver Dance (doya) is mimetic of the beaver hunt.’ Each dancer carries a small stick about 2 feet long, and this stick is flourished in various manners. The principal feature of this dance is an animal skin, meant to represent the beaver, which is pulled back and forth on a series of strings and which the dancers attempt to hit. Missing the skin affords immense amusement to the participants and spectators alike and this is consequently a favorite dance. The Buffalo Dance is hardly remembered.1* Masks and skins were said to have been used in this dance, which was mimetic of the hunt of buffalo. The Bugah Dance (tsunagaduli) is a masked dance of particular social importance. The name is of obscure origin but the actors in the dance are called Bogeys or sometimes Buggers.” Considerable paraphernalia and preparation are necessary for this dance. From 6 to 12 masks made of gourd, wood, or pasteboard are collected be- forehand in the neighborhood as well as 6 or 10 gourd rattles and a ground-hog skin drum. From all of the women present one man, the organizer, collects shawls, wraps, or sweaters to clothe the bogeys in. Six men seat themselves at one side of the room, a drummer or leader with five assistant music makers holding gourd rattles. These persons are known as dininogiski, “callers,” whose function it is to sing and call the bogeys. When the callers have completed their sixth song, the bogeys enter one by one, concealed by masks and various wrap-around materials, and hobbling in various comical positions and with odd motions. They wear the strangest make-ups and endeavor to do everything in a topsy-turvy manner. There are seven of the bogeys and as the seventh song is played they dance in a circle about the room and endeavor to scare those children who are ungilisi or digiDuDu relatives to them. They also 14 Mentioned by Timberlake (1929, pp. 102 ff.). 15 Described by J. P. Evans in Payne MSS., vol. 6, Sketches of Cherokee Characteristics, 1836. 16 Mooney (1900, pp. 352, 485) mentions it in an Iroquois myth. uJ. P. Evans (1836, in Payne MSS., vol. 6, Sketches of Cherokee Characteristics) de- scribes this dance as part of the Bagle Dance. 262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 tease the grown-ups who are their familiar relatives. The relatives and spectators in the room enjoy this game of guessing which of their familiar relatives the teaser is. At the end of the seventh song the bogeys seat themselves in a comical fashion and with clumsy gestures on a log at one side of the room. The interpreter or organizer, meanwhile, is asked by the head caller to put some questions to the bogeys. The first question is generally, “What is your name?” or, “Where do you come from?” The interpreter then goes up to the first bogey and repeats the ques- tion to him. To this the bogey gives a whispered reply and the name he gives himself is always either ludicrous or obsence. He gives as his place of origin some remote or fanciful locality. He may joke a familiar relative in a neighboring town by giving his name. After the initial questions are over, the first bogey gets up ludicrously and clowns in a dance all his own. During the dance the music maker or chief caller calls the name of the bogey over and over again and the bogey goes through motions and gestures appropriate to the name which he has given himself. The steps of this solo dance are utterly unlike any other Cherokee dance and consist of a series of heavy hops in rhythmic time. When the first bogey is through, the whole thing is gone over again with the next one and so on down the line. Following this the interpreter asks the bogeys to do a bear dance together. This is done and then the audience joins in with the bogeys. As the dance proceeds the bogeys tease their familiar reia- lives, especially the women, in obscene and ridiculous ways. After this dance the bogeys leave and go to some remote field where they remove their disguise and slip home without being recognized. After the bogeys are gone, the audience generally begins a friendship dance. The Bugah Dance is one of the most extremely used occasions for the display of the joking and privileged familiarity relationships between relatives. The bogeys may even tease and joke each other if they are in the correct relationship. The crazy movements of the Bugah solo dance may imitate everything except the motions of white peoples’ dances. The bogeys themselves may imitate white people, negroes, or joking relatives. The next dance, the Chicken Dance (sata’ga) has not been given for some time in Big Cove. The principal feature of this dance consisted of the woman resting one of her feet on the foot of her male partner in the dance, and hopping with the other foot. This dance was said to have been the cause of much jealousy and fights. The Chicken Dance is possibly mimetic of a bird habit. The Coat Dance (gasule’na) is apparently of little significance, now. Inthe older days the men were said to have bought their brides ANTHROP, Pap. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 263 with buckskin coats as payment and in this dance some motions are made of covering or “claiming” a woman with the coat. The Corn Dance (se’lu) is apparently mimetic of the actions of planting corn. The women were said to have done the planting and the men to have followed with the hoe to cover the seeds with earth. The term adan wisi, “they are going to plant corn,” is possi- bly allied with the dance called “Yontonwisas” by Mooney (1900, pp. 365-867) and may be the Corn Dance. In the Corn Dance the men cup their hands as if they were pouring corn grains into the aprons of the women and then the women recipro- cate in giving the corn to the men. Various other arm movements take place between the sexes in this dance. The Eagle Dance (tsugi’dali) is probabiy the most important and most revered of the Cherokee Dances.* The eagles were said to have gathered together and teased each other just as men do in the Eagle Dance. The Eagle Dance used to be held in the fall or winter when the eagles were killed but now it is held at any time. In addition to its function as a celebration of the killing of an eagle, the Eagle Dance has several subordinate elements such as the Scalp Dance which cele- brates victory in war (Mooney, 1900, p. 496), and the Peace Pipe Dance which celebrates the conclusion of peace. The chief function of the Eagle Dance at the present time is the celebration of victory in the Ball Game. In its present-day performance, all of the elements of the Eagle Dance are somewhat mixed together. The Scalp Dance is a solo dance in which the young man can dance and tell his story, vaunting his bravery before the women or other men. He derogates the deeds of his clan brothers and joking relatives, saying that they are cowards and of no value to the tribe. When the derogated relative’s chance comes, he in turn derogates the former singer. The rather elaborate ceremonial involved in killing and propitiating the eagle which preceded the Eagle Dance has been described by Mooney. At present, dances can be given without killing an eagle. There are, in all probability, totemic values attaching to the Eagle. The Friendship Dances (dl’sti) are a mixed assemblage of a large number of dances whose primary significance is shared in common, namely the social intercourse which is necessary for the young people in order that they may find husbands and wives among potential rela- tives. The familiarities of the Friendship-Dances consist of such actions as the men placing their hats on the heads of their female partners, put- ting their coats around them, putting their arms around their shoulders and necks, and performing various overhand movements with them and 18 Mooney, 1900, pp. 281-283. The Eagles were formerly killed only by a professional “eagle killer” like the deer and wolf. 405260—43——18 264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 133 others. These are the dances for getting acquainted and all of the motions of the dance are designed, or appear to be designed, to break down shyness and reserve on the part of the young people. This re- serve is broken through, however, strictly along the line of the famili- arity relationship with specific relatives. It is impossible, or in general improbable, that a young man will tease or joke with a woman of his father’s clan, or even of his own clan. On the other hand if he finds a “grandmother” (gilisi) or a “grandfather” (giDuDu, ginisi) he can tease them to the extreme. It is most likely that he will tease the women rather than the men as privileged familiarities between men are reserved for other occasions. At the dance a man must find a wife and there is only one way to find a wife and that is to select her out of the group of women with whom he can carry on relations of famili- arity. The typical Friendship Dance begins with a few of the older men moving around in a circle about the room.” The woman with the tor- toise-shell rattles on her legs joins in the circle and then come the older women followed by the younger men and women. Round and round the circle goes, gradually picking up speed and volume as more join and none leave the magic ring of dancing humanity. Finally the crowd becames too great for the one small room, the heat and sweat becomes too much, the dust too choking, and so with a final whoop all rush forth into the open air. Aside from certain features, such as a stygian smell of old tobacco permeating the air and the constant spitting, the Friendship Dance is one of the most fascinating features of Cherokee life. This dance holds a gripping power as great as any opera in our own society, for its drama and music are the prime expression of the socially significant facts of Cherokee existence. In the renewal of their old-time mating memories the older people find their chief consolation as age advances. In the sex glamor of the occasion the young people find their chief recreation. In the general cheerfulness of the atmosphere generated those who mourn for deceased relatives may find forgetfulness. The Green Corn Dance (agohundi) is an all-day dance which takes place in September after “Roasting Ear’s Time.” ?° The name given to this dance refers to a town where, according to tradition, this dance was given especially well. This occasion has no direct connection with the Corn Dance, except that the latter celebrates the planting of the corn, while the Green Corn Dance celebrates the harvest. The Green Corn Dance is really a composite of several other dances. First, there is an all-day dance by the men in which guns are fired at intervals of half an hour to make the noise considered essential to this 19 J, P. Evans (Payne MSS, vol. 6, Sketches of Cheroxee Characteristics) describes Friend- ship Dance in 1836. 20 This dance is described by Butrick as the third in his Annual Series of Festivals... (See Payne Mss., vol. 1.) It is widespread among the tribes of the Southeastern area. ANTHROP, Pap. No.23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 265 dance. Secondly, there are three evening dances—a Grandmother Dance by the men, a Meal Dance by the women, and a Trail-Making Dance by both sexes. The all-day dance is the essential celebration of the completely successful harvest. ‘The Grandmother and the Meal Dances are mimetic of the preparation of the corn meal by the women and grand- mothers, and the Trail-Making Dance, as its name implies, mimics the activities of fixing up the trail for next year. After the dancing is over, a big feast is held in the evening, and everyone eats in great plenty of the fruits of the harvest. Now follow three dances of no great social importance. The Ground- hog Dance (ogonu) is not of any great importance now.” The motions of the dance are highly conventionalized and not significant. The Horse Dance (sogwili) is imitative of the marching and prancing movements of the horse. The dancers move slowly back and forth in a row, occasionally giving a kick as a horse will do. The Knee Deep Dance (dustu) is a short dance named after a little frog which appears in March in the part of the Spring known as “Knee-deep time.” The Medicine Dance (egwa nuwati) appears to have virtually disap- peared. It is of considerable significance, however, in connection with the familiarity relationship. This dance appears to have been held after the leaves had fallen into the streams in October.” This mixture of the virtues of the leaves with the water caused the people to believe that the river was a gigantic medicine pot whose boiling was evinced in the eddying and foaming of the water. So this became “Great, Medicine” time, the period in which life renewal and protection from all disease could be secured by bathing in the stream. A mixing of actual medicine in pots occurred at this time also. While the pot boiled all night, the women and men used to dance to keep awake, and then in the morning they went to bathe in the stream for purification. The long hours of the night used to be passed in joking each other’s “grandfathers” (digiDuDu) and “grandmothers” (digilisi). This joking became the main feature of the dance. The women were said to have taken the initiative in joking the men at this dance. If the men were shy, the women would catch them and force them to dance. The Partridge or Quail Dance (k.gwe) is a dance somewhat resem- bling the Horse Dance and supposed to be initiative of the movements of the quail. Similarly of little importance, the Pheasant Dance (tadisti) has com- pletely vanished but it is remembered that the drumming of the 21 Origin myth for this dance is given by Mooney (1900, pp. 279, 452). 22 This dance is a remnant of the 4th Great Annual Festival described by Butrick in Payne Mss., vol. 1. 266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt 133 pheasant was imitated during the course of the dance (Mooney, 1900, p- 290). The Pigeon Dance (wayi) was an important dance in the past and numerous efforts are made to revive it from time totime. The actions seem to be mimetic of the stalking and capture of a flock of pigeons by a sparrowhawk. One strong man represents the hawk and he is painted red on the face, wears feathers, and is naked to the waist. He carries a buckskin in one hand and stands in a dark corner awaiting the line of dancers representing pigeons. As they pass him he swoops down and captures one with the buckskin. He then retires to his corner only to swoop down on another one and so on. The Raccoon Dance (kuli) is also lapsing. It was mimetic of the capture of the raccoon in the tree where he has taken refuge. Some of the motions of the dance indicate joking of the women by the men as in the Bear Dance. The men pretend to rub the grease of the raccoon on the women, the grease being an adorning feature. The Round Dance (ade’yohi) is a farewell dance which finishes an all-night series of different dances. It is said that this dance refers to the people having to go around the mountains in going home. The first half is a women’s dance but the men join in the second half. The Snakelike Dance, inadiyusti, consists of spiralings by the line of dancers about the fire. The War Dance (daNowehi) has not been given for a long time. It was said to have consisted of various military deployments backward and forward and about the fire, all imitative of the scouting and en- gagement of actual warfare. There was a magical significance attach- ing to this dance since it determined which warrior would come back safely of those who went to war. The Woman Gathering Wood Dance (adohuna) was once regarded as preliminary to all the other dances. It is apparently mimetic of, or at least connected with, the women’s gathering wood to feed the fire. The movements are mostly back and forth movements by a row of women, the men taking no part. This list concludes the series of dances known in the village of Big Cove. In this area the old-time methods of dancing have been remem- bered and carried on the longest, by universal testimony. Neverthe- less, a considerable interest in dancing and periodic indulgence in the characteristic Cherokee dances was found at Birdtown. Several addi- tional dances are known in Birdtown which seem to be lacking in Big Cove. These are: The Witch Dance (skili), in which the performers imitate goggles on their eyes with the use of their fingers; The Gagoyi Dance (“curled up,” or “twisted”) whose evolutions resemble the Ant Dance; and the Parched Corn Dance (gawicida itcu), which was an additional part of the Green Corn Dance. 267 THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT ANTHROP, PaP. No, 23] *‘sdouep JO SOII9S B SUIZOG “OY JOJ POOM ZUIIOYIBS UBUIOM JO OATIEIIMT “IWM JO SJUSMIPAOUL PUB WOT}D0}OId [BOISE IAT “oyxBUS JO VATIVITWIT “JUSTACP 48 COUBD JYSIU-[[B Ul SOJVUTUI[ND YOIYA dUEp S,UBWIOM VY “Sexes 199M 49q SOTYIEIIWey “WoOddRI ZuTQUNY Jo 9AljeqIMAyT “suoosid SuIyUNY SYMBY JO OATIRIIMT *squesvoyd Jo 8AT4RIIUIT : *S]JUOUISAOUL [IVNb JO 9Al}eyIMIT *SOXOS U99MJO SOIIIG[[IMIeJ JOJ UOISRIDG = "YI[BAY FUIMOMOY “sulids jo s01y doop-s0uy Jo 9ATIBIIMAT *‘SJUSUIVAOUL ISIOY JO 9ATIVITUIT “304 punois SuljuNyY Jo 9at}e4IMyT *‘SOOUBP [BIIAAS JO PdsOdUIOD PUB UOd JO JSeAIVY 8Y} SOPBIGI[ID *SOxoS WOIM JO SOTTIBI[IMIB] 93OUL0Id 03 PoUDISOp [[B SeouRp AURAL “UOUL U99M49G SUTYOL “AIOJOIA SUTJVIONIOUIUIOD SXDUBP SNOLIBA JO WOT]BUIGUIOD “SuTJUBId W109 JO 8ATIVIIMT *ye00 & SuTAed Aq 9J1M B BUTYB) JO AATRITWT *SOXOS TOMO SOTIIVIIUIBJ PsoIATId JO} UOISBI0G ‘sjIqeYy pItq Jo 9ATIY IMT “SOMJMLIIUIe] pesoIATId IO} UOISvdDG + ‘suOOyNA Jo XATIVITUIT ‘ofeyng jo eAt}eqWyT “quny Ieaveq Jo eAleITMIT *SOXOS TOIAJO SOIAIIVI[IUIBJ JOJ UOISBIDG ‘SjIquy [BUITUB Jo XATIEIIMIT ‘OUIS [[eq Ul AIOJOIA JO JUSUINITEIIV [ROISB TAL *SOTMO[OO JUB JO OATIBITUIT soUBOVIUSIS pus uoljouN | x nS Be x x x DS Sl le = ir = 28 detent x x Lae Sp acs x x a. p Soe x x ferro oteoe-]----St---- a x x x ogee | ee 22s ees re x x Sm ae ee x x Sa eee x x Re a ea x “Sea x x aes eS x x aes x x = See x te See x x Kae aes x ceo rae x x 1194s MMC | agioq3oy, | POD jueuUINI\sUT SaayolayD ay} fo saauvq—'G ATAV I], qqstupiuo 109j8 UeAIDH sul -U9A0 UT WeAIH Ssu0s JO ioquinN *POUuryXY 1 a a a i ae a ss se ee ee SS? FAB wana en nen enna ee moVsI gq Se ee ee 1 JUBSB: oud nc eae ee ae ospllqieg ro Sse 1 YUTDIPO PAL ie oe aes dooq suxy Be ete ee ee OS. IO ° o--------- SO punoiy Sare----==- ul0g UWd0L SSSSTR Se 2555 diyqspuer yy a aes og ee =) 6 eure N B85] “€@ “GS “TS 06 “61 “81 “LT ‘OT HN Odiincorae . 268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 The main features of the Cherokee dances are presented in table 5 (p. 267) in summary form. It will be seen from the data presented just how tremendously important the social motive is in the dances and how they play a most characteristic role as the vehicles of privileged familiarity between relatives. The analysis of this function will be presented in the section on social integration (p. 309). THE BALL GAME Similar to the dances in social importance are the sports. The chief sports or games among the Eastern Cherokee consist of the following: Cherokee ball; women’s football game; basket game; “arrows”; matches of various kinds such as archery, rock casting, pitching of stones, and match hunts; various children’s sports and others. In this discussion attention will be devoted only to those games which have social significance. The first and most important of all Cherokee sports is the ball game.” This game, apparently a local version of an Indian game almost conti- nental in its range of distribution, has a special importance in Cherokee culture as a basic form of organization of town units in opposition to each other. The dantelidahi, or “captain,” organizes his team from the available young men of the town and may have as many as 20 players enrolled. In the actual playing only 12 are allowed to participate. There are appointed two “drivers” to separate the players in the scrimmages and keep the game going. Asa rule each town has its team play three games a year. Summer is the ball game season. The way of arranging a match is for the captain of one team to send out two messengers to a rival town challenging them to a game. The rival town appoints two men to receive the challenge and to accept it. Then the rival captains get busy and search for the best conjurer avail- able in order that as strong a magical power as possible can be brought in to aid in winning. Extraordinary measures are sometimes resorted to in order to secure a good conjurer. The whole community may turn out to hoe the fields or perform work on the conjurer’s fields in order to show their good will and regard for the conjurer’s powers. The conjurer prays and divines what the future has in store by a special technique. If he finds that the opponents are stronger than the home team, he takes measures to strengthen the latter. These measures consist of “scratchings,” prayers, going to the river and bath- ing at stated intervals, and the dance for the 4th night before the day of the game. The players must fast and abstain from their wives during 23 Described by Timberlake, 1929, p. 102; Bartram, 1853, p. 299; Haywood, 1823, p. 286; Butrick in Payne Mss., vol. 4; Evans in Payne Mss., vol. 6, pp. 17-25; Lanman, 1849, pp. 100 ff.; Mooney, 1900 (already cited in connection with Ball Dance) ; and Culin, 1907, pp. 574-588. ANTHROP, PaP. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 269 the latter part of their period of training. The captain of the team “calls” the leaders of the nightly ball dances. . In the magical rites for strengthening, the conjurer especially looks after the ayeli anakstone i, or “center knockers,” for these are the men who jump in the center when the ball is first tossed up at the beginning of the game and this event 1s Important in deciding which side first gets the ball. Before the game bets are placed by players and spectators alike on the probable outcome. These bets, generally wearing apparel or more often money, are thrown in a pile and two men, one from each side, are appointed to watch them. Sharp sticks are stuck into the ground to register the bets. The game is played between two goals, generally trees. ‘The touch- ing of the opponents’ goal with the ball in hand by a player of the other side constitutes a score of one. Twelve scores win the game. The ball, a small golf-ball-sized object, is tossed into the air by one of the drivers and is then batted back and forth with racquets until someone catches it in his hand and runs to the op- posite goal. If two players start wrestling for the ball, a foul is declared and the ball is tossed up again for a fresh start. The manner of playing is extremely rough and injuries are frequent, especially since the players are dressed only in the equivalent of a pair of trunks. After the game, the players are ceremonially scratched and retire for supper, the bets being allotted out to the winners. Seven days after the game, the winners hold an Eagle or Victory Dance to celebrate. Great stress is laid on magical power as the sole determinant of the winning or losing of games. The games, in fact, resolve themselves into a rivalry of conjurers in opposing towns rather than into any rivalry of teams. Hence, the magical rites surrounding the game are extensive and esoteric. OTHER GAMES The game of Cherokee football was a form of social opposition between the sexes. It was played by a team of from 10 to 15 women matched against 10 or 15 men. Usually the women were given one strong man on their side for additional assistance. Each team was organized by a manager. The small groups comprising these teams were drawn from the same neighborhood. One side would challenge the other and the challenger had the privilege of kicking off. As in the ball game, scoring consisted in getting the ball to the enemy goal by fair means or foul and 12 scores counted a game. The ball used was the size of a baseball and was made of buckskin or cloth. An interesting phase of this game was the betting. The men generally bet a deer and the women bet bread. If the men were beaten they had to hunt and prepare a deer for a feast. If 270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 133 the women were beaten they had to prepare bread for a feast. This was generally chestnut or walnut bread. The Cherokee basket game is a “parlor game” (Culin, 1907). It is used in the family circle to while away the long winter evenings. The dice are 6 beans cut in half, the one side showing the black husk and the other the white interior. Sometimes 6 pieces of wood or 6 grains of corn colored black on one side were used. The dice are shaken in a shallow basket (4 inches deep by a foot square) and if 1 bean of a given color comes up it counts 1, if none comes up it counts 2 for the player. From a pile of from 18 to 24 beans kept as counters the corresponding number according to the score are put in front of the player. As soon as the counters are ex- hausted in the main pile, it becomes a contest between the players’ piles and generally dwindles down into a contest between two. After the center pile is exhausted, 2 or 3 beans are taken from each player and this generally eliminates the weaker players. Most of the time 2 or 8 beans of a color come up and the player cries, “konigit! (noth- ing)” and passes the basket on to another. If he scores, however, he gets another trial. Two partners may play against 2 others in this game and the women play against the men. Betting in the game as in the football game consists in the men betting a deer, squirrel, or rabbit against the women’s bread. Today money is bet. A sport current until the last few years was the grapevine pull- ing contest. This consisted in a contest between four to six men on one side and several women with one strong man on the other. The stronger side had to pull their opponents over a predetermined course in order to win. As in other sports, the women would bet bread and the men some form of game. Until very recently the Cherokees of Big Cove used to have match hunts at Thanksgiving and New Year’s. A manager was appointed and he would round up all of his recruits from one side of the river and the opponents would be collected from the other bank. One side challenged the other and the losers had to cook the feast on the holiday after the hunt. The score was determined by the total number of animals shot. In reference to children’s sports, one trait to be noted is the abso- lute separation of girls’ from boys’ sports. The boys play at hunt- ing and athletic contests, the girls play at housekeeping or the like. Running through Cherokee sports in general, then, are the fol- lowing elements: Opposition and separation of the sexes, opposition of towns and conjurer groups, betting of goods and money, and the influence of magic. AnTHROP, PaP. NO. 25] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT Paid With the description of sports and their social features, the survey of the formal aspects of Cherokee society has been completed. In the first place some of the features of the social units and their interrelationships were observed; secondly, the kinship system was sketched in order to properly set forth certain basic features of the Cherokee social organization; and thirdly, general descriptive fea- tures of social importance, such as the life cycle of the individual and the dances and the sports of the people, were rapidly noted. INTEGRATION OF THE PRESENT SOCIETY THE FUNCTIONS OF THE PRESENT-DAY TRAITS The first part of this paper, Description of the Present Society, has sketched for us the outlines of Cherokee society as it exists today. Much has been said about the externals of the social structure but less has been mentioned concerning the interrelations and functions of the various traits. So the purpose of this second part will be to try to relate the various structures which have previously been described. FUNCTIONING OF THE FAMILY Here and there in the foregoing discussion some hints have been given concerning the fundamental role of kinship in Cherokee so- ciety. In particular the regulations which surround and conduce to preferential mating have been stressed as basic to an understanding of the other parts of the system. What to make of the material now that we have it before us is the question. First, there is the domestic family which occupies the individual household. The individuals making up the family may be said to be held together in certain ways and kept apart in certain ways. The ways in which the family is held together in a working social mechanism will be entitled phases of social solidarity and the ways in which the individual members are kept apart, social opposition. The individual man is very close to his brothers in social position. He can take the place of a brother in many ways and from the view- point of the outside world is hardly distinguishable from him. So likewise in the case of the individual woman there is little to dis- tinguish her from her sisters to the view of outsiders. This identity for social purposes of brothers and sisters can be spoken of as social equivalence. Brothers are socially equivalent, then, and so are sisters while, to a certain extent, brothers and sisters together are equivalent in Cherokee society. There are many reciprocal privileges and obli- gations between these children of common parents which are exclu- sive to them and which bind them together in a type of common unity. Solidarity within the individual Cherokee domestic family takes on the character of a series of solidarities of the various primary pairs. The solidarity of husband and wife is manifested in the following ways: 272 ANTHROP, Pap, No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 243 1. In their common attitude of respect toward each other’s parental genera- tion. 2. In their shared attitude toward their children’s generation. 3. In the fact that the familiarity relationship always exists as a medium of contact between them except on those extraordinary occasions on which taboos must be enforced. These latter will be mentioned in the section on magical extensions of social principles. (See pp. 299-300.) 4. Reciprocity in marriage involves an exchange in the marriage feast and is symbolized in the women’s betting of bread against the meat bet by the men in several of the games. 5. Pregnancy and menstrual taboos imposed upon the wife are extended to her husband in restriction of his contacts with other persons. The solidarity of parent and child is manifested in the following ways: 1. The indirect joking relationship allows some degree of good fellowship between the parental and the children’s generations. 2. Protection is afforded to the children by the parents, and the children who stay at home and take care of the old foiks are the ones who obtain the property by inheritance. 3. The child must render a respect to his mother and father and he must in particular defend his father’s clan against all aspersions from without. The solidarity of brothers and sisters is manifested in the following ways. 1. The terminology expresses group consciousness clearly in this case. There exist not only terms for “brothers and sisters” in general but also terms for “brothers” and for “sisters” taken collectively. The terminology between brothers and sisters is reciprocal, each calling the other by the same term. 2. In certain inheritance customs whereby a man’s oldest sister’s son in- herits a position as chief or some like office (no longer practised). 3. In the intense solidarity within the clan extensions of the brother and sister relationship. All clan brothers and sisters are regarded as being of one blood and of a common identity. 4, In the solidarity of the parental generation within itself, the father with father’s brother, the mother with mother’s sister, ete. Of the three primary relationships just cited the strongest in solidarity would appear to be the brother-sister bond, the next stronger would be the husband-wife bond (which is a form of the grandfather-grandchild relationship), and the weakest relationship is that between parent and child. The rather firmly entrenched solidarity of the individual family can thus be seen to be made up of individual pair solidarities between which there can be—and often are—conflicts. Particularly strategic in this regard is the conflict tendency between the brother-sister bond and the husband-wife bond. For, in the course of each individual’s life, he or she is taken out of his or her brother-sister group and merged with his or her grandparental clan group at the time of marriage. This act can be looked upon both as setting up barriers 274. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 133 of opposition within the formerly intact ego generation and as serv- ing to unite ego’s and the grandparental generation in a new bond of solidarity through the connecting link of ego’s marriage. Residence may or may not add to family solidarity. The typical Cherokee household consists of the family nucleus, the husband, wife, and children, together with parts or wholes of other families. The wife’s relatives are often found in the household, such as her sister, mother, brother, or her maternal aunts and uncles. Residence may have once been matrilocal but it is now patrilocal in the main. A man whose wife has died may go to live with his own sister, especially if she be widowed. Often the children marry and continue to reside for a considerable time in the parental household. The original husband, wife, and child triangle is connected by bonds of inheritance and marriage with other similar family nuclei. The husband is not only connected with his brothers, the wife with her sisters, but also both are connected by the ties already mentioned with their own siblings of the opposite sex, the husband with his sister, the wife with her brother. Thus ego comes into relation with two important individuals of the parental generation, his father’s sister and his mother’s brother. The father’s sister is not connected with ego by any too strong a bond of solidarity. He must respect her, it is true, but he is uncertain as to whether to behave toward her as a grandmother or as a father. His uncertainty, perhaps, finds release in joking with the man she marries, as mentioned in the section on privileged familiarity. The mother’s brother, also, is respected, but, due to his possession of the same clan as ego, he tends to be regarded asa sort of older brother. Other similarly disjointed sections of solidarity are carried over in the relationships which ego bears toward the mates of his siblings and vice versa with the siblings of his mate. These relationships are more or less combinations of brother-sister relationship with grand- father-grandchild relationship with the predominance of the weight tending in the latter direction. Familiarity relationships of rather extreme teasing unite ego with these relatives. He regards his brother’s wife as his wife. The woman regards a husband’s sister as a “wife” to her husband. THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 275 ANTHROP., PaP. NO. 23] *K ‘eooidide1 Areyuome[dur0d tx ‘[eo01d10eI JIOS 1 TAI OCOVAG OLOE | ONG) | (cB) CBG. | re erm pres ai Pa Gs ea alae [e7U0Z1I0 *SU1Y8U [BIJUOIOJOId pue AyIoOIdI0eI UB[D [~~~ SUOTJOURS [VITITIVS OA) CU oa UNS TEs a Se ar a oe > eee [eoljemmAg “UIBUI UT [BoOId Wad Jag *S,10Y}BJ S,10 -YJOU PUB [BOUT[II]VU S,1oq}e] S,10Y}e} ‘OAT, eee es Rae ee UIVUl Ul [BOOIAIOeI J[AG a Sake ene as ee [BOUl[IIJeU WMO ‘eUCO “AyeyIUIE] [eNXEg AyaVl[PUAR] [eoysyEg *sqUsIed pues S,o}BUl-9}VUr S,P[IyOpuBIH “¢ *OJVUL S,BUI[QIS-BUI[IS S,AIVWA “Z “aJIM-pueqsnyy ‘1 *(XA) PILyoOpueis-oy ejpusis [VUIOIBIT “¢ “(X) PHYopueis-Joeqjompuely °Z *(X) JOISIS-I94SIQ °Z *(X) PIlqopuBis-JoyJejpuels [BUIOIV *] (A) 19y4JoIq IoZUNOA-IOYAOIG IOP[O “T ‘AYLIBVPI[OS UOT}eIOUIS OJBUIO}[y |~ AJlIepl[O : COBIOUES pus ddUZTBAINDD UR[O “(Diop usas-jueIvdpUsIy) |sges ~*~ (x) 104sIs-oqOIg sdjysuorjeyer ¢ od A, sdiysuorjeler Z od A J, Fe ee [B01q1OA |~~~~~ ~~~ WOTZVOBISselO JO WOTJOOIIG - 2-2 ------------ NOeUlpsIoqns-uolyeulpsiogedng |-~~-~~-------- ~~~ ~~~ Zuruorouny, ee [eolaqoururAsy |~~~> 77777 JOLABY Og SSeeeocescc ‘UIVU Ul [eoosdjoo1 Arwyueue;duioyD |-~~~~- ~~ ~~~ ~~" ------ ABOTOuTULIE J, ooeenn anne ee ‘UMO PUG [VOUT[IIVUI S,19y4V] ‘OMT, |-~-~--~--------- =" paoesy sasvoury ‘sured ooo en ner eee AjlsVl[lue] JOoIpUl pus yoodsey | UIYIIM sopniiyje yuBulUOpelg (A) prrga $,JoyJOIq S,oJIM-puBgsny S,1o4sis S,JoujeT ‘F (XA) priye §,JoqSIS S,PUBGSNY-dIM S,1oy101Iq S,JoyJOW “ *(A) puegsny S,1oyqsnep-sjueied S,ajIM °% aie ies (XK) 91M S,Os-sjueied s,pusqsny ‘T *(A) PIGS S,104STS-19Y OIG S,JOyJOTW “Fb (A) PIGS S,10q}01g-10}SIS S,1OYIBT “€ 6 at Be en Ne sours Jo sed Alspuooes (A) PEWO-19 UOT, te ka eee (A) pltyo-10448 -- “SUOl}B1OUNS SNONSIJUOD OIA Yoq MOTyIsoddg SE ae pan, “Pee ee eke is (A) prryo-jueIe ~--souinsuesuod jo sled AIspuooeg ios a]diourid 2urA[iopuy EE ee ee Me diysuoryelel ose sdrysuorjze[er [ edA\y, pe4zB14sn| [I 810408 iT diysury aayolayQ—9 AIAV,L 276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 133 The accompanying table shows the basic Cherokee relationships and the principles which underlie their solidarities (table 6). The parent-child relationship is a vertical one in which the barrier of opposition between contiguous generations seems to outweigh every other element. The brother-sister relationship, on the other hand, is a horizontal one in which the bond of clan equivalence or solidarity within the individual generation seems to outweigh every other ele- ment. The grandparent-grandchild relationship is a vertical one like the first but after the occurrence of marriage it becomes, in the form of the husband-wife relationship, a species of horizontal group- ing. This is expressed in the mate’s siblings-sibling’s mates’ relation- ship just mentioned. All three of the primary relationships are built up with the matri- lineal lineage in the background. The solidarity of the matrilineal lineage is immense and is perhaps the most stable fact in Cherokee kinship. This solidarity of the matrilineal lineage is the situation which underlies the sister-brother equivalence and solidarity. The father-child and the grandfather-grandchild relationships are pos- sessed of solidarity only so far as they touch on the continuity and the stability of the matrilineal lineage. The matrilineal lineage, it must be reemphasized, holds together the whole system, both in its vertical and in its horizontal aspects. It will be seen from the table of the Cherokee kinship system (table 6) that each family contains within itself the seeds for its own re- production and replacement through the translation of the grand- parent-grandchild relationship into the husband-wife relationship. The importance of the chief relationships within the life cycle of the single individual can be expressed in the following order from infancy to age: (1) Child to parent, (2) brother to sister (or vice versa), (3) grandchild to grandparent, (4) husband to wife (or vice versa), (5) parent to child, and (6) grandparent to grandchild. The family of orientation includes the first three relations as the most important, and the family of procreation the last three (orientation referring to the family into which one is born and procreation the family created by one’s own marriage). It will be seen that an equating of the re- lationships of the first three in the family of orientation with the last three in the family of procreation places the husband-wife relationship in the second as the equivalent of the brother-sister relationship of the first. This would seem to indicate that the solidarity of ego’s family of procreation was inversely proportional to the solidarity of ego’s family of orientation. It is certainly true that the solidarity of the original family of procreation will tend to resist the development of opposition barriers occasioned by the marriage of its individual members. Therefore, ANTHROP. PaP. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 2Et a considerable degree of solidarity is generated at all contacts with the “outstander.” This is manifested in the cases in which genitor or bi- ologically true father tends to become separated from pater or social father. When a woman has a child through her relations with several men, it is her brothers and sisters who take the lead in pointing out the man whom they think is the father. How this is determined is not clear, but to have the finger of accusation pointed at one is a serious thing because it involves responsibility for the child’s economic welfare and bringing up. In case the accused man cannot be reached, the brothers of the woman will build her a house in which she may bring up her family. Factors of social opposition operate most frequently along the lines of generation, sex, age, and lineage within the family. These act to make breaches in the social solidarity of the family and to help bring about the dissolution of the individual family after the agencies of death and marriage have enacted their role. The breach between the parental generation and the generation of age is marked by the superordination-subordination relationship. The generation that is going out transmits by way of the authority relation the cultural heritage to the generation that is coming in. This same relationship is extended to the clan and matrilineal lineage of the father so that a factor of social opposition is interposed with a whole group of relatives who come under this classification, as well as with the whole of at least one clan or social segment. The respect relation- ship to the father, however, is extended also to the father’s father himself but not to the father’s father’s clan. The factor of the sexual division enters into the list of social oppo- sition forces in several places. The sexual dichotomy operates between persons within a generation and between persons of different genera- tions, but its strongest manifestation lies in the distinction of relatives through the father from relatives through the mother. The mother and her sister are equivalent in terminology and behavior but the mother’s brother is distinct in terminology and in behavior. The same is true of the father in his relation to his brothers and to his sisters. ‘These various sex distinctions in the terminology and behavior have been mentioned in the descriptive section on kinship distinctions so we will not dwell on them here. The chief point to remember is that relatives through the father are more to be respected than relatives through the mother. Age as a factor of social distinction has already been mentioned in the same section. The older brother is invested with a considerable degree of the social superordination of the father, and the younger brother must take a subordinate position as the protected one. The age distinction applied to brothers are extended to cousins and other “brothers.” 278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 FUNCTIONING OF THE CLAN The role of the clan in preferential mating has to a considerable extent been indicated by the implications in the discussion on the role of the domestic family. Preferential mating is really an affair between an individual and persons belonging to specific clans or a clan-indi- vidual relationship. The configurations already established in the domestic family are extended to the whole clans which happen to include the persons standing in certain familial relations to age. The clan is the exogamous social unit and is also a reciprocity mechanism. The severity of the ancient laws against marrying within the clan have been relaxed, but a survey of present-day marriages shows that there are still very few marriages of this type. And with good reason, for it does not take much inquiry into the mechanics of the Cherokee kinship system to show that marriage within one’s own clan would play havoc with the elaborate mechanism of reciprocity set up by the clan to deal with disturbances in balance of numbers caused by deaths, births, and marriages. The nature of the reciprocity between clans can best be shown by an hypothetical example, in which the balance of losses and gains is struck in a typical manner. In the accompanying diagram (fig. 54) four clans are involved and some dozen individuals serve as actors in the drama. The following are the steps involved in the process: 1. The original solidarity of clan I of ego’s paternal grandfather was broken by the loss of the grandfather X when he married ego’s paternal grandmother Y of clan II. X was “lost” in the sense that he went to live with his wife’s people and no longer hunted with, or fought in company with, his own clanspeople. 2. Ego’s father A was brought up as an integral member of clan II, but he ought to marry back into his father’s clan to redress the original loss of his father to that clan. But the incest regulations will not allow him to marry into his father’s clan. In consequence of this he marries ego’s mother B of clan III with a consequent loss of one member to clan II. 38. Ego (male) is brought up in his mother’s household as an integral member of clan III. But the father of ego is reminded throughout his life of the loss suffered by clan I (through the marriage of ego’s grandfather X to ego’s grand- mother Y of clan II), by the attitude of extreme respect and solicitation which he is compelled to maintain toward clan I. His whole demeanor throughout life toward clan I was as if he owed it something, and circumstances are made to appear as if an exchange had been only half completed. The only way out of this impasse and to render justice to the original clan I, which has given one of its members and received nothing in return, is for ego’s father A to give ego of clan III to a woman of clan [ in marriage and by this act complete the exchange. The way in which this is brought about is by the indirect joking relationship which exists between ego’s father, A, and ego. A takes advantage of this privilege and jokes in an indirect fashion with ego. “You must marry my aunt,” hesaystoego. At first ego does not understand that it is his THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 279 ANTHROP. PaP. NO. 23] ‘039 JO S}UBPUAdSe [BOUT] 0} Iojor s[eqideo ‘spoqurdAs o[ vue} PUB dV [VUOTZUSATOD ‘CE ‘V7 ‘diysuoreyed o8BIIIvUI OY} ‘= ‘sUL[d 04 JoJoI S[BIOMINU UBMOY Ady ‘“SUB[D U98M49q SODUBYOXO OAVIIIVUI JO CDUB[eG—'Fg AUNT AI Ill OajiM = Vos Ayt[Iqissod o7BU10I [VY I Ill Ese Og VV II he II | I O9=VZ Oe=V.X%G I+AI STL tT tel Lore DEL t=H1 Le ak [Geer f = :S9SSO[ puv SUIBZ Jo DUBS 405260—43——_19 280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 138 father’s paternal aunt’s clan (I) into which he must marry. He thinks only of the old and ugly woman whom his father calls “aunt” ( giloki) and whom he (ego) calls “grandmother.” In time ego overcomes his shyness after continuous joking by his father on this subject and begins to joke with this “grandmother” whom his father tells him to marry. In time he will meet a girl of his own generation who is “grandmother” to him and belonging to clan I, and he will marry her after becoming acquainted through privileged familiarity. Then the exchange is completed, and clan I has been recompensed for the loss of ego’s grand- father X through X’s marriage. Ego’s father, A, does not concern himself about the loss occasioned to his own clan II by his marriage to ego’s mother, B, of clan III. Ego’s respect for clan II will remind ego that he should instruct his own children to marry into clan II and recompense the balance with that clan. This process can thus be seen to run on indefinitely in the agnatic line and to act as a principle of reciprocity between clans preserving the balance which is upset by the marriages of the male members of the clans. In the same way as the foregoing the mother, B, of ego respects ego’s maternal grandfather, Z, because her father’s clan, IV, has suf- fered a loss by the marriage of Z to C of clan III, her own clan. So she will compete with ego’s father, A, in joking with her son indirectly and tells ego that he must marry her paternal aunt, of clan IV. Ego may then become familiar with this class of gilisi (“orandmothers”) and marry into clan IV. This will complete another exchange. In the normal family of four or five brothers and sisters ego ordinarily possesses, some half will marry into the father’s father’s clan and the other half into the mother’s father’s clan. Thus the balance is pre- served. The sister of ego will likewise marry into her father’s father’s or mother’s father’s clan but the element of compensation is not so apparent here, since the children follow their mother’s line and not the father’s. In this case a restatement may be needed in broader prin- ciples and the marriage of a woman be regarded as part of a still wider principle of balance or reciprocity in which both patri- and matrilineal lineages are satisfied in exchange. Regarding those persons of his own generation with whom ego may actually marry, the following may be said: The clan affiliation is the prime consideration in marriage, not the actual lineage. Theoreti- cally, in his own generation ego can marry either (1) father’s father’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, (2) mother’s father’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, or (3) mother’s mother’s brother’s children’s daughter. Two persons of opposite sex and different clans may both be giDuDu (“grandchildren”) to the same clan and may, in the absence of other modifying factors, be giDuDu to each other and so marry each other. ANTHROP. PaP. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 281 FUNCTIONING OF THE DANCES The role that the Cherokee dances play in the drama of preferential mating is in some points quite clear and in other respects obscure. It is fairly certain that the chief occasions of social contacts with priv- ileged familiarities ripening into marriages of the preferential type is the dance. But the time of appearance and staging of the dances involves other less understood relationships. The dances originally occurred at intervals which appear to have corresponded with the cyclic ebb and flow of the tides of human desire for contacts with fellow humans. One of the most clearly recognizable of these cyclic tides of feeling in Cherokee Society are those connected with the female menstrual period. Regularly the male is seized with feelings of extreme revulsion and a desire for avoidance of the menstruating female. This feeling takes the form of strict monthly taboos and restrictions on the latter which find reflection not only in customs but also in the magical prayers of the Cherokees and even their myths. Anciently the Cherokee, as well as other Southeastern Indians, held monthly dances to celebrate the periodic social purification from uncleannesses of the whole com- munity (see third part of this paper, The Former Society). The primary significance of the dance of that period was in connection with the ritual sanctions of purification. At the present time the dances have lost this regularity and ritual significance but retained its function of bringing men and women together after separation. The dance today is an expression of neighborhood solidarity in which the whole family participates. Participation in the dance puts the individual in rapport with the rest of the community. Those who have offended others have their sins pointed out to them by satirical references in the dance. This act on the part of clan brothers func- tions as a satirical sanction to correct faults and purge differences from the community. The reuniting of families, who have lost a member by death, with the rest of the community is done through the functioning of the dance also. Therefore, the dance with its ritual sanctions acted as the primary channel for familiarity behavior of the socially approved modes. FUNCTIONS OF THE KINSHIP USAGES Kinship usages merit particular notice as a contributing factor to the system of preferential mating. Of these usages the most im- portant is privileged familiarity. Privileged familiarity among the Cherokees does not root itself in any one specific function, nor does it arise from any one particular 282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 133 principle. Rather than existing as a unitary phenomenon, it seems to stem from a series of kinship usages with varying implications.” Privileged familiarity is, of course, the logical antithesis of the avoidance relationship. Between absolute avoidance and extreme familiarity there is a whole gamut of relations between pairs of rela- tives. We generalize the opposite poles of behavior as approach and avoidance. Among the Cherokees absolute avoidance is rare and is confined to magical taboo situations wherein direct kinship considera- tions are of minor import. But the modified form of avoidance known as respect is a characteristic trait of Cherokee kinship usages. Re- spect is used in this discussion in the sense of that type of behavior which channelizes within certain sharply limited areas the contacts between a pair of relatives. Privileged familiarity, on the other hand, is understood as that behavior between persons which is utterly unrestricted in its freedom and allows of contacts of all descriptions. Privileged familiarity between two persons in the Cherokee kinship system is not distinguishable from the so-called joking relationships. Where the pranks and raillery between relatives exist in a stereotyped form which can be recognized on any occasion as a definite cultural trait, we can speak of them as joking relationships. These are never more than condensations of amorphous familiarities within constant forms. Needless to say, joking relationships, as understood here, shade over into the respect relationships. Such a case occurs in the case of indirect joking between father and son and in joking with the man who marries the father’s sister. There are at least five types of present-day joking among the Chero- kees. These are the following: 1. Mutually derogatory joking between clan brothers before each other’s children, 2. Joking by maltreatment of the man who marries the father’s sister. 3. Joking with grandparents or with grandchildren through teasing or deroga- tion. 4. Joking of a son by his father concerning the father’s paternal aunt. 5. Gentle joking of the mother’s brother and daughter’s husband. From these examples it can be seen that the joking relationship exists In varying contexts and even appears between relatives who should be ordinarily respectful to each other. Joking appears from these ex- amples to be allied with potentiality of sexual relations, social sanc- tions, and social opposition. First, as to potential sexual relations. It has been shown in the sec- tion on preferential mating that the relationship of alternate genera- tion clans to the individual ego is one of teasing and familiarity. It *% The Cherokees, as the present writer encountered them, were a cheerful people much given to fun making. Ziegler and Grosscup in 1883, however, found the Cherokees “in- capable of joking” (cf. Ziegler and Grosscup, 1883, pp. 5-42). ANTHROP, Pap, No.23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 283 has also been noted that obscenities and sexual references abound in this type of familiarity so obtrusively that their meaning is only too clear. Of course, the obscenities occur not only between persons of the opposite sex, but also between men. This implies some sort of homo- sexual tendencies latent in the culture—a fact noted for the South- eastern area in general by Swanton. Potentiality of sexual relationships appears in the joking between siblings’ spouses and spouse’s siblings. Joking expressions are used for these relatives which imply this potentiality. The wife of a brother is called “wife,” and like expressions occur. Sibling’s mates, it must be remembered, are one’s own potential mates because they are pre- sumably in the alternate generation relationship to one’s self as well as one’s siblings. The social sanctions are involved in the joking relationship through the fact that joking between clan brothers is typically functional in the sense of a ridicule sanction to cause persons who are erring to repent and “toe the mark.” Every fault of the other person is held up to view, and a return volley from him of the same kind of humor is invited. This type of joking enforces the solidarity of the clan because the children of the jokers are compelled to speak up and to defend their fathers, who are thus engaged in twitting each other. It is to be noted in this connection that joking occurs between all types of brothers among the Cherokees and not merely between brothers whose fathers are of the same clan as among the Crow. The indirect joking between parent and child is allied with social opposition. As has been stated in the section on kinship principles, the parental generation is in a position of social opposition to the gen- eration of ego. Between ego and all persons of the parental generation the relationships are not reciprocal, and the joking by the father of the son is an expression of the social opposition between them. This joking cannot be direct because it is not truly reciprocal. Neither is the joking of the father’s sister’s husband reciprocal. This man has no comeback when his wife’s brother’s children attack him. Likewise to the father-son joking, the mother’s brother in joking with his sister’s children jokes about some third party in a clan which is familiar to the person joked. In the father-son joking two objects are achieved: (1) The father is enabled to joke with his son whom he cannot ordinarily be familiar with; (2) he can have a bit of fun at the expense of his own father’s clan, which he must ordinarily respect. The son attempts a feeble kind of reciprocal joking and tells his father that he should not have mar- ried into so unworthy a clan as his own. In the joking with the father’s sister’s husband the following func- tional relationship is involved: The father’s sister’s position with ref- 284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny, 133 erence to ego is uncertain. She has qualities of the father, father’s mother, and own mother combined. She is of the ascendant generation, and, in the case of the male ego, of a different sex. She is always of a different clan from ego. It can be seen that she is separated from ego by opposition barriers. She cannot be joked, as she is of the father’s clan. Therefore, the uncertainty of the relationship centers on the man who marries her and is of a different clan from the father’s. This man can be joked with by the tobacco joke. This joke isnonreciprocal on the part of the recipient and can be only indulged in once between the same two parties. Opposition and privileged familiarity are again allied in the joking of the ball dance. The joking against the opponents consists in a man joking with his fellow clansmen in the enemy town in the absence of the persons joked. This weakens the opponents by setting up a magi- cal channel of familiarity as we shall see later in the section on magi- cal extensions. This joking may be against the opponent town as a whole as well as against the fellow clansmen. At this point it seems desirable to reemphasize a connection which has already been mentioned several times in passing, namely, the asso- ciation of dancing with privileged familiarity. Undoubtedly, the be- havior of privileged familiarity occurs in all of the activities of every- day life among the Cherokees, such as visiting, cooperative labors, fes- tal occasions, the ball game, and the like. Its fullest expression, how- ever, takes place on these periodic occasions wherein social intercourse is foremost in the minds of the participants, which are the dances. The functional significance of the dance with reference to privileged familiarity can be stated, then, as follows: The dances are the princi- pal means by which privileged familiarity between relatives brings about acquaintanceships which eventually ripen into matings of the preferential type. Not only do the familiarities of the sexual type find their best expression in the dances but also the familiarities of the rid- icule sanction type also seem to be brought out in fullest form on these occasions. These occur in the Eagle and Friendship Dances as already noted. SOCIAL SANCTIONS The social obligations expressed reciprocally between relatives find their extended counterpart in the social sanctions of the wider integra- tions of culture. The social sanctions act as means of social control within the group and also to control the relations of members of oppo- sition groups. Diffuse sanctions are those loosely organized means of control which reside in public opinion. In the case of the Cherokees, this type of sanction operates mainly within the boundaries of the clan. The func- tion of moral reprobation for certain types of violation of established AnTHrop, Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 285 usages is performed by one’s clan brothers. The mechanism involved consists of an extensive use of ridicule in connection with the so-called satirical sanction. Jokes of this type between clan brothers are always being made. One member will twit another about his achievements and abilities, and the other will reply. Any violation of the principle of preferential mating such as marrying into the father’s clan or even with one’s own clan becomes the material for endless joking by one’s clan brothers. Diffuse sanctions of wider type are often shared with white people. Thus it is held that association with negroes or the possession of negro blood is somewhat of a stigma, belief in the Christian deity is a requisite for holding office in the band government, and other opinions are shared with the southern mountain whites. The sanctions of an organized nature are somewhat divided in their appearance, some occurring in connection with direct white influence such as the state and county government, and others oc- curring as age-old ritual sanctions inherited from the past. The ritual sanctions will be mentioned more fully in the section on Political Change (p. 365). Premial sanctions are to be found in the rewards offered for the best products of home make in the annual fair and the stimulus like- wise accorded to the winners in the dance contests and ball game matches. The betting which takes place in many of the games and contests of the different forms of sport offers a sort of premial sanction for certain conduct. The retaliatory sanction functions today through the medium of the conjurer. The actual mode of action in this case consists in the employment of magical forces to cause severe disease and even death in opposition groups. This form of sanction will be discussed more fully in the section on magical extensions of social principles. Likewise the formerly wider and more important forms of the sanc- tion principle as they appeared in such organized retaliatory meas- ures as blood revenge and war will be postponed for discussion in the section on Political Change. Infractions of social usage of today may be divided into private and public delicts. The private delicts consist of cases between individuals while public delicts concern society and individuals. Such present-day private delicts as murder, theft, and adultery, now punishable only by the white man’s laws, were once accounted public delicts requiring clan revenge. Accusation of a man for contributing to illegitimacy in birth may be brought forward and used as grounds for support of the child according to the State law but this is not often successfully proved. The influence of white laws in this and other respects is resisted by the Cherokees and the solidarity of the 286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 tribe appears in a feeling of collective responsibility to see that no member of the tribe shall be convicted of a crime on the testimony of a fellow tribesman. Some of the more public delicts, however, are efficiently dealt with by the State laws. Such is the case with public intoxication which, on conviction, carries a penalty of a period of forced labor in road building with the chain gang. White sanctions are appar- ently in the full way of adoption, but many of the old sanctions con- nected with the segmentary divisions of society and their main- tenance die but slowly. The satirical sanctions may be expected to last as long as the clan. Social sanction mechanisms of a ritual type appear in certain of the dances. The ancient Medicine Dance or Physic Dance involved a cleansing or purification at an all-night affair at which the physic was drunk freely. This type of dance was current on the reservation until quite recently and may be regarded as truly a section of the contemporary culture. Going to water occurred anciently and still occurs with some of the dances such as the Ball Dance. This allied a purification func- tion with the participation in the dance. It was thought that when some person was weak and the conjurer was conjuring in an effort, to divine a further life ahead of that person, an all-night dance in which no one went to sleep would help the cause of the weak person. In the case of a death in a family, the final act in the reuniting of the bereaved family with the rest of the town was the giving of a dance in which the persons who had been mourning would turn their faces upward and laugh again. In this way the plaguing spirit of the dead one would be cleansed from the mind of the mourner and he or she would not be in danger of dying also. MAGICAL FORMULAS OR PRAYERS James Mooney and Frans Olbrechts have brought to the attention of the world some of the extensive and important lore of the Cherokee conjurers as it is expressed in the sacred formulas or prayers. The manuscripts of these prayers were originally written in the charac- ters of the Sequoyah syllabary and in the western dialect of Cherokee by the conjurers for their own use. They are of uncertain age and often refer to situations of an antique period. Each written prayer consists generally of two parts. The first part consists of directions for a practical bringing about of certain results, such as the use of herbs and hot applications to cure specific diseases. The second part consists of a magical invocation or spell designed to bring to bear the supernatural forces which will effect desired results. The formulas have to do with every question of concern in ANTHROP, Pap. No, 25] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 287 everyday Cherokee life, such as the curing of disease, success in love affairs, obtaining good crops, and protection from evil spells. The conjurers who employ the prayers are a class of shamans or medicine men who operate as individual practitioners.”® The comparative folklore student, Frazer, has classified the forms of Cherokee magic as varieties of contagious or homeopathic magic including both under the category of sympathetic magic. He under- stands sympathetic magic to be the operation of one magical force upon another, either directly through contagion (contagious magic) or through the homeopathic effect of a cause-and-event sequence (homeopathic magic). Contagious magic is exemplified in the prac- tice of eating animals whose qualities are desired to be added to one’s self. Homeopathic magic is exemplified in the belief that to dream of a snake bite results in the real symptoms of snake bite and requires the cure for a real snake bite. Frazer (1922-25) also finds other types of universal traits, such as the propitiation of animals, an annual expulsion of evils, and the invocation of vegetation spirits. The points adduced by Frazer from Cherokee culture show that the cultural inheritance of the tribe is capable of analysis on a com- parative basis with the rest of the world. It will be of advantage, however, if some attempt were made to relate these magical elements in a functional way with the social principles in Cherokee culture. Before proceeding to make this correlation in the case of some important traits, it might be worth while to note that Mooney (1900, pp. 250-252), whose interests were rather sharply limited to the field of folklore, contributed some remarkable functional connections within this field between medical and magical practices and the mythological complex associated with these. He pointed out such valuable connections, for example, as that between the theory of blood revenge on the part of animals and the causes ascribed to certain diseases such as rheumatism, the mythological explanations for cer- tain dances, and others. He was inclined to attribute most of Cherokee magical practice to a half mystical “theory of resemblances” in which like properties in objects were used as a basis of treatment in medicine by homeopathy and in taboos of possibly harmful objects und persons. FUNCTIONS OF THE FORMULAS From the viewpoint of the present study, the Cherokee prayers can be said to bear important functional relations to the other parts of Cherokee social organization. The elementary principles of opposi- tion, reciprocity, and solidarity appears constantly in the wording of 25 Mooney collected 7 manuscript series of formulas in hig field work, comprising several hundred in all. The present writer examined 193 formulas while in the field and made synoptic notes on them. 288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 the formulas. The principle of rivalry or opposition appears in the theory of the origin of the world constructed by the conjurers. la pete gee by Gog Re A eal (A cota gab sed 5. The Lion and the Rabbit_-- a abate oe 6. The Bear’s Short Tail-_--_-_-- : ek 2 Al PRS ere Bale Ne 2 7. The Great Leach. > 2.3) .- =. = z xX | Myth 77, p. 329. 8. The Woman of the Corn! REE a3) (er Myth 8, p. 242. ONStonecoatt se saa aes xX | Myth 67, p. 319. TAOS HAS ay S Yess MO) Ue ae ee AEs El aad i i a PO eit Fc ares tl Myth 75, p. 325. 11. Turkeys and the Rabbit-_-_--.----_-- SES EEA (SER |e Myth 19, p. 269. 12 Rabbit and he Wii ke 2 See ee Se oe a es eae Myth 16, p. 266. 13. How the Deer got his Horns_-_--_-_----- < ae | eee et eee Su ee Te Myth 26, p. 275. 14) Terrapints whistle:<"':**--2eLse 2! x rat | Se eee | eee > Sige thee tec Myth 40, p. 289. TabhesBeaver, Wate-h 3 2 be See fa Se > ER OR BEN Ieeete Sel eee Myth 83, p. 343(?) 16. The man who married the thunder’s |______|___-___- Re eer Nera ae) eS ee Myth 84, p. 345. sister. 17. Story of Oconaluftee-___--.----------- ier ee x St Beene he TSC regonmiommean:2=. oe. Se ee a a eo ee eR 19. Isayi and the thunder boy------------ x CS NRE: oe S| SUPRA ATER Myth 63, p. 311. Summary of number of occurrences 15 9 5 3 2 2 of element. 1 This myth appears in the Payne Manuscripts also. 2 This myth appears in the Payne Manuscripts and elsewhere, Table 7 (above) consists of an enumeration of the elements in a group of some 19 myths collected by the writer at Big Cove in 1932.%? The explanatory element looms as the largest single factor in this random sampling. The explanatory element, however, involves several subordinate elements which constitute the means of explana- tion. ‘These subordinate elements are those important social relation- ships such as jokester trickery, revenge, love, and family relationships. The jokester-trickster element consists of practical jokes played on each other by the animal actors of the mythical drama. The rabbit is the type trickster of the Southeastern woodlands and in the Chero- kee myths he tricks the otter, possum, turkeys, wolf, flint, and the deer. He is in turn tricked by the terrapin and the deer. Other animals also play tricks. The wolves, in particular, are very gullible and are tricked not only by the rabbit but also by the terrapin and *6 This series of myths is still in manuscript but will appear later as part of a formal study of Cherokee ethnology by the present writer. AnTurop, Pap. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 303 the ground hog. The terrapin is also gullible for he is tricked by the turkey and the partridge. The trickery and practical jokes between the animals are quite fre- quently reciprocated, one animal returning with interest the tricks of the other. The favorite mode of trickery is for one jokester to lure another into a situation in which the latter is made to appear ridiculous and loses something of value. In this way the bear loses his tail, the otter his coat, the deer his sharp teeth, and the ’possum his furry tail. The trickster element is closely similar to the joking between rela- tives which, as we have seen, is so important in the social structure. The joking of the myths is not between close relatives, it is true, but the forms of the relationship are such that one is forceably reminded of the joking between kinfolk. In this connection we should recall the famous tobacco joke between the man who marries the father’s sister and the children of the wife’s brother. Closely allied to the trickster element is the motive of theft. Theft of souls and life span plays an important part in explaining the mo- tives of witches, as we have already seen in the formulas. In the inythology the important culture elements possessed in later times by the Cherokees, such as fire and tobacco, are represented as having been stolen by the great animals of the past from some far country. In the trickster myths subterfuges are used by the deer to steal the rabbit’s horns and the quail to steal the terrapin’s whistle. In this connection it would be pertinent to note that the Cherokees were formerly a predatory mountain people given to swooping down on the lowland tribes of the east and south in search of booty and perhaps wives. Revenge appears in the myths as a life for a life principle in the killing of Stonecoat and of the monster leech. Many of the historical and animal myths of Mooney’s list involve revenge motives. It is possible to see in the revenge motive a connecting point with the blood revenge or retaliatory sanctions of the earlier Cherokees. Even today the principle of rivalry and revenge is predominant in the relations between the conjurers. Struggle for power and for women leads to injury and revenge on the part of the various parties involved in the magical rivalry of conjuring. The amatory element appears in the myths in several guises. Some of the animals are seeking after wives and go through various adven- tures in their search. The love element appears in other cases in which explanations of present-day conditions are made. This resem- bles the love element appearing in the sacred formulas but no special indication of preferential mating occurs in the myths. Likewise the kinship element appears in several of the explanatory myths and al- 304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 133 ways in a rather generalized form without important connections with the kinship structure described in this paper. The Cherokee myths, then, can be said to represent, under the guise of a predominantly explanatory element, a series of social relationships which are also found to underlie the social structure of the tribe. These social relationships unite the myths with the rest of Cherokee culture in a functional relationship. The myths express the rational- ized explanations of the existing world in terms of familiar social mechanisms known or recognized by all of the persons in the tribe, both the raconteur and the listeners in this case. The various usages which constitute the core of Cherokee social organization at the present time have now been reviewed in their functional aspects as part of a complicated interarticulating mecha- nism for the perpetuation of the clans through preferential mating. Each type of institution and usage was shown to have a definite role in connection with the system as a whole and to serve as supporting links in the chain of events leading from one point in the community and individual life cycle back to a similar point in the cycle. This set of usages can be said to constitute a specific social pattern for the Cherokees. SUMMARY OF THE PRESENT-DAY CULTURE The important points to be derived from the foregoing discussion of the Functions of the Present-Day Traits have to do almost entirely with the problem of preferential mating and the kinship usages that surround it. An attempt will now be made to generalize and to sum- marize in brief fashion the functional relationships just presented under the headings of social opposition, social solidarity, and social reciprocity. SOCIAL OPPOSITION The principle of social opposition always involves by implication some degree of the inverse principle of social solidarity, and since the two phenomena are so closely allied in appearance they will be treated here together. We have already discussed the appearance of social opposition within the individual Cherokee family and shown how the principle appears in the relationship of contiguous generations, older to younger siblings, in the nonreciprocal nature of some pair relationships, and in the sexual dichotomy. It remains for us here to sketch the outlines of social opposition as it occurs in nonkinship groups either as an ex- tension from kinship or as an analogous phenomenon to that occurring within kinship relations. The organized opposition between groups occurs in its clearest form in the sports, particularly in the ball game. In the ball game the opposition involves a rivalry not only of the teams and the towns ANTHROP, PaP. NO. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 305 but also of the conjurers in the rival towns and the fellow clansmen in the two localities. The rivalry between the conjurers was dis- cussed in the section on extensions in social opposition. The opposi- tion between clan brothers, already noted in several contexts, is of great significance for the participants in the game because it has a magical influence over the outcome of the game. One singer in the ball dance will look toward the enemy town and say, “Your town is no good. Your team is going to lose the game.” Thus he weakens the opponents, even though they are out of sight and hearing from him. The opposition involved in the ball game is very intense. A regu- lar melee occupies the greater part of the game and the number of serious injuries incurred is quite large. Yet the fighting is all ac- cepted in good spirit as part of the fun of the game. A different type of social opposition develops in the woman’s foot- ball game, the vine-pulling game, and the basket game. In these sports the women are generally aligned against the men. In each game the stakes are constituted by the products most characteristi- cally associated with each sex’s daily activities. If the men lose they are compelled to hunt for squirrel, rabbit, or some other game for a feast. If the women lose they are compelled to bake bread and beans for a feast. This sexual dichotomy appears in other contexts as, for example, in the tendency of the women and men to congregate in separate groups at all public gatherings and the relegation of some of the dances to either one or the other sex. Another, somewhat artificial, form of town opposition develops in the competition for prizes at the annual fair. This is especially a phase of the competition of dance teams from Birdtown and Big Cove. A regular feud has developed between these two towns with reference to the excellence of their respective dance teams. At the annual Thanksgiving Day match hunt in Big Cove two opposition groups are always involved, one from one side of the river and the other from the opposite bank. The losers are forced to do the work of preparing the dinner. This form of competing opposi- tion was formerly common in all of the Cherokee towns. Since war has disappeared, the greatest form of social opposition without the Cherokee group has disappeared. The Indians have re- tained, however, a strong measure of group solidarity and resistance to white laws as we saw in the section on the economic situation (pp. 213-214). The opposition is not organized but represents a spontaneous nonparticipation feeling of separation from the surround- ing white world. In summarizing the main points of social opposition, then, it can be said to be found in various forms of intertown and intersex 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 rivalries, but that its most manifest social function is in connection with the maintenance of the peculiar features inherent in the prefer- ential mating of relatives. SOCIAL SOLIDARITY AND RECIPROCITY Turning to the principle of social solidarity, we find that it also stems largely from a kinship base and by extensions becomes more widespread in its manifestations. The solidarity of the individual town is maintained by the local organization of ball and dance teams, the commonly shared councilman, and farm organizations. A more effective solidarity is that of the local neighborhood. This is mani- fested in the mutual aid societies, the local cooperative enterprises, and the dance groups. There are two typical dance groups which come to the fore in this connection, the group meeting in Raven in Big Cove and the Adams Creek group meeting in Birdtown. Social solidarity within Cherokee society can be said to be main- tained by various interlocking groups. The segmentary groups such as the family, lineage, and clan are the primary manifestations of group solidarity. These have never been broken down by white cul- ture although they have been greatly modified. Secondly, there are the groups founded on social reciprocity, the gadugi, poor aid so- cleties, and local cooperative enterprises. These are aboriginally remnantal organizations which function but feebly today and seem to be destined to soon disappear. Thirdly, there are groups whose solidarity is founded on their function as agents for maintaining the social sanctions. These are the town organizations and the Govern- mental system of the Band itself. These last have completely lost their aboriginal flavor and appear to be some sort of copy of the institutions of the white man. The most outstanding example of reciprocity in Cherokee culture is the reciprocity between clans in connection with the system of preferential mating whereby the balance of loss and gain is main- tained. This is but one of several important manifestations of this principle, however. The balancing of complementary forces is apparent in the mar- riage relationship, in the forms of economic exchange of goods and services prevalent in Cherokee society, and in the cooperative enter- prises. The process of evening up of social exchanges is a well- marked fact. The mutual assistance of husband and wife within the household is a primary manifestation of reciprocity. The man of the family performs the operations of hunting, fishing, fuel gather- ing, and land cultivation. The woman of the family attends to the household duties of cooking, mending, washing, and child rearing. The reciprocity of this arrangement is recognized by a symbolism ANTHEOP. Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 307 in ritual among the Cherokee, the man being identified with meat and game while the woman is identified with corn and bean food or bread. Therefore, in all games between the sexes the women bet bread and the men bet meat. Reciprocity in exchange of goods and services appears in clear form in the various local or neighborhood cooperative enterprises. The gadugi is a company organized for the purpose of mutual ex- change of services and earning of money. Mutual aid between neigh- bors often takes the form of helping in the digging of each other’s potatoes and helping each other in the harvesting. The poor aid society functions as a form of mutual aid among neighbors when sickness or death disables one of the families. Payment for these services is, of course, expected, either in kind or in return services. Sometimes a group in a neighborhood will go together to build a house for some poor person or build a footbridge for common use. A more extensive type of reciprocity occurs in the cooperation of a whole town in helping out the cultivation and improvement of some particular conjurer’s farm in order to secure in return his aid to conjure for the ball game and obtain a magical success. Reciprocity in the form of true economic exchange consists of the changing of land, improvements, and goods. Land use is acquired by the individual in a number of ways—homesteading, inheritance, purchase, swapping, or renting. The theory of homesteading expresses an economic exchange of reciprocity although, perhaps, the practice does not entirely live up to the ideal. According to the principle of the laws, the Band grants the use of a homestead to a member of the Tribe who is a proved Cherokee and who promises to improve the land by building a house on it and cultivating it. In some cases, however, improvement of the iand is very slight and squatter sovereignty is far from unknown. The theory of inheritance involves another type of ideal reciprocity. A person who acquires a claim of land by homesteading acquires only the use of the land, not the ownership. But all improvements made on the land are owned outright so that ownership land becomes de facto if not in law. Theoretically, the homestead is willed to that person who “takes care” of its original owner in his last days. Gen- erally this implies that ultimogeniture, or youngest son inheritance, prevails and so it is in the main. However, almost any relative, and even a perfect stranger can take care of the aged owner of a homestead and thus acquire the land at his demise. There is an exchange, then, of “taking care” for a land tenure. One might well ask, “What be- comes of the other children of the family?” The answer is that they go out either to stake out new homesteads for themselves or leave the reservation. 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu, 133 Outright purchase is a common form of acquiring land improve- ments and tenures. This is the means by which the more thrifty “white Indians” have been able to acquire huge holdings in Big Cove, Wolftown, and Birdtown. As these people advance, the native Chero- kee is pushed farther and farther up the slopes toward the inhospitable tablelands and mountain ridges. The reciprocity of the buying and selling of land lies, of course, in the exchange of land for cash. Swapping is a fairly common form of exchanging homesteads. In some cases one native will want to move to another town and he is able to find some other family that wants to move to his own town. In many cases owners desire to move nearer to relatives or to higher land away from the white settlements. Swapping is carried on not only in land, but also even more extensively in mobile goods such as household articles, written prayers, and the like. Quite a number of the Cherokee families rent their land from other fellow tribesmen. In this case a money rent is paid asarule. All im- provements made by renters are held to belong to the original owner, not the renter. This is a reciprocity of exchange for use. The relations of the Cherokee to the white Government are an ex- ample of economic semidependence owing to lack of full reciprocity of the relationship. The average Cherokee family does little more than provide itself with a mean type of shelter, a small margin of corn and bean food, and scant fuel. Articles of apparel such as shoes, sweaters, and the like are often supplied by the white Government. In addition to the supplying of life necessities, the white Government also supplies educational, health, and agricultural services. In re- turn the Cherokees render little beside some native products such as old- time artifacts and native dances and entertainment at the annual fair. The segmentary organizations of the Cherokee are permeated throughout with the principle of reciprocity. The effects of the dual organization of the aboriginal society will be discussed in the section on Political Change. The relationships of the various kinship pairs involve different kinds and degrees of reciprocity. The terminology reflects the differences between the less reciprocal (nonreciprocal terms) and the more or less completely reciprocal (self-reciprocal terms) rela- tionships as we have seen in the section on kinship integration. In general, it may be stated that relationships with persons of one’s own or the alternate generation are reciprocal and that relations with the contiguous (parental or children’s) generations is nonreciprocal. Reciprocity appears in the symbolism of certain of the dances. In the Corn Dance the cooperative labors of the two sexes in planting are symbolized in various motions. In the Green Corn Dance there are certain dances performed by one or the other sex which symbolize ANTHROP, PaP, No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 309 their respective labors in the harvest. In the Coat Dance the coat denotes the trading of a cloth payment for a bride. Summarizing the manifestations of reciprocity, then, its primary forms can be said to lie in the exchange between clans in marriage, in cooperative societies, in economic exchange, and in the relations between kinship pairs. Through the agency of its function in clan- marriage exchange, reciprocity is tied up with the important nuclear complex in Cherokee society consisting of preferential mating, privil- eged familiarity, and the like. Through economic exchange, more- over, reciprocity is allied with social opposition between rival groups such as men and women, town and town, etc. The solidarity of groups is also bound up with group sanctions and reciprocity. SOCIAL INTEGRATION By way of summary of this discussion on functions, it can be stated that the meaning of Cherokee social institutions and structures is to be sought in a series of principles or agents which, taken together with a set of special principles associated with this particular area or tribe, constitute the basis of the present-day functioning society. The ac- tive agents in Cherokee society today consist of social opposition, social solidarity (both opposition and solidarity being possibly different facets of the same thing), social reciprocity, and social sanctions. Upon these is overlain a series of special principles such as preferen- tial mating, privileged familiarities, and the segmentary divisions. Preferential mating is by far the most important of these. The kinship system of the Cherokees involves a series of social soli- darities and social oppositions. The solidarities are built up from equivalence of brothers and equivalence within the clan and these are articulated with the opposition of parental generation to ego’s genera- tion to produce a mechanism allowing for preferential mating. The solidarities and oppositions within the individual family are extended to the social structure as a whole. There are three main types of pair relationships among the Chero- kees and these are (1) parent-child, (2) brother-sister, and (8) grand- parent-grandchild. The perpetuation of a complicated system such as the Cherokee depends upon its ability to adapt itself to the changes arising from the deaths, marriages, and births of its individual mem- bers. Provision for these necessary occurrences is made in the prefer- ential mating system through the fact that lineages are kept in close contact with each other. Marriage is made an interlineage affair and death is provided for by the production of new family groups. The generation of new families is brought about through a mechanism con- sisting of (1) privileged familiarity of satirical, intersexual, and indirect types; (2) a reciprocal arrangement between clans for ex- 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 133 changes in marriage of their respective members; (3) a definite system of preference in mating by individuals for certain clans; and (4) the enforcing power of certain strong social sanctions. The system of preferential mating prevailing among the Cherokees is probably the most important and pivotal item in the entire inte- gration. It is effected through the agency of that exogamous seg- mentary group, the clan. The special principle of preferential mating among the Cherokees allows marriage only with persons who are in the clans of ego’s father’s father or mother’s father. This is to say marriage is allowed only with the mother’s father’s matrilineal lineage and its corresponding clan, or with the father’s father’s matrilineal lineage or clan. It is forbidden to marry into one’s own matrilineal lineage or clan, and the same taboo exists with reference to one’s father’s matrilineal lineage and clan. Thus, it can be seen that Cherokee kinship lays stress on four lineages in tracing descent. Closely allied with the special principle of preferential mating is the special principle of privileged familiarity between certain rela- tives. Limited to its two main aspects, privileged familiarity can be said to be that form of close contact between relatives which functions as a means of establishing marital relationships through intersexual interchange and in promoting clan solidarity and conformity through the satirical sanction. Reciprocity in marriage between clans is established through the marriage with one’s grandfather’s clan which has lost a member through the previous marriage of one of its male members into ego’s father’s or mother’s clan. The return or exchange marriage is effected through the agency of one’s father or mother whose indirect familiari- ties are correlated with ego’s later marital inclinations. Social opposition appears in its most organized form in Cherokee sports. These forms of opposition may be a possible development and extension of opposition within the immediate family and clan. Social opposition within the family operates to prevent marriage with the father’s clan through the barrier of parental generation super- ordination (plus sexual barriers in case of female ego), and with the mother’s clan through the same former barrier, plus the sexual bar- rier in the case of male ego. Social opposition is thus seen to be that force which prevents marriage between certain lineages and clans. The principle of social solidarity is manifested mainly in that seg- mentary division of society known as the clan. Clan solidarity allows an identification between the social functions of the members of a given social segment, so far as kinship usages and preferential mating are concerned. The social sanctions within this clan group are largely of the satirical type, and serve to promote solidarity also. ANTHROP, PaP. NO. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 311 Other forms of social solidarity built up on a reciprocity basis in- clude the cooperative societies and the usages connected with them. These are a valuable adjunct to the economic organization of Cherokee society and prevent it from becoming totally dependent upon the white men. Social sanctions manifested in the form of group obligations are of two types, satirical sanctions with the kinship usages surrounding the segmentary divisions of society, and the sanctions build up by the agency of the band organization with the influence of the white man. These latter do not function with a maximum degree of efliciency, and tend to be disregarded. Social reciprocity manifests itself among the Cherokees mainly in two forms, through the types of economic exchange, and the coopera- tive societies and enterprises. The various forms of economic ex- change, such as inheritance, homesteading, and swapping, all involve theories of mutual reciprocity in exchange between participants. There are also forms of reciprocity surrounding various phases of the marriage relationship. A functional study of a given culture must necessarily be limited to a synchronous aspect in order to avoid confusion with comparative data from the past. However, after a synchronic analysis has been made of a culture, it is perfectly legitimate to depart in two directions, namely, (1) to endeavor to obtain pattern variations between the tribe in question and other tribes of its immediate neighborhood, or (2) to attempt to correlate the synchronic material with diachronic data derived from a survey of historical forms of integration within the tribe. 