NYS Se VN AS AN RS A N SRA NERS re SRE SS Xs SS Wh SRA SOY WN TIN UN AN AS Wy Sh IY Y SSN \\ “ . “\ SS ~~ » ARN NN _ RN SAH SN ASN AS EAS x _ ‘SS . AY WAY \< 2 \ _ \ * AK RAG AN ON \\ RN \\ ‘\ - \ \ RAN \ “\ “ _ _ \Y A SENN » S ON LAY AN \ \\ ANY AK . AY \ ; ~ SN Ni \\ SES Va °VaWMOy7ye AK \ i. \ NNN \ . : \\ AQ ~~ . S AN VEOH AROS WY AN WIV \\ WY \ WM gy SS RAS A SN ANY \ _ LARK ~ AN AN RRA — SY \X ~ \ ‘ AC ANY 8 AX ANY) \ _ XS A\\ WRENS AN AK \ WN \ \ S\N X \\ \N NY A \ ROY WY AK VAY AN \ \\ NN SN) \ MAAN ‘ WH SY AN \\ \\ \\ VN wow WwW \\ ~~ AN \ \\ WAQAS a SANS oo AX A\ S AX AC LAN \ \ SASS \\\ \S \ WA AN Ws \ \\ NOON A WN SY NN SAN gEF Z Lee TWN sy hs ANN : (mae SMe ALE See PER) ee hee fe i Pe Nene ane my if " ; My , 1 , ry 5\ J 7 ws sé } Nhe tA IN hi | Nae ne m, i F nay . f Pad, Ayre?) y i ‘ : rif \ y hia ay) | } vy ys he ies i ‘ 5 ‘ * if L ) . ‘ , r/ é : r * ' \ bd } ny / | : . ! Fi] ¥ ¥ ‘ | v4 ' | ‘ . f i at s if oe cree pele ‘ f \" ne é ‘ o; 5 K * , 5 ‘ 7 . ‘ ‘ ‘ . , . s i : ‘ ; : — \ i / . SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 143 HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS Juuian H. Srewarp, Editor Volume 3 THE TROPICAL FOREST TRIBES Prepared in Cooperation With the United States Department of State as a Project of the Interdepartmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1948 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. : Wee a) ai | 2A MG VAN. Iredell WW whe oo ee At jy or Fe . a r= . ee at Wares a eon cada mn 04+ ' LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., June 1, 1945. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled “Handbook of South American Indians. Volume 3. The Tropical Forest Tribes,” edited by Julian H. Steward, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stirtine, Chief. Dr. C. G. ABBOT, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Til CONTENTS PAGE PMA ood a OSU DANO OD ROMO OOS 0. COTO OE OTT Eee Cente ee ees are XXI oh SURO DROTLL ETT AR Sg RIANA Set Ot ES og Zr XXIII PST LMCOMETIDELORS i crtietehe cievote ala 0 5 are ee oia 6100" 6 6 bie ana is) ora e eles sparevaunnterehete sls cie XXV The Tropical Forests: An introduction, by Robert H. Lowie ............. 1 PRE NaRS INR Tink Tce ek © ocala oes eiansey cine ease scoo us ini ote t sales a Rintntle & eieis 2 aeRO ers (ote wo tha oh deters cin ees Mine cine Poa aiaina wet uien waemmamten ae eins 56 Peete Coastal and, Amazonian TUupt o.5-<.6 000s oie su dagnermae nies ses 57 The archeology of the Parana River, by Francisco de Aparicio ....... 57 PeeirelereeiOtiy ac ta: Sie’ nd oe ees ais ois oases albu meer babi Nie een 57 eA MICA SCPE «6 oiccveiaio aie nioispiavs G seiclns wie RSLS ome sw pleEME: 57 Ethnographic considerations and conclusions ...............+.4.-. 59 iigtory, of, archeological. investigations, . s ac.is de0 ssa: sie seurwah.ord 60 INT CHEOLOM ICAL SITES ind coe w.sin se sieve ciples oe cisisin ele wie oe Sore ol orate eRe 60 DPMEEIARGEIAINS 2 6605 oc wie 6 Wants cis wk ale es wine wis Rise Oven eo dean aes 62 PMICREETNEN 1-5 DN echt 0s ancl ada cwidins winee cu aA 66 mnevauarant by Alfred Métraux: .....<..0:0. 0s smsreaslasiee wemsarsnde «0% © 69 PR UOTE SHOMIS oe, o oc ocs is Sisintciccaraies wis. ante Wiel Weal aeus ators cio Sapte ms ie 69 Pyrcheology of. the Guarani area) «0.02.05 < - 00 30ec 193 AUG) AE UG WEA. er chase. eee « ie cans: shone tn is fa: am: of OCR a 193 Laneuage, territory, and history 22:5: o5:: feesemenen aon nee coe 193 Galturen Ate Pikeks 2 eee Ue eee eee 194 Bibliography 4444253 6450 4 ees BR ae ee eee 194 The Arua i: UMUA oth OP Se ee eee ee 195 Territory; language; and history :si:2,¢2.¢22 02sec sees foe 195 Crlture: <.ssse60256 5 305.44 taeda tig eee ene ae eee 197 Bibliography) 3 as: 223 010.25. 0k coe eee eee ee eae ee 198 The Amanayé, by Curt Nimuendajii and Alfred Métraux ............ 199 Language: territory, ‘and. history: :s2ncscesteteen oe eer eee 199 Cultures 2 sac2 cand p58. 964 5082 2h Re Ae SOAR eee 200 Bibliography 2 3.3..025 eee. re ee ee 202 Little-known tribes of the lower Tocantins River region, by Curt Nisitiendayit « asc< 3.04 snes 50844 09 a fee Rha See oe Oe ee ee 203 Introduction ntses 2h ests etek eet wee ee ea re ee 203 Whe Pacatay s% 526.04 p52. 8.4 oe ae DEN ORL SORE Pats ene 203 Territory and history’ £..3544 ssa aes eh ee oe ee 203 Cultures’ .cck5.4 Seteek Sanat eh Meee Alek ee 204 Phe Anambé <<24.0 20260 csau sens ees Bee ae ae 204 History “and territory ~2\s6 5.4350 bn ac 54 subse ee eee ee 204 hie Tapinaiar set wees Aes os SRR ER PRES RESR ULE LES Babe eee 204 SBE II pPe=TODmete Sees otek La hes DE SO eh So ee 205 Whe spacund aris chia seals oh sacd oat tee ae lod el ae 206 (hesParatana: 4 ins 64344 bae indices OS OSLO RNS AB eA Sc eee eee 206 Eastony 4 4x eee uu ee os Oe ae: ER eee 200 Gulturettnna lade sake seeds ehh eee eee ee eee 207 hes MiTranowech a5 act hek ee oe hots See sees eee eee 208 DIDOSrADNyA Len Aes eten hs eee Rath eae eee Det oe ee See 208 Little-known tribes of the lower Amazon, by Curt Nimuendaji ....... 209 Phe vAracaqiise: Aes tore shad LEA Sos Peis w seas Bae SIL ee 209 THE AADOTO NS sie ete aN as ele See SEB Se Oe eee 210 Phe: Pauxit-s REY COTM SAR ee RE i 0S, ee ee 210 Bibliography: 4s ives ohh ewe vi ok 4 ER eee 211 Tribes of the lower and middle Xingu River, by Curt Nimuendaju..... Geographic « backerounds <2 ce44..00.5s Sa eeee ee ee ee e 213 Cultural ‘summary: +4 324403 0.57.440e5 ote eee eee 213 Linguistic atimities 550s. See ee Pee eee 214 Prehistoric «peoples «2224 bebo te ee ee 216 Fistorientribes® 40% it, GUAS ote SAUER ect SA Oe eee 217 ‘Pher Viera: 5.46 be Vase Ls OA ee ee ee 218 ‘Phe: Shipayas .<6. 0.565 00% SASS Se a ee ee 219 The -Agupat V66s SAEs Oe URE eee eee 220 The) Guruayar is inte eawo cats ea thee 221 Ther Tacwnyaper i stioct seis EA hea ee ee 222 The: Araraes.o0% ick i sus eee hk see Oe ee eee 223 Phe Asur tates :4 005404 shane £3 oo ee ee eee 225 Gradina a bree hrs wae eee ae ee eT en ee eee 225 CONTENTS VII PAGE The Maué and Arapium, by Curt Nimuendaji ...................... 245 BIE AIMATIONS Oe a ath eae oak 5 eos RE ieee ee eae 245 Introduction (er emee re Seek oS eye e caw es see Lee 245 Sesleri ey, Oe ete eerie Sees Sen ee oe gs 246 Pate Acapiitin gi. eet osu ca oat oe Dies ba be ale Was DEO ee ee pela ee 253 IBiplioerapliya souk sot atte see sac at sooo ke ose veas Gee eas aman. 254 ihe Mura and Piraha, by Curt Nimuendaja::...i. <0... . seen te ee 255 her Miran ele. 28 h55 do sks pometeetes E abooy sat esau: 255 ariball location and history. 2: oc. eek ne aes SRR ete 255 WATE Sree eee nee toe eee eee baron Da Sees eas reed 257 Grilture ee ee ee ee ee ere See ee tse 258 Mhevlirahans Amkhon we. ccs he Seah Aas ies Vane! Swe aoa 266 Tribal location, history, and language ............0cssesse00- 266 aittey, Valvalltess:< 84,25 s5s/5 Aosta OSD S Sk Shae MERE OO nine 267 ETE Te oe hee ee ale eh See Ea OU NE EE 267 Bieliomraphive, 5654 ou Sgeks sheale cee wba ieacohraen anaes Maer Renee: 269 nemumdurucn iby Donald) Horton. wade fuer: sis ee hee Ses 2S 271 Ser TILOrY Wane ames ire. ita ON a LOS ME ae ay Nama 271 EL IStOy ete ele ee nS Sus dis eer ee ee eter ey cat 272 (COTO Satie en AR se rec dis Oe eect erie rye ies eee 273 Bibliography 2455/55 he stsetek/ eum See ine ok ortorraiets be acvolore eiaterels e7a ree. ties 282 The Cawahib, Parintintin, and their neighbors, by Curt Nimuendaju... 283 Murer Old \Cawalitiny = 4.5 .oxva. eee re ad Sate, oe Sa eee tie 283 Sere iaciieimrinie sees ok eink We ke CL RRL Re On 0 eee ME oe os 284 Werritory, language, and history’ sient vse eee oe os ons 284 Critter en Let RA EU AGERE ARES non ks Set ts Cee cits beatae 285 InidiansrotatnerAnaniehkiveDereciOnie tan seiacioeie eerie eenicin 294 Meeritory, Aud MiStOLy -.,2-;< 45 95% 5.0, 2'5n 2,2) ose aisle Pate oie sepa eee 294 (OUT Vibha tea AL net nA RA ORR COCA, 0 La Re ca aR one 295 The “Parintintin” between the upper Tapajéz and Sao Manoel ERAVEES) spate cletcete cies aie ei) everest ace: wie Rae chee aT taehera e aicie 295 Tadians of the Sangue River region <2 .4 5.5 2a0ei. ie ee 296 indians of the’ Bararaty River Teciom 5 2.5. e eee cetera es oe ie cles 296 The “Parintintin” between the Jamaxim and Crepory Rivers ...... 296 Bap loo raphy: 24 40 cixkos aie. 02.0 SREIISO Se AO NR aI erties eke 297 hes Mapi-Cawahib, by Claude Eévi-Straussm: o5 8. totes: sete <0. 299 sieipal «divisions, arid, history <.his9 ie Sua bocce ane melhesters ae a onwens sg 299 (CU AU UR Sn So ea eee eer PE Pea ns Ces ok. Ana dea Me ae 300 Bibliog ra play, 2% 55:5 5.55 cbs baorer eine NO ete Soar Perea Teter ian canes 305 The Cayabi, Tapanyuna, and Apiaca, by Curt Nimuendajit ............ 307 MIRE NG AVAL se heres «cette wales ale mon cure «arc elec tre nese ere ena sere 307 TritrOdirCtiOnA \~ seh Ps ERI ING Cate cate ie htte eet ees ortho atom tche 307 (OTL ULT 3 op ph eRe a ERO ALN AAR AIR OO She CN ace 308 Mihieshapanyiina was. oece Nees ioe see oe ee Sao ee en eae ett 310 BPE RP ANDAs sroiel ORL ER Oe 427 CGAL EIR cuepcicat oyatay rouse te dhnee:uanareh altos mbtasinigns RRMA IS. ELE, PT 427 Bibliography .sa0..c0 HNO. One Le stlos atin he: 427 ATi BEE ONNERIANAAS fo. Suche tay cyaacacoa aver a Bia okevehexct av tes ane ia si aa Te Eek: 428 Gemmitony yandvhistony peavnices. box Asie. ga 428 CUBE BAAN asia oy araicchice, man baacor albdeviehcn cv snevchavords ovale HAA ERE Lee ae 428 BS UE eet Af) LAY goa axa sienas axacai 'ssahsjnz aay vanoioues sys SEMEN > Ron 430 hey Gitarayil, atid PAUSE. :ocis:erctsreiceansvayareecarsh see AMO ssa ona 430 BREIL VISITORS 5 2 0iad-0hoselnie MERON SP TSO OR eesiast's 430 IE HLS ED E8 pate fg Sie 2 ves ss ex av evc¥y Sav'eND Seon cedoo hasty er ns i 430 Cet EAR SG 8 ga SLs conv hd ca ep isile aich ope ARSC k Va a Ne ot 431 Leyla: Mover) 0) 1 Ame a7 ee eR a ota) ae 438 Ba EE aera hg ATE SES! ciroi 2 evssip ions ova orbs tomy aren crave. nevaler ey eA ET 438 ST Se NeR AMV AS OATS 32st yay sy cecved acta rey ehScacee cea ci AR eel 438 GEIL S Gay ap hss pfs eves esi vob aks he aay cask Gee Aang A ees care 441 GIES cect taaievak orci die: Grey tds Sisvagsy Ped Shree 442 Bibliography, cio; cve.ovsys:caic, 0/4 oie Sek RE A EOI ds PRE 449 shies Southeastecny anoantribesmeservraeeieccniieas seine iil: 449 AE EA LIVES IONS peat scchocay oxs-0-01 516 STR I a Ila: SIR SOME Re oes 449 CTE NSEC csi Vain exes Sic adGues xGed edehen s aI AE SIR 450 SPSS es ea teeapy aay ares okay se chee hetavones rei het dl AS seo 452 she, Southwestern Jb anoat tri DES yo, o/s Syoceross.ovsiane'anns See Ree ws ccs 453 ‘EribalidivisionsE, Anus eet cs UE CRO INGA OE 2 453 Sah pe Foy ach tov rapay aso are kiciakeres Siosakeiuseiecae havea RCTs PROC ss ioe 453 EDS aA NY. 1; oto: arcks-itayo>'d nay dear vereoecereler atatel gnesahsh ct coe MR atte ee 454 mhecoirionG, by Allan, Holmbete -z...:..0.2:.8 teens. Ree Ie eine sss 5 6 455 BERET OG UIGHOR foals 'y des hve napScaveracevaganstsicovayai/oxcyay ar eh alihars/ vce ane RAND OMe eta sal 455 TES LOGY ord dcosiecnchtevxar ss Sysco ol einyenctehhe etnias Seta ne Ree alee hae RU ER 455 OB LEGS ak FU fos locus acest ies cxesey ch) RM REE ote DOA Ne: SEE a eee a 456 Biblrogaaplhiyppsicesscerve ote terete oveven tered ra oaeaerefaeacioneor va areve tre aes wears: 463 Tribes of the eastern slopes of the Bolivian Andes, by Alfred Métraux. 465 PREG OIC GN: rm cyarcis ier dvargyeies wihnareiecehano erarevetamnsi sfchara Meron ena Ss aetatel as os 465 Chiriguaney and | CHAE. a. s0 cevais oopetericharnorsne, SUMMER, Sr eee Danek. 5 465 IELIStOniys, ances tal oerstaarntove Gain 5. Sata aahe ceva, ARO Rieter ate foie reo, 465 AE CTAC LO Yo oa ancd os anny sysstarerah chs oicr av'e, aka) oh ah in saver ciarcha he RR Mere ie esi 468 SOMTCES + gab iofariaie a yoracion daa wocienaroaudaesaaogs Mea Mtataia si < 469 AB ral Ue cy eo orc or VRP wih oy aoe HS cree TOO rag stale) 470 Bibliowrapliyy : 453biv5.oh foe ADA oer re eats cle en AOR 485 Mien Yuracare, Mosetene: and (Chimane sa... eee soca ele). <1 485 Mert aa lavas OT Sieh -evelarerayes ai caves aisles Orohanor sl Seersiaanre sictora a aarti cl ove 485 PRG ETIC ONO caer terel oe cal «'1ahinra) x7 sah oyn'a Pao aes at ene an ape eA entre, ws 486 653333—47—2 x CONTENTS PAGE Post-Conquest:history 2.04.24 ese 2 ee eee sell ce 486 KUMP TAGE GA diovan cho My bah cdandvaveysncay ev Fevase ove laravec Re ee Me ccc c 487 BDO TAPDY, vance siivaisxecssaverskeitrsiaue Ae RRS oe Siete os cc 8 504 Pee Occ ee a rn awe se... Seen 505 EL ISEORY. so pcisraigear tice enalnioveranets etna Geyser eae eee eae mee ae 505 COATPEIT Enis in cice es cxek’cchaisvajersh dae ee BE eel Seen oe 505 Ther A polista or apache) ,<:isicpcuc.s cele pa eee ee eee ences 506 Busine rea play seis cssasess thetic ekcactosiateiave cis eens eR ae a ies 506 Part. 3. Tribes of the Montafia and Bolivian east Andes ................ 507 Tribes of the Montafia: An introduction, by Julian H. Steward ....... 507 Put EOGUCHON) 5 2ccs ioe olso.soet hacasjeacal ee OO rns ire icp can cies ors, te ee oe Grae ot rcs hag ee wleiee ee ee ee SOO, AV ELS: Bibliography recrt-xte pitta teteletah (oval ceiaretolotereretotebel ot earvaloe eae ie te TAR O/C AE Tee at iets CER ea eg eee Sone EA LS Ee) Ate ae BED MO TAP AY terest atest's oy rate tale a 'otate lee eteltaeit tone ee bee ee Unidentified tribes of the upper Putumayo-Napo River region.... PRET eh) 11] Ohie rapeke Phe wis ret eels wate "sao 6 Wistar eters Vo “eSelareta stare gc OE ROE Be aes REET OMUCHON eG ¢.0 keh ~ Wh ee ee Ge aes Siete OO os eee oe LAS EO Baty are ie lter tps iaececbon tek Great wlave eet ores he ao ad ea Ne os SOMOS te tovsssioe alsa ener. Aemaetaye enema eo eS SE. Gultuitieh tr cocse sketches Ge RAR RL Ctr eee ee Bibliograplay i) ose ds. Sieh BE? heh eee tana OC RAL RY ante, —iribes of the western Amazon Basin’ -222..0..5-00 esos sten ook aoe Tribes of the Jurua-Purtis Basins, by Alfred Métraux .............. IEF OCMICHIORS eR, feist er he ss ees Sete seh eee Sa ae. SEMI CES 6 hie ier aah Oe Arata Os STE KRG ISS Baca e Se eRe eee Che Tupian’ family. 222.5442. 254555 ee ee eee ee Asicielans Cg HEE alice, coe crete srahea trance ee Ee ESE Ba Sis 13] 0) Foy 910) 01, ey eee ne A AE Tribes of the middle and upper Amazon River, by Alfred Métraux .... Eupian tribesof the upper Amazon: River >. . 209.0), .85.....% Tribal) divisions: and.history 22 iee2e 0. SINOeS, ee asc. SOURCES = hws tn dev, Girne SSeS Rein inet SERRE ee CHAT ier tor te aa Hats ote TP TTL Ee ote Ba Sribes: of the «middle Amazons c.. 2 conta ea eee iio « SOs eee ees Ethnographic data in Carvajal’s account of the Orellana Expedi- om) (C1542 )iawrete-terannniaiyetentontentioa tech eGG lett tere tee aes Arawakan tribes of the left, middle Amazon .................... Usitbal divisions and history
< 59 26 - een ielce 737 OCI b Re 5 ORS On OT OCS Oe Ca See On aa coo Goaens 741 Tribes of uncertain affiliation in the upper Putumayo region...... 747 Biblioorepliye Gor she techni kala wisi wade nca ee theese GxeenereNe Ree 748 The Witetoaustribes; by Julian H. Steward... 2.0 25. vant ustae stein See 749 RETtaeCMPITC LOLI ee. ee eS es Risvers: civ a0 bi eRe aPs aceae ee eercray parte hae ead Seem 749 Marital tavasions: and MStOny 4. ss .cess oc.e eke ore ee eas ee meee 749 SEANCES AEN ous 604 eve faye or0'd ws nja lichen, se hip Gales ke 751 KG TsU Tite ees PR aia al oa) pois tsiats eS he eb itd sia ate Ok ae an a 751 Bibliography en. tee Araceae Ota < sais os ad oe eee 762 Tribes of the Uaupés-Caqueta region, by Irving Goldman ............ 763 TRtROdGetion’ Sik Se cio eek Oe oO ae ee Ma 763 Una yale ASTONSY 5 0 nad a oes Caine wi aeoiea aioe oils eee 764 Le rialMNISTOEY: Nex: 3 cis.cs deewied ooo; 2d Aealee Ab 8 ee ae Cee 767 CE TEPER ORR IS A Ne bcc Arey ats favo ia im) ate eteu a riod ne enctecetea dee a ee 769 Bibliograpliys stack: ict act eee aw sbusian is 4 sissies aie os se eee 798 Part 5. Tribes of the Guianas and the left Amazon tributaries ........... 799 Tribes of the Guianas, by John ‘Gilling ..o0c.204.+ aoa sieners ate enseeeeee 799 TMErOMUCHOHE ih ersuist BK charts axle cantequdt soe cud nde ete ee 799 AEGABAL NONMISIOUS. 12 o..S oie. d eo. Ne nniwes.s\eah.csin's + ¢ayelna:e oe 801 MhewArawakan) famatliys-<,o).3 cscs secs e seco sae atte ble ee eee 801 anne WAGs ratty i. isis 56 asra ele auc. g 1S anes cae 804 ADE ROari Daas TAMIL: fe oxo sia ie-vabin oe 6 sl x:ae ne bean cae ee 804 MheaGaliahanalaniilyeee cscs oi vtiisic sca vs os amebernseenemre erates 813 ANEW NATE LATIN: hace s:sic saa.aw's.0.o a eva S aoe eee 813 ‘Phemibuiranaram tne, Cetus saz ds «cu eta ds cadet ere steeieee 813 Mev Salivan OF WMacuan family. 6 ic ais0.csae sea «one eee 813 Rey Slop theta: 510) ih eT Se PR 814 Aiki oainapateinns sete. oes. ck Sk were sa terare he oles Scenes oflpeeyabelis Se eletcdanee A eer 814 They Warrauan vlamubyoie . 46..0.05 Salen eee ee ee eee 815 Ieingiistic family unidentified cacqeisAetante smretecets eee eels 815 ELIS ERAN NS Scorsiticy deat Beco tah exececs Ararprataies eine ais Se aNS oe 3sie Gee 817 SOluUnCe SHRI es OR SBE TS i sigeclsccpels enemas daaveumn: eat 6a ee eee 818 A FeSO Oat IS Yoo 0. Sis or oun 20d aS.005 apenas anenh.o aed biE\exaas see Nie ai 819 Gulthime ts. seedy lg. 0 Sewanee yec7td 2.2) aceh -aabee Ree 825 Baines seen LEY a eo he eee vol ol ile oo Wako ois ors misiane ais) ae ete are ee 858 The hunting and gathering tribes of the Rio Negro Basin, by Alfred IMIG tar tt BP VIS 5 ences, casks ota cic ctdrace: shsete gabe chose avoreramkeiaate eee ioe eter 861 The Shiciana Ow aica, and: Guahatibo: «os. .64 « en ee 730 Ga: Vacua village. SCeueS . 5g accidig oven SMR e oe Toe ae: Ma. HER. Senne 730 Gon apts, HOUSE Housestypes of the northwest.Amazons oder ese eee ene 794 94) Cabeo MiAiEACtanes, « a-cioscrss aces eevee, oo 5.1 dint «is aravn c:oresoiny s MORE 794 Bae Cubeo Daskiets)— si. :cerarccusotetalarss ager iors eset wi nre/ have eiarosevaintoceclt Rte eee 794 OG): Cubeo, mourting, céremony ite. 208 es Rae bo. ee oa ee eee 794 Oe Cabeo mourning; dance regalia #iioos. ie 4G eee eee 794 BE Cubed mG UeMiNye, CELEMIOMY? <....<):0.5,0%-;c/0\e-s- ATIC: CEUNAPIEE: < c1:c.ee a svempsis © sis. 4:4. lvls, cle wares vis wale erie Bore tae ts metnurina tobacco container and tnhaler’.% 0.2.5.2. sce les ee ae eee Meeeeairia Platlonin ned 1. Geese soos «emilee. Meas ce eak ea tens oe eels MERReCATTIAN POLLEY T) srschs. Vito Soiree ita starr evapo selma ae oleate ae eset » \WVACICWGSS ofe DOORN B SER OA BIE SIS CIEE cee cle co Sane Dottie So” Moma eC cmt cr od , \Wakea tienes ripen nates eRe hy Aes Se ee acor ee Note ce mone aaoGaee Riitotoy talcine SWE so 5 ccc cic a pas tase mote cto dalcla ae'ss ee austateheeseticle © mespring-pole trap, ‘(Curicufiati Rivet ..f.0 sv cs slr oe eee eats Cate mies BeNorthwest’ Amazon blOowgUns osc olde Soe Saletan J cle sfieealss Sas . Poisoned arrow point of the Guariua, northwest Amazon ............ | UCTS Eros 8 OT ae A ae eR ee a AAS, Se eR ae ae Memes Anata POLLEY: bic/stshs oa smn Simin + e:dhcsaus te) onary MRS is io mete orl wiats sala, els eres minettawest. Amazon pottery tYDeS 2... cc.0 oom ciecises. cols vise o'0\e ae Sitio ewe weCtiheo/cneraved pourd rattle). ssc. 226. os recs ws sees sere esse cay. = House decorations of the northwest Amazon ................-..----- eeindian children of the northwest Amazon, 2.2. 2 ocs.6. e.cch eee wees s Mmadliiytieay. Vilteindty <, feASE th 62s Baa. sje tenis Oiaio hie sense lalets ade ears, a ITAA NAIEM DAT wOAtICOl 50: scene ae siete eini nine waxtton sala leweieaye sso % See . Wooden cigar-holder, northwest Amazon, Tiquié River .............. ' "Guiana banabs, or temporary shelter frames ...........¢.00.....005: MEG MAMA ROUSE MERAIMES: GA ec ats Lice :anee oat poate caw oeeeine vminan MeatatiACMtG HONE kh itasdy xcs BY ood sw eee cE as bo areN ls Baeess ok S tra WCHIETI, SEALS) oii hieca cssyohs 8 Scia ion aut ela duel aeduA As Rajan ae eee eco asim 2 RES SNR EACH! RICA IC CALMS ci c.2 ay use, 2/oac sini SUS As Byala SiGe aye ana dee wept areola oe. HG 6H RCHCUIVCH! WOMAN). GPPMIE. sic ccc are acgcsissts cigsie.s css) ae Weis ayes e ioe Ss MeGtieina VEOth COPA MAKING 2... osc o ek ses soa Has deel came eete Bae Sees RTD ALTATINEAIOC IS TAIN Ao icls 5 ets wis cielsiaven sb leiasiatdle niin e eels sialeeie ne elect xx ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE 127. “Gintania *hatimnOeke ttle os sectateh chaser avalos cas 0: ah vravanah navele Sree eteebaraeme ete 842 128, Guiana hammock males) enn. salad. et peewee siete 843 129: Giana hammocks make jacot eters x00 LOPE L ee teal alelen Ge ere nesta eee 844 130. Manufacture of a Guiana (Warrau) ite (sensoro) hammock ......... 845 Mei, Gaiety MART BACHERES. jiaresecsc veces wend alard arcs aie satel Aare RT MRR lt 846 152. “Gaiana bead-apron: technique vou: c:6 aoa) noe ca ce ore a eo ee ee eee 847 i33:. (Ginana bead-apron technique » «site sie lei hv ouatsie Saal ie a, 1 eg lee 848 Ae. WWarranie Dar ial fee Ge SAREE a ie Sips, ole ane ta SR 877 MAPS 1. Areas of South America covered by Volumes 1, 2, 3, and 4 of the amd beak: ures «xeck Soe Aatet olete oa + sigaydonts cette. pes aaa XXVI 2. Archeological sites of the lower Amazon and the Guianas ............ 150 3 lbextribessor Central Brazil. ......:cs00.5 =< saleaeeins eeu et (facing) 284 4. Hiei tribesot eastern: Bolivia, ssi tice aceslaice « 2s =e sup we al a) J UN Das | i ig ‘i > Hi | Hig “wry ) / THE COASTAL AND AMAZONIAN Tue/ f Ze 2 THE TRIBES OF MATTO GROSSO 40 coe 41 ANd EASTERN BOLIVIA 40 3 THE TRIBES OF THE MONTANA AND YUNGAS 4 THE TRIBES OF THE WESTERN AMAZONIAN BASIN 5 THE TRIBES OF THE GUIANAS 110 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 Map 1.—Areas of South America covered by Volumes 1, 2, 3, and 4 of the Handbook of South American Indians. Diagonal hachure, Marginal Tribes, Volume 1; stipled, Andean Civilizations, Volume 2; white, tribes of the Tropical Forests, Volume 3; vertical hachure, areas covered by Volume 4. These are not culture areas (see map 8). xXXVI VOLUME 3. THE TROPICAL FOREST TRIBES tik TROPICAL FORESTS: AN INTRODUCTION By Rozert H. Lowie The Tropical Forest area centers in the Amazon region, but the tradi- tional “Tropical Forest” culture by no means coincides with the geo- graphical region indicated. In Im Thurn or Koch-Griinberg we constantly encounter the contrast between selva (pls. 1, bottom; 3) and savanna (pl. 4, center) without commensurate cultural differences. We must also reckon with cases of Forest peoples who migrated into new territories, retaining basic traits, yet losing others for environmental reasons and borrowing still other features from their new neighbors. The Chiquitos- Mojos peoples form a good illustration. The Tropical Forest complex is marked off from the higher Andean civilizations by lacking architectural and metallurgical refinements, yet outranks cultures with the hunting- gathering economy of the Botocudo or with the moderate horticulture of the Apinayé (Ge stock). At the core of the area the diagnostic features are: the cultivation of tropical root crops, especially bitter manioc; effective river craft; the use of hammocks as beds; and the manufacture of pottery. The very wide distribution of certain traits in the area is correlated with navigation. Thanks to their mobility, the canoeing tribes were able to maintain themselves in the midst of boatless populations, to travel with ease over periodically inundated tracts, and to diffuse their arts and customs over enormous distances. The combination of this technologi- cal factor with natural conditions has produced the extraordinary leveling of culture (‘“‘acculturation” in German parlance) in this area. As Norden- skidld (1930 a, p. 1 f.) has stressed, northeastern Bolivia looks close to Pertti on a map, but is separated by immense silvan barriers and by un- navigable watercourses, so that cultural differences obtrude themselves. On the other hand, the Orinoco and Amazon Basins are linked by the Casiquiare (pl. 5, center, left, and bottom). Accordingly, earthenware decoration in Santarém may precisely duplicate details from the Lesser Antilles (ibid., 16 f.) ; and the Macushi of Guiana no less than the Maué of the Tapajéz River sling a girl’s hammock near the roof when she attains puberty. (Roth, 1915, p. 311; Spix and Martius, 1828-31, 2:1,318; Bates, 1892, 2:405 f.) 2 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E, Bull. 143 In so vast a territory, inhabited by diverse stocks, regional variations are naturally not effaced. Enclaves of ruder tribes impressed early travelers, as when Bates (1892, 1:316, 327 f.) noted the isolated Mura of the lower Madeira River as nonhorticultural fishermen (but see p. 258) and the Arara as boatless nomads who grew no manioc (pp. 226, 230). On the other hand, significant traits—say, fish drugging, urucu and genipa paint, the couvade—have passed far beyond the traditional bearers of the Tropical Forest mode of life. Nor are features common to simpler tribes and to manioc-growing canoers necessarily derived from the latter ; in specific instances the reverse may hold (Métraux, 1928 b, p. 194; 1928 a, p. 168 f.). Linguistically, we have to deal primarily with three major families, the Arawakan, the Cariban, and the Tupi-Guarani. The Arawakans were spread over the Antilles in 1492 and had recently entered the southern tip of Florida; in the Antilles, they had been overrun by Cariban invaders ; in Guiana members of this family were their neighbors. The Mehinacu of the upper Xingu River, the Mojo of Bolivia, the Paressi of the Mato Grosso, the Tereno of the Chaco, the Goajiro west of the Gulf of Vene- zuela, and various groups of the Purls and upper Ucayali Rivers are all Arawakan. The Tupi-Guarani are equally far-flung: the majority live south of the Amazon, including the Auetd of the Xingu headwaters and the Guarani of the Parana-La Plata region; but we find them also on the coast of Brazil, north of the Amazon (Oyampi, Emerillon), on the Ucayali River (Cocama), and even near the Andes (Chiriguano). Of lesser, but still considerable range, are the Caribans, who turn up near the Xingu sources (Bacairi), but most typically jostle Arawakans in Guiana and the West Indies. Two other families are the Tucanoan (Betoya) in the Vaupés (Uaupés)-Yapura-Rio Negro district and the Panoan, whose repre- sentatives live on the Ucayali, the Javari, the upper Jurua, and the Madeira Rivers. The Tucano of the Caiari-Vaupés River are typical of the Tucanoans; the Conibo on the Ucayali River and the Chacobo Indians west of the Mamoré-Guaporé confluence, of the Panoans. The Witoto, between the upper Yapura and the Putumayo Rivers, form a distinct linguistic family. “Miranya,” like “Digger Indian” in the United States, designates no fixed unit, but various unrelated tribes ranging between the Caqueta and the Putumayo Rivers (Koch-Grinberg, 1921, p. 393; also, this volume, p. 155). The Yuracare along the upper reaches of western affluents of the Mamoré River in eastern Bolivia are a linguisti- cally isolated Forest people. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Agriculture.—The distinctive achievement of the area is the domestica- tion and cultivation of tropical root crops (see Sauer, Handbook, vol. 6)— Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 3 bitter and sweet manioc, sweet potatoes, cara, and arrowroot—of which the poisonous bitter manioc is most important, though it is not known to all tribes. Seed crops are secondary, but virtually all tribes grow several varieties of maize. In the marginal region of the Guaporé River, maize and peanuts are the staples, manioc becoming secondary (p. 372). Indeed, the Nambicuara follow a seasonally alternating pattern, raising manioc and other crops during the rains, but otherwise practicing a hunting-gathering economy with the usual sexual division of labor (pp. 362-363). Native American fruits, particularly palms, are widely cultivated, but have spread greatly since the Conquest, as have bananas, sugarcane, and other Old World crops. Indigenous cultivated plants also include dyes, fish drugs, coca (near the Andes), tobacco, cotton, and arrow canes or reeds. The domesticated plants and their distribu- tions are given in the following list. Cultivated plants of the Tropical Forests Name Occurrence and use Food Plants *Manioc, cassava (Manihot utilissima) : Sweet variety (aypi) : yuca, Aboriginal throughout the Tropical macaxeira, macaxera. Bitter variety : mandioca, maniva, maniveira. *Sweet potato, camote (Ipomoea batatas). *Yam, cara, carahu (Dioscorea sp.). *Yautia, malanga, mangareto, mangara (Xanthosoma sagittifolium). *Arrowroot (Maranta arundinacea). Maize (Zea mays). *Cashew, cajui (Anacardium occidentale). *Peanut (Arachis hypogaea). *Kidney bean (Phaseolus vulgaris). Forests. Aboriginal to the Guianas, south to the Guarani and Tupinamba, southwest to the Mojo and Caripuna, little in the Jurua-Purts region; west to the Tucano and Tucanoans, except the Encabellado, but none among other tribes of Peri and Ecuador. Aboriginal throughout the Tropical Forests and Savannas. The true yam is an old world domesti- cate, but wild species of Dioscorea occur in Brazil, some of them perhaps domesticated, especially cara, grown throughout the Amazon Basin. Various native species, being the Ameri- can equivalent of taro. Brazil, Guianas. Brazil, Guianas; recent in the Uaupés- Caqueta region. An aboriginal staple throughout the Tropical Forests, most tribes having many varieties. Aboriginal to Brazil. Anacardium micro- carpum bark is used for canoes. Aboriginal throughout Tropical Forests. Aboriginal; probably widely distributed but rarely identified with certainty in the Tropical Forests. 1 Starred items are discussed in ‘‘Cultivated plants of Central and South America,” by Carl Sauer, in Volume 6 of the Handbook, and their identifications conform with Sauer’s. 4 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS Name Food Plants—Continued *Lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus). *Jack bean (Canavalia ensiformis). *Squash (Cucurbita). *Papaya, mamoeiro (Carica papaya). *Surinam cherry (Eugenia unifora). *Lucuma obovata. *Guayaba, guava (Psidium guajava). *Pineapple (Ananas sativus). *Banana (Musa paradisiaca sapientum). *Plantain (Musa paradisiaca normalis). *Inga. *Sicana (Sicana odorifera). *Avocado, abacate (Persea americana). *Pepper, aji (Capsicum). *Arracacha (Arracacia xanthorrhiza or esculenta). Hualusa (Colocasia esculenta). Castor oil, mamona (Ricinus communis). *Chonta or pejibaye palm (Guilielma gasipaes). Bacaiuva palm (Acrocomia sp.). Pupunha palm (Guilielma gasipaes). Caimito (Chrysophyllum cainito). Pepino (Solanum muricatum). Cacabo (Xanthosoma sp.). *Cacao (Theobroma cacao). [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Occurrence and use Aboriginal among Tupinamba, Maueé, Apiacd, and probably many other tribes. Rarely identified but probably of wide native distribution in Brazil. Sauer (vol. 6) gives Cucurbita maxima as the aboriginal Andean species, which probably occurs also in Brazil, and C. moschata as the species of northeastern Brazil. An aboriginal fruit occurring among all these tribes though perhaps spread somewhat since the Conquest. The fruit is called papaya or manao. Aboriginal fruit of eastern South America. Aboriginal fruit of Brazil. Probably recently introduced to the Uaupés-Caqueta area and elsewhere. Probably aboriginal throughout the Tropical Forests. Probably Old World Origin (see vol. 6), but not a staple throughout the Tropical Forests. Doubtful whether Brazil, Montafia. Montafia; Uaupés-Caqueta region. Aboriginal in Brazil, Paraguay. An unidentified species was grown in eastern Pert. native America. Aboriginal (?) in Guianas; eastern Pert. Aboriginal, throughout the Tropical Forests. Aboriginal root plant; Mojo. Upper Guaporé River. Recent (?) among Tacanans. Upper Xingt River. Aboriginal in Amazon. This supplies both food and a widely used bow wood. Upper Xingt River. Jurua-Purts Rivers. Eastern Pert Eastern Pert Eastern Pert Aboriginal in America, but probably post-Conquest in Tropical Forests, where wild species were widely gathered. Vol. 3] Name Food Plants—Continued Frutas de lobo (Solanum lycocarpum). Mangabeira (Hancornia speciosa). Mamona (Ricinus communis). Narcotics *Coca (Erythroxylon coca). Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum). Plants used in manufactures *Cotton (Gossypium barbadense and G. hirsutum). *Uruct, achiote, bixa (Bira orellana). *Genipa, genipapo, jenipapeiro (Genipa americana), *Calabash, cujete (Crescentia cujete). Gourd (Lagenaria siceraria). Reeds, cafia de Castilla, tacuapi (Arundo donax). Uba cane (Gynerium sagittatum). Rhamnidium sp. Coix lacryma-jobi. Razor grass (Scleria sp.). Drugs and Poisons Nissolia sp. Barbasco (Lonchocarpus nicou). Clebadium vargasii. Tephrosia (Tephrosia toxicaria). THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 4) Occurrence and use Upper Xingt River. Upper Xing River. coating balls. Upper Xingt River. Supplies latex for Aboriginal in northwestern portion of Tropical Forests and northern Mon- tafia; Uaupés-Caqueta; /purina. Aboriginal to most but not all tribes of the Tropical Forests. Both species are aboriginal in the Tropical Forests, but the distinction is rarely recorded. Berry used for red dye. Aboriginal throughout Tropical Forests. Fruit eaten; used for black dye. Ab- original throughout Tropical Forests. Aboriginal probably throughout the Tropical Forests. Aboriginal among many Tropical Forest tribes. Guarani, Arrow shafts. Aboriginal on the upper Xingi River. For arrow shafts. Shrub. Seeds used for beads. Guarani. Shrub. Seeds used for beads. Guarani. Aboriginal on the upper Xing River. Sharp blades used for shaving. Herb used for snake bites, Guarani. A fish poison: Montafia and probably elsewhere (see p. 518). A fish poison: Montafia and probably elsewhere (see p. 518). A fish poison: Montafia and probably elsewhere (see p. 518). A few tribes of the area, such as the Shiriand, Waica, and Guaharibo and the Macu of the Rio Negro formerly had no farming, but have re- cently adopted it from their neighbors. On the other hand, the Guayaki and the Mura have abandoned cultivation since the Conquest and subsist solely on hunting and gathering. The manner of clearing the forest for typical slash-and-burn agri- culture (pls. 8, top; 111, top; 126) is described on pages 99 and 825. The men make the clearings, the rest of the work devolves on the women, who 6 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 plant, weed, harvest, and prepare the food. The Chiriguano, under Andean influence, have in the main masculine tillage. To prepare bitter manioc, the tuber is peeled, washed, and grated on a board set with spines or stones (pls. 89, bottom; 90, bottom; 111, bottom), the resulting pulp being typically crammed by handfuls into a cylindrical basketry press (tipiti) with an upper and a lower loop (pls. 90, top; 111, center). The upper loop is hung from a projecting house beam, while a strong pole is passed through the lower and put under the fulcrum made by tying a stick to a house post at an acute angle. A woman sits on the free end of the pole, thus extending the container and diminish- ing its diameter. The poisonous prussic acid thus squeezed out through the interstices of the basketwork is allowed to drip into a vessel. The purged pasty mass is shaken out as a snow-white, nearly dry mass, which is pounded in a mortar and passed through a sifter, falling on a mat. The resultant starchy whitish powder is either (a) baked on a clay grid into thin flat cakes, “beiju,” or (b) prevented from consolidation by stirring, thus yielding an accumulation of small, dry crumbs, “farinha” pellets, like those of white bread. Of a morning an Aparat woman may prepare 30 beiji—the weekly household supply; well-baked and dried, these will keep for a long time, as will the pea-sized pellets, so that both products provide serviceable traveling fare. (Speiser, 1926, p. 146; Roth, 1924, pp. 217, 277 ff.; Im Thurn, 1883, p. 252. Further details on manioc preparation will be found on pp. 102, 200, 413, 450, 666, 772-773, 829.) Naturally, the processes varied somewhat locally. On the upper Amazon it was possible to plant manioc on the earthy banks without the necessity for a clearing (Bates, 1863, p. 210), and the period of matura- tion is variously given as 9 months, 10 months, or even 2 years. (P. 692; also Roth, 1924, p. 216; Im Thurn, 1883, p. 251; Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 334.) The basketry press obviously presupposes earlier developmental stages, such as are noted among the Witoto and on the upper Purts River, where muscular effort is required to wring the poison by hand out of a plaited sack. This may represent an earlier technique (Meétraux, 1928 a, pp. 104, 114 f.). It should be noted, however, that boiling is probably sufficient to drive off the prussic acid. The aboriginal implements included hafted stone celts for chopping trees, hardwood shovels, and pointed dibbles (Roth, 1924, p. 214; Koch- Grtinberg, 1921, p. 334). The spade appears in the periphery subject to Andean influence (Chiriguano). Collecting.—Collecting wild fruits is naturally less important at the core of the area than among marginal tribes, such as the Nambicuara, the Siviond, the Shiriand, or the Macu. Nevertheless, a fairly long roster of wild species whose fruits and nuts are widely exploited for food appears in the following list. Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE a Useful wild plants of the Tropical Forests’. Name Drugs and Poisons Assact, possumwood or sandbox tree (Hura crepitans). Ayahuasca, cayapi, yagé, huni, hayac- huasca (Banistertopsis caapi, B. inebrians, and B. quitensis). Borrochera. Campa. Cayapi. Cunambi (Chibadium surinamense). Curare, curari. Curupa. Datura. Floripondia, huanto, campa, borrochera (Datura arborea). datura, Guayusa (Jlex sp.). Hayac-huasca. Huanto. Huni. Niopo. Parica, yupa, niopo. Phyllanthus conamt. Yagé. Yoco (Paullinia yoco). Timbé (Paullinea pinnata or Serjania sp.). Yupa. Foods and Manufactures Achua palm. Almecega (Tetragastris balsamifera). Ambaiba. Anaja, palm (Mavimiliana regia). Andiroba, Brazilian mahogany (Carapa gmanensis). 1The present list includes principally the plants mentioned in the present volume. Occurrence and use Widely used for drugging fish. A strong drug, used especially among tribes of the upper Amazon. See Ayahuasca. See Floripondia. See Ayahuasca. A small tree, the leaves of which are used to drug fish. A deadly poison, used generally for blowgun darts, made from a liana, Sirychnos toxifera. The leaves of Mimosa aracioides, powdered and taken as snuff or as an enema for magical and therapeutic effects. See Floripondia. A strong intoxicating drug, used espe- cially among tribes of the upper Amazon. An anesthetizing drug, used in eastern Ecuador. See Ayahuasca. See Floripondia. See Ayahuasca. See Parica. The seeds of Mimosa acaciotdes, pow- dered and taken as snuff for a stimu- lant. A fish drug. See Ayahuasca. A stimulating drug, used in Colombia. Fish drug. See Parica. See Burity. Resin used for lighting. A mulberry tree of the genus Cecropia, yielding various products. The shoots yield a fiber used in the man- ufacture of mats, baskets, screens, and hats. The seeds contain oil used by the natives for insect bites and lighting purposes. A more thorough study of the wild-plant resources will be found in Volume 6 of the Handbook. 653333—47—3 8 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS Name Foods and Manufactures—Continued Angelim (Andira sp.). Aratazeiro. Arrow reed (Gynerium saccharoides). Assai (Euterpe oleracea). Attalea humboldtiana. Attalea spectabilis. Araucaria brasiliensis. Babassti palm (Orbignya speciosa). Bacaba palm (Oenocarpus bacaba and O. distichus). Bactrix maraja. Balsa. Brazil nut, Para nut (Bertholletia excelsa). Burity, muriti, miriti, achua palm (Mauritia flexuosa and M. vinosa). Busst palm (Manicaria saccifera). Cabacinho Caji (Anacardium occidentale). Cajueiro. Camayuva cane (Guadua sp.). Carayuru. Carludovica trigona. Castanha. Catizal. Cedar (Cedrela angustifolia). Cumart (Coumarouna odorata). Cupuassi (Theobroma grandiflorum). Curaua. [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Occurrence and use Dugout wood. Anonaceae. Bow wood. Arrow shafts. A very common palm from the fruit of which a beverage of the same name is made. Palm with an edible fruit. Palm with an edible fruit. A pine with an edible nut in Guarani country. Widely distributed on the uplands, sup- plying an important edible oil from the hard kernels of its prolific fruit. Abundant througout the Amazon Valley, supplying cooking oils from the nuts and a drink similar to assai from the pulp of the fruit. Palm with an edible fruit. See Palo de balsa. Important food. Edible fruit and pith; fibers used for cordage, clothing, hammocks, and roofing; trunk contains edible beetle larvae. The leaves, resembling those of a banana tree, make an excellent, durable thatch. A variety of cacao fruit. Edible fruit. The tree, Anacardium occidentale. Used for arrow shafts. Pigment from leaves of Bignontia chica. Basket material. A Brazil nut or cashew nut. Castanha de Para—Bertholletia excelsa, a cas- tanha or Brazil nut. Castanha sapu- caia—Lecythts paraensis, a nut from the sapucaia; a paradise or cream nut. See Paxiuba. Tree used to make dugout canoes. A tree which yields the tonka bean, a source of vanillalike flavoring. A plant very closely related to the cacao tree, whose pulp is used as a flavoring or as a preserve, with seeds yielding a white fat similar to cocoa butter. A plant of the Bromeliaceae family whose leaves supply fibers used for the manufacture of hammocks and cord- age. Vol. 3] Name Foods and Manufactures—Continued Curua piranga. Embira (Couratari sp.). Euterpe oleracea. Greenheart (Nectandra rodioet). Guarana (Paullinia sorbilis, P. cupana). Hymenaea courbaril. Iacareva (Calophyllum sp.). Itatba. Jabota (Cassia blancheti). Jatahy. Jauary (Astrocaryum jauary). Jerimt, jerimum. Manga (Mangifera indica). Masaranduba (Mimusops excelsa). Miriti. Moronobea coccinea. Muriti. Nibi (Carludovica). Oenocarpus sp. Palo de balsa (Ochroma spp.). Patra) Pau d’arco (Tecoma sp.). Paxiuba, pashiuba palm, barrigon (Iriartea ventricosa). Leopardwood (Brosimum aubletit). THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 9 Occurrence and use (1) A widely distributed palm (Attalea spectabihs) bearing _ oil-producing seeds; (2) a palm (A. monosparma) whose leaves are used for thatch. The fiber is used for making hammocks, cordage, bowstrings, etc. A palm with an edible fruit. Seeds eaten. P. sorbilis seeds used as medicine; P. cu- pana, to flavor a beverage. Resin used as pot glaze. Dugout wood. Common name of three species of trees of the Lauraceae family (Ocotea megaphylla, Silvia itauba, and Silvia ducket) whose wood is excellent for making boats and canoes. A tree, the bark of which is used to make canoes. A tree, the bark of which is used to make canoes. One of the most common palms on the low varzeas, the folioles of which are used to make lightweight hats, the skin of the petiole to weave mats, sieves, manioc tipitis, hammocks, etc., the fleshy part of the fruit being used as an edible oil. The fruit of the serimuzeiro tree (abo- bora in the southern States). A mango, the fruit of the mango tree. A tree yielding an edible fruit. See Burity. The gum of this plant is made into a glue. See Burity. A vine, used for basketry material. A palm with an edible fruit. A very light wood used for making rafts, often called “balsas.” Brazil nut. Bow wood. The bark used for bedding and wall covers, the trunk for canoes, bows, flutes, etc. An unidentified species, called catizal, provides thorns for manioc graters. A bow wood. 10 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Name Occurrence and use Foods and Manufactures—Continued Pequi, pequia, piquia (Caryocar These species are the largest in the villosum). Amazon Valley, attaining a diameter of more than 5 meters at the base of the trunk. Oleaginous seeds (50 per- cent oil) are contained within the roundish fruit, which is 45 percent oil; the cooked seeds are edible. Protium heptaphyllum. Rosin used for lighting. Siriva palm (Cocos sp.). Wood used for clubs. Tabebuia longipes. The gum used as adhesive. Tauari. See Embira. Tucuma. Any of several commercially important palms which yield textile fibers, and in some cases also edible fruits used for making wine; specifically, Acrocomia officinalis, Bactris setosa, and especially Astrocaryum tucuma, the tucuma palm, the leaves of which furnish excellent coarse fibers used in manufacturing rope, hammocks, hats, etc., and the nuts of which are used as blunt arrow- heads and as beads. Urucuri palm (Attalea excelsa). Vismia guianensis. Rosin used in pot glaze. Under the head of collecting also falls the gathering of such animal food as mollusks, caterpillars, larvae, and ants, some of which are treated as delicacies or relishes. Wild honey is easily secured from the virtually stingless species of the Meliponinae in the Orinoco region and is every- where a favorite food. The Guayaki largely subsist on honey, fruits, and other parts of the pindo palm and on the grubs of beetles. Hunting.—The relative importance and the purpose of hunting vary locally. Game, especially the peccary, is usually sought for food, but many species are taboo to various tribes. The Caraja hunt primarily to obtain feathers, while the Mojo are most interested in stalking the jaguar in order to win honors. Hunting is generally of secondary im- portance among the tribes of the major rivers, who obtain their protein more readily from fish, turtles, turtle eggs, and manatee than from forest game. Dogs are used in the chase, but were aboriginally absent in many tribes. As for hunting techniques, the Guiana Indians manifest virtually all the tricks adaptable to their fauna. They imitate the call of the tapir, deer, monkeys, and birds to allay their suspicions; stalk deer; fire the savanna grass and encircle large game in communal drives; dig out armadillos from their burrows; or lie in ambush, screened by a shelter built on the ground or in a tree. On the Orinoco River the manatee is Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 11 harpooned from a canoe paddled by the hunter’s wife, while on the Amazon it is caught in a net and killed by driving a wooden plug up its nostrils. (See also pp. 258, 517, 827.) Among the Mojo, as in México, Chiriqui, Haiti, and on Lake Maracaibo, ducks are familiarized with the sight of floating calabashes so that a swimmer wearing a headgear of cala- bash shell may catch the birds with his bare hands (p. 413; also Norden- skidld, 1931 b, p. 43). The Indians also use various snares, traps (pls. 72; 112, bottom; figs. 52, 62), deadfalls, and blinds (pl. 114, bottom) ; some of these devices may be due to Negro influence. The distinctive hunting weapon of the region is the blowgun (pls. 7, left; 73; 74; 110, top); it is conspicuous in the western tribes of the Guianas, on the upper Amazon, and in adjoining districts, and it appears as far south as the Pawumwa of the Guaporé River and in the gallery forests of the Province of Mojos. In many of these localities, however, it is recent, and it never reached the Tupinamba nor the tribes of the lower Madeira, Tapajéz, Xingu, and Tocantins Rivers. Its diffusion seems clearly to have been from the north or northwest, and, although availability of materials for its manufacture may have conditioned its local occurrence, its wide post-Columbian spread, as Nordenskiold has suggested, may have hinged on that of curare. Curare is the deadly poison which makes the slim darts effective and led various tribes to supplant their earlier spear throwers and bows with blowguns (Norden- skidld, 1924 b, pp. 57-64, map 7; also, this vol., pp. 33, 355). So rapidly and widely has the blowgun spread that Stirling (1938) has even sug- gested its post-Conquest introduction to the New World. The blowgun is used solely for hunting, never for warfare. The blowgun may consist of two complete tubes, one within the other ; or of an inner tube within a case of two split halves; or of a single tube composed of two split halves each carefully grooved and tightly strapped together. The length may be anywhere from 8 to 10 feet (2.4 to 3 m.) or even 16 feet (4.8 m.). A sudden puff of breath applied to a small truncate mouthpiece forces out the dart, which is usually of palmwood the thickness of a knitting needle, from 9 to 16 inches (23 to 40 cm.) in length, and tipped with the poison. Curare may kill the quarry within a few minutes. A good marksman will strike his target at a distance of 120 feet (36 m.). The noiselessness of the procedure enables the natives to shoot from its perch one bird or monkey after another; which explains their preference of the blowgun to firearms. Quivers are variously made: the Aiari River Indians make a basketry tube about 17 inches (43 cm.) long and constricted toward the middle, the bottom being of wood or a piece of calabash. The lower part is externally coated with pitch, the rest with a finer plaitwork which displays the black and red meander patterns typical of the regional basketwork and also painted on pottery. Elsewhere, a section of bamboo is used. 12 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Since neither the requisite wood or cane nor the poison is of general occurrence, the blowgun and its accessories are traded over considerable distances. However, the presence of the blowgun does not exclude the bow, which serves against larger quadrupeds even in the center of the blowgun area. Tropical Forest bows are notable for their great length—those of the Sirion6 are 9 feet (2.8 m.) long with arrows to match—perhaps neces- sitated by the common use of palmwood, especially chonta. The material for the stave varies locally, however; leopardwood (Brosimum aubletit) is traded between Brazil and Guiana. Among a few tribes, the median cross section is circular, but among most it is semicircular or flat. The bowstring is of wild-plant fibers, particularly tucum. Arrows nearly everywhere have cane shafts and five types of heads: (1) A large, lanceolate bamboo blade (pl. 6, left, bottom) ; (2) a jagged, rodlike point of hardwood, bone, or a sting ray, often with additional barbs; (3) a blunt knobbed head for stunning birds; (4) several diverging points for impaling fish; and (5) harpoon heads for aquatic game. Additional types of limited distribution are whistling arrows, with a hollow nut on the tip, and incendiary arrows. Stone, being unknown throughout most of the area, is rarely employed for heads. To make an arrow in the Guianas, the barbed tip formerly was fixed in a slot tediously prepared by first drilling holes adjoining one another with a deer-horn tool, with which the intervening material was removed. Wedged in this groove, the bone was fastened with twine and cement. The shaft is of arrow reed (Gynerium saccharoides), sometimes specially grown for the purpose. It is two-feathered if intended for the air, unfeathered for shooting fish. Poison is employed on arrow points much less commonly than on blowgun darts. Sometimes curare is used, sometimes other ingredients. As for the release, the Aiari River Indians hold the nock of the arrow between the thumb and index, the other fingers merely pressing against the palm of the hand. This primary release is noted for the Guianas, where Roth, however, also observed the string pressed upon by the index finger alone. The Avawakan Baniva (upper Orinoco River) draw their bows with their feet ; and on the upper Rio Negro, a nocturnal fish-hunter pulls his string and the extra short shaft with his mouth while holding his bow in his left hand and a torch in his right (Koch- Griinberg, 1921, p. 246). Recently, thrusting spears of wood tipped with lanceolate iron points are used against peccaries and jaguars on the upper Rio Negro. Anciently, the metal heads may have been preceded by quartz or jasper equivalents, such as occur archeologically in northwestern coastal British Guiana. Domesticated animals and pets.—Dogs are found among nearly all the Tropical Forest tribes, but their aboriginal distribution is open to Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE as question, despite their pre-Columbian occurrence in the Andes and the Antilles. Failure of the early chroniclers to mention them casts doubt on their antiquity in the Amazon area, but their general importance to the chase mitigates the conclusiveness of this negative evidence. At least in the Guianas and vicinity, the dogs seem to be cross-bred from the indigenous ones and European imports. The Nambicuara, however, obtained theirs from the Rondon expedition. Several tribes exhibit incipient stages of beekeeping. The Paressi keep bees (Trigona jati) in gourd hives (p. 351); the Macuna and the Menimehe, in a section of a hollow log tied to a house beam, and hanging 6 feet (2 m.) above the ground (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 385; Whiffen, 1915, p. 51). (For American distribution, see Nordenskiold, 1930 c, pp. 196-210.) The Muscovy duck (see Handbook, vol. 6) was kept under domestica- tion by the Guarani, and probably by the Tupinamba, the Mojo, and the Montana tribes. Pigs and chickens were widely adopted from Europeans, and, in the grasslands of the Province of Mojos, cattle. The Mojo had many cattle, but the Maropa were better herders (p. 443). As pets, the Indians keep all sorts of birds and beasts, including monkeys and agoutis. Women often suckle young mammals as they would their own offspring. Fishing.—Both nonhorticultural populations like the Mura of the lower Madeira River (p. 258; also Bates, 1892, p. 327) and many northwest Brazilian manioc growers were above all fishermen, and even elsewhere within the area the relevant processes were important. Of these, drugging was probably the most productive (pl. 109, top). Over a hundred narcotic species are known to have been applied, many of them in the Amazon- Orinoco region. (See Handbook, vol. 5; also Killip and Smith, 1931.) Perhaps the most graphic account is by Spix and Martius (1823-31, 3 1063-1065), which states that large quantities of timbo tendrils were crushed and carried in boats along the surface of the water, causing the fish to become dizzy and to leap up or drift unresistingly till they could be shot or picked up by hand. Another widespread practice is to shoot fish with bows and arrows, (pls. 6, right; 109, bottom), a technique extended with detachable heads (harpoon arrows) to turtles (pl. 48, bottom). Fish spears (pl. 6, top, left) are also commonly used. Nets with sinkers had a very restricted distribution in pre-Columbian South America, and are lacking in our area, owing, no doubt, largely to the many trees and branches in the rivers that would render them useless. But dip nets (pl. 101, center) are widespread, especially on the upper Amazon, where they are made of tough tucum fiber. 14. SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Basketwork is used in various ways to entrap fish. In very shallow water or mud an open-mouthed basket is thrown over the fish, which are extracted by hand through the orifice. Widespread is the use of creels and basketry traps. Weirs (pl. 89, top) and stone dams, combined with bailing out water from the enclosed area or with drugging, are often constructed with great care. In contrast to the Andean hooks of copper and gold, the fishhooks of the Amazon-Orinoco—if present at all—were of bone, wood, or spines. In Witoto mythology there is a reference to a naturally barbed hook made of a bat’s elbow (Preuss, 1921, 1:71). Bait, which is also used to lure fish within arrow range, consists of berries, seeds, ants, spiders, etc. (For Fishing, see Roth, 1924, pp. 189-201; Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 242-257; Nordenskidld, 1924 b, pp. 86-102, maps, 8-11; 1922, pp. 131-133.) The habits of fish in the upper Rio Negro country locally necessitate an adaptive nomadism. Though the Indians of the Caiari-Vaupés dis- trict with its abundant supply throughout the year can afford stability, the minor streams elsewhere dry up from December to March, so that the fish retreat to the main rivers and the natives must follow suit, ex- ploiting one locality after another until even larger species ascend the tributaries. For the 3-month migratory period the Indians provide them- selves with basketfuls of large dried manioc cakes. Food preparation.—The preparation of manioc cakes and pellets has already been sketched. After the starchy sediment of the expressed juice has settled, the water is poured off and boiled for several hours with peppers, being thus thickened into “cassarip.” This somewhat acid broth may receive additions such as meat, small fish, or even ants. All animal food is boiled with water or cassarip, yielding the character- istic “pepper pot,” meat being thus boiled daily by way of preserving it. Typical is the baking and smoke-drying of meat or fish, which would rapidly spoil in the humid climate, on a “‘babracot,” 1.e., a three- or four- legged stage (fig. 1, d, e; pl. 117, bottom, right). On the Orinoco, sun- dried fish are pulverized without removal of the bones, mixed with water, and reduced to a paste. In the same region a turtle would be placed in a pit in the ground and covered with sand, a big fire being lit on top. In Guiana and on the Amazon quantities of turtle eggs are placed on frames and dried over a slow fire or in the sun. The oil is extracted by trampling the eggs in a canoe and skimming it off the top. It is used for anointment, cooking, and lighting, and is a favorite article of barter. For mealing there are wooden pestles and mortars, the latter being sunk into the ground in Guiana and elsewhere so that only a few inches project above ground (pl. 8, bottom). The pestle, which has an ill- defined head, is here used with a grinding rather than stamping movement. Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 15 Ficure 1.—Tropical Forest crafts, a, Mojo pottery grinder and mano; b, Chimane wood slab and stone mano; c, Chacobo wooden trough and block for food grinding ; d, Bacairi babracot; e, Chacobo babracot. (After Nordenskiold, 1924 b, maps 16, 15.) 653333—47—4 16 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The former use of stone querns, pestles, and mortars is proved by museum specimens in British Guiana (Roth, 1924, pl. 82). Nearer the Andes, a wooden grinding trough (fig. 1, c) is used instead of the mortar, but a flat stone slab (fig. 1, b) is employed by the Chimane. Pottery grinders (fig. 1, a) have been found archeologically in the Province of Mojos. Women boil food, men bake or broil it. For griddles, naturally split slabs of granite and gneiss have been used even in recent times. More commonly the stoves are of clay and rest on blocks of the same material (pl. 90, center). Pots are similarly put either on stones arranged tripod-fashion or on three clay cylinders. Salt, though comparatively rare, is imported from other regions or obtained directly from saline incrustations in the savanna and from the ashes of certain palms (Roth, 1924, p. 221 et seq.). There are usually two main meals, in the morning and evening, respec- tively. Husband and wife in general eat separately. Geophagy occurs in the area, e.g., commonly in the Jurua-Purus region. The Caripuna of Bolivia eat a salty earth. VILLAGES AND HOUSES Dwellings and other structures—The mode of settlement varies. Some houses are designed to accommodate single families, others to hold many families (pls. 30, top; 81, bottom; 126). One structure of either type may constitute a village, or several may be scattered in near proximity to one another or grouped to form a compact hamlet (pl. 106, bottom). Possibly a thousand Yuracare are spread over an enormous silvan tract, along the Chimoré River and other affluents of the Mamoré River, one or two families living by themselves, often miles from their neighbors. The primeval forest virtually starts at the rear walls of their dwellings, which are usually on sites affording at least provisional security from periodic inundations. Characteristic of many groups in the culture area is the large communal house of, say, 20 to 70 residents (Yecuana and Guinau) ; Tupari (Guaporé River) houses are said to shelter up to 35 families. A Tupinamba village consists of 4 to 8 houses, each accommo- dating 30 to 200 families. Often a single structure, or a pair of this type, accommodates the entire population (Aiari River). Here, too, safety from the annual overflowing of the banks determines the choice of a site, which is also selected for proximity to potable creek water and for the fertility of the soil. Elsewhere other motives occur, such as security from attack or even availability of potter’s clay (in Surinam), some Carib tribes allegedly clinging to the edge of savannas for the latter reason. The Palicur put up small clusters of habitations on safe forested islands rising from the savanna or on the savanna itself. Waterways connect one hut with another, but become unnavigable or even dry in midsummer, Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 1 so that visitors must cross series of long logs embedded in the mud. Along the Amazon River, Carvajal observed in 1542 that the houses formed an almost continuous village. Genuine villages are not wholly lacking even where normally the people live in one or two houses. Thus, the Macushi developed an original hamlet of two dwellings into an aggregation of 12, ranged in two streets, though this enlarged settlement, partly due to missionary influence, was reserved for festive use. The Guarani set four or eight rectangular houses round a central square plaza, with a double or even triple stockade enclosing the hamlet. Palisades are also attested for the Tupinamba (figs. 6, top; 11, top; 12, left), the Guarani, Tupi-Cawahib, and for some of the Guiana Arawak and Carib tribes. The two main types of dwellings differ according to their round or oblong group plan. Nordenskidld (1924 b, 3:24 et seq.) suspected the aboriginal character of rectangular houses outside the Andean region. Unquestionably right in contending that many native groups rapidly adopted the rectangular plan of White neighbors, he seems to have gone too far, for (Friederici, 1925, p. 53) there are sundry unexceptionable early references to oblong houses, e.g., near the Yapura confluence. As a matter of fact, several types must be distinguished. The Palicur anciently occupied beehive huts with walls and roof merging; a low en- trance was closed at night in order to exclude mosquitoes. Another form, shared by Arawakan and Cariban groups, has palm-leaf thatch covering two rows of elastic rods bent over to yield a pointed arch. Widespread (Taulipdng, Wapishana, early Mojo, etc.) is a conical roof on a cylin- drical substructure, which either remains unenclosed or is walled with bark, wood, leaves, or mud, all these variations sometimes occurring within the same tribe. When small, such huts have a single, low entrance ; otherwise there will be two doors on opposite sides, reserved for men and women, respectively. An important variant results when two or even three posts connected by a small ridge pole take the place of the single post terminating in the apex of the cone. The ground plan thus grows somewhat elliptical. However, one or even both gables may be made straight instead of rounded. Thus, there is a genetic tie between the circular and the rectangular forms. Indeed, on the Vaupés River, where Wallace saw houses semicircular in the back but otherwise parallelo- grams in outline, Koch-Griinberg found a wholly rectangular ground plan. Some of these houses are immense, one described by Wallace being 115 feet (34.5 m.) long, 75 feet (22.5 m.) wide, and 30 feet (9.1 m.) in height and regularly inhabited by about 100 persons, with three or four times that number on festive occasions. The doors are regularly on the gable sides. Among the simplest habitations of the area are those of the semi- nomadic Nambicuara, who most of the year content themselves in the 18 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 wind-screens (pl. 37, center, left), resorting to palm-thatched beehive huts (pl. 37, top, left) during the rainy season, and of the Piraha, who make only temporary, flimsy shelters. Pile dwellings are found among various tribes, especially in Guiana and vicinity, not only on the coast or in the swampy Warrau country, but also far in the interior, on dry and even hilly terrain. Koch-Griinberg (1923 a, 3: 23) and Nordenskidld (1920, p. 4 f.) suggest that these struc- tures are survivals from a period when their builders inhabited swampy or coastal districts. Granaries on piles occur among the Chiriguano. The impermanence of settlement in a particular locality is usually owing to the exhaustion of the soil, but also to disease and death, especially that of a chief. Hence, the population of a tract cannot be directly determined by the number of house sites. Furniture.—From the time of Columbus’ second voyage the hammock (pls. 101, right; 107, bottom), first noted in Santo Domingo as a regular contrivance for sleeping, has loomed as diagnostic of the Forest culture at its core, contrasting with the marginal Nambicuara custom of sleeping on the ground and the platform bed of the Ge and of the Montafia (figs. 88, 91, 102). The hammock has, however, spread widely within historic times, being adopted for repose during the day rather than for sleeping at night (p. 833). It is made of cotton, ite (Mauritia), tucum, and other materials, Another household article is a low stool or bench carved from one solid block (pl. 93, bottom; figs. 19, 122), frequently in the shape of an animal. The height may be over 1 foot (30.5 cm.) but sometimes does not exceed 3 inches (8 cm.). Special decorations appear on the shaman’s settee. Simpler are the plain tripod stools cut from a root or a forked branch with little alteration of the natural growth. Utensils comprise gourd bottles for drinking water and larger ones for fermented beverages; calabashes; wooden troughs in the west; vari- ous clay vessels; mats; diverse baskets and basketry strainers (pl. 117, bottom, left). The finer treasure baskets rest on crossbeams, which may also support drinking gourds in bunches, carrying baskets, etc., some- times suspended from hooks. The only illumination is from the family fireplaces at night and from whatever light penetrates the narrow en- trance but for special occasions torches are made from a lump of rosin glued to the tip of a firebrand. Three stones or clay cylinders serve as a tripod for the cooking vessels in the Orinoco and Vaupés River country. ENGINEERING WORKS Roads.—True roads are often wanting in the forest region, where the traveler breaks branches to guide him. Between Berbice and Essequibo the trail was barely 12 inches (30.5 cm.) wide and marked by notches Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 19 in the trees. In descending walls of rock, crude ladders are sometimes made of rungs lashed to poles. Leaves and spars provide a sort of cause- way over swampy or muddy ground. The Mojo or their predecessors built up long causeways, each paralleled by a ditch or canal (p. 416). In Palicur country the waterways become unpassable in midsummer, hence long tree trunks are laid end to end in the mire to afford transit. In the upper Rio Negro country the Indians frequently pass from one river to another by following traditional trails affording an easy portage. Thus, the Tiquié River is connected with the Papury and even with the Yapura River (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 171-172). Bridges.— Bridges are simple, typically consisting of a tree of suitable height chopped to fall across the water and provided with a handrail. The Guaharibo build more complex bridges (p. 863). DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Clothing.— Originally the natives mostly went naked (pl. 6), as early 17th-century observers noted for both sexes along the Oyapock River. A penis sheath or other cover, rather accentuating than removing the impression of nakedness, is widespread (Nordenskidld, 1924 b, p. 147 et seq., map 19). Among the Cubeo and their neighbors in the Caiari- Vaupés region, women wear a tiny rectangular apron suspended from a cord of white beads (pl. 104). The men content themselves with a perineal band of red bast. On the lower Apaporis River a wide and long girdle of white bast is wrapped tight around the abdomen and fastened with a black strip of bast (pl. 104) ; and a girdle-cord supports a kilt of narrow bast strips descending to the feet. Usually part, and sometimes all, of the strips are pulled through between the legs and secured behind under the girdle, but those who wear the bast jock-strap customary on the Caiari River allow the kilt to hang down unconfined (Koch-Griin- berg, 1921, pp. 271, 380). When traveling over rocky tracts, savanna dwellers quickly make for themselves sandals from the bases of Mauritia leaves, the string being from the fiber of the leaves of this palm. More durable, but harder are - equivalents of deer and tapir hide. The paucity of clothes markedly contrasts with the profusion of bodily decoration. Probably owing to Andean influence, the tribes of the western periphery of the area wear more complete garments—the cushma of the Montana (pl. 49, bottom) and the tipoy of Bolivia. Featherwork.—Feather crowns were mainly of two types, according to whether the frame was fixed vertically or horizontally like the brim of a European hat, with the feathers inserted between its double edges and projecting in the same plane (Roth, 1924, p. 429 et seq., pl. 137). The foundation of the vertical type is a ring-shaped band with projecting 20 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 rim above and often below also; this band is basketwork, typically twilled. The feathers, fixed in rows on cotton twine, were woven into a cotton band tied behind and supported in upright position by a cotton fillet sewed to them in front. The Mojo, anciently noted for feather mosaics that realistically represented animals and men, still make impressive feather crowns (Nordenskiold, 1924 b, p. 205 f.; 1922, pls. 27, 28). There are likewise feather frontlets, collars, and cloaks for men (see pl. 123); and at festivals the participants have small feathers or down glued on their body (Roth, 1924, p. 425). The Chiriguano came to supplant feather ornaments with frontlets of Andean type displaying metal plaques. Tattoo.—Complete tattooing is not widespread, but seems authenticated for the Cariban Trio, the Yuracare, Shipaya, and the Munduruch (p. 275; also Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 3: 1312). The last had half ellipses on the face, with many parallel lines descending over the chin to the chest, which was ornamented with diamonds while the back also bore designs. But forearms of Wapishana and Taulipang women have been tattooed in recent decades, and facial tattoo with conspicuous curvilinear patterns, often of fishhook shape, was common. The pigment, sometimes mixed with honey, was injected with a palm spine, the lancetlike fang of a certain fish, or a fishbone. Among the Tupinamba and many other tribes both sexes tattooed. In the Roraima region tattoo is associated with puberty and has magical significance. Nordenskidld (1919 a, p. 120) has suggested that tattoo and genipa paint are negatively correlated. Painting.—Body and face paint (pls. 85, 86, 88) are widespread, the most common pigments being red uruct derived from the seeds of Bixa orellana and bluish-black genipa from the fruit of the Genipa americana; both species are cultivated by the natives. These pigments occur beyond the Tropical Forest culture, being popular among the Ge and traded into the Chaco. Another widely diffused pigment is carayuru, obtained by fermenting the leaves of Bignonia chica or boiling the water in which they are soaked. Genipa designs remain indelible for 9 days and more, which has led travelers to confound them with tattooing. Pigments may be applied for prophylactic as well as esthetic purposes (Roth 1924, p. 88 et seq.). In the Roraima country the designs vary greatly and, apart from facial decoration, are executed by the women. Elaborate geometrical patterns appear, but also realistic representations of birds and mammals, as well as highly conventional forms of dubious significance (Koch- Grunberg, 1923, 3: 40-45). The Guarani and Yuracare apply body paint with a stamp (fig. 66, a, c, d). Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 21 Miscellaneous ornaments.—An indefinite number of decorative de- vices occur, some being shared with other regions. Besides finger rings suspected of Negro or White origin and the feather decoration (p. 19), there are labrets for the lower lip (as many as a dozen among the Mayoruna (pl. 51), whence their name, Barbudo) ; nose sticks; earplugs ; crowns and frontlets; necklaces and chest ornaments of teeth, claws, or seeds; armlets of palm leaf, bark, beaded string, or cotton; bracelets of bark, feathers, or seeds; belts of basketwork, cotton bands, fruit shells, or hair; and leg ornaments. The calves of Carib women’s legs are thrown into relief by pairs of tight-fitting bands of woven cotton around the knees and ankles respectively, as noted on Columbus’ voyages. (See pl. 38.) Along the Rio Negro affluents, men generally wear quartz cylinders as neck pendants. These cylinders, about 4 to 6 inches (10 to 15 cm.) long and an inch (2.5 cm.) in diameter, are worn from a cord of palm fiber on which glossy, black seeds have been strung. (Roth, 1924, pp. 412-49; Koch-Grtinberg, 1921, pp. 205 f.) Ornaments of gold and silver were reported from the Amazon (p. 694) and from tribes in contact with the Andean civilizations. So was arti- ficial deformation of the head (p. 694). TRANSPORTATION Carrying devices.—For carrying minor utensils there are various pouches, such as a small bark sack for coca and paint and a flat mat satchel. On the Apaporis River the men carry their fire apparatus, scarifying implement, and sundries in a rectangular bag knitted of palm- fiber string (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 384). Throughout most of the area both sexes transport heavy loads in a basketry knapsack resting against the back and supported by a plaited tumpline passing above rather than across the forehead (pl. 121, top, right) ; the bearer relieves the pressure by thrusting his arms through lateral loops, which may be temporarily used to the exclusion of the head band in order to rest the neck and head. The carrying net, so popular in the Chaco, is generally lacking but appears among the Guarani in the extreme south, where, how- ever, skin bags seem to have preceded it. Infants are carried in a cotton baby sling made after the same pattern as hammocks. The sling passes over the mother’s right shoulder (pl. 26, left) and is pushed rearward by a woman when working in her planta- tion so that the child is then supported on her back. Boats.—Transportation by water is diagnostic of the culture at its core, especially in contrast to the Ge of eastern Brazil (Handbook, vol. 2), but many tribes living either between navigable rivers or on small streams at the headwaters of the main rivers lacked any craft. Thus, the Shiriand, Waica, Guaharibo, and Curicuriari River Macu, many tribes of the upper o SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Napo and Putumayo Rivers and elsewhere along the eastern slopes of the Andes, the Maué, and the Nambicuara had no canoes. They crossed watercourses on logs or by swimming; some of the tribes constructed rafts. Many tribes which aboriginally lacked canoes, having kept away from rivers to avoid the strong, hostile tribes living along them, adopted canoes when White penetration brought peace to their country, and when steel axes became available to facilitate canoe construction. In general, Indians not only utilized natural waterways, but also skill- fully dragged their craft over rapids. Further, where the several tribu- taries of a river or the affluents of distinct systems approach one another, the natives have established traditional land routes or portages to eke out the connection by water. Finally, the Casiquiare River (pl. 5, top, right and bottom) links the upper Rio Negro, hence the Amazon, with the Orinoco River. Given the Indians’ skill in coping with swift water and other obstructions, one easily understands the wide diffusion of many traits characteristic of the area not merely over the mainland, but even to the Antilles. Amazing similarities between these islands and in- terior districts (Santarém) have been emphasized by Nimuendaju, Nor- denskidld, and Palmatary (1939). The crafts used include simple rafts, often made of very light balsa wood (pl. 71; fig. 95, a), dugouts (fig. 67), and bark canoes (figs. 56; Obs ibs 123) . After felling and rough-hewing a tree for a dugout, the Indians orig- inally applied fire at the top, gradually burning out the wood to an even thickness, then filling the hollow with water, and at the same time keep- ing up a gentle fire outside. In order further to widen the boat, they might insert crossbeams (pl. 94, top). A tvpical specimen measured 33 ft. (10 m.) in length, 21 in. (53 cm.) in width, and 14 in. (35 cm.) in depth. On the Guiana coast, dugouts had a plank added along the side to form a gunwale. On long journeys a tent is added to protect the goods. Such substances as the bruised sapwood of the Brazil-nut tree (Bertholletia excelsa) serve for calking. Square sails of cotton, palm-leaf matting, or laths split from the leaf stalk of Mauritia were customary. Bark canoes (pls. 6, right; 27; 32) occur among some tribes of the Amazon Basin and the Guianas, where they are generally restricted to shallow water on the upper reaches of the streams. On the Berbice River the Indians generally make a single piece of the purpleheart (Pel- togyne purpurea) bark into a canoe, and other trees are used elsewhere for the same purpose. A “wood-skin” of this type, which may be as long as 25 to 30 ft. (7.5 to 9.1 m.), holds 3 men with their baggage. Easily capsized, this craft has compensatory advantages—floating where Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 23 an ordinary dugout could not pass, and being easily carried on the head over a portage. In very shallow water the Indians pole their boats; otherwise they propel them with paddles having leaf-shaped or circular blades and usually a crescentic handle. MANUFACTURES Bark cloth.—One center for bark cloth lies in northwestern Bolivia (Nordenskidld, 1924 b, p. 208 et seq., maps 28 and 30) ; another among the Tucanoans, Zéparoans, Jivaro, and Arawak of the upper Amazon. The industry characterizes none of the three major stocks of our area, but rather such marginal groups as the Witoto (pl. 83), Tucano, Campa, Yuracare, and Chacobo. The inner layer of the Ficus bark usually pro- vides the material, which is beaten out with a grooved mallet. (See pl. 94, bottom; p. 779.) Among the Yuracare this craft is vital, producing men’s and women’s shirts, which are stamped with painted designs ; baby slings; pouches ; and mosquito nets. Bast shirts are also typical of mas- culine dress among the Chacobo (Nordenskidld, 1922, pp. 60, 94, 95). The Tucano use bark cloth for mummers’ masks and costumes and for images (pl. 64). Basketry.—The Shiriand, Waica, Carajd, and Guaharibo make only twined baskets, perhaps a survival of the earliest technique. (For twining technique, see pl. 95, bottom, right.) Twilling (pl. 95, bottom, left) and latticework (fig. 2) are very widespread. For Guiana are recorded such a b. Ficure 2.