Ra ah Py wal ee ee ty p satay, Oe SANG eT ey ry PAE ‘es se ito Tere > whe tne oops a ~ a ity » BS has 2 Vag — | aie & wy +t “Ww Fr SSA y ae. v4 C CrAGBDFS Op. ees ~ RGR - OC : (yj On CY = Qt X uns” OO lie = ea pes o os xt 3 it x ws < se. 4 4 - a ase = | S) ~ rs) 2 S) 4 z 4 z 5 od 2 LNVINOSHLINS “S31YVUEIT LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN, INSTITUTION NOILNL : : > ty: : a i read ~ Ph ne > be > fj ad ts = si é, «& = SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NOILMLILSNI NYINOSHLINS S3IYVYS!IT LIBRA! oy = . ~” ea w” ‘ oo ‘' = - = : < = < = 2 N = . 3 z 5 \ 3 2 de SQ: 5 ‘ 2° o “ , ee E NYY Zz, = Z, E A : Bt eee 3 2 ain NVINOSHLINS SJIYVYSIT LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NOILNI = a Z % se "i ; 7) us nw uw ra uw ee ow a ow Ape oc c ow Cc w Cc oc re) pa re) ae re) se z ad * z oi" z cal 4 °Y (@) = nist S3IYVUSIT LIBRARIES <= 4 fy eo = nas INSTITUTION S LIBI A RZ I1 LIBR ie ms I SHLINWS SMITHSONIAN NOILALILSNI INSTITUTION NOIL saiuvugi INSTITUTION. NOI saiuyvuag INSTITUTION NOIL NIAN INSTITUTION NOILNLILSNI NVINOSHLINS SatuvugIT_LIBRARIES AIWIAIQOCQCLUITAIC @GQ@miaiuwymwUuUata SMITHSONIAN NYINOSHLINS SMITHSONIAN NVINOSHLIWS LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN a 2 A 2 : | — i Yh, Z << — ‘ Sm re a = = LG4 S&S : 68) ra) mom” 5 C 4 za a oa Zz IAN INSTITUTION NOILALILSNIT NYINOSHLINS S31uvugit LIBRARIES a z oo = a z ‘0 2 _ S - ¢ > Ee call = > : - - = = 4a rs 3 = w 1 < Ww ~ SHLINS SAluVUd ITLLIBRARI ES SMITHSONIAN > NOLLNLILSNI = Pe ge oe < = he z. SNR = 5 z ¢ g ZR 3 2 é : = = = = z . q 5 ; = i = ~ 3 ‘ . SONIAN INSTITUTION NOILALILSNI_NVINOSHLINS Saluvugi7_ LIBRARIES . Zz ns > ” 2 Y a” pat Ww ul ” pa = ad 3 wr = & = < S. x = < pe oc = oc ts a 5 - 5 = 5 ns: z sad z “ = mre SHLINS S3JIMYVYURIT LIBRARIES INSTITUTION NOILONLILSNI = r z G cS a - Oo ° wo rem om a a = _ wa > x - > be ~ > — > | - a me “2 = x SSS ” oe * ae pr - 2 2 2 S z : ONIAN INSTITUTION NOILALILSNI_ NVINOSHLINS, $3 Iuvyuaiy LIBRARIES mee «|S 7 Se = a = z 4 = 4 Pa ~ O pe aa GS) a O = ” ” . w 7) \\ Tp pA Oe Pr S| a oO ae oO ey = a 3; ee 2 a > oi = > = SS > ” z ~” z wn z ISHLIWS _LIBRARI ES SMITHSONIAN _INSTITUTION (pNOlLNLILSNI_ ! uu = ld = uw - ec pe o pe a ja 4 — < -+ < =| . S oc = ac ae ae ro) a: 5 m oO a 4 Pd = = ae > 7 iA, ¢ a Ha es ed j j fy OM De Be 1 ron. 1 aA ¢ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 137 THE INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES By - JOHN R. SWANTON SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 137 THE INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES By JOHN R. SWANTON UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1946 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Price $2.75 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INsTITUTION, Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., May 1, 1942. S1r: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled “The Indians of the Southeastern United States,” by John R. Swan- ton, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stiruine, Chief. Dr. C. G. Axzort, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, II CONTENTS oS i ote DE Cie uie Glpneast. bee ok see epee ocd @mieeiecation of the Southeastern tribes. ._........-....----.-.----_-. aie ii a ahi A ee Relation of the aboriginal population to the natural areas__._.....__._-_-- ITO TES os oe a ee ee eee ecues ome eek History of the Southeastern Indians from the period of first white contact forthe expedition of Hernando de Soto_._..-....-.-..-..--.....-..- Geeeeeeaition of Hernando de Soto.........---.-..--222L- 222 2cL ll ECOL DOMod. _.-... 2s ee 82 Sketches of the Southeastern tribes and their population____.____________ ica ep ae ee eR ARIE SON * SE A ee a SP m_magdarko,,or; more correctly, Nadako.ooie22- 2-2. -b. ie J kk eee 2 ee eee se pete AS TOE re od) LEO PC deg Le 7 Pas oe Bay i) ee a tee A a a ee il UR Bh et 2 RE Yee TE OES RE Oa ee NS PGA eR 2 IT i oe age Th SE AA SS gy Pee i CEO Rata th Cd CE RE ee DIRE eA aS ele Ua ia ee i nee ter 8 ol EE ete 7 OE eM UW EE aR CO NGn Aa PRADA ie LOR er RR Bie 1 Per IV CONTENTS Sketches of the Southeastern tribes and their population—Continued. Eyeish or Ha-ish 2.2.5 ee eee Fresh Water (“Agua Dulce’’) Indiansiu 02). vost Wus-heiehee sooo 2 So aenc e Grigra, or, more often, Gris... 2 GunGate ee hak ee Kaskinamno. oo) oi ee ra ae ee Kealedtiu. ce eek a ee a et bce hk - Sa eR NE SMMC DeE ST CUADARNG OR rReae CEE WKeeasa tin 28 se et ee a ha Macapiras. or Amaeapiras...- 02) a Le ee Machapurme.. ee Managhose. io. oo eee Meher in. ie ed a ea ee els cd Michigames.. 2. -).\.o- bo ELC 5 en error eS AINE Wirth coh es

Nacanish..- ---_- SEE AOR, Sy 4 SAN By La apes aa ot a Reaen DUanaE 155 OE Said EES Sanaa te) SoS a REAL) OTe ye 156 EUSTON OY SECA Esau oe DS 9, eet ee aa a ad ere a) RR 156 TESS IRS ONE ie na |, ES AP eee fay hon) eee ROO 157 0 EINE 2a pe eg) | Epa POR PRE a ee 157 eee EES LT 16 eagle ae ano 1) es ea eg cee PE SPF SLR. 157 IIS EE RT GL) aR a ao v5 REE 158 EEE ORS ST SS Rg es: 2 a ea Paige yO 158 Ee RI a 6 CE tak 2) ACTA aR a ag alts Fee 158 I RR Re 2 Oe 3 ee a ta 161 ST PE, «<5 AI ek a SA DY 162 Ee Sas a aS RIE Rc ean ea de 162 RE ICT OTIS ele Piss SS SUR Decree pm aC Rt Oa 162 Nottoway (Notowega, Nittaweega, or Nautaugue)_-__-_-_-_------ 163 EI i SS Ss SE eae ea Pe 164 EPIRA Oc he 5 UW eo ES se ea ss 164 NT nd Ae aT cag a 2 or TEES ae ee Oe 165 Urea rave retire evan tt 2) LL a ies Ph pe a a 165 Peenediiay Or Mosopeles. eo ft es a ee 165 SERIE OSE) SRO ee er) A Me Ramen Ee ok PR ha 166 eS a VTS RS Sane yl 0d 9 RE Sa Ce EN RR ore 167 EE OE ST RR) 9 ene ae CR RE 168 SEE SESS IS 059 2 EE a eR Pe 168 eS LRT Pansies pe ts se, Sat ea PO 168 UI eee Scary 2d ee mt Rt Aedes 2 es 169 NE Ie EI EIT 12 CVO a AP Co 170 ERTIES RIED MIR arog Se 0 CINE SO ge RT 170 OES Tea api Sy Se 5,2 sage 170 I Dibra emery ONS). ON ee Se 171 IEDR Tae hereg ies es re ik ee era 172 TNs EISRESGE UESSRITO ae paftP tyes 728 NS Nee eae gE aL ee oe 172 EEL ek Ieee On 0 © os ne ee EE 172 DS) EES aya PSI Oe oe te eg ere RN ee, 173 etre Pao or Posoye..... 2. ob ee ee 173 LE ES POE a Makes tak cS NCR EER EOS NERY SUMS ia 173 EE EES DO Seog Deeg Cd ene ae Sl Pe, eae PO 175 I SR TSG DE ERS sai ak eee Loy LO SE ee, Pag REND oy Oe Os Mie 176 RTE IeE oe cg ey deat eee ke ae Oe) ae Pernod Nay hf 5 2) ie ha ee Nt nr le ed 177 SLED SEER 0 SWE Sain ep be ac ge DL AW ea 177 IRE Sear emer VA LS ek ee eo fee Rey ea 178 CemRMmDaITS. A Mie eae atie Lh a 2 oe hs lee ee 179 NMI Ee Lesh oer Ch Le SUG a eee We, oN ile ae 179 muanEEER ANE he ta DONE aS ihe ree yIE OM oat a) ea Sy ee alee 181 0 Te ieee Sy Bon oie We ye odie NET Oman AMROEE be fect oe? De ae 182 Sener aren Leer. y)) Piero Miah Re ss 183 CO a Th RUSE DUES SPE So 00 0 eg COD Ey) te Se RS es) Dy 184 Ne I BN SRE COE FEATS Nec DSI, | Ro Cy 186 TE SE SSeS We Oa 186 ee DEE ONIONS Doce Uy ee ga cy 2 a 186 perce. Hormugiue. Or Surreches.. 2.2. 22-2 ol eke 187 VI CONTENTS Sketches of the Southeastern tribes and their population—Continued. PAGE Eaeetaeune 3.522 fo ht oe, 187 Taensen-2 2. oi. oe ee oe ea eee 188 Tame: (Pamat)o 2 ees ee eee 189 Tangmmahons: 300) ofa es os Se eee oe 190 Tepe oe eae. eS ee oe 190 TAWERSB = oe oc ee oo eS Oe ee 190 Tekeste or Peqnesuac) 420. 3 oe eee ee te ae TUMOUR: STOUPS Besos notre A ss nie eee er oe 193 oly Cs | (eee EP Aes AY aie cen ta RM oh Se ADs 7 my a, = ony age yeychste 194 POCO 2 ee Rt a re 195 Tohome@. es foe ate ee oo a a in 196 Tukabahehoo:: 2c 82 Soho on ee eee 197 "Dearne Heelan aw ehh Sig hig bn oe oo aA tO 197 "TUSGRTORAL Eisai heh non > hg eo ae i ee 199 Tuskegeesc 2 OPA te ee. ee 200 ‘Peitelee sii Sn toh earl dfs oe fw) oo eg eee > 200 Uting-or ‘Timueue ose: es. oo cs oe eee eee 201 Watcammaw eons oo eo occ ee eee 203 Wako kates) ne te ere oP oo ee oe ee 203 Washa (French? Quacha).u =. 2-22 2-2. 2 eee 204 Washttn or Ouechita:-soss2. ..- 2. cee as eee 204 Wateree p35 ive Heer oo ol 2 fe ee Rone Bil ea 205 Waiaw 2 so S 2 Sit ns 2 on oe eee ee So 206 Weanemeeess coe c4oheee ccc 235 ee eee 206 Wines ie ron ae oo oo. 2 ee eS Cee 206 WY eval ey ata ho oe > 2 a rie ae 207 Woeeen nec s sees ooe os oo ce ee eee 207 Wadkins ssc Poets ec ee ine 208 Weevil) en ers ed ten es > 8 Is at pM ne Ue ty 208 Wabash prc et oo on el oI 6 8 ie 211 VWar0@# oso oor tite oe ee ee eee 211 Yeopim (see Weapemeoc). Yueh ooo ro dee oo oa eek? fae ene 212 VYurheorgeiss ss 02 seo aete coc ccc ctl sche eee 215 Yui-(Spanish: Ubi): 4202000 ee co fo ee eee 215 Yustaesor Hostaqu@s. 12-222 oer ee ee eee 216 Interpretations-of tribal names_ os. 22 52> 2e eee ee ee eee 216 Physical-and mental eharacteristies...2 2.2220) oes sou eee 219 The influence of language: #222 2/222. cece dose ee eee 238 Raw materials utilized by the Southeastern Indians____________-_-_-_-- 242 Mineral kingdom: oo6 seo ccce 2 foc rose Se ease eet se ee 242 Vegetable kingdom... 2s o 2 foccsecce ses cee ee eee 244 Animal ‘kingdomeccss ccc -2ccuccc cose ee ae ee 249 The distribution: of raw materials... 222 2. -2e2cd2c220 228552 eee 253 The annual econontie cycle. 222 2 2c240 poe eos eee te eee 255 P60 2 csc snc sh tebe be he ol fe ote ob Re ee 265 Discussions: Jeeec cel scecccicccc cet he eee 296 Horticulture so. 22 oocceec secede sec. lectern eee: SSS eee 304 Hunting-sci2cs2s2secscecce0 bend eel cools eee 310 Wooderaft::2ic2c.c.ceccccccicivecccr nT eee eee 310 Deer -hunting. 2 cece scccc cece bless ee eee eee 312 Bese hunting... .2-2 222222 ecceeec Se ES eee 321 CONTENTS VII Hunting—Continued. PAGE Sartre MeN RNR se ae Se eo oi ee os et ree erties 324 BP eT GO EOS ARNERIG ks oh nmin in nh aaa alt 328 EES EEE TEE SPAN NSE og a a OIE a Oe 332 IERIE Oh TANTINGIS 5 eg eh et ee he regs 344 een oN AT CIOMeNLICAGION. ©. 35 ee 344 a I as ert SL es 346 Poe oamestic fowl, and cattle. .-2 =... 2. oe ecb es 351 MEIN SL PP CTAING TO0GS oo ee 351 a OE SIE ER EE pn 20S eR PU Ee 368 ETE SES 5, aE ERR i 2 1 I a en Se 372 SA NS es oe ea eect ys NOY ENE SL ees Se ee eT 381 IE tp, St ae i at i he in 386 EE ae eee) cE ne ae en ee ere ae 386 EET PCL STONING Sf ee ee 421 RM ee ce ad ok hie ho 422 IIIS olen soe S 21. ee a ee a oly ea 422 DPEMES ERIE WINGQOWA. 4 Se la ed 427 II ey 0 ho ee ee ed ie kk 428 Emr NGS, BNC TAS. 2k oh ee 430 a VE ag ON AREA) 0 oT Pe a a aD TT 432 EE ES SAE TROIS 0 Sos SU en Se ED ne cm 432 IER te fee eae eet AN i pee te OY edie he ge pale 433 Ie oes a SR ga es es 439 Lgl IE TI Te ie Ue opm OSS, 0 IL ea 439 ag aR ae SRA goes. PP eS - 442 emereade. nnd toxtges: 2000 es oo ee 448 EES ES aR Lee, 2 OT ee) oe SRR Ee ONY 454 ES SS tel = he, oe ee 456 nN fara ot eh te Sy ip oe a ote 469 I rege ee ee ee 475 ee ete Meme MEN. 477 ESE SS CINE AIRE acon ns 5 a a ER ae 479 CCE E5100 omen A ec a PT 481 CIPIIEIE Sele (Foo) tolls ee ee i ee a 481 reat faite get Gets 0 OS ee A es sk Ce hy 488 enamel wuear ier gfe he ee 489 EE CETUE [Soee SIA ae Meee iy Su ea aa ee REE >, NUE DT 490 mummnnen resne the hait.. 2.2 62 eo ee le oe 498 ST TG SOS USES cay ee eg ne ce Ce eT eS 508 REE EE EE sige Oly Oe ade el) Se oe ee I Pa od) ee 510 eee SIT EAI Ue = A oh Si ee ee 2 i te da 514 BUTS NS PUR: Oe) Ele erga ES 9 en Pa me SEI RE OPE REAM ROE fen ae 515 RE Re Ser te eee Oa a geen 516 0 TESS ST |: A ED Ss eC eS me 521 0 EELS CR OS SEU ee OE ae OI RPM ee Fr 522 Sa NAO) NS pe pe as VPI BE RS Ae 523 Ornamentation of belts and other articles of clothing-_____________-_ 523 Greasing and coloring of the hair and skin_______________________- 526 Body paint... ..._- De A SOREN 2 5 1a Ce ioe a eee eee ne ee ce 528 ET eet SE SA as 2 TI Id ec ht EN ND 532 PIETER Pre een et ee Be 536 Treatment of fingernails and toenails___-_-_-_.....--....-~--------~- 536 VIII CONTENTS Ornamentation—Continued. PAGE Head- deformation 2:02 222 A ae oe eee oY Gay Differences between ornaments worn by men and women__________- 541 ‘Phe use of stones foc ee a eee eee 541 Sources: of the:raw materals.wus. 2. 22 eee eee 541 Flint Duplementao ess ees e. . - ee ee eee 543 ARCS Boo swore sis seb: oo el es 544 Stone pipes.) 2s eee eee ee 545 Chunkey: -stoness2tsoh as etc ee See ee ee 547 Miscellaneous uses Of atone esc corer eee eee 548 Potterys os fee ee cs Tee ee ee 549 Miscellaneous householdutensiis<: =. =. . -2s 2822222 eee 555 Wooden stoeleins2 tele c ceee e eeeeee 555 Dishes and spoons of -wood-and-horn: 2 to eee al ie hg ie 588 Implements serving transportation. - . 2-5 Ss 23a 22 5 2 2 eee eee 589 Canoes and rafiscc2 232202254 12 3e See ee 589 Dither. oso v aks aotewetcce cer Se eee oA 598 Saddles) 2us02 56 /ibecbese te cclccecese ee eee eee 601 Bridges. ns 2224 sae ee seek oon os 2 SAN el ee 601 Mats and basketseoc2. twee so con Le SOR eee 602 The eolormeg.of manufactured articles. 22 222222223. l22622 soa 608 Mriemonie devices: s o822lc2cecccccroc so wi eee eee 610 Artistic: developments: S020 22.2 2s2c 22023 Aa eee See 613 Musical instrumenteio2 24 2.22.2-52.[2.c0n4 cee eee ae eee 624 Dias: ee ok he Be ats or ok: Se i 624 Rattles: sete Mee awry bh he Ae Ae ee 626 Fiageolete) pes2tae sc es2 ccs: coco rcs Se eee 628 Raspes wah reee eee ues fo sels ste pote Bees te) aot oe 629 Sodietal atid ceremonial life. 2) 2.2222 cn cele see ees eee 629 Towns. 22% UWRWeseovesescisdcccccoteccustadedebs Rae 629 Social-orgattivation. 2420) -50 ccc. sc beac ee eee ee eee 641 General features: 5! 000 222. cc cccceesekeeene ee ae 641 Clans ail periteds gooc.lccescccnsc oct ee eager ee 654 Oastes rhe see ee ee ee ren a ree 661 Moistiegs:s2cisccecssco CUA RES UR SE A ee ee 663 Terma-of relationship. 2: = 25-25 Ssc.Seseeseseoe cee 665 Namesnsa2oone 2 ceocdeccccabut cocci ee 671 Games s2 i ssc strdeosecccc obese cca cp ee ee 674 ILLUSTRATIONS Ix Societal and ceremonial life—Continued. PAGE IRN UN ERTS AMIN ee yh a i rch SN Nate et 701 Customs relating to birth, education, and the division of labor be- CPE ORS RR eaten eg 110 Te ne em fn Ye ONT OT AIS CS 709 INTEL Ps UR 2 ge EEA me oat NC a 718 OER TCENT CLI 2), ae aga PR? pS 730 PMN IreEEALTSTIMOALION 2. me es a Se 733 TSS EEE HET SPO OSS. nT eae ame ag Ry 736 emremmemeies, DELIOLS ATK MISR OOS a I i a on en a 742 MI URERCLIORS bien a) 2) em ee 782 cea RRS A il ce cp i 799 eum CUITUTAL GUarActlers. 65 kee 801 RTT CT TURD ce) a a 805 NURI CHUIRLR Cat S002, hr OE i a ee i ny 812 ETS EE RE ao” RLS A, Se a RD SSE 823 Comparison of the Southeast with corresponding areas in other parts TS EE SDN EPR RE SF > 2 (Ream gaat ee em NRE hol ie 823 Se 2 ON sh ta inl am cl 827 cn 2, se ae Ne ee 832 tes a te Ae a A I oi es i OO a) oe ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS 1. Location of Indian tribes in the Southeast about the year 1650__-__-_ 1 2. Distribution of Earthworks in the eastern United States (reproduced from The Mound Builders, by Henry Clay Shetrone, fig. 8)_._____ 2 3. Distribution of Indian population in the Southeast with reference to SEE GTS oe a aaa ogee a ayn an ai ea 4 4. Average July temperature in the Southeast._____________-_..__---- 6 5. Average January temperature in the Southeast___-____._____..___-- 6 6. Average annual rainfall in the Southeast (in inches)_____.__._____-- *§ _romenk ireduencies in the Southeast... oo a. 8 8. Climatic regions of the world (reproduction of map by Prof. J. owiehe gine alee Bei alata aha yn phe Sa et ade adiiaee lat bel tA ta yh 8 9. Biotic areas in the Southeast (from the Fourth Provisional Zone Map of North America of the U. S. Biological Survey, by C. Hart Mer- riam, Vernon Bailey, E. W. Nelson, and E. A. Preble, 1910)__-____ 9 10. Tribal movements according to traditions and earliest records_-___-__ 22 11. Locations of Indian tribes in the Southeast at different periods-_-_--_-_- 34 12. Route of Hernando de Soto and Luis de Moscoso through the South- 7 FUR Aries alone gS geremetliy ania hl ol rat alloted eh An’. Ngee eal let Se eb a cbf 40 13. Map to illustrate the distribution of certain natural resources in the southeast drawn upon by the Indians_2 2-222 eee eel 254 PLATES (All plates at end of book) 1. Intertribal Indian Council called by John Ross at Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation, in June 1843 (after Stanley). 2. 1, Charlie Thompson in 1910, later chief of the Alabama Indians, now de- ceased. 2, Wife and children of Charlie Thompson. 3. Drawing by A. de Batz showing Indians of several nations— Illinois, Atakapa, Foxes (after Bushnell). ILLUSTRATIONS . 1, Home of Armojean Reon, one of the last speakers of the Atakapa lan- guage. 2, Home of the Catawba chief, Sam Blue. . 1, A group of Catawba girls, 1918. 2, Ladies’ Relief Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Catawba Reservation. . 1, Old Catawba House, 1918. 2, Old Catawba House, 1918. . House of Worship of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints on the Catawba Reservation, S. C. . Cherokee Indians sent to England in 1730 with Sir Alexander Cuming. . Three Cherokee chiefs sent to England in 1762. 10. 1, Austenaco, the Great Warrior. (After a drawing by Sir Joshua Reyn- 11. 12. olds, reproduced in the Royal Magazine.) 2, The Cherokee chief Cunne Shote, in 1762 (after Parsons). 1, Sequoya (after McKenney and Hall). 2, John Ross (after McKenney and Hall). 1, Major Ridge (after McKenney and Hall). 2, Tahchee (Cherokee pro- nunciation of his English name “Dutch”). (After McKenney and Hall.) . 1, Tooan Tuh (Cherokee Distt, “Spring Frog’). (After McKenney and Hall.) 2, A Chickasaw Warrior (after Romans). . 1, George Wilson, a Chickasaw Indian. 2, Home of a Chickasaw Indian named Mose Wolf, at Steedman, Okla. . The last Chickasaw Council House, at Tishomingo, Okla. . Benjamin Paul, last chief of the Chitimacha Indians and one of the last speakers of the Chitimacha language. . Registe Dardin and wife, Chitimacha Indians, Charenton, La. . 1, The Sacred Hill of Nanih Waiya, in the old Choctaw Nation. 2, View from the top of Nanih Waiya Hill, looking east. . Choctaw Indians, from the sketch by De Batz (after Bushnell). . 1, Pushmataha, the great Choctaw chief (after McKenney and Hall). 2, Mo-sho-la-tub-bee, another famous Choctaw chief (after Catlin). . 1, Home of a Choctaw Indian named John Wesley, near Philadelphia, Miss. 2, John Wesley and family. . 1, Thliotombi, an old Choctaw Indian living near Idabell, Okla., and his family. 2, The Old Choctaw Council House at Tuskahoma, Okla. . 1, Bob Verret and Baptiste Billiout, Houma Indians, Terrebonne Parish, La., 1907. 2, Houma Indians on lower Bayou Lafourche, La., 1907. . 1, Houma Indians on lower Bayou Lafourche, La., 1907. 2, Houma In- dians on Little Barataria Bayou, La., 1907. . 1, Old Houma Woman, Peint au Chien, La. 2, Old Houma House, at Point au Chien, La., 1907. . Stimafutchi, or “Good Humor” of the Coosades (Koasati) Creeks. (Sketch by Trumbull in 1790.) . 1, Jackson Langley, Koasati chief, living near Kinder, La. 2, Mother of Jackson Langley, Kinder, La. . Koasati Indian School near Kinder, La. . Tomo Chachi Mico (Tomochichi), or King of Yamacraw, and his nephew, Tonahowi. (From painting by Verelst.) . Tomochichi meeting Oglethorpe in England. . 1, A Creek War Chief (after Romans). 2, Mico Chlucco (Miko Thlakko), the Long Warrior, or King of the Seminoles (after William Bartram). . 1, Tuskatche Mico (properly Fus-hatchee Miko), or the Birdtail King of the Cusitahs (Kasihta). (After a sketch by Trumbull, 1790.) 2, Hopothle Mico (Hop-hithli Miko), or the Talasee King of the Creeks. (After a sketch by Trumbull, 1790.) 33. 1, “John—a Creek” (after a sketch by Trumbull, 1790). 2, ‘Hysac, or the Woman’s Man,” a Creek Indian. (After a sketch by Trumbull, 1790.) ILLUSTRATIONS XI 34. 1, Ben Perryman, a prominent Creek Indian (after a painting by Catlin). 2, Opothleyoholo (Hopo-hithli Yoholo), the great War Speaker and leader of the Creek Indians (after McKenney and Hall). 35. 1, William McIntosh, chief of the Coweta Indians and the Lower Creeks (after McKenney and Hall). 2, William McIntosh, chief of the Coweta Indians and the Lower Creeks. (From a painting by Washington All- ston.) 36. 1, Timpoochee Barnard, Chief of the Yuchi Indians among the Lower Creeks (after McKenney and Hall). 2, Yoholomicco, a Creek Indian (after Mc- Kenney and Hall). 37. 1, Tustennuggee Emathla, or Jim Boy, a leader of the Thlapthlako Creek Indians (after McKenney and Hall). 2, Menawa, a Creek Indian (after McKenney and Hall). 3874. Old Creek Council House, Okmulgee, Okla., as it appeared in 1920. 37B. Last Creek Council House, Okmulgee, Okla., as it appeared in 1920. 38. 1, Creek Sam, a Natchez Indian, at his home near Braggs, Okla. 2, Watt Sam in 1908, principal Natchez informant of the writer and of Dr. Haas. 39. 1, Nancy Taylor, one of the last speakers of the Natchez tongue, 1908. 2, Square Ground in the Greenleaf Mountains, Okla., where Watt Sam offi- ciated as the Medicine Maker. 40. 1, Rosa Pierrette, last speaker of the Ofo Language, Marksville, La. 2, Ball Post and ground connected with the Square Ground shown on plate 39, figure 2. 41. The Booton portrait of Pocahontas. 42. The Timucua chief Saturiwa, drawn by Jacques Le Moyne (after Bush- nell). 43. 1, The Seminole Head Chief, Mikonopi (after McKenney and Hall). 2, Osceola (from painting by Catlin). 44. Osceola, from the painting in the Charleston Museum by Robert John Curtis. 45. 1, Osceola, from the painting by King (after McKenney and Hall). 2, The Seminole chief Tokos Imathla (“Tukoseemathla”) (after McKenney and Hall). 46. 1, The Seminole chief Heniha Imathla (“Ea-mat-la’’), or King Philip (after Catlin). 2, The Seminole Chief Aholochi (“Ye-how-lo-gee”’), or Cloud (after Catlin). 47. 1, The Seminole chief Holahta Miko (“Olactomicco”’), or Billy Bowlegs (after McKenney and Hall). 2, Tenskwatawa (‘“‘Ten-squat-a-way’’), the Shawnee Prophet (after Catlin). 48. Buffalo Tamer, Chief of the Tunica Indians in 1732, and the wife and child of the chief he succeeded, who was killed by the Natchez in June 1731. From the sketch by De Batz (after Bushnell). 49. 1, William Ely Johnson, Dr. A. S. Gatschet’s Tunica informant, taken at Marksville, La., about 1910. 2, Volecine Chiki, Chief of the Tunica In- dians in 1910. 50. Sam Young or Sesostrie Yauchicant, last speaker of the Tunica language. 51. Timucua Indians sowing their fields (after LeMoyne). 52. “Their Manner of Fishynge in Virginia” (after White). 53. Timucua Indians cooking (after Le Moyne). 54. 1, “Their Seetheynge of their Meate in Earthen Pottes” (after White). 2, “The Browyllinge of their Fishe over the Flame” (after White). 55. The Timucua Indians drying food (after Le Moyne). 56. Storehouse of the Timucua Indians (after Le Moyne). 57. A stockaded town of the Timucua Indians (after Le Moyne). 58. Creek House of the later pattern. 59. ILLUSTRATIONS 1, Square Ground Cabin of the Alabama Indians (“Cabane du Conseil des Alibamons’’) in the eighteenth century, from a sketch in the French archives reproduced by Du Terrage. 2, Northern Seminole house (after MacCauley). . Seminole house (after MacCauley). . Choctaw palmetto house (after Bushnell). . Acolapissa Temple and Cabin of the Chief, from a sketch by De Batz (after Bushnell). . The Natchez Temple (after Du Pratz). . “A Weroan or Great Lorde of Virginia” (after White). . “A Cheiff Ladye of Pomeiooc” (after White). . “One of the Cheiff Ladyes of Secota” (after White). . “A Young Gentill Woeman Doughter of Secota” (after White). . “A Cheiff Lorde of Roanoac” (after White). . 1, Natives in summer, Louisiana (after Du Pratz). 2, A woman and her daughter, Louisiana (after Du Pratz). . Natives in winter (after Du Pratz). 2, A Louisiana Indian in winter cos- tume, from a sketch by De Batz (after Bushnell). . 1, An Alabama woman dressing a skin, Polk County, Tex. 2, Alabama gourd bottle, Polk County, Tex. . 1, Alabama garter and hair ornament, Polk County, Tex. 2, Alabama mor- tar and pestle, Polk County, Tex. . 1, Hitchiti woman pounding corn, near Sylvian, Okla. 2, Caddo mortar and pestle, near Anadarko, Okla. . “The manner of makinge their boates” (after White). . Conveyance of the Great Sun of the Natchez (after Du Pratz). . 1, Chitimacha mat (now in Museum of the American Indian), from a photo- graph taken at Charenton, La., in 1907. 2, Ball sticks and rattle used by Watt Sam, a Natchez Indian living near Braggs, Okla. . “The Towne of Pomeiooc” (after White). . “The Towne of Secota” (after White). . The village of Sam Jones, or Arpeika, a Hitchiti Seminole chief in Florida (after Eastman). . A Choctaw ball player (after Catlin). . Timucua games (after Le Moyne). . Ceremony performed by the Timucua chief Saturiwa before going to war (after Le Moyne). . Plan of a fort and a prisoner in the frame prepared for execution (after Du Pratz). . Procession of the Peace Calumet (after Du Pratz). . Bringing a wife to a Timucua chief (after Le Moyne). . “The Tombe of their Werowans or Cheiff Lordes” (after White). . Burial of a Timucua chief (after Le Moyne). . Creek graves in Oklahoma. . A Choctaw burial place (after Romans). . Two pictographs (after Romans). . “The Marckes of sundrye of the cheiff mene of Virginia” (after White). . “The idol Kiwasa,” in an Algonquian tribe of North Carolina (after White). . “Their Danses which they use att their Hyghe Feastes” (after White). . “One of the Religeous men in the town of Secota” (after White). . “The Coniuerer” (after White). fuse . “Their manner of Prainge with Rattels abowt the Fyer” (after White). . Timucua sacrifice to the sun (after Le Moyne). ILLUSTRATIONS xii . Timucua Indians taking the black drink (after Le Moyne). . 1, 2, Two views of the Tukabahchee Square Ground in 1912. . 1, The Nuyaka Square Ground in 1912. 2, The Pakan Tallahassee Square Ground in 1912. . 1, Part of the Eufaula Square Ground in 1912. 2, Receptacle for the cere- monial pots and other articles in the Eufaula Square Ground, 1912. . 1, The Alabama Square Ground west of Hanna, Okla., in 1912. 2, Re- ceptacle for the ceremonial pots and other articles in the Alabama Square Ground, 1912. . 1, 2, Two views of the Square Ground of the Chiaha Seminole, Seminole County, Okla., in 1912. . 1, Leaders of the Chiaha Seminole Square Ground, Seminole County, Okla., in 1912. 2, The Mikasuki Square Ground, Seminole County, Okla., 1912. General Dance of the Natchez Indians (after Du Pratz). . Treatment of the sick by Timucua Indians (after Le Moyne). 107. 1, Home of the “Knower” Yahola, near Muskogee, Okla., 1912. 2, Sweat Lodge frame at Chiaha Seminole Square Ground, Seminole County, Okla., 1912. TEXT FIGURES PAGE 1. Structural detail of the roof of a Creek tcokofa from beneath (after UN EIS ST CS Se CAE ace 2 VT 2 ar lO ge Ra 390 2. Plan of Creek ceremonial ground, as given by Wm. Bartram__-_____-- 391 3. Plan of Creek ceremonial ground and its position in a Creek town, as ES Eg 32 aR PRCA at” ESSA eC a a Pe 393 4. Ground plan of the house of a Seminole Indian called by the traders Posten Or Boatswain (after Bartram) —.....2...-..-- i 397 5. Ground plan of Cherokee houses (after Bartram) —~---_________--_____- 404 a a ae ae ae J is iw €\,: aad ¢ Ly ¢ by » : ' ; ve ‘a ; a, ie A i ok , of A 4 tt es AG ok 4 a . P me A “2 Fist ye é ine TP. APROLE WP EL y's :. T YA Be ) reer ew ey ye aj Peay. ae ' caeehiaed Seti opin aataet : x : —_—* a lll eee ee Rl A a aie a ?) Kes Whe a 4 aid ® yt ” aAyttawore Ay CUT OO in 9% = » te = sry Ae RISE tegen thi Pow Medet abn Tadiae te A, . } Kat I Map l. 464735 O - 46 (Face p. 1) THE INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES By Joun R. Swanton INTRODUCTION Several years ago when I was collecting materials from early writ- ers regarding the Creek Indians and other Southeastern tribes, a quantity of notes accumulated bearing on the material culture of these people. These, augmented by a few of my own and sketches of the later history of the several tribes, I have brought together in the pres- ent work. Some material has also been included to augment earlier publications dealing with the social and ceremonial usages of the peoples in question. Although they are included in the same general area, it is not claimed that the discussion of certain of these tribes is complete, meaning particularly the Cherokee, Tuscarora, Quapaw, and Shawnee, which have been made the subject of considerable additional research and are still being studied. Indeed, no claim of a hundred- percent completion of any tribe can ever be made safely, since some manuscript may at any time be drawn from its place of concealment and modify materially everything that has been published, or even occasion a total revolution in our ideas regarding it. The present effort involves in the main a collection of source materials which it is hoped and believed will be of use to future students. GEOGRAPHY OF THE SOUTHEAST The Indians who are the subject of this bulletin lived between the 24th and 39th parallels of N. latitude and the 75th and 96th meridians of W. longitude on a territory now divided up among the Southern States of the American Union. It measured about a thou- sand miles from east to west and, including the Florida Peninsula, about the same from north to south, but omitting Florida, the north- south measurement would be little more than half as great. Considered as an ethnological province, the Southeast includes primarily the territory now embraced in the States of Georgia, Florida, Alabama, and Mississippi, all of Louisiana except the ex- treme southwestern part, northeastern Texas, southern Arkansas, southern and western South Carolina, the westernmost mountain J THE LINGUISTIC STOCK TO WHICH EACH TR/BE BELONGS /S /NDICATED AS FOLLOWS < MUSKHOGEAN NO UNDER- OR OVERLINING AND THE STOCK 1S MADE TO INCLUDE THE NATCHEZ AND TIMUCUA GROUPS OF LANGUAGES AND THE DOUBT- FUL LANGUAGES OF SOUTHERN FLORIDA Semen CATAWBA IROQUOIAN CADDOAN......._- HASINAT ALGONQUIAN.__... POWHATAN TUNICAN =— TUNICA , /NCLUDING THE TUNICA, CHITIMACHA AWD ATAKAPA GROUPS THE BROKEN LINES /NDICATE THE MORE CONTRACT- £D AND MORE EXPANDED BOUNDARIES OF THE SOUTHEASTERN CULTURAL PROVINCE 464735 © - 46 (Face p. 1) Mar 1—Location of Indian tribes in the Southeast about the year 1650. (Note: For Grigra, Tread Grigra.) e* 2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 137 section of North Carolina, and nearly all of Tennessee. Early in the sixteenth century, it also extended over most of eastern Arkansas. As marginal districts should be added the remainder of North and South Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, and some areas northward of the Ohio River itself. (See map 1.) Considered as an archeological province, we shall have to extend not merely the marginal regions but the primary as well over most of the Ohio Valley and as far up the Mississippi as southern Wis- consin. The difference between the two indicates plainly a later shrinkage of culture-bearing tribes toward the south and in some measure toward the east and west. (See map 2.) The geographical conditions are shown on map 3. EXPLANATION OF MAP 3 (Facing p. 4) The physical areas are as given by Nevin M. Fenneman in cooperation with the Physiographic Committee of the Geological Survey, except for some changes in numbering. On Fenneman’s map the areas are described as follows: 1. Coastal Plain___-_- a, Embayed section----- la, Submaturely dissected ' and partly submerged, terraced coastal plain. b, Sea Island section_-_-__- 1b, Young to mature terraced coastal plain with submerged border. c, Floridian section--_---- lc, Young marine plain, with sand hills, swamps, sinks, and lakes. d, East Gulf Coastal 1d, Young to mature belted Plain. coastal plain. e, Mississippi Alluvial le, Flood plain and delta. Plain. f, West Gulf Coastal If, Young grading inland to Plain. mature coastal plain. 2. Piedmont prov- a, Piedmont Upland_--_-_-_ 2a, Submaturely dissected ince. peneplain on disordered resistant rocks; mod- erate relief. b, Piedmont Lowlands... 2b, Less uplifted peneplain on weak strata; residual ridges on strong rocks. 3. Blue Ridge prov- a, Northern section__---- 3a, Maturely dissected moun- ince. tains of crystalline rocks; accordant alti- tudes. b, Southern section-_----- 3b, Subdued mountains of disordered crystalline rocks. ~ 4. Valley and Ridge a. Tennessee section_---_- 4a, Second-cycle mountains province, of folded strong and weak strata; valley belts predominate over even- crested ridges, ‘(9g ‘Sy ‘ouomeyg AB[Q Aruey Aq ‘slopling punoy, ey, (Z ‘d e0ed) 9b - O SELPOF wolj poonpoidel) soqye4g peyIuQ usa4s¥e 'ay} UI SYIOMYJIVI JO UOTINGIISIGQ—Z dV] Y Soy Ne Nhe ee eeeNG ae Mar 2.—Distribution of earthworks in the, eastern United States (reproduced from 464735 0 - 46 (Face p. 2) The Mound Builders, by Henry Clay Shetrone, fig. 8). SWANTON] 4, Valley and Ridge province 5. Appalachian Pla- teaus. 6. Interior Low Pla- teaus. 7. Central Lowland_-_ 464735—46——_2 INDIANS OF b, Middle section- -----_- c, Hudson Valley -----_-- Mohawk section ______ Catskill section_____-_- c, Southern New York section. Allegheny section. Mountain e, Kanawha section ---- f, Cumberland Plateau section. Cumberland Mountain section. Highland Rim section- Lexington Plain_______ c, Nashville Basin_______ Possible western sec- tion (not delimited). Eastern Lake section Western Lake section_- c, Wisconsin Driftless section. THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED 4b, 4c, 5a, 5b, 5c, 5d ~ 5e, of, og, 6a, 6b, STATES a The same, but even- crested ridges predomi- nate over valleys except on east side. Glaciated peneplain on weak folded strata. Maturely dissected glaci- ated plateau; varied relief and diverse alti- tudes. Maturely dissected pla- teau of mountainous re- lief and coarse texture (glaciated). Mature glaciated plateau of moderate relief. Mature plateau of strong relief; some mountains due to erosion of open folds. Mature plateau of fine texture; moderate to strong relief. Submaturely dissected plateau of moderate to strong relief. Higher mature plateau and mountain ridges on eroded open folds. Young to mature plateau of moderate relief. Mature to old plain on weak rocks; trenched by main rivers. 6c, Mature to old plain on 6d, 7a 7b, 7c, weak rocks; slightly up- lifted and moderately dissected. Low, maturely dissected plateau with silt-filled valleys. Maturely dissected and glaciated cuestas and lowlands; moraines, lakes, and _ lacustrine plains. : Young glaciated plain; moraines, lakes, and lacustrine plains, _ Maturely dissected pla- teau and lowland in- vaded by glacial out- wash. (Margin of old drift included.) 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 137 7. Central Lowland... d, Till Plains._________- 7d, Young till plains; morai- nic topography rare; no lakes. e, Dissected Till Plains.. 7e, Submaturely to maturely dissected till plains, f, ,Oggre Viains.. 2 7f, Old scarped plains bevel- ing faintly inclined strata; main streams intrenched. 8. Great Plains prov- (This barely appears upon ince. the map.) 9. Ozark Plateaus___ a, Springfield-Salem pla- 9a, Submature to mature pla- teaus. teaus. b, Boston ‘‘Mountains’”’__ 9b, Submature to mature pla- teau of strong relief. 10. Ouachita prov- a, Arkansas Valley----_-_- 10a, Gently folded strong and ince. weak strata; peneplain with residual ridges. b, Ouachita Mountains___ 10b, Second-cycle mountains of folded strong and weak strata. Degrees of relief are herein spoken of as low, moderate, strong, and high. As used here high relief is measured in thousands of feet; moderate relief in hundreds of feet. Strong relief may be anything approaching 1,000 feet with a wide latitude on both sides. | Major divisions are separated by the heaviest lines. Provinces are distinguished by numbers; sections by letters. Broken lines indicate boundaries much generalized or poorly known. More than three-fourths of the primary area is included in the Coastal Plain. Midway between the Atlantic and the Mississippi River this plain is dented by the Blue Ridge and the Appalachian Plateau with the narrow Appalachian Valley between them, and flanked by lower fand masses, the Piedmont Plateau on the east of the Blue Ridge and the Interior Low Plateaus on the west side of the Ap- palachian Plateau. West of the Mississippi the Coastal Plain is dented slightly by the Ozark and Ouachita Plateaus, themselves sepa- rated by the narrow Arkansas Valley peneplain. Geographers have subdivided each of these physical areas into two or more portions on account of minor characteristic differences, but most of these are without serious ethnological significance. The subdivisions of the great Coastal Plain do, however, have some importance for us. They include: (1) The Embayed section, “a submaturely dissected and partly submerged, terraced coastal plain”; (2) the Sea Island section, a “young to mature terraced coastal plain with submerged border”; (3) the Floridian section, a “young marine plain, with sand hills, swamps, sinks, and lakes”; (4) the East Gulf Coastal Plain, a “young to mature belted coastal plain”; (5) the —— ass ahs cris ee A Nea NS atl - . + pn ee | Fre. HAKCHIUMA 5, ec 000 i CHOCTAW 15,000, aa KEYAUWEE roperty had assumed more important positions, and the temples a lifferent shape and character. The Siouan tribes which lay betwem these two areas seem to have been on a lower level (Speck, 1938) and the same may be said of the southern Florida Indians, and the [Indians west of the Chitimacha and Caddo. These last, indeed, were «mtirely marginal to Southeastern culture and should hardly be considered as participants in it. The Siouan Quapaw and Algonquian Shawnee, although on a highey level than the central Texas tribes, were also Muskho- gean stock. Timucua divi- Natchez = divi- _( Nahyssan. Occaneechi. Saponi. Tutelo. Hitchiti group_- Nasoni (Upper). Apalachee. Natchitoches (Upper). Chatot. Yatasi (Upper). Cusabo. Doustioni (or Souchitiony). Natchitoches (Lower). Washita. Yatasi (Lower). Cahinnio. Kadohadacho. Nanatsoho. S. Florida group | Acuera. Fresh Water Indi Teafui. Nacachau. Anadarko. Guasco. Hainai. Nabedache. Mococo. Nacanish (or Nacao). Ocale. ~| Nacogdoche. Onatheaqua. Nacono. Osochi (?). Namidish. Pohoy (Ocita). Nasoni (Lower). Potano. Nechaui. Saturiwa. Neche. Surruque. om Tacatacuru. ~[Eyeish (or Ha-ish). (Tawasa). Tocobaga. Coree (?). Utina. Meherrin. Yufera. _{ Neusiok (?). Yui. Nottoway. Yustaga. Tuscarora. Avoyel. Chowanoc. Natchez. Hatteras. Taensa. Machapunga. (Probably sev- |°{Moratok. eral of those Pamlico. mentioned by Powhatan. the De Soto Weapemeoc. chroniclers.) ) 464735—46. (Face p. 10). Muskho- gean stock- Muskhogean di- vision. -__-_- Timucua divi- Natchez divi- Muskogee Choctaw group_- TABLE Abibka. Coos ee [eeeaee Tulsa _- Hothliwahali-..-___ Thlapthlako. Fus-hatchee Kan-hatki Kolomi Eufaula. Hilibi. S Wiogufki. Wakokal sane Tukabshchee_____- eeu rn Thiathlogalga. OO i ace eee Pakana. joeee: soe se eS gas oe lear Kasihta. Guale. Seminole. Chakchiuma.____.__ Houma. Chickasaw. _-_.----- (eee Sas Taposa. Acolapissa _- Bayogoula. Choctaw-----..____ Okelousa. Quinipissa, Pascagoula. Napissa (Napochi), Alabama group Hitchiti group-_ Apalachee. Chatot. Cusabo. S. Florida group ((?) eee Acuera. Teafui. Mocogo, Ocale. Onatheaqua. Osochi (?). Pohoy (Oita). Potano, Saturiwa. Surruque. Tacatacuru. (Tawasa). Tocobaga. Utina. Yufera. Yui. Yustaga. Avoyel. Natchez. Taensa. (Probably sev- eral of those mentioned by the De Soto chroniclers.) Mobile. foc Secnetbes cnenerne 2 Pensacola. Tohome_______ Atagi. Kan-tcati. Alabama___--_______ Okchaiuchi. Pawokti (Tawasa). Kaskinampo. Koasati__----- —____ Wetumpka, Muklasa. Tuskegee (2 branches). Apalachicola. Chiaha.-.__.-__.__.- Mikasuki. Oconee. DEC ECU Ul ee Okmulgee. Okitiyagana. Sawokli. Okawaigi. Tamathii, Yamasee, Ais. Calusa. Guacata. Jeaga. Tekesta. Fresh Water Indians. -. Naniaba. 1.— Classification of the Southeastern Tribes {oteaEe: Tulsa. ‘Tunican (?) stock.--_-----_- Broken Arrow. Uchean stock-_---__-__-____ -- Choula. Tangipahoa. Catawba division - Siouan stock_.----_-_---.._- Biloxi. Ofo (or Mosopelea). Quapaw (marginal). Caddoan stock ._____-_____ Hasinai division Adai division_-- Cherokee. Troquoian stock .-.-...---_-' Coastal division. --__. Algonquian stock. .-._._-__- Shawnee (marginal). Tunica division (?) ______ ~|Pedee branch__--_____ Tutelo division _-_.----- Caddo division.___--__-- Natchitoches division Duscarora division -_-- Chowanoc. Hatteras. ‘Atakapa. Opelousa. Patiri (?). Chawasha. Chitimacha. Washa. Grigra. Koroa. ----\ Tiou. Tunica. Yazoo. Yuchi (3 or more subdivisions). Catawba..._... _..._._Iswa. Cheraw. Congaree. Eno. Keyauwee. Shakori. Sissipahaw. Sugeree Cape Fear Indians. Pedee. Waccamaw. Winyaw. Eno branch.__________ Santee. Sewee. Wateree. Waxhaw. Woccon, Yadkin. ‘Manahoac. Monacan. Moneton, _.--\Nahyssan, Occaneechi. Saponi. Tutelo. ‘Cahinnio, Kadohadacho. Nanatsoho. Nasoni (Upper). Natchitoches (Upper). Yatasi (Upper). Doustioni (or Souchitiony) Natchitoches (Lower). Washita. Yatasi (Lower). Anadarko. Guasco. Hainai. Nabedache. Nacachau. Nacanish (or Nacao). Nacogdoche. Nacono. Namidish. Nasoni (Lower). Nechaui. Neche, Adai. Byeish (or Ha-ish). Coree (?). Meherrin. Neusiok (?). Nottoway. ‘Tuscarora. Machapunga. Moratok. Pamlico. Powhatan. Weapemeoc. Michigamea (part of Illinois). 464735—46, (Face p. 10). 10 BURFATI OF Aarreta ww Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 11 marginal and seem to have come within its sphere at a very recent period. The same was also true of the Biloxi and Ofo, but we know too little regardin, ‘hem to make an independent category for them advisable, though Voegelin has shown that they formed one dialectic group with the Tutelo (not indicated in table 1). POPULATION (See map 3) The most careful attempt to date to prepare a detailed estimate of the Indian population north of Mexico is by the late James Mooney, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, though useful modifications have been suggested by Kroeber. This gives us a total population from the Chesapeake to Texas, including the Caddo and Shawnee and excluding the Atakapa, of 171,900. The Atakapa and their relatives are placed at about 2,000, While this figure is protested by Spinden as inadequate to account for the earthworks of the region, I believe it to be rather too high than too low for the years to which it is supposed to apply, 1600-1650. At an earlier period, however, there are evidences of a great expansion of population. My own inde- pendent estimates for part of the region yield substantially the same results as Mooney reached except that I should be inclined to reduce the figures for the Creeks and Chickasaw somewhat. The figures for Florida I should also be inclined to scale down and most of those for the Siouan tribes of the east. Nevertheless, the relative strength of the tribes enumerated, I think, would be altered little if we had ab- solutely trustworthy figures, and those we have will give us a very good idea of the distribution of population. It is something surprising to find that the Cherokee, the only distinctly mountain tribe in the whole area, with the possible ex- ception of the Yuchi, were also the most numerous, the only one exceeding 20,000. Next come the Creeks of the Tallapoosa, Coosa, and Chattahoochee Valleys, and the Choctaw of southern Mississippi. If we regard density of population, we should probably find the Choctaw leading both Creeks and Cherokee. It will be noticed that these are all great corn-raising tribes and still constitute the great- est part of the remaining southern Indians. They are followed by the Powhatan Indians of Virginia, the Timucua and the Apalachee of Florida, the Chickasaw of northern Mississippi, the Catawba of the Piedmont region of South Carolina, and the Tuscarora of the Piedmont escarpment in North Carolina. Most of these are again corn-raising tribes of the interior, but Virginia and Florida now supply us with tribes which combined that industry with fishing in an eminent degree. Fourth in position, of between 2,500 and 5,000 population, come the Natchez and Quapaw, at different points along the Mississippi River; the Potano of Florida, who were inland 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 137 rather than coastal, though they depended considerably on the fish found in their lakes; the Chitimacha, a nation of canoe men, but perhaps rather more lacustrine than coastal; and the Calusa of Florida, who lived almost entirely by fishing and the pursuit of marine animals. After these come a great number of small scat- tered tribes constituting, we may say, the fringes of the rest. The only exception to this is probably the Tunica and their allies whose cultural position with reference to their neighbors it is difficult to determine with precision. It is worth noting that the very smallest tribes seem to include a great number of eastern Siouans. Speaking generally, we find that the horticultural tribes of the interior were the largest, but that coastal populations were dense in four places: (1) In the Sound country of Virginia and North Carolina; (2) in the similarly flooded coastland between the pres- ent Charleston, S. C., and the St. Johns River, including the course of the latter stream; (3) southwest Florida from Tampa Bay to the Keys; and (4) Grand Lake and its surrounding bayous just west of the Mississippi. The second and third were occupied by two peoples of diverse origin. When we come to southwestern Louisiana and Texas, we find a coastal population set distinctly off from the interior tribes, but in both cases they were of low culture. Rated by stocks we have the following approximate figures: Stock No. Muskhogean (including Natchez and Taensa)-~----_-__--__-_-_---___- 66, 600 ei) | i a ane Aa meng eC Te a Weert get 30, 200 Cet. ; eh a cnet ene name DUAR SNCS a be Neo 24, 000 Plone lan a ree eee ee 16, 500 Timucua (probably related to Muskhogean)_---..-----______________ 13, 000 Caddo 2.02 2 a ee eee ee 8, 500 Tunican (Tunica group 2,000; Chitimacha group 4,000) _-_---._______ 6, 000 South Florida tribes (perhaps Muskhogean)-__------___--__-________ 4, 000 Wehner a a ee 3, 100 Dividing the population between the coast and the interior, we get the following result, a proportion of about 41% to 1: Population Trrterior’ 2) 060 Ae eB oes Sk 2A ER Ree —_ 141, 500 Comat Fb be i Ps Be Dl ie a LE Ne es Eee 30, 400 These data are based on Mooney’s figures. My own suggested modi- fications appear on map 8, but practically the same proportion would be maintained whichever set we employ. If we compare the distri- bution of population in 1650-85 with that revealed to us by the chron- iclers of De Soto a hundred years earlier, we find comparatively little change, so far as they can enlighten us on the subject, except in the region around Augusta, Ga., in the southern Appalachians, and west of the Mississippi River. In earlier as well as later times, Florida was well populated and we are reasonably certain that this was true Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 13 of the Georgia coast. In the part of the Cherokee country traversed there were far fewer towns than we find later, evidently because the Cherokee had not completed their occupancy of the region. Ex- cept for the disturbance the Spaniards themselves created in the destruction of life at Mabila, Alabama and Mississippi appear to have changed little in distribution of people and their numbers. This even applied to the territory of the Natchez, if, as suspected, the province of Quigualtanqui included the Natchez tribe. In eastern and southern Arkansas, however, and in northeastern Louisi- ana we find a very great change. Here about 30 towns, villages, and provinces are mentioned, some of which are distinctly said to have been the most populous or the best supplied with corn of any the explorers had entered during their journey, except Coga and Apalachee. But when the French came into this country a hundred and fifty years later, what a contrast! In all Arkansas there were only four Quapaw towns, near the junction of the Arkansas with the Mississippi, which there is reason to suppose represented a later immigration, and one Caddo and one Tunica settlement on the Ouachita. In northeastern Louisiana there were only a few bands of Tunica, Yazoo, and Koroa, whose villages were usually on the other side of the Mississippi, about 800 Taensa on Lake St. Joseph, and the insignificant Avoyel tribe in the parish named after them. The rest had mysteriously disappeared. The region about Augusta, Ga., represents a smaller area which had lost the greater part of its population between 1540 and 1670, though many tribes settled there until a late date—Yuchi, Shawnee, Apalachee, Chickasaw. In both of these cases archeology bears out history, particularly as regards the former country. The evacuation of population in this area is approached, though hardly matched, only by that in the Ohio Valley. Archeology also indicates one other displacement, the removal of a former dense population from that part of the Gulf coast between Mobile and Tampa Bays. Apart from Tampa Bay itself we have little direct information regarding the presence of Indian tribes along this part of the coast, but Pineda reported that when he skirted the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico he entered a large river, generally believed to be the Mobile, in order to careen his vessels, and claimed it was lined with 40 towns. While this may have been something of an exaggeration, he is in a measure confirmed by Iberville, who states that there were great numbers of old village sites here when he and his brother Bienville entered to make a permanent establishment in 1702. The region about the mouth of the Apalachicola was found by Moore to be rich in archeo- logical sites from which he culled great quantities of pottery and other remains. It is important to keep this stretch of coast in mind 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 137 in attempting to account for certain of the resemblances between Southeastern and Antillean cultural features. Other centers of population in prehistoric times abandoned entirely before the dawn of the historic era were about Macon, on the Ocmul- gee, the Colomokee mounds on the Chattahoochee, and Etowah on the river of that name, all in the State of Georgia, and the famous Moundville site on the Black Warrior in Alabama. In these cases, however, the principal centers of population had not removed to great distances. RELATION OF THE ABORIGINAL POPULATION TO THE NATURAL AREAS A single tribe, but that the largest in the entire Southeast, namely the Cherokee, was planted on the southern Appalachian highlands, mainly in the interval land of the Blue Ridge which here attains its maximum width and in the Valley and Ridge section, but ex- tending also into the Appalachian Plateau and the Piedmont Prov- ince. The lands they held in these two latter physical areas represented for the most part late acquirements. There is evi- dence that the Cherokee advanced from the northeast down the — great Appalachian Valley, displacing or shouldering to one side the Yuchi in eastern Tennessee, the Catawba and their allies in South | Carolina, and Muskhogean people in Georgia. The advantages of — this location consisted in a relative freedom from the thick forests of the low countries and a proportionately easy agricultural exploita- tion, the defensive possibilities of the mountains, and the control of mica mines and quarries of stone suitable for pipes. Not much — profit accrued from the control of flint quarries, flint being rather too widely distributed. Upon the whole, however, these mountains — seem to have been marginal areas, occupied rather through necessity than by choice. At the end of the seventeenth century, the Ozark and Ouachita Plateaus were not permanently occupied by Indians, but in 1541 De Soto found a fairly large population there, at least in the Ouachita Province. One tribe was evidently Caddo; the others may have been Tunica, though of this we have no certain knowledge. The extent of aboriginal workings in novaculite about Hot Springs shows that the region was much resorted to, and any tribe which could control the trade would be in a position of vantage similar to that occupied by the Cherokee in the East. As a matter of fact, we have no certain knowledge that any such monopolization had taken place. We seem to have less information regarding the part played by the Ozarks in prehistoric aboriginal life than for the Ouachita Mountains, but the discovery of the Bluff Culture with Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 15 its marked Southwestern affinities shows that at some time in the remote past it was of vastly more significance. Like the main mountain masses, the low plateaus flanking the Appalachians were occupied by peoples clearly in a state of flux. This is particularly true of the low plateau on the west. The marginal portion of it along the Tennessee was occupied at various times by bands of Chickasaw, Yuchi, Muskhogeans, and, in very late times, by Cherokee. The most attractive section was the lime- stone-underlain Nashville Basin, but this was occupied and abandoned repeatedly. There is circumstantial evidence that the Yuchi once lived here. At a later date the Kaskinampo, probably of Muskhogean connection, supplanted them and shortly after white contact we find the Shawnee in possession. A part of these Shawnee returned at a later time. It is not a little surprising to discover that the Lexington Plain, the “blue grass country,” was not occupied for any con- siderable period by any body of Indians in the historic era. Chartier’s band of Shawnee, who lived for a few years in a town in the present Clark County, Ky., on their way to and from the Creek Nation, consti- tutes almost the sole exception. The Piedmont Plateau north of Savannah River was occupied almost exclusively, in times of which we have intimate knowledge, by tribes of the Siouan linguistic stock, and it is evident that many, if not most, of these had worked their way into the territory from some section farther inland shortly before the advent of the whites. If so, they must have come in at least two distinct bodies, because the language spoken by the Siouans of Virginia was markedly distinct from that of the Siouans of the Carolinas. Between Point Lookout and Sewee Bay the latter reached the coast, but precisely here off- shore bars and islands furnish less protection to shore dwellers and there is proportionately less temptation to a littoral life. Of the remaining tribes, some lived well inland on the Plateau; others at or near the fall line in order to enjoy the fish to be obtained there. Many tribes whose towns were at some distance resorted to this place when the fish were running. One section of this line, between the Cape Fear and N ottoway, had been preempted by intrusive Troquoian tribes, the Tuscarora, Meherrin, and Nottoway, while the Coree and Neusiok possibly represented an extension of them to the coast. The greater part of the embayed section of the Coastal Plain, from Pamlico Sound to the Potomac River, was in the hands of Algonquians, those in Virginia forming the Powhatan tribe or con- federation. Here the density of population was particularly great. Southward, beyond the Savannah, the balance between life on the coast and life in the interior again’ presents a problem. In the 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bute. 137 historic period the great tribes of the section, the Creeks, Choctaw, and Chickasaw, lived inland, the first mentioned along the fall line, the two others on the red lands of the Coastal Plain in the present Mississippi. Exclusive of the peninsula of Florida, the shores were but slenderly inhabited throughout most of this period, but when French and Spanish navigators first appeared upon the coast of Georgia and that part of South Carolina below Charleston there was a heavy population there consisting partly of Muskogee or Creeks and partly of tribes of the Hitchiti-speaking branch of the family afterward united with them. A rebellion against the Franciscan Spanish missionaries in the year 1597 and subsequent secessions and depletions due to the attacks of northern tribes, reduced the number of Indians here rapidly and increased those living inland. A similar shift toward the interior seems to have taken place at an earlier period along the northern shores of the Gulf, as may be inferred from the reports of Pineda and Bienville. Archeological evidence testifying to a similar movement may be adduced from the Pensacola, Choctawhatchee, and St. Andrews Bay districts. It is probable that there was at the same time a considerable inland population, but it appears likely that at the end of the sixteenth century it was not much bigger than that on the coast. In northern Florida there is again a striking superiority of the in- land tribes, the most powerful being the Apalachee of the great rise about Tallahassee and Utina and Potano of the northern lake region. The west coast north of Tampa Bay was almost devoid of population in historic times, but abundant archeological remains show that it was once thickly settled like the Gulf coast west of it. On the Atlantic side, the coast north of the St. Johns seems to have been quite well populated, while the proximity of the latter river to the seacoast gave the river tribes almost all of the advantages to be derived from the coast itself. The most exposed part of the coast of this peninsula is on the southeast upon the At- lantic. Here are narrow lagoons, protected by offshore barrier islands, which enabled a number of small tribes to maintain a pre- carious existence, but there were no deep bays or long rivers giving ready access to the hinterland, the principal drainage being toward the Gulf, and as the Gulf side was also better protected from the stronger waves and currents of the Atlantic, it was natural that it should be better populated than the eastern side of the peninsula and that its people should exercise a dominant influence. In fact, when the Spaniards touched upon this coast in the sixteenth century they found it occupied by a powerful tribe called the Calusa, which seems to have been under one government and to have exerted a measure of control over a number of small towns scattered about Lake Okeechobee. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES L7 At the close of the seventeenth century, the most important Mississippi River tribes were located upon the bluffs at the edge of its flood plain, like the Natchez, Tunica, and Houma, but when De Soto and his followers passed through the country in 1541-48, a number of them were on the flood plain itself. The Chitimacha, though living on alluvial soils laid down by the river, owed their prominence and permanence to the natural inland harbor furnished - by Grand Lake, the food to be obtained from it and from the numer- ous bayous about it, and the ready access which they had to the Gulf. The Hasinai and Caddo confederations were composed of Indians who depended mainly upon their crops for sustenance, and they occupied a position west of the Mississippi similar to that of the Chickasaw and Choctaw east of it. West of the Caddo, climatic con- ditions prevented the same dependence on corn as was possible far- ther east and the cultural advantage of the interior suddenly disappears, but there continues a distinction between the coast and in- terior people, owing partly to the fact that the former depended mainly on fish and shellfish and the latter upon hunting, and partly to the, probably accidental, fact that they differed in language, those on the coast belonging to the Atakapa and Karankawa groups and those inland to the Tonkawa. Beyond San Antonio River the latter factor ceases to hold, and though the sea probably operated to a limited extent to bring about a change in the economic lives of the people, the culture both on the coast and inland was on an almost equally low level, and such it continued to be to the southern part of the present State of Tamaulipas in Mexico. From the facts brought out in the foregoing discussion, and evidence drawn from other parts of the continent of North America, it seems probable that, before horticulture was introduced into the Gulf region, the most dense population was primarily along the ocean shores and secondarily along the rivers and about fresh water lakes. The shift to a farming life probably advanced the culture of all the inhabitants of our Southeast, but it evidently made more proportionate advance possible to the river and lake dwellers whose fields could lie nearer their fisheries. Along much of the Gulf, even to the present day, corn does not grow as well as farther north and the difference was probably greater in prehistoric times, before the breeder of special strains had begun his work. It is, at least, a fair inference that the population of the inland peoples increased relatively faster than the increase of those on the coast although coastal populations, as has been shown, continued large almost down to the historic period. Another note- worthy point is the effect of farming upon the growth of states. Peoples depending mainly upon fishing and hunting tend to remain divided into a great number of bands, each maintaining a high degree 464735463 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ([BuLv. 137 of local autonomy. This was true even on the north Pacific coast where food was so abundant that great numbers could maintain them- selves in close contact with one another for long periods. It is still more apparent among the purely hunting, fishing, and food-gathering tribes of Texas and northeastern Mexico. ‘Tribal solidarity and a certain measure of governmental unification begin to make their ap- pearance, however, when we reach the coast tribes which also raised corn, but an examination of such tribes often discloses certain dis- turbing factors. Thus the Chitimacha were rather a lacustrine and inland people than a purely coastal tribe, and the same may be said of most of the tribes of northern Florida. Spanish records indicate that the Indians of the Georgia coast, in the province known as Guale, recognized a head chief. It is, however, doubtful how long they had been in this section and to what extent this headship was of purely native origin. The Indians of the adjoining “province” of Orista, in what is now South Carolina, seem to have been closely related in both language and culture, but to have had no supreme chief and no central organization. Exceptions also seem to confront us in the tidewater sections of North Carolina and Virginia, but the larger tribal aggregates appear to have been superficial and unstable. The most conspicuous governmental unit here was the so-called Powhatan Confederation, or “Empire of Powhatan.” In 1607, when the English came to Jamestown, more than 30 tribes belonged to it, but we are informed that all but 6 of these had been brought under one govern- ment by the chief, Powhatan himself, and the others represented con- quests by his father. It is likely that a state built up in such a sum- mary manner might dissolve with equal rapidity, and this very thing probably happened in the case of the Weapemeoc, which, when the Raleigh colonists landed at Roanoke, extended over the greater part of the present North Carolina mainland north of Albemarle Sound, but by 1650 had been replaced by 4 or 5 independent bands. These “empires” were merely temporary aggregations of the small local units normally found in fishing and hunting territories. It must also be remembered that most of the coastal tribes which formed larger aggre- gations raised corn and pursued communal methods of agriculture of the kind in vogue among the interior nations and that this was a main factor in the evolution of their several tribal organizations. Else- where I have suggested that the littoral states may have represented in some measure a protective reaction against the pressure of the interior agrarian nations. In one place, southwestern Florida, we have what appears to have been a powerful littoral community which grew up without any assistance from agriculture. This was the Calusa tribe, which, if we may trust our Spanish authorities, was under the well-nigh auto- Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 19 cratic control of one chief. The economic life was based mainly upon fish, shellfish, and the gathering of certain roots. It seems to have owed its origin in part to the pressure of alien peoples toward the north, in part to trade, and in part probably to rather recent migra- tion from the vicinity of the great inland nations. On other sections of the coast, such as the northern Gulf shore from the mouth of the Mississippi to the Apalachicola, in southeastern Florida, and on the coasts of South Carolina and most of North Carolina, only small tribes were to be found, often tribes confined to a single town. Upon the whole, we may say that the tendency of the coast peoples was toward small units which only sporadically were gathered into larger bodies. Inland it was quite the other way. Along Yazoo River, and in parts of Louisiana, there were a few so-called “tribes” of insignificant proportions, but some of these, like the Taposa, Ibitoupa, and Avoyel, appear to have been temporary offshoots of the large nations; others, such as the Yazoo, Koroa, Tiou, Taensa, and Chakchiuma, vestiges of people once very much greater. In southern Georgia there were a number of small tribal groups, but they were united into the Creek Confederation at such an early period that we cannot speak with certainty regarding their original condition. The Siouan tribes of the Piedmont country were also for the most part small, but a tendency is evident among these to form larger groups or confederations such as the Manahoac and Monacan Confederacies, and the associations of tribes at Fort Christanna, and on the upper Pee Dee, while there is some reason to think that many of the southern Siouans had broken away from the Catawba at an earlier period. The greater part of the Southeastern interior, however, was occupied by large tribes or confederacies, including the Tuscarora, Catawba, Yamassee, Apalachee, Creeks, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Cherokee, Natchez, and Caddo. The Utina and Potano of Florida might also be included as well as the Quapaw and Shawnee. Four of these, to- gether with the later-formed Seminole, were perpetuated to modern times as the Five Civilized Tribes, and existed as small republics under the suzerainty of the white man until the beginning of the twentieth century. A word might be said regarding the position of our tribes rela- tively to the life zones. The Cherokee and some western Siouan tribes of Virginia were the only ones occupying the tongue of the Transitional Zone, which comprises the Alleghanian Faunal Area and the bits of the Canadian Zone. The Cherokee also extended into the Carolinian Faunal Area of the Upper Austral Zone, where lived also most of the Siouan tribes of Virginia and the Carolinas, ex- cepting some that extended from the fall line to the coast. The Shawnee also were generally to be found in this area as well as the 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 Yuchi in early days and some Muskhogean tribes along the River Tennessee. The Tropical Zone of southern Florida was the home of the important Calusa tribe and a number of small, probably related, peoples on the east coast. All of the other tribes of this cultural province made their homes in the Austroriparian Faunal Area of the Lower Austral Zone. Only some of the wilder hunting peoples were found in the edges of the Upper and Lower Sonoran Faunal Areas, and these fall outside of the section under discussion. The number and location of these various groups were evidently determined by a complex series of causes and cannot be derived immediately out of the environment. However, the adoption of a horticultural complex was without doubt one major reason behind the integration of these peoples into tribes, and the location of suit- able cornland and suitable fisheries were determining factors of con- siderable weight. We have already noted the bearing which the position of the fall line had on the size and location of some Siouan tribes, and on the situation of the Creeks. The Apalachee were on the most important high land in Florida. The value of southern Appalachian quarries to the Cherokee and the significance of the Appalachians as means of defence have already been dwelt upon. The fertility of the old Choctaw, Chickasaw, Natchez, and Caddo territories contains a partial explanation of them, but it is probable that many important tribes formerly living along the Mississippi River had been driven out later by the chronic flooding to which the territory was subjected and, in more recent times, apparently, by wide-spread epidemics. The Natchez Bluff explains in consider- able measure the prominence of the Natchez people, and the bluffs in the neighborhood of Vicksburg, the Tunica people. In the case of the Catawba, perhaps we must suppose that they were sufficiently far from the lowlands to escape the embarrassment of heavy forests to be cut down in the process of preparing fields, and were in prox- imity to Saluda Pass and the mountain quarries, and in a strategic position at trail crossings. It is evident, however, that the manner in which the geographical features were utilized depended largely upon nongeographical factors such as race, language, and intertribal contacts. Nearly all of the tribes were homogeneous internally in respect to language and culture, not as much so as regards race. A few governmental organizations had reached a point of development which enabled them to take in tribes of alien speech, but in all such cases the tribes thus incorporated constituted a minority element. In the case of the Creek Confedera- tion, it is true, the adopted elements at one time constituted nearly half of the federated body, but these were themselves diverse, and the dominant people, the Muskogee, always vastly outnumbered any one SwaNTON] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 31 ofthem. The Natchez had taken under their protection two small alien tribes, and the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Catawba, and Caddo added foreign elements at various periods, but the incorporated peo- ples were insignificant in numbers and in many cases related to the dominant group. As has been elsewhere intimated, adjustment to the environment was dependent in some measure upon the methods that had been evolved for exploiting it, notably the use of corn, beans, squashes, and a few other plants. By comparing the location of prehistoric archeological sites with the location of tribes in historic times, we are able to form some idea of the change in adjustment that had taken place. The greatest shift of population seems to have occurred in the abandonment of the greater part of the lower Mississippi Valley above the mouth of Red River, though much of this occurred after the time of De Soto and may have been due to epidemics of European origin. Abandonment of the northwest coast of Florida appears to have taken place at a still earlier date, though the experience of Pineda suggests that it may not have antedated by many years the discovery of the New World. The abandonment of the Georgia coast and part of the Georgia hinterland was post-Columbian. If we consider marginal areas, we find that another extensive displacement of peoples of high culture had taken place along the Ohio River and the upper course of the Mississippi and its branches. This constitutes one of the great problems of eastern archeology. PREHISTORIC MOVEMENTS (See map 10) Our strictly historical knowledge of these tribes is naturally con- fined almost entirely to the period after they came into contact with the whites, though it is hoped that a comparison of their known arts and industries with the remains in process of resurrection by archeologists will enable us to trace them back to a still more remote epoch. In Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletins 43 (Swanton, 1911), 47 (Dorsey and Swanton, 1912), and 73 (Swanton, 1922), I gave all of the information available to me at the time of writing regarding the histories of the Indians of the Muskhogean, Tunican, Timucuan, and Uchean stocks and the southern Siouans, and in Bulletin 22 (1895) Mr. Mooney performed a similar service for the Siouan tribes of the east. In the Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau (Mooney, 1900), he gave the history of the Cherokee. The Carolina region has recently been covered very competently by Dr. Chapman J. Milling in Red Carolinians, and the entire field in an elementary fashion in the articles in the Handbook of American In- 99 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw. 137 dians (Hodge, 1907, 1910). For the present undertaking it will not be necessary to go into details, but an outline of the general course of history in the section is called for. The traditions of most Southeastern tribes indicate a belief that they had come into the section where we find them from the west or north, the region most often indicated being the northwest. This is natural when one considers that the Atlantic Ocean and Gulf of Mexico lie east and south. Still, it would have been possible for population to enter by way of the West Indies and the Florida Peninsula, or from Mexico along the Gulf shore. However, tradition is here borne out by the testimony of language because we find that relationship even in the case of the aberrant Timucua tongue of Florida is with the north and west (Swanton, 1929, pp. 450-453). This is not to deny earlier movements from the West Indies and, as we shall see later, there are clear traces of cultural contact in this quarter, but as a whole we must regard the flow of population in the Southeast as having been eastward and southward. The only migration legends in any manner contradicting such a conclusion may readily be explained. Thus, some Hitchiti stories recorded by Gatschet gave the Gulf coast as the earlier home of that Creek subtribe, but the individuals from whom this came were probably Sawokli, and it is known historically that they had moved northward into the Creek Nation at a late period (Gatschet, 1884, pp. 77-78). Similarly, James Adair informs us that the tribes about Fort Toulouse, at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers, had come “from South America” (Adair, 1930, pp. 267-268). It is not at all probable, however, that the Indians whom he interviewed had any clear conception of the southern continent or its distance, and we know that a part of the Alabama, including the Tawasa and Pawokti towns, had lived for a time near Mobile before settling among the Upper Creeks. We also know that they had come to Mobile un- der pressure from the Creeks and that one of them was found near the upper Alabama by De Soto, so that they appear to have moved inacircle. Finally, Du Pratz tells us that the chief of the guardians of the sacred fire, the one who related to him the Natchez origin legend, indicated the southwest as the direction from which his an- cestors had come and Du Pratz believed that he meant Mexico. But the missionary De la Vente understood “northwest” instead of “south- west” and this is more in line with Muskhogean legends generally (Swanton, 1922, pp. 191-201; 1911, pp. 182-186). Evidently Du Pratz was led to tie these Indians up to Mexico on account of the relatively advanced state of Natchez culture. Migration legends indicating a western origin include all of those, so far as I am aware, which have been collected from the Muskogee, and all of the legends preserved from the Hitchiti and Alabama with ‘a Hvis 0 MICHIe > c v ys aS SNL ge Ye Vee TcHickashw } 7 \ Yc acnunaie —>‘CHAKCHIUMA) A AKAPA Map 10.—Tribal movements according to the traditions and the earliest records. 464735 © - 46 (Face p. 22) Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 23 the exceptions indicated, and with the exception of a legend I obtained from an old Alabama woman in 1910, which evidently has incorporated European elements since it tells of a voyage across the Atlantic Ocean with a stop at islands on the way (Swanton, 1922, pp. 172-173, 191-192; 1928, pp. 33-75). In a moment we shall see that migration legends pointing to the west are supported by other data indicative of such a general movement. Circumstantial evidence regarding a similar origin exists also for the Timucua, though no legends whatever have been preserved from them. The migration legends of the Natchez have already been touched upon, but it is only fair to add that Du Pratz heard they had reached “Mexico” after traveling for a long time from an earlier home in the east. Remembering that they were pronounced sun worshipers, we may suspect that this is a mythologi- cal amplification. There is evidence that they had formerly extended higher up the Mississippi though hardly to the Wabash as they are said to have claimed (Swanton, 1911, pp. 182-186). Tradition would make the Avoyel a late offshoot of the Natchez (Swanton, 1911, p. 24). Not a fragment of tradition has been preserved bearing on the past history of the Tunica or their allies except one which does not cover any time back of the historic period. The Chitimacha held that their supreme being chose Natchez as their first place of abode, and the flood story of the Atakara preserves a belief that the survivors of that catastrophe, their ancestors, landed upon the mountains of northwest Texas beyond San Antonio (Swanton, 1911, pp. 348, 363). However, this last may not have any special sig- nificance inasmuch as the story called for mountains and those were the nearest ones of which they had any knowledge. It is a curious and interesting fact that the Yuchi, who are known to have moved about extensively during early historic times, retain no traditions relative to such migrations, but on the contrary used to believe that they were aborigines of the eastern part of the Gulf re- gion (Swanton, 1922, p. 287). It is undoubtedly significant that all traditions preserved from the eastern Siouan tribes point to the Northwest. While there are only three of these besides one or two very general statements, we shall find them backed up by more direct evidence. One Catawba legend ob- tained by Gregg and Schoolcraft traces their origin to Canada and dates it after the appearance of the French in that country, from which it is evident that it contains later embellishments. It also states that they lived for a while on Kentucky River, which was indeed once known by their name, and in Botetourt County, Va., where there are places named after them. These identifications are, however, rendered some- what uncertain, one by the fact that “Catawba” was perhaps intended for Kituhwa, an old name of the Cherokee, and the other because Bot- 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 137 etourt County lay across the war trace between their historic homes and the Iroquois, and the name may indicate merely that Catawba were to be looked for thereabout by Indians coming from the north. So far as the general direction of their movement is concerned, how- ever, it is corroborated by all of our other evidence (Schoolcraft, 1851-57, pt. 3, pp. 293-296). Of the eastern Carolina Indians, the surveyor John Lawson says: When you ask them whence their forefathers came, that first inhabited the country, they will point to the westward and say, where the sun sleeps our fore- fathers came thence. (Lawson, 1937, p. 279.) This generalization might have included the Tuscarora as well as the Siouan tribes, but Lederer’s testimony applies specifically to the latter : The Indians now seated in these parts are none of those which the English re- moved from Virginia, but a people driven by an enemy from the Northwest, and invited to sit down here by an oracle about four hundred years since, as they pre- tended: for the ancient inhabitants of Virginia were far more rude and barbarous, feeding only upon raw flesh and fish, until these taught them to plant corn, and shewed them the use of it. (Alvord, 1912, p. 142.) Origin traditions from the coastal Algonquian tribes of North Caro- lina are wanting, but Strachey says of the Powhatan Indians that they “are conceived not to have inhabited here belowe [the falls] much more than three hundred years,” which would actually mean less time, if there is any truth in the story at all, and, as the traditions of the Delaware and Nanticoke also pointed westward, there is no reason why those of the Powhatan may not have done the same. The possible sig- nificance of this will appear presently (Strachey, 1849, p. 33). Algon- quian students have noted traces of northern dialectic influences, even _of Cree, in the fragments of Powhatan speech preserved to us. (Ger- ard, 1904; Michelson, personal information. ) Except for some very late stories dealing with movements within the historic period, Shawnee legends point to the north (Spencer, 1908, p. 383). Sibley speaks of a migration of the Kadohadacho, the leading Caddo tribe, down Red River from a point near the present Ogden, Ark., but this represents a relatively late movement (Sibley, 1832, p. 721). More to the point is a tradition supplied by one of Schoolcraft’s con- tributors which traced the origin of the Caddo to the Hot Springs, for we have good evidence that the Caddo once lived about the Hot Springs and we know that they subsequently withdrew (Schoolcraft, 1851-57, pt. 5, p. 682). However, the Caddo narratives gathered by Mooney and myself suggest that these Indians spread toward the north, west, and south from the region where Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas come together. (Mooney, 1897, pp. 1093-1094; Swanton, 1931; 1942, pp. 25-29.) Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 29 In general, it may be said that these traditions are borne out by historical and circumstantial evidence. Were that not the case, we should be justified in maintaining a highly skeptical attitude toward them. Reverting to the Muskogee, the tribe with which this discussion began, it is first to be noted that the longest and earliest origin myth which has survived, the legend told to Governor Oglethorpe by the Kasihta chief Chekilli, not only gives the general line of migration, but locates a number of places along the route which can be definitely placed. They came first to a muddy river and then to a red river, which cannot be identified, though some writers have seen in them the Mississippi and Red Rivers, respectively, in spite of the inverse order in which they were reached. Next they crossed a creek called Coloose-hutche, and continued east to a town named Coosaw. As Coosaw or Coosa was a well-known town located until very late times on the east bank of Coosa River between the mouths of Talladega and Tallaseehatchee Creeks, this point is determined with some- thing approaching certainty. West of it lay the Black Warrior River, and beyond, the country of the Chickasaw. MHutche is simply the Creek word for “river” or “creek” and, indeed, it is so translated im- mediately afterward in the original story. Coloose is said to have been so named “because it was rocky there and smoked,” but this is a far-fetched attempt to interpret the name in Creek, and its form along with the fact that this creek lay in the direction of the Chick- asaw country indicates pretty clearly that it is intended for the Chickasaw or Choctaw name Okalusa, “Black Water.” (Gatschet, 1888, pp. 41-51; Swanton, 1928, pp. 34-38.) The Ranjel narrative of the De Soto expedition tells us that, when the Spaniards reached the Chickasaw country, the Chickasaw chief gave them guides and interpreters “to go to Caluca, a place of much repute among the In- dians.” He goes on to say that “Caluca is a province of more than ninety villages not subject to any one, with a savage population very warlike and much dreaded, and the soil is fertile in that section.” (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 132.) They did not go there, however, unfortunately for us. A “Black Water” province is mentioned by the chroniclers Biedma and Elvas somewhere in northeastern Arkansas, apparently having nothing to do with the above, and in the early part of the eighteenth century we hear of a small Okalusa tribe on the west side of the Mississippi River below the Red (Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, p. 128; vol. 2, p. 30). As the name is fairly common, this last might or might not represent a remnant of the tribe to which Ranjel refers. Brinton suggested an identification of Chekilli’s Coloose with the Black Warrior (Gatschet, 1884, p. 64) and it is possible that the Moundville people, who must 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 137 have been numerous, constituted the Oka Lusa province of Ranjel, but if that had been the case the Spaniards would probably have heard of them before, while they were ascending the river Tombigbee. There is a Black Water Creek in Walker and Winston Counties, Ala., which corresponds very closely in position with the creek mentioned by Chekilli and might also have been Ranjel’s province, if the name can be traced to an Indian original. There do not, however, appear to be any archeological remains of consequence in this region. But whether we are able to locate this creek definitely or not, it seems to me significant that it is placed in the direction of the Chickasaw country and the name appears to be in the Chickasaw language. From this point on we have no difficulty in following the supposed course of the Creek migration. The position of “Coosaw” has been given. After living with the Coosa 4 years, the Creeks continued on east to “Nawphawpe” Creek, the present Naufawpi. They then reached Whooping Creek, a small northern affluent of Big Uchee. “Owatunka river” is the Wetumpka of today. The name “Aphoosa pheeskaw,” which we encounter next, has been lost, but the big river that they shortly reached and followed can only have been the Chatta- hoochee, and the falls are the falls at Columbus, though they are indeed higher up than the story appears to indicate. Here the Mus- kogee formed an alliance with Apalachicola Indians who were al- ready in the country, and themselves spread out on both sides of the river, becoming divided into the Kasihta and Coweta (Gatschet, 1888, pp. 41-51). When we encounter the Muskogee in later times, they are already settled in the country historically associated with them, part on the Coosa and Tallapoosa and part on the Chattahoochee. When De Soto crossed what is now Georgia, there is evidence that there were Creeks on Flint River, and it is pretty certain that a large body of them were about the present Augusta, while they must have consti- tuted a dominant element in the “Province of Guale” on the Atlantic seaboard of Georgia (U. S. De Soto Exped. Comm., 1939, pp. 172 et seq.). Nevertheless, the De Soto chroniclers, by the manner in which they compare them with the Indians along the lower Mississippi after they had encountered the latter, suggest that they had removed from that region at a date not very much anterior. One Muskogee tribe, the Eufaula, can be traced to Euharlee Creek near the famous Etowah works and from that place, in succession, to Eufaula Oldtown on Tal- ladega Creek, and to the lower course of the Tallapoosa, where they gave off a colony which settled on the Chattahoochee and later swarmed again to the Chukochartie, or Red House Hammock (Swanton, 1922, pp. 260-263), north of Tampa. There is also some reason to think that the Tali, who lived until a late period at the great bend of the Tennessee, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 27 were Creeks. One stage in the movement of the Tukabahchee can be traced from Tukabahchee Oldtown in the upper part of the Talla- poosa country to the great bend of the Tallapoosa River, where the site has now been provided with a marker (Swanton, 1922, pp. 277- 282). The Muskogee language also shows by the breakdown of cer- tain of its forms considerable contact with quite divergent tongues not likely to have been brought about in the midst of Muskhogean territory. That one of the languages influencing them belonged to the Algonquian stock is indicated by the fact that pinwa, the Creek word for “turkey”, was quite certainly adopted from an Algonquian dialect. The word meaning “bear” and probably that for “raccoon” show early contacts with the Tunica, Caddo, and perhaps other west- ern tongues. It would seem that the Muskogee must have moved from some region on or near the Mississippi not long anterior to the ap- pearance of the Spaniards (Swanton, 1931). Historical evidence for movements of the tribes of the Alabama group is much fuller. In 1541 De Soto found some of the Alabama themselves a few miles west of the Chickasaw town in which he had passed the winter (Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, pp. 108-109; vol. 2, pp. 24, 136). This was nearly 200 miles northwest of their later home about the present Montgomery, Ala. There is practically no doubt that the Coste, Costehe, or Acoste of De Soto’s chroniclers was the Koasati town later found by English and French traders at the very same point, i. e., on Pine Island in the Tennessee River, and from them the name of the latter stream often appears as “the River of the Cussa- tees” (Swanton, 1922, pp. 201-207). While they were still living there, but probably late in the seventeenth century, they were joined by a tribe which there is every reason to suppose was of kindred origin and tongue, the Kaskinampo or Casquinampo. This was without any reasonable doubt the Casqui or Casquin encountered by De Soto almost immediately after he crossed the Mississippi River. They were then in what is now Arkansas not far from the site of Helena. Their affinities with the Koasati are indicated by the second compon- ent of the name, nampo, which has a plural signification in the Koasati tongue. In the references to the tribe by Ranjel, Elvas, and Biedma we find proof either that they belonged to the Muskhogean stock or that the name was obtained through Muskhogean interpreters. The final n, sometimes introduced and sometimes omitted, is evidently the common Muskhogean dative ending, and Icasqui, which Biedma uses, as evidently contains the possessive prefix of the third person. Finally, some later maps call both of the Pine Island towns towns of the “Cusa- tees,” that is Koasati, and Adair informs us that the strength of the Creek Confederation had been increased by his time by the addition of “two great towns of the Koo-a-sah-te” (Swanton, 1930). As appears 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 137 from the Delgado narrative, the first movement of these people pre- ceded 1686 (Boyd, 1937). Leaving a fraction of the tribe on the Ten- nessee, which afterward settled near Gunter’s Landing, the remainder established themselves close to the junction of the Coosa and Talla- poosa where a post village still perpetuates the name (Swanton, 1922, pp. 201-207). The Tuskegee came from the same general region and settled near the Koasati at the very point where the Coosa and Tallapoosa come together. The “Tasqui” village which De Soto’s army passed through in northern Alabama, on its way from the Tennessee to the Coosa, probably belonged to this tribe, and a few years later two soldiers sent by Juan Pardo from the Tennessee River to Coosa found near Tasqui a second settlement named “Tasquiqui.” Ata later date part of these Tuskegee moved up the Tennessee and made a permanent home among the Cherokee while the rest settled among the Creeks, as has just been stated (Swanton, 1922, pp. 207-211). The Hitchiti language, while distinct from Alabama and Koasati, was nearer to them than to any other known dialects, and therefore it should not surprise us to find the Hitchiti and Alabama groups more or less associated. The Pawokti and Tawasa, though the latter did in fact speak a Timucua dialect, lived at the opening of the eighteenth century on or near the Apalachicola Indians in close contact with some tribes which afterward joined the Apalachicola, a Hitchiti group. In 1540 De Soto encountered a tribe known as Chiaha on an island in Tennessee River. They remained in this place over a quarter of a century longer, as we know from the Pardo documents, and it is prob- able that they moved from there to the Talladega country where a creek bears the name Chehawhaw, which Coxe extends to the Talla- poosa itself. A suggestion of Hitchiti-speaking Indians in the north- west is contained in the Louvigny map which is attributed to the year 1697. This shows a town on Yazoo River which seems to bear a variant of the name Sawokli. It has been barbarized by Coxe as “Samboukia,” and has been preserved down to the present day in the designation of Sabougla Creek, a southern affluent of the Yalobusha. There is little doubt that some of the Hitchiti tribes were in southern Georgia before the Muskogee arrived, but the facts just cited point to a distribution from the west and north at a not very remote period (Swanton, 1922, pp. 187-141, 172-178; 1930; French, 1851, p. 59). We have no hint regarding an earlier home of the Apalachee other than that furnished by their language, which resembles Hitchiti and Choctaw, the latter most closely to all appearance. The Hitchiti believed the Yamasee to be related to themselves, and there are indications that the Cusabo were connected with both. There is reason to think that some, at least, of the small Choctaw- speaking tribes of the lower Mississippi and its neighborhood were Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 29 late arrivals from the north or northeast. Dumont de Montigny informs us that the symbol of the Houma Indians was a red craw- fish and from this it is easy to infer that they were a branch of the Chakchiuma, or Red Crawfish, people on Yazoo River. Since De Soto in the sixteenth century found the latter about where they were still living in the eighteenth century, and since the Indians met by the survivors of his expedition on the Mississippi below the Natchez appear to have been related to the latter tribe, except those Indians living at the very mouth of the Mississippi, it seems evident that the Houma were a late offshoot of the Chakchiuma and had come from the north. (Dumont de Montigny, 1753, vol. 1, p. 184; Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, pp. 101-102; vol. 2, pp. 182-133.) There is some reason to think that the Quinipissa were an offshoot of the Acolapissa, and the Bayogoula, so conspicuous in the narratives of Iberville’s expedi- tion (1699), were not encountered by La Salle in 1682, though it must be added that Ford finds evidence of long continued occupancy of the Bayogoula site. The Chatot, whose earliest known home was on Apalachicola River, were probably a Hitchiti or Apalachee tribe. They retained their identity until dissipated in Louisiana in the early part of the nineteenth century (Swanton, 1922, pp. 184-137). In De Soto’s time the Natchez, or at least tribes with similar cus- toms and apparently a similar language, lived on both sides of the Mississippi between the Arkansas and Red Rivers, and occupied most of the lower and middle Ouachita. The Timucua would naturally be regarded as ancient occupants of Florida were it not for the fact that the tribes south of them seem to have been more closely connected with the true Muskogee than with them and the discovery that a tribe speaking their language lived in central Alabama in 1540. These two facts indicate at least two displacements and possibly a general southeasterly drift. The Osochi I regard as a fragment of the Florida Timucua which broke away from the rest and joined the Lower Creeks after the Timucua uprising of 1656, and subsequently adopted the Hitchiti language from their friends the Chiaha (Swan- ton, 1929; 1922, pp. 165-167). Archeological evidence collected by Ford and Chambers seems to show that the Natchez were preceded, in part at least of the ter- ritory later occupied by them, by Tunica people, but their earliest historic home, as indicated by the De Soto narratives and the location of the “Tunica Oldfields,’ would be on the Mississippi River above the St. Francis, and perhaps also in the region of the Hot Springs. They may have been driven northward by the Natchez. At a later date, however, they returned to the lower Yazoo and northeastern Louisiana, while two tribes went farther south and joined the Natchez. The others stayed on until the French began their settlements when 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 137 the Tunica proper moved to the old Houma site near Red River and the others were broken up in the Natchez war and joined the Chick- asaw or Choctaw (Swanton, 1911, pp. 306-336). Just as the Tunica group appears to have been forced north, the Chitimacha seem to have been driven in the opposite direction— according to tradition, from the neighborhood of Natchez—until they reached Grand Lake and Bayou Teche, while two branches of the tribe settled on Bayou Lafourche (Swanton, 1911, pp. 337-359). Whether they displaced the related Atakapa in this region, or whether the Atakapa merely occupied the country southwest of them as in later times, we can only conjecture. There is reason to think that this entire group constituted an eastern extension of Texas peoples and were relatives of the Tonkawa, Karankawa, and Coahuilteco. Between 1540 and 1567 part of the Yuchi were in the mountains of eastern Tennessee back from Tennessee River, but another part seems to have been on that river above Muscle Shoals. Early maps also indicate that in the late seventeenth century they had towns on the Ohio, and we know that some of them lived for a time near La Salle’s fort in Illinois. When De Soto heard of them, it appears probable that they were already moving south, and where their orig- inal home lay has not yet been determined. By the latter half of the seventeeth century they had penetrated to the upper Tennessee and passed on southward as far as Augusta on Savannah River. Indeed, before 1639 they had reached the boundaries of Florida and from that time on were continually making trouble for the Spaniards. One band settled in west Florida, whence they moved later to the Talla- poosa and united with the Upper Creeks. In 1661 another band attacked the Guale Indians and before 1670 they had destroyed several Cusabo towns. From this time on Yuchi were generally established on some part of Savannah River, but in 1751 the last of them withdrew to the Lower Creeks with whom the largest single body continued, and still continues, to make its home. However, a number long remained in the Cherokee country, and one band under a chief named Uchee Billy joined the Seminole and settled near Spring Gardens (Swanton, 1922, pp. 286-312). See, however, page 218. The De Soto and Pardo documents, particularly the latter, reveal the important fact that Siouan tribes of the Catawba division once occupied all of the present territory of South Carolina, and place names point to their occupancy of parts of North Carolina. As we have already seen, their own traditions claimed an original home much farther toward the north. Partly as a result of Cherokee pres- sure and partly from their desire to withdraw from the Spaniards, some Catawba-speaking tribes later moved into central North Caro- lina. The northern Siouan people—the Tutelo, Saponi, Monacan and swanton| INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 31 their allies—were probably late comers into the Piedmont region of Virginia, which they had apparently reached from the upper Ohio. The same force that caused this migration was perhaps respon- sible for the movement of the Biloxi to the coast of the Gulf of Mex- ico, which conjecturally took place via the Tennessee, Coosa, and Alabama Rivers. Capinans, a Biloxi town or a tribe associated with the Biloxi, may have been the Capitanesses of the earlier Dutch maps, shown on the Juniata in Pennsylvania, or more probably be- yond in eastern Ohio. Shortly after white contact, a Siouan tribe moved from some point on the upper Ohio River to the Cumberland, and thence successively to Arkansas River, to the Taensa at Lake St. Joseph, La., and finally to the Yazoo, where they were known as Ofogoula (Ofo) and established their settlements near the Tunica on the Yazoo. The rest of the Siouan tribes were driven, or moved, toward the west and northwest, and the linguistic test indicates that they had not been long separated from the Biloxi, Ofo, and Tutelo when the whites appeared (Swanton, 1936; Dorsey and Swanton, 1912). It was at about this time that the Quapaw must have left the Ohio, known to the Illinois as the River of the Arkansas, for their later homes at the mouth of Arkansas River (Shea, 1861, p. 120). Traditional evidence as to Cherokee prehistoric movements is sup- ported, it will be noticed, by that drawn from Spanish documents. Since Hiwassee is a good Cherokee word meaning “savannah,” and it appears to be identical with the Guasili of the De Soto chroniclers minus a locative ending, we may infer that this town was occupied by Cherokee Indians, but “Xuala,” entered just before, is Siouan, and Canasauga just beyond is probably Creek, so it would seem that the Cherokee invasion had but just begun (U. S. De Soto Exped. Comm., 1939, p.50). Traditional and historical evidence regarding the origin of the Cherokee is here supported by circumstantial evidence, since north was the direction in which the other Iroquoian tribes lay. We must suppose that the Tuscarora, Meherrin, and Nottoway all came from the same direction, but their affinities are more nearly with the Iroquois proper than the Cherokee and we may assume that they had separated from the Susquehanna Indians. Algonquian origin stories are reinforced similarly, for the Shawnee language is nearest Kickapoo, Fox, and Sauk, while Gerard and Michelson both find Cree resemblances in the Powhatan dialect. (Gerard, 1904; Michelson, personal information.) A more easterly and northerly habitat for the Caddo is indicated in some measure by the distribution of Caddo pottery, by the resem- blances between certain Caddo and Muskogee names and perhaps by linguistic affinities with Iroquois, though the last-mentoned evi- dence is tenuous (Swanton, 1931; see also writings of Sapir), 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwy. 137 We will now attempt to put these data together in such a way as to make a coherent story. We may suppose that people with western affiliations, represented in later times by the Tunican groups, ex- tended over much of the lower course of the Mississippi River. East of them were perhaps the Muskhogean tribes, one branch of whom, later represented by the Natchez and their allies, pushed in upon the river, forcing the Chitimacha and Atakapa south and west and the Tunica north. East of the Natchez were perhaps the Choctaw and beyond them the ancestors of the Alabama and Hitchiti. The former remained about where they were, but the latter spread east, some up the Tennessee and others down across the Coosa, Tallapoosa, and Apalachicola until they reached the Atlantic coast and pushed along it as far as the present Charleston, dividing as they went into the various tribes mentioned. Still north of this group on the Miss- issippi were the Muskogee, who followed their southern relatives toward the east, pushing down between tribes belonging to that group so that some were left on the Tennessee while others were forced on toward the south and east. To the east of the Muskogee were the Timucua, who shared a similar clan system. ‘They were pushed on- ward into Florida, approaching it from the northeast, and extend- ing up the St. Johns River. In the meantime some tribes of the Hitchiti or Apalachee groups had worked their way down into Florida to the very end, and they were subsequently cut off from their nearer relatives by the Timucua coming across from the east coast of the peninsula. The Muskogee, Tunica, and Caddo had been in contact with one another somewhere in Arkansas, but, after the Muskogee went east, the Tunica moved south and the Caddo south- west. In the meantime certain tribes along the northern or north- eastern fringe of the Muskhogeans became specialized into the Siouan dialectic groups, that represented by the Catawba being intermediate probably and retaining contact with the Muskhogeans for a longer period. The Caddoan stock was probably spread farther east and the southern representatives of it farther north, where it is possible they were in contact with the Iroquoian tribes lying south of the Algonquians around the Great Lakes and north of the Siouans. It is possible that the Iroquois, Caddo proper, and Muskogee were once in intimate contact with one another along the Mississippi in the region of the Middle Mississippi area, from which contact they may all have derived their clan organizations with female descent. 'The Siouan people were perhaps split into eastern and western sections by the Algonquians moving south, but this process may have been begun by the Iroquoians at an earlier date. On the other hand, it is possible that the Iroquoian peoples entered the eastern part of the United States before any Siouans moved northwest and indeed the latter may have cut the Iroquois and Caddo apart. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 33 Archeologists have now made it evident that all of these move- ments are relatively recent and superficial compared with the full extent of time during which mankind occupied the Gulf region. They find back of remains that may be attributed to the Choctaw, Natchez, Tunica, Caddo, and Muskogee the Coles Creek and Deason- ville cultures, back of them Marksville, or “Southern Hopewell,” back of that a culture, or cultures, represented by the Tchefuncte of Louisiana, the remains of the Green River people in Kentucky, and the shell-midden people of the Tennessee River with the Bluff Dwell- ers of the Ozarks occupying an ancient but uncertain position. For an interesting summary of the prehistory of this region from an archeologist’s point of view, consult the paper by Ford and Willey (1941). The forces which subsequently modified the Gulf peoples and changed their culture into its later form, if external to the region, must have come from Mexico and Central America, or the West In- dies. If from the last mentioned, it would appear that they ante- dated the Arawakan invasion, and in any case they probably made their appearance as waves of influence rather than as masses of people or masses of cultural elements. Very recently Irving Rouse has come to the conclusion that a type of West Indian pottery, be- longing to a culture which he calls Meillac, originated in North America, but this would mean, not that the culture of the South- east was modified from this direction but that it was itself a modi- fying force. Influences from the west are more evident, but the most striking ones signify rather recent cultural contacts than mass migra- tions of people as was formerly assumed. HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEASTERN INDIANS FROM THE PERIOD OF FIRST WHITE CONTACT TO THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO (See map 11) Small factors often have momentous consequences, and when Co- lumbus, on October 7, 1492, acting on the advice of his pilot Martin Alonso Pinzon and in response to indications of land toward the southwest, altered his course in that direction, he was led on through the smaller Bahama Islands to Cuba and Haiti, and his subse- quent voyages took him southward. It was only on his last voyage that he touched any part of North America, and this particular section, from the Isthmus of Panama to Honduras, happens to be- long to the South American ethnological province. Since the West Indies fall into the same category, the great discoverer’s journals are of interest to students working with South American Indians rath- er than those concerned with the northern tribes. The history of these latter, aside from the voyages of the Norsemen and possible. 464735—46——4 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut, 137 expeditions following theirs not as yet thoroughly authenticated, begins, then, with the voyage of John Cabot in the year 1497. Cabot followed the coast south the next year, some think as far as Florida, but this is improbable, and if he did so he left no records of the Indians of that region. The alleged expedition of Vespucci in the same year, during which he is supposed to have traced the entire shore of the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic as far north as Vir- ginia, is probably apochryphal. In the discussions by various writers this has been connected with a “mysterious” Portuguese expedition which has left exasperatingly inconclusive traces of itself in cer- tain documents. The most important of these is a map prepared by some unknown cartographer in Lisbon, but bearing the name of Alberto Cantino, who was an envoy of the Duke of Ferrara at the Portuguese court and sent this map to his master from Rome about November 19, 1502. Attempts have been made to identify the land resembling Florida with Cuba or Yucatan, and Har- risse and Lowery both concurred in the opinion that it must be the Peninsula of Florida. The late Rudolf Schuller informed the writer that he believed the results of the expedition had been con- cealed because the lands visited belonged to that half of the world granted by Pope Alexander VI to Spain in his famous decision of 1493. This data, Schuller thought, was obtained surreptitiously by Cantino or his employee. However, Nunn seems to have disposed of the whole question as a series of cartographers’ errors, and in any case the supposed discovery yields us no ethnological information. (See Harrisse, 1892, pp. 77-109; Lowery, 1901, pp. 125-130; Fiske, 1901, vol. 2, pp. 70-83; Nunn, 1924, pp. 91-141.) In 1513 Ponce de Leon made what may be described as the official discovery of Florida, but the significance of the extant narratives of his expedition is in dispute. Although some commentators have held that the natives with whom he dealt were the Apalachee, this is improbable, for the Apalachee were mainly an inland tribe, and if De Leon was in their neighborhood at all, as some maps indicate, it is probable that he merely followed the coast without meeting the inhabitants and that his principal dealings were with the Calusa, a view championed by Lowery (1901, pp. 142, 446) and more recently by Davis (1935, p. 41). It seems likely, indeed, that the south Florida Indians were the only ones he met. This view is supported by the statement that the arrows used by these Indians were pointed with bones. The Apalachee Indians may well have used bone points also, but the greater part of their arrows were probably tipped with flint or made of cane. Furthermore, it is said that Ponce and his companions traded a little with the Indians for gold and skins. Now, there are few reports of the use of gold among the Indians MIKASUKI (SEMINOLE) (1840) (e921-s9s/) WiSarnaL a 4! De — ary a hae iene * Me 2h, Sie a ee igs 2 er SHAWNEE (7745-7747) ENO & es env’ aN (Pree MACHAPUNGAT (saa ~ 1790) SHAKORI ina) (ase) We (up eo 1587951 BiLoxi \ Kubo) [F MIKASUKI 720) \, PEN, ATOT appl aan 1 yust, ie jar (arse) 523°e0) 7 pa 3 > Re $9 >, « 464735 © - 46 3. Se Mar 11.—Locations of Indian tribes in the Southeast at different periods. Swinton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 35 north of Mexico and the greater part of these come from Florida, particularly from the Calusa Indians living on the southwest coast. Most of their gold, however, is traceable to treasure fleets wrecked on their way from Central America and Mexico to Spain. In 1513 Mex- ico had not been invaded, but Enciso and Balboa landed in the Gulf of Darien in 1510 and almost immediately began to collect ob- jects of gold from the natives of that region, so that it was soon known as Castilla del Oro. Presence in southern Florida of gold from Panama has been proved by the discovery within recent years of gold beads with ornamentation of Central American patterns. On the other hand, very little gold has been found in the archeological sites of the eastern United States north of Florida. Ponce de Leon’s voyages have been given careful study by T. Frederick Davis, and he comes to practically the same conclusion as that here expressed. At any rate the hostile reception accorded Ponce by the Indians indicates pretty certainly that they had had previous dealings with white men, and one must admit that the facts of history abundantly justify their reaction. Besides, since there was among the Indians they met one who understood Spanish, they can not have been far from the West Indies, and this may also mean that Ponce was not the first Spaniard to reach Florida, though it is inferred by Herrera that the native had come from those islands. A south Florida town is mentioned called Abaioa (Davis, 1935, pp. 18, 20). In 1516 Diego Miruelo is said to have obtained gold from the Florida Indians during a, trading expedition along the Gulf. In 1517 Francisco Hernandez de Cérdova, on his way back to Santo Domingo from Yucatan, entered a harbor in Florida that had been visited by Ponce de Leon—probably Charlotte Harbor, as Lowery surmises. At any rate, while digging for water, the Spaniards were set upon in the same vigorous manner as in the case of De Leon, and there was a hard struggle before they reached their boats (Lowery, 1901, p. 149). In 1519 Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, acting under orders from Francisco de Garay, Governor of Jamaica, visited the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, which he traced from the tip of the peninsula of Florida to Panuco, where he turned back, and presently he entered the mouth of a great river with a large town at its mouth and on both banks, within a space of 6 leagues, 40 villages. This river has generally been identified with the Mississippi, but Walter Scaife (1892, suppl.) suggested that it was Mobile Bay and River, the outlines of which are well preserved on Spanish charts from this time forward, and Hamilton (1910, p. 10) has proved it quite con- clusively. It is evident from Pineda’s map that he also discovered the mouth of the Mississippi at this time, but later cartographers confounded inlet and river, and made the former the outlet of the 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bute. 137 latter (De Salazar, 1914, map). At the end of the seventeenth century, the principal native tribes about Mobile Bay were the Mobile and Tohome, but they were probably not the occupants of those 40 villages seen by Pineda. In 1521 Ponce de Leon made an attempt to further his Florida claim by establishing a settlement on the peninsula. I agree with Lowery and Davis that the place selected by him was in the Calusa country where he had had his first experiences with the natives (Lowery, 1901, pp. 158, 446; Davis, 1935, pp. 63-64). While his party were endeavoring to put up dwellings, they were attacked with the same determination as before and retired to Cuba, where Ponce soon died of wounds he had received in the encounter. The year before this occurred, Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, one of the auditors of the Island of Santo Domingo, sent out a caravel under the command of Francisco Gordillo with instructions to proceed northward through the Bahama Islands to the continent. On the way Gordillo fell in with another caravel commanded by a kinsman, Pedro de Quexos, sent out on a slave-hunting raid by Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, an auditor associated with Ayllon in the judiciary. The two captains continued together toward the northwest and reached the mainland at the mouth of a considerable river to which they gave the name St. John the Baptist because it was on his day that they made the landfall. This took them into the year 1521. The latitude of the place they estimated to be 30° 30’. The date when they took formal possession of the land in the name of the king and their employers was June 30. They soon opened communications with the natives, whose friendliness they rewarded by carrying off 70 to Santo Domingo. There the unfortunate Indians were Officially freed and it was ordered that they should be restored to their native land at the earliest possible moment, but “meanwhile they were to remain in the hands of Ayllon and Matienzo.” From what Peter Martyr tells us, it would seem that the effect of this action, so far as the Indians was concerned was exactly nothing, that some of them starved to death and that only one of them probably saw his native country again. This exception, an Indian who came to be known as Francisco of Chicora, was noteworthy because he was afterward especially attached to Ayllon as a servant and happened to meet the historian Peter Martyr, who obtained from him an account of the Indians, the longest description of any tribe in North America which can claim such an early date of record. It is of especial value because our information regarding the Siouan tribes living near the coasts of North and South Carolina is exceedingly meager. In 1525 Ayllon sent two caravels under Pedro de Quexos to examine the newly Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 37 discovered region of which he had in the meantime secured the exclusive right of settlement. They explored the coast for 250 leagues and returned to Santo Domingo in July bringing with them one or two Indians from each province to be trained as interpreters. In July 1526, Ayllon himself sailed from Santo Domingo with 3 large vessels and 600 settlers of both sexes. They landed at the mouth of a river which they named the Jordan, probably the Santee, where Francisco of Chicora and the other interpreters showed their good sense by deserting. One vessel was also lost, and, becoming dissatisfied with the place, the settlers removed to a river which they call the Gualdape, 40 or 45 leagues away. This has been variously placed, but I am inclined to think it was near the Savannah River if not that stream itself, since the country from the Savannah south- ward was afterward known as the Province of Guale, a name which the longer term Gualdape may contain. Here, however, many sick- ened and died; on October 18 Ayllon died also, dissensions arose, and in the middle of winter the survivors returned to Hispaniola. (Winsor, 1884-89, vol. 2, pp. 238-241; Anghierra, 1912, vol. 2, pp. 255-257.) Meantime, in 1524-25, Giovanni da Verrazano explored the Atlan- tic coast of America from south to north. By Harrisse (1892, pp. 214-228), he is supposed to have made his first landfall as far south as Florida, but the latitude given by himself is 84°, which would indi- cate some point in the present North Carolina. He recorded a few interesting particulars regarding the inhabitants of the region agree- ing very well with what later writers tell us. The explorations of Estevan Gomez were well to the north. In December, 1526, Panfilo de Narvaez was granted title to all lands between the Rid de las Palmas and the Cape of Florida, and, after unforeseen delays, his fleet of 4 ships and a pinnace sighted the Florida coast on April 14, 1528. Two days later they anchored off the mouth of an inlet which was perhaps Johns Pass, just north of Tampa Bay. At its head was an Indian town with a large communal house, apparently one of the great town houses of the Timucua. In the de- serted habitations the Spaniards found a single gold ornament and some fish nets. Later they discovered another bay, evidently Old Tampa Bay, and from there, on May 1, Narvaez started inland at the head of 300 men after having sent the 3 ships which remained to him along the coast to Panuco. The land force crossed the Withla- coochee and Suwannee and reached an Apalachee town (Ibitachuco) on June 25. There they found an abundance of corn and in the narratives of the expedition occurs what is probably the first refer- ence to those wooden mortars used in reducing corn to flour. Twenty- five days later they set out for a town called Aute, not far from the 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bu. 137 sea, and reached it on July 28. A few days afterward they passed on to the coast of the Gulf. All of this time, and indeed until they left the country for good, they were pursued relentlessly by the Apalachee Indians. Here they determined to build boats in which to make their escape from the country, and 5 boats were finally constructed in which the 242 survivors departed, September 22, 1528. Coasting westward along the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, they pres- ently came upon an Indian village of mat houses which “seemed to be permanent,” on or near Pensacola Bay. Half an hour after sunset, although the Indians had received them at first in a friendly man- ner, they made a sudden onslaught and wounded Narvaez himself in the face with a stone, but were beaten off. The chief of this band was able to escape, leaving in the hands of those who had seized him a robe of “marten-ermine skin,” “which,” says Cabeza de Vaca (1905, p. 45), “I believe, are the finest in the world and give out an odor like amber and musk.” Skins of the same kind and from the same region were particuarly praised. It is probable that they were from the muskrat. The Indians made 8 furious attacks that night until they were finally ambushed from the rear by a party of 15 men, but not one white man escaped unhurt. In the morning, before leaving, the Spaniards destroyed more than 30 canoes. After voyaging 3 days longer they entered a firth and met a canoe- load of Indians who, in reply to a request for water, promised to get some if they were given vessels in which to bring it back. A Christian Greek named Doroteo Teodoro said he would go with them and did so in spite of the attempts of his companions to dissuade him. He took a Negro along, and two Indians remained with the Spaniards as hostages. In the evening the Indians returned with the vessels but with no water in them and neither the Greek nor the Negro. In the morning many canoes of Indians came, demanding their two companions, who had remained in the barge as hostages. The Governor answered that he would give them up, provided they returned the two Christians. With those people there came five or six chiefs, who seemed to us to be of better appearance, greater authority and manner of composure than any we had yet seen, although not as tall as those of whom we have before spoken. They wore the hair loose and very long, and were clothed in robes of marten, of the kind we had obtained previously, some of them done up in a very strange fashion, because they showed patterns of fawn-colored furs that looked very well. (Cabeza de Vaca, 1905, pp. 47-48. ) The mention of long hair shows that we are probably dealing with Indians related to the Choctaw since male Choctaw, unlike the men in surrounding tribes, did not shave any parts of their heads except in time of mourning. ‘The most interesting point connected with these two groups of Indians is the fact that they had very few bows and arrows, but were armed mainly with slings and darts. That these Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 39 events took place near Pensacola and Mobile is strongly indicated by the fact that, 12 years later, De Soto learned that the Greek and the Negro had been killed at a town called Piachi on the lower course of Alabama River. He was shown a dagger which had belonged to the former. Shortly afterward Narvaez and his companions passed the mouth of the Mississippi and, after skirting the shores of the Gulf many miles more, were finally cast ashore on Galveston Island. This location is indicated with considerable exactitude by the name of the tribe of Indians living there which they call Caoque or Cahoque, the Coco or Coaque of later writers, the easternmost tribe of the Karan- kawa Indians. This was on November 6, 1528. Of those whom the sea spared, only four ultimately reached their own people in Mexico, and it is from the narrative of one of these men, Cabeza de Vaca, treasurer and high sheriff of the expedition, that we derive most of our knowledge of its fortunes, or rather misfortunes. It is from that, too, that we derive one of our most important single bodies of information regarding the Indians of the Karankawan, Tonkawan, and Coahuiltecan stocks. (Cabeza de Vaca, 1905, pp. 9-54 et seq.; U. S. De Soto Exped. Comm., 1939, pp. 109-116.) THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO DE SOTO? (See map 12) We now come to the most impressive of all Spanish attempts to conquer and settle the territory of our Gulf States, the expedition of Hernando de Soto. The original documents bearing on this adventure have been reviewed elsewhere and the arguments for the route accepted by the present writer. Here I will confine myself to a somewhat dog- matic review of the course of the army and brief notices of the tribes encountered by it. De Soto was born at the litile town of Xeres de los Caballeros in the Province of Estremadura, Spain, in 1500, and in 1514 he accompanied Pedro Arias de Avila, better known by the shortened form of his name Pedrarias Davila, when that commander accepted the government of Castilla del Oro or Darien. By the time he was 20, De Soto had become a captain, and in 10 years more of warfare with the Indians and civil broils between the Spaniards he became a seasoned commander. A trading partnership with Hernan Ponce, plus the spoils of the Indians, brought him a considerable fortune, which he risked in the most lucky gamble of his life, the Peruvian expedition of Francisco Pizarro. He took an active part in the conquest of the Inca Empire and, next to the Pizarros, benefited most largely from its plunder. In 1536 he returned to Spain to seek a government of his own, applying unsuccess- 1 Authority for the material contained in this chapter will be found in the Final Report of the U. S. De Soto Expedition Commission (1939). 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 137 fully for grants of territory in Ecuador and Guatemala. On April 20, 1537, however, he received the royal permission to “conquer, pacify, and people” the territory from the Province of the Rid de las Palmas as far as Cape Fear on the Atlantic, and to this was joined the governor- ship of the Island of Cuba. During his sojourn in Spain he married Isabel de Bobadilla, one of the daughters of his former commander, Pedrarias. On April 7, 1538, he sailed from San Licar, the port of Seville, with seven large vessels and some smaller ones, touched at the Canary Islands, and reached Santiago de Cuba, then the capital of the islands, June 9 (or possibly 2 days earlier) and marched from there to Havana at the head of his cavalry, while the vessels skirted the island to the same point. During the winter of 1538-39, two caravels were sent across to Fiorida under Juan de Afiasco and a port selected suitable as a point of debarkation for his army. On May 18, 1539, De Soto sailed from Havana with a fleet of 9 vessels, and an army of about 600 men besides perhaps a hundred more camp followers, servants, and slaves. There were more than 200 horses, a herd of hogs, some mules, bloodhounds to track down the Indians, and a vast quantity of provisions and materials for equipping the army and founding a colony. On May 25 they came upon the Florida coast a short distance below Afasco’s port. This was soon identified, however, and on May 30 most of the army was put ashore, while the vessels worked toward the Indian town which was their objective, gradually unloading with the assistance of the small boats accompanying them. The data supplied by the chroniclers and the topography of the region indicate plainly that this was the Indian town site on Terra Ceia Island, and the point where the army was landed Shaws Point. On June 3, 1539, formal possession was taken of the land of Florida, and shortly afterward they had the good fortune to be joined by a Spaniard of Seville named Juan Ortiz, formerly with Narvaez, who had lived with the Indians nearly a dozen years and spoke their language fluently. Until his death at Utiangue, west of the Mississippi, he was the chief interpreter of the expedition. The town occupied by them was called Ogita and probably belonged to one of the Timucua tribes. The coun- try around it did not, however, appeal to De Soto as a suitable place for a permanent settlement, and on June 20 he dispatched his Chief Constable, Baltasar de Gallegos, to an inland tribe called Urri- paracoxi, whose chief was said to dominate those along the coast. Although the Urriparacoxi chief proved unfriendly, Gallegos trans- mitted such flattering accounts of the lands farther on, that De Soto determined to move his army inland, and on July 15 began the march, leaving about a hundred men under Pedro Calderén to hold the port and form the nucleous of a colony in case he should decide to return thither. A garden was actually planted by them during their stay. 464735 O - 46 (Face p. 4 OCALE ¢ UQUETEN ¢ + Bb SS 7 Smanoee” vinyant 1 « ickbacne st } poeesee.. aes ie (Zs » a 464735 © - 46 (Face p. 40) -<--7 > Map 12.—Route of Hernando de Soto and Luis de Moscoso through the Southeast. ~— =e ~ ee eee oes 4 - an, es aa tt 4 4 ee) oe) Wee sn » ~ e e ~ aA > 4 ‘ Wy P . »! 6 x. fs ? < ’ ' ‘ - ‘. . y va ‘ : . ~ = PS “4 ry « * epee z aa Rieke foe . ee a e eee bes ” ‘ ‘ > . ‘ io “the rs 3 : he - : i [i “4 ; - ¢ oh tee aie ry 4 WA > » A ; : : 7 ‘/ - ‘ 7 . cet Oe ae tv ae &.*8 i : ¥«.. ¢ q - , 8 P ‘ hs . ¥ dl 8% , — +. e A i vf An ‘ 2 ph ‘ _ H ike ie Ws ’ vi os < of ; ; Pare = a + . » ‘@ per ' " an ' “ ~ a *. * ? . ud A . -" c w) y fey 4 tat ~” ; * . : é A> ‘ oat * =. © j ~~ oe : es etal d ——— MO h / F 4 ‘ ‘ . ° Soe A 72 4p¢P ) - — ; t . - | - . ¥ > fe ¥ ote 4 a , > we - a Ore ag. eee a ery Raton, aos ) as : ¢ We ms i ~> ky ; ; » fs - ‘ « , > 4 ‘ - > far aa * . ‘ , » a? ts pS a ee —) : 4 ‘ ; ms f i bat at 7 z : >" " . ' f 7h F id .* i‘ . x. ’ . 4 4 2 * ‘4 ' a? _ i ’ ’ o a, { \ : J ‘ » - j \ : fy = : \ > ‘ / -_ y i Z > rl > . P P Z . 4 { t : “J * “ : : : / A ‘ ro : : nd : ; : j , ’ of 2 J > = gwanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 41 The route followed by De Soto took him across the Alafia and Hillsboro Rivers to the west bank of the Withlacoochee, near which Urriparacoxi evidently lay, and where De Soto was joined by his lieutenant. After an unsuccessful attempt to cross the river and the swampy country beyond, De Soto skirted the lowlands now occupied by Tsala Apopka Lake and crossed the river below the latter in the neighborhood of Stokes Ferry. The chief town of Ocale to which the Spaniards now came was probably not far from Silver Springs, he- cause it is in this direction that Indian remains are most numerous. On August 11 De Soto set out again toward the north, leaving his Master of the Camp, Luis de Moscoso, in charge of the remainder of the army. Advancing through the present Alachua County, then occupied by the powerful Potano tribe of the Timucuan connection, he came to a town called Cholupaha and nearby a river which had to be bridged. Beyond lay the capital of the Aguacaleyquen Indians, also Timucua, and beyond that another river requiring another bridge. Finding Indians numerous, and apparently threatening, De Soto sent messengers to Moscoso from Aguacaleyquen, directing him to come on with the rest of the army and on September 4 all were reunited. The first river must have been the Santa Fe and the second in all probability Olustee Creek. Neither of these would ordinarily require bridges, but the narratives testify that the fall of 1539 was exceedingly rainy, and 38 days after leaving Aguacaleyquen they were held up for 2 days at a town, which they named Many Waters, on account of the excessive rainfall. On the way they passed through another Timucua town called Uriutina, which prob- ably stood near Lake City. Beyond Many Waters they came to a town known as Napituca, where occurred a terrific battle with the Indians. This is sometimes called the Battle of the Two Lakes, be- cause the Indians when defeated took refuge in two small bodies of water near by, where a part of them were forced to surrender. One day’s journey from Napetaca brought them to the River of the Deer, the Suwannee, and they were delayed another day building a bridge on which they crossed September 25 and came to another town of some importance called Ucachile, where they rested for 3 days. In 2 days more they reached Agile or Aucilla, the last town in the Timucua country; on the day following they reached the Aucilla River, where they began building another bridge; and on October 3 they got across and spent the night at the Apalachee town of Ibitachuco. The Apalachee Indians apparently retained unpleas- ant memories of Narvaez and opposed this new Spanish army, but on October 6 the latter reached Iniahica, which seems to have been regarded as the principal Apalachee town. This was undoubtedly on or close to the site occupied by the present capital of Florida, Talla- hassee, and here the expedition spent the winter of 1539-1540. 492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | Buu. 137 Having determined to give up his base at Tampa Bay and march inland, De Soto now sent back 30 horsemen almost immediately with orders to Calderén to rejoin his army. ‘These men were placed under the command of Juan de Afiasco, who returned himself in the smaller boats to the Apalachee port near Shell Bay, the larger vessels having already been returned to Havana. Afiasco arrived November 29 and Calderén at about the same time. Almost immediately De Soto sent another of his captains, Francisco Maldonado, westward in the pinnaces to locate a second port at which provisions and reinforce- ments could be delivered to his army at the end of another summer’s exploration. Maldonado spent 2 months on this expedition and re- turned to the Apalachee port in February to announce that he had found a suitable inlet in a province called Achuse. Undoubtedly the Spaniards applied this name in later years to both Mobile Bay and Pensacola Bay, but I am inclined to favor Pensacola Bay in this instance, and it was Pensacola to which the name became ultimately affixed. Almost immediately after his return from this mission, on Febru- ary 26, 1540, to be exact, Maldonado was sent back to Havana with the pinnaces and with instructions to meet the army with supplies that fall at the port he had located. During his fight at the Two Lakes, De Soto had captured an Indian belonging to a province in the interior of the Gulf region, probably occupied by Muskogee Indians. He is called by the chroni- clers Pedro from the baptismal name afterward bestowed upon him, or by the diminutive form of it, Perico. This Indian had been telling his captors that he belonged to a great and rich province toward the northeast called Yupaha, and the Spaniards understood from him that gold was mined in that country. “He showed how the metal was taken from the earth, melted, and refined, exactly as though he had seen it all done, or else the Devil had taught him how it was,” and it did not require the efforts of an expert at deception to fire the enthusiasm of the entire army to advance forthwith upon that won- derful land. On March 3, therefore, De Soto broke up his camp in the midst of the brave and persistently hostile Apalachee and set out toward the north. Instead of moving directly northeast, however, De Soto directed his course slightly west of north to the nearest occupied territory, a province called Capachequi lying a short distance west of Flint River. During this entire expedition, but particularly after leaving Iniahica, the Spaniards were dependent upon the granaries of the unfortunate natives and consistently directed their march through the more thickly settled parts of the country. Crossing the Guacuca (Ochlockonee) River, in 3 days they came to the River of Capachequi Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 43 (the Flint). The river was high and the current swift and they were obliged to construct a barge fastened at each end by a cable, in which men and equipment could be drawn across. All did not effect the passage until March 10. Next day they reached the main settlements of Capachequi, where they spent 5 days although the inhabitants were unfriendly. This province probably lay about the point where the Georgia counties Miller, Early, and Baker come together. They left Capachequi on March 17 and spent the night at a very beautiful spring they called White Spring, probably at the head of Alligator Creek. Next day they reached the River Toa (the Ichaway- nochaway), which they also found high and running with a swift current, so that two attempts at bridge building failed until a device suggested by Nuiio de Tobar was tried, after which the bridge held and by March 22 all were across. Early on the 23d they arrived at a large village called Toa, which is plausibly identified with a site around two Indian mounds on what is called Pine Island in Dougherty County, Ga. About midnight of the same day, De Soto set forward with 40 horsemen and a large body of foot soldiers to reconnoitre a tribe farther on called Chisi or Ichisi. There is reason to think that the Toa Indians were connected with the Hitchiti, but the name of the Ichisi is similar to the word by which true Muskogee were known to the Hitchiti, and it is probable that this tribe, which they found peacefully inclined, unlike those they had been among, was related to the Muskogee or Creeks proper. De Soto first came upon a village on an island and then to other villages, to a bad passage in another stream or swamp, where a Portuguese, Benito Fernandez, was drowned, and to a town beyond that where they were met by messengers from the tribal chief. Two days more brought them to the place of resi- dence of this chief on the opposite side of a river which they call Rid Grande. This Rié Grande can only have been the Flint, and it is surmised that the island town which they first reached was in the Kinchafoonee and that the “bad passage” was the crossing of the Muckalee. Because this was the first chief “who came to them in peace,” they “borrowed” only a few carriers from him, and they set up a wooden cross on the mound of his village. This was on April 1, and the next day they set out again, arriving on the 3d at a river which had its course eastward instead of south. There dwelt the Altamaha Indians (part of the Yamasee), who were also friendly. The chief directed them first to a town where they could obtain food and next day sent canoes to take them to his own side of the river, where they remained from April 4 until the 8th. On the 7th they set up a 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [PRuLy. 137 cross in his village also. The river turning eastward was evidently the Ocmulgee and the location of the Altamaha Indians was in Telfair County. The place where our explorers came upon this river was evidently not much if any above Abbeville, where the eastward trend of the river becomes first noticeable. Here they were met by the chief of a town higher up the river called Ocute, identi- fied with the main settlement of the Hitchiti, and they accompanied him to his home, which was not far from the present Hawkinsville, Ga. Erecting another cross at Ocute, they passed on to two neighbor towns called Cofaqui and Patofa, 1 day’s march beyond, and there- fore probably near the present Westlake, or possibly as high up as the Indian site at Bullard. At this point the army now turned directly east in search of the province of which Pedro had been telling them, between which and the settlements on the Ocmulgee lay a region at that time unin- habited. Two days’ travel brought them to a river divided into two channels, which they forded with the greatest difficulty, several of their hogs being drowned in the passage. The river was, of course, the Oconee and the place where they crossed is identified by the description as Carr Shoals, 6 miles above Dublin, Ga. In 2 days more they reached the Ogeechee, but by that time they had wandered from the trail and it is impossible to know where on that stream they crossed, though it must have been not far from the present Louisville. Another 2 days brought them to a third river, “a very large river and hard to cross which was divided into two streams.” Elvas says that it was “of a more violent current [than the others], and larger, which was got over with more difficulty, the horses swimming for a lance’s length at the coming out, into a pine-grove.” Garcilaso identi- fies this river with the one on which Cofitachequi, the Yupaha capital, was located; that is, as we shall see, the Savannah. The other narra- tives, however, show plainly that it was distinct, and there is no other answering to the description within a day’s journey of the Savannah except Brier Creek. Ordinarily Brier Creek is a rather sluggish body of water, but sometimes it rises and develops considerable current, and we know that this was a wet spring because Ranjel says, speaking of this period of their journey, that they were “drenched with continual rain, the rivers always rising and narrowing the land.” After an attempt to continue beyond this stream, De Soto deemed it best to return to it at a place where were some Indian cabins. There they camped while sending scouting parties in all directions in search of settlements. At this time the utility of their herd of swine became apparent because for many days they were reduced to an almost com- plete dependence on their flesh. Finally, Afiasco, who had been sent Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 45 down the river, returned with news of an Indian town and two Indians as guides, who took them thither. The town was named Hymahi or Aymay, and there they found more than 30 bushels of parched corn. At the abandoned camp they left a message for the other scouting parties indicating their whereabouts and all presently came in, but one of them, Juan Rodriguez Lobillo, was sent back to bring up two companions he had left behind. On April 30 De Soto himself went forward with an Indian woman as guide and reached “a large, deep river,” the Savannah, where he camped for the night, Afasco being sent on in advance to secure interpreters and canoes in which to cross. Next morning De Soto joined him on the river bank opposite the town of Cofitachequi, and presently a kinswoman of the chieftainess came across to greet the Spanish commander, being followed shortly by the niece of that lady. This niece is the individual usually called “the Lady of Cofitachequi.” She brought with her many presents and handed De Soto himself a necklace of pearls which she was wearing. Her people also provided canoes in which the entire army was ferried to her town, a part, however, being soon sent to another village called Ilapi where there was a plentiful supply of corn. The traditional site of this town is Silver Bluff about 20 miles below Augusta, Ga., but on the South Carolina side of the river. This identification rests in part on an Indian tradition coming through the trader George Galphin, who owned the bluff in the early part of the eighteenth century, but it is supported by the narratives of the Pardo expedition. Juan Pardo was sent into the interior of what is now South Carolina by Pedro Menendez in 1566 and 1567. He set out from the Spanish post of Santa Elena near modern Beaufort, and estimated that Cofitachequi was half way to the Appalachian Moun- tains. He states also that it was the last Indian settlement with swamps in the neighborhood and that the day after leaving it on his journey toward the north they passed entirely out of the swamp country. The chieftainess of Cofitachequi, aunt, as supposed, of the “Lady,” was not seen by her European guests although they made two efforts to discover her whereabouts, and on May 13, less than 2 weeks after their arrival, they set out northward in quest of another town of which they had had previous intimation, a town called Cog¢a. About a league from Cofitachequi was an abandoned village called Talomeco and in it a temple or ossuary of which Garcilaso de la Vega gives an elaborate description, and where, as well as in the ossuary of Cofitachequi itself, were quantities of pearls. In the latter they also found several articles of Spanish origin which they believed, probably correctly, to have been brought by the colonists of Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon in 1526. The presence of an f in the name of Cofitachequi, the 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 name of Talimeco itself, and the probable identity of the town Ilapi with the later Hilibi, all point to an identification of this province with part of the Muskogee, probably the main part of the Lower Creeks. On leaving Cofitachequi, the Spaniards took with them many pounds of pearls from the ossuary of Cofitachequi, “presented” by the “Lady,” and they carried along the “Lady” also, as was their wont in similar cases to secure subordination and service from the Indians under her influence. The Pardo narratives help us to the conclusion that the Spaniards now kept northeast of the Savannah on a well- marked trail between that river and the Saluda. There is no reference to a repassage of the Savannah, as some writers have assumed, and on the sixth day of their march they came to a town called Guaquili, evidently identical with the Aguaquiri of Pardo, which was clearly northeast of the Savannah. Before reaching Guaquili, on the second day after his departure from Cofitachequi, De Soto came to a province called Chalaque. Most writers have assumed too hastily from this reference, from an error as to distance by Elvas, and from a somewhat confusing note farther along in Ranjel’s narrative, that this referred to the Cherokee country. The location is, however, very far south of any site occupied by Cherokee in historic or traditionary times. The name is probably nothing more than a form of the Muskogee word “Chilokee,” which signifies “people of a different language” and which very likely became permanently affixed to the Cherokee at a later period. As used by the De Soto chroniclers, however, it was most likely applied to people speaking an eastern Siouan language, which would equally have been “a different speech.” On May 21 De Soto reached Xuala near the foot of the Appalachian Mountains, and there he was joined next day by Gallegos with the remainder of the army. As Mooney pointed out many years ago, Xuala, which would be Shuala in English, was evidently a Mus- kogee attempt at Cheraw or Saraw, there being no 7 in the Muskogee tongue. This town I believe to have been located on a knoll known locally as Towns Hill between Knox and Crane Creeks. This not only corresponds to the position given by the narratives of the ex- pedition, but is indicated by requirements laid down in the subsequent narratives. Thus, after leaving Xuala they went over “a very high range” and in 2 days came to and “crossed the river, wading up to their shins, by which later they were to depart in the brigantines.” This can only have been one of the head streams of the Tennessee, for no other waters in this section flow into the Mississippi, the river “by which they were to depart” from the country. It has been some- times identified with the Coosa, but this is disproved by the testimony of the De Soto map and by the fact that they recognized the Coosa Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 47 as one of those which flowed “into the Bay of Chuse,” i. e., Mobile Bay or Pensacola. Now, the only head stream of the Tennessee which lay squarely in the path of the Spaniards was the Little Tennessee. Ranjel’s language makes it clear that they crossed this at some point where it appeared to be a considerable river and this would not be the case far above Franklin, N. C. The sensible thing for them to do would have been to travel west from Towns Hill to Stekoa Creek and then north through Rabun Gap, but in that case there would have been no occasion to cross the Little Tennessee at all except near its head where they could almost have jumped it. Nor would they in passing up War Woman Creek have been obliged to cross “a very high range.” It is evident, therefore, that they must have crossed to the neighborhood of Franklin by what is called the Winding Stair Trail, which crosses the Chattooga at Burrells Ford and passes through Victoria or Horse Cove and Highlands and down along Cullasaja Creek. However, it seems that there was another trail passing Chat- tooga River at Nicholas Ford, ascending the West Branch of that river and going down to the Little Tennessee by way of the Tessuntee. Near the Little Tennessee their royal hostage gave them the slip, and, to their still greater regret, carried off with her a box of un- bored pearls. On May 28 they left this river and spent the night in an oak wood, and the night following by “a large stream which they crossed many times.” Early on the following day they reached a town of considerable importance called Guasili. Next morning, May 31, they set out from Guasili and again spent the night in an oak wood. The day after, June 1, they passed a place called Cana- soga and slept in the open country beyond. The fact that for much of this time they were following a river and presently camped near a town called Canasoga gives a clue to the course they were pursuing, for the Hiwassee, flowing west into the Tennessee, lies di- rectly west of Franklin, and just below the point where it emerges from the mountains into the Tennessee Valley it receives a stream called Cannasauga. It seems evident that the Spaniards climbed the mountains west of Franklin along the valley of Cartogechaye Creek on what was afterward known as the Macon Trail, and de- scended into the valley of Shooting Creek, which they followed to the Hiwassee. The well-known town site at the mouth of Peachtree Creek, where a mound of considerable size was excavated under the Civil Works Administration, between December 21, 1933, and April 1, 1934,? corresponds excellently with the location of Guasili. The canyon of Hiwassee River would have presented some difficulties to the progress of the army, but none greater than those they had already encountered. It is furthermore significant that there is no ? The report of the results of this work is contained in Setzler and Jennings (1941). 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 reference to a camp by the river for some days after they left Canasoga and the reason is plain. At this point the great war trail from Virginia and the New River crosses the Hiwassee and reaches the Tennessee above Chattanooga. Evidently the Spaniards took their line of march along this trail and that is furthermore indicated by the fact that they indeed came out upon a great river on the second day of their march, “the river which they had crossed in the plain where the woman chief went off.” Ranjel adds, “it was now very large,” and naturally, since this was the main channel of the Ten- nessee. On June 5 the army entered Chiaha on an island in the great river two crossbow shots from its upper end and 1 league from the lower end. The location of this island and the description of it are perfectly met by Burns Island in the Tennessee River just before it enters Ala- bama, but if it was not that island, certainly it was Williams Island above or Long Island below. Here the explorers spent 3 weeks to re- cuperate and rest their horses after the arduous journey from Xuala. During that period two soldiers were sent across the mountains to the north to visit a province called Chisca, probably occupied by Yuchi Indians, where there was copper and where they hoped to find gold. On June 28 the army left Chiaha and marched along the river to a town called Coste or Costehe situated on another island almost cer- tainly identifiable with Pine Island. The wording of Ranjel’s narra- tive would lead us to suppose that they crossed the Tennessee twice on the way, once to the north bank, perhaps near the foot of Long Island, and again to the south at Bellefonte Island, and entered Coste at the upper end of Pine Island by fording the south branch of the river. Here they were joined by their wounded, brought from Chiaha by canoe, and accompanying them the Chisca messengers, who had been unable to reach their objective but brought with them a beautiful bison skin. The reason for the detour made by the army along the north bank of Tennessee River is to be found in a high bluff between the mouth of Raccoon Creek and Bellefonte Island on the south shore. Coste is identified with the Koasati town of later times which sometimes gave its name to the river. On leaving it, we are told specifically that the explorers crossed “the other branch of the river,” which, if we have been correct so far, would mean the north branch. On July 10 they entered the Tali town which is believed to have stood on McKee Island, and next day they set out toward the great province of Coga of which glowing accounts had reached them when they were still in central Georgia. That night they slept in the open country, and during the next 3 days crossed as many rivers, arriving on the third evening at a town called Tasqui. Coca was on the Coosa River and to reach it from the Tennessee it was necessary to cross Sand Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 49 Mountain. It is believed that the three rivers were Wills Creek, Canoe Creek, and the Coosa River, and that Tasqui was a town occupied by Tuskegee Indians, although the Tuskegee in later times were at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. Passing south along the east bank of Coosa River, they entered Coca on July 16, the chief of that town coming out to meet them in great state, borne in a litter upon the shoulders of his principal warriors. The Spaniards remained encamped here for more than a month, and, as was usually the case, they succeeded in that time in securing the ill-will of its inhabitants. They left August 20 and encamped for the night at a place called Talimuchasy, the Creek word for “New Town,” and the next day at Itaba, conjecturally located at an ancient Indian site on Hatchet Creek. On the 31st they reached Ulibahali, in which name it is not difficult to recognize the Creek war town of Hothliwa- hali. This was evidently at or near the place later occupied by it on Tallapoosa River at the junction of Chubbehatchee Creek. On Sep- tember 2 they left Ulibahali and, marching west along the south side of the Tallapoosa and Alabama Rivers, camped on the 6th at Tuasi, believed to have been in the northwestern suburbs of the present Mont- gomery. On the 18th they reached a settlement called Talisi, where they remained until October 5. It was large and almost encircled by the Alabama River, and this fact has enabled the historians of Ala- bama to identify it with one of the sites on Durand’s Bend. Here De Soto received a messenger from 'Tascalusa, a powerful chief living on the lower course of Alabama River, and he was presently followed by one of Tascalusa’s own sons with whom, on his return, De Soto sent two of his companions in the capacity of spies. On October 5 the explorers set out from Talisi, and spent the night at a town called Casiste, on the bank of Alabama River and occupied by a part of the Kasihta Indians. The following day they passed into the territory of the Mobile Indians under Tascalusa’s sway, and after camping for the night at several towns along the Alabama, on October 10 they reached a new village named Athahachi, where Tascalusa had taken up his residence. This chieftain met the Span- iards in state and impressed them profoundly on account of his gigan- tic stature and imperial bearing. Nevertheless, they did not hesitate to make him a virtual prisoner, as was their wont, and use him as a guide in penetrating the country under his control. On the 12th they took their departure from this place and on the 13th entered Piachi, Tascalusa’s capital town, which was on a high bluff over- hanging the river, probably where Claiborne now stands. Here they learned that the two men sent ashore by Narvaez after water had been slain, and the inhabitants immediately showed their continued hostility by killing two of the men who had been placed as guards 464735—46——_5 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buwn. 137 over their chief. They also claimed that they had no canoes and compelled the Spaniards to make cane rafts for the passage of the river. On the 15th or 16th the explorers finished crossing and camped in the forest, and in 2 or 3 days more, early on the morn- ing of October 18, St. Luke’s day, they reached a fortified town called Mabila, where Tascalusa had promised to give them carriers and supplies and to turn over to them the slayers of the two Span- iards. Except that this must have been somewhere in Clarke County, Ala., we are ignorant of its location, although from the nature of the encounter of which it was the scene, it would seem as though plenty of material for identification must have been left on the spot. Here, at any rate, the Indians of Tascalusa rose upon their European visitors and were nearly wiped out in the ensuing contest, which cost the Spaniards themselves the lives of about 20 men and a number of horses besides all the pearls they had brought from Cofitachequi and a large part of their reserve equipment. Nearly all of the remaining Spaniards bore scars upon their bodies. This battle had a decisive influence upon the entire course of the expedition. Coming as it did just before De Soto planned to meet Maldonado at the port of Achuse, it discouraged his followers so completely that many of them fully intended to desert as soon as they reached the ships; and the loss of the pearls, the only riches they had been able to secure, deprived De Soto of the bait he counted upon to fill the files of his army. Word of the treachery contem- plated, in which the treasurer of the expedition, Juan Gaytan, seems to have been the ringleader, reaching De Soto determined him to save his enterprise, one in which he had invested his entire fortune, by moving again into the interior. On November 14, therefore, after having spent nearly a month in recuperation and to allow the wounds of his followers to heal, De Soto marched directly north, and in 4 days discovered “a fine river.” The trail they were pursuing was probably almost along the line of a later road which ran from Grove- hill to the neighborhood of Thomasville, and then through Dixon’s Mills and Linden to Old Spring Hill, where it divided, one branch going to Demopolis and the other to Greenville. The river they came upon was the Tombigbee or the Black Warrior. If the former, it must have been at the bend west of Linden; if the latter, as seems most likely, it would have been near the mouth of Prairie Creek. The next day, November 18, they passed over bad places and through swamps and reached an Indian town called Talicpacana or Taliepataua, beyond which were two others, Mogulixa and Zabusta. The location of these villages has been very satisfactorily determined by J. Y. Brame as lying along what is called Melton’s Bend not far from the old town of Erie. The names are clearly in the Choctaw language Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 51 and the province is called by Elvas “Pafallaya,” which is undoubtedly intended for Patsfalaya, “Long Hairs,” an ancient name of the Choctaw Indians. In later times Choctaw were living in this neigh- borhood, though not on the sites mentioned. These Choctaw, like so many other Indians, objected to being plundered, and removed their provisions to the opposite side of the river, making it necessary for the Spaniards to spend more than a week constructing a pirogue in which to effect the crossing. When it was completed, they had little difficulty in forcing the passage and confiscating the corn stored nearby. A little higher up this river was a town which seems to have been a kind of capital for the dis- trict, since it gave its name Apafalaya to the river and, as we have seen, to the province. This is believed to have occupied an old Indian town site at Stephens Bluff. Taking the chief of this town as their “guide,” in their accustomed manner, on December 9 the explorers set out once more toward the north, and on the 14th, after traversing “many bad passages and swamps and cold rivers,” they came to the “River of Chicaca,” which they found overflowing its bed. This was, of course, the Tom- _ bigbee, and, these Indians also being hostile, they were again obliged to take time to build a pirogue. It was probably smaller than the barge constructed to cross the Black Warrior, for they were ready to attempt the passage on December 16, the Indians having been frightened away in the meantime by a threat to their position on the part of Gallegos dispatched up river with 30 horsemen. Late that night De Soto with a body of cavalry arrived at an Indian village abandoned by its inhabitants. Next day Gallegos appeared and at the same time, presumably, the remainder of the army. It seems certain that the crossing place was either at Cotton Gin Port just below the junction of the two forks of the Tombigbee, or Morgan’s Ferry just below Aberdeen, probably the latter. If the former sup- position is correct, the Chickasaw town they entered may have been at or close to the Chickasaw towns of a later date close to Tupelo. If the latter theory is right, the town was evidently farther west, in the northern edge of Chickasaw County or the southern edge of Pontotoc. During the following winter De Soto was persuaded by the Indians to send a part of his force against the Sacchuma (Chak- chiuma), then probably on Lines Creek, that they might divide his army and destroy it, but the ruse proved unsuccessful. In any case, the army encamped here until March 4 following. On that date they had planned to resume their journey toward the west and had made the usual “request’? of the Chickasaw chief for bearers. Early in the morning, however, the Chickasaw fell upon them, surprising the sentinels, who had been unusually remiss, and 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 setting fire to the dwellings, which were utterly consumed. Our best authorities agree that had the Indians not been frightened away by stampeding horses, which they mistook for mustering cavalry, the entire army would have been destroyed. In this battle only about a dozen Spaniards were killed, but between 50 and 60 horses were destroyed, a loss almost as serious as that of soldiers, since the vic- tories of the Spaniards were due largely to the greater mobility their cavalry gave them. At the same time so much clothing and equipment was consumed in the burning houses that the survivors were in a wretched condition, and they freely admitted that had the Indians attacked them again immediately afterward they would have erished to a man. Fortunately, another attack was not ventured until March 15, giving them time to retemper and rehaft their weapons and provide themselves with substitute clothing. This re- conditioning took place at a secofid Village 1 league from the one where they had passed the winter. On account of this negligence in posting sentinels on the night of the attack, Luis de Moscoso was demoted from his position as Master of the Camp and the place given to Gallegos. The Indian attack on the 15th was easily repulsed, and on April 26 the army set out once more, first stopping at a small town belong- ing to the Alibamo tribe, where they sent foraging parties into the country in search of provisions, having heard that a wilderness of considerable extent lay before them. One of these parties, which was led by Juan de Afiasco, discovered a stockaded fort garrisoned by a large body of Indians. Biedma affirms that this was not an occupied town, but had been erected to challenge the courage of the Europeans. De Soto ordered the place carried and this was done in short order with slight loss on both sides but no further advantage to the explorers, as it was not provisioned. On April 30, after recuperating in some measure, they resumed their march westward, passing through unoccupied country wooded and with many swamps, and on May 8 they came to a small tribe called Quizquiz on the banks of the Mississippi, which they saw for the first time, though its mouth had been observed earlier by Pineda and Narvaez and probably others. On May 21 they established them- selves near the bank and began making barges on which they crossed on June 18, spending the night at a village belonging to a tribe called Aquixo. Next day they set out toward the north, penetrated “the worst tract of swamp and water they had seen in all Florida,” and came to the territory of a tribe called Casqui, a land “more high, dry, and level” than any they saw along the river. In the principal town of this tribe they set up a wooden cross and about it conducted the first Christian ceremony to. take place in the State of Arkansas. SwANTON] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 53 This was in answer