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"UML, sdnoib uojypoung TI *HOIYBZIUBZIO WIBT *A49J008 pre 100g ‘Isnpsp sdnos6 fijis01d19927 II “SUBlD 1ONAVJPULIS IM “q “UBLD DIGIUM “8 :UB[d puBw BsBeNIT “% “BOTIIBpPI[OS Wed “Pp ‘sjueied UA “Oo “m0y} -BI0N0Z 048UI0}[8 WIT “O *HO1}819003 DIGI ‘8 sATUBA “TT sdnosb hanjuaurbag I AjlIBp}[Os [890g U01,DZIUDLL0 101908 BayoLaYD {oO sa,dwui4g—'g AAV], THE FORMER SOCIETY INTRODUCTION The first part of this monograph was devoted to a descriptive and functional treatment of the present culture of the Cherokee and to the derivation of explanatory principles therefrom. In view of the fact that the present-day culture of the tribe is the result of the contact and commingling of aboriginal and European elements, it would seem desirable that some sort of separation be made between these two streams of cultural influence through a survey of the histor- ical records. In addition, it would seem that an extension of Cher- okee culture backward in time would be also a prerequisite for a com- parative study of the Cherokee with the other tribes of the South- east. In the third place, a study of the ancient culture of the Cherokee is valuable as an index of culture change and stability of type. THEORIES OF ORIGINS Of merely antiquarian interest are the numerous early theories ascribing a similarity between the ceremonial and social organization of the Cherokees and that of the ancient Hebrews. It was not until the work of Haywood in 1823 that a serious study of Cherokee origins was attempted. Haywood was a diffusionist, a forerunner perhaps of Elliot Smith. According to the Haywood (1823, pp. 231 ff.) historical reconstruction, two streams of culture and probably two races coalesced in the distant past to form the Cherokee tribe as it was found by the whites. The earlier of these two groups built mounds, made idols, performed human sacrifices, built walled wells of brick, erected fortifications, worshipped the lingam, revered the sacred number seven, and lived under despotic princes. These people were from southern Asia and bore a culture affiliated with that of the ancient Hindus and Hebrews. Their domain was coincident with that of the earlier Natchez people who at that time ruled the major part of the Lower Mississippi and Gulf Coast areas. Whether he thinks the Natchez of later times were a remnant of these particular people or not, Haywood does not make clear. Later, he postulates, there came a band of savages from the north, originally from north- ern Asia, democratic in organization and possessed of an efficient military organization. These people possessed themselves of the country of eastern Tennessee and gradually amalgamated with the aborigines to form the Cherokees as they are historically known. 313 314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut, 133 This theory of northern and southern influence can be said to sum up all subsequent thought on the origin of the Cherokees. Most of the theories have laid stress either on influences from the north or influences from the south. Documentary evidence for an Iroquois affiliation for Cherokee speech had been adduced before the time of Haywood by Benjamin Barton (1798, p. xtv). The similarities between Cherokee and the Iroquois speech were first adequately treated by Horatio Hale (1883, vol. 5) ina short paper. In our own day, Frans Olbrechts has been working on a comparative study of the Iroquois tongues with a view to definitely relating the Cherokees within that group. Cherokee speech shows little or no direct affiliation with the other tongues of the Gulf Region or the Muskogean Linguistic family. Therefore, a strong affiliation with the northern tribes of the Iroquois is established. Documentary and folkloristic evidence for a northern affiliation of the Cherokee was reviewed by W. W. Tooker in 1898 in a paper on the Rechahecrian Indians of early Colonial Virginia. Tooker (1898, vol. 11, pp. 261-270) is inclined to see a mixed group of Cherokees and Algonkians in early Virginia as evidence for a more northerly position for the original Cherokees. His method of basing history on oral tra- ditions is open to question. Cyrus Thomas in 1880 studied the Cherokee with a view toward dis- proving their historical erection of mounds but was compelled on the basis of his evidence to reverse his opinion and to develop an exten- sive historical reconstruction for the Cherokee Tribe tracing their course of migration back as far as Lake Superior or at least to Iowa (Thomas, 1890). His evidence lay in the distribution of certain types of mounds, platform pipes, and engraved shellwork, together with the traditions of a northern origin for the Cherokees already cited. The folly and sterility of historical reconstructions is nowhere more la- mentably illustrated than in this paper, which is a monument to mis- directed energy. Another example of historical reconstruction on an archeological basis is to be found in the extensive studies of M. R. Harrington (1922) in Eastern Tennessee. On certain sites in this region he re- ports finding three strata of distinct cultural types. The lowest bore resemblances to a generalized “Algonkian,” the second was possibly of “Siouan” affinities, while the third bore artifacts of a definitely Chero- kee cast. Within the Cherokee stratum a succession of pottery types was observed from bottom to top leading gradually from a “Missis- sippi” type to a “Southern Appalachian” type. This would lead, he thinks, to the hypothesis that the Cherokees were migrants from the west or from the Ohio region who later abandoned their original pot- tery for Southeastern types after contact with the latter culture. The ANTHROP, Par. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 315 present-day Cherokee, it might be observed in this connection, are wholly dependent on the neighboring Catawba for pottery techniques. On the other hand, the original Iroquois triangular unnotched arrow point and the grooveless celt were retained throughout Cherokee history, Harrington finds. Of a somewhat different type is the work of F. G. Speck (1920) on the Southeastern affiliations of the Cherokees. It was already noted by such early writers as Adair and Bartram that the Cherokees re- sembled other tribes of the South in many ways. In later times both Mooney and Swanton noted the resemblances of this type and Swanton (1928) goes so far as to class the Cherokees as a cultural subtype of the Creeks. Speck, after a study of the decorative art motifs and basketry of the Cherokees, found that the Cherokee shared such com- plex techniques as the double-weave basketry with diagonal twills with the tribes of the Lower Mississippi but that in general poverty of design and coarseness of work the Cherokee compares unfavorably with the latter. In certain curvilinear and scroll designs the Cherokee work shows Creek and Choctaw affinities. Speck applied the age and area concept of Wissler to this material and finds that two principal lines of radiation were taken by culture elements spreading from the Lower Mississippi, one up that river and the other along the Gulf Coast and up the Atlantic Coast and the neighboring Piedmont to the North. The Cherokees he regards as peripheral to the main Southeastern tribes. It seems possible that the age and area concept, thus applied, may ultimately explain many of the resemblances between the Iroquois and the Cherokees if a diffusion from the latter northward was found a plausible theory. But many complications remain in connection with the whole Southeastern area, and the best that can be stated at present is to say that the Cherokees appear to share in the typical traits of the Southeast to a greater degree than they do in those of any other group. It is to be hoped that later studies on the social organizations of the southeastern tribes may bring more relationships to light than have been found hitherto. EARLY HISTORICAL RECORDS The earliest glimpse that we have of Cherokee culture is from the scattered notations from the De Soto Expedition of 1540 (Hakluyt, 1851, p. 60). These narrators record the province of Chalaque as being inhabited by a poverty-stricken race subsisting on roots, herbs, service berries, and such game as deer and turkey, which they shot with the bow. These miserable savages were clothed in a few skin garments made mostly of deer hide and wore feather headdresses. They lived in palisaded villages and possessed a barkless native dog. 316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 133 The next view that we obtain of the Cherokee is from Bartram, Adair, and Timberlake some two centuries later. The Cherokees of the middle eighteenth century as pictured by these writers were a people living in scattered settlements on the waterways of the southern Appalachians. The towns were at considerable distances from each other because level tracts of as much as 450 acres were rare and the rugged topography furnished few suitable sites for extensive settlements. Where settlements did occur, it was neces- sarily on the banks of some stream. The rivers were used in every important religious rite as well as in fishing, fowling, and the stalk- ing of deer.*” The Cherokees of this period resided in square houses of poles or logs often containing three rooms and built one or two stories high.** These dwellings were plastered inside and out with grass-tempered clay and were roofed with chestnut-tree bark or long broad shingles. In the roof a smoke hole was left. Houses were constructed by the men. Within the ordinary dwelling there was little furniture aside from beds consisting of a few boards spread with bear skins. Bas- ketry of great excellence was used and also pottery, both made by the women. A small sweathouse stood opposite the front door of each dwelling and within the sweathouse a fire was kept constantly burn- ing. The use of the sweathouse for sweating was a means of puri- fying from disease. The household was the domain of the female sex. Here the fem- inine arts of a culinary nature were pursued. The most common food was corn bread which was baked in ash-covered dishes on the hearth. Meats were brought in by the men, and the women pre- pared them by frying, roasting, and boiling. Everything was over- done, complains Timberlake. Various preparations of potatoes, pumpkins, hominy, boiled corn, beans, and peas were served up in small flat baskets of split cane. The many duties of the women included not only the care of the house but also wood gathering, child care, assisting in planting, cultivation, and the harvest, and other tasks. The chief cultivated plants were melons, maize, beans, tobacco, peas, cabbages, potatoes, and pumpkins. Clothing was manufactured by the women and consisted of skin loincloth, buckskin shirt, buffalo robes, textile robes with feather decorations, moccasins, and cloth boots. Great attention was paid to body decoration and the skin was painted or tattooed with gun- powder pricked in the shape of various patterns. Ears were split to enormous size with silver pendants and rings, labrets were worn, 31The deer came down to the banks not only to drink but to lick the salty moss of the stream banks. See Adair (1775, pp. 226-256). 33 This and the remaining material in this section are mainly from Bartram (1853, p. 296 ff.) and Timberlake (1929, pp. 57-102). ANTHROP, Pap, No. 238] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 317 and wampum collars of clamshell beads were strung about the neck, armlets and wristlets about the arm, and silver breastplates on the bosom. All of the head hair of the men was plucked out save for a small patch from which grew the scalplock, which latter was orna- mented with wampum of shell and beads, feathers, and stained deer’s hair. The activities of the men were varied. Arrow pointing was done by cutting triangular bits of brass, copper, and bone and inserting them into the end of split-reed arrows. Deer sinew was wound around the split end and drawn through a small hole in the head and then the sinew was moistened. The wood of the bow was dipped in bear’s oil and then fire seasoned. Bear’s gut was used for the string. The chief animals shot with the bow were bison, deer, turkey, opossum, squirrel, partridge, and pheasant. Horses and hogs were kept by the more civilized Cherokees. The blowgun was used to kill small game, such as birds and rabbits. This was a hollow reed of cane through which were projected small darts by the breath. Fish were caught in a variety of cleverly devised water traps and were also speared and caught with bait and hook. A most simple method of catching fish lay in scaring the fish into shallow ponds, from which they were dipped out in baskets. The men also made dugout canoes by the use of fire and tools from large pine or poplar logs 40 feet long by 2 feet wide. The bottoms of these canoes were flat and the sides plain and alike, as were the ends. Warfare was a major event in the life of the Cherokee of this period. On the warpath the brave painted himself with black and red paint and the priest hoisted the red flag. At the end of a war the white flag of peace was hoisted, the bloody hatchet buried, and the peace pipe smoked. The calumet ceremony involved the smoking of tobacco in red and black stone pipes cut out of stone by tomahawks and then fired. The stems of these pipes were 3 feet long and adorned with quills, dyed feathers, and deer’s hair. The weapons used in war were guns and knives. The bow, spear, and tomahawk were passing or had passed into oblivion. Councils were held in large town houses capable of containing 500 people. These immense seven-sided structures had peaked roofs and were supported on concentric circles of wooden pillars. Rafters were laid across these posts to support the roof of earth and bark. Around the walls were sofas or benches covered with woven oak or ash splint mats and arranged in the form of an amphitheatre. In the center of the rotunda or open space in the center a fire was kept burning. Dancing was a prominent feature of Cherokee life at this period. According to Timberlake, the principal feast of the year was the Green Corn Festival, and this consisted of a slow dance and singing 318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunw. 133 before the town house in the public square. He noticed other dances pantomimic of the habits of bears and the taking of pigeons at roost, and the physic dance at which the drinking of a physic decoction was followed by yells and efforts to frighten off evil disease spirits. For relieving the poor a war dance was held, and all of the participants in the dance contributed to a common fund of goods, which were later distributed to the indigent. The war dance consisted in one man giving a solo dance while he recited his individual exploits and derogated others. The war dance with contributions was also used to reward extraordinary merit, such as bravery in war. Other types of social dancing accompanied the ball play. The ball game or racquet play consisted of a form of lacrosse and was played in a manner not different from that of later times. The only other important game was nettecawaw or chunkey. This con- sisted in the darting of poles at rolling disks of stone, with the score depending on the distance of the spot where the pole hit from the center of the disk. The games were of social significance in that huge stakes were laid on them and sometimes even personal freedom and wives were lost in the betting. The political system of the Cherokees had a combination of aristo- eratic and democratic features. At the head of each village was a chief, chosen for merit in war or for wisdom in peace. The general assembly of warriors or civilians elected the chief. He was assisted by a council of wise men. Because of the strongly military outlook of the Cherokees, there were developed two classes of fighting men: (1) Warriors who had achieved various titles for acts of bravery such as man killer or raven; and (2) plebian fighters who were not distin- guished. There was also a class of titled females called Pretty Women who were delegated with the tasks of deciding on war and peace at certain times and on the fate of prisoners. The early writer, Adair, noticed the skill with which the Cherokees treated various diseases, all of them with considerable success except smalipox. Magical formulas were used to protect the patient from the harmful influences of evil spirits. Timberlake, quoted by Ol- brechts, mentions the protective prayers which were sung by the Cher- ckee “Ostenaco” when setting forth on a journey to England.® Magi- cal songs were also used to obtain revenge on the enemy, for when a Cherokee captive was being burned at the stake he would recite a song of his achievements and boast that his friends and relatives would soon arrive to avenge his death. At each mention of an exploit he would cleave a notch in a post with his tomahawk.* 3° Mooney and Olbrechts (1932, p. 149) quoting from Timberlake (1929, p. 98). “©Mooney (1900, pp. 365, 491-492). A Cherokee Death song was current in London in 1783 which is the subject of an extenSive discussion in The Death Song of the “Noble Say- age,” by H. B. Jones (1924). ANTHROP. Pap. No,23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 319 PAYNE-BUTRICK MANUSCRIPTS DATA The published data on early Cherokee culture is scattered and ex- tremely fragmentary, as can be noted from the points presented above. Considerable archeologic work has been done to substantiate historical records but without adding anything to our scant knowledge of the aboriginal culture. It is fortunate that there is in Chicago some rather valuable manuscript material collected by John Howard Payne from various residents and travelers in the Cherokee Country of northern Georgia about 1885, just previous to the removal of the tribe to Okla- homa in the west. The data thus collected is principally from the pen of the missionary, D. S. Butrick, and although marked by the peculiar missionary bias of its author, presents a fair sketch of salient points in early Cherokee Culture which were later found by other investi- gators among the Cherokees and other tribes of the Southeast." It is possible that a comparison of the data from Butrick and the other minor published observations on the Cherokees with the data from the present-day social organization herein presented may be of value in the establishing of trends of culture change within this group. The sympathetic soul of John Howard Payne was stirred to its depths by the misery of the Cherokees among whom he sojourned in 1835. Believing that these Indians had suffered more than their share of wrongs and indignities from the white man, Payne rushed to their defense and became involved in the political controversies of the time with the State of Georgia and the Federal Government. The result of Payne’s inquiries into the subject of Cherokee history and rights was the accumulation of a large amount of manuscript material consisting of correspondence on the subject of Cherokee history, antiquities, and rights, dating back almost entirely to the period just preceding the removal in 1830. This collection of papers was bound together in 14 volumes and is to be found at present in the Ayer Collection of Ameri- can Indian Lore in the Newberry Library of Chicago. Of the 14 volumes, only 4 contain ethnologic data of importance. The latter consists of some 715 manuscript pages contained in volumes 1, 3, 4, and 6. Volume 1 is entitled “Traditions of the Cherokee Indians” and contains a fairly well organized summary by Payne himself in 170 manuscript pages of parts of the other manuscripts dealing with origin legends, lore of the moon and corn, the uses of the divining crystals, shamanistic practices, moon festivals, and vegetation rites. “ Butrick’s essential observations are corroborated in the descriptions of Haywood (1823) and Washburn (1869). \ 320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy; 133 Volume 3 is entitled “Notes on Cherokee Customs and Antiquities” and consists of 128 manuscript pages of original field notes made by the missionary D. 8. Butrick concerning many different topics, with much repetition and lack of order. The matters treated are often very sketchily described and consist of divisions of time, social or- ganization of villages, clan names, shaman training, mourning cus- toms, dividing crystals, training of hunters, sacred things, the mean- ing of dreams and omens, the beliefs concerning a future life, the mode of tonsure, war customs, uncleannesses, treatment of snake bite, women’s dress, and the Cherokee calendrical festivals. Volume 4 contains “An Account of the Customs and Traditions of the Cherokees,” by D. S. Butrick, in 378 pages of manuscript. The subjects treated consist of even more extensive descriptions than are contained in volume 3. The matters dealt with are traditions of ori- gin, ceremonies and rites, government and social organization, priests, variations in dress and ornament, the different types of food, war and weapons, economic matters, musical instruments, crime and pun- ishment, the ball play, etiquette and manners, death and burial, the council house, marriage and the family, training of hunters, religious beliefs, houses and household organization, furniture, birth and educa- tion, uncleanness, omens, taboos, making of glue and soap, and the close number of similarities between the ancient Hebrews and the Cherokees. This extensive series of notes are much scratched and eressed out as if they had been recopied and discarded at a later date after the original writing. Volume 6 contains a short paper entitled “Sketches of Cherokee Characteristics,” by J. P. Evans, in 39 manuscript pages. The sub- jects treated in this sketch consist of a few points on social organi- zation (towns, clans, superstitions, and ceremonies), the dress of men and women, the dwellings, and a few observations on the physique, diet, ball play, and dances. The results of the present writer’s study of these manuscripts are summarized in the following two chapters in which the peace and war organizations of the Cherokees are sketched and contrasted. The first of the two chapters outlines the positions and duties of the white or peace functionaries and the general social features connected with these, the calendric ceremonies and the ball play, together with vari- ous items of social importance in the individual’s life cycle such as birth, marriage, sickness, and death. The second of the two chapters treats of the red or war functionaries and their duties, together with the military procedures and rites involved in organizing, con- ducting, and concluding a war expedition. AnTHROP, PaP. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT BPA THE WHITE ORGANIZATION OFFICIALS The essential national officers in the White or Peace organization consisted in the following: 1. The chief of the tribe or “high priest,” who is variously called uku, ookah, and other ceremonial titles.” . The chief’s right-hand man. . Seven prime counselors pomrecentine the seven clans. The council of elders. . Chief speaker. . Messengers. . Under officers for particular ceremonies such as 7 hunters, 7 cooks, 7 overseers for each festival, 7 firemakers for new fire, Jowah hymn singer, 7 cleansers, and the attendants at the Ookah Dance. ARP TR wh The above officials were those occurring in the principal town and served as officials for the whole tribe also. In each of the larger towns of the tribe the same series of officials were repeated with the exception of those listed under 7 since most of the ceremonies were held nation- ally. The officials in all of the towns outside of the capital were subject to the will of the high chief and his seven counselors and were often incorporated with them in a governing group when grave decisions confronted the tribe. The office of white chief or uku was the highest in the tribe. . Al- though each town had a white chief of its own, the white chief of the capital town was regarded as the chief of the nation. His office was more generally hereditary than elective, being transmitted from a man to his oldest sister’s son. The wife of the uku was of a station near to his own and might take his place until a new successor was elected if he should die suddenly. When an old uku died he was laid out in state for a period in order to remind his pupils and assistants of his instructions. His right- hand man then consulted with the council of seven clan heads of the metropolis and together with them appointed a time for the selection of asuccessor. Messengers were at once despatched to notify the town white chiefs throughout the nation to meet and inaugurate a new uku. This messenger carried strings of hemp braided into as many knots as there were nights previous to the meeting. Each town white chief on being notified sent his own messenger to the candidate of his choice requesting him to accept the appointment. Generally the candidate was a relative of the late uku and had been agreed upon in advance of the death of the latter. At the appointed time the white chiefs of the various towns assembled at the metropolis in front of the dwelling of 4 ugutuyi is an archaic word still remembered by the Cherokees meaning “highest,” “furthermost excellence.” ugawiyu means ‘‘chief” today. 322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 133 ' the candidate. The latter was then inaugurated with elaborate ritual. The candidate must first undergo a 7-day fast. Certain persons were selected to prepare a platform constructed from a kind of strong and tall weed, together with an official white robe and a white staff or scepter. Sometimes deerskin painted yellow and a yellow cap ornamented with yellow painted feathers was prepared. These having been made ready and put in the council house, a vast’ multitude went to the house of the candidate on the seventh day of the latter’s fast. The platform was brought near him and he, having been anointed on the forehead with chalk or white clay and deer’s tallow and invested with his white robes, leaped onto it holding his scepter in hand. The platform was then raised high by means of four props and the candidate, preceded by one-half the company and followed by one- half, all singing as they went, was carried to the council house. They halted three times on the way. The people entered the council house and took their seats quietly. On reaching the council house the group bearing the candidate walked four times around it and then stopped at the door to let down the platform to within 3 feet of the ground. An appointed person then took the candidate on his back and carried him to the appointed white seat in the back of the council house, be- tween two other white seats. This white seat was covered with white dressed deerskin, and the ground before the seat was spread with a matting of cane and then covered with a large buckskin dressed white. The speaker then came before the assemblage and made a lengthy address at the end of which he directed the people to salute the new chief. The people then arose and all filed past the candidate repeating a formula to which he replied. Then all returned to their seats and sat in silence for the rest of the night. At daybreak the new uku made an address to the people in which he promised to exercise his authority according to the divine will and to bind the hearts of his subjects by kindness. All of the people pledged obedience to him. The right-hand man handed the new uku an eagle-tail fan and some old tobacco as signal for him to commence smoking with the other white chiefs in token of solidarity and friendship. The calumet pipe was then passed from mouth to mouth to celebrate the cementing of relationships at the occasion. At noon the younger people withdrew. The new uku then arose and put his scepter over his right shoulder. Two men put their hands under his arms and supported him as he walked to the door and from there to his house where his official dress was taken off and the ceremony was ended. Next to the white chief in importance were the seven prime counse- lors. These were the chief men of each of the seven clans in the metropolis and were white officials. Their consent and advice was necessary for most of the official acts of the uku. Their offices were probably hereditary in much the same manner as his own. AnTuHROP. Pap. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 323 In addition to the uku and his seven counselors there was a council of elders or old men, sometimes called “beloved men,” who resided near the council house and who wielded considerable power among the younger people. These were men who had served long and bravely in the wars of the tribe and who had retired to a well earned position of rest and security. Regarding the manner of appointment of the chief’s right-hand man, the chief speaker, the messengers, and the under officers of state there is no definite statement. There were, in each principal town of the tribe, as has been noted, the same group of white officials and the town chiefs were inducted into office in much the same way as the uku of the metropolis. The functions of the white chief and other white officials were rather varied. When any emergency or decision confronted a town the white chief blew his trumpet to assemble the counselers and people at his house. The trumpet used on this occasion was of special make and could be used by no person except the chief. When the assembly was completed, the white chief, his right-hand man, and the seven white clan counselors constituted the civil and religious tribunal of the town. This court decided on all inferior matters and attended to such religious matters as it was possible for the individual towns to decide. In very small villages where no such court existed the people called in the nearest town chief and his counselors to their assistance. In the capital town of the tribe there was a national council consist- ing of the uku, his town attendants, together with the white chiefs of the lesser towns and their attendants. This national council was con- vened by the newly elected uku before a Green Corn Feast and, on emergency occasions, through the raising of the uku’s standard, which consisted of a long white pole with a bird carved or painted near the top and bearing a pennant at the latter point made of white cloth or deerskin, 4 to 5 yards in length, painted with red spots like stars. In cases of great emergency, such as a sudden attack from without, the national council would select the officials to conduct the war after divination of the extent of the emergency had been made from the movements of tobacco smoke. In the courts of the towns public criminals were brought before the bar and, after their cases had been stated by the town chief’s right-hand man, the accused defended themselves as best they could. The judgment of the court was then given and immediately exe- cuted. Public criminals were stoned, killed with some weapon, or taken to a high precipice with elbows and feet tied behind and then cast headlong to be dashed to pieces on the rocks below. For pri- vate offenses the law of retaliation was strictly observed. 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 Private injuries were mainly settled by means of the law of blood revenge, the brother or nearest male relative of the victim revenging the injury by inflicting a like hurt on the offender or a member of the offender’s family or clan. This retaliation might be avoided by the defendant in two ways. First, he might settle with the family and clan of the injured party by payment of goods or other compensation, if there was some doubt as to the purposeful intent of the injury. Secondly, he might flee to one of the four white towns of the tribe wherein no blood could be shed and remain safe from revenge there. If the offender was within sight of a white chief or within his dooryard, he would also be safe. He then ap- pealed to the chief to save him. The latter would then follow one of two courses depending upon his own judgment of the case. He might send his messenger or blow his trumpet to call the whole town together and in their presence declare the man acquitted, or hold a regular court before which the defendant was brought and tried. If the examination showed that the guilt of the defendant was clear, he was not publicly condemned but was privately ex- posed to the shafts of death either in battle or in some other way so as generally to be soon taken away. According to Nuttall (1819, p. 189) the brothers of a murderer would often dispose of him in order to save one of themselves from blood vengeance. Accidental deaths could be recompensed by a scalp from a prisoner or enemy. “Towns of refuge” were those inhabited by a supreme chief. No blood could be shed in these towns and manslaughterers fleeing there could excuse themselves and profess contrition. From Haywood’s account, it would appear that the father of a family could not punish his children since they were of a different clan from his. If he should kill them, he would be subject to clan revenge on the part of his wife’s clan. The mother of the children could, however, kill them. Accidental killings could be punished by death through clan revenge or satisfied by a present. Always the nearest relative was punished if the culprit was not available. (See Haywood, 1828, section on laws and customs of the Cherokee.) Gregg mentions that the entire clan was responsible for the crime of one of its members and there were no exceptions. Satis- factory communication could almost always be obtained because the relatives themselves would bring the fugitive to justice in order to avoid the punishment falling on one of them. (Gregg in Thwaites, 1904-07, vol. 20, p. 311.) Washburn (1869, p. 206) states specifically that it was the func- tion of the older brother to inflict clan revenge. The older brother together with the mother’s brother exercised more authority over AnTHROP, PaP. No. 23] THE EHASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 325 the family than did the father since the latter was of a different clan and was afraid of hurting his children for reason of the likeli- hood of blood revenge on the part of their clan. . Beside their political and judicial functions, the white chiefs were also the solemnizers and presiding agents in marriage. The parents of a couple to be married consulted the chief and asked him to divine the fortunes of the proposed union. This the latter did through ob- serving the movements of two beads caused by involuntary twitch- ings of his hand while he held the beads in it. If the beads ulti- mately moved together the marriage would be a success, but if they moved apart separation was bound to be the outcome of'the union. In the event of unfavorable omens the match was called off and new partners were sought by the parties concerned. The prospective wife of the town white chief had to be passed on by the seven counselors as to her unblemished character. The white officials of the tribe had, in addition to the numerous secular and private functions, the priestly function of acting as the regulators and chief performers in the periodic tribal ceremonies now to be described. MAJOR CEREMONIES The ceremonialism described by Butrick is extensive and in many respects difficult to understand. Elements of both lunar and solar calendrical reckoning are to be found, but the most noticeable are the former.*® A monthly ritual of purification seems to have been a com- mon basis for several of the most important ceremonies. The lunar purifications at new moon would seem to coincide with the periodic menstrual separation of the women and the rites which acted to remove the uncleanness of that periodic event. The ceremonial period of the year included the months from August to November, inclusive. In this period occurred two agri- cultural ceremonies, and two great purificatory ceremonies. It will be noted that the Cherokees reckoned the year in two parts: The first was from the Great New Moon Feast of October to that of April (the 7th) and included the winter (gola) months; the second com- menced with the first new moon of spring in April and ran to the great new moon of October again (the 7th) and included the summer (gogi) months. Thus the two important new moons were in each case seventh in a continuous series reckoning from the other, each ended and each began a new season, and both served as the boundary points of the chief periods of the year, winter and summer. Each of the two important new moon festivals was marked by ceremonial hunts, dances, lustrations, divinations, and a feast. Hach “J. Haywood (1823), section on Computation of Time and Moon Feasts of Cherokees. 326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 133 was succeeded a short time after by a festival in which new fire was made to renew the seasons. Of these two succeeding festivals un- doubtedly the most important was the one which succeeded the fall new moon (Cementation Feast). The two main new moon festivals as well as the lesser ones, seem to have been in the main purificatory of periodic uncleanness and protective against harmful forces. It is possible to see in the dances that accompanied these rites the periodic renewal of familiarity and solidarity between men and women after the latter had been segre- gated due to their necessary monthly uncleanness. A significance of a similar kind with the added feature of disease exorcism would attach to the new fire festivals which succeed the two main moon festivals. The Cementation or Reconciliation Festival in- volved primarily the idea of the removal of all uncleanness and thereby also removed all possibility of disease. In order to accomplish this double feat a series of ritual sanctions were invoked at this festival. Cleansers were appointed to clean all the houses of the town, com- mencing with the council house, seven articles were cleansed as a symbol of all household belongings, differences between people were forgotten, and even cases of blood revenge lapsed, as no uncleanness must remain within the society. All old clothes were thrown away and new ones were donned. To bind this exorcism of all the causes for difference between people many would swear vows of eternal friendship and solidarity with other persons and exchange clothes with them. Finally, the making of the new fire signified the be- ginning of a new life in the community free from all of the impuri- ties of the old life. The festival was sealed with the usual fasts, lavations, divinations, scratching, and drinking of decoctions boiled in a pot. In later times forms of the propitiation festival were used in times of epidemic in the so-called “physic dances” in which disease was combatted and uncleannesses removed. The two Green Corn Feasts resemble each other and both were concerned with the ripening and harvesting of the corn and the rite of eating it. The details of these rites do not seem to have been well recorded but there was some fasting before the cere- monial partaking in the new corn. There were six greater festivals. These were held at the council house in the capital town where the seven clans assembled at the behest of the uku and his seven prime counselors. In addition to the six greater festivals there were also minor local festivals cele- brated at each quarter of the year, at each new moon, every 7 days (quarter month), and on each occasion of calamity or epidemic. In addition to these the ookah dance was given every 7 years in which the uku (here entitled ookah) performed a sacred dance. The following were the six greater festivals: AnTurop, Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 327 1. The first new moon of spring.—This was celebrated when the grass began to grow and had no special title. The present-day Corn Dance, called adan wisi, or “they are going to plant” (Yontonwisas Dance of Mooney), may be descended from this rite of March. 2. The Preliminary Green Corn Feast.—This is entitled ‘“sah-lookstiknee keehstehsteeh” in the Payne Manuscripts and is rendered selu tsunistigistiyi, or “roasting ear’s time,” by present-day informants. It was held in August when the young corn first became fit to taste. 38. The Green Corn Feast.—This is called tungnahkawhooghni in the Payne Manuscripts and is rendered donagohuni by present-day informants. The ripe or mature Green Corn Feast succeeded the Preliminary Green Corn Feast of August in about 40 or 50 days in the middle or latter September when the corn had become hard or perfect and is still held today. 4. The Great New Moon Feast.—This is called nungtahtayquah in the Payne Manuscripts and is rendered nuwati egwa, or “big medicine,” by present-day informants. This festival was held at the first new moon of autumn in October when the leaves had begun to fall into the waters of the rivers and impart their curative powers to the latter. This was identical with the medicine dance of later times. 5. The Cementation or Reconciliation Festival.—This is called ahtawhhungnah by Payne and is rendered adahuna, or “woman gathering wood,” by present- day informants after the dance of that name. This festival succeeded the preceding one after a lapse of 10 days at the end of October and was con- nected with the making of new fire. 6. The Eaalting or Bounding Bush Feast.—This is called elahwahtah laykee in the Payne Manuscripts and is rendered aliwatadeyi, or “pigeon dance,” by present-day informants. This festival occurred in December and was char- acterized by the use of spruce or pine boughs. CEREMONIAL PROCEDURES The procedure in the first festival was as follows: The seven prime clan counselors of the metropolis met at the national heptagon or council house. Certain selected “honorable women” performed a friendship dance in the public square before the heptagon at the same time. At their meeting the counselors reckoned the number of nights from the last new moon and consulted a divining crystal to determine the time of the appearance of the first spring new moon. After these matters were attended to, the counselors despatched a messenger throughout the nation to announce the new feast. Meanwhile preparations were being carried forward in the metropo- lis itself. Certain hunters were appointed to provide meat for the feast. These persons went out and killed what game they could, such as deer or turkey. One buck deer was dressed whole, the skin, en- trails, and feet being removed and the head, liver, lungs, and heart left intact. The skin was then cleaned and made white for the festival. Similarly a doe and fawn skin were prepared. The seven counselors now finished their work by selecting seven men to have charge of the 405260—43——_22 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 183 feast and seven men to oversee the cooking. The altar in the center of the national heptagon was repaired by the uku’s right-hand man. The altar was a conical shaped mass of fresh earth about which at the top a circle was drawn to receive the fire of sacrifice. The inner bark from seven different specified trees was laid on the altar ready for use. The seven specified trees were white oak, black oak, water oak, black jack, bass wood, chestnut, and white pine, and the bark from these had to be free from rot or worms. On the evening of the new moon’s appearance, all of the populace assembled from every quarter of the nation and the delegated hunters brought in their meat and placed it in the storehouse on the west side of the national heptagon. The hunters delivered the white dressed buck, doe, and fawn skins to the presiding agents of the ceremony. Some of the general visitors at the ceremony brought game also. The early evening of the first assemblage was devoted to a friendship dance performed by the women. That night all retired early in order to be fresh for the day that followed. Early in the morning the entire population sawed in and around the national heptagon and the three white dressed skins before men- tioned were picked up by the uku’s right-hand man and spread near the altar fire with the head nearest the flame. Blood from a freshly killed bird was then sprinkled on the buck skin and the divining erystal was placed in the blood and the flowers of old or wild tobacco were dropped on the buckskin. At this point the entire population went to the river and the priest or uku came also with his assistant carrying deerskins. A series of 6-inch sticks were stuck into the ground along the river bank. It became then a bad omen for any- thing to come out of the river opposite the space between the sticks on the bank. All of the people then plunged into the water seven times with their faces eastward. The priest on the bank unrolled the skins and displayed the divining crystal and placed these on a plat- form or table together with medicinal roots. After leaving the water the people all walked by the table, touched the crystal with the fore finger wetted from the tongue, and took a piece of medicinal root from the table. The officials followed the common people in this rite and came out of the river last. This concluded the ceremonies of the second day and the third was devoted entirely to fasting. The fourth day was the final one. The people assembled at the national heptagon at sunset and the presiding priest flung flowers of old tobacco on the fire along with a piece of buck’s tongue. The manner of behavior of these substances under the action of the fire’s flame was used as a means of divining the future. The buck had been dressed whole and the meat eaten entirely together with a stiff mush of newly pounded AnTHRoP, Par. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 329 meal. That night was entirely spent in the friendship dances given by the women and concluded the ceremonies. Soon after this festival of the first new moon of spring, the seven prime counselors appointed a sacred night dance, sending out a mes- senger to assemble the people. On the seventh day after the issue of this order new fire was made by seven chosen men aiter the populace had spent the night of the sixth day in a religious dance. ‘The hearth was carefully cleaned and repaired. A hole was made in a block of wood into which goldenrod was dropped and then a stick was whirled rapidly about in this until the goldenrod caught fire. From this fire specially kindled a portion was taken to every house by women who waited around for the purpose. Old fires were everywhere extin- guished and the hearths cleansed of old ashes. After new fires had been lighted throughout the country, sacrifices were made in them of the first meat killed by the members of the households to which the fires belonged. Scratching of long gashes with flint and fishbone was administered freely during this rite. The medicine root used at the previous river bathing was chewed and rubbed on the skin and the same root was retained for each new moon rite of the year. ‘The three white dressed deerskins were also brought out and presented to the priest who had presided at the festival of the first new moon. The second great festival, the Preliminary New Green Corn Feast, was held in midsummer and at the time of the simultaneous ripening of the corn, or maize, throughout the nation. When the corn was found ripe, a messenger was despatched to gather seven ears, bring them back to the counselors, and assemble the people. A 6-day hunt was de- creed for the hunters and the seven prime counselors fasted for 6 days at the national heptagon. When the hunters had shot the first buck, they cut a small piece from the right side of the end of the tongue. On the evening of the sixth day, the populace assembled at the na- tional heptagon bringing in fresh ears of corn while the hunters brought in fresh meat. This night was spent in an all-night vigil and religious dance. On the seventh day, the festival began with the de- livery of the seven ears of corn to the uku. New fire was made by a firemaker on the altar from bark of seven selected trees. Leaves of old tobacco were sprinkled on the fire and omens were taken from this. The uku placed the seven ears in the fire also with the piece of deer’s tongue and then prayed that the sacrifice might be acceptable. After this rite the uku and his seven counselors fasted for seven more days and the populace then assembled for another general 1-day fast which completed the second festival. The third great feast was the Mature, or Ripe Green Corn Feast, and was held in September 40 or 50 days after the preceding festival. First, the seven counselors summoned the honorable women for a 330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwn, 133 religious dance and then fixed the festival for some time later. The usual pattern of behavior occurred, the hunters being sent out and special officers appointed to order the festival. An arbor of green boughs was framed in the sacred square of the national heptagon wherein a beautiful shade tree was located. A large booth was erected and seats laid out. On the evening prior to the festival day, the hunters and the people assembled and everyone took a green bough for the rites of the next day. All then retired early. On the ensuing noon the people paraded with green boughs held overhead. The uku who presided at this rite was given the special ceremonial title of Netagunghstah and was elevated on a platform held up by carriers and was dressed in a white robe with leggings, moccasins, otter skins on the legs, and a red cap on the head. Altogether this festival lasted 4 days and women were excluded from the sacred square during the dances. In the evenings they might mingle in the social dances, how- ever. This festival was the most deeply rooted rite that the Cherokees had and lasted the longest. It was said to have been connected at one time with a festival of green boughs which was more distinctive and exclusive in its characteristics. The fourth great festival, or great new moon of Autumn, followed the new moon’s appearance when the leaves began to yellow in the fall. The Cherokees fancied that the world was created at this time and they regulated their series of new moon feasts by it. There is some evidence, however, that.the Cherokees originally began their year with the first new moon of spring. The counselors carefully counted the number of nights from the last new moon and, if it was cloudy weather, they resorted to the divining crystal to ascertain the time of appearance of the new moon for autumn. Seven nights previous to the event they sent out hunters to hunt, seven men to prepare seats, tables, and in general order the feast, and seven honor- able women to get the provisions ready and to cook them. The end of the tongue of the first deer killed was carefully wrapped in old leaves and given to the presiding priest together with seven deer- skins. The entire population met and each family brought seven or more ears of hard corn, dried pumpkins, and samples of every crop which were all given to the priest. The women gave the sacred re- ligious dance and no one slept that night. The next day the populace assembled at the river and bathed seven times in the same manner as at the first feast of spring. The deer’s tongue wrapped in leaves was consumed in the fire and omens were invoked with the sacred crystal. Then followed feasting. The event lasted only 1 day. Some 10 days after the ceremony just described came the Propitia- tion or Cementation Festival, which was the greatest of all the annual celebrations being listed. A day or two after the Great New Moon ANTHROP, Pap. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT Sor Festival the seven prime counselors withdrew to the national hepta- gon to decide on the time for the Cementation Feast. Seven days before the event, after a solemn address by one of the counselors, a messenger was despatched to call the people. Seven women (possibly the wives of the seven counselors) were selected to lead the dance and seven musicians to aid them. One person was appointed from each clan to assist these and to fast for 7 days. Seven cleaners were appointed to clean out the national heptagon, seven men were sent out to hunt game, and seven to seek seven different articles for puri- fication. A special fire maker was appointed to make holy new fire and six assistants were given him. A special attendant was ap- pointed to dress and undress the Jowah hymn chanter while he performed his sacred ablutions and duties. If the old Jowah hymn singer had died, a new one was appointed for life. All of these officials commenced a fast 7 days before the festival and the hunters went forth in quest of game as in the other feasts. The seekers after seven articles of purification returned with branches of cedar, white pine, hemlock, mistletoe, evergreen briar, heartleaf, and ginseng root. In later days other articles were purified such as mountain birchbark, mountain birch sprig, willow roots, swamp dog- wood roots, and spruce pine. These were all fastened in a cane basket expressly fashioned for the purpose on the evening of the sixth day after notice of the festival had been sent out. These ar- ticles were then stored away in the treasure house west of the na- tional heptagon along with the produce of the hunt. On the evening of the sixth day after the notice, the people gath- ered at the national heptagon and the women performed a dance while four musicians sang in turn. All retired early that night to sleep, for the festival proper began the following day. The first event was the making of new fires by the seven fire makers from seven different kinds of wood, namely blackjack, locust, post oak, sycamore, red bird, plum, and red oak. The seven cleansers began at the same time to exorcise the houses of the town. ‘These cleansers had a prescribed costume of which the most noticeable feature was a scarf on the head decorated with a set of fur tassels from the white fur on the underside of a deer’s tail. The heptagon had been previously swept clean, old ashes removed, and the earth in the altar renewed so that the latter stood 1 foot high again. A bench of planks had been also constructed at the side of the altar to hold the white dipping gourds, and sacred white purify- ing caldron. The whitened bench was covered with dressed buck- skin whitened with clay. Overhead a buckskin canopy protected from the weather. As soon as the new fire had been kindled by friction of two sticks, it was taken from the makers by the aspergers and kindled 332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 183 on the altar. Then the sacred caldron was placed there and an as- perger walked around four times crying out as he took the gourds, filled them, and poured the water into the caldron. At this time the uku (called in this rite by the title of “oolestooleeh”), together with his assistants, proceeded to the treasure store house and got the seven articles for purification. Then he passed around the fire and sprinkled tobacco on it as he waved the wing of a white heron over it to waft the smoke in all directions as he prayed. He repeated this prayer four times and then placed the basket for purification in the caldron where it was watched day and night. The seven cleansers kept constantly renewing the fire on the altar because at the dawn of the first day every fire throughout the nation had been extinguished by the women and every fireplace cleansed of all ashes. The women then came to the national heptagon as soon as the new fire was made and supplied them- selves with a portion of it for their hearths. No food was tasted that day until the new fire had been made and a portion of the first meat cooked offered as sacrifice. Seven attendants now appeared, each with a white wand of syca- more, which were handed to the seven exorcisers for their duties. The leader of the seven cleansers now went out and struck the eaves of the roof of the storehouse with his rod and then sang a song. He then struck similarly all of the houses of the metropolis as did his fol- lowers. Then the meat from the hunters’ stores was distributed for cooking. An attendant called the Jowah hymn singer from his seat by name and invested him with his white robes, placing also in his hand a white gourd filled with pebbles (or a shell similarly prepared) and fastened on a stick. The singer rattled the gourd and sounded a few prelim- inary notes. He now began his song of seven verses, each repeated four times in seven different tunes. He then again rattled the gourd and retired for disrobing. The seven cleansers took the white gourds and dipped out water from the caldron and passed some to each head of a clan and on down until all had drunk and rubbed a little on their breasts. The Jowah hymn was then sung by the singer a second time. Following this came the previously noted bathing rite in the river by all the people, each person bathing seven times and alternately facing east and west. Some persons entered the water with old clothes on and let them float away while others changed clothes afterward. The oolestooleeh prepared the sacrifice on the altar. First a deer’s tongue and a piece of old tobacco were put on the fire. If the tongue popped, it meant death for somone during the year. A bluish or slowly ascending smoke meant sickness. The oolestooleeh then set the divining crystal on the deerskin and prayed. If health was to reign ANTHROP, Pap, NO, 23] THE HASTERN CHEROKE£S—GILBERT 300 the crystal would be clear but if sickness was due a smokiness would appear along with the faces of those designated for it. Toward sun- set the chanter again gave the Jowah hymn. The great speaker called for cooked meat, bread from new corn, mush, hominy, potatoes, beans, and the like for a big feast. The officials, however, could not eat until dark. The Jowah singer ate once after dark every 24 hours during the four days of the feast. He had to bathe seven times before eating and at daybreak. The evening of the first day there was a religious dance until midnight and some of the women kept an all-night vigil or danced until dawn. The remaining 3 days of the festival were passed in much the same manner as the first. On the second day the Jowah hymn was not sung, and the officials alone fasted. The third and fourth days were about the same, except all of the events of the first day were repeated on the fourth. Fasting was a noticeable feature of this ceremony, the officials fasting 10 days in all and the people fasting on the first and fourth days of the festival, even infants fasting until noon. All-night vigils were maintained on the first and fourth nights, and at the end of the rites all put off old garments and put on clean ones. Every one on 2 different occasions plunged 7 times into the river, or 14 times in all. On the morning of the fifth day sacrifice was offered again, and then the oolestooleeh took the purified articles from the caldron and put them away in a buckskin, exclaiming, “Now, I return home.” He then departed, followed by the other officials. The Propitiation Festival was the subject of local variation in later times, especially in the manner of lighting the new fire. The term “physic dance” was later given to the rite of purifying the house, “physic” meaning a conciliation or expiation. Diseases requiring a physic had been sent from above to punish some offense among the people. A circle was sometimes laid about the altar of seven different kinds of wood curiously laid and by seven strings of white beads, each of the latter representing one of the seven clans and each placed there by one of the clan members and pointed toward the wood. Originally, say the Cherokees, the seven clans were commanded to feed the fire with their flesh, but wood was later substituted for this. The fire maker then produced two pieces of dry bass wood and put goldenrod between them. Two others then took hold of the wood and spun it around to produce fire by friction. The Propitiation Festival was instituted to cleanse all and to bind all together in a vow of eternal brotherhood. Passionate friendship was sworn between young men, and these vows were plighted in public by the solemn exchange of garment after garment until each was clad in the other’s dress. ; The ancient Propitiation Festival involved the swearing of friend- 334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 133 ships between men and between men and women of different clans. No sexual relation could be allowed between persons swearing such friendships. Between these friends, however, there was a sharing of everything. They would, perhaps, exchange garments and goods, giv- ing each other one garment after another at the friendship dance. Young men and young women might be prevented by the marriage restrictions from marrying, but they could swear friendship at this rite. There could be no secrets that were not shared together by these friends. The last ceremony of the six annual ones was the Festival of the Exalting, or Bounding Bush, which occurred in the winter after the Propitiation Ceremony. A group of people assembled in the evening before the fire, and a man chosen for the purpose appeared with a box and danced slowly around the fire singing as he danced. Each person present threw a piece of tobacco into the box and the man then disap- peared. A parade of alternately two men and two women then marched along abreast; the two forward men had in the right hand a hoop with two sticks in it crossing each other at right angles in the cen- ter and on the ends of the sticks having white feathers attached. Two men in the middle and two men in the rear also carried hoops and sticks while all of the rest held in their right hands green boughs of white pine. For 3 nights this march ended the dance and the green boughs were carefully deposited among the consecrated things until the repe- tition of the dance. On the fourth night a feast was held after dark. At midnight, the man with a box reappeared and sang four times a refrain, while each person took from the box a piece of the tobacco. Then each plucked off some of the pine needles from the bough he or she carried and crushed them in the hands with the tobacco. All of the people next stood in a circle around the fire and then each singer walked toward the fire as if to throw in the tobacco and the needles. As he sang he hesitated but finally threw the tobacco and needles into the fire, at which the rite was ended. The uku offered sacrifice at a peculiar rite which was celebrated every 7 years and which did not resemble the other festivals celebrated annually. At this septennial rite the uku took the title of ookah and performed a sacred dance of thanksgiving. The main procedures were as follows. At about the last of summer or early autumn, at the com- mencement of every seventh year, the people assembled at the national capital from every quarter for the rite. The precise time was set between the ookah and his seven counsellors. Messengers were de- spatched throughout the nation to notify the people beforehand. The seven hunters were sent out to hunt for 7 days prior to the festival and meat was brought in on the seventh night and distributed throughout the metropolis for public use. On the same evening all ANTHROP, PaP. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 335 of the nation assembled at the heptagon. The usual officials attended to the details, seven men to order and direct the banquet, women to superintend the cooking, and certain special ones, such as the aged and honorable women, appointed to warm the water for the bathing of the ookah, two men to dress and undress him, one man to fan hin, one man to sing for him and lead the music, and one man to prepare his seat. Under the superintendency of this last, a structure was raised midway between the abode of the ookah and the heptagon consisting of a tall throne with a canopy and footstool, all made white for the occasion. O. 17K 5 bf Ves aaa ae OU BN ee aD a ee Le, Bs Sickness! se acura ee eee Boils. Tbsp tli habe o Bee DRS eS Re ee be Be Mong litem! 2 ts ele Sk a Same, LORsH ating men tole. 22 ig oe 2 eee Sickniesssee sete eae ee ee Toothache Meaning 2. Omens from actual events. mns., vol. 3, p. 55.) — . Startle a fox or wolf when on a jour- ney and have him turn around and bark. . Seeing a snake or uktena when com- mencing a journey. . To see ana ye hi (spirit of the bluffs or high mountains). . To see a giant specimen of an animal when away from home. . The tsi hi li li flies overhead and lights near the house. . See two squirrels fighting and one is killed. . Hear wailing or mourning_______.-__- . Apparition of a friend 9: Bleonicrows! = 22) =a 4 o-o a ie Pekhe GOe tal Keds 2 Soc Eich eee . If a hominy pestle moved about the house with no one touching it. . Screech ow] makes moaning sound_-- . A tree falls without a wind, the top toward the house. . To hear a bird (‘Tso wa sku) singing. . If an owl lights on a tree in town_____ . If warriors are out on an expedition and the people at home hear the na ye hi sound, a long and protract- ed war whoop. . A bird flies into the house______--_-_- . Whippoorwill calls in daytime_-_-_-_-__- . When a certain blue bird sings_____-_- . Whippoorwill near the house___-_--__ . When you stretch hands toward a rattlesnake, ifit looks cross and evil it means that you have not long to live. If it is calm, you pick it up and then set it down. If it then travels west it means__- If it travels east it means__..--_-- (Payne 18th century 1932 PCat Rte eee Means nothing Pe Gos bene a ele Do. anges 10 29k Se sat hyn secs ea Do. Death in family soon____--__-- Do. One will soon meet a stranger Do. or visitor. A death in the family__..___-- Means nothing. Do. Do, Trouble. Kill the hen at once. Means nothing. Deat de Aeray Catastrophes ne neee ee aha the house would soon Do. ie. eatin +e ee Sickness for someone in the family. jam cen dos 2.) Si-0 22. - fete] Death ofa relative: Emeniyismears 122 ee Means nothing. Death of enemies___-___--__-_- Do. Victory if short whoop. De- Do. feat if long whoop (death). Visitor isicoming esse Do. Trouble or sickness. Means nothing. Sickness, A witch is present_...-.--.__-- There will be a storm. _______- Dealt y B witCh-----8ee see ANTHROP. Par. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT 369 A clearer picture of the causes and interactions of change in modes of ritualistic sanctions is to be seen in the case of omens. Table 9 (p. 368) gives a list of 19 omens derived from dreams and 21 omens derived from actual events, and compares their meanings as given in the Payne Manuscripts for the eighteenth century and their present-day interpretation. The lapses are shown in some 20 of the omens which have totally lost all meaning. Change of interpretation from death to mere sickness occurred in some eight and would betoken a loss of original meaning. The loss of all meaning in the 13 omens is of interest from the standpoint of the functionalist. Eight of these which were lost were concerned with war and with long hunting-trip elements which have vanished from the life of the Cherokees. Twenty of the omens remained virtually the same as the original interpretations. This would represent a lack of change in 50 percent and these are concerned with elements still functioning in the life of the Cherokees. The greatest. percentage of omens to lose their original meaning entirely occurred in the case of the omens derived from actual events. Hence once could infer a greater conservatism in the case of omens derived from dreams. This might be taken as an indication that changes have taken place in the actual life of the Cherokees at a much faster pace than have taken place in the mental outlook as expressed in dream content. The examples adduced are, of course, too few to be taken as accurate indices of these changes but they serve to furnish a basis of preliminary interpretation of the mode of change. Still another type of change is visible in the case of the new fire rites. In the ancient culture, as was described previously, the new fire rites were public events performed by the priest at times when a renewal of the life or magic force of a family or other social group was considered necessary. We have no records of the changes under- gone in the interval from the eighteenth century to the present, but we do find traces of the new fire rite today. In the present town of Big Cove several of the conjurers have practiced the use of new fire. In fact its use as a magical force is probably known all over the reservation. There is immense difficulty, however, in extract- ing information on this topic, which has become an esoteric matter of the greatest importance. The present Cherokees use new fire in their rites for the transmission of witchcraft power against an enemy and its effects are thought to be fatal if not counteracted in time. It can be easily seen that with such a power in their hands the con- jurers could have dominated early Cherokee society. New fire, then, has changed from a public rite of meaning under- stood by all of the people to a secret rite performed by the con- 370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL, 133 jurers for their own private purposes. Its public function has be- come a private one. This would accord with the trend which we have noticed in the case of witchcraft in general from being a public delict punishable by death toward an interpretation as a merely private matter of no public significance. In summary, then, it can be seen that from the examples of the dances, omens, and the new fire rite that the ancient ceremonial and ritual life of the Cherokees has declined to such a point that private significance, and that only in the case of a few of the older persons of the community, is attached to these events. Ancient public ritual has become black magic. MAJOR TRENDS It can be seen from the examples just adduced that there have been actually observable tendencies in the changes in the mode of integra- tion characterizing Cherokee society at different times in its history. Incomplete as the evidence is, there is yet enough of significance re- maining at the present time for use to generalize on the observable diachronic movements. There has been a leveling of social classes in Cherokee society and removal of the divisions between priests, war officers, and commoners. At one. time there may have been an hereditary class of religious officials who were delegated with the function of administering all of the ritual and perhaps many of the penal sanctions of the tribe. Women, moreover, had great power in the ajudgment of penalties for criminals and in the approval of public policies. All of this has been done away with, and there has developed a generally demo- cratic equality, modified to a slight degree by the presence of a privileged caste of white Indians and half-castes who possess a greater amount of land or other wealth than their purer blood Indian neighbors. A rather complete secularization of the Cherokees has taken place. Originally possessed of a government by priests, they have become the most republican of peoples, with little or no religious influence either in public office or in any occasion of common concern. There has been a decline in the old family controls with the eman- cipation of the younger generation through the Government schools. The control of the parents over the marriages of their children is no longer even advisory in capacity. The clan affiliations still control choices of mate, but to a less and less degree as time progresses. The mother’s brother is no longer a power in the family, and the trans- mission of family names for the last three generations through the father’s line has tended to shift the emphasis in lineality to the paternal ancestry. ANTHROP, PaP. No, 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES——-GILBERT 371 Some elements in Cherokee social integration have completely lapsed, such as the retaliatory sanctions of war, blood revenge, and the ceremonial performance of many of the ritual sanctions. The death of each old person at the present time spells the accentuation of the dissolution. The disappearance of the old complexes has been fol- lowed by a transference of function to, and replacement by, white culture traits. The place of the deer and buffalo have been taken by cattle, the place of turkey by the chicken, the bear by the hog, and so forth. In some cases there has been a transfer of function of com- plexes before their final disappearance. Such was the case of the gadugi and such also the fate of the osi or sudatories, which became potato-storage houses before their final demise. Everything in the ancient culture has suffered diminution or ab- breviation and removal from its original matrix of events. Artifacts that were once in common use, such as the flute, trumpet, blowgun, and bow, are now made in small-sized toys for children to play with. Instead of completely singing all of the songs of the dances, only the first and last and perhaps one or two of the others are now sung. The dances that were formerly too sacred to be given at any but special occasions and seasons are now performed at any time with impunity and for monetary gain. There has been a trend away from independence, whether political, economic, or cultural, and toward a complete dependence upon the American Federal Government for all of the means of existence and for education as well. The sequence of changes leading from the past to the present Cherokee social organization were of profound extent and lead to the consideration that it is probable, if present tendencies continue, that the tribe will be completely deculturalized, so far as aboriginal ele- ments go, within another generation. CONCLUSION We have now completed a survey of two separate synchronic pic- tures of Cherokee culture and have, to some extent, traced the lines of change that lead from the earlier to the later culture. It has appeared that the present-day social culture of the tribe is utterly unlike that recorded for any other tribe of the Southeast and, for that matter, of North America. Only in far-off Australia, among certain tribes of the Northeast (the Ungarinyin), do we find anything remotely re- sembling this type of preferential mating allied with kinship atti- tudes extended to whole clans. It does not seem that any existing factors in Cherokee life are capable of explaining the entire mean- ing of this rather unusual development. 372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - [BuLL, 133 The pattern of Cherokee culture, then, has not been one of steady aspect but rather a blur of shifting relationships with changes in the external relations of the tribe. The picture presented of the present- day society gives one the impression of a compact and cohesive com- munity with a relatively intense emphasis on kinship and descent. The picture of the ancient society is one of a widespread tribe whose na- tional celebrations and political organization were of far reaching and many-sided importance. The age of the present-day features is en- tirely unknown and so far as our present knowledge reaches these may be products of certain special conditions surrounding the small in- bred Cherokee communities during the nineteenth century rather than an inheritance from the pre-Columbian past. The pattern of the former culture is not strikingly different in its social aspects from that of the Creeks or other typical Southeastern Tribes. There were many of the features of town, clan, and red-white organization which Swanton finds so characteristic of the Southeast. On the other hand, the picture of preferential mating and privileged familiarity prevailing among the present-day Cherokee is utterly dif: ferent from anything we would expect to find or have yet found among the Southeastern Indians. There is quite evidently, then, no one cul- ture type prevailing among the Cherokees from the past to the present. The double division of former times with its dual hierarchy of red and white officials is utterly lacking in the present-day culture and even the memory of it has vanished. Such contrasts are rather jolting to any hypothesis of continuity for culture patterns and, indeed, would tend to throw doubt on the value of historical inquiries in general as a means of explaining contemporary features in society. The summary of all the preceding material would tend to indicate that: 1. The Cherokees were once possessed of a social organization re- sembling closely, in all external features, the social organizations of the other Southeastern tribes. 2. The Cherokees were formerly under a dual hierarchy of red and white officials. 3. The Eastern Remnant of Cherokees today are entirely bereft of the dual division and of social similarity to other described South- eastern tribes. 4. The Cherokees of today are in possession of a system of prefer- ential mating which in its peculiarities and ramifications can be dupli- cated among described tribes only in Australia. 5. The historical data available on the Cherokees throws little light on the present-day social organization, which latter can be best under- stood by a functional analysis of contemporary features. APPENDIX A CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED DATA SUMMARY 1540, De Soto Narratives. 1714, Lawson. 1787, Brickell. 1750, Drake. 1756-65, Timberlake. 1762, An Inquiry—Marrant. 1775, Adair. ; 1790, Bartram. 1823, Haywood. 1830, Colton. 1836, Payne-Butrick. 1836-41. Catlin. 1847, Featherstonehaugh. 1849, Lanman. 1854, McKenny and Hall. 1855, Whipple. 1859, Logan. 1866, McGowan. 1868, Dunning. 1869, Washburn. 1870, Morgan et al. 1876, Jones, J. 1876-79, Carr. 1877, Clark. 1883, Hale. 1883-94, Thomas. 1883-96, Holmes (1903). 1885, Brinton-Gatschet. 1888, Pilling. 1888, Painter. 1889, H. F. C. ten Kate. 1889-95, Foster. 1889-1907, Mooney. 1890, Donaldson. 1891, Powell. 1895, Downing. 1896, Brinton. 1897, Landrum. 1898, Tooker. 1899, Starr, F. CHEROKEES 1900, Hewitt. 19038, Haddon. 1904, Mason, O. T. 1906, Hagar. 1906, Jayne. 1907, Parker. 1907, Owen. 1908, Hrdlitka, 1910, Gude. 1910-25, Frazer. 1911, Spence. 1913-20, Speck. 1914, Katon. 1915, MacCurdy. 1915, Moore. 1916, Alexander. 1916, Heye. 1917, Cotter. 1918, Heye, Hodge, Pepper. 1918, Wissler. 1920, Bushnell. 1920-27, Spier. 1921, Starr, E. 1921, Barnes. 1922, Harrington. 1923, Maddox. 1923, Schwarze. 1924, Stellwagen. 1924, Jones, H. B. 1925, Daugherty. 1926, Snyder. 1928, Black. 1928, Smith. 1928, Myer. 1928-31, Olbrechts. 1929, Mason. 1929, Swanton. 1931, Walker. 1932, Gilbert. 1935, Bloom. ON 373 APPENDIX B OUTLINE OF CHEROKEE CULTURE (Alphabetical by authors) ADAIR: Basketry. Disease. Location. Name. Population. Stone pipes. War. ALEXANDER: Ani kutani. Animal stories. Cosmogony. Cosmology. Deities. Legends. Lesser deities. Place of origin of myths. INQUIRY: Appearance. Arms. Domestic conveniences. Dwellings. Names. Religious rites. Shearing of hair. BARNES : Colors and directional symbols in sacred formulas. Onomatopaeia in myths. BARTRAM : Altars. Ball Play. Hothouses. Houses. List of towns. Ovens. Townhouses, or rotundas, and their interiors. BLACK: Agriculture. Appearance. Basket making. 374 Biack—Continued. Bibliography. Birth. Bone and wood implements, Canoes. Ceremonies and dances, Division of labor. Dress and ornament. Fishing. Food and its preparation. History. Houses. Hunting. Initiation burial. Languages. Location. Map. Marriage. Mythology. Names. Pipes. Population. Pottery. Religious beliefs. Social and political organization. Stone implements. Symbolism of division of time. Treatment of disease. Warfare. BRICKELL : Flaying of prisoner’s feet. War. BRINTON: Ani kutani. Myth. Seventh Son. Talisman. BRINTON-GATSCHET : Ancient history. Beard. Canoes. Characteristics. ANTHROP, PaP. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT BRINTON-GATSCHET—Continued. Clans. Complexion. Early traditions of the Cherokees. Ears. History of Cherokee. Houses. Linguistic studies. Name. Original location. Origin legend. Polygamy. Relation of Cherokees to other tribes. Scalp. Social organization. Towns. War. BRYSON : Comments on Mooney’s myths. BUSHNELL: Cairns. Stone-covered burials. CATLIN: A woman. Chief Black Coat. Chief Jol-lee. John Ross. CLARK: Idols. Pottery. CoLToN: Identity with Hebrews. Language. Rites’ history. Traditions. CULIN: Chunkey. Dice. Mythology of games. Racket Game. DAUGHERTY : Color symbolism in sacred formulas. Mysticism and associated symbols. DUBACH: Chiefs. Council government. Harly government. Republican government. Treaty relations with U. S. Govern- ment and Internal Government of the Cherokees. Village government. 405260—43——25 DUNNING: 375 Archeological explorations of stone and shell objects. Burial cairns. Deer hunting. Pottery. Stone cairns. Vases. DONALDSON: Census. Education. Industries. Maps. Political organization. Religion. Schools. DowNING: History. Race mixture in the Cherokee. HATON: Government of villages. Villages. FEATHERSTONEHAUGH : Beans. Boiled beef broth. Corn gruel with lye. Council house. Log huts. Maize. Old mine. Pumpkins. Squash. Striped shirts. Turbans. Wigwams. Western Foster (Literature of the Cherokees) : American Missions. Annals of victory. Baptists. Challenges. Folklore. Government changes. Hymns. Law. Methodists. Moravian influences. Nomenclature of persons. Numerals. Oratory. Pantomime. Periods in Cherokee literature. Pickering alphabet. 376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 foster (Literature of the Cherokees)— | FrAzeR—Continued. Continued. Ideas about trees struck by light- Prayers. ning. Printing in Cherokee. Lamentations after first working of Scotch. the corn. Songs. Mode of averting an evil omen. Spanish influences. Mode of averting a storm. Symbols. Myth of old woman of the corn. The Book. Mythology. Visions. No clear distinction between ani- Whites. mals and men in their myth- Foster (Sequoyah) : Ball playing. Birth of Sequoyah. Boyhood to manhood. Chunkee. Conjurers. Cradle. Festivals. Games and dances. Green Corn Dance. Guest reception seat. Magic. Marriage. Speech sounds. Story telling. Sweatbath. The press. The syllabary. Traditions on beads. Translations. Iostrr (Cherokee Bible) : Quotations from Butrick’s antiq- uities. Story of Cabeza de Vaca. I’RAzER (Golden Bough) : Annual expulsion of evils. Attracting the corn spirit. Belief in the homeopathic magic of the flesh of animals. Charm to become a good singer. Charm to strengthen a child’s grip. Charms to insure success in ball playing. Custom with children’s cast teeth. Festival of first fruits. Foods avoided by the Cherokees on homeopathic principles. Homeopathic magic of animals. Homeopathic magic of plants. Hunters ask pardon of deer they kill. Hunters pray to eagle they have killed. ology. Old woman as maize. Removing hamstring of deer. Respect for rattlesnakes. Sacred Ark. Sorcery with spittle. Their ceremonies at killing a wolf. Their propitiation of the eagle they have killed. Think that to step over a vine blasts it. Treatment of navel string. Try to deceive the spirits of rattle- snakes and eagles. I’razER (Totemism and Exogamy) : Climate. Expulsion of Cherokee clans. Green Corn Dance. Houses. Location of Cherokees’ states, streams, areas, ranges. Myth of the origin of Corn. Sacred animals. Sacred Fire. Sylabary. Totemism. Town House. GUDE: Adoption of civilization. Culture contacis. Location. Maps. Somatic admixture. TIADDON: Crow’s foot ; a string figure. HAGAR: Celestial ancestor magic. Comets and meteors. Dog stars. Horned serpent. Legends of incest. ANTHROP, PaP. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT Hacar—Continued. Myth of star origin of earthly beings. Names of some constellations. Origin of moon. Perils of the soul. Pleiades myths. Seven burnt corncobs. Venus. HAKLUYT: Bow and arrow used. Deerskins. Feed on roots, herbs, and game. Gentle people. “Grouse.” Lean people. No clothing. Poor country. HALE: Language characteristics. Relation to surrounding tribes. HARRINGTON : Archeology — Pottery and utensiis. Beads. Bone working. Clothing fabrics. Games. House furnishings. Ornamental objects. Ornaments. Paints. Pendants. Pipes. Pottery tools. Shell working. Stoneworking. Stratifcation. Weaving. Woodworking. HAywoop: Computation of time Country of origin. Hebraic rites. Laws and civil customs. Military character. Political government. Traditions. HEWITT: Derivation of the name kee.” HEYE: Objects from mounds in eastern Tennessee. implements “Chero- 377 HEYE, HopcE, PEPPER: Beads. Bone and wood objects. Celts. Nacooche valley mound. Pipes. Pottery. Shell objects. Steatite. Stone objects. HOLMES: Basketry. Beads. Clothes baskets. Cups. Decoration. Disks. Pins. Pipes. Pottery making of Cherokees. Weaving. JAYNE: Crow’s foot string figure. Jones, C. C. (Antiquities of Southern Indiana) : Burials. Chunkey yard and games. Nacoochee Valley. JONES, H. B.: Death Song of a Cherokee Indian. JONES, J.: Burial customs. tock paintings. Traditions. KATE, H. F. C. ten: Horned snakes legend. Stone shields legend. LANDRUM : Agriculture. Appearance. Basketry. Chief. Clothing. Fire. Locale by counties. Remains. Rites. Sacrifice. LANMAN: Ball Game. Clans. Customs. Personages. 378 LoGaN: Bezoar Stone. Charms against snake bite. Fishing with spear and net. Game animals and hunting. Legend of origin of death. Poisoning. Rattlesnake. Scarification. Skin dressing. Smelting settlements. Traps. Turkey pens. MacCurpy : Implements of bone. Mound in East Tennessee. Pipes. Pottery. Rattlesnake gorgets. Shell. Stone. McCowan: Ketoomha. Nighthawks. Secret society of Ni-co-tani. McKENNEY and Hatt: Five biographies of eminent Chero- kees. MAppox : Cherokee theory of disease. Initiation to priesthood. Pharmacopoeia. Shamanistic practices. Mason, O. T.: Basket making. Ethnic varieties of basketry. Mason, R. L.: Cures for animal disease. Dividing of trees into evergreen and deciduous. Special trees and their lore. Trees struck by lightning. Moonety (in Handbook) : Bibliography of synonyms. Clans. Derivation of name. Early visits. Language. Later history. Location by states. Numbers. Origin and history. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 133 Moonry (Cherokee and Iroquois Paral- lels) : Corn legend. Flint legend. Old tobacco. Name for violets. Mooney (Cherokee Mound Building) : Tradition of mounds and green corn dances at town houses. Mooney (Cherokee Plant Lore) : Corn origin myth. Disease origin myth. Dividing of the trees. Legend of Cedar. Strawberries. Moonry (Cherokee Theory and Practice of Medicine) : Going to water. Names. Plant lore of doctors. Real value of herbs used. Scarification. Taboos. Theories of pain and diseases. Total number of plants used and known. Treatment with herbs. Various diseases and _ theories therefor. Mooney (Evolution in Cherokee Per- sonal Names): Adoption of English names. Samples. Moonrty (Improved Cherokee Alpha- bets) : Sequoyah syllabary defective. Father Morice’s. Wm. Hubank’s inventions. Moongty (Myths of the Cherokees, 1889) : Animal cycle. Cosmogony and cosmology. Early contacts. Kanti and selu. Myths. MooneEy (Myths of the Cherokees, 1900) : Animal stories. Archeology. Arts. Botany. Ceremonies. ANTHROP, Pav. No. 23] THE EASTERN CHEROKEES—GILBERT Moonty (Myths of the 1900) —Continued. Genesis stories. Geographical. Glossary of Cherokee words. Historical traditions of contacts with various tribes and with whites. History. Home life. Language. Local legends. Medicine. Nomenclature. Notes and parallels to the myths. Personal names. Plant lore and names. Religion. Rites in agriculture. Sacred myths. Songs. Sounds of Cherokee speech. Various plants described. Mooney (Sacred Formulas of the Cher- okees) : Colors. Contents. Dances. Gods. Hunting. Language of formulas. Love. Manuscripts containing formulas. Medical. Medical practice— Bleeding. Rubbing. Miscellaneous. Mythic references. Names. Pay of Shamans. Plants used. Rites in gathering plants. Specimen formulas. Sweatbath. Symptoms. Taboos. Theory of diseases. Moonrty (Cherokee Ball Play): Decoctions. Cherokees, 379 Moonry (Cherokee Ball Play)—Contd. Formulas repeated. Going to water. Legend of animal and bird ball play. Omens taken. Racket Dance. Rattle. Regimen of training. Rubbing. Scratching. Songs. Taboos. MoonrEy (Cherokee River Cult) : Divination with beads. Formulas. Going to water. Locations on water. Rites with water. River lore. Mooney (Indian Navel Cord) : Treatment of navel cord of child by Cherokees and other tribes. Moore: Archeology summary for Eastern Tennessee. MorGaNn } Clans. Notational system. Relationship terminology. MYERS: Ancient village excavated. Map of Tennessee archeology. Settlements. Trails. OLBRECHTs (Cherokee childbirth) : Care of child. Contraceptives. Disposal of afterbirth. Magic with children. Medical materials. Mode of parturition. Partus. Pregnancy. Taboos. OLBRECHTS (Methods of divination) : Divination of the future. Traditional methods of divination, True divination for lost things. 380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 133 OLsREcHTS (Cherokee treatment of dis- ease) : Boils. Chirugy. Dentistry. Divination. Fractures. Medical. Medicine man’s paraphernalia. Scarification. Sucking horn. Surgical. Wounds. OLBRECHTS (The Swimmer Manu- seript) : Disease— Birth. Care for child. Death. Formulas and analysis. Medicine men. Nature and causes. Specimen. Treatment of disease. OWEN: Aunts and uncles. Clans and social organization. Cures for snake bite. Tales. OWL: Beaver Dance. Corn planting ceremony. Scratching. PARKER: Treaty relations with the U. S. Government. PAYNE (Manuscripts) : Vol. 1. Traditions of the Cherokee Indians. Early faith—a rehash of Chris- tian Traditions and Yowah hymns. Hebrew origin and journey through the wilderness. Moon worship. Corn mother. Legend of corn and game (green corn dance myth). Divining crystal. Ancient selection of boys for priest- hood. Ancient 6 great festi- vals. Occasional festivals. PAYNE (Manuscripts)—Continued. Vol. 2. Clans. Two son’s story. Divining crys- tal. fie a Ae ar bial a La CONTENTS INGE UIWV ESN O@OASh te = ah lmpaye Ui ee Sue PAS ote A ee ge brah SPP GL COMICS O1SO MMe aes ele espe ery coh race foe lee Wie et ey EN, Soe aaeae ey ee General implications of North Pacific whaling________________________- Ja\y OY OVE4 0X0 Ub cs) LA an Shape Oi ed RE as Me dae irate aA we eM Ses ent Re One, The use of poison-harpoons and nets in the modern whale fishery -____ The modern use of heavy nets in whale catching______-____________- 1 S:11]0 SUBYEao2)j 6) Nyc 2 Nate Sa SINS hs AEC A RIE, A iar Re Ne i ie (Mell yar oe 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES The whale fishery of the Greenland Eskimo________________________- Greenland whales and harpoon with bladder_______________________- Curching apne nwnale, Wapato Ree) ale ee i ey Dispatching the already harpooned and netted whale with lances, Japanese whalers setting out nets for a whale______________________- ihewhale huntiof.the Aletitsie 2 ee coho we lee elie bie lye. Aad TEXT FIGURES Whaling methods in the North Pacific and Bering Sea ae, apnea 2 Ds Whaling scenes as represented by native artists__._________________- Whaling scenes according to native Eskimo artists___.______________- South Alaskan lance heads of ground slate____________-._______--_-- Ordinary whale harpoon and poison harpoon with hinged barbs-_. -- - - - 468 468 468 468 468 468 468 420 423 428 432 455 Rebelo Ee = « vied « oteye pant genie albiahie cee Dibra ni aLiinieca' Mi 7 MN ’ Pied a) A by bad aby Y q a _* ( { web we raha GAhLe Biteroyy be Afinedt niupil Ai mit, | NY or nie 1-8 oma - - 4 D Afi ) ~ i i 7) \ bal ) ’ of j r ¢ : . | 1 * " 4 : a * oi ' ‘- ee ’ ' ‘ ' ' alin : we fo 5 , ¢ re ve PM.) ars, raga’ f é ay bes elas f duo a ACONITE POISON WHALING IN ASIA AND AMERICA AN ALEUTIAN TRANSFER TO THE NEW WORLD By Roserr F. Hetzer INTRODUCTION In this paper I propose to discuss a subject which on its own merits deserves specific treatment, and in addition has the value of present- ing new evidence bearing on the important problem of the interchange of culture between Asia and America via the Aleutian Island chain. This latter aspect will be considered in the final section of the work. Whaling is of general occurrence on the east Asiatic littoral from East Cape at Bering Strait at least as far south as Japan. It is commonly considered a general feature of Eskimo culture, though some groups, by reason of continental cultural orientation or en- vironmental restrictions, do not indulge in it. It occurs from Point Barrow southward in Bering Sea and eastward to Greenland. Whal- ing spilled over in the east to the New England coast of Maine. Among the so-called Pacific Eskimo (Aleut, Kaniagmiut or Koniag) whaling was a very important subsistence feature. Its southward extension was the west coast of Vancouver Island and the coast of northwestern Washington from Cape Flattery as far south as the Quinault River. The intervening stretch north of the Nootka to the Kenai Peninsula is commonly thought of as an area of non- whaling; the suspicion, for which there is some evidence, of the former existence of whaling in this coastal and offshore-island area of maritime peoples raises a separate problem which I prefer to leave for future consideration. On the Pacific littoral of northeast Asia there is a small, restricted area where whaling was accomplished by the relatively simple pro- cedure of throwing a lance into the whale, the stone point of which was detachable and smeared with deadly aconite poison. The area is that of the Kurile Islands and the Kamchatkan coast. The Kor- yak to the north and Japanese to the south employed different methods. 1I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Ronald L. Olson for the original stimulus leading to my treatment of this problem. 419 [BuLL, 183 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 420 \ = J7INVNINO == 74 2977100 HYMN ‘vag SuLIeg pUv dglOvVg YON 04} Ul Spoyjour SurpeyA—9G aINoL I DM ILHA LYOTAS - INIT -NOOSAHH OMITVHM JONY7-aINOSIO” ||\||ll| SITVHM SO ONILLIN WS ANTHROP. PAP. No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 421 KAMCHATKA PENINSULA-KURILE ISLANDS Steller (1774, pp. 98, 103, ftn. (a)) has left the best description of Kamchadal whaling: ? Whales are also taken in the neighborhood of Kamtschatka in the number of ways which I shall cite here, however inconceivable such seem and are astonish- ing in view of [the size of] these great sea animals. Around Lapatka*® and the Kurile Islands the inhabitants travel into the sea in baidars,* seek places at which these are accustomed to sleep; as many animals as they meet, so many do they shoot with poisoned arrows, whereby they suddenly puff out [become animated?], storm and rage frightfully and go (down) into [sound] the sea, and it happens now and then, that one or more, at times even none of them, are cast upon the shore. When the Kuriles obtain a whale,’ no one begins to cut it up until all are assembled; first shamanizing takes place, each one puts on his best clothes, and carries home his portion, after this one yurt entertains the other. Before and after the entertainment they give their dance, and otherwise delight themselves in all sorts of ways, which will be treated in what follows. As soon as a whale comes to the land in Kamchatka, they fasten it with a thin line to a little stick stuck in the sand, and believe certainly on this account, that neither the spirits nor the sea nor Gamuti, or spirits of the land, can any longer have any claim to it. Further descriptions of the Kamchadal whale fishery are passing references,® or are seemingly traceable to Steller’s original account. Whaling in the Kurile Islands between Yezo and the Kamchatka peninsula is recorded, but not described adequately. Krashen- ninikov says (1764, p. 188; see also Steller, 1774, p. 98) the “Kuriles [kill whales] by throwing poison darts into them.” The same au- thor notes that the southern Kurilians (i. e., Ainu) feed on whale’s fat. Shelekhoff (1812, vol. 1, p. 128) states that the Japanese re- ceive whale oil from the Matmai Kuriltze.8 Kishinouye ® figures an engraved bone with a whale hunt (?) pictured on it. It represents a whale harpooned from a boat bearing eight men (fig. 57,a). A small 2The accounts of Asiatic whaling by Tooke (1801, vol. 3, pp. 18-20) and Krashen- ninikov (1764, pp. 138-139) are similar to Steller’s fuller description, which I offer here in translation from the German edition. 