—Tropical Forest basketwork of lattice type. a, Common hexagonal weave of Amazon Basin; b, special lattice weave of Mato Grosso. (After Nordenskidld, 1924 b, map 27.) additional techniques as checker, wrapping, and imbrication. (Koch- Grinberg, 1921, pp. 340-342; 1923, 3: 80-85; Roth, 1924, pp. 137-143, 281-380; Gillin, 1936, p. 51 et seq.) Vines, palms, and other tropical species furnish ideal materials for this industry. The nibi vine (Carlu- dovica trigona) is split in half, then the convex outer surface is split 24 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 off from each piece, yielding a flat, ribbonlike, flexible, and tough strip, which is scraped with a knife. Basketry articles (pl. 22) include mats, satchels, trays, creels, oblong basketry boxes with lids, two-piece telescoping containers, carrying baskets (pl. 6, left, bottom) manioc presses, and fans. Some utensils are in openwork, others closely woven, but in either case they can be waterproofed with broad leaves or pitch, the latter attested for Ama- zonian tribes by Acufia (1641). It is noteworthy that basketry is a masculine industry. The remarkable esthetic effects attained in basketry are treated under Art (p. 39). Weaving and cordage.—Since major garments are as a rule lacking, loom work includes mainly hammocks, baby slings, anklets, fillets, waist bands, and the like. (See Roth, 1924, pp. 92-118, 381-411.) Complete clothing—the tipoy, cushma, and, in some tribes, the poncho—is woven only near the Andes. In the eastern part of our area, cotton predominates, though not to the exclusion of other materials. It is grown somewhat less on the upper Amazon and its tributaries; in the Rio Negro region, it is either lacking or little cultivated, and a term for the species is absent from the Arawakan dialects there (Nimuendaju, personal communica- tion). Even among tribes which cultivate cotton, there is sometimes a preference for wild fibers, which often better withstand heat and moisture. Favorite materials for thread are the fibers of burity palm (Mauritia flexuosa), from which a very fine cloth called cachibanco is made; jauary palm (Astrocaryum jauary); curaua (Bromeliaceae) ; embira (Coura- tari sp.) ; tucum (the fiber of several palms called tucuma) ; Cecropia; and other wild species. On the upper Tiquié River, men make balls of tough cordage and trade them to alien tribes against curare. True loom weaving has a high, though incomplete, correlation with cotton. Probably the distinctive type, called “cincture,” or vertical loom (M. Schmidt, 1914, 4: 214), is one consisting of two uprights perforated top and bottom to permit the insertion of cross beams around which the parallel warp threads are looped, the anterior and posterior ones being separated by a movable rod, while a thinner stick divides the even and odd threads (during the process of manufacture). When the fabric is complete, it forms a ring. (Fig. 3; pl. 115, top; also Nordenskiold, 1919 a, p. 204 et seq.; 1920, p. 174 et seq.). This loom is found in the Guianas, west to the Rio Negro, and south to the Yuracare of Bolivia. As it is common to several linguistic families, including the Cariban, Max Schmidt’s characterization of it as “Avawak” seems premature. Bordering the Andes, many tribes use a horizontal loom, the “belt loom” being most common. One end of the loom is attached to a tree or house post, the other to the weaver’s belt. Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 25 Lacking a loom, tribes such as the Tucanoans, Witotoans, and most of the Tupi including the Tupinamba, finger weave, producing a twined fabric. Netting is restricted to the southern tribes. On the upper Xingu, netted hammocks and carrying bags as well as fish nets occur along with a twined and a true weave. Ficure 3—Loom for manufacture of thick hammocks. Upper Rio Negro country, Colombia. (After Koch-Griinberg, 1906 a.) Pottery.—Pottery is general, but by no means universally manufac- tured, earthenware being widely exported from centers of production. The Eastern Nambicuara completely lack the industry, and their congeners make very coarse ware. To some extent the industry naturally depends on the availability of good clay. The view that the Arawakans, unless checked by lack of such material, are uniformly the donors remains an improbable hypothesis (Linné, 1925, pp. 162-169). In eastern Peru, for example, Avawakan ware is definitely inferior to Panoan or Tupian (pp. 577-578), and there is at present no basis for assigning the advanced Marajé and Santarém ceramics to the Arawakans. It is only in a few centers, such as the upper Rio Xingu country, that the Arawak have a monopoly of pottery making; and if the Arawak introduced elaborate wares to eastern Bolivia, there is no proof that they did so elsewhere. As a rule, women make earthenware, but among the Yecuand and Guinau, the industry is wholly masculine (Koch-Griinberg, 1923 a, 3: 347). 96 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 For tempering, the use of sand, shell, and pounded sherds is rare within the area. Very distinctive, on the other hand, is the addition of the ashes from siliceous bark (Amazon Basin, Orinoco, and Guiana), reasonably assumed to have supplanted the earlier, less effective use of sand. The proportion of bark and clay varies, presumably with the consistency of the clay, which on the banks of the Amazon would be unserviceable without a siliceous admixture. The Amazon and its affluents form the center for the addition of burnt and crushed sponges found on the roots of riparian trees, the spicules greatly strengthening the material, as proved by Santarém ware (Linné, 1925, pp. 29-59). Coiling (pl. 62, bottom, left), the most widespread technique, is il- lustrated by the Rio Negro tribes. A vessel is coiled, smoothed with a bit of gourd, and finally polished with a pebble, which is often highly prized (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 344). The potter next dries her vessel for several days indoors and then for an equal period in the sun. For firing, she inverts the pot in a shallow pit, where it rests on a few stones, surrounds it with light wood topped with dry bark, and exposes it to a strongly concentrated fire. Slip seems restricted to the Marajo-Santarém region and the Montafa. Varnish, made of rosin, e. g., from Vismia guianensis, or a copal, e. g., from the courbaril tree (Hymenaea courbaril), is applied in the Amazon Basin, and especially by the modern Carib in Guiana. Thus, the Barama Carib use a certain juice, mildly re-heating the vessel so that the gum melts and seeps into the pores. This also creates a glazed appearance, which vanishes with use. The Icana Arawak sprinkle powdered rosin or the milk of a tree over the painted designs, which thus assume a glossy varnish on firing. (Pp. 155-159; also Linné, 1925, pp. 141-154; Koch-Grtinberg, 1921 p. 345; Roth, 1924, p. 133.) Painted pottery is best developed on the Guiana littoral, on Marajo Island, on the Tapajoz River, in the upper Rio Negro region, and in the Montafia and Yungas (pls. 15-18, 52; figs. 16, 17, 36, 60, 73-75, 111, 112). The Chiriguano de luxe ware is outstanding for its painted decora- tion of Andean type, whereas utensils merely bear fingerprint decora- tion. Negative painting on vessels from Rebordello, on the lower Amazon, is noteworthy (Linné, 1925, p. 136). Painted vessels naturally are re- served for special use—storage, chicha containers, vessels for serving guests, and the like. Utility ware is generally plain and is decorated, if at all, with incisions and fingernail impressions. Modeled ware is found mainly on the lower Amazon, e. g., Marajo (pp. 155-159), where its high development surpasses what might be expected of the historic tribes. It also occurs on the Parana River (pl. 9). The craftsmanship in our area is indicated by the variety of forms, especially of nonutilitarian types. Cooking pots and water containers are widespread. Roasting pans, with elevated margin, and plates are Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE a7 well-developed in the northwest Amazon region. Vessels of unusual size are seen in chicha jars; these range from 3 to 4 feet (1 to 1.3 m.) in diameter and height in the Montafa, to 3 feet (1 m.) high and 7 to 10 feet (2 to 3 m.) in diameter on the Rio Negro, where manioc-pulp bowls even attain a diameter of 10 to 14 feet (3 to4m.). The modern Palicur, though no longer capable of the fine urns of their ancestors, still make roasting pans for manioc flour, large drinking vessels, either conical- bottomed or with annular stand, double drinking vessels with a connect- ing bar, and a variety of clay toys representing turtles and other species (Nimuendaju, 1926, pp. 41-47). The coast of Guiana and northern Brazil generally abounds in oddly shaped effigy vessels anu in grotesque appendages of vessels (Roth, 1924, pp. 134-136). Amazing similarities in detail prove connections between Antillean and Santarém pottery (Nimuendaju reported in Nordenskidld, 1930 a). Gourds.—Calabashes (Crescentia) and gourds (Lagenaria) are of general importance as dippers, drinking cups, and storage vessels. In the Guaporé River and upper Xingu region, where pottery is crude, calabashes abound and are decorated either with incised or pyrographic designs. The Barama Carib have hemispherical cups and containers closed except for perforations of the neck or shoulder. The fruit is picked when completely ripe, the shell cut according to the intended purpose, and the pap removed, sometimes after loosening it by boiling the whole gourd. The calabash is then dried indoors or in the sun until tough and hard. The gourd may be coated with the juice applied to pottery but lacks decoration. As a precaution against the entrance of insects, one gourd is inverted over the mouth of another or the opening is plugged with clean grass (Gillin, 1936, p. 49). Other Guiana Indians, as well as Amazon and Rio Negro tribes, sometimes embellish gourds in painting or incised lines. The halved calabash of the Rio Negro tribes is polished brown on the outside, varnished black within, and some- times bears incised decoration on the rim or the entire outer surface (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 347; Roth, 1924, pp. 301-03). Pokerwork, though ascribed to the Kepikiriwat, Tariana, Macushi, and Wapishana, seems rare (Nordenskidld, 1919 a, p. 225 f.). Chiriguano gourds are artistically embellished with painted, incised, or pyrographic designs. Miscellaneous.—Fire making is generally by drilling (pl. 117, top; fig. 54). Various materials serve as shaft and hearth; and the Pomeroon Arawak have a compound shaft, the point from the fruit pedicel of a palm being too short so that it has to be tied to a longer stick. Moss, the debris from ant collections, cotton, etc., serve as tinder. To save effort the Indians keep fires burning, even carrying smoldering timber on an earthen hearth during boat trips. The Witoto facts are dubious, one authority denying to them any fire apparatus, another crediting them 98 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 with a percussion technique, still another with drilling. Fires are activated with woven (pl. 47, top) or feather fans (fig. 78, a). For illumination the Guiana tribes have candles of rubber or cotton thread drawn through melted beeswax, or substitute gum and comparable materials (Roth, 1924, pp. 69-72). Rubber is probably derived from Sapium and Hevea species. Apart from use in ball games, it serves for the manufacture of rings and enema syringes. The Cayenne Indians boil the latex, then cover clay molds with several coatings of the boiled rubber, incise designs on it, dry it carefully over a fire, blacken it in the smoke, and finally break the molds (Roth, 1924, pp. 83-85; Nordenskiold, 1930 c, pp. 184-195). The Guiana Indians procure a glue from the gum of Moronobea coccinea, cutting into the trunk to make a yellowish gum exude, which is mixed with beeswax and powdered charcoal. It is either allowed to run as a semiliquid into a hollow bamboo or to harden at the bottom of a pot. This material serves to fasten arrow points, wax threads, and fishing lines, calking, etc. The whitish resin of Mimusops globosa also helps attach different parts of an arrow and the stones of cassava graters. Feathers are glued to the body with various gums and balsams, which are also remedies for sores and other ills. In much of the area the lack or rarity of stone leads to the use of substitutes. Arrowheads are of wood, bone, and sting-ray spurs, the occasionally reported stone points being highly suspect. In Guiana, knives are sometimes of quartz and perhaps other stones, but there and elsewhere, they are typically of bamboo, fish teeth, etc. Scrapers are of snail shell, the lower jaw of an agouti, slivers of rock removed in celt-manufacture, etc. The preparation of the highly prized quartz cylinders worn by men in the western part of our area is very exacting. The material is obtained from the depths of the forest along the Tiquié River ; percussion with another quartz roughly shapes the rock, which is then ground on sandstone and polished with fine sand or pumice im- ported from the Amazon via the Yapura River. Months are required for this labor and for the ensuing perforation. The Indian, holding the cylinder with his feet, twirls a pointed palmwood drill on the quartz, adding fine white sand, but no water. At the commencement of the perforating process, the smooth, round quartz is tipped with a lump of pitch until the pit is deep enough to prevent slipping out. Several shafts are worn out during the process, having to be constantly resharpened (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 205 f.). The most important stone tools, however, are the celt and the grooved ax (pls. 70, top; 118, e; fig. 45). They are made either by grinding down fragments broken from rocks or by grinding down water-worn pebbles of suitable contour. In the Apaporis River country, the Indians obtain diabase blades ground by nature so as to be almost ready Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 99 for use and requiring only the slightest supplementary grinding (Koch- Grinberg, 1921, p. 374). Roth distinguishes elongate, curved celts with a cutting edge at each extremity; small straight-edged blades with butt trimmed for hafting; larger specimens with truncate butts and rounded cutting edges; and narrow flattened celts with markedly pointed butts. The grooved axes have a notch above and below, ranging widely as to width; the butt may be either very convex or rather squat and square. The hafting technique is far from clear. In the rare cases amenable to direct observation the celt is fitted into an opening cut to correspond to its base and secured with resin. Roth (1924, pp. 72-79) surmises that the blades are often held in the hand; that the grooves of the axes may be intended merely for the twine employed; and that the blunter ax may conceivably be fastened by a withy bent double and fixed with gum and twine. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Mode of settlement, matrimonial arrangements, and government are all closely interrelated and separable only for purposes of exposition. Settlement.—In many of the tribes the settlement consists of one or a few communal houses (maloca). Such arrangements imply some measure of communism, e. g., the joint use of a fireplace for beer manufacture or of a large trough for grinding maize. The population bears no constant ratio to the number of houses: a two-hut hamlet on the Aiari River harbored some 40 persons, whereas other single maloca settlements on this river had a numerical strength ranging from 10 to 100. If neces- sary, each could accommodate twice or even four times as many (Koch- Grinberg, 1921, pp. 42, 45). A Mangeroma (Jurua-Purts) house was found to have 258 residents; some Tenetehara and Tupinamba dwellings had nearly 1,000 persons. In several districts (e. g., Tapirapé, Caraja, Mundurucu, Chacobo) a men’s club house is set off from the family dwellings. Matrimonial residence.—In the western part of the area, patrilocal residence predominates along with local exogamy. Koch-Griinberg (1921, pp. 114 f., 211, 309) would have us believe that Tucanoans and neighbor- ing Arawakan invariably take wives from other tribes, a Siusi girl marry- ing a Huhuteni or Kaus suitor, a Bara girl a Tuyuca man. It seems more probable that custom merely prescribes taking a bride from another settlement, irrespective of its linguistic affinity. Goldman (p. 780) found the Tucanoan Cubeo to acquire wives outside the village, members of which formed an exogamous, patrilineal sib. Certainly Preuss’s Witoto “stamme” (1921, 1:11, 153 et seq.) suggest localized clans (Steward’s “patrilineal bands,” Gifford’s “‘lineages’”’) rather than “tribes” in ordinary parlance. 30 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 In the Guianas, matrilocal residence prevails, coupled with bride-service. However, there are notable exceptions and qualifications. The Palicur have no fixed rule and regard an independent household as ideal (Nim- uendaju, 1926, p. 82). The Aparai, in contrast to fellow Caribans, are definitely patrilocal (Kirchhoff, 1931, p. 119). Frequently, the matrilocal rule is reversed for the chief and his eldest son (ibid., pp. 125, 190), as also holds for the Bacairi (M. Schmidt, 1905, p. 437). Avuncular mar- riage for girls (see below) would leave both spouses in their natal village. Matrilocalism may be temporary (Macurap of the Branco River), or permanent. It cannot be considered a specifically Avawakan trait. Though the Locono exhibit it, it is lacking among the Wapishana. Of non-Arawakans, the isolated Warrau, the Cariban Tamanak, Macushi, Taulipang, Rucuyen, Galibi, Kallinago, and the Tupian Siriond, Guayaki, and Chiriguano are temporarily or permanently matrilocal. Marriage rules.—Premarital license may be consistent with strict feminine chastity in wedlock (Roth, 1924, p. 560; Nimuendaju, 1926) ‘pr St): Monogamy is reported for the Palicur as early as 1729. Elsewhere polygyny is often either a chief’s prerogative (Caiari River) or is actually practiced mostly by chiefs and shamans, notwithstanding permissive polygyny for others (Roth, 1924, p. 685 et seq.). Polygyny is most commonly sororal (Trwmai). Simultaneous marriage with a woman and her daughter by another husband crops up sporadically, being ortho- dox among Kuliseu River tribes, the Rucuyen, and sundry Caribans. Bride-service was frequent. Its obligations might be temporary, as among the Tenetehara (p. 143) or continue indefinitely, as among the Tupinamba, who, however, mitigated the husband’s lot if he gave his daughter in marriage to her mother’s brother (p. 112). In northwestern Brazil the groom offers presents to his parents-in-law, but the bride brings a dowry. Preferential kin and affinial unions are varied and widespread. The Cubeo prefer cross-cousin marriage together with brother-sister exchange, so that the symmetrical form of the custom is indicated. Cross-cousin marriage is also orthodox among the Nambicuara, whose nomenclature reflects the practice ; the Cashinawa; the Wapishana; and various Caribans of whom the Aparai favor the patrilateral, others the symmetrical type. The occurrence of avuncular marriage, sororal polygyny, and step- daughter marriage have been noted. Position of women.—The discordant evidence presumably reflects local differences: some sources describe women as their husbands’ slaves, others as their companions, and among the Palicur they set the tone. (Koch-Grinberg, 1921, pp. 353 f.; Roth, 1924, pp. 683 f.; Nim- uendaju, 1926, pp. 78 ff.) Since the Palicur are patrilineal, the status Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE - a of women is obviously not a simple function of the rule of descent. Nor is it clearly correlated with particular linguistic families. Kinship usages.—Mother-in-law avoidance occurs among the Arawak, Carib, and Warrau of Guiana: a man must not remain in his mother- in-law’s dwelling, nor talk with her, nor even look at her (Roth, 1924, p. 685; 1915, p. 344; Kirchhoff, 1931, p. 150). In the same region a man and his wife’s father may converse on ordinary topics, but the wife serves as go-between in the conveyance of instructions (Roth, 1915, p. 200). Among the Tupinamba a newly wed man and his father-in- law display mutual bashfulness (Kirchhoff, 1931, p. 183). Among the Shipaya a lifelong bond of solidarity is sometimes created between two individuals on the occasion of a ceremony. Unilateral and bilateral units.—Instead of unilateral types of unit many tribes have territorial groups embracing both blood-kinsfolk and outsiders—especially in-laws—who have come to join them. This type of unit is Kirchhoff’s “extended family” (Grossfamilie). However, unilateral systems are not rare, but not one of the three major stocks presents a uniform social organization. It is true that the Caribans present no authenticated case of exogamy with matrilineal descent, which in some tribes is indeed precluded by avuncular marriage (Tamanac and Macushi); most of them seem to have loose extended families, but patrilineal reckoning may occur in some cases. Of the Arawakans, the Locono and the Goajiro (Handbook, vol. 4) have each a large number of matrilineal clans, which probably holds for the Antillean congeners. On the other hand, the western Arawakans lack the trait, and even in the east the Palicur have seven patrilineal clans (Nimuendaju, 1926, pp. 22 et seq., 86, 132) ranged in moieties. Of the Tupians, on the Rio Branco, the Arua have matrilineal, the Makurap patrilineal descent, the latter also holding for the Witoto and the Mundurucu, which latter have exogamic moieties divided into clans. The Tupinamba may conceivably have had a patrilineal organization, but certainly not matri- lineal clans in view of the orthodoxy of avuncular marriage. Turning to other stocks, the Jabuti (Rio Branco), the Tucanoans (Cubeo), and the Tucuna are patrilineal. Besides the Palicur and Mundurucu, the Kepikiriwat (Gi-Parana River) also have moieties, but apparently only for ceremonial ball games. Only the Munduruci moieties are definitely known to be exogamous (p. 277); on the other hand, the feature belongs to the three Cubeo phratries. The nameless Cubeo phratries own land and unite periodically for a men’s initiation ceremony and for the recital of origin myths (pp. 780- 781). The Palicur moieties have separate cemeteries and are named “lower” and “upper,” respectively. At least partly totemic clan names appear in the Cubeo, Palicur, and Tucuna schemes. Cubeo and Tucuna clans own each a set of personal names. 32 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 How far we can speak of totemism apart from the above mentioned cases of totemic names, is not certain. One Palicur clan traces its descent from a sloth, others from a bird, wild Bromelias, and the earth, re- spectively; but some of the designations are untranslatable. Among the Cubeo, again, it was not the totemic clan eponyms that were once taboo, but the eponyms associated with the sets of personal names owned by clans. Political organization.—Commonly each settlement is autonomous, so that the headman merely controls fellow-residents, but some tribes are said to have paramount chiefs (Yuruna). In the matrilocal but clan- less tribes, a headman might exert much influence by controlling as de- pendents his daughters’ husbands. Indeed, in the Guayaki hordes, the father of several daughters who have attracted suitors into fixed matri- local residence becomes ipso facto the headman. As a rule, however, greater authority belongs to chiefs in unilaterally organized societies. A Palicur chief, e. g., welcomes strangers, organizes communal enterprises, and smooths over internal difficulties. But though a chief represents his people, arranges festivities, and leads economic undertakings, he owes hospitality to his tribesmen and probably is never despotic by virtue of his office. Succession follows distinct patterns. In the Rio Negro region (Siust) a headman is followed first by his several brothers and only after their death by a son. The Palicur disregard heredity, the incumbent selecting as deputy and successor the ablest and most popular tribesman. Elsewhere (Yuruna) the oldest son normally succeeds his father; failing male off- spring, a Witoto chief may choose as his successor a son-in-law, thus contravening the normal patrilocal rule. Where sources speak of accession by ordeals (Roth, 1924, pp. 568-573), a purely titular distinction seems invloved: the successful candidate does not supersede the chief in office, but gains in status. The tests in part coincide with those imposed at puberty. In some tribes (e. g., Quijo, Nambicuara) a chief is usually a shaman. As for differences in rank, the status of sons-in-law was often inferior in matrilocal societies, but hardly enough so to warrant speaking of an inferior caste, though in some tribes the same term designates a serf and a son-in-law (e. g., Guiana Carib, p. 849). Rather different is the case of whole tribes dominated by others. Thus, the originally nomadic Macu are well enough treated by economically superior neighbors, but some- what as might be pet animals. The Tucano send Macu slaves to get game, fish, or wild fruits and assign menial tasks to them. A master will dole out kashiri or an occasional cigar to his drudge, but bars him from dances; and no Macz would intrude into a conversation unasked. Dif- ferent again is the Chiriguano polity. This offshoot of the Guarani conquered the economically advanced Chané, thus creating an upper class Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 33 that in various districts lords it over from 5 to over 10 times their number of serfs (p. 467). A stratification is suggested for the ancient Manasi of Bolivia: hereditary chiefs, priests, shamans, “captains,” and com- moners (p. 389). Property and inheritance.—Individual property rights are recog- nized, even children being credited with them (M. Schmidt, 1905, p. 438; Roth, 1924, pp. 632, 701). But this does not bar communal ownership of certain goods, such as weirs and general sharing in the yield (e. g., p. 000; Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 257). In Guiana land is cleared by communal labor (Kirchhoff, 1931, pp. 141, 157). Since settlements shift with exhaustion of the soil, inheritance of land is immaterial, but fishing rights are sib-owned among the Cubeo (p. 781) and on the upper Xingu (p. 324). As for other property, most tribes burn or bury a deceased person’s chattels. A Trumai nephew inherits certain songs from his mother’s brother. Among the Siusi the son is the sole heir; failing issue, the dead man’s brother or other kinsman takes his place. Trade.—Local specialization and the mobility of expert boatmen favored wholesale trading notwithstanding the lack of fixed mediums of exchange. Acawai peddlers make long journeys in Venezuela, Brazil, and Guiana. Even such necessities as cassava graters and blowguns are often manufactured in particular distributing centers. Credit is an established concept, payment being often deferred for months. That Arawakans have created all useful goods is unproved. The iso- lated Otomac are famous for their pottery; the Cariban Arecuna spread cotton and blowguns; the Warrau, their boats; the Pebans, Macushi, and Tucuna, blowgun poison. Intertribal trade was greatly developed on the upper Xingu River, with formalized procedure (pp. 338-339). The extent of commerce is indicated by the presence of Andean objects of gold, silver, and copper as far east as the upper Paraguay River. WARFARE Weapons.—Bows and arrows have already been described under Hunting (p. 12). Some of the fighting arrows are poisoned. Roth rightly wonders at the infrequent use of curare in warfare (blowguns with their curare-poisoned darts were never used), but the Yahuna are said to smear it on palm spines attached to their wrists and elbows in preparation for a hand-to-hand encounter (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 362). Spears are common in western rather than in eastern Guiana; they are long, pointed, and firehardened staves of wood, but there is some evi- dence of prehistoric stone spearheads. In Yapura and Apaporis River country there are poisoned lances, which are wanting in the Caiari region ; they serve both in war and the chase. These weapons are always united in sheaves of seven; each poisoned tip, inserted in an incision of the shaft and wrapped with bast, is stuck into a separate compartment of a 34 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 common case for the septet. The arrangement resembles that for poisoned arrows on the Aiari River (Koch-Grinberg, 1921, pp. 64, 88, 371 f., 396). Clubs with wrist-loops are common, especially the flat, paddle- or swordlike type (macana, fig. 78, e-h). These are large, at times requir- ing the use of both hands to wield them. A block type, distributed at least from Cayenne to the Orinoco, is made of the hardest, heaviest woods worked into sharp-cornered square ends; sometimes a celt is cemented into a lateral groove (fig. 27). A curious dagger-club tapers to a sharp point at one end, to a blunt one at the other, with the grip in between; it is driven through the ear into a fallen enemy’s brain. Other clubs resemble a spatula. The clubs are often elaborately orna- mented with basketwork wrapping and engraved designs. Shields vary greatly in make and shape, but most commonly are circular, of tapir hide. Wickerwork equivalents, occasionally covered with tapir hide, also occur in the Montana, the Uaupés-Caqueta (pl. 103, center), and the Mojos-Chiquitos area, and they persist as dance regalia on the Rio Negro. For the Cayenne Indians, an early recorder describes and figures an oblong shield of very light wood, painted with various designs. Psychology of Warfare.—Some tribes, such as the Yagua (p. 735) are reckoned as peaceable, others—notably the Carib and Tupi—as militar- istic. The historic conflict of Cariban and Arawakan groups in the Antilles is also exemplified by the hereditary enmity of Galibi and Palicur; and the Arawakans of Icana region are traditional enemies of the Cubeo, but it would be a grave error to suppose that alignment universally followed linguistic lines. To the contrary, warfare was more common within families, e. g., between Jivaro villages, between the Panoan Conibo and Cashibo, or between Nahukwa groups. Revenge seems to have been the foremost motive for warfare, but the Parintintin fought mainly for sport and the Tupinamba to gain prestige and to acquire victims to be eaten. The craving for glory also figured largely, as indicated by the use of trophies, e. g., among the Jivaro (p. 624) and, on the Orinoco River, by the recital of coups. The Paressi are unique in their wars of conquest. Another motive was the capture of individual enemies, a factor greatly intensified by European instigation. Organization and tactics.—The decision to make war usually takes place at a council in combination with a drinking-bout. The Suriname Carib then paint themselves, dance special dances to arouse the jaguar spirit, and undergo magical rites to ensure success. Some tribes summon their fellows by signal drums or by blowing conchs. Several groups are credited with having specially appointed commanders-in-chief and with carrying provisions along. Among the Munduruci, women accompany and assist their warrior husbands. Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 35 Open warfare is far less common than nocturnal and matutinal sur- prise attacks. In attacking a palisaded village, the aggressors often shoot arrows tipped with lighted cotton to set fire to the thatched roofs. Wide- spread protective measures include the barring of avenues of approach with sharp hardwood stakes and coltrops, both often poisoned, and the stakes frequently set in the bottom of a concealed trench. The use of automatically-released blowguns hidden by the trail (Jurua-Purts) and of irritating fumes from burning peppers is more restricted. Treatment of prisoners.—Slavery has already been mentioned. Cap- tive women were usually taken in marriage and children reared as ordinary tribal members, but the cannibalistic Tupinamba, though taking captives, always killed and ate them sooner or later. Trophies.—Nearly all warring tribes take human trophies of some kind, most frequently heads, though the Parintintin do not disdain arms and legs. The most famous trophies are the Jivaro shrunken heads (pl. 63 and p. 625). In some cases, scalps alone are sought, e. g., in Suriname, where the women wear them as ornaments, the Yecuand using the hair for belts. The Yuruna and various Montafia tribes prefer the skull. A common practice is to make flutes of the victim’s long bones and necklaces of his teeth. The Munduruct cut an enemy’s head off with a cane knife, remove the brains, eyes, tongue, and muscles, then dry the skull, wash it with water, saturate it with uruct oil, and expose it to the sun. When hard, it receives an artificial brain of dyed cotton, eyes of pitch, teeth, and a feather hood for decoration (fig. 28; pl. 23, left). Henceforth, the victor regularly carries it with him by a rope. (Spix and Martius, 1823- 31, 3:1314). Cannibalism.—Although our word “cannibal” is derived from a desig- nation of the Carib, many Arawakan and Tucanoan tribes also practiced anthropophagy. Several tribes in Guiana closely resembled the Tupi- namba in their relevant procedure; they hospitably entertained a prisoner for some time, beginning to taunt him as the fatal hour of his execution approached, then tortured him, and finally crushed his skull with a sword- club. This was followed by the cooking and eating of his flesh, some of the bones being made into flutes. (See figs. 12-14.) Shipaya canni- balism is linked with the cult of Kumapari. (For the whole section, see Roth, 1924, pp. 144-173, 578-601.) Endo- cannibalism is described under Death (p. 38). LIFE CYCLE Birth.—Isolation of the woman during childbirth is customary. Among the Siusi, e. g., the woman in labor remains in her hammock within the house, assisted by the female inmates, while the men all depart. The navel string and afterbirth are buried on the spot (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, 36 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 p. 116). For 5 days the mother remains secluded in her division of the dwelling, where her husband keeps her company; during this period neither parent may work, wash himself, or eat anything but flat manioc cakes and peppers lest the infant take harm. The seclusion is ended by the father’s recital of the names of fish and game animals henceforth permitted to the parents, followed by a joint bath by them and the infant. On that day the father’s father bestows a name on the child, usually drawing upon the animal kingdom. The Cubeo (p. 787) conform to the Siusi rule in this respect, but widely depart from it in other details. Here the expectant mother—not her husband—abstains from the flesh of all quadrupeds for a month before the birth. The delivery may occur in the house or in a special hut or in the woods, but with the assistance of all women. The husband’s mother cuts the navel cord with razor grass and immediately buries it with the afterbirth. Of twins of different sex the female, and otherwise the junior infant, is invariably killed. Several hours after a birth the shaman arrives for a conjuring ceremony. Confinement in the young couple’s part of the house lasts for 5 days, then all the furniture is moved out of the house prior to the newborn child’s first bath, and on the following day a kinsman of the father brings cooked fish, thereby terminating the fast. Eight days after the delivery a great drinking spree is held, to which the parents invite all their kin, and it is then that a name is conferred (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 310 f.). In these instances the couvade, which has a very wide distribution, is at best adumbrated. In Guiana the couvade appears in classical form, i. e., natal and prenatal prescriptions and restrictions on the father equal or surpass the mother’s, the rationale usually being the infant’s welfare. A Palicur father is supposed to be everywhere accompanied by the child’s spirit, for whom he must carry a miniature bow and arrow lest he himself fail in the hunt; and if he is obliged to enter the woods at night he must carry a sling over his left shoulder for the infant’s spirit. Were the man to make incisions in certain trees, the tree-spirit would cause the child’s abdomen to grow large like the tree’s (Nimuendaju, 1926, p. 83). The Suriname Carib forbade the father to hunt or undertake any heavy work; everywhere he had to avoid thorny places on the road, and if he crossed a river by a tree trunk, he would set up a sort of miniature bridge for the child’s spirit (Roth, 1924, pp. 695 f.). The Galibi subjected the father to the same flogging and scarification tests characteristic at puberty, the idea being to transfer to the child the valor shown. The Macushi prohibit both parents to scratch themselves with their fingernails, instead of which they employ the midrib of the kokerite palm (Roth, 1915, pp. 320-324). There seems to be no support for Max Schmidt’s view (1917, pp. 61-64) that the couvade was a potent mechanism for creating an economically subordinate social class. The custom is not confined to matrilocal peoples, Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 37 as he assumes, but has a wide distribution irrespective of the rule of resi- dence ; and its implications are very clearly of the magico-religious order. Puberty.—Some sort of puberty ordeal is widespread, being obligatory for both sexes before marriage especially in the Guianas, as among the Carib and Warrau. The principal tests are fasting, exposure to ant bites, scarification, and flagellation. A Pomeroon Arawak girl must abstain from meat at her first menses and eat very little fish with small manioc cakes; her Warrawu sister neither eats, speaks, nor laughs for 2 or 3 days. Maué, Apinayé, and Arapium boys were exposed to ants, as was customary among various Guiana tribes (see pl. 118, d), which latter commonly inflicted severe gashes on adolescents of both sexes. Boys or girls, or both, were flogged among the Macushi, the Marauha, and Araycu (west of Ega), and tribes of the lower Ica River. Very common is the suspension of a girl in a hammock raised to the highest part of the hut so as to expose her to the smoke. This custom, linked with fast- ing and other taboos, seems to be in part of upper Amazonia the equivalent of the boys’ flogging. The Taulipang combine all the austerities de- scribed: A youth is whipped and gashed, the incisions being smeared with magical substances, and exposed to ants, besides being obliged to forego the meat of game and flesh of large birds and big fish for a whole year. This trial is invariably collective, and none of the candidates may utter a cry of pain lest the ceremony be nullified for all celebrants. However, the primary object of the performance is, according to Koch- Griinberg, not a mere test of fortitude, but a magical enhancement of the youths’ skill in hunting and fishing; and consequently it may be repeated for like purposes in later life. A Taulipang girl, when coming of age, is exposed to ants, tattooed, and whipped; throughout her first period she remains in her hammock partitioned from the rest of the hut, observes a rigid diet, and is obliged to use a special scratcher for her head. This last taboo also applies to mourners of either sex. At the next four or five menstrual periods the prohibitions are somewhat re- laxed, but the girl must not visit the plantation, seize knives or axes, blow on a fire, or talk loudly lest her health suffer. The Siusi (Rio Aiari) cut a girl’s hair, paint her with genipa, restrict her food, and wind up with a major carousal. The Tupimamba shave the girl’s head and scarify her, and the Guarani cut her hair, while among the Parintintin and some Montaiia tribes she is deflowered. The Nambicuara isolate her for several months outside the village, where she receives ritual food, a bath terminating the period of seclusion. (See Koch-Griinberg, 1923 b, pp. 121-131, 168; 1921, pp. 115, 220; Roth, 1915, pp. 308-313; Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 3:1185 f., 1314 f., 1318, 1320 £; Bates, 1863, 2:405 f.) Initiation of boys into a men’s tribal society has a limited distribution. The Tucanoans initiate boys to the ancestor cult, (the so-called “Yaupary”’ cult), requiring them to take snuff and revealing to them the secret 88 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 megaphone and trumpet which represent the voices of the ancestors (p. 783). The Witotoans (p. 760) and Tucuna (p. 718) seem similarly to initiate boys to the secret trumpets. South of the Amazon, there is no cult, except possibly in the Mojos-Chiquitos area where again there are secret musical instruments. Preparation of boys for manhood starts at a tender age, when they receive their first labrets (Tupinamba), take parica snuff (Mura), have their teeth stained (Cashinawa), sleep in the men’s house (Mundurucu), are tonsured (Carajd), or experience other formal stages of growing up. Death.—lIn the disposal of the dead divergent procedures exist, some- times even with the same tribe. The most widespread practice is to bury the corpse in their huts. Usually care is taken to prevent direct contact with the earth by erecting a palm-leaf shelter or some equivalent device. The posture is sometimes vertical, in other cases sitting, the latter position being also employed in Rucuyen cremation. Almost all the upper Xingu burials are in recumbent position with the head toward the east. Funeral deposits are common, but not universal. Often, especially after the death of a distinguished man, the house is abandoned. The Cashinawa destroyed a deceased person’s possessions. Cemeteries occur, as among the Palicur; and Humboldt records an assemblage of nearly 600 skeletons of the extinct Ature, each in a separate basket, the bones having been variously dyed for this secondary disposal some months after primary burial in damp earth, followed by scraping. Urns near the baskets also held bones, presumably those of one family. (See also pl. 119, bottom.) Such secondary urn burial was widespread, especially among Tupian tribes. In some cases there are dietary taboos. The discarding of ornaments and the cutting of the hair are widespread mourning practices. There is often restriction on remarriage during the period. Lamentations are kept up between death and the final ceremonies. Among the Cubeo, they continue for 5 days in harmony with the mystic number of the upper Rio Negro country. A remarkable secondary procedure characterizes the Tapajd, Cubeo, Arapium, certain Panoans, and some other groups. The cremated corpse or the exhumed bones are burnt to ashes, which are mixed with festive brew, and drunk with the beverage (e. g., pp. 254, 556; also Norden- skidld, 1930 a, p. 12; Palmatary, 1939, p. 5 f.; Koch-Grinberg, 1921, p. 316; Roth, 1924, pp. 642, 660). In the Guianas, the closing mortuary solemnities might take place about a year after the death, but the exact date apparently hinged on whether the deceased person’s manioc crop sufficed for supplying the wherewithal for a carousal. These festivities involved not only drinking, singing, and dancing, but also in some tribes (Arawak, Warrau) mutual flagella- Pirate 1.—Brazilian and Paraguayan landscapes from the air. ojaealeres Shifting agriculture in the forests of Maranhdo, Brazil. River meandering across gras Top, right: Tebicuar y plains of southern Paraguay, Guarani country. (After Rich, 1942, Nos. 34, 136.) Bottom: A jungle delta in the Province of Maranhao, Brazil. (Courtesy Albert W. Stevens and the National Geographic Magazine.) Puate 2—The Peruvian Montafia. (Top, Courtesy Grace Line; bottom, after Johnson, 1930.) Puate 3.—Ecuadorean and Brazilian jungles. Top: Giant ferns, Ecuador. (Courtesy H. E. Anthony and the National Geographic Magazine.) Bottom: Along the lower Solimoes River, Brazil. (Courtesy American Museum of Natural History.) Prare 4.—Landscapes of Venezuela and the Guianas. Top: Beyond Suapure, Venezuela, showing abrupt change to densely wooded ranges. The tonka bean is the most characteristic tree. (Courtesy Llewelyn Williams.) Center: Atorai country, British Guiana. (Courtesy University Museum, Philadelphia.) Bottom: The ledge (dark diagonal line) approach to the summit of Roraima, British Guiana. (Courtesy G. H. H. Tate and the National Geographic Magazine.) = Puate 5.—Venezuela rivers. Top, left: Upper Orinoco. Top, right: Casiquiare River. Center, left: Upper Orinoco. Center, right: Rio Negro, the Brazilian- Venezuelan border. (Courtesy Llewelyn Williams.) Bottom: Casiquiare River, showing typical cut banks and river vegetation. (Courtesy G. H. H. Tate and C. B. Hitchcock.) Iq UwmMesnyfy APISTOATUL) (SUIS “A MOTWWB LY ASO4INOD) ‘oupiype :qybry §=(sofaq neg Ase. : WoT "JSe10J [eotdo.y oy) ul uns pue unsmolq YWM—Z ALVIg a *% ee a ee ee ee f aa Pee OSL Puiare 8.—Tropical forest agriculture and food preparation. Top: A collective garden cleared by ‘‘slash-and-burn’’ technique. On the Pimenta Bueno River. (Courtesy Claude Lévi-Strauss.) Bottom: Yaulapiti women crushing manioe. (Courtesy University Museum, Philadelphia.) Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 39 tion with a special whip. The dances might include animal mimicry of the type performed at other celebrations. A kind of masquerade, but with exposed faces, occurs among the Rucuyen; the performers, wearing a towering headgear and a long bark fringe from the neck downward, successively crack a long whip. But full-fledged masked dances as a mortuary ritual characterize the upper Rio Negro, where butterflies, carrion vultures, jaguars, etc., are all represented by the costumes and the actors’ behavior (p. 789). Koch-Griinberg (1921, pp. 78-85, 314 f.) surmises that the purpose is to conciliate the spirit of the dead, to ward off evil demons, and to foster success in hunting and farming. Women attend these performances, but only as spectators (Roth, 1924, pp. 638-665). ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Art.—In the absence of detailed preliminary studies only a sketchy treatment can be attempted. As Max Schmidt has indicated, twilling produces parallel diagonal effects, whose combination may yield distinct decorative designs, such as concentric diamonds or concentric squares (M. Schmidt, 1905, p. 334 et seq.). Such textile designs are often secondarily transferred to other media; they may be painted on the face, body, or pottery, incised on house-posts and walls, engraved on dance implements and weapons, and worked in beads (pl. 102, right). According to Koch-Grinberg, (1921, pp. 341, 347), the primary textile patterns include zigzags, meanders, series of right angles, etc. However that may be, neither definitely curvilinear nor naturalistic forms can be derived from a textile technique. Thus, variants of a spiral motif are prominently painted on the ceramics of the Brazilian-Guiana litoral. Here also appear characteristic pairs of overlapping, though not actually interlocking hooks; these couples are variously arranged, in four or five-fold vertical series partitioned into panels ; in concentric circles on the inside of the vessel, etc. (Roth, 1924, pls. 27-29). Again, the remarkable array of clubs from Guiana and Brazil published by Stolpe (1927, pls. 1, 2, 16 et passim) reveals, indeed, some patterns conceivably of textile origin, but many circles, scrolls, scallops, and sundry combinations of curvilinear with rectilinear figures. There are also unequivocally realistic representations of a quadruped and a group of birds (Stolpe, 1927, p. 4, fig. 9; p. 12, fig. 4, a). Far less faithful to nature are the numerous human forms, some of them so con- ventionalized as to warrant conjecture that they may have sprung from some geometrical figure, with secondary amplification and reading in of a likeness to the human forms. Yet even here no specifically textile model is indicated. Most interesting among these quasi-realistic club decorations are twin figures in juxtaposition and either distinct or joined so that adjacent arms or other parts of the body coalesce (Stolpe, 1927, pls. 9, 10). Realistic forms also appear painted or drawn in charcoal 653333—47—S eee OO EE 40 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 on the bark covering of house walls or on house posts, a masculine torso in full dance regalia being an ever recurrent sample. Such decoration of posts is confined to the upper Caiari (Vaupés) River and the neighbor- ing Aiari River (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 348 f.); at times the rear of the same pillars bears the picture of a giant snake. On the lower and middle Xingu a maze pattern is painted on the body or incised on utensils (Shipaya). The masks of the Kaua, pieces of bast sewed over flexible rods, are painted to simulate various beasts, small red circles and many black ones being intended to suggest the spots of the jaguar’s skin. The Cubeo have bark-cloth masks representing anthropomorphic legendary beings, such as demons and giants, as well as deer, sloths, snakes, butterflies, etc. (Pl. 98; also, Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 73, 323-327, pl. 4; cf. also the Tucuna bark-cloth animals, pl. 64.) The upper Xingt has many, well- made masks (p. 342). Carved, wooden masks are used by several tribes (pl. 44; figs. 40-42). Plastic work attains considerable heights in clay (fig. 36), wax (pl. 102; fig. 23), and wood (figs. 30, 31, 37). The effigy pottery and the acces- sories of earthenware vessels, grotesque and extravagant as they tend to be, indicate much dexterity and sophistication. A Palicur turtle in clay is admirably faithful to nature (Nimuendaju, 1926, p. 48), and the wax figurines of great anteaters, peccaries, and tapirs by the Taulipdng (Koch- Griinberg, 1923 b, p. 126) are certainly creditable. In wood, the benches or stools carved from a single block, with an animal’s head at one end and its tail at the other (fig. 37), are noteworthy samples of native skill. Caiman, beetle, jaguar, and snake heads are among those realistically portrayed. Doctors’ seats are as a rule specially decorated (Roth, 1924, p. 273 et seq.; Nimuendaji, 1926, p. 61). The Cubeo perform certain dances, holding wooden figures of fish, birds, and lizards. On the Apa- poris River the masks of the Opaina are topped by a cylindrical two- winged headgear of very light wood, both the body and the lateral pro- jections being profusely painted (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 397, pl. 12). Ceramic art has been mentioned (p. 26). Games.—Many scattered tribes from the Mojos-Chiquitos area and the Guarani to the Uaupés-Caqueta region and the Guianas played a ball game, many using a special rubber ball. Another widespread ball game (Yecuana, Taulipang, Bacairi, Macushi etc.) is shuttlecock, played with maize husks (fig. 49, c) struck with the flat of the hand. A similar game is popular among young men on the Caiari (Uaupés and Ariari Rivers (p. 889). The Keptkiriwat propel the ball with their heads and stake arrows on the issue of a game. Other athletic sports include true wrestling and a curious contest (Warrau, p. 879), in which each player tries to push back his opponent or throw him by pressure of a special form of shield against his ad- Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 41 versary’s. Foot races in the savannas over distances of 10 to 20 miles are popular among the Macushi, who recognize champion runners. This sport is combined with a drinking bout and wrestling: The beverage brewed is stored in a house and the would-be winner has to force an entry against guards trying to prevent his ingress. A dance follows (Roth, 1924, p. 478 f.) Boys from an early age practice archery, shooting small birds, and organizing sham battles and hunts. In Guiana there are also diving and other water sports. Children of both sexes imitate the economic activi- ties of adults. They also mimic animals to the accompaniment of songs and model clever wax figurines. Girls play with wooden dolls made by their fathers. Macushi, Carib, and Siusi boys walk on stilts (fig. 115, right). Tops (Guianas, upper Xingu, Montafia, etc.) are spun by youngsters, each trying to upset his opponent’s; and there are likewise humming tops and buzzers. In several tribes either the children them- selves or their elders often make the rejects of plaitwork into elaborate toys representing such objects as rattles and balls or animals, like fish and fleas. Cat’s-cradle figures exist in great profusion (e.g., Roth, 1924, pp. 488-550). The Andean dice game was played by Chiriguano. Dances.—Irrespective of magico-religious connections, the dances of the area have various social associations and functions. They are probably always linked with singing and drinking bouts; they serve to maintain friendly relations with neighboring tribes; and they offer opportunities for barter, gossip, amatory dalliance, and the settling of quarrels. To invite outsiders, the chief sends messengers with mnemonic cords having a knot for each day until the opening of the festivity, a device also em- ployed on other occasions. Major enterprises may draw together not far from a thousand persons among the Taulipdng, with possibly 200 active performers. The dances follow one another in a sequence that is presumably fixed at least in particular tribes. In Guiana the humming- bird dance takes precedence: a company of decorated young men have to fight their way through the ranks of their comrades to the covered liquor-trough, where women try to pour pepper into their eyes, the victor receiving the first drink and every one then capering round the trough. Very popular are dances in mimicry of animals, the performers sometimes impersonating a whole troup of monkeys or a herd of peccaries. Women take part in some dances, but are excluded from others, at least as active performers. Some dances involve no special paraphernalia; others are characterized by a profusion of ornaments and accessories. In the parishara of the Taulipang a kind of masquerade is worn, a plaited headgear partly covering the face and a long fringe descending to the feet, as in the Rucuyen funeral performance. The costume wearers blow wooden tubes with 653333—47—6 49 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 gaily painted figurines at one end, while in the other hand they carry a long staff with pendent deer dew claws or seed capsules at the top. The dancers form a long Indian file, each bending his knees, stamping his right foot, advancing a step, flexing the upper part of the body, then dragging the left foot forward. Each division has a song and dance leader. The staff is struck against the ground in rhythmic unison with the steps. When the performers, starting from the savanna, have reached the village, women and girls join, each placing her right hand on her male partner’s left shoulder, or both hands on her neighbor’s shoulders on both sides. Now an open ring develops and the performers move forward and backward, to the right and the left, uttering shouts after each figure. During the dancing and the intermission women or girls offer calabashes of drink to the performers. Some dances are connected with mythological tales and may envisage magical effects in fishing and hunting. The Apapocuva Guarani, haunted by fear of an impending world catastrophe, tried throughout the historic period to escape destruction under the leadership of shamans who were to guide them through sacred dances to an earthly paradise (p. 94). (Koch-Griinberg, 1923 b, p. 154 et seq.; Roth, 1924, pp. 470-483; Nimuendaju, 1914 c.) Music.—(For general treatment, see Izikowitz, 1935.) Although stringed instruments—musical bows and violins—undoubtedly occur in the area, their aboriginal character is strongly suspect. There is no reference to them in the earliest post-Columbian literature and the terms applied to these chordophones are in the main clearly derived from Spanish or Negro vocables. It is also noteworthy that, as in Africa, the bow is usually played by striking the string with a stick (Izikowitz, 1935, pp. 201-206). As to membranophones, the European military drum gained consider- able distribution in the historical period, but the general use of Spanish designations again casts doubt on the pre-Columbian occurrence of these instruments in Amazonia, though Roth does not consider the argument conclusive. (Nordenskidld, 1930 a, p. 165; Roth, 1924, p. 467; Izikowitz, 1935, p: 193.) On the other hand, percussion idiophones are well represented. Note- worthy in view of Mexican, Pueblo, and California occurrences is the use of a plank foot drum by the Rucuwyen and at Arawak funeral cere- monies (Roth, 1924, pp. 468 f., 649 ; Izikowitz, 1935, pp. 11-13). Equally significant is the presence of the tomtom (“hollow-log drum”), in eastern Ecuador and in the Orinoco and Rio Negro districts, generally for signal- ing, as among the Witoto (pls. 81, top; 99, top). Typically, it is carefully hollowed out from a tree trunk so as to leave a narrow slit. In use it is generally suspended from posts. A unique adaptation of this occurs among the Mangeroma (p. 679). The widespread, two-headed skin Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 43 drum (pl. 62) is probably of European origin. Of jingling idiophone ap- pendages the deer-hoof rattle is noteworthy, being reported from the Roraima region (Izikowitz, 1935, p. 39). More important are rattles, those from gourds (Lagenaria) being shaken by the natural grip, while the round calabash (Crescentia) fruits are fitted to a handle. These instruments are often the special property of medicine men, though children may use basketry imitations (pl. 118, f, g). They occur far beyond the Tropical Forest area, as does the time-marking ground pounder—Métraux’s “baton de rhythme,” Izikowitz’s “stamping tube”— which seems to have spread far to the south through Tupi-Guarani in- fluence. Most frequently a bamboo tube (Witoto, pl. 83, bottom, right; Cubeo, pl. 96; and Roraima Indians), it is made of Cecropia wood in the Rio Negro region (Métraux, 1928 a, pp. 215 f., 225; Izikowitz, 1935, pp. 151 et seq.). Aerophones are likewise conspicuous. Trumpets assume many forms: there are two- and three-bellied clay vessels with narrow mouthpieces (Orinoco, Guiana) ; long tubes of spirally wound bark, varying in size (Orinoco River, Vaupés River, Wapishana, etc., pl. 39; fig. 100) and in the Rio Negro territory strictly concealed from women; similar wooden instruments (pl. 101, Jeft); conchs (Guiana); Lagenaria gourds (Wapishana) ; and combinations of a trumpet with a resonator of gourd or other material (fig. 46, left). Whether the clarinets found in and near Guiana are aboriginal, is as yet not clear. The wind instruments technically definable as flutes, include, among others, clay and wooden whistles (fig. 49, a, b,) ; quenas or notched flutes (Montana) ; bone flutes (fig. 48); nose flutes (Nambicuara, pl. 36, top, right; Guiana) ; and panpipes (pls. 36, bottom, left; 79). The last-mentioned occur through- out the Tropical Forest and appear in ancient Peruvian graves. Similarity of pitch in Melanesian and South American panpipes led Von Horn- bostel to argue for their transmission to the New World, but Izikowitz (1935, pp. 378-408) regards the question as still open. Narcotics.—Although widely spread and generally cultivated in our area, tobacco has competitors that locally overshadow it. In the north- west, coca chewing and on the middle Amazon, parica snuffing make it recede into the background. Among the Twyuca, guests receive both a cigar and coca. Witoto councilors chew coca, but also swear oaths by lick- ing their fingers after dipping them in a sirupy mess of boiled tobacco leaves. Coca (Erythroxylon coca) appears only along the eastern slope of the Andes, except in Colombia, where it spreads eastward in the Uaupés- Caqueta region. Spix and Martius (1823-31, 3: 1169 f., 1180) found no wild samples anywhere in Brazil, and did not strike any plantation before reaching Ega. In the west, however, enormous quantities are consumed, travelers of the Caiari (Uaupés) district taking a few small 44 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS IB.A.E. Bull. 148 sackfuls of coca in lieu of all other provisions for a march of a day and a half (Koch-Grtinberg, 1921, pp. 174 f., 204). Only the men—the main consumers—tend, harvest, and prepare the plant. They roast and pound the leaves up, mix the powder with the ashes from Cecropia leaves, and store the combination in a bast bag into which a long rod is inserted and secured by tying the container together. By tapping the rod, the user makes the powder ooze out of the bast, collecting it in a calabash, from which he can dip it up with a spoon or a leaf. Travelers sling calabashes with coca powder over the left shoulder and suck out the stimulant with a hollow bone. The unfamiliarity of the Chiquitos-Mojos Indians with coca is noteworthy in view of their Andean contacts. In some tribes (Arecuna) women never smoke, in others both sexes and even children indulge freely. On the upper Amazon, Spix and Martius (1823-31, 3: 1180) found that tobacco is most frequently used by shamans, who blow the smoke on their patients (p. 50). Bates (1863, 2: 407) mentions an extraordinary medicinal use: an old Ega Indian cured a tumor due to the grub of a gadfly by stupefying the insect with strong tobacco juice, thereby causing it to relax its grip and facilitating its removal. This is paralleled among the Chacobo, who grow tobacco for this exclusive purpose (Nordenskiodld, 1922, p. 182.). In Guiana tobacco is smoked only in the form of cigarettes, the bark of certain trees providing the wrapper. The Tuyuca and Cubeo (pl. 103, left) circulate giant cigars 8 to 10 inches (20 to 25 cm.) long—clamped between the two tines of a forklike holder. Several Guiana tribes chew tobacco, mixing it with salt or the ashes of an aquatic plant (Mourera fluviatilis), which are kept in little gourds with a stick projecting through the stopper. In the Montana, consumption of tobacco was formerly re- stricted largely to shamans, but is now more general. Parica (yupa, niopo) snuff, made of the seeds of Mimosa acacioides, likewise has a considerable distribution, being popular on the lower Amazon (Maué, Omagua), and the Yapura, as well as sporadically on the Caiari (Uaupés) River. In the Guaporé River region a shaman blows snuff composed of crushed angico, tobacco leaves, and bark ashes into his patient’s nose. The Witoto put one branch into the mouth, the other into one nostril, a puff of breath propelling the powder into the inner portions of the mucous membrane. These people also have an X-shaped combination of two bones, by which two friends may simul- taneously blow snuff into each other’s nostrils (fig. 106). Parica evokes sneezing and extreme exhilaration to the point of frenzy, followed by depression and stupor. It may figure largely at festivals (Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 3: 1074 f.). Parica is taken as an enema with a syringe in the Jurua-Purts region, and among the Mura (p. 263). In the northwest Amazon region, cayapi (Banisteriopsis caapi and other species; see p. 7), is a favorite stimulant, served as an infusion Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 45 at festivals, such as the Tucano tribal society’s dance, in order to induce delightful hallucinations, which have been compared to those due to hashish. All things appear to be huge and gorgeously colored, there are visions of motley-tinted snakes and of erotic experiences. Some partakers fall into a deep sleep, awakening with severe headache. On novices the brew acts as an emetic. Women never drink cayapi, the preparation of which is wholly a masculine task. The men pound up the roots, stems, and leaves of the shrub into a greenish-brown mass, which is washed with water, squeezed dry, and again pounded and washed. The resulting substance, not unlike cow dung in appearance, is strained through a double sifter into the bellied cayapi urn, which is covered with leaves and placed outdoors. It has two horizontal handles and two perforations with a connecting suspension cord. Though never washed, the vessel is now and then repainted with the same yellow designs on a dark-red background. (See also, Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 189 ff., 200 f., 219 f., 373:) Other stimulants, largely restricted to southeast Colombia and tropical Ecuador, are floripondia (Datura arborea) and yoco (Paulliniayoco). (See p: 7.) Peppers (Capsicum) are used by the Macushi as a stimulant, crushed peppers and water being poured into the nostrils to cure headache. In the Pomeroon district Capsicum enemas are in vogue. Intoxicating drinks.—Fermented beverages are lacking on the upper Xingu and among many Tupian tribes, but for large sections of the area the drinking spree, as an end in itself or an accompaniment of all serious occasions, is diagnostic, especially in contrast to the Ge. A variety of beverages are prepared, of which the narcotic cayapi has already been described. Manioc forms the most common base of fermented drinks, generically called chicha, but may be only one of several ingredients. The preparation of chicha is illustrated in the Rio Negro region, where it is called cashiri. The Indians mix the particles of toasted manioc cakes in a trough with fresh water, fermentation being accelerated by the addition of chewed beiji. The chewing is done mainly by women, who carefully knead the mass together with leaves of a certain tree. The trough, tightly covered, is allowed to stand indoors by a fire maintained overnight, yielding a sweetish, harmless brew. Two days’ fermentation is required for intoxicating effects, which a woman achieves by squeezing the brown gruel through a basketry strainer into a pot, from which she or her husband serve guests. Sometimes the mass, after being set fer- menting, is kept wrapped up in the trough of a large pot, to be strained with water when an occasion for use arises. Sweet potatoes, maize, and the fruits of the pupunha and of other palms may all be substituted for manioc (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 39 f.), to which in modern times sugarcane juice is frequently added. 46 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The Barama Carib makes cashirim by grating and squeezing cassava, then putting it into a large pot with water, into which they spit chewed portions of thin manioc cakes. The mixture is then placed in the house- hold trough and fermented for 3 days, when it acquires the alcoholic content of weak beer. For another chicha, called paiwari, these Indians thoroughly toast manioc cakes; small fragments of these are put into a pot filled with water and bits of chewed cake are added, as for cashirim, before removal to the trough. The toasting produces a distinctive cereal- like taste which Gillin compares to rye toast soaked in weak beer; it obviously allies the brew to Rio Negro cashirim. In other parts of the area, a great variety of starchy crops and of wild fruits are made into chicha, but distillation is unknown except to the Quijo, among whom it is undoubtedly a post-Columbian acquisition. RELIGION, SHAMANISM, AND MEDICINE High Gods and tribal heroes.—Roth’s denial (1915, pp. 117 ff.) of any notion of a Supreme Being in the Guianas is not literally correct. According to an early author quoted by him, the Sun is regarded as an outstanding deity by some Orinoco tribes, and the Moon by others; the Barama Carib conceive of a primeval starter of the universe (Gillin, 1936, p. 155) ; and the Witoto deity (Preuss, 1921, pp. 25 et seq., 166), notwithstanding the curiously abstract statements about his primeval doings, is even more definitely a creator and maintainer of the world. The Apapocuva Guarani speak of Our Great Father as the creator, and his sons figure as heroes. Nevertheless, generally a Supreme Being, if present, recedes in religious consciousness before other beings. Among these, tribal heroes loom large, at least in myth. They appear either as lone figures, pairs, or trios. Thus, the Yahuna tell of Milomaki, a boy who suddenly appeared from the east and sang so beautifully that everyone came to hear him. But when his auditors came home and ate fish, they all fell dead, so their kinsfolk burnt the boy on a pyre. His soul rose to the sky, however, and out of his ashes grew the pashiuba palm, whose wood the people made into large flutes that reproduced the wondrously fine tunes sung by the boy. These instruments—taboo to women and small boys, who would die if they saw them—the men still play when fruits are ripe, and they dance in honor of Milomaki as the creator of all fruits (Koch-Griinberg, 1923 b, p. 386 f.). The Cubeo tell of Hémanihiko, whose mother drowns while big with him. He crawls out of her womb when a carrion vulture pierces her abdomen. Flying on the bird’s back, the wonder-working infant transforms his own grand- mother from a serpent into human shape, avenges his father’s death by shooting the jaguar responsible for it, and kills all manner of the then quasi-human beasts, birds, and insects. Although two brothers of the hero are mentioned, he alone figures as the national ancestor. One of his Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 47 brothers, however, Kuai, is considered the inventor of masquerade dances and their costumes; the other, dwelling in a large stone house, presides over the souls of the dead. According to our authority, Kuai is originally an Arawakan character, the son of Yaperikuli, the national hero of the tribes of that stock in the Rio Negro region. He is credited with the rock-drawings seen in Tariana territory ; and on the Aiari River a large human rock-engraving is interpreted as Kuai, after whom the Siusi name their sacred flutes, taboo to women, which are blown at a festival celebrated when certain palm fruits have ripened. Successive flagellation of the dancers till their blood streams from their wounds characterizes this ceremonial, which is also named Kuai (Koch-Grinberg, 1923 b, pp. 69, 121, 261). Typical twin myths are known from the Xingu River (Bacairi, Ship- aya), the Tupi-Guarani tribes, the Warrau, and the Cariban tribes. In the Guiana form, the Sun renders a woman pregnant with twins, then leaves her. She follows in his tracks, guided by one or both of the un- born children, whom she affronts so that advice is no longer forthcoming. As a result, she strays to the Jaguar house, where she dies (Warrau) or is killed (Carib). Either the Jaguar or Frog, his mother, extracts the twins by a Caesarean operation; they get fire for mankind (Warrau), avenge and restore their mother (Carib), and finally reach their father, where they turn into stars (Carib). In the Macushi variant, one of the twin brothers is carried off by a crane, but the other develops into a culture hero, teaching the Indians useful things as he travels about (Roth, 1924, pp. 130-136). It is not clear how generally the tribal heroes are prayed to or other- wise worshiped, but Cubeo supernaturalism centers in the cult of the clan ancestors and in shamanism. The former is associated with the boys’ initiation, at which the novices learn about sacred musical instruments, taboo to women, and are whipped to make them grow. Males bathe to the sound of sacred horns when seeking strength. Widespread among Tupian tribes is a mythological character—Our Great Father of the Guarani—associated with an afterworld of happiness. Among both the Tupinamba and Guarani, this god became prominent in a strong messianic cult (pp. 90, 93-94, 131). Thunder is the principal deity of the Nambicuara and reveals himself to shamans; less frequently, to other adult males. He is an important deity, but definitely not a Supreme Being for the Guarani. Animism.—Animism is very strongly developed. The Taulipang, who credit even plants and animals with souls, attribute no less than five to mankind. Only one of these goes to the land of spirits after the death of the body, three turn into birds of prey, the fifth remains with the corpse and bears the same name as a demon who causes eclipses. The surviving soul goes to the sky via the Milky Way; it is waylaid by dogs, 48 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 which destroy it if its owner abused his dog on earth, other souls being allowed to join their tribesmen. Widespread notions typical of primitive belief elsewhere crop up here too. Thus the Cubeo hold that the soul leaves the body in dreams and in sneezing. Great significance is attached to dreams. Fundamental to the entire area are bush spirits, which are variously conceived but universally feared, so that a common function of the shaman is their control. The Barama Carib recognize five distinct categories with a controlling master within each, the classes being associated, respec- tively, with the forest and land generally; the air; the water; the hills; and miscellaneous places or things, such as houses and industries. Each group is symbolized by a stone of a distinctive color or texture, sup- posedly represented by small pebbles in the rattle of the shaman through whom the spirits are approached. In addition, the Barama Carib recog- nize other supernatural beings definitely in any of the major categories. The bush spirits are generally mischief makers, causing the mishaps of daily life; water spirits figure as on the whole benevolent, but wreck travelers who venture to utter certain tabooed words while in a boat. (See also Roth, 1924, pp. 179 f., 245 f., 252.) The Taulipang have a well-defined belief in certain beings as lords or “fathers” of whole classes of beasts, etc. Thus, a fisherman must pray to the master of fish to let him have a catch. Supernatural beings, in- cluding animals, are supposed to be really anthropomorphic, but capable of shifting their shape by donning an appropriate covering. Thus the “father of game animals,” who is also identified with the rainbow, turns into a large snake by putting on a mottled skin, as does the “father of fish”; and the jaguar correspondingly transforms himself from human guise by clothing himself in his skin (Koch-Griinberg, 1923 b, pp. 176— 189). Generically similar notions appear in the masquerade dances of the Siusi and the Cubeo, whose demons are identified with the costume worn by the performers, though the spirits themselves are visible only to the medicine men, not to the lay spectator. The conflict of good and evil spirits is well illustrated at Palicur fes- tivals, where each decorative feather on a dancer’s headgear is the seat of a supernatural guardian, and the feathered staffs bounding the cere- monial square warn the protectors against the advent of demons, who bump against the cord connecting the posts. Moreover, the pole erected as a path to heaven is topped with a dance rattle bearing two of the spirit feathers and is further guarded by half a dozen feathered staffs at its foot (Nimuendaju, 1926, pp. 66 f., 87 f.). Shamanism.—Probably a temple cult with priests as distinguished from shamans is restricted to the Mojos-Chiquitos region. On the other hand, shamans—though not shamanistic procedures—are reported as lacking among the Siriond. On the lower Xingu, the shaman intermedi- Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 49 ates between living people and the gods and souls of the dead, but curing is a secular function. The shaman often socially overshadows the chief, for the spirit world is most commonly approached through him only. Occasionally, but rarely and probably only in some tribes, women practice. A son often inherits his father’s profession, but this is by no means a universal rule. The shaman is primarily a doctor and detector of sorcerers, but may also act as master of ceremonies (e.g., Guarani, p. 92; Palicur), counselor in warfare, prophet, finder of lost goods, name giver, depository of tradition, weather maker, etc. A prospective shaman undergoes a long period of training under his father or teacher, during which he diets, is instructed, acquires familiar spirits, and receives in his body various magical sub- stances or objects regarded as the source of his power and, when pro- jected into victims, as the cause of disease. He is also given tobacco in various forms and other stimulants, especially in the northwest Amazon region, such as Datura and ayahuasca. In some tribes, the shaman re- ceives his magical substance from a spirit, in others from his tutor. For a few tribes, the practitioner is stated to control one or more familiar spirits (e.g., Tenetehara, Tapirapé, pp. 147,177). Inthe western Amazon, he is associated with the jaguar (p. 682). There is no evidence that shamans of this area manifest epileptic or other abnormal tendencies, but trances, usually induced by drugs, are not uncommon. The magical substance is usually a quartz crystal in Guiana, a “thorn” or “arrow” in the region of the western Amazon and upper Xingu. Dur- ing his initiation, the neophyte gains immunity to and control of those substances, which he is supposed to take into his body. The foremost insignia of the shaman—widespread, though not uni- versal—are the gourd rattle, the crystal, a carved and painted bench, and a doll whose position during treatment indicates whether a patient is to recover. The doll is reported from parts of Guiana. The Taulipang medicine man shakes a bunch of leaves instead of the rattle so used by doctors from Guiana to the Caiari (Uaupés) River. The bench seems most characteristic of Guiana. Crystals turn up in Guiana, on the Orinoco, and in the upper Rio Negro region, whither they may have been imported from the Orinoco (Koch-Grinberg, 1923 b, p. 208). On the Guaporé River the shaman’s insignia are a snuffing tube, a board for mixing snuff, and a mystic feathered stick. Among the powers widely claimed by shamans is the ability to transform themselves into jaguars. A Cubeo shaman’s soul enters a jaguar when he dies, thus separating itself from other people’s spirits, which join the clan ancestors. Palicur doctoring is in most ways typical (Nimuendaju, 1926, pp. 91 et seq.). The shaman invariably works in complete darkness under a mos- quito net—the equivalent of a special palm-leaf compartment anciently used. Putting on a feather diadem, he rises, bids all present farewell since his soul is about to start on its journey, and crawls under the 50 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 net, an assistant passing in to him the animal-shaped bench and a basket holding the shamanistic paraphernalia. The doctor sits down, removes from his basket the dance rattle and a root whose odor the spirits like, for which reason he grates away particles of it and sprinkles them on his hair. The assistant next hands him a lighted cigar. Soon groans, whistling, and singing become audible, the glowing tip of the cigar is seen floating downward from the ceiling of the mosquito net, and a re- sounding footstep signalizes the entrance of the first spirit into the medicine man’s body. His own soul has left to summon the friendly spirits, including those of the dead. Each of these sings his own chants to the music of the rattle, all spectators joining. After 5 to 10 minutes of singing, the spirit converses with the assistant. Those present ques- tion the visitant about their own affairs. At last there arrives one spirit considered expert in the treatment required, and him the assistant con- sults. This continues for hours until the last spirit leaves, as indicated by the soaring cigar tip. The shaman crawls out of his compartment. Another procedure is to bring the patient, too, under the net. In actual treatment the doctor undresses the sick man, shakes his rattle all over the body till he strikes the seat of the malady, then summons his patrons against the causes of the disease, which may precipitate a noisy conflict. If the powers of evil conquer, the doctor admits his failure and casts about for a more competent colleague. Extraction of the disease by suction is also reported, but not reckoned essential. A cured patient regales his savior with a dance and drinking-festival, which is naturally directed by the successful doctor. Some of these traits, even apart from the sucking technique, have a wide distribution. The insistence on darkness, for example, occurs among the Pomeroon Arawak and Carib. Certain Palicur features are elaborated elsewhere: The Siusi shaman massages out of the patient five sticks as the agents of the disease and not merely puffs a cigar, but blows the smoke on the patient—a prevalent practice throughout the Tropical Forests (pl. 120, center)—and himself swallows the smoke; again, the Taulipéng shaman drinks tobacco juice to expedite his soul to the sky. Ventriloquism seems highly developed by the Taulipang; a Northwest Brazilian specialty is pouring cupfuls of an aromatic infusion over the patient’s head and body (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 97 f., 113). The Montafia and northwest Amazon doctor extracts needles or thorns as pathogenic agents (pp. 532, 703). Fees are often contingent on a cure. In recent times a Taulipang healer is usually compensated with European goods. A Cubeo receives urucu, pottery, bows, or hammocks. The Palicur express their appreci- ation by a feast. The nonmedical duties of a Palicur shaman are illustrated during fes- tivals, when he consecrates feathers, dance rattles, and carved settees by blowing smoke on them, thereby causing spirits to enter these objects, Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 51 whence they are expelled at the close of the ceremony (Nimuendaju, 1926, pp. 95, 98 f.) Bad shamans may practice magic or summon spirits to harm personal enemies, but most tribes deal severely with such sorcerers. Alleged witchcraft is a usual incentive for murder, and consequently the most common cause of warfare, as it initiates a series of reprisals. Soul-loss as a cause of disease has been recorded from few tribes—e.g., Cocama, Omagua, Coto, and Itonama—but it is a concept that would escape superficial observation. Kanaima.