to the prayers of the chief, whose fields were suffering from drought, and a few days afterward we learn that there were abundant rains. At Casqui the Spaniards were told of a wealthy province toward the north called Pacaha at war with the Casqui Indians, and De Soto set out for that country on the 26th. Next day he crossed a swampy bayou which lay between the two tribes, and on the 29th entered the chief settlement of Pacaha, whose inhabitants had abandoned it and sought refuge on an island in the Mississippi higher up. Thither De Soto immediately followed them and peace was soon made, the Pacaha chief and his people returning to their town and the Spaniards establishing themselves there for a month while they sent exploring parties inland toward the west and north. There has been much discussion over the place where De Soto crossed the Mississippi, but the strongest reasons may be adduced for locating it at Sunflower Landing below Friar Point, Miss. In the first place, we are told that, on leaving the Alibamo fort, the Spaniards went “through a wilderness, having many pondy places, with thick forests, fordable, however, on horseback, except some basins or lakes that were swum” (Elvas). Of the three routes which have been advocated by the most competent students, via Memphis, Commerce Landing, and Sunflower Landing, this description applies to only the second and third. As between these, however, it is a significant fact that Sunflower Landing is the only point south of Crowley’s Ridge, and Crowley’s Ridge is the only high land west of the river corresponding to that in the province of Casqui. From a lowland province, Aquixo, by the river, they passed to higher land at Casqui and again to low land by the river in the province of Pacaha. This succession would not be encountered if the Spaniards had crossed at Commerce Landing orat Memphis. There is still another argument based on the identification of Ouachita River as the River of Cayas or Anileo. Counting the number of cardinal rivers crossed back from the Ouachita, we are brought to Sunflower Landing. If we count back from the Arkansas, we are taken beyond the St. Francis. The Quachita having been identified with the River of Cayas on inde- pendent evidence, Sunflower Landing is indicated rather than Com- merce Landing or Memphis. This conclusion seems inescapable. The affiliations of the tribes encountered by De Soto in this region are in considerable doubt. There is every reason to believe that the Casqui were the later Kaskinampo who finally united with the Musk- hogean Koasati. It was formerly thought that the Pacaha were the later Quapaw and such may have been the case, though their culture, as indicated in the De Soto narratives, was quite distinct. I am rather inclined to regard them as a branch of the Tunica, as also the 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu, 137 Aquixo and Quizquiz Indians, since Tunica Oldfields near Friar Point marks a former location of the Tunica tribe. However, this is highly speculative. The province of Quizquiz may have been about the Alligator Mounds, Aquixo about Avenue south of Old- town Lake, and Pacaha a short distance above the mouth of St. Francis River. While De Soto’s army was at Pacaha, one expedition penetrated the country toward the northwest but found only bands of wild huntsmen and territory difficult to pass through on account of the tall grass and underbrush. On account of this unpromising out- look and because he heard of populous towns to the south, De Soto determined to return in that direction. Taking their departure from Pacaha on July 29, the Spaniards passed through the Casqui country and August 1 came to the River of Casqui “as large as the Guadal- quivir,” evidently White River, and were ferried across it by the Casqui Indians. Traveling farther south they came, on the 5th, to “the largest village which they saw in that country,” named Qui- guate, and they remained there 20 days. The form of this name allies it with a number of other towns more to the south and sug- gests that it was Natchez, but the relationship is uncertain. The site corresponds very well with the Menard mound group a few miles east of Arkansas Post. At Quiguate De Soto learned of a town “near some mountains” toward the northwest, and, thinking that silver and gold might be found there, he determined to direct his march thither. On August 26 the army set out and passing four marshes in as many days came to a river which they followed up, arriving at the town of Coligua on September 1. This was “a populous place along the gorge of a river” and is believed to have been at the present Little Rock, the river they had followed being, of course, the Arkansas. Nearby were many bison. Although considerable plunder was secured in this town, there was no gold or silver, and on September 6 they turned toward the southwest, where they had learned of a populous province called Cayas, and next day they reached Calpista, where there was a salt spring, perhaps near the present Benton, Ark. Continuing in the same general direction by easy stages they spent one day in a province called Palisema, and on the 13th or 14th they came to a large river, the one which they afterward called the River of Cayas or Anilco. This was undoubtedly the Ouachita. On the 15th De Soto rode forward with some cavalry to a better province called Tanico, where the remainder of the army joined him next day. This is sometimes identified with the salt province and sometimes it is treated as if it were distinct. Here, in any case, they spent some time extracting salt along the Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES Sb banks of a rivulet which may have been Salt Creek, a stream flowing into Ouachita River near the bend above Arkadelphia. The main part of the province where they were encamped probably lay con- siderably farther up, about Cedarglades or Buckerville. Hearing of Tula, a province in a southerly direction, on October 1 the Governor set out to reconnoiter it with 13 horsemen and 50 foot soldiers, but he was set upon so vigorously that he returned next day in haste. On the 5th he led the entire army thither, and they entered the town 2 days later. It was abandoned, but the next morning the in- habitants came upon them and a conflict followed so severe that, al- though the Indians were driven off, Ranjel calls them “the best fighting people that the Christians met with.” The language of these Tula Indians was so different from the speech of those among whom the Spaniards had been traveling that they had difficulty in finding an in- terpreter. We know now that they were one of the Caddo tribes and feel safe in locating them about the present Caddogap and on Caddo River. There is reason to think that the Coligua, Tanico, and Palisema provinces were occupied by Tunica Indians, the first two being the tribes we later encounter under the names Koroa and Tunica, while Palisema seems to have a Tunican ending. Acting on information obtained from the Tula Indians, De Soto now decided to turn toward the southeast where he was told of a tribe named Utiangue from which he hoped to obtain provisions for the approaching winter. In 4 days they reached a place called Quipana, which was either on the Ouachita or the Little Missouri, and, contin- uing on down the Ouachita came, on November 2, to the object of their search. To reach it the Spaniards may have gone down Antoine Creek to the Little Missouri River and followed that to the Ouachita, or descended to the latter by Caddo River. In any case, Utiangue was certainly upon the Ouachita and probably near Camden or Calion. At Utiangue the explorers found the provisions they were in search of and, mindful of previous experiences when in their winter quarters among the Apalachee and Chickasaw, promptly constructed a stock- ade about their camp. From our chroniclers it appears that the winter of 1541-42 was very cold, and they declared that there was snow during a month. March 6, 1542, De Soto broke camp at Utiangue and descended the Ouachita in search of a province called Anilco because he heard that it was near the Rid Grande, that is, the Mississippi, and he needed to reach the sea in order to recruit his forces. During the winter Juan Ortiz had died and afterward the explorers were often in great diffi- culties owing to the fact that they were not able to understand their other interpreters sufficiently well. At a place called Ayays, believed to have been near Columbia, La., they crossed the Quachita to the 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buit. 137 eastern bank and continued down it until stopped by a lake, or rather side branch, which was flowing into the main stream with great vio- lence. After considerable delay they crossed, though whether to the east or west we are uncertain, and on March 29th entered Anilco, finding it to be in a very fertile country, with greater stores of corn than any they had visited hitherto except Apalachee and Coga. Shortly after reaching this province, De Soto received a visit from the chief of a tribe called Guachoya, whose town was on the Mississippi and who was an enemy of the chief of Anilco. As he intended to reach the Mississippi, he determined to proceed to Guachoya with his army and led the greater part of it overland, sending 50 men in 6 canoes to the same place down the river. Upon the approach of this army, the Guachoya chief at first abandoned his town and with the rest of his Indians fled to the opposite side of the Mississippi. Presently, how- ever, he ventured to return, peace was made, and an alliance followed resulting in a joint attack upon the Anilco settlements, the slaughter of many Anilco Indians, and the destruction of the main town. The ac- counts of our chroniclers render it certain that Anilco was either at the famous Indian site at Jonesville where there was formerly a mound 80 feet high or at Harrisonburg. In either case, Guachoya must have been near Ferriday or between that place and Waterproof. On the opposite side of the Mississippi some miles lower, De Soto learned of a tribe more influential than either the Anilco or Guachoya, and called Quigualtam. Wishing to open communications with its chief, De Soto invited him to come to him, received a proud answer, and was disposed to cross the river and punish “such presumption,” but was by that time very low with a fever which grew worse daily, and finally, on May 21, 1542, he passed away. On his death bed De Soto appointed Luis de Moscoso as his succes- sor, and this choice was ratified by the other officers. De Soto’s body was first buried near one of the town gates but a few nights later, fearing that the Indians would dig it up, Moscoso had it exhumed, wrapped in a blanket weighted with sand, and dropped into the mid- dle of the Mississippi. Immediately afterward he called together the captains and principal personages and demanded their several opin- ions in writing as to whether they should descend the river to the sea and follow the coast to Mexico or attempt to reach it by land. He had determined to give up the enterprise. All voted in favor of the venture by land and on June 5 they set out. Although the province of Anilco must have lain almost directly west of Guachoya, the Spaniards did not pass through it, but men- tion instead another called Catalte. It is to be suspected that they avoided Anilco because of their recent attack upon it. Since we know that they crossed Ouachita River on their return from Texas and are Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 57 told that they came back along the trail they had followed going out, it is suspected that Catalte lay somewhere between Columbia and the Mississippi, perhaps about Fort Necessity. After crossing the river just mentioned, Moscoso led his troops through unoccupied country until June 20, when they reached a province called Chaguate or Chaguete. In this country salt was made and it may be identified quite certainly with the region about Drake’s Salt Works, where there are quantities of Indian potsherds. Early in July they went on to another salt province, probably the area about Lake Bistineau, where are also numerous Indian remains. A journey of 4 days more brought the army to a province called Amaye, and here we enter again into the territory of the Caddo tribes. This is evident from the names given to some of them—names which appear in later times, names of others interpretable in the Caddo language, and the associations of still others. From Amaye they went to a more important Caddo division living along a great river, and this is, of course, Red River. From the distances given and the time occupied in their travels, it is evident that this more im- portant tribe, the Naguatex (the Namidish of later history), was liv- ing above the site of Shreveport, and the place where Moscoso crossed seems to have been near Miller’s Bluff some miles higher. Here, as we gather from Biedma and the De Soto map, a sharp turn was made to the southwest, they visited two poor tribes called Nissohone and Lacane, and a larger one called Nondacao, and reached a fourth at a considerably greater distance called Hais. These are plainly the Nasoni, Nacanish, Anadarko, and Eyeish of later his- tory. The three first were evidently somewhat east of the loca- tions they held at the end of the seventeenth century, but the last seems to have been at about the same spot, around the present San Augustine. Most of these tribes were unfriendly, and it may be added that the Spaniards gave them little cause to be otherwise. The Kyeish fought them from their first appearance all the way to their town. | It is difficult to trace the wanderings of the Spaniards beyond this point, the narratives of the expedition being themselves inconsistent, but it seems probable that they worked their way slowly, and doubtless circuitously, toward the southwest. First, they came to a province called Soacatino which was “in the forest,” and presently to a large tribe known as the Guasco, where they obtained a quantity of much- needed corn. They visited two other tribes near the Guasco—the Naquiscoga and Nacacahoz. The missionary Casafias, writing in 1691, gives Guasco as a Hasinai tribe and the two other names are plainly Caddo. It is evident, therefore, that these were connected with the Hasinai Confederation, which lay between the Neches and 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 137 the Trinity about the present Nacogdoches, a city which bears the name of a Hasinai tribe. Pushing beyond, they reached a consid- erable river known to the natives as Daycao, and this was undoubtedly the Trinity because the horsemen they sent beyond it returned with some Indians whose language no one could understand. This is what we should expect if the river in question was the Trinity since this was the boundary between the Caddo Indians and the Tonkawa. The identity of these strange Indians with the Tonkawa or their neighbors to the south, the Bidai, is furthermore indicated by the description of their dwellings as “very small huts” and “wretched huts.” The dryness and poverty of the country ahead determined Moscoso and his principal officers to return to the Mississippi River and find sufficient provisions there to carry them through the winter while they built boats in which to descend to the Gulf and find their way to Mexico. As far as Ayays, they retraced their course along the same trail they had followed in coming out, but descended the Ouachita from that point with the expectation of finding the grain they wanted at Anilco. They now, however, had a sample of the evil effects of overtaxing industry, the people of Anilco having been so discouraged by previous exactions that they had not planted. Nevertheless, they presently directed these unwelcome guests to an- other town called Aminoya, evidently hostile to them, lying on the Mis- sissippi but higher up than Guachoya, and Moscoso immediately dis- patched a captain thither to seize this place, following shortly himself with the rest of the army. The corn in the two villages of which Aminoya consisted proved sufficient to carry our explorers through the winter, and there they remained until the summer of 1543. During this time a plundering expedition was sent against a town called Taguanate still higher up the river, and they were also able to thwart a very natural con- spiracy of the surrounding peoples to cut them off. In March the river began to rise and the spring flood of that year proved to be exceptionally high, extending clear across to Anilco and driving them off of the floors of the houses which they had occupied. In the meantime they were at work upon seven small boats, and by the end of June these were completed. Finally, on July 2, they took their departure from Aminoya, having disposed of their hogs and most of their horses and turned loose all of their Indian servants except a hundred. A few horses were carried along in a couple of dugouts lashed side by side but this makeshift conveyance moved so slowly and caused so much annoyance that they presently slaugh- tered some of the horses for their flesh and the few that they spared were evidently killed by the Indians. A few days after their Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 59 departure, the boats were attacked by numbers of war canoes under the chief of Quigualtam, in whom it is easy to recognize the chief of the great Natchez tribe. An attempt to beat these pursuers off by Juan de Guzman and a body of Spaniards in small canoes resulted disastrously, all of the attacking party but two or three being drowned. The Indians of Quigualtam and their allies followed them until July 8, and from that time until they were almost at the Gulf they traveled in peace. Half a league above the Gulf they stopped for 2 days to rest, and there they were attacked by Indians of a different tribe having spears and atlatls. On the 18th they got under way for Mexico. They seem to have stopped the first night at the Timbalier Islands, again at a point near Galveston Harbor, and at Aransas Pass or Corpus Christi Pass. On September 10, 1543, the survivors, 311 in number according to Elvas, reached Panuco, where they were received with rejoicings and sent on in details to - Mexico City. Part then returned to Spain, while others went to Peru, and a few remained in Mexico. Two or three, indeed, returned with the Luna Expedition of 1559-60 to the territory they had traversed with so much labor, THE POST-DE SOTO PERIOD (See map 11) Involuntary communication was kept up between the Spaniards and the Indians of southern Florida, particularly the Calusa, through the numbers of vessels cast away upon the Florida coast. It would be interesting to know just when these disasters began because we should then be in a better position to determine the sources of the gold for which that part of Florida came to be noted. There were wrecks upon the coast in 1545, 1553, and 1554, and Narvaez in 1528 found evi- dences of one yet earlier, and even the discoverer of Florida is said to have found gold there. Most of those Spaniards who escaped the sea were killed by the natives, but a few survived, and the nar- rative of one of these, Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda, who claims to have been cast away in 1551 and to have lived many years in captivity, is a chief source of information regarding the Calusa Indians and almost our only means of knowing anything of their language (Fontaneda, 1866). In 1558 Philip II determined to plant 2 colonies in these northern territories, one at Santa Elena and the other at an undetermined spot, and the execution of these projects was entrusted to Don Luis de Velasco, the Viceroy of Mexico. The same year Velasco sent 3 vessels under Guido de Bazares to reconnoiter the country and pick out a suitable harbor. He explored part of the coast of Texas and a section of shore east of the mouth of the Mississippi, finding what 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 137 he believed to be an eligible site in a bay which he named Filipina (Mobile Bay). June 11, 1559, the prospective colonists sailed in 13 vessels under the command of Don Tristran de Luna, and settled in a bay called Polonza (Pensacola), but also established a settle- ment near the head of Mobile Bay. An expedition consisting of 200 men sent inland came to a large river, undoubtedly the Alabama, and found an abandoned town upon it which bore a Choctaw name, Nanipacana, “Hill Top.” It had probably belonged to the Mobile Indians, as some natives whom they met farther on stated that it had been partly destroyed and its inhabitants driven away by men like them. The major at the head of De Luna’s scouting party sent word back to him regarding this discovery, and De Luna presently removed there with 1,000 of his colonists, leaving a lieutenant with 50 men and some Negro slaves in charge of the port. In the spring, how- ever, food gave out and the settlers were reduced to such straits that a detachment consisting of 50 horse soldiers and 150 foot soldiers with 5 captains under the major who had led the way to Nanipacana, and in- cluding 2 Dominican friars, was sent north in search of the reputedly rich province of Coca. These men left Nanipacana in April and must have lost their way repeatedly, as it was June before they reached Olibahali, or Hothliwahali, on Tallapoosa River. The inhabitants of this town treated them kindly, but the burden of supporting such a horde of famished strangers was naturally not much to their taste and they soon managed to induce them to move on in search of their main objective, resorting to a simple stratagem for that purpose. A few days’ march, however, brought the Span- iards at last to Coca, where they stayed for 3 months. There they learned of the death of a Levantine and a Negro, who had been left behind by De Soto and had lived 11 or 12 years among the natives. The Coca Indians were at that time engaged in war with another tribe called Napochies, who lived west of them on a river which seems to have been the Black Warrior. The native name of this stream, as preserved by the chroniclers of the expedition, is Oque- chiton, the dative form of the Choctaw words meaning “Big Water,” and so it is indeed translated by Father Davila Padilla, our princi- pal authority. Unless they had brought interpreters with them from the region of Nanipacana, this indicates that the Napochies were related to the Choctaw and Mobile Indians south and south- west of them, not to the Chickasaw, because the Chickasaw equiva- lent would have been Oka-ishton (in Spanish probably Oque-ixton). It could not have been in the Coca language, which was Creek. The Coca induced their guests to take part with them in an expedi- tion against this tribe in which they occupied and burned an aban- doned town, killed one or two natives, and compelled the tribe to Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 61 make peace and pay tribute, arrangements which probably lasted only as long as the Spaniards remained at Coca. The major sent exploring parties throughout the surrounding country and dispatched a dozen or more soldiers to Nanipacana to inform De Luna of his discoveries. In the meantime, however, De Luna and his companions had abandoned the Indian town, on or soon after June 24, 1560, and returned to the coast leaving a message which the band of sol- diers recovered. Therefore, they kept on to the port. De Luna him- self wished to proceed to Coca but by this time famine and hard- ships had brought on a general mutiny, and the malcontents, being in the majority, recalled the rest of the Spaniards from Coca. Dis- sensions continued through the winter of 1560-61 and in April, 1561, most of the colonists left in the flotilla of Angel de Villafane, who had been sent to supersede Tristan de Luna and occupy Santa Elena. De Luna and his servants sailed to Havana, and Villafafie soon fol- lowed. Many of Villafafe’s men deserted there, but he reached Santa Elena on May 27, 1561, sailed along the coast of the two Caro- linas, and entered some of the rivers, returning in July to His- paniola (Priestly, 1928). At this point the French enter the picture. On February 16, 1562, an expedition under Jean Ribault sailed from France for Florida and on April 30 came in sight of its eastern coast below the mouth of St. Johns River and skirted the shores of Florida and Georgia to a large river which Ribault named Port Royal, probably the Broad River of a later day. This is within the present limits of South Carolina and here, near the present Beaufort, Ribault left a colony of 28 men. The party remained on this spot until the following spring, being well received and entertained by the Indians around them, but, despairing of relief from France, they finally constructed a small vessel of 20 tons in which they made a gallant attempt to recross the Atlantic. A number died of starvation, but finally an English vessel picked up the survivors and they were restored to their own country. This expedition is noteworthy for the relatively full account of the Indians of the Cusabo and Guale provinces contained in it. In 1564 a Spanish frigate under Don Hernando de Manrique de Rojas was sent from Havana to uproot the French settlement, the site of which he finally located by means of a French youth who had been living among the Indians. He burned to the ground the small structure the French had erected and carried Ribault’s monument back with him to Cuba. On April 22, 1564, a second French expedition under René de Laudonniére, consisting largely of Huguenots, set sail and on June 22 sighted the Florida coast. Hunting for a suitable place to settle, they finally fixed upon a site on the east side of St. Johns River a few miles from its mouth, where they built a fort and spent the winter. 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 137 Expeditions were sent among the surrounding tribes and quantities of corn were obtained from them. In midsummer of 1565 they were visited by Sir John Hawkins, who furnished them with provisions and some other necessities and incidentally picked up from them informa- tion regarding the customs of the Floridians. As is well known, this French colony was destroyed soon afterward by a Spanish force under Pedro Menendez de Aviles, who also continued up the coast to Port Royal rooting out all of those Frenchmen living among the Indians upon whom he could get his hands. (Laudonniére, 1586; Le Moyne, 1875; Lowery, 1901, pp. 28-207.) St. Augustine was founded the same year and Spanish control of the Florida Peninsula and the coast to the northward as far as the lower part of South Carolina continued unchallenged, in spite of the revenge expedition of Dominique de Gourgues in 1567, until the successive settlements of South Carolina and Georgia rolled back Spain’s northern possessions, and the cession of Florida to England in 1763 put a period for a time to all of her colonies in that region. To the Laudonniére expedition, however, we owe more of our knowl- edge of the ancient inhabitants of Florida than to the sum total of Spanish sources. Spanish conquest of Florida extended slowly outward from St. Augustine, but control of the south Florida tribes was never much more than nominal and the missionaries made no headway among them whatever. To the north, however, the Franciscans were very successful and by the early part of the seventeenth century they had brought all the Timucua Indians under their control. Mission sta- tions were distributed, furthermore, along the Atlantic almost to Charleston and, though native uprisings prevented complete conver- sion of the inhabitants, the missionaries retained a foothold there until the coming of the English. In 1633 missionary work was begun among the Apalachee and, in spite of a rebellion in 1647, the tribe was soon converted. In 1656 there came a great uprising among the Timucua which spread to the Apalachee and, although it was soon suppressed, it resulted in a considerable loss of population, not only by death but through the emigration of many Indians from the confines of Florida. In 1675 Bishop Calderén of Cuba visited the Florida missions, then under his authority, and from his report it appears that most of them were still flourishing. About 1680, missionaries began to push northward into the country of the Lower Creeks, but two Franciscan friars sent that year (1679 according to Bolton) were ordered out of the country by the Coweta chief. In 1685 Antonio Matheos, commander of the Spanish post at Apalachee, advanced up the Chattahoochee to drive out a party of English under Henry Woodward, and was obliged to repeat the . Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 63 attempt the year following, when he burned the towns of Coweta, Kasihta, Tuskeegee, and Kolomi. The contest with English intruders involved several later expeditions culminating in the establishment of a stockade in 1689 at the Apalachicola village. However, the principal result of this was to induce the greater part of the Lower Creeks to quit their towns and settle upon the Ocmulgee, where they could enjoy the advantages of trade with the English and the lower rates to be obtained from them (Bolton, 1925, pp. 46-54). In 1686 Marcos Delgado had visited the country of the Upper Creeks in an abortive attempt to reach the Mississippi River (Boyd, 1937). Meanwhile the Guale and Yamasee Indians began to suffer attacks from the Yuchi and Creeks, assisted morally, and often materially, by the English after they had settled at Charleston. Some time in the 80’s part of the Guale Indians were moved to the Florida coast north of St. Johns River, but others, to avoid removal, fled to the neighborhood of the English and settled under the name Yamasee along the lower course of Savannah River. In 1704 the Apalachee were broken up by a combined English and Creek expedition under Col. James Moore, and part of the tribe were settled by the victors on Savannah River, while the rest fled to the neighborhood of Pensa- cola and the French post of Mobile (Swanton, 1922, pp. 89-92, 121-123 ; Milling, 1940, pp. 169-172). In 1706 and 1707 the Apalachicola were scattered in a second attack of northern Indians and part of them, in- cluding the Tawasa and Chatot, fled to Mobile, while another part was located on Savannah River below the Apalachee (Swanton, 1922, pp. 130-181). In 1715 the number of Indians under Spanish control was con- siderably augmented by the uprising of the Yamasee against their English neighbors. They moved to Florida and settled with the Timucua and some remnants of other peoples close to St. Augustine, while the Apalachee on the Savannah reentered Florida and estab- lished themselves about St. Marks, or reunited with those of their _tribe who had gone to Pensacola. The Apalachicola Indians seem to have returned to their old country at first and to have established themselves at the junction of the Flint and Chattahoochee, but later they went north and fol- lowed the fortunes of the Lower Creeks. Meanwhile the Timucua had decreased very rapidly, partly from epidemics and partly owing to the hostilities of the northern Indians. They drew in around St. Augustine for a time, but the last of them are thought to have moved to Tomoka River, where they disappear from history. The Yamasee were likewise constantly reduced in numbers, and at the same time parties of Creek Indians began to move into the Florida Peninsula and settle near them. The last of the Yamasee are said 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 to have lived upon the Ocklawaha River and ultimately to have united with the Seminole. The noted chiefs Jumper and Alligator are supposed to have been descended from them. But there appears to have been another body of Yamasee which gravitated westward as far as Mobile and moved from that region successively to the Upper Creeks, the Lower Creeks, and the western Seminole, with whom they ultimately amalgamated. During all this time the Indians of southern Florida seem to have had few dealings with the Spaniards, and, as we have seen, no perma- nent missions were established among them. Nevertheless, they can hardly have escaped entirely from the epidemics introduced by their white neighbors, and we may be pretty certain that they were constantly falling off in numbers. Romans tells us that these Indians removed to Cuba about the time when Great Britain took possession of Florida, but this statement probably applies more particularly to those living along the east coast, because at least part of the Calusa, to whom the name Muspa is frequently given, remained about Lake Okeechobee and on the Gulf shores until the very end of the Seminole war. Part were destroyed at that time and the rest probably retired to Cuba, where they had been in the habit of going regularly to trade (Swanton, 1922, pp. 97-106, 124-125, 131, 339-345). We now return to the sixteenth century to record Spain’s contacts with the native tribes farther north. In 1566, the year after he had destroyed the French establishment in Florida, Menendez visited Guale and Santa Elena and built a small fort at the latter place, which he called San Felipe. Acting under his orders, Capt. Juan Pardo left this fort on November 1 with 125 soldiers “to discover and conquer the interior country from there to Mexico.” He traveled toward the northwest, not far probably from the Coosaw- hatchie River, until he reached Cofitachequi, or “Canos,” as he also calls it. From there he went toward the north until he came to “Juada,” or “Joara,” the Xuala of De Soto, taking about the same length of time, and perhaps following the same trail. His itinerary and notes are interesting because they serve to locate Cofitachequi with approximate accuracy, and because they show that Catawba or related tribes of Indians were then in occupancy of all of northwestern South Carolina. Indeed, a few days after leaving Cofitachequi, he passed through a town called Ysa, which may have been the Issa or Iswa of a later date, a constituent part of the Catawba tribe. However, the name has the general signification of “River,” and may have been applied to some other tribe. He speaks of the head of this tribe as “a great chief,” and says that there he found many chiefs and a great number of In- dians. This again suggests the Catawba tribe, which was the most populous and powerful of the group to which it gave its name. He Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 65 built a fort in the Cheraw (Joara) country and left a lieutenant named Boyano in charge. On his return from the Cheraw, he circled round toward the east and visited the Guatari Indians, the Wateree of a later date, either on the river which now bears their name or on the Broad. The Guatariatiqui, whom he met 2 days later, were evidently a branch of the same tribe, perhaps the Wateree Chickanee or Little Wateree whom Lawson came among 135 years later. Beyond them he picked up his former trail to Joara about 40 miles north of the present Augusta and returned along it. Before the end of that year Boyano sallied forth into the mountainous country to the north and destroyed a town belonging to the Chisca, i. e., the Yuchi, Indians. Shortly afterward he received word from one of the mountain chiefs, probably Yuchi also, that he was coming to attack him, whereupon Boyano decided to anticipate the visit and with a party of 20 soldiers marched to the palisaded fort of the hostiles, 4 days’ journey through the mountains, stormed it, and killed by fire or sword 1,500 Indians. Unless Boyano had with him a large body of Indians whom he leaves in inglorious obscurity, this is a patent exaggeration, but the cooperation of the Cheraw is very likely since Catawba-speaking people and Yuchi were found to be hostile to each other at a later date. In the meantime Boyano had received permission from his superior, Las Alas, at Santa Elena to prosecute his first advantage, and, leaving a garrison at his fort among the Cheraw, Fort San Juan, he came in 4 days to a great stockaded town between two rivers, and in 12 days more to Chiaha, where he built a fort which he named Santa Elena, and awaited the arrival of Pardo. He began planting wheat and barley there and spent much time visiting the Indians in the neighborhood and con- tracting alliances with them. September 1, 1567, Pardo set out from Santa Elena on the coast, ascended into the country to Cofitachequi by the route he had previously taken and to Joara by the long loop through the country of the Wateree. The itinerary from Joara to Chiaha and beyond is given by Pardo in his own letter and by Juan de la Vandera writing from Santa Elena. In 4 days Pardo reached a “very good town consisting of wooden houses” which he calls Tocal,' but Vandera calls Tocar as rendered by Ruidiaz and Tocax as rendered by Buckingham Smith. This was probably the unnamed stockaded town between two rivers which Boyano had passed through in the same nnmber of days from Joara. In 2 days more Pardo came to a town called Cauchi or Canche “on a good river,” in 8 more to Tanasqui, and in one more to Chiaha, or Chihaque, also called Solameco or Lameco. In spite of rumors that the chiefs of four tribes, the “Carrosa (Okalusa), and Chisca (Yuchi) and Costehe (Koasati) and Coza (Coosa),” had It is printed Tocalques but the ques is patently no part of the name. I venture to think that the proper form was Tocare, 464735—46——_6 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL. 137 united against him, Pardo determined to pass on, and in 8 days spent in traversing unoccupied country he came to a town the name of which he was unable to remember when he prepared his report but which Vandera gives as Chalahume. He described the land about as very good and thought that there was gold and silver there, a rather common Spanish obsession. One day more took Pardo to Satapo, but now the Indians adopted such an unfriendly attitude that, added to renewed reports that the four tribes were united to oppose him a day’s march farther on, it was decided to give up further explorations. Conse- quently, the Spaniards returned to Chiaha, and later reached Santa Elena by the longer route, leaving garrisons at Chiaha, Cauchi, Joara, and Guatari. Vandera adds some interesting facts to the above narrative. He tells us that, though Pardo did not pass beyond Satapo, a soldier had gone on, probably before Pardo reached Chiaha, and he and some Indians had informed Vandera that it took 5 or 6 days to reach “Cossa” from Satapo and that there were only 3 small towns on the way, 1 of which, Tasqui, was 2 days’ journey from Satapo, another called Tasquiqui a little farther on, and 1 day’s journey beyond this was a destroyed town named Olitifar. The next 2 days were through de- serted country, then a small town was reached and, about a league beyond, another, and then Cossa. Within the first 2 days, in going from Satapo to Tasqui, were 3 great rivers. The number of dwellings in Cossa was estimated at 150. Seven days’ journey beyond lay “Trascaluza,” the Tascalusa of De Soto, which they did not pretend to have visited. Another interesting item in Vandera’s narrative is the statement that the river of Guatari ran by “Sauapa and Usi, where salt is made, near the sea sixty leagues from Santa Elena.” Usi may be another form of Issa or Iswa, though it is not the same province. Were it not that it is placed near the ocean, we should be tempted to see in it a synonym for the Catawba Indians, as does Mooney, and in Sauapa, which Buckingham Smith reads Sauxpa, Waxhaw, or Sissipahaw. In fact, I believe Mooney’s second guess regarding Sauapa or Sauxpa is correct, though the location on the lower Santee or Pee Dee River is far from the historic seat of that tribe in central North Carolina. However, Col. Barnwell tells us that Sissipahaw was a synonym for Shakori, and it is at least probable that this tribe was a branch of the Shakori. Now, there is good reason, adduced elsewhere, for believing that the Shakori and Eno formerly lived in what is now South Caro- lina and moved north, partly from fear of the Spaniards and partly through pressure from the Cherokee. That being the case, the Chi- cora of the Ayllon documents may be identified with Shakori, another proof that the tribe was within reach of vessels on the coast—and, of course, this involves the Sissipahaw also, The form Sauxpa I accept Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 67 as probably the correct original, and this would be pronounced by a Spaniard Sa-ushpa. Usi may have been a synonym for “Xoxi” (pro- nounced Shoshi) of the Ayllon narratives, and both of the coastal tribe Sewee. The river of Guatari was probably the Santee though the Pee Dee and Waccamaw enter the ocean close to its mouth. (B. Smith, 1857; Lowery, 1901, pp. 274-298; Ruidiaz, 1894, vol. 2, pp. 465-473, 477-486; Hamilton, 1910, pp. 520-527; cf. Swanton, 1936.) The rest of the names of tribes given in these narratives I classify as follows, taking the list as given by Vandera, since that is the most complete: Uscamacu, Ahoya, and Ahoyabe we know, on independent evidence, to have belonged to the Cusabo province or tribe, itself affiliated with the Muskhogean stock. Cozao represents the later Coosa of South Carolina, distinct as a body from the Coosa Indians of Alabama and usually classed with the Cusabo but very likely an eastern offshoot of the Coosa River Muskogee. Guiomaez, 40 leagues from Santa Elena and 10 from Cofitachequi, was probably a Muskhogean town. Ross indentifies it with the “Aymay” or “Hymahi” of the De Soto narratives, but if she is right, there were two divisions of the tribe or it had moved across the Savannah between 1540 and 1566. If we may assume a still later movement to the coast, we may also identify it with the Wimbee. Cofitachequi has already been discussed at considerable length and reasons shown for regarding it as a Mus- kogee center, occupied by a part of the Indians later known as Lower Creeks. Tagaya, the place immediately north of Cofitachequi, may also have been Muskhogean, but I am inclined to see in it the first Siouan settle- ment, and there is more reason to identify the next place, Gueza, with Waxhaw than to connect Usi with it. In that case, we must assume a later movement toward the northeast, but I have shown that there is evidence for such a general movement among other Siouan tribes. The vr in Aracuchi or Racuchi, which comes next, ties that town up pretty certainly with the Catawba-speaking Siouans, and there can, of course, be little question regarding Otariyatiqui and Guatari. Quinahaqui, being surrounded by Catawba-Siouan places should also be Catawba-Siouan. This is evident if the name for the place given by Pardo in his own communication, Quirotoqui, is accepted. We are informed that Issa, already identified as a synonym of Iswa, and perhaps standing for the Catawba tribe proper, lay 12 leagues to the “left,” ie., west of this. Aguaquiri, which comes next, also carries the probability of its Catawba connection with it, and in it we recognize the Guaquili of the De Soto chronicles, except that De Soto had a Muskhogean interpreter instead of a Siouan one. The next place is Joara, Juada, Xuala, etc., the Saraw or Cheraw. 68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 137 As Pardo, like De Soto, was on his way from Xuala to Chiaha, it is probable that he followed the same trail, and since the time he took in reaching Tocar differed by only a fraction of a day from the time taken by De Soto in reaching Guasili the two places may be identical. The description of Tocar as a place between rivers applies very well to the site at the mouth of Peachtree Creek which has been identified as Guasili. Moreover, it took 2 days for Pardo to reach Cauchi from Tocar, the same time consumed by De Soto in passing from Guasili to Canasoga, and again the same time, 4 days, to reach Chiaha from this place, or these places. These facts suggest that Cauchi was identical with Canasoga and, remembering that Canasoga is believed to have been located near the point where the Appalachian Valley opens out, this derives some confirmation from the fact that Vandera says, “from there on I compare this country to Andalusia because this whole land is very rich.” I sug- gest that Guasili and Canasoga may have been the names of these towns, as they were known to De Soto’s Muskogee interpreters, while Tocar and Cauchi may have been used for the same by Siouans. One notable difference between the experiences of De Soto and Pardo in this region is the discovery by the latter of a stockaded town called Tanasqui 3 days’ march from Cauchi and 1 day before arriving at Chiaha. Either De Soto missed it entirely or it was not settled until after 1540. Mooney is probably correct in identifying the name with Tanasi’, applied to the following later Cherokee sites: 1. On Little Tennessee river, about halfway between Citico and Toco creeks, in Monroe county, Tennessee; 2. “Old Tennessee town,” on Hiwassee river, a short distance above the junction of Ocoee, in Polk county, Tennessee; 3. On Tennessee creek, a head-stream of Tuckasegee river, in Jackson county, North Carolina. (Mooney, 1900, p. 534.) As the Cherokee were late comers to the Tennessee country, the settlement of this town may have marked the beginning of their intrusion, but Guasili also appears to be a Cherokee word and on the other hand Tanasi’ cannot be analyzed in that tongue. Knowing that Muskhogeans preceded the Cherokee, and that Cherokee some- times change / to n, I am inclined to trace the word to Muskogee Talasi, a contraction of Talwa ahassi, “Old Town.” In any case, Tanasqui was on Tennessee River not far from the present Chatta- nooga. The later Tanasi’ towns probably represent so many sites subsequently occupied by the same people. There is every reason to suppose that Chiaha was identical with the town of that name which appears in the De Soto narratives and that it had the same location, i.e., as identified by Brame, on Burns Island in Tennessee River. Since the Koasati (Costehe) were one of the four tribes hostile to the Spaniards, and Satapo was the first place Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 69 where signs of hostility were manifested, and it took De Soto about the same length of time to come upon the first Koasati settlement from Chiaha as Pardo took to reach Satapo, we may suspect that Satapo belonged to them. Presumably Chalahume, where Pardo stopped the day before, 2 leagues from Satapo, and where the people were friendly, was in the territory of the Chiaha. De Soto’s companions mention several villages passed through after leaving Chiaha, though the night before they came to Costehe they encamped in the open country. We have some difficulty in discussing the route from Satapo to Coosa because, if we place Satapo above the main Koasati town, we must suppose that the soldier who informed Vandera regarding the route to Coosa passed inland around Costehe and Tali. It took De Soto 6 days to reach Coosa from Tali in the bend of the Tennessee and that would agree closely with the “five or six” mentioned by the soldier, but to that we should have to add 2 more days consumed in going from the supposed location of Satapo to Tali. Even without that addition, we find that the soldier reached Tasqui in 2 days, while De Soto’s army required 4 or 6 from the supposed site of Satapo. The two narratives agree, however, in mentioning three big rivers between the Tennessee and Tasqui. It is possible that a white man with a few Indian com- panions may have covered this part of the route twice as fast as an expeditionary force composed largely of infantry and with many camp followers, particularly if he were in the neighborhood of hostile tribes. Our soldier speaks of a town called Tasquiqui near Tasqui, and, though he does not say how long it took him to pass from one to the other, yet we are able to fix its location fairly well from the fact that, 1 day’s journey beyond, they came upon the ruins of a third town called Olitifar. There is little doubt that the name of this town was preserved to later times in the form Littafutchee, probably Littaf hatchee, the Creek name of Canoe Creek. But if our soldier seems to have taken too little time to reach Tasqui from the Tennessee River, from Tasqui to Coosa he took too much, De Soto having arrived at Coosa in 2 days while our soldier required 3 and perhaps a little more. In estimating the time required to reach Tascalusa’s country from Coosa he is, on the other hand, overly conservative, since he allows but 7 days, while De Soto did not come to the first village that may be supposed to have belonged to Tascalusa until the twelfth day after taking his departure from Coosa. - The affiliations of most of the towns beyond Joara can be estab- lished with high probability except for the first three. From Chiaha on, the settlements evidently belonged to Muskhogean tribes, as indi- cated by the names in this narrative and in the De Soto chronicles. 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 137 The Chiaha, as already stated, may have included the Chalahume village and Satapo may have belonged to the Koasati. Coosa is the well known ancient “capital” of the Upper Creeks, and Tascalusa was chief of the Mobile. Guasili may have been a Cherokee settlement and the name Tanasqui would tend toward a similar classification for that town except that we do not know that Tanasi’ was originally a Cherokee name. In fact, I am inclined to regard it as derived from Creek or possibly Yuchi. The word Canasoga seems to be from Creek. We have seen that there was a Spanish period in the histories of Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, and even North Carolina, and we have to add a Spanish period in the history of Virginia, though it is brief and tragic. During Angel de Villafafie’s expedition to Santa Elena in 1561, he ran as far up the coast as Hatteras and sent one of his captains named Velasquez to reconnoiter to the northward. Velasquez, with whom there were some Dominican friars, entered Chesapeake Bay and discovered an Indian “province” to which the name Axacan was given, the bay being called Santa Maria de Axacan, and he brought back with him the young brother of the chief. This Indian was taken to Mexico and made such a good impression upon the Viceroy, Luis de Velasco, that the latter gave him his own name and he is always called Don Luis. In 1566, intrigued by the idea that there was a pas- sage to the Pacific in the neighborhood of Axacan, Menendez sent a captain with 30 soldiers accompanied by two Dominican friars and the Indian Don Luis to form a settlement there. Either because they had no mind to the enterprise or on account of unfavorable weather— it is difficult to tell in such cases whether we are dealing with reasons or excuses—they proceeded to Spain. There Don Luis secured the good will and patronage of Philip II, returned to Havana with some Dominicans, and a little later joined a body of Jesuits under Father Segura who were about to proceed to his homeland. They sailed August 5, 1570, and after a stormy passage entered Chesapeake Bay, probably on September 11, ascended it, and reached the province of Axacan, where they found that a drought of 6 years’ duration followed by a famine had decimated the inhabitants. All but some of the older people Kad left the country and there was little food to be had. The vessel that had brought the missionaries was obliged to return at once, but the latter urged the necessity of sending another not later than March of the ensuing year. During the winter, however, Don Luis abandoned them to return to his own people and in February 1571, he brought about the murder of all the whites except a little boy named Alonso, who was saved by Don Luis’ brother. When the relief ship appeared, the Indians endeavored to entice some of its occupants ashore, but the meditated treachery was suspected, and after an un- successful attack upon the vessel, it sailed away carrying along Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 71 two natives who had swum out to it. One of these, however, sprang overboard in the Bahama Channel. In the summer of 1572 Menendez proceeded to Axacan with three vessels and, although most of the In- dians had fled to the mountains, he captured eight and rescued the boy Alonso, learning through him of the fate of the other whites. Since this tale implicated the Indians captured, Menendez hung them all, and, as it was now late in the season, returned immediately to Havana. No further attempts were made by Spaniards to colonize this part of the continent. The word Axacan would probably be pronounced Ashakan by a Spaniard of the period, and it is possible that it means “the land of metal,” having reference to the fact that trails from the northwest brought copper into this part of the coastland (Lowery, 1901, pp. 359- 366; Kenny, 1984, pp. 269-297). Spanish contact with the Southeastern Indians was not confined to their explorations and settlements radiating from Florida, but their western sphere of influence from Mexico eastward was cut off from the other for a long period by a belt of French activity which we must first consider. The abortive but ethnologically significant efforts of French Huguenots to establish themselves in South Carolina and Florida have already been noted. For more than a century afterward France confined herself to the colonization and exploitation of Canada, but when her explorers and missionaries had penetrated from the St. Lawrence River and Great Lakes into the basin of the Mississippi it was almost inevitable that they should be drawn on by the courses of the southward flowing streams. Moreover, it was soon evident to the government of the Bourbons, under whom France had steadily forged ahead since the coronation of Henry IV, that if she would control the Mississippi Basin at all effectively, she must establish posts all the way to the mouth of the great stream. After the middle of the seventeenth century, her advance toward the Gulf moved steadily, though somewhat uncertainly, onward. In 1673 Jolliet and Marquette descended to the Mississippi and passed on down it to one of the Quapaw towns near the mouth of the Arkansas. In 1682, only 9 years later, La Salle passed all the way to the Gulf and took possession of the whole country in the name of his sovereign. In 1686 his faithful heutenant, Tonti, repeated the journey intending to meet his superior, then on the way from France. La Salle and his party of colonists were, however, carried too far to the west and settled on Garcitas Creek near Lavaca Bay early in 1685. From there the French commander made two unsuccessful attempts to reach the Mississippi, and, on the second of these, he was murdered by some of his companions in March 1687. Nearly all of those who had been left at the fort were destroyed by the Indians, 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu. 187 but a few of La Salle’s immediate companions pushed on through the Caddo country to the Quapaw towns at the mouth of the Arkansas and finally reached Canada. In 1690 Tonti descended as far as the Taensa villages on Lake St. Joseph and crossed to the Natchitoches town on Red River near the present city of that name. In 1699 the priest missionaries De Montigny, La Source, Davion, and St. Cosme reached the lower course of the Mississippi, where De Montigny established himself among the Taensa and Davion among the Tunica, then on Yazoo River. De Montigny soon moved to the Natchez and not long afterward abandoned that mission also and returned to Kurope, his place being taken by St. Cosme, who carried on until his murder by Chitimacha Indians in 1706. The Natchez mission was never resumed, but Davion continued with his chosen tribe with one or two interruptions until 1720 when he seems to have given up his work in despair. In 1699 Iberville established the first permanent French settle- ment on Louisiana territory at Old Biloxi in Biloxi Bay and as- cended the Mississippi as far as the mouth of Red River. On his second visit he reached the Taensa towns, and sent his brother Bien- ville overland to the Natchitoches. The same year the Jesuit Fa- ther Gravier descended the great river and his letters contain very interesting and important information regarding the Indian na- tions he visited. In a very short time it became evident that the permanent centers of government must be established on the Mis- sissippi River and Mobile Bay. In consequence a small fort was erected in 1700 not many miles from the mouth of the Mississippi. In 1718 New Orleans was founded and soon became the capital of the entire colony. Four years earlier, however, an establishment had been made at Natchitoches on Red River, where the French officer St. Denis long held the frontier against Spain, enlisting the support of the Indians about him in a manner unequaled by any of the other French commanders of his time. The first establishment in Mobile Bay was made at Twenty-seven Mile Bluff early in 1702 and named Fort Louis. Removal to the present site of Mobile was in 1710. In 1713 a trading house was established at Natchez and in 1716, as the outcome of a partial up- rising of the Indians known as the First Natchez War, a fort was built on the lofty bluff by the river and called Fort Rosalie after the Duchess of Pontchartrain. A little later a small post was placed on Yazoo River. In 1717 a fort was built at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers and named Fort Toulouse, but it is more often referred to as “Aux Alibamons,” after the name of the tribe near by.* In 1735 a fort was erected on the Tombigbee at what ‘The date of founding has often been given as 1714 on the authority of Pénicaut, who is clearly in error. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 73 is now Jones’ Bluff. The Chitimacha war, resulting from the mur- der of St. Cosme, was brought to an end in 1718 at the time when New Orleans was founded, and not long after that event a part of the Chitimacha and a number of small tribes gathered around the capital for trade and protection. Among these were the Washa, Chawasha, Bayogoula, Houma, Acolapissa, and for a time the Taensa and Biloxi. The same thing happened in connection with the Mobile post, where we find assembled the Taensa from the Mississippi, some Choctaw from the neighborhood of Tombigbee River, and Apa- lachee, Chatot, Tawasa, and Yamasee from Florida, to say nothing of the Mobile, Tohome, Biloxi, Pascagoula, and Pensacola, who had been found in the neighboring country when the settlement was made. French colonization continued steadily, if somewhat slowly, until interrupted by the great Natchez rebellion of November 28, 1729. The leaders of this movement had planned to enlist all the surround- ing Indians, but only the small Yazoo and Koroa of Yazoo River joined them. The Ofagoula, or Ofo, left then and settled near the Tunica, who also remained firm in their allegiance to the whites. Yet while there were few actual defections among the tribes, the war proved difficult and disastrous, and, although the Natchez were driven from the colony, they long terrorized the settlements and in- terrupted communications between Louisiana and Canada. From this time on the smaller tribes dropped off rapidly in numbers and could furnish little support to the colony, although during the con- tinuance of the Natchez struggle the Tunica and Natchitoches did yeoman service. Unhappily for the French, too, the Natchez war was succeeded in 1736 by one with a much more powerful people, the Chickasaw, who were supplied with ammunition and otherwise actively aided by the English of Carolina. An attempt by the French officers d’Artaguette and Bienville to crush them by simultaneous move- ments from the Illinois country and Mobile ended in. the disastrous rout of both parties, and a more impressive attempt in 1739-40 dis- solved without permanent accomplishment. The Choctaw remained as the one important stay of the French colony, and even of them a part was enlisted in the interest of the English and Chickasaw, so that a bitter civil war distracted the tribe and the colony for several years. At a later period the French and Choctaw together were more successful, the Chickasaw being vastly outnumbered by their congeners to the south. In fact, plans were formulated for remov- ing the Chickasaw to the Creek country or the immediate frontiers of Carolina and Georgia, and there was a Chickasaw town among the Upper Creeks for many years, while another body settled close to Augusta under the Squirrel King. But the tide of war seems to have 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Buws. 137 turned again; French parties on the Mississippi River suffered sev- eral severe defeats, and their red foes proved veritable thorns in their flesh until at last treaties in 1762 and 1763 gave Mobile to England and Louisiana to Spain. Spanish expansion northward from Mexico had been keeping pace with that from the West Indies through Florida but had farther to go to reach the region under discussion. After the survivors of the Narvaez expedition had been cast ashore on Galveston Island in 1528, four of them, including their annalist, Cabeza de Vaca, lived for some time among the wild and wandering tribes of Texas, and finally reached Mexico City, which they entered on Sunday, July 24, 1536. Meantime, the very year in which they were cast ashore, two expeditions traced the coast northward from Panuco, advancing beyond the Rid Grande. In 1541 Francisco de Coronado, disap- pointed as to the gold, silver, and other treasures he had hoped to find among the Pueblos, and intrigued by the tales of a Plains Indian probably belonging to the Pawnee, crossed the northwestern part of Texas, visited the Wichita Indians then living on the Ar- kansas, and learned something of the tribes beyond. In 1544 Father Olmos is credited with the conversion of a south Texas tribe which came to live near Panuco and were known as Olive. In 1650 Cap- tains Hernan Martin and Diego del Castillo reached the borders of the Hasinai country but did not enter it, and from this time on Texas was frequently entered by Spanish expeditions, particularly after the founding of Monclova, in the province of Coahuila. Coahuila has given its name to an Indian linguistic family which for- merly covered parts of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and southwestern Texas, and may have extended more widely still. The Spaniards were finally roused to a definite attempt to occupy Texas by the colony La Salle had inadvertently planted near Mata- gorda Bay, just as their final settlement of Florida had been pro- voked by the French Huguenot colonial efforts more than a hundred years before. In 1689 an expedition under Alonso de Leon was dis- patched to uproot La Salle’s colony, only to find that its work had been done for it by surrounding tribes of Indians. In 1690 De Leon, accompanied by Father Damian Massanet, traversed the entire breadth of Texas as far as the Adai beyond the Sabine, and Massanet established a mission in the Nabedache tribe under Father Jesus Maria Casafias. This prelate founded a second station during the winter and found time for an extensive report on the manners and customs of the Hasinai Indians which is one of our most valued sources of information regarding them. The missions were aban- doned in 1693 but in 1716-17 five missions were begun in east Texas 5 A sketch of this development is given in Swanton, 1911, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 75 and one among the Adai Indians in the present Louisiana. These were abandoned in 1719 but reestablished 2 years later. In 1718 the mission of San Francisco Solano on the Rio Grande was moved to San Antonio and two others, San José de Aguayo and San Fran- cisco Xavier de Najera, were soon added. In 1731 those east Texas missions which had been under the care of the Queréteran Fathers were withdrawn to San Antonio, while the Zacatecan missions, to the Nacogdoche, Ais, and Adai, remained until 1772-73. Missions were also established among the Karankawa, Aranama, Akokisa, Tonkawa, and Lipan, but only the missions around San Antonio and Goliad lasted more than a few years. Attempts to missionize the Tonkawa, Lipan, Akokisa, and Karankawa were almost complete failures, and the only Caddo mission which had any real success was the mission to the Nacogdoches, while the temporary prosperity of the missions near Goliad is probably attributable more to the Aranama Indians than the Karankawa. The most flourishing mis- sions were those about San Antonio and along the Rio Grande planted among Coahuiltecan tribes, but they, too, declined gradually as the number of Indians fell away, and all the Texas missions were finally secularized by an order of the Spanish Cortes promulgated September 13, 1813. It was 10 years, however, before its provisions were carried out by the Mexican authorities. Cession of Louisiana to Spain, its recession to France in 1800, and transfer to the United States in 1803 had little immediate effect upon the Indians. In 1822 Texas became part of the new independent Republic of Mexico and in 1836 established its own independence, which ended with its ad- mission into the American Union as a State in 1845. During all of this time the Indian population was decreasing and its part in affairs political became of proportionately less importance. But a recapitulation of the fate of the Indian population is postponed until the story of European penetration has been completed by adding the history of their relations with the Anglo-Saxons. (Cf. Swanton, 1942.) English influence on the southern Indians was of little consequence _ prior to the attempts at colonization made by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584-90. Some notes regarding the Timucua are contained in the nar- rative of Sir John Hawkins’ second expedition undertaken in the year 1565 and to which reference has already been made. On Mareh 25, 1584, Raleigh obtained a patent empowering him to explore and settle “such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries, and territories, [as were] not actually possessed by any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people.” Later that year he fitted out two vessels, which he placed under the command of Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe, who explored the coasts of the present North Carolina and brought back 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 137 two Indians, one named Wanchese and the other Manteo. The follow- ing year a colony was planted on Roanoke Island under Ralph Lane which endured one winter and returned to England with Sir Francis Drake in the summer of 1586. The same year a supply ship sent by Raleigh touched at Roanoke Island but, of course, found no one there, and still later Sir Charles Grenville, who had brought out the first colo- nists, visited the place and landed 15 men “to reteine possession of the Countrey.” In 1587 another expedition was sent out in two vessels with a body of prospective colonists under the leadership of John White. They planned to relieve the 15 men and plant a new colony in Chesa- peake Bay, but it was found that the men had been murdered and the ship’s captain, Simon Fernandino, refused to land them in any other spot. They,therefore, attempted to renew the colony at the same place. When the vessels set out on their return to England, August 27, 1587, White was persuaded by the colonists to accompany them in order to see that they received supplies, but, due in part to the descent of the Spanish armada the year following, White was unable to return to America until 1590. On the site the colonists had occupied, he then found a message intimating that they had been obliged to move to Croatan, but bad weather, the loss of three anchors and some men, and the consequent indisposition of the captain to remain longer prevented White from visiting that place, and he was forced to return to Eng- land. Raleigh afterward sent several other vessels in search of the colonists, but they were not found and “the lost colony of Roanoke” has become something of a myth. Strachey asserts that Powhatan had had the survivors killed a short time before Jamestown was settled, but it does not seem likely that they were ever in the territories con- trolled by him. Lawson is on firmer ground when he suggests that the lighter color of some Hatteras Indians whom he visited in 1701 was due to members of this colony. (Burrage, 1906, pp. 225-323; Lawson, 1714, p. 108; Strachey, 1849.) In 1607 came the first permanent English settlement in America, at Jamestown, Va. Until about the middle of the century the contacts of these colonists, except for Smith’s travels, were with the Indians of the Powhatan Confederation, but in 1650 an expedition visited the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes between Chesapeake Bay and Albe- marle Sound. In 1669 and 1670 John Lederer penetrated the Appa- tachian Mountains, passing through the country of the Siouan tribes, of whom he gives a short but important account, and in 1671 much the same journey was undertaken by Thomas Batts and Robert Fallam. The first part of the year 1670 was devoted by John Lederer to a much longer expedition along the Occaneechi trail toward the southwest in which he visited many of the Siouan tribes in the interior of North Carolina and seems to have gone as far as the Catawba country. In Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES el 1674 came the inland journeys of James Needham and Gabriel Arthur to the more remote Siouan peoples and the Yuchi (Alvord, 1912). Unnamed traders and explorers from Virginia penetrated to the Upper Creeks at such an early date that the Creek word applied to white Americans is Watcina (Virginians). By 1700 they had gotten as far as the Quapaw country, where Gravier met one of them. Asa result of the Tuscarora War of 1711-13, the most powerful tribe between Virginia and the Carolinas was removed. In 1670 Charleston, S. C., was settled as the capital of a new colony, and new lines of influence immediately began to radiate from that point. Slight differences with the nearer tribes, particularly the Coosa, were followed by a more serious war with the Westo, believed to have been part of the Yuchi, in which the colony was rescued by a band of Shawnee, who drove this hostile tribe out of the country. In 1684 and the years immediately following, the English drew the Yamasee and some related tribes away from the Spaniards in Florida. Before the end of the century, as early as 1698 it is claimed, English- men had penetrated through the country of the Creeks and Chickasaw to the Mississippi, and an Englishman named Daniel Coxe projected the establishment of a colony to occupy the territory which became French Louisiana, claimed prior rights to it by virtue of exploration, and named it Carolana. A vessel sent by him, under a captain named Bond, was encountered by Bienville in 1700 at a place on the Mis- sissippi afterward known as English Turn. In 1700-1701 John Law- son, a surveyor, traveled through the country of the Siouan Indians and left an invaluable account of them. English traders and slave hunters were circulating throughout pretty much all the country east of the Mississippi before the end of the seventeenth century. In 1700 they inspired a body of Chickasaw to fall upon the Acolapissa to obtain slaves, and in 1711, or about that time, the Chawasha were raided at British instigation by the Natchez, Yazoo, and Chicka- saw. In 1704, as we have seen, they broke up the powerful Apalachee tribe and in 1706-7 treated the Apalachicola in much the same way. In 1715, however, their slave-raiding propensities brought its nemesis when they took a general census of the Indians in the neighborhood of South Carolina and were suspected of doing so with the intention of enslaving them. Milling has shown what abundant reasons existed for this suspicion. The uprising which followed is usually known as the Yamasee War, but it was participated in more or less actively by the Apalachee, Catawba and their allies, Apalachicola, Creeks, and Cherokee. Rapid successes of the colonials, first against the Yamasee and then the Catawba, who were advancing from the north, put an end to the immediate danger, but the Yamasee, Apalachee, Apalachicola, and ae BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLw. 137 Lower Creeks moved to Florida or inland to the Chattahoochee River, and it was some time before British prestige was restored among the Creeks. It was injured still further by the French when they estab- lished Fort Toulouse in 1717 in the midst of the Upper Creek country. However, the Natchez War was much more damaging to England’s rivals than the Yamasee War had been to them, and it was not long before the English had enlisted the support of a considerable faction among the Chet This was, indeed, suppressed by the French party -and, in spite of French failures in their attacks upon the Chicka- saw, Bivitish progress in this quarter was held up until the conclusion of the French and Indian war in 1763. Toward the north, also, they encountered obstinate resistance from the Cherokee, who sustained a long war against them from November 1759 to September 1761, during which Fort Loudon was captured and the so-called Fort Loudon massacre took place. Southward, however, British influence continued to increase, espe- cially after the founding of Georgia. As we have seen, the Indian tribes under Spanish protection were rapidly decimated and their places taken by Lower Creek Indians, who were much more favorably inclined toward the English. Finally, in 1763, Florida and all the French possessions east of the Mississippi were ceded to Great Britain, and, as we have also seen, the French possessions west of that river had passed into the hands of Spain. These cessions effectually interfered with that political trading between the British, Spaniards, and French which was a characteristic policy of the Creek Indians, particularly since the latter were usually on bad terms with the Choctaw between their territories and Louisiana or actively fighting them. In 1783 the new American republic replaced Great Britain as the dominant Anglo-Saxon power on the North American continent, but it required some time to acquire the friendships and live down the antipathies which the mother country had acquired among the various tribes, es- pecially as Spain was in control of Florida again and the entire Gulf coast as far as the mouth of the Mississippi, besides most of the conti- nent beyond that river. The Cherokee had already taken sides with the mother country, and after the war was officially closed they con- tinued to maintain hostilities until 1794. But settlers were pouring in from the Atlantic seaboard in ever increasing streams, and Spain became proportionately weaker year by year. In 1803 all of the territory to which Spain had fallen heir in 1762, except that included in the present State of Florida, was ac- quired by ths United States, but English sympathizers, both white and Indian, were not lacking in the region of the Gulf, and they were tacitly ‘supported by most of the Spanish officials in Florida, so that these two elements were factors in the first serious Indian war waged Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 79 by the new republic in the southern part of its territory, the Creek War of 1813-14. As in most other struggles of this kind, the Indians did not fight as a unit. The Lower Creeks, Talladega Creeks, and at least one important Tallapoosa town either remained at home or sided actively with the whites. Immediately after this, difficulties developed with the Seminole Indians and, although the greater part of them - lived in Spanish territory, Andrew Jackson invaded their lands and destroyed some Seminole towns. This is called the First Seminole War, and took place in 1817-18. Possibility of Spanish interference in the relations between Americans and Indians came to an end with the purchase of Florida by the United States in 1821. (Crane, 1928; Milling, 1940.) Settlement in the territories immediately west of the Mississippi River by American colonists after these lands had been acquired pre- sented few difficulties, partly because French and Spanish settlements had been made there and the rights of such settlers were, of course, suaranteed, partly from their relative remoteness from the populous States of the Atlantic seaboard whence most of the new colonists were coming, and partly because such tribes as had not already been rooted out were very small and occupied only small amounts of very poor land. East of the Mississippi, however, the greater part of the good land back from the coast was occupied by five tribes so large and powerful that they were usually known as nations. They represented the remnants of most of those peoples responsible for the mound- building cultures of the east-central United States, and had acquired size and stability under semicivilized economic conditions in prehistoric times, both of which were increased by the acquisition of smaller units after white contact and as a result of white pressure itself. Clashes between these nations and hordes of land-hungry and property-hungry whites from the seaboard States and from Europe were inevitable, and they became particularly frequent after American energies were released by the conclusion of the second war with Great Britain. It was not long, indeed, before an insistent clamor arose to have the Indian occupants removed to other territories west of the Missis- sippi, a clamor participated in to some extent by friends of the Indians themselves who were witnesses of the debauchery and general demor- alization to which the red men were exposed by proximity to frontier white settlements, often frequented by the most lawless elements. The history of the negotiations leading up to the removal of these Indians and the story of the removal itself have been adequately told by Foreman and Milling, and all constitutes a disgusting and disgrace- ful chapter in our national life. Had the men in authority in the sev- eral States and in Washington been possessed of that passion for justice and that far-sighted wisdom which the situation demanded, the removal SO BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buts. 137 would doubtless have taken place nonetheless, but it would have been consummated in a manner satisfactory to both parties and creditable to all concerned in it. Particularly inexcusable is the callous indiffer- ence of the American chief executive, Andrew Jackson, to the suffer- ings of the Cherokee to whom he was more than half indebted for his brilliant victory over the Creeks at the Horseshoe Bend. Having ob- tained the signatures of a small number of unrepresentative Indians to a treaty of removal repugnant to nineteen-twentieths of the tribe, he insisted on its legality, and it was enforced with unspeakable brutal- ity. During the removal of all of the five nations, the sympathy of the Chief Executive with white squatters, no matter of what character, is the most patent fact connected with it. Intense sufferings and heavy losses were endured by all of the tribes but particularly by the Creeks and Cherokee, disturbances in the case of the Creeks reaching almost the proportions of a war. Upon the whole, however, the removal was accompanied by singularly little disturbance and surprisingly few casualties among the whites, consid- ering the provocation, until it became the turn of the Seminole, of whose lands at that time there was so little need that this attempt to anticipate events must be regarded asa major blunder. This Seminole War lasted from 1835 to 1842, and cost the lives of nearly 1,500 American soldiers and 20 million dollarsin money. ‘The Indians were, however, gradually hunted down and the survivors shipped to Oklahoma, though with heavy losses of life in transit, until, at the conclusion of hostilities, all but about 500 had been disposed of. The bad faith displayed toward the Indians on many occasions, particularly by General Jesup in the notorious case of Osceola, rather subtracted from than added to Ameri- can military glory, and the end came at last rather through the applica- tion of a milder policy than through military power. (Foreman, 1932, 1934; Milling, 1940.) But the period of removal passed at last, and all of the Indians of the old Southeast except perhaps 1,500 Cherokee, 500 Seminole, 2,000-3,000 Choctaw, and some mixed-blood groups mainly in Virginia and the Carolinas, were gone. A few bands of Seminole, Koasati, Ala- bama, Biloxi, Pascagoula, and Choctaw settled in Louisiana and eastern Texas before proceeding to their ultimate destination, and there are Koasati still in Louisiana, and Alabama in Texas. The rest of the Indian population formerly resident in the area which is the subject of this study was collected in the eastern part of what was then known as Indian Territory and since 1907 has been the State of Oklahoma. Here they at first established little semiautonomous states under the patronage of the general government which were gradually extin- guished, the individuals under each becoming citizens of Oklahoma and of the United States. The fragments scattered through the rest Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 81 of the Southeast have for the most part declined in numbers and gradually adapted themselves to the civilization about them into which they will progressively merge both culturally and racially. Pan-Indian movements arose from time to time, with and without the approval of the United States Government, in which the trans- planted tribes took leading parts. In June 1843, a council was called at Tahlequah by John Ross to debate such a movement and the memory of this event is preserved in one of the few existing paintings by Stanley ipl. 1). SKETCHES OF THE SOUTHEASTERN TRIBES AND THEIR POPULATION ABIHKA This was one of the principal divisions of the Upper Creeks and occupied what is now Talladega County, Ala. The name is one of those which appear in the Creek migration legends and it is sometimes extended to cover all of the Creeks, or at least all of the Upper Creeks. The importance of Abihka is indicated by the fact that it formed one of the four towns sometimes called the four “foundation towns” of the confederation. Hawkins was told that this tribe was “one of the old- est,” and he attributed to them the introduction of some of the most ancient customs, including punishment for adultery and the regulation of marriage. The first historical appearance of the name is in the Juuna narratives (1560), in the form “Apica.” Stiggins says that they were possessed of a brass drum obtained, according to tradition, from a foreign people whom he identifies with the followers of De Soto, but it may well have come from the followers of Luna, or more likely from the British. The name of the principal Abihka town usually appears in the form of Abihkutci, “Little Abihka,” and there was another of the same name occupied by Okfuskee Indians. Two other towns of this tribe were known respectively as Talladega (End-town) and Kan-tcati (Red-earth). This tribe welcomed part of the fugitive Natchez when they were obliged to quit the Chickasaw country, and intermarried with them extensively. They took no part in the Creek War of 1813-14. After the removal they established a Square Ground a few miles northwest of the present Eufaula, Okla., and another farther west known as “Abihka-in-the-West.” The Kan-tcati and Talladega Square Grounds were reestablished, but the former was soon given up. The latter is still in existence, near Henryetta. Gatschet enumerates two branch towns called Teahki thlako, or “Big Shoal,” and Kayomalgi, which probably signifies “Mulberry Place.” The second may have been occupied, in part at least, by Shawnee, and there was also a Chickasaw village on the creek which bore this name. 464735—46——7 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 137 Tobias Fitch speaks of “the Lun-ham-ga Town in the Abecas,” which may have been still another out-settlement. Abihka population—Only one town, Abihkutci, is given in the census lists prior to 1832, and for these only the gun-men, warriors, or hunters are returned, as follows: Year Number Year Number 17SB.LUOR CLO ee se 30) 4 701Ghs asi eel ital ogi 50 uly ¢-- | REE epee ere eer ear Se a SO Fs 0 ET cin nad bripein manta g clone 45 WOO en tee eee eed ee Pe by? a aren SAE REISE Ss 15 The United States Census taken in 1832-33 returned 378 In- dians in Abihkutci, 191 in Kan-tcati, 334 in Talladega, and 175 in Kiamulgatown. ACOLAPISSA In 1699 this tribe was living on Pearl River, about 4 leagues (11 miles) from its mouth. It was said to occupy 6 villages, and the statement is added that the Tangipahoa (q. v.) had formerly con- stituted a seventh. When these people were visited by Bienville in the winter of 1699-1700, he learned that they had been attacked 2 days before by some English slave hunters at the head of 200 Chickasaw. In 1702 (or 1705) they moved to Bayou Castine on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain, and 6 months later the Natchitoches (q. v.), whose crops had been ruined, came to St. Denis, then in command of the Mississippi fort, and were settled by him beside the Acolapissa. In 1714, however, when he attempted to take them back to their own country, the Acolapissa attacked them and killed 17, besides capturing 50 women and girls, most of whom were restored later. In 1718, or at least before 1722, the Acolapissa removed to the Mississippi River to be near New Orleans and settled on the east side 13 leagues (about 35 miles) above it. In the year last mentioned they were visited by Father Charlevoix, who gives a considerable description of them and says that the house of their chief was 36 feet in diameter, 6 feet more than that of the Natchez Great Sun. A little higher up the river they had had a small village, then abandoned. In their old town was a temple and this was rebuilt after they moved to the Mississippi, as we know from the sketch of it made by A. de Batz in 1782 and most fortunately recovered by the late D. I. Bushnell, Jr. From what an officer with M. de Nouaille tells us 7 years later, it is evident that this tribe and the Bayogoula and Houma, who had settled near by, were gradually becoming amalgamated. He prefers to call them all Acolapissa, or “Colapissas,” but the name of the Houma had the greater survival value, and the consolidated tribes appear at about this point under that name for a considerable period. The Acolapissa and Bayogoula seem to have combined first, and later to have united with the Houma (q. v.). Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 83 Acolapissa population—In 1699 Bienville gave the number of Acolapissa warriors as about 150, but La Harpe places it at 300. Iberville’s census of families made in 1702 assigns 250 to this tribe, and Charlevoix in 1722 says there were 200 warriors. In 1739 the Acolapissa, Bayogoula, and Houma together were reported to have 90-100 warriors and a total population of 270-300. After that all are called Houma. Mooney’s estimate of this tribe as of the year 1650 is 1,500, including the Tangipahoa, and is, if anything, somewhat too high The mixed-blood group still bearing the Houma name locally evidently formed the bulk of the 1,089 Indian population of Louisiana according to the census of 1930, whose tribal affiliations were not re- ported, since 899 of them were in Terrebonne Parish. ACUERA A Timucua tribe probably located along the upper course of Ockla- waha River, Fla. It appears first in the De Soto narratives, and Garcilaso de la Vega identifies it with the province of Ocale where the Spaniards sojourned for a month in the summer of 1539, but Ranjel, who may usually be relied upon, speaks of it as a province to which they sent for corn while they were staying at Ocale, and Gallegos reported to De Soto that Acuera and Ocale were 2 days’ journey apart. After the Spaniards settled in Florida permanently, we hear of an encounter between Acuera Indians and members of an expedition sent from Havana in 1604. The Governor of Florida had some difficulty in overcoming the effects of this, but by 1655 two missions, San Luis and Santa Lucia, had been established in the Acuera country. As we do not hear of these again, it may be assumed that they were given up in consequence of the Timucua rebellion in 1656. Acuera population —No figures seem to have come down to us. ADAI A Caddo tribe living when first discovered by Europeans near the present site of Robeline, La. There were Adai Indians at the Fran- ciscan Mission of San Francisco de los Tejas, the first in eastern Texas, founded by Capt. Alonso de Leon and Father Damian Massanet in June 1690. In 1699 Iberville seems to have been given the name of this tribe under the form Natao. In 1717 the Mission of San Miguel de Linares was established among them. Two years later it was destroyed by the French, with Natchitoches and Caddo allies, but rebuilt in 1721, and near it was located the Presidio of Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar de los Adaes. For 50 years this was the capital of Texas, but presidio and mission were both abandoned in 1773. In 1778 Méziéres states that the tribe was almost extinct, but Sibley re- ported in 1805 that there was a small settlement on Lake Macdon 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 137 near an affluent of Red River. The remnant probably combined with the other Caddo and followed their fortunes. The vocabulary of their language, fortunately preserved by Sibley, shows that it differed widely from the rest of the Caddo dialects. Ada population —Bienville reported 50 warriors in 1700, but twice as many in 1718. In 1721 the reestablished mission was said to serve 400 Indians. Sibley reported 20 men in 1805, but the proportion of women was much greater. In 1825 there were said to be 27. I esti- mate a maximum population of about 400. AGUACALEYQUEN See Utina, page 201. AIS A tribe located on Indian River, Fla. Pedro Menendez visited them in 1565 and before departing established 200 of his men on the lagoon three leagues from the Ais town. During the winter they got into difficulties with the Indians and moved south to the neigh- borhood of St. Lucie River, where lived the Guacata (q. v.), who were more friendly to them and acquired at this time the name of the mission, Santa Lucia. Fontaneda mentions the tribe in his Memoir. In 1570, or shortly before, there was war between the Spaniards and Ais, since we learn of peace being concluded that year. In 1597 Governor Mendez de Canco on his way from the head of the Florida Keys to St. Augustine, met the Ais chief, who had with him 15 canoes and more than 80 followers. At the chief’s request, the Governor afterward sent an interpreter and two Indians to explain his wishes to the Ais Indians. When these emissaries were killed by the latter, Cango exacted a summary revenge which had an immediate quiet- ing effect upon them. Later, trouble arose in consequence of the escape of two Negro slaves and their marriage with Ais women. They were finally recovered, however, and the Ais chief came to St. Augustine the same year with 24 warriors to offer his services against the French and English. Promise was extended that a young Spaniard would be sent to learn the Ais language, but it is doubtful if this was ever done. In 1609 the principal chief of the Ais visited St. Augustine, and several minor chiefs of the southeast coast were baptized. In 1703 an attempt was made to “reduce” these Indians to the Roman Catholic faith, though there is no evidence that it was carried through. In 1699 the Quaker Dickenson, who had been ship- wrecked near Jupiter Inlet, passed through the Ais territory, and he gives a very good account of its inhabitants. Romans states that the last of the Calusa Indians, consisting of 80 families, crossed to Havana after the cession of Florida to Great Britain in 1763, but it Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 85 is probable that these consisted largely, if not entirely, of the Indians who had lived on the east coast, and among them the Ais. Adair says that the fugitives included 30 men. Ais population.—No figures of any kind exist other than mention of the fact, above noted, that in 1597 the chief of Ais came out to meet Governor Mendez de Canco with 15 canoes and 80 Indians, and the general statement that it was the most populous tribe on the south- east coast. For this tribe, the Tekesta, and the other small tribes of that section, Mooney made an estimate of 1,000 as of 1650. It is prob- able that the “Costa Indians” in the missions about St. Augustine in the first half of the eighteenth century were drawn from this and the other tribes formerly living near them. In 1726, 88 of these were reported; in 1728, 52. (See references from Romans (1775) and Adair (1775) above.) AKOKISA This name was given by the Spaniards to the Atakapa Indians in Texas, in particular to those about Galveston and Trinity Bays and on Trinity River. The Han, whom Cabez de Vaca placed in 1528 on the eastern end of an island believed to be Galveston Island, were probably a part of these people, the name given being perhaps a synonym of a’, the Atakapa and Akokisa word for “house.” In 1703, according to the French traveler Pénicaut, whose dates, however, are always open to suspicion, two Frenchmen sent on an exploring expe- dition by Bienville returned and reported that they had reached a tribe of cannibals, and these may have been the Akokisa, though, on the other hand, they may not have gotten beyond the Atakapa proper. In 1719 a French vessel named Maréchal-d-E'stées touched on this coast and landed five officers who had volunteered to refill the water casks. They encountered Indians, however, and only one of them, an ensign named Simars de Belle-Isle, escaped with his life. This man lived among the Akokisa for more than a year as a captive, and was reduced to the last stage of want and misery when a letter he had written fell into the hands of St. Denis, commandant at Natch- itoches, who sent some Natchitoches Indians to rescue him and bring him to that post. Belle-Isle called the Akokisa “Caux,” probably from Atakapa ko-i, “speech,” or “language.” He reached Natchitoches in February 1721, and passed from there to Biloxi, where Bienville en- listed him as interpreter on the Sudtile, in which Bernard de la Harpe was about to set out for the Texas coast, the captain being Jean Béranger. They sailed August 17, and reached Galveston Bay 10 days later, where they opened communication with the Indians and, on their return, carried away nine of them. From these Indians Béranger took down the only vocabulary of Akokisa words now in existence. They subsequently escaped and tried to return to their S86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 137 homes by land. A part probably succeeded, because the French learned from other Indians to the westward of New Orleans that such a body of Indians had passed through their territories. As early as 1747 the establishment of a mission among the Akokisa was suggested by a Spanish officer, and in 1748-49 the Mission of San Ildefonso was founded 9 miles northwest of the present Rockdale, Milam County, Tex., on the San Gabriel River, to include this tribe, the Bidai, the Deadose, and the Patiri. In 1751, after an epidemic, the Indians de- serted to join the Nabedache in an expedition against the Apache. On their return, 66 families encamped near San Xavier Mission, from which they were served for some time. In 1756, in consequence of the arrest of a French trader among the Akokisa 2 years before, a presidio was established 2 leagues from the mouth of the Trinity, 50 Tlascaltec families being settled about it, and it was named San Agustin de Ahumada. About the same time the Mission of Nuestra Senora de la Luz was begun some distance south of the present Liberty. In 1764 the presidio burned down and was abandoned and the mission with it. In 1805 Sibley reported that the chief town of the Akokisa was on the west side of Colorado River, which means that a removal had taken place. It is not known whether these people finally joined their relatives in Louisiana, or united with the Bidai or Karankawa, or whether they died out in their old country, but they now disappear from the records. Akokisa population.—In 1719-21 Belle-Isle estimated a total popu- lation of 250 and La Harpe 200, figures which seem small for a people spread over so much territory. The Spanish officer Capt. Orobio y Basterra in 1747 reported that they lived in 5 villages, and he estimated that there were 300 families, but Sibley claimed that, about 1760-70, they had in the neighborhood of 80 men, a rather close agreement with the figure given by Belle-Isle. ALABAMA The first encounter between these Indians and the whites was at some point in the northern part of what is now Mississippi, west or northwest of the Chickasaw, but the references are a little confusing since Biedma and Garcilaso give the name to a “province,” i. e., tribe, including the occupants of a barricade—thrown across the Spaniards’ way, according to Biedma, simply to try their strength—while Ranjel and Elvas bestow it upon a small village where they passed the first night after leaving the Chickasaw. They do not so designate the bar- ricade which both, none the less, mention. At any rate, there can be little doubt that at least part of the Alabama tribe were in the region in question, and that some of them were concerned in the defense of the stockade. When next we hear of them, at the end of the seven- Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 87 teenth century, they were living on Alabama River just below the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. In 1702, when the French estab- lished themselves at Fort Louis in Mobile Bay, they found the Mobile and Tohome tribes at war with the Alabama, and they themselves became involved in the hostilities, the Alabama being abetted, and sometimes actively aided, by the English. This war lasted from 1703 to 1712. In 1715 English influence was shaken by the great Yamasee uprising and in 1717 Bienville established a post at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, which was named Fort Toulouse. It secured the tribe to the French interest until the entire territory was sur- rendered to England in 1763. About the time of its erection, the Tawasa, who had taken refuge near Mobile after attacks by the English and Creeks, joined the Alabama and established themselves in the towns of Tawasa and Autauga. The Pawoktiscem to have accompanied them. Hawkins describes all of these towns as they existed in 1799 when the Alabama proper seem to have been confined to Red Ground (Kan- teati), although we know that Alabama also occupied Okchaiutci and probably Muklasa (q. v.) and part of White Ground (Kan-hatki). Before the above movement took place, the Alabama had a town called Bear Fort (given on the maps as Nitahauritz for Nita holihta) farther down the river. After the peace concluded between England and France in 1763, the tribe began to break up. As early as 1778 some Kan-tcati and Tawasa moved to Florida to swell the numbers of the Seminole. Some Alabama of the town of Okchaiutci accompanied those Koasati who effected a temporary settlement on Tombigbee River at about this period. A considerable body went as far as the Missis- sippi, where they were found in August 1777 by William Bartram, 2 miles above the Manchac. This band remained here until after 1784. In the meantime other bodies of Alabama seem to have moved to Red River, and by the time Sibley made his report (1806) there was one band containing about 30 men, living near the Caddo, the greater part of a settlement that had been made 16 miles above Bayou Rapides, and another party about 30 miles northwest of Opelousas. Later some Alabamamoved to the Sabine River, and the greater part of them finally drifted into Texas, where they are settled in what is now Polk County between Livingston and Woodville though a few families remained in Louisiana (pl. 2). That portion which stayed in the Creek Nation took a very active part in the Creek War of 1813-14, and after its conclusion, their old territory having been ceded to the whites, they were compelled to move north of the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. Most of them settled in a town which took the name of the Tawasa, and this may mean that the Alabama who remained in the Nation were mainly of that formerly distinct tribe. The rest are said to have gone to live on Coosa River above Wetumpka and may 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 137 perhaps have constituted the settlement which appears in the census of 1932-33 as Autauga or the one occupied by the Okchaiutci Indians. As noted above, Okchaiutci, or Little Okchai, was an Alabama offshoot which seems to have owed its name to the fact that the Alabama had at one time formed one town with the Okchai Indians, or at least lived in close conjunction with them. This name appears first in 1750 and the town is said to have maintained a separate existence even after the removal to Oklahoma, but it now survives only as a ceremonial name. The Alabama Indians in Oklahoma still (1928) maintain a Square Ground in the neighborhood of Weleetka. In 1761 we hear of a branch village called Wetumpka. The Muklasa Indians were probably a branch of the Alabama, but they have been treated separately. Alabama population.—In 1702 Iberville estimated 400 families of Alabama in 2 villages, and a census taken by the English in 1715 gives 4 villages with a total population of 770, including 214 men. Both of these are exclusive of the Tawasa and Pawokti. A French document of the third decade of the same century gives 6 towns and 400 men, probably including the Tawasa and Pawokti. The following figures for the warriors or hunters are given for the Alabama alone, not including the Tawasa or Okchaiutci: 15 in 1750, 150 in 1760, 70 in 1761, 60 in 1792, 80 in 1799. For Okchaiutci we have: 40 in 1750, 100 in 1760, 20 in 1761, 40 in 1792. Writing in 1814, Stiggins ventures an estimate of 2,000 as the total Alabama population, but this is too high. In the census of 1832-33 they are represented only by the towns of Tawasa and Autauga with 321 Indians and 21 Negro slaves. Sibley, writing in 1805, estimates 30 to 40 men respectively for the two towns in Louisiana. In 1817 Morse says there were 160 Alabama Indians in Texas. In 1882 the United States Indian Office estimated 290 Alabama, Koasati, and Muskogee in Texas, and it repeats these figures till 1901 when 470 are given on the authority of the census of 1900. This in turn was repeated until 1911, but in 1910 a special agent was sent to the tribe and he reported 192, a figure which was again copied in several subsequent reports. The United States Census of 1910 returned 187 Alabama in Texas and 111 in Louisiana, a total of 298. No separate enumeration of the Alabama in Oklahoma has been made, so far as I am aware. AMACANO A tribe associated with the Caparaz and Chine tribes in the doc- trina of San Luis on the seacoast of the Apalachee country. It was established in 1674. They might have been part of the Yamasee. The three towns in which these tribes lived contained 300 persons, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 89 ANADARKO, OR, MORE CORRECTLY, NADAKO A tribe of the Hasinai Confederacy of the Caddo. In 1542 the Spaniards under Moscoso met them in northwestern Louisiana or northeastern Texas, probably near the site of Logansport, La. They reappear in history in the narratives of Joutel (1687), and Casafas (1691), and it is conjectured that they were then living on Shawnee Creek in the southern edge of Rusk County, Tex. A Spanish mission called San José de los Nazones was established July 10, 1716, for this tribe and the Nasoni jointly, east of Angelina River and about 20 miles northwest of Nacogdoches. It had small success and was aban- doned in 1719 on account of a threatened French invasion. ‘The same year a settlement of that tribe was visited by La Harpe. August 13, 1721, the mission was reestablished and the chief of the Nasoni rein- stated as “governor.” In 1729-80 it was discontinued here, with- drawn ultimately to the neighborhood of San Antonio, and rechris- tened San Juan Capistrano, but few if any Hasinai went with it. The tribe continued to decline in numbers during the eighteenth century but as late as 1812 a village of 200 souls, including 40 warriors, was reported on the Sabine River. Their later fortunes followed those of the other Caddo tribes. Anadarko population—tIn 1805 Sibley reported 40 men in this tribe, in 1812 we have 200 given as just noted, and in 1818-20 we have 30 given and a population of 120-130. In 1820 Padilla states that they numbered 200, and in 1828 Sanchez enumerated 29 families. In 1851 they were reported to number 202, in 1855, 205, in 1857, 210, after which date they are not given separate status. (See Caddo.) APALACHEE A tribe or tribal confederation living between Aucilla and Apalachi- cola Rivers, Fla. They were first encountered by the Spaniards under Narvaez in 1528 and to their persistent attacks the misfortunes of that expedition are mainly to be attributed. De Soto’s army reached the Apalachee province October 1, 1539, crossed a swamp or river, evidently the Aucilla, and came to a town called Ivitachuco or Uitachuco, which was in flames. October 5 they came to another called Calahuchi, where they found a great quantity of dried venison, and finally they reached Iniahico or Iviahica (Iniahica), represented as the most important town of the province. They remained there until March 8, 1540, suf- fering constant attacks from the Indians, who preserved the character they had acquired in their dealings with Narvaez. One Relation repre- sents the next province they traversed, one called Capachequi beyond Flint River, as subject to Apalachee. If not related to the Apalachee, the Capachequi Indians were probably connected with the Hitchiti, whom they found just beyond. In 1564-65 the French at Fort Caroline 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunt 137 on St. Johns River heard that it was from this province that gold was to be obtained. We also get quite a description of it, albeit second- hand, from Fontaneda from information gleaned while he was held captive by the Calusa between 1551 and 1566, and incidentally we may add that he effectually disposes of the story of Apalachee gold. The Apalachee are said to have asked for missionaries as early as 1607 and Father Prieto visited them the following year, being received with great enthusiasm. The need of missionaries is repeated frequently in documents dating from 1608 to 1633, but active work was not begun until the year last mentioned when, on October 16, 2 monks set out for that tribe, and the conversion proceeded rapidly. Barcia says that it was interrupted by a native outbreak in 1638, but this notice prob- ably belongs to the year 1647 when a great revolt did take place in which 3 of the 8 missionaries were killed and the 7 churches and convents already established were destroyed, together with the sacred objects. The lieutenant of the province and his family were also slain, and the first force sent against the Indians, under Don Martin de Cuera, was compelled to retire after an all-day battle. Not long afterward, however, the uprising was put down with comparative ease, seemingly by means of friendly Apalachee. Twelve of the leaders were executed and 26 others condemned to labor on the fortifications of St. Augustine, the tribe as a whole being compelled to furnish workers annually for that purpose. The conversion of the tribe was now completed rapidly. Apalachee were involved in the Timucua rebellion of 1656, but the disturbance seems to have subsided among them without application of force though a captain and 12 soldiers were placed in San Luis, one of the head towns, Throughout the rest of the century, and indeed until 1701, the Apalachee made constant appeals for relief from the labor imposed upon them at the end of their “rebellion,” but this was not finally accomplished until 1704. In the winter of 1703-4 the tribe was entirely disrupted by a South Carolina force under Col. James Moore consisting of 50 men with 1,000 Creek allies. The Apa- Jachee had suffered a severe defeat the year before, but at this time Moore claims to have brought back 1,800 Apalachee with him not count- ing 100 slaves. The former he established near New Windsor below the present North Augusta, S.C. The number carried off is conceded by the Governor of Florida to have been 600, while Bienville, writing from Mobile, says the English had killed and made prisoner 6,000 or 7,000. The English estimate is probably not far wrong. Those who escaped the English went to Pensacola and most of them moved later to Mobile, probably toward the end of 1705, thinking that the French would furnish better protection. At the outbreak of the Yamasee War, the Apalachee who had been taken to the Savannah retired among the Lower Creeks, where some had already settled, and, when the English Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 9] faction there acquired the ascendency, they withdraw farther south, part into their old country, part to a new settlement near San Marcos on the Gulf coast, and part to the neighborhood of Pensacola. In 1727, the Apalachee belonging to these last two groups are said to have “revolted” against Spain, but by the next year had returned to their allegiance. Later all seem to have gravitated to Pensacola, for we hear no more of the rest, but the Mobile and Pensacola bands maintained a separate existence as late as 1758, and probably until 1763, when the territories of both were ceded to Great Britain: In consequence of this political change, the Apalachee appear to have united and by about 1764 they, together with the Taensa Indians and the Pakana band of Creeks, settled on Red River. Their land and that of the Taensa adjoined, lying between Bayou d’Arro and Bayou Jean de Jean. In 1803 the Taensa sold this land to Miller and Fulton, but only a portion was allowed the purchasers by the United States commissioners in 1812 on the ground that the sale had not been agreed to by the Apalachee. The Apalachee probably lost their share before long, however, in one of those ways in which things were in the habit of taking place in bargains between whites and Indians, but the survivors remained in the region and died out or united with other tribes. A few families went to Oklahoma with the Creeks, and mention is made by Dr. Gatschet of three families of them on the North Canadian River, the following names of women being given: Simahi, Tut’hayi, and Santi. Apalachee population.—The early population of this tribe has often been exaggerated. The most reasonable is an estimate of 5,000 made in 1676, though it is possible that a hundred years earlier there were 1,000 more, and Mooney suggests 7,000 in 1650, including a few other tribes, while Governor Salazar’s mission by mission estimate made in 1675 gives a total of 6,130. The figures given by Moore (1,300 free Indians plus 100 slaves) and Bienville (400 Indians) indicate that there were about 2,000 at the time when they were destroyed (1704). The exceptionally careful Indian census taken by the English in 1715 gives 275 men and a total population of 638 in the four Apalachee villages under their control on Savannah River. The Apalachee town near Pensacola contained more than 100 in 1718. In 1725 the Mobile band had been reduced to 100, but in 1728 there were still two villages in the old Apalachee country numbering 140 and 20 persons respec- tively. In 1726, 87 Apalachee were enumerated in the missions about St. Augustine and 41 in 1728. In 1758 there were said to be 30 war- riors in the western settlements, probably including practically all the survivors in both Spanish and French territories. In 1805 Sibley tells us there were only 14 warriors in the Apalachee tribe in Lou- isiana. Morse gives this band a total of 150 as of 1817, but this is probably too high. (See also Timucua.) 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buin. 137 APALACHICOLA This name seems to have been applied originally to a small group of tribes or towns speaking the Hitchiti language and living on the lower course of the Chattahoochee, but the Spaniards used it in a loose way for the Lower Creeks just as the French used the name of the Alabama for the Upper Creeks. However, in documents of 1675 and 1686 the word is applied to a single town, and later it is connected either with a town or a small group of towns. In 1690 two Franciscan monks were sent into the Apalachicola territory to begin missionary work, but the Coweta chief would not allow them to remain. In 1706 and 1707 Indians in alliance with the English, probably Creeks or Yuchi, attacked the Apalachicola and allied tribes which were then living on and near the Apalachicola River, scattering some and carry- ing off others. The narrative of these expeditions, preserved through the testimony of an Indian named Lamhatty and rescued by the late David I. Bushnell, Jr., gives the names of four towns or tribes which seem to have constituted the Apalachicola Nation at that time. These were Ephippick, Aulédly, Socsdsky, and Sunepah. They were settled cn Savannah River below the Apalachee at a place later known as the Palachocolas or Parachocolas Fort, nearly opposite Mount Pleas- ant. In 1716, as a consequence of the Yamasee War, they moved back to their old country in company with bands of Shawnee and Yuchi, but established their own town at the junction of the Chatta- hoochee and Flint Rivers, at a place long afterward known as Apa- lachicola Fort. Their chief at that time was named Cherokeeleechee, or “Cherokee Killer,” a man who conducted many raids against the frontiers of South Carolina. Not many years later a part moved north to join the Lower Creeks and settled on the west side of the Chattahoochee just below a sharp turn which it makes to the east. Cherokeeleechee and the remainder of the people joined them a little later, and even after that the town was moved again a mile and a half higher up the river. According to Bartram, who gives us this information, the second removal would have taken place about 1757. He also tells us that fragments of the tribe moved east and south, some of them adding their strength to the nascent Seminole. Accord- ing to one tradition, the Creek Confederation was initiated through a treaty of peace between the Muskogee and Apalachicola, and the importance of this town was indicated by the name Talwa lako, or “Big Town,” which they gave to it. It seems to have been the origi- nal White town of the Lower Creeks, as stated by Hawkins, until its place was taken by Kasihta. After their removal from the country, most Apalachicola settled near the present Okmulgee, Okla. Apalachicola population—The Apalachicola who were placed on Savannah River numbered in 1715, just before the outbreak of the Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 93 Yamasee War, 214, including 64 warriors, in 2 villages. Later cen- suses give the following numbers of warriors: 105 in 1738 (in 2 vil- lages of 60 and 45 respectively); more than 30 in 1750; 60 in 1760; 20 in 1761; 100 in 1792 (including the Chiaha) ; and a total popula- tion of 239 in 1832-33 (in 2 settlements). (See Timucua.) ATAKAPA By the French this name was applied to all of the bands of the Attacapan linguistic family of Powell except the Opelousa, Bidai, and one or two other tribes in Texas of which they had no knowledge, but as the term Akokisa, used by Spanish writers for those Atakapa on the lower Trinity River and on Trinity and Galveston Bays, has become current in Texas literature, I have considered the Texas Atakapa under that head. Besides the Opelousa, which will be con- sidered separately, there were bands of Indians of this tribe on Ver- milion Bayou, on Mermentou River, on the lakes near the mouth of the Calcasieu, and probably on the lower Sabine. Mention has been made of an exploring party sent westward by Bienville which pene- trated the country for 100 leagues and finally reached a tribe of canni- bals. These were undoubtedly some one of the Atakapa groups. As these Indians lay at some distance from the Mississippi and from the early European colonies, they did not suffer seriously from white intrusion until well along in the eighteenth century, though individ- uals frequented the French posts along with other Indians. In 1760 Skunnemoke (Skenne-mok, “Short Arrow”), often called Kinemo, sold the land on which his village stood and a strip of territory 2 leagues wide between Bayou Teche and Vermilion Bayou to a Frenchman named Fusilier de la Clair, and from this time on the lands of the tribe were steadily alienated in spite of efforts to protect them. Not- withstanding the sale above mentioned, the Vermilion village was not abandoned until early in the nineteenth century, and in 1779 it sup- plied 60 men to Governor Galvez to assist him in his expedition against the British forts on the Mississippi. The Mermentou band furnished 120 men to Galvez in that expedition. In 1787 the principal Atakapa village was at the “Island of Woods,” later known as the “Island of Lacasine” from an Indian reputed to be its chief. It was abandoned about 1799 and the Indians moved to a village on the Mermentou. This was the last village of the Eastern Atakapa and is said to have been occupied as late as 1836, but this is not certain. Some of these Indians united with the Western Atakapa about Lake Charles, but others scattered as far afield as Oklahoma. The last village of the Western Atakapa was on Indian Lake, later called Lake Prien, which must have been occupied until after the middle of the nine- teenth century. In 1885 Dr. Gatschet learned of two women living 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bunn, 187 near Lake Charles who had belonged to this town, and collected a considerable vocabulary from them, which, along with a vocabulary of Eastern Atakapa obtained by Martin Duralde and a list of words from Akokisa taken down by the French captain Bérenger, has been published in Bulletin 108 of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Gatschet and Swanton, 1932). A sketch of a number of Louisiana Indians belonging to several tribes made by A. de Batz at New Orleans in 1735 includes an Atakapa in the ancient dress (pl.3). A few of the survivors of the old town were living in 1907 and 1908 when the writer visited that part of the state (pl. 4, fig. 1), but all are now dead. Atakapa population—For the Atakapa alone the figures given above for enlistments in Galvez’ forces by the Eastern Atakapa, viz, 60+ 120, and the figure for all Louisiana Atakapa furnished by Sibley in 1805, that is, 50, are all we have. My own original estimate of the population of this linguistic group, exclusive of the Opelousa, was 3,500, which I am now inclined to regard as too high in spite of the immense extent of country covered by them, and I even question whether the same is not true of Mooney’s more modest estimate, about 1,000 less. ATASI The name of an old Muskogee town historically associated with the Tukabahchee and Kealedji and with a history paralleling the latter: 70-80 warriors in 1740-1800; 358 souls in 1832. AVOYEL A small tribe near the present Marksville, La., and on the lower course of Red River below the Rapides. Their name, which probably signifies “Stone People,” or rather “Flint People,” indicates that they were active as makers of or traders in arrow points, or at least traders in the raw material. In 1699 Iberville was given the Mobilian name of this tribe (Tassanak Okla) as the name of Red River, and next year he met some of the Indians themselves. They are again noted by St. Denis in 1714 and La Harpe in 1719, and Du Pratz tells us that they acted as middlemen in providing a market for horses and cattle plundered by western tribes from the Spaniards. Their name appears in 1764, in conjunction with those of the Ofo, Tunica, and Choctaw, as participants in an attack upon a British regiment ascending Red River, and in 1767 they were still said to have had a village near the “rapids” of Red River. In 1805 Sibley learned of but two or three women be- longing to this tribe, who made their homes in French families on the Ouachita. Some, however, settled with the Tunica south of Marks- ville, and it was not until 1932 that the last individual known to have Avoyel blood passed away. Avoyel population.—In 1700 Iberville met 40 warriors belonging to this nation and Bienville considered that that was their full strength. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 95 In 1805, as we have seen, there were 2 or 3 on the Ouachita and prob- ably there were as many more with the Tunica near Marksville. BAYOGOULA When the colony of Louisiana was founded in 1699, this tribe was living on the Mississippi River in one town with the Mugulasha (q. v.) near a place, Bayou Goula, which preserves their name. Since La Salle encountered no Indians along this part of the river in 1682, they may have been recent arrivals, though Ford reports that the remains on the site of their old town indicate a long period of occupancy. It is also possible that a tribe called Pischenoa (apparently a Choctaw word meaning “ours”), which Tonti encountered in 1686, 49 leagues above the Quinipissa (q. v.), may have been the tribe under considera- tion. In February 1699, a hunting party of Bayogoula and Mugulasha Indians discovered Iberville’s colony at Biloxi and came to make an alliance with him. On March 15 Iberville visited them himself and has left a graphic description of their village. He took one of their young men back to Europe to learn the French language, but he died before returning to his people. The Bayogoula and Houma were then at war with each other, and the peace which Iberville patched up be- tween them did not last after his return to Europe. In the spring of 1700 the Bayogoula attacked the Mugulasha, their fellow villagers, destroyed a considerable number, and drove the rest away, calling in families of Acolapissa and Tiou to take their places. This seems to have been partly because the Mugulasha had been too friendly with the Houma. In December of that year, the Bayogoula were visited by Father Gravier. In 1706, the Taensa, who had abandoned their towns on Lake St. Joseph, settled in the Bayogoula town, but presently treated the Bayogoula as they had treated the Mugulasha. The sur- vivors were given a place to settle near the French fort on the Missis- sippi, and they furnished 20 warriors to St. Denis in his expedition against the Chitimacha in the year 1707. By 1725 they had removed to a point 13 leagues above New Orleans. In 1739 they were living be- tween the Acolapissa and the Houma and had practically become fused with them. Their subsequent history is given under that of the Houma (q. v.). Bayogoula population.—Different reports of 1699 for the Bayo- goula and Mugulasha together give 400-500 population, 100 warriors, and 100 cabins. After the destruction of the Mugulasha we have in 1700 one estimate of 200 for the entire population. Iberville’s estimate of Louisiana tribes, made in 1702, allows the Bayogoula 100 families. About 1725, 40 warriors are indicated (Bienville), and in 1789 this tribe, the Acolapissa, and the Houma combined were thought to num- ber 270-300 exclusive of children. For his basal year 1650, Mooney estimated that this tribe, the Mugulasha, and the Quinipissa, assuming the last two to be distinct, included 1,500 people; my own estimate was 875, 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 137 BIDAI A tribe living on the middle course of Trinity River, Tex., about Bedias Creek, in the country southwest of the Trinity about the Big Thicket, also toward the Neches east of the Trinity. In the narrative of Simars de Belle-Isle they are mentioned as allied with the Akokisa by whom he was held captive. In 1748-49 the Mission of San Ildefonso was established for this tribe together with the Akokisa, Deadose, and Patiri. It was on the San Xavier River, now the San Gabriel, at a place identified by Bolton as 9 miles northwest of the present Rock- dale, Milam County, Tex. The medicine men of this tribe were highly esteemed by the Caddo, the exotic being assumed to be potent. In 1750 the Indians at San Ildefonso suffered from an epidemic, and next year they abandoned the mission in a body to join the Nabedache in an ex- pedition against their common enemy, the Apache. Later the Bidai settled near the Mission of San Xavier and still later we hear of them as intermediaries between the French and Apache in supplying the latter with firearms. In 1776-77 an epidemic carried off nearly half of their number, which had been estimated as 100, but about the middle of the nineteenth century there was still one small village 12 miles from Montgomery, Tex. A diligent search for individuals of this tribe that I made in 1912 resulted in locating only one Indian of probable Bidai blood, but this person had been brought up in a white family and knew nothing of the language or customs of her people. Bidai population —That portion of the tribe placed in San Ildefonso mission in 1748-49, including the Akokisa, Deadose, and Patiri, was said to have numbered 176 neophytes in 1751 after having lost 40 in an epidemic. Those who located at San Xavier included 66 families. As noted above, they were supposed to have numbered about 100 in 1776-77 when they lost half their number in another epidemic, and they are now extinct. BILOXI A Siouan tribe located on Pascagoula River and Biloxi Bay, prob- ably formerly residents of the Ohio Valley. The De Crenay map of 1733 shows a Biloxi site on Alabama River at the mouth of Bear Creek, which may have been occupied by them on their way south. It was possibly the Istanane mentioned in narratives of the Spanish expeditions of 1693 to survey Pensacola Bay, said to be a very numer- ous tribe living “along a western bayou in Mobile Bay.” ‘This was the first tribe encountered by Iberville when he brought the first permanent colonists to Louisiana in 1699. They were visited in their principal town on Pascagoula River by Bienville in June of the same year. In April 1700, Iberville found their town abandoned, and he does not state definitely where they had gone, though Sauvolle Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 97 and La Harpe place them in the same settlement as the Pascagoula some miles farther up. A few years later they were induced by St. Denis to locate on a small bayou between New Orleans and Lake Pontchartrain, and while they were there 15 Biloxi warriors accom- panied him in his Chitimacha expedition, March 1707. Pénicaut sets the date of their settlement near New Orleans as 1702-8 and, although his chronology is apt to be unreliable, in this case he cannot be far wrong. In 1722 they settled on Pearl River on the site formerly occupied by the Acolapissa, and between that year and 1730 they seem to have drifted back to the neighborhood of the Pascagoula on Pascagoula River. They lived near the same tribe in this general region until after 1763 when both moved across the Mississippi, the Biloxi settling first, it would seem, near the mouth of Red River where Hutchins locates them in 1784. If they actually were near the mouth of the river, they must soon have moved to the neighborhood of Marks- ville where later writers mention two villages, one of them on a half-section adjoining the Tunica. Soon afterward they sold or abandoned this site and moved to Bayou Rapides and thence to the mouth of the Rigolet de Bon Dieu, from whence they crossed in 1794-96 to Bayou Boeuf and established themselves on the south side below a band of Choctaw. The Pascagoula settled still farther down 2 years later. Soon after the beginning of the nineteenth century, the two tribes sold their lands to William Miller and Colonel Fulton, but though the sale was confirmed by the United States Government May 5, 1805, the Biloxi remained in the immediate neighborhood and grad- ually died out there or fused with the Tunica and Choctaw. A large body of these people, however, if we may trust the figures given by Morse, went to Texas and established themselves on a stream in Angelina County, still called Biloxi Bayou. Among the Alabama In- dians in this neighborhood are a few descended from these; what became of the rest is unknown. In 1829, Biloxi, Pascagoula, and Caddo were said to be living near one another close to the Texas boundary. Part of one or all of these bands emigrated to Oklahoma, where some settled on Kiamichi River, a few near Atoka, and 40 years ago I discovered one representative of the tribe living on Canadian River among the Creeks, but still able to recall a few Biloxi words. In the fall of 1886 Dr. A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, discovered a few Biloxi on Indian Creek, 5 to 6 miles west of Lecompte, La., and collected enough words to establish the Siouan connections of their tongue. January 14 to February 21, 1892, Dr. J. O. Dorsey, Siouan specialist in the same Bureau, visited this band and again in February 1893, collecting a considerable amount of material, which was published under my editorship in Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 47 (Dorsey and Swanton, 1912). 464735468 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 137 Biloxi population—In 1699 the Biloxi, Pascagoula, and Moctobi together are said by La Harpe to have had 180 warriors. Iberville states that the abandoned town of the Biloxi contained 30 to 40 cabins. In 1702 Iberville allows 100 families to the united tribes, and in 1758 De Kerlérec estimated for these together and the Chatot more than 100 warriors. In 1805 Sibley sets down the number of Biloxi as 30, but Morse (1822) gives 70, and Schoolcraft sponsors 65 as of the year 1829. Mooney supplies an estimate of 1,000 for this tribe, the Pascagoula, and Moctobi, as of the year 1650; my own is a sixth smaller. CADDO (See Bulletin 132 (Swanton, 1942) ) A division of the Caddoan linguistic family from which the family derived its name. It consisted of three lesser confederations—the Caddo proper or Kadohadacho, Hasinai, and Natchitoches, and two unattached tribes, the Adai and Eyeish, which were very likely re- lated more closely to each other. De Soto encountered one of the tribes of this group under the name Tula in southwestern Arkansas in 1541 near the present Caddo Gap, perhaps to be identified with the later Cahinnio. While the army was encamped at Tanico somewhere to the northeast of this place, De Soto went on ahead to visit these Tula with a small body of cavalry, but met a warm reception from the inhabitants and immediately returned. October 5 the whole army left Tanico and on Friday, October 7, came to the Tula town, which they found deserted. Next morning, however, the natives re- turned upon them armed with long lances hardened in the fire, and they proved to be “the best fighting people that the Christians met with.” In July, 1542, after De Soto’s death, the Spaniards reentered Caddo territories in northwestern Louisiana, and all of the rest of their journey, until they gave up the attempt to reach Mexico by land, was among Caddo, as may readily be determined from the names. In 1650 the Spaniards in Mexico again heard of these In- dians under the name Texas or Tejas, a word which signifies “friends,” and made several attempts to visit their country. In 1686 and again in 1687 La Salle entered it in his quest for the Mis- sissipp1 River after landing on the Texas coast. In the latter year he was killed by some of his followers near the lands of the Hasinai, and a few Frenchmen remained among the Indians while others, in- cluding the historian Joutel, passed completely through Caddo ter- ritory and came out upon the Mississippi at the mouth of the Arkan- sas. In 1690 Alonso de Leon, accompanied by the Missionary Da- mian Massanet, traversed the Caddo country from west to east as far as the Adai, A mission was established that same year in the ter- Se ee Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 99 ritory of the Nabedache tribe of the Hasinai Confederation, a short distance west of Neches River, and a second not far off. These missions were abandoned in 1693, refounded in 1716-17, and abandoned again, in fear of a French invasion, in 1719. In 1721 they were once more established, but the Queréteran missions were finally withdrawn from Caddo territory in 1731 and those of the Zacatecan Fathers in 1772-73. The eastern Caddo were visited by Henry de Tonti in 1690, Iberville heard of them in 1699, and the next year his brother Bienville crossed over to the country of the Natchitoches from the Taensa vil- lages. From 1702 (or 1705) to 1714 the Natchitoches tribe was living on the lower Mississippi, beside the Acolapissa. On being withdrawn to be returned to their own country, the Natchitoches were attacked by the Acolapissa and suffered a loss of 17 men. St. Denis estab- lished a post among them in their old country in 1714, to which a garrison was added. This became the most important guarantee of French power in this direction and a center of both open and clan- destine trade. As long as St. Denis remained in charge and con- sistently afterward, thanks to his influence, the Indians in the neigh- borhood were loyal and friendly, helping to defeat in 1731 a strong body of Natchez who threatened the post. In 1803 Louisiana passed under control of the United States, and in 1835 all the Caddo in that State ceded their lands and joined their kindred in Texas, but troubles between the Texans and western Indians were reflected in harsh treatment meted out to the peaceable tribes to the east, includ- ing the Caddo. In 1855 the Federal Government secured for them a tract of land on Brazos River, but in August 1859, in order to escape massacre by the whites, they made a forced march to the Washita River in what was then Indian Territory, led by their faithful agent, Rob- ert S. Neighbours. There a reservation was set apart for them, and during the Civil War they remained faithful to the Federal Gov- ernment, most of them taking refuge in Kansas. They were returned to their former reservation in 1867-68. In 1872 the boundaries of their reservation were defined, and in 1902 they were allotted under the provisions of the severalty act of 1887. Caddo population—Mooney estimates that there were 8,500 Caddo in 1690, including the Hasinai and other related tribes, but I am in- clined to cut this to not more than 8,000. In 1805 Sibley reported about 450 Caddo proper, but in 1849 a total of 1,200 is given, probably including the Hasinai. Subsequent figures are: Year No. Geer (Not including the Anadarko and Hainal)----) + Po 161 1855 (Not including the Anadarko and Hainai)--____--____________________ 188 fee Civet counting the Anadarko) 2Ui 22 2h) ee th ate fe 235 i664, in Kansas: (not) including; the; Hainal) 2-0 .i ee 370 SERED RT OEY BU CIOT oo ae et a 284 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 137 Year No IST2.CWitbeut thre Fimirigh ic se a 392 I87S (Without the Haingl) no aie ee 401 1874 (Including the Hainai and some Delaware) -_------_-_------__---_-__- 521 1875 (Including the Hainai and some Delaware) —----_----__---------___~_ 552 1876 (Caddo: alone) wil ate ee eed uh ak a 467 1877-78 (Including the Hainai and some Delaware) __----_------------_--~- 643 1880. (138 men, 156 women, 123 boys, 120 eiris) 2. 2 ee 538 1881-82 (151 men, 151 women, 127 boys, 123 girls) _--_-_---------___---__---- 552 yf: <, jell aad i aieeeeeeier si aap lieran iS beplniaretrlephy hi ba Fie) 21 in Spoink 535 18984 ‘(271 ‘inales’ and '285-" females) Livi 2 Sieh a Oo So oe 556 1885 '(278mdles ‘and +202) females)oo203 bit al oy) OO pee 540 LE Se ee eee Oe! ot VO Te MO Sey SN RS Ae pe eT ST 521 1887 (256 males and 269 females (including 121 children) )_-_--_____-_-_____ 525 TOSS ian ek 0 ee es 491 IGA a ne Rr eee 517 ISO Li Oe Ee a Oe ae eee BE ee eee 538 GOA Bees hee Ch yt its he 2 lt aay |e ee ay a er ee ee 545 BE) ar ea PO Ee a Da BS. See SV mA eer See EE Meee eae ote Ee 526 pA 2 al” 2 ae ee RS Ne, IY RRO | 1 A Pee a REZ a 507 US sg ot ka 498 5 5:3 | Anan ofa a ied decent Sa hh cade faders 2 Fook i toss berabe ete Lestiedeniied woe HA a a ee 1897-1903 (Enumerated with the Wichita, Tawakoni, Waco, and some Delaware. ) 1904 (Including, the Hasinai and other allies)2_U—-_u22_ + 4 535 1905.(274, males. and 222: females) 6 mie a gg | i 496 1006 (277 males and 274 females) 200200.) oe a ee 551 BL. y sanalalla et enitleati Rees eel daabinieits f intet Pam aie aye joicg mcs no beast of prey except the bear, and no aquatic animals including frogs. According to the same writer, they would not swal- low flies, mosquitoes, or gnats lest they breed sickness or worms (Adair, 1775, p. 181). For the tribes of the Mississippi itself, our information derived from the Natchez is most extensive. Dumont de Montigny (1753, vol. 1, pp. 82-34) speaks of two kinds of corn; but Du Pratz of several, describing three specifically : Louisiana produces many kinds of maize, such as the flour maize which is white, flat, and corrugated, but more tender than the other kinds; and the gruel or grits maize which is round, hard, and glossy. Of this latter kind there is white, yellow, red, and blue. The maize of these two last colors is more common in the highlands than in lower Louisiana. We have besides, the little grain or little maize, so named because it is smaller than the others. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, p. 3.) The same writer tells us that beans were found in cultivation along the Mississippi, some varieties of which were red, some black, and some of other colors, and he says that they were called “forty-day beans” because they were ready to eat within 40 days from the time when the seed was planted. He mentions two kinds of pumpkins (giromons). *%* An old Chickasaw woman once refused to dress a hawk Adair (1775, p. 137) had killed, but see page 289 for a reference to the eating of a hawk by the Choctaw, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 291 The one is round and the other in the shape of a hunting horn.” These last are the better, having firmer flesh of a less insipid sweetness, containing fewer seeds, and keeping much better than the other. These ere the ones of which they make preserves. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, p. 11.) A kind of grass yielding grain, called choupichoul in Natchez (in English shupishul) was given a kind of semicultivation by the river people, and still another known as widthloogouill (withloguithl) by the same tribe was utilized without any sort of cultivation. One of these was probably the wild rice, while the other may have been cockspur grass (Echinochloa crusgalli). They also gathered the seeds from a species of wild cane which has been mentioned already. This is not produced every year, but is very abundant when it does appear. This grain, [Says Du Pratz] which rather resembles vats, except that it is three times as thick and longer, is carefully gathered by the natives, who make of it bread or porridge. This meal swells up as much as that of wheat. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 1, pp. 316-317, vol. 2, pp. 58-59.) Persimmons and the inevitable bread made from them are noted, along with peaches and figs introduced by the Spaniards and French. Undoubtedly pecans, hickory nuts, and acorns constituted an item in the lower Mississippi diet, but Du Pratz (1758, vol. 2, pp. 18-20, 25) speaks only of bread made from black walnuts and the occasional employment of chestnuts when other food was scanty. Finally he mentions, a kind of agaric or mushroom which grows at the foot of the walnut, especially when it is overthrown. The natives, who pay great attention to the choice of their nourishment, gather these with care, have them boiled in water, and eat them with their grits. I have had the curiosity to taste of these, and I have found them very delicate, but a little flat, which could be easily corrected by means of some seasoning. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, p. 51.) Among the Natchez game animals mentioned are bear, deer, and bison, besides turkeys and many other birds, and fish such as carp, sucker, catfish, and a variety of sardine. Du Pratz adds the dog, but the use of the dog was probably mainly confined to ceremonial occasions (Swanton, 1911, pp. 67-72). Absence of any mention of the alligator as a food animal is noticeable, as it was much esteemed along most of the Gulf coast. The diet of other river tribes differed little from that of the Natchez, except that the Tunica are reported to have relied more upon corn and to have lived one entire month every year on persim- mons besides putting up a great quantity of persimmon bread. Gra- vier mentions sunflowers growing in Tunica fields beside the corn, and they were probably grown everywhere along the river. 1@ Oor de chasse, but given by Du Pratz as “corps de chasse” (see Read, 1931, p. 89). 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 137 Anciently it is said that four kinds of corn were grown by the Chitimacha, one of which seems to have been the favorite flour corn. The three others differed mainly in the color of the kernels and one, a blue variety, is supposed to have been found growing wild when the Chitimacha reached their country, a bit of folklore. They were all of the kind known as “flint corn.” It is evident that beans and pumpkins were also cultivated. They gathered the roots of the China brier, or Smilax, ground nuts (Apios tuberosa), the seed of the pond lily (Welumbo lutea) and the palmetto, the rhizoma of the common Sagittaria and the Sagittaria with the large leaf, the fruit of the persimmon, strawberries, blackberries, mulberries, and “a white berry growing near Plaquimine Bayou,” besides the seeds of a cane, evidently the one of which mention has been made already. Gatschet includes “pistaches” and “wild beans” among Chitimacha food plants, but by the former is perhaps intended peanuts or the cactus-pear. He also mentions sweetpotatoes, which may mean either wild sweetpotatoes or the varieties later imported. In Bulletin 48, on the authority of Benjamin Paul, I noted raspberries among the kinds of berries gathered by the Chitimacha, but they certainly did not know red raspberries and it is more likely that blackberries were meant. They hunted deer and bear, and ate two kinds of turtles and all sorts of fish. (Swanton, 1911, pp. 345-346; Gatschet, 1883, pp. 4-5.) The Caddo cultivated corn, beans, pumpkins, and sunflowers, as well as tobacco, and we are told that they utilized acorns, nuts of various kinds, persimmons, plums, wild cherries, mulberries, straw- berries, and blackberries, and were particularly fond of wild grapes. The gathering of grapes by the Caddo was the subject of a painting by Catlin. Among the animals they hunted are mentioned the deer, bison, bear, rabbit, “wild boars,” and “dormice and other quadrupeds.” These are included in a list given by Solis and he adds to it wild turkeys, geese, ducks, partridges, cranes, quail, “and other birds that are on the beach or on the banks and margins of the rivers,” also “snakes and vipers,’ and polecats. They used fish extensively, especially the eastern Caddo. In general, their economy was in line with that of the other Southeastern tribes. The one animal which instituted an important change was the bison, their annual hunts of this animal giving them for the time being something of the cultural veneer of the Plains Indians. This tended to increase as they were pushed westward. (Swanton, 1942, pp. 127-139; Solis, 1931, p. 43.) In 1687 Joutel found growing in the Quapaw fields corn, pumpkins (citrouilles), melons (melons), sunflowers (solezls), and beans (févres) (Margry, 1875-86, vol. 3, p. 462). The usage of vegetable and animal foods in most of the main South- eastern provinces, as reported to early writers, is epitomized in tables 2and 3. Of course, most of these were actually used throughout. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 293 TABLE 2.—Geographical and tribal distribution of the vegetable foods of the South- eastern Indians according to references in the literature 2 = ey Ss 3 = 3 3 5 = B - a Vegetable foods eile a fe B q = 3 | = a al a od = id 4 RS, & Sis | Boy See ee ae a ee ee = ee A ees a a 8 sa xX Xx x a | (para | x x x x x x 0 a as i x Xx 4 pa | ate | x x x x x Gourd for vessels (Cucurbita)..-.| X x x Me eee ee ih, oelserek, ChanUmeNe, PRT AME Neves 2 eal aa eS ea x > ar) PRA Pat, MCGEE DS becratiet | eRe | SEE) eer See ee Ra Ree) oR CRN Peas (a var. of bean)------------- 4 x Beli saceosleounes > a | Laat Pe isameweeaated rein det Squash, pumpkin. -.-...------.-- xX 4 > 4 a | Seen Xx 4 x 4 x x? SSO ee x MK Bl sceess |= eens eae eee Xx > ae BRS bails leo BP oa ee > 4g 2) My aie) Papa Wain | Cae Ne ES | ae ae | Mme Ey dee (mh as EY a ee’ Seeenm Peery Gicumny | Sneaee CMe ene Ae ie TEN Ne Pee bs Peete eran (berries) -----~-------|..--_|..-... > eae | pense St Sep | fs aa: | fas Lees el a ees erompetlie eyeeslge) heehee ns a ee SE EE A) ny eed Bie lee AY (RE BLS) (Rebs Be ee pape (ee aw ink os eal x M. Mo Se x Ae) eee aes eee x a pc | Rape agg Pee Re feeb 2 Paces ve Paes SS evaraiars SS ne (eee Ep | (ateats (aM AEP NE hid srenntnic im roses 4 pa eee) "Semeur! ere 4 pe ee x MP hot 0 x x Xx Meee ees > et eee eee ee eee Meee, sp ae SS, ee eee enema! eer, |Usinsre 4 (ee | OS a ba) CREE pL EE a Eee, ee er (eee ee Phe) otis ew ome faecal im ecmaflodems aaa. | ORE ee ee nee pn MP] Pages eetet cs, ERR .| | SUEAOn) (ERC ke| Seen: Geet! (er eens EE ea > ae Reese PRB Bae | see) ESS Se | RE |e aa | ee ee ee SER cook a) Meee, emer] eee pee. so) Bie Sa) S| See ee eee Seon Eee e 0 Ae ae x 4 an) ee > A x x on ee 0 x x pa Deemeees| Ure ce me | Ee a! OC ante) lemme aee > an) (Pee x ee x > Gee a) ee ee ee x x x x p45) ep EO) ee eee (eer, \emeryee | Green > an Sones Seren! Secon Seamer, Oe: aa a x Xx MO Need een Gees GAN es Sena ee eee eee Re ee en eee eee] ees, one Ou) Beene) Rees eer eee Sere! Bean 0 > paul aan i ees x say | ENE eee| ene.) See x SE ES a Ce emg We eel CREP, Ce PON eee eee eee er | ees, Le ee 0 x xX Xx i easess x Mi eset x Me scses SS ee ee Seen Pane (Peete pan eee ee ae) eee: eeeene et Oe, Ovneee m I St ES ee nn Mere lei eeen ae ae, x > S (emen ee| (e e ae |e ee eee (es ee ae pan ER! Pee a ee | eee Bere yt eres ot eee Cleon, Sei ee Ne Meranda ME ies ee eee secs 4 x xX x a ts Se >a) Ena x i eee x OG Siete: x > ey (eee ES EN EE ee a en Pees Cea (eared, CSPRUe Ty (Awee Pm x x x x | (ee pe acme Wears ce ee) eS (eee Ve emes omereey Peete x? Ls boy areal im. BY OL Ree See) teens Peon! Seen Deere) meee Xx? Ne pod Se VR AE ee SES | etme, (Nee come Ke \ibseas x Se MTR oa als Ns ST SAL) ESAS (rey Fm Seon (Ease | eh a (aes Oe Pern (Re Ge deers (se esee x eT nS ee) Cae, (ROBE, be cles! +i (Se: Be eces DEMME SMES Mee Seer 9 ee eee eee i RR RI BI ae dS ll ee a ie ee Se ee in x aN hater | Srna x bey emeiee) Reeeerts ee prat x eS a 4 pile (eee pie cunts | lee al [EOE x x > A Ee x a MW Masts eT LO ee! ume) RENEE | PREVEC OED Ricmpes DW Ataras| pHa 8) 5 PRE 2 Ee (ee eee knoe Roane lees! p eah Cee Peso eed Orr PF ito Sweetpotato (wild) ..............|_....- Sey Rl A he Be x x x Be eee ce * 0 SE Ce ae ee vs BGS LEE AE TS eR rae (rare) (oem eg) ee ey SN PY (ee a Xx Oe Hotels see Ol ees Gad) eee ae xX x? x Seer a ee ee SES es) dR ERIS ES, ER Rae Si 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buue. 137 TaBLE 2.—Geographical and tribal distribution of the vegetable foods of the South- eastern Indians according to references in the literature—Continued 5 a s = a12/si/s s Vegetable foods and trees 5 Nae a es é Ss introduced by whites s 6) 6) Fy Fe 5 @ & 3 elala/siai/*"/lelalais 8 PLB Be BeBe ie be glee > itm fa ee we ee A ho. hoe | eee BN 2) 0): Poppe met PAN 2 pe est eM | gee eee (ee Re | HS ee) | Met Wetec es ee ee eee OB nai 8 55 hg se Eee SI ee eee oe a ee MO Jean ese ee er fg | ee CERNE ORS. Pe tI, MRIS | (Leek x x ba | PRE ¢ aE Reh (edad Gh PARAS cat IMusEmMelON 22. ehse ee ee Kees On Aflac aees| sens OG Se oaeee x) a2 eee COURTS boos 22 ee ee | Bee ee eee ee ete ee 8s Se es ty | EPR (ese 9: Poe Syosset, 0 ID) SRY TASS 4 Vea | Yds oe x > Gm) apenas) (RVIOMMIN! Jaret) TALES Lyne he Passifiorg. | >. Shoe see pS Ge) (me | fee eae | (ed te Kye les x: (el Bee eee jag OO EN Sa oe | pares Pee ST phe Se Me te eee i Neha Peanut... 3202222 eo ee) cscs See see ae cee eae ee eee | ee pa RIG. <2 Soe See ee ene oe ee OE ee eee x > Ge] Peas ees ea eee dine | SOLPHIMIMN etn sehr ent oe Aloe ee | ee x Mi Nec ccd) eee DWeCLDOLALOs= ao 5 2 naa eo ee ee | 2 ener ee xX rg Py Beata | NF aye pe W atermeclonsecus eee 8 Pair 2e8 pe | Ee a x On | es ae. Misses >< x SS eee Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 295 TABLE 3.—Geographical and tribal distribution of the animal foods of the South eastern Indians according to references in the literature Food animals s a e s . & g § |aelasl|as|/ aS] u | 3 i= hl (3 rs g|é& iv) 2° =a) a —s-] o rf 2 2wv = H 1S8/8e/6s)/382/ 2 | 8/58 1/22/35 ) 8 > 12Z0/1n0|ZeR1a*/ O oO Oy ewe Wo Ss) Dior 25 er Xx x x x x x Xx x Xx x x (GE Goce See eS x x x x x x x x ® x x JE) DoKii sy. 1 en x be Oe GN ee ice eee [e i ee 8 > YN I een Semel |g S| ee TES CUTCV ) Sens ele IE aD ae, epee 2 Shel (Te ech) ean fe asueen|Saeee x Xx? »4 x bei jee Elk (properly Wapiti)... ------- Ke ee Sle SS a eee MOO aE Sey eee Wb np eee |e SEE eee | Aes FG as Se Sl (OS pe Bt (LER il a PILAR! | a aap PR Lg a ae anes Eee 4 Pam RRR | Ca ak 8h | a aie NAR seme 1 Seale ela Pea neh IN par ad LUN Gla) So ot GU A eS x Paya | RF a Se paes| ps abel been rl VES a a ea (03 | hae Sa | De | Ds Lesa Se ee | ee x Xx me pol |S PR rl PEE | ee || ge Pe EEE, en YS aa og [Ny Lec LS) efi ee el | Sen AE aes Sed ee x x 5 Sy ul Wp Seed Se ap ee je Bf | yest (Sa) PA NM Pl Teal er(t a. DEA eee eae ee x x RT ee ae Daa ee Sane A A IB | SS wg LR BS ge IEG eT yn. Ee eS eee er Xx 6 te i ee oe Ce Ue ee PPM MIETHG) eee te nee ene | os =|22.4~|--.---| oe cuas De Sie gl fps Peeps ty 8 FSR. (NE | pic ea (A ar wate Sap cewsl | Se eae x x KE ee ea < > Sh | i ee pled 08 dat be Bf VO en ee ane > Delt Renee ey age | [eS fae a eS | PE ee ee a a ee en ESE ee ene n . n soc osee-=5=|------ MK |sscecon oesoce aac eemese beeen occas otee sois [ee oe cee Vat 8 8 ee ee eee] Deen ete aes DAR sete cots MOSSES Ce eae hs ee ee LOS a | « OG Uk et |e eee | a ee (SUP GUISU ona ae a ee DR. cere ceeds | eee reese tomer Sx, aes ta ee |B ee [is ne ane CR SS eB ee SS eee eee) (ae ee ee KE ee eestor eneae | See seule cere | eee BU 3 OO a x x > EM ee pee | eee) [anaes | a ere| Pues a | eel pe b TON 1 ALTE rp a a a i eS Mo lec eg Fp A fae a | Ue a hein sn ec | [abet ok [ete cate LEU. cin aa BO ee pS a ee Pee mee ee ay |e ere pas | Se Sel BE Mes Pot | | BEY Be os hy She LUE GG ee ae M Ale: ses i Tecee eee le acs es Fe Se ee ee SE ieee canes ela bE pag ake sel) apa pa OE Aiea, ema Uigee fie) ee tae) I. eee Uo EGS oe See es SE a as ea ee ee Se Ra Ce ne | |e P< gh ee ee em Ie a A gb eel |e 2 Soa rt 2 al eS eee eee) ie! eran Sere! ee es ee ae be ae eee 504 A oer ee Lee “FOV TYD 6) 0, ile a IS A ea a ac x oA A Mil eeacalpeaces oS pe Cees ge oh tar A ge te aa | ag A OUTTA. Senge at Se es een x x x x p21 | | ee i | Nes Beak 5 Neath 2d | Pe 1 iad Bb ee a en eee ene » GEN REE Eire Arey el | EA eeoptee ae. T) OER ot en) (eam (eee eee] (ese Sa hese | tice fal cal (Gch | FP ra ae (a gal (mayne HPOURMSMIOL DASS: 45-622. 2225220 2fekeu| sects iit. Sse > Cn b Sede 2 | Vg a Slee) Bot 2 aT a White guard fish (garfish)_._-..-|------]------ Nie aS ere Soe ce ee Cue ee A Ne ILE so eee Al ea Ae (a pag Fe ater fates pin || eget id (aR ti li ag Sy ag» onli al oak anh a CS TEL og 2 SERS ale 0) A (ee Ee |e ras pS |S aeee |Saah al ee A | ea Ea ie | CPG oe ee es eee Rene ee ae Pt ood ene Ieee ae (Ameo egel peer td | aN |. ee Oa Seri ere eee. See Ne lonacae x ia (rhe tek Pei Ue pace Pe» Sea FN lioca| [ps RS (em i Ghat A Oe eee b aEY aeeeer 084 See eee ee ees OE Ses. EA Bee ee i a SSG gd 0 a ie ieee > ahi See aa Sa | Aes ere Ser ereeeey| i mepReY (ea Se ee [eeee e nN e) [LE Ae Snel I SRE as Bc ean Mel Se Re Ta Ne eae eH is dt cP talks Peis ie he screech ees te 0 Oe ee mM hee x x ea ita ese. OC) Wee A Tortoise and turtle__..--_-.----- ya | ee > eee x > aN Eas eR [ee e., Ce ee > STL te SS Fae Pe aaa nae bee te x il pant on aE Saha ea A Vile apts Pn erecta be chen 0 SS eee ee need ome! fs 2-1 PO) eee Sees t fee S552 ol 22 Se ee BEETS Hei 2 cc cecal scseue Xx Wallsctessfesae a | a eo ot eee MEISE Dee eae ee Rete OR le So eee poet x vo ie 4 (eS pt (eal SR agen 5) nein ah Ree bie ee SOE LE Os ee Se eee eee Pe eee Sees. (o, See Dee iS. See al SSS a a oe ee |) Ge 1 Cee easy Se) Re AS) eA ee ee Sea Pheer rol ee emey | Wate Wak Rie Bie SEE a RT in a A i > GER RE | Lora nt Sic ABTS lalate! fect U8) acc Raa GS Se ode lat - GN ee ee ee a ea | ee eee! ee een) pueeen, by 2 e2 OS) 2T eyed i ek TO ee eee /e mee GN eee ore] Cemencee Srce ried Senne ie ae eee ee oe. eee si SA Sa OY teas Soy Coe Ae See Bs) SEER Sar ctakalels | Npefabal (aegaks ED SEE Es See peeves pees ban, Sete | eee Mi (ease > Tay) Wee Rae COs fa Pe BP od Te i ee Wet ateces x oe See Xx x Xx ES OES a ae i eo ee fine) ME ELE, Se eb, oe pall (ipa ttl ene gh (Si bel _ LE ee oe ee) See, eee Reese ere ay Meee. een i eeemeee fe Cea oN p Aie permaee |e tear © MEET Se SONS dE Seta Ie ai i ER IGT Se aay ee Ieee, Nebel a [Reseed (rete enes| re eee) | Sage bay a es (Te USO Oe ee ee eee Peas heey Meee Sas ene fant Meolecesecleeseess 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 137 DISCUSSION We are plainly dealing with one economic province. Several species of corn, beans, peas, and squashes or pumpkins, including gourds from the genus Cucurbita, were cultivated in all parts of it except in southern Florida which, as already remarked, should really have belonged to the West Indian province but was left a kind of economic no man’s land by failure to introduce manioc. The result was that it had no cultivated plants at all in purely aboriginal times. The province most closely resembling it was the Chitimacha country, and it is perhaps significant that we do not seem to have a clear record of the use there, in prehistoric times, of beans, peas, and squashes, but this may be owing in part to the early displacement of these plants by rice, melons, and other food plants better suited to the country. More light upon the ancient condition of this region is urgently needed. There were three principal varieties of corn: the little corn of the nature of popcorn, which was first to mature; the flint or hominy corn, the kernels of which were hard and smooth and were. of vari- ous colors—white, yellow, red, and blue; and the flour or dent corn with corrugated kernels. Bread was made oftenest of the flour corn; it was the most valued and it seems to have been the time of its matu- rity which determined the occurrence of the green corn dance. I have seen some flint corn raised among the Choctaw which was mottled white and blue, and a number of years ago I remember some large ears of flour corn brought back by Mr. Mooney from the Cherokee. These were white mottled with a deep pink. Sunflowers seem to have been cultivated generally. In the north- eastern Algonquian section a kind of “orache” is said to have been raised as a salt substitute. The wild vegetable products were also much the same. Ground- nuts (Apios tuberosa), wild sweetpotatoes, several varieties of Smilax (kantak), Angelico roots, persimmons, plums, grapes, strawberries, mulberries, blackberries, some varieties of huckleberries, wild rice, the seed of a species of cane, chestnuts, walnuts, hickory nuts, acorns, particularly those of the live oak, and chinquapins must have been used in nearly all sections, though it is strange that blackberries are so seldom mentioned by name. The Virginia wakerobin (Peltandra virgmica), floating arum, or whatever other plant was used for tuckahoe bread, seems to have been confined to the Northeast. The prickleypear, crab apple, wild pea, tree huckleberry, gooseberry, cherry, and serviceberry are mentioned only in the Algonquian or eastern Siouan sections. The blue palmetto is referred to in southern sections, as might have been expected; a pond lily, Nelwmbdo lutea, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 297 in the Southwest in the present States of Mississippi and Louisiana ; and Sagittaria in several places. The Zamia integrifolia, palm berries, coco berries, and seagrapes belonged to the south Florida province, the one which lacked cultivated plants. Raspberries were utilized in the northern highlands, but there are notes of them in Florida and Louisiana which have reference either to the blackcaps or to blackberries. The sugar maple was also exploited in highland portions of the area. A mushroom was used by the Natchez and honey locusts by the Creeks and Cherokee. Plants and trees introduced at a comparatively early date include the passiflora, watermelon, muskmelon, peach, peanut, canna, sor- ghum, the cultivated sweetpotato, rice, okra, apple, fig, and orange. Staple animal foods in every section were provided by the deer and bear, the former being valued mainly for its flesh, the latter for its fat. In the northern and western parts these were supplemented by the bison and elk, and the former was probably a much more impor- tant game animal in prehistoric times than it became later. Most important of the small animals were the rabbit and the squirrel, the former mentioned oftenest in the northeastern section and the latter among the Choctaw. In De Soto’s time rabbits were eaten everywhere. Presents of rabbits were made to the Spaniards at Ocute on the east side of Ocmulgee River, and by the Chickasaw, and the explorers learned to trap them in the aboriginal manner west of the Mississippi (Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, pp. 56, 101, 145; vol. 2, p. 22). The beaver and otter were eaten in Virginia and probably in the coast region of North Carolina. The former was also hunted by the Siouan tribes of both Carolinas, but neither appears as a food animal else- where, and Adair (1775, p. 182) says that the beaver was anciently tabooed by the Chickasaw. Lawson states that the Indians of his acquaintance, meaning the Siouan people of the Carolinas and prob- ably the Tuscarora, ate panthers, polecats, wildcats, opossums, and raccoons, while Lederer tells us that the former consumed wildcats although their flesh was rank. (Lawson, 1860, p. 290; Alvord, 1912, p. 147.) “Leopards,” presumably panthers, were presented to Lau- donniére, by Florida Indians (1586, p. 1380), but it does not appear cer- tain that they regarded them as food, and there are no other references to suggest the eating of them in this section. Adair (1775, pp. 16, 132) says that their flesh and the flesh of the opossum were equally taboo among the Chickasaw. One of the smaller animals, such as the otter or muskrat, may have been intended by the “rats” which were con- sumed by the inhabitants of south Florida (Swanton, 1922, p. 388). They also hunted the manatee, and their successors, the Seminole, who called it the “big beaver” (Bartram, 1792), did the same. According 298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butv. 137 to Hariot, porpoises were hunted by the coast people of North Caro- lina, and Fontaneda mentions “whale” hunting by the south Florid- ians, but he probably has reference to the porpoise or perhaps the manatee, since Lawson tells a fantastic story of whale hunting which seems to be explained by south Florida usages in the chase of the manatee (but see pp. 282, 329). Fishing was an important industry almost everywhere, but partic- ularly on the Atlantic coast to the northeast, in Florida, and on the Mississippi and its tributaries, including the lagoon and bayou sec- tions of Louisiana. The fish most prominent in the Northeast were the herring and sturgeon, but Lawson tells us that the coast tribes did not use the latter (see p. 277). Besides these, Hariot mentions the trout, ray, alewife, mullet, and plaice; Lawson speaks of all but the last two of these and adds the garfish, bluefish, rockfish or bass, and trout; and Florida authorities speak of the trout, turbot, mullet, and plaice (see pp. 278, 279, 280). In south Florida the trout, wolf fish, trunk fish (chapin), and tunny are mentioned (see p. 282). The carp, sucker, catfish, and sardine (herring?) are the only fish specifi- cally named among the Natchez and other Mississippi River tribes (Swanton, 1911, p. 72). According to Bartram (1792, p. 174) the great spotted gar was sometimes eaten. Eels appear only on the menu of the southern Floridians along with oysters and clams (Swanton, 1922, pp. 388, 392). Clams, oysters, and mussels were used by prac- tically all peoples of the Atlantic coast. Crabs, cockles, crawfish, and lobsters are mentioned by authorities on the northeastern and Florid- ian Indians. Land and oceanic turtles and their eggs were used as food in nearly all sections where they occurred; snakes in the North- east, in Florida, and even by the Choctaw, though this last is on the authority of Adair, who was no friend of the Choctaw people (Adair, 1775, p. 183). However, Timberlake, while in the Cherokee country and very likely at the suggestion of Cherokee Indians, tasted rattlesnake flesh and found it so excellent that he repeated the experi- ment several times (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, p. 72). Lizards are said to have been used in both northern and southern Florida as was the alligator, which was also eaten by the coast tribes of Louisiana and probably others. The most important game bird was the wild turkey, hunted where- ever it could be found. Second in importance was the passenger pigeon, whose roosts were gathering places for Indian hunters at certain seasons. Names scattered throughout the Gulf States bear record to the places where enormous flocks of these birds used to gather. There is a Pigeon Roost Creek in northern Mississippi, a Pigeon Roost in Clay County, Ky., and the following local names have forms of the same name in the Creek language: Parchelagee Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 299 Creek in Taylor County, Ga., Patsaliga in Crenshaw County, Ala., and a creek of the same name, besides another known as Pigeon Creek, in the same part of the State. Very likely Pigeon Creek, Nassau County, Fla., and Little Pigeon Creek, Sevier County, Tenn., were pigeon resorts. Partridges were mentioned as in use in Virginia, and ducks and geese in South Carolina and the Chickasaw country, but they were undoubtedly eaten wherever they could be found. Birds’ eggs were probably eaten everywhere and are specifically mentioned as an article of consumption among the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Powhatan Indians. The remaining delicacies belonging to the animal kingdom of which we have notice are beetles and locusts in Virginia, wasps in the comb in the Piedmont Region of the Carolinas, fleas and lice in north Florida (Swanton, 1922, p. 362), and snails in south Florida. A word might be added regarding the use of dog flesh. Ranjel, one of the De Soto chroniclers, tells us that the Indians of a town somewhere in the northwestern part of the present South Carolina gave the Spaniards “a few little dogs which are good eating,” and adds: “These are dogs of a small size that do not bark; and they breed them in their homes for food” (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 103). It has been conjectured that these were opossums, but as Elvas speaks of a presentation of dogs in about the same region, but says that the Indians did not eat them, the chances are that either Ranjel or his editor has made a mistake, that the animals were dogs, and that they were not eaten by the natives. As to the absence of a bark, we may well recall what Strachey (1849, p. 124), says of the dogs of Virginia that they “cannot barke, but howle.” A small variety of dog was, however, used as food in some other parts of North America. Du Pratz includes the dog among Natchez food animals, but it is probable that he has in mind the part that it played in the feasts of which war parties partook just before starting out to engage the enemy (Swanton, 1911, p. 129). The Quapaw had the same custom, according to Romans (1775, p. 100), who speaks of it as if it did not extend farther south, but while he is, of course, in error here, we may take his remarks as an indication that the usage, like so many others, had spread south along the river and was not originally characteristic of the Gulf tribes. An apparent exception is indicated by an anonymous French writer, who says that when the Choctaw “wish to feast their friends, they kill a dog, of which they have quantities, and serve it to them” (Swan- ton, 1918, p. 67). But since this statement stands entirely by itself, such feasts may have had a ceremonial significance. Adair (1775, pp. 183-134) states that, in early times, the Indians of his acquaintance did not eat the flesh of horses, dogs, or domestic cats, though when he wrote the Choctaw had become addicted to the use of the first-mentioned. 