3? Cape Lopatka, the southernmost tip of the Kamchatka Peninsula. 4This word ordinarily refers to skin-covered boats; here it means wooden boats with dugout hulls and built-up side planks (cf. Torii, 1919, pp. 178-183). 5 Presumably this refers to the moment when the whale, previously attacked, has come ashore as already described by Steller. ® Steller, 1774, pp. 100, 103, ftn (a); Krashenninikov, 1764, p. 141. Von Langsdorff (1813, p. 262) and Petroff (1884, p. 146) deny Kamchadal whaling. By Von Langsdorft’s time the practice may have been forgotten. 7 Krashenninikov, 1764, p. 39. La Pérouse, 1799, pp. 59-60, 75. Drift whales cast ashore on Etorup are mentioned in Neue Beschreibung, 1782, p. 134. 8 The Kurile Islands, except the two northernmost opposite Cape Lopatka, were occupied by Ainu. These two northern islands, Paramushir and Shumshiri, were inhabited by Kamchadal. There are a few slight indications that others of the Kurile Islands may have been occupied by Kamchadal, or, at any rate, strongly culturally influenced from Kamchatka. 9 Kishinouye, 1911, p. 365. Tsuchiya (1937, p. 11) says this bone has been examined by Tsuboi, who thinks it is late and represents the sperm-whale fishery of medieval or modern times. Tsuchiya is unimpressed; apparently feels Tsuboi’s opinion may not be correct. 422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt, 133 boat-shaped figure just above the whale is unexplained. Von Siebold, in reproducing an account of 1643, says that whales are caught on Yezo,° and again, that whales are seldom caught by the Ainu.™ The same account mentions poisoned arrows but does not state that poison was employed in the capture of whales. The Ainu are ap- parently familiar with whales to the extent that they have 19 names for them (Von Siebold, 1859, p. 148; 1897, vol. 2, p. 260). La Pérouse says the Ainu trade with the Japanese in whale oil. “This fish is caught only on the southern coast of the island [Sakhalin].” I grant that these citations are inconclusive evidence to offer as proof of Kurilian Ainu whaling, but I feel that they may be tentatively interpreted as such. JAPAN As regards the origin of Japanese whaling, I can offer nothing. It suffices for present purposes, then, to note that the method is not like that employed in the Kamchatka-Kurile region to the north, but rather with iron harpoons and heavy nets (pls. 20-22). Kempfer ** (or Kaempfer, Kimpfer) says: Of all the animal productions of the Japanese seas, I know none of so extensive an use, for rich and poor, as the Kudsiri, or whale. It is caught frequently about Japan, but particularly in the Sea Khumano, which washes the southern coasts of the great island Nipon, as also about the islands Tsussima and Goto, and upon the coasts of Omura and Nomo. The common way of catching them is with darts, or harping irons, as they do in the Greenland fishery, but the Japanese boats seem to be fitter for this purpose than ours, being small, narrow, tapering to a sharp point at one end with 5 oars, or 10 men each, who row them with incredible swiftness. About 1680, a rich fisherman in the province Omura, whose name was Gitaijo, found out a new way of catching whales with nets made of strong ropes about 2 inches thick. This method was afterwards followed with good success by a countryman in the islands of Gotho, whose name was Iwonomo. They say, that as soon as the whale finds his head entangled in a net he cannot, without great difficulty, swim further, and may be very easily killed with harpoon irons after the common manner. The reason why this new method, which seemed to bid very fair for success, hath not been universally received is because it requires a great and much more expensive set of proper tackle than common fishermen can afford. Fraser (1937), in a preliminary paper, refers to a Japanese book * on whaling of 1790. The Dutch (e. g., Vries in 1643) may possibly have introduced whaling into Japan, judging not only from the 10 Yon Siebold, 1859, p. 100. See Charlevoix, 1736, vol. 6, pp. 37-38. 11 Von Siebold, 1859, pp. 147-148. The Ainu legend of how two men killed a whale between Alaid and Paramushiri may possibly reflect a memory of whaling (Torii, 1919, p. 265). See also Lantis, 1938 a, p. 449. 2% La Pérouse, 1799, vol. 3, p. 289. The Ainu live on the southern half of Sakhalin; the Gilyak inhabit the northern portion. 13 Kempfer, 1811, pp. 705-706. A similar account is given by Charlevoix, 1736, vol. 8, pp. 98-102. 14 This seems to be the same book republished in abstract by Mobius (1893, pp. 1053-1072). He claims the book was published in 1829. Fraser says the author is Yamada Yosei; Mobius attributes it to Koyamada of Yezo. 423 POISON WHALING—HEIZER ANTHROP. PAP, NO, 24] ‘(SF ‘30 ‘“GZ6L ‘Yooqpuvy unossnyY YS}l1g) oWrlysy Geis AIOAT UO paAreo quny eVyM “Pp ‘(2 ‘9 ‘s3u ‘TS ‘Id ‘L68T ‘usuygoH) TWoynyD ‘Ulys snaje MA UO poured juny sIVyM (‘G-T ‘sid ‘8zeT ‘Tleuqsng pues ‘Tt ‘Id ‘Eq6T ‘AQUSNOTITA 908 ‘Soumeds SUI[VYM Y}IM S}Vq VYIOON 19410 JOq) ‘(FE% “30 ‘EZ6L ‘HooqpueA wMosny_ YS}lIq) puBlsy JoANOoUvA ‘BYI0ON ‘Jey AIJOySeq B uo pojJueseidel juny 9TVyM ‘Q “(x8 ‘Id ‘COT “SE ‘TLET ‘eXnoutysty) puvIs, uleayVg ‘(,) nuUTy ‘eqn} ouoq UO poyojo UN oTByM ‘D *SISTJ.1B OAT} BU AQ PoJUESaIdeI SB SOTGDS SUITVRYMM— JG FANT p NU Nb mi RU \ f Me ae «kare | { | Toe PMA EH ER Qo IES gy 28 405260—43 494 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bubn, 133 method of capture but the use of windlasses, etc., and oil rendering.*® Fraser reproduces a picture showing 7 boats with 10 rowers each and a harpooner who stands in the bow holding the heavy harpoon upright, resting on the upper flat part of the leg, which is bent at the knee. The whale is entangled in rope nets, which played an important part in its capture. Harpoons, lances, and knives were used in their dispatch. Tsuchiya (1937, p. 17) says: . .. the fishing next in importance to the Kujukiri sardine industry, was whale hunting off the coasts of the western and southern provinces ... Whale hunt- ing had been carried on since the Civil Wars [from the middle of the Muromachi Period dated at 1500-1600] * off Kii, Ise, Mikawa, and Tosa provinces and north- ern Kyushu. At first harpoons were used, but from the Kammon era (1661-73) onwards they were superseded by nets. Whaling was carried out chiefly by wealthy people such as Gidayu Fukazawa, of Omura, in Hizen province. An incidental description of the Japanese whale fishery in 1870 reiterates the essential details of the description of Kempfer and the illustrations of 1790 referred to above and reproduced at the end of this paper..7 Adam’s (1870, pp. 312-13) description is as follows: The day after our arrival there was great excitement in the village. All Kino-O- Sima was out of doors. A whale was reported in the offing. There was much noise and shouting. A dozen boats were quickly launched, and started off in wild pursuit. Long, gaily painted, sharp-prowed boats, propelled by four power- ful sculls, each worked by two men standing, darted through the water. A smart hand was placed in the bows in charge of the harpoon; while others, eager but 1 Fraser, 1937, pl. 2. Cf. with the illustrations in Dow (1925, pl. 44, p. 119) of the early Greenland whale fishery of the Dutch and English, which was patterned after Basque whaling (for which see Markham, 1881). Steller (1774, p. 103) says that whaling around Japan was carried on “in the European manner.’ Tsuchiya (1937, pls. 24, 25) reproduces two incredibly detailed Japanese whaling scenes (Tokugawa Period) from the same source as Fraser. Plate 24 shows the dispatch with lances of the already harpooned whale entangled in the net. In both plates are shown interesting figures in distinctive dress, the individuals in the whaling boats in dark robes and the half-naked men in dark loin-cloths and beating drums (?). There is a suspicion of ceremonial or esoteric practices connected with whaling. Note also (pl. 24) the standards in the bows of the boats. The harpoons and windlasses look European. The harpooned whale (pl. 25) has in him a number of harpoon-irons which are attached to lines held by men in the boats. I have characterized Japanese whaling on the map as by the netting technique; harpoons were apparently used before 1680, but as to which were aboriginal, the line-and-float type, or merely, like Huro- peans, with a line attached (as shown by Tsuchiya, pl. 24), I cannot say. 16 Japan was first visited by the Portuguese in 1543 (von Siebold, 1897, vol. 2, p. 235); the Dutch soon followed (see Hagenaar, 1786, pp. 38-39). Early European whaling in the area north of Japan is intimated by several early authors, who refer to whales found with European whaling irons sticking in them. These may be whales bearing old harpoons gotten in the North Atlantic or Spitzbergen whale-fishery. (See Steller, 1774, pp. 102-103; Charlevoix, 1736, vol. 6, pp. 52-53, 398; con Kotzebue, 1821, vol. 3, p. 267.) 17 Kempfer’s stay in Japan was from 1690-92; the source used by Mobius, Fraser, and Tsuchiya dates from around 1800 (1790 or 1829?). A careful study of east Asiatic sea- mammal netting and a comparison of Japanese-Kamchadal-Koryak-Chukebee ‘“whale-cult” would probably yield interesting results. For example, the Japanese use nets, make noise, and shriek when the whale has been harpooned, and the inhabitants on shore beat drums and make cries of rejoicing (see Mobius, 1893, pp. 1055, 1057, 1060) as do the Kamchadal, Koryak, and Chukchee. Although Buddhist priests and prayers enter whaling (Mobius, 1893, p. 1060), there is a strong suspicion of an older stratum of esoteric accompaniments to whaling. ANTHROP. Pap, No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 4.25 still, squatted on the huge black nets coiled up in the boat. The boats soon approached, and quickly surrounded the whale [see pl. 22], which they wounded repeatedly with their lances and harpoons; and, when he was exhausted from loss of blood, enclosed him in their strong nets and hauled him ashore. It is not my intention to discuss Japanese whaling here, since some of the literature * is not available tome. I cannot forebear indicating, however, that Kempfer says the practice of using nets for whales was “found out” in 1680. Since the practice of netting sea mammals (e. g., Gilyak, sea lions;?® Olutorski Koryak, whale) is apparently quite widespread on the east Asiatic coast, it may be that the Japanese heard of this more northern method, which is described below, and imitated it. I present this as a problem whose solution remains to be accomplished. KORYAK These people live north of the Kamchatka peninsula and exhibit two distinct methods of capturing whale. The first, that of netting whales, is described for the Elutori *° in some detail by Steller : + The Elutori have another way of catching whales: They make nets of walrus hide, which they previously hang fer a long time in the smoke, so that they become as hard as a rock. These hides they then cut into pieces and straps, and from them weave very large and thick nets. Each strap is as thick as a strong man’s arm; they set these nets within the Elutorsk bay against the mouth of the bay, and secure one end of it [the net], with many large, fixed stones; if the whales go either in or out, they entangle themselves to death by the tail in the nets in a short time; thereupon the Hlutores go to them with Baidars [umiak], make him fast with straps and tow (buxieren) him onto the shore; however, before they row away with him, they shamanize over him in their baidars; during the time that they are rowing to the land, the young girls, women, and children, and, in general, young and old, stand on the bank, sing, cry out, dance and jump about, and congratulate their menfolk on the booty. When the whale is landed they all put on their best clothes and ornaments, bring a carved wooden whale two feet long, set up a new Balagan [pile storehouse], set the wooden whale underneath it with continual shamanizing, kindle a lamp, appoint a caretaker (Watcher) for it, who must pay attention that the lamp, from Spring on into the Fall, as long as the hunt lasts, may not go out, at which time they go in a body, cut the whale into pieces, and prepare it as their most important (principal) food for the entire year as follows: the meat, which does not permit long preservation, being very tough and coarse, is consumed first ; that which cannot be immediately consumed is hung up in the air and dried, the hide is separated from the blubber, scraped and smoke-dried, then beaten and made supple, and used for shoe soles. ... 18K. g., the references cited by Steensby (1917, ftn. 2, p. 154) and Tsuchiya (1937, pp. 183-184). 19 Hawes, 1904, p. 256. See also Steensby, 1917, pp. 154-155, for an interesting discussion of the practice in Asia and America of netting sea mammals. 20 A southern Koryak group living on Oliutorsk Bay. Jochelson calls them Alutor. Pet- roff (1884, p. 146) said the Olutorsky were called “strangers” by their Koryak neighbors. 21 Steller, 1774, pp. 98-99. Tooke (1801, vol. 3, pp. 18-20) and Krashenninikoy (1764, p. 138) give accounts of Olutores whale netting, obviously derived from Steller’s fuller description of the same. 426 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu, 133 When the Elutores bring out anew the whale nets, they have the biggest festival of the whole year. They begin the ceremony with great and lengthy shamanizing, in a large subterranean yurt, slaughter dogs and beat the magic drums at the same time; at which time they make a very big container of Tollunscha or brew of divers roots, berries, fish and whale oil put together, set this in front of the Schupan™ or draft hole (Zugloch), bring the wooden whale, accompanied by frightful uproar and [by] Shamans into the yurt, and close all the openings so that it becomes totally dark. All at once when (as soon as) the Shamans have conjured the wooden whale away, they make an outcry that the whale has escaped to the sea, whereupon young and old run out of the yurt to accompany it. The Shamans thereupon show the footsteps [traces] of it which look similar to the track of a mouse in the Tollunscha over which it has marched away, when it ran off to the Schupan.” If one asks them concerning the reason for this ceremony they answer only, that their fathers also did it this way and found it good and satisfactory. 7 The difference between Olutores (Olutorsky, Elutori) whale netting, and that of the Japanese described by Kempfer and pictured by Fraser, is that the former set the nets in the bay mouth while the latter used them at sea. The stimulus for the use of nets in the capture of these largest sea mammals may have come from the Japanese knowledge that people to the north did catch whales with them. Jochelson (1905-8, pt. 2, pp. 550-552) has described the method of whale capture of the Koryak thus: The whaling crew in the boat nears the whale, the harpooner throws a toggle-type harpoon. The whale sounds, carrying the line, and when he breaches, is struck again. Finally, when he is tired and worn out, he is dispatched with lances with flaked stone heads. When dead, he is towed to shore. CHUKCHEE Here are the whalers, par excellence, of the northeast Asiatic coast. Steller (1774, p. 101) has an excellent account of Chukchee whaling: The Tschuktschi, who catch whales in great quantity, from the mouth of the Anadyr River down to the farthest cape [C. Navarin?] approach nearest the European method of capture. They row in very large baidars [umiak] made of wood with seal hides stretched over, 8, 10, and more men strong, also 2 to 3 vessels at the same time into the sea; when they see a whale, they row vigorously up to it, and thrust a large Nosok [harpoon] of iron or bone into him, which then separates from the shaft, and fixes itself crosswise in the wound and does not become dislodged; a strap [line] is fastened to this, the other end of which they have in their baidar, laid in many coils and 100 and more fathoms in length. Not far from the strap is attached an inflated bladder or whale intestine, by which they can tell at all times upon the sea [surface] where the whale goes. Wherever he goes now, they let themselves be drawn along with him; if he goes into the depths [sounds] they let out the line, if he comes up they draw it in again, and row closer to the whale, thrust him again with a Nosok, or the other baidar does this; they hunt and follow him continually, until he again goes into 224 sleeping compartment off the main room 23 This passage may refer to scrying (see Cooper, 1928). AnTHROP, Pap, No. 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 427 the depth and wears himself out. As soon as he comes up [breaches], the third baidar thrusts him. When they have collectively fastened onto him and pretty well worn him down, they begin with all their might to shriek, clap their hands, and make all sorts of noise, upon which the whale hurries with all his might to the shore and they are drawn after him. [When] he is near shore they storm and rage still more violently, until the whale in passion and blindness (Hifer und Blindheit) throws himself with greatest energy far upon the land, where he is completely massacred by them. In the meanwhile the rest of the people, young and old, dance and jump with great joy (Frohlocken) upon the shore, as has already been mentioned above. On those islands between America and the Tschuktschi Cape [St. Lawrence, Diomedes] the whale is taken in just this manner. The Tschukischi catch so many whales, and rely upon their skill therein to such an extent, that they touch none which are cast dead upon the shore, except that they use fat from them to burn. Although the Tschuktschi have very numerous herds of reindeer, and therewith can be satisfied, they never- theless occupy themselves intensively with the taking of sea animals, because they have the most extreme need for blubber not only as the greatest delicacy, but also the oil, lacking all wood, in order to obtain fire, which they pour [i. e., whale oil] upon moss, peat, and whale bones, and burn instead of wood.* The Tschuktschi make from the intestines of the whale shirts like the Americans, and use them [intestines] instead of barrels, as [do] the Elutorski Koryak. Bogoras (1904-9, pt. 1, p. 124) and Aldrich (1889, pp. 56-57) have good accounts of the Chukchee whale-fishery, and mention stone- headed harpoon, sealskin floats attached to the line 74* dispatching of exhausted whale with a lance, yelling and noise-making connected with the capture (fig. 57, c). With the Chukchee we leave the Asiatics who indulge in the whale fishery in such varied forms, and turn to a review of the American techniques of whaling in Bering Sea and the North Pacific. ALEUTIAN ISLANDS This island chain extends as a partly submerged continuation of the Alaskan peninsula, from Unimak Island in the east fairly continu- ously through the Fox Islands (Unalaska, Akutan, Umnak), the An- dreanof Islands (Amlia, Atka, Adak), the Rat Islands (Amchitka, Kiska), the Near Islands (Agattu, Attu), then jumps about 175 miles to the isolated Commander Islands (Bering, Copper), which are about 115 miles from the southeast shores of the Kamchatka penin- sula. It seems improbable that American or Asiatic natives could have made the trip over open water between Kamchatka and the Com- mander Islands or between the latter and the westernmost Aleutian *% This describes in a very clear manner an interesting and apparently unique cultural adaptation to the lack of wood. The principle is similar to the lamp with a wick set in train oil (ef. Birket-Smith, 1929, p. 99). 24a Inflated sealskin floats or buoys described by Bogoras and Aldrich are not mentioned by Steller who says only that a small indicator float was employed by the Chukchee. In the light of abundant evidence of Chukchee cultural borrowing from the Eskimo, it appears that the use of double-floats attached to the harpoon line was adopted from the north after 1770. In this connection, see footnote 15, p. 424. [BULL, 133 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 428 island, Attu. But evidence summarized in the latter part of this paper does show that such trips were actually made, presumably in both directions, and probably performed by Asiatic and American natives. “(COT SY) eueos SureyuM YF “(TT “Sy ‘OL Id) Juny efeqmM “9 “(Ger “By) e[vyA oAtjdua y ‘p ‘(FOL SY) StojuNnY v[vqai [eary ‘9 “(7 “sy ‘G9 ‘[d) pi1oOdor SuleyM *Q “(7 “SU ‘99 ‘1d) oMeDS SurpeyM ‘ov CLEOST ‘UBIO Jsijy) ‘sIStAV oUITYSA OATIVU 0} Surpz0ddB sousdS SulpeyA—'eSG ANDI Sama CULTS b Tn UES rd STI cae VLE. ere —— 7 tintin Sms Facto ODES) ERE ez aly RY, AMY Von Wrangell (1839, ftn. 53) has a significant note implying the absence of whaling in the Aleutian Islands west of Atka in the eastern Andreanof group: ANTHROP, PAP, No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 429 The Aleuts of Atka and those of the islands lying farther to the west have, as a result of fear, never been able to set their minds to the whale fishery. In the year 1832 they began to be instructed, with the help of Kadjak Aleuts [Kaniag- miut] in this so useful business.” Unalaska Island, the important location of the Russian settlement of the Aleutians, seems to have been the western center *® of the aboriginal whale fishery. 1 present here a series of translated ac- counts from the German, copies of manuscript translations from the Russian in the Bancroft Library, and from other published papers.*' I am omitting any but passing reference to the esoteric aspects of whaling (i. e., “whale cult”)—I hope later to present this to make a complete picture. Veniaminov ** says: The spear heads used in hunting the whale were greased with human fat, or portions of human bodies were tied to them, obtained from corpses found in burial caves, or portions of a widow’s garments, or Some poisoned roots or weed. All such objects had their own special properties and influence, and the whalers always kept them in their bidarkas. The hunter who launched a spear pro- vided with such a charm upon a whale at once blew upon his hands, and having sent one spear and struck the whale, he would not throw again but would proceed at once to his home. ... Then, taking with him a companion, he prec- ceeded to the shore where he presumed the whale had lodged, and if the animal was dead he commenced at once to cut out the place where the death wound had been inflicted. Von Wrangell (1839, p. 54) states: A single Aleut in his single-oared baidar,” and armed only with a short spear the point of which consists of sharp, ground slate, attacks this giant of the sea; he approaches him cautiously from behind until [he gets] in the vicinity of the head, thrusts his weapon into his body under the front fluke (Vorderflossen), and goes away with the greatest rapidity. If the spear has penetrated through the blubber into the flesh, the wound is mortal; within 2 or 3 days the whale dies; the current or the waves throw the body on the nearest shore. Each spear carries a certain mark, by which one recognizes the catcher and owner of the same if the weapon still sticks in the body of the slain animal. ; 2% Jocheison (1925, text figs. 10, 11, 28) illustrates chipped throwing-lance points from Attu and Atka. Granting that these be whaling points, it may indicate that whaling was once known, but later lost on Attu Island, far to the westward of the Atka region where von Wrangell draws the line. If the Koniag did introduce whaling to the islands west of Atka, it is possible that they also introduced the polished slate-pointed lances, rather than the Unalaska chipped obsidian-pointed lance. Thus we may have a not uncommon Ssitua- tion of a complex once present, subsequently lost, and later reintroduced. This may account for the Aleutian nonwhaling area which I felt constrained to enter on the map. 26 Kodiak is the eastern center of Aleutian poison-lance whaling. 27 Again I wish to say that I do not claim complete citations—the ones I give here seem particularly appropriate in helping to give a general picture of Pacific Eskimo whaling methods. 28 Quoted by Petroff (1884, pp. 154-155), from Veniaminoy, 1840. For a short biographi- cal sketch of Veniaminov, see Baker, 1906, p. 73. 2 Refers to a kayak with a double-bladed paddle. Ordinarily the two-hatch bidarka seems to have been employed in whale hunting in both the Unalaska and Kodiak districts. 430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut, 138 Markoff (1856, pp. 99-100) has this to say about the Aleut whale fishery: The Aleuts often shoot at whales with slate spear heads, which, entering deeply into the flesh, make a bad wound; the salt water of the sea gradually eats into it; the whale gradually weakens and finally dies in about 3 days; the waves wash the carcass upon the beach, and the feast is decked out for the Aleuts. Von Kittlitz (1858, pp. 266-269) was a particularly astute observer, and his description of the manner of whaling in the Fox Islands is full of significance: Adverse winds necessitated our going rather far to the south, and not until the 20th of August did we find ourselves in the vicinity of the Fox Islands, the most important of the entire [Aleutian] chain. Only once during this voyage had we seen from afar a dead whale floating on the sea, which from its great distance from any land seemed to have been floating around for a long time, after possibly having been hunted and killed at one of the eastern- most of these islands in the manner customary there. That is to say the Aleuts, who by instinct (durch ihren Naturtrieb durchweg) are most eager and skillful sea hunters, possess, however, no other means of securing for them- selves the numerous whales which inhabit these waters, than by wounding them with javelins, specially prepared for this purpose, in the hope that the monstrous beast, after it has died of the wound, will finally be grounded by wind and waves on one of their islands. The sea connection of the inhabitants of the islands with one another, but particularly the geographical situation of the islands themselves, make it possible that this practice can be accompanied by some success. It has not even been essentially altered since the Russian conquest, by which the natives have become serfs of the present Russian- American Co., since the whale fishery in this country is carried on only for the purpose of sustaining the natives, for whom the oil (Thran) as well as the meat of different species are principal means of nourishment. Im fact, the whale lines customary in Europe and America in our time are completely lacking in the Aleutian Islands and even the whalers, who even at that time, were frequenting the major portion of the ocean, were never accustomed to show themselves there although the quantity of great cetaceans of various kinds, was never on earth more considerable than in these regions.” But the aforementioned hunting method of the Aleuts is so frightfully wasteful. Of 10 whales struck, as a rule it is to be expected that 9 will be completely lost—that one must suppose the population of the islands can never have been So considerable, as the fabulous statements of the first discoverers report,” because otherwise the whales, where not entirely exterminated, must have at least have been much rarer than they are at present. Among the darts which 80 Jenkins (1921, pp. 28-29) defines the ‘““Kodiaec Grounds’ from Vancouver Island north to the Aleutian chain and from the west coast to 150 degrees west longitude as the home of the Japan whale, or the Right Whale. The California Grey Whale also inhabits this North Pacific area. All were hunted in aboriginal times. 31H. g., Shelekhov said in 1786, the population of Kodiak was 50,000 people. It was actually nearer 6,500 (Petroff, 1884, p. 33). These remarks by von Nittlitz have a sig- nificant bearing on the problem of the population density of the Aleutian Islands. The series, Neue Nordische Beytriige, edited by P. S. Pallas, will be of value to those students of Pacific Eskimo population statistics. ANTHROP. Pap, No. 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 431 the Aleuts carry with them in their sea hunts, particularly in the single-seated baidar [kayak], there are always some especially for whales. They are, like the others, made of wood, have toward the point a continuation made of bone and about a foot long [foreshaft?], which by its weight promotes the arched cast of the throw.” This bone piece is carefully smoothed and is notched on one side, so that a row of barbs juts out, by which the penetrated projectile remains very fast in the wound (pl. 23). The wounding points them- selves are made in part of obsidian or lava-glass, partly also of trachyte. The lat- ter material is used by preference, upon Kodiak and Aljaschka [Alaska Peninsula], the former, however, on the Fox Islands. By its brittle, glassy nature it is particularly fitted to cause inflammation in the body of the animal® as soon as the cast has penetrated the thick blubber. As a result of this inflammation the whale usually dies on the third day and the corpse is then cast up on one of the Aleutian Islands, the community that finds it first examines the wound, where the spear must be found which bears the mark of the community of the hunter. This community is immediately apprised, and shares in the booty with that [village] in which it was found. One would think that the Russian-American Co. must have been for long a petty one, not only not to have shown the Aleuts the use of whale lines, but also not to have supplied them with the materials they lacked [for making them]. In such case the whale fishery would have been much less wasteful and perhaps itself would have become a very profitable enterprise for the company. That the earlier Aleuts did not lack knowledge of the appropriate- ness of the use of such lines, is apparent from the arrangement of the darts (Wurfspiesse) used in hunting sea otters, which show something very similar in miniature. In these points, carved out of bone or walrus tusks, and supplied with strong barks, are movable; they are set in in such manner that they become detached from the shaft when they penetrate the body of the animal. They are, however, fastened to the shaft by a long cord of intestine sinew which is wound around it, and to which is fastened a bladder. The wounded animal has by this considerable space to dive, while the shaft with the bladder floating overhead indicates to the hunter, the vicinity in which it may be found. Von Kotzebue (1821, vol. 2, pp. 100-101) has an interesting state- ment concerning a drift whale: The 4th of June. A dead whale, stranded here [Unalaska District] set everything in a tumult; the Aleuts swarmed thither, and clung to the half- rotten fish, like flies on honey; to us the obnoxious exhalations barred the way. By an arrow, which still stuck in the corpse, they immediately recognized who killed it and hence was the owner. To the district, in which such a treasure comes ashore, one part of it is apportioned, and the inhabitants are permitted to eat upon the spot as much of it as they are able, which accordingly takes place uninterruptedly, for 24 hours. Often the owner [i. e., he who killed the whale] and the people eating the whale fall into a fierce altercation, because these had not thought to set aside (zuruckgelassen) for him the tidbits, that is to say, the parts which are most rotten. 2 One of these “darts” with a bone foreshaft and flaked-stone point is illustrated by Scammon (1874). 53 The inflammation referred to is probably a result of the poison, not of the obsidian. Cf. Holmberg (1855, p. 110). 432 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 133 The concern which von Kittlitz shows over the wastefulness of the native method of whaling is echoed by Veniaminoy (1840, pt. 2, p. 231), who says: Whales are sometimes very numerous in the summer, but only at Ounalashka and now and then at Akanna, and though the hunters there spear from 30 to 60 every year, they only secure 338 of them on the average, and sometimes no more than 10. Ten or twenty whales would appear to be an enormous quantity of meat, but the whales here are generally of a small species, so that the meat of a whole whale is easily packed into single baidar. Von Langsdorff gives substantially the same account of whaling methods as presented before (Von Langsdorff, 1818, pp. 44-45; see also Scammon, 1874, p. 76). The javelins* . . . designed for whales . . . are pointed with Scoriae of lava, or Silex obsidianus. When the Aleutians see a whale they follow him Ficure 59.—South Alaskan lance-heads of ground slate. a, Unalaska (Dall, 1877, fig. opp. p. 75). 6, Wooden model of slate lance head, Aknanh cavern, Unga Island (Pinart, 1875, pl. 7, fig. 3), c and d, Cook Inlet (de Laguna, 1934, pl. 31, figs. 11 and 13). in their boats, watching for the moment when he raises his gigantic head above the water to breathe, and then endeavor to wound him with their javelins near the front fin. If this is done effectually, the creature begins to writhe and rage furiously, till by degrees he grows faint and exhausted by the loss of blood. The Aleutian then returns perpetually during the day to the same spot, to watch for the monster floating dead upon the surface of the water; or if a strong wind blows towards land, he watches along the neighboring coast for its being blown thither, and then collects the whole village together, to draw him on to their dwellings * where he is cut up. The point of the javelin which is commonly found in the wound that occa- sioned the death of the animal, is a testimony to whom the fish of right belongs; *4 Darts cast by means of the spear-thrower. ® This is the only reference to towing the whale ashore (pp. 44, 45.) ANTHROP. Pap, No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 433 for every Aleutian has some peculiar mark by which his weapons are dis- tinguished from those of his neighbour’s. Formerly, according to the laws of the country, when a whale was taken, the chief of the village, the person by whom it was killed, and every individual of the society, had his regular portion assigned to him. The statements (by Holmberg, von Kittlitz, etc.) on drift whales bear out certain archeological evidence. De Laguna (1934, p. 183, ftn. 241) has called attention to the fact that the barbed polished slate blade is absent or atypical of the Aleutian Islands, but notes a single specimen collected by Dall from Unalaska (Dall, 1877 a, fig. opposite p. 75). (See fig. 59, a.) I interpret this specimen of Dall’s (and presumably there are others either hidden in undug sites or in museum collections) as a whaling lance head got from a drift whale which was struck near Kodiak or on the Peninsula and washed ashore on Unalaska. In this connection it will be recalled that Holmberg (1855, quoted on p. 434) mentions a case of this kind. The case seems clinched if we recall von Kittlitz’ statement (1858; quoted here) that the Kodiak and Alaska Peninsula natives (both of the Kaniag- miut group) preferred ground and polished slate, while the Unalaska natives preferred chipped obsidian or trachyte whale lance points.*° KODIAK ISLAND REGION This area includes Kodiak, Afognak, and the mainland opposite from 159 degrees west longitude into Cook Inlet. It was occupied by the Kaniagmiut,?’ of Eskimoan linguistic affinity, whose culture showed a significant compromise between Eskimo and Northwest Coast types.*® The most complete, single account of Koniag whaling is that of Holmberg,” who probably took some of his information from Davidof’s earlier report. Early in the morning customarily two two-oared baidars go from the shore and row to the vicinity of the bay in which most of the whales reside, who $6 See Pinart (1875, pl. 7, fig. 3) for a wooden model of a slate lance head of the Kodiak type from Unga in the Shumagin Archipelago. Pinart (1872, p. 15) describes an Unalaska javelin with an obsidian point as follows: “The point of the javelin used here [Unalaska] answers to the same purpose as the slate lance of the Kaniagmioute ; the whale which the Aleoutes hunt only in the bays, generally die at the end of several days, and are cast upon the coast ; the Aleoutes scarcely attack any but the two smallest species of whales, that is to say, the Megaptera versabilis and the Balaenoptera velifera.”’ Cf. Veniaminov, 1840, vol. 2, p. 231, quoted on p. 482. 3? Handbook, 1912, pt. 1, p. 652. Called here also Koniag. %3 See Lantis (1938, pp. 123-128, 168) and Petroff (1884, pp. 136-146) for brief descrip- tions of this little-known group. The cultural position of these intermediate Pacific Eskimo is important not only in relation to the larger Eskimo problem (see Birket-Smith, 1929, pp. 229, 232), but as an Eskimoan group whose intermediate geographical location between the Northwest Coast and Western Eskimo may reflect developmental history and interinfluenc- ing of these regions. The people are nearly all gone, but there is a tremendous body of historical data waiting to be gathered together from its recondite sources. 8? Holmberg, 1855, pp. 108-110. Petroff (1884, p. 142) seems to have got his data from this source. 434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 always give evidence of their presence when they rise to the surface by a terrific waterspout.” Of the Koniags who are sitting in the baidarka, it is only the forward man who is the actual whale hunter; the other is a mere paddler and has nothing more to do than to set the boat in motion according ‘to the command of the first. When the hunter has approached a whale, yet not within throwing distance, he observes exactly the direction in which the animal is moving in order to be in the vicinity when he dives below the surface. Nevertheless, he must take great care in this matter, not to be noticed by the animal, in which case it would immediately alter its direction under the water. If he succeeds, however, in approaching within 10 or 15 fathoms of the sounding Colossus, he casts his dart with his throwing-stick, aiming at the region of the dorsal flukes (Rtickenfldsse). When the weapon has been thrown, the hunters seek by paddling the baidarkas backward to place them- selves at a distance as soon as possible, in order to avoid the contortions and thrashings of the wounded animal, whereby it nevertheless happens occasionally, particularly when the distance is not so great as that abovementioned, that the baidarkas are overturned through the violent movements of the animal either by high waves or by the animal itself. In such case the hunters would be lost beyond hope of rescue, if it were not that usually two baidarkas went together on a hunt of this sort, in order to be able to support one another In ease of necessity. The spear has a length of about 3 ells and is furnished on the end with a dagger-shaped point fashioned of soft slate (Thonschiefer). When the cast weapon has struck the whale it breaks into two parts, so that the stone point remains in the wound which is made deadly by the movements of the animal.* Every whale hunter scratches his mark and token in the slate [point], for which reason a quarrel concerning the possession of a dead whale can never arise, inasmuch as the pieces of slate occurring in the wound declare the slayer, who is at the same time owner of the animal. When the whale has received a wound, he goes out of the bay toward the open sea, where, as the natives claim, on the third day he “goes to sleep” or in other words dies. If the direction of the winds and currents is toward the shore, the booty never escapes the hunter, for on the fourth or fifth day the dead animal is cast up by the waves, and is cut up in the manner previously described. Often enough it happens, however, that the animal is carried past the island and reaches a wholly remote shore. There are even examples that the sea about Unalaska has cast up a whale which was killed at Kodiak. Holmberg (1855, p. 107) distinguishes four names of whales hunted by the Koniags: 1) Annikwaks = 2s 325 Oldimwihale2.3 a ca. 10 fathoms long. 2: Kawwichnak--=---222 = Middle-aged whale_-____-_ ca. 8 fathoms long. 3; Agashitnak= 1 sissslees One-year-old whale_-~--_- ca. 6 fathoms long. A -vACh Waki oe —~ So au eee Woung, whales 2=s222225 =—- ca. 34%-4 fathoms long. Von Wrangell (1859, p. 55) gives a list of four different species of whale distinguished by the Koniag: 40 As Steensby (1917, p. 145) and Birket-Smith (1929, p. 77) point out, two-hatch skin boats (bidarkas) are a local development which took place in the Pacific Eskimo area. Kre- nitzyn and Lewaschef (1781, p. 269) said in 1768 that the two-hatch boats at Unalaska ap- peared to belong only to the chiefs (Hiupter) of the villages. As is shown elsewhere, chiefs were likely to be rich men and whalers, so there is a possibility that the local development of the bidarka out of the kayak is understandable as owing to whaling, in which this type of boat figured, and ascribable to whalers. 41 Here again the deadly effect probably came from the aconite poison rather than the movements of the animal, ANTHROP, PAP, NO, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 435 The Aleuts of Kodiak distinguish four kinds of whales: Polossatik (the feared one) ; Aljama;* Kulema, and Utschulochpak (i. e., an old woman) ; at times, although seldom, the Kashelot also occurs. Sauer * states that: Whales are in amazing numbers about the straits of the islands, and in the vicinity of Kodiak; the natives pursue them in their small boats, and kill num- bers with a poisoned slate-pointed lance. This same author’s specific statement concerning the use, and method of preparing aconite arrow poison is valuable: They use darts and lances headed with slate, with which they kill the sea animals. They also use poison to their arrows, and the Aconite is the drug adopted for this purpose; selecting the roots of such plants as grow alone, these roots are dried and pounded, or grated; water is then poured upon them, and they are kept in a warm place until fermented: when in this state, the men anoint the points of their arrows, or lances, which makes the wound that nay be inflicted mortal. [Sauer, 1802, p. 177.] Pinart (1872, pp. 12-13), much of whose Kaniagmiut ethnog- raphy still remains in the form of manuscript field notes, has in- cluded, in a published catalog of a Pacific Eskimo collection, the following in regard to Koniag whaling: These lances [of slate] are used by the Kaniagmioutes“ [of Kodiak and Afognak] for whale hunting. Those struck once, generally die at the end of Several days, and are stranded on the beach; the lances are dipped, before they are used, in human grease, which has been prepared for this purpose by the whaler, from the corpses of rich persons whom they have just dug up and put to boil. Each of these blades carries the particular mark of its owner. This blade, fixed in its shaft, is then hurled by means of a board in the form of a lever [spear-thrower]... The use of a fat or grease rendered from the corpses of deceased whalers or rich persons is a characteristic feature of Koniag whaling. Apparently the danger involved in handling corpses was great, and only a whaler, initiated into the procedure, could indulge in it. (Lantis, 1988 a, pp. 441-443; Pinart, 1873, pp. 679-680.) Lisiansky says: *° The whale harpoon is about ten feet long; the spear or point is of slate stone and of the form of a knife, sharp on both sides, and is set loose in the handle. The whale fishing, however, belongs almost exclusively to particular families, and is handed down in succession to those children who prove to be most “2 Kotzebue (1821, vol. 1) says the whale is called Aliamak at Unalaska. Chamisso, quoted by MGbius (1893, p. 1067) mentions a whale, Alimoch, caught at Unalaska. : 48 Sauer, 1802, p. 181. Mention igs also made of hunting sea lions with poisoned arrows p. 180). “ See Pinart (1873, p. 673) for the area inhabited by this group. 4 Lisiansky, 1814, pp. 206, 202, 174. Hoffman (1891, p. 70) has an excellent account of the use of dead whaler’s corpses as a “poison” and for amulets, He obtained his data from the Aigaluxamut, a group which I am unable to identify, but suspect that they are from the area (probably a single village) in the Cook Inlet-Kodiak-Alaska Peninsula region. 