— (Gillin, 1936, pp. 99 f., 149-152; Roth, 1915, pp. 346, 354 et seq.; Koch-Griinberg, 1923 b, pp. 216-219.) This term and its equiva- lents in Guiana designate (a) a certain evil spirit; (b) the man possessed by it or otherwise driven to devote himself to a work of vengeance; (c) the procedure followed by the avenger, including the poison or other means employed. In any case, the concept denotes the most malevolent antisocial behavior. Among the Barama Carib, the prospective kanaima is regarded as joining a cult, learning from its headman the arts of enter- ing houses unseen, benumbing one’s victims, and inflicting incurable ailments. Kanaimas are accordingly outlawed, killing them being a mer- itorious deed. The Taulipdng, Tucanoan, Witotoan, Jivaro, or Campa belief in jaguar shamans merges in the kanaima concept, for the kanaima often dons the jaguar pelt in order to alarm and kill people. Contagious magic is likewise imputed to these individuals; they enclose a victim’s spittle in a bamboo container and, by working magic over it, destroy the expectorator. Hostile tribes are often regarded as kanaimas. Medicine.— (Roth, 1924, pp. 702-714.) Apart from supernatural treat- ment, a shaman may employ techniques open to the laity. Prominent among Guiana remedies are emetics, e.g., the bitter bark of the wallaba tree (Eperua sp.), of which two or three drams are boiled in a quart of water, a few spoonfuls making an effective dose. Purgatives include the root of Cephaelis ipecacuanha. In Guiana enemas are made from a turtle, jaguar, or other mammalian bladder attached to a reed nozzle; and rubber syringes characterize tribes on the Amazon. Vapor baths occur: while the patient rests in his hammock, red-hot stones are thrown into a large vessel of water under him (Macushi, Guinan) ; or water is thrown on large heated stones so as to envelop him in the steam. Rucwyen women take such vapor baths after confinement. Bleeding is frequently used for fatigue, stiffness in the limbs, and other ailments. Ant bites serve as counterirritants in cases of rheumatism and fever, the patient sometimes rolling himself in an ant’s nest. Many domestic remedies against fevers, diarrhea, dysentery, and other afflictions consist of decoctions or infusions of the inner bark of certain trees. Guarana, a hard substance made from the pounded seeds of Paullinia sorbilis, is prepared by the Maué, who have a virtual monopoly of it, and widely traded as a medicine against diarrhea and intermittent fevers; it is grated and then mixed with water 52 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 (p. 252). For sting-ray wounds the Indians of the lower Amazon apply a poultice of mangrove bark mixed with palm oil. The sticky gum of Eperua serves as a plaster for wounds. For snake bite the wound is cut out and sucked, but some tribes also administer antidotes in the form of infusions; on the Essequibo River, the decoction of a certain root was both drunk and poured upon the wound. On the upper Amazon, Cyperus roots were attributed many therapeutic and magic virtues. Magic and ritual practice.—The machinations of witches and sor- cerers have already been noted, with the occasional practice of contagious magic. The Indians of the Guaporé River (p. 378) believe in an invisible fluid which shamans may introduce, for good or evil, into food or human bodies. Impersonal supernaturalism is prominent in the prescriptions and taboos incident to birth and other critical situations. (See Life Cycle, p. 35.) The belief in a sympathetic bond between related individ- uals extends beyond the couvade in the general rule in Guiana that a patient’s whole family must share his dietary restrictions (Roth, 1915, p. 352), a notion shared by some Northern Ge. A principle akin to sympathetic magic also appears in the use of certain varieties of caladia to attract particular animals and fish because of some fancied similarity: A “deer” caladium is supposed to suggest horns and the coloring of the fur in its venation, an “armadillo” caladium resembles the animal in having small projecting ears, etc. (Roth, 1915, p. 281 f.). Taboos are innumerable. To mention only a few, chosen for their comparative interest, Guiana tribes will not tell spirit legends in the day- time nor utter a person’s name in his presence; a hunter never brings his kill home, but leaves it for the women to fetch. The Arawak abstain from eating after nightfall lest they be transformed into animals; during the couvade, Macushi parents must substitute a special scratcher for their fingernails (Roth, 1915, pp. 193, 294-295, 304, 323). Of these, the last-mentioned recurs as far south as the Yahgan, and the name-taboo is equally pronounced among the Siusi and Cubeo (Koch-Grinberg, 1921, pp. 117, 311). Some taboos, such as the story-telling one and the pro- hibition of women from seeing the instruments sacred to a spirit (Koch- Griinberg, 1921, pp. 119, 322) on pain of automatic death are, of course, associated with animistic notions. Of positive prescriptions may be cited the talismanic application of red body paint, scarification, and the ever recurrent flagellation. Of extraordinary interest are the magical formulae of the Taulipang, which the discoverer, Koch-Griinberg (1923 b, pp. 219-270) aligns with Cherokee and Hupa equivalents in North America. They are the prop- erty of laymen on equal terms with shamans and serve mainly to cure or impose bodily afflictions. These spells are linked with brief tales ex- pounding how ancestral beings introduced various ills into the world, which can be removed with the aid of beasts or plants somehow associated with Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 53 the malady. Thus, intestinal worms are overcome by declamation of a formula in which two dogs are addressed, for dogs suffer from these worms without dying from them. A number of ritual and semiritual practices are found in the area, en- tering various contexts. The ant ordeal, associated especially with boy’s puberty in the Guianas and among several Tupian tribes south of the Amazon, is used by the Mura to insure fishing success. Flagellation enters the Vaupés-Caqueta boy’s initiation into the ancestor cult and the Macushi girl’s puberty rite, but the Mura whip children to increase manioc yield and adults to give them strength, the Chébero flog pubescent girls, and the Guiana Arawak whip one another at a funeral ceremony to drive away evil spirits. In the Montafia, several tribes put pepper in the eyes of hunters for clear vision and strength, but the Pomeroon Arawak take pepper in enemas as a curative. Similarly, the several kinds of snuff and tobacco in various forms were taken for many purposes. Ceremonialism.—Ceremonials connected with the life cycle—birth, puberty, initiations, and death—are most pronounced and have been men- tioned. Many tribes, especially the Tupians, had rites concerned with subsistence activities, some even resembling harvest ceremonies. Of this type are Mundurucu festivals for maize and manioc growth and for hunting and fishing success, when a shaman makes offerings to fish skulls; the Guarani and Tapirapé harvest ceremony; the Tenetehara honey festival to protect growing maize; the Cashinawa dance to influence the maize spirit; the Camayura hunting and fishing ceremony; and the Trumai manioc ceremony. In the Rio Negro country the mystic significance of the number five is conspicuous. A funeral festivity opens 5 days after the burial and continues for 5 days, as does a mother’s post-natal seclusion; youths initiated by flagellation are subject to 5-month dietary taboos; an accepted suitor spends 5 days in his prospective father-in-law’s house; the lament over the dead lasts 5 days; a shaman extracts 5 sticks (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 98, 107, 113, 116, 196, 263, 308, 310, 314, 322, 329). Else- where there is no such unequivocal preference, yet the Taulipdng believe in 5 human souls, make the shaman’s apprentice drink a bark infusion for 5 nights, and have sporadic references to 10 and other multiples of five (Koch-Grtinberg, 1923 b, pp. 170, 189, 203, 205). The major festivals on the upper Rio Negro seem to fall into two main categories: (a) those associated with musical instruments taboo to women; (b) performances by mummers. The costumes and dances (p. 41) characteristic of the second type are at least sometimes linked with a memorial service in honor of a recently deceased tribesman. Their object is said to be complex—appeasement of spirits by their impersona- tion and promotion of fertility by phallic dances (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 82 et seq., 324 et seq.). All sorts of animals may be realistically 54 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 mimicked. The other type of performance, the “Yurupary” dance of the Lingua Geral, may be regarded as the basis of a men’s tribal society (but see p. 704). The sacred instruments symbolize the spirit to whom the ceremonial is dedicated, and flogging of the novices is a pre- requisite to entrance (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 120 f., 130, 135 £., 198 ff., 217 ff., 263, 314 f., 322, 372). The Mundurucu tell a myth about a pristine matriarchate, the women making their spouses do all the work while themselves lived in the club house and played wind instruments. Once, however, the men detected them in the act, took the flutes away from them, and reversed the relative status of the sexes (Kruse, 1934, 1: 51-57). This tale is obviously very similar in essence to the Fuegian story of a great revolution depriving women of the ascendancy they en- joyed as possessors of masks. In the Shipaya feast of the dead, the souls enter the shaman’s body. Among the same people, Kumapari, father of twin heroes and identified with the jaguar, is the center of a cult which involves cannibalism. MYTHOLOGY AND LITERATURE Under the head of Religion, Shamanism, and Medicine (p. 46), certain hero myths have been indicated. For lack of preliminary work, it is impos- sible to offer a comparative tribal study, let alone one on the literary styles. The culture hero, whose main contribution to mankind was do- mesticated plants, is universal in the area, as indeed elsewhere. In some tales he is also the Creator; associated with him is a trickster, often his brother. For the Witoto we have a useful roster of themes, but Preuss’s bias in favor of lunar interpretations mars his presentation. However, he shows the prevalence of stories revolving about the elopement of either spouse and the urge for vengeance (Preuss, 1921, 1: 115 et seq.). In view of the nature of the available material, it is merely feasible to list a number of important motifs. Some of them have an extremely wide range, far beyond the Forest area, as demonstrated in Koch-Griin- berg’s popular collection (1927). Remarkable is the Witoto story of the incestuous nocturnal lover whom his sister identifies by painting him (Preuss, 1922, pp. 107, 331). A still closer analogy to the Eskimo tale, however, occurs among the Ship- aya on the Iriri River, a tributary of the Xingu River, where the brother is identified with the moon, as he is by the Canelo of eastern Ecuador, the Warrau and Arawak of Guiana. (Nimuendaju, 1919-20, vols. 14-15, p. 1010 £:; Karsten, 1935; p; 522 ;Roth; 1915)p)/256:) A motif of pan-American interest that occurs in many distinct set- tings is the rolling skull. In the Cashinawa version, a decapitated man’s skull rolls after his own kin, transforming itself into the moon and also creating the rainbow and menstruation (Capistrano de Abreu, quoted by Koch-Griinberg, 1927, p. 232 et seq.). The motif, known from the Chaco, Vol. 3] THE TROPICAL FORESTS—LOWIE 55 occurs among such people as the Warrau and the Shipaya (Roth, 1915, pp. 129; Nimuendaju, 1921-22, p. 369). Its African occurrence raises the recurring problem of possible Negro influence (Weeks, 1913, p. 208), which arises also concerning the tale of the perverted message that brings death to mankind (Jurua-Purts). The magical flight, though rare in South America, is attested for the Mundurucu and the Caraja (Koch-Griinberg, 1927, pp. 203, 227). Sharpened-Leg, the man who whittles down his leg and attacks his companion with it, figures in Warrau and Carib lore (Roth, 1915, pp. 195 f.), as well as in Shipaya (Nimuendaju, 1921-22, p. 370) and Ge tradition. The ascent to the sky by an arrow-chain is related by the Guarayu in the Madeira drainage (Koch-Griinberg, 1927, p. 283), as well as by the Jivaro, Tupinamba, Cumana, and Chiriguano. ‘The division of people in climbing from the sky to the earth or from the underworld to our earth because of a stout individual blocking the passage is common to the Warrau, Caraja, Munduruci, and several tribes of the Montafia. This certainly recalls the North American Mandan-Hidatsa story of the preg- nant woman breaking the vine that led from a cave to the upper world. The North American thunderbird also turns up (Chiriguano). Among more generic themes found within the area may be cited the suitor’s tests, the deluge, the destruction of the world by fire, and etiolog- ical animal tales, the requisition of fire, and the Amazon women. LORE AND LEARNING Economic and technological pursuits involve considerable empirical knowledge, which is likewise displayed in the sportive mimicry of the animal dances. Intricately tied up with their practical occupations is the Indians’ star lore. In Guiana, at least, the year is divided not into lunar months but into seasons defined, above all, by the regular suc- cession of the stars and constellations in certain positions in the sky. The Pleiades are of special importance, their rising from the east or disappearing in the west marking the advent of the wet and dry seasons and especially indicating the proper time to commence agricultural oper- ations. The various stars are also associated with game, fish, and plants in season. The year, in short, is determined by the reappearance of the Pleiades and is subdivided according to the appearance of other con- stellations, which are correlated with the abundance of economically sig- nificant animals and plants. The rainy and the dry season bear distinctive designations, and their advent is foretold by special observa- tions—on the size of the young turtles, the croaking of the rain frog, etc. To indicate the number of days before some such event as a feast, the Guiana host (or party of the first part) sends to the guest (or partner) a knotted string, of which he retains a replica. Each morning the two 56 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 men concerned untie one knot, the knotless cord being supposed to cor- respond to the day of arrival. The Palicur substitute for the cord a bundle of rods suspended from a reed, turning down both ends of each stick every day (Nimuendaju, 1926, p. 94). This device strikingly resembles North American Choctaw practice. Distances are reckoned by the number of nights required for the journey. Remarkable geographical knowledge and cartographic skill are evi- denced by the maps of the Taulipadng, who are accustomed to outline their itinerary on the ground and to indicate the shapes of mountains by an accumulation of sand. Native sketchers will recite the names of rivers and their affluents in order, marking waterfalls, and defining the appearance of peaks (Koch-Grunberg, 1923 b, pp. 90, 118; pls. 34, 35). Similar maps, including an astronomical star chart, are made in the Rio Negro region (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, pp. 160, 213). (Roth, 1924, pp. 715-720; see also upper Xingu, p. 348.) ETIQUETTE A Taulipang never enters a strange house unbidden, but remains standing at the entrance until asked to enter. A speaker is never inter- rupted; on official occasions a long oration is merely punctuated by polite interjections on the auditor’s part. In such situations neither interlocutor looks at the other, both staring fixedly into space—a usage rather common among South American tribes (Koch-Griinberg, 1923 b, p- 111 f.). On the Caiari River, any one leaving on a specific errand, such as going to hunt or farm or even to ease himself, announces the fact to the other inmates, who encourage him to go about his business (Koch-Griinberg, 1921, p. 280 f.). Commonly men and women eat separately. Hands are carefully washed before and after meals. At a party it is inadmissible to refuse a drink, for such an act evokes suspicion. The etiquette regulating kinship behavior and the procedures at cere- monial situations have been considered under appropriate heads (Roth, 1924, pp. 235-239, 620-631). The widespread weeping salutation also appears in this area (Guarani, Yuruna). BIBLIOGRAPHY Acufia, 1641; Bates, 1863 (1892) ; Friederici, 1925; Gillin, 1936; Im Thurn, 1883; Izikowitz, 1935; Karsten, 1935; Killip and Smith, 1931; Kirchhoff, 1931, 1932; Koch- Grinberg, 1906 a, 1921, 1923 a, 1923 b, 1927; Kruse, 1934; Linné, 1925; Mangelsdorf and Reeves, 1939; Métraux, 1928 a, 1928 b; Nimuendaju, 1914 c, 1919-20, 1921-22, 1926, 1930 b; Nordenskidld, 1912, 1917 c, 1919 a, 1920, 1922, 1924 a, 1924 b, 1930 a, 1930 c, 1931 b; Palmatary, 1939; Preuss, 1921, 1922; Roth, 1915, 1924; M. Schmidt, 1905, 1914, 1917; Setchell, 1921; Speiser, 1926; Spix and Martius, 1823-31; Stirling, 1938; Stolpe, 1927; Weeks, 1913; Whiffen, 1915. Part 1. THe CoastTaL AND AMAZONIAN TUPI THE ARCHEOLOGY OF THE PARANA RIVER By FRANCISCO DE APARICIO INTRODUCTION At the beginning of historic times various groups of native peoples lived along the lower Parana River, from its confluence with the Paraguay to the Delta. Some of these peoples were island dwellers and navigators ; others lived along the banks of the river and were adapted to both a riverine and terrestrial life. Still others were land hunters who, perhaps, came only seasonally to the river to fish. The latter do not concern us here, but the first two groups, the island peoples and those who lived permanently along the Parana littoral are considered here as typical inhabitants of the Parana. GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING At its confluence with the Paraguay, the Parana River turns south to form the lower Parana. In this southward course its width varies from 1 to 2% kilometers (5¢ to 1% miles) in the north and gradually widens toward the south. The great volume of alluvium which the river carries has resulted in the formation of numerous islands at the Delta which are dissected by small streams. Ramirez, in referring to these islands, said that: “There were so many that they could not be counted.” They are a characteristic feature of the Parana Delta landscape, and they offered, in the past, exceptionally advantageous sites for the dwellings of native peoples. The banks of the Parana are quite irregular in appearance. The left margin, from Corrientes to Diamante, where the formation of the Delta begins, is in some places high and falls sharply to the river, forming steep bluffs 30 meters (about 100 ft.) in height. At other places the decline from the high ground to the river is more gradual. These gradual slopes usually form the transitional terrain between the river and the typical monte country of the region. The right margin of the Parana, on the other hand, is low. A flooded zone, of 10 to 40 kilometers (about 6 to 25 miles) in width, borders the river down to the city of Santa Fé. ov 58 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 From there, to the confluence of the Carcarafia, the Coronda subsidiary defines the edge of the firm land that rises only a little above the ordinary level of the waters. South of the Carcarafa, the river bank rises to high cliffs; and these highlands, in some places, continue inland for a short distance. This same topography continues down the Plata to the vicinity of Buenos Aires. The Indians occupied these highlands, and undoubtedly it was on the heights that the conquistadors had their first contact with the natives, as the flood plains were nearly always inaccessible. The lower Parana has numerous left tributaries, the most voluminous of which is the Ibera draining a large basin. The other tributaries flow from the western watershed of the Argentine Mesopotamia. These rivers were good locations for primitive communities, but archeological evidence indicates that they were occupied only near their mouths. On the right bank, the Parana receives two tributaries which were of great significance in the life of the pre-Columbian populations. These are the Salado, which crosses the country from the border of the Puna de Atacama to Santa Fé, and the Carcarafia, which descends the Sierra de Comechingones. According to the geographical information which the Indians of Sancti Spiritu supplied to the explorer Cabot, it is evident that these two rivers, and especially the Salado, must have served as important routes of native commerce. Typical Parana cultures had, how- ever, penetrated only a few kilometers up the Salado, and no remains of the Parana type have ever been discovered on the Carcarana. In the northern part of the Province of Santa Fé, the rivers that run parallel to the Parana before entering it duplicate its general environmental conditions. The Delta embraces approximately 200 kilometers (125 miles) of the lower course of the Parana. This extremely low region is intersected by a great number of streams, and it is subject to the tides of the Rio de la Plata, which inundate it periodically. During these floods only a few small, unusually high areas remain above the waters. On such areas are found the remains of the indigenous peoples of the region. The shores of the Parana are covered, for the most part, with monte (shrub vegetation) of a Mesopotamian type. The abundance of the flora varies considerably according to the latitude or to which river bank is involved. A hydrophyllic vegetation thrives in the insular region of the Delta, the most common species being the willow (Salix hum- boltiana), the ceiba (Erythrina crista-galli), and the yatay palm (Cocos yatay), the last a conspicuous tree the fruit of which was used by the Indians. In general, the insular landscape is characterized by swamp and aquatic vegetation of extraordinary exhuberance. The rich Parana flora afforded the Indian refuge and materials for shelter, but it yielded no important food element. The fauna, however, abundantly satisfied almost all the needs of the early inhabitants. PuiatEe 9.—Plastic representations from the Parana River country. a-c, Zoo- morphic handles, Malabrigo; d, human-head handle, vicinity of city of Parana; e-h, silhouette rim attachments; 7, j7, free representations of birds. (a and ec, Approximately % actual size; b and d, approximately % actual size; e-h, approxi- mately 44 actual size; 7 and 7, approximately % actual size.) (Courtesy Museo Etnografico de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Buenos Aires.) (fe ae see PLatE 10.—Parana River area sherds. a-e, Incised lines with notched or punc- tated interiors (‘‘drag-and-jab’’ technique); f, g, sherds of the insular delta complex. (Courtesy Museo Etnogrdafico de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Buenos Aires.) Vol. 3] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE PARANA RIVER—APARICIO 59 ETHNOGRAPHIC CONSIDERATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS A brief analysis of the archeology of the Parana demonstrates three distinct archeological complexes: two in the region of the Delta, and a third which is found along both shores of the river above the Delta. The accounts of the early European discoverers of this country indicate that the Indians whom they encountered belonged to different tribes or “nations.” In interpreting the written sources by comparing them with the archeological evidence, it becomes clear that there were three outstanding aboriginal groups. The first of these were the Querandi, who lived in the territory of Sancti Spiritu: The “people of the country,’ as Ramirez called them. Oviedo y Valdés (1851-55) says that they were inland dwellers, and Sebastian Cabot (in Medina, 1908) affirms that their territory extended to the foot of the mountains. They occasionally reached the coast, and this explains why their name was given to the creek at whose mouth the Portuguese explorer Lépes de Sousa set up two landmarks bearing the coat of arms of his king. Later, Mendoza, according to Ulrich Schmidel (1903), encountered the Querandi in the region where the Port of Santa Maria de Buen Aire was situated. These Indians, in spite of their presence on the coast, cannot be considered as typical inhabitants of the Parana and are not treated in this paper. Undoubtedly, they did not form a tribe, properly speaking, but were a band or a group who, a little after the second founding of Buenos Aires, are no longer mentioned but became confused with the other Indians of the plains and were in- cluded under the general name of “Pampas.” The second important group were the Guarani, who inhabited some of the islands and navigated the Parana, “because they were the enemies of all the other nations,” says Ramirez. The Guarani left behind ceme- teries with urn burials and other types of characteristic remains. Finally, the chroniclers mention a series of people who lived along the banks of the river: Carcarai, Chana, Begua, Chana-Timbu, Timbu, Mocoretai, Camarao, Mepene. All of these peoples were, evidently, small bands belonging to a larger group, the third major group of the area. The archeological evidence found along the shores of the Parana verifies the testimony of the conquistadors who, although they gave many names to these people, left no doubt that culturally they were funda- mentally uniform. To these people can be assigned the dominant archeo- logical complex of the Parana, characterized by the ceramic representa- tions and accompanying other remains (Aparicio, 1928-29). The sites, other than those of the Guarani, which have been found on the “cerritos” (small elevations) of the Delta cannot yet be assigned to any of the people mentioned in the early literature. All that is known of these people is confined to the archeological materials themselves. These materials differ both from the Parana complex of the ceramic 653333—47—7 60 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 plastic representations and from those of the Guarani sites. It is very possible that when the remains from some of the sites of the right margin of the Rio de la Plata are better known that these will prove to have a close relationship with those from the Delta “cerritos.” HISTORY OF ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS The excavation of the “Tumulo Prehistorico de Campana,” made around 1877 by Don Estanislao S. Zeballos and Pedro P. Pico (1878), began archeological research along the Parana and was also the first systematic investigation of an Argentine archeological site. Several years later, in 1893-94, Ambrosetti found fragments of decorated pottery in Entre Rios and a handsome collection of plastic representations in pottery from the site of Goya. Further field work was not attempted along the Parana littoral until Frenguelli and the present author discovered important sites on the Malabrigo River. Other minor discoveries were also made by Frenguelli, by the author, and by Antonio Serrano. The Delta of the Parana is known from the works of L. M. Torres (1913) and from the recent excavations of the North American, Samuel K. Lothrop. The bibliography relative to Parana archeology includes important works of other authors—Ameghino, Lafone Quevedo, Outes, and Torres. These are, however, monographic treatments of selected themes and are based upon rapid exploratory trips, occasional discoveries, or library research. The present brief synthesis is based, for the most part, upon the personal investigations carried out in the lower Parana region by the author. These investigations are only partly published. ARCHEOLOGICAL SITES SITES ALONG THE PARANA Campana and Goya are the classic sites of the Parana littoral. The first was studied with surprising care for the period in which the excava- tions were made (1877). The investigators stated, with regard to the nature of the mound: We established a priori that this monument was a tumulus similar to those found in the different territories of Europe and the Americas. Its material consists of decayed vegetal substances and Quaternary deposits. Taking the form of an ellipse, its major diameter measures 79 varas [approximately 220 feet, or 70 m.]; the lesser diameter was 32 varas [approximately 90 ft., or 30 m.]; and its greatest height was 24 varas [approximately 7 ft., or 2.2 m.] above the surrounding ground. [Zeballos and Pico, 1878.] Zeballos defined the mound, on the basis of its general appearance, as a tumulus comparable to the earth monuments of other continents. At about the same time, some similar sites had been discovered by re- Vol. 3] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE PARANA RIVER—APARICIO 61 liable amateurs in the lowlands of southern Entre Rios. The coincidence of these discoveries was commented upon by Ameghino, shortly after this, leading to the supposition of the existence of a culture or “a people of the tumuli.” At Goya, Ambrosetti made very rapid and superficial observations, and his descriptions do not give a clear idea of the conditions under which he discovered the material which he describes. However, judging from investigations in many other sites along the Parana, it is evident that Ambrosetti was investigating a site quite typical of the region. These sites are always found on the banks of the river or of its tributaries, and are situated on high ground above the zone of inundations. The cultural remains are always found at a very slight depth, immediately below the humus. They consist of potsherds, apparently scattered in- tentionally, hearths, remains of food, and human bones coming from secondary inhumations. The writer has noted sites of this type in Cor- rientes, in the vicinity of the city of Parana, near Diamante and Victoria, in Gaboto and other places along the right bank of the Coronda, and in various localities north of the city of Santa Fé. A site of the same type, but located on low ground in the insular region, is Las Tejas, ex- plored by Antonio Serrano, in the vicinity of the Lake of Coronda. The better-known sites of the Parana are, however, those of the right bank of the Malabrigo River. They are located upon a series of hills that extend a short distance from the edge of the river. Frenguelli remarks that, taking into account the “characteristic alignment [of these hills] upon the edge of a fluvial valley, and the nature and homogeneity of the materials that compose them,” they must be interpreted “as ancient aeolian accumulations [sand dunes] more or less affected by later weather action, that shaped them in the form of hills, which are likely places, in these regions, for the refuge of indigenous populations” (Frenguelli and Aparicio, 1923). In all of the mounds explored, artifacts and human skeletal remains have been found at only a very slight depth in the sand. SITES OF THE DELTA In the insular region and the bordering lowlands of the Delta, a country subjected to periodic flooding or tidal action of the estuary of the Rio de la Plata, locations of aboriginal dwellings were limited to only a few elevated places, which are referred to today as “cerritos,” or little hills. In them are found cultural refuse and human burials. Because of their appearance, as small mounds rising above the surrounding lowlands, these “cerritos”’ have been considered by some authorities, especially Torres, as true tumuli that were deliberately constructed by man. However, Lothrop, who has explored one of these “mounds,” believes that their artificial elevation is the inadvertent accumulation of detritus left by 62 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 human occupation. Outes, who explored a site of this type in Mazaruca, also tends to this latter view: Mazaruca, as with the great majority of the other burial places in more or less isolated elevations, is a relatively consolidated sand dune. Some of these dunes are covered by a cap of humus, deep enough to be considered the product of the slow transformation of the coarse quartz sand which forms the underlying material of the dune, and to which has been added continuously detritus carried by floods and the decomposed organic matter from the rank vegetation that covers the surface ot the marsh. [Outes, 1912.] The author has had occasion to investigate a similar site in “La Argen- tina,” in the region of Mazaruca, and concurs with Outes (Aparicio, 1928). It is unfortunate that a comprehensive study of the geological nature of the “cerritos” has not yet been made. CULTURAL REMAINS THE PARANA LITTORAL Plastic representations.—The sites along the shores of the Parana are characterized by modeled pottery figures or plastic representations, with which are associated quantities of potsherds, plain, incised, and, in a few cases, painted. By and large, however, the materials, which are almost exclusively ceramics, are of rather poor quality and of monotonous uniformity. All of the plastic representations are hand-made, and knowledge of molds was lacking. All of the figures conform to a definite art style which distinguishes them from comparable pottery representations found in other American areas.1 The native artists of the Parana interpreted the regional fauna with surprising talent and sensibility. They were sometimes able to reproduce nature with a masterly realism; in other instances, they modified the form until they achieved stylizations of a disconcerting audacity. Both types of depiction are usually complemented by incised decoration which is purely geometric and in no sense zoomor- phic characterizations. The plastic representations, in some cases, were adornos on pottery vessels, serving either as handles or simply as added ornaments. The figure handles are bulky and are attached to the vessel walls; the purely decorative adornos are silhouette forms which appear to have been added to the rims as an extention of the vessel wall. In both cases, the figures have the same paste, firing, finish, etc., as the vessels of which they form a part. ~ 2 Attention has often been called to the analogies existing between the plastic representations of the Parand and of the Amazon and other regions of the continent. Nordenskidld in studying this problem contrasted a series of schematic drawings. As in such schemes, the sculptures have lost all stylistic quality, and the resemblances of one with the other are therefore surprising. However, anyone who has seen an appreciable quantity of plastic representations of the Parand and of the Amazon, and who has some artistic sensibility, would not hesitate to declare the analogy to be of theme and not of style. Vol. 3] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE PARANA RIVER—APARICIO 63 The function of the separate or free figures can only be conjectured. They differ from the attached figures in being larger and usually solid rather than hollow, as is the case with the latter. At the sites of Malabrigo, Resistencia, Campana, and Goya, the figures are almost exclusively of the attached type. In sites of the river country of Santa Fé, between San José del Rincén and Gaboto, and in those along the banks of the Parana between the city of Parana and the Delta (such as Las Tejas), the free figures have been found in greater abundance. As there is a fairly adequate bibliography upon this subject, only a few typical examples of the plastic representations will be illustrated and discussed here. Plate 9, a, a handle figure from Malabrigo, is a magnificent example of interpretative realism. Although executed in a slovenly manner and free of all technical preoccupation, it unites sur- prising elements of expression and life. The beak is exaggerated in its dimensions but faithfully portrayed; the fierce expression of the eye and the tufted crest give the head a singular dynamism and exceptional vitality. The decorations of the piece have been executed with a marked lack of prolixity. They consist simply of a series of parallel rows of punctations that run perpendicular to the tufted crest and cover both sides of the face. Below, and at the sides of the beak, this simple ornamental feature is repeated in smaller size. Another handle representation from Mal- abrigo (pl. 9, b) is a good example of extreme stylization. Although this head has the same general characteristics as the last, the artist’s intent was obviously different. His interest was not in achieving sincere realism, but in producing a graceful and elegant formalism, which he accomplished with admirable simplicity by portraying a beak of dispro- portionate size and a long undulant crest which extends down the back of the head. The crest plays an important decorative role, complementing two grooved projections at the sides of the head. Ornamentation is limited to some parallel zigzag lines. This particular specimen is almost completely covered with red ocher. The great parrots were the preferred subjects of the native sculptors of the Parana littoral, and representations of them constitute an over- whelming majority of known specimens. Other birds and animals were also portrayed. Plate 9, c, another handle specimen from Malabrigo, is a beautiful example of an owl. The artist has retained only features necessary to the characterization: Eyes, “horns,” and beak. He has represented them with great ease and assurance. The artists made human representations much less often than animals, and with less success. An example of accentuated human realism is the little head (pl. 9, d) from the vicinity of the city of Parana. No intact vessel has yet been discovered with two figure handles attached, but the great number of rim sherds with such attachments leaves little 64 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 doubt that such handles were used on vessels, e. g., figure 4, a nearly complete specimen from Las Tejas, Santa Fé. The handles on this piece are of an exceptional type, as the zoomorphic figure has been depicted as an entire body rather than by the usual practice of simply showing it as a head (Aparicio, 1925). Ficure 4.—Parana River vessel with zoomorphic handles. (Courtesy Museo Etno- grafico de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Buenos Aires.) The silhouette rim attachments which the author first discovered and published some years ago, are definitely in the artistic style of the Parana plastic representations (pl. 9, e-h). The silhouettes have been made by cutting out the outline of the animal which is being represented from a flat piece of clay. The surfaces of the figures are then treated somewhat in the manner of relief sculpture, in some cases to augment the characterization intended, and in others simply to decorate the figures. [Aparicio, 1923.] Various examples of separate or free representations, either complete or fragmentary, have been examined by the author. Plate 9, 1, can be considered typical. Artistically, it is contemptible. The heavy modeled parrot is scarcely recognizable. The head reproduced in plate 9, 7, though of unusual beauty, is no doubt a similar piece. Although the subject has been drastically conventionalized, the essential characteristics—beak, crest, and throat—enable one to recognize it immediately as a royal condor. The head is covered with incised decoration, which, as usual, is discon- nected and seems to lack design plan. Pottery.—Plastic representations are always found in association with plain, incised, and painted potsherds. Some instances of combined paint- ing and incision have also been noted. Various ornamental combinations have been made with incised lines, but these have not yet been system- atically analyzed. These decorative combinations show some similarity to comparable pottery decorations from other primitive cultures. How- ever, the exact nature of these incised decorations, and the manner in Vol. 3] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE PARANA RIVER—APARICIO 65 which they have been executed, is characteristic of the Parana littoral. Incision was made in the soft paste by a small pointed instrument which effected a series of successive impressions, or a groove with a notched interior. These notched grooved lines (“drag-and-jab”) vary consider- ably, depending upon the size and shape of the instrument used. Plate 10, a-e, shows a random selection of such sherds. At a glance one can see the identity of the pottery decorations with those found on the plastic representations. In addition, pottery decorated with incised lines and separate puncta- tions is not lacking. Pottery may also have the most elementary sort of decorative treatment: fingernail impressions and finger-and-fingernail impressions in various combinations. These latter types are, nevertheless, in the minority, and they cannot be considered as typical manifestations of the culture. (See concluding section of Guarani influences. ) The people of the Parana littoral apparently had the custom of inten- tionally destroying their pottery and other ceramic artifacts. Because of this, very few complete specimens are now extant. The sherds, however, reveal that there were various vessel forms, some small and carefully made, others large, coarse, and without decoration. There is only one good example of a vessel of the finer ware; but there are, perhaps, a dozen of the large coarse vessels. These latter are usually subglobular in shape. All complete vessels have been brought together in a special monograph (Iribarne, 1937). Miscellaneous ceramic objects.—Exceptionally, in some sites, pipes, pendants, and spindle whorls have been found. Nonceramic objects.—Artifacts of stone or bone are extremely scarce. In Malabrigo, the stone industry can be considered nonexistent ; in Goya, four worked stone artifacts and several bolas were found; in Campana, Zeballos and Pico mention the finding of 150 pieces of worked and polished stone. Unfortunately, this last material was lost and there is no descrip- tion available. However, the exceptional lithic representation at Campana can be satisfactorily explained if it is realized that the site lies on the periphery of the Parana littoral culture. This stone artifact complex was probably the result of contact with neighboring peoples. Bone artifacts are similar to stone artifacts in their occurrence. Their presence at Campana, again, must be explained by the geographical loca- tion of the site. THE PARANA DELTA The Delta culture of the “cerritos.”— Although the general aspect of the Delta sites is more or less uniform, the contents of these sites is variable. Some sites contain urn burials accompanied by a very charac- teristic artifact complex. Other sites have direct inhumations accompanied by unspecialized ceramics and bone artifacts. The latter correspond to 66 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 sites already mentioned, with the exception of Arroyo Malo explored by Lothrop (1932). The sites with the direct inhumations and the nondistinctive archeo- logical content, represent the insular culture of the “cerritos,” presumably the remains of the ancient occupants of the Delta. In addition to being little specialized, and lacking in definitive characteristics, the pottery and artifacts from the “cerritos” are very scarce. Skeletal remains, on the other hand, are quite abundant. The potsherds that have been found show very simple line and punctate combinations. They differ, signifi- cantly, from those attributed to the peoples of the Guaycuru family, and, even more strikingly, from the well-known Guarani ceramics. In plate 10, f, g, are shown sherds from the sites of the insular Delta complex. (Cf. with pl. 10, a-e.) A stone industry is very poorly represented in these Delta sites. Those artifacts found probably were trade pieces received from neighboring peoples. Artifacts of bone and horn, such as awls, punches, and points, although not highly specialized or differentiated, are the most typical. Guarani influences.—Various sites of the Delta are characterized by great funerary urns. Despite the fact that investigations at only one such site have been fully published (Lothrop, 1932, Arroyo Malo), the artifact complex associated with this culture of the urn burials is well known and is attributed to the Guarani peoples. The distribution of Guarani finds is very extensive, allowing comparisons with similar discoveries made in relatively remote regions, such as the upper Parana and the upper Para- guay Rivers. In addition, they are also found throughout the entire geographical area to which we have been referring in this paper. Some- times these Guarani-type finds are found by themselves; in other instances they are found as intrusions into archeological strata of other cultures. The Guarani funerary urns have peculiar forms. The surfaces are plain or fingernail marked, or, more rarely, they are completely or par- tially painted with polychrome decorations (fig. 5; pls. 11, 12). Frag- ments of pottery are also found in association with the burial urns. These suggest vessels of different forms and uses which have been decorated in a similar manner to the funerary vessels. There are also typical stone artifacts in association with the above pottery. These are polished axes and lip plugs of various forms. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ambrosetti, 1893, 1894; Ameghino, 1880-81; Aparicio, 1923, 1925, 1928, 1928-1929; Cabot (in Medina, 1908); Frenguelli and Aparicio, 1923; Iribarne, 1937; Lafone- Quevedo, 1909; Lothrop, 1932; Outes, 1912; Oviedo y Valdés, 1851-55; Schmidel, 1903; Torres, L. M., 1913; Zeballos and Pico, 1878. THE ARCHEOLOGY OF THE PARANA RIVER 67 oe emer) rain a PU LY; Figure 5.—Guarani pottery from the Paran4 Delta. Top: Painted, fingernail-marked, and plain wares. Bottom: Painted urn (height, 18 inches (44.5 cm.)). (Courtesy Museo Etnografico de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Buenos Aires; and after Lothrop, 1932, pl. 10.) 653333—47—8 THE GUARANI By AtFrreD METRAUX TRIBAL DIVISIONS The area inhabited by the Guarani (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7) has shrunk considerably since the 16th century. Today the Guarani who have preserved their cultural identity form isolated islands in Paraguay and southern Brazil. The subtribes mentioned by Spanish conquistadors and missionaries have disappeared, and the names which designate modern Guarani groups are fairly recent and appear in the literature only in the 18th century. Therefore, it is necessary to deal with ancient and modern Guarani as if they were separate entities. The Guarani language, however, is still spoken by Mestizos, or acculturated Indians, in most of the territory where it was used at the time of the Conquest. The rural population of Paraguay is often called Guarani. Therefore, in order to avoid confusion between these modern civilized Guarani and their primitive contemporaries, we shall always refer to the latter as Caingud. Guarani of the 16th and 17th centuries.—The Guarani were first known as Carij6 or Cario, but the name Guarani finally prevailed in the 17th century. At this time, the Guarani were the masters of the Atlantic Coast from Barra de Cananea to Rio Grande do Sul, (lat. 26°-33° S., long. 48°-52° W.) and from there their groups extended to the Parana, Uruguay, and Paraguay Rivers. Guarani groups, called by the early chroniclers “Guarani de las islas,” Chandris, or Chandules, lived in the 16th century on the islands of the Rio de la Plata, and on the southern side of the Parana Delta from San Isidro to the vicinity of the Carcarafia River (lat. 34° S., long. 58° W.) There were some Guarani enclaves along the Uruguayan shore, at Martin Chico, and from San Lazaro to San Salvador. Pottery vessels of un- mistakable Guarani origin have been found near San Francisco Soriano and Concordia in Uruguay, on the island of Martin Garcia and at Arroyo Malo, between the Lujan River and the Parana de las Palmas River. On the eastern side of the Uruguay River, the borderline between the Charrua and the bulk of the Guarani nation ran near Yapeyu. On the 69 70 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 western side, the Guarani occupied all the land from Yapeyt to the Parana River (Serrano, 1936, p. 121). From the junction of the Parana and Paraguay Rivers, Guarani villages were distributed con- tinuously up the eastern side of the Paraguay River and up both sides of the Parana River. They reached north to the Mbotetey (Miranda) River (lat. 20° S.,), and east probably to the Serras de Amambay and Maracayu. The Guarani were especially numerous in the Parana Basin and in the Province of Guaira. There were also countless settlements along the tributaries of the Parana River, the boundary between the Tupinakin and Guarani being approximately the Tieté River. The Guarani extended south to the Province of Tapé (today, Serra Geral). Although Guarani was the generic name of this widespread people, the Spaniards in the 16th and 17th centuries distinguished local tribes by special names. Around Lagoa dos Patos, the Guarani were called Arechane (lat. 32° S., long. 51° W.) ; from the Apa River to the Mbotetey (Miranda) River, Itatin (lat. 22° S., long. 57° W.); in the Serra Geral and Rio Grande do Sul, Tapé (lat. 30° S., long. 52° W.); around San Estanislao and San Joaquin, Tobatin; on the Ypané River, Guarambaré (lat. 23° S., long. 56° W.) ; and on the Ivahy (Ivahyete) River, Taioba. Tribes with a different language and culture, such as the Caingang, or with a different culture, such as the Guayaki, were scattered among the Guarani. In the second half of the 17th century, the Northern Guarani or Itatin, were driven south by the Mbayd-Guaicuru, a Chaco tribe. Modern Guarani tribes.—Since the 18th century, the Guarani groups who had remained independent and had not been collected in missions have been distinguished from the Christianized Guarani by the name Caingua (Kaa-thwua, Kaingua, Cayud, Monteses), which means “In- habitants of the Forest.” About 1800, the Caingud (Caagua) inhabited the headwaters of the Iguatemi River, extending north toward the upper Miranda River to Cerro Pyta in the Cordillera de San José near the headwaters of the Ypané River. They also lived near the Jejui-guazu (Jejui) and the Aguaray-guazii Rivers and in the vicinity of the cities of Curuguaty, San Joaquin, and San Estanislao (Azara, 1904, p. 407). The Caingud proper lived on the Ypané River, the Carima in the Serra Maracayti (lat. 23° S., long. 54° W.), and the Taruma east of the Yhu River (lat. 24° S., long. 56° W.). The Indians who at the end of the 18th century lived on the right side of the Parana River between the Guarapay and Monday Rivers and on the left side of the Parana River from Corpus to the Iguassu River, were known as Guayana (lat. 26° S., long. 56° W.). A group of these Guayana still exists at Villa Azara on the stream Pira-pyta. These Guarani-speaking Guayand should not be confused with the ancient Vol. 3] THE GUARANI—METRAUX val Guayand of Sao Paulo and Parana, who were Caingang Indians (Azara, 1904, p. 406). Modern Caingud (Caaigud) are divided into three groups: (1) The Mbyd (Mbwiha, Ava-mbiha, Caaygua, Apyteré, Baticola), who occupy the forested spurs of the Serra de Maracayti (lat. 25°-27° S., long. 55° W.) and the region around Corpus in the Argentine terri- tory of Misiones. Groups of Mbyd (or Caingua) are even more widely scattered in Mato Grosso and in the States of Parana and Rio Grande do Sul. (2) The Chiripa, who live south of the Jejua-guazu River and are also reported on the right and left sides of the upper Parana River, along the Yuytorocai River and north of the Iguasst River (lat. 25° S., long. 54°-56° W.). (3) The Pan’ (Terendhé), who live north of the Jejui-guazu River. Of these three groups, the Mbyd have remained the closest to their ancient Guarani culture; the Chiripd are the most acculturated. There are also several groups of Cainguda or Guarani in Brazil. The Apapocuva (lat. 24° S., long. 54° W.) regard themselves as distinct from the Paraguayan Caingud although they are closely related to them. Before they started in 1870 trekking east in search of the Land-Without-Evil (see below, p. 93), they lived on the lower Iguatemi River, in the southern tip of the State of Mato Grosso. In 1912, 200 still lived on the Iguatemi River ; about 200 in the reservation of Arariba, in the State of Sado Paulo; 100 on the Rio das Cinzas, in the State of Parana; about 70 in Potrero Guazt, in Mato Grosso; and about 40 at the mouth of the Ivahi River. The Tafygud, who also made this trek, resided on the Parana River near the Iguatemi River (lat. 23° S., long. 54° W.). After a long migration which took them to the Atlantic Coast, they became established on the Rio de Peixe and the Itariry River, where a few of them still remained in 1912. The ancient habitat of the Oguauiva, from which they migrated toward the Ocean in 1830, was situated near the Serra de Maracayu (lat. 24° S., long 54° W.). In 1912, 100 Oguauiva lived in the reservation of Arariba, and 40 near the coast. The other Caingud groups who, according to Nimuendaju (1914 a, p. 293), lived in southern Brazil about 1912 were: The Cheiru,’ near the mouth of the Iguatemi ; the Avahuguai, on the Dourados; the Paiguagu, on the Curupayna River (Mato Grosso) ; the Yvytyigud, opposite the Serra do Diabo, in the State of Parana; the Avachiripd, on the left side of the Parana (State of Parana) ; the Catanduva Jatahy, in the same State. The Apapocuva, Tanygud, Oguauiva, and Cheiru are regarded as Guarani whereas the Avahuguai, Paiguagu, Yvytyigud, Avachiripda, and 1 There are also Cheiru in Paraguay near the Guaira Falls. 72 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Catanduva are designated in Brazil under the generic term of Caiua (Kaygua). The Ivaparé (Aré, Shetad), erroneously called Botocudo or Notoboto- cudo because of their wooden labrets, are a Guarani-speaking group living on the Ivahy River, near the Ranharanha (Ariranha) Cachoeira (lat. 24° S., long. 53° W.). These Indians have abandoned farming, and roam in the forests like the Guayaki (Borba, 1904, Loukotka, 1929). At present most of the Caingud groups are in constant contact with the Mestizos and Whites, and many Caingud work as peons in the estancias, in the maté or lumber camps. With the earned money they buy clothes, tools, food, pots, sugar, and salt. Consequently, they have abandoned weaving and even their native ware. On the other hand, they still culti- vate the same plants as their ancestors. Population.—Nimuendaju (1914 a, p. 293) estimated in 1912 the total number of the Brazilian Cainguda at about 3,000. Sources.—Information on the ancient Guarani is scanty and fragmen- tary, but can be supplemented by our better knowledge of their descend- ants, the numerous Caingud tribes of Paraguay and southern Brazil. Moreover, from all available evidence, ancient Guarani culture appears to be basically like that of their neighbors and kinsmen, the coastal Tupi. Most of the data on the ancient Guarani used in this chapter come from the “Comentarios de Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca’ (see Pedro Her- nandez, 1852), Schmidel (1903), Ruiz de Montoya’s (1892) “Conquista espiritual,” and the “Cartas anuas de la Compania de Jesus” (1927-29). Del Techo (1673, 1897) and Lozano (1873-75), who often have been regarded among our best authorities on the Guarani, obtained most of their data from Jesuit reports (Cartas anuas). The earliest description of the Caingud appears in Dobrizhoffer (1874). Azara’s (1809, 1904) often-quoted passages on the Guarani should be used with caution. Rengger (1835) in the beginning of the 19th century and Vogt (1904), Ambrosetti (1895 b), and Vellard (1939 a) in recent times have contributed good information on the material culture of the Paraguayan Caingud. On the Cayud of Southern Brazil, we have a monograph by Von Koenigswald (1908). The outstanding sources on the modern Guarani, or Caingud, are a monograph by Nimuendaju (1914 a) on the religion and mythology of the Apapocuva-Guarani, and a series of studies by Father Franz Miiller (1934-35) on the Paraguayan Caingud. Pablo Hernandez’s (1913) monumental work is the most complete modern source on the history and organization of the Jesuit missions. Cardiel’s (1900) “Declaracién de la verdad” and Muratori’s (1754) “Nouvelles des missions du Paraguay” are excellent 18th-century treatises on life in the missions. Vol. 3] THE GUARANI—METRAUX 13 ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GUARANI AREA Many archeological finds have been made in the area formerly inhabited by the Guarani, but only a few systematic investigations have ever been undertaken of ancient sites or cemeteries. The attribution of some of the remains unearthed in former Guarani territory is often uncertain because the Guarani seem to have been late comers in the regions where we find them in the 16th century. They were preceded by people of different prehistoric cultures, some of which, such as the Caingang, have survived up to the present. The main problems center around classification of stone implements, which cannot always be easily distinguished from those produced by the early non-Guarani population. Pottery, however, leaves little or no margin for doubt. The aboriginal occupants of Paraguay or southern Brazil had either no ceramics or else only a very crude ware. Guarani ware presents the following features: A corrugated decoration produced by thumb impressions on the soft clay, linear designs in red and black on a whitish background, and the use of large conical chicha jars as funeral urns (pls. 11, 12). There is a striking resemblance between the pottery of the ancient Tupinamba of the coast (Netto, 1885; Ihering, 1904) and that of the Guarani of Paraguay. The modern Chiriguano, descendants of Guarani invaders from Paraguay, still make chicha jars almost identical in shape and decoration to those which are so often unearthed in their home country. Moreover, typical Guarani vases have been found associated with rosin labrets, a lip ornament still worn by modern Caingud. Direct, or primary, urn burial was the usual form of interment among the Guarani and persists among the Chiriguano of Bolivia. Archeology has amply confirmed the statements of early writers. The corpse was forced with the limbs flexed into a jar and covered with another vessel. Thering (1895, 1904), Mayntzhusen (1912), Ullrich (1906), Kunert (1890, 1891, 1892), Kunike (1911), Meyer (1896), Ambrosetti (1895 b), Vellard (1934), and Linné (1936) have described isolated finds. Max Schmidt (1932) has given a list of recent discoveries and has attempted to make a classification of the rich archeological material in the Museum of Asuncion. Pottery of unmistakable Guarani origin has been collected on the islands of the Parana Delta (pl. 11, top, center). They have been published and discussed by L. M. Torres (1913) and Outes (1917, 1918). Lothrop (1932, pp. 122-146) has given us a careful description of the results of his investigation in a Guarani cemetery at Arroyo Malo, a small tributary of the Lujan River, east of El Tigre, in the Province of Buenos Aires. Serrano (1936) has dealt with Guarani archeology in connection with his study of the ancient native cultures of Uruguay. The ware found in areas historically occupied by Guarani tribes con- sists mainly of funeral urns, large plates or vessels used as lids for these urns, and some pots which formed part of the funerary equipment. 74 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 142 Funeral urns, which originally were chicha jars, are of two main types: (1) those decorated on the upper part with rows of corrugated impres- sions or markings produced either with the fingers or with a stick, and (2) painted ones. The urns of the first category usually have a conical shape with a bulging upper part and a low outflaring or direct rim (pl. 11, bottom, left). Those of the second type are usually biconical with a flat or rounded bottom and a direct rim which often presents a median ridge (pl. 12,a). The height of the urns normally varies between 40 to 70 cm. (16 to 28 in.) and their diameter between 46 to 76 cm. (19 to 50 in.). A few specimens are one meter (3 ft.) high. Smaller vessels are (1) undecorated, (2) covered on their entire outer surface by fingernail marks (pl. 11), (3) painted (pl. 12), and (4) painted on the inside and decorated with fingernail marks or corrugated impressions on the outside. Several nail-incised vessels were found by Ambrosetti (1895 b) on the Alto Parana and by Lothrop (1932, pp. 134-135) at Arroyo Malo, near Buenos Aires, and at Parana-Guazu. Most of the specimens of small ware known up to the present are shallow bowls, or bowls with inverted rims. Some painted specimens have a characteristic biconical shape with a flat bottom. A few globular pots with outflaring rims seem to have been used in cooking. A single specimen with a tubular neck has been published by Vellard (1934, fig. S35). Some of the funeral urns and wide bowls found by Lothrop at Arroyo Malo are covered with a grayish slip and are adorned with red paint on the exterior. The decoration of the polychrome urns and bowls consists generally of red lines on a whitish background, but sometimes white patterns have been traced on a red background. Often the red designs are underscored by black strokes or bordered by incisions. On a few specimens coarse red patterns have been applied directly on the surface of the vessel. The motifs are always geometrical. They may be described as sigmoid curves, labyrinths, Greek frets, and elaborations of the chevron. A few vessels are decorated with plain red bands on a white background. Many urns show on their lower portions striations resulting from the use of corn husks in the smoothing process. Guarani vessels are, as a rule, without handles, though, according to Mayntzhusen (1912, p. 465), they may occur in a few instances. Some vessels were suspended through holes in the rim or through lateral prominences. At Arroyo Malo were found some clay “hemispheres,” or lumps decorated with incised patterns. Lothrop (1932, p. 143) calls them fire Vol. 3] THE GUARANI—METRAUX q5 dogs, that is to say, supports for pots, a hypothesis completely unconfirmed. No object of that type has been found in any other Guarani region. A fragment of a double vessel found at Arroyo Malo suggests a type of bowl used by the Chiriguano, though these modern vessels are obviously copied after European yerba maté containers. An effigy vessel collected at Arroyo Malo is definitely alien to Guarani culture as known through archeology. Crude stone drills, knives, hammers, and arrow-shaft polishers are listed by Mayntzhusen (1912, p. 463) among the stone objects he picked up from refuse heaps on the upper Parana River. He also mentions quartz lip plugs. Simple neolithic stone axes without any groove have been found in Guarani sites of the upper Parana River, on the island of Martin Garcia, and at Arroyo Malo. Lothrop (1932, p. 145) describes two fragmentary bolas from Arroyo Malo. One is well made with a broad groove; the other is roughly shaped with a narrow groove. Outes (1917, fig. 28) figures also a grooved bola obtained at Martin Garcia. The bola was not a Guarani weapon and its use seems to have been limited to the Guarani of the Delta. Hammerstones, roughly shaped by abrasion and including some pitted ones, have come to light in the excavations of Arroyo Malo. The bone artifacts which Mayntzhusen claims to have collected on ancient sites of the Parana River include needles, weaver daggers, spatulae, fishhooks, and flutes. He also discovered perforated shell disks and some human or animal teeth which were parts of a necklace. THE CONQUEST No mineral wealth has ever been exploited in Paraguay, but metal objects found among the aborigenes of this country in the 16th century brought about the conquest of the entire basin of the Rio de la Plata. The gold and silver, which members of the Solis expedition obtained from the Guarani and other Indians of this region, had come originally from the Inca Empire. At the end of the 15th century, probably under the reign of Inca Yupanqui, bands of Guarani had crossed the Chaco to raid the peaceful Chané along the Inca frontier and even attacked tribes directly under Inca rule. Some of these Guarani bands settled in the conquered territories; others returned loaded with loot. Groups, small and large, followed the first invaders and renewed their assaults against the “people of the metal.” The number of metal objects which reached Paraguay and the Rio de la Plata in this manner must have been considerable for, from the beginning of the Conquest, regions which actually had nothing to entice the Spaniards were the object of their most violent covetousness. These regions became the gateway to El Dorado. The first positive information on the “Sierra de la Plata” or “Tierra 76 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.H. Bull. 148 rica” was obtained by Alejo Garcia, who, with a few other white men, joined a Guarani raid against the Inca border. He wrote of his discovery to his companions who had remained in Santa Catarina. When Sebastian Cabot landed at Pernambuco in 1526, he had been told of gold and silver in the region of the Rio de la Plata. Later, in Santa Catarina he obtained more detailed information from Alejo Garcia’s companions and heard that “near the sierra there was a white king, dressed like a Spaniard,” and that Garcia and his companions had seen mines and had spoken with the Indians who lived near the sierra and “wore silver crowns on their heads and gold plates hanging from their necks and ears and at- tached around their belts.’ With his letter, Garcia had sent specimens of the metal. Convinced that they had reached El Dorado, Sebastian Cabot abandoned his intended journey to the East Indies and decided to ascend the Rio de la Plata, where he was assured he could “load a ship with gold and silver.” Cabot sailed the Parana and then the Paraguay River to its junction with the Pilcomayo River. Ramirez, in his famous letter recounting the Cabot expedition, says that, “the Guarani Indians of the region of Santa Ana wear many ear pendants and pendants of gold and silver,” and that a brigantine’s crew saw the same things some- what upstream. Through an interpreter, the Spaniards learned that the Chandule, who were Indians of the same tribe living 180 miles (60 leagues) up the Paraguay River, “traded gold to the Guarani for beads and canoes.” The Chandule, who were probably the Guarani of the region of Itati, had much metal, “according to the Indians, because women and children went from their settlements to the mountain and brought back the aforesaid metal” (Ramirez in Medina, J. T., 1908, p. 456). The Cabot expedition was a failure, but the reports about the Sierra de la Plata, the Caracara Indians (i.e., the Quechua Indians of Charcas), and the silver and gold of the Guarani were avidly received by the Spaniards and led to the expedition of Adelantado Pedro de Mendoza. In 1536, Mendoza sent Juan de Ayolas up the Paraguay River to find a route to the land of the Caracara. Ayolas ascended the Paraguay River to the Port of Candelaria, at lat. 19° S., whence, led by a former slave of Garcia, he crossed the Chaco through the land of the Mbayd, and reached the Caracara. Like Alejo Garcia, he returned “with 20 loads of gold and silver,’ but, on reaching the Paraguay River, he and his companions were massacred by the Payagua Indians (1538).