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 137 The honeybee came into our Southern States with Europeans, but there are one or two very early references to honey which have puzzled entomologists not a little. The notices in the De Soto narratives have already been commented upon (Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, p. 74; vol. 2, p. 110) and an apparent mention of honey by Laudonniére which seems to be a translator’s error (Loudonniére, 1586, p. 9; see p. 268 above). Benjamin Hawkins, writing near the end of the eighteenth century, says: I saw at Mr. Bailey’s (in the Upper Creek country) 20 bee hives. He says they do well, and that there are wild bees in the country in every direction. They are extending themselves west, and some hunters informed him they had lately discovered some to the west of the Mississippi about 30 miles, that they had but recently arrived there, as the trees they fell had young comb only. (Hawkins, 1916, p. 40.) Elsewhere we read: The honey in this country is poisonous in the month of March, some negroes and Indians have been killed at that season. At that season on the small branches, there is a plant in bloom called by the whites wolf’s tongue, or fire leaves, by the Indians Hochkau (oachfoe), it has a long stem with yellow blossoms, and bears around the stem, green berries, which altho’ poisonous are eaten in years of scarcity by the Indians. They boil them in two or three waters, shifting them, and thus extract the poison from them. They are then pleasant to the taste, somewhat like the garden pea. The Indians are the authors of the discovery. Milk has been the only efficacious remedy discovered here for this poison. The last season a bee tree was taken in this neighborhood and all who eat of the honey sickened instantaneously. ‘They retired to the house, except a black boy, and took some milk which restored them. The boy was unable to get to the house, and altho’ aid was sent him, in 2 hours he was dead. Those who eat of the honey are first taken with a giddiness, then blindness accompanied with great pain and uneasiness, and thirst. (Hawkins, 1916,. p. 46.) In later times the Indians secured honey by cutting down the tree in which a hive had been located. When the amount was unusually large, they would kill a small deer, make a bottle out of its skin, and put into it the honey, comb and all. Salt was of so much importance in early trading enterprises in the Southeast that it requires rather extended notice. When La Salle reached the lower Mississippi he heard of Indians going to the coast to make salt (La Salle, N., ms.), but in view of the extensive salt trade carried on between the river tribes and those about the Arkansas and Louisiana salt licks, and the extensive de- posits of mineral salt near the shores of the Gulf, some of which are known to have been worked by Indians, it is probable that these were not going to boil down sea water. When De Soto was at Pacaha, somewhere north of the present Helena, Ark., in 1541, Garcilaso says: Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 301 Seeing the great necessity for salt that his people were experiencing, for they were dying for lack of it, the adelantado made thorough inquiries of the curacas and their Indians in that province of Capaha in order to learn where he could get some. In the course of this questioning he found eight Indians in the hands of the Spaniards who had been captured the day they entered that pueblo, and were not natives of it, but strangers and merchants who had traversed many provinces with their goods, and among other things they were accustomed to bring salt to sell. Being brought before the governor they told him that in some mountains forty leagues away there was a great deal of very good salt, and to the repeated questions they asked them they replied that there was also in that country much of the yellow metal which they asked for. (Garcilaso, 1723, p. 187.) Two Spaniards were sent in quest of these things with the mer- chants and an escort of Indians, “and at the end of the eleven days that they spent on their journey they returned with six loads of rock-salt crystals, not made artificially, but found in this state,” be- sides some brass (evidently copper) (Garcilaso, 1723, p. 187). The copper must have gotten into that region from farther to the north but the salt may well have been a native product, though there is some doubt as to whether this episode is properly placed in the narrative. Later, the De Soto expedition encountered salt springs at places named Calpista, Cayas, Tanico, Chaguate, and Aguacay, and Garcilaso speaks of a “Province of Salt” in Arkansas, which was probably along Salt Creek, an affluent of the Ouachita. Of the salt in the “Province of Cayas,” at or near this place, Elvas says: The Indians carry it thence to other regions to exchange it for skins and blankets. They gather it along the river, which leaves it on top of the sand when the water falls. And since they can not gather it without more sand being mixed with it, they put it into certain baskets which they have for this purpose, wide at the top and narrow at the bottom. They hang the baskets to a pole in the air and put water in them, and they place a basin underneath into which the water falls. After being strained and set on the fire to boil, as the water becomes less, the salt is left on the bottom of the pot. (Robert- son, 1933, pp. 192-193.) A hundred and forty years later, the French found the Caddo, Tunica, Koroa, and Washita Indians of this section busily engaged in boiling down salt and carrying it to the Mississippi tribes in trade, the Quapaw and Taensa being particularly mentioned as customers. One of the Caddo tribes bears the name “place of salt” (Namidish) (Swanton, 1942, pp. 139-140). Du Pratz thus speaks of the salt region of Louisiana: When one has ascended Black River for about 30 leagues, he finds on the left a stream of saline water which comes from the west. Ascending this stream about 2 leagues he comes upon a lake of salt, which is perhaps 2 leagues long by 1 wide. One league higher toward the north he comes upon another lake of salt water almost as long as the first and as wide. This water passes without doubt through some salt mines. It has the salt taste without having the bitterness of sea water. The natives come to this 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 137 place from considerable distances, to hunt during the winter and to make salt. Before the French sold them kettles they made earthen pots for this operation on the spot. When they have enough of a load, they return into their own country loaded with salt and dry meats. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 1, pp. 307-308. ) This is a rather crude description of the salt country round Cata- houla Lake. It is not the lake or communicating streams that sup- ply the salt, but licks near by. Farther toward the northwest are the salt regions about Goldonna and Lake Bistineau, which may be identified with considerable probability with the salt provinces through which Moscoso led his Spaniards in a vain attempt to reach Mexico after De Soto’s death. From the remains of large earthen pots found around the salt de- posits on Avery’s Island when they were first exploited, it is known that these were utilized in prehistoric times, but there are no historic notices of such usage. The Spaniards also found “an abundance of very good salt” at Cofitachequi on the Savannah River, which we may surmise to have come from the sea (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 99) for we are told, at a slightly later date, that the Indians near the headwaters of the Santee were in the habit of descending to the coast to obtain salt in trade. This may have been the source of the salt which Lederer observed among the Sara Indians, who are indeed mentioned in con- nection with the Santee trade. He says: I did likewise, to my no small admiration, find hard cakes of white salt amongst them: but whether they were made of sea-water, or taken out of salt- pits, I know not; but am apt to believe the latter, because the sea is so remote from them. (Lawson, 1860, p. 158.) We, too, are left in some doubt, knowing on the one hand the trade with the coast just mentioned and aware on the other of the extent to which the salt licks of Kentucky were exploited. Spanish chroniclers tell of four or five springs near the Chisca country from which salt was extracted (Serrano y Sanz, 1913, p. 151). This would be somewhere in southeastern Tennessee, and in that State a salt lick or well is reported from Roane County on the border of Anderson, a salt spring on Flynn’s Creek, in Jackson County, and salt licks near Memphis and Paris. One of our earliest references to the salt regions of Kentucky is by Batts and Fallam in 1671, who were informed by a Mohetan (Moneton) Indian that the next town beyond theirs, which was somewhere in West Virginia, “lived upon a level plain, from whence came abundance of salt” (Alvord, 1912, p. 193). These were perhaps the Shawnee, who are supposed to have made use of the salt in this section. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 303 The explorers from Barbados on the Cape Fear River report: Some of the Indians brought very good salt aboard us, and made signs, point- ing to both sides of the river’s mouth, that there was great store thereabouts. (Lawson, 1860, p. 125.) In 1650 some English explorers were told that there were “great heapes of Salt” at the mouth of Roanoke River (Alvord, 1912, p. 127). The salt trade along the Santee has already been mentioned, but it should be added that the monk San Miguel observed no salt among the Indians he visited about St. Simons Island, Ga. (Garcia, 1902, p. 198). In the Gulf area proper between Florida and the Mississippi we know of but one source of natural salt except the sea, and that was on a small creek flowing into the lower Tombigbee River called to this day Salt Creek and in the neighboring Satilpa Creek. As might have been anticipated, we find most of our references to salt substitutes in sections where natural supplies were wanting. Garcilaso tells us that when the Spaniards entered the province of Tascalusa, between the Alabama and Tombigbee Rivers, they lost many of their companions for want of salt, but the rest made use of the remedy which the Indians prepared to save and help them- Selves in that necessity. This was that they burned a certain herb of which they knew and made lye with the ashes. They dipped what they ate in it as if it were a sauce and with this they saved themselves from rotting away and dying, like the Spaniards. (Garcilaso, 1723, pp. 175-176.) This may have been the salt substitute mentioned by Adair: They make salt for domestic use, out of a saltish kind of grass, which grows on rocks, by burning it to ashes, making strong lye of it, and boiling it in earthen pots to a proper consistence. (Adair, 1775, p. 116.) Probably this “grass” was identical with the “moss” from which Bartram tells us the Creeks obtained their salt, for Catesby says that the Indians of his acquaintance used “instead of salt, wood-ashes, yet I have seen amongst the Chigasaws very sharp salt in christalline lumps, which they told me was made of a grass growing on rocks in fresh rivers” (Catesby, 173-43, vol. 2, p. x). As noted above, the Algonquians of North Carolina used the stalk of “a kinde of Orage.” By burning this into ashes, Hariot (1893, pp. 21-22) tells us, “they make a kinde of salt earth, wherewithall many vse sometimes to season their brothes.” He says they knew of no other salt, but this seems unlikely in view of the references made to the use of sea salt in their immediate neighborhood. Of the Virginia Indians Beverley (1705, bk. 3, p. 15) remarks: “They have no Salt among them, but for seasoning, use the Ashes of Hiccory, stickweed, or some other Wood or Plant, affording a salt ash.” And finally a word from Lawson: 304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN £THNOLOGY [BULL. 137 The salts they mix with their bread and soup, to give them a relish, are alkalis, viz: ashes, and calcined bones of deer and other animals. Salads, they never eat any, as for pepper and mustard, they reckon us little better than madmen, to make use of it amongst our victuals. (Lawson, 1860, p. 361.) HORTICULTURE Farming in the Gulf province usually involved preliminary work in clearing the ground of trees and bushes. In North Carolina, Law- son (1860, p. 140) says the best lands were not used because of the size of the trees growing upon them, and Strachey (1849, p. 60) men- tions one place in Virginia (Kecoughtan) in which the concentration of Indians and their greater skill as husbandmen was attributed to the fact that so much land was clear and open, about 2,000 acres being suitable for planting. Rich land adapted to cultivation and not seriously encumbered with trees would, of course, attract population as soon as agriculture was introduced in the section, and upon that would follow social and political leadership. This is perhaps an additional reason why leadership in most of the Gulf region rested with inland tribes, though the handicap was overcome in spots by abundance of sea food. The method of clearing land, where that was necessary, seems to have been the same everywhere. Adair says: In the first clearing of their plantations, they only bark the large timber, cut down the sapplings and underwood, and burn them in heaps; as the suckers shoot up, they chop them off close to the stump, of which they make fires to deaden the roots, till in time they decay. Though, to a stranger, this may seem to be a lazy method of clearing the wood-lands; yet it is the most expeditious method they could have pitched upon, under their circumstances, as a common hoe and a small hatchet are all their implements for clearing and planting. (Adair, 1775, pp. 405-406. ) This process is practically identical with that described by Smith, Strachey, and Beverley as the one usual in Virginia. : The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, for the country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the bark of the trees neare the roote, then do they scortch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood, they beat up the woodes by the rootes; and in that moulds, they plant their corne. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, pp. 95-96.) Strachey’s words are practically identical. It would seem that only the small saplings could have been “beat up” with the primitive instruments available, the larger trees being left to die and fall to pieces, as stated by Adair and again by Beverley. Spelman, how- ever, affirms more robust treatment: They take most commonly a place about their howses to sett ther corne, which if ther be much wood, in that place they cutt doune the greate trees sum half a yard aboue the ground, and y® smaller they burne at the roote pullinge a good part of barke from them to make them die. (Spelman, in Smith, Arber ed., 1884, p. cxi.) / Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 305 Byrd, indeed, intimates that the Indians of Virginia were in the habit of cutting down trees to get the nuts from them (Bassett, 1901, p. 802), but, in view of the labor necessarily entailed by pre-Colum- bian methods, it is evident that this.can hardly have been common before the introduction of European axes, and in fact it sounds more like a jest than the sober statement of a fact. The Barbados men who explored Cape Fear River “saw several plots of ground cleared by the Indians after their weak manner, compassed round with great timber trees, which they are no wise able to fell, and so keep the sun from corn-fields very much; yet, nevertheless, we saw as large corn-stalks, or larger, than we have seen anywhere else” (Lawson, 1860, p. 121). Before the Spaniards came, the ancient inhabitants of southern Florida do not appear to have cultivated the ground, but their Seminole successors brought the industry with them, though it took on a particular pattern owing to the nature of the Everglade country. The villages are on hammocks, but usually the home hammock is not big enough to accommodate both village and cornfield, hence the crops must be produced on some other island, often a day’s journey or more distant. The method of cultivation followed is primitive. The trees are killed by girdling, so that the sun shines through when the leaves have fallen. Then the ground is broken with a hoe and the crops planted. These are casually tended from time to time thereafter. (Skinner, 1913, p. 76.) The above is from notes made by Alanson Skinner in 1910. Thirty years earlier, MacCauley observed: The ground they select is generally in the interiors of the rich hammocks which abound in the swamps and prairies of Southern Florida. There, with a soil unsurpassed in fertility and needing only to be cleared of trees, vines, underbrush, &c., one has but to plant corn, sweet potatoes, melons, or any thing else suited to the climate, and keep weeds from the growing vegetation, that he may gather a manifold return. The soil is wholly without gravel, stones, or rocks. It is soft, black, and very fertile. (MacCauley, 1887, p. 510.) We have few detailed descriptions of the method of cultivating the ground, the principal ones being by Hariot, Spelman, Smith, and Strachey (these last two writers evidently using the same material), Le Moyne, Adair, and Du Pratz, representing the Algonquians of North Carolina and Virginia, the Timucua, the Chickasaw, and the Natchez, but notes from ‘other tribes indicate a general uniformity throughout the region. After describing the plants cultivated on the North Carolina coast—corn, beans, peas, pumpkins, squashes, gourds, sunflowers, and an “orage”—Hariot continues: All the aforesaide commodities for victuall are set or sowed, sometimes in groundes apart and seuerally by themselues; but for the most part together in 464735—46——21 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLe. 137 one ground mixtly: the manner thereof with the dressing and preparing of the ground, because I will note vnto you the fertilitie of the soile; I thinke good briefly to describe. The ground they neuer fatten with mucke, dounge or any other thing; neither plow nor digge it as we in England, but onely prepare it in sort as followeth. A fewe daies before they sowe or set, the men with wooden instruments, made almost in forme of mattockes or hoes with long handles, the women with short peckers or parers, because they vse them sitting, of a foote long and about fiue inches in breadth: doe onely breake the vpper part of the ground fo rayse vp the weedes, grasse, & old stubbes of corne stalkes with their rootes. The which after a day or twoes drying in the Sunne, being scrapte vp into many small heapes, to saue them labour for carrying them away; they burne into ashes. (And whereas some may thinke that they vse the ashes for to better the grounde; I say that then they woulde eyther disperse the ashes abroade; which wee obserued they doe not, except the heapes bee too great: or els would take speciall care to set their corne where the ashes lie, which also wee finde they are carelesse of.) And this is all the husbanding of their ground that they vse. Then their setting or sowing is after this maner. First, for their corne, beginning in one corner of the plot, with a pecker they make a hole, wherein they put foure graines with that care they touch not one another, (about an inch asunder) and couer them with the moulde againe: and so through out the whole plot, making such holes and vsing them after such maner: but with this regard that they bee made in rankes, euery ranke differing from other halfe a fadome or a yarde, and the holes in euery ranke, aS much. By this meanes there is a yarde spare ground betwene euery hole: where according to discretion here and there, they set as many Beanes and Peaze: in diuers places also among the seedes of Macocqwer [pumpkins], Melden [orache] and Planta Solis [sunflower ]. The ground being thus set according to the rate by vs experimented, an English Acre conteining fourtie pearches in length, and foure in breadth, doeth there yeeld in croppe or of-come of corne, beanes, and peaze, at the least two hundred London bushelles: besides the Macocqwer, Melden, and Planta Solis: When as in England fourtie bushelles of our wheate yeelded out of Such an acre is thought to be much. (Hariot, 1893, pp. 23-24.) After telling how the Powhatan Indians cleared the ground for their cornfields, Spelman continues: In this place they digg many holes which before the English brought them scauvels and spades they vsed to make with a crooked peece of woode beinge scraped on both sides in fation of a gardiners paring Iron. They put in to thes holes ordenarily 4 or 5 curnels of ther wheat [i. e., corn] and 2 beanes like french beanes, which when the wheat doe growe vp hauinge a straw as bigg aS a canne reede the beanes runn vp theron like our hopps on poles, The eare of y® wheat is of great bignes in lenght and cumpace and yet for all the greatnes of it euery stalke hath most commonly sum fower or fiue eares on it. Ther corne is sett and gathered about the time we vse, but ther manner of ther gatheringe is as we doe our apells first in a hand basketts emtiinge them as they are filled into other bigger basketts wherof sum are made of the barkes of trees, sume of heampe which naturally groweth, Now after y° gatheringe, they laye it uppon matts a good thicknes in the soun to drye & euery night they make a great pile of it, coueringe it ouer with matts to defend it from the dewe, and when it is suffitiently weathered they pile it up in ther howses, dayly as occation serueth wringinge the eares in peises betwene ther hands, and so rubbinge out ther corne do put it to a great Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 307 Baskett which taketh upp the best parte of sum of ther howses, and all this is cheefly the weomens worke for the men doe only hunt to gett skinns in winter and doe tewe or dress them in summer. But though now out of order yet let me not altogither forgett the settinge of y® Kings [i. e, Powhatan’s] corne for which a day is apoynted wherin great part of y° cuntry people meete who with such diligence worketh as for the most part all y° Kinges corne is sett on a daye. After which setting the Kinge takes the croune which y°® Kinge of England sent him beinge brought him by tow men, and setts it on his heade which dunn the people goeth about the corne in maner backwardes for they going before, and the king followinge ther faces are always toward the Kinge exspectinge when he should flinge sum beades amonge them which his custom is at that time to doe makinge thos which had wrought to scramble for them. But to sume he fauors he bids thos that carry his Beades to call such and such unto him unto whome he giueth beads into ther hande and this is the greatest curtesey he doth his people, when his corne is ripe the cuntry people cums to him againe and gath- ers drys and rubbes out all his corne for him, which is layd in howses apoynted for that purpose. (Spelman in Arber, 1884, pp. CxI—cx1I.) The following accounts of Smith and Strachey cover the same ground, but differ somewhat in details. Smith: They make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put 4 graines of wheat [i. e., corn] and 2 of beanes. These holes they make 4 foote one from another. Their women and children do continually keepe it with weed- ing, and when it is growne middle high, they hill it about like a hop-yard. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, pp. 95-96.) Strachey: They make a hole in the earth with a stick, and into yt they put three or five graines of wheat, and one or three of beanes: these holes they make four or five foot one from another, for the corne being set close together, one stalke would choak ells the growth of another, and so render both unprofitable. Their women and children do contynually keep the ground with weeding, and when the corne is growne middle high, they hill yt about like a hoppeyard. (Strachey, 1849, pp. 117-118.) Beverley’s contact with the Virginia Indians was also suffi- ciently early for him to speak from observation : All these Sorts [of corn] are planted alike, in Rows, Three, Four or Five Grains in a Hill, the larger Sort at Four or Five Foot Distance, the lesser Sort nearer. The Jndians used to give it One or Two Weedings, and make a Hill about it, and so the Labour was done. They likewise plant a Bean in the same Hill with the Corn, upon whose stalk it sustains itself. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 2, p. 29.) Catesby has the following to say of corn and its cultivation, from which it appears that he either includes flint and flour corn under one head or intends to indicate but one of them: Of this grain there are reckoned two sorts, differing in stature, largeness of the spike and grain, and different time of ripening, besides accidental variety in the colours of the grain. The largest is cultivated in Virginia and 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 Carolina. It is usually planted in April, and the largest ripeneth not ’till October, and is frequently left standing in the field ’till December before it is gather’d in: the smaller grain opening in half the time of the large, recom- mends it to the Indians, who according to their custom, do not provide corn for the whole winter; this by its quick ripening affords them early food, and is therefore by them most propagated: this kind is also cultivated in New England, where heat is deficient for ripening the larger kind. ... The large kind grows usually nine or ten feet high, and sometimes in strong land, to the height of fourteen feet. The smaller sort grows commonly five or six feet high. In planting this corn, six or eight grains are drop’d in the circumference of about thirty inches, and covered with a hough: when it appears some inches above ground, the supernumeraries, if any, are pulled up, and three left in a triangle to grow, they are also weeded and earth raised about them with a hough, which being repeated three or four times in the summer, raises a hill about them. After the corn has come up some small height, there are drop’d into every hill two or three beans called Bonavis, which as they shoot up are supported by the stalks of the corn, and are ripe and gathered before the corn. These hills of corn are at the distance of about four feet or under, regularly planted in lines or quincunx order: in June the plants are suckered, i. e., stripping off the superfluous shoots. In August they are topped, and their blades stripped off, and tied in small bundles for winter provender for horses and cattle. About the same time the spikes or ears of corn that grow erect naturally, are bent down to prevent wet entering the husk that covers the grain, and preserves it from rotting. In October, which is the usual harvest month, the spikes of corn with their husks are cut off from their stalks, and housed, and in that condition is preserved till it is wanted for use. It is then taken out of the husk, and the grain separated from the Placenta or Core. Then it is made saleable or fit for use. (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, pp. XVI-XVII.) This is the method of cultivation among the whites after they had had about one century of experience with this Indian product. The earlier part of the cultivation seems to follow the Indian pattern very closely; the later treatment has been added. For Timucua agricultural methods, we have two parallel narratives, by René de Laudonniére and Jacques Le Moyne, respectively. Laudonniére: They sow their maize twice a year—to wit in March and in June—and all in one and the same soil. The said maize, from the time that it is sowed until the time that it be ready to be gathered, is but three months on the ground; the other six months, they let the earth rest.... They never dung their land, only when they would sow they set weeds on fire, which grow up the six months, and burn them all. They dig their ground with an instrument of wood, which is fashioned like a broad mattock, wherewith they dig their vines in France; they put two grains of maize together... At the time when the maize is gathered, it is all carried into a common house, where it is distributed to every man, according to his quality. They sow no more but that which they think will serve their turn for six months, and that very scarcely. (Laudonniére, 1856, pp. 11-12; Swanton, 1922, p. 359; French, 1869, p. 174.) Le Moyne (pl. 51): The Indians cultivate the earth diligently; and the men know how to make a kind of hoe from fish bones, which they fit to wooden handles, and with these they Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 309 prepare the land well enough, as the soil is light. When the ground is sufli- ciently broken up and levelled, the women come with beans and millet, or maize. Some go first with a stick, and make holes, in which the others place the beans, or grains of maize. After planting they leave the fields alone, as the winter in that country, situated between the west and the north, is pretty cold for about three months, being from the 24th of December to the 15th of March; and during that time, as they go naked, they shelter themselves in the woods. When the winter is over, they return to their homes to wait for their crops to ripen. After gathering in their harvest, they store the whole of it for the year’s use, not employing any part of it in trade, unless, perhaps some barter is made for some little household article. (Le Moyne, 1875, p. 9, illus.; Swanton, 1922, p. 359.) From Calderén, the missionary Bishop of Cuba who visited Flor- ida in 1675, we have the following: During January they burn the grass and weeds from the fields preparatory to cultivation.... In April they commence to sow, and as the man goes along opening the trench, the woman follows sowing. All in common cultivate and sow the lands of the caciques. As alms for the missionaries and the needy widows they sow wheat [corn] in October and harvest it in June. This is a crop of excellent quality in the province of Apalache, and so abundant that it produces seventy fanegas from one fanega sown. (Wenhold, 1936, p. 13.) Adair supplies the following notes regarding Chickasaw farming: Hvery dwelling-house has a small field pretty close to it; and, as soon as the spring of the year admits, there they plant a variety of large and small beans, peas, and the smaller sort of Indian corn, which usually ripens in two months. from the time it is planted; though it is called by the English, the six weeks corn. Around this small farm, they fasten stakes in the ground, and tie a couple of long split hiccory, or white oak-sapplings, at proper distances to keep off the horses .... Their large fields lie quite open with regard to fencing, and they believe it to be agreeable to the best rule of economy ; because, as they say, they can cultivate the best of their land here and there, as it suits their con- veniency, without wasting their time in fences and childishly confining their improvements, as if the crop would eat itself. The women however tether the horses with tough young bark-ropes, and confine the swine in convenient penns, from the time the provisions are planted, till they are gathered in.... The chief part of the Indians begin to plant their out-fields, when the wild fruit is so ripe, as to draw off the birds from picking up the grain. This is their general rule, which is in the beginning of May, about the time the traders set off for the English settlements .... The women plant also pompions, and different sorts of melons, in separate fields, at a considerable distance from the town, where each owner raises an high scaffold, to over-look this favourite part of their vege- table possessions: and though the enemy sometimes kills them in this their strict watch duty, yet it is a very rare thing to pass by those fields, without seeing them there at watch. This usually is the duty of the old women, who fret at the very shadow of a crow, when he chances to pass on his wide survey of the fields; but if pinching hunger should excite him to descend, they soon frighten him away with their screeches .... They commonly have pretty good crops, which is owing to the richness of the soil; for they often let the weeds outgrow the corn, before they begin to be in earnest with their work, owing to their laziness and unskillfulness in planting; and this method is general through all those nations that work separately in their own fields, which in a great measure checks the 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 137 growth of their crops. Besides, they are so desirous of having multum in parvo, without much sweating, that they plant the corn-hills so close, as to thereby choak up the field.—They plant their corn in straight rows, putting five or six grains into one hole, about two inches distance—They cover them with clay in the form of a small hill. Each row is a yard asunder, and in the vacant ground they plant pumpkins, water-melons, marsh-mallows, sun-flowers, and sundry sorts of beans and peas, the last two of which yield a large increase. (Adair, 1775, pp. 406-408. ) Du Pratz tells us that the Natchez prepared their fields for plant- ing by means of a curved mattock made of hickory, but shoulder blades of the bison were observed among the neighboring Bayogoula employed for the same purpose, and no doubt the Natchez used them also. These mattocks were used to weed the maize and cut down the canes in the preparation of a field. When the canes were dry they set fire to them, and to sow the maize, they made a hole with the hand in which they put some grains. These [hickory] mattocks were made like a capital L. They cut by means of the sides of the lower end, which is very flat. (La Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 26, 176; Swanton, 1911, p. 75.) Some time in 1699, the French chronicler, Pénicaut, visited the town of the Pascagoula Indians on the river which still bears their name and makes the following observations regarding their farming: The next morning we went to walk in their fields where they sow their corn. The women were there working with their men. The savages have flat, bent sticks, which they use to hoe the ground, for they do not know how to work it as it is done in France. They scratch the soil with these crooked sticks and uproot with them the canes and weeds which they leave on the earth in the sun during fifteen days or a month. Then they set fire to them, and when they are reduced to ashes they have a stick as large as the arm, pointed at one end, with which they make holes in the earth 8 feet apart; they put into each hole seven or eight grains of corn and cover them with earth. It is thus that they sow their corn and their beans. When the corn is a foot high they take great care, as in France, to get rid of the weeds which get into it, and repeat it two or three times a year. They make use even now of their wooden hoes, because they find them lighter, although we have given them hoes of iron. (Pénicaut, in Margry, 1883, vol. 5, p. 304.) Farming among the Caddo has been described in Bulletin 132 of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Swanton, 1942, pp. 127-181). HUNTING WOODCRAFT Indian woodcraft has always been proverbial, and, indeed, some- thing of mystery has often been attached to it not warranted by the facts, the skill of the Indians in this particular being a natural and inevitable outgrowth of the necessities of their economic life. Catesby has the following to say about this: When a body of Indians get out on an hunting journey of five hundred miles, more or less, perhaps where none of them ever were; after the imaginary place Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 311 of rendezvous is agreed on, they then consult what direction it lies in, every one pointing his finger towards the place; though but little variation appears in their pointings, the preference of judgment is given to the eldest; thus it being concluded on, they set out all singly, and different ways, except the women, who jog on a constant pace, while the men traverse a vast tract of land in hunting on each side, and meet together in small parties at night. Thus they proceed onward their journey, and though they range some hundred miles from one another, they all meet at the place appointed. And if an obstruction hap- pens, they leave certain marks in the way, where they that come after will understand how many have passed and which way they are gone. They are never lost, though at the greatest distance from home; and where they never were before, they will find their way back by a contrary way from that they went. An Indian boy that was brought up very young to school at Williamsburgh, at the age of 9 or 10 years, ran from school, found means (no body knew how) to pass over James river, and then travelled through the woods to his native home, though the nearest distance was three hundred miles, carrying no pro- vision with him, nor having any thing to subsist on in his journey but berries, acorns, and such like as the wood afforded. They know the north point whereever they are; one guide is by a certain moss that grows most on the north side of trees. Their sagacity in tracing the footsteps of one another is no less wonderful: on a dry surface, where none but themselves are able to discern the least im- pression of any thing, they often make discoveries; but on moist land that is capable of impression, they will give a near guess, not only of the number of Indians that have passed, but by the make and stitching of their Mockasins, will know of what nation they are, and consequently whether friends or enemies. This is a piece of knowledge on which great consequences depend; therefore, they who excel in it are highly esteemed, because these discoveries enable them to ambuscade their enemies, as well as to evade surprises from them; and also to escape from a superior number by a timely discovery of their numerous tracks. (Cateby, 1731-48, vol. 2, pp. xII—xIm1.) Says Byrd: The Indians, who have no way of travelling but on the Hoof, make nothing of going 25 miles a day, and carrying their little Necessaries at their backs, and Sometimes a Stout Pack of Skins into the Bargain. And very often they laugh at the English, who can’t Stir to Next Neighbour without a Horse, and say that 2 Legs are too much for such lazy people, who cannot visit their next neigh- bour without six. (Bassett, 1901, p. 266.) Lawson on the same subject: They are expert travelers, and though they have not the use of our artificial compass, yet they understand the north-point exactly, let them be in never so great a wilderness. One guide is a short moss, that grows upon some trees, exactly on the north-side thereof. Besides, they have names for eight of the thirty-two points, and call the winds by their several names, aS we do; but indeed more properly; for the north-west wind is called the cold wind; the north-east, the wet wind; the south, the warm wind, and so agreeable of the rest. Sometimes it happens that they have a large river or lake to pass over, and the weather is very foggy, as it often happens in the spring and fall of the leaf; so that they can- not see which course to steer; in such a case, they being on one side of the river or lake, they know well enough what course such a place, (which 312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 137 they intend for) bears from them. Therefore, they get a great many sticks and chunks of wood in their canoe and then set off directly for their port, and now and then throw over a piece of wood, which directs them, by seeing how the stick bears from the canoe stern, which they always observe to keep right aft; and this is the Indian compass, by which they will go over a broad water ten or twenty leagues wide. They will find the head of any river, though it is five, six, or seven hundred miles off, and they never were there in their lives before, as is often proved by their appointing to meet on the head of such a river, where, perhaps, none of them ever was before, but where they shall rendezvous exactly at the prefixed time; and if they meet with any obstruction, they leave certain marks in the way where they that come after, will understand how many have passed by already, and which way they are gone. Besides, in their war-expeditions, they have very certain hieroglyphicks, whereby each party informs the other of the success or losses they have met withal; all which is so exactly performed by their sylvian marks and char- acters, that they are never at a loss to understand one another. ... They will draw maps very exactly of all the rivers, towns, mountains and roads, or what you shall enquire of them, which you may draw by their directions, and come to a small matter of latitude, reckoned by their day’s journeys. These maps they will draw in the ashes of the fire, and sometimes upon a mat or piece of bark. I have put a pen and ink into a savage’s hand, and he has drawn me the rivers, bays, and other parts of a country, which afterwards I have found to agree with a great deal of nicety. (Lawson, 1860, pp. 331-333. See also Strachey as quoted on page 258.) In describing the hunting customs of the Caddo, Solis says: In securing their supplies they are very wise and cunning; when they have to cross a plain, they remain within the woods for some time, observing care- fully to see if there is anything unusual, and if not, they cut a big branch from a tree in order to travel under cover so that those from a distance may not know that it is a man. In order to spy on the people who come in or go out of the woods, they climb a large tree which has a big high top and is near the road; from there they search out and see everything without being seen. (Solis, 1931, pp. 69-70; Swanton, 1942, pp. 1382-138.) DEER HUNTING With great acuteness Indians sometimes speak of the deer as their sheep, though, outside of the bison country, the deer meant more to the ancient North Americans than did sheep to most peoples of the Old World. In that part of the continent with which we are con- cerned, it was the main source of animal food and the principal source of raw material for clothing, besides performing other inci- dental functions. De Soto’s men found deer meat and deer hides in use from one end of the Gulf region to the other. Hariot, the first writer who gives us what might fairly be called an ethnological account of any part of the section unless we except Peter Martyr, says: In some places there are great store [of deer]: neere vnto the sea coast they are of the ordinarie bignes as ours in England, & some lesse: but further up into the countrey where there is better seed they are greater: they differ from Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 313 ours onely in this, their tailes are longer and the snags of their hornes looke backward. (Hariot, 1893, p. 29.) Strachey speaks of them thus: They have divers beasts fitt for provision; the chief are deare, both redd and fallow; great store in the country towards the heads of the rivers, though not so many amongst the rivers. In our island, about James Towne, are some few nothing differing from ours in England, but that some of them the antletts of their hornes are not so manie. Our people have seen two hundred, one hundred, and fifty in a herd. (Strachey, 1849, p. 122.) The early white colonists were in the habit of employing Indians to hunt for them and do other kinds of work. This is mentioned by Lawson (1860, p. 146), and Samuel Wilson, writing of South Caro- lina in 1682, tells us deer were so plentiful “that an Indian hunter hath killed Nine fat Deere in a day all shot by himself, and all the considerable Planters have an Indian Hunter which they hire for less than Twenty shillings a year, and one hunter will very well find a Family of Thirty people, with as much venison and foul as they can welleat.” (Carroll, 1836, vol. 2, p. 28.) Hunters either stalked the deer singly or killed them by means of surrounds, devices which might be called respectively the cat and dog methods of hunting. To start up all kinds of game they fired the woods or canebrakes. Deer stalking is described by our authorities as observed among the Powhatan Indians, the Siouan tribes, the Chickasaw and Choc- taw, the Timucua, and the Natchez. The Timucua account, given by Le Moyne in connection with one of his sketches, is the oldest of these, dating from 1565: The Indians have a way of hunting deer which we never saw before. They manage to put on the skins of the largest which have been taken, in such a manner, with the heads on their own heads, so that they can see out through the eyes as through a mask. Thus accoutered they can approach close to the deer without frightening them. They take advantage of the time when the animals come to drink at the river, and, having their bow and arrows all ready, easily shoot them, as they are very plentiful in those regions. (Le Moyne, 1875, p. 10 (illus.) ; Swanton, 1922, p. 357.) This differs from most other accounts in representing use of the entire skin and in stating that the Indian clothed himself with it, his head being inserted into the deer’s head. Usually they employed only the head, but, if we may trust Smith, the Virginia Indians did make use of the entire skin: One Savage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deare slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eies, eares, and every part as arteficially counterfeited as they can devise. Thus shrowding his body in the skinne, by stalking he approacheth the Deare, creeping on the ground from one tree to an- other. If the Deare chance to find fault, or stande at gaze, hee turneth the head 314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 137 with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deare, also gazing and licking himself. So watching his best advantage to approach, having shot him, hee chaseth him by his blood and straine till he get him. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 105.) A Santee Indian, from the country midway between the last two, employed the head only. He carried an artificial head to hunt withal. They are made of the head of a buck, the back part of the horns being scraped and hollow for the lightness of carriage. The skin is left to the setting on of the shoulders, which is lined all round with small hoops, and flat sort of laths, to hold it open for the arms to go in. They have a way to preserve the eyes, as if living.“ The hunter puts on a match coat made of deer skin, with the hair on, and a piece of the white part of the deer skin that grows on the breast, which is fastened to the neck end of this stalking head, so hangs down. In these habiliments an Indian will go as near a deer as he pleases, the exact motions and behaviour of a deer being so well counterfeited by them, that several times it hath been known for two hunters to come up with a stalking head together, and unknown to each other, so that they have killed an Indian instead of a deer, which hath happened sometimes to a brother or some dear friend ; for which reason they allow not of that sort of practice where the nation is populous. (Lawson, 1860, p. 44; Catesby, 1731-43, vol. 2, p. x11.) The Indians of this section—and the same was true of most of those of the Southeast—carefully preserved the bones of the animals they ate and burned them “as being of opinion that if they omitted that custom the game would leave their country, and they should not be able to maintain themselves by their hunting.” A little farther south, in Georgia, is a small stream, an affluent of the Ocmulgee known as Echeconnee, but on the older maps Icho-cunno, which means, in the Muskogee language, “deer trap.” It was so called because the deer used to resort to it for a certain kind of food of which they were fond and the conformity of the banks prevented them from escaping readily when pursued by hunters. Speck’s informants remembered the use of the stuffed deer head which the hunter “put over his shoulders or elevated on a stick in front of him when he was approaching the deer” (Speck, 1907, p. 22). At intervals during his approach to the intended victim the Indian sang a magic song, given by Speck (1907, p. 19). MacCauley heard of deer stalking among the Seminole, but, curi- ously enough, his informants did not speak of using a decoy deer head: The Seminole always hunt their game on foot. They can approach a deer to within sixty yards by their method of rapidly nearing him while he is feeding, , and standing perfectly still when he raises his head. They say that they are able to discover by certain movements on the part of the deer when the head is about to be lifted. They stand side to the animal. They believe that they can thus deceive the deer, appearing to them as stumps of trees. (MacCauley, 1887, p. 512.) 17“The eyes are well represented by the globular shining seeds of the Pavia, or scarlet flowering horse-chestnut” (Catesby, 1731-1748, vol. 2, p. XII.) Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 315 Only Romans describes the custom in the middle Gulf region, among the Chickasaw and Choctaw: They (the Chickasaw) hunt like all their neighbours with the skin and frontal bone of a deer’s head, dried and stretched on elastic chips; the horns they scoup out very curiously, employing so much patience on this, that such a head and antlers often do not exceed ten or twelve ounces; they fix this on the left hand, and imitating the motions of the deer in sight, they decoy them within sure shot. I cannot forbear to mention a merry accident on this occa- Sion; a Choctaw Indian, who was hunting with one of these decoys on his fist, saw a deer, and thinking to bring it to him, imitated the deer’s motions of feeding and looking around in a very natural way, another savage within shot, mistaking the head for a real one, shot the ball through it, scarcely missing the fingers of the first; the affair ended in fisty cuffs, but was not is populous. (Lawson, 1860, p. 44; Catesby, 1731-43, vol. 2, p. x11.) Historians of the Natchez furnish us with two accounts. The first is by Dumont de Montigny: When a savage has succeeded in killing a deer he first cuts off its head as far down as the shoulders. Then he skins the neck without cutting the skin, and, having removed the bones and the flesh from it, he draws out all the brains from the head. After this operation he replaces the bones of the neck very neatly and fixes them in place with the aid of a wooden hoop and some little sticks. Then he re-covers them with their skin, and having dried this head partly in the shade and partly in the smoke, he thus has an entire deer’s head, which is very light, and which with its skin preserves also its hair, its horns, and its ears. He carries it with him hung to his belt when he goes hunting, and as soon as he perceives a bison or a deer he passes his right hand into the neck of this deer, with which he conceals his face, and begins to make the same kind of movements as the living animal would make. He looks ahead, then turns the head rapidly from one side to the other. He lowers it to browse on the grass and raises it immediately afterward. In fact, always concealing his face with his head, he deceives by means of his gestures the animal which he wishes to approach, and, if during this time it happens that the animal stops to gaze at him, the savage, though he has his leg in the air to move forward, stays it there, and has enough patience to remain in this posture until the living animal, taking him for another animal of his species, begins to approach him. Then the savage, seeing him within gunshot, lets the deer head fall to the earth, passes his ready gun from his left hand to his right with admirable skill and rapidity, shoots the animal, and kills it, for he rarely misses it. (Dumont, 1753, pp. 150-151; Swanton, 1911, pp. 69-70.) Du Pratz’s parallel narrative follows: The hunter who goes out alone provides himself for this purpose with the dried head of a deer, the brain having been removed and the skin of the neck left hanging to the head. This skin is provided with hoops made of cane splints, which are kept in place by means of other splints lengthwise of the skin so that the hand and arm can easily pass inside. Things being so ar- ranged, the hunter goes into those parts where he thinks there are likely to be deer and takes such precautions not to be discovered as he thinks necessary. As soon as he sees one he approaches it with the step of a wolf, hiding him- self behind one thicket after another until he is near enough to shoot it. But if, before that, the deer shakes its head, which is a sign that it is going to caper about and run away, the hunter, foreseeing his fancy, counterfeits this 316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buty. 187 animal by making the same cry that these animals make when they call one another, which very often makes the deer come toward the hunter... Then he shows the head, which he holds in his hand, and causes it to make the movements of a deer when it browses and looks up from: time to time. The hunter while waiting always keeps himself concealed behind the thicket until the deer has approached within gunshot, and although the hunter sees little of its side he shoots it in the shoulder and kills it. It is in this way that a native without hunting companions, without dogs, and without chasing, by means of a patience which we do not have, finally succeeds in killing a deer, an animal whose speed is exceeded only by the incitements which seize upon. it at every instant and tend to bear it away to some place where the hunter is obliged to follow to hunt it with patience for fear lest a new fantasy will carry it away forever and its enemy lose time and trouble. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 69-72; Swanton, 1911, p. 70.) The Choctaw deer decoy and deer call were well-remembered down into the middle of the nineteenth century. Says the missionary Cushman: They made a very ingeniously constructed instrument for calling deer to them, in the use of which they were very expert; and in connection with this, they used a decoy made by cutting the skin clear round the neck, about ten inches from the head of a slain buck having huge horns, and then stuffing the skin in one entire section up to the head and cutting off the neck where it joins the head. The skin, thus made hollow from the head back, is kept in its natural posi- tion by inserting upright sticks; the skin is then pulled upwards from the nose to the horns and all the flesh and brains removed; then the skin is repulled to its natural place and laid away to dry. In a year it has become dry; hard and inoffensive, and fit for use. All the upright sticks are then taken out except the one next to the head, which is left as a hand-hold. Thus the hunter, with his deer-caller and head decoy, easily enticed his game within the range of his deadly rifle; for, secreting himself in the woods, he commenced to imitate the bleating of a deer; if within hearing distance, one soon responds; but, perhaps, catching the scent of the hunter, stops and begins to look around. The hunter now inserts his arm into the cavity of the decoy and taking hold of the upright stick within, easily held it up to view, and attracted the attention of the doubting deer by rubbing it against the bushes or a tree; seeing which, the then no longer suspicious deer advanced, and only learned its mistake by the sharp crack of the rifle and the deadly bullet. (Cushman, 1899, p. 52.) According to Romans, lone stalkers among the Chickasaw, and prob- ably the Choctaw also, held the deer head in their left hands, whereas Dumont de Montigny plainly indicates that the Natchez hunters he had seen employ this method, used their right hands. This difference is probably attributable to cases of right- and left-handedness, though individual choice or possibly tribal custom might have been involved. Speck thus describes the Yuchi deer call used in late times: The deer call, we‘ya"kané, mentioned before, which is used in calling deer within range, is a rather complex instrument and probably a borrowed one, at least in its present form. A hollow horn is fitted with a wooden mouthpiece which contains a small brass vibrating tongue. When blown this gives a rather shrill but weak sound which can be modified greatly by blowing softly or violently. A tremulous tone like the cry of a fawn is made by moving Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 317 the palm of the hand over the opening of the horn. Much individual skill is shown by the hunters in using this instrument. (Speck, 1909, p. 23 and his fig. 5.) My informants also remembered this style of hunting. They said that, as it was usually undertaken in October or November when the bucks seek the does or seek each other to fight, either the head of a buck or the head of a doe could be used. Wonderful skill was claimed for some hunters. One is said to have deceived a panther, while another very young hunter was clever enough to “take in” a man of age and experience. A deer call was used in spring to imitate the cry of a fawn and entice does within gunshot. It was made of two pieces of button willow, round in cross section. The extreme end was covered with a piece of silver in which was a sort of pin with a knob at the end made of cane. It is claimed that, at times, a wildcat, panther, wolf, fox, or even a snake would be attracted by it. Adair (1775, p. 402) says that in rambling through the woods in search of deer they would “frequently walk twenty-five or thirty miles through rough and smooth grounds, and fasting, before they return back to camp, loaded.” But they brought back the spoils of the chase only when it was impossible to send their wives after them. When it was necessary to carry the deer some distance, they used two bison hide or rawhide straps about 2 inches wide, one of which passed over the forehead and the other around the chest. It is rumored that deer were occasionally hunted with spears, but there is little to substantiate the claim. | For descriptions of deer stalking among the Caddo, see Swanton (1942, pp. 185-136). The communal method of hunting, by surrounds, is described by the Virginia writers and Lawson, while Du Pratz tells us of a Natchez “sport” strongly resembling a surround. We will begin with Smith: At their huntings in the deserts they are commonly 2 or 300 together. Hav- ing found the Deare, they environ them with many fires and betwixt the fires they place themselves. And some take their stands in the midst. The Deare being thus feared by the fires and their voices, they chace them so long within that circle, that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunt- ing. They use also to drive them into some narrowe point of land, when they find that advantage, and so force them into the river, where with their boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot a Deare by land, they follow him like blood hounds by the blood and straine, and oftentimes so take them. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 104.) Strachey parallel’s the above, but Beverley amplifies considerably, and his remarks are probably based on information drawn from a wider geographical area: But they had a better Way of killing the Elks, Buffaloes, Deer, and greater Game, by a Method which we call Fire-Hunting. That is, a Company of them wou’d go together back into the Woods, any time in the Winter, when the 318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 Leaves were fallen, and so dry, that they wou’d burn; and being come to the Place design’d, they wou’d Fire the Woods, in a Circle of Five or Six Miles Compass; and when they had compleated the first Round, they retreated in- ward, each at his due Distance, and put Fire to the Leaves and Grass afresh, to accelerate the Work, which ought to be finished with the Day. This they repeat, till the Circle be so contracted, that they can see their Game herded all together in the Middle, panting and almost stifled with Heat and Smoak; for the poor Creatures being frighten’d at the Flame, keep running continually round, thinking to run from it, and dare not pass through the Fire; by which Means they are brought at last into a very narrow Compass. Then the Indians let flie their Arrows at them, and (which is very strange) tho’ they stand all round quite clouded in Smoak, yet they rarely shoot each other. By this means they destroy all the Beasts, collected within that Circle. They make all this Slaughter only for the sake of the Skins, leaving the Carcases to perish in the Woods. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 2, p. 39.) Spelman contributes the following: Ther maner of ther Huntinge is thiss wher they meett sum 2 or 300 togither and hauinge ther bowes and arrows and euery one with a fier sticke in ther hand they besett a great thikett round about which y°® Deare seinge fleeth from y° fier, and the menn comminge in by a litell and litle incloseth ther game in a narrow roome, so as with ther Bowes and arrowes they kill them at ther pleasuer takinge ther skinns which is the greatest thinge they desier, and sume flesh for their prouision. (Spelman in Smith, 1884, Arber ed., p. cvit.) Possibly the slaughter of animals merely for their skins, as related by Beverley, is to be laid to the door of the white man and was one result of the stimulation of trade in furs which followed upon their advent. This seems to be confirmed by Lawson, whose account follows: When these savages go a hunting, they commonly go out in great numbers, and oftentimes a great many days’ journey from home, beginning at the coming in of the winter; that is, when the leaves are fallen from the trees and are become dry. Tis then they burn the woods by setting fire to the leaves and withered bent and grass, which they do with a match made of the black-moss that hangs on the trees in Carolina, and.is sometimes above six feet long. This, when dead, becomes black, though of an ash color before, and will then hold fire as well as the best match we have in, Europe. In places where this moss is not found, as towards the mountains, they make lintels of the bark of cypress beaten, which serve as well. Thus they go and fire the woods for many miles, and drive the deer and other game into small necks of land and isthmuses where they kill and destroy what they please..... Here it is that they get their compliment of deer skins and furs to trade with the English (the deer skins being in season in winter which is contrary to England). (Lawson, 1860, pp. 335-836.) Lawson (1860, p. 25) also discovered the Sewee Indians engaged in a deer drive in January by firing the canes, and Catesby enlarges upon this as a custom presumably shared by most of the Siouan Indians at least: Their annual custom of fire hunting is usually in October. At this sport associate some hundreds of Indians, who, spreading themselves in length through a great extent of country, set the woods on fire, which with the assistance of the wind is driven to some peninsula, or neck of land, into which deers, bears, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 319 and other animals are drove by the raging fire and smoak, and being hemm’d in are destroyed in great numbers by their guns. (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. x11.) In 1728 William Byrd’s party replenished their supply of meat in this manner: They fired the Dry Leaves in a Ring of five Miles’ circumference, which, burn- ing inwards, drove all the Game to the Centre, where they were easily killed. It is really a pitiful Sight to see the extreme Distress the poor deer are in, when they find themselves Surrounded with this Circle of Fire; they weep and Groan like a Human Creature, yet can’t move the compassion of those hard- hearted People, who are about to murder them. This unmerciful Sport is called Fire Hunting, and is much practic’d by the Indians and Frontier Inhabitants, who sometimes, in the Eagerness of their Diversion, are Punish’t for their cruelty, and are hurt by one another when they Shoot across at the Deer which are in the Middle. (Bassett, 1901, pp. 222-223.) According to Calderén, the Timucua distinguished two kinds of hunting: During January they burn the grass and weeds from the fields preparatory to cultivation, surrounding them all at one time with fire so that the deer, wild ducks and rabbits, fleeing from it fall into their hands. This sort of hunting they call hurimelas. Then they enter the forests in pursuit of bears, bison and lions which they kill with bows and arrows, and this they call ojéo0. Whatever they secure in either way they bring to the principal cacique, in order that he shall divide it, he keeping the skins which fall to his share. (Calder6én, 1936, p. 13.) The Natchez “sport” or social diversion to which reference has been made was conducted as follows: When the natives wish to hold the deer dance, or to exercise themselves pleasantly, or even when the Great Sun takes a notion, a hundred go to hunt this animal [the deer] and bring it back alive. For this reason many young men go, who scatter about in their prairies where there are thickets to find a deer. As soon as they have discovered one they approach it in the form of a widely opened crescent. The bottom of the crescent advances until the deer springs up and takes to flight. Seeing a company of men in front, it very often flees toward one of the ends of the crescent or half circle. This point stops it, frightens it, and drives it back toward the other point which is a quarter of a league or thereabout distant from the first. This second does the same as the first and drives it back. The play is continued for a fairly long time, expressly to exercise the young men or to give pleasure to the great Sun, or to some little Sun whom he has named in his place. Sometimes the deer tries to escape through the opening between the points, but those who are at the tip ends show themselves so as to make him reenter and the crescent advances so as always to keep him inclosed between the youths. So it often happens that the men have not gone a league while the deer has made more than twenty with the different turns and capers which it has made from side to side, until at last all of the men come together a little farther and make a complete circle when they perceive that the animal is very much fatigued. Then they crouch almost to the earth when the deer comes to their side, and as soon as it gets near them rise with shouts and drive it from one side to the other so long as the deer is able to stand. But finally, not being able to do anything more from fatigue, its limbs fail it, it falls down and allows itself to be taken like a lamb. However, they take care to approach it only from behind, in order to 320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Butt. 137 escape any blows of its antlers or forefeet, which however happens sometimes in spite of all their precautions. Having seized the deer, they present it to the great Sun, if he is present, or to the one he has sent to enjoy the sport. When he sees it at his feet, and says “Tt is good,” the hunters cut the deer open and bring it back in quarters to the cabin of the great Sun, who distributes it to the leaders of the hunting band. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 71-73; Swanton, 1911, pp. 70-71.) This last is quite different in purpose from the regular hunt and lacks certain marked elements of it such as the use of fire, so that it may have had an entirely independent origin. On the other hand, it may rep- resent a survival or may have been suggested by the surround as observed among other tribes. The silence of our authorities regarding the use of the true surround south and west of the Algonquian and Siouan territories has been interpreted by Speck to mean that it was a northern institution which had not yet penetrated other portions of the Gulf region. This is not improbable, but it must be remembered that in some parts of this territory, notably among the Choctaw, game was so scarce that the results would probably have been scanty. However, that hardly explains its absence throughout the section. Another possibility is that it originated in connection with the bison hunt and spread from that to the pursuit of other game. While it is true that, at one time, bison ranged through most of the Southeast, it is not certain that they were ever numerous in that country and their invasions may have been sporadic. Speck says: The Yuchi do not seem to have used the deer fence So common in many parts of America. They have been known, however, to employ a method of driving game from its shelter to places where hunters were stationed, by means of fire. Grassy prairies were ignited and when the frightened animals fled to water they were secured by the band of hunters who were posted there. (Speck, 1909, p. 23.) Burning of the “deserts” to rouse game is mentioned by Bartram (1940, p. 189). None of my own informants remembered having heard of the com- munal hunt. An Alabama Indian said that they sometimes used dogs, but this was denied by Jackson Lewis in speaking of the Lower Creeks generally and it probably represented an innovation. ‘True, Speck (1909, p. 22) says that among the Yuchi “dogs... have always been the invariable companions of the hunters, whether alone or in bands, their principal office being to track game and hold it at bay,” but I think it highly improbable that any of the old Indian dogs would have been of use to a man trying to stalk deer and they were quite unnecessary in a surround. Elsewhere I have spoken of the employment of dogs in hunting turkeys and bear. When they were getting ready to set out on a hunt, the women put up a quantity of parched meal and a quantity of bread strung to- Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 321 gether. Owing to the disappearance of game toward the east, their hunting expeditions in Oklahoma came to be directed more and more toward the west and were sometimes well rewarded, as one man is said to have killed sometimes as many as 180 deer in a single season. BEAR HUNTING There are incidental notes regarding the use of bearskins by Elvas and Garcilaso and mention by Elvas of “an abundance of butter in gourds [among the Chiaha Indians], in melted form like olive oil,” which the inhabitants said was bear’s grease (Robertson, 1933, p. 104). Later writers make incidental mention of the same uses for the bear, but it is surprising how few descriptions of bear hunting have been preserved. A short note by Hariot, and accounts by Adair, Dumont de Montigny, and Du Pratz are about all we have. Hariot says: Beares ... are all of black colour. The beares of this countrey are good meat: the inhabitants in time of winter do vse to take & eate manie, so also sometime did wee. They are taken commonlie in this sort. In some Ilands or places where they are, being hunted for, as soone as they haue spiall of a man they presently run awaie, & then being chased they clime and get vp the next tree, or with those wounds that they may after easily be killed; we sometime shotte them downe with our caleeuers. (Hariot, 1893, p. 30.)* No one else mentions the hunting of bear except when they were in their winter quarters, and, if the account just given is correct, it may indicate a chase peculiar to the North Carolina coast. The descriptions of Dumont and Du Pratz were derived from observa- tions of hunting customs among the tribes of the lower Mississippi. Both of these writers were particularly interested in the Natchez, but the attention of the former was focused upon them less intently than was that of Du Pratz. Dumont says: In this province of Louisiana instead of using caverns these animals choose for their retreats hollow trees, and it may be observed that these domiciles are raised more than 30 or 40 feet above the earth and two bears never lodge there together. Towards the end of March or the first of April the females bear their young before quitting their retreat. Then, in spite of their long fast, they are not at all thin, and it is in this season that the natives pay them a visit, either to capture their cubs or make use of their fat. In order to find them, they go through the woods looking for the imprint of this animal’s claws on the bark of the trees. When they have found one with these marks, they do not rest content with this indication, but in order to make the matter certain, they imitate the cry of a bear cub. ‘The mother bear, hearing the cry at the foot of her tree and thinking it is caused by one of her little ones who has fallen to the ground, looks out of the hole and so discloses her presence. Then the savages, sure of their prey, prepare to dislodge her, but how is it to be accomplished? To uproot a big, tall tree or 148A caleeuer or caliver was “a light kind of musket or harquebus” (Murray). 464735—46——22 322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | BULL. 137 cut it down with axes would take too much time. They have a more expedi- tious method, which is as follows: They first choose the nearest tree they can find to that in which the animal has made its retreat, after which one of them climbs up into it and seats himself astride a branch, choosing if it is possible one of the same height as the opening of the bear’s den. Then his comrades below place in his hands a big cane, 25 to 30 feet long, at the end of which is fastened a creeper or string. At the end of this creeper or string the savages tie some dry canes and set fire to them, and by swinging the cane, the man in the tree throws the fire into the hole which serves the animal as a retreat. If he cannot succeed by this means he ties a little string to the butt end of an arrow and to this string a piece of tinder, a kind of touchwood, sets fire to this and then shoots the arrow into the hole. The tinder, which is then suspended perpendicularly in the center of the hole, gradually flares up, burns through the’ string to which it is tied and falls upon the animal, which in moving about to shake it off sets fire to the straw, the dry grass, or the rotten wood commonly found in its habitation. Then the female bear, unable to endure the ardor of this element, decides to move, which it does back first, descending sedately, showing its teeth from time to time and its tongue, which is of a most beautiful scarlet color. It is not given time to descend far enough to place its feet on the ground but is knocked down or shot while it is on the way. Some of the little ones, wishing to imitate their mother, descend after her, but scarcely have they reached a height from the ground equal to that of a man when they are seized and cords passed around their necks. This is how they are captured and tamed. Others try to save themselves by clinging to the branches and are shot there. (Dumont, 1753, pp. 76-80; Swanton, 1911, pp. 67-68.) Du Pratz: After having wandered about the country for some time and found an abundance of fruits, the bears become fat, and it is then that the natives hunt them. In this state they know that the bears place themselves under cover, that is, settle in old dead trees still standing but with their hearts rotted out. There the bear makes his home. The natives make trips through the woods visiting trunks of this kind. If they notice claw marks on the bark, they feel certain that a bear is lodged within. However, not to be mistaken in their conjectures, they strike the base of the tree a very heavy blow and run away quickly to hide behind another tree opposite the lowest of the bear’s openings. If there is a bear inside, he hears the blow and feels the trembling of the trunk. Then he mounts to the opening to see whiat importunate persons come to trouble his repose. He looks at the foot of his fortress, and not perceiving anything there of a nature to trouble him, he returns to the bottom of his dwelling, displeased no doubt that he has been disturbed by a false alarm. Having seen the prey which they believe cannot escape them, the natives collect dead canes and crush them with their feet so that they will burn more readily. Then they make them into a bundle which one man carries up into the nearest tree along with some fire. The others place themselves in ambush on other trees. The one with the fire lights a piece of cane and, when it is burning well, throws it dart-fashion into the bear’s den. If he does not succeed [in rousing the bear] the first time, he tries again until the bear is forced out of his refuge. When enough fire is in the trunk to set fire to the rotten wood, the bear, not relishing such lively heat, comes out backward abandoning his home to the ardor of the flames, Then the hunters, who are Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 323 all prepared, discharge arrows at him as rapidly as possible, and so promptly that he is often killed before he is able to reach the foot of the tree. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 86-89; Swanton, 1911, pp. 68-69.) Adair introduces some white folklore along with his narrative of Indian customs: About Christmas, the he and she bears always separate. The former usually snaps off a great many branches of trees, with which he makes the bottom of his winter’s bed, and carefully raises it to a proper height, with the green tops of large canes; he chooses such solitary thickets as are impenetrable by the sunbeams. The she bear takes an old large hollow tree for her yeaning winter-house, and chuses to have the door above, to enable her to secure her young ones from danger. When any thing disturbs them, they gallop up a tree, champing their teeth, and bristling their hair, in a frightful manner: and when they are wounded, it is surprising from what a height they will pitch on the ground, with their weighty bodies, and how soon they get up, and run off. When they take up their winter-quarters, they continue the greater part of two months, in almost an entire state of inactivity: during that time, their tracks reach no farther than to the next water, of which they seldom drink, as they frequently suck their paws in their lonely recess, and impoverish their bodies, to nourish them. While they are employed in that surprising task of nature, they cannot contain themselves in silence, but are so well pleased with their repast, that they continue singing hum um um: as their pipes are none of the weakest, the Indians by this means often are led to them from a considerable distance, and then shoot them down. But they are forced to cut a hole near the root of the tree, wherein the she bear and her cubs are lodged, and drive them out by the force of fire and suffocating smoke; and as the tree is partly rotten, and the inside dry, it soon takes fire. In this case, they become very fierce, and would fight any kind of enemy; but, commonly, at the first shot, they are either killed or mortally wounded. However, if the hunter chance to miss his aim, he speedily makes off to a sappling, which the bear by over-clasping cannot climb: the crafty hunting dogs then act their part, by biting behind, and gnawing its hams, till it takes up a tree. I have been often assured both by Indians and others, who get their bread by hunting in the woods, that the she-bear always endeavours to keep apart from the male during the helpless state of her young ones; otherwise he would endeavour to kill them; and that they had frequently seen the she bear kill the male on the spot, after a desperate engagement for the defence of her young ones. Of the great numbers I have seen with their young cubs, I never saw a he bear at such times, to associate with them. (Adair, 1775, pp. 309-310.) Methods of hunting bear similar to those above described are remembered by both Creeks and Alabama Indians. Jackson Lewis described a method employed in hunting bear when they had their dens in caves among the rocks. This required skill and daring. One hunter would enter the den bearing a torch and when he saw the light reflected in the bear’s eyes, he would say “Come out, sir!” and step to one side, whereupon the bear would pass right on by him and go out. Just outside a man had been stationed who was considered a sure shot, for if the animal was not fatally wounded, he would turn back and very probably kill the man who had first ventured within. Another method, involving less danger, was to have the man with 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butw. 137 the torch stand at the cave’s mouth and wave his torch back and forth there until the bear was located, when his companion shot it. If the bear made a break past them, they usually succeeded in killing it outside. Sometimes a bear was shot in the open by a kind of surround, several men driving the animal toward a hunter so sta- tioned as to have a good shot at it. It will have been noted that, in Adair’s description, mention is made of the use of dogs. My Alabama informant stated that his people sometimes chased bears with dogs until they turned to bay or climbed a tree. He also stated that dogs were employed in hunting deer and rabbits, while the Creeks used them in hunting squirrels, opossums, and raccoons. In many Southeastern myths dogs appear as the assistants of human beings in hunting wild animals, but there are few references to this in the narratives of explorers, and some writers say that dogs were not employed at all. Such uses of them may have occurred sporadically or as the result of white contact. For Caddo bear hunting, see Swanton (1942, p. 187). BISON HUNTING A game animal next in importance to the deer and bear, in some places probably of more importance, was the bison. Our information regarding the economic status of this animal in the lives of the Southeastern tribes is very perplexing because the animal is often represented as if well known and commonly hunted, and indeed mention is made of herds consisting of thousands of individuals, yet few herds were actually seen by Europeans in this section and there are comparatively few notices of encounters with them. This cannot be attributed entirely to destruction occasioned by the whites, because De Soto and his followers had the same experience. Only as his army approached the Plains, some distance west of the Mississippi, did he find indications of bison in any considerable numbers. It will be of interest to note the references to this animal in various parts of the Gulf area. Garcilaso reports that the Spaniards with De Soto found “cow horns” at a town near Savannah River, and he adds: They were unable to learn where the Indians could have got these, because in all the places these Spaniards went in La Florida they never found cattle, and though it is true that in some places they found fresh beef they never Saw the cattle, nor were they able by cajolery or threats to get the Indians to tell them where they were. (Garcilaso, 1723, p. 121.) Ranjel saw “breastplates and head-pieces of rawhide” in the temple of Talimeco near the present Augusta, Ga. When the army was at Chiaha on the Tennessee River, two messengers sent toward the north returned with a cowskin as soft as the skin of a kid. (Bourne, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 325 1904, vol. 2, p. 101; Robertson, 1933, p. 113.) There were heads of fierce bulls over one of the doorways at Casquin, west of the Missis- sippi but near the great river, and shields of raw cowhide in the neighboring town of Pacaha. Farther west, in the province of Coligua, two cowhides were presented to the Spaniards, and in the province of Tula, which seems to have been in close communication with the Plains, they found the flesh of these animals and quantities of their skins (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2,,p. 189; vol. 1, pp. 122, 133, 139, 140). In the Caddo country of east Texas they found still more, a fact which caused them to give this region the name “province of herdsmen” (Garcilaso, 1723, p. 215). The following quotation from Spark, the chronicler of Sir John Hawkins’ voyage in 1565, may refer to the bison, though there is some uncertainty about it: The Floridians haue pieces of vnicornes hornes which they weare about their necks, whereof the Frenchmen obteined many pieces (Hakluyt, 1847-89, vol. 3, p. 615). Barlowe mentions “Buffe” skins among those taken in trade by his people from the Indians of North Carolina (Burrage, 1906, p. 932), but Hariot, Smith, and Strachey make no reference to the ani- mal, while Beverley (1705, bk. 2, p. 39) merely mentions bison among those animals killed by “fire-hunting,”i.e.,in surrounds. In Dumont’s account of deer stalking given above, he says that the same technique was employed with bison. In 1673 Gabriel Arthur visited a Yuchi town on the headwaters of the Tennessee and he reports that “many hornes like bulls horns lye upon their dunghills” (Alvord, 1912, p. 213). In 1701, when Lawson was in the Saponi village near the present Salisbury, N. C., some Tutelo visited the place, and he says they were “strong and robust” on account of the abundance of bison, bear, elk, and deer in their country (Lawson, 1860, p. 85). In another place he speaks of the uses to which the skin and hair of the animal were put, but he does not localize this usage in any way (Lawson, 1860, p. 191). However, in 1728 Byrd’s party, while surveying the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina, met and killed a bull bison near Sugar Tree Creek, which runs through Person County, N. C., and Halifax County, Va., and they saw three of these animals and the tracks of many more along the Hico (Bassett, 1901, pp. 166, 286). Somewhere in the Upper Creek country, near a big swamp, a party of Chickasaw, whom Adair was accompanying to Charleston with French prisoners, killed some bison, but Adair notes farther on that bison were then becoming scarce owing to the wasteful manner in which they were hunted (Adair, 1775, pp. 360, 445-446). And still, Romans (1775, p. 68) speaks of bison flesh among the Chickasaw in 326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 137 1770-71. The anonymous French memoir which dates from about the middle of the same century, mentions a vagrant class of Indians among the Choctaw who lived almost wholly by following about the herds of bison, but the reference is not very definite. In 1675 Bishop Calderén included bison among the animals hunted annually by the Timucua (Wenhold, 1936, p. 13). In 17389, on his way to the Lower Creek towns, Oglethorpe came upon a considerable herd of bison in central Georgia (Mereness, 1916, p. 219), but less than 40 years later Bartram wrote, speaking of the country round Augusta, Ga., “the buffalo (urus) once so very numerous, is not at this day to be seen in this part of the country” (Bartram, 1909, p. 45). One day in the spring of 1762, Lieutenant Timberlake’s party was run in upon by 17 or 18 bison on or near Broad River, eastern Ten- nessee, and he speaks at least twice of the “incredible numbers” in that country (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, pp. 47, 71). In his report on the exploration of Pensacola Bay made in 1693, Don Carlos de Sigiienza y Gongora mentions bison several times. He and his companions saw bison tracks near the western end of Santa Rosa Island, and on East Bay River, at an abandoned Indian camp, “we found a fire burning over which was a very tasteless stew of buffalo entrails in a crudely shaped earthen pan, and the flesh of the same animal roasted, or rather singed in some places and raw in others, on some spits made of sticks.” They also found “in buckskin bags, the hair of buffaloes and other animals.” “Small crosses made of reeds were found,” which “because of the thread and bunches of buffalo hair attached to them” he concluded “served as spindles or distaffs for the women.” Half a league beyond, they came upon another camp and again found bison meat cooking. What was peculiar here was the fact that the buffalo meat was not only half-cooked as at the other camp, but it had been pounded into very fine, evil- smelling powder in wooden mortars; there was a large quantity of all this, for the reason that on this spot or near by they had killed a buffalo; this had happened only a short while before, as the exceedingly large and frightful head was still intact. Near numerous, not badly shaped pots and pans with gourd dippers and ladles of buffalo horn in them were ten or a dozen tanned hides of this animal. . . . There was considerable yarn of buffalo hair, both slender and coarse, in balls and on cross-shaped distaffs of otate similar te the others seen. (Leonard, 1939, pp. 157-158, 161-162.) That very year Torres de Ayala led an expedition overland from the mission station near the present Tallahassee to the same bay, and on the banks of a river, supposed to have been the Blackwater, saw “numerous buffalo tracks” and later “found a buffalo trail leading to a ford” over a deep creek (Leonard, 1939, pp. 233-234). In 1699, when the Frenchmen under Iberville ascended the Missis- sippi, they found deer, bear, and bison skins deposited in the temple Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 327 of the Bayogoula Indians near the present Bayou Goula below Baton Rouge. (Margry, 1875-86, vol. 4, pp. 169-172; Swanton, 1911, pp. 274-276.) The Indians were using “bison bones” (1. e., shoulder blades of bison) as hoes in cultivating their fields, and told their visitors that they went to hunt these animals toward the mouth of the river, a direction opposite to that we would have sup- posed them to take. When Bienville crossed from the Mississippi to the Red in 1700 between Lake St. Joseph and Natchitoches, his party came upon bison just west of the lake and again near the site of the present Winnfield (Margry, 1875-86, vol. 4, pp. 482-439). Pénicaut, who may be called the Garcilaso of Louisiana, visited the Pascagoula on the river of that name in 1699 or 1700 and found that they had bison meat and that their beds were covered with the skins of this animal. Some time later, when he ascended the Mississippi with St. Denis, he reports that they killed 23 bison near the Manchac, and his party killed bison, deer, and other animals in considerable quantities about Bay St. Louis (Pénicaut, in Margry, 1875-86, vol. 5, pp. 389, 390, 497, 480). ‘There are other references to bison hunting in the neighborhood of Mobile and Pensacola, and Dumont and Du Pratz speak of the hunting of this animal as if in their time it were still pursued by the Natchez. The region particularly frequented by them is perhaps indicated in another place: Thirty leagues above the River of the Arkansas, to the north and on the same side as this river, one finds that of St. Francis; the surrounding country is always covered with herds of bison in spite of the hunting which takes place every winter in these districts; for it is to this river, that is to say the country about it, that the French and the Canadians resort to provide them- selves with salted meat for the inhabitants of the capital and neighboring plantations; they are assisted by the Arkansas Indians whom they hire for this purpose. (Le Page Du Pratz, 1758, vol. 1, p. 319.) On the other hand, Gravier tells us that they were “very scarce” in the Tunica country on Yazoo River when he visited that region in 1700 (Shea, 1861, pp. 185-136 ; Swanton, 1911, p. 317). The evidence at hand seems to indicate that, while there were numerous large herds in the territory now occupied by Kentucky, northeastern Arkansas, and much of Tennessee, and, of course, in the extreme western parts of the Gulf region toward the Plains, and while bison were scattered through the remaining territory to the seaboard, except southern Florida and perhaps parts of the Atlantic coast region, the herds were relatively small in historic times and confined largely to sections remote from towns. Aside from the meager reference by Beverley and Dumont’s asser- tion that bison were stalked like deer, Du Pratz is the only writer to devote attention to the manner in which this animal was hunted: 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 This animal is hunted in winter, and at a distance from lower Louisiana and the river St. Louis [Mississippi], and besides it is fond of the tall grass found only on the high plains. A person must approach and shoot it on the lee side, aiming at the shoulder so as to knock it down at the first shot, for if it is merely wounded it runs upon the man. In this hunt the natives usually kill only the cows, having found that the flesh of the males smells bad, an inconvenience which they could easily spare themselves if they cut off the back sides as soon as the animal is dead as is done to stags and boars. That would not be the only advantage they would derive from it, because the species would not diminish, much tallow would be obtained, and the skins would be better and larger. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 67-68; Swanton, 1911, p. 71.) The quotations from Ogelthorpe, Adair, and Timberlake show that bison continued to roam well toward the Gulf until the middle of the eighteenth century. Claiborne (1880) attributes their disap- pearance from the region east of the Mississippi to a drought. There was anciently a bison clan among the Creeks and probably a body of lore connected with these animals, but by the time this tribe en- countered them again after their removal west of the Mississippi, most of this had been forgotten. ‘They then hunted them on foot, creeping up carefully and striving to shoot them in a vital spot said to be just below the hump, but they were scarce and hard to get. Bison hunting was of great and, as the tribes were shoved farther westward, of increasing importance to the Caddo Indians, whose economy was markedly affected by it. (See Swanton, 1942, pp. 136-137.) THE HUNTING OF OTHER ANIMALS Elk are known to have come down as far as the mountain sec- tions of Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Ohio, the last wild elk reported in West Virginia having been seen in Pocahontas County in 1845. There seems to be no reason why they should not have extended southward over the Cherokee country. Timberlake makes no mention of them, but James Smith killed one somewhere near the lower Tennessee in 1766, and S. C. Williams, in commenting on this, states that “the names given to rivers and creeks also demonstrate their existence in early times” in that region (Williams, 1928, p. 206). On his way to Baltimore from Nashville in 1785, Lewis Brantz crossed a region known as “The Barrens,” saw an elk, and “found large numbers of their horns” (Williams, 1928, p. 286). Therefore Lawson is probably right when he speaks of elk abounding in the Tutelo country northwest of Salisbury, N. C., along with bison, deer, bear, etc. (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, p. 85). Adair (1775, p. 446) notes the fact that elk flesh had an affinity to venison, from which it appears that he had eaten it. Beverley (1705, bk. 2, p. 39) also makes mention of elk among those animals killed in the surround. Evidently it was no great item in the Southeastern diet in historic Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 329 times and was known mainly to the tribes in the northern part of the section. One would hardly expect to find any branch of the whaling industry developed on the Florida coast, and the following mariner’s tale by Lawson is not calculated to strengthen one’s convictions as to its existence : Some Indians in America will go out to sea, and get upon a whale’s back, and peg or plug up his spouts, and so kill him. (Lawson, 1860, p. 252.) But listen to good Brother San Miguel, writing of his experiences at St. Augustine in 1595: In some places along this coast I saw great quantities of whale (ballenas) vertebrae, which creatures the Indians kill: they told us that they kill them with a stake and a mallet: that entire coast is of sand over which there is little depth of water and everywhere many fish: for this reason there enter upon it many whales to feed, and on seeing them the Indians go out in their little canoes and the first who arrives jumps on top of it with the stake and mallet in his hands, and although the whale wishes to dive very deep, it is not able, and touching the bottom returns to the surface, and the Indian who is alone upon it awaits his opportunity to drive the stake into his breathing-hole, which he does shortly: and so the hunter leaves it and returns to shore where the sea throws the animal suffocated to death, and there they cut it up and jerk the meat for their sustenance, and the inlanders particularly enjoy it. (Garcia, 1902, p. 209.) With this story must be compared one told by Lopez de Velasco regarding the hunting of manatee by the Tekesta Indians of southeast Florida: When [the hunter] discovers a sea cow he throws his rope around its neck, and as the animal sinks under the water, the Indian drives a stake through one of its nostrils, and no matter how much it may dive, the Indian never loses it, because he goes upon its back. (Swanton, 1922, p. 389.) Commenting upon these tales, Dr. Remington Kellogg of the United States National Museum writes me: It is barely possible that the ... item [in] “Dos Antiguos Relaciones de la Florida” does relate to a kind of toothed whale. ‘The blackfish, or pilot whale, is fairly common in those waters. Curiously enough, schools of blackfish strand rather frequently, or at least get into waters too shallow for swimming. In the Orkney Islands, for instance, the natives actually drive them ashore or into shallow water, and the early settlers along the New England coast employed the same tactics. As Dr. Kellogg suggests, a similar method of hunting by Florida Indians is perhaps indicated, but some features of it may have been confounded with techniques employed in manatee hunting and cer- tainly the story has not been allowed to suffer in retelling. Fire hunting was used for small game, generally including turkeys. Speaking probably of the Siouan tribes of South Carolina, Lawson (1860, p. 337) says, “all game, as turkies, ducks and small vermine, 330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | Burn. 137 they commonly kill with bow and arrow thinking it not worth throw- ing powder and shot after them.” Of turkeys specifically, Adair re- marks: The wild turkeys live on the small red acorns, and grow so fat in March, that they cannot fly farther than three or four hundred yards; and not being able soon to take the wing again, we speedily run them down with our horses and hunting mastiffs. At many unfrequented places of the Mississippi, they are so tame as to be shot with a pistol, of which our troops profited, on their way to take possession of the Illinois-garrison. (Adair, 1775, p. 360.) This would not help us much in the understanding of Indian hunt- ing methods except that the use of dogs is again noted by Du Pratz, who professes to be describing native customs. He states that his Natchez companions told him turkeys must be taken by means of a dog which forced the birds to fly up into a tree, where they would sit still and allow themselves to be shot without attempting to escape, while if a man chased them on foot they would quickly outdistance him. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, pp. 220-221; Swanton, 1911, p. 72.) This seems to be the best authenticated account of the use of dogs in hunting in the Southeast. . Mention has already been made of the employment of dogs in hunting bear. They are said to have been used also in the chase of rabbits, raccoons, oppossums, and squirrels, but rather in late times than in the aboriginal period. Raccoons are also said to have been caught in deadfalls of a common type, so arranged that in taking the bait the animal released a trigger and let logs down upon his back. Another sort of trap, used by De Soto’s followers in the winter of 1541-42 in catching “conies,” i. e., rabbits, was borrowed from In- dians west of the Mississippi, probably in what is now Arkansas. They were snared “by means of stout springs which lift the feet off the ground and a noose of strong cord fastened to which is a joint of cane, which runs to the neck of the rabbit, so that it can not gnaw the cord.” Elvas, who describes this, adds that many of these ani- mals were taken in the cornfields, “especially when it froze or snowed” (Robertson, 1933, p. 205). Smith (Tyler ed., 1907, p. 94) and Strachey (1849, p. 124) say that the beaver and otter were taken with snares by the Virginians. According to MacCauley (1887, p. 513), however, the Florida Seminole usually shot otters by means of the bow and arrow or rifles, and resorted to trapping only in very late times. When Lawson visited the chief of the Saponi in 1701 he was trapping beaver, and Byrd tells us that “the Indians . . . have hardly any way to take them but by laying Snares near the place where they dam up the Water” (Lawson, 1860, p. 84; Bassett, 1901, p- 292), while Romans (1775, p. 66) asserts that the Chickasaw thought beaver hunting beneath them. The ancient Florida Indians Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 331 caught partridges and other small birds and animals in snares and traps (Swanton, 1922, p. 384). Squirrels were hunted very largely by small boys armed with blowguns and bows and arrows. I was told by the Creeks that wild turkeys were usually found in a grove of trees; after a few had been killed they would fly to another grove, and it was the native custom to follow them from grove to grove. Speck says that Yuchi hunters are unusually proficient in calling wild turkeys by several means. One instru- ment made for this purpose is the hollow secondary wing bone of the turkey, about five inches in length. The hunter draws in his breath through this tube, making a noise which can best be described as a combination of smacking, squeak- ing and sucking. By skillfully operating the calls the birds are lured within range. Sometimes the palm of the hand is employed in making the noise. Another device is to grate a piece of stone on the top of a nail driven fast into a piece of wood. The rasping sound produced in this way will answer quite effectively as a turkey call if manipulated with skill. (Speck, 1909, pp. 22-23.) | The Florida Seminole also used turkey calls (MacCauley, 1887, p. 512). ! Lawson witnessed the procedure followed in hunting passenger- pigeons, at a point not far from the boundary between the two Caro- linas and near Catawba River: We went to shoot pigeons which were so numerous in these parts that you might see many millions in a flock; they sometimes split off the limbs of stout oaks and other trees upon which they roost at nights, and making the ground as white as a sheet with their dung.” You may find several Indian towns of not above seventeen houses, that have more than one hundred gallons of pigeon’s oil or fat; they using it with pulse or bread as we do butter. The Indians take a light and go among them in the night and bring away some thousands, killing them with long poles, as they roost in the trees. At this time of the year, the flocks as they pass by, in great measure, obstruct the light of the day. (Lawson, 1860, p. 79.) The Alabama of later times had a trap made out of small split sticks, which they used in catching small birds. Apparently it was very much like our “figure four trap,” and was probably borrowed from the whites, as they believe to have been the case. Adair (1775, p. 30) informs us that eagle feathers were so highly valued among the Chickasaw and Creeks that “the whole town will contribute, to the value of 200 deer-skins, for killing a large eagle; and the man also gets an honorable title for the exploit,” but how this hunt was pursued is not stated. Le Moyne tells us that alligators were hunted in the following manner by the Timucua: They put up, near a river, a little hut full of cracks and holes, and in this they station a watchman, so that they can see the crocodiles (or alligators) 1 Through some confusion either in Lawson’s notes or in setting the type for this par- ticular edition, the phrase “and making the ground as white as a sheet with their dung” is displaced and put at the end of the next sentence. I have restored it to its proper position. 332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 137 and hear them a good way off; for, when driven by hunger, they come out of the rivers and crawl about on the islands after prey, and, if they find none, they make such a frightful noise that it can be heard for half a mile. Then the watchman calls the rest of the watch, who are in readiness; and taking a portion, ten to twelve feet long, of the stem of a tree, they go out to find the monster, who is crawling along with his mouth wide open, ready to catch one of them if he can; and with the greatest quickness they push the pole, small end first, as deep as possible gown his throat, so that the roughness and irregu- larity of the bark may hold it from being got out again. Then they turn the crocodile over on his back, and with clubs and arrows pound and pierce his belly, which is softer; for his back, especially if he is an old one, is impene- trable, being protected by hard scales. (Le Moyne, 1875, p. 10 (illus.) and pl. 26; Swanton, 1922, p. 358.) The fierceness attributed to this saurian must be discounted unless Le Moyne has confused the alligator and the true Floridian crocodile, the latter being, according to all accounts, a much tougher customer. The use of the word “crocodile” has no significance, as it was employed for the alligator also at this period. Whether gotten from Le Moyne or not, Byrd has a similar story: As Fierce and Strong as these Monsters are, the Indians will surprise them Napping as they float upon the Surface, get astride upon their Necks, then whip a short piece of wood like a Truncheon into their Jaws, & holding the Ends with their two hands, hinder them from diving by keeping their mouths open, and when they are almost Spent, they will make to the shoar, where their riders knock them on the Head and Eat them. (Bassett, 1901, pp. 300— 302. ) While Du Pratz was living on Bayou St. Jean, near New Or- leans, he was surprised to see his Chitimacha slave girl kill an alli- gator with a stick of wood, and later he was informed by her that the Chitimacha children, when they found little alligators on the land, pursued and killed them, after which the people of the house went to skin them, carry them home, and make a good feast out of them (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 1, pp. 85-86). This is a debunking tale to counter the “ferocious saurian” stories afloat in Europe. (See also De Villiers, 1925, pp. 122, 124.) FISHING There seems to have been no taboo against fish eating anywhere in the Southeast, and fish were an item in the native bill of fare in practically all sections. Methods resorted to on the coast and in- land were naturally somewhat different. We know that weirs were used in both, though of distinct types on account of the divergent requirements of coast and inland fishing; that hooks and lines and nets and snares were employed; that fish were shot with arrows or speared, the fish being attracted sometimes by means of fire; that they were stupefied or “poisoned” in small pools or taken out of Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES gad them with drags; and that they were “grabbled” or caught with the bare hands. Unfortunately, our data do not permit us to give the geographical distribution of these devices though some of them were, of course, dependent on the topography of specific sections. References to fish in the De Soto narratives are almost confined to the Apalachee country in northern Florida and the region of the Mississippi. In the former there is said to have been good fishing both near the sea (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 82) and in ponds (Gar- cilaso, 1723, p. 107), and Garcilaso tells us that they fished all the year round. Along the Mississippi, fish are often noted among presents sent in by native chiefs, but they were found in particular abundance in the canal leading from the Mississippi past a town called Pacaha. Except for a rock fishweir reported by Garcilaso’s informants, used in Tampa Bay for catching rays, only two methods of fishing are given in the De Soto documents, both at Pacaha, by nets and fishhooks, though there is some doubt whether in this instance the fishhooks were of native origin (Robertson, 1933, p. 175; Garcilaso, 1723, pp. 94, 182). One of the most complete early descriptions of fishing is by Bev- erley and may serve to introduce the subject: Before the arrival of the English there, the Indians had Fish in such vast Plenty, that the Boys and Girls wou’d take a pointed Stick, and strike the lesser sort, as they Swam upon the Flats. The larger Fish, that kept in deeper water, they were put to a little more Difficulty to take; But for these they made Weyrs; that is, a Hedge of small riv’d Sticks, or Reeds, of the Thick- ness of a Man’s Finger, these they wove together in a Row, with Straps of Green Oak, or other tough Wood, so close that the small Fish cou’d not pass through. Upon High-Water Mark, they pitched one End of this Hedge, and the other they extended into the River, to the Depth of Eight or Ten Foot, fastening it with Stakes, making Cods [i. e., inner pockets] out from the Hedge on one side, almost at the End, and leaving a Gap for the Fish to go into them, which were contrived so that the Fish could easily find their Passage into those Cods, when they were at the Gap, but not see their Way out again, when they were in: ‘Thus if they offered to pass through, they were taken. Sometimes they made such a Hedge as this, quite a-cross a Creek at High- Water, and at Low wou’d go into the Run, so contracted into a narrow Compass, and take out what Fish they pleased. At the Falls of the Rivers, where the Water is shallow, and the Current strong, the Indians use another kind of Weir, thus made: They make a2 Dam of loose Stone, whereof there is plenty at hand, quite a-cross the River, leaving One, Two, or more Spaces or Tunnels, for the Water to pass thro’; at the Mouth of which they set a Pot of Reeds, wove in Form of a Cone, whose Base is about Three Foot, and perpendicular Ten, into which the Swiftness of the Current carries the Fish, and wedges them so fast, that they cannot possibly return. The Indian Way of Catching Sturgeon, when they came into the narrow part of the Rivers, was by a Man’s clapping a Noose over their Tail, and by keeping fast his hold. Thus a Fish finding it self intangled, wou’d flounce, and often pull him under Water, and then that Man was counted a Cockarouse, 334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ But. 137 or brave Fellow, that wou’d not let go; till with Swimming, Wading, and Diving, he had tired the Sturgeon, and brought it ashore. These Sturgeon would also often leap into their Canoes, in crossing the River, as many of them do still every Year, into the Boats of the English. They have also another Way of Fishing like those on the Hugine Sea, by the Help of a blazing Fire by Night. They make a Hearth in the Middle of their Canoe, raising it within Two Inches of the Edge; upon this they lay their burning Light-Wood, split into small Shivers, each Splinter whereof will blaze and burn End for End, like a Candle: ’Tis one Man’s work to tend this Fire and keep it flaming. At each End of the Canoe stands an Indian, with a Gig, or pointed Spear, setting the Canoe forward with the Butt-end of the Spear, as gently as he can, by that Means stealing upon the Fish, without any Noise, or disturbing of the Water. Then they with great Dexterity, dart these Spears into the Fish, and so take ’em. Now there is a double Convenience in the Blaze of this Fire; for it not only dazzles the Eyes of the Fish, which will lie still, glaring upon it, but likewise discovers the Bottom of the River clearly to the Fisher-man, which the Daylight does not. The following Print, (as all the others in this Book) was drawn by the Life, and I may justly affirm it, to be a very true Representation of the Indian Fishery. Tab. I [pl. 52 which I have, however, reproduced from the original White drawing] Represents the Indians in a Canoe with a Fire in the Middle, tended by a Boy and a Girl. In one End is a Net made of Silk Grass, which they use in Fishing their Weirs. Above is the Shape of their Weirs, and the Manner of setting a Weir-Wedge, a-cross the Mouth of a Creek. Note, That in Fishing their Weirs, they lay the Side of the Canoe to the Cods of the Weir, for the more convenient coming at them, and not with the End going into the Cods, as is set down in the Print: But we could not otherwise represent it here, lest we should confound the shape of the Weir, with the Canoe. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 2, pp. 32-34.) Fishweirs were in use on the Atlantic coast as far south as Florida. They were extensively employed on the St. Johns River and neighboring coast according to the testimony of Laudonniére and Le Moyne, but whether this extended to the wretched bands south of Cape Canaveral is open to doubt as Dickenson (1699) makes no mention of them. The following curious note by Garcilaso seems to be the only reference to a fishweir on the Gulf side of the peninsula : The Indians of that province (Hirrihigua) had constructed on the bay of Espiritu Santo large inclosures of rough stone in order to obtain skates and many other fish which came into them at high tide, and when it receded were trapped there almost on dry land. The Indians killed a great many fish in this manner and the Castilians who were with Captain Pedro Calder6én also enjoyed them. (Garcilaso, 1723, p. 94.) In relatively recent times the Chitimacha Indians are said to have employed a barrel-shaped fish trap, but no fishweir (Swanton. 1911, p. 346). Aside from the above note by Garcilaso, the oldest mention of fishweirs seems to be that of Ribault in 1562, who says they were Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 335 “built in the water with great reeds, so well and cunningly set to- gether after the fashion of labyrinth, with many turns and crooks, which it was impossible to construct without much skill and indus- try.” (French, 1875, p. 172; Swanton, 1922, pp. 357-358.) These are noted also by Hariot, Smith, Strachey, and Lawson. A longer description of the inland fishweir and its use is given by Adair, who says: The Indians have the art of catching fish in long crails, made with canes and hickory splinters, tapering to a point. They lay these at a fall of water, where stones are placed in two sloping lines from each bank, till they meet together in the middle of the rapid stream, where the intangled fish are soon drowned. Above such a place, I have known them to fasten a wreath of long grape vines together, to reach across the river, with stones fastened at proper distances to rake the bottom; they will swim a mile with it whooping, and plunging all the way, driving the fish before them into their large cane pots. With this draught, which is a very heavy one, they make a town feast, or feast of love, of which every one partakes in the most social manner, and afterward they dance together. (Adair, 1775, p. 403.) Though he says nothing of the rock approaches, Speck has the following description of a Yuchi trap such as was used in connec- tion with them: These were quite large, being ordinarily about three feet or more in diameter and from six to ten feet in length. They were cylindrical in shape, with one end open and an indented funnel-shaped passageway leading to the interior. The warp splints of this indenture ended in sharp points left free. As these pointed inward they allowed the fish to pass readily in entering, but offered an obstruction to their exit. The other end of the trap was closed up, but the covering could be removed to remove the contents. Willow sticks composed the warp standards, while the wicker filling was of shaved hickory splints. The trap was weighted down in the water and chunks of meat were put in for bait. (Speck, 1909, p. 25.) Timberlake saw such a weir in the Cherokee country. Building two walls obliquely down the river from either shore, just as they are near joining, a passage is left to a deep well or reservoir; the Indians then scaring the fish down the river, close to the mouth of the reservoir with a large bush, or bundle made on purpose, and it is no difficult matter to take them with baskets, when inclosed within so small a compass. (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, p. 69.) My Creek informant, Jackson Lewis, said that his father once made a trap which fish would come up and fall into, and it may have been something on the order of the weir just described, although the word- ing implies rather something entered by fish ascending against the current. Remains of rock fishweirs are widely scattered in and near the southern Appalachians. Haywood (1823, pp. 88-89) mentions one a few miles from Flat Lick, Whitley (now Knox) County, Ky. W. E. Myer (1928, p. 782) observed the vestige of such a trap on Obey River, near the mouth of Eagle Creek in the mountains of Pickett County, 336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu. 137 Tenn. D.I. Bushnell, Jr. (1930, pl. 1) has described and figured traps of this kind at the falls of the James River, Richmond, Va., and near Fredericksburg on the Rappahannock, and Dr. Douglas L. Rights (1928, pp. 8-9, 18-19) mentions several along the headwaters of the Yadkin in North Carolina. Lawson (1860, pp. 260, 339) observes that sturgeon were sometimes caught by means of “nets at the end of a pole,” likening the method to the way in which pike were taken in Europe. Byrd observed this method minus the pole, and wrote a description: In the Summer time ’tis no unusual thing for Sturgeons to Sleep on the Surface of the Water and one of them having wander’d up into this Creek in the Spring, was floating in that drowsy condition. The Indian, above mentioned, (an “Occaanechy”), ran up to the Neck into the Creek a little below the Place where he discover’d the Fish, expecting the Stream wou’d soon bring his Game down to Him. He judg’d the Matter right, and as Soon as it came within his Reach, he whip’t a running Noose over his Jole. This waked the Sturgeon, which being Strong in his own Hlement darted immediately under Water and dragg’d the Indian after Him. The Man made it a Point of Honour to keep his Hold, which he did to the Apparent Danger of being drown’d. Sometimes both the Indian and the Fish disappear’d for a Quarter of a Minute, & then rose at some Distance from where they dived. At this rate they continued flouncing about, till at last the Hero Suffocated his Adversary, and haled his Body ashoar in Triumph. (Bassett, 1901, 248-249.) The “net made of silk grass” recalls the nets found in use by De Soto’s men on the Mississippi. Smith also speaks of fish nets, and Strachey thus describes their manufacture: They have netts for fishing, for the quantity as formerly brayed and mashed as our’s, and these are made of barkes of certaine trees, deare synewes, for a kynd of grasse, which they call pemmenaw, of which their women, betweene their hands and thighes, spin a thredd very even and redily, and this threed serveth for many uses, as about their howsing, their mantells of feathers and their trowses, and they also with yt make lynes for angles. (Strachey, 1849, p. 75.) That the Cherokee had no nets until supplied by Europeans, as Timberlake implies (Williams ed., 1927, p. 69), seems incredible. The net at the end of a pole used in retrieving fish from their weirs which Strachey mentions in another place is, of course, that to which Berkeley refers (Strachey, 1849, p. 68). Nets were well known to the Chitimacha Indians, at least in later times, and we may turn to Adair again for further information on this subject. There is a favourite method among them of fishing with hand-nets. The nets are about three feet deep, and of the same diameter at the opening, made of hemp, and knotted after the usual of our nets. On each side of the mouth, they tie very securely a strong elastic green cane, to which the ends are fas- tened. Prepared with these, the warriors a-breast, jump in at the end of a long pond, swimming under water, with their net stretched open with both hands, and the canes in a horizontal position. In this manner, they will continue, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 337 either till their breath is expended by the want of respiration, or till the net is so ponderous as to force them to exonerate it ashore, or in a basket, fixt in a proper place for that purpose—by removing one hand, the canes instantly spring together. I have been engaged half a day at a time, with the old- friendly Chikkasah, and half drowned in the diversion—when any of us was so unfortunate as to catch water-snakes in our sweep, and emptied them ashore, we had the ranting voice of our friendly posse comitatus, whooping against us, till another party was so unlucky as to meet with the like misfortune. During this exercise, the women are fishing ashore with coarse baskets, to catch the fish that escape our nets. (Adair, 1775, pp. 482-434.) At Key Marco, Fla., Cushing found nets of tough fibre, both coarse and fine, knitted quite as is the common netting of our own fishermen today, in form of fine-meshed, square dip-nets, and of coarse-meshed, comparatively large and long gill-nets. To the lower edges of these, sinkers made from thick, roughly perforated umboidal bivalves, tied together in bunches, or else from chipped and notched fragments of heavy clam shells, were attached, while to the upper edges, floats made from gourds, held in place by fine net-lashings, or else from long sticks or square-ended blocks, were fastened. Around the avenues of the court. I was interested to find netting of coarser cordage weighted with unusually large-sized or else heavily bunched sinkers of shell, and supplied at the upper edges with long, delicately tapered gumbo-limbo float-pegs, those of each set equal in size, each peg thereof partially split at the larger end, so as to clamp double half-turns or ingeniously knotted hitches of the neatly twisted edges-cords with which all were made fast to the nets. Now these float pegs, of which many sets were secured, varying from three and a half to eight inches in length of pegs, were so placed on the nets, that in consequence of their tapering forms they would turn against the current of the tide whichever way it flowed, and would continuously bob up and down on the ripples, however slight these were, in such manner as to frighten the fish that had been driven, or had passed over them at high tide, when, as tbe tide lowered, they naturally tried to follow it. In connection with these nets we found riven stays, usually of cypress or pine, such as might have been used in holding them upright. Hence I inferred that they had been stretched across the channels not only of the actual water courts of residence, like this, but, probably also, of the surrounding fish-pounds. (Cushing, 1896, pp. 366-367.) Spearing, Hariot describes as one of the two methods of fishing in vogue among the Sound Indians of North Carolina: They haue likewise a notable way to catche fishe in their Riuers, for whear as they lacke both yron, and steele, they fasten vnto their Reedes or longe Rodds, the hollowe tayle of a certaine fishe like to a sea crabb in steede of a poynte,” wherwith by nighte or day they stricke fishes, and take them opp into their boates. They also know how to vse the prickles, and pricks of other fishes. (Hariot, 1893, pl. 31.) They also did this while wading in the shallows. Lawson says that the Hatteras and other coast Indians would run into the sea to strike bluefish, and that the inland tribes were in the habit of “striking sturgeon and rockfish, or bass, when they come up 2 The tail of the horseshoe crab. The representation of this creature in the accompany- ing cut is the oldest known.—D. I. Bushnell, Jr. 464735—_46——23 338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 137 the rivers to spawn” (Lawson, 1860, pp. 260, 339). Presumably he is referring to the use of spears, though it might be bows and arrows or clubs. In 1699 Dickenson witnessed an Indian belonging to one of the tribes on the east coast of Florida spearing fish very dexterously from the shore as they lay in shallow water. (Dickenson, 1803, p. 19; Swanton, 1922, p. 392.) Near St. Augustine, San Miguel noted that all the skates which the Indians had killed “were wounded in [near ? | the small fin in the middle of the back, and they wound them there with a little wooden point like a small harpoon a yard [ vara] in length, and they are so skillful that they do not hit the little fin at [near] which they aim, because it can be seized better there than anywhere else.” (Garcia, 1902, p. 208.) But strangely enough, Cushing (1896, p. 867) found no evidence of this method of fishing at Key Marco. We have from Adair the following excellent description of fish spear- ing in Savannah River: Those Indians who are unacquainted with the use of barbed irons, are very expert in striking large fish out of their canoes, with long sharp pointed green canes, which are well bearded, and hardened in the fire. In Savannah River, I have often accompanied them in killing sturgeons with those green swamp harpoons, and which they did with much pleasure and ease; for, when we discovered the fish, we soon thrust into their bodies one of the harpoons. As the fish would immediately strike deep, and rush away to the bottom very rapidly, their strength was soon expended, by their violent struggles against the buoyant force of the green darts: as soon as the top end of them appeared again on the surface of the water, we made up to them, renewed the attack, and in like manner continued it, till we secured our game. (Adair, 1775, pp. 404—405. ) Bartram thus describes how “a very large salmon trout, weighing about fifteen pounds” was speared by an Indian on a branch of Broad River in Georgia: The Indian struck this fish with a reed harpoon, pointed very sharp, barbed, and hardened by the fire. The fish lay close under the steep bank, which the Indian discovered and struck with his reed; instantly the fish darted off with it, whilst the Indian pursued, without extracting the harpoon, and with repeated thrusts drowned it, and then dragged it ashore. (Bartram, 1792, p. 44.) Speck says of the Yuchi: Simple harpoons of cane whittled to a Sharp point are used in the killing of larger fish which swim near the surface, Or wooden spears with fire-hardened points are thrown at them when found lurking near the banks. (Speck, 1909, pp. 24-25.) There is a reference to some Natchez Indians spearing fish from a platform built for that purpose on the bank of the Mississippi. Smith and Strachey speak as if in Virginia the use of true fish spears, “staves, like unto javelins, headed with bone,” were confined to the Accomac Indians of the eastern shore, and we may have a cultural Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 339 difference indicated here between the Powhatan people and the Algonquians to the south and east of them. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 103; Strachey, 1849, p. 75.) According to these writers, Virginia Indians generally shot fish with long arrows tied to lines (idem.). Lawson again mentions this method in connection with torch or fire fishing, which he and Bever- ley are the only ones to note. He says: The youth and Indian boys go in the night, and one holding a lightwood torch, the other has a bow and arrows, and the fire directing him to see the fish, he shoots them with the arrows; and thus they kill a great many of the smaller fry, and sometimes pretty large ones. (Lawson, 1860, p. 341.) The Maryland Indians also used bows and arrows, and Adair lets us know that in later times guns were substituted. If they shoot at fish not deep in the water, either with an arrow or bullet, they aim at the lower part of the belly, if they are near; and lower, in like manner, according to the distance, which seldom fails of killing. (Adair, 1775, p. 432.) The present Alabama Indians remember that spears were once employed in this industry, and both they and the Creeks recall the use of bows and arrows.” Aside from a somewhat doubtful intimation by Elvas that the Gulf Indians used fishhooks, we have the clear testimony of archeology and direct statements by Smith (Tyler ed., 1907, p. 103) and Strachey (1849, p. 75). Manufacture of bark fishing lines by the Virginians has already been described. Strachey continues: Theire angles are long small rodds, at the end whereof they have a clift to the which the lyne is fastened, and at the lyne they hang a hooke, made eyther of a bone grated (as they nock their arrowes) in the forme of a crooked pynne or fis-hooke, or of the splinter of a bone, and with a threed of the lyne they tye on bayte. (Strachey, 1849, p. 75.) One probable reason for our failure to find many references to the use of hook and line is that the European colonists were so accustomed to this method of fishing that they took it for granted. On arche- ological sites in the section, bone fishhooks have been found in all stages of manufacture. At Key Marco, Cushing found four or five fish-hooks. The shanks or stems of these were about three inches long, shaped much like those of our own, but made from the conveniently curved main branches of the foked twigs of some tough springy kind of wood. These were cut off at the forks in such manner as to leave a portion of the stems to serve as butts, which were girdled and notched in, so that the sharp, barbed points of deer bone, which were about half as long as the shanks and leaned in toward them, could be firmly attached with sinew and black rubber-gum cement. 21The Seminole preserved the custom until late times (MacCauley, 1887, p. 513) ; also see Speck, 1909, p. 24, and 1907, p. 108. 340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 137 The stems were neatly tapered toward the upper ends, which terminated in slight knobs, and to these, lines—so fine that only traces of them could be re- covered—were tied by half-hitches, like the turns of a bow string. Little plug- shaped floats of gumbo-limbo wood, and sinkers made from the short thick colu- mellae of turbinella shells—not shaped and polished like the highly finished plummet-shaped pendants we secured in great numbers, but with the whorls merely battered off—seemed to have been used with these hooks and lines. That they were designed for deep-sea fishing was indicated by the occurrence of flat reels or spools shaped precisely like fine-toothed combs divested of their inner teeth. There were also shuttles or skein-holders of hard wood, six or seven inches long, with wide semicircular crotches at the ends. But these may have served in connection with a double kind of barb, made from two notched or hooked crochet-like points or prongs of deer bone, that we found attached with fibre cords to a concave round-ended plate, an inch wide and three inches long, made from the pearly nacre of a pinna shell. Since several of these shining, ovoid plates were procured, I regarded them as possibly “baiting-spoons,” and this one with the barbed contrivance, as some kind of trolling gear, though it may, as the sailors thought, have been a “pair of grains,” or may, like the hook proper, have been used for deep-sea fishing. (Cushing, 1902, p. 367.) Coming to more recent times, we find the following in Speck’s account of the Yuchi Indians: Gaff-hooks for fishing do not seem to have been used, according to the older men, until they obtained pins from the whites, when the Yuchi learned how to make fish hooks of them. Prior to this, nevertheless, they had several gorge-hook devices for baiting and snagging fish. A stick with pointed reverse barbs whittled along it near the end was covered with some white meat and drawn, or trolled, rapidly through the water on a line. When a fish swallowed the bait the angler gave the line a tug and the barbs caught the fish in the stomach. Another method was to tie together the ends of a springy, sharp- pointed splinter and cover the whole with meat for bait. When this gorge device was swallowed the binding soon disintegrated, the sharp ends being released killed the fish and held it fast. Lines thus baited were set in numbers along the banks of streams and visited regularly by fishermen. (Speck, 1909, p. 25.) Employment of what is called a trot or trat line is described by Pénicaut when he was living with the Acolapissa and Natchitoches: After dining we went to see their fisheries. They drew from the lake their nets which were filled with fishes of all sizes. These nets are really only lines about six fathoms long. A number of small lines are fastened to these a foot apart. At the end of each line is a fish-hook where they put a little piece of hominy dough or a little piece of meat. With that they do not fail to take fishes weighing more than fifteen to twenty pounds. The end of each line is attached to a canoe. They draw them in two or three times a day, and many fish are always taken when they draw them. (Pénicaut in Margry, 1875-86, vol. 5, p. 466.) Fish were sometimes caught with the naked hands or by “grab- bling,” as it is called in western North Carolina, where the practice is still found among the white population (Rights, 1928, pp. 8, 19). That it is Indian in origin is proved by Adair, who says regarding this: Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED ST'ATES 341 They have a surprising method of fishing under the edges of rocks, that stand over deep places of a river. There, they pull off their red breeches, or their long slip of Stroud cloth, and wrapping it round their arm, so as to reach to the lower part of the palm of their right hand, they dive under the rock where the large cat-fish lie to shelter themselves from the scorching beams of the sun, and to watch for prey: as soon as those fierce aquatic animals see that tempting bait, they immediately seize it with the greatest violence, in order to swallow it. Then is the time for the diver to improve the favourable oppor- tunity: he accordingly opens his hand, seizes the voracious fish by his tender parts, hath a sharp struggle with it against the crevices of the rock, and at last brings it safe ashore. (Adair, 1775, p. 404.) At the falls of the Chattahoochee River near Columbus there were two fisheries, an eastern and a western, controlled respectively by the Lower Creek towns of Kasihta and Coweta. In middle and late summer when many of the streams were par- tially dried up, leaving a succession of pools into which the aquatic population of the river was largely concentrated, there was oppor- tunity for fishing on a wholesale pattern open to most of the inland people. ‘Then it was that various devices were resorted to to stupefy the fish and harvest them while they were in that condition. As is so often the case, Adair is our best early authority: | Their method of fishing may be placed among their diversions, but this is of the profitable kind. When they see large fish near the surface of the water, they fire directly upon them, sometimes only with powder, which noise and surprise however so stupifies them, that they instantly turn up their bellies and float a top, when the fisherman secures them.... In a dry summer season, they gather horse chestnuts, and different sorts of roots, which having pounded pretty fine, and steeped a while in a trough, they scatter this mixture over the surface of a middle-sized pond, and stir it about with poles, till the water is sufficiently impregnated with the intoxicating bittern. The fish are soon inebriated, and make to the surface of the water, with their bellies uppermost. The fishers gather them in baskets, and barbicue the largest, covering them carefully over at night to preserve them from the supposed putrifying influence of the moon. It seems, that fish catched in this manner, are not poisoned, but only stupified; for they prove very wholesome food for us, who frequently use them. By experiments, when they are speedily moved into good water, they revive in a few minutes. (Adair, 1775, pp. 402-403.) Speck has the following description of this custom among the Yuchi: During the months of July and August many families gather at the banks of some convenient creek for the purpose of securing quantities of fish and, to a certain extent, of intermingling socially for a short time. A large stock of roots are thrown in and the people enter the water to stir it up. This has the effect of causing the fish, when the poison has had time to act, to rise to the surface, bellies up, seemingly dead. They are then gathered by both men and women and carried away in baskets to be dried for future use, or con- sumed in a feast which ends the event. The catch is equally divided among those present. Upon such an occasion, as soon as the fish appear floating on the surface of the water, the Indians leap, yell and set to dancing in exuber- 342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 ance. If a stranger comes along at such a time he is taken by the hand and presented with the choicest fish. .... In the way of comparison, we find that the Creeks use pounded buckeye or horse chestnuts for the same purpose. Two men enter the water and strain the buckeye juice through bags. The Creeks claim that the devil’s shoestring poison used by the Yuchi floats on the water, thus passing away down stream, while the buckeye sinks and does better work. It is probable, however, that neither method of poisoning the streams is used exclusively by these tribes, put that the people of certain districts favor one or the other method, accord- ing to the time of year and locality. The flesh of the fish killed in this way is perfectly palatable. It frequently happens that the poison is not strong enough to thoroughly stupefy the fish. In such a case the men are at hand with bows and arrows, to shoot them as they flounder about trying to escape or to keep near the bottom of the pool. (Speck, 1909, p. 24.) As will be seen below, Speck is quite right in suspecting that the uses of these poisons were not separated by tribal lines. In describing the customs of the Taskigi Creeks, the same writer says: They poison the streams to secure the fish by pounding up quantities of horse-chestnuts and throwing them into pools which they have dammed up at different points. Then the men go into the water to mix up the poison, beating around with their arms and stirring up the water so that the fish cannot escape by staying near the bottom. The fish are then stabbed with arrows and thrown out to the women on shore who stow them away in large splint baskets. Large quantities of catfish were procured in this way. (Speck, 1907, p. 108.) Jackson Lewis informed me that poisoning was usually under- taken among the Creeks in July and August when the water was low. Word was sent around that on a certain date all in that neighborhood would go to a designated pool and spend the day catching fish. Each man was instructed to provide himself with a quantity of the roots of a plant popularly known as “devil’s shoestring,” which grows on sandy ridges in the woods. He also carried a post, about 4 inches in diameter and 4 feet long, and a wooden mallet. Arrived at the appointed place, the men ranged themselves in a row across the head _ of the pond and drove their posts into the stream bed until the tops of the posts were almost on a level with the water. Then they pounded up the devil’s shoestring with their mallets, allowing the pieces to fall down into the water. If there were any fishes in the pool, they would begin to throw themselves out of the water before the pounding was finished, but no one tried to kill any before that time. Afterward, the men took bows and arrows, spears, and other weapons, and descending into the pool they often killed great numbers of fish, which by now would be floating about on the surface. These they roasted, baked, and fried, and they indulged in a general feast and merrymaking. Jackson Lewis claimed that the fish were stupefied by a peculiar odor. Instead of devil’s shoestring, they sometimes employed the roots of Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 343 the buckeye, and this was the poison best known to the Alabama In- dians who called it ayond, though I was told that it was the small branches which they mashed up. Others, like Speck’s Taskigi in- formant, say the fruit was used. I obtained another account of fish “poisoning” as practiced among the Creeks from Zach Cook, a Tukabahchee Indian: When a fishing party of this kind had been decided upon, a crowd of people set out to dig roots of the devil’s shoestring, and some miko hoyanidja (red willow) was also obtained. The party was under two leaders, and a medicine maker accompanied them. After the medicines had been gathered, the managers appointed two boys to assemble them and put some of the devil’s shoestring in one pot and miko hoyanidja in the other. A cane was then given to the medicine maker, who blew through it into the medicines and repeated the usual formulae, and every man drank a little of this and rubbed a little on his face. If he did not, it was believed the fish would go down into their holes and could not be caught. An old man was appointed to watch this operation and make sure that everyone used the medicine. The object of the medicine maker in this and later activities was to make the fish drunk. If a medicine maker would not go with them, they took their chances and painted their faces in the same manner as when there had been a death. After the medicine had been taken, posts were set in the water and devil’s shoestring pounded up on the tops of these by means of wooden mallets and allowed to fall into the pool. A man was appointed to watch for the fish and report when they began to float up to the surface. He took the first four fish to the medicine man, and all had a grand feast on the remainder. Later, they might move to another pond and do the same thing over again. To season their fish they used a kind of mint called kafti’’tska. A Choctaw informant, Simpson Tubby, stated that in poisoning fish his people used buckeye and devil’s shoestring, but the last in particular was very weak, and much stronger than either were the berries of a certain plant which was identified for me as probably Cocculus carolinus. My informant asserted that the berries of this ° last in places where it grows, if they happened to drop into the water, would drive fish away. He added that, when his people poisoned a pool, they cut down bushes and piled them about it to keep the stock away and cautioned their people not to drink from it. Cook added that the Creeks sometimes dragged brush about in a pool of water until it became so muddy that the fish came to the surface for air, when they were shot with arrows or speared. Or sometimes a dozen boys in a neighborhood would go down into the water and scare the fish out of their holes so that they could be shot when they came to the surface. When De Soto was traveling through certain 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 swamps west of the Mississippi, one chronicler reports that “the Indi- ans whom they took along in chains roiled the water with the mud of the waters and the fish, as if stupefied would come to the surface, and they caught as many as they wished” (Robertson, 1933, p. 188). Jackson Lewis told of another method of obtaining fish from sum- mer pools. This was by the use of a drag constructed, something like a fence, of two long crosspieces made of medium-sized logs fastened end to end, the length being proportioned to the size of the pool, with withes of hickory or other wood filling the space between. They placed this across the pool at its lower end and dragged it upstream, the structure preserving a vertical face to the water. If it caught on the bottom someone would dive down to free it. Finally, they dragged it into the shallower water at the upper end, and sometimes they caught thousands of fish in this manner. This drag was a purely temporary affair made for the occasion only and thrown away imme- diately afterward. Simpson Tubby stated that his people, the Choctaw, usually pro- hibited anyone from poisoning the pools, but used instead a drag which must have been similar to that employed by the Creeks. It was “made of brush fastened together with creepers.” When the water was deep, ponies and oxen were secured to the drag at intervals and men sat upon it to keep it down.” In this way they caught trout, jacks, perch, suckers, and sometimes catfish. Eufaubee and Nanih Waiya Creeks were particularly noted for their supplies of fish. Lawson observed the following method in use in Carolina in secur- ing crawfish: Their taking of crawfish is so pleasant, that I cannot pass it by without men- tion; when they have a mind to get these shell fish, they take a piece of venison and half barbecue or roast it, then they cut it into thin slices, which slices they stick through with reeds about six inches asunder betwixt piece and piece; then the reeds are made sharp at one end; and so they stick a great many of them down in the bottom of the water, thus baited, in the small brooks and runs, which the crawfish frequent. Thus the Indians sit by and tend these baited sticks, every now and then taking them up to see how many are at the bait; where they generally find abundance, so take them off and put them in 4 basket for the purpose, and stick the reeds down again. By this method, they will, in a little time, catch several bushels, which are as good as any I ever eat. (Lawson, 1860, pp. 339-340.) DOMESTICATION OF ANIMALS PRE-COLUMBIAN DOMESTICATION The only domestic animal of universal occurrence was the dog, but it was of very little economic importance. In this area there is no mention of dogs as beasts of burden, that function having been the prerogative of women until the introduction of horses, though Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 345 fortunately for the women, many of the longer expeditions were made by canoe. The employment of dogs in hunting has been touched upon. Some myths represent dogs as undertaking the hunting of game for the benefit of sick masters, but this has no reference to the hunting customs of human beings. There is one doubtful mention of the use of dogs in chasing deer, and they seem to have rendered bear hunters some assistance, as appears from a note by Adair as well as information derived from modern Indians. (See pp. 323-324.) The Alabama say that they used them in hunting rabbits and the Creeks employed them in chasing squirrels, opossums, and raccoons, but such services were evidently slight, and resort to them was probably stimulated by white example. According to Morfi, the Caddo raised to assist them in hunting “a certain kind of dog they call Jubine, with long, sharp-pointed snout, and as cunning as its master,” but he seems to be quoting from Solis, who says nothing about the use to which these dogs were put. In the period of intertribal warfare, — dogs were, of course, of some utility as sentinels, and the towns swarmed with them. In Guasili in the Cherokee mountains the Spaniards were given 300. (Robertson, 1933, p. 102; Morfi, 1932, p. 44; Solis, 1931, p. 61; Swanton, 1942, pp. 134, 187.) Lawson (1860, p. 68) says, apropos of the treatment of dogs in ad- vance of a feast in the Waxhaw tribe, that the dogs “are seemingly wolves made tame with starving and beating, they being the worst dog masters in the world; so that it is an infallible cure for sore eyes, ever to see an Indian’s dog fat.” The chances are that he has inverted cause and effect and that the dogs were made wild and wolfish by starving and beating. My Alabama informant described the old Indian dog as of medium size and with short hair. Within the remembrance of Zach Cook, a Creek informant, there were three varieties of dogs among the Indians, a short-haired, brindle dog between a bulldog and a shepherd, a spotted dog, and “a big dog.” The first of these was a good hunter and had a good disposition. The second had a bad disposition and was apt to bite. The third was of small account. It is probable that only one of these was descended from the Indian dog, but mixture with European breeds began early. Bartram tells of a Seminole Indian who had trained a black dog to keep watch of his horses and drive them for him. Speck (1909, p. 22) states that the Yuchi dogs seen by him were “mongrels showing intermixture with every imaginable strain, but the wolfish appear- ance and habits of many of them would suggest that their semi- domestic ancestors were of the wolf breed.” Byrd asserts that the Indians of Virginia, including specifically the Saponi, knew how to tame wolf puppies “and use them about 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 their cabans instead of Dogs” (Bassett, 1901, p. 180), but this must stand by itself. Peter Martyr reports, on the supposed authority of an Indian from the region now covered by South Carolina, that the aborigines of that country tamed deer, and kept hens, ducks, geese, and other domestic fowl, and De Soto in his letter to the civil cabildo of Santiago de Cuba informs them that the Indians of Ocale tamed deer and turkeys. (Anghierra, 1912, vol. 2, pp. 259-260; Swanton, 1922, p. 42; Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 162; Robertson, 1938, p. 176.) These plainly represent misunderstandings or misrepresentations. Strachey (1849, p. 26) speaks of a people, apparently in what is now North Carolina, who bred up “tame turkeis about their howses,” but as he adds that they “take apes in the mountaines,” we can hardly credit this any more than the tales of Peter Martyr and De Soto’s informant. A Chitimacha slave of Du Pratz told him that her people raised turkeys, but this was some time after hens had been introduced among them and they may well have been obtained from the French. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 125-126; Swanton, 1911, p. 78.) The only information on this point which seems to be first hand is that of Lawson, who asserts that the Siouan Indians hatched the eggs of wild turkeys and used the young ones as decoys, though their ability to make a successful hatch of wild turkey eggs appears more than doubtful. What the same writer says regarding tame cranes is more credible: These Congarees have abundance of storks and cranes in their savannas. They take them before they can fly, and breed them as tame and familiar as a dunghill fowl. They had a tame crane at one of these cabins, that was searcely less than six feet in heighth. His head being round, with a shining, natural crimson hue, which they all have. (Lawson, 1860, pp. 53-54, 245.) In northern Florida, a Timucua chief presented one of the lieuten- ants of Laudonniére with two young eagles. These notes are all that our literature affords on this subject, and it is evident that taming of animals other than the dog was sporadic and without special significance. HORSES The first acquaintance of the Southeastern Indians with horses was with those brought by Ayllon in 1526, Narvaez in 1528, and particu- larly De Soto and Moscoso, 1539-48. The Indians were terrified by them, and to his possession of these animals De Soto owed his suc- cess in penetrating the Gulf region for such long distances. Ranjel says that the people of Mabila “held horses in the greatest terror” (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 122) and promptly killed all that fell into their hands. In the surprise attack on the Chickasaw town in which Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED ST'ATES 347 De Soto spent the winter of 1540-41, Ranjel states that the Indians “burned and captured 59 horses,” and it has been supposed by some writers that the later famous Chickasaw breed originated from some of these, but both Biedma and the Fidalgo of Elvas state that the horses were killed (Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, p. 106; vol. 2, p. 23). In 1548, when they were ready to embark for Mexico, the Spaniards killed all of their remaining horses except four or five, and these terrified the Indians so much that they were probably destroyed soon afterward (Robertson, 1933, p. 283). In 1560 the Coosa Indians were evidently as unfamiliar with these animals as though they had never seen one before, since, in the war which they and the Spaniards waged jointly against the Napochies, the Spanish captain mounted the chief of the Coosa Indians on a horse, but had to detail a negro to lead it. The cacique went or rather rode in the rear guard, not less flattered by the obsequiousness of the captain than afraid of his riding feat. (Davila Padilla, 1625, pp. 208-209 ; Swanton, 1922, p. 233.) It is true that the Indians, after they had obtained horses in the eighteenth century, mounted on the opposite side from the English, but this could equally well have been learned from the Spaniards of Mexico through the western tribes from whom their horses probably did come, and none of the Spaniards belonging to De Soto’s force is reported to have been taken alive by the Chickasaw or any of their immediate neighbors. Outside of the Floridian Peninsula there is no evidence of the use of horses among our Gulf Indians until the beginning of the eighteenth century. In 1674 the treatment of Gabriel Arthur’s horse by the inhabitants of a Yuchi town on the headwa- ters of the Tennessee shows how little they understood the require- ments of the animal. “A stake was sett up in ye middle of ye towne to fasten ye horse to, and aboundance of corne and all manner of pulse with fish, flesh and beares oyle for ye horse to feed upon” (Alvord, 1912, pp. 212-213). By 1700 some of the eastern Siouan tribes were getting horses from Virginia, but Lawson says, after describing the harsh treatment accorded dogs: They are of a quite contrary disposition to horses. Some of their kings hav- ing gotten by great chance, a jade, stolen by some neighbouring Indian, and ransported farther into the country and sold, or bought sometimes of a christian that trades amongst them, these creatures they continually cram and feed with maize, and what the horse will eat, till he is as fat as a hog—never making any farther use of him than to fetch a deer home, that is killed somewhere near the Indian’s plantation. (Lawson, 1860, p. 68.) In some places nearer the settlements horses were still strange an- imals until much later times. In April 1716, John Fontaine visited the Saponi town at Fort Christanna. On the 9th he left the fort in 348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 137 company with Governor Spotswood, and the party was given an escort of 12 young Indians under an old chief. Fontaine writes: They were all afoot, so the Governor to compliment the head man of the Indians lent him his led-horse. After we had ridden about a mile, we came to a ford of Meherrin River, and being mistaken in our water-mark, we were sometimes obliged to make our horses swim, but we got over safe. The Indian Chief seeing how it was, unsaddled his horse, and stript himself all to his belt, and forded the river, leading his horse after him; the fancy of the Indian made us merry for a while. The day being warm, and he not accustomed to ride, the horse threw him before he had gone two miles, but he had courage to mount again. By the time we had got a mile further, he was so terribly galled that he was forced to dismount, and desired the Governor to take his horse, for he could not imagine what good they were for, if it was not to cripple Indians. (Maury, 1907, p. 280.) Although St. Augustine was settled in 1565, it would seem as though the Florida Indians adopted horses from their Spanish neighbors very slowly, possibly owing to the fact that they were in the habit of traveling almost everywhere by canoe. Adoption of horses from the settlers of South Carolina also seems to have been slow. Of the horses he saw in Florida, William Bartram says: They are the most beautiful and sprightly species of that noble creature, per- haps any where to be seen; but are of a small breed, and as delicately formed as the American roe-buck. A horse in the Creek or Muscogulge tongue is echoclucco, that is the great deer (echo is deer, and clucco is big). The Siminole horses are said to descend originally from the Andalusian breed, brought here by the Span- iards when they first established the colony of East Florida. From the forehead to their nose is a little arched or aquiline, and so are the fine Chactaw horses among the Upper Creeks [i. e., the Creeks], which are said to have been brought thither from New-Mexico across Mississippi, by those nations of Indians who emigrated from the West, beyond the river. These horses are every where like the Siminole breed, only large, and perhaps not so lively and capricious. (Bartram, 1792, pp. 218-214.) As the Seminole Nation did not exist until well along in the eight- eenth century, this does not mean a high antiquity for the Seminole horse unless these horses had previously been used by the Timucua and Apalachee and such use does not appear to have been very exten- sive. At any rate, Bartram implies that the horses of the Creeks, called by him “Upper Creeks,” were of Spanish Mexican origin. The idea that they had been brought along by the Indians themselves when they entered the country is, of course, quite erroneous. That the Lower Creeks had not begun using horses till after the opening of the eighteenth century is shown by the anonymous French writer, who says that about that time the chief of the Coweta Indians was mounted upon a horse by some whites who wished to honor him, but that he was in mortal terror of the animal. About this time the French brought horses to Louisiana, but it is probable that the Chickasaw had already begun to receive them from Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 349 the west. The far greater utility of this animal to the Plains Indians had already stimulated systematic plundering of the Spanish settle- ments in Old and New Mexico, and horses were soon passed on from tribe to tribe until they reached the Mississippi and were even trans- ported across it toward the east. Du Pratz informs us that horses, and he adds cattle, were being brought into Louisiana via the Caddo Indians and the Avoyel tribe on Red River (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 241-242; Swanton, 1911, p. 273). Without much doubt these were the horses out of which came that famous Chickasaw breed, often mentioned by travelers in the Southeast.” The writer of the anonymous French Memoir says that in his time (the first half of the eighteenth century) the Chickasaw already had many Spanish and English horses, the latter obtained (i. e., stolen) from English traders. He adds: So far as the Chaquetas are concerned the greater part of those which they have come from the French. In the last war with the Natches (1729-81) they cbtained a mare for each slave, French and black, which they had recaptured. In this way they provided themselves with horses, and they were soon able to sell horses to the French. They let them live in the woods whence they fetch them whenever they have need of any. I have noticed that animals accustomed to live in the woods in this manner decline visibly when one tries to keep them at home. They are not fed as in Europe and they are not curried. They would soon become expensive if one tried to keep them there the year round, owing to the insufficiency of forage. They are very lively when they are brought out of the woods and carry their riders at breakneck speed. In all the islands [i. e., all the lands of America] women and girls ride horseback like men. As horses are not numerous they make use of cattle for the cart and for plows. (Swanton, 1918, pp. 70-71.) This last remark applies of course to the white settlers, not the Indians. By 1762, however, there were plenty of horses even among the Cherokee (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, p. 72). A decade later Bernard Romans reported of the Creeks: Vast numbers of horses are bred here, but of an indifferent kind; and these savages are the greatest horse stealers yet known: it is impossible to be Sure of a horse wherever these fellows come. (Romans, 1775, p. 94.) The use to which Lawson’s Indians put their horses, viz, to bring home deer meat, which seemed to him so trivial, was of vast conse- quence to that earlier beast of burden, the Indian woman, to whom it brought emancipation from much of the drudgery of existence. The place of the tough little Choctaw ponies in the life of that tribe was very important, if not as spectacular as their use on the Plains. Cushman gives us a very good picture of this: The famous little Choctaw pony was a veritable camel to the Choctaw hunter, as the genuine animal is to the sons of Ishmael. His unwearied patience, and On Chickasaw horses, see S. C. Williams, 1928, p. 340, footnote. 350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Butt. 137 his seemingly untiring endurance of hardships and fatigue, were truly astonish- ing—surpassing, according to his inches, every other species of his race—and proving himself to be a worthy descendant of his ancient parent, the old Spanish war-horse, introduced by the early Spanish explorers of the continent. In all the Choctaws’ expeditions, except those of war in which they never used horses, the chubby little pony always was considered an indispensable adjunct, therefore always occupied a conspicuous place in the cavaleade. A packsaddle which Choctaw ingenuity had invented expressly for the benefit of the worthy little fellow’s back, and finely adapted in every particular for its purpose, was firmly fastened upon his back, ready to receive the burden, which was gen- erally divided into three parts, each weighing from forty to fifty pounds. Two of these were suspended across the saddle by means of a rawhide rope one- fourth of an inch in diameter and of amazing strength, and the third securely fastened upon the top, over all of which a bear or deer skin was spread, which protected. it from rain. All things being ready, the hunter, as leader and protector, took his position in front, sometimes on foot and sometimes astride a pony of such diminutive proportions, that justice and mercy would naturally have suggested a reverse in the order of things, and, with his trusty rifle in his hand, without which he never went anywhere, took up the line of march, and directly after whom, in close order, the loaded ponies followed in regular suc- cession one behind the other, while the dutiful wife and children brought up the rear in regular, successive order, often with from three to five children on a single pony—literally hiding the submissive little fellow from view. Upon the neck of each pony a little bell was suspended, whose tinkling chimes of various tones broke the monotony of the desert air, and added cheerfulness to the novel scene. Long accustomed to their duty, the faithful little packponies seldom gave any trouble, but in a straight line followed on after their master; sometimes, however, one here and there, unable to withstand the temptation of the lux- uriant grass that offered itself so freely along the wayside, would make a momentary stop to snatch a bite or two, but the shrill, disapproving voice of the wife in close proximity behind, at once reminded him of his dereliction of order and he would hastily trot up to his position; and thus the little caravan, with the silence broken only by the tinkling pony bells, moved on amid the dense timber of their majestic forests, until the declining sun gave warning of the near approaching night. Then a halt was made, and the faith- ful little ponies, relieved of their wearisome loads which they had borne through the day with becoming and uncomplaining patience, were set free that they might refresh themselves upon the grass and cane—nature’s bounties to the Indian—that grew and covered the forests in wild abundance. Late next morning—(for who ever knew an Indian, in the common affairs of life, to be in a hurry or to value time? Time! He sees it not; he feels it not; he regards it not. To him ’tis but a shadowy name—a succession of breath- ings, measured forth by the change of night and day by a shadow crossing the dial-path of life)—-the rested and refreshed ponies were gathered in, and, each having received the former load, again the tinkling chimes of the pony bells alone disturbed the quiet of the then far extending wilderness, announc- ing in monotonous tones the onward march, as the day before, of the con- tented travelers; and thus was the journey continued day by day, until the desired point was reached. (Cushman, 1899, p. 54.) Swanron] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 351 HOGS, DOMESTIC FOWL, AND CATTLE These three were introduced into the Gulf region in about the order given. As is well known, a considerable drove of swine was driven along by the Spaniards under De Soto. The Fidalgo of Elvas says that the Indians of Guachoya, a town on the west bank of the Mississippi, presented the white men, on their return from their unsuccessful attempt to reach Mexico overland, with some of these animals, descended from swine that had escaped from them the year before (Robertson, 1933, p. 269), and it would not be surprising to learn that they were already in the land when the English and French entered it at a much later date. Positive evidence of this is, however, almost lacking. In 1674, it is true, Gabriel Arthur was taken by the Yuchi Indians on a hunting expedition down Tennessee River “to kill hoggs, beares and sturgion” (Alvord, 1912, p. 223), but this stands well nigh alone, and it is possible that the stock intro- duced by De Soto died out. At any rate, by 1761 Timberlake found numbers of hogs among the Cherokee (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, p. 72). When the French ascended the Mississippi in 1699 they found European fowl already among the Indians, said to have been ob- tained from some vessel cast away in the Atakapa country in south- western Louisiana. These birds were of a small breed and came to be known as “creole hens.” Much earlier than this, in 1595, San Miguel found an abundance of “Spanish fowl” among the Guale Indians on the Georgia coast (Garcia, 1902, p. 197). According to Du Pratz cattle as well as horses were being brought into Louisiana from Mexico through the medium of the southern Plains tribes. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 241-242; Swanton, 1911, p. 273.) They were adopted rather slowly by the Indians but were taken into the economy of all of the Five Civilized Tribes be- fore their removal west. PREPARATION OF VEGETABLE FOODS (Plate 53) “Roasting ears” are mentioned by nearly all of our earliest au- thorities. “Their corn they eat in the eares greene, roasted,” says Strachey (1849, p. 73), and Smith (1907, p. 96), Beverley (1705, bk. 3, p. 15), and Lawson (1860, p. 290) refer to this use of corn, while most other writers simply take it for granted. In connection with it, Beverley notes something like an aboriginal American succession of crops. They delight much to feed on Roasting-ears; that is, the Indian Corn, gathered green and milky, before it is grown to its full bigness, and roasted 35Z BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 137 before the Fire, in the Ear. For the sake of this Dyet, which they love exceedingly, they are very careful to procure all the several sorts of Indian Corn before mentioned, by which means they contrive to prolong their Season. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 3, p. 15.) The late varieties of corn were eaten in this way only after the annual ceremony usually called the “green corn dance,” the busk of the Creeks, had been celebrated. Catesby informs us that Indians .... are often without corn, (and from the same negligent prin- ciple) when they have it, they are often without bread, contenting themselves with eating the grain whole, after being softened by boiling it with their meat. (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. x.) Kars of corn were also dried and preserved for winter use: They also reserve that corne late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beans for a rare dish, they call Pausarowmena. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 95). Strachey (1849, p. 72) repeats the statement, and notes that the stalks when gathered green were sucked for the sugar they con- tained. A staple dish throughout the Southeast was that known to the Creeks as sofki. It corresponded, in part at least, to the hominy of the Algonquians and the atole of the Mexicans and came to the knowledge of the French under the name sagamité, an Algonquian word but not applied by Algonquians to this food. Apparently it covered dishes made in somewhat different ways. The sofki with which I am acquainted was made either of kernels of corn deprived of their skins by means of lye and similar to what we used to call “hulled corn” or of kernels broken into coarse pieces in a wooden mortar, cleared of skins and then boiled. I do not remember to have seen any made out of finely pounded grain, but it would correspond very well with the following dish described by Smith: The grouts and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind away the branne, they boile 3 or 4 houres with water; which is an ordinary food they call Ustatahamen. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 96.) Strachey restates this as follows: The growtes and broken pieces of the corne remayning, they likewise pre- serve, and by fannying away the branne or huskes in a platter or in the wynd, they lett boyle in an earthen pott three or four howres, and thereof make a straung thick pottage, which they call Vsketehamun, and is their kind of frumentry, and indeed is like our kind of ptisane, husked barley sodden in water. (Strachey, 1849, p. 73.) They add that some Indians went so far as to burn the corncob to powder and mix it with their meal, but remark that it never tasted, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES B00 well in bread or broth. These were evidently identical with the hominy defined by Beverley as follows: This is Indian corn soaked, broken in a Mortar, husked, and then boil’d in Water over a gentle Fire, for ten or twelve hours, to the consistence of Fur- mity: The thin of this is, what my Lord Bacon calls Cream of Maize, and highly commends for an excellent sort of nutriment. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 3, p. 13.) Catesby defines it as “grain boiled whole, with a mixture of Bon- avis [beans], till they are tender, which requires eight or ten hours” (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. xvi). This hominy is of the class of food which we now called “cooked cereal.” The finer fragments were used as hominy as well as the coarser. Du Pratz speaks of “the coarse and the fine grits (gruauw) called in that country sagamité” (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 8-9; Swanton, 1911, p. 75), and these have continued in use down to the present day. Hariot (1893, p. 21) perhaps refers to both when he speaks of a native dish made by “boyling the floure with water into a pappe.” Speaking of the Choctaw, Romans (1775, p. 67) says briefly : “Their common food is the zea or the Indian corn, of which they make meal, and boil it.” It was perhaps the “loblolly made with Indian corn” which Congaree Indians offered Lawson. Catesby re- marks that “they thicken their broths with Roccahomony, which is indeed, for that purpose, much preferable to oatmeal or French bar- ley,” 7° but this was pinole (see p. 358). Weare here speaking of atole “made of parched corn and very thick,” mentioned by the monk San Miguel as a common food on the Georgia coast in 1595 (Garcia, 1902, p. 192). There are hints of a slightly different dish, made of fine flour boiled in water and corresponding in a manner to our “corn-meal mush.” This was probably the porridge (bowzllie) of which Dumont speaks. (Dumont, 1753, vol. 1, pp. 32-34; Swanton, 1911, p. 74.) Catesby (1731-1748, vol. 2, p. xvir) refers to itas “Mush ..... made of the meal, in the manner of hasty-pudding.” Although Byington calls them both “hominy,” the distinction be- tween hulled corn, and the dish made with broken kernels was clearly maintained by the Choctaw, who called the former tanlubo or tan- lubona, which seems to mean “round corn (ta*c lubo), and the latter ta*fula (Anglicized as tamfula). The following notes regarding these were given Dr. Foreman by a native Choctaw, Peter Hudson: Tanlubo (called by him tahlobo or tash-lobona) is made by soaking the corn long enough to loosen the hulls which are then beaten off in the mortar without breaking the grain; placed in the riddle the husks are ejected and the grain 3 Catesby, 1731-1743, vol. 2, p. x; Roccahomony, or rockahominy, as spelled by Byrd, is the parched corn meal which Indians carried on their journeys (Bassett, 1901, p. 202). 464735—46——24 354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 then placed in a kettle with water and fresh pork and seasoned with salt. This was cooked down until it became a thick and very rich dish. Tafala—Ta-fula (ta"fula), was prepared in much the same way as tashlobona, except that the grains of corn were broken in several pieces and cooked with beans or wood ashes; but no meat was used and it was retained in a more fluid state than the latter. In making hickory ta-fula, hickory nuts were gathered and put in a sack over the fireplace to dry for a month or more. When ready to use the nuts were cracked and shells and kernels together were put in a sack and water poured over them; when this was drained off it was the color of milk; this fluid was then poured into the ta-fula, and cooked, making a rich and palatable dish. (Foreman, 1933, pp. 809-310. ) Speck identifies with Choctaw ta"fula the Yuchi ts0’ci, which he de- scribes as follows: To make this the grains of corn, when dry, are removed from the cob and pounded in the mortar until they are broken up. These grits and the corn powder are then scooped out of the mortar and boiled in a pot with water. Wood ashes from the fire are usually added to it to give a peculiar flavor much to the native taste. Even powdered hickory nuts, or marrow, or meat may be boiled with the soup to vary its taste. It is commonly believed, as regards the origin of this favorite dish, that a woman in the mythical ages cut a rent in the sky through which a peculiar liquid flowed which was found to be good to eat. The Sun then explained its preparation and use, from which fact it was called ts6’ci, inferribly “sun fluid.” (Speck, 1909, p. 44.) Skinner describes Seminole usage briefly : The meal [after having been taken from the mortar] is first sifted through an open-mesh basket and then winnowed by being tossed into the air, the breeze carrying away the chaff, while the heavier, edible portion of the corn falls back into the flat receiving basket. In this condition the meal is mixed with water and boiled to make sofki. This is the name applied primarily to this corn soup, of which, in addition to the kind mentioned, there is fer- mented or sour sofki, and soup made from parched corn, which is by far the most savory of the three. (Skinner, 1913, p. 77.) The Chickasaw made a drink from corn which traders are said to have used in preference to water in spite of the fact that it was unfermented : Though in most of the Indian nations, the water is good, because of their high situation, yet the traders very seldom drink any of it at home; for the women beat in mortars their flinty corn, till all husks are taken off, which having well sifted and fanned, they boil in large earthen pots; then straining off the thinnest part into a pot, they mix it with cold water, till it is suffi- ciently liquid for drinking: and when cold, it is both pleasant and very nour- ishing; and is much liked even by the genteel strangers. (Adair, 1775, p. 416.) A favorite method of cooking corn meal was to wrap it in husks, which were afterwards boiled, a number at a time. Smith and Strachey mention this, and Adair tells us that chestnuts were added to the corn: In July, when the chestnuts and corn are green and full grown, they half boil the former, and take off the rind; and having sliced the milky, swelled, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 35D long rows of the latter, the women pound it in a large wooden mortar, which is wide at the mouth, and gradually narrows to the bottom: then they knead both together, wrap them up in green corn-blades of various sizes, about an inch-thick, and boil them well, as they do every kind of seethed food. (Adair, 1775, p. 406.) The Choctaw called this banaha, and it is thus described by the Choctaw Peter Hudson, as recorded by Foreman: To make it the Choctaw Indians soak the shelled corn in water over night; then beat it in a mortar to separate the hulls from the grain; the latter is then put in a riddle or flat basket and by manipulation the husks are ex- pelled over the side of the riddle; the grain is then again placed in the mortar and pounded into meal, which is made into dough. The dough is rolled out into cylindrical segments of something less than a pound in weight. Each of these is encased in corn shucks and around the middle tied with shucks drawn tight so that the ends bulge somewhat larger than the middle. They are boiled until done. When ready to serve the shucks are removed. Bread So made was carried in the shuck container by hunters on their long expedi- tions as it would keep for weeks. After a time it became dry and hard, but the hunter placed it by his camp fire to warm and soften it. (Foreman, 1933, pp. 808-309, footnote. ) References to treatment of corn by the Caddo Indians are given in Swanton (1942, pp. 127, 181). Percy, Smith, and Strachey give us the earliest accounts of bread making in this section. Percy says: The manner of baking of bread is thus. After they pound their wheat into flowre, with hote water they make it into paste, and worke it into round balls and cakes, then they put it into a pot of seething water: when it is sod thoroughly, they lay it on a smooth stone, there they harden it as well as in an Oven. (Percy, in Smith, 1907 ed., p. 18.) The descriptions of Smith and Strachey are, as usual, parallel. Smith tells us that they first steep [their matured and dried corn] a night in hot water, and in the morning pounding it in a mortar, they use a small basket for their Temmes [hulls, “tamis’], then pound againe the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receave the flower in a platter made of wood scraped to that forme with burning and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till they bee baked, and then washing them in faire water, they drie presently with their owne heat: or else boyle them in water eating the broth with the bread which they call Ponap [ponak]. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, pp. 95-96.) Strachey puts this in a somewhat more intelligible form: Their old wheat (corn) they firste steepe a night in hot water, and in the morning pounding yt in a morter, they use a small baskett for the boulter or searser, and when they have syfted fourth the finest, they pound againe the great, and so Separating yt by dashing their hand in the baskett, receave the flower in a platter of wood, which, blending with water, they make into flatt, broad cakes, ...and these they call appones, which covering with ashes till they be baked ..., and washing them in faire water, they let dry with 356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 their own heate, or ells boyle them with water, eating the broath with the bread, which they called ponepopi. (Strachey, 1849, pp. 72-73.) In Strachey’s appones we see, of course, the modern “corn-pone” of the South. All of the cakes or bread mentioned by early travelers in the Gulf region were baked in the manner indicated with but slight variations. Beverley (1705, bk. 3, p. 14) says: They bake their Bread either in Cakes before the Fire, or in Loaves on a warm Hearth, covering the Loaf first with Leaves, then with Warm Ashes, and after- wards with Coals over all. Catesby (1731-43, vol. 2, p. xviz) notes that “pone” was prepared by “baking in little round loaves, which is heavy, tho’ very sweet and pleas- ant while it isnew.” And Newport’s party was treated to “pegatewk- Apyan which is bread of their wheat made in Rolles and Cakes.” Beverley says nothing about the “boiled” bread referred to by Smith and Strachey in the concluding part of their descriptions, but we get this again in Adair’s account: They have another sort of boiled bread, which is mixed with beans, or potatoes; they put on the soft corn till it begins to boil, and pound it sufficiently fine ;—their invention does not reach to the use of any kind of milk. When the flour is stirred, and dried by the heat of the sun or fire, they sift it with sieves of different sizes, curiously made with the coarser or finer cane-splinters. The thin cakes mixt with bear’s oil, were formerly baked on thin broad stones placed over the fire, or on broad earthen bottoms fit for such a use: but now they use kettles. When they intend to bake great loaves, they make a strong blazing fire, with short dry split wood, on the hearth. When it is burnt down to coals, they carefully rake them off to each side, and Sweep away the remaining ashes: then they put their well-kneeded broad loaf, first steeped in hot water, over the hearth, and an earthen bason above it, with the embers and coals a-top. This method of baking is as clean and efficacious as could possibly be done in any oven; when they take it off, they wash the loaf in warm water, and it soon becomes firm, and very white. It is likewise very wholesome, and well-tasted to any except the vitiated palate of an Epicure. (Adair, 1775, pp. 407-408.) Here we have mention of both boiled bread and baked bread. The latter is again described by Timberlake in his treatment of Chero- kee cookery: After making a fire on the hearth-stone, about the size of a large dish, they sweep the embers off, laying a loaf smooth on it; this they cover with a sort of deep dish, and renew the fire upon the whole, under which the bread bakes to as great perfection as in any Huropean oven. (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, p. 27.) Cornbread is also mentioned in a general way by the De Soto chroniclers, by Hariot, Lawson, Romans, and the French writers. The monk Andreas de San Miguel, who was cast away upon the coast of St. Simons Island, Ga., in 1595, states that he and his com- panions were given “pieces of cake made of parched corn, which Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 357 cakes are large and two inches in thickness” (Garcia, 1902, p. 186). Farther on we are told that the cakes which they make of this flour are little smaller than flat earthen pans (comales) and are of the thickness of two fingers: they do not make them with salt because they have none and they cook them under the embers: it is a very palatable and sustaining sort of bread: they make little of it. (Garcia, 1902, p. 197.) The Choctaw, and probably most of the other tribes, sometimes mixed sunflower seed with their corn meal when they made bread. Du Pratz summarizes Natchez bread making in the statement that “they make of some of it [corn] bread cooked in a vessel, of some bread cooked in the ashes, and of some bread cooked in water,” the three principal ways noted in Virginia and elsewhere. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 3, pp. 8-9; Swanton, 1911, p. 75.) Here is Speck’s account of bread making among the Yuchi as prac- ticed until recent times: A kind of flour, tsukhd, is made by pounding up dried corn in the mortar. At intervals the contents of the mortar are scooped up and emptied into the Sieve basket. The operator holds a large basket tray in her lap and over it shakes and sifts the pounded corn until all the grits and the finer particles have fallen through. According to the desired fineness or coarseness of the flour she then jounces this tray until she has the meal as she wants it, all the chaff having blown away. The meal, being then ready to be mixed into dough, is stirred up with water in one of the pottery vessels. In the meantime a large clean flat stone has been tilted slantwise before the embers of a fire. When the dough is right it is poured out onto this stone and allowed to bake. These meal cakes constitute the native bread kdnlo. Berries are thought to improve the flavor and are often mixed in with the dough. (Speck, 1909, p. 44.) The method of making bread described by MacCauley is so tedious that it seems incredible any such system could have been employed unless on very special occasions. The corn is hulled and the germ cut out, so that there is only a pure white residue. This is then reduced by mortar and pestle to an almost impalpable dust. From this flour a cake is made, which is said to be very pleasant to the taste. (MacCauley, 1887, p. 510.) Parched corn ground into powder was extensively used because it would keep for a long time and was readily transported. We find three ways of preparing this mentioned by our authorities, and we do not know in every case to which of these a reference belongs or whether, indeed, one term may not at times have been applied to all. One of these makes its appearance only in the works of Louisiana writers, but it was probably used much more widely. It is “smoked- dried meal or meal dried in the fire and smoke, which, after being cooked, has the same taste as our small peas and is as sugary.” (Dumont, 1753, pp. 82-34; Swanton, 1911, p. 74.) Du Pratz specif- ically assures us that this dish originated with the Indians and he 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw. 137 adds: “so far as smoke-dried little grain is concerned it pleases us as well as them.” (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 3-6; Swanton, 1911, pp. 74-75.) The other two styles are called ground meal (farine grolée) and cold meal (farine froide) by the French, but only Romans throws any light on the distinction between them. After speaking of boiled meal as used among the Chickasaw, he continues: . .. they also parch it, and then pound it; thus taking it on their journey, they mix it with cold water, and will travel a great way without any other food ... they have also a way of drying and pounding their corn, before it comes to maturity; this they call Boota Copassa [i. e., cold flour] ; this, in small quantities, thrown into cold water, boils and swells as much as common meal boiled over a fire; it is hearty food, and being sweet, they are fond of it; but as the process of making it is troublesome, their laziness seldom allows them to have it. (Romans, 1775, pp. 67-68.) The latter is the bota kapassa of Byington. The former is prob- ably what he calls bota la"shpa, meaning hterally “heated corn” (Byington, 1915, p. 95). Mention of one or more of these dishes is made by the De Soto chroniclers under the term “pinole,” by Hariot, San Miguel (Garcia, 1902, p. 197), Lawson, Romans, Adair, by writ- ers on the Cusabo, by Laudonniére, by Dumont de Montigny, and by Du Pratz. The last of these gives us the best account, but before con- sidering it it will be well to hear what Dumont de Montigny says about the use of corn in general in the Mississippi region, since Indian culture in the Southeast reached one of its highest levels there. After speaking of the three kinds of corn mentioned above he continues, They can be prepared in 42 styles, each of which has its special name. It is useless for me to enter here in detail all the different ways in which maize may be treated. It is sufficient to inform the reader that there is made of it bread, porridge (bowillie), cold meal (farine froide), ground corn (farine grélée), smoked-dried meal or meal dried in the fire and smoke, which when cooked has the same taste as our small peas and is as sugary. That is also made which is called gruel (grut), that is to say that having beaten and pounded it for some time in a wooden mortar, along with a little water, the skin or envelope with which it is covered is removed. The grain thus beaten and dried is transported to great distances and keeps perfectly. The finest of that left behind is used in making hominy (sagamité), which is a kind of porridge cooked with oil or meat. It is a very good and nourishing aliment. (Dumont, 1753, vol. 1, pp. 32-34, Swanton, 1911, pp. 74-75.) Most of these have been discussed. It will be noticed that he calls the cold meal gruel (grut). And now for Du Pratz’s description. First, this grain is half cooked in water, then drained and well dried. When it is well dried, it is ground or scorched in a dish made expressly for the purpose, being mixed with ashes to keep it from burning, and it is moved incessantly in order to give it the red color which is proper. When it has assumed this color all the ashes are removed, it is rubbed well and placed in Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 359 a mortar with ashes of dried bean plants and a little water. Then it is gently pounded, which makes the skin burst and reduces it completely to meal. This meal is crushed and dried in the sun. After this last operation this meal may be transported anywhere and kept for six months. It must be observed, however, that one ought not to forget to expose it to the sun from time to time. In order to eat it a vessel is filled with it a third full and the rest almost entirely with water, and at the end of some minutes the meal is found swollen and good to eat. It is very nourishing and is an excellent provision for travelers and for those who go trading, that is to say, to enter upon any negotiations. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 5-6; Swanton, 1911, pp. 74-75.) At the other end of the Gulf, and from a much later period, we find Skinner giving a similar description : In parching corn, the kernels are placed in a kettle, the bottom of which is covered thickly with sand. The grains are stirred in the sand to keep them from burning. When sufficiently parched, the corn is crushed in a mortar, and, with the occasional addition of sugar, makes a delicious food. A little of the meal is sometimes added to water for use as a cooling drink. (Skinner, 1913, p. 77.) The rest of Dumont’s 42 dishes and Adair’s 40 no doubt were prepared in part by mixing corn with other articles of food. A few such combinations have been mentioned already and notices of others may now be added. According to Beverley the Virginians ate their bread by itself and not with meat, but they boiled both fish and flesh with their hominy. We have mentioned Romans’ statement to the effect that the Choctaw boiled corn and beans together and mixed sunflower seed with corn meal to make bread. We have also noted the use of chestnuts with flour in the production of cakes wrapped in corn husks. This is re- ported by Adair and probably refers to the Chickasaw. The same Indians also cooked corn and venison in one dish. As soon as the larger sort of corn is full-eared, they half-boil it too, and dry it either by the sun, or over a slow fire; which might be done, as well, in a moderately hot oven, if the heat was renewed as occasion required. This they boil with venison, or any other unsalted flesh. (Adair, 1775, p. 438.) Hariot mentions the mixture of corn, beans, and peas in one dish in describing methods of treating the two former. They make them victuall either by boyling them all to pieces into a broth; or boiling them whole vntill they bee soft and beginne to breake as is vsed in Hngland, eyther by themselues or mixtly together: Sometime they mingle of the wheate [corn] with them. Sometime also beeing whole sodden, they bruse or pound them in a morter, & thereof make loaues or lumps of dowishe bread, which they vse to eat for varietie. (Hariot, 1893, p. 21.) Smith and Strachey mention a dish of late unripened corn, roasted in hot ashes, and eaten boiled with beans during the ensuing winter. This dish was called pausarowmena or pausarawmena. Beverley 360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 (1705, bk. 8, p. 14) says they ate all kinds of beans, peas, and other pulse both parched and boiled, and Lawson (1860, p. 387) that “the small red peas” were very common with the Indians of his acquaintance “and they eat a great deal of that and other sorts boiled with their meat or eaten with bear’s fat.” Du Pratz notes a Natchez dish called “co oédlou” consisting of corn bread mixed with beans. Joutel found the Caddo raising many beans, but he adds that “they do not make much of a mystery in preparation of them.” They placed them in a big pot without removing the strings and kept them covered with vine leaves until they were almost cooked. Before serving they poured warm water over them in which salt had been dissolved and those who partook of the meal were rere to clean them for themselves as they ate. (Margry, 1875-86, vol. 3, pp. 394-395; Swanton, 1942, p. 132.) References to methods of preparing pumpkins and squashes are few and short. Adair tells us that the old women raised them in their gardens at some distance from the towns along with melons, the latter of course imported, and this may mean that they were not planted in the communal fields. He adds: When the pompions are ripe, they cut them into long circling slices, which they barbecue, or dry with a slow heat. (Adair, 1775, p. 407.) Du Pratz describes how preserves were made out of one of the two varieties of pumpkin (giromons) cultivated by the Natchez, though the process may have been Creole rather than Indian. For this purpose they are cut into the shapes of pears or other fruits and preserved thus with very little sugar, because they are naturally sweet. Those who are unacquainted with them are surprised to see entire fruits preserved without finding any seeds inside. The giromons are not only eaten preserved; they are also put into soups. Fritters (bignets) are made of them, they are fricasseed, they are cooked in the oven and under the embers, and in all ways they are good and pleasing. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, p. 11; Swanton, 1911, p. 77.) Strachey (1849, p. 119) tells us that the Virginia Indians “seeth a kind of million [presumably a pumpkin or squash], which they put into their walnut-milke, and so make a kynd of toothsome meat.” Beverley is apparently speaking of the summer squash when he says of the vegetable known as macock, called squash or squanter-squash by the northern Indians, these being boil’d whole when the Apple is young, and the Shell tender, and dished with Cream or Butter, relish very well with all sorts of Butcher’s Meat, either fresh or salt. And whereas the Pompion is never eaten till it be ripe, these are never eaten after they are ripe. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 2, p. 27.) Hariot gives the first description of the preparation of the China root or brier Smilax (the Choctaw kantak) : From these roots while they be new or fresh beeing chopt into small pieces & stampt, is strained with water a iuce that maketh bread, & also being boiled, a o Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 361 very good spoonemeate in maner of a gelly, and is much better in tast if it bee tempered with oyle. (Hariot, 1898, pp. 25-26.) The account of Bartram is, however, fuller: They dig up these roots, and while yet fresh and full of juice, chop them in pieces, and then macerate them well in wooden mortars; this substance they put in vessels nearly filled with clean water, when, being well mixed with paddles, whilst the finer parts are yet floating in the liquid, they decant it off into other vessels, leaving the farinaceous substance at the bottom, which, being taken out and dried, is an impalpable powder or farina, of a reddish color. This, when mixed in boiling water, becomes a beautiful jelly, which, sweetened with honey or sugar, affords a most nourishing food for children or aged people; or when mixed with fine corn flour, and fried in fresh bears grease, makes excellent fritters. (Bartram, 1792, p. 49.) During a visit with some Creek Indians on St. Catherines Island, Oglethorpe and his companions were given “for Greens . . . the tops of China-Briars, which eat almost as well as asparagus.” (Ga. Hist. Soe. Coll., 1840-78, vol. 4, p. 14, suppl.) From the diary of Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Foreman quotes the fol- lowing note regarding the treatment of kunti, and this is apparently the Smilax, and not the Zamia, though it occurs in the course of a dis- cussion of the Seminole War: They take the (kunti) root which is something like a turnip in appearance, tho’ longer and larger; they scrape off the exterior, pound it, completely mash- ing it; put it into a bag and drain off the liquid; the liquor settling leaves a sub- stance at the bottom which is the proper flour, the water being poured off. The flour is washed two or three times, settling each time, the water being poured off. The powder finally is then used as flour. (Foreman, 1982, p. 342.) Almost the only description of the manner of reducing white kunti (Zamia integrifolia) roots to flour is given by MacCauley, who observed it among the Florida Seminole in 1880-81. The general method was probably as borrowed from the Calusa Indians and their allies: White men call it the “Indian bread root,” and lately its worth as an article of commerce has been recognized by the whites. There are now at least two factories in operation in Southern Florida in which Koonti is made into a flour for the white man’s market. I was at one such factory at Miami and saw another near Orlando. I ate of a Koonti pudding at Miami, and can say that, as it was there prepared and served with milk and guava jelly, it was delicious. As might be supposed, the Koonti industry, as carried on by the whites, produces a far finer flour than that which the Indians manufacture. The Indian process, as I watched it at Horse Creek, was this: The roots were gathered, the earth was washed from them, and they were laid in heaps near the “Koonti log.” The Koonti log, so called, was the trunk of a large pine tree, in which a number of holes, about nine inches square at the top, their sides sloping down- ward to a point, had been cut side by side. Each of these holes was the property of some one of the squaws or of the children of the camp. For each of the 362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BuLL. 137 holes, which were to serve as mortars, a pestle made of some hard wood had been furnished. The first step in the process was to reduce the washed Koonti to a kind of pulp. This was done by chopping it into small pieces and filling with it one of the mortars and pounding it with a pestle. The contents of the mortar were then laid upon a small platform. Each worker had a platform. When a sufficient quantity of the root had been pounded the whole mass was taken to the creek near by and thoroughly saturated with water in a vessel made of bark. The pulp was then washed in a straining cloth, the starch of the Koonti draining into a deer hide suspended below. When the starch had been thoroughly washed from the mass the latter was thrown away, and the starchy sediment in the water in the deer skin left to ferment. After some days the sediment was taken from the water and spread upon palmetto leaves to dry. When dried, it was a yellowish white flour, ready for use. In the factory at Miami substantially this process is followed, the chief variation from it being that the Koonti is passed through several successive fermentations, thereby making it purer and whiter than the Indian product. Improved appliances for the manufacture are used by the white man. The Koonti bread, as I saw it among the Indians, was of a bright orange color, and rather insipid, though not unpleasant to the taste. It was saltless. Its yellow color was owing to the fact that the flour had had but one fermenta- tion. (MacCauley, 1887, pp. 513-516. ) Adair and Romans speak of the substitution of wild potatoes for bread, and the former adds that boiled potatoes were eaten mixed with bear’s oil (Adair, 1775, p. 487). Hariot mentions a root, which seems to have been that of the wild sweetpotato, eaten raw or some- times with fish or flesh. Groundnuts (Apios tuberosa) were “boiled or sodden”. A plant cultivated in North Carolina and called melden, “a kind of orage,” was eaten in the form of a broth or pottage besides being used as a salt. The Déioscorea villosa (?) roots and the Ligus- tecum canadense roots were boiled with other meats in the same region. The seed of a plant called Mettoume in Virginia, probably wild rice, was used for “a dainty bread buttered with deere suet.” (See Hariot, 1893, p. 91.) The Creeks prepared a cake from the pulp of the passi- flora or maypop (Romans, 1775, p. 94). Nelumbo seeds were made into a bread along with corn flour (Adair, 1775, p. 410), and in Louisiana at least a bread or porridge was prepared from the inter- mittent seed of a species of cane (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 58-59; Swanton, 1911, p. 76). Tuckahoe bread appears to have been confined to the northeastern Algonquian sections and some of the adjacent Siouan territory. We have two good descriptions of the method in which it was prepared. To requote Hariot: Being dressed according to the countrey maner, it maketh a good bread, and also a good sponemeate, and is vsed very much by the inhabitants: The iuce of this root is poison, and therefore heede must be taken before any thing be made therewithal: Either the rootes must bee first sliced and dried in the Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 363 Sunne, or by the fire, and then being pounded into floure wil make good bread; or els while they are greene they are to bee pared, cut into pieces and stampt; loues of the same to be laid neere or ouer the fire vuntill it be floure, and then being well pounded againe, bread, or spone meate very good in taste, and holsome may be made thereof. (Hariot, 1893, p. 26.) As usual Smith and Strachey nearly parallel each other, but the latter is a little fuller: In one day a salvadge will gather sufficient for a weeke; these rootes are much of the greatness and tast of potatoes. They use to rake up a great nomber of them in old leaves and ferne, and then cover all with earth or sand, in the manner of a coal-pit; on each side they contynue a great fier a daie and a night before they dare eate yt: rawe, yt is no better than poison, and being roasted (except yt be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dryed in the sun, mixed with sorrell and meale, or such like), yt will prickle and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they use this ordinarily for bread. (Strachey, 1849, p. 121.) It is perhaps the berries of the same (Peltandra virginica) which appear under the name of Sacqvenvmmener in Hariot and Ocoughtanamnis in Smith. These were dried in summer and must be boiled a long time before being eaten, 8 or 9 hours according to Hariot (1893, pp. 27-28), half a day according to Smith (1907, p. 92), for they were poisonous otherwise. Adair’s remark that “they dry such kinds of fruit as will bear it” is applicable to the entire section, but before peaches were introduced into the country the greatest use was made of the persimmon. Dried persimmons, or persimmon bread, are constantly mentioned by the De Soto chroniclers under the name of ameixas. Du Pratz says regard- ing the use of this among the Natchez: When [the persimmon] is well ripened the natives make bread of it, which keeps from one year to another, and the virtue of this bread, greater than that of fruit, is such that there is no diarrhea or dysentery which it does not arrest, but one ought to use it with prudence and only after being purged. In order to make this bread the natives scrape the fruit in very open sieves to separate the flesh from the skin and seeds. From this flesh, which is like thick porridge, and from the pulp they make loaves of bread 1% feet long, 1 foot broad, and of the thickness of the finger, which they put to dry in the oven on a grill or, indeed, in the sun. In this latter fashion the bread preserves more of its taste. It is one of the merchandises which they sell to the French. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 18-19; Swanton, 1911, p. 77.) Hariot and Strachey mention persimmons but do not indicate how they were prepared for eating. Smith says that they cast the fruit “uppon hurdles on a mat, and preserve them as Pruines” (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, pp. 90-91). Its use is mentioned among the Creeks, Chickasaw, and Choctaw. | The original “Indian peach” was probably introduced by the Spaniards, and peach trees were soon planted about most Indian towns of any consequence. Like the native plums and persimmons, 364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 137 the fruit was dried and seems to have supplanted all others in the estimation of the natives. The older Virginia writers are naturally silent regarding this fruit, but Beverley (1705, bk. 3, p. 15) says that peaches were dried in the sun, and Lawson mentions peaches fre- quently. In the Santee house he and his companions found, among other foods, barbecued peaches, and peach bread, which peaches being made into a quiddony [see footnote 12, p. 278], and so made up into loaves like barley cakes, these cut into thin slices, and dissolved in water, makes a very grateful acid, and extraor- dinary beneficial in fevers, as has often been tried, and approved on by our English practitioners. (Lawson, 1860, pp. 36-37.) Of the Saponi Indians, Lawson (1860, p. 85) purchased “a large peach loaf, made up with a pleasant sort of seed.” Catesby : Peaches they dry in the sun for winter-use, and bake them in the form of loaves. Phishimons, whorts, and some other fruit and wild berries they also preserve for winter, using them in their soups and other ways. (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. x.) Hariot speaks of three sorts of nuts, apparently to be identified with chestnuts, walnuts, and hickory nuts, which he says they vse to drie vpon hurdles made of reeds with fire vnderneath almost after the maner as we dry salt in England. When they are to be vsed they first water them vyntil they be soft & then being sod they make a good victuall, either to eate so simply, or els being also pounded, to make loaues or lumpes of bread. (Hariot, 1893, p. 29.) He adds that sweet oil was made from these, meaning probably the pawcohiscora, thus described by Smith. The walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamens are dryed to keepe. When they need them, they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the walnut shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe upon a mat over a hurdle. After, they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small; that done, they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke; which they cal Pawcohiscora, and keepe it for their use. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 90.) Strachey (1849, p. 129) calls this pokahichory or powcohicora, but seems to indicate that it was derived from one variety of nut (perhaps Juglans cinerea lL.) instead of many. And this seems to be confirmed by Beverley, who says: In the woods, they gather Chincapins, Chesnuts, Hiccories, and Walnuts. The Kernels of the Hiccories they beat in a Mortar with Water, and make a White Liquor like Milk, from whence they call our Milk Hickory. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 3, p. 15.) Probably hickory nuts, and acorns as we shall see presently, were used by preference, but the others on occasion. The usual treatment of chestnuts was to pound them into a meal and make a bread out of Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 365 them, full strength or mixed with corn meal. As it happens, Hariot has more to say about the use of chestnuts as food than any subsequent writer : Some they vse to eate rawe, some they stampe and boile to make spoone-meate, and with some being sodden they make such a manner of dowe bread as they vse of their beanes before mentioned. (Hariot, 1893, p. 26.) Smith and Strachey tell us that of chestnuts and chinquapins boiled 4 or 5 hours the Virginia Indians made broth and bread for their chief men, or, as Strachey adds, to be used “‘at their greatest feasts” (Strachey, 1849, p. 118; Smith, 1907 ed., p. 90). The “Saptimmener” of Hariot, which were boiled and parched and sometimes made into bread, were probably chinquapins (Hariot, 1893, p. 28). Ranjel men- tions dried nuts, evidently chinquapins, in use among the natives of peninsula Florida (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, pp. 70-71), and in 1701 Lawson found “good store of chinkapin nuts” among the Congaree Indians, which they gather in winter great quantities of, drying them, so keep these nuts in great baskets for their use. Likewise hickerie nuts, which they beat betwixt two great stones, then sift them, so thicken their venison broth therewith, the small shells precipitating to the bottom of the pot, whilst the kernel, in form of flower, mixes it with the liquor, both these nuts made into meal makes a curious soup, either with clear water, or in any meat broth. (Lawson, 1860, p. 53.) Generally speaking, chestnuts and chinquapins seem to have been used to make bread when used at all, and hickory nuts and acorns were utilized principally for their oil. Curiously enough, the French writers do not seem to mention this use of the hickory. In another place Lawson describes the various preparations made of this nut: These nuts are gotten in great quantities, by the savages, and laid up for stores, of which they make several dishes and banquets. One of these I can- not forbear mentioning; it is this: they take these nuts, and break them very small betwixt two stones, till the shells and kernels are indifferent small; and this powder you are presented withal in their cabins, in little wooden dishes; the kernel dissolves in your mouth, and the shell is spit out. This tastes as well as any almond. Another dish is the soup which they make of these nuts, beaten, and put into venison broth, which dissolves the nut and thickens, whilst the shell precipitates, and remains at the bottom. This broth tastes very rich. (Lawson, 1860, p. 165.) Adair also has a rather full description: At the fall of the leaf, they gather a number of hiccory-nuts, which they pound with a round stone, upon a stone, thick and hollowed for the pur- pose. When they are beat fine enough, they mix them with cold water, in a clay bason, where the shells subside. The other part is an oily, tough, thick, white substance, called by the traders hiccory milk, and by the Indians the flesh, or fat of hiccory-nuts, with which they eat their bread. A hearty stranger would be apt to dip into the sediments as I did, the first time the vegetable thick milk was set before me. (Adair, 1775, p. 408.) 366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 137 Hariot treats of hickory nuts and walnuts together as if both were utilized in the same way, but this may be accounted for by European ignorance of the hickory. He says: Besides their eating of them after our ordinarie maner, they breake them with stones and pound them in morters with water to make a milk which they vse to put into some sorts of their spoonemeate; also among their sodde wheat, peaze, beanes and pompions which maketh them haue a farre more pleasant taste. (Hariot, 1893, p. 27.) Bartram is our authority for the use of the “juglans exaltata, commonly called shell-barked hiccory,” among the Creeks, re- marking, I have seen above an hundred bushels of these nuts belonging to one family. They pound them to pieces, and then cast them into boiling water, which, after passing through fine strainers, preserves the most oily part of the liquid; this they call by a name which signifies hiccory milk; it is as sweet and rich as fresh cream, and is an ingredient in most of their cookery, especially homony and corn cakes. (Bartram, 1940, p. 57.) The Yuchi preserved hickory nuts (ya’), or rather hickory-nut oil, by pounding the nuts and boiling them in water until a milklike fluid was obtained, which was strained out and used as a beverage or a cooking ingredient (Speck, 1909, pp. 4445). As a source of vegetable oil, the acorn was next in importance to the hickory. Hariot (1893, p. 16) mentions “three seuerall kindes of Berries in the forme of Oke akornes, which also by the experience and vse of the inhabitantes, wee finde to yeelde very good and sweet oyle.” One of these was called Mangimmenauk, and is the acorne of their kind of oake, the which being dried after the maner of the first sortes [chestnuts, walnuts, and hickories], and afterward watered they boile them & their seruants or sometime the chiefe themselues, either for variety or for want of bread, doe eate them with their fish or flesh. (Hariot, 1893, p. 29.) Smith says: the Acornes of one kind, whose barke is more white than the other, is somewhat sweetish; which being boyled halfe a day in severall waters, at last afford a sweete oyle, which they keep in goards to annoint their heads and joints. The fruit they eate, made in bread or otherwise. (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 90.) Lawson uses similar language: The Indians beat them [acornes] into meal and thicken their venison broth with them, and oftentimes make a palatable soup. They are used instead of bread, boiling them till the oil swims on the top of the water, which they preserve for use, eating the acorns with flesh meat. (Lawson, 1860, p. 80.) Further on he pays particular attention to the use of live-oak acorns : The acorns thereof are as sweet as chestnuts, and the Indians draw an oil from them, as sweet as that from the olive, though of an amber color. ... I Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 367 knew two trees of this wood among the Indians, which were planted from the acorns, and grew in the freshies, and never saw anything more beautiful of that kind. (Lawson, 1860, p. 156.) Romans mentions their use among the Creeks, and Bartram (1909, p. 90), referring to the Southeastern Indians of his acquaintance, re- marks that they “obtain from it a sweet oil, which they use in the cooking of hommony, rice, &c.; and they also roast it in hot embers, eating it as we do chestnuts.” When San Miguel and his companions were wrecked upon the Guale coast in 1595 they were given, among other things, “lumps of acorn cake, yellow and red, which are rough and bitter,’ and in consequence they were unable to eat them, but it appears that the Indians had more of this than of corncake (Garcia, 1902, pp. 189, 197). There is singularly little mention of the pecan as distinguished from other nuts, though Du Pratz describes the tree with considerable care. Speaking of a point on the east bank of the Mississippi near which De Soto crossed the river, a point somewhere below Helena, Ark., Biedma says: There we first found a little walnut of the country, which is much better than that here in Spain. (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, p. 25.) This is supposed to be a reference to the pecan. Extraction of sugar from the sugar maple is mentioned by Beverley, Lawson, Adair, and Benjamin Hawkins, but the remarks of Beverley and Adair are very general and might apply to Indians inside or out- side of the section. However, Adair’s contacts with Indians were almost entirely with those in the South. He notes that “several of the Indians produce sugar out of the sweet maple-tree, by making an incision, draining the juice, and boiling it to a proper Consistence” (Adair, 1775, p. 414). Beverley (1705, bk. 2, p. 21) informs us that “the Indians make One Pound of Sugar, out of Eight Pounds of the Liquor.” The section is not indicated, but the following quotations have reference to sugar making in the Southeast itself without much question. The first is from Lawson: The Indians tap it (the sugar maple) and make gourds to receive the liquor, which operation is done at distinct and proper times, when it best yields its juice, of which, when the Indians have gotten enough, they carry it home, and boil it to a just consistency of sugar, which grains of itself, and serves for the same uses, as other sugar does. (Lawson, 1860, p. 174.) Benjamin Hawkins was an eyewitness to the process among the Cherokee on Limestone Creek in northern Georgia: On this creek, the sugar is made by the Indian women, they use small wooden troughs, and earthen pans to ketch the sap, and large earthen pots for boilers. (Hawkins, 1916, p. 24.) 368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 187 Smith (Tyler ed., 1907, p. 95) and Strachey (1849, p. 117) tell us that the Virginia Indians of the tidewater country used to suck green cornstalks for the sweetness in them, and there is reference to a similar use of native cane before sugarcane was introduced. This is in the report of Edward Blande and his companions of their exploration of “New Brittaine,” northeastern North Carolina. They state that the land composing the islands of the Occaneechi and Tutelo Indians in Roanoke River consists all of exceeding rich Land, and cleare fields, wherein growes Canes of a foot about, and of one yeares growth Canes that a reasonable hand can hardly span; and the Indians told us they were very sweet, and that at some time of the yeare they did suck them, and eate them, and of those we brought some away with us. (Alvord, 1912, p. 124.) At a relatively late period the Florida Seminole learned how to extract syrup and sugar from the sugarcane, and the crude method used by them in 1880-81 is described by MacCauley (1887, pp. 511-512) but need not be reproduced. TREATMENT OF MEATS (Plate 54) Regarding the cookery of the native Virginians, particularly the treatment of meats, Beverley says tersely: Their Cookery has nothing commendable in it, but that it is perform’d with little trouble. They have no other Sauce but a good Stomach, which they seldom want. They boil, broil, or tost [i. e., roast] all the Meat they eat. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 3, p. 13.) His reference to the absence of a sauce requires modification but he is quite right in laying stress on the universality of the cooking process. They were so disinclined to raw meats that Adair (1775, p. 185) tells us the Indians of his acquaintance overdressed all of them. Du Pratz affirms: They never eat raw meat, as So many persons have falsely imagined. Even in Europe we have entire kingdoms which do not give their meats as much time to cook as the natives of Louisiana allow to the most delicate morsels of bison, which is their principal nourishment. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 3, p. 12; Swanton, 1911, p. 73.) Their manner of dressing meat left much to be desired from our point of view, so far as the smaller animals were concerned. Lawson (1860, p. 92) says that the Keyauwee Indians regaled some of his companions with “one of the country hares, stewed with the guts in her belly, and her skin with the hair on,” adding that “the Indians dress most things after the woodcock fashion, never taking the guts out.” He seems to mention among animals treated that way the “bear and bever, panther, polecat, wild cat, possum, raccoon, hares, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 369 and squirrels,” though it is somewhat uncertain whether the first mentioned belongs in this category (Lawson, 1860, p. 292). Catesby (1713-48, vol. 2, p. x) adds turkeys. However, on the same occasion, Lawson’s companions were provided with “a dish in great fashion amongst the Indians, which was two young fawns taken out of the does’ bellies, and boiled in the same slimy bags nature had placed them in.” (Lawson, 1860, pp. 92, 292; Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. x.) On their cookery in general, “they boil and roast their meat ex- traordinary much, and eat abundance of broth, except the savages whom we call the naked Indians,” supposed to be the Miami and believed to owe their speed in running to their abstinence in this particular (Lawson, 1860, p. 362). On the southeast coast of Florida the fish brought to Dickenson and his companions in 1699 were “boiled with the scales, heads, and gills, and nothing taken from them but the guts” (Dickenson, 1803, p. 36; Swanton, 1922, p. 392). Before squirrels were cooked the Alabama Indians rolled them over and over in a bed of hot ashes to take off their hair and render them more tender. The flesh of deer, bison, and turkeys, as well as fish and oysters, was roasted and boiled. An early Virginia document (1687) men- tions “a piece of Venison barbecued, that is wrapped up in leaves and roasted in the embers” (Bushnell, 1907, p. 44). The manner of their roasting, is by thrusting sticks through pieces of meat, Sticking them around the fire, and often turning them. (Catesby, 1731-43, vol. 2, p. x.) White illustrates the process of boiling and the broiling of fish (pl. 54, fig. 2). By the Florida Seminole, turtles are not infrequently roasted before the fire. The Indians seldom take the trouble to kill the unfortunate reptiles before commencing to prepare them for food—they merely cut off the plastron and butcher the animal alive and kicking, when it is set up before the fire and roasted in its own oven. (Skinner, 1913, pp. 76-77.) The following is from Du Pratz: When the natives wish to roast meat in order to eat it at once, which seldom happens except during the hunting season, they cut off the portion of bison which they wish to eat, which is usually the fillet. They put it on the end of a wooden spit planted in the earth and inclined toward the fire. They take care to turn this spit from time to time, which cooks the meat as well as a spit turned before the fire with much regularity. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 3, pp. 10-12; Swanton, 1911, p. 72.) The tongues and humps of these animals, the tongues of deer, and the tails of beaver were esteemed great delicacies. 464735—46——25 370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 137 Romaris (1775, p. 94) mentions corned venison in use among the Creeks, but this device was probably introduced by white traders. The native way of preserving meats was by drying. Speaking of the Yuchi of 30 or 40 years ago, Speck says: The flesh of game mammals, birds, kdndi’, fish, ci, were roasted or boiled on a framework of green sticks resting on cross pieces which were supported on forked uprights over the fire. The device was simply a stationary broiling frame. (Speck, 1909, p. 45.) A favorite method of cleaning fish the instant they are caught, is to draw out the intestines with a hook through the anus, without cutting the fish open. A cottonwood stick shaved of its outer bark is then inserted in the fish from tail to head. The whole is thickly covered with mud and put in the embers of a fire. When the mud cracks off the roast is done and ready to eat. The cotton- wood stick gives a much-liked flavor to the flesh. (Speck, 1909, p. 24.) Through Bartram we hear of “a very singular dish” which the traders in his time called “tripe soup.” It is [he goes on to say] made of the belly or paunch of the beef, not over- cleansed of its contents, cut and minced pretty fine, and then made into a thin soup, seasoned well with salt and aromatic herbs; but the seasoning not quite strong enough to extinguish its original savour and scent. This dish is greatly esteemed by the Indians, but is, in my judgment, the least agreeable they have amongst them. (Bartram, 1909, p. 185.) Catesby contributes the following: At their festivals they make some compound dishes, which, as I have often partook of, the following may Serve as a specimen of their cookery. They stew the lean of venison till little liquor remains, which is supplied with marrow cut of their deer’s bones; to which ig added, the milky pulp of Maiz before it hardens. (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. x.) “Their meat,” says Barlowe, speaking of the North Carolina coast Indians, “is very well sodden and they make broth very sweet and savorie” (Burrage, 1906, p. 236). Strachey tells us that “the broath of fish or flesh they suppe up as ordinarily as they eat the meate,” and that “the salvages use to boyle oysters and mussells together, and with the broath they make a good spoonemeat, thickened with the flower of their wheat” (Strachey, 1849, pp. 72, 127). Combinations of flesh or fish with other foods were common and some of these have already been noted. Beverley (1705, bk. 3, p. 13) says: “It is very common with them to boil Fish as well as Flesh with their Homony.” And Lawson (1860, p. 336) : “The small red peas is very common with them, and they eat a great deal of that and other sorts boiled with their meat or eaten with bear’s fat.” Romans (1775, p. 92) mentions “venison and hominy cooked together” by the Creeks, and Catesby tells us that It is common with some nations at great entertainments, to boil bear, deer, panther, or other animals, together in the same pot; they take out the bones, and serve up the meat by itself, then they stew the bones over again in the same Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 371 liquor, adding thereto purslain and squashes, and thicken it with the tender grain of Maiz, this is a delicious soup. (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. x.) Nevertheless, there were taboos against certain mixtures, as Byrd was made aware of by his Saponi Indian hunter, who admonished him and his companions “with a face full of concern, that if we continued to boil Venison and Turkey together, we Shou’d for the future kill nothing, because the Spirit that presided over the Woods would drive all the Game out of our Sight,” it being improper to cook “the Beasts of the Field and the Birds of the Air together in one vessel” (Bassett, 1901, pp. 178, 194). The following experience, reported by Lawson, informs us how it was usual to treat previously dried meat on short notice. He and his companions were treated with a fat barbecued venison, which the woman of the cabin took and tore in pieces with her teeth, so put it into a mortar, beating it to rags, afterwards stews it with water, and other ingredients, which makes a very savoury dish. (Lawson, 1860, p. 37.) Romans (1775, pp. 68, 94) speaks of dried deer tongues among the Creeks and of dried deer and bison meat among this and neighboring tribes, but he considers them tasteless. Strachey (1849, p. 113) mentions “deare’s suet made up handsomely in cakes” to be melted later, presumably, and mixed with their other food. There is mention also of fish grease employed to take the place of butter by the Florida Indians (Gaffarel, 1875, p. 462; Swanton, 1922, p. 359), and the oil of passenger pigeons for the same purpose in Carolina (Lawson, 1860, p. 79) and probably elsewhere; it was used with breadstuffs and sometimes with meats as well. To quote Catesby again, The pigeons ... afford them some years great plenty of oil, which they preserve for winter use; this and sometimes bears fat they eat with bread, with it they also supply the want of fat in wild turkeys, which in some winters become very lean by being deprived of their food, by the numerous flights of the migratory pigeons devouring the acorns, and other mast. (Catesby, 1731-43, p. x.) The Creeks, after pounding up their dried venison, dipped it in salty “moss obtained from the stream beds in their country after the moss had been dissolved in water.” (Hawkins, 1916, pp. 31, 37). The most important “sauce,” or rather gravy, was made from bear fat. Incidental mention of this has already been made. The bear was, in fact, valued for its fat rather than for its flesh. Dumont de Montigny says that a bear must be thin for the Louisiana Indians to use its flesh. In any other condition only the four feet can be eaten. The rest is nothing but fat. (Dumont, 17538, vol. 1, p. 76; Swanton, 1911, p. 69.) 372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 Du Pratz tells us that “the natives put the flesh and the fat of the bear to cook together so that they may detach themselves from each other.” This was done either in earthen pots of their own manufacture or in kettles bought of the traders. “When this grease or oil is lukewarm they put it into a faon [deerskin bottle]” (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 86-89; Swanton, 1911, p. 69). A little later we discover via Romans (1775, p. 68) that “the traders have learned [!] them [the Chickasaw] to make [the flesh of bears] into bacon exactly resembling that of a hog.” Adair did not observe such treatment of bear meat by this tribe in his time, remarking that, The traders commonly make bacon of the bears in winter; but the Indians mastly flay off a thick tier of fat which lies over the flesh, and the latter they cut up into small pieces, and thrust on reeds, or suckers of sweet-tested hieccory or sassafras, which they barbecue over a slow fire. The fat they fry into clear well- tasted oil, mixing plenty of sassafras and wild cinnamon with it over the fire, which keeps sweet from one winter to another, in large earthen jars, covered in the ground. It is of a light digestion, and nutritive to hair. All who are acquainted with its qualities, prefer it to any oil, for any use whatsoever: smooth Florence is not to be compared in this respect to rough America. (Adair, 1775, p. 415.) The salvages [of Virginia] [says Strachey]use to boyle oysters and mussells togither and with the broaths they make a good spoone meat, thickened with the flower of their wheat; and yt is a great thrift and husbandry with them to hang the oysters upon strings (being shauld and dried) in the smoake, thereby to pre- serve them all the yeare. (Strachey, 1849, p. 127.) These oysters were among the articles with which these Indians traded (Smith, Tyler ed., 1907, p. 10). Adair (1775, p. 412) notes that the Chickasaw always boiled hens’ eggs very hard. There seems to be no reference to cooking in baskets, but a farmer of Polk County, Tex., with whom I stayed during part of my work among the Alabama Indians, gave his father as authority for the assertion that, in his time, the Indians often boiled water and cooked their food in deerskins. The skin was held up at the four corners to such a height above the flames that they touched only that part of it over which there was water. In his own time the Alabama always boiled their meats in pots, or sometimes, when there was to be a feast, in a large tub. PRESERVATION OF FOOD (Plate 55) Both vegetable and animal food was treated in such a manner that it could be preserved for long periods of time, usually, if sufficient forethought were exercised, until spring. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES B13 It is well known that corn was preserved in granaries by most, if not all, of the tribes in the section, and it was, in fact, these granaries or corncribs, called by the Spaniards from a Haitian Arawak word “barbacoas,” which made the De Soto expedition possible. Without condoning the actions of the explorers in appropriating as of patent right the products of the Indians’ labor, we may nevertheless be thank- ful for the knowledge of these Indians which the use of that corn has enabled us to obtain. We learn from them that corn was not only put away dried as it came from the field, but quantities were ground and preserved in that manner. The Spaniards called this pinol or pinole. As we have seen, this was the “cold meal” of later French and English settlers, and was used particularly when the Indians were on war expeditions or traveling for more peaceful purposes. Besides dried corn, the Spaniards found the well-known cakes made of dried persimmons (which the chroniclers call ameiwas).** The notices are most numerous in towns along the Mississippi River. Elvas notes also dried plums in Apalachee (Bourne, 1904, vol. 1., p. 47), and Gar- cilaso (1902, pp. 49, 82, 221) speaks of dried plums and also of grapes and other dried fruits. In his case the plums may have been persim- mons, but we know that plums were also dried. In the case of grapes, however, our evidence is not so good. Unless grapes are included in the general statements of some writers that they dried all kinds of fruits that would bear it (Lawson, 1860, p. 290; Adair, 1775, p. 439), there is no other reference to the treatment of them in this way. As soon as peaches were introduced they were dried and put away like plums and persimmons. Lawson was served dried peaches by the Congaree and bought “a large peach loaf” from the Saponi, and he says the Indians dried huckleberries on mats (Lawson, 1860, pp. 53, 85, 173). One of the De Soto chroniclers also mentions finding dried chinquapins (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, pp. 70-71) and nuts, and the oil from them was stored throughout the region. Speaking mainly of the inland Siouan tribes, Lawson (1860, pp. 837-338) says that during their winter hunts the wild fruits which are dried in the summer, over fires, on hurdles and in the sun, are now brought into the field; as are likewise the cakes and quiddonies of peaches, and that fruit and bilberries dried, of which they stew and make fruit bread and cakes. The way in which persimmon bread was prepared and stored has been described above (p. 363). Adair speaks thus regarding the artificial drying of corn, potatoes, and pumpkins: When the pompions are ripe, they cut them into long circling slices, which they barbecue, or dry with a slow heat. And when they have half boiled the larger 24 Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, pp. 47, 114, 148, 145, 149, 152; Robertson, 1983, translates the word “plums.” 374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 sort of potatoes, they likewise dry them over a moderate fire, and chiefly use them in the spring-season mixt with their favourite bear’s oil. As soon as the larger sort of corn is full-eared, they half-boil it too, and dry it either by the sun, or over a slow fire; which might be done, as well, in a moderately hot oven, if the heat were renewed as occasion required. (Adair, 1775, p. 488.) Du Pratz speaks of preserving pumpkins, but his account may refer rather to creole customs than to those of Indians (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, p. 11; Swanton, 1911, p. 77; see above, p. 360). Lawson appears to be the only writer to mention definitely the preser- vation and storage of beans or peas. They plant a great many sorts of pulse, part of which they eat green in the summer, keeping great quantities for their winter’s store, which they carry along with them into the hunting quarters and eat them. (Lawson, 1860, p. 337). Mention is made of dried venison in the De Soto narratives (Bourne, 1904, vol. 2, pp. 79, 99) and this was a customary means of preserving the flesh of the deer, bison, and bear throughout the Gulf region. Speaking particularly of the Natchez, Du Pratz says: That the meat may keep during the time they are hunting and that it may serve as nourishment for their families for a certain time, the men during the chase have all the flesh of the thighs, shoulders, and most fleshy parts smoked, except the hump and the tongue, which they eat on the spot. All the meat that is smoked is cut into flat pieces to cook it well. It is not cut too thin, however, for fear lest it dry up too much. ‘The grill is on four fairly strong forked sticks and poles above a foot apart and above these canes 4 inches apart. This grill is raised about 3 feet above the earth, in order that one may be able to put a fire made of large sticks of wood underneath. ‘They turn the meat and withdraw it only when it is cooked to such a degree that the upper side is roasted and very dry. Then they take off what is cooked and put other pieces on. Thus they smoke their meat, which can be carried everywhere and preserved as long as it is desired. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 3, p. 11; Swanton, 1911, p. 72.) Catesby : Besides roasting and boiling, they tarbecue most of the flesh of the larger animals, such as buffalo’s, bear and deer; this is performed very gradually, over a slow clear fire, upon a large wooden gridiron, raised two feet above the fire. By this method of curing venison it will keep good five or six weeks, and by its being divested of the bone, and cut into portable pieces, adapts it to their use, for the more easy conveyance of it from their hunting quarters to their habitations. Fish is also thus preserved for the better conveyance of it from the maritime to the inland countries. (Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. x.) Jackson Lewis, one of my best Creek informants, described as fol- lows the manner in which deer meat was preserved : They first made an incision down the middle of the deer’s belly and then stripped the body meat off of the bones from front to back. The resulting piece was large and flat. It was dried in the sun, and as others were dried they were made into a pile, which was carried back to the village on the back of a pony. The thighs were treated in this way. First the long bones were removed, and then the meat was cut Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 375 up into chunks somewhat larger than baseballs. Withes or sticks were passed through these and they were placed over a fire until nearly cooked, by which time the meat had shrunk to about the size of a base- ball. It had also shrunk away from the stick leaving a large hole, and by means of these holes a great many such chunks of meat were strung together for transportation. The meat of 10 deer was all that could be gotten upon 1 horse. Bartram (1909, pp. 242-243) men- tions meeting an Indian family having horses loaded down with meat so prepared. Ifa hunter had no ponies, he and his family, according to another informant, could carry home from 300 to 500 pounds of meat. Charlie Thompson, afterward made chief of the Alabama Indians in Texas, gave a slightly different account. According to him one piece was made of the ribs and the flesh adhering to them, a thin, flat piece was stripped off of the ribs and breast, and two separate pieces were made of the loins and thighs. Sticks were run through these and they were placed on a low scaffold about 3 feet high and 3-4 feet each way, where they were roasted. Sometimes a much higher scaffold was used, depending probably upon the weather and the size of the fire. Pieces intended for immediate consumption might be impaled on a single stick over the fire, the other end of the stick being planted in the ground. The dried meat was strung together and car- ried home from camp packed on either side of the hunter’s horse along with the deerhides, the hunter himself walking and driving the animal. Finally, the meat was stored in the corncrib, where it would usually keep for an entire year. If it had not been dried sufficiently, screw- worms would breed in it. (From what I was told by some old white settlers, however, it would appear that the Indians did not have in- superable objections to wormy meat.) When dried venison was to be eaten, it was washed, pounded in a mortar, mixed with bear’s grease, and partaken of with bread. If deer were very plentiful, they sometimes threw away the ribs, shoulders, and other less desirable cuts, and occasionally are said to have hunted the deer for their hides alone, but on other occasions they might eat even the marrow and liver. When an unusually large num- ber of deer had been killed, or there was to be a special feast at the ballground, they would sometimes string the tongues and hearts by themselves on cords of bass fiber (bakca). Jackson Lewis remembered that bison meat was cut into squares about a foot and a half each way and 2 inches thick, and dried on a scaffold over a fire. In preserving this meat, they sometimes made use of the salt on the salt plains (the Cimarron). The flesh of the young bison and the cows was most desired. It is claimed that a bison calf would sometimes mistake a horse for a cow and follow it all the way back to camp. 376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Butt. 137 Adair is the only writer who gives us much of an idea of the way in which bear meat was preserved. His words have been quoted al- ready (p. 3872) (Adair, 1775, p. 446). But bears were valued mainly for their fat and Adair’s description of the Chickasaw treatment of this has also been given. In his time they put it “in large earthen jars, covered in the ground” (op. cit.), but it was also put away in skin receptacles and De Soto’s army was treat- ed to bear fat taken out of calabashes (Robertson, 1933, p. 104; Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, p. 74). Du Pratz describes at greatest length the method of putting up bear fat in deerskins. Having killed a deer they begin by cutting off its head, then skin the neck, rolling the skin as one would a stocking, and cut up the flesh and bones as fast as they advance. This operation is necessarily laborious because they have to take out all the flesh and the bones through the skin of the neck in order to make a sack of its skin. They cut it as far as the hams and other places where there are outlets. When the skin is entirely empty they scrape it and clean it. Then they make a kind of cement with the fat of the same deer and a few fine ashes. They put it around the orifices which they close very tightly with the bark of the bass tree and leave only the neck through which to cask the bear’s oil. It is this which the French call. a faon of oil. The natives put the flesh and the fat to cook together so that they may detach themselves from each other. They do this cooking in earthen pots of their own manufacture, or in kettles if they have them. When this grease or oil is lukewarm they put it into the faon. They come to trade this kind of oil to the French for a gun or ell of cloth or similar things. That was the price of a faon of oil at the time when I lived there. But the French use it only after having purified it. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 88-89; Swanton, 1911, p. 69.) Frames were set up over the fire on which the meat was dried. Le Moyne says of these: In order to keep these animals longer they are in the habit of preparing them as follows: They set up in the earth four stout forked stakes; and on these they lay others, so as to form a sort of grating. On this they lay their game, and then build a fire underneath, so as to harden it in the smoke. In this process they use a great deal of care to have the drying perfectly per- formed, to prevent the meat from spoiling, as the picture shows. I suppose this stock to be laid in for their winter’s supply in the woods, as at that time we could never obtain the least provision from them. (Le Moyne, 1875, pp. 9-10 (illus.) ; Swanton, 1922, p. 358.) The picture in question (pl. 55) shows a scaffold with several fish on it, a deer, an alligator—or possibly a lizard, for Le Challeux tells us that lizards were eaten—a snake, and some quadruped about the size of a dog, all placed there without any previous dressing. The varieties of food placed in the granaries are indicated by the descriptions pre- served to us by Le Moyne in other places. He speaks of the storage of wild vegetable products gathered “twice a year” into granaries such as are to be described presently. (Also cf. Catesby, p. 374 above.) Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 377 Here is what he says of the storage of animal food: At a set time every year they gather in all sorts of wild animals, fish, and even crocodiles; these are then put in baskets, and loaded upon a sufficient number of the curly-haired hermaphrodites above mentioned, who carry them on their shoulders to the storehouse. This supply, however, they do not resort to unless in case of the last necessity. (Le Moyne, 1875, p. 9 (illus.) ; Swan- ton, 1922. p. 361.) The last were public granaries, but it seems probable that both kinds of food were gathered into both public and family storehouses. These statements made by Smith and Strachey lead us to think that the Powhatan Indians had not been in the habit of providing for the future as much as the southern tribes generally, and that influences from farther south came to them by way of the seacoast. Strachey: Powhatan and some others that are provident, roast their fish and flesh upon hurdells, and reserve of the same untill the scarse tymes; commonly the fish and flesh they boyle, either very tenderly, or broyle yt long on hurdells over the fier, or ells (after the Spanish fashion) putt yt on a spitt and turne first the one side, then the other, till yt be as dry as their jerkin beef in the West Indies, and so they maye keepe yt a monethe or more without putrifying. (Strachey, 1849, p. 73.) Smith (1907 ed., p. 355) remarks that the people of the eastern shore “provide Corne to serve them all the yeare, yet spare; and the other not halfe the year, yet want.” Powhatan Indians came to trade with Newport’s party, bringing “basketes full of Dryed oysters” (Smith, Arber ed., 1884, p. xlii). Dumont de Montigny provides us with the following descriptions of the method by which oysters were preserved by some of the Gulf tribes and fish by those on the Mississippi, particularly the Natchez: The Colapissas and Paskagoulas ... who live near the sea have a sure method of preserving oysters without spoiling for a very long time, and this method deserves so much the more to be recorded, since they use in it neither pepper, nor salt, nor viniger. When the sea is low and allows these savages the liberty of laying in a supply of oysters, they go to fill up their dugouts, and afterwards, having withdrawn to the bank, they open them and put them into a bowl. While one part of these savages is occupied in this work, others light a fire, and place on opposite sides two forked sticks planted in the earth, on which there is a crosspiece which holds the handle of a kettle hung above the fire. Then they put all of their oysters into this kettle, and make them boil slightly until they are partly cooked, after which they remove them, and throw them into a basket or big sieve, in order that all of the water may drain out. During that time, they construct a kind of grill of four forked sticks planted in the ground and four sticks placed crosswise on which they place pieces of cane. After- ward, having spread their oysters on this grill, they make a fire underneath, and by this means bucan or smoke them, thus drying them and giving them a yellow and golden color. After having smoked them on one Side in this man- ner, they turn them over in order to treat the other side similarly, and they 378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 137 continue this operation until all that they have collected are bucanned. Then they put them in jars or in sacks which they hang from a nail after their return to their village, taking care to place them in a dry spot, and one not exposed to the heat. Seeing these oysters in this condition one would take them for the common beans on which are fed the crews of our vessels. When they wish to serve them, they begin by putting them to soak in fresh water for an hour. Afterwards the water is changed and they are cooked. After that, whether one eats them as sauce with chickens, fried, or as dough made into fritters, they are equally good and never smell of the smoke. During a long time I saw the Sieur de la Garde, director of the concession of M. de Chaumont, established on the river of the Paskagoulas, lay in a great supply of these oysters thus prepared. He bought them from the savages, and served them to his friends as a luxury. (Dumont, 1753, vol. 2, pp. 273-276.) The savages living on the upper part of the river (Mississippi), and in dis- tricts far from the sea, not having the good fortune to be supplied with oysters, make use of the very same method to keep carps, which they do for a very long time. There is only this difference that the grill they use in bucanning this fish is raised only one foot above the earth. I saw this secret method employed by the Natchez where the carps caught are very fine and very fat. (Dumont, 1753, vol. 2, p. 276.) Dumont further suggests that the Louisiana French might have adopted their own procedure in drying grapes, at least in part, from the Indians. From the early writers I have only one or two very general references to the drying of grapes, but if Speck’s Yuchi in- formants who supplied the following notes regarding the preserva- tion of food reproduced truly aboriginal customs, Dumont may be correct : When large hauls of fish were made, by using vegetable poison in streams in the manner described, or more game was taken than was needed for imme- diate use, it is said that the surplus flesh was artificially dried over a slow smoky fire or in the sun, so that it could be laid away against the future. Crawfish, tcatsd, were very much liked and quantities of them were also treated for preservation in the above manner. Wild fruits and nuts in their proper seasons added variety to the compara- tively well supplied larder of the natives. Berries, yadbd’, were gathered and dried to be mixed with flour or eaten alone. Wild grapes, cé, were abundant. The Indians are said to have preserved them for use out of season by drying them on frames over a bed of embers until they were like raisins, in condition to be stored away in baskets. (Speck, 1909, p. 45.) Native storehouses were used, not only for storing corn, beans, pumpkins, and dried fruits and meats, but for less ephemeral kinds of property, and the great storehouses of Powhatan at Orapaks and of the Lady of Cofitachequi on the Savannah were assembled about temples, presumably in order that fear of sacrilege might be added to more external kinds of protection. Our first description of one of these buildings is by the Fidalgo of Elvas: They have barbacoas in which they keep their maize. These are houses raised up on four posts, timbered like a loft, and the floor of canes. (Robert- son, 1933, p. 75; Bourne, 1904, vol. 1, p. 53.) Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 379 According to Strachey, the storehouses of the Powhatan common- alty seem to have been holes in the ground: Their corne and (indeed) their copper, hatchetts, howses [hoes], beades, perle, and most things with them of value, according to their owne estymacion, they hide, one from the knowledge of another, in the growned within the woodes, and so keepe them all the yeare, or untill they have fitt use for them, as the Romains did their monies and treasure in certaine cellars, called, therefore, as Plinye remembers, favissae; and when they take them forth, they scarse make their women privie to the storehowse. (Strachey, 1849, p. 113.) Among the Creeks and the more eastern tribes a lounging room, often on the second floor, occupied part of the storehouse. Thus Bar- tram says it was commonly two stories high, and divided into two apartments, transversely, the lower story of one end being a potato house, for keeping such other roots and fruits as require to be kept close, or defended from cold in winter. The chamber over it is the council. At the other end of this building, both upper and lower stories are open on their sides: the lower story serves for a shed for their saddles, pack-saddles, and gears, and other lumber; the loft over it is a very spacious, airy, pleasant pavilion, where the chief of the family reposes in the hot seasons, and receives his guests, ete. [He adds that the Seminole had a storehouse] two stories high, of the same construction, and serving the same purpose with the granary or provision house of the Upper Creeks [i. e., the Creeks proper]. (Bart- ram, 1909, p. 56.) There is a striking similarity between these private storehouses of the Creeks and Seminole and the “summer council house” of the Cherokee as described by the same writer: Their Summer Council House is a spacious open loft or pavilion, on the top of a very large oblong building. (Bartram, 1909, p. 57.) The storehouse of the Chickasaw is said by Romans (1775, p. 67) to have been in the shape of “an oblong square,” and was probably al- most identical with that of the Creeks. When we come to the Siouan tribes of the east we find the lounging room or “council” of Bartram in a different building from the granary. Lawson calls this condition usual among the tribes with which he was familiar. He gives the following particular description of a Santee storehouse : | These Santee Indians .... . make themselves cribs after a very curious man- ner, wherein they secure their corn from vermin, which are more frequent in these warm climates than countries more distant from the sun. ‘These pretty fabrics are commonly supported with eight feet or posts about seven feet high from the ground, well daubed within and without upon laths, with loam or clay, which makes them tight and fit to keep out the smallest insect, there being a small door at the gable end, which is made of the same composition, and to be removed at pleasure, being no bigger than that a slender man may creep in at, cementing the door up with the same earth when they take corn out of the crib, and are going from home, always finding their granaries in the same posture they left them—theft to each other being altogether unpracticed, never receiving spoils but from foreigners. (Lawson, 1860, p. 35.) 380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 137 Of the Timucua granaries there seems to be but a single account, by Le Moyne: There are in that region a great many islands, producing abundance of various kinds of fruits, which they gather twice a year, and carry home in canoes, and store up in roomy low granaries built of stones and earth, and roofed thickly with palm-branches and a kind of soft earth fit for the purpose. These granaries are usually erected near some mountain, or on the bank of some river, so as to be out of the sun’s rays, in order that the contents may keep better. Here they also store up any other provisions which they may wish to preserve, and the remainder of their stores; and they go and get them as need may require, without any apprehensions of being defrauded. [P1l. 56.] (Le Moyne, 1875, p. 9 (illus.) ; Swanton, 1922, p. 361.) By “mountain,” forest or grove is probably intended, and by “stone” that natural cement, tapia or “tabby” into which mud made from limy soil naturally sets. Thus in Florida the earth-covered houses were used as granaries and the habitations for human beings were con- structed in another manner, as elsewhere described. A type of granary more like that of the northern Indians is, how- ever, rather clearly implied by Bishop Calderén (1936, p. 13) in stating that the Timucua granary was supported by 12 beams. In Virginia there appears again a combination of the lounging pavilion and storehouse, at least if we may trust Strachey, who seems to have left the sole specific description of this building: By their howses they have sometymes a scena, or high stage, raised like a scaffold, of small spelts, reedes, or dried osiers, covered with matts, which both gives a shadowe and is a shelter, and serves for such a covered place where men used in old tyme to sitt and talke for recreation or pleasure, which they call prestega, and where, on a loft of hurdells, they laye forth their corne and fish to dry. They eate, sleepe, and dresse theire meate all under one roofe, and in one chamber, as it were. (Strachey, 1849, p. 71.) All of these eastern storehouses seem to have been square or at least rectangular, though we cannot be certain in all cases. The Eno store- house, however, may have been round, for Lederer compares it to an oven. This tribe devoted itself considerably to trade and raised a large amount of corn to barter with other tribes; therefore the gran- ary was of exceptional importance among them. Lederer says: “To each house belongs a little hovel made like an oven, where they lay up their corn and mast, and keep it dry” (Alvord, 1912, p. 157). If this were actually round, it would seem to link the Eno in this particular with the Mississippi tribes. To be sure, the illustration ac- companying Le Moyne’s description of the Florida storehouse shows a round building, but we cannot trust this too far as these illustrations are faulty in many other particulars (see above). The granaries of the Tunica were perhaps square. Gravier says that they were “made like dovecotes, built on four large posts, 15 or 16 feet high, well put together and well polished, so that the mice can- Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 381 not climb up, and in this way they protect their corn and squashes.” (Shea, 1861, p. 185; Swanton, 1911, p. 315.) The private storehouses of the Natchez seem not to have been honored with a description, but Du Pratz has the following to say regarding the one in which corn was stored in preparation for the new corn ceremony: The granary which they construct for the storage of this grain is of round shape, raised 2 feet above the earth. It is provided inside with cane mats. The bottom is made of large entire canes; the outside is also provided with them, because the teeth of rats, however good, are unable to make an open- ing in them on account of the natural varnish with which they are covered. This also prevents the rats from climbing the sides of the granary to enter through the covering, which, owing to the manner in which it is made, pro- tects this grain from the worst storms. The French call this granary “the tun,” on account of its round shape. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, pp. 363-370; Swanton, 1911, p. 113.) Just below he adds that on account of the relation of its height to the diameter, it resembled a tower rather more than a tun, and Dumont’s description confirms him in this and in other particulars. Caddo houses had compartments near the entrance for the stor- age of food and other property, but they also had storehouses out- side raised on posts. Joutel speaks of them as follows: They have a great shelf above the door, built of sticks set upright, and others laid across, and canes laid side by side and closely bound together, on which they place their corn in the ear. There is another opposite where they put the hampers and barrels they make of canes and of bark, in which they put their shelled corn, beans, nuts, acorns, and other things, and over these they store their pottery. Each family has its own private receptables. ... They also have a large platform, ten or twelve feet high, in front of their houses, where they dry their ears of corn after gathering. (Joutel in Margry, 1875-86, vol. 3, pp. 393-394. ) From the drawing of a Caddo village reproduced by Bolton (1915, frontispiece), it appears that the separate storehouses were sometimes square and sometimes round. It would hence seem that round storehouses were in use in the lower Mississippi Valley and to the westward, but it is not clear that they were employed in any section to the exclusion of the square type, though we happen to have no description of a square storehouse from the Natchez or their neighbors. It is also possible that round storehouses were in use in Florida and among the Eno. Elsewhere the shape was generally square or at least quadrangular. TOBACCO There is no mention of tobacco in the De Soto narratives, from which it seems certain that in his time the weed had not attained the social significance it enjoyed in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- 382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 turies. It was undoubtedly known to the natives, for Cartier found it among the Hurons of St. Lawrence River in 1535, and tobacco pipes occur in deposits antedating the visit of the Spaniards by cen- turies. So far as the Southeast is concerned, we seem to hear of it first in Le Moyne’s narrative of the Huguenot colony in Florida and in Spark’s account of Hawkins’ voyage, but it is probably signifi- cant that the historians of the French colony (1564-65) do not men- tion any use of it in connection with public ceremonies. Pareja says that formulae were repeated over tobacco when a Timucua hunting party was about to set forth, but this information applies to a period about half a century later (Swanton, 1922, p. 384). Following are the references by Le Moyne and Spark. Le Moyne: They have a certain plant, whose name has escaped me, which the Bra- zilians call petum (petun), and the Spaniards tapaco. The leaves of this, carefully dried, they place in the wider part of a pipe; and setting them on fire, and putting the other end in their mouths, they inhale the smoke so strongly, that it comes out at their mouths and noses, and operates power- fully to expel the humors. (Le Moyne, 1875, pp. 8-9 (illus.) ; Swanton, 1922, p. 386.) Spark: The Floridians when they trauell, haue a kinde of herbe dried, who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbe put together doe sucke thorow the cane and smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they liue foure or fiue dayes without meat or drinke, and this all the Frenchmen vysed for this purpose; yet do they hold opinion withall, that it causeth water & fleame to void from their stomacks. (Hak- luyt, 1847-89, vol. 3, p. 615; Swanton, 1922, p. 360.) Barlowe (1584) noted tobacco growing along with corn in the fields of the Algonquian Indians of North Carolina (Burrage, 1906, p. 292), and Hariot describes the use of it at some length: There is an herbe which is sowed a part of it selfe & is called by the inhabitants Vppé6woc: In the West Indies it hath diuers names, according to the seuerall places & Countries where it groweth and is vsed: The Spaniardes generally call it Tobacco. The leaues thereof being dried and brought into powder: they vse to take the fume or smoke thereof by sucking it through pipes made of claie into their stomacke and heade; from whence it purgeth superfluous fleame & other grosse humors, openeth all the pores & passages of the body: by which meanes the vse thereof not only preserueth the body from obstructions; but also if any be, so that they haue not beene of too long continuance, in short time breaketh them: whereby their bodies are notably preserued in health, & know not many greeuous diseases wherewithall wee in England are oftentimes afflicted. This Vppéwoc is of so precious estimation amongest them, that they thinke their gods are maruelously delighted therewith: Wherupon sometimes they make hallowed fires & cast some of the pouder therein for a sacrifice: being in a storme vppon the waters, to pacifie theyr gods, they cast some yp into the aire and into the water: so a weare for fish being newly set vp, they cast some into the aire: also after an escape of danger, they cast some into the aire likewise: but all done 26a See, however, Chicora ceremony on page 759. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 383 with strange gestures, stamping, sometimes dauncing, clapping of hands, holding vp of hands, & staring vp into the heauens, yvttering therewithal and chattering strange words & noises. We our selues during the time we were there used to suck it after their maner, as also since our returne, & haue found manie rare and wonderful ex- periments of the vertues thereof; of which the relation woulde require a volume by it selfe: the vse of it by so manie of late, men & women of great calling as else, and some learned Phisitions also, is sufficient witnes. (Hariot, 1893, pp. 25-26.) Thus, it was highly esteemed in connection with religious rites, but neither Hariot nor the later Virginia writers assign it any place in the social and political life of the tribes. Percy (1607) was conducted by a Powhatan Indian to the Wood side, where there was a Garden of Tobacco and other fruits and herbes. He gathered Tobacco, and distributed to every one of us. (Percy in Tyler, 1884 ed., p. 16.) Smith (1884 ed., pp. 112-113) found that it was offered to the spirits on altars or thrown into the water, and learned that it was supposed to grow in the world of the dead. Strachey is our only Virginia in- formant who describes it at length: There is here great store of tobaceo, which the salvages call apooke; howbeit yt is not of the best kynd, yt is but poore and weake, and of a byting tast, yt growes not fully a yard above ground, bearing a little yellow flower, like to hennebane, the leaves are short and thick, somewhat round at the upper end; whereas the best tobacco of Trynidado and the Oronoque is large, sharpe, and growing two or three yardes from the ground, bearing a flower of the bredth of our bell-flowers in England: the salvages here dry the leaves of this apooke over the fier, and sometymes in the sun, and crumble yt into poulder, stalks, leaves, and all, taking the same in pipes of earth, which very ingeniously they can make. We observe that those Indians which have one, two, or more women, take much,—but such as yet have no appropriate woman take little or none at all. (Strachey, 1849, pp. 121-122.) The native tobacco was Nicotiana rustica, inferior to the West Indian varieties, as Strachey states, which rapidly replaced it for all except ceremonial use. Beverley tells us that by the end of the seven- teenth century the Indians of Virginia were depending mainly upon the English for their ordinary smoking tobacco: How the Indians order’d their Tobacco, I am not certain, they now depending chiefly upon the English, for what they smoak: But I am inform’d, they used to let it all run to Seed, only succouring the Leaves, to keep the Sprouts from growing upon, and starving them; and when it was ripe, they pull’d off the Leaves, cured them in the Sun, and laid them up for Use. But the Planters make a heavy Bustle with it now, and can’t please the Market neither. (Beverley, 1705, bk. 2, p. 30.) Lawson contributes the following regarding the use of tobacco among the Indians immediately southwest of the Algonquian terri- tories: 384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 Their teeth are yellow with smoking tobacco, which both men and women are much addicted to. They tell us that they had tobacco amongst them before the Europeans made any discovery of that continent. It differs in the leaf from the sweet scented, and Oroonoko, which are the plants we raise and cutivate in America. Theirs differs likewise much in the smell, when green, from our tobacco before cured. They do not use the same way to cure it as we do, and therefore the difference must be very considerable in taste; for all men that know tobacco must allow that it is the ordering thereof which gives a hogoo to that weed rather than any natural relish it possesses when green. Although they are great smokers, yet they never are seen to take it in snuff or chew it. (Lawson, 1860, p. 283.) The native tobacco (WVicotiana rustica) was cultivated by the Chero- kee and occupied, and still occupies, an important position in the cere- monial life of the tribe and in the native pharmacopoea, but Timber- lake (Williams ed., 1927, p. 69) may very well be right when he inti- mates that relatively little time was devoted to the care of it. The same impression has been conveyed to the writer regarding the position of the old native tobacco among the Creeks, the hitci pakpagi as it is called, a shortened form of hitci atculi pakpagi, “blossom of the ancient people’s tobacco.” This was a common ingredient of their medicines. It was used as a “foundation” for their busk medi- cines, that is, leaves of it were put into the pot before the other medicines were added. Some of it was often laid in the post holes when new cabins were erected in a Square Ground. In particular, it was a Specific against ghosts. At an earlier period it may have been the favorite smoking tobacco, but it has now been replaced so long by the superior tobaccos of the white men, that this has been forgotten, and there is no evidence that it has been used in historic times in the ceremonial smoking in connection with assemblies for religious or social purposes. The Tukabahchee believed that the first tobacco plant was found springing from the grave of one of a group of supernatural culture heroes called Ispokogi. The position of tobacco among the Chickasaw appears to have been a replica of that it held with the Creeks. An old prophet of that nation informed Adair that the eating of green tobacco leaves, prob- ably of the native tobacco, was among the rites he had undergone in the interest of his people (Adair, 1775, p. 93). Before the new fire was lighted at the great annual ceremony, the high priest, this writer tells us, “puts a few roots of the button-snake-root, with some green leaves of an uncommon small sort of tobacco, and a little of the new fruits, at the bottom of the fire-place” (Adair, 1775, p. 106). Without specifying the kind of tobacco, Romans says of the Choctaw : They raise some tobacco, and even sell some to the traders, but when they use it for Ssmoaking they mix it with the leaves of the two species of the Car- Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 385 jiaria [Rhus coriaria, sumac] or of the Liquidambar styracistua [Liquidambar styraciflua, sweetgum] dried and rubbed to pieces. (Romans, 1775, p. 47.) The use of sumac leaves was universal in the Southeast as an adulterant of tobacco, but I have usually been told that it was the leaves of the smooth sumac (Rhus glabra) that were thus employed, except in connection with medicine ceremonies. The above is the only notice I have come upon of the use of sweetgum leaves. Du Pratz gives us the following account of tobacco as used by Indians along the lower Mississippi in the early years of the eighteenth century : The tobacco which has been found among the natives of Louisiana appears also to be native to the country, since their ancient word [tradition] teaches us that in all times they have made use of the calumet in their treaties of peace and in their embassages, the principal usage of which is that the depu- ties of the two nations smoke it together, The tobacco native to the country is very large. Its stalk, when it is allowed to go to seed, grows to a height of 5% and 6 feet. The lower part of the stem is at least 18 lines in diameter and its leaves are often almost 2 feet long. Its leaf is thick and fleshy. Its sap is pungent, but it never disturbs one’s head. The tobacco of Virginia has a broader, but shorter leaf. Its stem is not so large and does not grow nearly as high. Its odor is not disagreeable, but it has less pungency. It requires more stems to the pound, because its leaf is thin- ner and not so fleshy as the native variety, a fact I proved at Natchez where I tried the two kinds. That which is cultivated in lower Louisiana is smaller and has less pungency. What is grown in the islands (the West Indies) is more slender than that of Louisiana, but it has more pungency, which gives one headache. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 3, pp. 860-361; Swanton, 1911, p. 79.) He has the following regarding the leaves with which this was diluted : The Machonctchi, or vinegar tree, is a shrub, the leaves of which somewhat resemble those of the ash, but the stem to which these leaves hang is much longer. When these leaves are dried the natives mix them with tobacco, to temper it, because in smoking they do not care to have the tobacco so strong. (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 2, p. 45.) Machonctchi is the Mobilian and Choctaw word bashOd’nkchi, the sumac which bears the purple bud, and the use of its dried leaves as tobacco is still remembered. The only other species of sumac recog- nized by the Choctaw is called bati. An infusion of its roots is used as a remedy for sore mouth. Dumont de Montigny also has a note regarding the use of the first- mentioned sumac: He says: They mix the tobacco with the leaves of a little shrub which is called the sumac (vinaigrier), whether to reduce the strength of the first or because formerly they made use of this last in lieu of tobacco. The two now mingled and chopped together are called among them feningue. (Dumont, 17538, vol. 1, p. 189; Swan- ton, 1911, p. 79.) 464735—46——26 386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bune. 137 As to the method of smoking, Dumont remarks: All the savages are in general very fond of tobacco smoke. They are often seen to swallow 10 or 12 mouthfuls in succession, which they keep in their stomachs without being inconvenienced after they have ceased to draw, and give up this smoke many successive times, partly through the mouth and partly through the nose. [Dumont, 1753, vol. 1, p. 189; Swanton, 1911, p. 79.] The size attributed by Du Pratz to the native Louisiana tobacco plant occasions some doubt as to whether it was really obtained from the Indians of that section, as he supposes. The plant attributed to lower Louisiana corresponds more nearly to the Vicotiana rustica. In order to induce insensibility, pellets of tobacco were swallowed by Natchez men and women about to be strangled to accompany the spirit of a dead member of the Sun caste. From most of the other tribes along the lower Mississippi we learn little more regarding tobacco than the bare fact that it was used in connection with the calumet in the conduct of intertribal business. The Caddo offered tobacco and hominy to the scalps they had taken. In 1687 the calumet ceremony had reached the Cahinnio of southern Arkansas, but had not extended to other Caddo tribes. The brevity of time covered by tribal memory is well illustrated in the fact that there was no calumet ceremony on the lower Mississippi in 1548, while in 1725 the “ancient word” of the Natchez taught “that in all times they have made use of the calumet in their treaties of peace and in their embassages” (Le Page du Pratz, 1758, vol. 3, pp. 360-361; Swan- ton, 1911, p. 79). HOUSING (Plates 57-63) TYPES OF BUILDINGS Two principal types of dwelling houses were found in the South- east, the circular house, often called by traders “hot house,” which was particularly adapted to winter residence, and the less closely constructed rectangular summer house. A very good general idea of these houses is given by Elvas: | Throughout the cold lands each of the Indians has his house for the winter plastered inside and out. They shut the very small door at night and build a fire inside the house so that it gets as hot as an oven, and stays so all night long so that there is no need of clothing. Beside those houses they have others for summer with kitchens near by where they build their fires and bake their bread. ... The difference between the houses of the lords or principal men and the others is that besides being larger they have large balconies in front and below seats resembling benches made of canes; and round about many large barbacoas in which they gather together the tribute paid them by their Indians, which consists of maize and deerskins and native blankets resembling shawls, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 387 some being made of the inner bark of trees and some from a plant like daffo- dils which when pounded remains like flax. (Robertson, 1933, pp. 75-76.) Taking up the winter house first, the type which seems to have been most widely spread, we cannot do better than cite, in addition to the above, Adair’s excellent description from his observations among the Chickasaw : The clothing of the Indians being very light, they provide themselves for the winter with hot-houses, whose properties are to retain, and reflect the heat, after the manner of the Dutch stoves. To raise these, they fix deep in the ground, a sufficient number of strong forked posts, at a proportional distance, in a circular form, all of an equal height, about five or six feet above the sur- face of the ground: above these, they tie very securely large pieces of the heart of white oak, which are of a tough flexible nature, interweaving this orbit, from top to bottom, with pieces of the same, or the like timber. Then, in the middle of the fabric they fix very deep in the ground, four large pine posts, in a quadrangular form, notched a-top, on which they lay a number of heavy logs, let into each other, and rounding gradually to the top. Above this huge pile, to the very top, they lay a number of long dry poles, all properly notched, to keep strong hold of the under posts and wall-plate. Then they weave them thick with their split sapplings, and daub them all over about six or seven inches thick with tough clay, well mixt with withered grass; when this cement is half dried, they thatch the house with the longest sort of dry grass, that their land produces. They first lay on one round tier, placing a split sapling a-top, well tied to the different parts of the under pieces of timber, about fifteen inches below the eave: and, in this manner, they proceed circularly to the very spire, where commonly a pole is fixed, that displays on the top the figure of a large carved eagle. At a small distance below which, four heavy logs are strongly tied together across, in a quadrangular form, in order to secure the roof from the power of envious blasts. The door of this winter palace, is commonly about four feet high, and so narrow as not to admit two to enter it abreast, with a winding passage for the space of six or seven feet, to secure themselves both from the power of the bleak winds, and of an in- vading enemy. As they usually build on rising ground, the floor is often a yard lower than the earth, which serves them as a breast work against an enemy: and a small peeping window is level with the surface of the outside ground, to enable them to rake any lurking invaders in case of an attack. As they have no metal to reflect the heat; in the fall of the year, as soon as the sun begins to lose his warming power, some of the women make a large fire of dry wood, with which they chiefly provide themselves, but only from day to day, through their thoughtlessness of to-morrow. When the fire is a little more than half burnt down, they cover it over with ashes, and, as heat declines, they strike off some of the top embers, with a long cane, wherewith each of the couches, or broad seats, is constantly provided; and this method they pursue from time to time as need requires, till the fire is expended, which is commonly about day-light. While the new fire is burning down, the house, for want of windows and air, is full of hot smoky darkness; and all this time, a number of them lie on their broad bed places, with their heads wrapped up. The inside of their houses is furnished with genteel couches to sit, and lie upon, raised on four forks of timber of a proper height, to give the swarm- ing fleas some trouble in their attack, as they are not able to reach them at one spring: they tie with fine white oak splinters, a sufficient quantity of middle-sized canes of proper dimensions, to three or four bars of the same 388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 sort, which they fasten above the frame; and they put their mattresses a-top which are made of long cane splinters. Their bedding consists of the skins of wild beasts, such as of buffalo, panthers, bears, elks, and deer, which they dress with the hair on, as soft as velvet. (Adair, 1775, pp. 419-420.) Among the Chickasaw and many other Southeastern tribes the town house or “temple” was constructed after the same pattern. To quote Adair again: Every town has a large edifice, which with propriety may be called the mountain house, in comparison of those already described. But the only dif- ference between it, and the winter house or stove, is in its dimensions, and application. (Adair, 1775, p. 421.) Apparently houses of this type were used more widely than any others, but many Indians, including the Chickasaw, had a summer dwelling, as already mentioned in the quotation from Elvas. Re- verting to Adair: For their summer houses, they generally fix strong posts of pitch-pine deep in the ground, which will last for several ages. The trees of dried locust,” and sassafras, are likewise very durable. The posts are of an equal height; and the wall-plates are placed on top of these, in notches. Then they sink a large post in the center of each gable end, and another in the middle of the house where the partition is to be, in order to support the roof-tree; to these they tie the rafters with broad splinters of oak, or hiccory, unless they make choice of such long sapplings, as will reach from side to side over the ridge hole [pole?], which, with a proper notch in the middle of each of them, and bound as the other sort, lie very secure. Above those, they fix either split sapplings, or three large winter canes together, at proper dis- tances, well tied. Again, they place above the wall-plates of both sides the house, a sufficient number of strong crooks to bear up the eave-boards: and they fasten each of them, both to one of the rafters and the wall-plate, with the bandages before described. As the poplar tree is very soft, they make their eave-boards of it, with their small hatchets: having placed one on each side, upon the crooks, exceeding the length of the house, and jutting a foot beyond the wall, they cover the fabric with pine, or cypress clap-boards, which they can split readily; and crown the work with the bark of the same trees, all of a proper length and breadth, which they had before provided. In order to secure this covering from the force of the high winds, they put a sufficient number of long split sapplings above the covering of each side, from end to end, and tie them fast to the end of the laths. Then they place heavy logs above, resting on the eave-boards, opposite to each crook, which overlap each other on the opposite sides, about two feet a-top, whereon they fix a convenient log, and tie them together, as well as the laths to the former, which bind it together, and thus the fabric becomes a savage philosopher’s castle, the side and gables of which are bullet proof. The barrier towns cut port holes in those summer houses, daubing them over with clay, So as an enemy cannot discover them on the outside; they draw a circle round each of them in the inside of the house, and when they are attacked, they open their port holes in a trice, and fall to work. But those, that live more at ease, indulge themselves accordingly. (Adair, 1775, pp. 417-419.) 25 In another place Adair says ‘“‘the honeylocust.” Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 389 [Elsewhere he remarks that these houses were] whitewashed within and with- out, either with decayed oyster-shells, coarse-chalk, or white marly clay; one or the other of which, each of our Indian nations abound with, be they ever so far distant from the sea-shore: the Indians, as well as the traders, usually, decorate their summer-houses with this favorite white-wash. The former have likewise each a corn-house, fowl-house, and a hot-house, or stove for winter. (Adair, 1775, p. 413.) Thus each Chickasaw of consequence owned a group of dwellings, and the number seems to have been carried still further by the Creeks. The family hot houses of the Creeks were rectangular and consti- tuted one element in the system of buildings in the possession of each family group (Romans, 1775, p. 96), but the bad-weather ceremonial building owned by the town, the tcokofa or tcokofa-thlako, was al- most identical with the Chickasaw hot house. Hawkins has left us the following account of this: [The] Chooc-ofau thluc-co, the rotunda or assembly room, called by the traders, “hot house”... is near the square, and is constructed after the follow- ing manner: Hight posts are fixed in the ground, forming an octagon of thirty feet diameter. They are twelve feet high, and large enough to support the roof. On these, five or six logs are placed, of a side, drawn in as they rise. On these, long poles or rafters, to suit the height of the building, are laid, the upper ends forming a point, and the lower ends projecting out six feet from the octagon, and resting on posts five feet high, placed in a circle round the octagon, with plates on them, to which the rafters are tied with splits. The rafters are near together, and fastened with splits. These are covered with clay, and that with pine bark; the wall, six feet from the octagon, is clayed up; they have a small door into a small portico, curved round for five or six feet, then into the house. The space between the octagon and the wall, is one entire sopha, where the visitors lie or sit at pleasure. It is covered with reed, mat or splits. (Hawkins, 1848, p. 71.) The only differences seem to have been in the greater size of the Creek structure necessitating a main support of eight posts at the center instead of four, no mention of a carved eagle at the top, and the substitution of pine bark for grass as an outer covering. The hot house seen by Hitchcock at the great Tukabahchee town near the Canadian River, after the removal of the Creeks to the west of the Mississippi, was still larger: The most curious part of the preparation at the Square is at the West angle a few feet from the angle outside—the Round House. This is difficult to describe and considerable ingenuity has been employed in its erection. The main structure is supported upon twelve posts or pillars, one end sunk in the ground. They are disposed in a circle about 9 or 10 feet apart, making a space within of about 120 feet circumference in the centre of which, upon the ground is the sacred fire. The roof over this circle is a cone terminating in a point over the fire some 20 odd feet high. The rafters extend down from the apex of the cone beyond the twelve pillars, which are about eight feet high, to within four or five feet of the ground, which space, of four or five feet is enclosed 390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 137 entirely with earth—between the pillars and the extreme exterior, a space of several feet, are seats of mats, like those of the sheds. The manner of con- structing the roof is very remarkable for Indian work. Upon the alternate couples of the twelve pillars are first placed horizontal pieces—then upon the ends of these are placed other horizontal pieces between the other couples of pillars then another series of horizontal pieces resting upon the second set, but drawn within towards the centre of the circle a few inches. Upon these again are other pieces still more drawn in. There are four tiers of horizontal pieces thus placed upon each other. [Fig. 1.] a. b. e. d. are four of the twelve pillars; pieces are first laid upon a. Bb. and upon c. d. then a piece upon these and between b. c.. etc. These horizontal pieces are strongly bound together by leather thongs of green hide; it is evident they are of the nature of an arch. They are only carried up to the number of four suffi- cient for giving a direction and a foundation for the rafters, which are laid upon these extending up to a point in one direction and in the other direction over outside to near the ground. The rafters are strongly bound by thongs and covered with ordinary rived boards for shingles. There is but one small entrance to the house which is next towards the angle of the square adjacent to which the round house stands. (Hitchcock, 1930, pp. 114-115.) erent ate ee hf a a FiqurRE 1.—Structural detail of the roof of a Creek tcokofa from beneath (after Hitchcock). The hot house described by Swan, evidently that belonging to the Upper Creek town of Otciapofa, was 25 feet in diameter, and 25 in height, the outer wall being 6 feet high. There was but a single bed running round the wall inside. The house was covered with bark like the hot house described by Hawkins, and seems to have been the same as that in all other essentials. Bartram has not left us a minute description of any of the Creek tcokofas, but he tells us that the one attached to the Upper Creek town of Atasi was identical in construction with a Cherokee council house, which he had dwelt upon earlier in his Travels, except that it was much larger—larger he seems to imply than any other known to him. That it was larger than any we have considered is indicated by the fact that the roof was supported by a central post and in addition 3 concentric rows of wooden pillars (Bartram, 1791, pp. 452-455). In the plan of a rotunda given in his Observations on the Creek and Cherokee Indians (fig. 2) (Bartram, 1909, p. 54), he evidently has this rotunda in mind. This shows 3 beds, or tiers of beds around the wall, Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 391 ae FicurbB 2.—Plan of Creek ceremonial ground as given by Wm. Bartram. A, Square Ground ; B, tcokofa or town “hot house’’; C, chunk yard. a row of 25 posts flush with the front of the bed nearest the wall, a row of 14 along the front edge of the lowest bed, the one nearest the cen- ter of the building, and a row of 8 in the open space in front of these surrounding a central pillar. It is not likely that Bartram counted all of the posts in each row. The 8 in the inner row very likely represent the result of an exact computation, but it is quite possible that the number in each of the other rows was also divisible by 4, perhaps 16 in one case and 24 in the other. But it is not necessary that the sacred number 4 be carried into the less conspicuous details of the structure. In a letter written at Camp Armstrong, Chatahoocha, November 26, 1813, an officer in Floyd’s army thus describes the square and hot house of a Lower Creek town, probably Kasihta or Coweta: These people have great ideas of grandure they have at this place a small fort built of poles which a strong man could pull up, in this fort is their square where they hold talks there are four houses fronting each other the front open something like a piasar where the chiefs set agreeable to rank, in these houses are deposited 392 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 137 their relics, & scalps. The town house is a large building built round at the botom for three or four feet high out of sticks & mud with large post[s] of the same hight which support a plate. Inside of this wall is other large post[s] set round which support other plates on which two rest the rafters. On the last plates rest a large beam which supports another large post in the center against which rest the remainder of the rafters so as to bring the roof to a point in a conical form. On these rafters are tied small lathes which support the bark of which the roof is made. ‘There is only one door which makes it as dark as midnight.” This house is remembered by the Alabama, who called it ha’sse ica’, “grass house,” because it was covered with grass, and by the Creeks of Oklahoma, who called it teoko’fa. Jackson Lewis said that the Creek hot house was made with a circular floor-plan and a roof converging to a point at the top. It was daubed outside and in with clay and made very tight. In the center they dug a hole for the fire, but all the rest of the space inside was floored with a kind of tough clay obtained for that very purpose and patted down so that it never got dusty. They either constructed beds around the inside of the house or else lay down on skins on the floor around near the walls. For the fire they procured round pieces of wood of kinds that would make the least smoke. What smoke was produced rose to the roof, leaving the air below comparatively clear, and as the fire died down a bed of live coals was left, renewed from time to time by raking, which warmed the house up very well. The door was about 4 feet high and was either on the south or the east. This was a sort of refuge in very severe winter weather. Pumpkins, sweetpotatoes, berries, etc., were stored in these houses for fear of frost. Plate 59, figure 1, shows the type of structure used in the Alabama ceremonial ground in the eighteenth century, no doubt typical of the Creek structures of this type during the period. The system of dwellings used by Creek families was of a type em- ployed elsewhere exclusively in summer, and is said to have been modeled on the plan of the Square Ground, as Bartram indicates in the following description (see fig. 3) : The dwellings of the Upper Creeks [including according to the usage of all other writers the Upper and Lower Creeks] consist of little squares, or rather of four dwelling-houses inclosing a Square area, exactly on the plan of the Public Square. Every family, however, has not four of these houses; some have but three, others not more than two, and some but one, according to the circumstances of the individual, or the number of his family. Those who have four buildings have a particular use for each building. One serves as a cook- room and winter lodging-house, another as a summer lodging-house and hall for receiving visitors, and a third for a granary or provision house, etc. The last is commonly two stories high, and divided into two apartments, transversely, the lower story of one end being a potato house, for keeping such other roots and fruits as require to be kept close, or defended from cold in winter. The 2° Copy of ms. obtained through the courtesy of Dr. Charles C. Harrold, of Macon, Ga. Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 393 chamber over it is the council. At the other end of the building, both upper and lower stories are open on their sides: the lower story serves for a shed for their saddles, pack-saddles, and gears, and other lumber; the loft over it is a very spacious, airy, pleasant pavilion, where the chief of the family reposes in the hot seasons, and receives his guests, ete. The fourth house (which com- pletes the square) is a skin or ware-house, if the proprietor is a wealthy man, and engaged in trade or traffic, where he keeps his deer-skins, furs, merchandise, etc., and treats his customers. Smaller or less wealthy families make one, two, or three houses serve all their purposes as well as they can. (Bartram, 1909, pp. 55-56.) : 1 ET Pe ae eh aq 8 =] - | Ly rl co H Cc onal ge eae aie | apray Angie Sigapoh ene west tole ba od ee = tl ss | \ fini : ~vF to0...! — ae a m...!. ASH Boys. O08 x : U ty Huitak oC. of. a ! >a A es 288 ; * 3 ; =. ooeecece een sepa quaee, on gucks sthunaed bo “ft << . 2 eer : : ia peer Pad, ak zoloiatnbes Akevonds ofen OAL cxtqaigy fur’ 3) Fates sgt ence snect es mee j ei ‘wd : Ra ° > ° . 5 ° ; = S° ; : ST of i : : be aor ¢ i ‘ a7 iG ; aa ste vege ed sion! Esiodg oh) ug, cath Bags sp é : ‘ ’ — = sn % : pre easthe siinti: : r i FicurB 3.—Plan of Creek ceremonial ground and its position in a Creek town, as given by Wm, Bartram. A, tcokofa or town “hot house’; B, Square Ground; OQ, chunk yard. Thus the winter house of the Creeks was built like the summer house, and these two and the corncrib or granary formed three sides of a square to which a warehouse was sometimes added in order to complete it. These private dwellings were patterned after the ceremonial square, or else the ceremonial square was patterned after them. We shall probably never know which. At any rate both conformed to a strictly Creek pattern, the town hot house representing another type of dwelling and either a survival from an earlier style or one adopted from their neighbors. In another place the same writer has the following note regarding the houses of the Upper Creek town of Kolomi: The plain is narrow where the town is built: their houses are neat commodious buildings, a wooden frame with plastered walls, and roofed with Cypress bark 394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 137 or shingles; every habitation consists of four oblong square houses, of one story, of the same form and dimensions, and So situated as to form an exact square, encompassing an area or court yard of about a quarter of an acre of ground, leaving an entrance into it at each corner. (Bartram, 1792, pp. 394-395.) Of the Yuchi town on Chattahoochee River, in the Lower Creek country he remarks: The walls of the houses are constructed of a wooden frame, then lathed and plastered inside and out with a reddish well tempered clay or mortar, which gives them the appearance of red brick walls; and these houses are neatly covered or roofed with Cypress bark or shingles of that tree. (Bartram, 1792, p. 886.) By 1790, only a few years after the time of Bartram, some Creek houses had undergone considerable alterations which Swan illustrates for us in connection with the report of his expedition to the Creek country, the drawing itself having been made by J. C. Tidball, U.S. A. Swan describes this as “The Creek house in its best state of native im- provement in 1790” (pl. 58). This has a chimney and at least one window. It appears from Swan’s text, however, that most of the dwellings were still of a very much more primitive type: The houses they occupy are but pitiful small huts, commonly from twelve to eighteen or twenty feet long, and from ten to fifteen feet wide; the floors are of earth; the walls, six, seven, and eight feet high, supported by poles driven into the ground, and lathed across with canes tied slightly on, and filled in with clay, which they always dig for, and find near the spot whereon they build. The roofs are pitched from a ridge pole near the centre, which is covered with large tufts of the bark of trees. The roofs are covered with four or five layers of rough shingles, laid upon rafters of round poles, the whole secured on the outside from being blown away, by long heavy poles laid across them, and tied with bark or withes at each end of the house. In putting on these curious roofs, they seem to observe an uniformity in all their different towns; which, upon the approach of a stranger, exhibit a grotesque appearance of rudeness, not so easily to be described with the pen, as it might be with the pencil. The chimneys are made of poles and clay, and are built up at one end, and on the outside of the houses. On each side of the fire-place, they have small cane-racks or platforms, with skins whereon they sleep; but many of them, too lazy to make these plat- forms, sleep on the floor, in the midst of much dirt. They have but one door at the side and near the centre of the house; this, although nothing remains inside to be stolen, is barricaded by large heavy pieces of wood, whenever they quit the house to go out a hunting. Their houses being but slightly made, seldom resist the weather more than one or two years, before they fall to pieces. They then erect new ones, on new plots of ground; thus, by continually shifting from one place to another, the bulk of some of their largest towns are removed three or four miles from where they stood three or four years before, and no vestiges remain of their former habitations. (Swan, 1855, pp. 692-693. ) While related to the old summer house, in certain features the house erected in modern times by the Alabama Indians is also remi- niscent of the Choctaw summer dwelling to be mentioned presently. This was described to me as follows: Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 395 The ground plan was rectangular, with a door in the middle of one of the long sides and sometimes a door in the middle of the opposite side as well. The size and shape were outlined by means of seven or eight pine uprights, one at each corner, and the others in the middle of the back and at either side of the door or doors. If there was but one door, a single post was set up in the middle of the oppo- site side. The house is said to have faced in any direction, but this is almost certainly a modern innovation. The tops of the uprights all around were connected by means of horizontal poles tied with baksha (bass cord), and poles of the same kind were fastened half way up, except, of course, across the doorways. Just outside of these were placed the wall planks standing on end, and they were woven together and to the horizontals by means of a pair of cords woven in and out from one end to the other. The gable ends above the eaves were closed by means of a number of boards laid horizontally and fastened at the ends and to a single upright pole at the middle. The space over the door was closed with a single horizontally placed board. The boards employed were thick, and sometimes halved logs were used instead. The skeleton of the roof consisted of about eight rafters on a side, including those at the ends. Over these were laid a number of horizontal strips, thirteen in the house my informant had in mind, and over these were laid thin slabs of pinelike shingles, their centers being laid on the horizontal strips at their centers. Nowadays such slabs are nailed in place, but anciently they were fastened by means of slender poles along the upper sides, which were tied to them and to the strips beneath and the rafters at their extremities. Between the rafters inside crosspieces are now added, but this is a modern innovation. In the roof at either end was a smoke-hole (oi’ha), one to let the fresh air in, the other to let the smoke out. The floor was the natural soil. The door was made of a single plank or of two or more fastened side by side and swung on leather hinges, sometimes inward, sometimes outward. The later Creek house in Oklahoma was rectangular, the sides being made of split logs, and the interstices filled with clay mixed with grass. In 1819-21 the missionary Hodgson saw some “rude dwellings” among the Lower Creeks “formed of four upright sap- lings, and a rough covering of pine-bark, which they strip from the trees with a neatness and rapidity which we could not imitate” (Hodgson, 1823, p. 264). As might have been anticipated, the houses of the Seminole re- sembled those of the Creeks, but, these Indians being scattered about im smaller bodies and moving more frequently, neither their private nor their public structures were as elaborate. Bartram says of them: They have neither the Chunky-Yard nor Rotunda, and the Public Square is an imperfect one, having but two or three houses at furtherest ... Their pri- 396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 137 vate habitations consist generally of two buildings: one a large oblong house, which serves for a cook-room, eating-house, and lodging-rooms, in three apart- ments under one roof; the other not quite so large, which is situated eight er ten yards distant, one end opposite the principal house. This is two stories high, of the same construction, and serving the same purpose with the granary or provision house of the Creeks. (Bartram, 1909, p. 56.) This description is based largely on his observation of the houses composing Cuscowilla, a newly established town belonging to the Oconee and one of the oldest Seminole settlements of consequence. In his Travels he thus describes the town: The town of Cuscowilla, which is the capital of the Alachua tribe, contains about thirty habitations, each of which consists of two houses nearly the same size, about thirty feet in length, twelve feet wide, and about the same in height. The door is placed midway on one side or in the front. This house is divided equally, across into two apartments, one of which is the cook room and common hall, and the other the lodging room. The other house is nearly of the same dimensions, standing about twenty yards from the dwelling house, its end fronting the door. This building is two stories high, and constructed in a different manner. It is divided trans- versely, as the other, but the end next the dwelling house is open on three sides, supported on posts or pillars. It has an open loft or platform, the ascent to which is by a portable stair or ladder: this is a pleasant, cool, airy situation, and here the master or chief of the family retires to repose in the hot seasons, and receives his guests or visitors. The other half of this build- ing is closed on all sides by notched logs; the lowest or ground part is a potato house, and the upper story over it a granary for corn and other provi- sions. Their houses are constructed of a kind of frame. Im the first place, strong corner pillars are fixed in the ground, with others somewhat less, rang- ing on a line between; these are strengthened by cross pieces of timber, and the whole with the roof is covered close with the bark of the Cypress tree. The dwelling stands near the middle of a square yard, encompassed by a low bank, formed with the earth taken out of the yard, which is always carefully swept. Their towns are clean, the inhabitants being particular in laying their filth at a proper distance from their dwellings, which undoubtedly contrib- utes to the healthiness of their habitations. (Bartram, 1791, pp. 189-190.) The same writer describes the house of a Seminole chief called “the Bosten or Boatswain by the traders” as follows (fig. 4) : It was composed of three oblong uniform frame buildings [e], and a fourth, foure-square [a], fronting the principal house or common hall, after this manner, encompassing one area [A]. The hall was his lodginghouse, large and commodi- ous ; the two wings were, one a cook-house, the other a skin or ware-house; and the large square One was a vast open pavilion, supporting a canopy of cedar roof by two rows of columns or pillars, one within the other. Between each range of pillars was a platform, or what the traders call cabins, a sort of sofa raised about two feet above the common ground, and ascended by two steps; this was covered with checkered mats of curious manufacture, woven of splints of canes dyed of different colors; the middle was a four-square stage or plat- form, raised nine inches or a foot higher than the cabins or sofas, and also covered with mats. (Bartram, 1909, pp. 37-38.) Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 397 Ficgurp 4.—Ground plan of the house of a Seminole Indian called by the traders Bosten or Boatswain (after Bartram). As we follow house architecture toward the south, we observe the appearance of open pavilions or arbors possibly related to or displac- ing the summer house, and in southern Florida in MacCauley’s time (1880) among the Seminole still left in the peninsula, they had taken the place of all other types of dwellings (pl. 60). This house is approximately 16 by 9 feet in ground measurement, made almost altogether, if not wholly, of materials taken from the palmetto tree. It is actually but a platform elevated about three feet from the ground and covered with a palmetto thatched roof, the roof being not more than 12 feet above the ground at the ridge pole, or 7 at the eaves. Hight upright palmetto logs, unsplit and undressed, support the roof. Many rafters sustain the palmetto thatching. The platform is composed of split palmetto logs lying transversely, flat sides up, upon beams which extend the length of the building and are lashed to the uprights by palmetto ropes, thongs, or trader’s ropes. This platform is peculiar, in that it fills the interior of the building like a floor and serves to furnish the family with a dry sitting or lying down place when, as often happens, the whole region is under water. The thatching of the roof is quite a work of art: inside, the regu- larity and compactness of the laying of the leaves display much skill and taste on the part of the builder; outside—with the outer layers there seems to have been much less care taken than with those within—the mass of leaves of which the roof is composed is held in place and made firm by heavy iogs, which, bound together in pairs, are laid upon it astride the ridge. The covering is, I was in- formed, watertight and durable and will resist even a violent wind. Only hurri- canes can tear it off, and these are so infrequent in Southern Florida that no at- tempt is made to provide against them. The Seminole’s house is open on all sides and without rooms. It is, in fact, only a covered platform. The single equivalent for a room in it is the space above the joists which are extended across the building at the lower edges of the roof. In this are placed surplus food and general household effects out of use from time to time. Household utensils are usually suspended from the uprights 398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 137 of the building and from pronged sticks driven into the ground near by at con- venient places. From this description the Seminole’s house may seem a poor kind of structure to use as a dwelling; yet if we take into account the climate of Southern Florida nothing more would seem to be necessary. A shelter from the hot sun and the fre- quent rains and a dry floor above the damp or water covered ground are sufficient for the Florida Indian’s needs. I-ful-lo-ha-tco’s three houses are placed at three corners of an oblong clearing, which is perhaps 40 by 30 feet. At the fourth corner is the entrance into the garden, which is in shape an ellipse, the longer diameter being about 25 feet. The three houses are alike, with the exception that in one of them the elevated platform is only half the size of those of the others. The difference seems to have been made on account of the camp fire. The fire usually burns in the space around which the buildings stand. During the wet season, however, it is moved into the sheltered floor in the building having the half platform. At Tus-ko-na’s camp, where several families are gathered, I noticed one building without the interior platform. This was probably the wet weather kitchen. To all appearance there is no privacy in these open houses. The only means by which it seems to be secured is by suspending, over where one sleeps, a eanopy of thin cotton cloth or calico, made square or oblong in shape, and nearly three feet in height. This serves a double use, as a private room and as a protection against gnats and mosquitoes. But while I-ful-lo-ha-tco’s house is a fair example of the kind of dwelling in use throughout the tribe, I may not pass unnoticed some innovations which have lately been made upon the general style. There are, I understand, five inclosed houses, which were built and are owned by Florida Indians. Four of these are covered with split cypress planks or slabs; one is constructed of logs. (MacCauley, 1887, pp. 500-501.) It seems that one Indian had also built a house after the white man’s pattern, and in the northernmost band of Seminole, the Catfish Lake Indians, on Horse Creek, MacCauley found a somewhat differ- ent type of dwelling of a less permanent character (pl. 59, fig. 2). In 1910 Skinner found the typical Seminole house to be of the fol- lowing character: The typical Seminole lodge is a pent roof of palmetto thatch raised over several platforms on which the occupants sit or recline. There are no Sides, since the Everglades and the Big Cypress are so far below the frost-line that the atmosphere is rarely cold, and the protection from the rain afforded by the closely thatched roofs with their wide projecting eaves is all that is necessary. The lodges average fifteen feet by twelve, but vary greatly in size. They are made of cypress logs nailed or lashed together. A few houses have a raised floor throughout, giving the appearance of a pile-dwelling. (Skinner, 1918, p. 76.) Skinner thus describes the “cook-house” and the “eating-house” of the Seminole, the former apparently a late local institution, the latter a direct descendant of the old public house of the north though its construction has been completely altered owing to the difference in climate: Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 399 In the center of this space (on which the village was built) is the cook- house, in which a fire is constantly burning. It is kept up in a curious way. Large cypress logs are cut and laid under the cook-house, radiating from a common center like the spokes of a wheel. At the “hub” the fire is lighted, and as the wood burns it is constantly shoved inward and hence never needs to be cut into lengths. At this fire, the only one in the camp, the women cook for the entire village... . One of the houses of the village (usually the largest one) is reserved for eating, and here food, generally sofki, venison, biscuits of cornbread and cof- fee, is always ready for the hungry. Twice a day, in the morning and eve- ning, the Seminole have regular meals, but eating between times is a constant practice. At meal-time the men and boys enter this common lodge. Under the pent roof of thatch are arranged several platforms, raised a few feet from the floor by means of stakes driven in the ground, and entirely independent of the supporting beams of the house. The largest of these scaffolds is the din- ing table, and on it squat the Indians about the sofki bowl... . Every eating-house is also a guest house. Strangers or visitors arriving at a camp go directly to this lodge, and food is brought them at once by the women. When they have eaten, or while they are doing so, the men come over and ques- tion them, if they are strangers, as to their purpose in coming to the camp. If they appear to be friendly, they are allowed to remain in the eating-house as long as they stay incamp. (Skinner, 1913, pp. 70-71.) The house covered with cypress bark which Speck’s Yuchi inform- ants remembered to have been used at an earlier period was, I think, the hot house rather than a house of Algonquian type, as he supposed. The later Yuchi house was similar to that of the Creeks generally and to that of many of the poor whites. Speck’s description of the sum- mer camps, and those put up around the ceremonial ground during the busk is exceptionally good and applies equally to the Creeks. These were open-sided structures and he says of them: With some families this open-sided structure is merely a shade arbor, and no care seems to be given to its appearance. But with others it serves as the dwelling upon occasions and is fitted out and furnished with some semblance of permanent occupancy. During the annual tribal ceremony of the corn harvest, when the assemblage of families is largest, these structures may be best seen. The following descriptions of these temporary dwellings, in which are preserved earlier forms of architecture, are based upon observations made at such times. To begin with, the camp shelters, as they are commonly called, are scattered irregularly about, in no wise forming a camp circle such as is found on the Plains or a camp square like that of the Chickasaw. They are left standing after they have served once, and are reoccupied by the owners when they return to the place where the ceremonial gatherings are held. The ground space covered by a lodge of this sort varies somewhat, but may be said to be in general about sixteen feet by eighteen. The floor is simply the earth. Branches of oak with the leaves compose the roof. Eight feet above the ground is a common height for this dense screen of leaves. The branches themselves are supported by cross poles resting on stout horizontal end pieces or beams. In the support of these beams, lodge builders employ different devices. One of these, and perhaps the commonest, is the simple formed or crotched post. When trees happen to be handy, however, a modification has 400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuw. 137 been observed in the roof support which shows a rather clever adaptation of the material at hand to suit the occasion. In such a case standing trees take the place of sunken posts, and forked posts with the beams resting in the crotch are leaned against them. ... The general ground plan of these camp Shelters is square... They usually stand east of the entrance to the tent. In the center of the ground space blankets, skins and other materials to make comfort are strewn, and here the people eat, lounge and sleep. In one corner is a square storage scaf- fold or shelf elevated about five feet above the ground. This is floored with straight sticks resting upon cross pieces which in turn are supported by uprights in the floor. On this scaffold is a heterogeneous pile of household utensils and property. Ball sticks, weapons, baskets, clothing, harness, blankets and in fact nearly everything not in immediate use is all packed away here out of reach of dogs and children. Out from under the roof to one side is the fireplace. [Accom- panied by three illustrations in the original.] (Speck, 1909, pp. 39-40.) By 1854 the common Chickasaw house had taken on a two-part type common in certain sections of Oklahoma down to the present day. W. B. Parker, who accompanied Capt. R, B. Marcy in his expedition through the Indian country in the summer and fall of 1854, thus de- scribes it: The style of building among this people is peculiar; two Square pens are put up with logs, and roofed or thatched. 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Yet I know one man who made his escape from them, though they had thus disabled him, as you may see in my journal. The Indians ground their wars on enmity, not on interest, as the Europeans generally do; for the loss of the meanest person in the nation, they will go to war and lay all at stake, and prosecute their designs to the utmost, till the nation they were injured by, be wholly destroyed, or make them that satisfaction which they demand. They are very politic in waging and carrying on their war: first, by advising with all the ancient men of conduct and reason, that belong to their nation ; such as superannuated war captains, and those that have been counsellors for many years, and whose advice has commonly succeeded very well. They have likewise their field counsellors, who are accustomed to ambuscades and surprises, which methods are constantly used by the savages, for I scarce ever heard of a field battle fought amongst them. (Lawson, 1860, pp. 321-3823; copied by Catesby, 1731-48, vol. 2, p. xtII.) He then gives an account of a stratagem by means of which a rela- tively weak war party overcame a stronger body, namely, by lighting a great fire and laying logs of wood about it wrapped up in such a way astoresemble men asleep. Thinking to surprise them, the attack- ing party was itself surprised and killed or captured. As the same device is said to have been used by the Creek Indians in overcoming a large Apalachee war party, it is possibly a war legend. Lawson also cites the treacherous manner in which the Machapunga destroyed the Coranine Indians of Point Lookout with whom they had just made peace (Lawson, 1860, p. 825). This seems to have been one of those disturbances in the interest of British slave trade which too often accompanied the advance of white civilization. Catesby adds: A body of Indians will travel four or five hundred miles to surprise a town of their enemies, travelling by night only, for some days before they approach the town. Their usual time of attack is at break of day, when, if they are not discovered, they fall on with dreadful slaughter, and scalping, which is to cut off the skins of the crown from the temples, and taking the whole head of hair along with it as if it was a night cap: sometimes they take the top of the scull with it; all which they preserve, and carefully keep by them for a trophy of their conquest. Their caution and temerity is such, that at the least noise, or suspicion of being discovered, though at the point of execution, they will give over the attack, and retreat back again with precipitation. (Catesby, 1731-43, vol. 2, p. XIII.) He illustrates this by referring to a personal experience when a party of 60 Cherokee descended the Savannah River to Augusta to cut off the small Chickasaw settlement there but were moved to turn back by some trifling incident. He continues: It is the custom of Indians, when they go on these bloody designs, to colour the paddles of their canoes, and sometimes the canoes, red. No people can set a higher esteem on themselves, than those who excel in martial deeds, yet their principles of honour, and what they deem glorious, would in other parts of the world be esteemed most base and dishonourable: they never face their enemies in open field (which they say is great folly in the Hnglish) but skulk from one covert to Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 691 another in the most cowardly manner; yet their confidence in, and the opinion they have of the prowess of white men is such, that a party of them being led on by an Huropean or two, have been frequently known to behave with great bravery. Their savage nature appears in nothing more than their barbarity to their captives, whom they murder gradually with the most exquisite tortures they ean invent. At these diabolical ceremonies attend both sexes, old and young, all of them with great glee and merriment assisting to torture the unhappy wretch, till his death finishes their diversion. However timorous these savages behave in battle, they are quite otherwise when they know they must die, shewing then an uncommon fortitude and resolution, and in the height of their misery will sing, dance, revile, and despise their tormentors till their strength and spirits fail. (Catesby, 1751-48, vol. 2, p. xiv.) To warfare he attributed the relatively small population of North America at the arrival of Europeans, who also contributed to a fur- ther decline: The Indians (as to this life) seem to be a very happy people, tho’ that hap- piness is much eclipsed by the intestine feuds and continual wars one nation maintains against another, which sometimes continue some ages, killing and making captive, till they become so weak, that they are forced to make peace for want of recruits to supply their wars. This probably has occasioned the depopulated state of north America at the arival of Huropeans, who by intro- ducing the vices and the distempers of the old world, have greatly contributed even to extinguish the race of these savages, who it is generally believed were at first four, if not six times as numerous as they now are. (Catesby, 1731-43, vol. 2, pp. XV—XxVI.) In Timberlake’s time the Cherokee warriors were provided with bows and arrows, darts, scalping knives, and tomahawks, but had also obtained guns, and trade tomahawks with a pipe opposite the blade were already common. Like the other Indians of the section, they went on these war expeditions wearing little besides their breech- clouts, but elaborately painted. Again, like the other Indians, they were in the habit of leaving a club “something of the form of a ericket-bat, but with their warlike exploits engraved on it, in their enemy’s country.” Timberlake adds that “the enemy accepts the defiance, by bringing this back to their country.” In case they won a victory it was their custom “to engrave their victory on some neigh- boring tree, or set up some token of it near the field of battle” (Tim- berlake, Williams ed., 1927, pp. 82-83). Warriors were not compelled to take part in an expedition or to support their leader once they had set out, except apparently in the action itself. Timberlake also tells us that there were two grades of warriors under the chiefs, and that many women were famous both in war and in council. In 1762 this explorer witnessed the return of a war party which had been out against the northern Indians: On the 10th of March, while we were again preparing for our departure, the Death Hallow was heard from the top of Tommotly town-house. This was to 692 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bunn. 137 give notice of the return of a party commanded by Willinawaw, who went to war towards the Shawnese country some time after my arrival . . . About eleven o’clock the Indians, about forty in number, appeared within sight of the town; as they approached, I observed four scalps, painted red on the flesh- side, hanging on a pole, and carried in front of the line, by the second in com- mand, while Willinawaw brought up the rear. When near the town-house, the whole marched round it three times, singing the war-song, and at intervals giving the Death Hallow; after which, sticking the pole just by the door, for the crowd to gaze on, they went in to relate in what manner they had gained them. (Timberlake, Williams ed., 1927, pp. 112-113.) Timberlake has also provided us with the translation of a war song into which he has, unfortunately, thought it necessary to intro- duce English rhythms. Elsewhere he adds: The prisoners of war are generally tortured by the women, at the party’s return, to revenge the death of those that have perished by the wretch’s coun- trymen. This savage custom has been so much mitigated of late, that the prisoners were only compelled to marry, and then generally allowed all the privileges of the natives. This lenity, however, has been a detriment to the nation; for many of these returning to their countrymen, have made them aequainted with the country-passes, weakness, and haunts of the Cherokees; besides that it gave the enemy greater courage to fight against them. (Timber- lake, Williams ed., 1927, p. 82.) Timberlake’s judgment cannot, however, be trusted here. This very custom of adoption was in large measure responsible for the rise to power of the great Iroquois Confederation. Though it is not mentioned by Timberlake, a war medicine or “ark,” similar to those used by other Southeastern tribes was car- ried by a Cherokee war party. Mooney, and Washburn whom Mooney cites, regarded this as a tribal palladium, and the latter says that it was captured by the Delaware Indians and that the old priests of the Cherokee ascribed to this circumstance the later degeneracy of their people (Washburn, 1869, pp. 191, 221; Mooney, 1900, p. 503). Whether there was one or several, however, they were treated in much the same manner. When the Overhill Cherokee under Ostenaco (or Outasite) were on a campaign in 1756 in aid of the British and col- onial forces, Adair was informed by a white man who accompanied it that he saw a stranger there very importunate to view the inside of the Cheerake ark, which was covered with a drest deer-skin, and placed on a couple of short blocks. An Indian centinel watched it, armed with a hiccory bow, and brass- pointed barbed arrows, and he was faithful to his trust; for finding the stranger obtruding to pollute the supposed sacred vehicle, he drew an arrow to the head, and would have shot him through the body, had he not suddenly withdrawn; the interpreter when asked by the gentleman (Adair’s informant) what it contained, told him there was nothing in it but a bundle of conjuring traps. (Adair, 1775, p. 161, footnote.) Timucua weapons consisted of bows and arrows, darts, and clubs, the last-mentioned differing from those used by the Creeks. War Swanton] INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES 693 was declared against an enemy by sticking up arrows with hair on the ends along the trail. Towns were sometimes surrounded with stockades, the stockade overlapping at the entrance, where there was also a small house to accommodate two sentinels. Men out fishing were protected by means of a watchman, and a sentinel who failed in his duty was cruelly punished by being beaten on the head with a heavy club. If it was necessary, we are informed that the course of a stream might be diverted so that it passed near the gate of the fort. Information was conveyed by means of smoke signals, and fire arrows were used to ignite the roofs of enemy dwellings. Before setting out on an expedition, warriors bathed in an infusion of cer- tain herbs. Saturiwa, on such an occasion, sprinkled water over his chiefs and poured more over the fire so as to extinguish it, these acts having symbolical significance (pl. 82). Provisions were carried along by women, boys, and male concubines. Saturiwa’s men pre- served no order on the march, but those of Utina went in regular ranks and encamped in parties of tens ranged in concentric circles about their chief. On the wings of the army were scouts. Adult male enemies were killed and their heads carried off to be scalped later if there was no time to do this at once, reed knives being used for this purpose. From the experience of Juan Ortiz it is evident that male prisoners were sometimes taken to be tortured to death later. The women and children were also brought home alive. We are told that the side which was first to kill a man of the enemy claimed the victory though it might have lost more in actual numbers. If there was time, they dried the scalps they had taken before their return and cut off parts of the bodies of their enemies, which they also brought home and dried. For some religious reason they shot arrows as deeply as possible into the arms of each enemy corpse.** After their return, they hung the scalps and other fragments of human flesh on a row of poles and a sorcerer cursed these, holding an image in his hand which was possibly the one that had been taken on the expedition. He was accompanied by three musicians, one of whom beat on a flat stone, while the others used rattles. We are informed that this sort of celebration was held every time they returned from the war. Sat- uriwa shared his scalps with his subchiefs and hung the one he had taken before his door crowned with branches of laurel. In the after- noon they mourned for the dead, but at night this gave place to sing- ing and dancing (Swanton, 1922, pp. 877-381). Among the Creeks and Chickasaw, war parties were organized and war expeditions carried on in about the same manner.