436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 133 expert at it. But this art is not brought to such perfection in the island of Cadiack, as in Greenland, and many other places. A Cadiack whaler, in a single bidarka attacks only small whales; “ and for this purpose he is provided with a harpoon, the spear of which is made of slatestone, and so fixed into the handle, as to detach itself when the whale is struck. When wounded by it, the whale runs to sea and dies, and is perhaps never seen again, unless the currents and winds should throw it on the coast. Thus no whaler is sure of his prey. The spears of the whale harpoons are marked by the whalers, so that every one knows his own. Of these whalers a story prevails, that when the fishing Season is over, they conceal their instruments in the mountains till wanted again; and that they steal, whenever they can, the bodies of such fishermen that die, and were known to have distinguished themselves in their calling, which they preserve in caves. These bodies are said by some to be stolen, from the idea that the possession of them conduces to render the fishing season prosperous ; and by others, that a juice or fat is extracted from them, into which if an arrow be dipped, the whale, when wounded by it, dies the sooner. Weyer *7 has given what is likely to be the correct interpretation of this fat as a “poison”: Information secured by Frederica de Laguna from Athabascan Indians at Kenai, Cook Inlet, concerning the use to which the Kodiak Eskimos put dead human bodies is confirmatory of other Kodiak data but somewhat perplexing. The statement of these natives that the Kodiak Islanders killed whales with poison extracted from corpses by means of boiling may not mean that it was actually poison but only a fetish substance. The stuff was smeared on their weapon points, and was kept in the prows of their bidarkas. When they had lanced a whale, they used to paddle in a circle around it, and then paddle to the shore, dropping poison in the water behind them; the whale was sup- posed to wash up on the shore where they landed. The flesh around the wound had to be cut out before the whale could be eaten. Osgood (1937, p. 39) gives much the same description from his Tanaina informants: The large whale inhabiting the waters of Cook Inlet is not killed, though much relished by the Tanaina of the region. They obtain the meat from the neighboring Hskimo. These people (Kaniagmiut) they describe as hunting the whale with spears having heads of slatelike stone about 8 inches long and 1 inch wide which break off in the body causing death. The belief is that the Kaniagmiut poison these spear points by rubbing them in the decaying remains of a “fat man” [sic] over which an incantation has been made. The Tanaina do not have the proper medicine to kill whales so they trade furs for the meat. 48 Small whales are mentioned often. If the species could be determined, identification from the archeological remains might be possible. If the Eskimo-type whaling was once practiced in this area, the species of whale hunted is likely to have been a larger one; this, too, ought to be reflected in the archeological remains. Dall 1877 b) claimed that only in the upper (i. e., later) layers were bones of the larger whale species found. Jochelson (1925) has challenged Dall’s interpretation of stratigraphic succession so seriously that little faith can be placed in it. 47 Weyer, 1932, p. 309. As I have mentioned elsewhere, if uninitiated people aspired to become whale hunters, they would be reluctant to undertake the highly dangerous procedure of rendering from dead bodies fat “poison,” actually innocuous but putatively toxic. This latter may well have served to distract attention from the true poison made from aconite roots, the preparation of which, according to this view, was a secret closely guarded by initiated whalers. ANTHROP. PAP. No, 24] POISON WHALING——HEIZER 437 The use of dead bodies of rich persons and of whalers may mean the same thing. A whaler was likely to be a rich person, for he would own a whale he killed, and would control the division of it among the community in which he lived and was accorded social position. His control of whaling ritual would include a knowledge of the preparation and use of aconite poison—the essential feature of whale hunting. This was likely to be a carefully guarded secret, since it was economically advantageous to its possessor. Some reason had to be given out to explain the tremendous effectiveness of the whaling dart-points, and the common people (i. e., the uninitiated) probably were led to believe that it was the fat rendered from dead bodies. This was a ruse to hide the identity of the true poison— indeed a clever dodge, since an ordinary person would consider it extremely dangerous to have anything to do with a corpse. The conclusion is that the Kodiak whalers used an actual poison of aconite,*® which was a carefully guarded secret. Additional “poi- sons” in the form of fat rendered from corpses were used, but these were ceremonial and actually innocuous as far as toxic effects go. In view of the break-down of the old culture under Russian impact, it is hikely from our evidence that the whaler’s secret society *° became abandoned or, at any rate, much more restricted. Such a situation as 48 See citation this paper and the data in Heizer (1938, p. 359). Lantis (1938 a, pp. 454— 455) gives further citations of the Koniag use of poisonous roots in whaling, presumably aconite. 4 Pinart, 1875 a, p. 2. If not an actual secret society, Koniag whalers were of high social rank, holding their social position by hereditary rights. See Petroff (1884, p. 137) and Lisiansky (1814, p. 209) for statements on the hereditary whaler’s caste. The tendency toward forming a closed group of whalers has a modern parallel in Nantucket. The follow- ing rather lengthy but extremely interesting quotation illustrates how, in functional terms, such an organization might develop. “Tt was never fairly understood what were the secret obligations of these female Masons; and it was even doubted that they had any ‘secrets worth knowing,’ inasmuch as no im- portant operations, whether of good or evil tendency, were known to be put in practice in the little town of Sherburne Nantucket, or to disturb the world at large. Thus much, how- ever, came afterwards to be divulged: An obligation, if not under the solemnity of an oath or affirmation, was at least assumed by the novitiate under the charge of the officiating mis- tress, that she would favor the courageous whale fishermen, under every circumstance, in preference to a stranger and a landsman, if the alternative should ever occur. The letter and the spirit of this charge were for a long time pertinaciously adhered to by the unmarried members ; and some of them were known to carry it so far as to make it a sine qua non in permitting the addresses of their suitors, and they should have struck their whale, at least, before the smallest encouragement would be given or a favoring smile awarded as the earnest of preferment. “It has been shrewdly suspected that the chivalric ordeal, thus enforced by the fair maidens of the isle, was set on foot by some of the patriotic whale fishermen and oil merchants of the place in order to perpetuate a nursery of peculiar seamen; while in doing so they were sure to secure valorous husbands, and a certain competency for their daughters, as well as a monopoly of the trade to the island. The intermarriage of so many whale fish- ermen with the daughters of whale fishermen, until almost all the inhabitants did, in reality, claim near relationship and call each ‘cousin,’ at all events would seem to point that way, and to favor the presumption. Certain it is that the daughters of some of the wealthiest men of the island had already formed a compact not to accept the addresses of sighing swains, much less to enter into the holy bonds of matrimony with any but such as had been on a voyage and could produce ample proof of successfully striking a whale.” (Brown, 1887, p. 220, ftn. quoting from Miriam Coffin, or the Whale Fisherman, pp. 57-58). 438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 outlined above would account for some of the puzzling later aspects of whaling. Thus, Holmberg (1855, p. 110) said: An attempt has also been made to supply the spears with iron points instead of the stone ones. These were not found to fulfill the purpose, however, since never has a whale wounded with such weapons been cast up.” There is reason to suspect that the iron point does not inflict a deadly wound, and this supposi- tion is the more strengthened by the circumstance that not seldom whales with healed wounds are killed. Steensby (1917, p. 144) says of the Koniag that for whale hunting they used a lance with a broad-bladed point of slate. The hunters believe that wounds caused by slate spears prove fatal more quickly than those caused by iron points, and they have stuck to slate blades obstinately. As a final point in relation to the weakening of the complex in its old form, we have direct historical statements as to when the change began. Von Wrangell (1839, p. 55, ftn.) says: Since the year 1833 the harpoon and vessels outfitted properly after the European manner have been made use of for the whale fishery. A skilled English harpooner has already been invited to enter the service of the Russian-American Co. It is to be hoped that a happy result will crown this important attempt. Recalling Veniaminov’s statement (1840, pt. 2, p. 341; quoted on p. 432) of the low percentage of recoveries of wounded whales, and von Kittlitz’ remark that of 10 whales struck 9 will be expectably lost, it is of interest to note von Wrangell’s (1839, pp. 54-55) figures. He says: Since the whale hunter abandons the wounded animal to the sea, it is natural that many become lost. For example, in the summer of 1831 there were at Kadjak 118 whales wounded, of which only 48 found their way upon the shore. This concludes our survey of Aleutian-Kodiak whaling. Steensby ™ says that the Cook Inlet Indians hunt white whale (beluga), the hunter hurling a slate-pointed lance at the whale from a pole staging erected over the water. After the animal is hit, the hunter pursues it 50 IT suspect quite strongly that these iron spear points simply did not bear aconite poison. The whalers society apparently kept as a strict secret their knowledge of the extraction of the poison. Thus, in historic times with the break-down of the old culture, a “Company man” might go whaling without poisoned dart heads—the result being that he (being unin- itiated into the whaling mysteries which include poison-extraction methods and use) could spear, but never succeed in killing whales. The decided preference shown by so many primi- tive peoples for stone weapon-points over those made of metal (for the area under discussion see Steensby, 1917, p. 144 (Koniag) ; Mason, 1902, p. 270 (Point Barrow) ; Jochelson, 1905— 1908, p. 551, and Bogoras, 1904-1909, p. 124 (Koryak), may have a rational explanation, since stone-pointed projectiles are apparently more effective in cutting animal tissue than metal ones (see Murdock, 1892, p. 240; Pope, 1930, pp. 56-57). Sl Steensby, 1917, p. 143. Osgood claims the Tanaina do not hunt whales. Birket-Smith and de Laguna (1938, p. 107) state that the Eyak are not whalers. ANTHROP, PAP, No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 439 in his boat. Large whales are not hunted. Shelekhoff * says of the Chugachmiut of the “Bay of Chugatzy”: °° The marine animals hunted there are as follows: sea-otter, whales, sea-lions and bear-seals, the weapons used being spears thrown with little boards and lances Such as used by the Kenaitze and other tribes. ESKIMO North of the Alaska Peninsula, we immediately find a different method of whaling. The same situation, as we have already seen, occurred on the eastern Asiatic coast north of the Kamchatka penin- sula where Koryak-Chukchee whaling was sharply distinguished from the Kamchatka-Kurile method. The Eskimo of St. Lawrence Island,** geographically intermediate between Asia and America, have the same type of whaling as the Chukchee © and their cousins, the American Eskimo. Eskimo whaling south of Point Barrow to Bristol Bay (?)** and eastward to Greenland,°*” covers a tremendous area, yet is without ques- tion historically related. The real break comes at the Alaska penin- sula, or more strictly, south of it in the Aleutian Islands-Kodiak area. There is abundant information concerning Eskimo whaling; typi- cal accounts may be found in Murdoch (1892, pp. 235-242, 272-276), Mason (1902, pp. 269-270) and Moore (1923, pp. 353, 359). The cap- ture of whales is carried out by a crew of 8 or 10 men in a large skin boat (figs. 57,d,;58). The heavy toggle-type harpoon has a long attached line to which are tied sealskin floats (generally two) with a third float called a trailer or indicator with a line 15 or 20 fathoms long which is used to determine the position of the whale.®* The whale is harpooned, he sounds, carrying down the line with the floats at- tached, and upon breaching is harpooned again. Finally exhausted, unable to dive again because the numerous floats or “pokes” buoy him up, he is dispatched with lances.°® The dead whale is towed ashore by a series of umiaks tied bow-to-stern (figs. 57, 58). 52 Shelekhoft (Shelekof, Shelekov), 1812, vol. 2, p. 24. 58 These are an Eskimoan group of the southern shore of the Kenai peninsula and Prince William Sound. See Handbook (1912, pt. 1, p. 294) and Petroff (1884, pp. 145-146, map). Shelekhoff said the Koniag and Chugatz spoke the same language, which was different from that of the neighboring Kenaitze and Ugalachmiut. 54 These belong to the Siberian or Yuit group of Eskimo (Collins, 1932, p. 107). 55 Steller, 1774, p. 101 (quoted verbatim supra). For St. Lawrence Island whaling, see Moore, 1928, pp. 353, 359. “6 Not all the Western Eskimo whale; some do not know how and in some places it is not convenient. Bristol Bay, aside from beluga “whaling” (which is not strictly whaling as treated in this paper) seems to be beyond the actual southern limit of Western Eskimo whale fishery. 5? Here again the distribution is not always continuous. Geographical limitations have played their part in causing this. (Birket-Smith, 1929, vol. 2, pp. 223, 233.) 58 An indicator float is also used in Nootka-Makah, as well as Chuckchee whaling. % Illustrated by Nelson (1899, pl. 55b, 57a) and Murdock (1892, figs. 238-240). 405260—43 29 440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 The lances used for dispatching the exhausted whale are of particu- lar interest to our study. Nelson (1899, p. 147) says of the Kuskowim and Norton Sound area: These lances were used when the seal or walrus has been disabled, so that it cannot keep out of reach of its pursuers, when the hunter paddles up close along- side and strikes the animal, driving the detachable head in its entire length. The head remains in the animal, and the hunter immediately fits another point into the shaft and repeats the blow, thus inserting as many of the barbed heads as possible, until the animal is killed or the supply of points is exhausted. Every hunter has his private mark cut on these points,” so that, when the animal is secured each is enabled to reclaim his own. There is immediately suggested by this statement, the similarity to the Kodiak whaling lance with its detachable slate (or in Unalaska, flaked obsidian or trachyte) head with property marks inscribed on it. De Laguna (1934, p. 183), in a discussion of the distribution of barbed slate lance blades, has rightly seen that the Norton Sound- Kuskokwim method of stabbing sea mammals is similar to Kodiak whale-lancing except that in the latter place only one penetration, instead of a series of thrusts, is made. The Kodiak-Aleutian pro- cedure is explainable by recalling that: (1) Only one penetration is possible, since the whale escapes after being lanced; and (2) a single thrust is normally mortal since the animal’s death results from the action of the aconite poison.*t With repeated stabs, death of the See Weyer, 1932, pp. 179-182; Wissler, 1919, p. 414, figs. 12, 32, 35. Boas (1899, p. 601) says: ‘They [property marks] occur almost exclusively on weapons used in hunting, which, after being dispatched, remain in the bodies of large game. These are, particularly, whaling harpoons [figs. 16-19], walrus harpoons [figs. 20-23], lanee-heads used for killing whales, and detachable arrowheads [figs. 24-25]. . . . It appears, therefore, that the object of the property mark is to secure property-right in the animal in which the weapon bearing the mark is found.” Nelson (1899, p. 147) indicates another possible origin for property marks, viz, the identification of each individual’s own points so that he is enabled to reclaim them, Where a number of hunters are shooting at one animal some question migth arise upon recovering the point from the dead animal as to who owned which points. Which of the two was first developed is impossible to say, but a problem is indicated. The place of property marks on Kodiak and the Aleutians is clearly that of securing property right in whales (see accounts quoted). Dawydow (1816, p. 218) mentions property marks for Kodiak. De Laguna (1934, pp. 71, 72) found only two slate points with ownership marks ; there is a suspicion that these may be Koniag (or Chugachmiut) points recovered from drift whales in Cook Inlet. This may not be so, however, since the barbed-slate point is common at Cook Inlet. The Right whale, despite its great size, seems to be a relatively easy animal to kill. The vegetable alkaloids are derived mainly from the Phanerogams, the Papaveraceae, Leguminosae, and Ranunculacae being richest in these substances. Allen, 1920, pp. 260-262, gives some interesting figures on letha doses of aconitine: 0.18 mgrm, per kilogram of body weight for warm-blooded animals. Two mgrm. (1/30 grain) is the minimum fatal dose for an adult man when the poison is taken by the mouth; but, if given hypodermically, 0.15 mgrm, (1/45 grain) is sufficient to cause death, since all the poison is thrown into the circulation at the same time with no chance to throw it off by vomiing. Allen, 1929, p. 262, says, “The most constant symptoms of aconite poisoning are difficulty in breathing, progressive muscular weakness, a weak intermittent pulse. Death usually occurs from syncope, preceded in some cases by delirium and convulsions.’ Cheney (1924) discusses physiological effects of arrow poisons with alkaloidal properties. The relative toxic doses of aconitine are given by Allen (p. 263, see table p. 229) and its allies as: Aconitine 1, (Footnote 61 continued on following page) ANTHROP. PAP. No. 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 441 animal results from loss of blood or because a vital spot is struck; the poisoned-lance technique actually effects an intravenous injection of aconitine.” In broad outline, then, I believe the gross differences between Bering Sea Eskimo and. Kodiak-Aleutian whaling methods to be: TABLE 1.—Differences between Bering Sea Eskimo and Kodiak-Aleutian whaling methods Whaling technique Kodiak-Aleutians Bering Sea Eskimo Whaling instrument____- Poisoned; polished slate or chipped | Heavy, toggle harpoon with line obsidian—pointed lance or dart; hand and floats. cast or spear-thrower. Boats and crew____------ 1-man kayak; 2-man bidarka_-___-_------- 8- or 10-man crew in umiak. Recovery of whale___---- rifts OntshOre 50h. -2a8 eo eee cheep ce ae neae Towed to shore. NORTHWEST COAST It is generally believed that most Northwest Coast peoples, viz, Tlinkit, Haida, Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, and Coast Salish, were not whalers. There is, however, some evidence that some of these tribes formerly were whalers, and, while I am reluctant to omit treating this question here, I reserve discussion till a later time. Thus, be- tween the Chugachmiut and the Nootka of Vancouver Island there is a blank area; a region where, at least in the full historic period, whaling was not practiced. Some of these nonwhalers make little or no use of drift whales which are cast upon their beaches. At the risk of indulging in a flight of fancy, I should like to present a possible explanation for the well- known aversion of the Tlinkit to whale blubber or flesh. Krashen- ninikov ®* gives a vivid description of a Kamchadal feast from a drift whale, the results of which were great sickness and some deaths by the participants. Petroff (1884, p. 140) says, “It frequently happens that a long time elapses between the killing of a whale and the capture of the carcass, and under such circumstances the consumption of the meat causes disease and sometimes death.” A possible explanation Indaconitine 1, Japaconitine 0.85—0.9, Bikhaconitine 0.75, and Pseudaconitine 0.4—0.45. If we knew what species of Aconitum plants were used in the Aleutian-Kodiak area, we might calculate the amount of poison necessary to kill a Right whale, since we have some data on the time elapsed from subcutaneous injection and death (generally 8 days). The above should answer a question which will occur to most readers, viz, Can a large animal like a whale be killed by an aconite smeared dart? The answer is yes; it is possible. ® The statistics showing the large number of whale struck and small number of whales recovered given by von Wrangell, Veniaminov, and von Kittlitz for the Aleutian-Kodiak region are perhaps in part explainable on the basis that the single penetration did not pierce through the exterior blubber layer and therefore did not cause death of the animal. Whales which went too far to sea and drifted past the islands, to come ashore on the Northwest Coast, may account for some of the whales which were struck, killed, but not recovered to the knowledge of the people in the locality where they were hunted. * Krashenninikov (1764, p. 141), “. . . a healthy young man began to groan and complain that his throat burnt.” This sounds like a symptom of aconitine poisoning. Krashennini- kov himself says that eating a whale killed by poisoned darts may account for this. 442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 133 of this might be as follows: A whale is struck near Kodiak (perhaps even by the Chugachmiut) with a lance heavily laden with aconite poison. The whale dies, remains drifting for some time, and finally becomes stranded. The flesh and possibly the blubber surrounding the wound is impregnated with aconite,** and proves toxic in varying degrees, some of the eaters of it sickening, others dying. The oceanic drift from Kodiak swings out to westward to about Unalaska, swings south and east, hits the Queen Charlotte Islands, goes north in the Gulf of Alaska, past the Kenai Peninsula, and on past Kodiak. Thus, a whale killed near Kodiak might easily drift ashore on the Northwest Coast anywhere north of the Queen Charlotte Islands. This would be Tlinkit country, and we note that there are numerous statements that these people did not have anything to do with drift whales. I sug- gest that the Tlinkit got hold of many poisoned whales over a period of time long enough to build up a dread of eating their flesh or blub- ber which is today reflected in their taboo. The chief whale hunters of the Northwest Coast were the Nootka, Makah, Clallam, Quinault, and Quileute. (Drucker, Nootkan manu- script; Koppert, 1930, pp. 56-63 (Clayoquot) ; Bancroft, 1886, p. 186 (Nootka) ; Swan, 1870, pp. 19-22; Waterman, 1920; Gibbs, 1877, p. 175 (Makah) ; Gunther, 1927, p. 204 (Clallam); Olson, 1936, pp. 44-48 (Quinault) ; Reagan, 1925 (Quileute).) The Nootka are commonly considered the local fountainhead of whaling, the practice having spread southward across the Straits of Juan de Fuca to Cape Flattery and as far south along the coast as the Quinault River. The characteristic features of Vancouver Island—Western Washing- ton whaling include: A boat crew of eight in a dugout whaling canoe; a composite harpoon, in general type conforming to the usual local type, only larger,®* to which is attached a long line with inflated bladders tied on; dispatch of wounded whale with a lance; dead whale towed to shore (fig. 58, 0). If the features just enumerated are compared with Bering Sea whaling techniques in table 1, a great similarity will be seen. Appar- * That there is danger of this portion, at least, becoming impregnated with the aconite poison is suggested by the almost universally recorded cutting out of the area surrounding the wound where the poisoned weapon point has penetrated. See Heizer, 1938, pp. 360-361 (Aleut, Ainu, Southwest China) ; St. John, 1873, p. 250 (Ainu). Petroff (1884, p. 140) says, “The Kaniags, however, claim to be able to decide whether the meat is still fit to eat by observing the gulls and other aquatic birds that swarm about the carcass; and if a certain species of bird is absent the Kaniag will not touch the meat.” 6% Von Langsdorff (1813, p. 131) says, “Whale fat they never eat; it seems from some prejudice forbidden to them...” For further citations, see: Holmberg, 1855, p. 22; Erman, 1870, p. 316; Krause, 1885, p. 181. Dall (1877, pp. 86-37) says that of all the Tlinkit groups, the Yakutat were the only ones to eat whale’s flesh and blubber. The Yakutat Bay Tlinkit were strongly influenced by the Pacific Eskimo, as judged from their possessing the umiak and spear thrower. They may have learned, like the Athabascan Tanaina, that the Koniag killed whales with poison. ® For illustration and description, see Waterman, 1920, pp. 29-34. ANTHROP, PAP, No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 443 ently this southern whaling is more closely comparable in technology with that of the Eskimo than with Aleut-Koniag.* ACONITE POISON We have repeatedly made reference to the fact that aconite poison was used on the Kodiak-Aleutian whaling spears. Indeed, the effec- tiveness of this whole whaling method depends upon the use of this substance and is not intelligible without its employment. It has been suggested previously that the use ®* of an aconite extract as a weapon poison spread from the Kamchatka-Kurile region eastward along the Aleutian Islands to the Kodiak region.®*® There is some justification for this view, since the use of aconite arrow poison has a very extensive distribution in eastern Asia. Sternberg (1929, pp. 766-777) associated the aconite arrow poison of the Ainu with the extensive use of poisons in the Philippines and Indo- nesia. He neglects reference to China and India. It is true that the whole area of Southeastern Asia employs weapon poisons of vegetable alkaloids. In view of this, we cannot consider the use of aconite a particular, isolated poison technique, but as associated as a part of a widely distributed use of alkaloidal phytotoxins in the larger area. What does seem significant to me, however, is that the further north- east we go, the less important plant poisons become. Thus, the Ainu apparently use at least three poisons (Ranunculus, Aconitum, Anem- one); the Kurile-Kamchatka area only one or two; the Aleutian- Kodiak area only one. Not only is aconite used alone, so far as we know, in the latter area, but, in addition, is solely and functionally related to whaling, a concurrence which we have seen in the closest adjoining region (Kamchatka-Kurile Islands). The connection is thus strengthened ; it seems to be a northern peripheral occurrence of a climax or central-area or plant alkaloid-poison use in Southeastern Asia. Cornevin (1887, p. 214) says that, according to the age of the plant and the climate, there is inequality in the toxicity of Aconitum napellus (mentioned by Steller?). This plant is more toxic in southern than in northern latitudes. In proportion as one goes farther north, its venemosity decreases to such a degree that, ac- cording to the testimony of Linnaeus, in Norway and Lapland, the young stalks are eaten without danger. Von Middendorf (1867, vol. 4, p. 697) says, “A great advantage that the north possesses is 6? With regard to the nonmaterial, or esoteric, aspects of whaling, the Vancouver Island- Western Washington area seems to be most closely comparable to the Aleutian-Kodiak area. *8 Heizer, 1938. In this paper I did little more than demonstrate the Asiatic-American connection of the use (not the function) of aconite poison in hunting. This functional aspect, with an obvious bearing upon the history of the whaling complex, will be treated here. ® Birket-Smith and de Leguna (1938, pp. 465, 519) have suggested independently that vegetable poison is a circum-Pacific element ; they do not specifically isolate Aconitum species as the plants from which the particular poison was extracted. 444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 that poison plants do not extend this far. There is known to me only one single example of a plant of the high north recognized as poisonous (Hedysaurum Mackenzti Richards).”7° Thus, we may have a botanical reason why poisons are not used north of the Kamchatka-Aleutian axis, since plants with a sufficient toxic con- tent do not grow. In a recent Flora of the Aleutian Islands, I find these statements: The middle Aleutians belong to a northern Pacific [floristic] region to which is added in both ends circumpolar and arctic-montane species and, further- more, in the eastern end Asiatic Pacific and in the western end American Pacific types ... the islands in phytogeographical respect belong in Asia, as their associations are decidedly Kamchatkan ... The northern Kuriles, South Kamchatka, and the Aleutians have a close affinity to each other. [Hultén, 1937, pp. 43-44. ] It will occur to the reader to ask whether or not the plants used for extracting poison are found outside the areas where their use as arrow-poisons is recorded. The answer is emphatically in the affirmative. Hultén, presenting the North American and Asiatic Mainland distributions of the flora of the Aleutian Islands, finds that 2 Aconitum species,” 3 Anemone species,” and 18 Ranunculus forms ** are shared by the islands with the mainland areas to the west and east. In most cases, the plants listed here are widely dis- tributed in the northern hemisphere, and are found in the Chukchi Peninsula and Alaskan areas. There thus seems to be no lack of toxin-producing plants—their restricted utilization seems due to two main causes: (1) A cultural one, meaning that the idea of the use of phytotoxins was not diffused; and, (2) a phytogeographical cause in terms of northern latitudes where the toxic properties of plants decrease to the degree that they may be innocuous. How important this latter reason has been I am unfortunately unable to say, but von Middendorf’s and Cornevin’s statements on the subject indicate that phytotoxins are at least rare in the high northern latitudes.” Since my first paper on aconite arrow poison appeared, additional sources of information have become available. Feng and Kilborn (1937), in a pharmacological study of Nosu and Miao arrow poisons, 7 In a recent inquiry into fish poisoning, this same fact obtruded itself, viz, piscicides were not used north of Japan in Asia, or north of the State of Washington in western North America. 1 Hultén, 1937, pp. 178-180 (Aconitum delphinifolium DC., A. maximum Pall.). 7 Hultén, 1937, pp. 180-182 (Anemone narcissiflora L., A. parviflora Michx., A. Richarsonii Hook.). 7 Hultén, 1937, pp. 182-189 (Ranunculus acer L., R. acer var. frigidus Regel, R. Bongardi Greene, R. Hschscholtizii Schlecht., R. Nelsonii DC., R. Nelsonii subsp. insularis Hult., R. nivalis L., R. repans L., R. reptans L., R. sulpherens, R. sulpherens var. intercedens Hult., R. trichophyllus Chaix., R. trichophyllus var. hispidulus. 74 Lewin (1923, p. 175) says that the Koryak, Yukaghir, and Chukchee have arrow poisons, I am unable to state what these poisons are, but Lewin says that it is improbable that the Koryak use aconite. ANTHROP, Pap. No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 445 list a series of sources which attest the use of aconite for this purpose among the ancient Chinese in Yunnan, and in Hokkaido (Yezo). Sina left blank or questionable on my distribution map, can now be shown to have used aconite arrow poisons, thus forming a continuous area of employment from India through China, to Yezo, the Kurile Islands, and Kamchatka (Heizer, 1938, p. 362). Steller (1774, pp. 235-236, ftn. (a) ) says of the southern Kamchadal, “Nichts destoweniger werden solche sehr gefiirchtet, weil sie dieselben mit dem aufgeleimten Pulver der Wurzel des Napelli | Aconitum napellus?|, auf russisch Ludik vergiften ...” Shelekhoff” says, “Paramushir Island has a plant called Zewtik, with the roots of which the natives paint themselves and into its juice they dip the points of their arrows, to kill animals.” Krashenninikov’s statement (1764, p. 42) about “poisonous herbs, whose roots are as yellow as saffron and as thick as rhubarb, and are well known to the inhabitants of the first Kurilskoy island . . .” may refer to the same plant. Lewin 7 identi- fied the “zgate” spoken of by Krashenninikov as Anemone ranuncul- oides. Thus, there seems to be not a single clear reference to aconite poison from Kamchatka, but of Anemone. There can be little doubt but that this poison extracted from roots is related to the high develop- ment in the area to the south and southeast. The Ainu use of arrow poison made from aconite roots is well known; references to its use occur commonly,”* and there are several excellent special papers and descriptions of the method of making it.” (Batchelor, 1892, pp. 169-170; Eldridge, 1876; von Siebold, 1878.) Starr (1904, p. 42) says of the Ainu: The poisoned arrow was an ingenious affair. The foundation of the poison was aconite secured from the corm of the plant; to this various other ingredients 7 Shelekhoff, 1812, vol. 1, p. 90. Neue Beschreibung . . . 1782, p. 118. Paramushir was occupied by Kamchadal. In fact, at least the two northernmost islands of the Kurile chain (Paramushir and Sumshiri), and perhaps still others, were not held by Ainu, but by Kamehadal. (See Golownin, 1818, vol. 2; Tooke, 1801, p. 127; Sarytschew, 1806, vol. 1, p. 59; Krashenninikov, 1764, pp. 34, 35, 89, 170; von Siebold, 1859, pp. 122-123; Torii, 1919, pp. 77-82; von Siebold, 1897, vol. 2, p. 251.) This implies Ainu-Kamchadal contacts and probable cultural interchange. We know, for example, they both hunted whales in the same manner. 76 Lewin, 1923, pp. 174-175. See also Cornevin, 1897, p. 193. ™ Krashenninikov, 1764, pp. 92-93; Heizer, 1938, p. 360. Cheney (1924, pp. 13-14) refers in a rather obscure manner to Anemone sp. used in Northwest North America as an arrow poison. 7 Savage-Landor, p. 223; Golownin, 1852, vol. 2, p. 200 (Ranunculus flammula) ; von Langsdorff, 1813, p. 334; Torii, 1919, p. 223; von Siebold, 1859, pp. 99, 101, 118, 164 (Aconitum Kamchaticum) ; Batchelor, 1901, p. 454; St. John, 1873, p. 250. Another type of poison is described by St. John (1873, p. 250) as prepared from crows’ brains, tobacco ashes, and two insects named ‘“Yousiki’ and “Krombi.’”’ These four ingredients are mixed and allowed to putrefy. The poison is so strong that a considerable portion of the flesh around the wound must be cut out before the animal can be used as food. See also von Siebold, 1859, p. 157. 79 Stegmiller, 1925, p. 612 (Khasi); Anderson, 1871 (Kakhyen to the east of Bhamo in Southwest Yunnan) ; Hamilton, 1824, pp. 249-251 (Himalayas) ; Fraser, T. R., 1916 (Abors, Mishmi). 446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 133 were added. Not everyone knew how to compound the poison and today the knowledge is possessed by few. A thorough search of the literature would undoubtedly yield numer- ous additional references to aconite poison in India and the Himalaya provinces. In the earlier discussion of Kamchatkan and Kurilian whaling there were references to the use of poisoned darts. References, not only to poison-lance whaling, but to the use of poisoned darts for the killing of sea lions and in war, are given elsewhere.*®° TABLE 2.—Comparison of American and other whaling methods 7A g E E 3 cS o | q 3 he oO iss} qa nm | 1) s S Elements of whaling methods a 2 ic) E i ad a ° 8 4 Ez A cas e ay} S SS o a = ba is a a. I be =] ay; 5 uo] =] } pm! nan = ° 2 < M 16) fea] < hs oa] yerpemotsiee eee. te oe OS teal eee Ue pe 2 keh eg OT eee BG ie ee Se ie Harpoon with line and attached floats_______________|--_-__]__--_- x x >, aie Fest GE! SS x Crew: 8 or 10 men in large boat_..-.._.____-________- eg || SEC a x x pa epee eS ye Whale harpooned repeatedly___...___-_..-_________- Lp ll ibe Aine >< x xh ee b Dispatched with hand-lances____-._____-__-_-_______- ES ae Meta 2 x x bap ema HLS we Dead whales towed to shore.__.....--__---___-_-___-_ > Git aye oe x >< KY Hee Ge RRS ~* Stone-headedidartor hant-lancess He ewes SECO EEE Sei ee ee Bia x ae 5a Poisoned’ withdconitine ott tr NaI Ee eee TED Se) ESE SRNR | URE) ee x SOs Le Wihslelancedionlyoncase hiss ouas Lee eee Pee a vee BCA fe EL CT | et x SOL EERE Whale dies of poison, drifts ashore_________-_________]_____- SP Lee ee OS OSG) Ear eee Bronertymarksionwance-Heag) e.0. wau eer = Wi Soh eee es >, on Re. aen) | LESS elie 8 1 Harpoons also, but probably post-European (Tsuchiya, 1937, pl. 24, p. 171). ?Likely also to be post-European (after 1543). An interesting parallel between the fundamental method of European and Eskimo types is shown by this. * Only Olutores (southern Koryak). : 4 For identification and recovery of each hunter’s points. 5 For identification of hunter and for property right in the whale. The evidence seems clear on the point that the Eskimo do not use arrow poisons (Weyer, 1932, p. 380; Lewin, 1923, p. 409), and they are apparently lacking on the Northwest Coast south of the Tlinkit to Puget Sound (Hoffman, 1888, p. 260). Unless we derive Kodiak- Aleutian Island aconite weapon poison from the Plateau,*! which I consider unlikely, we must assume its transference from the Kam- chatka-Kurile area. The technological aspects of whaling have set off the Kurile- Kamchatka area from that of the Koryak-Chukchee region to the 8 Heizer, 1938, pp. 359-361. I have been unable to consult Lowe (1842, p. 479), who according to Birket-Smith and de Laguna (19388, p. 465), states vegetable poison was used among the Aleut. It is likely to be the same one given by Petroff (1884, p. 154), which mentions “poisoned roots or weed .. .” §1 Sources listed by Birket-Smith and de Laguna (1988, p. 465, ftn. 1). ANTHROP, PAP, No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER “ Aag north, and from that of the Japanese area to the south.®? A similar conclusion was reached (see table 2) regarding American whaling, where it was seen that the Aleutian Islands-Kodiak method of whal- ing was sharply differentiated from that of the Bering Sea Eskimo te the north and from Vancouver Island-Western Washington coast whaling far to the south. There seems to be no reason for assuming the poison-tip lance method was ever practiced north of the areas where it now occurs, that is, in Chukchee or Eskimo territory. On the other hand, there is a possibility that the harpoon with line and floats method may have been once used in the Kodiak-Aleu- tian area as suggested by the following observations: 1. Seal and otter hunting in the Kodiak-Aleutian region are performed by means of a dart with a line and float. This is the same principle as the larger Eskimo whale harpoons. There is no a priori reason that heavy whaling harpoons of this type were not once present in the Kodiak-Aleutian area, since there is no apparent cultural objection to the type, but only to their function. The latter, as far as whaling goes, may have been supplanted by poison lances or darts. 2. Wherever whaling is practiced, the stone-headed lance is nearly always present.” But in the areas where the harpoon-line-float method of whaling is operative, lances are used only for dispatching the exhausted whale after being harpooned. The same lance, typologically speaking, is used as the sole whaling instrument in the Kodiak-Aleutian area with a specialized function resulting from the presence of poison on the tip. Thus, in the latter area, if the use of poisons for hunting was instituted, it might be transferred to whaling. The instrument used would be, obviously, not the harpoon with line and floats attached, but the stone-headed lance, 3. MacLeod (1925; map opposite p. 125) correctly shows the use of corpses in whaling ritual in both the Kodiak and the distant pan-Nootka areas. If we hypothesize that: (1), At an earlier time Western Eskimo, Kodiak, and Nootka all shared the harpoon-line-float, eight-man crew whaling method, and that; (2), as part of a wider cultural use of corpses for hunting or fishing luck, the Kodiak and Nootka area applied this specifically to whale hunting, and subse- quently; (8), aconite-poison lance whaling diffused into the Kodiak region, we could explain in large part the present situation. Ceremonial fat “poison” rendered from corpses on Kodiak might be a specialization suggested by the existence of true poison. Both are lacking in the Nootka area, which shares with Kodiak only the closely similar use of corpses in getting “power” by bathing with them, etc. Whether whaling was once practiced and subsequently abandoned in the coastal area between the Chugachmiut and the Nootka, or 8 If we knew for certain that Japanese whaling was aboriginal, and with what type it was classifiable, we should be on more certain grounds in reconstrucing the history of Asiatic whaling. Thus, the difference between Japanese and Koryak-Chukechee types of whaling, if Japanese whaling is post-1543, may not be a condition of very long standing. The independence of Kurile-Kamchatka as against Koryak-Chukchee whaling cannot be denied. Thus, the latter type may have been pressing southward, and meeting resistance in the Kamchatka region. The cultural break at this point is a very profound one, and we have noted that a great many cultural traits of the Asiatic littoral veer eastward across the Aleutians from Kamchatka rather than continuing north into Koryak or Chukchee territory. 83 There are exceptions, e. g., Nootka, who use a long, chisel--pointed bone-headed lance. This may be a local specialization. Collins (1987 a, pp. 337-838) gives a very wide distribu- tion for ground slate points. 448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 133 whether Nootka whaling is due to actual introduction by a non-Wakashan immi- grant group of whalers are two alternatives, either one of which may ultimately be shown to explain best this extremely puzzling situation. Marchand (1801, vol. 1, p. 344) describes Tlinkit whaling at Norfolk Sound (Sitka) in 1791—this is post-Russian in time, and may indicate Aleut or Koniag introduction, since we know many of these people were imported for sea-otter hunting as “ticket men.” Boas (1909, p. 495, fig. 158) figures a Kwakiutl har- poon rest which seems very similar to the Eskimo specimens shown by Nelson, Murdoch, and Hoffman. (Nelson, 1899, pl. 78, figs. 33, 37; pl. 107, fig. a; Mur- doch, 1892, p. 341-348, figs. 347-349; Hoffman, 1897, p. 798, pls. 29, 72.) Data of this sort, as well as the esoteric aspects of whaling,“ must be completely and critically analyzed before conclusions can be offered. Following the lead of Mathiassen’s work on the Thule culture, Birket-Smith (1929, pp. 231-232) points out that the development of this culture occurred in the western regions aided by Northwest coast and Asiatic stimuli. The Thule culture is one in which whaling is an important feature, and Birket-Smith (1929, p. 232) intimates a genetic connection between Vancouver Island whaling and that of the Thule culture,” at the same time recognizing the distinctive lance-whaling in the intervening Pacific Eskimo area (1929, p. 329). The prob- lem, therefore, will ultimately be referable to certain aspects of the major inquiry connected with the origins and development of Eskimo culture. 4. There seems to be a more extensive use of aconite poison on the eastern Asiatic coast than in the Aleutian-Kodiak region where poison is employed only in whaile-hunting.*” Thus, in the Asiatic area poisoned weapons are used in war, bear, sea-lion, and whale hunting. This leads us to the con- clusion that poison for weapons was commonly known and not kept a strict secret as in the American (Aleutian-Kodiak) area where poisoned weapons were not generally used (e. g., for war), but almost exclusively for whaling.” Thus, the use of aconite poison in America seems to be associated with (1) whaling, and (2) a special guild of hereditary whalers who kept the knowledge of poison strictly unto themselves. Its entry into the Aleutian Islands and Kodiak could hardly, then, have been a gradual diffusion, else poison knowledge would be generally shared by all the people instead of the whalers alone. We conclude, therefore, that there is a close functional association of whaling and poison—they must have been introduced together, and as a unit. Thus, there are presented several possibilities for explaining the restricted and unique presence of the Aleutian-Kodiak whaling method in reference to the other American method. The possibility of there having been an earlier, now submerged and forgotten har- 88a Subsequent inquiry into Northwest Coast whaling since the present paper was com- pleted has suggested the possibility that Nootkan whale hunting may be due to independ- ent, parallel origin. This possibility should be kept in mind in addition to the others out- lined above. *Lantis (1938 a) recognizes the problem, and sees the connection, but only incidentally. 83 Collins (1937 a, p. 217) indicated at the time that whaling was not an Old Bering Sea culture trait. In his recent summary of Eskimo prehistory (1940, p. 549) Collins notes the single find at Kukulik (by O. W. Geist) of an O. B. S. whale harpoon head. 8 Sea-lion hunting with poisoned arrows is mentioned only by Sauer, who, as we have seen, knew more about Kodiak whaling secrets than any other observer we have encountered. I suspect sea-lion hunting may have been similar to whale hunting, insofar as they were hunted by whalers with poisoned darts. Other men, when hunting sea lion, seem to have used a retrieving dart. (Jochelson, 1925.) 87 Veniaminov (1840, vol. 2, pp. 105-106) says arrow polnts (?) were sometimes poisoned with a poison which was known to very few people. ANTHROP, PAP. No. 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 449 poon-line-float-eight-man-crew-umiak method in the Kodiak area seems not unlikely, yet it is impossible to demonstrate it. It is sug- gested, however, by the very specific resemblances of the cult or ceremonial or esoteric aspects of Aleut-Koniag whaling to those of the Nootka region to the far south, which uses the Eskimo-type whale-hunting method. As to the probable history of whaling on the Asiatic coast, we are on less sure grounds, since the data are fewer and less specific than for the native American whale fishery. Chukchee-Koryak whaling is very much like Eskimo—in fact, identical. The Olutores’ specializa- tion of netting whales may be an extension of a rather widely spread method of netting sea mammals.** The presence of a highly de- veloped esoteric aspect of whaling among the Kamchadal and Olu- tores who lie south of the Chukchee-Koryak area is attested by Steller’s early account. We may never know the full details of the whale-cult here, since native cultures were shattered before full recording, incidental or planned, could be accomplished. But the significant point about the mere presence of a highly developed cere- monial accompaniment of whaling, which we are led to suspect from Steller’s tantalizing account, probably does indicate an old, developed area of whaling in Kamchatka and the area immediately north and east. Here, as in the Aleutian-Kodiak area, the dart-line-float method for hunting smaller sea mammals is present. The Chuckchee- Koryak typological equivalent for whales (i. e., the large whaling harpoon) is absent. If we knew more about early Japanese whal- ing there is some expectation that we could reconstruct the history, or rather prehistory, of whaling of the east Asiatic coast. From data available to me, there seems some warrant for believing that, if it was pre-European, it was like the Chukchee type.*® Yet, if so, it must have been heavily overlaid with European techniques at an early date. What does seem clear is this—a localized intercontinental area of maritime cultures has applied aconite poison to lances and used them for hunting whales. Granting the introduction of aconite poison to America from Asia (Heizer, 1938), there is reason to believe that it was spread in connection with the method of lance whaling, since in both areas poison and whaling method are associated. It is difficult, in view of the data presented in this paper, and with the knowledge that there has been some culture drift from Asia to America by this route,®° to assume a convergent development of whaling in the Asiatic 88The Sakhalin Gilyak netted sea lions (Hawes, 1904, p. 256). See Steensby (1917, pp. 153-154) for a discussion which supports this view. 8° Tsuchiya (1937, p. 11) mentions archeological finds of what may be bone stoppers similar to those used by the Hskimo to plug the inflated sealskin floats. % See last section of this paper; Birket-Smith and de Laguna (1938, p. 519) ; Jochelson (1925, p. 111 ff.). 450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 133 and American areas **—rather, we cannot escape the conclusion that the presence of Aleutian Island-Kodiak poisoned lance whaling is attributable to introduction from the Kamchatka region, where it originated in connection with the use of aconite poison.” GENERAL IMPLICATIONS OF NORTH PACIFIC WHALING Leaving the specific inquiry connected with the whale hunting, let us review briefly the bearing of our main conclusions on the general problems of the route of entry of man and culture into the New World—problems basic to much work in American anthropology. The continuing interest in the question of man’s antiquity in the New World has had the salutary effect of focusing attention on how and when and with what cultural equipment man entered America.