= ; SSS ae 653333—47—11 THE TUPINAMBA—METRAUX YG Y 74", Pa A 7 x 2) ff ‘ —I tf Tome cseHHeh 3 rink rn r ! i Haran eee Ficure 13.—Tupinamba cannibalistic ceremonies. Left: Singing and dancing around the sacrificial club, Right: Execution of the prisoner. 123 (After Staden, 1557.) 124 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The following morning the prisoner was dragged to the plaza by some old women amid cries, songs, and music. The rope was taken from his neck, passed round his waist, and held at both ends by two or more men (fig. 13, right). Again he was allowed to give vent to his feelings by throwing fruits or potsherds at his enemies. He was surrounded by women who vied in their insults. Old women, painted black and red, with necklaces of human teeth, darted out of their huts carrying newly painted vases to receive the victim’s blood and entrails. A fire was lit and the ceremonial club was shown to the captive. Every man present handled the club for a while, thus acquiring the power to catch a prisoner in the future. Then the executioner appeared in full array, painted and covered with a long feather cloak. He was followed by relatives who sang and beat drums. Their bodies, like that of the executioner, were smeared with white ashes. The club was handed to the executioner by a famous old warrior, who performed a few ritual gestures with it. Then the execu- tioner and his victim harangued each other. The executioner derided the prisoner for his imminent death, while the latter foretold the vengeance that his relatives would take and boasted of his past deeds. The captive showed despondency only if his executioner, instead of being an experi- enced warrior, was merely a young man who had never been on the battlefield. The execution itself was a cruel game. Enough liberty was allowed the prisoner to dodge the blows, and sometimes a club was put in his hands so that he could parry them without being able to strike. When at last he fell down, his skull shattered, everybody shouted and whistled. The position of the body was interpreted as an omen for the executioner. The prisoner’s wife shed a few tears over his body and then joined in the cannibalistic banquet. Old women rushed to drink the warm blood, and children were invited to dip their hands in it. Mothers would smear their nipples with blood so that even babies could have a taste of it. The body, cut into quarters, was roasted on a barbecue (fig. 14), and the old women, who were the most eager for human flesh, licked the grease running along the sticks. Some portions, reputed to be delicacies or sacred, such as the fingers or the grease around the liver or heart, were allotted to distinguished guests. As soon as the executioner had killed the victim, he had to run quickly to his hut, which he entered passing between the string and the stave of a stretched bow. Indoors he continued running to and fro as if escaping from his victim’s ghost. Meanwhile his sisters and cousins went through the village proclaiming his new name. On this occasion, the male and female relatives of his generation also had to take new names. The members of the community then rushed into the killer’s hut and looted all his goods, while the killer himself stood on wooden pesties, where the eye of his victim was shown to him and rubbed against his wrist. The lips of the dead man were sometimes given to him to wear THE TUPINAMBA—METRAUX 125 Vol. 3] All Ws Kl) Aw Ue’ (So .) re ro’ rte r3 YS —Tupinamba cannibalism. (After Staden, 1557.) Ficure 14 126 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 as a bracelet. However, his flesh was strictly taboo to the killer. After this the executioner had to recline in a hammock until the hair on his shaved forehead had grown again. During seclusion, he entertained him- self by shooting miniature arrows at a wax figure. For 3 days he might not walk but was carried whenever he needed to leave the hut. He also avoided several foods, especially condiments. His return to normal life was celebrated by a big drinking bout, at which the killer tattooed himself by slashing his body in different patterns with an agouti tooth—the more tattooing marks a man could exhibit the higher was his prestige. Even after the feast he was subject to a few more restrictions before he was again a full-fledged member of the community. The same rites were practiced if, instead of a man, a jaguar had been killed. Later, when the Tupinamba could no longer sacrifice their war prisoners, they would open the graves of their enemies and break the skulls with the same ceremonies. The heads of dead enemies were pinned to the ends of the stockade posts. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Dances.—Ceremonial dances are described as a monotonous but ener- getic stamping on the ground by a group of men standing in a circle, with their bodies bent slightly downward and their hands hanging by their sides or laid on their buttocks. The dancers remained on the same spot, except for occasional steps forward and backward and for rotation. Some- times they shook their heads and made rhythmical gestures with their arms. Dancers were accompanied by songs, the time being marked by shaking rattles or jingling dry fruits that the dancers wore tied round their legs. The rhythm was also given by beating drums or by pounding the ground with a wooden tube. As a rule, men danced separately from women, whose movements are said to have been more violent and exag- gerated than those of the other sex. Profane dances were distinguished by a greater freedom of motion and by their orgiastic character. Men and women lost control of themselves, and their dances consisted of wild jumping and running to and fro. Songs.—Tupinamba songs have received much praise. Singers started softly and then gradually sang louder and louder. Cardim says, They keep among themselves differences of voices in their consort: and ordinarily the women sing the treble, the counter and tenor. [Cardim, 1939, p. 155.] The songs were started by a choirmaster who sang a couplet; the refrain was repeated by the whole group. The words of these songs refer to mythical events, especially to wars and the heroic deeds of the ancestors. The numerous and graceful allusions to nature were similes. Good com- posers enjoyed such prestige that if taken prisoner they were released even by their bitterest enemies. Vol. 3] THE TUPINAMBA—METRAUX 127 Musical instruments.—When carousing or expressing strong feelings collectively, the Tupinamba blew trumpets or played flutes. The trumpets were conch shells with a perforated hole, or a wooden or bamboo tube, on one end of which a calabash served to amplify the sound. Flutes were made of bamboo or of the long bones of slain enemies. Drums, made of a piece of wood hollowed by fire, were small. Rattles have been mentioned above. The time of the dances was beaten with a stamping tube, a thick bamboo stick 4 to 5 feet (1.2 to 1.5 m.) long that was pounded on the ground. On their feet the dancers wore jingles made of fruit shells of Thevetia ahouai (Métraux, 1928 a, pp. 214-217). Narcotics.—Smoking was one of the favorite pastimes in daily life as well as on ceremonial occasions. Tobacco leaves were dried in a hut, then wrapped in a leaf to form a huge cylindrical or conical cigarette. Long tubular bamboo pipes were used exclusively by shamans in magical per- formances. Stone pipes, found in several points of the Brazilian coast, perhaps belong to another culture anterior to that of the Tupi. Alcoholic beverages.—All social events were occasions for drinking bouts, at which great quantities of beer were consumed. The preparation of large amounts of fermented beverages for these feasts was a heavy task for the women, and was one reason for the polygyny of chiefs. Liquors were made from different plants: sweet manioc, maize, sweet potatoes, mangabeira (Hancornia speciosa), cashew, Jaboticaba (Myrciaria cauli- flora), pineapples, bananas, and also beiju wafers and honey. Manioc beer, the favorite drink, was prepared as follows: The roots, cut into thin slices, were first boiled, then squeezed and partly chewed by young girls. The mass, impregnated with saliva, was mixed with water and heated again over the fire. The liquid was afterward poured into huge jars, half buried in the ground, covered with leaves, and left 2 or 3 days to ferment. A fire was built around the jars to warm the beverage before serving it. Each ex- tended family manufactured its own liquor. When a bout was organized, drinkers went successively to each hut, exhausting the available supply. The women served the liquors in huge calabashes. Old men and guests of honor were served first by the host’s closest female relatives. Drinking was always the occasion for riotous merrymaking. Men and women, painted and covered with their more showy ornaments, danced, shouted, whistled, played musical instruments, talked excessively, and brawled. These orgies lasted for 3 or 4 days, during which nobody ate or slept much. RELIGION Supernatural beings.—The supernatural powers, by whom the 7 u1- namba felt themselves surrounded, may be classified into two groups: (1) individualized spirits, generally malevolent, which we may call demons or genii; (2) ghosts. The latter, by far the more numerous, differed from the former in having a much more impersonal nature. 128 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 The demon of Thunder, Tupa, a secondary character in the early myth- ology, had as his main function to go “from east to west causing thunder, lightning, and rain.” After White contact, this simple demon was pro- moted to the rank of the Christian God and as such still survives among the Tupi-speaking Mestizos. The bush was peopled by a number of greatly feared demons, who are still active in the folklore of modern Brazil. The most famous of these were Yurupari, Anan, and Kuru-pira. Yurupari and Anan were syn- onyms, employed respectively by the northern and southern Tupinamba. Missionaries and travelers, however, often confused them with ordinary ghosts; they either refer to them rightly as single demons or use these names collectively to designate the whole host of spirits. Just as Tupa was identified with God, Yurupari was equated to the Devil. The Caboclos of Brazil describe him as a goblin, an ogre that haunts the forests and is generally malicious. The same confusion arose about Afiai, who at one time is called a bush spirit and at another, some ghost. Kuru-pira, scarcely mentioned by the early sources, is the hero of countless tales among the present-day Tupi. He is depicted as a goblin with upturned feet, figures as the protector of game, and is rather ill-disposed toward mankind. Other spirits, such as Makashera, Uaiupia, Taguaigba, Igpupiara, and Mbae-tate (will-o’-the-wisp), are scarcely alluded to in the literature. The world as conceived by the Tupinamba was the abode of innumerable ghosts who could be met everywhere, but especially in the woods, in all dark places, and in the neighborhood of graves. These supernatural beings were often harmful: they caused disease, droughts, and defeat. The Tupinamba often complained of being attacked and tormented by them. Some ghosts took the form of awe-inspiring animals, such as black birds, bats, and salamanders. Others, more tenuous, changed colors. These spirits were particularly obnoxious in the dark but could be driven away by the fire kept burning all night in Tupinamba quarters. No Indian would travel after sunset without a torch or a firebrand lest he be harmed by the evil spirits. So great was their fear of these that they even asked White people to settle in their village in order to keep the spirits in check. Ceremonialism.—Many details point to cults centering around the supernatural beings described above, who were symbolized by small posts sometimes provided with a cross bar from which painted images were suspended. Small offerings, such as feathers, flowers, or perhaps food, were deposited near them. Spirits were also represented by calabashes painted with human features. Such figures often appeared in the cere- monies of shamans, who burned tobacco leaves in them and inhaled the smoke to induce trances. Maize kernels were put in the mouths of these sacred effigies, which had movable jaws so as to imitate mastication. The grains thus consecrated were sown in the fields, and were expected to produce a good crop. The rattles (maracas), which were highly sacred Vol. 3] THE TUPINAMBA—METRAUX 129 objects profusely decorated with paintings and feather tufts, are difficult to differentiate from these idols. There is a single statement that seems to indicate that the Tupinamba also worshiped wax images kept in special huts. Rattles were the accessories of all ceremonial activities (fig. 15), but seem to have been used only if previously consecrated by a shaman, who attracted a helpful spirit into them. Every year the villages were visited by shamans (called pay) endowed with power to cause all the rattling maracas chosen by them to speak and grow so powerful that they could grant whatever was required of them. All rattles were presented to the shamans, who conferred upon them the “power of speech” by fumigating them and uttering charms. Then the shamans exhorted the owners of the rattles to go to war and take prisoners to be devoured, for the “spirits in the rattles craved the flesh of captives.” These rattles, after the ceremony, became sacred objects taboo to women. They were placed in a sort of temple and received offerings of food when asked to grant a favor. The spirits who had taken their abode in the rattles advised their owners and revealed future events to them. After a vic- torious expedition, they were thanked for their assistance. Shamanism.—The intermediaries between the community and the supernatural world were the shamans. All the chiefs or old men were more or less conversant with magic, but only those who had given some evidence of unusual power were regarded as real medicine men. Their reputation depended mainly on the accuracy of their prophecies and the success of their cures. Those who had achieved fame were known as karal or pay-wasu, “great medicine men.” When a man was about to obtain great magical power, he would shun people, go into seclusion, fast, and then return to announce that he had come in close touch with the spirits. The shamans were rain makers, diviners, and, above all, healers. They had at their service a familiar spirit, sometimes in animal shape, who would follow them and even perform menial tasks for them. The medicine men relied on these spirits when requested to accomplish some difficult task, for instance, to gather rain clouds. They also consulted them as to the issue of some important enterprise or about distant events. The shaman sought interviews with the spirits after 9 days of continence, shutting himself up in a secluded cabin and drinking beer prepared by young virgins. Questions were asked the spirits by the community, but the “whistled” answers were given to the shamans. Some medicine men traveled to the land of the spirits, where they had long talks with the dead. Shamans as a rule were men, but a few women could prophesy after they had put themselves into a trance, and some old women, said to be possessed by spirits, practiced medicine. A shaman’s breath was loaded with magic power that was greatly rein- forced with tobacco smoke. Often the shaman was asked to transfer part 130 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 of his “virtue” to the body of some client or disciple. Persons favored in that way started to tremble. General confessions of transgressions were imposed by shamans on women in circumstances that are not explained. Ritual lustrations also were performed by medicine men. / Ficure 15.—Tupinamba shamans wearing feather cloaks and carrying rattles. (After Métraux, 1928 a.) The shamans, once recognized as such, enjoyed considerable prestige, being addressed with respect even by chiefs. Wherever they traveled they were welcomed with fasts and rejoicing. They inspired such fear that nobody dared gainsay them or refuse their requests. Some shamans rose to political power, exercising unchallenged authority in their communities or even in large districts. Medicine.—To cure sick people, shamans resorted to the classic methods of sucking and blowing tobacco smoke over the body of the patient. They extracted objects considered the cause of the ailment. Female shamans removed the disease by sucking a thread which had been put in contact with the patient’s body. Medicinal virtues were attributed to genipa paint, which was used freely for many diseases. Headaches and fevers were treated by scarification. Wounded people were stretched on a barbecue, under which a slow fire was lighted, and roasted until their wounds dried. A great many medicinal herbs are enumerated in early descriptions of Vol. 3] THE TUPINAMBA—METRAUX 131 the Brazilian coast, but it is stated only rarely whether the plants actually were used by the Indians for medical purposes, or whether they had been adopted by early European colonists, who were extremely eager to discover miraculous virtues in the Brazilian flora. Revivalism.—In the years that followed Portuguese colonization of Brazil, the Tupinamba were stirred by religious crises that have some analogy with the revivalistic or messianic movements occurring in other parts of the world, especially among some North American tribes. Prophets or messiahs arose among them promising a golden age in which digging sticks would till the soil by themselves and arrows would kill the game without intervention of hunters. The Indians were assured of im- mortality and eternal youth. The followers of the messiahs gave up their usual activities, dedicated themselves to constant dancing, and even started mass migrations to reach the mythical land of the culture hero. Several of the late Tupinamba migrations were caused by the urge to enter the promised land as soon as possible. The leaders of these religious move- ments were in many cases deified. Certain traits of their personality suggest that they represent a new type of wonder-worker, who had been influenced both by the early traditions of their tribes and by Christian ideas preached to the Indians by the Catholic missionaries. Similar crises oc- curred in modern times among the southern Tupi of Paraguay and Brazil. A comparison between the ancient and the modern messianic outbursts shows remarkable similarities. These beliefs were closely associated with the cosmology. The Tupi- namba established a correlation between the eclipses and the end of the world, which marked the beginning of a new era of peace and happiness. Whenever an eclipse occurred, the men chanted a hymn hailing the mythi- cal “grandfather,” and the women and children moaned, throwing them- selves to the ground in the utmost despair. MYTHOLOGY Important fragments of Tupinamba mythology have come down to us through the French friar, André Thevet (who visited Brazil in 1555). The main characters are represented by a set of culture heroes listed under the names of Monan, Maira-monan, Maira-pochy, Mairata, and Sumé, all of which may well be synonyms for a single figure: the Tamoi or Mythical Grandfather. The culture hero, Monan, though an exalted creator, does not rank strictly as a god because he was not worshiped. Even his creative activities are not all-embracing ; he made “the sky, the earth, the birds, and the animals; but neither the sea nor the clouds” nor, apparently, mankind. Closely associated with him was Maira-monan, who is probably the same Monan with the epithet Maira (Europeans were also called Maira). Thevet calls him the “Transformer” because he was fond of changing 132 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 things according to his fancies. Maira-monan, described as a great medi- cine man living in seclusion and fasting, was a benefactor of mankind, on whom he bestowed agriculture. Tradition has it that he changed him- self into a child who, when beaten, dropped fruits and tubers. According to another version, he initiated a young girl into the practice of agriculture. As a lawgiver he introduced social organization and imposed severe taboos, including the prohibition of eating slow-moving animals. For unknown reasons, ungrateful people plotted his death and, after several unsuc- cessful attempts, burned him on a pyre. The bursting of his head origi- nated Thunder, and the fire of his pyre, Lightning. There is no doubt that Maira-monan and Sumé, who is often mentioned as the originator of agriculture, are the same culture hero. Owing to a vague similarity of name, Sumé was regarded by early missionaries as the fabulous apostle Saint Thomas (S. Tomé), the supposed bringer of Christianity to the Indians long before the discovery of America. Petroglyphs or natural fissures in rocks suggesting footprints were attributed to Saint Thomas and were presented as evidence of his extensive travels. The twin cycle, so common in South American mythology, is closely connected with the personality of the culture hero, Maira. The main episodes of the myth are as follows: Maira deserts his wife, who is pregnant. She sets out in quest of her lost husband and is guided in her journey by the unborn child. Having been refused one of his requests, the child grows angry and remains silent. The mother is lost and arrives at the house of Sarigue (Opossum, subsequently a man), who sleeps with her and makes her pregnant with a second child. Continuing her search for her husband she is misled to the village of Jaguar (also a man), who kills her and throws the twins on a heap of rubbish. They are saved by a woman, who brings them up. They demonstrate their supernatural origin by growing very rapidly and feeding their foster mother abundant game. Remembering, or learning, that Jaguar and his people killed their mother, they take revenge by luring them to the sea and changing them into actual beasts of prey. Then they start again in search of their father. Finally, they find him, but he does not want to acknowledge them as his children before a trial of their origin. He orders them to accomplish difficult tasks. They shoot arrows into the sky and each arrow hits the butt of the other, thus forming a long chain. They pass between two constantly clashing and recoiling rocks. The twin begotten by Opossum is crushed to pieces, but his brother undergoes the ordeal successfully and brings him back to life. The same fate befalls Opossum’s son when he tries to steal the bait of the demon Afian, but again Maira’s son revives him. After they have gone through these several ordeals, both are recognized by Maira as his children. There are two versions of the destruction of the world. The first cata- clysm which befell the earth was a big fire set by Monan, which he himself Vol. 3] THE TUPINAMBA—METRAUX 133 put out by flooding the universe. The flood explains the origin of the rivers and of the sea, which is still salty because of the ashes. Arikut and Tamendonar were brothers. The latter, a peaceful man, was gravely insulted by Arikut, who threw at him the arm of a victim he was devouring. Tamendonar caused a spring to flow so abundantly that the water covered the surface of the earth. Both brothers escaped and repopu- lated the universe. In the cosmogony collected by Thevet, a tale has been incorporated which was and is still very popular among South American Indians (Chiriguano, Mataco, Toba, Uro-Chipaya, Indians of Huarochiri). Maira-pochy (the bad Maira), a powerful medicine man or more probably the culture hero himself, appears in the village disguised as an indigent and dirty man. He makes the daughter of the village chief pregnant by giving her a fish to eat. Later, when all the most handsome men of the region vie with one another to be recognized as the father of the child, the baby hands Maira-pochy a bow and arrows, thus acknowledging him as his father. Maira-pochy shows his supernatural power by raising miraculous crops. He transforms his relatives-in-law into many different animals. LORE AND LEARNING The division of time among the northern Tupinamba was based on the appearance and disappearance of the Pleiades above the horizon. The ripening of cashews was also used for reckoning time. Dates of future events were calculated with knots or beads on a cord. A complete list of the Tupinamba constellations has been recorded by Claude d’Abbeville. Most of them were named after animals. Eclipses were explained as attempts of a celestial jaguar (a red star) to devour the moon. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbeville, 1614; Acufia, 1891; Anchieta, 1846, 1876-77; Ayrosa, 1943; Cardim, 1939; Denis, 1851; Enformagao do Brazil, 1844; Fritz, 1922; Hoehne, 1937; Léry, 1880; Magalhaes de Gandavo, 1922; Métraux, 1927, 1928 a, 1928 b; Nieuhoff, 1682; Pinto, 1935-38; Rocha Pombo, 1905; Soares de Souza, 1851; Staden, 1928 (1557) ; Studart Filho, 1931; Thevet, 1575, 1878 (see also Métraux, 1928 b) ; Vaas de Cam- inha, 1812-13; Vasconcellos, 1865; Yves d’Evreux, 1864, For further Tupinamba references, see Métraux, 1927, 1928 a. » ‘oe re at ' an wee THE GUAJA By Curt NIMUENDAJU HISTORY The Guaja are called Wazaizara (wazai, an ornament of small tufts of feathers stuck with wax in the hair, plus zara, “owner”) by the Guaja- jara and Tembé, and Aiayé by the Amanayé. Guajd is the Neo-Brazilian form of gwaza. The tribe is rarely mentioned in literature. In 1774, Ribeiro de Sampaio (1825, p. 8) mentions the Uaya among the tribes of the lower Tocantins. A list of the tribes existing in 1861 in the region along the road from Imperatriz to Belém mentions the Ayaya as “wild; very few of them are tame, but are timorous and therefore are pursued and killed by the others” (Marques, C. A., 1864). According to the report of F. C. de Araujo Brusque (1862, p. 12), the Uaiara (Guajard) at times appeared on the upper Gurupi River but did not have a fixed residence. The author obtained the following information among the Tembé of the Gurupi in 1913-14 and among the Guajajara in 1929: The Guajd wandered without fixed living places through the jungles between the Capim and upper Gurupi Rivers and between the latter and the Pindaré River, northward to about lat. 3° 40’ S. (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7). In 1910 or 1911 a small group of them committed small thefts in the fields at the mouth of the Gurupi Mirim River. The Tembé tracked them to the headwaters of the Gurupi Mirim. Although armed with powerful bows and arrows, the Guajd there surrendered meekly to their pursuers, who took them to the village. Here the captives soon died of intestinal ills attributed to the Tembé’s cooked and seasoned food. The language of the two tribes was so similar that they understood each other with ease. In 1943, the botanist Ricardo Froes met a group of them on the upper Cart, a left tributary of the Pindaré River. CULTURE The Guajd did not have any agriculture whatever, but at times stole from the plantations of the Tembé, Guajajara, and Urubu. When caught, they were killed or at least beaten and imprisoned. 135 136 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The Guaja built only temporary shelters, or merely camped under trees, sleeping on leaf beds on the ground. Some Guaja bows and arrows were procured in 1913 by a punitive expedition against the then hostile Urubu Indians, who had massacred a Guajaé camp. The weapons were carelessly made but were very large, the bamboo arrowheads being perhaps the largest known. In 1913, the Guaja still used stone axes. BIBLIOGRAPHY Brusque, 1862; Marques, C. A., 1864; Ribeiro de Sampaio, 1825. THE TENETEHARA? By CHARLES WAGLEY AND Epuarpo GALVAO INTRODUCTION The Tupi-Guarani-speaking people of northeastern Brazil, commonly called Guajajara and Tembé, are generally mentioned in the literature as two independent tribes but are really a single group calling them- selves Tenetehara. By this name they distinguish themselves from the Urubu (also Tupi-Guarani), the Timbira (Ge), and the Neo-Brazilians of the same region. The Guajajara-Tenetehara (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7) inhabit the region drained by the Mearim, Grajau, and Pindaré Rivers in the state of Maranhao (lat. 3°-5° S., long. 4°-6° W.); the Tembé- Tenetehara (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7) live along the Gurupi, Guama, and Capim Rivers in the State of Para (lat. 2°-3° S., long. 7°- 9° W.). The Guajajara-Tenetehara now number more than 2,000, but the Tembé-Tenetehara are estimated at only 350 to 400. For convenience, we shall refer to these people by the name they give themselves, Tenete- hara, rather than by the tribal names, Guajajara and Tembé, by which they are best known in the literature. No important differences of culture or language are known to exist between the Tembé-Tenetehara of the State of Para and the Guajajara-Tenetehara of the State of Maranhiao. The region inhabited by the Tenctehara is dense tropical rain forest rich in hardwoods, rubber, copaiba (Copaifera sp.), and various palms, especially the babassi palm (Orbignya sp.), whose leaves and nuts are so important in Tenetehara economic life. There is little seasonal varia- tion in temperature in the region, yet there are two definite seasons: the rainy season lasting from December through June, and a dry season from July through November. The present summary is based on field work done by the authors for 5 months during 1941-42. 1 The field research on which this article is based was made possible by the Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. 137 138 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 HISTORY The Tenetehara seem to have inhabited this general region since pre-Columbian times, and they have been in contact with western culture in one form or another for more than 300 years. As early as 1615, an expedition led by La Ravardiére on the upper Pindaré River encountered Indians whom he called Pinariens and who were probably Tenetehara (Guajajara) (Métraux, 1928 a). One year later, Bento Maciel Parente speaks of killing many Tenetehara (Guajajara) when he traveled up the Pindaré River with 45 Portuguese soldiers and 90 Indian followers (probably Tupinamba) in search of gold. In the middle 17th century, the Jesuits made three separate expeditions up the Pindaré River for the purpose of bringing Tenetehara down the river and placing them in mission villages on the Island of Maranhao. Two expeditions, one led by Father Francisco Velloso and Father José Soares, and the second led by the Jesuit Superior, Manoel Nunes, in the middle of the 17th century, were partially successful and founded several mission villages on the lower Pindaré, among them Itaquy. The third expedition, led by the Jesuit José Maria Garconi, returned with a large number of Tenetehara and placed them in the mission village called Cajupé on the lower Pindaré. Later, however, when the Jesuits moved their mission village farther down river to Maracu (the present town of Vianna), the majority of these missionized Tenetehara returned to the upper Pindaré in fear of their enemies, the Gamela. In consequence, the Jesuits established a new mission on the upper Pindaré at the mouth of the Cartti River. Besides these religious missions, however, it is probable that the Tenetehara were in contact with Portuguese adventurers who wandered in this general region hunting Indians as slaves. By the middle 18th century, the Tenetehara are mentioned as inhabiting also the Grajat and Mearim Rivers, west of the Pindaré. At the same time Gustavo Dodt mentions them (Tembé) along the banks of the Gurupi River. In 1840 the pro- vincial government of Maranhio established the Colony of Sao Pedro do Pindaré for the Indians of the region, with but little success. The Colony of Januario, estab- lished higher up the Pindaré in 1854, was more successful, having a population of 120 Tenetehara almost 20 years later. From the last half of the 19th century until the present, there has been a steady advance of Neo-Brazilians into Tenetehara territory, especially along the courses of the Mearim and Grajat Rivers. Except for several sporadic uprisings, the Tenetehara have always lived at peace with Neo-Brazilians, and there has been a mutual interchange of culture within the region. Today iron tools, clothes, myths of Iberian and African origin, and many other elements of frontier Neo-Brazilian culture are integrated elements in Tenetehara life. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Farming.—Like the extinct coastal Tupi groups, the Tenetehara are extensive agriculturists. They cultivate principally maize, both bitter and sweet manioc, cara, (Dioscorea sp.), squash, peanuts, beans, and bananas. At present, they also have large plantations of rice, which they raise pri- marily to sell to their Neo-Brazilian neighbors. Annually from July to November, great areas of forest are cleared for gardens, and the dry vegetation is burned toward the end of November. The gardens are planted throughout December. All Tenetehara use steel axes, hoes, and bush knives obtained by trade from Neo-Brazilians. Piatra 13.—Tenetehara boys. Top: Boys dressed for puberty ceremony. Bottom, left: Boy decorated for puberty ceremony. His father led the song and his mother danced. Bottom, right: Portrait of young man. (Courtesy Charles Wagley.) PuatE 14.—Tenetehara women and shaman. Top, left: Girl just before puberty ceremony. Top, right: Woman and child. Bottom, left: Shaman possessed by familiar spirit. Bottom, right: Shaman smoking long tobacco cigar and holding in his hand an object drawn from a sick patient. (Courtesy Charles Wagley.) Vol. 3] THE TENETEHARA—WAGLEY AND GALVAO 139 Formerly, only women planted and harvested cotton and peanuts, while the cultivation of manioc, maize, and other plants was the exclusive occupation of the men. Today, however, men plant the entire garden, including cotton and peanuts, and women help now and again in light garden tasks. Similarly, the preparation of manioc flour and the carrying of drinking water were exclusively female tasks which a man would have been ashamed to perform; at present both sexes perform them equally. Gardens are said to be individually owned, yet most commonly an older man makes a garden aided by his real and adopted sons, his nephews, and his sons-in-law. The garden, while used by all in common, is said to be the individual property of the head of the family. Wild foods.—Hunting is practiced not only to add meat to a basically vegetarian diet, but also to collect animal skins for sale to Neo-Brazilian traders. Tapir (Tapirus terrestris), deer, both the white-lipped and col- lared peccary, monkeys, agouti (Dasyprocta, gen.), and various forest fowls are the principal animals hunted. Peccary hides bring especially good prices at Neo-Brazilian villages, and the Tenetehara use the money to buy trade goods, such as clothes, salt, and gunpowder. Today the favorite means of hunting is with muzzle-loading shotguns. Yet, lacking money with which to buy guns, many men of each village still hunt with the bow and arrow. Fishing is done by ordinary hook and line acquired from Neo-Brazilians. Fishing by poisoning drying pools with timbo (Serjania sp.) is known but seldom practiced. Collecting babasst palm nuts and copaiba oil has acquired extreme 1m- portance in modern Tenetehara economic life, especially on the Mearim, Grajau, and Pindaré Rivers. These products, like rice and furs, can be sold in order to buy manufactured articles, such as clothes, guns, fish- hooks, and salt. HOUSES AND VILLAGES At present, the Tenetehara houses in the Pindaré and Grajat. River regions have a rectangular floor plan with hip-roofs. Both walls and roofs are covered with babassi palm leaves. This house form is perhaps Neo-Brazilian, yet people do not remember any other type. In 1924 E. H. Snethlage (1931) found the Tenetehara houses on the middle Mearim River of the same type as those of the Neo-Brazilians of the region, and even in the last century, Gustavo Dodt described Tenetehara (Tembé) houses on the Gurupi River as straw-roofed with clay adobe walls (Dodt, 1873, p. 194), definitely of Neo-Brazilian type. Snethlage speaks of houses covered with bark, but considered this type of roof temporary, explaining its use by the lack of palm leaves in certain districts. A village generally has two rows of houses with a wide street between them. Larger villages may have three, four, or more rows. The size of 653333—47—12 140 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 Tenetehara villages varies greatly. According to a recent census made by the Servico de Proteccao aos Indios, the villages of the Pindaré and Grajai ranged from 35 to more than 800 persons each. Houses are generally occupied by a matrilineal extended family, although many hold only a simple family (man, wife, and young children). Extended family residences are not subdivided by inner walls, but each simple family uses a portion of the house space, having its separate cooking fire around which it hangs its sleeping hammocks. Gourds filled with drinking water, baskets with manioc flour, metal utensils, and other belongings are hung on the upright supports against the walls. Sometimes high platforms are made near the roof for the storage of maize, manioc, hides, farming instru- ments, etc. Snethlage (1931) saw a large ceremonial house, which was much larger than the dwellings in the village of Colonia on the Mearim River. It was situated at the end of the village street. On the Pindaré River, the cere- monial house is no longer erected, but formerly it was built for the Honey Feast (see p. 146) and destroyed afterward. It seems to have been but a larger shelter without walls, in which both men and women danced. CLOTHING Formerly, the Tenetehara were nude. Men tied the prepuce over the glans penis with a piece of palm fiber (Lago, 1822, p. 85). Today they have adopted clothes from the Neo-Brazilians ; women always wear skirts and men wear shirts and pants, only occasionally stripping down to a loin- cloth for heavy work in the gardens. It is now a matter of prestige to have new or better clothes than other people. MANUFACTURES Basketry.—Basketry is still woven by the Tenetehara, especially in the villages of the upper Pindaré River. A split flexible creeper is used prin- cipally. Round sieves for straining manioc flour, square baskets with woven geometric designs, and the flexible tipiti for squeezing the poisonous juice from bitter manioc are the most common objects of this class. Weaving.—Native cotton is used almost entirely for string hammocks. The string is wound horizontally around two vertical posts driven into the ground ; double vertical strands are twined at a distance of about 214 inches (7.5 cm.) apart. Gourds.—Eating utensils are made from round gourds. The gourds are first boiled, then allowed to dry thoroughly, cut in half, and the in- terior mass scraped out. The interior is stained black with genipa and frequently the outside is decorated geometrically with incisions or lines of black genipa dye. Frequently, only a hole is cut in a gourd, and it is used as a jug for drinking water or wild honey. Vol. 3] THE TENETEHARA—WAGLEY AND GALVAO 141 Ceramics.—The pottery which Snethlage noted in 1924 (Snethlage, 1931) was simple and generally undecorated, but some vessels had incised designs. Today pottery making has been completely abandoned, at least on the Pindaré and Grajatt Rivers. The Tenctehara use metal utensils purchased from Neo-Brazilians. Weapons.—Bows average 3 feet (1 m.) in length; the belly is convex, the inside flat. Bows are generally made of pau d’arco wood (Tecoma conspicua), and the bowstring of twined tucum (Bactris sp.) fibers. Arrows are comparatively short, averaging only about 3 feet (1 m.) in length. Nowadays they have steel points made from old bush knives and bits of metal purchased from Neo-Brazilians and worked cold. Arrow shafts are of reed (Gynerium sagittatum, a grass). SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Each Tenetehara village is politically autonomous. Inter-village rela- tions are maintained by means of visits for ceremonials and for trade, and by intermarriages. Since the time of the Jesuits, each village has had a secular chief (capitao in Portuguese) appointed by some authority outside the tribe (e.g., Jesuit missionaries, the Colonial, Imperial, and Republican Governments, and at present the Servico de Proteccao aos Indios). In general, this chief is only an intermediary between the Indians and the Neo-Brazilians. He is gener- ally but one of several leaders or heads of the extended families which make up a village. However, the respect that he is accorded by outsiders frequently increases his prestige in the eyes of the villagers. Each family leader unites about him a large number of kin, either in his own house or in contiguous houses. He may have several young men living with him whom he calls “son” and as many young women whom he calls “daughter”? (own daughters, real or classificatory brother’s daughter, or wife’s real or classificatory sister’s daughter) as possible. Because marriage is matrilocal and sons-in-law must work in the gardens of their fathers-in-law at least for a year or two, these “daughters” attract followers for the family leader. According to his individual capacity, the family leader attracts large extended families more or less permanently around him. Extended family groups cooperatively plant large gardens. Frequently, the leader sells all marketable products, such as skins, rice, and babassu, produced by the entire group, and proportions the results of the sales among the individual families. A village generally has four, five, or more extended families and their leaders, who while not constituting a formal village council, ultimately decide public questions. 142 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 LIFE CYCLE Childbirth.—During his wife’s pregnancy, a Tenetehara man must observe elaborate restrictions in his diet and in his hunting activities. He may not kill or eat jaguars, falcons (Falconoidea), ant eaters (Tamandua tetradactyla), wildcats, parrots, or various other animals and forest fowls. The purpose of these taboos is to protect the fetus from the “spirit” of the animal killed or eaten. This “spirit” (piwara) enters the unborn child, either causing physical abnormalities or giving it some undesirable attribute of the animal. For example, the spirit of the enormous beaked toucan (Ramphastos toco) may cause the child to be born with a large nose; the father who kills a jaguar during his wife’s pregnancy may expect to have an insane child. A new series of taboos begins for both parents at childbirth. Sexual relations are prohibited for parents until the “child is hard,” that is, until it begins to have some control over its muscles, 5 or 6 months after the birth. For a week to 10 days, both parents may eat only manioc flour, small fish, and roast maize, and must drink only warmed water. Until the child is weaned, certain meats, such as macaw, white-lipped peccary, and tapir are forbidden to both parents. Breaking any of these taboos arrests the development of the infant and may cause its death. Puberty.—Formerly, adolescents of both sexes were isolated for 10 days or more in separate huts built especially for the occasion. On the 10th morning, entrails of the agouti were stretched across the door of the hut, and the adolescent had to break these in order to leave. Today boys are seldom isolated at all before their puberty ceremony, and girls may be isolated only by a palm-leaf screen within the family dwelling or they may simply lie in their hammocks in one corner of the room. Even today the girl ends her isolation by breaking the entrails of the agouti stretched across the door, and is chased by the young men of the village when she runs to the stream or pool for a bath. Formerly, a father examined his son’s penis after the isolation period, and, if there were signs of masturbation, the boy was whipped with a vine rope. The puberty ceremony is for both sexes (see pls. 13, 14). Boys are painted red with genipa, and falcon breast feathers are glued on their breasts and arms (pl. 13). Frequently, the boys carry a wand consisting of about 30 to 40 tail feathers from the red macaw stuck into a wooden handle. Girls are simply painted black over their entire bodies and some- times white falcon breast feathers are glued to their hair. The puberty ceremony begins at dawn and lasts 24 hours. It consists mainly of general singing and dancing led by the grandfather of one of the adolescents. Shamans play an important role, calling their familiar spirits and falling into trances under the influence of the spirits (see p. 147). At dawn, after the night of group singing everyone feasts on Vol. 3] THE TENETEHARA—WAGLEY AND GALVAO 143 large quantities of meat, the result of hunting during previous days by all men of the village. At this time the young people are formally given permission to eat of such meats as peccary, guariba monkey, wild goose, and various forest fowls, all of which until now were prohibited to them. Because of this feast, the Neo-Brazilians of the region call the Tenetehara puberty ceremony the Festival of Roasted Meat (Festa de Moqueado). Marriage.—Marriage takes two general forms: Frequently, a young man marries a preadolescent girl, moving to her parents’ house and waiting until after her puberty ceremony to consummate the marriage; or a girl’s father finds her a husband after her puberty ceremony. In either case, residence for the couple is matrilocal for at least a year after sexual rela- tions begin and generally until the birth of a child. There seem not to be any special marriage ceremonies. After becoming a parent, a young man of initiative may break away from his father-in-law and set up his own household. Monogamy is the general rule, yet there are cases of family leaders with two and even three wives. In such cases, the wives are usually close rela- tives; in several instances, they were a widow and her daughter by a previous marriage. Death.—Antonio Pereira do Lago, writing in the 19th century, reports that the Tenetehara buried their dead in the family dwelling, and that the house was destroyed when a second death occurred. At present, burial is in a cemetery, always just outside the village; the body is wrapped in a mat made of babasst palm (Orbignya sp.) leaves, or it may be placed in a wooden box similar to that used by local Neo-Brazilians. A low roofed shelter is frequently built over the grave; such grave shelters were noted by Dodt on the Gurupi in the last century. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Art.—Native art forms are represented today only by a few items, such as decorated basketwork, incised and painted gourd receptacles, and feather head bands. Wands are made by sticking innumerable tail feathers of the red macaw into a wooden handle. Music.—The Tenetehara are very fond of music. They have not only retained their native music, but have borrowed the Neo-Brazilian music of the region. Singing native songs, however, is still the most popular pastime and the outstanding esthetic of the Tenetehara. There are fre- quent informal reunions called zingareté (to sing much) in the evenings throughout the year, when people sing secular songs for recreation. Such songs last for the greater part of the night, people leaving and joining the group from time to time. Ceremonies are basically singing festivals and each has its particular set of songs. To sing such ceremonial songs out of season would bring supernatural reprisal. The songs of the Honey 144 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Festival are considered the most beautiful by the Tenetehara. They are believed to have been learned in mythological times by a young Tenetehara shaman when he visited a festival of the animals at the Village of the Jaguar; the songs are those sung by individual animals on that occasion. Shamans are obliged to have a large repertoire of songs; a group of songs is attributed to each supernatural being, and the shaman must know those of his familiar spirits. A good voice is a prerequisite for shamanism. At shamanistic sessions (p. 147), the shaman sings as he “calls” the spirit, and the spirit sings through him after he is possessed (pl. 14, bottom, left) ; the audience joins the shaman in the refrain of the songs. Shaman- istic sessions are well attended, because they give people a chance to come together to sing. In all group singing both men and women sing, the latter in a higher key, much as among the Tapirapé and as described for the Tupinamba. Musical instruments.—Gourd rattles always accompany singing, but they are not sacred, as among the coastal Tupi. A trumpet with a bamboo stem and a cow’s horn resonator is used during the Honey Festival ; during aboriginal times, a gourd resonator was used in place of the cow’s horn. Dancing.—Frequently, during informal singing, the Tenetehara keep time to the music by stamping with one foot on the ground. During lively shamanistic sessions and during ceremonies, both sexes dance. Com- monly, they simply stamp in one spot, with a heavy beat on one foot. During the Maize Festival, they move in a large circle with a skipping step; on other occasions, a line of men faces a line of women and the two lines advance and retreat from each other. A possessed shaman dances in a manner indicative of the supernatural possessing him; for example, when possessed by the guariba monkey spirit, he postures in imitation of the monkey, and when possessed by the toad spirit, he hops about like a toad. The Tenetehara also frequently hold Neo-Brazilian dances, when men and women dance in couples to waltzes, “sambas,” and local folk tunes. For these dances, many young Tenetehara have learned to play bamboo flutes and skin drums. Sometimes a Neo-Brazilian is hired to play the accordion for dancing. Games.—No aboriginal games were noted among the Tenetehara. Boys play tops and marbles in the same manner as the Neo-Brazilian children of the region. Narcoties.—Hashish (Cannabis indica), or diamba, as it is called locally, is in widespread use in the region of the Pindaré, Mearim, and Grajat Rivers, both by the Tenetehara and Neo-Brazilians. On the Pindaré River, it is used in long cigarettes made from leaves of the plant rolled in a thin sheet of bark of tawari tree (Couratari sp.). Native tobacco plays an important role in Tenetehara religious life, being used by the shamans in the treatment of illness and in all their Vol. 3] THE TENETEHARA—WAGLEY AND GALVAO 145 other activities (pl. 14, bottom, right). It is smoked in long funnellike cigars, about 12 inches (30 cm.) long, wrapped in cane bark. Smoking of tobacco or hashish is also a general pastime. There are no indications that the Tenetehara have known any alcoholic beverages other than those which they now purchase from the Neo- Brazilians. RELIGION Tenetehara supernatural beings (karowara, their generic name) may be conveniently divided into three groups: culture heroes, forest spirits, and ghosts, the last being spirits of the dead and spirits of animals. All except the culture heroes are malignant and make the world so generally dangerous that the Indians must constantly have recourse to their shamans for protection. Culture heroes.—T enetehara culture heroes are not active supernatural beings in their modern relations to mankind, but in myths they are culture bringers and creators. (See Mythology, p. 147.) Among them, Maira and Tupan are the principal creators of culture. It is quite possible, however, that the importance of Tupan has been overemphasized by mis- sionaries who identified him throughout Brazil with the Christian God. Tupan was simply the “demon of Thunder” among the coastal Tupi (Métraux, 1928 b). Forest spirits——Maranatiwa is the owner of the forest and of the animals inhabiting it, especially of white-lipped peccaries, and he punishes Tenetehara men who needlessly and wantonly kill this species. Maranatiwa may be identified as Corropira or Kuri-pira of other Tupi groups and of Neo-Brazilian folklore. Uwan, the spirit which controls the rivers and water life, is given two other descriptive names: Upére (ti, water; pore, inhabitant) and Uzare (ui, water; zare, owner). This supernatural being is identified by local Neo-Brazilians as the “Mother of Water,” a character of Brazilian folk- lore. Uwan is described by the Tenetehara as a spirit who is always malignant, and who causes illness. Zurupari is a forest demon which attracts hunters and leads them astray until they are lost and then kills them. This spirit corresponds to Yurupari, or Zurupari, of Neo-Brazilian folklore. Ghosts.—Wandering ghosts (azang) are the souls of people who died from sorcery, who broke incest taboos during their life, or who died by slowly wasting away. The modern Tenetehara explain that the souls of people who die by other means go to the “home of Tupan,” a Christian explanation. The azang wander through the forests or near the cemeteries and abandoned houses. They can transform themselves into animals which appear to hunters, frightening them and causing them to lose arrows shot 146 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 at them by mistake. The Tenetehara are very frightened of azang, espe- cially at night ; they always avoid passing near a cemetery or an abandoned house. The spirits of dead animals (piwara) mainly enforce restrictions on diet and on hunting, such as those imposed upon a man during his wife’s pregnancy and his child’s early infancy and upon preadolescent children. If a father of a young child, for example, kills a macaw, the spirit of the macaw may make the child ill if he is not treated by a shaman sufficiently strong to control this spirit. Deer, monkeys, forest fowls, toads, tapirs, and many other animals have such spirits. CEREMONIALS Besides the puberty rites, two ceremonies are still held by the Tenetehara of the Pindaré and Grajat' River region: The Honey Festival (zemuci- hawo and the Maize Festival (awaciwahuhawo). The first takes place during the dry season, and the second accompanies the growth of maize during the rains from January through March. The Maize Festival is basically a song feast and dance, which provides a background for shaman- istic performances. Shamans invoke their familiar spirits in order to protect the growing maize. The Honey Festival takes place during the last days of the dry season and lasts but a few days. Preparations for it, however, require months, because the Tenetehara must collect wild honey for it throughout the dry season. Generally, 20 to 30 gourd containers, each holding one to two liters of honey, must be filled. Each night or so during these months, the people of the village gather and sing ‘‘to bless the honey.” Formerly, the containers of honey were hung to the rafters of a special ceremonial house built for the occasion; nowadays, they are stored in any available empty house. When sufficient honey has been collected, the leader of the ceremony sends out invitations to nearby villages. During the ceremony, the Tenetehara dance in a large circle. The songs refer to the original honey feast held by animals in mythical times (Nimuendaju, 1915). The honey is mixed with water and consumed by the dancers; when the honey is gone, the ceremony terminates. SHAMANISM In spite of more than 300 years of sporadic contact with missionaries, shamanism continues to be a very active element of Tenetehara religious life. In fact, with the decline of native ceremonial life under Neo-Brazilian influence, the activities of the shamans (pazé) absorb most of modern Tenetehara religious activity. Like the Tupinamba shaman, pay, the Tenetehara pazé is a man of great prestige in his community. At present, each village has no less than two or three shamans and some large villages Vol. 3] THE TENETEHARA—WAGLEY AND GALVAO 147 have six or seven; in addition, numerous young men are learning the art. There are few Tenetehara who do not attempt during their youth to become shamans. Tenetehara shamans cure illness by removing the disease-causing objects through sucking or massaging (pl. 14, bottom, right). During the cure, the shaman dances and sings, beating time with a rattle and calling his familiar spirits. Men and women of the village join him in the chorus. Now and again, he gulps and swallows smoke from his large tubular cigar, eventually becoming definitely intoxicated. Suddenly, he staggers backward, grasping his chest to show that his spirit has possessed him. A shaman must be able “to call” (be possessed by) the same piwara, or spirit, that has caused the illness in order to be able to extract the object. He approaches the patient and sucks or massages out the extraneous object (timae), i. e., a piece of stone, bone, or wood. A shaman shows by his actions which spirit has possessed him (pl. 14, bottom, left). If it is a deer spirit (aropoha piwara), he may eat manioc leaves; if ghosts (azang), he drinks uncooked tapioca flour mixed with water; and if any familiar spirit, he frequently rubs the lighted end of his cigar over his bare chest and arms without being burned. Several informants told of Tenetehara shamans who swallow burning coals from a fire while possessed by the spirit of the kururu toad (Bufo sp.). Sneth- lage (1927, p. 132) also observed this. On occasions, the familiar spirit is “too strong” for a shaman, and he falls unconscious, remaining extended upon the ground for an hour or more until the spirit leaves him. The power of a Tenetehara shaman depends upon the number of familiar spirits he can “call.” Commonly, shamans have five or six such familiar spirits. Because tiwan, the owner of water, frequently causes illness, this spirit is most frequently called in cures. At present, on the Pindaré River, there are no shamans who count among their familiar spirits the toad spirit (kurura piwara), the forest demon, Maranaiiwa, or the jaguar spirit (zawara piwara). So powerful are these three spirits that no modern shamans dare “call” them. A shaman spends many years learning “to call” his various familiar spirits by singing and acquiring the power to withstand them when possessed. He sometimes visits many villages to learn from other shamans and to acquire a larger number of familiar spirits. MYTHOLOGY In Tenetehara mythology, two culture heroes stand out, Tupan and Maira. The figure of Tupan has probably been emphasized by missionary influence; he appears as a creator and protector. Maira, however, is clearly a native culture creator. He is the donor of fire, which he stole from the vultures, hiding it in a stick of uructt wood so that the Tenete- hara might use this soft wood to make fire. Maira also brought manioc 148 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 and maize to the Tenetehara. Maira was the father of the Maira-iira, who was born after his father had abandoned his mother. While wander- ing in search of Maira, her husband, this woman conceived a second time when she stayed one night in the house of Mukwtra. From these two unions were born the twins Maira-iira (tira, son) and Mukwira- ura. ter, ———— ms 5 =e. “A baal une nh) Ficure 22.—Carajd burial. (Redrawn from Ehrenreich, 1891 b, fig. 16) WARFARE The Caraja are good fighters and have maintained themselves since prehistoric times in a territory surrounded on all sides by warlike enemies. Their usual tactics are waiting outside an enemy village at night and attacking at dawn. In defense, they run to the nearest water, where they are unbeatable. They use the bow and arrow and club, and are skilled wrestlers. They cut off a foot bone of a dead enemy and carry it back to their village; this places them in control of the ghost, who now be- comes a caretaker of the village and is impersonated in a special dry- season ceremony. At one such ceremony there were two Tapirapé ghosts, three Chavante, one Cayapd, and one Neo-Brazilian. Present-day war- fare is largely with the Chavante, the Cayapo, and the Canoeiro. Now and then a Neo-Brazilian may be killed by stealth to avenge a personal grievance. No captives are taken except women and small children, who are treated as full members of the group. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Art.—Decorative art is confined to woven designs on baskets and mats, feather ornaments, elaborate masks with superimposed feather designs, Vol. 3] THE CARAJA—LIPKIND 189 J. Anglin Figure 23.—Carajdé wax and clay dolls. (Redrawn from Ehrenreich, 1891 b, pl. 12.) 190 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 148 small clay dolls (fig. 23), delicately carved clubs, body paint designs, and a little painting and incising of pottery. Ficure 24.—Carajd masks. (Redrawn from Ehrenreich, 1891 b, figs. 18, 22.) Music and dances.—The major art of the Carajd is music. A large number of elaborate dances with complex songs, each dance having a separate song style, make up the chief body of the music. These are all religious. In addition, there are some secular dances, and songs are interspersed in the tales. Musical instruments are very few, there being only a rattle accompanying the singers and a small flute which is used as a toy. Vol. 3] THE CARAJA—LIPKIND 191 Games.—Of numerous games, the most important is a formal wrestling match which is an indispensable part of most religious ceremonies and of all intervillage visits. Narcotics and stimulants.—Like the other tribes in this region, the Caraja have no alcoholic beverages. They smoke tobacco in short cylindri- cal pipes (fig. 21, c). They are heavy smokers, some of the children beginning before they are weaned. SUPERNATURALISM Cults.—Carajd religion consists of two distinct cults: a cult of the dead and a mask cult (fig. 24). The cult of the dead, which is under the direction of the priest, has for its object the placation of ghosts by a periodical ceremonial which comes to its climax in several large calendrical feasts. The most important of these feasts is the Big House Feast, which is celebrated shortly after the beginning of the rainy season. All the villages which comprise a ceremonial unit come to the one village where the feast is conducted. There is a great mass of ceremonial addressed to various classes of ghosts, but the central portion of the ceremony is the impersonation of animal ghosts. Another important feast, already mentioned, occurs at the height of the dry season and is directed toward the control of enemy ghosts. Two other feasts held in the dry season are chiefly for the entertainment of the ancestors. The mask cult is concerned with the worship of another class of supernaturals. It consists of an elaborate routine of feasts, interrupted only by death. In these feasts, conducted by the shaman, the super- naturals are impersonated in the complex dances mentioned above. The two cults are independent of each other and are both strictly men’s cults. Any women intruding upon the secrets of the cults is sub- jected to gang rape and remains a wanton thereafter. Shamanism.—A shaman is trained by apprenticeship to an older shaman. A certain amount of medical lore is taught but the essence of the training is learning how to communicate with supernaturals in a state of trance. There is a considerable amount of sorcery. The main technique is bottling a supernatural being into a small image and then directing it into the body of the victim. As almost all deaths are interpreted as the result of sorcery, feuding is continual. BIBLIOGRAPHY Castlenau, 1850-59; Ehrenreich, 1891 b; Krause, 1911. i a i Pr Bn : Ah hey RRS fi A H THE TURIWARA AND ARUA By Curt NIMUENDAJU THE TURIWARA LANGUAGE, TERRITORY, AND HISTORY Turiwara (“those of the Turi’”—the meaning of Turi is unknown) is the name used by this tribe and by the Tembé (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7). The Amanayé say Turiwa or Turiwa. The Turiwara language is a Tupian dialect of the He- group, and scarcely differs from the Urubu dialect, which has suggested the possi- bility that the two tribes are local divisions of one people. That there is a river named Tury in the present habitat of the Urubu, and that an Urubu group is called “Turiwara” is no proof of this possibility. Be- cause the Urubui migrated to the Tury River, from Maranhio, only at the beginning of the 20th century, whereas the Turiwara had left Maranhao half a century earlier, the Urubu band named Turiwara can have no connection with the Turiwara tribe. The first record of the Turiwara language is a list of personal names and their explanations compiled by Meerwarth (1904), who, however, confused forms of the Lingua Geral with those of the Turiwara dialect. The only published vocabulary consists of 103 words (Nimuendaju, 1914 c). In the 18th century, a tribe named Turiwara was noted on the lower Tocantins (Ribeiro de Sampaio, 1812, p. 8; Villa Real, 1848, p. 431). (Lat. 4°S., long. 48°W.) It spoke Tupian, judging by the names of their two chiefs in 1793: Tatahi (tata-i, “little fire’) and Areuanajii (arawana = a fish, Ichnosoma sp. + yu, suffix for persons’ names). According to Tembé tradition, the Turiwara crossed the Gurupi River from the present State of Maranhao shortly after the Tembé, probably between 1840 and 1850. In 1862, they lived in three villages on the Capim River below the Acarajugaua Rapids: Suacupepora with 30 persons, Cauaxy with 15, and Cariucaua with 60. In 1871, the Pracateua Mission (Assumpcao) was founded on the Capim River with 500 (600?) Tembé and Turiwara. The following year, the murder of the missionary to the Amanayé put an end to the Christianization (see p. 200). (Cunha, 1852, p. 82; Brusque, 1862, p. 12; Cruz, 1874, p. 47; Souza Franco, 1842.) This evidently prompted the Turiwara to move from the Capim River mission to the Acara Grande River, where, in 1868, a large part of the tribe had already been established near Miritipirange (Gama Malcher, 1878, p. 102). In 1885, there were 100 Turiwara here, and 71 more on the left bank of the Acara Pequeno (Baena, 1885, p. 28). In 193 194 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 1899, Meerwarth (1904), the sole source of ethnographic information about the Turiwara, visited the tribe on the Acara Grande River. They lived then in 8 places below the Grande Rapids. In 1914, they numbered about 100, and all were on the Acara Grande. In 1942, only 14 survived (Arquivos da Inspectoria do Servigo de Proteccado aos Indios). The Turiwara were, according to Meerwarth, visited from time to time by mer- chants (regatdes), mostly Portuguese, traveling in canoes. The merchants cheated the Indians outlandishly (Meerwarth, 1904). CULTURE Farming.—Manioc, cotton, urucu, and some bananas and oranges were cultivated. Houses.—The house was a long, rectangular building with gabled roof and ridge pole. It had no walls. Clothing.—The Turiwara wore clothes of civilized origin, but most of the time they went about with the upper portion of their bodies unclothed. Transportation.—Houses were connected by overland paths. For river travel, the Turiwara had dugout canoes of the “casco” type, which were hollowed and the side walls spread more widely apart by heating inside and out over a fire and stretching. This is also the Neo-Brazilian type. Some canoes had shields fore and aft. The paddle had a crutch handle. Manufactures.—Meerwarth (1904) lists manufactured objects: Pans for flour making, baskets woven of timbo, carrying baskets woven of liana with straps for hanging from the head and other straps for hanging from the shoulders, painted and unpainted pottery, beautiful hammocks of cotton dyed with uruct, gourds (Lagenaria) for holding water and others for beverages, braziers which at night they put under their hammocks for warmth, bows and arrows for fishing, rifles for hunting, bush knives, and iron axes. The women made the hammocks and pottery. The men hunted, fished, helped with flour making, and cut wood. Social Usages.—The Turiwara were monogamous, though a chief for- merly had several wives. A girl’s father or, if she had no father, her older relatives gave her in marriage without consulting her wishes. The Turiwara practiced the couvade. Meerwarth (1904) lists a series of men’s and women’s names which, without exception, were nicknames, not true surnames, and referred to the person’s favorite food or to some amusing physical or mental peculiarity. Accompanied by loud monotonous singing and the music of taboca flutes and clarinets (toré) made of the trunk of Cecropia, groups of Turiwara danced slowly, always singing the same refrain. BIBLIOGRAPHY See Amanayé bibliography, page 202. Vol. 3] THE TURIWARA AND ARUA—NIMUENDAJU 195 THE ARUA TERRITORY, LANGUAGE, AND HISTORY In the 17th century, the Arudé (Arouen, Aroua) occupied the north- eastern part of Marajo Island (for Marajo archeology, see this volume, pp. 153-159), the islands of the estuary of the Amazon including Caviana, and perhaps part of the mainland on the left bank of the estuary. Later, they withdrew in part to Brazilian Guiana and the adjacent region of French Guiana. This zone consists almost entirely of lakes and flood- lands. Vifiaza (1892) mentions no less than seven works in and on the Arua language, written in the 18th century. Fr. Joaquim da Conceicgao wrote two religious texts; Fr. Joao de Jesus, a religious text and a grammar; and Fr. Boaventura de Santo Antonio, a grammar. All these have been lost. In 1877 in the village of Afua (Maraj6), Penna (1881) compiled a vocabulary given by the last Arua of the place, a shaman of about 75. Penna thought the language was Cariban, but it is clearly Arawakan, though quite different from that of the true Arawak of the Guiana Coast and of the Palicur. In 1926 on the Uaca River, the present author found no one who spoke the Arua language. Two old Indians, however, gave a list of 30 vocables. O’Brian del Carpio (ms.), who entered the estuary of the Amazon in 1621, was the first to mention the name Arud. On Sipinipoco Island (i.e., Sapanapok or Caviana, or else one of the adjacent islands?) he learned the language which “they themselves called Arrua.” Laet’s map (1899) made 4 years later is the first to record an Arouen Island (i.e., Curua or another one near it?). At the same time, Des Forest (1899) mentions near Cabo do Norte several Arouen villages of “Indians who wear their hair long like women.” Later writings and maps distinguish Joanes Island (i.e., Marajo) and the Aruans Island or Islands. The Arua appeared for the first time in the history of Marajo in 1643 when a ship was wrecked on the Para River. Father Luiz Figueira and other passengers reached the coast of Marajd, where they were killed and devoured by the Arud (Moraes, 1860). Berredo (1905, 2:66), how- ever, who likes to emphasize the “barbarity and ferocity” of the Indians, states that Figueira and others were drowned, and that nine others reached Marajé Island, where six of them were killed, but he does not say eaten, by the Arua. It seems that the Arua and the other tribes on Marajé Island were always hostile to the Portuguese of Belém, although they maintained friendly relations and commerce through the estuary of the Amazon with other nations, especially the Dutch. Father Antonio Vieira (1735-46, 1:135-136) emphasizes several times that the blame for this hostility lay with the Portuguese. By 1654, the Arua and “Nheengayba” threatened the vicinity of the city of Belém itself (Berredo 1905, 2:95), 196 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 and an expedition was sent against them. (See also Bettendorf, 1910, pe 212,) These tribes rejected all offers of peace and pardon, and, although Berredo stated that the war was ended with the “fatal annihilation of the barbarians,’ another armed expedition was in preparation 4 years later. Meanwhile, in 1652, Father Antonio Vieira had succeeded in having the laws sanctioning Indian slavery abolished. He informed the Indians of this and succeeded in making peace before the expedition went afield. Among the tribes which in 1659 solemnly made peace on the Mapua River and on Marajo were the Arua and their chief Piyé (Peyhé), whose village was in Rebordello, on the eastern point of Caviana Island (Vieira, 1735— 46, 1:135, 151-169). The war was over and Christianization began, but the Arua and other Marajo Indians began to migrate to Guiana. The fol- lowing century is marked by this migration and by the Portuguese effort to prevent it. The peace had but a limited effect, probably because the Jesuits, after a popular uprising in 1661, were compelled to stop enforcing the laws of 1652. In 1698, a number of the Arua were declared “undesirable on the Northern coast because they were too friendly to the enemy” (the Dutch) and were expatriated to Maranhao (Bettendorf, 1910, p. 663). In 1701 there was another great conflict with the Arua of Marajo Island, who were established in three villages near the mouth of the Paraguary (Soure) River by Fr. José de Santa Maria. In the absence of the mis- sionary, they were ill-treated by the residents of Belém and by the gov- ernor himself, Fernao Carrilho, and left their villages. Upon his return, the missionary and Fr. Martinho da Conceigéo went up the Paraguary River (Rio de Soure) to repair the damage, but the Indians killed them. The following year, a punitive expedition of 60 soldiers and 200 Indians captured some 200 Arua. The murderers of the two priests were executed in Belém. (Southey, 1862, 5:90; Berredo, 1905, 2:399; Rocha Pombo, 1905, 6:338.) The same year the Arud of Ganhodo (north coast of Marajo) were transferred to the village of the Aroaquis on the Urubu River, in the present State of Amazonas. With Arua from the Cabo do Norte, another village was founded near Belém (Caia or Monsaras?), but the missionary was not able to prevent the escape of the Indians (Annaes da Bibliotheca ... I, Nos. 79, 85). Twenty years later, the Arud who had escaped to Guiana and obtained French support, took the offensive against the Portuguese under a chief named Koymara (Guayama, Guama). They attacked the Portuguese settlements and for one year occupied the village of Moribira, 45 kilo- meters north of Belém. (Rio-Branco, 1899, 2:53, 90, 101; Guajara, 1896, p. 166; Coudreau, H., 1886-87, 1:220.) These hostilities lasted at least until 1727. Vol. 3] THE TURIWARA AND ARUA—NIMUENDAJU 197 From 1738 to 1744, Father Lombard gathered the Maraén and Arua, fugitives from the Portuguese missions, in the Ouanari mission, French Guiana (Coudreau, H., 1895, p. 274). In 1743, Barrére recorded the presence of Arua to the south of Mineur River (Amapa Grande?), stating that they had outstanding ability as seamen. From 1784 to 1798, the Portuguese depopulated the entire coast between the Amazon and the Oyapock, taking the fugitive Indians to Para. As trade invariably attracted the Indians to the French, it was essential that the Portuguese depopulate a zone between Para and Cayena (Coudreau, H., 1886-87, 1:224). Despite great dangers, however, a large part of the prisoners returned in their fragile canoes to their refuge in Guiana. It was probably at this time that part of the Arua settled on the Uacga River. The persecutions stopped in the 19th century. The Indians in Maraj6é disappeared during the first half of the 19th century. In 1793, Arua were transferred from Chaves (north coast of Marajo) to the lower Tocantins, where the village of Murt was founded for them between the present Patos and Alcobaca (Almeida Pinto, 1906, p. 188). Rebordello counted 279 Indians in 1816, but the last Arua of Marajo and neighboring islands disappeared, probably in consequence of the revolt of the Cabanos, 1834-36. A nucleus of Arud and Galibi, how- ever, settled in Uaca, completely under French influence. With them were also some Maraén, Palicur, and Itutan, and French Creoles, Chinese, Arabs, and Brazilian Mestizos. In 1854, Father Dabbadie refers to 80 Aroua on the Uaca River, and in 1891 H. Coudreau (1886) mentions 100. In 1925, when the present author spent some time among the 160 Indians of the Uaca River, the Arua component was much more reduced than the Galibi. There was no longer any vestige of the other Indian components, and the only language used was French Creole. CULTURE When the Galibi and the Arua gathered on the Uaca River, they prob- ably brought very little of their own original culture, for both had been influenced for nearly a century by the missionaries and other civilized people. In consequence, they were greatly influenced by the Palicur, a still relatively strong and intact tribe who had become their neighbors. The little Indian culture that they still possess is practically identical to that of the Palicur. Otherwise, their culture is adopted from the French Creoles of Guiana and, to a lesser degree, from the Brazilians. The Servico de Protecc&o aos Indios maintains a station among them. There is nothing in the literature on the original culture of the Arud. The paleoethnological (archeological) material in the urn cemeteries of the region do not lead to any precise conclusion. On Caviana Island, 198 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 stronghold of the Arua during the last phase of their ethnic existence, the author investigated five urn cemeteries in 1925. Three of these contained glass beads and other European objects. In historic times, only the Arua are known to have inhabited the island, but the style of urn is very dif- ferent in the three sites mentioned, and there is no certainty as to which one belongs to the Arua. Only one thing is common to all: secondary burial in urns, BIBLIOGRAPHY Almeida Pinto, 1906; Annaes ...; Ayres de Cazal, 1817; Baena, 1839, 1885; Barrére, 1743; Berredo, 1905; Bettendorf, 1910; Coudreau, H., 1886-87, 1893; Forest, 1899; Guajara, 1896; Laet, 1899; Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, 1838 (1780-83) ; Lombard, 1928; Moraes, 1860; Nimuendajui, 1926; O’Brian del Carpio, ms.; Penna, 1881; Rio Branco, 1899; Rocha Pombo, 1905; Southey, 1862; Texeyra, 1640; Vieira, 1735-46; Vifiaza, 1892. THE AMANAYE By Curt NIMUENDAJU AND ALFRED METRAUX LANGUAGE, TERRITORY, AND HISTORY The names Amanaj6, Manajé, and Manax6 were used in Maranhio, in Piauhy, and on the lower Tocantins; Amanagé in Para. Mananyé is the name given by the Turiwara; Manazewa by the Tembé. The self-denom- ination, Manayé or Amanayé, has uncertain meaning, but may be Guarani, amandayé, an “association of people,’ or amanajé, “alcoviteiro” (Platz- mann, 1896). In order to conceal their identity, some groups assumed the name of Ararandewd (Ararandewdra, Ararandeuara), “those of the Ararandéua [River],” and Turiwd (Turiwara), the name of a neighbor tribe. On the Amanayé language there have been published only two small vocabularies, both in 1914: Lange’s and Nimuendaju’s. It is the most distinctive of the Tupi dialects of the He- group. As far as can be ascer- tained from the vocabularies, there is no difference in the grammar. The Amanayé (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7) always occupied the upper Pindaré, the Gurupi, and the Capim Rivers, the middle Moju River, and the central part of the right bank of the lower Tocantins below the mouth of the Araguaya, and were found only rarely away from this region (lat. 4° S., long. 48° W.). They are first mentioned in 1755 when they made an agreement with the Jesuit P. Daniel Fay (Tray? Tay?), of Acama (Mongo), a Guajajara village of the Pindaré River. They had evidently had previous contact with civilized people, for they avoided all Whites except the Jesuits. According to Ribeiro de Sampaio (1812, p. 9), in 1760, a large band of Amanayé moved peacefully southeast to the Alpercatas River, and settled near the village of Santo Antonio. By 1815 there were only 20 of this group, and they were mixed with Negro blood. The last mention of this village was in 1820 (Francisco de N.S. dos Prazeres, 1891, p. 132). A part of this band evidently continued its migration in 1763 across the Parnahyba River into Piauhy (Alencastre, 1857, p. 6), but its subsequent fate is not known. In 1775, the “Amanajoz” are listed among the tribes of the lower right Tocantins (Ribeiro de Sampaio, 1812, pp. 8, 9), and, in 1798, they were seen to the east of the Surubijii River (Mendes de Almeida, n.d., p. 104). In 1845, the “Amananin” were mentioned as inhabitants of part of the Mojii River by Saint-Adolphe, In 1854, they had a village on the Pindaré above the Guajajara village of Sapucaia (Marques, 199 200 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 1864), but by 1872 the village had been moved to the Tucumandiua, a western tributary of the Gurupi River (Dodt, 1873, p. 132). In 1862, the Amanayé had two villages with 60 people on the Ararandéua River, western tributary of the Capim River, which has subsequently been their center. In 1872, Fr. Candido de Heremence began to convert the Amanayé, Tembé and Turiwara of the Capim River. With 200 Amanayé, he founded the Anauera Mission (Sao Fidelis) on the left bank of the Capim River, below the confluence of the Ararandéua and the Surubiji Rivers. The Turiwara and Tembé, being hostile to the Amanayé, were established together farther downstream. The next year, the | Amanayé killed Fr. Candido and a Belgian engineer, Blochhausen, because during a trip the latter dealt severely with the Amanayé crew and injured the chief’s son. (Souza Franco, 1842, p. 22; Cruz, 1874, p. 47; Moreira Pinto, 1894; Nimuendaju, unpublished notes.) Reprisals against the Amanayé for these murders drove them to take refuge in the region of the Ararandéua River. Today some of them still avoid contact with the civilized people. Others appeared later under the name of “Ararandewara’ or “Turiwara’ to conceal their identity. In 1889, the surviving Anambé and Amanajo, almost wiped out by epidemics on the Arapary, lived by the last rapids of the Tocantins River (Ehrenreich, 1892, p. 149). In 1911, Inspector L. B. Horta Barboza, of the Servigo de Proteccdo aos Indios, found four Amanayé villages with more than 300 inhabitants on the left bank of the Ararandéua River. In 1913, another, more primitive part of the tribe, calling itself Ararandewara, was visited by Algot Lange on the upper Mojtt River, at approxi- mately lat. 4° S. He has published the only description of the Amanayé (Lange, 1914). During several decades at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, the most important person among the Amanayé of the Ararandéua River was a mulatto woman named Damasia, wife of a member of the tribe. In 1926, Nimuendajui saw a small group of Amanayé, who called themselves Ararandewd (ra), in Munduruct at lat. 3°55’ S. They had a plantation on the Mojtt River. In 1942, only 17 persons, mostly Mestizos, survived in the group headed by Damasia’s son (Arquivos da Inspectoria do Servicgo de Proteccao aos Indios, Para, 1942). These people stated that another group lived away from all contact with the civilized people, on the Igarapé do Garrafao, a left tributary of the Ararandéua River. In 1943, Nimuendaju found a small group of Amanayé, who had been living for several decades, in contact with Neo-Brazilians, on the upper Cairary, a tributary on the left bank of the lower Mojtt. They called themselves Turiwa(ra). CULTURE Subsistence.—The Amanayé cultivated manioc, cotton, and tobacco in forest clearings. One clearing measured 1,000 by 1,300 yards. These Indians also hunted, especially turtles, which were abundant. Turtles not consumed at once were kept in small corrals. Dogs and chickens were introduced by the White man. Manioc was prepared in a special hut; the tubers were crushed in a trough made of the miriti palm trunk, pressed through a coarse-meshed fiber sifter, then kneaded into balls which were allowed to ferment on a platform. Subsequently, the paste was squeezed in the cylindrical tipiti, or manioc squeezer, after which the dry pulp was crushed and spread on Vol. 3] THE AMANAYE—NIMUENDAJU AND METRAUX 901 a hot clay pan with slightly upturned edges. Brazil nuts might be added to manioc flour to improve its taste. Dwellings.—The Amanayé village that Lange visited had 26 houses “‘of a very low order, some not having a proper roof, built around a small area of bush cleared forest.’’ The only furniture was small cotton hammocks. Clothing.—Amanayé men wore nothing but a short cotton string tied around the praeputium, while women wore only a narrow loincloth. Men’s ornaments included little wooden sticks in the lower lip and tur- key feathers stuck in colored cotton bands around the head. Women wore “garter-like cotton bands below their knees and on their ankles; .. . some of the youngest maidens insert ornaments made of the ivory nut in their ear lobes” (Lange, 1914). Boats.—Dugout canoes, 35 feet (10.6 m.) long, and 5 feet (1.5 m.) wide, were made of trees felled in the forest and dragged to the water on rollers by means of creepers. Manufactures.—Manioc squeezers were plaited of strong miriti palm and tucum fibers. Cotton spindles had a rounded wooden disk. The loom was “a simple square frame made of four sticks about 2 feet [0.6 m.]| long, tied together with fiber or ordinary bush-cord to form a square” (Lange, 1914). Cloth, like hammocks, was loosely twined with a double weft. Loincloths were stained red with urucu. The only pottery mentioned is the clay manioc pan. Weapons.—Bows were large—one being 8 feet (2.4 m.) long and 4 inches (10 cm.) in diameter—and notched at each end for a curaua fiber bowstring. Arrows were tipped either with a bamboo blade or with a sharp rod with a few barbs on each side. Occasionally, a small nut which produced a whistling sound was fastened near the tip. Arrow feathering was either of the eastern Brazilian arched or of the Xingu sewn type. Stone axes, used until recently, had carefully ground, quadrangular heads of diorite with a notch running along the face near the butt. The head was inserted in the split end of a shaft of pao d’arco and lashed with heavy fibers, then covered with the black gum from the jutahy tree. Fire making.—Fire was made with a fire drill. Two men working together could make a fire in 2 minutes. Social and political organization.—Lange observed an Amanayé chief whose weak personality suggested that he must have inherited his position. Lange gives no other information on political or social organization. Prior to marriage, young men proved their fortitude by plunging an arm into a braided fiber cylinder that was closed at both ends and filled with tocandeira ants. Musical instruments.—The Amanayé had a drum that is unusual in this area: A long, hollow emba-uba tree trunk was suspended from a 902 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 horizontal branch by a thin, tough bush rope. While one man beat the drum with a stick, “another, probably a shaman, danced around it” (Lange, 1914). Tobacco.—Tobacco was smoked in huge cigarettes, 1 foot (0.3 m.) long and ¥% inch (1.2 cm.) thick, wrapped in tauari bark. These were passed around, each man taking a few draughts in turn. Drinks.—The Amanayé drank a fermented beverage (probably of cassava) called cachiri. BIBLIOGRAPHY (AMANAYE AND TURIWARA) Aguiar, 1851; Alencastre, 1857; Arquivos da Inspectoria ..., 1942; Baena, 1885; Brusque, 1862, 1863; Cruz, 1874; Cunha, 1852; Daniel, 1840; Dodt, 1873; Ehrenreich, 1892; Francisco de Nuestra Sefiora dos Prazeres, 1891; Gama Malcher, 1878; Lange, 1914; Marques, 1864; Meerwarth, 1904; Mendes de Almeida, n.d.; Moreira Pinto, 1894; Nimuendaju, 1914 c, unpublished notes; Platzmann, 1896; Ribeiro, 1848 (1870) ; Ribeiro de Sampaio, 1812; Servigo de Protecgao aos Indios, 1942; Souza Franco, 1842; Villa Real, 1848. LITTLE-KNOWN TRIBES OF THE LOWER TOCANTINS RIVER REGION By Curt NIMUENDAJU INTRODUCTION This article will deal with the Pacaja, Anambé, Tapiraua, Kupé-rob (Jandiahi), Jacundd, Paracana, and Miraiio. These tribes, most of them Tupi-speaking, are now virtually extinct (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7). THE PACAJA Pacajé (Pacajara) means in Tupi, “master (ydra) of the paca” (Coelo- genys paca). According to Bettendorf (1910, pp. 97, 111), the Pacajd used the Lingua Geral. TERRITORY AND HISTORY This tribe appears to have centered in the basin of the Pacaja de Portel River. It may also have lived in the lower Tocantins River and the lower Xingu River where a right tributary is named Pacaja (de Souzel) River. (Lat. 2° S., long. 52° W.) In 1613, an expedition of French from Sao Luiz do Maranhao and their allies, the Tupinamba, passed the Pacaiares River in a campaign against the Camarapin. Later, Father Yves d’Evreux (1864) makes a passing mention of the Pacajd. In 1626(?), Benito Maciel Parente (1874) mentioned them with the Yuruna and other tribes between the Pacaja and “Parnahyba” (Xingu) Rivers. In 1628, the Pacaja were “appeased” (Berredo, 1905, 1: 229, 231) by Pedro da Costa Favella on his expedition to the Tocantins (Pacaja?) River. Bettendorf (1910, p. 97) recounts with some exaggeration that at their first meeting the Pacajd and the Tupinamba an- nihilated each other. In 1639, the Pacajd are mentioned by Acufia (1682, p. 139) as inhabitants of the Pacajé River. Between 1656 and 1662, an ill-fated expedition went in search of mines on the Pacaja River, and the Jesuit Father Joao de Souto Mayor, who accompanied it, died (Berredo, 1905, 2: 115). It resulted, however, in the Pacajd entering a Jesuit mission (Arucara or Portel?), from whence a large part escaped again to their own land. The others were sent to distant missions (Bettendorf, 1910, p. 98; Joao Daniel, 1841, p. 182). In 1763, the Pacajd are men- tioned for the last time by De Sao José (1947, p. 490) as one of the 13 tribes consti- tuting the population of 400 in the village of Portel. In 1889, Ehrenreich (1891 a, p. 88; 1892, p. 149) was told of the existence of savage Pacajd at the headwaters of the Uanapi and Pacaja Rivers near Portel, a statement not subsequently confirmed. 653333—47—16 203 204 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 CULTURE Acuna (1682, p. 139) and Bettendorf (1910, p. 97) considered the Pacaja brave and warlike. P. Sotto Mayor (1916) accuses them of can- nibalism. In warfare, they eat the enemy which they kill by hand, and keep the skulls as trophies. Some 100 years later, Joao Daniel (1841) describes them as “very soft and lazy” (i. e., for work in the mission). The women wore short skirts and the men short trousers, which they might have adopted from the runaway slaves who settled at the head- waters of the Pacaja River (?). They were a canoe people; at their encounter with the Tupinamba, they came “in over 500 canoes” —evidently an exaggeration. THE ANAMBE HISTORY AND TERRITORY The Anambé (“anambe”’ in the Lingua Geral is applied to a considerable number of species of birds, Cotingidae) were, by contrast to the Pacajad, a modern tribe, which appeared and disappeared during the past century. The Anambé language, according to Ehrenreich’s vocabulary, was a Tupi dialect of the He- group, very similar to the Tembé-Guajajara and Turiwara. If the texts of legends in the Lingua Geral published by Magalhaes (1876) were, as he says, dictated by Anambé, this tribe was bilingual, and at the time did not use its own language. The Anambé’s (lat. 4°-5° S., long. 50°-51° W.) first contact with the civilized people was in 1842 (Brusque, 1862, p. 12). In 1852, they appeared on the left bank of the Tocantins River (Cunha, 1853, p. 18); they numbered 600. Another group lived in the village of Taua at the headwaters of the Cururuhy, a tributary of the upper Pacaja River, but it was in contact with the first byway of the Caripy River, a tributary of the Tocantins a little above Alcobacga. A village of 250 Curupity (?) and Anambé on the upper Pacaja River was at war with the Carambu (Brusque, 1862, p. 12). In 1874, this village was reduced to 46 persons. The following year 37 of them died of smallpox, and the 9 survivors joined their fellow tribesmen on the Tocantins River. In 1889, Ehrenreich found a remnant of four completely civilized Anambé in Praia Grande, at the end of the Tocantins rapids. Moura (1910, p. 106) mentions Anambé in 1896 and shows a picture of two men. The supposed “Anambé’ seen by H. Coudreau in 1897 were Arara. The tribe is today completely extinct. THE TAPIRAUA The Tapiraua (tapiira, “tapir”), or Anta, lived west of Itaboca Falls in 1889 (Ehrenreich, 1891 a, 1892).1 Each time they came to the shore of the Tocantins, they were driven back by gun shots. They still used stone implements. In 1896 or 1897 (Moura, 1910, p. 192), two “Tapiri,” or Anta, ap- peared a few kilometers below Timbozal. They had short hair and their 1 The distance from the Tocantins is given as 3 to 4 days’ travel (Ehrenreich, 1891 a, p. 88), and as 1 day’s travel (Ehrenreich, 1892, p. 148). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER TOCANTINS—NIMUENDAJU 205 ears were pierced by tiny holes, but they lacked tattoo. This tribe is not subsequently mentioned by name, but it may possibly be the same as the Kupé-rob. THE KUPE-ROB A pinayé tradition relates that a tribe called Kupé-rdb (Kupeé, “Indians,” ie., non-7imbira, plus rob, “jaguars”) or, in Portuguese, Cupe-lobos, lived below them on the Tocantins River (lat. 5° S., long. 50° W.), and that the Apinayé occasionally attacked them to obtain European-made white beads before the Apinayé had begun to trade with the civilized people. The Kupé-rob perhaps are identical with the Jandiahi who, in 1793, lived below Itaboca Falls (Villa Real, 1848, p. 426), and, in 1844 (Castelnau, 1850, p. 113), lived on the west shore near Itaboca Falls. At the later date, they were hostile to the Jacundd and to the Christians, and only rarely were met by travelers. Baena (18/0) mentions their habitat as Lake Vermelho, at lat. 5°10’ S., west of the Tocantins and below the mouth of the Araguaya. In 1849, Ayres Carneiro (1910, pp. 78-79, 81, 84, 90-91) found famished and lean Cupe-lobos on the Can- hanha beach, near the Igarapé do Pucuruhy, lat. 4° 10’ S., where they were persecuted by the Apinayé. In 1896, this tribe appeared peacefully in the Rebojo de Bacury, a little above Itaboca Falls, hunting and fishing, and using apites (labrets?) of glass (?) or worked stone (Moura, 1910, pp. 160, 193). Above Timbozal (a little above the mouth of the Pucuruhy River ), they had an old village site. H. Coudreau (1897 b, p. 43 and map) had a report in 1897 of un- identified Indians on the upper Igarapé do Bacury. The year before these Indians had come in contact with the civilized people. They were at first peaceful but soon became hostile. In 1922, eight wild Indians appeared on Volta Grande, on the left bank of the Tocantins. Both sexes had their hair cut all around, and wore a little stick through the ears. The men had their foreskin tied with an embira string, and the woman wore a band of the same material. The children were carried in a sling under the arm. The belly of the bow was flat, the outer side, convex. The bow string was made of curaua (Bromelia) and the arrows had flush feathering. A hammock was made of fibers. One of the men, taken to Belém seriously ill, gave the author a list of 16 words. The language was Tupi of the He- group, definitely distinct from Ehrenreich’s Anambé and from Amanayé. As the material culture of these people did not correspond to that of the Paracand, it is possible that they were the Kupé-rdb survivors. Also, it is possible that the Indians who occasionally came peaceably to the post of the Servico de Proteccao aos Indios on the Pucuruhy River were not Paracafia, as sup- nosed, but Kupé-réb. The people at the post noted that they called cer- 206 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 tain plants and animals by Tupi names, similar to those of the Neo- Brazilians. In 1942, unknown Indians were again seen in the Igarapé do Bacury, and it may be that the tribe still exists around there. THE JACUNDA At the end of the 18th century and during the first half of the 19th century, the Jacundd lived on the Jacunda River, which empties into the Tocantins from the right below Itaboca Falls (lat. 4° 27’ S., long. 49° W.). The name designates a fish (Crenicichla sp.). Meneses’ diary (n. d., p. 175) ascribes to these Indians “red eyes, just like those of a certain fish by the same name.” The only record of the Jacundd language is the names of two chiefs of 1793: Uoriniuera, which is a Tupian word (warinikwéra, “old war’), and Claxira, which is contrary to Tupi phonetics. A map of Brazil of 1846 states: “Jacunda, tractable people who speak the Lingua Geral” (Niemaeyer, 1846). The Jacunda were first mentioned by Villa Real (1848, pp. 424-426, 432) in 1793, when they lived at the headwaters of the Igarapé Guayapi (Jacunda River?) and occasionally appeared on the eastern bank of the Tocantins. Another igarapé (water passage) above Itaboca Falls was also inhabited by the Jacundd, who had a port at its mouth. According to Villa Real, the Jacunda had two chiefs. Meneses (1919, p. 175) mentions the Jacundd in 1799 on the Igarapé of Jacunda, and Ribeiro (1870, p. 37) mentions them in 1815 among the tribes of the Tocantins River. According to Castelnau (1850), they lived in 1844 on the right bank of the Tocantins, above Itaboca Falls, and were hostile to the Jundiahit (Kupé-rob?) of the opposite bank and to Christians, who rarely saw them. In 1849, they were said to be peaceful. In 1849, Ayres Carneiro (1910, p. 45) saw 30 to 40 Jacundd, including women and children, on the Ambaua beach, a little above the present Alcobacga, on the right side of the river, but they fled into the jungle. Henceforth, their name disappears, and, since 1859 the Gavides, a Timbira tribe of the Ge group (Handbook, vol. 1, p. 477), has occupied their region (Gomes, 1862, p. 496). Ehrenreich, however, mentions the Jacundd in 1889, 30 years after they had probably become extinct. THE PARACANA HISTORY In 1910, an unknown tribe of savage Indians appeared on the Pacaja River above Portel. Their repeated attacks on the Arara-Pariri caused the latter to abandon their territory on the Iriuana River, a left tributary of the Pacaja, and to take refuge with the Neo-Brazilians on the lower Pacaja. The Pariri called this tribe Paracana (lat. 4°-5° S., long. 50°- 51° W.). Perhaps it was the same tribe that, under the name of Yauariti- Tapiiya, was hostile to the Anambé of the Pacaja River during the last century (this volume, p. 204). At first they were at peace with the Neo- Brazilians, and at times helped them pass Cachoeira Grande Fall of the Pacaja River. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER TOCANTINS—NIMUENDAJU 207 According to information obtained from the Pariri in 1914, the Paracana call thunder, “tumpo” (Tupi, tupa), and water, “i” (Tupi, i). The Paracana language is, therefore, possibly a member of the Tupian family. During the 1920’s, the Paracanad began to appear on the left bank of the Tocantins, above Alcobaga. They were pretentious and demanding, and, though they used no weapons, they frightened the residents away and pillaged their houses. After 1927, they became openly hostile toward the civilized residents. They would come shooting arrows, and every year they killed people, but they did not mutilate the bodies nor take trophies. Civilized people attributed this hostility to the entrance of nut gatherers into the regions west of the Tocantins. After one of these at- tacks, the head of the Alcobaca Railroad ordered a punitive expedition, which surprised and killed the Paracana in their camp. This incited the Paracané to attack even within sight of Alcobaga and to extend their raids north to Juana Peres and the upper Jacunda River. During the last two years, however, their raids on the Tocantins side have for an unknown reason ceased completely. While on the Pacaja, these Indians were always known as Paracana, a name given to them by the Pariri. It was wrongly believed on the Tocantins that they were Asurini from the Xingu River. CULTURE Clothing and ornaments.—The Paracané cut the hair around the head and wore a wooden peg through the lower lip. Several items of apparel are among 142 Paracané objects in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. There are short cotton women’s skirts, 18 inches (45 cm.) long, made with a twined weave, the weft elements a finger’s breadth apart. The warp runs all the way around each garment, the cloth being tubular, like that produced by the “Arawak” loom. Some strings of red cotton threads are probably pectoral ornaments. There are necklaces of black tiririca (Scleria sp.) seeds, alternating with fine tubular bones. A child’s (?) headband is made of close-looped cotton string with a strip of Neo-Brazilian cloth and 15 macaw tail feathers carelessly attached. A comb is made of 12 teeth bound with thread between two pairs of sticks; the wrapping is not ornamental. Jingles, probably worn below the knee or on the ankle, are made of piqui (Caryocar sp.) nuts hung on cotton thread. Basketry.—A rectangular basket of the “jamaxim” type for carrying objects on the back has the outer side and the top end open. The side against the carrier’s back and the bottom have a twilled weave and black zigzag designs; the outer sides have a fine, open octagonal weave, the strips running in four directions. 908 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Weaving.—A hammock 58 inches (1.8 m.) long, is woven of twined cotton strings and of strings taken from hammocks stolen from Neo- Brazilians. The weft elements are 3 to 4 inches (7 to 10 cm.) apart. Weapons.—Arrows have camayuva shafts, 54 to 66 inches (1.4 to 1.7 m.) long, and sewn feathering which is bound with fine thread and frequently decorated with small toucan feathers. Three types of heads are: (1) Lanceolate bamboo blades, 24 inches (70 cm.) long and about 2 inches (5.5 cm.) broad at the widest point. These are smeared with black paint on the concave side and a few specimens bear a crude black design on the convex side. Just behind the point, some arrows have a palm coconut, about 114 inches (4 cm.) in diameter, perforated with a row of as many as nine holes around it. (2) Bone points, either without barbs or with a barb on one or both sides. (3) Plain, rodlike wooden points. The bow is of paxiuba wood, very wide (5 cm., or 2 in.), flat (1 to 2 cm. thick), similar to the Asurini bow. It is about 159.5 cm. (62 in.) long. The ends are cut with shoulders, to hold the cord, 5 cm. and 11.5 cm. respec- tively from the ends. Fire.—Torches are made of cotton cords or of Neo-Brazilian cloth, and are impregnated with beeswax. Musical instruments.—A set of panpipes has 8 tubes, ranging from 5Y% to 10 inches (12 to 26 cm.) in length and 5 to 12 mm. in diameter and held together by two parallel ligatures of Neo-Brazilian cotton. THE MIRANO Rivet (1924, p. 689) places a Tupi tribe of Miravio Indians “between the Acara and Capim Rivers at the headwaters of the Bujaru.” On the map of the State of Para by Santa Rosa, the “Indios Miranhios” appear on the left margin of the Capim River, at lat. 2°30’ S. There was never any tribe by this name, however. Among the Tembé there was a large family called “Miranya.” The present author found members of this family in the Indian village of Prata as late as 1916. Since the place where the Miraio was supposed to be settled coincides almost exactly with the old Tembé village of Mariquita, it is probable that the so-called Mirano were in reality Tembé. According to Métraux (1928 a, p. 22), “Amiranha” is a synonym of Jacundd. The Amanayé of the Ararandéua River spoke to the present author in 1913 about a tribe called Mirdn, but they could not tell him where they were settled. BIBLIOGRAPHY Acufia, 1682; Ayres Carneiro, 1910; Baena, 1870; Berredo, 1905; Bettendorf, 1910; Brusque, 1862; Castelnau, 1850; Coudreau, H., 1897 b; Cunha, 1853; Daniel, 1841; Ehrenreich, 1891 a, 1892, 1895; Gomes, 1862, Maciel Parente, 1874; Magal- haes, 1876; Meneses, 1919; Métraux, 1928 a; Moreira Pinto, 1894; Moura, 1910; Niemaeyer, 1846; Nimuendaju, 1939; Ribeiro, 1870; Rivet, 1924; Sao José, 1847; Sotto Mayor, 1916; Souza, 1874; Villa Real, 1848; Yves d’Evreux, 1864. LITTLE-KNOWN TRIBES OF THE LOWER AMAZON! By Curt NIMUENDAJU THE ARACAJU In 1668-69, an expedition, led by Major J. de Almeida Freire, started out along the Tocantins River against the Poqui Indians, who lived 8 days’ march from its banks. On the way back, the expedition passed the Aracaju and brought back many bows and arrows, “with some wide and long shields, covered with beautiful feathers” (Bettendorf, 1910, p. 32). Gat, 4°)S., long. 52° W.) In 1679, P. Jodoco Peres, of Jaguaquara (north side of the Amazon, above the mouth of the Part) sought the Aracaju% who were “in the wilds of the Tocanhapes,” ie., the right side of the lower Xingu, south of the Amazon. In 1680, P. Antonio de Silva went by way of the bayou (Pacaja de Souzel River) and the backwoods of the Tocanhapes, and brought some 400 Indians down to the Indian village of Cussary (in front of the present Monte Alegre, on the right side of the Amazon). Shortly thereafter, in 1681, however, Bettendorf tells about being received by the chiefs of the Aracaju in Jaguaquara, where these Indians had made a large house, which they abandoned because the land there was very poor for agriculture (Betten- dorf, 1910, pp. 324, 335, 337). By 1681, therefore, the Aracajz% were no longer in Cussary, south of the Amazon, but in Jaguaquara, on the northern side. It seems that they settled on the Parti River, where their presence is mentioned in 1702, when the Commissary of the Capuchins, Fr. Jeronymo de Sido Francisco, transferred Indians from five tribes, among them the Aracajti, to the new Indian village of the Aroaqui on the Urubt River (Ferreira, 1841). Martius found in 1820 that the Aracaju and Apama comprised the population of Almeirim (Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 1:324). The few Aracaju still at liberty lived on the Part River in small isolated Indian villages. Although at peace with the Brazilians, they could rarely be persuaded to live among them. They were rather dark Indians, with no distinguishing characteristics. Their weapons were not poisoned. They were constantly at war with the “Oaiapis” (Wayapi) of the upper Jary and Iratapuri Rivers and with the Cossari of the Araguaya River. Subse- quently, no further mention is made of them. Martius, who tends to explain all names by the Lingua Geral, interprets Aracaju as uara-guagu, “great people.” He considers “wara” to be a substantive, meaning “man” or “people,’”’ whereas it is really a personal ending. The vocabulary (1863, p. 17) which he collected in Gurupa also calls forth the following remarks: Of his 53 words, 24 are clearly Tupi 1 Map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7. 209 910 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 and 21 no less clearly Carib, while 8 cannot be definitely identified. The Tupi words belong to the Lingua Geral, not to some special dialect, and, therefore, probably do not represent the tribe’s original tongue but the language which they learned at the mission. The Carib words are not identical with those of the Aparai, as Rivet thought (1924, p. 660), though they have greater resemblance to the dialects north of the Amazon than to those of the south (e.g., Arara, etc.). Because the Aracaju% came from the south of the Amazon, one reaches the conclusion that these Carib words also do not represent the original Aracaju language, but that they were acquired through contact with some Carib tribe after they lived north of the Amazon, and that their own original tongue has been lost entirely. THE APOTO In the Aparai language, apotd means “fire,” and thus Araujo Amazonas and Ignacio Accioly write the name of a tribe which is also called, probably by a mistaken transcription, Apanto and Apauto. The few references to this tribe are all based on that of Christdbal d’Acufia in 1639 (1682), wherein he states that four tribes lived on the Cunurizes (Nhamunda) River, the first having lent its name to the river on the mouth of which it lived, and the second, above the mouth, being the Apoté tribe “which speaks the Lingua Geral.” This is all that is known about these Indians. THE PAUXi Three sources give slight information about a tribe or tribes called Paust. (1) The Pauzxi (pausi, paushi, undoubtedly a Carib word meaning “mutum,” Cracidae sp. ; cf. Pausiana, a Carib tribe on Caratirimani River), according to Bettendorf (1910), spoke the Lingua Geral. It was settled in the region of the Xingit River. Between 1658 and 1660, the Jesuit, P. Salvador do Valle, brought more than 600 of this tribe to the Indian village of Tapara, on the right side of that river, almost at its mouth. There is no further notice of them. (2) The “Fort of the Pauxis” was founded in 1697 on the left bank of the Amazon, where the present-day Villa de Obidos is situated, and Pauxis is today still the name of a lake just below this village. Near this fort there were two small Indian villages which, in 1758, were com- bined with another from farther away in the Villa de Obidos (Moraes, 1860, p. 508), but nothing further is known of the tribe or tribes which lived there. P. Fritz (1922), in 1690, speaks of the tribe of the “Cunur- izes” (map of 1691) exactly on the spot where the fort was to be built 6 years later. (3) When O. Coudreau (1901) mapped the “Cumina” River (Erepe- curt) in 1900, a descendant of fugitive slaves living on this river informed her that a tribe of Indians called Pauxi (pronounced pauSi, paushi) lived Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AMAZON—NIMUENDAJU 211 in the headwaters of the Agua Fria, Penecura, and Acapu Bayous, right tributaries of the Erepecurt River, a little above its mouth. According to this information, the tribe had first lived in Obidos, but before the coming of civilized people, it retreated to the Erepecurtii River, then to the mouth of the Penecura River, and, finally, to the headwaters of this river. After 1877, its relations with the fugitive slaves had been broken. From the same informant, Coudreau obtained a list of 38 words. The language is Carib, but it differs from the dialect of the Kaswena (Cash- uena) of the Cachorro River, their nearest neighbors, and from that of the Pianocoto of the upper Erepecurt (Coudreau, O., 1901, pp. 132-133). The Pauxi no longer exist. BIBLIOGRAPHY Acufia, 1682; Berredo, 1905, vol. 1; Bettendorf, 1910; Coudreau, O., 1901; Ferreira, A. R., 1841; Fritz, 1691, 1922; Martius, 1863; Moraes, 1860; Rivet, 1924; Sao José, 1847; Spix and Martius, 1823-31, vol. 3. Soe LM ait Sed | Rarer G ayiloech (rel eS * bois YEE di erst) eat Cone sede ees tew hiner Ritasth tered pea estate Ae a Seton Vat cows peed) sol ee deectindies OP ender A aft abiow apita! gil. hortetde hehe (eradiiemr til wanes c ; ney cata al Ase Hla retort Crete nit Ae a rosuihiunesw? tee & ‘ ; ; jee ri@oneatht ts ' I ae, MYL ~~ ere) ) Wethee 14 ee ie TRIBES OF THE LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU RIVER By Curt NIMUENDAJU GEOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND The Xingu Basin, as far south as lat. 7° S., is exclusively characterized by Amazonian virgin forest, whose wealth of rubber and nuts attracted the attention of civilized man. From that latitude south or upstream, savannas appear, becoming more and more predominant southward, until the forest is reduced to a narrow border along watercourses, sometimes even encroaching upon the river banks. It is rolling country. The “Morro Grande” of the Xingu River rises to some 975 it. (300 m.) above the level of the river. The watercourses are interrupted by rapids and the Xingu River beyond Volta Grande is one of the most difficult rivers in Brazil to navigate. Over long stretches the bed of the river is filled with enormous rocks cut through by channels full of rapids. The Iriri River is of similar type. The tribes (map 1, No. 1; see Volume 1, map 7) of this region may be classified according to these geographical features into three groups. (1) Canoeing tribes restricted to the Xingu, Iriri, and Curua Rivers: Yuruna, Shipaya, Arupai. (2) Tribes of the central virgin forest: Curuaya, Arara, Asurini, and, formerly, Tacunyapé. (3) Savanna tribes that only temporarily invade the forest zone: Northern Cayapd, which were dealt with in Lowie’s paper on “The Northwestern and Central Ge’ (Handbook, vol. 1, pp. 477-517). CULTURAL SUMMARY Farming, with manioc the staple crop, was the basis of subsistence among all these tribes except perhaps the Arara, who were less clearly horticultural. Caimans, turtles, honey, and Brazil nuts were outstanding wild foods. The Yuruna, Shipaya, and Tacunyapé built large communal dwellings in isolated places for fear of attack. Excellent canoemen, the Yuruna and Shipaya lived along the rivers, whereas the other tribes kept to the forests. Houses were furnished with wooden stools and ham- mocks. Dress included breechclouts (?) (Curuaya), women’s wrap- around skirts, and men’s penis covers ( Yuruna and Shipaya), and women’s 213 214 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1438 aprons (Tacupyapé). Ornaments were the usual Tropical Forest types: feather headdresses, arm and leg bands, necklaces, ear sticks, nose pendants (Arara), and lip plugs (Curuaya). Among manufactures, which suffered because of much nomadism enforced by warfare, were: Cotton textiles (Yuruna); ceramics, which are usually plain; incised gourds (Shipaya) ; and stone axes. The bow and arrow was the main weapon. The sociopolitical unit was the village, seemingly patrilineal in organiza- tion and in descent of chieftainship. There was little polygyny and family ties were very strong. Intertribal relations involved intermittent warfare, with cannibalism ascribed to the Yuruna and Shipaya and trophies more general. The latter include skulls (Yuruna, Shipaya, Curuaya), bone trumpets (Yuruma), tooth necklaces (Shipaya), and scalps (Arara). These tribes drank much fermented liquor, but had no drunken brawls. The Yuruna smoked tobacco in cigarettes. Musical instruments include panpipes; shaman’s gourd rattles; gourd horns; gourd, wooden, and human-skull trumpets; bone flutes, clarinets, and whistles. The pre- dominating art motif is the maze; sculpture reproduced mythical personages. Shipaya and probably Yuruna religion was based on a cult of the jaguar demon, who was the patron of war and cannibalism, and a feast of the dead, in which men and women drank chicha. The Tacunyapé had a similar feast. The shaman, in the capacity of priest, served as inter- mediary between people and demons and souls. As medicine man, he cured, without the aid of supernatural spirits, by sucking, massaging, and blowing cigarette smoke to remove the disease-causing substance. LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES Of the tribes on the lower and middle Xingu, the Avara stand apart as Cariban. Their speech is so close to Yaruwmd (Paranayuba River, a tributary of the right bank of the upper Xing) as to permit the hypothesis of a common ancestral tribe, the Arara turning north, the Yaruma south, perhaps separating under Cayapo pressure (Ehrenreich, 1895). All other tribes are Tupi. To be sure, there is not the slightest record of Asurini speech, but an English missionary conversant with Guajajara who spoke with a young Asurini woman captured by the Gérotire com- mented on the resemblance of her tongue to the language familiar to him. Accordingly, Asurini may be reckoned as probably Tupi. About the remaining languages we can be more positive. Martius (1867) and Lucien Adam (1896) challenge the Tui relation- ship of Yuruna, which is accepted by such competent authorities as Betten- dorf, Von den Steinen, and Brinton. Closer study leads me to the provisional conclusion that Yuruna, Shipaya, Manitsaud, and perhaps Arupai form a special division of impure Tupi languages. Lexical Tupt Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 215 elements in Yuruna are conspicuous, though often obscured by alterations so that correspondences are proved only by comparison with Shipaya and Manitsaud equivalents. Contrary to Adam’s assumption, there are also important grammatical features of Tupi type, though less numerous than might be inferred from the large percentage of Tupi vocables. However, the Yuruna group does differ greatly from Tupi proper, especially in the pronominal system. The present author tentatively recognizes four com- ponents: (1) A Tupi foundation, even anciently modified by strong influences due to (2) Arawak, and in lesser degree to (3) Carib languages ; to these must be added (4) recent loans from the Lingua Geral. Shipaya differs so little from Yuruna as to permit, with some trouble, mutual intelligibility. Some two dozen words differ radically ; otherwise regular shifts appear: Yuruna Shipaya pi a si pe = Se, Si bi, be = zi, ze c = t za = ya bi == dyi Thus, we have: Yuruna Shipaya English pinapa sinapa comb pe se in (post- position) abi azi back abi adyi 3 Indian ca ta to go za ya name The grammatical divergences are insignificant: The imperative differs ; the negative ka of Shipaya corresponds to Yuruna poga and teha; Yuruna regularly forms the future with the auxiliary verb ca (to go), whereas Shipaya has recourse to adverbs. The Arupai spoke Yuruna. They are in no way connected with the Gurupd of the Tocantins River and the Urupd of the Gy-Parana. Curuaya resembles Mundurucu as closely as Yuruna does Shipaya. In some cases it preserves primitive Tupi forms better than Mundurucu. The Tacunyapé, according to the Jesuits, spoke the Lingua Geral, whereas Von den Steinen credits them with a Tupi dialect appreciably distinct from Yuruna. The present author found no Tacunyapé-speaking Indians, but three Neo-Brazilians, formerly resident in the area and during the last 20 years of the last century in close contact with the tribe, dic- tated 34 words and phrases, probably badly garbled. Though diverging considerably from the standard Lingua Geral (final t’s!), their Tupi re- lationship is beyond doubt. 216 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 PREHISTORIC PEOPLES Not only along the Xing River and its larger affluents, the Iriri and Fresco Rivers, but also along the smaller tributaries and subtributaries, are found vestiges of a vanished population, whose culture differed from that of the tribes found in the 20th century. The impression is that these tribes formerly occupied all of the jungle region of the Xingu Basin. These vestiges comprise: (1) Dwelling sites found on points of solid land jutting out to the edge of the water and easily recognized by their “black earth,” a cultural layer containing fragments of pottery and stone instruments. The pottery can be distinguished at first sight from that of present-day tribes. On the lower Xingu and lower Iriri Rivers it is rich in plastic adornment, recalling somewhat the pottery of the Monte Alegre region or even of the Tapajd. The pottery of the middle Xingi River and its affluents is plainer, with little plastic or engraved ornamentation, and is not uniform. On the Igarapé das Flechas River, a tributary of the upper Curua River, two small stone statuettes were found, one representing a beetle, the other a man. (2) Cemeteries. In the same “black earth” are found burial remains. In the streets of Porto de Moz and Altamira, there may be seen the mouths of urns covered by other vessels; Panellas, a little above Altamira, owes its name to such findings. In Porto Seguro, at lat. 7° 10’ S., ona permanent island of the Xingu River, funeral urns are found, and among them superficially buried skeletons, lying stretched on their backs. Be- cause of their size, all these urns could have served only for secondary burials. The presence of funeral urns distinguished the culture of the Xingu Basin from that of the neighboring Tapajo and its affiliates. (3) Petroglyphs. Along the Itamaraca and Cajituba Falls of the Volta Grande do Xingu, at Caxinguba (lat. 5° 20’ S.), and along the lower Pacaja and upper Iriri, the figures of men, of animals, and of unknown meaning are engraved on the surface of the smooth rocks. The most important are those at Itamaraca, already known to the first Jesuit missionaries in the 17th century, and one in Pacaja. (4) Monoliths. Ina stony stretch of the Xingu River, at lat. 7° 20’ S., are eight more or less vertical small stone pillars, which are from 1 to 2 meters (3% to 6% ft.) in height and are roughly broken off but not carved. There can be no doubt as to their artificial origin. (5) At various points of the middle Xingu and of the lower Iriri Rivers, there may be found about 50 piles of small stone blocks on the slabs of the falls. Stratification.—Downstream from Volta Grande, these remains must, at least in part, be ascribed to the tribes which were encountered by the Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 217 first explorers. Above this point, however, there is a hiatus between the prehistoric and historic peoples. The Indians of today know nothing of their origin. When the Yuruna, Shipaya, Arupai, and other tribes ap- peared, the sedentary potters no longer existed, probably having been annihilated by the expanding Northern Cayapd, who, coming from the open country of the south, spread throughout the Xingu Basin. When the Tupi tribes appeared, they found the Cayapo already there, for their traditions always make them coexistent, no story accounting for their appearance. These Tupi tribes, with the exception of the Curuaya, the westernmost tribe, succeeded in penetrating and inhabiting these regions— incidentally, with great difficulty—only because they were excellent boat- men and occupied the islands of the great rivers, while the Cayapo made only very primitive craft, which they used exclusively to cross the rivers. HISTORIC TRIBES These populations disappeared, and no chronicler has left us any information of ethnographic value about them. The chart of Joannes de Laet (1899), dated 1625, shows the presence of Apehou on both sides of the mouth of the Xingu River; in the Tupi language of the “He-” group, Apehou means “man” (apihaw). After 1639, the Jesuits began to establish themselves on the Xingu River, but no one knows what Indians composed their missions. The first missionary, Luiz Figueira, preached in 1636 in Tabpinima (the modern Itapinima?) to Indians ‘who were not well versed in the Lingua Geral,” i. e., Tupi-Guarani, and founded the Xing mission later called Itacurugé and today known as Veiros. Shortly after, five more missions were established. Old chronicles and maps (Heriarte, 1874 [written in 1662]; Samuel Fritz, 1922 [map of 1691] ; Bettendorf, 1910 [written in 1699]) refer specially to three tribes : the Coani, the Guahuara, and the Guayapi. The last two spoke the Lingua Geral. These three tribes probably inhabited the western side of the river. At that time the Parana of Aquiquy, an offshoot of the Amazon that flows into the Xingu, a little above Porto de Moz, was known as the “Coanizes River.” The Guayapi were settled for a time at the be- ginning of Volta Grande; in 1763, they and the Yuruna were still reported at Freguezia de Souzel. Most of this tribe, however, seems to have emigrated earlier to the north of the Amazon River, probably by way of Jary, and established themselves on the Oyapock River, where they are mentioned after 1729. The Guahuara tribe in 1688 had 22 villages in the interior of the central forests (sertao). From Bettendorf one gets the impression that this tribe is identical with the Curabare or Curuaya. In the 19th century, writers no longer spoke of Indians on the lower Xingu River, because the survivors had fused with the semicivilized pop- ulation which spoke the Lingua Geral. 918 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 THE YURUNA Synonyms.—Juruna, Juruina, Juruhuna, Geruna (from the Tupi- Guarani, yuri, “mouth,” plus una, “black’’) ; self-designation and Ship- aya, Yudya (meaning?); in Curuaya, Parawa-wad (parawa, “blue macaw,” plus wad, “people’’) ; in Arara, Paru-podeari (part, “water”) ; in Cayapd, No-irén (no, “water’’). History, territory, and number.—The first reference to this tribe is found in a memorial written by Maciel Parente (1874) in 1626: “. .. the island between the Pacaja branch [of Portel] and the Parnahyba [Xingu] . .. where are situated the provinces of the Pacajaras [Pacaja], Coanaptis [Anapu], Caraguatas [?], and Juru- hunas.” (Lat. 5°-6° S., long. 53° W.) Afterward, during the entire 17th century, we learn only of the more or less vain attempts to reduce the Yuruna to the secular or clerical regime. The chronology of these happenings is, however, very doubtful. An expedition from Sao Paulo descending the Xingi was attacked on one of the islands of the river; only two tame Indians escaped, the rest being killed. An expedition commanded by the Captain-General of Gurupa, Jodo Velho do Valle, composed of 100 musketeers and 3,000 tame Indians, was driven back with heavy losses. In 1655 or 1657, the Jesuits were able to settle two large divisions of the tribe in villages in Maturi (Porto de Moz); this work was, however, interrupted by the first expulsion of the order in 1661. Later (1665?) the Jesuits took some Yuruna and Tacunyapé to the villages of the lower Xingu, but the majority returned to the plains. In 1666 (?), the Yuruna defeated another party. Between 1682 and 1685, the Yuruna and Tacunyapé defeated an expedition of tame Indians and Caravare (Curudya) led by Gongalves Paes de Araujo, inflicting great losses. Then the Yuruna started out in 30 war canoes to attack the civilized population. In 1691 or 1692, the Jesuits failed in an attempt to reopen relations, the Yuruna killing every one sent out to them. According to Father José de Mello Moraes (1860), the Yuruna were settled in four small villages on islands of the Xingt, 30 leagues from its mouth. As he sets the distance between the mouth and the first falls at 40 leagues, the Yuruna were still 10 leagues below those falls. These tribes must have early abandoned this place, however, retreating to above the falls of Volta Grande, where the Jesuits (in the middle of the 18th century?) also had the mission of Anauera or Tauaquéra, a little above present-day Altamira. The missionaries were finally expelled by the Indians, who were dissatisfied with their strictness. During the following 150 years, there is no record of the tribes above Volta Grande, which seem to have been left to themselves, protected by the dangerous falls and by their reputation as ferocious cannibals; as late as 1831, their attacks were feared above Souzel. In 1841, the Vicar of this village, Torquato Antonio de Souza, made a new attempt to establish a mission in Tauaquéra, which, after a few years, seems to have been abandoned. In 1843, the Yuruna, by that time completely tame, were visited by Prince Adalbert of Prussia, guided by Father Torquato. At that time they lived in nine small villages between Tauaquéra and a point 1 hour above Piranhaquara. There was no village in Volta Grande, but the Yuruna paid friendly visits in Souzel and knew a little Tupi-Guarani. Father Torquato reported their number as 2,000, which would average 222 to each village; possibly 200 would come nearer to the truth. In 1859, the Government of the Province of Para initiated again the catechization of the tribes above Volta Grande; however, the first attempt was a failure. At this time the number of Yuruna, in three villages, was calculated at 235. This mission was kept up until about 1880, with, it seems, little success. In a fairly detailed Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 219 report by President Carlos de Araujo Brusque (1863), apparently based on informa- tion given by the missionary, the total number of Yuruna in that year was 250. When Von den Steinen descended the Xing in 1884, this mission was no longer in existence. Two hundred and five Yuruna inhabited five villages between “Pedra Preta” (lat. 4° 40’ S.), above Piranhaquara, and lat. 8° 30’ S., a little below Pedra Seca. These Indians still maintained their independence, and their original culture was almost intact. The civilized population had not yet reached the mouth of the Iriri. When H. Coudreau visited the Xingi in 1896, the situation of the tribe was completely changed. The 150 Yuruna, except for a group which had fled a little beyond Carreira Comprida, had fallen into servitude to the rubber gatherers, whose authority was extended to above the mouth of the Triumph River. Another small group, led by Tuxaua Muratt, lived in Cachoeira Jurucua, in Volta Grande. The two largest groups, working for Raymundo Marques in Pedra Preta and the Gomes Brothers in Caxinguba (lat. 5° 20’ S.) were composed, respectively, of 15 and 30 persons. In 1910, a rubber-plantation owner crossed Carreira Comprida and settled a little below Pedra Seca. The Yuruna refugees there came under his authority, tried to flee upriver, but were pursued with firearms. Later, impelled by poverty and by the attacks of the Cayapd, part of them returned, but in 1916 they once more fled to the upper Xingt never to return. They settled near the mouth of a tributary of the left bank, a little above the Martius Falls, where they were still found in 1928 by G. M. Dyott’s expedition. They number about 30 Indians. Probably there are also survivors in Volta Grande of Tuxd4ua Muratt’s family. THE SHIPAYA Synonyms.—Juaicipoia, Jacipoya, Jacipuyd, Javipuya, Acipoya, Achu- paya, Achipaye, Axipat, Chipaya. Self-designation and Yuruna: Shipay (shipa, bamboo for the arrowheads, plus -i, suffix of the collective plural of persons). In Arara: Chipay. In Cayapd: No-irén (Yuruna). In Kuruaya: Pardwawad (Yuruna). Physically, culturally, and linguistically, the Shipaya are the closest relatives of the Yuruna, being in many respects indistinguishable. History, territory, and number.—The Shipaya (lat. 5° S., long. 55° W.) were first made known to civilization by the Jesuit priest, Roque Hundertpfund, who (in 1750?) went up the Xingi and the “River of the Jurunas” (Iriri), on a preaching tour of the Curibary (Curuaya) and Jacipoya (Shipaya). Whereas the Yuruna had for more than two centuries maintained themselves on a constant defensive against civilized people, the Shipaya had until after 1880 remained quietly in their own region without contacts with the civilized world. Kletke (1857), Brusque, and H. Coudreau mentioned them, but did not visit them. The first scientist to have direct and lengthy contact with them was Emilia Snethlage, in 1909, and especially in 1913. In the latter year she set the total number of Shipaya at several hundred, an estimate perhaps too high, since in 1918 only about 80 individuals were left. Today there may be only about 30, scattered in Largo do Mutum and Pedra do Cupim on the lower Iriri, and, mingled with a few remaining Curuaya, in Gorgulho do Barbado, on the lower Curua, at about lat. 6° 30’ S. From remote times the Shipaya inhabited the islands of the Iriri River, from the mouth of the Curua downstream. They never settled farther up, for fear of Cayapé attacks. Later, about 1885, the Cayapé forced them to evacuate their 653333—47—17 220 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 settlements at the great falls of the Iriri, between lat. 4° 50’ and 5° S. and to take shelter in the Curua, settling in the Gorgulho do Barbado, which they only temporarily abandoned in 1913, after a bloody encounter with the rubber tappers. Since then they have always been divided into two local groups: on the lower Iriri and on the Curua. THE ARUPAI This tribe is only known through information given by other Indians, as it became extinct before direct contact with civilized people. Prince Adalbert von Preussen in 1843 heard of them as enemies of the Yuruna. Brusque’s report (1863) refers to them as Urupaya, and devotes a small chapter to them, which I quote here, since it is the only literature on this tribe. This is a relatively numerous tribe, and although peaceable and relatively free of bad habits, it is extremely distrustful and suspicious in its relations with in- dividuals of other nations. Its habits and customs are the same as those of the Tucunapeuas, with whom they have close bonds of friendship and trade. Since the Tucunapeuas from time to time meet the caravans which go up the Xingu River in search of natural products, it is they who obtain from these caravans objects which they trade to the Urupayas in exchange for canoes, cotton thread, hammocks and chickens. The Tucunapeuas, as intermediates in this trading, charge their neighbors a higher price for the objects they sell them—principally agricul- tural tools and beads highly prized for ornaments. In general Indians as soon as they come into contact with civilized man and learn the use of firearms, do everything in their power to get hold of these. The Urupayas, however, although acquainted with firearms through the Tucunapeuas, are so terrified by them, that they will not go near an armed man. They preserve a tradition from generation to generation about an ancient encounter with men who shot at them, causing a great slaughter, and this has instilled in them a great horror for firearms. They inhabit the most remote islands of the Xingi that anyone knows of. They cultivate manioc, cotton, and uruci. They are graceful, have beautiful bodies, and a beautiful color, and they are clever and industrious. They obey a “tuxaua” (chief) called Juacua. [Brusque, 1863.] Since at that time the Xingt was already known at least as far as the vuth of the Fresco River, the Arupai must have lived still farther up. Approximately, lat. 7° S., long. 53° W.) Also Shipaya tradition places -nem on the Xingu, just above the Yuruna. A Shipaya band, which anciently migrated to the upper Xingu, fought with this tribe. Accord- ing to another tradition, they received a few Shipaya who paid them a riendly visit. Finally, during a feast, they were taken by surprise by ae Yuruna. The men were killed or captured to be eaten afterward; ae women and children were made prisoners. Some escaped upstream, ato the sertao, and were never heard of again. The tribe no longer =xisted when Von den Steinen descended the Xingt in 1884. The name Arupai is derived from Shipaya “arupa” or “aguayé” 66s 99 (Eichhorma sp.) plus “i,” suffix of the collective plural for persons. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 227 THE CURUAYA Synonyms.—K uruaya, Caravare, Curibary, Curuari, Curiveré, Curu- bare, Curabare, Curuahé, Curierai, Curuara, Curuaye, Curiuaye, Curueye, Curiuaia, and Curuaya. Self-designation: Dvyirimdin-id (?). In Shipaya, Kirtwai (kiri, “parokeet,” plus wa, “master,” plus “i,” suffix of the collective plural). In Yuruna, Kiriwéy (idem). In Munduruct, Huiaunyan ; Wiatnen, linguistic variant. History, territory, and number.—Between 1682 and 1685, the “Cara- vares”’ are mentioned for the first time. At that time a certain Goncalves Paes de Araujo, who lived among the tribe, went up the Xingu with a few Portuguese, some tame Indians, and Caravare. The party fell into an ambush of Yuruna and Tacunyapé, who killed one Portuguese, all of the tame Indians, and 30 Caravare. The latter, “showing an insuperable courage and spirit rarely found among savages,” managed to cover the retreat of the Portuguese and to get them back safely to their own lands, although Goncalves Paes was severely wounded. Bettendorf says that the “Curabares”’ spoke the Lingua Geral and had 20 villages in the sertao. An attempt by Father Joao Maria Gersony to settle them down on the Xingu (before 1688?) failed because of the influence of a Portuguese named Manoel Paes (the same as Goncalves Paes?), who employed them in the extraction of cloves (Dicypellium caryophyllatum). After Paes had been killed by the Indians, the Curabare offered to go down by the Tapajoz River. This seems to indicate that they were already at that time established between the Xingu and the Tapajoz, although much farther north than at the end of the 19th century. (Lat. 7° S., long. a5 «6W.) Father Roque Hundertpfund (about 1750) went up the Iriri River on a 9-day preaching tour to the Curibary (Curuaya) and Jacipoya (Shipaya). After a 9-day journey upstream, the priest was still a long way from the mouth of the Curua River, as it takes 18 days of rowing to get to the Curua from the Xingi. This proves again that the Curuaya formerly lived farther to the north. They were mentioned several times during the 19th century, but only through information given by the Yuruna and the Tacunyapé. According to H. Coudreau, who had no direct contact with them, the tribe in 1896 inhabited the forest on the left bank (?) of the Curua River. The traditions of the tribe, however, only mention excur- sions to the west of the Curua, where they had bloody encounters with the Karuziad (Munduruci). The so-called, “Parintintin,’ who until 1883 attacked the Neo- Brazilians of the Jamaxim River, and who as late as 1895 went through the “seringaes’ of the Crepory and Caderiry Rivers, were probably none other than bands of Curuaya.. This would also explain their having objects of civilized origin when they first met the civilized people of the Iriri and Curua Rivers. Beyond a doubt they themselves consider as their own territory the tributaries of the right bank of the Curua River from lat. 6° 30’ S. to 8° 50’ S. (the bayous Curuazinho, Baht, and Flechas), where they were found in the 20th century. When the Shipaya fled from the Cayapé in 1885, retreating to the Curua River, they came into contact with them. By the time E. Snethlage—the only scientist to visit them in their own territory—saw them in 1909 and 1913, they were al- 200 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 ready restricted to the Igarapé da Flecha, and greatly influenced by the Shipaya. In 1913, they had two “malocas” on the bank of the Flecha; a third maloca 12 km. away from the bayou, on the west side; and numbered about 150. In 1919, they numbered about 120 and inhabited, in small groups of one to four houses, the tributaries of the left bank of the upper Igarapé da Flecha, at lat. 8° 30’ S. About a dozen of them lived among the Shipaya on the lower Iriri, and scattered among Neo-Brazilians. Up to this time the Cayapd had respected the Curuaya territory, but from 1918 on they began to extend their incursions to the Curua River, and in 1934 they attacked and scattered the Curuaya. The largest group of the Curuaya took the road from the mouth of the Riozinho do Iriri to the Tapajoz; other groups scattered along the middle Iriri. The remainder, except for a few who stayed on the Iriri, live together with the last of the Shipaya near “Gorgulho do Barbado” on the lower Curuad. In all, there are perhaps less than 30 of them. THE TACUNYAPE Synonyms.—Taconhapé, Tacoyape, Taguanhape, Tacuafape, Tacun- hapé, Taconhapé, Taconhapez, Tucunapeua, Peua. From the Tupi, takunya, “penis,” plus “pe,” péwa, “small and flat.” In Yuruna, Tacun- yapé. In Shipaya, Tacunyapé. In Kuruaya, Eidum, “honey-eater” (eid). History, territory, and number.—In the second half of the 17th century, the west bank of the Xingu above Volta Grande was known as the “side of the Jurunas,”’ and the Iriri as “River of the Jurunas,’ while the east bank was known as the “side of the Taconhapés.” (Lat. 4° S., long. 53° W.) The “River of the Taconhapés” was probably the present Pacaja, a tributary of the Xingu. In 1662-63, the Jesuits first tried to catechize the Tacunyapé, but three-fourths of the Indians who had already descended the river returned to the sertao, be- cause the agreement made with them had not been kept. In 1667, again a number of Yuruna and Tacunyapé were taken down to the Veiros mission, but these, too, soon fled back to their own lands. The third attempt was made, shortly after- ward, it seems, by Father Pedro Poderoso. He traveled up the Xingu for 15 days, and, having passed the painted stones (of Itamaraca Falls), he arrived at the landing place and village of the Tacunyapé, where he was well received. The Indians who had already been taken downstream the first time refused to listen to any arguments, but many of the others followed the priest. Having been ill- treated by the captain-general of Gurupa, however, they returned to the sertao and never turned up again. When, in 1682, Father Antonio da Silva went to the “River of Taconhapés” in order to bring down the tribe of Aracaju, he made no mention of the Tacunyapé. In 1685, they joined with the Yuruna in the attack against Gongalves Paes and his Curuaya, as well as in the subsequent revolt. Father Samuel Fritz’s map (1691) places the Tacunyapé on the right bank of the Xingu, below the “Pacaya River,” under lat. 3° S. In 1692, Father José Maria Gersony once more succeeded in gather- ing together a large number of Indians of various tribes in Veiros, but, again, the intervention of the captain-general of Gurupa destroyed the project, transferring the Indians to Maturii (Porto de Moz) and other places. In the 18th century, the Jesuits succeeded in settling Yuruna and Tacunyapé in the Tacuana (Tauaquéra) mission, a little above present-day Altamira, and in 1762 and 1784 the Tacunyapé are mentioned as among the Indians settled at Portel. That part of the tribe which succeeded in keeping its independence seems to have retreated to the middle of the Curua region; that would also explain their friendship with the Curuaya. Shipaya tradition says that the Tacunyapé joined Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 2923 them on the Iriri, having come from the upper Curua, and settled near them, on an island a little below the mouth of the Rio Novo. Trouble with the Cayapé obliged them to return to their former settlement on the Xingu. There they were defeated in 1842 by the Yuruna, losing 10 men. A year later Prince Adalbert found their village, one day’s journey above Tacuana, abandoned, and was unable to find where the tribe had taken refuge. In 1859, the Tacunyapé reappeared in large numbers (500°), and the Government of Para decided to settle them in a new mission, which was kept up for some 15 to 20 years. In 1863, the fevers preva- lent on the Xingu had reduced them to 150. In 1884, Von den Steinen found 70 individuals, living on an island at lat. 3° 30’ S., and the rest of the tribe in that region became extinct within the next 15 years. In 1894, H. Coudreau still found about 40, but that year the smallpox decimated them, and by the end of the century the rest had succumbed to measles and catarrh. In 1919, the writer became acquainted with a single survivor, who, reared among the Shipaya, had never learned the language of his tribe. The Tacunyapé became extinct without ever having been studied. We have merely scattered references to them in the writings of missionaries and of trav- elers who never stayed among them. Character.—The Tacunyapé were considered the most tractable Indians of the entire region. They received the Jesuits courteously; the chiefs and people went out to meet them and made them sit in beautiful hammocks. They were indus- trious, honest, and intelligent. It is noteworthy that, while other tribes were con- tinually at war one with another, the Tacunyapé were permanently at peace with the Curuaya, Shipaya, Arupai, and Arara. THE ARARA Synonyms.—Apeiaca, Apiacad, Apingui, Pariri. Self-designation: Opinadkém, Opinadkom (?). In Yuruna and Shipaya, Asipd (“prop” or “support,” on account of their tattooing design). In Curuaya, I-ami- tug (1, “their,” plus ambi, “upper lip,” plus tug, “pierced”). In Cayapo, Kubé-nyoe (kubé, “Indian,” plus nyde, “woodpecker [?]”). History, territory, and number.—In 1853, there appeared for the first time on the lower Xingu an unknown wandering tribe which the Neo-Brazilians henceforth called Arara, no one knows why. Ehrenreich without further proof considered them identical with their namesakes in the Madeira region, and even with the Yuma, remnants of which tribe still inhabit the headwaters of the Parana-pixuna, tributary of the right bank of the Purts, at lat. 7° S. The Yuruna informed me that these Indians formerly lived in a bayou, a tribu- tary of the right bank of the Xingu, at the height of Carreira Comprida, perhaps the present-day Igarapé da Fortaleza (lat. 7° 30’ S.). From there they had been dislodged by the Cayapd. The latter, not the Suyd, are the “Autikas”’ to whom the Arara make reference. In 1861 and 1862, these Arara of the Xing&i descended below Volta Grande, where they were in peaceful contact with rubber tappers for some time. At that time they numbered 343, not counting children. In December 1862, they made a surprise attack upon the crews of two canoes of Yuruna, their capital enemies, killing two and wounding others. A short time later they disappeared. In 1884, Von den Steinen saw a captive of this tribe among the Yuruna of the fifth village. At this time the Arara lived in the lands to the west of the Xingt, from the mouth of the Iriri down. The inhabitants of one Arara village, who had lived for a short time with their friends, the Tacunyapé, had died off. 224 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 In 1894, H. Coudreau, too, was unable to find the tribe. About this time the Arara disappeared from the left bank of the Xingu, and gathered at the head- waters of the Curuatinga, main branch of the Curua River, which flows into the Amazon above Santarém, where they were cruelly persecuted by rubber tappers. Perhaps because of these persecutions, they began to work away from the left bank of the lower Iriri. In 1897 they killed six rubber tappers in Nazareth, thereafter disappearing from that bank for good. In 1914 there was still a dwelling with a small clearing of theirs at the headwaters of the Curuatinga. The relations between these Arara and the Shipaya were usually bad, with bloody fights and kidnapping of each other’s children. A short time afterward the few surviving Arara moved upstream on the Iriri, toward the lands on the left bank. In 1917 they vainly tried to make peace with the rubber tappers a little above Sao Francisco. In 1918 vestiges of these Arara were seen on the west bank of the Curua do Iriri, at lat. 7° 30’ S., after which no more was heard of them. Another band of Arara, which numbered about 30 in 1917, settled on the right bank of the Pacaja4 do Xingi River, at lat. 3° 40’ S. They worked for Neo- Brazilians of the Pacaja River, who also used them in warring against the Asurini, as happened twice about 1922, There may possibly be some isolated survivor of this group. There probably is still a small group of Arara on the upper Anapt, whose upper course approaches the Pacaja do Xingu. Western Arara.—tIn 1869, the first bands of this tribe, numbering about 500 persons, appeared peaceably on the western bank of the lower Tocantins, lat. 3° S., and were followed by other smaller groups. They seemed to live to the west of the Trocara Mountains. “Authorities” identified them as Miranya or Apiacd. In 1873, Bishop D. Macedo Costa took some of them to the capital. In 1889, Ehrenreich observed some of the survivors who were scattered through the settlements along the left bank of the Tocantins, almost as far as Cameta. In 1896, Ignacio Moura mentions a Captain Peter of this tribe, with his family, who served as a guide in official prosecutions of hostile Indians. He is probably the same man H. Coudreau saw the following year, who lived with from 12 to 15 individuals in the Igarapé Ararinha, a little below Breu Branco. Coudreau calls these Indians Anembé, but the tattoo he describes and the name of the chief make it seem probable that they were Arara. To- day none are left. In 1910 or 1911, another band of Arara Indians appeared under the name Pariri. They were fleeing from the Paracand, a tribe probably of Tupi speech living between the tributaries of the Tocantins and the Pacaja de Portel, from Cachoeira Grande on upstream. The Pariri had settled on the Iriuana, a tributary of the left bank of the Pacaja de Portel. | As the Paracandé attacks did not let up, the rest of the tribe was obliged to take refuge with the Neo-Brazilians of the region. In 1926 there were still a half dozen of them; in 1932, there remained only a boy and a girl in the last stages of tuberculosis. There is probably still another band of Arara on the Pacajahy River, tributary of the left bank of the upper Pacaja de Portel. The Pariri : Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 295 called them Timirém or Cimirem (red). In 1913 or a little earlier, they came into brief contact with some rubber tappers, after which nothing more was ever heard of them. THE ASURINI Synonyms.—Asurini (from the Yuruna, asdneri, “red”), Assurini, Assurinikin. In Yuruna, Surini. In Shipaya, Adyi kaporuri-ri (adyi, “savage,” plus kaporuri, “red,” kaporuri-ri, “very red”). In Curuaya, Nupdnu-pag (nupanu, “Indian,” plus pag, “red’”). In Arara, Nerimd (?). In Cayapo, Kubé-kamreg-ti (kubé, “Indian,” plus kamrég, “red,” plus ti, “augmentative”). Territory, history, and number.—The Asurini appear for the first time in 1894, when they attacked a Neo-Brazilian at Praia Grande, above the mouth of the Pacaja do Xingu. In 1896 they twice attacked passing canoes in Passahy (lat. 3° 40’ S.) and again at Praia Grande. In that year an armed band of 30, among them the Tacunyapé chief, Ambrosio, pursued the attackers, but did not dare to attack their village. Not long after this event Ambrosio was killed and torn to pieces by the Asurini. By that time they were known to have settled between the Xingu and its tributary, the Pacaja. Toward the south they reached the boundary of Morro Grande (lat. 5° S.), with their principal village in the Igarapé Ipixuna (lat. 4° 40’ S.), 5 days above its mouth. From then till the present, the Asurini have remained absolutely inacessible, almost annually attacking whatever rubber tappers venture into their territory. By 1917 their attacks on the right bank of the Xingu had almost completely ceased, but their hostilities against the civilized population of the Pacaja had increased. About 1922, the latter twice furnished the Arara with arms and munitions for a war of extermination against the Asurini, but with doubtful success. At least part of the Assurini remained at the head- waters of the Branco River, tributary of the left bank of the Pacaja (lat. 4° S., more or less), and in 1932 they killed a Neo-Brazilian well beyond the former limits of their territory, at the mouth of the Igarapé de Bom Jarbim (lat. 5° 30’ S.). In 1936, the Gérotire-Cayapd, in their northward expansion, attacked and de- feated the Asurini, as proved by the great number of Asurini arrows and orna- ments in their possession when, a year later, they made peace with the Neo- Brazilians. Survivors probably still exist today between the Xing and Pacaja and preserve their hostile attitude. The truth of the matter is that until today no one has tried to pacify them. H. Coudreau learned that the Asurini were known as “Deer Indians” on the Tocantins, where they were peaceable, whereas those on the Xingu were hostile. However, nobody ever heard of a tribe of that name on the Tocantins—not even Coudreau himself, when surveying that river in 1897. The erroneously named “Asurini” of the lower Tocantins are Paracand, who, since about 1926, have plagued Neo-Brazilians on the left bank, between lat. 3° S. and 3° 40’ S. Father Wilhelm Schmidt’s guess that they are a Carajd subtribe is inadmissible. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES In clearings along the river, the Yuruna and Shipaya raised manioc, maize, potatoes, cara, bananas, sugarcane, cotton, pepper, tobacco, gourds, 996 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 uruct, and genipa. From the manioc they made fermented flour toasted in clay ovens set on three stones. According to Emilia Snethlage, the Curuaya cultivated chiefly bananas, manioc, and other tubers in clearings hidden in the forest far from their homes. When visiting the Tacunyapé, Father Pedro Poderoso was given roasted ears of maize, Brazil nuts, and cakes of pounded maize which had been wrapped in leaves and cooked under hot ashes. The Tacunyapé cultivated manioc and cotton. The Asurini also were farmers. The Arara were less clearly horticultural. After their defeat and dis- persal by the Cayapd, they became nomadic for some time, with unfavorable consequences to their material culture, which originally may well have been of a higher type before contact with Neo-Brazilians. When the Arara first appeared on the Tocantins River, turtles formed their only medium of exchange; Neo-Brazilians, therefore, deny that they had any knowledge of farming. Perhaps some of the bands had really given up planting altogether, but at the headwaters of the Curua do Norte was found one of their farm clearings; moreover, they owned objects made of cotton and, like their congeners both north and south of the Amazon, they had words for “maize,” “tobacco,” “potatoes,” “manioc,” and “beijt.” Hunting and gathering were more important to the Curuaya than to the Shipaya but fishing was less important. The Curuaya fished with a drug made from a liana. The Yuruna, though expert canoemen, did little fishing and, dreading to go inland, did little hunting. The Shipaya say that 10- or 12-year old Tacunyapé boys were expert hunters, never in danger of becoming lost in the forest. Caimans and turtles were major foods of the Curuaya. For the Yuruna, “tracajas” (a turtle species) and their eggs, even when containing em- bryos, were an important food. Other foods included various wild roots and Brazil nuts (Bertholletia excelsa). The Yuruna also collected the “uauacu” nut (Orbignya speciosa). The Curuaya had great skill in ob- taining wild honey. The Yuruna and Shipaya cooked in pots set on three stones over the fire. They cooked fish without first cleaning it. Utensils included pots, gourds, cylindrical wooden mortars, which sometimes had a separate conic- al base, a pestle with a head on each end, large canoe-shaped wooden vessels, and spatulate bases of “anaja” palm leaves (Masximiliana regia) used as basins. They ate together, everyone sitting around the gourd which held manioc flour and the pot in which fish, hot with pepper, had been cooked. The only domesticated animals possessed by the Yuruna were dogs and chickens. In Von den Steinen’s time, 1884, they were not yet in the habit of eating either chickens or eggs. In their huts the Yuruna kept a great number of wild fowls and animals. 99 66 99 66 Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 227 DWELLINGS AND VILLAGES Constant fear of being attacked by the Cayapo and other hostile tribes forced the Yuruna to build their dwellings almost exclusively on the rocky islets of the rapids, where they were safe from the Cayapd, who had no skill in handling canoes. In 1843, the largest Yuruna village consisted of six dwellings. In 1884, the seven different villages had eight, two, seven, three, one, three, and two dwellings, respectively. The Shipaya had an even stronger tendency to isolate their dwellings and, although houses were sometimes quite near one another, more than two were never built in the same place. The Shipaya of the Curua River inhabited the right bank, which up to 1918 had not yet been invaded by the Cayapd. On the Iriri River their houses were mostly built on the rocky islands among the rapids and only exceptionally on the solid ground of the left bank, which was less exposed to Cayapo attacks than the right bank. The Tacunyapé seem originally to have been a forest- not a river-dwelling people, but after their return from the Iriri to the Xingu River they, like the Yuruna, Shipaya, and Arupai, began to live on the islands. The Curuaya of the 17th century were known as forest dwellers. In contrast to the Yuruna and Shipaya, genuine boatmen who never strayed far from the islands and banks of the Xingu and Iriri Rivers, the Curuaya avoided the banks of the large rivers. The central maloca visited by Emilia Snethlage in 1913 consisted of five houses, grouped irregularly around an open yard. The typical Asurini house was a long, rectangular, tent-shaped structure without side walls; one found at the headwaters of the Branco River was 180 palmos, i.e., 128 feet (39.4 m.) in length. The Yuruna had two principal types of dwellings. One type had a rectangular or square gable roof, the rafters being set right on the ground and curved toward the top. Details are lacking. The other type was a rec- tangular hut, the roof of which came close to the ground, with ridge pole and perpendicular walls. The first of these dwellings was probably the original type. The roof was well-made with “uauagu’” or “‘anaja” palm grass, The largest house visited by Von den Steinen measured 24 by 24 m. (78 by 78 ft.), and 6 m. (20 ft.) in height; others were only 2 by 4m. (6% by 13 ft.). Inside there was always a sort of loft, formed by a scaffolding of poles, to store food supplies, weapons, and utensils. Some- times this scaffolding hung from the roof. Shipaya dwellings were similar to those of the Yuruna, In 1913, Snethlage found the remains of a big, oval-shaped “‘maloca.” The Tacun- yapé house Von den Steinen saw in 1884 was “in Yuruna style.” The original Curuaya house seems to have been elliptical, with a row of cen- tral posts and two lateral rows on either side, decreasing in height. There seems not to have been any space between the walls and roof; flexible rafters covered with straw gave the houses the look of “long hayricks 998 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 rounded at the top,” in Snethlage’s description. At each end was a door closed with a rush mat. Yurana, Shipaya, and Asurini household furniture consisted of benches cut out of one piece of wood (fig. 25), with a circular or oval seat and two sides forming legs, mats woven of palm leaves, baskets with oval Goeldi, Belém.) lids made of “uauagu” fiber, and cotton hammocks in which the Indians slept at night and sat during the day. The Arara north of the middle Iriri River in 1917 made palm-fiber hammocks. Curuaya dwellings were not very clean, and all their utensils were dirty and carelessly made. Their hammocks were small and made of palm fibers; the technique used is not known, but they were not woven. Their benches were crudely made and painted. Prince Adalbert speaks highly of the order and cleanliness of Yuruna dwellings. DRESS AND ADORNMENT When still entirely free, Arara men and women were completely naked. In 1913, the Curuaya of the central malocas still were naked, but those of the river malocas dressed like the Shipaya, that is, men wore a belt of glass beads and covered the prepuce with a straw sheath, while women wore a woven loincloth. Yuruna and Shipaya women wrapped lengths of woven gray cloth around their waists; these were open on one side and reached almost to their ankles. Von den Steinen’s prints show some women also wearing a kind of cape with wide stripes, apparently made the same way. Besides a belt, which seems originally to have been of cotton, men wore only the truncate cone of dry “uauacu” fiber of the Cayapo and Bororo type which covers the male organs. This was the Yuruna style in 1884; 12 years later, their dress was more or less Neo- Brazilian (Coudreau, H, 1897 c). Tacunyapé women in 1884 were wearing aprons of material bought from civilized people. Yuruna, Shipaya, and Curuaya men’s hair hung loose almost to their waist, except when women parted it for them, making a pigtail which they tied with a gray twist of fibers. On their foreheads, where the hair-part started, there was a small circular red spot made with the pollen Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 229 of sororoca (Ravenala guianensis). The Curuaya often wore bangs. The women also parted their hair in the middle, allowing it to hang loose behind or tying it in a loose knot. The Arara wore their hair, which was brown and wavy, long behind; women’s braids often reached their knees. The Asurini cut their hair ear-length. These tribes combed their hair with small one-sided combs made from stems. The Yuruna made beautiful headdresses of green feathers and diadems of parrot and macaw feathers covered with small black feathers at the base. The feathers were fastened between two bamboo hoops held to- gether by an elastic net about an inch wide. The Shipaya and Curuaya made men’s diadems of cotton ribbons with feathers, sometimes fastened to straw hoops; those of braided straw in the shape of a hat brim with a tail of feathers or straw were used by both sexes. The Gérotire-Cayapo, a Ge tribe (Handbook, vol. 1) were found to have feather ornaments taken from the Asurini: beautiful diadems made of various overlapping tiers of feathers mounted on cotton ribbons. Yuruna men wore cotton bands 2 to 2% inches (5 to 6 cm.) wide around their upper arms and ankles; these were crocheted on by women. At festivals, the anklets were often of beads. Narrower bands were also worn by men just below the knees. Boys and men wore a very tight beaded belt, preferably blue, from 4 to 6 inches (10 to 16cm.) wide. Both sexes from early childhood wore strings of heavy beads around their necks and bandoleer-style, crossing in front and behind. Necklaces were made of worked peccary teeth. The Shipaya and Curuaya made similar bead ornaments, but showed more artistry in embroidering armbands and forehead bands with beads. In 1913, the Curuaya, owing to their rel- ative isolation, still wore more seed and nut than bead necklaces. Arara ornaments in the museum at Para include: A diadem of parrot and jap feathers, the base of which is covered with small feathers; a braided cotton forehead band with small red feathers ending in two long strings; necklaces of black seeds and bones; a pair of cotton arm bands; a pair of bracelets of armadillo tail; and a necklace of armadillo claws. The Yuruna and Tacunyapé anointed their bodies with a vegetable oil for protection against mosquitoes. They kept the oil in small round gourds decorated with painted or engraved maze designs. Asurini war- riors stain their bodies with uruci, whence their tribal name. The Yuruna, Arara, Pariri, and Shipaya, but not the Curuaya, tattooed the face. Until 1843 one could observe the characteristic Yuruna tattoo- ing to which this tribe owed its name in the Lingua Geral. Both men and women made a black, vertical line down the middle of the face, from the roots of the hair to the chin, and running around the mouth. This tattooing was made by incising with animal teeth and rubbing in genipa stain, the person’s social importance being indicated by the width of the 230 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 stripe. According to André de Barros, the chiefs’ faces were all black; Mello Moraes says that the “most distinguished” persons generally had three stripes, the lateral ones being narrower. The width of the middle stripe is given as from 1¥%4 to 24 inches (3.8 to 7 cm.) by various authors. The tattooing was usually done in childhood. The Shipaya had ceased to tattoo before permanent contact with Neo-Brazilians. The Arara tattooed at puberty with genipa, making two vertical lines from the eye down to the curve of the lower jaw. The Pariri tattooed with charcoal of rubber. Yuruna men and Shipaya and Curuaya men and women pierced their ear lobes. Ordinarily, they wore nothing in their ears but for festivals they inserted a long red macaw tail feather, with small feathers hanging from its point and surrounding the base. These feathers were kept in tubes trimmed with small “mutum” feathers. The Arara pierced the nasal septum as well as the earlobe. Curuaya women wore a stone tembeta in the lower lip. TRANSPORTATION The Yuruna and Shipaya “uba’’ canoes are well adapted to the rough water of the rapids. They are made of hewn cedar logs, usually hollowed out by means of fire. The cross section is U-shaped, and there is a sort of rectangular platform at bow and stern. Von den Steinen gives the follow- ing dimensions of a Yuruna canoe: Length, 30 feet (10.6 m.) ; maximum width, 3 feet (95 cm.) ; depth, 1%4 feet (39 cm.) ; thickness, 1 inch (25 mm.) ; platform at the bow, 1 foot 10 inches by 1 foot 5 inches (57 by 44 cm.) ; platform at the stern, 3% by 3 feet (1 by 0.9 m.). (Steinen got the measurements of the platforms reversed!). These canoes can easily carry 10 people without baggage. They usually have an awning of rush mats from the middle to the rear, fastened to arched poles. The boats are punted by means of poles and steered by a paddle about 4% feet (1.45 m.) long. The handle of the paddle, which ends in a somewhat convex cross bar, measures 2 feet (62 cm.) ; the blade widens toward the blunt end, and sometimes bears the painted maze design. It seems established that the Arara had no form of canoe when first met. They lived on and roamed over dry land, only exceptionally appearing on the banks of the great rivers. The Asurini also lacked canoes. The Curuaya, living in the heart of the forests, paid little attention to boating. Their original canoe was made of jutahy bark. Later, they made this type only in emergency and constructed crude imitations of the Shipaya masterpieces. Among devices for land transportation, the Museum at Para has an Arara carrying bag of interlaced cords made of palm fibers. MANUFACTURES Weaving.—Since the Jesuit period, Yuruna women have been famous for their skill in spinning cotton “as fine as hair.” They wove hammocks Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 231 on bamboo frames, measuring 614 by 934 feet (2 by 3 m.). Two threads guided by a little piece of wood were passed horizontally through the vertical threads of the warp; the weaving technique is not clearly described but the product was unquestionably cloth. In order to tighten or separate the horizontal threads, they used a small toothed wooden instrument. Pottery.—Vuruna pottery was simple (fig. 26, b, d), without painted or plastic decorations, except for the occasional addition of two small excrescences on diametrically opposite sides of the vessel edge. The principal form, used to hold water and fermented drinks, is a round jar with a short neck. Shipaya ceramics are coarser than those of the Yurwna. d J. Angling Figure 26.—Pottery from the lower Xingu. a, Arara; b, d, Yuruna; c, Curuaya. (All 2/9 actual size.) (Drawn from specimens, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém, and Nimuendaji and Snethlage collections. ) Huge vessels 214 feet (69 cm.) in diameter and equally high are used for fermented drinks. Exceptional pots were painted inside and outside. Curuaya pots resemble those of neighboring tribes, but the ware is inferior and vessels are small and plain. The characteristic form is a small, globular jar (fig. 26, c), apparently made in imitation of the capsule of the Brazil-nut tree. Arara pottery is very crude (fig. 26, a). Miscellaneous.—The Shipaya made “half-gourds” (cuias) from the cuieté and Lagenaria. These are painted black inside and outside and sometimes have maze designs. The decorations are sometimes incised on the shell of the green fruit. Other containers include an Arara vessel for dye made of the dorsal carapace of a turtle and a rectangular palm-straw basket with a lid and upright sides. 932 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The Yuruna made candles of little wooden sticks wrapped in cotton and soaked in oil. was known only to the Shipaya and to the Asurini (fig. 27, c). The Shipaya attached a short cylindrical club to the wrist by means of a loop. A club of ye ae °F Se ee Stairs ee ae Cc ‘Ik Ficure 27.