®** Alaskan archeologists are fully aware of this problem, yet have been unable to find actual evidence of ancient remains.°** The Old Bering Sea culture, as described by Collins (1937 a, 1940), is highly specialized with definite Eskimoid characteristics, yet is the oldest Alaskan culture known to date. In the absence of direct archeological evidence, we have left to us another method of approach—that of inferring cultural transference within the ethnographic time continuum. In most cases our conclu- sions as to relative time must depend on inferential deductions on the basis of geographical distribution. Thus, Kroeber (1923 a, p. 2; 1923, b, fig. 35) and Wissler (1938, p. 386) have listed a series of cultural elements which may be ascribed to the earliest immigrants to Amer- ica. This might be called the minimal basic substratum of New World culture with its roots perhaps in the Mesolithic or early Neo- lithic of the Old World. (See also Cooper, 1942, p. 30 ff.) A large number of studies have appeared whose aim has been to demonstrate the diffusion of Eurasiatic elements into North America. In general, these have implied the use of the Bering Strait (East Cape- Seward Peninsula~Yukon—Mackenzie Valley) route. Notable among these have been contributions by Hallowell (1926), Cooper (1936), J reject the theoretical possibility that the use of aconite poison was independently developed in the Aleutians and on the eastern Asiatic coast. ®2 Needless to say, archeology will undoubtedly throw a great deal of light on the question of possible former occurrence of a different type of whaling from that practiced in any single area today. This remains the ultimate test. 83 See Howard, 1935, 1936, for a statement of these problems. % Finds of the type reported by Rainey (1939) may be exceptions, but are still ‘“conti- nental’’ and do not prove cultural importation. They show, however, that hope may be entertained that evidence of early cultures, now known only from more southerly locations, may ultimately be disclosed in the critical areas of Alaska and Asia. Collins (1937 a, p. 378) says, “Although on theoretical grounds we are forced to assume that man originally entered the American continent at Bering Strait, it must be emphasized that archeological work in this region has revealed as yet no trace of these earliest migrants.’’ See also Nelson (1937) and Collins (1932, pp. 107-108). Anturor. Pav. No.24] POISON WHALING—HBIZER 451 Lowie (1923, 1934), Davidson (1937), Boas (1929), and Hatt (1914, 1984). The important papers of Collins (1937 a, 1940), de Laguna (1934), and Birket-Smith and de Laguna (1938), have reopened the question of the Aleutian Islands as a possible route of cultural exchange be- tween Asia and America. The early observations indicating the Com- mander Islands as uninhabited at the time of discovery (by Vitus Bering in 1742), and Aleut culture as of an American, rather than Asiatic type, for a long time led to the categorical denial of the proba- bility that the Aleutians served as a path of entry of Asiatic cultures or people into America.* Hrdlicka (1980, fig. 29) has indicated his belief in the probability of the use of this island chain as included in the itinerary of a portion, however small, of the people who settled America from Asia. Hrdlitka (1939, pp. 358-359) has recently summarized the results of his Alaskan labors of the last decade in a highly interesting and stimulating paper in which the following statements are of particular interest to us: The third and fourth major results were that the Koniag people of the once very populous Kodiak Island, though speaking an Eskimo dialect, were physically not Eskimo, but close to the Aleuts and also the southern Alaska Indians; and that, before these people arrived at Kodiak, the island had already for many centuries been peopled by a physically as well as culturally different type of American native, whose identity is not yet established. . . The fifth result—and one of equal importance—was that the Aleuts who, too, spoke Eskimoid dialects, were physically a radically different type from the Hskimo, allied to the upper people (Koniags) of Kodiak and the Indians of the Gulf of Alaska. The sixth fact of importance, reported formerly by Stejneger but decided definitely by our expedition in 1938, is that, contrary to expectations, the Com- mander Islands had never been peopled before the advent of the Russians and had therefore not served as a bridge for the coming of any part of the American popu- lation from Kamchatka. It now appears much more probable that the Aleuts may have come from more southern parts of the eastern Asiatic coast, across the Kuriles. * H. B. Collins and F. de Laguna have been able to demonstrate the fact of cultural exchange between the Kamchatka-Kurile and Aleu- 8 See Jochelson (1925, p. 111 ff.) for citations and critical discussions of various theories as to the use of the Aleutian bridge as a cultural route. (See also de Laguna, 1940; Jenness, 1940 ; Hewes, 1942. These three important papers have appeared since the present paper was written.) 88 Bering and Copper Islands are isolated, and people on their way from Kamchatka to the Aleutian Islands to the east might stop only temporarily, camping for a few days to replenish their food supply or to rest. Thus, there may be evidence of pre- Russian native visits on the Commander Islands. As for the Aleuts coming directly from the Kuriles to the Aleutians (e. g., Attu), I consider this very unlikely on the grounds that the open-water distance is too excessive. Evidence of cultural connections between the Aleutian and Kamchatka areas makes it not unlikely, even in view of the lack of evidence of occupation of the Commander Islands, that the connection is direct. Until we know definitely and conclusively that the Commanders were not visited or occupied, however, sporadically or temporarily, the question must remain an open one. 452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 138 tian Islands-Kodiak-Cook Inlet areas via the Aleutian chain. (Col- lins, 1937 a, pp. 280, 345, 373-878; 1940, pp. 577-583; de Laguna, 1934, pp. 216-220.) These data indicate a cultural connection as shown by: Roof entrance for the underground house; refuge island; notched and grooved stones; stone with hole; grinding stone and slab; oval stone lamp; hunter’s lamp with ring; labret; large bone arrowhead with blade but no barbs; broken and cut human bones; and Japanese form of harpoon head, toggle type with closed socket and line hole in the same plane with the spur. Collins (1937 a, p. 375), on the basis of the elements just listed, states “ ... there is un- mistakable evidence of cultural relationship between south Alaska and a fairly restricted area along the east Asiatic coast.” In sum- mary, Collins concludes that “The indications of cultural connections between the Aleutians and Kamchatka are so clear as to lead to the expectation that evidences of aboriginal occupancy will eventually be discovered on the Commander Islands.” (Collins, 1987 a, p. 377, See also Collins, 1937 b, pp. 880-884. ) The foregoing evidence seems to point mainly to a diffusion of cultural traits from ‘America to Asia; that is, from east to west. The Japanese type toggle harpoon head probably came from Asia to America. The use, as weapon poison, of aconitine, extracted from the roots of Aconitum plants, I have indicated previously as appar- ently a transfer from Kamchatka-Kurile region to the Aleutian Island-Kodiak region. (Heizer, 1938. See also Collins, 1940, p. 580.) Another culture element, the bulbed enema syringe (Heizer, 1940, map p. 87, p. 89), is possibly an American transfer to Kam- chatka and the Kurile Islands, but the evidence is slender and ascrip- tion to this element of intercontinental diffusion status is to be enter- tained with doubt until further evidence is forthcoming. MacLeod *" proposes that Pacific Eskimo mummification was introduced from the Asiatic coast. The welcome Eyak ethnography by K. Birket-Smith and F. de Laguna (1938) has thrown some clear light on the problem under discussion here. A comparative analysis of Eyak culture aimed at defining the cultural position (op. cit., pp. 365-514) has resulted in the identification of a series of traits with a cireum-Pacific distribu- tion which includes (op. cit., p. 519): Rectangular plank house; separate sleeping compartment; notched ladder; stockade; raised cache-houses; shirt made of horizontal strips of small animals’ fur; apron; stone pecking technique; stone mortar; twisted basketry; boat-shaped container; round plate; wooden quiver; openwater sea mammal hunting; vegetable arrow poison; slavery; transvestism ; bride service; cremation; shaman’s dolls; attitude toward dogs; °™ MacLeod, 1925, p. 143 ff. Until North Pacific mummification is more fully treated, this opinion should be considered tentative. ANTHROP, PAP, No, 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 453 sounding board; raven myths; tale of the girl and the dog. The questionable inclusion of the following elements is tentatively offered : Nose ornaments; weregild; digging stick; dugout; fish buried in the ground to rot; mother-in-law taboo. These are elements of culture whose distributions are concurrent in this respect—they occur along the Pacific rim. The conclusion is that “There can hardly be any doubt that the general direction of this circum-Pacific drift has been from Asia, more particularly perhaps from the Lower Amur region, towards North America.” I submit that with poison-lance whaling we may add another item to the steadily mounting number of cultural elements and complexes which can be demonstrated to have entered the New World from Asia via the Aleutian Island chain. APPENDIX 1 THE USE OF POISON HARPOONS AND NETS IN THE MODERN WHALE FISHERY The practical difficulties attendant upon hunting whales, the larg- est of all animals, has doubtless led those who follow this dangerous pursuit to make the method as effective as possible. Whaling is a very highly specialized hunting technique, but at best an exceed- ingly hazardous means of securing an animal. It is not surprising to learn that in modern times there are re- corded attempts to hunt whales with poison-laden harpoons. In recent times, with the scientific knowledge of poisons and their effects known, it is understandable that such an application of poison might be made to whaling by a progressive firm or shipowner. This is an origin of a somewhat different sort than the probable beginning of the aboriginal poison-lance whaling discussed in the main body of this paper. Logic would seem to indicate that the use of aconite poison for whaling in the Kamchatka-Kurile and Kodiak-Aleutian area is originally ascribable to a transfer from the use of poison in hunting land animals. As weapon poison became known to coastal people (presumably either Ainu or Kamchadal) they applied it to hunting the whale. The earliest occurrence of the modern use of poison for whaling that I have found dates from the year 1831 (Christison, 1860). Christison was requested in that year by the mercantile firm of W. and G. Young, of Leith, Scotland, to devise a means for catching whales by poison. Christison considered the problem of the size of the whale (60 feet long and up to 70 tons in weight, according to %8 Birket-Smith and de Laguna, 1938, p. 520. Kroeber (1923 b) emphasizes Asiatic influences on the Northwest coast. See also Collins, 1940, p. 578. 454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 133 Scoresby) and decided that ordinary whales encountered would not be above 40 feet in length or weigh over 40 tons. Christison assumed that one minim of hydrocyanic (prussic) acid would kill a man of 200-weight, and computed that 2 ounces (875 minims) would suffice for stupefying or even killing a 40-ton whale. A method was de- vised for introducing the poison at the right moment after the harpoon had penetrated the whale. The hydrocyanic acid was put in a glass tube and attached to the harpoon near the blade with a heavy copper wire which was also attached to the harpoon line. When the whale had received the harpoon the line was drawn tight, pulling the copper wire and crushing the tube which released the poison. Another type of dispenser was devised and described thus: The blade of the harpoon has commonly a double barb thus, figure 1. In the poison harpoons, the ends of the barbs were jointed as in figure 2 [see fig. 60]. It is evident, that as soon as the animal sprung off on the harpoon being struck into its body, the ends of the barbs would be pulled open by the drag exerted on the harpoon, and that the inner point of the barbs would be pressed strongly against the glass tubes, and crush them. ([Christison, 1860, p. 76.] Materials for producing concentrated hydrocyanic acid were carried on the voyage, but on the eve of beginning to hunt whales the ships carrying the harpoons and poison were crushed in the ice pack and lost. The next year (1833) the same firm made a second, and success- tul, attempt. One eyewitness said the poison tubes were fired from a musket at the whales but did no harm.1 A harpoon gun ? was used, but only once. The poisoned harpoon entered the whale’s body, the whale sounded, and in “a very short time” * the line relaxed, and the whale appeared dead on the surface. The terrific effect of the harpoon so appalled the men that they declined to use them any more. Christison goes on to say, however, that this ship caught 24 whales on this voyage, which was a record, no number for some time previously or afterward reaching this mark. This fact, together with the observation that the ship’s log made no mention of the use of poison, leads to the belief that the Youngs wanted to conceal their experiment. The news did spread, probably through men employed on the ship, and short notices appeared in newspapers and periodicals. An Aberdeen or Peterhead ship is reported to have successfully used harpoons poisoned with prussic acid. The whales struck either were killed outright or were so paralyzed that they were unable to move, and were easily dispatched 1This may be the earliest of a series of attempts at using poison shells. If so, it was abortive. 2A short-barrelled gun which shot an iron harpoon with the line attached. 3 Normally a whale sounded for about a half hour. Presumably, in this instance, it was for a much shorter period of time. 4 Secrecy was important, but too many people shared the secret and information leaked out. Christison himself was sworn to secrecy, and wrote his paper in 1866 after the Leith firm was no longer in existence, ANTHROP, Pap. No. 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 455 with lances. This case is reported in 1838 or 1839. The crew was so frightened by the effect of the poison that they were afraid to flense the whales. The next case that comes to my attention is recorded by Clark.’ The Susan Swain, which sailed from Nantucket on November 17, 1833, carried poison harpoons, but the crew was frightened by reports of deaths resulting from handling blubber of whales killed with poison, and these harpoons were not used. Clark (1887, p. 249) thinks poison whaling originated in Scotland with Christison, whose report is sum- Figure 60.—Ordinary whale harpoon with simple lateral barbs and a poison harpoon with hinged barbs. (From Christison, 1860, p. 76, figs. 1, 2.) marized above, but he states that the American whale men attribute the development of poison whaling to the French.® There is a mention that whaling with poisoned harpoons originated in Baltimore in 1835 or 1838, but I have not found the original article (Niles National Register, 1843, p. 16). Between 1843 and 1849, a surgeon of the French navy named Acker- mann concerned himself with the problem of prussic acid as a means of whaling. He named his harpoon a harpon inoculateur; it seems to have had a tube of acid attached to the point which was crushed after penetration. He seems not to have published a full report of his 5 Clark, 1887, p. 248. Given erroneously as 1873 by Spears (1908, p. 228). ® Clark, 1887, p. 248. The French were known to have made and published the regult of their attempts at poison whaling. In this way they may have been attributed all efforts in this direction. 405260—43——30 456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 133 researches; and I find only three brief and unenlightening communi- cations to the Academy of Sciences. (Ackermann, 1848 a, 1843 b, 1849. Mentioned in Niles National Register, 18438, p. 16.) Scotland appears next in our chronological study of the modern development of whale hunting with poison-bearing harpoons. Clark (1887, p. 249) describes a large, two-grooved rifle made in 1861 in Edinburgh. It weighed 28 pounds and fired shells filled with one- half ounce of concentrated prussic acid and a small powder charge fired by a 10-second fuse. On May 12, 1862, at 11 a. m., a whale was struck with the harpoon gun and sounded, carrying out 4 lines (480 fathoms). At 12 noon the whale surfaced and a prussic acid shell was fired into it. The whale submerged for 4 or 5 minutes, and upon surfacing, another shell was fired into its body. The whale then seemed quite helpless. Three harpoon guns were fired into the body as the whale lay on its side, and at 12:30 it was quite dead. In 1866 there appeared in France a paper by Thiercelin on the employment of strychnine and curare as a means of hunting the large cetaceans (Thiercelin, 1866). The experiment was carried out with the aim of improving the method of whale hunting. Two problems presented themselves; first, how to effect the greatest possible dissemi- nation of the poison and, second, how to cause the greatest absorp- tion of the poison in the shortest possible time. The choice of what poison to use caused trouble, since whales sometimes exceed 100,000 kg. Finally, there was selected the most soluble of the salts of strych- nine’? united with a twentieth of curare.® As a result of a large number of experiments upon terrestrial mam- mals (dogs, rabbits, horses), Thiercelin found that this poison em- ployed in a minimal dose, resulted in the death of these animals in the space of 12 to 40 minutes, according to: (1) Being porphyrised, (2) being dispersed in a large wound by means of insufflation, and (3) being administered in a dosage of five ten-thousandths (0.005) of a gram per kilogram of the animal if the animal weighs more than 10 kilograms. A larger dose caused a more rapid death; if the dose was less the animal recovered. The larger the animal being experimented with, the smaller the proportionate quantity of poison necessary to cause death. 7 Mitchell (1929, p. 788) states that strychnine characteristically produces tetanic con- vulsions which are recurrent; lockjaw is a constant symptom. Death, in humans, has been known to ensue within as short a time as 12 minutes, but usually occurs in from % to 2 hours. In rare cases with fatal ending life has been prolonged for one or more days (p. 789). See also Henry (1924, pp. 190-191). 8 Mitchell (1929, p. 771) says that “curare exercises both a paralysing and tetanising action, but it appears to owe its chief poisonous properties to its action on the motor nerves, which it paralyses, so that an animal under its influence dies of suffocation from paralysis of the muscles of the chest. .. . curare produces tetanus just like strychnine.” See also Henry (1924, p. 191). Anturor, Par, No.24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 457 The whales, in actual experiments performed by Thiercelin (de- scribed below), were inoculated with 0.005 gram per kilogram of body weight. Cartridges were made, each containing 30 grams of toxic mixture, one being sufficient to kill a whale of 60,000 kilograms or less, and two would be enough to kill the largest whales of the Arctic. Each cartridge was inserted in the powder of an ordinary explosive projectile known as the bomb lance.® After these preparations, Thier- celin shipped on a whaling cruise to make actual experiments. Ten whales were shot with bomb lances containing poison capsules. All died in a length of time indicating that he “had not presumed too much in the energetic action of the poison.” Case 1.—August 20, 1863 (Coral Sea, Chesterfield Islands). A rorqual, already wounded but still full of vigor and upon the point of escaping from the whalers, received a bomb lance in the abdomen. It died 11 minutes after penetration, in convulsions and without sudden starts. Case 2.—August 22, 1863. A free whale received, accidentally, a bomb near the tail. The wound pro- duced would never have been mortal by an ordinary bomb. The animal acted as though it had an attack of tetanus. This state lasted 5 minutes and was followed by death. Case 3.—December 5, 1863 (on the Australian coast). A killer whale received a bomb in the dorsal fin. It exhibited a general trembling and small convulsive movements for 2 minutes. After 2 more minutes of automatic progression, it turned turtle, presented its ventral side to the air, was undeniably dead, and sank.” Case 4.—May 10, 1864 (in sight of one of the Kurile Islands). Another killer whale (Fr., jubarte) received a bomb and exhibited the same Symptoms as in the preceding case. Death followed 4 or 5 minutes after inoculation.” Case 5.—August 1, 1864 (Sea of Ochotsk). A polar whale received a bomb. It sounded immediately, and died near the shore in 15 fathoms. No movement could be ascertained. Case 6.—February 2, 1865 (Baja California, Santa Margarita Bay). A California gray whale received a bomb and died, so to speak, with the thrust. It sank in 10 fathoms in water clear enough to enable one to say that it made no movement. Case 7.—February 28, 1865. A female of the same species nursing a young one which had been made fast, received a bomb. For 10 minutes it exhibited several convulsions and a general trembling, then died on the surface. Case 8.—March 1, 1865. A bomb struck a whale, already issuing blood. It sank in 20 fathoms and died in 8 or 10 minutes without apparent movement. Case 9.—July 2, 1865 (Hast Cape, Bering Sea). ®A lance with an explosive cartridge on the head and shot from either a shoulder gun or a heavier swivel gun attached to the rail of the whaleboat. 10The killer whale is notoriously easy to kill. It was never hunted commercially by deep-sea whalers. “It is a curious coincidence that Thiercelin should be practicing poison whaling in the Kurile area where it was formerly an aboriginal technique. 458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butb. 133 A polar whale, held by two harpoons, received a bomb. Tremblings, ete., as in the preceding case. Death at the end of 10 minutes. Case 10.—September 6, 1865 (East Cape, Bering Sea). A polar whale, attached by a harpoon, received almost at the same time, two bomb lances. It exhibited the same symptoms as outlined in case 9, and died after 18 minutes, Of these 10 poisoned whales, 6 were “tried out.”?2. The blubber chunks were handled without excessive precautions by men having scratches and even recent (open) wounds on their hands, without a single one experiencing the slightest accident. Two whales be- longed to a species which is not regularly fished for, and the other two were lost as a result of the fortunes of the chase independent of the new (poisoning) method. Of the 10 whales receiving poisoned bombs, all died in a lapse of time not exceeding 18 minutes, and, if one does not object to the numerous wounds made by the lances and ordinary bombs which did not cause the death of the animals attacked, it is not possible to deny or gainsay the influence of poison on the whales. These marine mammals appear to be more susceptible to the action of the poison than all the terrestrial mammals. “By reason of this sensibility,” said Thiercelin in 1866, “there will be opportunity for the future to practice with diminishing the dose of the toxic agent for effecting a less immediate death.” The differences in the elapsed time between the wounding and death is probably attributable to the variable dispersion of the poison, depending upon the more or less complete fragmentation of the bomb, as well as the location of the wound. Thiercelin concludes by pointing out that the several ob- scurities and inconclusive results are due to difficulties attendant upon controlled or laboratory experiments. There can be little doubt, how- ever, that the method is an extremely effective one. There is suggested by the foregoing data a parallel between the aboriginal and modern poison whaling in the effort to keep the technique a secret. Fundamentally, secrecy in each instance had an economic motivation. Among the Koniag, for example, pos- session of a whale automatically gave the owner the privilege of giving it away—in this way his social prestige was elevated. I have treated the question of how and why these people maintained secrecy regarding the extraction and use of poison for whaling and refer the reader to this earlier discussion. We have noted the fact that in 1831, the date which marks the first recorded attempt to employ poison on modern, commercial whaling ships, the firm which innovated the practice attempted to keep it secret. It was not possible to do so, however, since the crew talked and other firms or individuals in other ports learned of the technique and tried 12 The process of boiling the blubber to extract the oil. ANTHROP, Pap. No. 24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 459 it out. Among the Koniag each whaler found it expedient, for his own ends, to keep silent—the whale hunters constituted a closed group. Why modern poison whaling was not more widely accepted is difficult to say. There is no proof that men were ever killed by handling the whale blubber from animals killed by poison. The story may have been an excuse on the part of the whaling crews, to avoid implication in this type of whaling which, if accepted, would necessitate smaller crews and would result in fewer jobs. At any rate, our evidence does not indicate that the idea was ever accepted and turned to commercial advantage. THE MODERN USE OF HEAVY NETS IN WHALE CATCHING It is difficult to determine how early large nets were used in the modern whale fishery. The early Basque, Dutch, and New Eng- land whalers are not known to have employed nets in this connection. Clark gives an account of a certain Captain Josiah Ghenn, a Province- town whaleman, who attempted to capture a bowhead whale off the coast of Labrador in 1848 with a net made of whale-line. (Clark, 1887, p. 248. Cited by Spears, 1908, p. 225.) The net was 159 fathoms long and 8 fathoms deep with large meshes. After the net was set in aright angle out from, and then turned parallel to the shore, a bowhead whale entered the net and carried it away. In the Faro Islands in the north Atlantic, blackfish (Globicephalus melas) enter the fiords in great numbers. The herd is prevented from escaping by a large net 200 fathoms long, 8 fathoms deep, made of 9-yarn rope with lead sinkers at the bottom and oak barrels for floats (Clark, 1887, pp. 306-307). This fishery is reported as early as 1584, but whether nets were used at this early date is not stated. In the Norwegian fiords, in the neighborhood of Bergen, whales are impounded with nets stretched across the narrow entrance of the bay. Here, however, the net is used to prevent the whales from escaping, rather than entangling them as a means of capture (Brunchorst, 1899). In New Zealand, a large net made of three-quarter inch wire rope with a 6-foot mesh and buoyed with barrels, is put out to sea from a point of rocks. The whale gets entangled, is seen from shore by the lookout, and boats are put out to harpoon and lance it. (Kelly, 1906. Mentioned also by Fraser, F. C., 1937.) This concludes our survey of modern whale netting. Parallels are suggested by these data to the aboriginal use of nets for catching 8 Scoresby (1820, vol. 2, p. 173) says the English used rope nets for whales in the early seventeenth century, but further details are lacking. 460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu. 133 whales. The Japanese method of setting out a net in the open sea and entangling the whale by drawing the two ends together by boats (see pl. 22) has no modern parallel. The use of lookouts (noted also for the Faroe Islands, Bergen fiord, and New Zealand) in Japan is explainable in functional terms of shore-whaling—i. e., whale hunt- ing by small boats which put out from shore when a whale is sighted. The whale netting of the Olutorski Koryak is similar in this respect to the modern whale netting described above, viz, anchoring one end of the net on land. Inside the entrance of the bay, the net is placed by the Koryak so as to intercept the whales as they enter. There is nothing specifically like this recorded by modern whale netters— the New Zealand instance probably approaches the manner in which the Koryak net was set. There need only be added here that there seems to be no historical connection whatever between the aboriginal poison-lance whaling of the east Asiatic coast and Aleutian Islands and the modern European and American instances referred to above. The same is probably true of whale netting, but it must be remembered that Europeans were at a very early date whaling in the Japan Sea. Japanese whale netting must have been seen and described by Europeans and the mere transmission of the idea may have stimulated attempts to use them. This may, however, be doubted on the grounds that the Japanese use nets for entangling whales in the open sea, while all the modern instances recorded here refer to the setting of nets along the shore. The two are different, and the question obviously cannot be solved on logical grounds. There is no recorded evidence that the Japanese stimulated others in recent times to take up their rather unusual whaling technique. To have done so would have been a difficult undertaking, and it would be costly, since great numbers of men were needed; ** it might be said that Japanese whaling, however ef- fective, was extremely inefficient in modern terms of labor and invest- ment, considering the economic returns. Of course, only a rich Japa- nese could indulge in the whaling business on such a scale (Kempfer, 1811, pp. 705-706), but the point I am making here is that it would be economically unprofitable in these days. This point is of possible further application in regard to the whole large question of the dif- fusion of whaling techniques, not only in modern whaling, but that of aboriginal forms as well. A specialized hunting method such as this is may not readily diffuse unless certain conditions are favorable. M4 Mobius (1893, p. 1056) says that at one coastal whaling station (Ichibuura) there were 587 people employed, 440 of which were rowers of the small boats. There is a record that in 1884 a Japanese whaling company employed 100,000 men. (State St. Trust Co., 1915, p. 34.) In Buro-American culture, the labor costs would have prohibited anything of this sort. BIBLIOGRAPHY ACKERMANN, M. 1843 a. Statement by M. Ackermann on whaling by means of prussic acid. C. R. Séances Acad. Sci., vol. 16, p. 1875. Paris. 1843 b. Statement by M. Ackermann, Ibid., vol. 17, p. 420. 1849. Statement by M. Ackermann. Ibid, vol. 29, p. 387. ADAMS, A. 1870. Travels of a naturalist in Japan and Manchuria. London. AvpricH, H. L. 1898. Arctic Alaska and Siberia. Chicago and New York. ALLEN, A. H. 1929. Allen’s commercial organic analysis. 5th ed., vol. 7. Philadelphia. ANDERSON, J. 1871. A report on the expedition to Western Yunan via Bhamd. Calcutta. Baxkrr, M. 1906. Geographic dictionary of Alaska. Dept. Interior, U. 8. Geol. Suryv., Bull. 299, Ser. F, Geography, vol. 52. Bancrort, H. H. 1886. The native races. Vol. 1, Wild tribes. San Francisco. BATCHELOR, J. 1892. The Ainu of Japan. London. 1901. The Ainu and their folk-lore. London. BirKET-SmiTH, K. 1929. The Caribou Eskimos. Rep. 5th Thule Pxped. 1921-24, vol. 5, pt. 2. Copenhagen. BIRKET-SMITH, K., and pE LAgunaé, F. 1938. The Eyak Indians of the Copper River Delta, Alaska. Hist.-Filol. Medd. Udgivne Kgl. Danske Vid. Sels. Kgbenhavn. Boas, F. 1899. Property marks of the Alaskan Eskimo. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 1, pp. 601-613. 1929. Migrations of Asiatic races and cultures to North America. Sci. Monthly, vol. 28, pp. 110-117. 1909. Ethnology of the Kwakiutl Indians. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Mem. Jesup Exped., vol. 8, pt. 2. Bogoras, W. 1904-9. The Chuckchee. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Mem. Jesup Exped., vol. 7. British MusruM HANDBOOK TO THE HTHNOGRAPHICAL COLLECTIONS. 1925. 2nd Ed. London. Brown, J. T. 1887. Whalemen, vessels, apparatus, and methods of the whale fishery. In Goode, G. B. The fisheries and fishery industries of the United States. Sec. 5, vol. 2, pp. 218-298. U.S. Comm. Fish and Fisheries, BRUNCHORST, J. 1899. Hvalfangst med bue og pil. Naturen, vol. 23, pp. 138-154. Bergens Mus. Bergen, Norway. 461 462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 133 BusHNELL, Davin I., JR. 1928. Drawings by John Webber of natives of the Northwest Coast of America, 1778. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 80, No. 10. CHARLEVOIX, PE&RE DE 1736. Histoire et déscription génerale du Japon. Vols. 6,8. Paris. CHENEY, R. H. 1926. Summary of lecture by R. H. Cheney. Torreya, vol. 26, pp. 13-14. Torrey Biol. Soc. New York. CHRISTISON, R. 1860. On the capture of whales by means of poison. Edinburgh New Phil. Journ., n. s., vol. 12, pp. 72-80. CuaRk, A. H. 1887. The whale fishery. History and present condition of the fishery. In Goode, G. B., et al. The fisheries and fishery industries of the United States. Sec. 5, vol. 3, pp. 3-218. U. S. Comm. Fish and Fisheries. Cortins, Henry B., JR. 1932. Prehistoric Eskimo culture on St. Lawrence Island. Geogr. Rev., vol. 22, pp. 107-119. 1937 a. Archeology of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 96, No. 1. 1937 b. Culture migrations and contacts in the Bering Sea Region. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 39, pp. 375-384. 1940. Outline of Eskimo prehistory. In Hssays in Historical Anthropology of North America. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 100, pp. 583-592. CoopER, J. M. 1928. Northern Algonkian secrying and scapulimancy. Jn W. Schmidt Fest- schrift, pp. 205-217. Médling bei Wien. 1936. Scapulimancy. Jn Essays in Anthropology presented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 29-44. Berkeley. 1942. Areal and temporal aspects of aboriginal South American culture. Primitive Man, Quart. Bull. Catholic Anthrop. Con., vol. 15, Nos. 1 and 2. CorRNEVIN, C. 1887. Des Plantes vénéneuses et des empoisonnements qu’elles déterminent. Paris. DATEL EW Ele 1877 a. Tribes of the extreme Northwest. Dept. Interior, U. S. Geogr, and Geol. Surv. Rocky Mt. Region, Contr. No. Amer. Ethnol., vol. 1, pp. 1-106. in 1877 b. On succession in the shell-heaps of the Aleutian Islands. Dept. In- terior, U. S. Geogr. and Geol. Surv. Rocky Mt. Region, Contr. No. Amer. Hthnol., vol. 1, pp. 41-91. Davison, D. 8. 1937. Snowshoes. Mem. Amer, Phil. Soc., vol. 6. 1937-1938. The Pacific and circum-Pacific appearances of the dart-game. Journ. 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Pt. 1, 1907; pt. 2, 1910. F. W. Hodge, ed. HALLowe tt, I. 1926. Bear ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 28, pp. 1-175. Hamitton, F. 1824. An account of a genus including the Herba towvicarie of the Himalaya Mountains, or the plant with which the natives poison their arrows. Edinburgh Journ. Sci., vol. 2, pp. 249-251. Hatt, G. 1914. Arktiske Skindragter i Eurasien og Amerika. Kgbenhayn. 1934. North American and Burasian culture connections. Proc. 5th Pacific Sci. Congr. Canada. 1933, vol. 4, pp. 2755-2765. Toronto. HAWES, C. H. 1904. Inthe uttermost East. New York. 464 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 133 Hetzer, R. F. 1938. Aconite arrow poison in the Old and New World. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 28, pp. 358-364. 1989. The bulbed enema syringe and enema tube in the New World. Primi- tive Man, vol. 12, pp. 85-93. Henry, T. A. 1924. The plant alkaloids. Philadelphia. HEwEs, G. W. 1942. The Ainu double foreshaft toggle harpoon and western North America. Journ. Wash. Acad. Sci., vol. 32, pp. 93-104. HoFFMAN, W. J. 1888. Die Pfeilvergiften der Indianer aus Puget Sund. Das Ausland, No. 18, p. 260. 1891. Poisoned arrows. Amer. Anthrop., 0. s., vol. 4, pp. 67-71. 1897. The graphic art of the Eskimos. Ann. Rep. U. 8. Nat. Mus. 1895, pp. 7389-968. Hou”mpBera, H. J. 1855. Ethnographische Skizzen tiber die Volker des russischen Amerika. Acta Soc. Sci. Fennicae, yol. 4. Helsingfors. Howakrgp, E. B. 1935. Evidence of Early Man in North America. Mus. Journ., vol. 24, Nos. 2-3. Philadelphia. 1936. An outline of the problem of man’s antiquity in North America. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 38, pp. 394-418. HrpiiéKa, ALES 1930. Anthropological survey in Alaska. 46th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Eth- nol., 1928-29, pp. 19-374. 1989. Where Asia and America meet. Asia Mag., vol. 34, pp. 454-459. HutLtTeEn, HE. 1937. Flora of the Aleutian Islands. Stockholm. JENKINS, J. T. 1921. A history of the whale fisheries. London. JENNESS, DIAMOND 1940. Prehistoric culture waves from Asia to America. Journ. Wash. Acad. Sci., vol. 30, No. 1.° JOCHELSON, W. 1905-1908. The Koryak. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Mem. Jesup Exped., vol. 6. 1925. Archaelological investigations in the Aleutian Islands. Carnegie Inst. Washington, Publ. No. 367. KeEtty, A. 1906. A New Zealand fish story. Forest and Stream, Vol. 67, pp. 98-101. July 21. KEMPFER, E. 1811. The history of Japan. Jn Pinkerton, J., A general collection of the best and most interesting voyages and travels..., vol. 7, pp. 652-821. London. KISHINOUYE, K. 1911. Prehistoric fishing in Japan. Journ. Col. Agric., Imp. Univ., Tokyo, vol. 2, No. 7. KittTuitz, F. H. von 1858. Denkwiirdigkeiten einer Reise nach dem russischen Amerika. 2 vols. Gotha. AnTHRop., Pap. No.24] POISON WHALING—HEIZER 465 Koppert, V. A. 1930. Contributions to Clayoquot ethnology. Catholic Univ. Amer., An- throp. Ser., No. 1. KOTZEBUE, O. VON 1821. Entdeckungs-Reise in die Siid-See und nach der Berings-Strasse ... Unternommen in den Jahren 1815, 1816, 1817, und 1818... ., bd. 1-3. Weimar. KRASHENNINIKOY, S. P. 1764. The history of Kamtschatka and the Kurilski Islands, with the countries adjacent. Trans. by James Grieve. Gloucester. IXRAUSE, A. 1885. Die Tlinkit-Indianer. Jena. KRENITZYN, Capt. and LEwASCcHEr, LIEUT. 1781. Bericht von der in den Jahren 1768 und 1769... des Kapitains Krenitzyn und Lieutenants Lewaschef .:. Seereise. Jn Pallas, P. S., Neue Nord. Bey., vol. 1, pp. 249-272. St. Petersburg und Leipzig. KROEBER, A. L. 19238 a. Anthropology. New York. 1923 b. American culture and the Northwest Coast. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 25, pp. 1-20. LaGuna, F. DE 1934. The archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska. Phila. 1938. See Birket-Smith, K., and de Laguna, F., 1988. 1940. Eskimo lamps and pots. Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Soc., vol. 70, pp. 53-76. LANGSDORFF, G. H. von 1813. 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A voyage round the world, performed during the years 1790, 1791, and 1792 by EH. Marchand. 2 vols., trans. by C. P. Fleurieu. London. 466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 133 MarkHAM, C. 1881. On the whale-fishery of the Basque Provinces of Spain. Proc. Zool. Soe. London, 1881, pp. 969-976. MARKOFF, A. 1856. The Russians in the Hastern Ocean. St. Petersburg, 2nd ed. MS. trans. by Ivan Petroff in Bancroft Library, Univ. Calif., Berkeley. Mason, O. T. 1902. Aboriginal American harpoons. Ann. Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus. 1900, pp. 189-304. MITCHELL, C. A. 1929. Strychnos Alkaloids. Jn Allen, A. H., 1929. Mostivus, K. von 1893. Uber den Fang und die Verwertung der Walfische in Japan. Sitz. Konig. Preuss. Akad. Wiss., Berlin. Jahrg. 1893, No. 52, pp. 1053- 1072. Mookrg, R. 1923. Social life of the Eskimos of St. Lawrence Island. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 25, pp. 839-875. MurpocH, J. 1892. Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expedition, 9th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1887-88, pp. 3-44. NELSON, E. W. 1899. The Eskimo About Bering Strait. 18th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1896-97, pt. 1. NELson, N. C. 1937. Notes on cultural relations between Asia and America. Amer. An- tiquity, vol. 2, pp. 267-272. NEUE BESCHREIBUNG DER KURILISCHEN INSELN. 1782. In Pallas, P. S. Neue Nord. Bey., vol. 3, pp. 112-141. St. Petersburg und Leipzig. Nites NATIONAL REGISTER 1843. Improvement in whaling. Sept. 2, p. 16. OLson, R. L. 1936. The Quinault Indians. Univ. Washington, Publ. Anthrop., vol. 6, No. 1. Oscoop, C. 19387. The ethnography of the Tanaina. Yale Univ. Publ. Anthrop., No. 14. PetRorFtT, I. 1884. Report on the population, industries and resources of Alaska. Dept. Interior, Census Office. PictTeT, A. 1804. The vegetable alkaloids. Trans. by H. C. Biddle. New York. PrinaRrT, A. 1872. Catalogue des collections rapporteés de 1 Amérique Russe. Paris. 1873. Eskimaux et Koloches, Idées Religieuses et Traditions des Kaniag- mioutes. Rev. d’Anthrop., vol. 2, pp. 673-680. 1875. La Caverne d’Aknath, Ile d’Ounga (Archipel Shumagin, Alaska). Paris. 1875a. Sur un abri-sepulture des anciens Aleoutes d’Aknafih, Ile d‘Ounga, archipel Shumagin (Alaska). Acad, Sci. Popg, S. T. 1930. 48h Cr iy lid ay neh eu Dim tnbnot waif? | 5 pen eae lon a, e Banat tious a CONTENTS Brera cen mah Luis EEL SALES SU he See TA SRO ES ee ees eee 2 ee Location and relations with neighboring peoples_________________--___- TEA ERTL TEMES G0 Tes eso amr cece Ni at nC cee Pe a I Relations with surroundinesnecoplesae sas anes eae eee ee LECCE RlReN! Cavey TOW WAL Ae) a ey ents Sy a RS Ee Se ee Sel es 1 SVG he ered] pe ee a a a en RE TE ( OOS T Sa A ER SNe RRC gh L RUAN OTA E I RS aE ety BO AR ditlestormo bless. 5.12 ty ait eee Mea te eel ee UE ee fe es, Tables of peerage, or titles and seating arrangements_—_--______ restos aneanG PETSONAls = = esas yesh SOs ie eee ee EN ee Wlamicrestse Se s)2 Seeks LAAs Uea Reem Pe rae 2 hf i See ee Hable:of clanverestge seats eli SOE 2 eh Dees Bee ii IReTGSOMAMCTEStS $)2)S x aia cree eer ys Bly ae a le all a ca psble OL personalicrests..20 5 Niele fhe Ce a a CCUIEED Ss a 592A aR i, RR 20 EIR ei ated Oth SE TENDS. GYRGID OL ae Il DE OTIS Pe ph i nl get Sgt vi it ag erms. of kinshipyand relationships 22) 2 = sue ee 2 ls eer Oe Se Dares WUSa Uy CMe ge ek i EN ead Ss panes A ae Re Ue ng Oe UR ea LL Miedicinewnene == S528 ye eich BE SN ao De abe nod | boy Sessa lute 8 ADpEnGixel. Veuuimtingesberrmiteries. 22 ULL le WON a 2 es Sih ee ea aN Cri G MING ATAU bn a Tey eee ah tes ae Dee 9 Gy i ACIS CRINVAT SD MNES bjyi en emer Soest com atm oP SN GC cease crite, ae te aie se GAS yin Phin Liye ese Se a ee OEE Aa ee at SP laksamshujphretrye oes eer eye wey © Sa OPN REIMER eR LI on ALUSSEEATAUT 70) 011 1 cy Geet eee an Ce nUnree VeS yayaeM ee oh nyt ee RR CREEL RE Se Uae ATOR Appendix 2. Phratric organization of other Carrier subtribes___________- Braserlsakersulo Gripes GNia ttl evyitenrne) esse eens meena ce eee indako Rivemsubtribe CNustsent) te eso a ee See Cheslatta Lake Indians (Tatchatotenne).__._..._.-2.2.-__-22-._-- Stony Creck subtribei(Yuta’ wotenne)o 42: 2505426 5555 Poe eee MaMa CUPTes CLG ds ccs ope ale at ee gk oa a et ats tay Tk a a ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES DA Mederniyiliace of Lapwil Atos coe tee Ley Ma eS NE ee 25. 1, Canyon in the Bulkley River showing the modern high-level bridge and the ruins of the old village of Hagwilgate below the cliff. 2, ABvor, eraser family outsideitsholse: 222252020002 452580 ed Nee 26. A Fort Fraser Indian wearing a cloth replica of the ancient costume, thatishowsihis clan:crestiontthe back. 22 2 oh oe ee Eee 27. Scenes at a potlatch held by the Laksilyu phratry at Hagwilgate_______ 28. Hagwilgate Carrier dramatizing his personal crest________.____-__---- 29. 1, A Hagwilgate Indian’s tombstone, depicting his crest. 2, The four totem polesta tbls o-wailio- sem smug meeier pee et ee ener Ru Rel SOmeeC arrierfamilviat Alkatchouseme eo ler 2 Li Vi ee ea ee SieMCarriencirliaressin pa nides wae aeenee 2 Do La ee Se es Sok 405260—43——_31 Page 473 475 475 477 482 482 484 489 491 495 495 497 501 505 513 519 526 539 559 581 581 581 582 582 583 584 584 585 585 586 586 586 586 586 586 586 586 586 586 472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu, 133 32. 33. 34, 61. 62. Fish-traps in the canyon at Hagwilgate- .o.=..2- i 22a ee 1, Village of Fort Fraser, on Fraser Lake. 2, Grave of Bini at Hagwil- 1, Old Paul wearing his top hat and purple sash. 2, Hagwilgate Indian in Kalullim costume, viz., cedar-bark head band and neck- ring; leather coat with pearl buttons; cloth apron with pendants of beads, thimbles, and deer hoofs; and cloth leggings--____...___-_-_- TEXT FIGURES Subdivisions of the Carrier Indians, British Columbia (map) -________-_ Diagrammatic plan of old Carrier village, tse’kya, ‘‘Rock-foot,”’ beside the Hagwilgate Canyon on the Bulkley River, British Colum- bia; a-g mark the fishing places of the various phratries--________-_- Page 586 586 586 476 PREFACE This report is the outcome of a visit to the northern interior of British Columbia during the winter of 1924-25, when I spent 3 months at Hazelton and Hagwilgate, and periods of about a week each at Fort Fraser, Stony Creek, and Prince George. I made no attempt to investigate the material culture or the language of the Carrier Indians, since these subjects had been adequately covered by Father Morice. The spelling of the numerous Indian names has presented some difficulty. In the field they were recorded phonetically ; but since this report has little value for linguists, and a welter of phonetic symbols would unnecessarily increase the difficulties of the reader, the words have been reduced to their nearest equivalents in English spelling, and only those special characters retained that seemed absolutely indispen- sable. These characters are: x, sound of ch in Scotch loch or German ach; x, sound of ch in German ich; q, the uvular equivalent of k; z, voiceless 2; w, sound of aw in Jaw;° (period above the line), denotes double length of the preceding vowel or consonant; ’ (above or after a letter), glottal stop; and ‘, breathing. Ch represents the sound of ch in church. The folk tales collected during the same winter have already been published under the title “Myths of the Carrier Indians of British Columbia.” (See Jenness, 1934.) 