—Asurini weapons. a, Bow; b, hafted stone ax; c, wooden club. (uiawu from specimens, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém, and Estevao collection.) M sje the Asurini in the Para Museum is 234 feet (85 cm.) long, the handle covered with fibers of two colors interwoven with little skill, the end rounded and flattened, the blade 3 inches (8.5 cm.) wide by 1 inch (2.5 cm.) thick, and both edges cut. The blade is slightly curved, almost like a machete. The cudgels found in the possession of the Yuruna were apparently of Cayapo origin. The Yuruna bow was of black wood, rectangular in cross section, over 614 feet (2 m.) long, and notched at the ends to hold the cord. Curuaya and Shipaya bows were similar. The Arara made powerful bows 4% feet (1.3 m.) long with a flattened elliptical cross section about 114 inches (4 em.) wide. Asurini bows (fig. 27, a) in the C. Estevao Collection in Para are made of paxiuba palm, 5% to 5% feet (1.62 to 1.67 m.) long. They are distinguishable from all other South American bows by their exaggerated width, 2% to 3 inches (6 to 7 cm.) ; the maximum thickness is %4 inch (1 cm.). The ends are notched to hold the cord, one end of which has a ring to slip over the lower tip of the bow. The upper half or third of the bow is almost always wound with dark and white cotton threads, while the lower part is sometimes covered with hawk down glued on. Yuruna, Curuaya, and Shipaya arrows are made of camayuva (Guadua sp.) and have bridged feathering. The Asurini and Arara used sewed feathering. The most common point is a lanceolate blade of bamboo or bone. Asurini arrows in the C. Estevao collection range from 4 feet 1 Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 233 inch to 5 feet 1 inch (125 to 157 cm.) in length. The shaft is of camayuva; the heads are: (a) of bamboo, 1 foot (32 cm.) long by 1% inches (4 cm.) wide; (b) of bone, 6 inches (15 cm.) long by 34 inch (1.6 cm.) wide, with a lateral barb; (c) of wood, imitating (a) and (b), or of square or tri- angular cross section; (d) with four sharp wooden points. The feathering is sewed. The feathers, usually a hawk and a macaw feather, are very long, up to 1% feet (40 cm.). The point where they are tied on is sometimes decorated with four overlapping rows of short feathers, glued on, three rows of yellow feathers, one row of red. The shaft of the arrow, in the space between the vanes, is sometimes covered with an interweaving of very fine black and white fibers or cotton threads of two colors with an equally ornamental effect. Some arrows have a “tucuma” nut inserted at the point where the head is fastened into the shaft. This nut makes no sound and apparently serves only to keep the arrow from penetrating too far. The Shipaya used a fish arrow having a long cylindrical point of paxiuba palm wood and an incendiary war arrow with a piece of jutahy resin in the slit end. The Arara used a lance with a long bamboo point. An Arara ax which I observed in 1917 north of the middle Iriri River had a stone head, with only the cutting edge polished. The head was held in a cavity in the thickest part of a wooden handle by means of wax and string lashing. A similar Asurini ax in the Pard museum has the head fitted so nicely into the cavity that an adhesive and lashing are unnecessary (fig. 27, b). The Arara made a chisel of a hafted agouti tooth. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION In 1913, the Curuaya still had a village chief, although an intelligent in- terpreter who had a monopoly on their communication with Neo-Brazil- ians enjoyed much greater prestige. Emilia Snethlage believes that chief- tainship originally passed from father to son. By 1913, the Curuaya were becoming rubber collectors; by 1919, they were mere serfs of a Neo- Brazilian boss. A certain solidarity united the Shipaya as against other tribes, but there was no tribal organization. From the beginning of the 20th century they seem no longer to have had chiefs (i-ama; i, reverential prefix) and noth- ing is known of their ancient functions. On war expeditions an experi- enced man was chosen ad hoc to take command. The Yuruna were divided into villages, each composed of a number of families (patrilineal?). A comparison of Von den Steinen’s and H. Coudreau’s data indicates that these families or communal households were probably relatively stable. Chieftaincy descended from father to son ; the war leader, however, was not the village chief but a medicine man. 234 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1438 Until shortly before Von den Steinen’s expedition there seems to have been a supreme chief of the tribe, who lived at Piranhaquara. Among the Shipaya, monogamy is the rule; bigamy a rare exception. Divorce is uncommon. The couples usually live in perfect harmony and treat each other on equal terms. Both men and women participate in religious ceremonies. Children are treated with an almost exaggerated tenderness, and are rarely given away to civilized people. Infanticide is considered a sin that provokes the anger of the god Kumapari, who ex- pressly forbade it. Formerly, there existed a relationship of solidarity very formally entered into by two individuals, maitumas, of their own free will. The alliance was sealed at the time of the zetabia ceremony in front of Kumapari’s statue. The two maitumas were never to quarrel, should converse with each other respectfully, and should help each other during the remainder of their lives. As long as the Shipaya kept their identity as a tribe, they were known for their honesty. Among the Yuruna, polygyny (of the chiefs?) was practiced, a man having up to three wives. Since the 17th century, the Yuruna have been proverbially jealous of their wives; the uprising of 1666 was due to the abuses of the chief of the expedition in this respect. Von den Steinen noted the harmony prevailing between spouses. Parental love is proved by the breaking of relations with the mission when the missionary sent some children as hostages to Belém. One day Von den Steinen’s expedi- tion had to stop and camp long before the scheduled hour in order to prepare the food for the Yuruna guide’s little daughter, who was feeling hungry. Naughty children were not beaten, but their parents treated them with ostentatious contempt until they mended their ways. Von den Steinen observed that on a canoe trip a father left his disobedient little daughter at the edge of the river, forcing her for a while to follow the canoe on foot with great difficulty. The old reports describe the Yuruna as brave and warlike, and both sexes as hard workers. The women spun and toasted flour even during drinking sprees. Brusque’s record (1863), however, calls them lazy, indolent, and thievish. Von den Steinen found them affable, given to laughter, not thievish, and willing to help with the work. He observed the weeping salutation which lasted about a minute and did not provoke tears. When subsequently talking to the host, the visitor stood beside him without looking at him, but staring straight into space. Visitors announced their arrival by blowing a horn. Among the Curuaya, monogamy was the rule; bigamy was rare, accord- ing to Emilia Snethlage, chiefly because of poverty and the lack of women, although polygyny was the theoretical ideal. Families are ap- parently patrilineal. There were indications of the couvade. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 935 WARFARE There are no reports of intratribal conflict, but all these peoples were intermittently at war with their neighbors, though the Shipaya and Arara remained at peace with the Tacunyapé. In the 17th century, the Curuaya are mentioned as enemies of the Yuruna and Tacunyapé; in 1843, as enemies of the Yuruna, Shipaya, and Piapdy. The Asurini and Ta- cunyapé were at war recently. The implacable enemy of all these tribes was the Northern Cayapd, who, during the 18th century, made the Yuruna seek shelter in the rocky islands of the rivers and cut off all com- munications between the Yuruna and the tribes of the upper Xingu River until the beginning of the 20th century. We have already seen how the Curuaya succumbed to the Cayapé in 1934. The Shipaya had also been constantly menaced by the Cayapé and earlier by the Mundu- rucw and the now extinct Piapdy. The Shipaya had been alternately at peace and at war with the Yuruna, Arupai, Curuaya, and Arara but finally effected an alliance with the Yuruna and Curuaya, and, despite occasional flare-ups, intermarried and lived together with them. When at peace with the Yuruna, Shipaya groups sometimes settled among them on the Xingu. Von den Steinen’s vocabulary of the language of the “upper” Yuruna is almost pure Shipaya, and Coudreau’s map shows an old Shipaya maloca near that of the Yuruna of Jurucua Falls at Volta Grande. The Tacunyapé were never at peace with the Cayapd. The Cayapo, while pursuing the Shipaya, attacked them at the time when they lived on the Iriri, and a Tacunyapé raid against their assailants failed. A strange episode is told about this expedition; the chief of the Tacunyapé, mortally wounded by an arrow, requested that one of his warriors divide his body at the waistline with a big knife, so as to have to carry only the upper part of his body in the retreat to their village, leaving the nether part on the battlefield. Cannibalism.—Since the 17th century, the Yuruna have been accused of cannibalism, and the 18th-century Shipaya were known as cannibals. The other tribes did not eat human flesh. Father Joao Daniel, whose tendency to exaggerate makes him an un- trustworthy witness, states that the Yuruna kept human fat in kettles for seasoning their food. He also cites cases of these Indians killing people in order to prepare provisions for a trip. The writer also doubts some stories told by the Shipaya about such customs of the Yuruna. It is probable, however, that cannibalism really existed among the Yuruna, more or less under the same conditions as among the Shipaya. Father Joao Daniel (around 1750) called the Shipaya “warlike, cruel, and cannibalistic as these Yuruna,’ and doubtless before closer contact with Neo-Brazilians (around 1885), they were cannibals. Their last vic- 653333—47—18 936 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 tims may have been the Cayapé during the conflicts which resulted in the abandonment of the tribal dwellings on the middle Iriri. (See above.) Except for a few cases where vengeance was the motive, cannibalism al- ways took the form of a sort of communion with their national god, Kuma- pari, now transformed into the jaguar with an avowed man-eating pro- pensity. Through his medicine man, he used to manifest his desire to eat the flesh of the Shipaya’s enemy. The tribe then organized an expedition against one of the hostile tribes, the main purpose being to take one of its members alive. The prisoner was taken to the maloca, where he was very well treated. Beverages were prepared, and after the guests had arrived, the prisoner was killed by arrows in the yard, then scalded, quartered, and the pieces cooked or roasted on a rustic grill (moquém). A large pot full of human flesh and drink was then covered with rush mats and placed near the caves for Kumfpari. Of those attending the feast “whoever wished” also ate of the enemy’s meat. The killer was not subject to the purification prescribed for nonritual killing. War trophies.—Trophy taking was more common than cannibalism. The Yuruna kept the skulls of their slain enemies. In the uprising of 1686, “they carried as a standard the head of a certain Sergeant Antonio Rodrigues, whom they had killed.” Sometimes these skulls served as resonators for their war trumpets. They made flutes of the enemies’ bones and used the teeth to decorate their ear lobes. The Shipaya decapitated a slain foe, carefully picked the flesh from the skull, fastened the maxillary on with wax, and filled the orbits with wax, placing small bone disks in their centers. The killer hung the trophy in a basket from the ridge pole of his dwelling. He extracted the teeth and made them into necklaces for himself and wife or used them to decorate earplugs. The Arara took the following trophies: The scalp (fig. 28, c), including the ears, stretched in a hoop; the skin of the face (fig. 28, b), similarly stretched and trimmed with tassels of beads, with a loop of beads for hanging; the skull (fig. 28, a), cleaned and decorated with two macaw tail feathers inserted behind the zygomata and with cotton fluff; and the teeth made into necklaces (fig. 28, d). It is reported that they stripped off the entire skin of one of their dead enemies. The Curuaya took trophy heads. In 1919, they told me that they had carefully preserved the skulls of the Shipaya killed in their last conflict with them, and that until recently they had danced with them. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Drinking festivals—The Yuruwna attached great importance to a drink, malicha, made from manioc, fermentation of which was produced by women chewing part of the mass. Sometimes bananas were added. It was allowed to ferment in a canoe set up in the festival house and covered with banana leaves. Drinking parties often lasted for days. During such Vol. 83] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 237 A} Anglin Ficure 28.—Arara trophies. a, Skull, ornamented; b, skin of human face with open mouth; c, human scalp; d, human-tooth necklace. (Drawn from specimens, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém.) 938 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 an occasion, Von den Steinen saw a gaudily adorned personage who al- ternately played the pari-tadada and sang, and also served drinks to the others. The Yuruna are not quarrelsome when they drink; they sing and talk to themselves, walking up and down, and pay no attention to one another. From early times, the Shipaya too were considered heavy drinkers. At any celebration, even a religious one, enormous quantities of fermented drink were never lacking. The Shipaya never became belligerently drunk, but behaved like the Yuruna. After contact with Neo-Brazilians, how- ever, they became sadly addicted to rum. The Curuaya were also pas- sionately fond of fermented drinks. The Yuruna smoked tobacco in cigarettes rolled in the thin skin of the tauri (Couratari sp.). Musical instruments.—Curuaya musical instruments include small panpipes, bone flutes, and two kinds of the “toré” clarinet. Yuruna musical instruments were: The gourd rattle (maraca), with a plume of macaw tail feathers at the tip; a signaling horn made of a gourd; a horn of thick bamboo with lateral opening for blowing and with loops and tassels of feathers ; the same with sounding box made of a gourd or a human skull; small panpipes; a bone flute; Von den Steinen’s “bas- soon,” perhaps corresponding to the Shipaya “takari” (Karl G. Iziko- witz’s “toré clarinet”) ; a great wooden trumpet (pari-tadada) used at drinking sprees with lateral opening for blowing and a bamboo reed from 5.7 to 6.1 feet (175 to 187 cm.) in length. Shipaya dancing and music were always linked. Some dances imitated certain animals in pantomime. During their sprees, they would walk up and down in pairs or alone, singing and playing the flute with an unearthly din. Besides the large flutes for the “zetabia” ceremony and the whistles for the dance of souls, the Shipaya had the same instruments as the Yaruna: a bone flute, panpipes, a signal horn, a large conical wooden trumpet, painted with the maze design (pari-tadada), a small four-holed flute, and the “takari.” This last requires four players, for it has a scale of four notes and each player has only one note to play. The melody results from each player’s playing his note as required. The quartette forms a circle, each person holding the “takari” with his right hand, and placing his left on his neighbor’s shoulder. While playing, they slowly move round and round. The gourd rattle, identical with the Yuruna form, is also used only by the medicine man. Art.—The Yaruna and Shipaya (fig. 29) used the maze design on their engraved gourds, but the former did not paint it on their bodies with genipa, generally limiting themselves to stripes on their forearms and legs, Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 939 so that, artistically, body decoration was much inferior to that of the Shipaya. Yuruna artists were generally women. There are numberless variations of the maze motif with which they cover objects and especially the body. Frequently, these body designs, used on festive occasions, are so fine and intricate that they can only be seen at close range. Besides the maze motif, there are also curvilinear patterns. The most important Shipaya sculptural products, statues of mythological personages, do not show great development in this type of work. Little figures of armadillos and other animals are carved from a palm nut (Bactris sp.) and made into necklaces. Wooden spoons sometimes appear in artistic and original forms, the handle ending in the form of a clenched Cae MN apne sl anew Nf eft in spe aie svellgua a = | | re Sr a2 Sa Krewe Figure 29.—Shipaya painted decorations, (Drawn from sketch by Curt Nimuendaji.) J. Ansliny 940 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 fist, etc. In 1896, H. Coudreau found in an abandoned Shipaya tribal house a number of small carved, wooden figures representing animals, a canoe, and other objects. These were well done. (See figs. 30, a, d, f; 31, for similar Yuruna specimens. ). ay NS hay } cee er Ta Wes nie ia ij i Ns ill ‘y TA, DBD ile j f J. Anglin Ficure 30.—Lower Xingt wood carvings and manufactures. a, d, f, Yuruna carved toys (?); b, c, Yuruna and Arara wood and cord combs; e, Ywruna carding comb. (Drawn from specimens, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém.) Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 241 Figure 31.—Yuruna carved wooden toys (?). (Drawn from specimens, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém.) RELIGION AND SHAMANISM The principal figure in Shipaya religion is the god Kumapari, son of another god of the same name, and father of Kunyarima, whose uterine brother was Arubiata. Kumapari stole fire from the tapir hawk and created man from arrow-reeds, making the Shipaya first of all, whence his title of Sekarika (Our Creator). The brothers carry out a series of diffi- cult tasks, by order of Kumapari, who in these episodes bears the title Marusawa (Tupi: morubisawa, “chief?”). In these adventures Kun- yarima gives proof of intelligence and courage, while Arubiata tries in vain to imitate him, always failing and saved only through his brother’s intervention. Kuméapari, angry with all men, goes away down the Xingu, to the north, where, at the end of the world, sky and earth meet. At first of human shape, he now has the form of an old jaguar. He has turned into the god of war and cannibalism, and is the object of a real cult. Con- secrated to Kumapari were: medicine men to whom he would directly manifest himself; their helpers; and the god’s wives, who never married men and had certain religious duties. Sometimes Kumapari or the two brothers ordered statues (upasi) to be made: cylindrical posts with human heads carved and painted on them by the demon’s wives. A ceremony (zetabia) would take place in front of the statues with two large flutes of thick bamboo, held by these women. Among the many other gods or spirits of the earth and sky, the most important are the terrible Apu-sipaya (Jaguar of Heaven), the aquatic demon, Pai, and the Great Snake, Tobi, from whose ashes sprang all cultivated plants. Respect for these spirits, the help they can give men, and fear of their anger and malevolence constitute, together with magic and the worship of souls, Shipaya supernaturalism. The soul is composed of two parts: the 4wa, which after death turns into a specter that frightens but does not kill people; and the isawi, which 949, SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 inhabits certain large rocks or hills inside which it lives a life similar to that of the living. Jointly, all the isawi are called i-anai (i, reverential prefix, plus ana, plus i, suffix of the collective plural). From time to time, the i-andi again desire to be among the living and advise the medicine man, who then orders an i-anai karia (feast of the souls of the dead). The ceremonies only take place at night and last 8 or more nights. One by one, the souls enter the medicine man in order to dance and drink with the living. The medicine man appears from the interior of a dark house bringing the jugs of fermented drink, which are wrapped up closely in a rectangular cape of heavy coarse cotton, woven in the “double thread” technique. These threads are covered with cotton- wool, so that the cape resembles a sheep’s fleece. The cape is fastened to a hoop worn on the head, and from which hang thick black fringes hiding the wearer’s face. A wreath of parrot feathers decorates the head, and the bottom of the cape is bordered with wing and tail feathers of the mutum, which touch the ground. The wearer is completely covered, suggesting a white pillar. The soul is summoned with shouts and the music of two flutes, a single and a double one, fastened together with a thread. It then enters the circle formed by women and men, who welcome it with laughter. In a nasal voice, the soul sings a short verse several times, following the circular dance of the others, then disappears into the house, yielding its place to another soul. This ceremony ends with a great drinking orgy. Throughout the celebration the participants refrain from sexual intercourse. The souls of those recently dead never appear on such occasions. The festival ends with the medicine man’s ceremonially restoring to each participant his isawi, of which the souls had deprived him, for its loss would spell death. The medicine man is, above all, the intermediary between the laity and the gods, the spirits, and the souls of the dead. The prerequisite for the profession is a tendency toward dreams and visions, a good teacher subsequently instructing the tyro how to develop and use his gift. Magic, that is, the art of curing and of causing illness, as well as of securing special advantages, is a secular science. It is in no way con- nected with the spirits and the souls of the dead, although exercised by the medicine man, who heals by sucking and massaging, removing harm- ful influences from the patient’s body, and transferring them to a green branch (compare Yuruna) ; he also blows tobacco smoke over the patient. The Yuruna believed in the god the Shipaya call “Kuméapari,” with whom some of their medicine men had direct communication, and also in the culture hero Kunyarima. One of their ceremonies, observed by Von den Steinen, is in every detail identical with the Shipaya Dance of Souls (i-anai Karia). The souls, like those of the Shipaya, lived in certain large rocks, safe from high water, such as Pedra Preta, Pedra de Caxinguba, and Pedra Seca, to which due reverence was given. What Vol. 3] TRIBES OF LOWER AND MIDDLE XINGU—NIMUENDAJU 243 Kletke says about a benevolent diety and a malevolent deity seems not trustworthy. The medicine man cured by violent massaging, forcing the pathogenic substances from the body into green branches, which were then carefully taken outdoors. Meanwhile, the patient remained lying in his hammock. At a Curuaya feast, E. Snethlage saw two posts carved with human faces similar to the Shipaya statues. It is not known whom they repre- sented. The medicine man’s hammock was hung between these posts, and behind them was the canoe with the fermented drink. In the Curuaya mythology there are two pairs of brothers, Witontim and Aizau, whose parents are called Karu-pia and Imiriwon, and Kabi-sau (kabi, “sky’’) and Zaizu-sau (zaizu, “armadillo”). The significance of the so-called “karuara” (in the Lingua Geral), cotton tufts hanging from the ceiling in small vases or baskets, is not certain. Emilia Snethlage says that they contained pathogenic substances the medicine man, an important person in the village, extracted from the body of patients. In his house there was a room walled with bark and closed to visitors, in which he effected his cures. Snethlage assumes an astral cult, a supposition the writer was unable to confirm. Nothing is known concerning animism or burial practices. The Shipaya say that the Tacunyapé celebrated the dance of souls. The cape worn for the dance was of palm fiber, closed all around, with an opening for the head. The souls of the dead came from the forest to participate in the drinking, but did not sing or dance with the living. Shipaya and Yuruna dead were interred inside the house, the hammocks of the closest relatives being hung near the burial. Later, the bones were removed, cleaned, and put away in a basket, which was hung under the ridge pole. The writer does not know what was finally done with them. The closest women relatives cut their hair as a sign of mourning. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adalbert von Preussen, 1849, 1857; Adam, 1896; Bettendorf, 1910; Brusque, 1863; Coudreau, H., 1897 c; Daniel, 1841; Ehrenreich, 1891 a, 1895, 1897 a; Fritz, 1922; Heriarte, 1874; Kletke, 1857; Krause, 1936 b; Laet 1899; Macedo Costa, 1875; Maciel Parente, 1874; Martius, 1867; Meyer (see Krause, 1936 b) ; Moraes, 1860; Moura, 1910; Nimuendaji, 1914 b, 1921-22, 1923-24, 1929 b, 1930 a, 1932 a, 1932 b, mss.; Snethlage, 1913, 1920-21; Snethlage and Koch-Griinberg, 1910; Steinen, 1886. PLAT miseh ay A : : , y A a ia a ” : fa on en Lalor ; i. \ _ RA Vii aay beat “visi + a Ty Pe ; o sariih cade! THE MAUE AND ARAPIUM By Curt NIMUENDAJU THE MAUE INTRODUCTION Territory.—The Maué territory, a region of solid land, was bounded by the lower Tapajoz, the Amazon, the bayou of Uraria, the bayou of Ramos, lat. 5° S., and long. 58° W. (map 1, No. 1; map 4). On the banks of the Tapajoz River and the bayous, the tribe lived only tempo- rarily under the influence of civilized people. Bettendorf (1910) does not mention the name Maué, but writes of Andira and Maragud in the region where the Maué are mentioned a little later. These two groups are probably local Maué subdivisions. The Andira undoubtedly inhabited the Andira River, which up to the present time is a Maué region. History.—The Jesuits came into contact with these tribes after the Mission to the Tupinambarana was founded in 1669. In 1698, the Andiréd welcomed P. Jodo Valladao as a missionary. It is impossible to locate the Maragud accurately, but they were on a lake between the Andira and the Abacaxy Rivers, probably on the lower Mauhés-asst, which widens out to form a sort of lake. They had three villages, near one another (Bettendorf, 1910, p. 36). In 1692, after they had killed some White men, the Government declared “just war” against them, which was unsuccessful, as the Indians were forewarned and scattered, only a few offering any resistance. In 1696, the Jesuits took up residence among the Maragud, 100 of whom were transferred in 1698 to the village of Guama, near Belém. The Maraguaé are not mentioned in the 18th century. The Mabué (Maué) appear for the first time on P. Samuel Fritz’s map (1691) of the Amazon, which places them just west of the Tapajéz, at lat. 3° 30’ S., the present habitat of the Maué. The Maragud were south of the Amazon, op- posite the Trombetas River, and the Andird on a water course which might have been the Ramos Bayou. According to Father Jodo de Sao José (1847, p. 101), in 1762 the Mague lived below the falls of the Tapajoz River, 4 leagues (about 11 miles) inland. The Sao José (Pinhel) and Santo Ignacio (Boim) Missions on the Tapajéz were settled with Mague. In 1762, the Indians of the latter mission killed the director of the village. When they also murdered some merchants, the governor, Ataida Teive, in 1869 forbade any commerce with them hoping to starve them into sub- mission (Nunes Pereira, 1939). After the Brazilians and Munduruci made peace, some of the latter joined some Mavé in settling a little below the present city of 245 946 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 Mauhés, where Martius (1867) saw them in 1819. In 1832, another bloody con- flict took the lives of some civilized men (Souza, A., 1870, p. 86). In 1823, the village of Itaituba was founded on the Tapajoéz River with Maué, and in 1828 there were 400 of them settled there. The Andirdé mission flourished from 1848 to 1855 under Father Pedro de Ciriana, despite conflicts between the missionary and the Parintins authorities. In 1849, it had 507 Maué; in 1851, 570; and in 1852, 665, not counting a large number of civilized people. In 1855, the missionary’s place was taken by a parish priest (Tenreiro Aranha, 1852, p. 32; Correa de Miranda, 1852, p. 128; Coelho, 1849, p. 784; Wilkens de Mattos, 1856, p. 128). In 1862 there were 4 villages in the Tapajéz region with 3,657 Maué (Souza, A., 1870, p. 25). At the beginning of the 20th century, all but one of these villages on the tributaries of the Tapajéz were destroyed by the rubber gatherers of Itaituba, who took possession of the land. As a result, the Maué took sides openly with the Amazon forces in the armed conflict of 1916 between this State and Para. In 1939, Nunes Pereira (1939) estimated that there were 2,000 to 3,000 Maué in the Andira region, a figure which may have been a little high. An adequate study has not been made of the Maué. Martius did not live with them very long. Reports on Maué character, based on direct observation, are generally favorable. Bates (1863) called them “invariably friendly to the Whites’; Katzer (1901) found them always friendly, unusually intelligent, quick to understand, and capable of clear expression. The present author regarded them as suspicious and inclined to lie though not to thieving, and as peace-loving and gay. Nunes Pereira (1939) found them skillful and peace-loving. Language.—The Maué language is known through six vocabularies. (Coudreau, H., 1897 a; Katzer, 1901; Anonymous, ms. b; Nimuendaju, 1929 a, 1929 b; Koch Griinberg, 1932.) Fundamentally, it is Tupi, but differs from the Guarani-Tupinamba. The pronouns agree perfectly with the Curuaya-Mundurucu, and the grammar, insofar as the material permits analysis, is Tupi. The Maué vocabulary, however, contains an element that is completely foreign to Tupi but which cannot be traced to any other linguistic family. Since the 18th century, the Maué language has incorpo- rated numerous words from the Lingua Geral. Ethnographical sources.—Barboza Rodrigues (1882 b) visited the Maué in 1872, but his information lacks confirmation in some particulars. The present author made a brief visit in 1923 to the more civilized Maué on the Mariacua River. The most recent and detailed information is that of Nunes Pereira in 1939. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Farming.—The Maué have always had remarkable interest in agri- culture, but lost much of it with the development of the rubber industry. They grow manioc, potatoes, cara (Dioscorea), beans, and lima beans; Vol. 3] THE MAUE AND ARAPIUM—NIMUENDAJU 247 nowadays, they also cultivate rice and coffee, which they prepare and drink in the Brazilian manner. They still plant their old fruit trees, and they grow kitchen and medicinal herbs on platforms. They also cultivate a few Old World fruit trees. To plant root crops, they use a clean turtle skull to pull the earth over the cuttings, believing that this will increase production. At planting and harvesting times, the owner of a field organizes a feast to reward his helpers. Hunting.—The Maué are good hunters, though hunting is not an important activity. Today many of them use fire arms, but in Martius’ time, they would refuse any game killed with guns or with dogs, leading one to believe that originally dogs were as foreign to them as fire arms. Martius was informed that the Maué acquired blowguns and poisoned blowgun darts from their neighbors to the west, but this was not confirmed by any other author. Nunes Pereira mentions some practices believed to influence hunting: They pluck the breast and neck feathers of hunted fowl, burn theta, and rub them on their guns; they wash their guns and dogs with an infusion from a marsh plant called “jasmin de lontra”; a gun will be lucky if a cipd snake is allowed to decompose inside the barrel, and it will be unlucky if it comes into contact with a pregnant or menstruating woman. The Maué do not use game traps or lures of any kind. Fishing.—They take fish with weirs, a special single-headed arrow. poisoning the water with a drug called timbo and, nowadays, fishhooks. That they do not eat the large river fish but utilize only the smaller fish of creeks and forest pools (Martius, 1867) supports the assumption that they have habitually avoided the large rivers. Wild-food gathering.—Martius states that the Maué roamed the forest in search of palm fruits of various kinds, Brazil nuts, and piqui fruit. They eat winged female sauva ants, which they take at swarming time, roast, and pound with manioc flour. They also eat termites roasted in banana leaves. Spix and Martius (1823-31, 3:1,318): state that they introduced a slender stick into the anthill so that the insects took hold of it and were thus conveyed to the mouth. They also eat a species of batrachian. VILLAGES AND HOUSES According to Martius, the Maué lived in round single-family houses. Their recent settlements consist of one or more huts, which are usually rectangular with a gable roof and overhanging eaves but without walls. These are well thatched with leaves of the carana palm. The kitchen is generally in a separate hut, where the manioc flour is made. Nunes Pereira mentions “rooms” in the Maué houses, and also a “dance house” and the “house of menstruating women.” The main pieces of furniture are wooden benches carved out of a solid block of wood. Cotton hammocks are twined, and the ends of the warp 948 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 are attached to special cords (sobrepunhos), which extend beyond them to form loops, by which the hammock is suspended (Nimuendaju, ms.). CLOTHING AND ADORNMENT Nothing is known regarding aboriginal Maué dress. These Indians quickly adopted their present clothing from the Brazilians, although many still are naked from the waist up. They did not disfigure or tattoo them- selves. Martius was told, however, that some persons pierced the lower lip and inserted a small piece of wood in it. No authors mention body painting. TRANSPORTATION AND TRAVEL The aboriginal Maué, a sedentary and agricultural people, lived inland from the rivers, and were not a canoeing people. Sao José states that “they usually do not know how to swim.” Cerqueira e Silva (1833, p. 273) says that they will not ford the Curauahy River, preferring to take a great deal of trouble to make swinging bridges of vines. This may be explained by their aversion to water. Martius stated that they used canoes, some of the ‘“‘uba” type hollowed out of guanani logs and others made of jutahy bark. They are poor canoeists even today, but they have a few canoes which are either acquired direct from the civilized population or else, like their paddles, are rough imitations of those used by the Whites. On the other hand, they make long treks on foot, with the heavy basket (jamaxim) on their backs, showing admirable endurance. MANUFACTURES Basketry.—From palm leaves and creepers, the Maué make baskets with and without lids, sieves, strainers, fans, carrying baskets, hats, and brooms. Some baskets with lids are made of red and black strips. These articles are generally sold to civilized people. Pottery.—The only earthenware objects made today are pans to dry out the manioc flour; no reference to other types occurs in the literature. Scattered about in old dwellings in the Maué territory may be found plain black sherds. Gourds and calabashes.—Gourd containers lack ornamentation, but calabashes sometimes are fire engraved on the green exterior. Weapons.—The bow, flat on the belly and convex on the outside, is made of a red wood and has specially made points to hold the ambauva (Cecropia sp.) cord. Martius says Maué bows were a useful article of trade. The arrows have arched feathering. The points are of: (1) bamboo, rather small and lance-shaped; (2) bone, forming a barb; (3) iron, for hunting tapir; (4) wood, bilaterally serrated; and (5) for fishing, an iron nail forming a barbed point. The Mawé also have little Vol. 3] THE MAUE AND ARAPIUM—NIMUENDAJU 249 arrows for children, with a small crosspiece of sticks at the end. They have no arrows with wooden plugs and do not use pellet bows. There are no reports of clubs. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION According to Martius, the Maué were divided into “hordes”; he cites 12 of these, giving their names in the Lingua Geral. Some of them, how- ever, may not belong to the Mawé tribe. According to Nunes Pereira, the Maué believe themselves to be descended from the animals or plants that lend their name to each “nation” (i.e., Martius’ “hordes”). We have no details or confirmation on this score. Families are patrilocal. Maué chiefs enjoy remarkable authority even today, and there seems to be a hierarchy of officials. Succession is patrilinear. There used to be a special burial ceremony for chiefs. Carefully preserved in the choir of the chapel of the Indian village of Terra Preta, Nunes Pereira found an article which resembles a club, but which the author calls a “magic paddle.” It is made of dark wood, 45 inches (1.1 m.) long, 4 inches (11 cm.) greatest width, and 18 inches (45 cm.) thick, narrowing toward the end, which resembles a top. The larger half is ornamented on both sides with carved rhombs, points, and bands, one of which bears an ornament derived from a basketry motive. It was made by the third predecessor of the present chief and has been transmitted to each. The designs allegedly refer to the tradition of the tribe, but no explanation of them is given. The Maué call the object “porantin.” LIFE CYCLE Pregnancy and childbirth.—During pregnancy, both parents are obliged to observe a strict diet of ants, fungi, and guarana dissolved in water. To let their blood at this time, many cut their arms and legs with a rodent’s tooth or a toucan’s bill set into a handle, starting profuse hem- orrhages. Into these wounds they rub the ashes of burned genipa fruit (Martius, 1867). To facilitate childbirth, the woman’s hips are bathed beforehand in the ashes of paca skulls or of birds’ eggshells mixed with water. After the birth, the parents’ first food consists of fungi and two kinds of ants (sauva and maniuara). The mother has a postpartum rest period of a month, and the father goes on a diet of porridge (mingau) and guarand. The first food taken after this period is inambu Tinamus sp.) flesh (Nunes Pereira, 1939). Children are carried in a sling hung around the neck. It is made of raw fibers, the ends being tied with a black string. Sado José (1847) 250 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 states that the Maué practiced infanticide and abortion. Before puberty, girls wear colored bands on their arms and below their knees. Puberty.—At their first menstruation, girls retire to a hammock hung to the rooftree. They maintain a rigorous diet until the end of the second menstruation, taking only manioc cakes (beiju), fish, and water (Mar- tius, 1867). Nunes Pereira states that they are fed fungi, which their parents bring them, and that, at the end of this period, they eat inambu and toucan flesh. The author fails to explain whether the “house of menstruating women” which he saw was used only for the first menstrua- tion, or for all. In some Indian villages, the same author says, women retire to the “room of unmarried women” during menstruation. All authors establish some relation between boys’ puberty and the Celebration of Tucandira. The Maué told the present author that the application of tucanderas (stinging ants), though highly recommended at any time of life, is necessary in boyhood, especially if a youth were somewhat retarded in his physical development, and in old age, when strength began to fail, and in cases of weakness. Nunes Pereira was informed that boys of 6 and young men of 20 (?) were stung. The ceremony, however, has not been witnessed, except by Barboza Rod- rigues, who was present for 2 days. His description lacks confirmation on some points. He states that it was celebrated annually in the main hut by convocation of the chief. Everybody brought drinks and bar- becued meat. The ants, benumbed by having been left in water over- night, were caught in the mesh of a textile which was used to line a flat- tened or cylindrical “glove,” artistically woven from strips of fibers and adorned with macaw and royal hawk feathers. Everybody gathered in the chief’s yard, the women seated in a circle within the circle of men. The chief in the center held the “gloves.” The singing began, and the chief shook his rattle (maraca) while the others played bambu flutes and drums. After blowing tobacco smoke on the ants, the chief put the glove on one of the young men, who danced, yelling and howling, inside the circle, amidst the applause of the crowd, until a woman or the chief took the glove off him. After this, everyone moved on to the nearest house and repeated the ceremony. According to Barboza Rod- rigues (1882 b), a boy had to endure seven applications of ants, but their sequence, and the relation between them and marriage was not explained. Martius reports that a cotton sleeve containing ants was first applied to boys between 8 and 10. When they began to cry and scream, the spec- tators drew them into a noisy dance, until they fell exhausted. Then their stings were treated by older women with the juice of the manioc leaf, and, as soon as they felt better, they had to try to draw their bows. This ceremony was repeated until the age of 14, when a boy could bear it without flinching and was considered ready to marry. According to Vol. 3] THE MAUE AND ARAPIUM—NIMUENDAJU 951 Martius (1867), the Maué counted their age by the number of applica- tions, but the words, in the Lingua Geral, which he gives in this connec- tion—jtibir jepe, jiibir mocoim, etc.—only mean “one turn, two turns,” etc. (jebyr, “turn’). Marriage.—Today the Maué are monogamous, but formerly polygamy was permitted. There is no special marriage ceremony (Nunes Pereira, 1939). The candidate asks the girl’s parents for their consent and it is given after long deliberation, even if she has not yet reached puberty. The couple settle in their own hut. Married women are excluded from dances. All women are forbidden to have any contact with persons outside the tribe and to use the Portu- guese language, a prohibition which is not always observed nowadays. Death and burial.—Today the Maué bury in cemeteries, more or less in Christian fashion, but they still place the deceased’s personal belongings in the grave. The family observes a fast (Nunes Pereira). Formerly, the dead were buried inside their house, in a sitting position. Martius states that at the death of a chief, the tribe was obliged to go on a diet of ants and guarana fora month. During the first 2 weeks of this time, the chief’s dead body, stretched out and tied to laths, was dried between fires; then it was buried, in a sitting position propped up with stones and sticks in a round hole. The hole was not filled with earth, and at the end of the month the body was taken out and exposed for a day. The whole tribe danced around the body, weeping so that their tears ran into their mouths and were swallowed. In the evening the body was buried in the same place and position, and the celebration continued all night with dancing and drinking. In one instance, when a chief died during a trip, his companions severed his body in two below the ribs, dried the halves, and brought them back to the village. WARFARE The Maué, though brave, were less warlike than the Mundurucu, with whom they warred until the second half of the 18th century. According to Barboza Rodriguez (1882 b), the Maué who took part in the last fight between the two tribes had lines of black tattooing on the thorax, similar to that of the Munduruci. They sometimes took prisoners of war. They used the skulls of slain enemies as drinking vessels, and their long bones as flutes. Before fighting, they took guarana (Martius, 1867). ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Ornaments.—The Maué were formerly famous for articles made of feathers, which were important commodities in their trade. Martius mentions scepters and head and neck ornaments. The feather art has disappeared, with the exception of some feather ornaments on the instru- 653333—47—19 952 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 ment used during the Celebration of Tucandira. The Maué still wear neck- laces of small figures carved out of the hard nut of certain palms Musical instruments.—Drums are heavy cylinders of wood, with one end covered with leather. They are laid horizontally and played with the hands. The Maué also use violins and caracachas, which are serrated bambu cylinders scraped with a small stick. Drinks and narcotics.—The Maué are very fond of a drink made from dried cakes of manioc flour (the aroba or paiauarti of Neo-Brazilians). Since the Maué were first mentioned by Bettendorf (1910, p. 36), they have been famous for their cultivation and preparation of guarana (Paul- linia sorbilis), of which they enjoyed the monopoly. The fruit is roasted in an oven, pounded in a mortar, and made into hard, cylindrical rolls. A little is grated off by means of a stone, and the powder is dissolved in water in a gourd. This drink is called capd. People in groups take it many times a day. The head of the house drinks it first and then it is passed from right to left among the others. The Maué believe that guarana brings them luck in any transactions, that it gives joy, and that it is a stimulus to work, preventing fatigue and hunger. In planting, the seeds are carefully chosen, as are later the young plants. A medicine man goes through a ceremony over the ground when it is ready for planting, and there are celebrations with dancing and drinking. Formerly, the Maué, enjoyed a considerable trade in guarana, but by the end of the last century, it had decreased with the rise of the rubber industry, and today the greater part of the guarana for commercial purposes is produced by Neo-Brazilians of the region. The Maué explained to Nunes Pereira that guarana constitutes a pro- tection or charm for them: That it brings rain, protects their farms, cures certain diseases and prevents others, and brings success in war and in love, especially when there are two rivals for the affections of one woman. To the present author, they recommended it as well as parica for its magic effects against storms. Parica, made from the seeds of Mimosa acacioides, is now little used. The seeds are roasted and finely pulverized in a carefully made, shallow basin of a red wood, and the powder is dried on a flat piece of wood “or of porcelain” (Spix und Martius, 1823-31, 3:1,318). The Indians use two long tubular bones to sniff the powder up into both nostrils simul- taneously, or they rolled a piece of banana leaf into a tube (Ratzel, 1894, 1:509). There is a statement by Martius (1867, p. 411) which could be interpreted as meaning that the Maué also used parica as a clyster. RELIGION Today all Maué are baptized and have chapels in their villages with images of the saints, which they worship on their own account with Vol. 3] THE MAUE AND ARAPIUM—NIMUENDAJU 253 litanies, imitating the Christian service in Latin. These services end in dancing and drinking. In these celebrations, they use musical instruments. Regarding their former religion, Martius (Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 3:1,331) was informed that there were vestiges of a belief in a god and in the power of evil demons. SHAMANISM Nunes Pereira (1939) speaks of shamans of great reputation who carry out ceremonies designed to bring about an excellent harvest of guarana. All guarana plantations must be “blessed” by the shaman. Some shamans cure diseases; others are evil magicians who cause them. The Mavué greatly fear sorcery, and attribute all deaths to witchcraft, even if the supposed spell was cast over a year previously. Their reluctance to take medicine furnished by civilized people is prompted by their fear of spells. All shamans work with an assistant. Today they take a strong manioc drink (taroba) to stimulate them to action. Magic is exercised by the shaman, but everybody knows something about medicinal plants and animal products. Uaciri-pot, the chieftain and shaman, who probably lived in the first half of the last century, had the power of capturing the “mother of sickness” in the plaza by means of conjurations, magic ges- tures, and lines drawn upon the ground. MYTHOLOGY Two legends are recorded (Nunes Pereira, 1939). In the first, the true timbo (a fish drug) and the false timbo originated from the legs of a buried child who had been killed by a spell cast by the fish; water was invented by these same fish. In the second, guarana originated from the eyes of a boy who was born of the contact of a girl with a little snake, and who was killed by his uncles. From the buried body, several animals were born. The boy was finally resurrected and became the first Maué. THE ARAPIUM In the 17th and 18th centuries there lived to the west of the lower Tapajoz, a tribe of Indians called Arapium (Fritz, 1691, (see Volume 1, map 7) Arapiyi), lat. 2° 30’ S., long. 55° 30’ W., which the Jesuits gathered at the beginning of the 18th century in the Cumart Mission (Villa Franca) at the mouth of the Arapiuns River. Both Martius (1867) and Métraux (1928 a) considered them to be the same as the Maué. The only ethnological data regarding them are the following, from Joao Daniel (1841, pp. 168-71, 478), who saw them: Girls undergoing their first menstrual period were secluded and made to fast. After the fast, the girl was bled from head to foot with a cutia tooth. She then negotiated a marriage with the first young man she saw. 254 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Before marrying, a young man had to place his arms in long gourds full of sauva ants (Atta sp.) to show his courage. A drinking feast concluded the ceremonies. A dead man’s flesh was eaten by his relatives. Old women pulverized his bones and mixed them in drinks. The Arapium held celebrations in honor of the new moon. They went out when it first appeared and stretched out their arms, hands, and fingers, as if asking for health and strength. Of these cultural features, only the girls’ menstrual seclusion and fasting and the young man’s ant ordeal are found also among the Maué. The others differ from Maué customs, proving that the Arapium were most likely an offshoot of the Tapajo tribe. The present author, explor- ing the Arapiuns River in 1924, found many old Indian dwelling places where the pottery, with its plastic ornamentation, was very different from that found in the region of the Maué, being much more similar to that of the Tapajé. After 1762, when the Arapium were last mentioned as living in Obidos and on the Arapiuns River, there is no further informa- tion regarding them. BIBLIOGRAPHY Almeida Serra, 1869 (1779); ms. b; Barboza Rodrigues, 1882 b; Bates, 1863; Bettendorf, 1910; Cerqueira e Silva, 1833; Coelho, 1849; Correa de Miranda, 1852; Coudreau, H., 1897 a; Daniel, 1841; Florence, 1841(?) [1825-29]; Fritz, 1691; Furtado, 1858; Katzer, 1901; Koch-Griinberg, 1932; Martius, 1867; Métraux, 1928 a; Monteiro Baena, 1843; Nimuendaju, 1929 a, 1929 b; ms.; Nunes Pereira, 1939; Ratzel, 1894; Ribeiro de Sampaio, 1825; Sao José, 1847; Souza, A., 1870; Souza, C., 1874; Souza Franco, 1842; Spix und Martius, 1823-31; Tenreiro Aranha, 1852; Wilkens de Mattos, 1856. THE MURA AND PIRAHA By Curt NIMUENDAJU THE MURA TRIBAL LOCATION AND HISTORY From the beginning, these Indians have been known as Mura (pro- nounced Murda by their neighbors, the Tord and Matanawi of the Madeira River). Their name for themselves, however, according to Barboza Rodrigues (1892 b, p. 38), is Buhuraen, and according to Father Taste- vin (1923 a), Buxwaray or Buxwarahay. In the author’s vocabularies, the following forms are given as self-designations: Bohiira (Manicoré River) ; Bhiirai-ada, meaning “Mura language” (Manicoré River), and Bohurai; Bohuarai-arasé, “Mura language” ; Nahi buxwara araha, mean- ing “that one is Mura’; Vane abahi araha busxwardi, “we are all Mura.” The Mura were first mentioned in 1714 in a letter by P. Bartholomeu Rodrigues (in Serafim Leite, 1943), who located them on the right bank ot the Madeira River, between the Tora and the Unicoré, between lat. 6° and 7° 40’ S. They were hostile toward the Jesuit mission founded in 1723 or somewhat later above the mouth of the Jamary River, and, because of this hostility, the mission was transferred farther down the river in 1742. Their unfriendly attitude was the result of a treacherous act committed by a Portuguese trader who had kidnapped some of the Mura and sold them as slaves. For over 100 years, beginning in the early 18th century, the Mura were a terrible scourge. The first expedition up the Madeira River into Mato Grosso, under the leadership of Major Joao de Souza, had bloody encounters with the Mura and threw the Indians back with great losses. The Mura then avoided open battle and resorted to ambush for which they became famous. In 1749, when Joao Goncalves da Fonseca’s expedition had several encounters with them, the Mura were established on a lake on the right bank of the Madeira River, opposite the “mouth of the Autaz” (Madeirinha, a little above Borba). By 1768 they had passed to the region north of the Solimdes (Cudajaz) River, but before this date they had extended to the lower Purtts (Moraes, 1860, p. 535). Upstream, however, they did not go beyond the mouth of the Jamary River. 255 256 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 It seems, therefore, that the original habitat of the Mura was on the Madeira River, below the falls and near the mouth of the Jamary River; and that, after they had become a warrior tribe and were aware of the effectiveness of their tactics, they spread out downstream on the Madeira River and as far as the Purtis River, and from the latter as far as the Cudajaz River, which is almost opposite (lat. 3°-7° S., long. 50°-63° W.; map 1, No. 1; map 4). Evidently this expansion was not a move to draw away from the Munduruci invasion, who at that time, 1768, were merely mentioned on the Maués River. The expansion of the Mura was facilitated by the fact that they found the country only sparcely in- habited; the numerous old sedentary tribes had succumbed to the “avenging troops” and to the mission system. Their weak remnants, lacking any initiative and pride against servitude, and concentrated in a few villages, did not have the power to resist the attacks of savages conscious of their superiority as warriors. It seems that the Autaz region from then on began to be the center of the Mura, and it remains so today. That the Mura had been preceded in the Autaz by other tribes of higher culture is proved by the archeological remains found there by Tastevin (1923 a) and the present author. These include a great number of hardwood fishweirs, anthropomorphic urns of the Miracanguéra type, jade objects, etc. About 1774, the warlike expansion of the Mura had reached its climax, and the desperate Neo-Brazilians demanded their extermination as the only means for avoiding the complete downfall of Amazonas (Ribeiro de Sampaio, 1825). At this time, Ribeiro de Sampaio mentions the Mura in the following places: Silves, Madeira River (Borba), Autaz, Uaquiri (?), Manacapuri, Purés River, Cudajaz, Mamia, Coary River, Catua, Caiamé River, Teffé River, Capuca, Yauato, Fonte Boa, Japura River, Amand, Manaus, Jahi River, Uinini River, and Carvoeiro. Other authors add Obidos, Moura, Barcellos, Nogueira, Alvardes, Maripi, Ayrdo, Poiares, and Abacaxys. The Mura were attacked in these places every year by Government forces. These punitive expeditions, in spite of the resulting bloodshed, were not effective, and the Mura continued to show their animosity. In 1784, however, the Mura unexpectedly made peace with the Whites. In July, five Mura appeared peacefully in Santo Antonio de Maripi, on the lower Japura River and were followed later by many more. Other Mura presented themselves in Teffe, Alvaraes, and Borba. In the latter place, where in 1775 an Army outpost had been created for the protection of the residents and travelers against their hostili- ties, their number grew in 3 years to more than 1,000. 1786, the Mura of the Cudajaz came to terms, and by the end of the same year the whole tribe had made peace and started to settle down in permanent villages. The reason for their peace overtures was, perhaps, the gradual weakening of the tribe by epidemics, by the adoption of foreign elements, and, particularly, by the relentless war that the Munduruci waged against them. The latter, crossing from the Madeira River westward, butchered the Mura in Autaz without, however, dislodging them permanently from a single one of the many places that they had occupied. Even after the pacification, the Mura, according to Martius, spread farther out upstream on the Solimdes to beyond the Tabatinga frontier. The latest establishments, about which there is some information, were on the Jandiatuba River, a little below Sao Paul de Olivenca and in the region of the lower Amazon in Mura-tapera, now called Oriximina, on the Trombetas River, some 35 km. (22 miles) above the mouth. In the beginning of the 19th century, relations with the Whites seemed to have been generally good; at least Canon André Fernandes de Souza, who mentions them at that time, does not speak of recent hostilities. According to him, the Mura were the only natives respected by the civilized people. Later, however, the Mura resumed their hostilities on the Madeira River. Vol. 3] THE MURA AND PIRAHA—NIMUENDAJU 257 During the “Cabanagem,” a revolt that evolved into a general uprising of the Indian, Negro, and Mestizo servants against their White masters, the rebels won the adherence of the Mura who, together with them, robbed, killed, and burned. Together with the rebels, they were defeated and massacred, 1834-36. Friction be- tween the Mura of the Madeira and the civilized people continued for a long time after the revolt. The report by Governor Tenreiro Aranha in 1852 contains many complaints against members of this tribe, who committed horrible crimes against defenseless people. The governor sent reinforcements to the military out- post in Mataura, commissioned a well-armed river patrol, and appropriated the amount of 1,308 milreis for mission work. None of these missions (Sao Pedro, Crato, Manicoré) lasted long. The last acts of hostilities on record on the Madeira refer to the killing of a soldier and two slaves of the Crato missionary by the Mura of the Capana in 1855. Later, the Mura gathered on Ongas Island for the purpose of attacking travelers. The author of “Illustragdo” (Anonymous, ms. a) estimated the number of Mura at 60,000 at the time of the pacification. This number is no doubt too high, as is 30,000 to 40,000 given by Martius in 1820 (Spix and Martius, 1823-31, vol. 3). Estimates based on the report of Albuquerque Lacerda showed that the Mura did not exceed 3,000 in 1864. In 1926, the present author counted 1,390 inhabitants occupying 26 Mura huts on the Madeira, Autaz, and Urubu Rivers. The total number might have been 1,600. The Mura never expanded very much on land. Even during the time of their greatest extension, they always sought the low floodlands of the shores of the Amazon-Solimées River and its tributaries, and similar lands on the Rio Negro and Japura, Solimdes, Madeira, Purtis, and Amazon Rivers. They settled only where they could move about in canoes, choosing spots where they could build their villages, plant their crops, and hunt. Throughout their known history, they can be characterized as a canoeing and fishing people. The Mura are today so much crossed with Neo-Brazilians that it is impossible to determine their original physical type. Truly Negroid types, however, are rare. In the area of Yuma Lake, the author found, in 1926, a relatively large percentage of individuals of Indian type, characterized by an arched nose and receding chin. When the Mura made peace in 1784, they had already absorbed many foreign ethnic elements from people who had sought refuge among them or who had been captured by them. Large groups of other tribes, such as the Jumana and Iruri, were with the Mura at that time. The Jumana belonged to the Arawakan family, and both the Jumana and Jruri had a more advanced culture than the Mura. We do not know the influence of these foreign elements on Mura culture. LANGUAGE After their pacification, the Mura began to adopt the Lingua Geral, but at the time of Martius’ trip, this language was little used. In 1850 they could speak it, but used the Mura language among themselves. Later they substituted Portuguese for the Lingua Geral, and now the majority of the groups use Portuguese. Some groups still speak the Lingua Geral among themselves, but only occasional individuals know the Mura language. In many groups it has disappeared completely. Martius’ contention that most of the words of the Mura language are of Tupian origin has remained unsubstantiated. Even the number of ele- ments adopted from the Lingua Geral is strangely small. Most noticeable 958 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 are the regular use of the first and second singular, personal pronouns, and first person plural of Lingua Geral. According to most linguists (Ehrenreich, Chamberlain, Rivet, Lou- kotka), the Mura language is isolated. The fact mentioned by the present author that the Matanawi language has a scant half-dozen words in com- mon with the Mura does not mean that the two languages should be con- sidered, as by Rivet (1924, p. 673) and Loukotka (1939, p. 154), as members of the same family. Only the following vocabularies have been published: Martius (1867, 2:20), Nimuendajuit and Valle Bentes (1923), and Nimuendajit (1925, 1932 b). CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Farming.—The Mura practiced farming before their pacification, but only on a small scale. According to Fonseca Coutinho (1873), they had large manioc and maize fields on the Autaz River. Moreover, A. F. de Souza (1870) mentions mandioca plantations of the Mura on the Matu- piry, a tributary of the Madeira River, at the beginning of the 19th cen- tury. The author of “Observagées addicionais” (Anonymous, ms. a, pt. 2) says that they did not plant anything, but looted the crops of others to make a fine manioc flour. This, however, presupposes that they already had pans, sieves, and tipiti baskets. This, together with the Jara ceremony (see below), suggests that they were acquainted with manioc and its preparation. Very likely at war time they found it more convenient to steal tubers than to plant them. Hunting and fishing.—The gathering of wild fruit was also important in their economy, but above all the Mura were fishermen. Their skill was admired not only by the civilized people but by their Indian neigh- bors, such as the Catawishi, who were also fishermen. The Mura caught turtles under water by hand, and after harpooning piraruct (Arapaima gigas) and manatee, they pursued them between obstacles of aquatic plants and fallen trees. The importance of the harpoon here suggests that they had been acquainted with this weapon for a long time. In order to bring a dead manatee aboard their canoes, they swamped the craft so as to push it under the floating animal and then floated it again by emptying it. They knew the use of the babracot, but preferred to roast their meat buried in the ashes or on a spit. HOUSES AND VILLAGES The Mura build their houses in small groups of two to five, which some- times are scattered far apart along the shore of a lake or river. They rarely live in isolated huts. According to Tastevin (1923 a), five or six tamilies live in a hut, but the author noted that this occurs only in excep- Vol. 3] THE MURA AND PIRAHA—NIMUENDAJU 259 tional cases, each family usually having its own hut. These houses are not as poorly made as it has often been stated, and many of them do not differ from the huts of the poorer Neo-Brazilians of the region. The area sur- rounding the houses is not generally kept clean. Judging from a drawing in Martius’ Atlas, the original Mura hut seems to have been dome-shaped, with the rafters reaching to the ground and thatched with vertical palm leaves. The anonymous author of “Observac6es addicionais” (Anon., ms. a, pt. 2) states that as a rule their real home is their canoe, and the present writer noticed in 1926 that the Mura of the Juma River slept on a platform in the canoe. It seems probable that formerly the Mura slept on platforms such as those described by Father Tastevin (1923) and not in hammocks. The early writers report that the Mura hammocks consisted only of three cords, a central one to support the weight of the body and lateral ones to maintain the equilibrium. This is obviously a satire of their indo- lence. Other information is more plausible. Ferreira states that in 1875 their sleeping hammocks were made of fibers of inner tree bark. Alfred R. Wallace (1853) says that they were made of three strips of embira, and Martius that they were made of a piece of bark (innerbark) shaped like a canoe. Bates (1863, p. 305) describes a Mura hammock as a “rudely woven web of ragged strips of the inner bark of the mongtba tree” (Bom- bax sp.). Later it seems that the Mura imitated the hammocks of neigh- boring tribes and of the Neo-Brazilians. Father W. Schmidt (1913) mentions a tucum hammock of the Mura in the Museum of Vienna, and the author saw two hammocks on the Juma River made of jauary (Astro- caryum sp.) fibers. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Both sexes were completely naked, although one of Cavina’s water colors (Ferreira, n. d., pl. 3!) shows an apron of twisted embira or burity fibers which is suspended from a belt and the upper part of which appears braided; the upper border is ornamented with a band of white zigzags over a red background. The ears and septum were pierced and pieces of cane passed through the holes. The upper lip was perforatd above the corners of the mouth, while the lower lip was perforated in the center. In these holes the Mura inserted animal teeth or wooden pegs. Accord- ing to Ferreira, the lip ornaments are of stone found in piraruct brains; in the paintings, they are small, whitish, and somewhat three-lobed. They wore their hair trimmed along the forehead at the level of the eye- brows and long behind. It was usually disheveled. They painted themselves with uructt and with a black pigment. Some- time they smeared themselves with mud as a protection against insects. ” 2 Ferreira, who was a member of the first expedition to encounter the Mura, described this plate as follows: ‘‘Um dos gentios Muras que pelo meiado do mez de Novembro do anno proximo passado de 1786 aportaram no logar de Ayrao.” 960 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 TRANSPORTATION Mura canoes were formerly made of tree bark and were 6.6 m. (about 22 ft.) long, 1.1 m. (3.25 ft.) wide, and 44 cm. (17 in.) deep. The ends were tied up with creepers. These craft carried four or five people. The original type of paddle is unknown. When not in use, the canoes were kept submerged so as to be hidden from any enemy and so that they would not dry up and crack. The fire-hollowed dugout, at first stolen from the Neo-Brazilians and later made by themselves, finally replaced bark canoes. MANUFACTURES Mats and basketry.—The Mura used large mats on their beds and in their canoes, and smaller ones to sit on. Carrying baskets were made of two interwoven palm leaves. Pottery and gourds.—According to Martius, the Mura had pottery, but he does not say if they made it. The present writer has never seen any ware made by them. He did, however, see gourds which had been dyed black on the inside and crudely carved on the outside. Weapons.—The only weapon was the bow and arrow. The bow measured 2.7 m. (9 feet) according to Joéo Daniel (1841, p. 168) and 2 m. (6 feet) according to Southey (1862, 6:248-249). The back is strongly convex, the belly only moderately so. W. Schmidt (1913) de- scribes the feathering as radial and cemented. Fishing arrows lacked feathering. War arrows were formerly tipped with lanceolate bamboo heads 33 cm. (13 in.) long and 10 cm. (4 in.) wide, with two large barbs on each side. Now they have iron heads. The author found arrows made of a single piece of paxiuba on Lake Sampaio. An arrow figured by Therese von Bayern (1897, pl. 2, fig. 4) has arched feathering and is tipped with a rod notched along the side. The Mura in Covina’s picture is armed with two arrows, each with a broad wooden point that has four or five pairs of barbs, and, protruding beyond this point, another lanceolate point of bamboo. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION When the Mura made peace in 1786, they were divided into many groups, each numbering 45 to 150 persons and having its own chief. The 26 groups visited and counted by the author in 1926 averaged 53 persons and ranged from 15 to 120. Chieftainship was formerly hereditary, but carried little authority. According to the author of “Tllustragéo,” (Anon- ymous, ms. a) the Mura rendered to the chief “respect and obedience as to a father.” A tuft of yellow and black feathers tied to the forehead might have been a distinctive chief’s ornament (Martius, 1867). After the pacification, the principal chief of the Mura lived at Amatary, on the Vol. 3] THE MURA AND PIRAHA—NIMUENDAJU 261 left bank of the Amazon, somewhat above the mouth of the Madeira River. Each family head had his private fishing ground which he would defend against any poacher. In quarrels over fishing groups, disputants fought each other with the clubs, which a Mura always carried in his canoe to stun the fish after they are caught. LIFE CYCLE Pregnancy and childbirth.—During a woman’s pregnancy there are no restrictions on her husband. Formerly, during childbirth, the woman would sit on a “log of a certain wood burned all over its surface as char- coal.” Such logs were carried in the canoe, so that a trip might not be interrupted by childbirth (“Observagoes addicionais,” Anonymous, ms. a, pt.2). After childbirth, the father stays at home. He fasts for 5 days and the mother for a longer period. The size of the fish which the father may eat increases as the baby grows. Until the child can walk, the father may not hunt and eat his kill lest during his absence the boto (Sotalia brasiliensis) and the jaguar come invisibly and take revenge by killing the child. The author learned that if the father were to hunt a caiman, boto, otter, or anhima (Anhima cornuta) before the child could walk, these animals would steal the child’s shadow. Herndon and Gibbons (1853-54, vol. 1.) mention cases of infanticide, but the present writer was impressed by the kind treatment of children. Puberty.—From the beginning of the first menstruation until the end of the second menstruation, the girl is confined in a corner of the hut where she lies in her hammock. The passage from childhood to adulthood was marked by a ceremony in which boys were permitted for the first time to take parica snuff. (See p. 263.) The boy was also flagellated (p. 264). Marriage.—The aboriginal Mura had only one wife “whom they loved with tenderness and guarded with savage jealousy” (“Observagoes ad- dicionais”, Anonymous, ms. a, pt. 2; see also Spix and Martius, 1823- 31, vol. 3). It seems that the Mura later became polygynous. Spix and Martius (1823-31, vol. 3) and Wallace (1889) stated that every man had two or three wives, who were kept in abject servitude. They were acquired as prizes in boxing matches between the girl’s suitors, which were fought as soon as she had reached puberty. In earlier times, murder of wife stealers was sanctioned ; later, such offenders were less severely punished. Present-day Mura still feel honered if a person whom they esteem courts an unmarried daughter, and they allow the girls of the tribe a great deal of liberty. Today a request for marriage is made by the young man to the girl’s parents, who sometimes demand of him some service. The marriage is concluded without any formality and, according to Tastevin, is easily dissolved. Marital fidelity is not strictly observed. 962 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 148 Funeral rites.—Formerly, a person was buried with all his possessions wherever he happened to die. At the beginning of the present century, the Mura of Murutinga (Autaz) still erected a small hut over the tomb, even in Christian cemeteries, and placed food, drink, and the weapons of the deceased on the grave. The mangoes which grew in the cemetery were reserved for the dead. WARFARE For half a century the Mura waged unceasing war against the civilized Indians and the Neo-Brazilians. According to Martius, they declared war against occasional enemies by planting arrows, head upward, in the ground in the territory of the rival tribe. Attacks were made silently. ‘They ambushed canoes near rapids where travelers were forced to draw near the shore, watching the approach of their victims from the tops of sumatima trees (Ceiba pentandra). They also ambushed enemies on the paths leading to the plantations. In the onslaught, they did not pay any attention to age or sex. They mutilated the bodies, but did not bring home any trophies, and they have never been seriously accused of can- nibalism. According to Ribeiro de Sampaio (1825), they took prisoners to enslave them, but it is more likely that they incorporated them in the tribe. At the time of the pacification, the most important Mura chief was a civilized Indian, who had been captured as a child and reared by Whites. His mother, also a captive, acted as an interpreter during the peace negotiations. By the end of the 18th century, the Mura’s most feared enemies were the Munduruci, who had come from the region of the Tapajoz River, sailed down the Canuma and Abacaxys Rivers, and established them- selves on the Madeira River at Tobocal near the mouth of the Aripuana River. It is probable that the Mura’s defeat by the Munduruct con- tributed greatly to their pacification. According to Martius, the Mura feared the Munduruct so much that they did not even resist when the latter came for their women. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments.—The Mura used a kind of clarinet, commonly called toré, made of a thick bamboo, and a five-hole bamboo flute. The latter was used for transmitting messages about a great variety of mat- ters (Marcoy, 1866, and Anonymous, ms. a). Dances and songs.—The dance witnessed by Martius was an imitation of the Neo-Brazilian dance, and the songs which accompanied it were in the Lingua Geral. The dances in vogue in Tastevin’s time (1923 a) are identical to those of the Mura’s civilized neighbors. Southey (1862, 6:348), however, speaks of an original dance in which the Indians were Vol. 3] THE MURA AND PIRAHA—NIMUENDAJU 263 arranged in two lines. Those of one line were armed with bows and arrows; the Indians of the other line were painted, and blew on long bamboo flutes. A man led the dance with grotesque gestures. In 1926, the Mura of the Juma River performed a nocturnal circle dance accom- panied by the toré clarinet, and by songs about the sloth (Bradypus sp.) After the dance, the men gathered on one side of the ring and women on the other to bleed each other with sharp piraruct and tambaqui fish- bones. Narcotics.—Parica, made from the roasted seeds of the parica tree (Mimosa acacioides), is the most powerful narcotic used by the Mura. It was taken either as a snuff or as an enema. As a snuff, it was blown into the nostrils by means of a tube 1 foot (31 cm.) long made of tapir bone or a bird’s leg bone. The powder was kept in a large bamboo tube and the doses measured out with an caiman tooth. It caused a general state of excitement and exaltation with auditory hallucinations, and a condition of feverish activity which ended with prostration or uncon- sciousness. According to Martius, individuals who were over-excited by the narcotic and suffocated died on the spot. “Observacées addicionais” states that on the morning following a narcotic spree, the bodies of per- sons were often found shot with arrows or stabbed with knives. These murders were not considered as crimes and were blamed on the parica. Parica taken as an enema by means of a rubber syringe had a similar but weaker effect. The participants in groups of ten sat in circles while old women held a vase containing the liquid and passed the syringe from hand to hand. To increase the effect, the enema was accompanied by singing, “Hé! Hé!” (Marcoy, 1866). The drunken men danced and threatened each other with weapons, which the women always tried to remove from the parica house. Present-day Mura still snuff parica but take less of it than before. A bamboo tube is used for the purpose (Nunes Pereira, personal communication). The ancient Mura prepared manioc chicha. Today they have acquired two dangerous vices which have contributed to their moral and physical degradation: rum, from the White; and liamba (hashish), from the Negroes (Tastevin, 1923 a, p. 517). A large part of the payment which they receive for their services is rum and liamba, in exchange for which they are willing to surrender to the Neo-Brazilians their last bit of food. Then they spend day after day in a state of torpor, unable to work. RELIGION Little is known about Mura religion with the exception of a few cere- monies and magico-religious practices. Today the tribe is Christian, but its adherence to the Church lies only in the knowledge of a few saints, the ceremony of baptism, and the celebration of some feasts. 264 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The Parica feast.—Martius denies that parica was taken at puberty initiations and links it instead to the ripening of the parica seeds. Marcoy (1866) says that anyone who had parica would invite others to the parica house, an open shelter built for the purpose and forbidden to women. The great parica feast was preceded by a hunt which lasted one week. The feast began with flagellation, after which came libations of a non- alcoholic beverage made with the fruit of the acahy palm. Then parica was taken, first in the form of snuff and afterward as an enema. The feast ended with a dance which lasted 24 hours. Marcoy’s description of the feast contains obvious inaccuracies. Martius gives second-hand information about this ceremony. The feast was celebrated every year and lasted for 8 days. It began with the drinking of cauim and other intoxicants. Then pairs of men flagellated each other with a long leather thong of tapir and manatee hide. This continued for several days. Afterward the partners kneeled in front of each other and blew parica powder into each other’s nostrils by means of atapir bone tube. (See Martius, 1867, fig. 63.) Punishment rites.—The flagellation rite was also practiced during the full moon, its purpose being to increase one’s strength. One man would hold the victim with his arms outstretched while the old man who per- formed the flagellations in the puberty ceremonies would whip him with a few lashings on the arms and legs. After burning the brush for planting, the Mura performed a flagellation ceremony in order to increase the output of manioc. They brought in a pile of whips made of jara palm (Leopoldina pulchra), and the men surrounded the houses, seizing all the grown children, whose parents could not interfere. Each was held by two men, and forced to lean forward. A very old man sang, danced, and finally whipped the children’s backs with the jara whips. In order to make young boys successful in fishing, the Mura take them to a tucandeira ant’s nest and force them to expose a hand to the sting of the ants. Shamanism.