473 ie matty Mike 3 _ = wolel Laan Me: eee ba he i AK Ay m0 ey ie “3 i Aid fans 1 aaa ie ee ' % See, » nt tk, Pein el ae ' 34 Pentre ty AA ‘iy eee ga . i Ab aC ily cies Ais, aaa ae a Sei PE eens aaa Le as ero fon Raphi etme tate 4 OS oR a smhaare i es "7 a Cee Se eh eh, Wea bot Muti) He oS 40 rogua? Gal Hei n fit tein 0 ‘ AUNTIE, nee | ae ark sevoet & Peay en ae (ry A a wishin’ gy Van og soar! ie tio sh Ais ‘ebsinag, Dahil; alive auth thei mS tae ieunatte | Oh ebare. y TOOK, Aol frre ny Sane 4 bee variety ald Vo aude geal acl) 4 Seo SESS meth | HG EU BE tet i ey Om iy Ulodiseinala toed fad Bde iy eoeeoe atnaeasey eel wontnin “OsibiT) auotsen oe oe hp acd Bee aorre tod + whlanitarcestey. bubrooss s eepriey yest platy alt ca td e pisdteres. vitae ta aul far: 6 cn Staberdath ya cule aie Berto ott deoturiry oll) to aelstandhrb auth aapertorl ating | bitty antitleg: Hetty at ag minaletips: leote na His (tbs | “ sanaeysi tice nuHaleads bat iheaues, ad Pate? (104 ardiaeriels: Loa hvawegal seGILORD ty ob) Haingbh seh day Ys Faywnive yoo eEh rata am ass id Healeriage pans (ht: “y past ude skD BE bia ; f ant os oa: Pi alt oy Hay Roe i naoien ¥ py. hy ie AO 10 bat he fet) ator AY Mate Wei hide ry ote basset fron! eas ao Me 8 ee ise alt! metivey) bis tintin ats aeiatitl 30. mented taieent) wilt Fo adiyth” ataiy: eh biased oa CN a ASAE Bats anh ea Bas gh eh THE CARRIER INDIANS OF THE BULKLEY RIVER THEIR SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE By DIAMOND JENNESS LOCATION AND RELATIONS WITH NEIGHBORING PEOPLES The westernmost subtribe of the Carrier Indians, the Hwitsowitenne, “Clever People,” as it called itself, occupied the basin of the Bulkley River, an important tributary of the Skeena in northern British Colum- bia, together with a block of territory that extended for an uncertain distance to the south (fig. 61). Flanking it on three sides were other subtribes of the same Carrier nation, but on the west were Gitksan Indians of the Tsimshian stock, whose nearest village, Hazelton, lay only 4 miles from the Carrier village of Hagwilgate (pl. 24). After 1800 there were many disturbances of population in this area due to epidemics of diseases, the growth of European settlements, and the greater ease of communication through the building of roads and a railway. Many Carrier families were blotted out and their places taken by immigrant families from other districts; and there was much intermarriage with the neighboring Gitksan Indians. Today the sub- tribe numbers rather more than 3800, and has two main settlements, Hagwilgate and Moricetown, while a few families reside at other villages along the line of the transcontinental railway. Some of the Indians remain in their settlements throughout the entire year, others cut ties for the railway in winter, or hunt and trap in remote districts where the land is not yet preempted by white settlers and game still survives in fair numbers. Two or three families even roam occasion- ally as far south as the Eutsuk lake area, which the Bulkley people in- corporated into their territory after the earlier inhabitants, who seem to have formed a distinct subtribe, were destroyed by an epidemic of smallpox about 18388. In summer, again, there is generally a slight movement to the coast, where a few natives find employment in the salmon canneries during the fishing season. EARLIER HISTORY To recover the history of this Bulkley River subtribe prior to the nineteenth century seems impossible. Its members claim that they 475 476 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Botn, 133 originally possessed one village only, Dizkle,, “Dead trees all point- ing in one direction,” which they locate on a site now farmed by a white man at Mosquito Flat, 12 miles east of Hazelton on the Bulk- ley River. Here, whither the salmon ascended in huge shoals, the Indians had built houses on both sides of the river, and constructed “SNU'TSEN RUEUER Goices = => ap SS > } “ fe ge i) Pepe , a ¢ Rational fNluseuin of Canada) j { FiaurE 61.—Subdivisions of the Carrier Indians, British Columbia a dam from one bank to the other. The cluster of houses on the right bank was known as Kwatso, “Excreta,” and the larger cluster on the left bank Hahwilamax, “Place where people throw away turnips,” because in the vicinity were many wild “turnips” that the Indians both roasted for food and tossed like balls to one another on a large sand bar in the middle of the river. Hahwilamax boasted of one very large house, Tsam’dek’ (said to be buried now 21% feet , under the ground), which was the residence of Guxlet, the chief of ANTHROP. Pap. No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—JENNESS 477 a small section of the subtribe, the Thin House clan of the Gilserhyu phratry; for though all members of the subtribe, and even Gitksan Indians from the Skeena river, Carriers of the Babine Lake subtribe, and Sekani from beyond Babine Lake, gathered at Dizkle each year to trap the migrating salmon, the surrounding territory (called Dizkle: like the village) was the hunting reserve of this one section of the Bulkley subtribe, and no one might hunt there except members of the same phratry. The Hagwilgate canyon, then as now, was the boundary line between the Bulkley Carrier and the Gitksan Indians, who had a permanent home of their own at Temlaham, 4 miles below Hazelton; and the dispersal of the two peoples from their respective villages, Dizkle: and Temlaham, led to the establishment of all the modern villages in the area, to Moricetown and Hagwilgate by the Carrier subtribe, and to Hazelton, Kitwanga, and other places by the Gitksan. So runs one tradition of the Carrier. According to another, Dizkle: was the original home of three distinct tribes, the western Carrier, the Sekani, and the Gitksan. Superstitious fear when two squirrels inspected their dam made them scatter and flee to their present homes; and the passage of years has produced their present differentiation (Jenness, 1934, p. 241). I have examined the supposed site of Dizkle-, and Harlan I. Smith, archeologist of the National Museum of Canada, has visited the tra- ditional site of Temlaham. In neither place did we discern any traces of a permanent settlement. One may reasonably doubt, there- fore, whether the two villages, glorified by similar legends, ever held the prominent place that tradition assigns to them, if indeed they ever existed outside the fertile imaginations of the Indians. At the opening of the nineteenth century the principal fishing- place and village of the Bulkley Carrier was at Moricetown. Hag- wilgate was established only about 1820, when a rock slide in its canyon almost blocked the river and allowed very few salmon to pass beyond (pl. 25, fig. 1). Most of the inhabitants of Moricetown then moved en masse to the canyon and built new homes on a narrow shelf below it; but they abandoned this rather inaccessible site toward the end of the century and established their present village on the ter- race above. The last survivor of the migration from Moricetown, Satsa’n, died in 1914 at the age of about 90. RELATIONS WITH SURROUNDING PEOPLES Ease of travel in modern times has brought the Bulkley Indians greater knowledge of their fellow Carriers to the east, and revealed to them other Indian tribes in British Columbia of whom they were ignorant in earlier days. This greater knowledge is reflected in the 478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 133 accompanying sketch-map, which outlines their conception of the names and boundaries of their own and other Carrier subtribes in the latter half of the last century. (See fig. 61.) Of the easternmost Carrier they apparently knew very little until recently; but with their fellow-Carriers of Babine and Fraser Lakes the Bulkley people always maintained close and friendly relations, marred in the case of the Fraser Lake Indians by only one feud of which they retain any recoliection. Equally friendly were their relations with the Gitksan Indians; the difference in their speech neither de- barred intermarriage, nor hindered the Bulkley Indians from absorb- ing many culture traits from their more advanced neighbors. The Gitksan controlled the trade route down the Skeena River to the coast that brought to the Carrier objects of shell and copper in exchange for moose hides and various furs. The coast Tsimshian, who were the principals in this trade, tried to eliminate the Gitksan middlemen about 1850, and, themselves ascending the Skeena, established a yearly market on an open flat at the junction of that river with the Bulkley. There for several years they carried on so amicable a trade with the Carrier that a few of the latter ventured to accompany them back to the coast and to pass the winter months in their midst; but about 1866 a quarrel over some transaction led to a fight in which both sides sus- tained several casualties. One account states that the Tsimshian re- turned the following summer and demanded the surrender of the Bulk- ley River valley in compensation for their losses; but that they never took possession of the area, though the Carrier agreed to their terms. More credible, however, is the following version of the conflict and its issue : The Tsimshian ascended the Skeena in about 50 canoes and camped at Mission Flat, where that river is joined by the Bulkley. In the course of bartering a Hag- wilgate Indian quarrelled with a Tsimshian man over the price of some article and fired his gun to intimidate the dealer. Thereupon the Tsimshian, fearing treach- ery, seized their weapons and shot indiscriminately at men, women, and children; snd the Hagwilgate natives retaliated. Finally the latter retreated to their vil- lage, and the Tsimshian, loading up their canoes, hurried back to the coast. For three years they did not return. Then a large party appeared in ten canoes, and the two peoples concluded peace at a great potlatch in which the Tsimshian, as the aggressors in the fight, paid compensation for every Carrier who was slain. Besides the Tsimshian proper, Indians from the Nass River visited the Bulkley Carrier in order to barter oolakan grease for marten and other furs; and more than once the Carrier, pressed by famine toward the end of winter, themselves traveled through the territory of the Gitksan to one or other of the Nass villages in order to purchase oolakan and other food. Yet they have always disliked the Nass River people, and still remember with bitterness an episode that occurred about 1864. The story, as related by one of the last survivors, who in 1924 ANTHROP. Pap. No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—JENNESS 479 was a blind old man tottering toward his grave, throws an interesting light on the customs of the Indians at that time. One winter when our people were starving, my family, together with my uncle Gyedamskanish, Bini, the chief of the Beaver phratry, and many others traveled overland to Gitlaxdamks village on the Nass River to buy oolakan grease. Soon after our arrival my father discovered that one of the inhabitants bore the same title and crest as himself, and, claiming kinship, ordered me to lodge for the night with his namesake while he and the rest of the family lodged elsewhere. He came to the door early next morning and said to me, “We have bought all we want and will leave the village before noon.” So a number of us started back for Hagwilgate, and after traveling a few miles camped near a stump that supported a huge stone. I and some other youths tried in turn to push this stone over, and when it crashed to the ground under our united efforts we raised a shout of victory and returned to our camp. Now, some Gitwinlkul men who were passing heard our shouts and came to see what was happening. My father said to them, “Our lads were merely pushing a stone off a stump.” But they answered, “That was the gravestone of the late chief of the village.” Greatly alarmed, my father begged them to keep the deed secret, but they immediately went on to the village and spread the news every- where. Then a woman rushed weeping into a house where some of our people were eating and cried, “Why do we feast these wretches? They have disturbed the grave of our chief.” About half our people, led by Bini, retreated inside another house; the rest hastened after us and told us to flee, because Nass, Kispiox, and Gitwinlkul Indians were all mustering in pursuit. We did flee, but the Nass natives overtook and captured those who were in the rear. One cap- tive, a noblewoman named Anklo’, they proposed to enslave, but she said to them, “You cannot make me a Slave, for I am the daughter of a chief. If you carry me off as a captive, you must take also two Slave girls for me to lean upon. Besides, why do you want to make me a prisoner? Neither I nor my family touched the grave, but Gyedamskanish yonder and his family.” They led her away nevertheless, and with her two slave women to attend to her wants. A Kispiox Indian then disarmed Gyedamskanish, who said to them, “Remember that Iam a chief. What are you going to do with me?” “You must return with us,” they answered, “to pay for the insult you offered the grave.” “Take my brother also,” he said, “We will die together”; and when they paid no attention to his words he turned to his brother and said, “Come. Let us go together.” The two men were led out onto the ice of the river and ordered to run up and down while their enemies mocked them and shot at them with guns. Gyedamskanish’ brother dropped dead at the first shot, but Gyedamskanish himself, though fre- quently wounded, ran up and down for nearly half an hour before he fell with a bullet through his thigh. The Nass Indians then burned their corpses and returned to Gitlaxdamks. Meanwhile an influential Indian had concealed another of my uncles inside a large chest, and when the villagers searched the house sat on top of it and refused to move away; his countrymen dared not disturb him on account of his high rank. My uncle’s wife stood near him, grasping a large knife in readiness to stab the first man who molested her husband or herself, but no one laid a hand on her. Bini and the rest of our people barricaded themselves inside another house throughout the night, while their enemies threatened them from outside and occasionally fired off their guns. Early the following morning the principal chief of the village sent round word to all the houses that the fighting should cease and that our people should move over to his house along a path strewn with the white eagle-down that symbol- 480 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 133 izes peace. Preceded by a messenger carrying a white feather, he then con- ducted them to our Camp, a day’s journey away, and we returned home without further mishap. Some time afterward a party of Nass Indians came to Hazleton to conclude a peace with us. They assembled within the potlatch house beside a huge pile of blankets, and we went down from Hagwilgate and stood outside, myself and another youth, the nearest relatives of Gyedamskanish, in the forefront. After our enemies had presented us with a number of blankets, we followed them in- side the house and ranged ourselves along one wall while they lined up against the other. Every man was dressed in his finest clothes and carried a gun and a knife, but, to prevent trouble, I and my companions sat in front of the Nass River chief and two Nass youths occupied corresponding places in front of our chief. As soon as we were thus seated, the two ringleaders in the murder ap- proached us and placed a red-tipped feather on each of our heads to indicate that they intended to pay full compensation. Then one of them delivered a speech declaring that they wanted to make peace, and, shaking a rattle, danced and sang a sonet. The sonet that he sang is a special chant used by Carrier, Tsimshian, Haida, Kitimat, Bella Coola, and other tribes whenever they make peace with each other. Though I know the words, I cannot understand their meaning, because they are in neither the Tsimshian nor the Carrier tongue. As the man repeated the song, both his Nass companions and my own people joined in. I, for my part, rose to my feet and, to show that he was smoothing out the issue, held flat on my outstretched palm a tail feather from an eagle. But before the singing ended I thought to myself, “They haven’t paid us enough,” and I turned the feather on its edge. Immediately the man broke off his chant, and his people added more blankets to those they had surrendered to us already. He then began his song anew, and this time I held the feather flat on my hand until he ended. Since we all felt too sad to hold a feast in common, my kinsmen, without further delay, gathered up the blankets and returned to Hagwilgate, while I and my companion, to cement the peace, stayed 4 days in Hazelton with the Nass Indians and danced with them each evening. Two years after my uncles were murdered some of us went over to the Nass River, collected their bones, and deposited them on top of a pole at Hagwilgate. At the same time we brought back Gyedamskanish’ widow, whom the Nass Indians had detained after her husband’s death. Still another coast people with whom the Bulkley Carrier came into conflict were the Kitimat Indians of Douglas Channel, a Kwakiutl- speaking people who sometimes hunted beyond the divide of the Cas- cade Mountains within the basin drained by the Zymoetz and Telkwa Rivers. It is noteworthy that both the Kitimat and the Carrier Indians were divided into five phratries, one of which was named the Beaver, and that neither a five-phratry division nor a phratry called the Beaver seems to appear anywhere else in British Columbia. This supports the tradition of the Bulkley Carrier that they borrowed several fea- tures in their peculiar social organization from the Kitimat Indians (Jenness, 1934, p. 232), and suggests that a few centuries ago the con- tact between the two peoples may have been more intimate than in recent times, when the Gitksan have lodged between them like a wedge. A well-frequented trail leads from Kitimat to Terrace and there forks, one branch leading up the Skeena River to the Bulkley, and another AnTHRoP. Pap. No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—JENNESS 481 up the Zymoetz River to the Telkwa, which again leads to the Bulkley. It would seem not impossible that the Carrier Indians once controlled the Skeena River down to Terrace and the boundary of the Kitimat Indians, but were then driven back inland by the Gitksan, who perhaps crossed over from the Nass River. To speculate further in this direc- tion, however, is futile until we know in detail the social organization of the Kitimat Indians and can compare it closely with that of the Carrier. With the Bella Coola Indians, the Bulkley Carrier had no direct relations, although they may have met a few individuals when visiting the Carrier subtribes in the Eutsuk lake and other areas to the south and southeast. They were better acquainted with the Sekani of the Findlay and Parsnip River Basins who often visited the north end of Babine Lake during the nineteenth century, probably also in earlier times; and they vaguely remember the now extinct T’set’sa’ut as an- other Athapaskan-speaking tribe, living behind Gitwinlkul, that was destroyed by the Tsimshian or Nass Indians. Some assert, indeed, that the inhabitants of Gitwinlkul itself once spoke the T’set’sa’ut tongue, and that a T’set’sa’ut woman was a slave for many years among the Tsimshian of the coast. Concerning the Tahltan of the Stikine River Basin they had little knowledge until the middle of the nine- teenth century, when the two peoples sometimes met at Bear Lake or at Old Fort Babine; yet it was doubtless a vague rumor of the Tahltan that gave rise to the legend of a semihuman race far to the north, the Na’ani, wonderfully skilled in hunting (Jenness, 1934, p. 242). Today the Bulkley Carrier call both the Sekani and the Tahltan itateni, or, more rarely, by their Tsimshian name T’set’sa’ut; but neither tribe has ever influenced them appreciably, or promoted any changes in their material culture, or their social and religious life, comparable with the changes promoted by the nearer Kitimat and Gitksan. Among these surrounding peoples the Bulkley Indians, like a many- tentacled cephalopod, had wandering feelers gathering sustenance that enriched the community’s life. Yet there was no central ner- vous system to coordinate the movements of the feelers and to assimi- late or reject their booty, no ruling chief or established council to con- trol the actions of the different families and govern their relations with the outside world. Like other Carrier subtribes, the Bulkley natives were divided into a number of fraternities or phratries, each intimately associated with the others, yet politically independent. The phratries assembled and lived together at the same fishing places each season, they joined in common feasts and ceremonies, and they united at times to repel a common danger; but they all owned sepa- rate hunting territories to which their members repaired for the winter months, and they associated at will with foreign peoples even 482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buin. 133 when these might be hostile to others of their countrymen. Since there was no regulation of foreign intercourse and trade and no hindrance to marriage outside the community, foreign ideas and foreign customs could take root in one family or phratry without permeating the others. It was only the constant association, the ties of kinship and marriage, the uniform dialect, and the pressure of common interests that counteracted the strong centrifugal tendencies and knitted the phratries into a definite, though headless, unit justifying the name of a subtribe. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION PHRATRIES The Bulkley Carrier recognized five phratries, which they named Gitamtanyu, Gilserhyu, Laksilyu, Laksamshu, and Tsayu. The suffix yu or shu in these words means “people,” and the prefix gi in two of them has the same meaning in Tsimshian. Only one of the five names, Tsayu, “beaver people,” is a true Carrier word, the rest being derived apparently from other sources. Of the other Carrier subtribes, the Babine Lake, west end of Fraser Lake, Cheslatta Lake, and Fort Fraser, recognized the same five phratries under exactly the same names,? except that the Babine Indians called Laksilyu, the third phratry, Kwanpe’hwotenne, “People of the fire-side,” while the Cheslatta Lake and west Fraser Lake subtribes gave to the second phratry, Gilserhyu, the name Tso’yezhotenne, “the small spruce people.” The Stony Creek subtribe, on the other hand, recognized two phra- tries only, Gilserhyu and Yesilyu (=Laksilyu). With regard to the Stuart Lake subtribe there is some uncertainty. Father Morice | (1892-93, p. 203) states that it possessed only four phratries, Lsama- eyu, Tsayu, Yasilyu, and Tam’tenyu; but a Sekani Indian of Fort McLeod, who was related by marriage to the Stuart Lake people, said that there used to be five, and gave names for them that coin- cided with Morice’s names, except that he substituted Eske for Tam’tenyu and added the fifth phratry Kwanpahotenne. I suspect, therefore, that there were originally five phratries at Stuart Lake just as elsewhere, but that in Morice’s day two of them had amal- gamated, as happened to two phratries among the Bulkley Carrier about 1865. 1Lakselyu is evidently laxse’l, the name given by the Gitksan Indians of Hazelton to the Frog-Raven phratry; and laksamshu is probably the same as laxsamillix, the Hazelton name of the Beaver clan in the Eagle phratry. 2? Apart from minor dialectal differences. Anrunop, Pap. No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—JENNESS 483 Hagwilgate, the westernmost Carrier village, lies only 4 miles from Hazelton, a village of the Gitksan Indians, and the two peoples commonly intermarry and participate in each other’s ceremonies. The phratries of the one subtribe then equate with the phratries of the other; and a man or woman who at Hagwilgate belongs to the Gitamtanyu phratry is attached to the Laxgibu phratry at Hazelton. But the Gitksan Indians have only four phratries to balance the five of the Carrier, so that one phratry has to equate with two. The following table shows how the two systems amalgamate: Carrier Gitksan Gitamtanyult eee ee Laxgibu (Wolf phratry). Gilserhyu and Laksilyu_. Laxse’] (Frog-Raven phratry). Makan Shes se eae Gisra’ast (Fireweed phratry). UST aa beste Maen Sea ERAT Be No Laxsamillix (a clan of the Laxski’k or Hagle phratry). The phratries were the most important units within the sub- tribe. Though each was divided into two or more clans that had their own chiefs and distinctive crests, the phratry overruled its clans in many ways. Thus it regulated marriage, for no man could marry a woman of his own phratry, even though she belonged to a different clan in that phratry, and to another subtribe or nation. It took an active interest in all the relations of its members with the members of other phratries, supporting them in their grievances and bear- ing the responsibility of their misdeeds. Through its chief (who was always a chief of one of its clans) it controlled the division of the hunting territories among its members and acted as a unit in resisting aggression by other phratries. If the members of one clan erected a totem pole, the members of other clans within the phratry contributed generously to the expense and regarded themselves as part owners, so that it was not merely a clan totem pole, but be- longed in a measure to the whole phratry. Furthermore, the phra- tries extended beyond the boundaries of the subtribe far more widely than the clans, so that a man’s phratric affiliation gained him sup- port and help where his specific clan was unknown. The first ques- tion asked of a stranger (if it were not apparent from his dress or tattooing), was not “what clan does he belong to,” or even “what subtribe does he belong to,” but “what is his phratry?” And any Laksamshu man, for example, who found himself in a strange Gitksan village looked for a house belonging to the Fireweed phratry (the phratry corresponding to his own) and sought there the pro- tection that he could claim on no other ground, perhaps, than mem- bership in a common phratry. 484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 133 CLANS The following table shows the clans into which the phratries were divided, and gives the title of the chief who ruled each clan. Phratry Clans Title of Chief Gitamtanyu_-____- A, Grizzly House (Kyas-ya‘)______ Ww.s (“‘Whale’’). Bl, House in the Middle of Many Giste-hwa. (kaiyawinits). IBZ VANSKASKI Oe Sioa See Medi’k (‘*Grizzly Bear’’). Gulserhiyai= ae 2") A, Dark House (ya‘tsaolkas) ______ Netipish (‘Crane or Heron’’) B, Thin House (ya‘tsowitan) .____- Guxlet. C, Birchbark House (kai-ya‘)____- Samuix, Laksilyuc-tees se A, House of Many Eyes (giner- Hagwilnex}. klai-ya‘) B, House on Top of a Flat Rock Widaxkyet (Big Man). (tsekal-kai-ya‘). C, House Beside the Fire (kwan- Widak’kwats. per-ya‘). Laksamshu_- ------ Al, Sun or Moon House (sa ya‘)?__ Smogitkyemk. A2, Twisted House (ya‘hostiz) --__ B, Owl House (misdzi-ya‘) -______- Klo’mkan (‘‘Forest Slide’). Tsay tu ib. Lkone: Beaver House (djakan-ya‘)4______ Kwi's. The interpretations of these clan names are in some cases obscure. The Grizzly, Sun or Moon, Owl, and Beaver Houses derive their names from their principal crests; and the House of Many Eyes from an inci- dent in the legend attached to its crest.2 House in the Middle of Many was so-called because the house of its chief was once erected in the middle of a village; and House on Top of a Flat Rock because the house of a former chief at Moricetown was built upon a rock. The meaning of the word Anskaski, and the origins of the names Birchbark House and Twisted House, seemed unknown. For Kwanperya the Indians offered two different interpretations, “House Beside the Fire” and “House of a Small Bird named Kwanpe.” The title “Dark House” refers to the custom of quenching the house fire on the eve of a pot- latch, when the chief of the clan sang and danced in the gloom. The Thin House boasted leadership by two chiefs, one of whom had moved up from Hazelton when the village was established in the Hagwilgate eanyon. His old home (and section of the clan?) in Hazelton had borne the name “Robin’s House,” because tradition stated that its founder had once visited the nightly home of the robins in the land of the dead (Jenness, 1934, p. 144) ; but when he moved up with his 3 The word sa means heavenly luminary, either sun or moon. According to one old man, the clan (and the chief’s house) was called Skeyuya‘: Eagle House, after its other crest. Possibly it had both names, the second, Hagle House, being more familiar to the neighboring Gitksan Indians. 5 For the legends concerning these crests, see Jenness (1934, pp. 214, 225, 232). AnTHROP. Pap. No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—JENNESS 485 people to Hagwilgate, the clan name was changed to Thin House, be- cause the pillars in the new home were flattened on the inside instead of rounded. The clans have been listed in the order of their recent standing within their respective phratries. Yet the system was not absolutely rigid, for it underwent changes even during the last hundred years. About 1865 the Tsayu phratry was so decimated by smallpox that its members voluntarily incorporated themselves in the Laksamshu phratry, where they now rank merely as one clan. The Twisted House of the Laksamshu phratry was really a part of the Sun or Moon House that separated off under its own chief when the Sun House became very numerous. Similarly, the two clans in Gitamtanyu phratry, House in the Middle of Many, and Anskaski, had a single origin, though which was the earlier is now uncertain; a member of the House in the Middle of Many claimed priority for his clan, but at the present time the chief of Anskaski clan occupies a higher seat at potlatches. The head man of a clan was called tene’za’, “chief;” his wife (or the principal wife, if he had more than one), zegaiz*a. He was sup- ported by a body of nobles, skez‘a, most of whom were close kinsmen. Below the nobles were the common people of each clan, auxtaten’e, and below the common people the slaves, ene, who seem never to have been as numerous as among the coast tribes, and, indeed, owned by few Indians except the chiefs. The chief of the leading clan was the recognized head of the phratry, and the heads of the different phratries were coordinate in rank, though the one who had the largest follow- ing might possess more power and influence.* The principal settle- ments, Moricetown and Hagwilgate, contained representatives of all the phratries, usually also of all the clans. In such places the mainte- nance of peace and harmony rested on both the clan and the phratry chiefs. Each clan chief normally settled disputes that extended no farther than his own little unit; when they involved another clan in the same phratry, the head of the phratry, counseled by his clan chiefs, settled them ; and when they involved other phratries the heads of the phratries consulted, first with their clan chiefs, then with each other, decided the issues at stake, and arranged for any necessary compensation. In early times, when Moricetown was still the best place in the dis- trict for catching salmon, every clan had there its individual fishing stands, and every clan chief a permanent home. The settlement de- clined when the landslide 20 miles below partially blocked the Bulkley River, and the majority of the subtribe established the new village, Tsekya, “Rock-foot,” beside the Hagwilgate canyon. How many 6 The strongest phratries at Hagwilgate today are the Laksilyu and the Laksamshu, which rank about equal, although the latter has the larger membership. At Moricetown the strongest phratry is the Laksilyu. 486 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 133 houses this new village contained originally is not known, but after the smallpox epidemic of 1862 it possessed not only 9 large houses, each of which provided a home for perhaps 20 people, but also a num- ber of smaller houses that sheltered on the average 5 or 6. The 9 large houses were the homes of the clan chiefs and their nearest rela- tives, and bore the same names as the clans, Grizzly House, etc.; but while the Gitamtanyu and Gilserhyu phratries were represented by a large house for each clan, Laksilyu had only 2 large houses, House of Many Eyes and House beside the Fire; Laksamshu only 1, Owl’s House; and the Tsayu or Beaver phratry no large house at all, having abandoned its dwelling when the epidemic carried away nearly all its members (see Plan, fig. 62). Re NAS ie Er rAg es ikl st ep @ Cannan ee sat {HI ppc Gs AN OQ0™ 90 wo BSN \ o- ae CULM LB yo ges a Jtattonal flltuseum of Canada. Figure 62.—Diagrammatie plan of old Carrier village tse’kya, ‘““Rock-foot,” beside the Hagwilgate Canyon on the Bulkley River, British Columbia. a-g mark the fishing places of the various phratries. DESCRIPTION OF PLAN OF OLD CARRIER VILLAGE AT HAGWILGATE CANYON 1. House of Many Eyes, Laksilyu phratry. This clan house was partly pre- served in 1924. la. Totem pole of this house, known as kaigyet. 2. House in the Middle of Many, Gitamtanyu phratry. Partly preserved in 1924. 2a. Totem pole of this house, known as esril, “fungus.” 3. Anskaski, Gitamtanyu phratry. In 1924 there remained of this house only two pairs of beams supporting a ridge pole. It had no totem pole. 4. House beside the Fire, Laksilyu phratry. Of this house there remained only a few logs rotting on the ground. A flat stone that lay on the threshold served as an unusually fine doorstep. ANTHROP. PaP. No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—-JENNESS 487 5. Dark House, Gilserhyu phratry. This house also was reduced to a few rotten logs. It had no totem pole. 6. Grizzly House, Gitamtanyu phratry. Its site was hardly discernible. 6a. Totem pole of the Grizzly House, known as Grizzly Bear. 7%. Thin House, Gilserhyu phratry. There remained on the ground a few logs. It had no totem pole. 8. Owl House, Laksamshu phratry. A few rotten logs remained. 8a. Totem pole of the Owl House, known as Fireweed, though today sometimes called Owl. It really belonged to the Beaver phratry. 9. Birchbark House, Gilserhyu phratry. In 1924 its site was hardly discernible. It had no totem pole. A, B. Two houses of recent date, owned by Gitksan Indians of Hazelton. a-g. Fishing places owned by different clans but open to use by a member of any clan or phratry. m. Modern suspension bridge. Since the phratries were exogamous units, so also in consequence were the clans, although the decline of the system in recent years has permitted several marriages within the phratries. Children belonged to the clans and phratries of their mothers, not of their fathers, for inheritance and descent followed the female line. All the hunting territory of the subtribe was partitioned among the different phratries, and trespassing on the territory of another phratry without the consent of its chief led to quarrels and often bloodshed. Within the phratric territory each clan had its recognized hunting grounds that were theoretically subject to endorsement by the phratric chief and to any limitations and changes he might make in the interests of his phratry, but were practically inviolate as long as the clan was strong enough to resent encroachment. The families made mutual arrangements where each would hunt, and two or three gen- erally traveled and camped together. The country was too thinly settled to give occasion for many disputes, and such as did arise were settled by the clan or phratry chiefs. It is said that the phratry chief sometimes remained in the village all winter and did not go out to the hunting grounds, but was supplied with beaver, caribou, and other meat at irregular intervals by returning hunters. At the present time, individual noblemen who are not even clan chiefs claim possession of one or two small hunting grounds, and their claims are recognized by the rest of the Indians even though they admittedly violate the principle of phratric and clan ownership. But the clan and phratric chiefs have lost their authority, and game has become so scarce that many families do not find it worth their while to hunt, so that no one wishes to stir up trouble by disputing claims which, after all, have little value. How they first came to make these claims is not quite clear. Apparently they were insti- gated by the growth of individual rights in other directions brought 405260—43——382 488 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 about by the decline of the phratries and clans, and by the indif- ference with which they had been permitted to reoccupy the same areas winter after winter for many years in succession. The division of the fishing grounds corresponded to the division of the hunting grounds. Each clan had the exclusive fishing rights over the lakes and streams within its hunting territories, subject theoretically to the jurisdiction of the entire phratry, exercised through its chief. Before the landslide occurred on the Bulkley River at Hagwilgate, the best place in the whole district for trapping the migrating salmon was at Moricetown, the common center of the phratries; and on the dam built there across the river most, if not all, of the clans had special stations where they could ply their gaffs or set their traps and baskets. The part of the subtribe that moved to Hagwilgate after the landslide subdivided among its clans, in exactly the same way, the various fishing stands in the Bulkley canyon; but the space was so limited, and fish so plentiful, that a member of any clan, in any phratry, might fish at any of the stands whenever it was not actually occupied by its proper owners. (See Plan, fig. 62.) Fishing places, and portions of the hunting territories, were often sold or given away in payment for certain services. If a chief or nobleman of one phratry contributed generously to the expense of a potlatch given by a nobleman in another phratry,’ the phratry that had received help, acting through its chief, might publicly “deed over” its fishing rights on a certain stream, or its title to hunt over a particular mountain. The new owners might retain these rights in perpetuity, but in most cases the transfer was regarded as a mortgage only, and the phratry that had originally owned the areas bought them back after three or four generations. In all such transactions the phratric chiefs played the leading roles, but they could not act without consultation with their clan chiefs and prin- cipal noblemen. The hunting grounds are now greatly restricted through the growth of white settlement, the construction of roads and a rail- way, the leveling of large areas of forests, and the blocking out of the land for villages and farms. It seems impossible today to map the original hunting areas of the various clans. Those that they now claim are widely scattered, and often of very small extent; yet it may be useful to list them in an appendix (see Appendix 1), if only to illustrate, what seems to have been true in earlier times, that the hunting territory of each clan was not a single strip of 7Such a contributor was called antoma’na’k. Formerly the man who was giving the potlatch threw all contributions from outside his phratry into the fire, but since 1910, or thereabouts, they have been incorporated with the main pile of goods set aside for distribution, AnHrop, Pap, No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—JENNESS 489 country, but a number of discrete strips scattered here and there throughout the territory under the subtribe’s dominion. TITLES OF NOBLES Every clan boasted the exclusive ownership of a number of titles which carried a more or less definite ranking and alone bestowed on their owners the hallmarks of nobility. Women as well as men were eligible for all these titles, and a few, of no great importance, were even restricted to women. In general, accession to a title depended partly on inheritance, partly on the ability to give the potlatch necessary to make its assumption valid. The usual successor to a man’s title was his sister’s son or daughter; but if he had no children, or misfortune prevented the validation of the child’s claim by a proper potlatch, the title might pass to a more distant kinsman in the same clan, even one who previously had ranked among its com- moners. The boundary line between nobles and commoners was therefore fluid. The son of a chief never became a commoner, be- cause his parents, if only for their own prestige, invariably financed or contributed to the potlatch that gave him a title and opened for him the gate to nobility; but a grandson or great-grandson might easily descend in the social scale, if his parents neglected to ensure his succession by a potlatch and he himself lacked the necessary means. Descendants of nobles below the rank of chiefs naturally glided into the abyss more readily, because their parents’ means were limited and kinsmen did not always rally to their support. To climb the ladder again was difficult but not impossible, if we may trust the statements of present-day Indians, and the traditions that recount how friendless orphans through their own achievements married the daughters of chiefs and received the titles of nobles. Doubtless Carrier society, like many others, placed obstacles in the path of an aspiring nobody, and it was only through exceptional circumstances that a commoner could amass enough goods to give the one or more potlatches necessary for his elevation. Yet the his- tory of Satsa’n, a nobleman in the Gilserhyu phratry, bears out the traditions of the Indians that the barriers were not insuperable. Satsa’n’s ancestors, a century ago, were commoners without genealogical history or prominence who occupied at potlatches any place they could find in the vicinity of their fellow phratrymen. In the first half of the nineteenth century, however, One of them proved so skillful a carpenter that Widaxkyet, a chief in the Laksilyu phratry, engaged him to carve a totempole, promising 8 Whether it could pass to a commoner of the same phratry, but in another clan, is not clear. The clan affiliation of a commoner seems to have been less fixed than his phratric affiliation, so that few objections would be raised if the title were relatively unimportant, and the man could make out a plausible genealogy. Even if he had no kinship claim, he could probably “jump” the title, provided he possessed sufficient influence. 490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 133 him a rich reward. The man worked on the pole all winter while the rest of the people were hunting; and when he had finished the carving he covered the pole with birchbark to hide it until the day of erection. The pole was duly raised into place at Moricetown, and stood there until about 1870 when it fell and was burned. At the close of the festivities connected with its erec- tion the carpenter found himself possessed of so much property (partly gained by gambling) that he decided to give a potlatch on his own account. He therefore invited all the people, and before distributing his presents stood up and proclaimed, “Hereafter let me not sit in a corner like a nobody, but in front of my phratry in a special place beside the fire. And let me be known, not by my own name, but as Satsa’n.” The chiefs of all the phratries con- sulted together and acceded to his request. He thus acquired a special rank that was neither a nobleman’s nor a commoner’s; but his niece, who succeeded to the title, ranked as a noble, though she retained the special seat beside the fire. Why the carpenter chose the title Satsa’n, which belonged to a Gitksan chief of Kitselas, on the Skeena River, the present-day Carrier do not know; they merely deny that there was any bond of kinship between the two families. Although a title never passed, apparently, from one phratry to another, it was sometimes transferred temporarily, and perhaps per- manently, from one clan to another within the phratry. Thus, a few years ago, when a member of the Dark House clan in the Gilserhyu phratry died, the clan transferred one of its nobles, Axal’kan, to the Thin House to repay that clan’s members for their contributions to the funeral expenses. Under present conditions it really makes no difference whether Axal’kan’s successor returns to the old clan or remains in the new, for the big semicommuna! dwel- lings that used to be the chief outward signs of the clan have disappeared. The Indians seemed to think that Axal’kan’s transfer was temporary only, and that the title would be “bought back” on some future occasion; but that permanent transfers had formerly occurred for special reasons, such as compensation for murders. At the present time there are more titles in each clan than there are people qualified to fill them, so that nearly every man or woman who wishes to adopt a new one can choose between several; but whether this was the case in earlier years also is not certain. With the decline in population many titles seem to have found no claim- ants and dropped from memory. Others, again, may have been superseded by newer titles; for just as Sir Arthur Wellesley, after his victories in Spain, became the Duke of Wellington, so a Carrier nobleman could commemorate some event in his life by adopting a new name and establishing it among his countrymen by a potlatch. His earlier title then dropped out of use, or, more often perhaps, was bestowed on his probable heir, who passed it on to his own heir whenever he himself succeeded to the new-found name. At feasts the clan chiefs sat together, the chief of the second ranking clan on the right of the phratry chief (i. e., the chief of Anrurop. Pap, No. 25] THE CARRIER INDIANS—JENNESS 491 the principal clan), and the chief of the third clan, if there were more than two, on the phratry chief’s left. The nobles then sta- tioned themselves nearer or farther from their chiefs in accordance with their rank; and directly in front of each man or woman sat the probable successor, nearly always a nephew or a niece. The commoners and such slaves as were admitted lined up at the back or wherever they could find room. We are not unfamiliar, in our own society, with the serious dis- putes that have resulted in the course of state functions whenever the Ambassador of Timbuctoo has ventured to claim precedence over the Minister of Tierra del Fuego. Among the Bulkley Carrier sim- ilar quarrels arose over the order of seating at feasts and ceremonials, for this order was liable to change from one generation to another. At the present day they recognize the following arrangement, or “table of peerage,” as it may be called, but a hundred years ago it was certainly rather different. TABLES OF PEERAGE, OR TITLES AND SEATING ARRANGEMENTS GITAMTANYU PHRATRY Clans: A, Grizzly House; B, House in the Middle of Many, and Anskaski Rear TOW BSE EB ae BG b> BA BS Ag Bile WAI B2) SA3 (Ad Abe AG Second row: B3a A2a Bla B2a Front row: B9 B10 Bll Titles B8, Holits (Skunk).’ B7, Sowi:s.” B6, Hoigyet. B5, Wa’silop’. B4, Kano’ts. B38, Na’ok. A2, Djolukyet. Bl, Medi-k (Grizzly Bear), chief of Anskaski clan and 2nd ranking chief in the phratry. Al, We's (Whale), chief of the leading clan Grizzly House, chief of the phratry. B2, Gistehwa, chief of the clan House in the Middle of Many and third ranking chief in the phratry. A8, Skalit. A4, Samsmahix. A5, Gu’kyet. A6, Guxwog (Sleepy). 1 Since the last holders of these titles died a few years ago, none have come forward to take their places. 492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 133 Baa, Ismediks (Grizzly cub), who is the legal successor to B3, Na’ok, and therefore sits directly in front of that nobleman. A2a, Baxchan (War-leader), the legal successor of A2, Djolukyet. Bla, Goqaiuwil, the legal successor of B1, Medi-k. B2a, Atne (Bella Coola or Kitlope Indian), the legal successor of B2. B9, Dettsan (Raven), who must sit somewhere in front to the right of the chiefs. B10, Hwille- wi, who must also sit in front to the right of the chiefs. B11, Nagwa’on (Long Arm), who must sit in front to the left of the chiefs. A title Anklo’, belongs to the clan House in the Middle of Many, but the position of its holder is not known. At the present time there is attached to the phratry a Gitksan man bearing the Gitksan title Axgotdemash (Heartless, Cruel). Having no proper seat at potlatches he finds a place near the door, although he is trying to enroll himself in the Anskaski clan and recognizes its leading man Medi-k as his chief. GILSERHYU PHRATRY Clans: A, Dark House; B, Thin House; C, Birchbark House Rear row.