—In Wallace’s time, 1850, Mura shamans were highly regarded as men of great ability. They were feared and their services were always well paid. The shamans observed by Tastevin and the present author are faithful counterparts of the Neo-Brazilian shamans of that region, and have no aboriginal features. Ornaments and preparations with magic power have been reported among the Juma River Mura. A caraipérana (Rosaceae) seed necklace offers protection against grippe and headaches. A necklace made of “tears of Our Lady” wards off eye disease. Painting the face with uruct protects against chickenpox. Juparana leaves were used against malaria. According to Spix and Martius (1823-31, vol. 3), the Mura used a monkey penis as a charm against fever. Vol. 31 THE MURA AND PIRAHA—NIMUENDAJU 265 MYTHOLOGY Some fragments of Mura cosmogony have been collected by Father Tastevin (1923 a) and the author. Heaven is a world, somewhat like the earth, where souls live and die and where the fearsome thunder resides. There is also a nether world, which is an aquatic region. The moon is female during 14 days, when women have greater vigor, and male during a like period, when men are especially strong. The waters of the earth are connected to those of heaven; when there is a flood on the earth, the waters ebb in heaven, and vice versa. The coal sack near the Southern Cross is a manatee carrying on its back a fisherman (Alpha and Beta Crucis of the Southern Cross), whose canoe was upset by the fish, while his companion (Alpha and Beta of Centaurus) is getting ready to throw the harpoon. The lightest part of the Milky Way is foam worked up by the manatee in the water. The origin of the rainbow is explained as follows: A woman carried in her womb two snakes that would climb trees, bring her fruits, and return into her. Her husband killed them, and they went up to the sky, where they became the upper and lower rainbows. The rainbow is also con- ceived as the mouth of a large snake through which souls enter heaven. So as to obtain free passage, a coin is placed in the mouth of the deceased. If the latter is very poor, a fig is used instead. The master of the rainbow snake is called kaai tuhui. The following are some Mura myths: The flood.—Men escaped the rising flood in canoes and found a high rock, where they gathered, subsisting on the animals which also had taken refuge there. After the deluge had passed, they could not find their way home until a shaman took them there. The great fire.—There was once a world conflagration, from which only one family escaped. The man had dug a deep cave, provided it with 30 pitchers of water, and erected a house of wood and straw inside it. He closed the entrance with stone. The fire passed above the cave, and it was intensely hot in the pit. Two weeks later, the stone was still hot, and the family did not emerge until the stone was cool enough to move. The earth was deserted and had no water or plants. The man built a hut, but he worried because only 10 pitchers of water remained. Then the Holy Ghost came with drums and flags, and the Indian obtained water from him. He got fish from Saint Anthony, palm trees from Saint John, and manioc from Saint Peter. The last ordered him to lie down on his back and when he turned around he saw that the manioc had already grown a foot. On the left bank of the Amazon near Manaos the dry and stunned vegetation bears witness to the great fire. The prisoners of the pigs.—A newly married man went pig hunting. When he killed a sow, the aroused animals forced him to climb a tree. They dug up the roots of the tree, and when it fell they carried him away. 266 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The pig’s mother, a small red animal, kept him with her. When they went past uixu, burity, and biriba trees they asked him whether he ate these fruits, and he answered that he did. The pigs then assumed a human shape. He had to sleep among them. When he arose, they did the same and grunted and sniffed. After 2 months, he managed to escape by climbing a tree and jumping from branch to branch. He carried away the pig’s flute. After he had returned home, he invited his wife, his brother, and brother-in-law to hunt pigs. While they remained in the canoe, he blew twice on his flute. Soon a large herd of pigs came running toward him, and he killed as many as he wanted. His other brother returned from a trip and inquired how he obtained so many pigs. Then the brother took the flute and, saying that the other was a fool for having allowed the pigs to take him prisoner, he went ashore, blowing the flute. The pigs killed him and took the flute back. THE PIRAHA TRIBAL LOCATION, HISTORY, AND LANGUAGE The Piraha (Pirianaus, Piaarhaus, Piraheus, Piriahai, Piriaha, Piriaha, Pinyaha, Iviridyarohu, “lords of fiber rope,” i.e., armbands, Ivirapa-poku, “long bow,” and Tapii, “strangers”) is a subtribe of the Mura, which speaks a distinct dialect. It has evidently always occupied its present habitat between lat. 6°25’ and 7°10’ S., along the lower Maicy River and at Estirao Grande do Marmellos, below this river’s mouth. The Pirahd have remained the least acculturated Mura tribe, but they are known only through a short word list and unpublished notes obtained by the author during several brief contacts in 1922, when efforts were being made to pacify the Parintintin. The dialects of the Pirahé and Mura of Manicoré are mutually intel- ligible, and differences in these dialects appearing in the author’s vocabu- lary may be partly attributable to informant difficulties. Ina few instances, the Mura “r” becomes “g” in the Pirahd dialect. The Pirahdé are mentioned by Ferreira Penna (1853) in 1853, by Orton (1875, p. 470) in 1873, and by Barboza Rodrigues (1892 b) in 1885, the last describing them as the fiercest of all the Mura. In 1923, they numbered around 90. In 1921, the “Servigo de Protegcao aos Indios” established a center to give them aid but, apparently content with their present state, these Indians have shown little inclination to acquire European culture. Except for a few implements, they show almost no sign of any permanent contact with civilized people. They showed no interest in the utensils and clothing given them by the Servico de Proteccio aos Indios. Neither did they steal. In fact, no two tribes offer a more striking contrast than the Pirahd and their neighbors, the Vol. 31] THE MURA AND PIRAHA—NIMUENDAJU 267 Parintintin. The latter were active, clever, greedy for new things, ambi- tious, and thieving. In general, the author found the Pirahd dull and unresponsive. Their sullenness made field research among them difficult. Their indifference and aloofness is probably more apparent than real, and seems to stem from their deep resentment at seeing their old enemies, the Parintintin, being favored by the governmental authorities, whereas they, who had never been hostile to the Neo-Brazilians, were treated with much less regard. The vocabulary collected among them never exceeded 71 words. The Pivahad appeared to be completely indifferent as linguistic informants. In spite of several decades of contact with Neo-Brazilians, their knowledge of Portuguese and of the Lingua Geral never exceeded a dozen words. THE YAHAHI Barboza Rodrigues (1892 b) divides the Mura into Pirahens (Pirahd), Burahens, and the Jahaahens (Yahahi), giving for the location of the last the Solimé6es River. The Tord and Maranawi, who inhabit the lower Marmellos, call the Yahahi a subtribe of the Mura, which they say used to live on the Branco River, a tributary of the right bank of the upper Marmellos. The last survivors of the Yahahi joined the Pirahd. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES The Pirahd grew maize, sweet manioc (macaxera), a kind of yellow squash (jurumum), watermelon, and cotton. They were also excellent hunters and fishermen. The only aboriginal fishing technique observed among them was shooting fish with an arrow; however, they used fish- hooks obtained from civilized people. They ate Brazil nuts and wild fruit, and they liked honey mixed with water. They did not drink rum. DWELLINGS The dwellings of the Pirahd were rudimentary and badly constructed. Some were merely a poorly thatched roof covering a rude platform which served as a floor. As the huts were built on the beach slopes, the downhill ends of the flooring poles rested on a horizontal pole supported on two forked posts, while the uphill ends were stuck in the sand of the slope. On this platform were strewn one or more straw mats. The palm leaves of the roof were thrown at random over a still lighter framework, resting on four small forks about 5 to 6% feet (114 to 2 m.) above the first. The rain beat in everywhere as there were no walls. Similar, but larger, huts were sometimes placed side by side in twos or threes. In the summer, 653333—47—20 968 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 one saw huts in little groups on the beaches of the Maicy River; in the winter, the Indians lived on land not subject to floods. On one small inland farm, a better constructed, open, gable-roof hut was noted. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS The men wore a belt of raw fibers with fringe down the front, cover- ing and holding the penis up against the abdomen. The women, at least in the camps, were nude. The women’s ears and the lower lips of some of the men were pierced. The young women, from puberty until mar- riage, wore two fiber strings, sometimes braided, across the shoulders. Over the biceps the men wore fiber bands with long fringe. The women had necklaces of seeds and animal teeth. Though they had rustic wooden combs, their hair was always more or less unkempt. They did not re- move the body hairs. In spite of their river habitat, the Pirahd, especially the children, were very dirty and untidy. Use of uruct and genipa body paint was rare. MANUFACTURES Miscellaneous.—The Pirahd made pouches with handles, baskets of babasst straw, gourds for holding water, gourds with painted black in- teriors, and spoons made of monkey skulls. They made two types of straw fans, one rectangular and the other in the shape of a fish. There was no pottery. The Indians usually slept on a platform, but sometimes, to escape the mosquitoes, they lay in their canoes, tying them to a branch on the bank. Very rarely, one saw a netlike fiber hammock, in which they rested during the day. Weapons.—tThe only Pirahd weapon was the bow and arrow; it was powerful but less carefully made than those of the Parintintin. The ar- rows had radial feathering, tied at intervals. A jawbone with tusks was used to smooth the bow and the wooden arrow shaft. On the edge of the bamboo arrow point a cutia’s tooth was set in a handle. WARFARE The Parintintin and the Pirahd were constantly at odds. In both tribes there were a number of Indians who bore scars of wounds from this fighting. Their hostile encounters usually took place in the summer when the Piraha went up the Maicy River, sometimes as far as the Maicy Fork, looking for tracaja (turtle, Podocnemis) eggs in Parintintin country. Likewise, the Parintintin attacked the Pirahd in their camps on the lower Maicy River almost every year. Unlike their enemies, the Pirahd were not cannibals and did not take trophies from the bodies of the slain enemies. They did, sometimes, take prisoners. Thus in 1916 or 1917 they captured a Parintintin woman and child and sold them to the civil- ized people of the lower Marmellos River. Long ago the Pirahd seem Vol. 3] THE MURA AND PIRAHA—NIMUENDAJU 269 also to have had some bloody battles with the Matanawit, but to all ap- pearances they managed to get along peaceably with the Tord. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES No musical instruments were seen among the Pirahd. A group of Piraha who were camped near the Brazilian Government Center held a dance from the rising to the setting of the full moon. Holding hands and singing in unison, men and women formed a circle and danced in an open space. Starting slowly, they accelerated until they were running. This was repeated all night long. One of the men wore around his head a cord with short feathers of many colors; others had yellow grains of mumbaca palm trees (Astrocaryum mumbaca) hanging over their ears as ornaments. At a certain time, all were served a warm gruel of the jurumum (squash) in a large gourd, made by roasting the plant in ashes and crushing it with the hands in water. BIBLIOGRAPHY Albuquerque Lacerda, 1864; Anonymous, ms. a; Barboza Rodrigues, 1892 b; Bates, 1863; Daniel, 1841; Fernandes de Souza, 1870; Ferreira, ms.; Ferreira Penna, 1853; Fonseca, 1880-81; Fonesca Coutinho, 1873; Herndon and Gibbons, 1853-54; Leite, 1943; Loukotka, 1939; Marcoy, 1866; Martius, 1863, 1867; Monteiro Noronha, 1862; Moraes, 1860; Nimuendaju, 1924, 1925, 1932 b; Nimuendajui and Valle Bentes, 1923; Nunes Pereira, 1939; Orton, 1875; Ribeiro de Sampaio, 1825; Rivet, 1924; Schmidt, W., 1913; Southey, 1862; Sousa, A., 1870; Spix and Martius, 1823-31, and Atlas; Tastevin, 1923 a; Therese von Bayern, 1897; Wallace, 1853, 1889. a oh ‘ 7 ‘ a Peay ia pees, ths" ate ya JG o + ie tot (eagaleres “Palate . a Phere , 7 ie i] Sa, foal | ys hy Une we Fat, ae —? ay genet \ . ia ‘ 5 ; Morte OY A OiTaNTE. - ae ee ba i) Ae 5 areas in quota A prone at horn dace Saw eroservertiel Leadakiem to) o hit ici Aapsnpioei tenia ioe Kv re Tk eet le: iat Reto ¥ beled We Habart bh ot days 4) gs rts ots catty / We on heh! t hb ?* neice ben nit (108 rsa tay 7 —grtnin ane etsws (e's f, ' & ‘ rb a v i] : P a" alte ai pa Fi thar) weytin', agquteh é » renay wites4 fits Avia ; a DT ae ‘ hited, +h ‘ sath ; 4 ’ i Ale Game a RP Re Wirt ted peter yt | | A eden oo) ater et lig | ) ina | ric i l iin ; Lis rae rh i] i i La ‘ . oA ott i , ; iia ) Ose t ry han a ' bing chai) ad quid Daren Wo Gee Y¢ ma 7 ar ay ‘ ' , P » Jt ' >A An ee af” Vigge dy ey 3 Ary Lng Uy an rg wane De ‘ i ‘ yi} , 7 us) ‘bs = Ue ee _ aa, Pie ie iV THE MUNDURUCU! By Donatp Horton TERRITORY AND NAME The Munduruct are a Tupi-speaking people in the southwestern por- tion of the State of Para and the southeastern corner of the State of Amazonas, Brazil (map 1, No. 1; map 4; lat. 5°-8° S., long. 56°-60° W.). When first encountered by Europeans in the late 18th century, the Munduruci were a warlike people, aggressively expanding their territory along the Tapajéz River and adjacent areas. Their expansion reached its limits at the beginning of the 19th century, when they were defeated by the Neo-Brazilians. Since then their territory has dwindled ; remnant settlements are located on the Canuma and several of its tributar- ies (Abacaxis, Paracury, Apucitaua), in the municipios of Maués, Par- intins, and Juriti, and on the Cururt River (a southeastern tributary of the Tapajéz). The principal settlements are located along the middle Tapajoz River and especially on its southeastern tributary, the Rio de Tropas (between lat. 6° and 7° S., and long. 56° and 57° W.). Commu- nities formerly established on the lower Tapajéz between the Rio de Tropas and the Amazon have been absorbed or wiped out by Neo-Brazilian settlers. Kruse (1934) distinguishes four regional groups of the Mundurucu: The Tapajoz River group, living on both sides of the Tapajéz between the Rio de Tropas and the Cururti River; the Madeira River Munduruciu, on the Secudury, a tributary of the Canuma; the Xingu River Mun- duruct, known also as the Curuaya, on the uppermost left tributary of the Igarapé de Flecha, itself an eastern tributary of the middle Rio Curua do Iriri; and the Juruena River Munduruct, known also as the Njambik- waras. Nimuendaju (personal communication) regards the name “Ma- deira Munduruck” as unsuitable, since the rivers on which this group is located do not flow into the Madeira; he also believes that the Curuaya, "1The writer is indebted to Dr. Curt Nimuendaji, who through personal knowledge of the Munduruci and familiarity with literary sources not available to the writer, was able tu provide additional information on the distribution and history of the tribe which has been utilized in the present account. Where the literature clearly indicates that a custom is no longer practiced, the past tense is employed; otherwise the account is given in the present tense even though it is probable that much of the culture so described no longer persists. paral 272 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 though related linguistically to the Mundurucu, are to be regarded as an independent tribe (this volume, p. 221), and that the Njambikwara (see Nambicuara, p. 361) are not properly classified as Mundurucu on any basis. Martius (1867) reported a group related to the Mundurucu, known as the Guajajara, who were settled on the Gurupi River near Cerzedello in 1818. The writer has found no further reference to this name in the literature dealing with the Munduruct. (The Guajajara-Tembé are a tribe near the east coast of Brazil, page 137.) According to native tradition, the Wiaunyen, at the headwaters of the Mutum River, should be classed as a subtribe of the Munduructu. The Mundurucu refer to themselves as Weidyénye (our own, our peo- ple) (Kruse, 1934). Munduruci (Munduruki, Munduruct, Mondu- ruch, Mundrucu, Moturicu, etc.) is the name applied to them by the Parintintin, in whose language it denotes a species of ant (Stromer, 1932). A nickname widely used by Neo-Brazilians is Paiquizé (Paikyce) (Mar- tius, 1867) or Paikise, meaning “father knife” or “head-cutter.” They are sometimes called Caras Pretas (“black face’), in reference to their facial tattooing. (See Kruse (1934), who gives an extensive list of names used by other tribes to designate the Munduruciu.) POPULATION In 1887, Martius estimated the Mundurucu at 18,000 to 40,000, but Stromer believes that, on the basis of known settlement sites, a maximum population of 10,000 at the period of Contact is indicated. Tocantins (1877) listed 21 villages with populations ranging from 100 to 2,600 and a total population of 18,910. According to Campana, there were at the turn of the century about 1,400 individuals in 37 communities in the Tapajéz area. The largest village had 700 inhabitants, and the smallest less than a dozen. Strémer (1932) found 19 settlements with a total of 1,200 to 1,400 inhabitants in 1931, and fewer still in 1937. Both Campana’s and Strémer’s figures refer only to the population of the main area of concentration. Kruse gives a population of 950 for the Tapajéz group and 800 for the Canuma group. HISTORY The first reference to the Munduruct was published in 1768 when Monteiro Noronha? listed the “Maturucw’ among the tribes on the Mauées River. In 1769, according to Manoel Baena (1885), the Munduruci began to move northward along the Tapajéz River, forcing out or exterminating the Jaguain (Javaim, Hy-au-ahim), a warlike, cannibalistic tribe then occupying the middle Tapajéz. A “Mondruci” settlement a day’s journey below the mouth of the Arinos was reported by Almeida Serra in 1779. The Mumnduructi reached and made unsuccessful attacks upon §The writer has not seen all of the sources mentioned in this sketch of Munduruci history; the material here summarized has been in part provided by Dr. Nimuendajui (personal communi- cation). Vol. 3] THE MUNDURUCU—HORTON 973 Santarém and Gurupa in 1780 and again in 1784. They attacked the Mura in the Madeira River region and a few years later dispersed their southern neighbors, the Parintintin (Cawahiwa). Their next expedition, involving an army of some 2,000 warriors, is said to have crossed the Xingu and Tocantins Rivers and to have reached the western limits of Maranhao Province. The expedition is said to have been defeated and turned back by the Apinayé (see Strémer, 1937), but according to Nimuendaju, it may be doubted that the Munduruci actually went so far east. A Neo-Brazilian punitive force fought a 3-day battle with them on the Rio de Tropas (ca. 1794). Peace was established in 1795 or 1796. Except for minor conflicts with neighboring tribes, the Munduructi abandoned warfare and gradually relinquished the great territory they had seized. Missions were established on the Tapajéz in 1799 and on the Madeira in 1811. By 1885, the Mundurucu still living on the Madeira River had been sufficiently acculturated to be described as “civilized” (Hartt, 1885). A few of the villages of the Tapajdéz region are said to preserve as much of the old culture as can survive without military organization, warfare, and head hunting (Stromer, 1932). The site of the tribe prior to its northward drive along the Tapajdz is not definitely known. Kruse (1934) believes that they lived adjacent to the Apiacd in Mato Grosso; Martius (1867) thought that language and customs pointed to an origin still further south. It is Nimuendaju’s opinion (personal communication), however, that the Mundurucu were originally located on the Rio de Tropas, where their principal settlements are found today and where the punitive expedition of 1794 found their chief military strength. Mundurucu legend attributes their origin to the town of Necodemus in this area. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES The Mundurucu subsist partly on horticulture and partly on hunting, fishing, and gathering. Tocantins’ (1877) list of plants cultivated by them includes two species of manioc, sweet potato, pineapple, sugarcane, various peppers and beans, and several species of bananas. Other authors mention cotton, tobacco, and genipa. Tocantins names some 30 noncultivated plants utilized in Munduruct economy. Martius (1867) says that this tribe formerly gathered wild rice along the Madeira and Iraria Rivers. They eat ants, larvae, and honey. Some of the Munduruci now have cattle. Though they do not use these as food, they will eat the meat of domestic animals if it is offered them. In the aboriginal culture, wild fowl were kept in cages to provide plumage for the featherwork described below. The Mundurucu are said to show great affection for their dogs. Women suckle puppies; when a dog dies it is given the same form of burial as a human being. There are no published descriptions of Mundurucu hunting techniques, but accounts of hunting rituals indicate that tapirs, peccaries, hares, deer, and agoutis are hunted. One ritual simulates the use of a runway of stakes to trap peccaries. Intensive hunting occurs during the summer, when many families occupy temporary huts in the brush. 274 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.H. Bull, 143 Barbed arrows are used more commonly than hook and line in fishing. Stromer’s vocabulary (1932) includes references to basket traps and weirs. Fish and crocodiles are drugged with poison from twigs and leaves of the timbo. Food preparation.—Cooking is women’s work. Dishes mentioned in the literature include roasted sweet potato, banana mush, manioc broth, cara fruit soup, and a dish consisting of Brazil nuts which have been washed, soaked in water, smoked, crushed, and roasted. Meat is roasted on a babracot of green sticks or on a slanting spit. Stromer’s vocabulary includes a word for manioc press and a phrase meaning “roasting house for manioc meal.” Mortar and pestle are reported. Beverages are made from wild beans, cacao, and manioc meal mixed with honey and water. The Mundurucu had no native alcoholic beverages. They raise tobacco and smoke it in the form of cigars wrapped in tauari bark. VILLAGES AND HOUSES Tocantins and Farabee imply that the dwellings are arranged around une periphery of an open village plaza in the center of which is the men’s house. Bates, however, mentions a settlement of 30 houses scattered for a distance of 6 or 7 miles along a river bank; and Martius (Spix and Martius, 1823-31, vol. 3) speaks of houses arranged in rows in a forest clearing. The men’s house (ekca) occupied by the warriors, is a prominent feature of the village. Tocantins describes one 100 m. (325 feet) long, covered with thatch and open on one of its long sides. A photograph of a men’s house in Farabee (1917 a) shows a rectangular structure, smaller and more crudely built than the dwelling house, with a gable roof and incompletely enclosed sides. The warriors slung their hammocks from posts inside it during the winter and from a series of posts set in three parallel rows and united by cross beams, in the village plaza, during the summer. Although warfare is no longer an important aspect of Munduruci life, the men’s house still serves as a men’s work place and as a dwelling for the unmarried men. Women are not permitted to enter it. The dwelling house (ekqa, “big house’’) photographed by Farabee is a long, rectangular, windowless structure with a high thatched roof and low walls. The men’s door is in the center of the long side facing the men’s house; the women’s door is directly opposite. Stromer describes the house as a long, rectangular building with a roof sloping to the ends and sides, and with rising peaks at each end of the roof crest, but in a later publication (1937) he speaks of the house as “dome-shaped.” In the 1850’s, Bates found that most of the dwellings had conical roofs and walls of framework filled with mud. The roof was covered with palm thatch, and the eaves extended halfway to the ground. Martius also reported conical roofs. Vol. 3] THE MUNDURUCU—HORTON 975 Within the house each family has its own partitioned quarters and a fire- place or stone manioc oven (Tocantins, 1877). How many families usually occupy a single house has not been reported. CLOTHING AND ADORNMENT The only item of Mundurucu clothing mentioned in the literature is the three-cornered penis cover suspended from a cotton cord, but there are several descriptions of the ceremonial feather garments for which this tribe is famous. Many authors consider the Mundurucu to have been the most expert featherworkers in South America within the historic period. Feather work.—Featherwork includes aprons, capes (attached to head- dresses), caps, diadems, belts, girdles, bandoliers, arm bands, and leg bands. The feathers used in this craft were at least in part obtained from birds kept in captivity ; red, blue, green, and yellow feathers were carefully sorted by color and size and stored in baskets or in palm-stem cylinders. Martius was told that the Mundurucu were able to cause their parrots to grow yellow plumes by plucking their feathers and rubbing frogs’ blood into the wounds.® The feathers are attached to a net fabric. Tail feathers, arranged in parallel rows, are used in capes and pendants; rosettes of small feathers, bound at the quills, are attached to the base net to cover the attachments of long feathers; imbricated breast feathers may be used to cover the surface of a fabric or to sheathe a cord. Decorative effects are produced by simple alternation of colors. A characteristic feathered staff is described as a stem of cane or wood about 3 feet (1 m.) long and 2 or 3 inches in diameter. The shait is either covered with long feathers laid flat against it or sheathed with fine breast feathers. At the upper end a dense band of rosettes forms a projecting collar; a free cluster of long plumes may project from the head of the staff. The feathers are attached with wax and cotton thread. These ob- jects are highly valued and when not in use are carefully stored in cylin- drical containers. Their significance has not been reported; Martius merely says that when he approached a Mundurucu village, staff-bearers came to meet him. Tattooing and painting.—The Mundurucu tattooing designs consist of fine, widely-spaced parallel lines applied vertically on limbs and torso; bands of lozenges across the upper part of the chest; occasional parallel horizontal lines, and cross-hatchings. Around each eye is tattooed a single- line ellipse; curved lines are drawn around the mouth. Lines converging toward the ears across the cheeks give the appearance of wings spread across the face. (For illustrations of Mundurucu tattooing, see the sketches by Hercules Florence (Steinen, 1899).) 3 Nordenskiédld (1924 b, p. 207) says of this custom, which has been reported from other South American tribes, that the color change actually occurs, but zoologists attribute the change to dietary factors. 276 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Hartt and Martius both mention tattooing combs of palm thorns, but Tocantins states that the operation is performed with an agouti tooth. The skin is slashed and genipa juice is rubbed into the wound. Genipa is also used as a paint to color areas enclosed by tattooed lines. Both sexes are tattooed but there are slight differences in design for each. The operation begins when the subject is about 8 years old and proceeds gradually over a period of years. It is seldom completed before the subject has reached the age of 20. Hairdress.—The aboriginal hair style was the same for both sexes. The hair was cut just above the ears and at the nape of the neck. The crown of the head was shaved but a short, circular tuft was left above the center of the forehead. MANUFACTURES Baskets, ropes, and netting.—Baskets are woven of creepers, straw, and twigs. Ropes and cords are made of plant fibers and cotton thread. Women beat the raw cotton with sticks to separate the fibers and twist the thread with the aid of some sort of spindle. Cotton thread is used in knitting net fabrics for featherwork, and in making hammocks. Fibers from the outer surface of muriti palm leaves are sometimes used in mak- ing hammocks. Ceramics.—Pottery vessels, made by women, are modeled directly from a mass of clay and are said to be of poor quality. Weapons.—The following weapons have been mentioned but not described: Bows, arrows of reed and of wood, poisoned war arrows, unpoisoned hunting arrows (Martius, 1867), spears with bamboo blades, javelins, wooden knives, hafted (stone?) axes, and war clubs. A cotton bandage was wrapped around the knuckles of the bow hand to protect it from the bowstring. Katzer (1901) has published illustrations of a number of flat, polished stone ax heads, of oval or nearly quadrangular shape, with lateral notches; these were found archeologically in Mundu- ruct territory. He reports that the Mundurucu still make such stone objects, but keep them merely as valuables or as children’s toys. TRADE Despite hostility between the Munduruct and their neighbors, they traded their featherwork extensively. They are said to have depended on an unidentified northern source for arrow poison. After the advent of the missions, manioc meal, sarsaparilla, and other forest products were exported to Santarém in considerable quantities (Martius, 1867). SOCIAL ORGANIZATION According to Kruse (1934), the Tapajoz River Munduructi have a patrilineal sib and moiety system. There are 34 sibs whose members are Vol. 3] THE MUNDURUCU—HORTON Dik related to eponymous plants and animals. Sib ancestors are embodied in large ceremonial trumpets called “kaduké,” which women are forbidden to see upon pain of lifelong unhappiness. Certain sibs are “related.” but the nature of the relationship has not been specified. The sibs are grouped in exogamous moieties: a red moiety of 15 sibs and a white moiety of 19 sibs. A list of the sib names is given by Kruse (1934). In Mundurucu tradition these sibs were once warring tribes; their pacifi- cation and organization into the present tribal society is attributed to the culture hero. Polygyny is practiced by men of rank. Younger wives are sometimes solicited voluntarily by the elder wife. Martius reports the levirate. He also states that if a marriageable girl’s father dies, and she finds no suit- able husband, her mother’s brother is obliged to marry her. It is perhaps corroborative evidence of this type of marriage that in the kinship terms given in Stromer’s vocabulary, a woman addresses her brother and son- in-law by the same term (tapo). Patrilocal residence is indicated by Martius’ report (1867) that a woman guilty of adultery may be expelled from the house and return to her own family. According to Hartt (1885), each family’s section of the communal house is identified by the family’s color painted on the post of the partition. No further information about this color symbolism is given. Each communal house is said to have its house chief and its shaman. Above house chiefs and shamans in rank are war chiefs, chiefs of sub- tribes (regional groups or moieties?), and a chief shaman. Bates (1892) is the only writer who mentions a paramount tribal chief. Farabee (1917 a) makes an obscure reference to differences in class between war chiefs and “civil” chiefs (house chiefs?). He also states that the sons and daughters of war chiefs intermarry. MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND WARFARE The central military institution was the group of warriors living in the men’s house. This house and the village were constantly guarded by a patrol whose leader gave signals by means of a trumpet or flute. When a war expedition was being planned, a pledge stick was passed among the warriors by the war chief. A warrior pledged himself to join the expedition by cutting a notch in the stick. When the war party got under way, absolute authority was vested in its leader. War was generally waged during the summer dry season. Whenever feasible, each warrior was accompanied by his wife or sister, who carried his equipment, prepared food, strung hammocks, aided him if he were wounded, and assisted in the preliminary preparation of trophy heads. The women, according to most authors, took no part in the actual fighting, 278 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 though Martius reports that women participated in the battle to the extent of recovering arrows shot by the enemy and delivering them to their own warriors. He even asserts that the women “cleverly catch the arrows of the enemy in flight” (Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 3: 1,313). The usual method of attack was to assault the enemy village at daybreak and to fire the huts by means of incendiary arrows. During the fight, the war leader stood behind his warriors directing the attack. Assistants signaled his orders on their trumpets. Women and children of the enemy were taken prisoner; the women were later married by Munduructt men, and the children were adopted. But enemy warriors were killed and their heads taken as trophies. A Munduruct warrior who had fought bravely but because of a wound had failed to obtain a head, received in compensation a cotton belt from which hung teeth removed from enemy heads. Such a belt might also be given to the widow of a warrior killed in battle (pl. 23, right), and her possession of it entitled her to be supported by the community. When a warrior had been wounded, his name was not spoken for a year; during this time he was considered to be dead. At the end of the year, a feast was given to reinstate him in the community. Trophy heads were dried and colored with uruct or genipa; the brain cavity was filled with cotton and a carrying cord was laced through the lips (pl. 23, left). Mundurucu trophy heads were not shrunken. (Koser- itz (1885) and Barbosa Rodrigues (1882 a) were both in error on this point. ) Stromer believes that the Mundurucu were cannibalistic, basing his belief on a passage in native text which seems to imply that some part of the trophy head was eaten. Kruse (1934) denies that the Mundurucu were in any way cannibalistic; Nimuendaju (personal communication) doubts the credibility of Stromer’s informants on this subject. LIFE CYCLE Birth and naming.—According to Martius, the father keeps to his hammock for several weeks after the birth of a child and there receives the visits and solicitude of his neighbors. Immediately after its birth, the child is given a totemic name. Other names are added as the child grows older. If a man performs a heroic deed in hunting or warfare, his heroism will be commemorated by an additional name. When children reach their 8th year, their tatooing begins, and a boy takes up residence in the men’s house. ; Puberty and marriage.—Martius (1867) says that a girl at her first menstruation is required to undergo a long period of fasting “while ex- posed to the smoke in the gable of the hut.” A girl may be betrothed while still quite young to a mature warrior. Though she remains with her parents and the marriage is not consummated Vol. 3] THE MUNDURUCU—HORTON 279 until she reaches puberty, the prospective husband assumes the responsi- bility of providing food for her and her parents. A younger man may obtain a wife by giving several years’ bride service in the household of the girl’s parents. Death and burial.—An “executioner” was pointed out to Martius, whose duty it was to despatch the fatally ill and the senile. Attribution of this custom to the Munduruct is said to be widespread among neighboring tribes. When a death occurs, the maternal relatives of the deceased cut their hair, blacken their faces, and conduct a prolonged wailing for the dead. The corpse, wrapped in a hammock, is placed upright with flexed knees in a cylindrical grave under the floor of the dwelling. Grave goods con- sist of ornaments and other small objects. Skeletons of men of high status are exhumed and burned after the flesh has decayed; the ashes are buried in jars. When a warrior is killed on a distant battlefield, his head is taken back to the village and put on display with his ornaments, trumpet, and weapons. After a feast in honor of the deceased, the head is suspended from the neck of his mother, widow, or sister, and his fellow warriors pledge to avenge his death. During this ceremony the shaman is isolated in a special hut where he blows the sacred trumpet (kaduké). The cere- mony is repeated at yearly intervals, terminating with the fourth per- formance, when the head is finally buried in the house of the deceased. RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES At the beginning of winter, the Mundurucui perform a ceremony which on alternate years invokes success in hunting and in fishing. The shaman, isolated in a special hut, propitiates the guardian spirits of game animals and fish. A ventriloquistic dialogue in which the voices of the animals are heard proceeding from the hut informs the people of the shaman’s success in obtaining the favor of the spirits. Offerings are made to the skulls of animals and fish. The ceremony is directed by a feast leader who is both a prominent warrior and a good singer. Tocantins (1877) reports a similar annual ceremony to propitiate the spirits of maize and manioc. Farabee (1917 a) describes a feast held at the first full moon in May to celebrate the first hunt following the birth of the April litters of peccaries. After a feast in which young peccaries are eaten, there is a dance in which the performers imitate a herd of peccaries. Children run among the dancers like young peccaries while the older people imitate the sound of peccaries feeding; a dancer representing an old boar protecting the herd wrestles with another dancer who plays the part of a jaguar. The boar succeeds in holding off the jaguar while the herd of peccaries escapes. 280 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 In another dance the peccaries are pursued by hunters and their dogs. The peccaries take refuge in a hole in the ground. The hunters then simulate the construction of a trap by standing with legs astraddle to represent an alley of stakes; the peccaries try to escape between the lines of stakes and are killed by a hunter at the end of the alley. An abbreviated description of a peccary festival is given by Stromer (1932). This is a hunting ceremony in which the skulls of animals play a role. Sexual intercourse is performed ritually by the participants. At one point in the ceremony, the performers dance on a heap of peccary hair while they sing an invocation of success in peccary hunting. At a special men’s festival in honor of the sib ancestors the sacred trumpets are blown. At the conclusion of the ceremony, a special bev- erage is poured through the trumpet into a cup and drunk by the partici- pants. The ceremony, performed by men alone since women are not permitted to see the trumpets, is said to propitiate the sib ancestors and to obtain their good will toward their descendants. At the tree festival a tree is set up in the center of the dwelling house; the participants stand around it while the shaman smokes tobacco and invokes on the house the protection of Karusakaibo, the creator god. SHAMANISM AND SORCERY The shaman determines the most favorable time for war parties, exor- cises evil spirits, takes a leading part in ceremonies, cures the sick, detects sorcerers, and intervenes to terminate eclipses of the sun. Illness is believed to be caused by the intrusion of a worm into the patient’s body, or by sorcery. The shaman cures the intrusion by blowing smoke on the patient’s body and sucking out the worm. When many deaths or much sickness occur the malevolence of a sorcerer is suspected; the shaman detects the sorcerer and informs the chief of his identity. The chief ap- points two warriors to follow the sorcerer until they have a favorable opportunity to kill him. Some hints as to the technique of sorcery are given in Stromer’s vocabulary. He records the word, yamain, meaning “to cut off the head and set it back again,” and the word, yakut, “hole in the earth in which to bury the head”—both with reference to the practice of sorcery. Sorcery is said to be virtually the sole cause of homicide among the Munduruci. Adultery is punished by the expulsion of the guilty persons. When two men become antagonistic, one of them takes his hammock and goes to live in the men’s house of another village. MYTHOLOGY The creator god and culture hero of Mundurucu mythology is Karusa- kaib6 (Caru-Sacaibé (Tocantins, 1877)); Karusakaibe (Kruse, 1934) ; Vol. 3] THE MUNDURUCU—HORTON 981 Karusakaibu (Farabee, 1917 a). His wife, Sikrida (Stromer, 1932) ; Chicridha (Tocantins, 1877), is a Munduruci woman. Korumtau (Carutau (ibid.)) is his eldest son and his second born is Anukaite (Hanu-Acuate (ibid.)). Karusakaibo’s companion and helper is Daiiru (Rayru (ibid.)), an armadillo. Conflict between Karusakaib6 and his sons and companion is a recur- rent theme in several myths reported by Stromer and Tocantins. In one story, Anukaite is seduced by his mother. Karusakaibo learns of the incest and in anger pursues his son. Anukaite delays his flight to have sexual intercourse with several importunate women whom he meets on the way; his father overtakes him and transforms him into a tapir. The insatiable women are transformed into fish. On another occasion the offenders are Daiiru and Korumtau. Their offense is not explained clearly in the account (Stromer, 1932) but ap- pears to involve an improper relationship between Korumtau and some peccaries, for which Datiru is partly responsible. Again the guilty are pursued by Karusakaibo; to evade his father, Korumtau transforms him- self successively into a peccary, a cricket, a bird, and a monkey. Once he is wounded by an arrow shot by the pursuing father, but the armadillo draws the arrow from the wound. The animals of the forest give aid by warning of the father’s approach. Finally, the two fugitives throw them- selves into a body of water and escape. The Mundurucu origin myth tells of the emergence of mankind from under the ground. According to one version (Farabee, 1917 a), Karusa- kaibo had made the world but had not created men. One day Daiiru, the armadillo, offended the creator and was forced to take refuge in a hole in the ground. Karusakaibo blew into the hole and stamped his foot on the earth. Daiiru was blown out of the hole by the rush of air. He reported that people were living in the earth. He and Karusakaibo made a cotton rope and lowered it into the hole. The people began to climb out. When half of them had emerged, the rope broke and half remained underground, where they still live. The sun passes through their country from west to east when it is night on the earth; the moon shines there when the earth has moonless nights. According to another version of the tale (Tocantins, 1877), the creator stamped his foot at the site of the village of Necodemos; White people, Indians, and Negroes emerged from a fissure in the ground. The creator tattooed the Mundurucu like himself; the Whites and Negroes scattered. Karusakaibo then showed the Munduruct how to raise manioc, maize, cotton, and other plants and how to utilize them. It was he who traced the petroglyphs now found on certain cliffs in the region of Necodemos. Another origin-of-agriculture myth is given in a text gath- ered by Stromer (1937). Kruse (1934) reports a myth in which the women are said to have once been in possession of the men’s house, while the men lived in the 282 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 dwelling house. The men did all the work, including such women’s tasks as fetching firewood, providing manioc, and baking manioc meal. The woman ruler of the tribe and two companions found three sacred trumpets and secretly practiced playing on them in the forest. When the men dis- covered the secret, they took the trumpets away from the women. The women were sent to the dwelling house and were forbidden to look again upon the trumpets, while the men took possession of the men’s house. Both Stromer (1932) and Farabee (1917 a) report a myth which tells that the sun once fell upon the earth and destroyed its inhabitants by fire. Five days after the fire, the creator sent a vulture from the sky to see if the earth had cooled, but the vulture remained to eat the bodies of men who had been killed. After 4 days a blackbird was sent, but it remained to eat the charred buds of the trees. Four days later, the creator sent a dove, which returned with earth between its claws. Then the creator came down and recreated men and animals of white potter’s clay.* LORE AND LEARNING A few miscellaneous cosmological beliefs were obtained by Farabee: Karusakaibo created the sun by transforming a young man who had red eyes and long white hair. The moon is a transformed virgin with white skin. The rain spirit makes thunder by rolling a pestle in a mortar. The constellations are men and animals in a great savanna. An eclipse of the sun is due to a great fire which sweeps over its surface. A powerful shaman once ascended to the sun and put out the fire. Now, when an eclipse occurs, the shaman sends his yakpu to clear the sun. The yakpu (a fragment of meteoric iron) falls to the earth as a ball of fire. After it cools, the shaman puts it away until the next eclipse. BIBLIOGRAPHY Baena, 1885; Barbosa Rodrigues, 1882 a; Bates, 1892; Campana, 1904-06; Chand- less, 1862, 1870; Coudreau, H., 1897 a; Farabee, 1917 a; Hartt, 1885; Hodrschelmann, 1918-20; Katzer, 1901; Koseritz, 1885; Kruse, 1934; Martius, 1867; Nimuendaju, 1938; Nordenskidld, 1924 b; Spix and Martius, 1823-31, vol. 3; Steinen, 1899; Str6mer, 1932, 1937; Tocantins, 1877; Wood, 1868-70. 4 For texts of some of the myths given in condensed form above, see Strémer (1932); for other myths, not included in this account, see Stro6mer (ibid.) and Tocantins (1877). Farabee (1917 a) also gives three animal fables which he attributes to the Munduruci. (ugg ‘Ipleoty oflug osueRleg nosnyy ASoqunod) “yRequIod UL poy[Ty 1oWIBA BJO MOpLM Aq UdAOM “YA90} UBUINY Jo Yo_ “yb (Csoiry souong ‘Svijo'T A BIJOSOTLY op pRyNoey vl op ooyRASouyY oosnyY AsoyMo0D) “yANour oy4 Wodf SUIBUBY p1Od UOTSUOdSNS B PUB S}IYIOS 9AO UT JOS YJoo} [BUITUB YIM pvoy uUBUINY poredotg -;fo7T ‘syRJHIe nonIMpun;— ez ALVIg THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN, AND THEIR NEIGHBORS By Curt NIMUENDAJU THE OLD CAWAHIB Cawahib (Kawahib, Cawahiwa, Cabahiba, Cabaiva, Cauhuahipe, Cahuahiva) is the 18th- and early 19th-century name of a people who later split into some six groups or tribes, among them the Parintintin and the Tupi-Cawahib (pp. 299-305). (Lat. 10° S., long. 58° W.; map 1, No. 2; map 3.) In the 18th century, a tribe named Cabahiba lived on the upper Tapajéz River, between the confluence of the Arinos and Juruena Rivers and the mouth of the S4o Manoel River. Information about this tribe is scanty, partly because it never lived on the banks of the great river, unlike its neighbors, the Apiacd. The oldest reference to it, in 1797, appears in an anonymous manuscript (1857) with the laconic entry, “Cabahibas—Lingua Geral: situated below [the Apiacas], near the said confluence [Arinos and Juruena].’’ Subsequently, when the tribe may no longer have existed as a unit in that region, it is mentioned by writers who evidently based their statements on older data. The Cabahiba are not mentioned on the upper Tapajéz by any of the travelers of the first three decades of the 19th century who wrote on the Apiacd, but they are noted in other territory. The following is quoted from a list. which Castelnau (1850-59, vol. 3) compiled in 1844, but which evidently refers to the situation at the beginning of the century: “The Cabaivas cultivate considerable plantations to the west of the Juruena, but they are located much farther from the river than the nations mentioned before (Tame- pugas, Urupuyas, Macuris, and Birapacaparas).” Manoel Ayres Cazal (1707, p. 256) mentions them in 1817 in the same manner, “To the north of the latter (Appiacas) live the Cabahybas who speak the same language.” In 1819, some Apiacd informed Canon Guimaraes that the Cauhuahipe (Cawahib) lived on the Paramutanga (parana-mitan, “red river,” i.e., “Sangue River’), a tributary of the Juruena, and that they used silver ornaments. Melgaco in his “Apontamentos” (1884) locates them ap- proximately in the same region, on the Campos dos Pareceis, between the Arinos and Juruena Rivers. Another Apiacd told Castelnau in 1814 6533334721 5 283 284. SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 that the Cahuahiva lived among the tribes along the Juruena, but were driven from the river shores by the Apiacd. There is no further mention in the literature of the name Cabahiba, but V. P. Vasconcellos’ expedition down the Sangue River in 1915 (Rondon, 1916) found unknown and hostile Indians on its lower portions. The behavior of these Indians suggested that they were a Tupi tribe, as Rondon believed, and not Nambicuara, as Vasconcellos thought. As the name Cawahib gradually disappeared from the writings about Mato Grosso, Parintintin began to appear in Para at the beginning of the 19th century. Parintintin (pari, “non-Munduruct Indian,” rign-rign, “fetid”) is the name given the Cawahib by the Munduruci, its mortal enemies and neighbors to the north. The Mundurucu originally were concentrated in the region of the Rio das Tropas, but, since 1750, they have expanded mainly at the expense of the Cawahib. The Mundurucu, according to their tradition, expelled the Parintintin from the Cururt River Basin. They continued to perse- cute them until the beginning of the 20th century, and no doubt caused them to split into six isolated groups between the SAo Manoel-Paranatinga and the Madeira Rivers. It has been established that two of che most important of these, the Parintintin of the Madeira River and the “T2pi” of the Machado, call themselves Cawahib. Two others, one at the head- waters of the Machadinho River and the other in the interior between the upper Tapajéz and Sao Manoel Rivers, do not, judging by the few known words of their language, differ from the other groups. Historic and ethnographic data indicate that the fifth, that on the Sangue River, is probably also a Cawahib group. Of the sixth, on the upper Bararaty River, it is known only that they are hostile to civilized people and that they occupy a part of the former territory of the old Parintintin; it is just barely possible that they form part of the Cazwahib tribe. THE PARINTINTIN TERRITORY, LANGUAGE, AND HISTORY Names of the Parintintin are: Self-designation, Cawahib; Cawahiwa (kab, kawa, “wasp”); in Munduruct, Pari-rign-rign, “fetid Indians” ; in Maué, Paritin, from the Mundurucui term designating all hostile In- dians; in Mura of the Autaz River, Wdhai; in Mura of the Madeira River, Toepehe, Topehé (from Munduruct taypehe=penis?) ; in Piraha Toypehé; in Tord, Toebehé (from the Mura) or Nakazeti, “fierce”; in Matanawi, Itoebehe (from the Tord) or Tapakara; and in the Lingua Geral of the past century, Yawareta-Tapwya, “Jaguar Indians.” Until 1922, the Parintintin occupied the region between the Madeira River, the Amazonian parts of the Machado and Marmellos Rivers, and the right tributary of the latter, the Rio Branco. Se ee ee a tag 2 as WARIWA - TAP LUISHANA & PARI A NA, Ay S VI MAN 18 C. ANIBA as Aw) —1T/PUNA LL, 1691 id / TopAgHANA A 1691 a CATAWIY ap) RS en alg . ‘ 3 I Ti CUCHSY A RA a > Pep \ \ PAUAWA SS ; j 8 CUMAYAR/ rt 2 \PIDA-DVAPA As Zr MURA 4 MORA 2 A XY Qe YOEMAMAY neh yy 404Each! 3 1691 4 = be 2 « R.AbacaR 1GAPUITHRIVARA wn he a eo \ re xX XN N ON URUPA \ % Geos Pi \ = ONICORE (PEA é i he Se Navara <= R.Pouiny YAMAMAD/ 44cu CANAMARTI Rinauiny INDIANS UAINAMAR/ pus CAYAPRO ER! INDIANS ° ’ / Lanne A o ; fs - oe; PACAHA: tors kg Bs, ol” & rr lla = a) Uy = re FeO Mar 3.—The tribes of Central Brazil. Solid underlining, modern locations; 5 ue! broken underlining, extinct portions of tribes; otherwise, date of location is given under thetribalname, Tribes not underlined are extinct. (Compiled by Curt Nimuendaja.) ae /PURUBORA : 5 P PARI & “CHICH a 4] SANAMA! came "A8UT! ppauasin| SANAMAINS 1769 ‘ ye RICAPU , ficeig 7 ANOA chy asur/WArOre WIAPE,EASACA cy piswand pronto ARUA MACURAP PA ROAR ROW PAPAMIE cua eh PP ar aa ie? gh D/ o78 N ‘ DEMO esd PALMELLA Jes 200 a) M/ & PALENTEN < 1769 Q R.Juruena 55 6s° 60° 65833848 (Face p. 284) s* arghagr’ @itat! ’ « " £ hes ea oy we HN Jochike axe barl! miwas Lid ’: adi | werd” Bile bENTS, ¥ * ete beers edt WiheBou adi 14! 1 Vol. 3] THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN—NIMUENDAJU 985 The Parintintin language is pure Tupi, and differs from the upper Machado Tupi only in some phonetic variations. In the Parintintin vocabulary compiled by Severiano da Fonseca (1880-81) in 1878, only a few words can be identified, the remainder being incomprehensible. In 1922, Garcia de Freitas (1926) took the first vocabulary of 127 words, and in December 1922, the present author (Nimuendaju, 1924, p. 262) collected a vocabulary of 328 entries. In 1922, the number of Parintintin was estimated at 250. Garcia de Freitas (1926) gave a total of 500 for that year, but included two adjacent groups. The existence of one of these is in doubt, and the number of the other may be less than the author thought. At present, the Parintintin, excluding the Apairandé, who still keep aloof, number about 120. They are divided into three groups: (1) That on the Igarapé Ipixuna, a tributary of Lake Uruapiara; (2) the Tres Casas settlement; and (3) the Calama group. The members of the last two are rubber gatherers (Garcia de Freitas, 1926). Parintintin were first mentioned as a cannibal tribe in the Madeira region in 1829 (Castelnau, 1850, 3: 164). They occupied territory that belonged previously to the Tord, Mura and Pirahd. The earliest report of Parintintin hostilities known to the present author was in 1852. Since then, the Parintintin have probably made at least one assault each year on the civilized people, who were always more or less the losers. They became the scourge of the Madeira. Cruel guerrilla warfare dragged on for long decades. Punitive expeditions by the Neo-Brazilians, or by the Mundurucit under the orders of the latter, did not improve matters. Colonel Rondon instigated an attempt to pacify the Parintintin, but his emissary fell into a pitfall and was seriously injured. In 1922, after several ineffectual attacks, the Parintintin made their first contact with the personnel of the Servico de Protecgao aos Indios at the Station on the Maicy River, a tributary of the Marmellos River on the left bank. Since then, the tribe has not again attacked the civilized people on the Madeira River. It has, however, suffered great losses from disease acquired through contact with civilization. Part of the survivors went into service under the rubber workers on the Madeira River, and another part remained peacefully on the Igarapé Ipixuna. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES The Parintintin practice extensive agriculture. They have a variety of maize so tender that it may be eaten raw. They also grow sweet manioc, sweet potatoes, bananas, papaya, urucu, and cotton. Formerly, they did not know tobacco or beans, not even by name. They are good hunters, though fishing is of greater importance. Tapir is their favorite game, and they relish monkeys but fear losing their arrows on them. To catch birds, they set out sticks covered with the viscous milk of guanani (Tomorita sp. ?) (Nunes Pereira, 1940, p. 36). They eat batrachians. 286 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.H. Bull. 143 The Parintintin take fish with weirs placed across the outlets of lakes, and with bows and arrows shot from their canoes. In suitable places, a fisherman awaits his chance on a platform built on a limb overhanging the river. Frequently, these Indians make decoys—full-size figures of fishes carved of tree bark and painted with charcoal—and hold them underwater by a long, slender rod stuck into the river bank. They lack fishhooks. The Parintintin have no domesticated animals and even fear small dogs, but they keep large numbers of wild birds. They roast maize in ashes or pound it in a mortar. They wet the flour and make it into balls the size of a fist, which are baked in embers and again crushed in the mortar. The dry flour thus prepared is eaten dry with meat or fish, or it is cooked as a porridge. The Parintintin also make flat cakes (beiju) roasted in embers. Their mortar is the vertical, cylindrical type. The pestle is a long, slender stick. When traveling, they carry small portable mortars. HOUSES AND VILLAGES The huts are open rectangular sheds 20 m. (about 65 ft.) or more long and 6 m. (20 ft.) high. The roof sometimes extends beyond the hut to form a veranda. Inside, at irregular intervals between the uprights, there are horizontal poles from which the hammocks are hung. The hammocks are small because the Indians sleep doubled-up on their sides. A fire always burns inside. The huts are grouped at random, with no more than four in each settlement. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS A man’s complete costume consists of four pieces. (1) The penis sheath is worn by all Indians. It is made of at least 12 overlapping leaves of aruma (Jschnosiphon ovatus), partly held together by two stitches. The edges are doubled, so as not to chafe the skin, and the whole piece before being put in place is rectangular in shape. The piece is wrapped around the whole penis to form a cylinder, the edges meeting on the underside. It is tied with a piece of cotton thread around the upper end and another at the head of the penis. To remove the sheath for urinating or washing, the threads are untied. No Indian over 12 years old may go about without this sheath (“kaa”). Penis sheaths of exaggerated length (up to 40 cm.) are doubtless the basis for the legend of a tribe whose members, like the Parintintin kaa, hang to their knees. The Munduruci called this tribe the “Taipe-sisi.” (2) Some men wear a narrow belt of embira, tied in front so that its short fringes hang over the pubis. (3) All men wear one or more belts, each made of several rings of buriti stalks which are firmly joined in front but Vol. 3] THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN—NIMUENDAJU 287 hang loose behind, partly covering the buttocks. (4) Arm bands are described below. Boys 8 to 12, who do not yet use the penis sheath, wear under their buriti belts two fringed embira aprons, one over the other. Smaller children go about completely naked or wear a small belt of buriti stalk. Sometimes people wrap embira around the ankles as protection against snakes. Women have no clothing, but generally tie a cotton thread below the knee and another above the ankle. Soon after birth, the earlobes of both sexes are pierced. Ordinarily nothing is worn through the hole, but some men put a little stick through, or, on special occasions, a little bamboo stick, the end of which rests on the shoulder, or a feather tuft. Feather ornaments, used exclusively by men and older boys, are not showy. They comprise feather diadems and neck feathers. The diadems consist of a wide band of feathers of different colors, covered at the base by a narrower band of black feathers. The whole is mounted on a double ring of buriti stalks, with a circular elastic net made of cotton threads. The neck pieces are made of straw, feather tufts, cords, light sticks covered with fine feathers, and macaw tail feathers, from the points of which fine feathers or human hair are hung. Another ornament exclusively for men is a babasst straw armband, 3 cm. (1.2 inches) wide, decorated with small feathers glued to it and with tufts and long strings of feathers. Other ornaments are made of embira, with long fringes, or of tubular bones. Children wear necklaces of a great variety of ma- terials and a characteristic ornament consisting of two teeth of a large mammal, e. g., jaguar, peccary, or tapir, symmetrically tied or merely held by a string. The only women’s ornament is a string of beads of tucuma and of bone. The Parintintin are always well-groomed and keep their hair combed. Eyebrows and lashes, but not body hair, are plucked. Both sexes cut their hair in a circle, so that bangs fall a little above the eyebrows and the top of the ears are covered. Some women wear their hair long, tied with a cotton thread behind. Hair trimmings are carefully collected to avoid their use in witchcraft. Combs are small and one-sided, the teeth being held between two pairs of sticks by a cotton wrapping. Tattooing is done with genipa dye. On men, it consists of three lines from each ear, one to the upper lip, one to the corner of the mouth, and one to the chin, with lines encircling the mouth, and a fishtail design at each corner of the mouth. Women have a rectangular Greek fret on the chin, the same length as the mouth with a wide line on each side from the fret to the ear. They also have a fine line over the eye and a horizontal line extending from the corner of the eye. Practically all men have a jaguar tattooed on the inside of the forearm and a pact 988 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 (Prochilodus sp.) on the outside. Commonly the left side of a man’s back, from the shoulder blade down, has two vertical rows of 10 to 15 rectangles of solid color. Other tatooed figures vary considerably from one individual to another. As pigments for body paint, the Parintintin use clay for white, uruct for red, genipa for dark blue, and burnt Brazil nuts for black, the last restricted to men. Women prefer uruct, with which they sometimes paint themselves from head to foot. For warfare and for welcoming a guest, which is done by simulating an attack, men paint a band 3 fingers wide from one ear to the other, across the mouth. They also paint their forearms and trace horizontal stripes or irregular spots on either side of their chest and thighs. Some smear black on themselves without design. Certain warriors go into combat entirely covered with white, presenting a ghostly appearance. TRANSPORTATION The Parintintin canoe is made of a section of “jutahy” bark (Hyme- naea), with raised edges. It is reinforced by long poles along the sides, by inside cross pieces, which serve as seats, and by liana ties at the ends and from side to side. The bottom of the canoe is covered with a mat made of sticks. These craft are 5 to 7 m. (about 16%4 to 23% ft.) long and 0.5 meter (1% ft.) wide. In spite of their crude construction, they can travel at a high speed. It seems that formerly the Parintintin, like the Apiacd, used only thick bamboos split in half as paddles, but later they stole so many paddles from the civilized people that they rarely used their original type. MANUFACTURES Basketry.—The Parintintin have few baskets, except temporary ones woven of green palm leaves. The best are made of babassu straw, with a round bottom. Fire fans are pentagonal, the larger ones being used also as mats when sitting by the fire (apparently the Parintintin have no benches). Sieves for maize flour are bowl-shaped. Spinning and weaving.—The spindle used for cotton has a small button on top of the shank and a jaboti (Testudo tabulata) shell whorl with incised decoration. The Parintintin may formerly have woven slings for carrying children, but at the time of their pacification, all were made of stolen cloth or of embira. Hammocks are made of cotton, and are twined; the interval between the weft elements varies greatly. Sep- arate strands are not added at the ends to form suspension loops (sobre- punhos) ; instead, the long, strong warp strands of tauari (Couratari sp.) fibers are gathered into a bundle which is doubled back to form a loop. Vol. 3] THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN—NIMUENDAJU 289 Pottery.—No clay pot was ever seen among the Parintintin, but this tribe knows the Tupi name for pot (nyaepepo, a word formed with nyaé, “clay”), so that the ceramic art must have been lost only recently. Gourds.—The only vessels are made of calabashes and gourds. The latter were made with a narrow orifice for water containers, and with a wide opening and a suspension cord for holding small items. Calabashes are blackened inside, but lack exterior decoration. Cracks are repaired by sewing with thread. Weapons.—The main weapon is the bow and arrow. The bows are made of pau d’arco (Tecoma sp.) and are over 2 m. (6 ft.) long, with a semicircular cross section, and the belly side flat or slightly con- cave. The string is three-ply of embira or tauari (Couratari sp.). In shooting, the bow is held diagonally, the upper end slightly to the right. Children’s toy bows are either round or semicircular in cross section. Arrows are of three types: (1) A fishing arrow, of wild cane (Gynerium), approximately 2.5 m. (81% ft.) long, without feathering and with one to three heads barbed with iron nails; (2) a small game arrow, used only occasionally in fishing or warfare, 1.5 m. (4% ft.) long, with a slender shaft of camayuva (Guadua sp.), with tangential (arched) feather- ing, and tipped with a wooden rod, which is serrated on one side or cut with a series of fine overlapping cones; (3) a large game and war arrow, with a heavy camayuva shaft and a lanceolate bamboo head 40 cm. (16 in.) long. The last may have a barb on each side of the proximal end, two pairs of barbs, a powerful continuous row of teeth on one side, or no barbs at all. The point is extremely sharp, and the edges are made razor-sharp by means of an instrument consisting of a cutia (Dasyprocta aguti) tooth attached to a handle. Now and then the hafted end of the point has a beautiful fabric of black and white hairs of the peccary (Tayassu tajacu). Arrow feathers are generally of mutum (Crax) and royal sparrow hawk, and are 30 cm. (12 in.) long, flush and unspiralled; the wrappings are covered with fine throat feathers of the toucan. The 10 or 12 intermediate ties consist of very fine threads. On two occasions the Parintintin used plain round sticks, 1.5 m. (4% ft.) long, as clubs and discarded them afterward. They use bamboo daggers with sharp blades like arrowheads and the internodal end as the handle. These are the original knives which they used for various purposes, including cutting their hair. Fire.—Fire is made with a hand-rotated drill and a hearth which has three slightly concave surfaces. The drill penetrates one of the lateral surfaces through to the bottom surface, where the accumulated powder ignites. Lacking this apparatus, an arrow shaft and bamboo arrowhead are used. Charred cotton serves as tinder. 290 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Moieties.—The Parintintin are divided in two exogamic, unlocalized patrilineal moieties: Mitu (Mitwa, mitu) and Kwandu (Harpia harpyja, royal hawk). It is inconceivable to them that there could exist any person, even a foreigner, who was neither a Mitt nor a Kwandu. For a warlike people, it is strange that the Parintintin at the time of the pacification had no chiefs except family heads, whose authority was not absolute. During combat, warriors acted in unison only until the first round of arrows was discharged, after which each did what he pleased and fought if he had courage, or else ran off. Property.—At the time of the pacification, the majority of the Parintintin were admittedly incorrigible thieves who employed all sorts of tricks to steal the property of others openly or by stealth. Even within the tribe, individuals stole from one another, trusting their fellow tribesmen much less than the personnel sent to pacify them. This tendency was noticeable even among children. Modesty.—By the standards of civilized people, men behaved quite decently, although some individuals enjoyed obscene gestures and sayings. Women and girls, however, behaved with complete decency, and never made their nudity obvious. The men are ashamed to uncover their penis and, when bathing, turn their backs to others as they remove the casing to wash the member. They practice their physiological acts out of sight of others. Names.—Nothing is known about the manner of naming. People change their names frequently. They do not hesitate either to tell their own names or to ask those of others. Some names of men are: Tawari (Couratari sp.?), Mohangi (mohan, “medicine” ), Mboavaim (mbo, active particle, ava, “man,” im, negative), and Wiratib (wira, “bird,” tib, “be’’). WARFARE AND CANNIBALISM War.—Before the pacification in 1922, the Parintintin lived in constant struggle with everyone outside the tribe. They had not the slightest respect for the life and property of others. For young people, who in general were turbulent, presumptuous, and disrespectful, war was not a deplorable necessity, but a favorite sport. The Parintintin attacked at any season and time of day or night, though most war was waged in summer. War parties never exceeded 20 men. With their bows ready, they would pounce upon the enemy without the slightest notice and with incredible speed, taking advantage of any open path which permitted unobstructed maneuvers. After their first round of arrows was sent through the enemies’ straw huts, they burst out with war cries and discharged more rounds. The terrified inhabitants, seeking to escape, often ran directly into the arrows. Those who fell were promptly pierced by a stream of arrows, tramped upon, and beheaded. The victims Vol. 3] THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN—NIMUENDAJU 991 occasionally saved the situation with firearms, but often the Parintintin won in spite of such defense. If they did not win on the first attempt, however, they withdrew immediately. Whenever possible, the Parintintin carried away their victims’ heads and sometimes arms and legs. On the way home, they strewed the trail with caltrops made of bamboo arrowheads removed from the shafts, and, at the entrance of their villages, they dug carefully camouflaged pitfalls, bristling with bamboo points. The Parintintin never reared captive children. Warriors, especially young ones, decorated themselves for battle with beautiful feather crowns of vivid colors and with long neck feathers. Many painted themselves black with charcoal from chestnuts or with white clay. At the time of their pacification, the Parintintin were fighting only the Neo-Brazilians and the Pirahd. Cannibalism.—For a long time after the pacification, the Parintintin did not deny that they were cannibals. The latest case of cannibalism occurred in 1924 when they killed a family of Piraha (Garcia de Freitas, 1926, p. 70 s.). They saved a piece of the victim’s flesh for the repre- sentative of the Servico de Protecgéo aos Indios, who saw them at that time dancing with the roasted and shriveled hand of their victim. Trophies.—The Parintintin were passionate head hunters. The victims’ heads were defleshed and cooked to remove every bit of flesh and to loosen the teeth. The teeth were made into a necklace that was given to one of the warriors. The skull was washed, tied with embira strips, and provided with a cord loop by means of which it was held over the left shoulder during dances. When visitors arrived, the warriors performed with the skulls. Immediately after the war greeting (see below), each warrior mimicked the struggle with the enemy whose skull he carried. He then ran back and forth in front of the visitors, singing a war song, during which he was followed by two young people who presented gourds filled with honey and water to the visitors. The trophy and the gourds were then placed in the front, and everybody shouted and shot arrows at the trophy. Then followed dances around the trophy, accompanied by bamboo flutes. Finally, others danced with the trophy, reciting their own deeds. According to Garcia, it was the custom to sacrifice prisoners in the plaza, killing them by means of a special spear (more probably a pointed club was used). ETIQUETTE When Indians from some other group approached, the inhabitants of the hut hastily put on their war paint, while chewing charcoal, and re- ceived the visitors with gestures and shouts of, “Let me kill!”. They shot arrows over the heads of the visitors and uttered war cries. Then the household head went forward, put his hand on the shoulder of the first 999 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 visitor to come to him, stamped his foot, and shouted a long speech of welcome in his ear. After this, they accepted the visitors and removed their war paint. LIFE CYCLE Birth—When a child is born, its father and relatives utter war cries and shoot arrows. Childhood and puberty.—Children are usually well treated, but oc- casional brutal treatment was observed. When their fringed aprons are replaced for the first time by penis covers, boys go into the jungle to hunt and bring home their kill. Before the penis casing is put on, mandibles (not stings) of tucandeira ants are applied to them. Then the youths approach the house, where they are greeted with war cries, and arrows are shot (Garcia de Freitas, 1926, p. 68). A girl’s first menstruation is announced by war cries and arrow shoot- ing. According to Garcia de Freitas, girls 10 to 12 years of age are publicly deprived of their virginity, in spite of their objections; in one case, two Indians traded their sisters for this ceremony. The faces and bodies of young people, especially young men, bear the marks of bites and scratches received in amorous encounters, for it seems that before marriage there is much liberty for both sexes. Marriage.—Marriage is arranged by the parents. The groom some- times receives the bride while she is still a little girl and rears her. After a long time with his first wife, a man may take another, but Garcia noticed only three cases of bigamy in the whole tribe. Young men have a certain aversion to marriage because of the work entailed by family life. During the pacification period, no man ever showed disrespect toward his wife, but a woman was seen to grasp her husband by his hair and slap him, while he merely hid his face. On overland trips, the husband carries his wife’s as well as his own basket of goods, and on water he alone paddles the canoe. Before their pacification, the Parintintin accorded old people little consideration. Burial.—The body is painted with uruct, decorated with a feather diadem, wrapped in the hammock with its legs drawn up and its hands placed between the thighs, and buried in a square grave, 1.5 m. (4% ft.) deep, in the house. Before the open grave, the possessions of the deceased are distributed among his friends and relatives, but his war arrows are broken and burned. The grave is filled and the earth beaten down with the feet and smoothed with water. Mortars and heavy tree trunks are placed over the grave to protect it against the evil spirit. The women cry much, and the men maintain an attitude of sorrow. Vol. 3] THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN—NIMUENDAJU 293 ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Art.—The best Parintintin pictorial art is tattooing. Crude figures of animals and people are sometimes cut on flutes and horns. Wood carvings are crude and at times of monstrous ugliness. Music and dancing.—A triumphal dance, held after receiving some object, consists of eight steps forward, a half-turn, and eight steps back, etc., and always ends with two double tones on the panpipes and a war shout. It is accompanied by improvised singing. The Parintintin dance in a circle to the bamboo clarinet (toré). Each man keeps his arms around the shoulders of the man next to him and dances in this position, jumping with both feet together. Women occa- sionally take part in it, passing slightly hunched under the arms of the men. Musical instruments.—The bamboo flute is 1.5 m. (5 ft.) long. The panpipes have 7 to 15 pipes. A bamboo flute, one finger thick and closed on one end by an internode, has a rectangular opening on side for the mouth and another near the open end for the fingers. Other flutes are double, connected by the common internode in the middle. Signal trumpets are made of thick bamboo and are blown through a side opening. A child’s toy consists of a whistle made of the skull of an acouti-purt (Sciurus sp.) with all openings, except the foramen magnum, plugged with wax. Narcotics.—The Parintintin formerly did not know tobacco, and at first it was so repellent to them that they would not go near a person who was smoking. Nunes Pereira (1940) mentions the invention of cauim, or chicha, by the wife of the culture hero, Bahira, who toasted maize, chewed it up, put it in a gourd with water and honey and let it ferment many days. RELIGION According to Garcia de Freitas (1926), the Parintintin sang to the Sun. The song lasts the whole night, until sunrise, during which time they drink only chicha, being forbidden to eat. They regard the moon as the protector of crops, believing that it waters them at the right time. Ghosts that cause nightmares are sent to “heavenly mansions” by means of chants. They are carried there by the Kaihu spirit (macaco coata, Ateles sp.) MYTHOLOGY Some Parintintin myths have been transcribed by Nunes Pereira (1940), but they seem incomplete and contain some mistakes. The prin- cipal character is the culture hero, Bahira, the equivalent of the Apiaca Bairy and the Tupinamba and Tembé Maira. Undoubtedly, Bahira had a companion, like most culture heroes, but Nunes Pereira assumed him to 294 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 145 be a different character according to the occasion. The character called an “Indian” by the same author is none other than Azon of the Tembé and Anyai of the Apapocuva-Guarani, as proved by the episode in which Bahira fools him during the fishing party and the scalping. Some of Bahira’s adventures are based purely on Tupi themes, e.g., the theft of fire from the vultures. The motif of the pursuing devil, who was killed tossing a cluster of anaja (Ma-ximiliana regia) on his head, occurs also among the Shipaya. The story of the man who is imprisoned on a tree or in a cliff near the nest of a bird is known to the Tembé and to various Ge tribes (Apinayé, Canella, Sherente, Cayapd). The story of the pris- oner who later changed into a sparrow hawk and took revenge on his malefactor is also found among the Tembé. Some Parintintin motifs are entirely lacking in the folklore of other Tupi tribes. Thus, the exchange of excrements by which the ant-eater deceives the jaguar, belongs to Caingang and Bacairi folklore. The tale of the hero, who is made invulnerable and, changed into a fish, escapes with the arrows shot at him, occurs among the Sherente, Camacan, and Mashacali. The story of the fish which are caught by the hero and changed into people, and the theme of the mosquitoes originating from the stomach of a mutum (Crax sp.) are motifs of the Tucuna folklore. INDIANS OF THE ANARI RIVER REGION TERRITORY AND HISTORY In 1914 or 1915, a band of unknown Indians appeared on the upper Anari River, a left tributary of the lower Machado River, at lat. 9° 40’ S., on lands previously inhabited by the then almost extinct Jarz. The band had come from the left branch of the Branco River, a tributary of the Jamary, where it had lived peaceably until friction developed with rubber collectors. In reprisal for an attack, the Indians’ village and farms were destroyed, and the group fled to the Preto River region, but, failing to get along with the rubber gatherers there, it moved on to the headwaters of the Agua Azul and Limaozinho Rivers, tributaries of the Madeirinha, and to the Carmelo and Jandahyra River regions. Here they founded three villages. In 1916, they were established on both banks of the upper Machadinho River. Rubber gatherers of the Preto River drove them out of the Carmelo region, but in turn were attacked. Attempts to pacify these Indians began in 1916 but all failed (Horta Barboza, 1916, pp. 9 f., 26, 32), and, to the present date, 1942, the tribe has maintained its hostile attitude. The cultural data below indicate that the Indians of the upper Anari River constitute another group of Cawahib. The name Bocas Pretas, “black mouths,” given them by Neo-Brazilians suggests that they have black tattoo marks around the mouth, like the Parintintin of the Madeira River. Vol. 3] THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN—NIMUENDAJU 995 CULTURE In 1916-17, Captain Horta Barboza gathered a few ethnographic data. These Indians grew maize, manioc, arrow-root, and cotton, but no bananas. One village consisted of nine huts and two large open sheds. There were baskets containing maize, and utensils for preparing meal. The Indians would not accept tobacco, but picked up other gifts that were put out for them. They had pots, a toré-type clarinet, 32 to 40 inches (80 to 100 cm.) long, and hammocks made of wild fibers with small cross twines. The tribe attacked with arrows, giving war cries, and they strew caltrops on the paths. Six words were collected from a captive girl. THE “PARINTINTIN” BETWEEN THE UPPER TAPAJOZ AND SAO MANOEL RIVERS In the triangle between the upper Tapajoz and Sado Manoel Rivers, below lat. 10° S., there seems to be a tribe called Tapanyuna which has been hostile until very recent times. Coudreau and the Franciscans of the Cururt Mission refer to them as “Parintintin.” Information given H. Coudreau in 1895 by the Munduruct, who were then at war with this tribe, showed that it lived 2 or 3 days’ travel above the Seven Falls of the Sao Manoel River. Father Hugo Mense (personal correspondence) describes them as tall, slender, handsome, long-haired Indians who are cannibals but good pilots. The Mission’s published report, “Lose Blatter vom Cururt” (n. d.), contains 21 words which Mense obtained from a captive. The language is very similar to that of Cawahib. Until the 1920’s, the tribe still made attacks in the region of the Sao Tomé River and other right tributaries of the upper Tapajoz. Today it is no longer mentioned. Another mysterious tribe of the same region is the 'Taipe-shishi (a Munduruct name meaning “large number’’), called Taipd-chichi by Father Hugo Mense, Raipe-chichi or Aipo-sissi by H. Coudreau (1897 a), Taypeheh-shish by Father Albert Kruse, and Takai-mbucwt by the Apiaca (according to Kruse, Takdi-mbuku, “long penis”). A missionary report found in the Arquivos da Inspectoria do Servico de Protecgio aos Indios in Belém links the tribe to the Tapanyuna, probably using this name in the modern sense, but Kruse identifies it as Parintintin. The name can only refer to the exceedingly long penis sheath (16 in., or 40 cm.) worn by the Parintintin, or at least, by those of the Madeira River. The Apiaca informed Koch-Griinberg (1902) that this tribe wore their hair long, like Mense’s “Parintintin,’ a feature which distinguishes them from the Madeira Parintintin and relates them to the Cayabi. The Taipe-shishi are probably the Parintintin who live in the region between the upper Tapajoz and Sado Manoel Rivers, and both names are synonyms designating a group of the Cawahib tribe. 996 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 INDIANS OF THE SANGUE RIVER REGION Information which Father Guimaraes (1865) received from the Apiaca in 1819 put the “Cauahipe” on the Paramutanga (Sangue) River, a tribu- tary of the Juruena. Melgaco (1884) says they were between the Juruena and the Arinos Rivers, and an Apiacd told Castelnau in 1844 that the “Cahuahiva’ had been driven inland from the Juruena River by the Apiaca. In 1915, an expedition of the Commission of Stragetic Telegraph Lines from Mato Grosso to the Amazon, led by Lieutenant F. P. Vasconcellos, was attacked by Indians on the lower Sangue River. These Indians were strong and well built. They used bark canoes, grew manioc and bananas, and had hammocks. The men wore fiber aprons, but the only woman seen was nude. Both sexes wore necklaces and bracelets, and had their faces painted white and three white and black lines painted on the wrists. Their arrows had an arched feathering (Rondon, 1916, pp. 259-270). Vasconcellos (in Rondon, 1916) classified this tribe as Nambicuara, but Rondon correctly related it to the “Parnauat” (Tupi of the Machado River), for it is probably another offshoot of the Cawahib. INDIANS OF THE BARARATY RIVER REGION In Castelnau’s list of tribes (1850-59, 3: 104) compiled from early 19th- century data, he says that the Parintintin lived from Todos os Santos Falls, lat. 8° S., to a little above the mouth of the Sdo Manoel River. In 1895, the Mundurucu who lived in the region of the Bararaty River (a left tribu- tary of the upper Tapajéz, about 6 miles above the Sao Manoel River) stated that about 8 days’ travel from the mouth and above some falls, lived the Pari-uaia-Bararaty tribe (Coudreau, H., 1897 a). About 1920 these Indians assaulted rubber collectors of this same region, but today they are no longer mentioned. This may have been another Cawahib group which remained more or less in its original location. THE “PARINTINTIN” BETWEEN THE JAMAXIM AND CREPORY RIVERS Friar Pelino de Castovalva, missionary to the Munduruct in Bacabal, in a report prepared in 1876, refers to the appearance of a band of “Parintintin’ in the vicinity of the mission (right bank of the Tapajoz, lat. 6° 25’ S.). The Indians attacked a rubber gatherer at the mouth of the Jamaxim River, and killed a woman, whose head they carried away. The mission Mundurucué pursued them and captured several, but they con- tinued their bloody attacks, especially in the Jamaxim River region, until 1883. Vol. 3] THE CAWAHIB, PARINTINTIN—NIMUENDAJU 997 H. Coudreau alone has ethnographic data on this group, and he ob- tained them from a third party in 1895. Every year during the summer the tribe peaceably passed through the rubber forests on the Crepory and Caderiri Rivers, withdrawing in the winter to the interior of the forests between the Xingu and Tapajoz Rivers. The Indians wore their hair long, went completely nude, and had only a little tattooing on their faces. Their language was so similar to that of the Munduruct that they could make themselves understood without the use of the Lingua Geral. If, instead of tattooing, this tribe painted, the description given Cou- dreau fits only the Curuaya (pp. 221-222), which, from time immemorial, has lived to the east of the Curua River, a left tributary of the Iriri River. Curuaya tradition recounts long excursions made in remote times to the west, where they fought with the Karuziat (Munduruci). It seems reasonable, therefore, to suppose that the so-called “Parintintin” of the right tributaries of the middle Tapajéz were really wandering groups of the Curuaya. These “Parintintin” ceased their assaults at exactly the time that the Curuaya entered into permanent and peaceful contact with the Neo-Brazilians of the Iriri River. Moreover, neither the Curuaya nor the missionaries to the Munduruci mention any other tribe in that territory, and Dr. Emilia Snethlage, going overland in 1909 from the Curua to the Jamaxim River and descending the latter, found no definite signs of the presence of Indians. BIBLIOGRAPHY (CayaBi, TAPANYUNA, AND APIACA AND CAWAH{B, PARINTINTIN, AND THEIR NEIGHBORS) Ayres Cazal 1807 (1707) ; Barboza Rodrigues, 1875 a; Castelnau, 1850-59, vol. 3; Castro and Franca, 1868; Chandless, 1862; Costa Pinheiro, 1915; Coudreau, H., 1897 a; Dengler, 1928; Dyott, 1929; Farabee, 1917 a; Florence, 1941(?); Fonseca, 1880-81; Garcia de Freitas, 1926; Grubb, 1927; Guimaraes, 1865; Hoehne (see Costa Pinheiro, 1915) ; Horta Barbéza, 1916; Katzer, 1901; Koch-Griinberg, 1902; Kricke- berg, 1922; Langsdorff (see Florence, 1941(?)); Lose Blatter ... (see Missionarios Franciscanos, n. d.) ; Martius, 1867; Melgaco, 1884; Meyer, 1898; Missionarios Fran- ciscanos, n. d.; Nimuendaju, 1924; Nunes Pereira, 1940; Oliveira Miranda, 1890; Peixoto de Azevedo, 1885; Rivet, 1924; Rondon, 1916; Rossi, 1863; Sado José, 1847; Schmidt, M., 1903, 1905, 1929 a; Schmidt, W., 1913; Servico de Protecc4o aos Indios, 1942; Souza, A., 1916; Steinen, 1886, 1940; Telles Pires (see Oliveira Miranda, 1890) ; Tenan, n. d.; Tocantins, 1877; Vasconcellos (see Rondén, 1916). . . , ; ih. Fes Arg. ae pe 4 sic eee i ena Eh, est ie ra Vs Loe shin se : + alt z ne hs oa bah baa, a un: al?! Ber ee — irae ot a ded alin: i aay oto GT ee fey ued uy A. Want wt. Pe anny Peake a aia ea Fnerresll ont } Prue Aba ns ee peut Vy Ps A : - Nt, ) ‘a a wy Hy Psi 8s y) PT ar Ty Atay di ) ‘Why orth inh saat ‘ @ i ve , ces ne Hor pidie? ‘yt i dois TRSC iS et) ore 9 ft” AS ll pri ’ i ‘. V ff Bj vy } rae i) ta a tei mil Sty 30 Treo ty oF oa ; j " ' F i ‘ j « ¢ 7 een I Y Det KOR { ib Wot! tele ' mt . Ai) Gell ti Tel ak ae ( : . ‘ty i , ' >) 7] pbs . bs) air “wii Hd a : ia ba) (% £4 " 4 ; : ‘vi {} vy) (AOOSS I { ui if : } ion tial wr idgrga Y nae st ‘ta ; withi’ 3 i a : ar y 3 ie FS i) (hliweaae i wire ’ a 7 i ae re a if : ° ‘ roo yea Gat > } ee > ‘ a i wt are Sa ad os Ue ie ed hy er oe THE TUPI-CAWAHIB By CiauvE LEvi-STRAusS TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY The Tupi-Cawahib are not mentioned in the literature prior to 1913-14, when they were discovered by General Candido Mariano da Silva Rondon, who headed the Brazilian Military Commission. Little information about them is contained in the reports of the Commission (Misséo Rondon, 1916; Rondon, 1916). The Tupi-Cawahib declined rapidly in population within a few years. The 300 individuals who comprised the Takwatip clan in 1915 were re- duced in 10 years to only 59 persons—25 men, 22 women, and 12 children. In 1938, there were only 5 men, a woman, and a small girl. Thirty years ago, the entire Tui group probably included from 2,000 to 3,000 persons; now only 100 or 150 of them are alive. Epidemics of grippe, during 1918-20, are largely responsible for the decline in population. Several cases of paralysis of the legs, observed in 1938 (Lévi-Strauss, n.d. a), suggest that poliomyelitis may have reached this remote region. According to the linguistic and historical evidence presented by Nim- uendaju. (1924, 1925), the Tupi-Cawahib and Parintintin are the rem- nants of an ancient Tupi tribe, the Cabahiba. Since the 18th century, it has often been stated that the Cabahiba had once lived in the upper Tapajoz Basin. The language of the Tupi-Cawahib closely resembles that of the Parintintin, and both are related to the language of the Apiacd of the Tapajoz River. After the destruction of the Cabahiba by the Mundurucu, the Tupi-Cawahib settled on the Rio Branco, a left tributary of the Roosevelt River (lat. 10°-12° S., long. 61°-62° W.) From the Rio Branco they were driven to their present territory on both sides of the Machado (or upper Gi-Parana) River, from the Riosinho River in the southeast to the Muqui and the Leitao River in the north and the northwest. These three waterways are small tributaries of the Machado River. The native groups mentioned by both Rondén and Nimuendaju (1924, 1925) are clans with special geographical localization. Ac- cording to Nimuendaju’s informant, the Wiraféd and Paranawdt (Paranauad) were settled on a tributary of the right bank of the 653333—47—22 999 300 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 Riosinho River. The Takwatib Eriwahun (Nimuendaji), or Takwatip (Lévi-Strauss), who had once lived on the Tamuripa River, a right tributary of the Machado River, halfway between the Riosinho and the Muqui Rivers, were brought by General Rondon to the Rio Machado, where they lived until 1925, when the last six members of the group joined the Telegraphic Post of Pimenta Bueno. The Jpotewaét, mentioned by Rondon, are no longer an autonomous unit. According to information recorded in 1938, they were then living on the upper Cacoal between the Riosinho and Tamuripa Rivers. Living downstream were the Tucumanfét. The Paranawat, mentioned by Rondén and Nim- uendaju, lived on the Rio Muqui in 1938. They numbered about 100 individuals and had refused to have any contact with White people. When the remnants of the previously unknown Mialat were discovered in 1938 on the upper Leitéo River, there were only 16 members of the group (Lévi-Strauss, n.d. a). The now extinct Jabotifet were formerly settled between the upper Cacoal and Riosinho Rivers. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE Farming.—The Tupi-Cawahib cultivate gardens in large clearings near their villages and hunt game in the dense forest. They raise: both bitter and sweet manioc; five kinds of maize—a white one with large kernels, a dark red variety, a kind with white, black, and red kernels, one with orange and black kernels, and a red “chiné”’; small, broad- beans; peanuts; hot peppers; bananas; papayas; cotton; and calabashes. Digging sticks and stone axes were formerly used for preparing and tilling the fields. Wild foods.—The Tupi-Cawahib gather several wild foods. To facili- tate the collection of Brazil nuts, which are abundant in the region, they clear the forest around each tree. They collect two kinds of cacao beans which are eaten raw and several kinds of berries. To harvest the small pyramidal seeds of an unidentified tall forest grass (awatsipororoke), the natives tie several of the stems together before the ears are ripe, so that the seeds will fall together in small heaps. The tapir, peccary, forest deer, great anteater, and numerous kinds of monkeys (pl. 25, left) and birds are hunted. Wild bees are killed in the hive by closing the entrance with a pad of leaves of an unidentified poisonous tree, and the honey is collected in coarse containers of bark or leaves. Fish are shot with arrows or drugged with a saponine-rich vine that is used in dams constructed of branches and mud in shallow places in rivers. When the Tupi-Cawahib were first observed by the Whites, they kept chickens in conical sheds made of sticks set in the ground in a circle and tied together at the top. There was no dog in the Mialat village discovered in 1938. Vol. 3] THE TUPI-CAWAHIB—LEVI STRAUSS 301 Food preparation.—Game is singed and smoked in the skin, either intact or in pieces. Babracots are about 5 feet (1.5 m.) high and are constructed on four posts. Game is smoked for 24 hours; during the night, an attendant takes care of the fire. The babracot for drying beans is made of several branches placed on transverse sticks, which are supported on the prongs of a three-forked branch. Maize chicha (ka-ui) (pl. 24, left) is made by drying the kernels and grinding them in a mortar with a few Brazil nuts or peanuts for seasoning. The coarse flour is mixed with water in large bowls, and small children spit saliva in the gruel. After the chicha ferments a few hours, it is put on the fire, and is kept just below the boiling point for 2 or 3 hours. Fresh gruel is constantly added to compensate for the evaporation. The beverage is drunk as soon as it is cold or during the next 2 or 3 days. Manioc tubers are grated and roasted in large plates. Popcorn is made of maize and of the wild seed, awatsipororoke. Pama berry seeds are eaten roasted. In contrast to the neighboring Nambicuara, the Tupi- Cawahib are fond of highly seasoned foods. They cook hot peppers and broadbeans in a stew. A kind of salt is prepared by burning acuri palm leaves, sifting the ashes, and washing them with water. Both the water, which is dark brown and bitter, and the ashes, which form a gray astringent powder, are used as condiments. HOUSES When Rondon discovered the Tupi-Cawahib, their square huts had no walls; the gable roof of palms was supported on posts set in the ground. Hammocks were swung from the posts. In 1915 the Takwatip village comprised about 20 houses, each from 12 to 18 feet (3.5 to 5.5 m.) long, arranged in a circle about 60 feet (18 m.) in diameter. Two large houses in the center of the circle, each from 36 to 42 feet (11 to 12.5 m.) long, were occupied by the chief, Abaitara, and his wives, children, and court. Cages for harpy eagles and huts for fowls were in the open space of the circular plaza. There were no fortifications surrounding the village. Quite different was the Mialat village discovered in 1938. Of the four square houses, each about 30 feet (9 m.) long, situated in a row, two were used for living quarters and two for food storage. The roof frame was supported by posts, irregularly spaced and set back under the projecting roof, so that the house resembled a square mushroom. The storage quarters had no walls. Each of the other two houses was surrounded by a continuous palisade about 6 feet (2 m.) high, which gave the appearance of a wall but actually did not support the roof, as there was an opening a few inches wide between the lower edge of the roof frame and the top of the palisade. The palisade, which had loopholes (pl. 25, right) for shooting arrows, was made of longitudinal sections of palm trunks, fast- ened edge to edge, the convex surface turned outward. The exterior was 302 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 decorated with jaguars, dogs, harpy eagles, snakes, frogs, children, and the moon painted in uruct paste. Platforms were built along the paths leading to the villages as lookouts from which the moves of hostile groups could be observed (Rondon, 1916). Tree trunks were used to bridge small waterways. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS According to Rondon (1916), men wore a garment of woven cotton resembling drawers. In 1938, Tupi-Cawahib men were naked, except for a small conical penis sheath made of the two halves of a leaf plaited and sewed. Women wore a short, cylindrical skirt of woven cotton string, which reached half-way to the knees (pl. 26). Modern Tupi-Cawahib women tattoo their faces with a sharpened deer bone and genipa, applying a geometrical design on the chin and two large symetrical curved stripes on the cheeks, running from the chin to the ears. Men used to paint them- selves with genipa or urucu dye when monkey hunting (Rondon, 1916). Both sexes wear bracelets, earrings, necklaces, and rings made of mollusk shells, nutshells, wild seeds, game teeth, and deer bones cut in rectangular plates (pl. 26). For ceremonies, men wear a cap without a top made of a large band of woven cotton, over which feathers are stuck. The chief wears a heavy tuft of feathers hanging down his back. Both sexes pluck their pubic hair and eyebrows, using the thumb nail and a half shell. “Eyebrows wearer” is the derogatory equivalent of “civilized.”” Woven cotton bands are worn around the ankles, the arm, and the wrists. TRANSPORTATION The Tupi-Cawahib made canoes of the bark of large trees (Rondon, 1916). . Dealt SX Kisil poke D4 Bean (tuber) x xX x x x x x Xx x Chonta palm .... x x x xX xX >, Gal sete x ».4 Potato (Solanum) Xx O oO O One X (X) Yam beans (Pa. chyrrhisus) ...|+-+- x xX Pepper (Capsi- CUM) eka eccrees NET vateta hlheneteae ltorscere xX x Papaya (Carica papaya) ...... Cin | hcchalel ia olrroy|[iocucun x xa lis x Macabo (Xantho SD) Shiewielets oieellte sie x x xX xX aX aX x Sicana (Sicana odorifera) ....|-++- armee donee coh ees ttgend ltr teers >. Gul kecrg Aan loreal IO Cuatol honeys ¢ x xX Pumpkin (Cucur- Bria): Hardest ai teers He x x x xX xe x cal ease xX Piantaini Gates... x x x X | .-.. XG ax Xx liars Sade Beaticinict sn eteeriete ere x x x x xX x x x x ax x Sugarcane! eee x xX x D4 x x ax xs x xX Yam (Dioscorea)|..-- x D4 xX DS xX xX D6 x D.¢ PRATOIAS wiereters stele stel| le arts x hoc Tobacco (Nicotiana)....).... x >, xX x ISOLEOT etespacierees ill cusiacs xX x Xx xX x x SA APEC xX BESEeeh SAagadallnago D.€ x >. xX x Bixa (Bixa ore Pages) ee etevoieisssi| (oxen D4 x x aoe eat || 2s ; (Cocay perc tasers sreucioy| aatsrs x >. 4 (X) x Ycka x 1X, presence; O, known absence; R, rare; blank, no data. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD 5) ab The native staple was sweet manioc, the bitter variety not having spread south of the Quijo and Encabellado, though it was recently introduced to some Zdparoan and Cahuapanan tribes. Other native crops of general distribution were sweet potatoes, peanuts, pumpkins, beans, the jicama or yam bean, papayas, macabo, pepino and several palms, especially chonta. Maize was grown more for making chicha than bread in 1664 (Figueroa, 1904, p. 206.). Potatoes were restricted to high altitudes—Quijo, upper Marafion, and some Arawakans. New crops and implements introduced during the historic period pro- foundly affected the subsistence pattern through facilitating horticulture. The iron ax made slash-and-burn farming immeasurably easier. The plantain (possibly aboriginal, see Sauer, Handbook, vol. 6), banana, yam, and sugarcane, all well adapted to the Tropical Forests, became more im- portant than most native species and seem to have relegated manioc to use primarily for making chicha. Humboldt calculated that the yield of plantains compared with wheat is 133 to 1 and compared with potatoes 44 to 1. Other introduced plants which attained a more limited dis- tribution are watermelons (Bolivia), pineapples (Bolivia), papaya (Jivaro, Chébero), taro (Peruvian Panoans, Arawakans, and Iquito), and orange, lemon, lime, and fig trees. Rice, though introduced by the missionaries, was not liked by the Indians. Like the Highland Indians, the Chuncho apparently adopted no garden vegetables, such as carrots, beets, lettuce, and the like, at least for their own use. Other special plants are mentioned under tribal headings. The farming pattern seems to be the same everywhere. Families cultivate and harvest their own plots, though men assist one another in felling trees and are rewarded with chicha. Game animals in the ancient Province of Mainas included 10 kinds of monkeys, punchanas, armadillos, land turtles, lomuchas (burrowing animals caught with nets), peccaries, and birds of all kinds, but neither iguanas, capivaras, nor anteaters. Deer seem generally not to have been eaten, probably because of some notion that they were reincarnated people. The principal aboriginal devices for hunting had been the bow and spear, but during the historic period most tribes abandoned the bow in favor of the blowgun for hunting small game and birds. Other methods seem to have had a spotty distribution, owing to the incomplete nature of our sources; traps and snares (fig. 72), pitfalls (Zdparoans, Pebans, Panoans, Jivaro), nets (Zdparoans, upper Marafion, Arawak, Panoans), blinds (Pebans, Panoans, Cahuapanans, Arawak), slings (Cashibo), dead- falls (Encabellado), and sloping sharp stakes planted in game trails (Arawakans). The hunting dog was generally used but seems not to have been native. The main reserves of meat came from manatee, which are huge river mammals, and large water turtles. The former were killed with a harpoon 518 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 4 i \ ¥, Sy ay be poe ‘ ; ’ Cor Ficure 72.—Coto traps. a, Deadfall; b, spring pole. (After Tessmann, 1930, pl. 42.) to which a wooden float was attached, then dragged to the shore, ma- neuvered into the canoe, and taken home, where the meat was roasted and placed in a large pot covered with manatee oil, which prescribed it for half a year. Salting meat is a post-Columbian practice. Turtles were caught at any time with harpoons or arrows (pl. 48, bottom); or, in October when laying their eggs, they were captured in large numbers by turning them on their backs after which they were taken to the village and kept in penned pools. The meat supply was considerable, for 6 men could take 500 turtles in a short time and each turtle sufficed 30 people for one meal. The eggs were salted, soaked, or the oil extracted by smashing the yokes in a canoe so that it rose to the surface. The oil was preserved in jars for cooking and illumination. Later, it became an important item of trade with the White man (Veigl, 1785 a, pp. 194-198). The rivers also supplied caimans, dolphins, electric eels, yacu puma or water wolves, and numerous varieties of fish. Fishing methods showed much local variation and some historic change. Nets were of little value in streams filled with driftwood, especially in Bolivia, and were little used despite missionary attempts to introduce them. Hooks evidently had a limited pre-Columbian distribution, but became more general when iron hooks were introduced. Drugging was general, Tephrosia toxicaria and Clibadium vargasti being used in Ecuador and Pert and the solinan or manuna tree (Hura crepitans) in Bolivia. Barbasco (Lonchocarpus nicou) was widely cultivated in Pert and Ecuador; Tephrosia was some- times cultivated. The poisonous plant was pounded and put into a lake Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD D19 or into a stream above a wythe fence. People in canoes or wading then gathered up the stupefied fish (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 274). The fish spear was widely used, but the harpoon, thrown usually with an atlatl, had been used mainly by the Tupi, Zdparoan, Quijo, and Cahuapanan tribes. It could be thrown as far as a bow would shoot and was preferred in that it required but one hand, the other being used to manipulate the canoe (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 274). But the bow, which had been used among the Bolivian tribes and the Peruvian Panoans, Arawak, and Tupi, replaced the atlatl among many of these tribes and was used with harpoon arrows. Arrows, harpoons, and spears were greatly improved with iron points, and the adoption of canoes by many tribes was an aid to fishing. Among wild foods, palm fruits and terminal shoots predominate. The more important species utilized are chonta (Guilielma ciliata and G. palma), achua (Mauritia flexuosa), Jessenia bataua, Iriartea ventricosa, I. deltoidea, Scheelea tessmannii, S. bassleriana, Astrocaryum huicungo, A, vulgare, and Aitalea tessmannii. Only the Arawakan peoples use the climbing ring. Honey, palm beetle larvae, and ants are greatly relished. The only domesticated animals were the llamas and alpacas on the upper Marafion River, llamas and guinea pigs kept by the Jivaro, a few guinea pigs in the Province of Mainas (probably Zdparoan tribes), and probably the Muscovy duck. The acquisition of pigs and chickens greatly augumented the food supply. By the 17th century, the hunting dog was used by many tribes, but Veigl denies that it was native in the Province of Mainas and it may be post-Columbian everywhere. All tribes kept many tame monkeys, parrots, and other birds and mammals. Food is most commonly ground in a wooden trough or on a flat wooden grinder with a wooden rocker. Wooden mortars are recorded only from the Jivaro, Panoans, and Tupi; stone grinders from the Panoans and upper Marafion tribes. The babracot is generally used to smoke meat so that it will last a few days, but the pottery stove, which, like the tipiti, is used in making farinha of bitter manioc, is unknown. Cooking pots ordinarily rest on three supports. HOUSES AND FURNISHINGS House types varied from the single or double lean-to of the Atsahuaca, Yuracare, Moseten, Chimane, and Pacaguara to large and complicated structures. Some Tacanan and Arawakan houses are round. Most eastern Peruvian and Ecuadorian dwellings are rectangular, with and without center posts (pl. 49, top). More commodious houses were intro- duced during the post-Columbian period to accommodate the enlarged social groups. Special clubhouses were built only by the Chacobo and Yuracare. The Canelo palisaded village was unique in the area. 520 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 All tribes use a men’s seat which, in contrast to the well-made product in most of the Amazon, varies from a rough-hewn half log to a stool crudely carved from a single piece of wood. Women sit on mats on the ground. The platform bed was aboriginally used by the tribes nearest the Andes—Quijo, Canelo, Candoshi, Andoa, Cahuapanan, upper Mara- non, Huallaga, Yuracare, Chiriguano, and Chané. It subsequently spread eastward to some of the Panoan peoples and to the Yameo, Leco, Mose- tene, and Chimane. In native times, the hammock had spread to the western Tucanoans and some of the Zdparoans, the Mayoruna, the pe- ripheral Panoans, and perhaps the Southern Panoans, the Guarayit and Pauserna. It was later adopted by several Zdparoans, Pebans, Panoans, and Bolivian tribes. A tightly-woven mosquito tent or net is used by the Western Tucano, Zaparoans, Yameo, Panoans, Tupi, Yuracare, Araona, and perhaps Middle Huallaga peoples. CLOTHING AND ADORNMENT Complete lack of wearing apparel in native times was not common, though many tribes used only some genital cover. The narrow breech- clout, although old in the Highland civilization (Nordenskiold, 1920, p. 59), was used only by Chiriguano and Chané men and Tacanan women. Elsewhere, the penis was tied (pl. 50) or held up with a string, or men wore a broad breechclout, poncho, or shirt. The broad breechclout, which hung over the belt and virtually surrounded the body like a skirt, was used by the Quijo, Itucale, Zaparoans, Omurana, and Cocama. A wrap-around skirt occurred among the Jivaro, Panobo, and some Z4- paroan tribes. The poncho was restricted to the Western Tucano, Jivaro, Chané, and Chiriguano. Women used a small apron, shirts, or a skirt that pulled over the head (pl. 50, left), the last more characteristic of the Ucayali Panoans. Adoption of a shirt was furthered by missionary precepts of modesty. Some are waist length, but the typical form is a long robe, known as the cushma, or tunic (pl. 50, top, right). This is typically a man’s garment, though worn in some tribes by women. Poncholike in construction, it is made of a single piece of bark cloth or woven cotton and has a slit for the head. Some Chama tribes make it of two pieces. The cushma differs from the Andean woman’s mantel in that the latter is wrapped around the body and from the eastern Bolivian and northern Chaco tipoy, which is a single, tubular piece of cloth worn with the warp running horizontally around the body and pinned over the shoulder. The tipoy occurs only among the Chiriguano and Chané. The Jivaro woman’s dress supported over one shoulder may be related to the Highland mantel. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD Bel Seemingly all the tribes of Pertti and Ecuador stain their teeth black by chewing certain herbs and ashes, which produces a stain that lasts several days (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 63). Two types of head deformation were once practiced. The Quijo, Peban, Ucayali Panoans, and Tupi compressed the forehead against the cradle. The Awishira and probably some of the other Zdparoan tribes lengthened the head by pressing laterally on the temples. The Pebans also removed a child’s nose cartilage, and the Jquito pressed the face and nose to make the face flat. Tooth filing, perhaps of Negro origin in South America, is restricted to the modern Aguano, Tupi, and Quijo. Other mutilations formerly had a wide distribution but seem not to have characterized cultural areas except that the Western Tucano and Pebans were famous for their large ear disks (whence the name Ore- jones), the Arawak for nose ornaments, and the Remo and Mayoruna for the great number of labrets a person wore (pl. 51). Tattooing had a wide distribution but seems to have spread farther in post-Contact times. All tribes formerly painted their faces and bodies, often as much for protection against insects as for ornamentation, but only the Jivaro and Tupi used a stamp. Chagua juice was used to allay itching. Hairdress takes many forms, characteristic styles being the Coronado tonsure and the custom of shaving the head on the upper Marafion and among the /quito. Depilation is general; the Zdparoans, Pebans, and Panobo pull out hair with melted resin. Composite combs are used to groom the hair; the Western Tucano and Zdparoans also use rosin mirrors. Ornaments consist of necklaces, arm and leg bands, bands of beads crossing on the chest, and feather crowns. In aboriginal times, a few metal ornaments had come from the Highlands, especially to the Qujo and Tupi. TRANSPORTATION Insufficient data make comparative analysis of carrying devices im- possible. Baskets, infant carrying bands, and men’s bags seem to have a wide distribution. Nets are reported only on the middle Huallaga River and among the Arawak. In modern times, all the Chuncho make canoes except those on small streams, like the peripheral Panoans, the Arawakans and the middle Huallaga people, who make only rafts. But aboriginal use of canoes is certain only for the Ucayali River Panoans and the Tupi. It is probable for the Jivaro and possible for the Cahuapanans. Other tribes learned 523 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 canoe building and maneuvering from the Panoans and Tupi under mis- sion influence: the Western Tucanoans, Zdporoans, Mayoruna, and Pebans. For rafts, the preferred material is palo de balsa (Ochroma sp.). MANUFACTURES Complete absence of stone everywhere except in the higher altitudes requires use mainly of vegetable and animal products for manufactures. Baskets.—Baskets seem to conform to the usual Tropical Forest styles, a hexagonal weave being mentioned most frequently. The Zdparo and Cahuapanans make a double-walled vessel. The long “telescope” basketry container is ascribed only to the Arawak. Textiles.—Textiles are made of various fibers, some preference being given even by missionaries to wild-plant fibers over cotton because they lasted better in this hot, humid climate. An excellent cloth called cachi- banco is made of achua palm fibers (Mauritia flexuosa), especially by the Zdparoan tribes. Chambira palm is also widely used, being the main fiber of the Western Tucanoans, Pebans, and Mayoruna. The Quijo uniquely used agave and the upper Marajfion tribes llama and alpaca wool. Use of Cecropia characterizes the upper Ucayali. The Tupi, Cahuapanan, Panoan, upper Marafion, and middle Huallaga Indians emphasize weav- ing in cotton. The Western Tucanoans use a little cotton, and the Quijo adopted it recently. A horizontal loom, probably of Highland origin, is used by the Zdpar- oans, Cahuapanans, middle Huallaga, Ucayali, and Arawakan tribes. A verticle loom is restricted to the Jivaro and Campa. The peculiar “Ucayali” loom occurs among some of the Panoans and Arawakans. Bark cloth.—Bark cloth, made preferably of trees of Ficus and Couratari, occurs among the Western Tucano, Zdparoans, Jivaro, and Arawak. Pottery.—All Montafia tribes make pottery, though Spanish wares seem to have been introduced on the upper Marafion and Huallaga Rivers. Tessmann’s data (1930) permit only a tentative classification of native wares. Vessel forms of general distribution are large cooking pots, water and chicha jars, and bowls. The first are always unpainted and are ornamented, if at all, only with incised, fingernail impressed or punched geometric figures, usually in bands around the neck. Jars and bowls carry several art styles, some of them coexisting in the same tribe. The most striking style is a fine geometric polychrome (pl. 52, a—c; figs. 73, 74) that is best developed among the Ucayali River Panoans but also occurs among tribes bordering the Marafion River (Cocama, Omagua, Yameo, Aguano, Urarina, Munichi, and Jivaro). The style seems def- initely related to that of Marajé and the lower Amazon, having geometric designs formed of widely spaced, heavy lines which are outlined by one Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD 523 SS orcs eres h J. Angling Ficure 73.—Montafia pottery types. a, b, Chama; c, d, Cashibo; e, Panobo; f, Piro; g, h, Chama. (f, Redrawn from Farabee, 1922, pl. 6; a, b, g, h, redrawn from Tessmann, 1928, pls. 4 and 5; c-e, redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, color pl. 4.) 653333—47—36 524 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 | SR a A eT ° / 2 3 4 5 6 Inches. 2 % 6 FF jor, le ae Cin: Black White Red. Ficure 74.—Montafia pottery types. a, Aguano; b, Chayawita; c, Aguano (with pot rests) ; d, Chayawita. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, color pls. 5, 8, and map. 11.) or more fine lines. The Montafia style employs red and black on a cream background, and it lacks the incised lines, the occasional zoomorphic motives, and the modeled decoration of Marajé. A few examples of the style are white-on-red (Cocama, Panobo, fig. 79). A second polychrome style, perhaps a modification of the last among the Maranon River tribes (Jivaro, Chébero, Aguano), uses a large num- ber of closely spaced parallel lines of equal width to form geometric figures (plye2; dshei/5): A simpler and cruder geometric style employs white-on-red (Yameo, Chayawita, Omagua, pl. 52, e, f) or red-on-cream (Yameo, Coto, Cocama, Jivaro, pl. 52, g,h). This style differs from the first two in having bolder geometric elements and more uncertain brush work as well as in the color combination. Jars with the lower half red, the upper white, occur also on the Marafion (Yameo, Chébero, Yamorai, Chayawita, Lama). Tribes living away from the main rivers usually had simpler wares (pl. 55). The Jtucale, Yagua, Zaparo, Roamaina, and Mayoruna seem- ingly used no painted designs; their bowls were red outside, smoke- blackened inside. The Western Tucanoans, however, were accredited with an elaborately painted ware (fig. 75, a, b). Use of a genipa wash for red and of a copal (payuru) varnish is com- mon in the Montafia. Calabashes.—Calabashes are painted (Zdparoans), varnished (Zdapa- roans), and incised (Tupi). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD 525 Ficure 75.—Montafia pottery. a, b, Coto; c, d, Jivaro; e, f, “Simaku.” (Redrawn, from Tessmann, 1930, pl. 35, color pl. 7, pl. 59, and color pl. 8.) Metals.— Metallurgy was known in native times only to the Quijo, who smelted gold (Gonzalez Suarez, 1890-1903, 6:59). Post-Contact placer mining in Jivaro territory started no important native use of metals, though the Zdparo collected some gold. Through missionary influence, the Arawak adopted iron smelting. Fire making.—The fire drill was probably used everywhere, although the Yagua, Cahuapanans, Urarina, Campa, and Zdparoans are accredited with use of two stones. The missionaries introduced flint and steel. 526 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Weapons.—At the time of discovery, these tribes used the spear thrown with the atlatl and the bow and arrow in both hunting and warfare. Sub- sequently, the blowgun and poisoned dart widely replaced the bow and arrow for hunting small game, while the bow and harpoon arrow took the place of the atlatl and harpoon in fishing. The spear is still used in hunting large game and in warfare, but is thrown without the atlatl. The earliest mention of the blowgun in the area is Saabedra’s account of the Maina (Stirling, 1938), but it may have been used earlier, for Cieza de Leon saw it in Colombia in 1540. The number of tribes then using the bow is not known, but several have since abandoned it in favor of the blowgun for hunting: the Jivaro during the 17th century; the Western Tucano, who once used it with poisoned arrows but now use it only to shoot harpoon arrows at turtles; and perhaps the middle Huallaga tribes, the Ucayali Panoans, and the Mayoruna, who use it only in fishing ; and the Cahuapanans among whom it is now atoy. The Tupi and Ucayali River Panoan tribes, contrary to the general trend, recently adopted the bow for warfare. The Pebans never had it. The blowgun, on the other hand, has become universal among all groups except the Arawakans, and peripheral Panoans, who continue to use the bow for both hunting and warfare. The basis for the shift from the bow to the blowgun is unquestionably availability of poison, without which the blowgun is worthless. It is true that some arrows had formerly been poisoned, for example among the Western Tucanoans, but it is unlikely that the deadly curare was used. In recent times, in fact, the Zdparoans, Western Tucanoans, Cahuapanans, and perhaps others imported their poison. The Lama, Canelo, and the Pebans were main sources; and the last evidently never used the bow. Most of these tribes had a much livelier trade in the his- toric period, when canoes and mission influence brought about greater intertribal contacts. It seems very possible, therefore, that availability of poison, together with what seems manifest superiority of the blowgun over the hunting bow, brought about the change. The abandonment of the bow for warfare is more difficult to under- stand, for the blowgun was never used to kill anything but game. Perhaps a spear for fighting and a blowgun for hunting were all a warrior could carry. The atlatl was once used by the Maina, the Cahuapanans, and the upper Marafion tribes for warfare and by the Jivaro and the Panoans for both warfare and hunting, but all these tribes have given it up. It is now restricted to the Pebans and the Tupi, who use it only to throw fish harpoons. All tribes except the Arawakans used shields of various materials— wood, basketry, tapir hide. The club once had a wide distribution, but seems to have been used less frequently in recent times. Pitfalls and Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD 527 trenches with sharpened stakes were used everywhere to protect villages ; the Quijo palisades are unique. Other weapons attained a more limited distribution. The sling, doubtless of Highland origin, has been reported only among the Lama, Cashibo, Arawakans, and Tupi. Bone daggers occurred on the upper Marafion River; caltrops are Arawakan; weapons planted in the bush with automatic release are limited to the Jivaro; and automatic alarm drums are Tui. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STRUCTURE The aboriginal Montafia community typically consisted of one to a few families—15 to 30 persons—each family living in a small house (upper Maranon and Huallaga Rivers, Western Tucanoans, Pebans, Ara- wakans, Southern Panoans, and Tacanans). Houses were scattered at intervals of a few hundred yards to a few miles along water courses, or, as among the hinterland Panoans, Western Tucanoans, and others, were isolated in the bush for protection from war and slave raids. They were moved every 2 or 3 years. Occasionally, clusters of 5 or 10 houses made small villages. A few tribes, however, had much larger communities: Tupi villages numbered several hundred persons; Cayuvava settlements averaged 540 per village in 1696; Mosetene communities averaged 166 in 1682. These sizes seem to be native, but it is uncertain whether they depended upon greater local resources and an unusually dense population or upon a more developed political sense. A tendency toward increase in community size occurred in the historic period, though it is remarkable that the mission villages of several hun- dred to a thousand persons each disintegrated at the close of the mission period when the people tended to resume their native separatism. The Chébero, who remained in a single village, and the Aguano, Chasutina, Chacobo, and Araona are exceptions. Other tribes, such as the Western Tucanoans, the Pebans, and some of the Arawakans began to live in large communities and adopted communal houses. In addition to direct mission influence, it is likely that adoption of canoes, better agriculture, and im- proved intercommunity relations were factors in the trend toward larger villages. The social structure of these communities can be described only in gen- eral terms. The single-family house contained the elementary family consisting of father, mother, and children. When several families lived together in the molaca, a strong tendency to patrilocal residence, despite bride service, made the community an extended patrilineal family, with the family head as chief. Tessmann (1930) speaks of many of these as “kins,” but there is no evidence that they were sibs, nor are there grounds for postulating that they ever had been sibs. In fact, a better case could be made that they represent a condition from which sibs might develop. 528 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 They resulted from congregation of patrilineally related families under a single roof. The Lama, however, may have had patrilineal moieties. The Ucayali River Panoans, in contrast to other Montafia peoples and to the hinterland Panoans, were matrilineal and had a hint of totemism which opens the possibility that they had clans. These communities normally lacked any groupings, such as classes, castes, or societies, although some Pebans were alleged to have had some kind of nobles. Until trade with the Whites made slave traffic profitable, captives taken in warfare were incorporated into the local group, except among the Quijo and Tupi, who aboriginally had kept them in slave status. Political authority centered in the family head, who controlled travel, warfare, and farm clearing. Chieftainship of greater consequence occurred only during temporary war alliances and in very recent times, when it seems clearly to be an institution imposed by the White man. Shamans often assumed leadership but only the Quijo regularly made them chiefs. WARFARE The pattern of warfare was very similar among all tribes, differences being found in emphasis and in details of weapons, cannibalism, and trophies. The Jivaro are distinctive in their absorbing interest in warfare which, however, may be a post-Contact intensification of a widespread aboriginal pattern. The “Noticias Autenticas” (Maroni, 1889-92, 27 :254-265) described the early war complex of the upper Amazon area in some detail. The motive for warfare was head hunting, and, though the occasion for a war expedition was presumably revenge of some wrong, usually witchcraft, it did not matter whether the foe had perpetrated the supposed crime. The decision to fight was made in a council. To insure victory, the shaman fasted and was chaste and silent; after a victory, he was rewarded with loot. Defeat was attributed to breaking a taboo. Warriors attired themselves in all their ornaments, and the chief whipped their legs to give them courage and put red pepper juice in their eyes to enable them better to see and dodge arrows and to shoot. The main stratagem was surprise attack, though villages were protected by trenches with stakes, by cal- trops, and by automatic alarms. Warriors were killed and their heads taken to be shrunken and kept as trophies. Later, the heads were deco- rated with colored feathers and used in a dance during which the victors boasted and taunted them. Women and children were taken captive and incorporated in the conquering tribe. Trophy skulls are recorded among the Quijo, Western Tucano, Zapa- roans, Cahuapanians and Tupi. The Jivaro, Chébero, Panoans, and Ttucale (?) made shrunken heads (pl. 63). Cannibalism was less wide- spread: Encabellado, Zaparoans, Cahuapanans, and Mayoruna. The Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD 529 Peban peoples, who wore human-tooth necklaces, may also have used other trophies. Scalping is attributed only to the Chama. LIFE CYCLE The life cycle has little of interest. Abortion and infanticide were once fairly common, probably resulting from disturbances of the Contact Period. The couvade has a spotty distribution. The Western Tucanoans killed both twins; the Zdparoans and Tupi killed one, probably because one of twins was thought to be a spirit’s child. Zdparoans and Cashibo practiced some kind of girl’s circumcision soon after birth, and the Zaparoans also ceremonially flogged girls and put pepper in their eyes. Girls’ puberty observances seem to have been limited to the first menses, when the Arawakans isolated a girl for 6 months. Special observances include Arawakan and Chama circumcision, deflowering, and whipping, Tupi removal of the clitoris, the Jivaro tobacco festival for strength, and Awishira and Chébero flogging and putting pepper in the eyes for strength. No boys’ initiation is known, though the Jivaro held a cayapi festival for youths. Homicide of the aged and infirm was formerly practiced by the Panoans and Zdparoans. Disposal of the corpse has taken many forms: Leaving it in the house (Jivaro, Zaparoans) ; burial in the house (Pebans, sometimes with reburial; Panoans, sometimes in a canoe; Western Tuca- noans, in a hammock) ; burial outside the house (some Panoams) ; urn burial (Aguaruna, Tupi, and Chébero, the last both primary and secon- dary; formerly some Panoans); endocannibalism of the cooked corpse (Panoans, Zaparoans) ; cremation of the corpse and drinking the ashes with chicha (Western Tucanoans and some Panoans) ; mummification of chiefs (Quijo). Mission influence increased the use of cemetery burial. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Chicha (masato) is a beerlike drink made from manioc or other fruits or vegetables fermented with the aid of a chewed mash and prepared in a wooden trough, e. g., the bulging trunk of paxiuba palm (Jriartea ventri- cosa), or in huge pottery jars. It is consumed by all tribes, and often occasions drunken brawls. The Canelo uniquely distilled a hard liquor by means of a pot and bamboo tubes, undoubtedly a post-Conquest innova- tion. Several plant narcotics and stimulants were used aboriginally, but gained wider distribution and more general use when culture patterns began to change in historic times. These are of two general classes: intoxicants taken, usually by shamans, to produce visions or a sense of supernatural power; stimulants, taken by anyone, for their effect in 530 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1438 anesthetizing or allaying fatigue and hunger. The first class includes cayapi and Datura, the second, yoco, coca, and guayusa. Tobacco served both purposes. A species of Cyperus is widely used by shamans but its virtue is evidently more magical than physiological. The use of guayusa, yoco, Datura, and perhaps other wild species is less widespread than their natural occurrence. Tobacco (Nicotiana sp.) formerly was largely restricted to shamans but later came into general use. The tribes of eastern Ecuador take it in the form of juice or cigars, several tribes also chewing it. The Ucayali River Panoans and Arawakans and the Tupi smoke pipes and snuff powder. The Tupi also smoke cigarettes. Cayapi (also called yagé, huni, hayac-huasca, and ayahuasca) is prob- ably used throughout the Ecuadorian and Peruvian Montafia except among the Panoans. It is mainly a shaman’s drink, though its consump- tion became more general during the historic period. Three very similar species occur in the region: Banisteriopsis inebrians, B. caapi, and B. quitensis. All are used and all produce the same effect: First, somewhat violent behavior; then deep sleep with vivid visual hallucinations, which among these tribes are usually of animals; and finally, a sense of losing one’s body and of seeing distant things. Some people become addicts (Morton, 1931; Reinburg, 1921). Huanto (Datura arborea), also called floripondia, campana, and borrachera, is used by the Zdparo, Canelo, and Jivaro to foretell the future. It produces strong intoxication which lasts several days and is so dangerous that anyone taking it is guarded by a friend (Reinburg, 1921). Guayusa (Ilex sp.), anesthetizing and sustaining rather than exhila- rating but serving also as an emetic, is used only by the Quijo, Zdparo, and Jivaro. Yoco (Paullinia yoco) is also sustaining in its effect, though strong doses serve an emetic (Simson, 1879 a, p. 213). This and related species of the creeper occur widely, but are used only by the Sioni, Corre- guaje, Cofan, and Highland Quechua of Ecuador. The Indians make an infusion of the bark and drink it (Schultes, 1942). Coca is limited to the Quijo, the middle Huallaga tribes, the Arawakans, and some Panoans. Ic is chewed with lime, and is intended only to allay fatigue, except for some ritual use of it among the Quijo. There is considerable uniformity in musical instruments. Transverse and longitudinal flutes and panpipes are used everywhere. The signal drum occurs among all tribes north of the Marafion River except the Pebans. Two-headed monkey-skin drums, though probably of Spanish origin, had reached all tribes. Gourd or other hand-shaken rattles are unknown; instead, jingles on the belt and legs are characteristic. The musical bow is fairly general. Trumpets, though of minor importance, are made of a variety of materials: Armadillo shells (Zdaparoans), snail shells (Jivaro and Mayoruna), wood (upper Marajion), cane (Panoans), Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD 531 bark (Mayoruna), and human skulls (Arawakans). None are sacred or associated with secret men’s rites. Amusements are also comparatively uniform. Maize-leaf ball games, wrestling, and humming tops occur everywhere; rubber balls are re- stricted to the Tupi. Slings of various kinds are used in the Peruvian and Ecuadorian Montafia. A ring-and-pin game is recorded only from the Panoans. RELIGION Montafia beliefs about supernatural beings are not adequately recorded but seem to be a minor consideration in daily affairs. Most supernatural beings are animistic nature spirits, the most prominent of which are the monstrous water snake (Zdporans, Jivaro, Pebans, Tupi) and bush demons, often thought to be anthropomorphic and generally somewhat dangerous (Zdparoans, Pebans, Middle Huallaga tribes, Panoans). Con- cepts other than simple animism are clarified only in the case of the Jivaro, who believe in an impersonal supernatural power that resides in certain plants and animals. The only community religious rites are the puberty observances pre- viously mentioned, certain rites to strengthen warriors, shamanistic per- formances, and the Peban feast of the dead. But various Christian rites were adopted in the historic period (pl. 48, center). There are many magical practices, especially the use of Cyperus for curing, for increasing fertility, for obtaining hunting and fishing luck and for other purposes. The Quijo are unique in divining with zoomorphic images made of coca. Beliefs about life after death are variable and confused, but a few facts seem to stand out. The Jivaro, Zdparoans, Arawakans, Tupi, and some Panoans believe that souls are reincarnated as animals, the Arawakans and possibly the Panoan naming the deer. This may explain a very wide- spread taboo on killing and eating deer. The Quijo and Yameo believe that souls become guardian spirits; the Pebans and Cahuapanans that souls merely wander in the bush. SHAMANISM The principal function of the shaman is to cause and cure sickness, but among the Jivaro and probably other neighboring tribes, he also per- forms magic for war parties, makes rain, gives love potions, and predicts the future. During a period of instruction, he learns to control a magical substance. Spirit helpers, though indicated for only a few tribes, are probably widespread. The Jivaro spirit helper is a blowgun, snake, door, bird, or insect; Maina, a bird; Canelo, a python; Pebans, birds and animals; Cahuapanans, birds; Lama, plants including Brunsfelsia grandi- flora; Iquito, a Cyperus root. The Panoan shaman obtained help from a bird, the Arawakan from tobacco and cayapi, and the Tupi from the spirit of a deceased shaman in a virola or cottonwood tree and from a bird. 5a SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The narcotic or stimulant, particularly tobacco, taken by the shaman seems generally intended to enhance his sense of power, but Datura and ayahauasca more specifically produce second sight. Chantre y Herrera (1901, pp. 80-83) said that in the Maranon region the shaman induced spirits to come by fasting or by drinking ayahuasca. Ina large hut where people had gathered, he first led singing, then drank ayahuasca to coax the spirit. Another dose of ayahuasca made him first violent, then coma- tose, when his soul departed and the spirit spoke through him. Later, the shaman revealed what he had learned. A similar account by Jiménez de la Espada (1892, p. 55) states that the shaman and perhaps other mem- bers of the community take both Datura and ayahuasca to acquire visions of the future or of the identity of a murderer. Words of the intoxicated person are carefully noted. Sickness is generally attributed to a sorcerer, who injects a magic sub- stance into his victim. This substance is conceived to be a magical “thorn” or “dart” which the shaman keeps inside his body and which returns to him after his victim dies, but the Western Tucanoans believe it to be Cyperus and the Cahuapanans a magic “mass” acquired from an owl. The Jivaro attribute sickness also to the water monster, the Tupi to a river dolphin, the Canelo to ghosts, and the Lama to bush demons. There is a widespread idea that shamans control snakes, jaguars, and other dangerous animals, and the Jivaro and Arawakans hold the were-jaguar concept. The soul-loss concept of disease is recorded only from the Coto and Tupt. To cure, the shaman takes a narcotic, blows smoke on the patient, and sucks out the “thorn” or other substance. The narcotic helps reveal the sorcerer. Many substances, including herbs, are accredited with magical proper- ties. Cyperus, the most important, is variously thought to cure, to increase female and plant fertility, to serve as love magic, to cause thunderstorms, and to accomplish other desired ends. Tobacco and pepper are common ingredients of magic. Pepper rubbed in the eyes is widely thought to give strength. A deer horn is prepared as an antidote to poison and snake- bite; wearing a crocodile tooth is thought to protect against poisons. MYTHOLOGY Myth features of comparative interest are legends of the flood (Zdparoans, Pebans), the theft of fire (Jivaro, Panoans), the twins and the jaguars (Tupi, Zdparoans, Jivaro), and the trickster element in the twin tale (Zdparoans). There is no clear-cut culture hero, except that certain birds in a Panoan myth introduce some customs to mankind ; other- Vol. 3] TRIBES OF THE MONTANA—STEWARD 533 wise, the origin of plants and other useful things is variously explained. Creation tales tend to have celestial characters. There is some indication that myths and folk tales are being forgotten. Biblical themes and other evidence of Christian influence are, however, scarcely discernible. BIBLIOGRAPHY Acufia, 1891; Amich, 1854; Armentia, 1887-88; Bennett, 1936; Castelnau, 1851; Chantre y Herrera, 1901; Cordova y Salinas, 1651; Cruz, 1900; Escobar y Mendoza, 1769; Farabee, 1922; Figueroa, 1904; Fritz, 1892, 1922; Galt, n.d.; Gonzalez Suarez, 1890-1903; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, vol. 1; Izaguirre, 1922-29; Jiménez de la Espada, 1892; Keller-Leuzinger, 1874; Maroni, 1889-92; Maurtua, V., 1906; Maw, 1829; Means, 1931; Meléndez, 1682; Morton, 1931; Nordenskidld, 1913, 1917 b, 1920; Noticias auténticas . . . (see Maroni, 1889-92) ; D’Orbigny, 1839; Péppig, 1835-36; Reinburg, 1921; Rodriguez, 1684; Salinas Loyola, 1897; Schultes, 1942; Simson, 1879 a; Skinner, 1805; Smyth and Lowe, 1836; Stirling, 1938; Tello, 1922, 1942; Tessmann, 1928, 1930; Veigl, 1785 a. See also pages 509-514. TATED GAY Stil iad ; re | "qe ia ie Ms Tae \reaemetly Gienin Meiedlaeeals tckieabo owgibot'h itis atieryend: git aicelen Blot hire edt ane tad sptmvibdbanetee # 14 eoaworl il a Hevaini(D. Wa stems vy ollie ‘bas: anarats ‘ind fd a aiivannen Seas ~ ie Vit iis titties note wictoten.) ONE stucsroll 2a 523! sort 1. baal Mealy + ,OR siete 4 00 ‘mits. c icol 2amler y eyobro) ¢10V[ evinis + oles frat ber tA ¥ inlo 7 ; ate “Alhatin? | Ha soe PU AVal Shel PO hanes AAV (salt set . ts a, a dlr ivi +O S40 li viufarst 3 Pubiy) eter nated G7) PH Aber PT Bore: ieee LA Vi pseelirn fl! 4 SO-OR SD bred; PNT cpesigertnae sfewwllodt ghOat Rhee eis} an Sit c401 biopaen Se TEC Ts teptaedte ¢ SHOT x Aicials 4 ft st oned “OE ciMi Od el oWbRt vm tL : Cave tf, ope) imeiua int j Hoare Vi. A ) VO Aol gk ' i : ; ae Cher SSOy Me ee) nie pet swe [Ante ’ ; PB dow V5 OCT NDOT) ema r cule joer | y= | MM tA 7 ; TRIBES OF THE PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA By Juttan H. STEwarD AND ALFRED METRAUX ARAWAKAN TRIBES INTRODUCTION The Arawakan-speaking Amuesha, Campa, Piro, Machiguenga, Chon- taquiro, Masco, Sirineri, and Tuyuneri, who inhabit the headwaters of the Ucayali and Madeira Rivers, are a primitive Montafia subgroup (map 1, No. 3; map 5). As they lack traits found among most Arawak else- where, their culture may be proto-Arawakan and probably represents an early migration into the Montafia. Like their neighbors to the north, they seem to represent a cultural backwash. The Campa, Piro, and Chon- taquiro on the Urubamba and Apurimac Rivers, however, share traits with adjoining Panoan peoples which the more isolated Machiguenga, Amuesha, and Masco lack. These tribes are characteristically simple. Social structure is patterned around the individual family, which lives in isolation or with a few related families. There are no clans, large houses, moieties, cults, large festivals, or masked dances. Except for girls’ puberty, even crisis observances are simple and essentially practical in nature. Warfare is largely defensive. There is neither exo- nor endo-cannibalism, though the Machiquenga at- tribute cannibalism to the Masco. Families support themselves by slash- and-burn farming with sweet manioc the staple, but grow other crops, various drugs including coca, and several plants introduced during the post-Conquest period, especially bananas. Their manufactures are simple. Cotton is gathered wild and woven on the large belt loom or on the “Ucayali” loom. Pottery is inferior, usually unpainted. Houses are generally for single families. People sleep on mats and lack hammocks, platform beds, and stools. They fight and hunt only with bows and spears, lacking blowguns, carved clubs, spear throwers, fishhooks, and harpoons. TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY Main divisions of the Arawakan are difficult to establish, for authors use tribal names with varying degrees of inclusiveness. The /nca called these people Anti or Chuncho. Rivet uses TSontikiro (Chontaquiro) as 535 536 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 a synonym for Piro and Campa, and includes among them the Anti, Camatika, Kimbiri, Pangoa, Catongo, Kirinairi, Matsi ganga (Machi- guenga), Pukapakurit, Tampa, Ugunitsiri, and Ugonino in the basin of Tambo, Perené, Ene, Apurimac, Urubamba, and Yavero Rivers. Tess- mann (1930) includes the Chontaquiro and Simirinche with the Piro and distinguishes them from the Campa, the AmatSenge, and the Matshin- genga. Galt (ms.) sees the Chontaquiro (Chunt a quiro) on the upper Urubamba as Piro and regards them as subdivisions of the Brazilian Masha (Maskoo, Mesko, Mosko). Osambela (1896, p. 220) applies the name Campa to all the peoples from the Beni to the Camisea Rivers. Garcia Rosell (1905, p. 5) places Machiganga, synonymous with Campa, from “the first barrier of the Cordillera and the borders of the Pilcopata River to the Urubamba,” and Pio Aza (1923 b, p. 395) uses the name Machiganga for all the tribes including the Campa from the Madre de Dios to the Apurimac, Ene, Perené, Tambo, and Alto Ucayali Rivers. Farabee (1922, pp. 1, 53, 77) distinguishes six tribes: the Campa of the middle Urubamba; the Machiganga of the middle Urubamba; the Acheyenga of the Perené, the Achenega at San Lorenzo; the Piro (Chontoquiro, Semirentci) of the headwaters of the Purtia, Mishagua, Camisea, and Manu Rivers and formerly of the Urubama; and the Mashco (Moeno, Masco, Sinineiri) between the Sutlija and upper Madre de Dios Rivers. Marcoy (1875, 1:572) divided the Anti or Chuncho Indians of the Gran Pajonal, the Huarancalqui and Yana Rivers, and the Apurimac River to its confluence with the Quillamba River, into a dozen intercommunicating and mutually peaceful tribes: the Anti, Campa (Mesca), Pangoa, Menearo, Anapati, and Pilcosmi to the south; the Satipo, Copiri, and Tomiristi to the north; and the Cobaro and Pisiatari to the east. In the face of this conflicting evidence by recent authors, it seems best to base tribal groupings so far as possible on that of early sources. Thus, cur main divisions are: The Campa, with several subgroups including the Anti of the Perené Valley, possibly the Chicheren (Izaguirre, 1922- 29, 2:89) of the upper Apurimac Valley, and many other local groups named after rivers; the Piro, which includes the Simirich and Chontaquiro ; the Machiguenga; the Masco; and several unclassified peoples. Farabee’s linguistic data (1922) for the Campa of the Etenes River, the Piro at Sutlija and Portilla, the Machiguenga of the Paucartambo River, and the Masco show a marked difference between these dialects. Amuesha.—The Amuesha (Amueshua, Amage, Amuecixa, Omage, Amajo, Amaje, Lorenzo, Amuetamo), who are linguistically similar to the Campa (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:20), lived, during the 17th century, in the Palcazu River Basin and in part of the Pichis River Basin (lat. 11° S., long. 75° W.). The Lorenzo between the Chuchurras and Pichis Rivers were, despite their recent Quechua language, probably Amuesha. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 537 Father Sala (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:388) considered the Panatahua, an upper Huallaga River tribe (p. 596), to be the Amuesha. It is probable that in prehistoric times the Amuesha had been in contact with many tribes who came to the great salt deposits in Cerro de la Sal in their terri- tory (Amich, 1854, p. 19). The first important White contacts started with Franciscan missions founded in the region of Cerro de la Sal for the Amuesha and Campa in 1635 and Spanish settlements in 1645 and 1649. Indian resentment at the Spaniards’ treatment of them and trouble caused by gold seekers soon terminated these settlements (Amich, 1854, pp. 20-25). Another burst of mis- sionary activity in 1671 and in 1673 gathered more than 1,000 Indians in missions on Cerro de la Sal, but soon thereafter the Indians killed several priests in re- taliation for their treatment by the lay Spaniards, and activities ceased for another 35 years. The spiritual conquest of the Amuesha was resumed by the Franciscans in 1709 and endured another 40 years. Nearly all the Indians of the Perené Valley were brought into 6 towns, while several missions were established in the Pachitea region with 300 Amuesha. The Amuesha, however, were evacuated in 1753 as a result of the Santos Atahuallpa revolt (see Campa, pp. 537-539), and the Indians moved to Cuchero, where the climate and work as peons killed most of them (Amich, 1854, p. 208). More than 100 years elapsed before the missionaries re- turned. Meanwhile, the Amuesha of the Pozuzo River may have lost their identity, for in 1767 they spoke Quechua and were merely called “Indians of Pozuzo.” During the last half of the 19th century, the Indians of the Pozuzo and Pachitea headwaters (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:205) and more espe- cially of the Palcazu River were known as Lorenzo. (Paz Soldan map of 1880; Ordinaire, 1887, p. 130; Sagols, 1902.) The Franciscans resumed their labors in 1881 and have continued since. Their missions were established near Chanchamayo and Cerro de la Sal, where the Amuesha, who, though decreased by disease, numbered about 2,000 and retained their identity. In 1906, Farabee (1922, map) mapped the Ammwesha between the Pachitea and Alto Ucayali Rivers, but in 1925 Tessmann (1930) attributed to them the upper Chuchurras River and Oxapampa region, stating that only 100 survived, partly because of Campa attacks. Some were comparatively civilized. The 1940 Census gives 4,000. Campa (Kampa, Camba, Tampa, Thampa, Komparia, Kuruparia, Campiti, Ande, Anti, Chuncho, Chascoso.) —The Campa lived along the Ene, Perené, and Apurimac Rivers, but they extended through the Gran Pajonal northward between the Pachitea and Ucayali Rivers (lat. 10°-14° S., long. 72°-76° W.), where they raided the adjoining Panoan tribes, and eastward into the Urubamba Valley. Izaguirre (1922-29, 1:226) at- tributes to them the valley of the Chanchamayo, Perené, Pangoa, Metraro, Ene, and Tambo Rivers and the Gran Pajonal.. The Campa were split into small river-named groups. Hervas’ Campa divisions are: Amiem- huaca, Curano, Manua, Nanerua, Nesahuaca, Sepaunabo, and Tasio, Tessmann’s (1930) are the Campa proper (Atiri), the wild Campa (Antaniri), and, farther south, the Amatsenge. Navarro (1924) distin- guished four Campa groups: Campa, Machiguenga, wild Campa or Unconino, and Chonta Campa. 588 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The Campa of the upper Perené Valley had already been in touch with White traders when, in 1635, Franciscans came from their headquarters at Ocopa in the Highland to found a mission near the present town of La Merced for the Campa and Amuesha. A Campa chief, resenting enforced monogamy, incited the massacre of a Dominican expedition and burned the Franciscan mission. None- theless, the Franciscans had seven centers in this region by 1640. These were finally broken up, however, as a result of trouble caused by Spanish miners who entered the region in 1642. In 1671, the Franciscans returned, reestablishing the old missions near Cerro de la Sal and founding several new ones along the lower Perené River. Among the Indians pledging allegiance to the missions were the Pangoa, Menearo, Anapati, Pilcosumi, Satipo, Capiri, Cobaro, Pisiatari, Cuyentimari, Sangireni, Zagoreni, and Quintimirt (Amich, 1854, p. 35), most of them probably river-named Campa sub- tribes, but some perhaps neighboring Panoans. But again, in 1674, a chief, Fernando Tarote, rebelled at the prohibition of polygyny. The Campa began drifting away from the missions, which were secularized in 1691. A general rebellion in 1694 thwarted new Franciscan attempts to revive them. In 1709, the Franciscans came again to the Perené region and, despite a re- bellion in 1724 by the Anti, a subtribe numbering 3,000 in the lower Perené Valley, had 8 missions with 1,239 Campa by 1730 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2:59). By 1739, 10 more were founded among the Campa who were scattered in small groups in the Gran Pajonal (Amich, 1854, p. 158). Skinner (1805, pp. 450-456) gives the incredible figure of 20,000 converts. In 1735, the Franciscans had a total of 38 missions with 8,333 Indians, most of them Campa, in the area (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2 :82-83, 752). These figures, evidently based on a careful census, seem entirely acceptable. The total population must formerly have been much larger, for many Campa probably remained in the forests and others died of epidemics. For example, of 172 Indians at one mission, 40 died of an epidemic of dysentery. In 1737, 2 of the missions were destroyed by the rebellious chief, Ignacio Torote, son of Fernando Torote (Amich, 1854, pp. 160-170). This period of missionary activity was violently terminated when Juan Santos Atahuallpa, a messiah of some education who claimed descent from both God and the Jnca Emperors, instigated a general rebellion and massacre in 1742. The remainder of the century wit- nessed only slow penetration of the Perené area from fortified cities (Skinner, 1805, pp. 450-456), settlers and missionaries working down the Tulumayo River to the Perené in the face of hostility from the Campa of the Chanchamayo, Pichis, Pachitea, Perené, Pangoa, and Tambo Rivers and the Gran Pajonal (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 7:111-112). This hostility continued for more than 100 years. Frustrated in the Perené-Tambo region, the Franciscans turned their attention to southern groups of Campa, going from Cuzco in 1743 to the Quillabamba Valley, where in 1753 the one mission had seven “pueblos” (Maurtua, V., 1906, 12:140-143). In 1782, they went to the 300 Campa of the Mantaro River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 5:151), then later to the Apurimac River north of Rio Pampas, and in 1790 to Cocabambilla. In 1805 they founded Nuestra Sefiora de Misericordia de Siapa in the Urubamba Valley, near the Chontaquiro. At this time, there were also Campa in the Yanatili Valley, tributary to the Urubamba, and on the Coribeni and Cizialo Rivers. But pagan Campa remained in the upper Apurimac River region in 1911 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:253). During most of the last century, the Campa of the region of the Perené and Tambo Rivers remained hostile. An exploration of the Tambo River in 1850 was turned back by Campa attacks (Galt, ms.) and the Chuncho of the Chanchamayo Valley were hostile in 1851 (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:204). In 1870, numerous and warlike apostate Campa held the Gran Pajonal. They Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 539 were especially bitter toward the Whites and were generally feared by Ucayali River tribes. The greatest number was around Cerro de la Sal and Quiniri, the site of the first mission, where Peruvian criminals had joined them (Galt, ms.). But by 1869, the Campa of Chanchamayo were subdued and the city of La Merced founded. These Indians, 100 years after severing intercourse with the Spaniards, still had smithies, using bellows and forges and making machetes, axes, knives, and hammers (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:253). A new Franciscan attempt to start a mission on the Pangoa River ended in revolt, caused by the Campas’ resentment at the colonists’ treatment of them (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:152). Recent population estimates show that the tribe survives in great number, though a wide margin of error enters because of census methods and because of differ- ences in tribal classification. Osambela (1896, p. 220) gave 20,000 Campa dis- tributed as follows: Carabaya, 4,000; Sandia, 5,000; Madre de Dios, 3,000; Convencion, 5,000; Alto Ucayali, 4,000; Alto Madeira, 3,000; Yuruna, 4,000; Puris, 5,000; Pangoa, 500; Tambo, 1,000; Gran Pajonal, 1,000; Perené, 500. The total, evidently including other Indians, is really about 35,000. Navarro’s figure of 10,000 (1924, p. 3) and Tessmann’s of 3,000 to 5,000 (1930) would seem to indicate a decline, but the 1940 census claims 33,000, although A. F. Reifsnyder (personal communica- tion) estimates 10,000 to 20,000. These data evidently mean that the relatively resistant and isolated Campa have until now largely avoided disastrous contacts. Today, though pushed somewhat down the Perené Valley, they still occupy the Gran Pajonal, most of the region between the Pachitea and Ucayali Rivers, and the country back of the lower Perené, Tambo, and Ene Rivers. Avoiding civilization, though a few obtained occasional farm employment, they have until recently harassed communications over the Pichis trail. But in 1942, when the Gran Pajonal was opened to White settlement, the Campa were somewhat more subdued. Many speak Spanish and Quechua as well as Campa. Machiguenga.—In 1905, Garcia Rosell placed the Machiguenga, (Machiganga, Matsiganga) between the Cordillera, the Pilcopata, and the Urubamba, stating that around 1835 they had settled on the Tono and Pifiipifii, expelling the Tuyuneri. (Lat. 13° S., long. 72°-73° W.) Na- varro (1924, p. 3) gives 3,000 to 4,000 Machiguenga; the 1940 census, 1,000. This tribe could be considered a Campa subdivision. Piro.—The Piro (Pirro, Pira, Simirinche) occupied the angle between the Urubamba and Tambo Rivers (lat. 12° S., long. 73° W.). The Sinmurinche (Simiranch, Semirentci), on the right side of the Tambo River, who, at the end of the 17th century were closely associated with the Mochobo and Comobo on the opposite side of the river (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:294), were almost certainly Piro, as this region was also the early location of Piro. Maroni (1889-92, 30:146-148) distinguished two Piro groups in 1690: the Upatarinavo, who lived near the Campa, and the Cusitinavo, between the Pachitea and Ucayali Rivers and neighbors of the Comava (Combo). The Cusitinavo were perhaps a mixed group, or they may have been the Simirinche. Hervas (1800-05, vol. 1) lists three subtribes: Cusitinavo, Manatinavo, and Upatarinavo. The Chon- taquiro (Chuntaquiro, Chuntaquiru, Chontaders, Chunt a quiro, Tson- tikiro), so named because of their black-stained teeth, are generally known 653333—47—37 540 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 as a Piro subtribe. They occupy the Urubamba River and its tributaries from the Sepahua River to somewhere near the Yavero (Paucartambo) River, and, east of the Ucayali Basin, the Chandless (Araca) River, and the region between the headwaters of the Sepehua and Cujar Rivers. In pre-Contact times, the Piro were said to have been in contact with the Inca, whom they helped build the fort of Tonquini (Farabee, 1922, p. 53) and from whom they received gold objects (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 282). The Piro around the Tambo River were the first to be in contact with the Spaniards. The Simirinche and Piro participated in the murder of the Jesuit, Herrera, in 1686, and the Franciscan, Biedma, in 1687 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1 :254-289 passim). They attacked the Cusitinavo to steal iron tools, twice visited a Conibo mission to beg them, and threatened to raid the Conibo (Maroni, 1889-92, 30:146-148). But toward the end of the century, Father Ricter visited the Piro and wrote a catechism in their language. In 1790, the Piro occupied the Alto Ucayali, extending over 400 leagues along the Paru, Yami (Yanatiri), Tambo, and Cuja Rivers. The first, unstable Piro mission was not founded until 1795. Another founded in 1809 had 365 Piro families and 32 Pano families. At the beginning of the last century, the Fran- ciscans of Moquegua entered Chontaquiro country via the upper Urubamba River to establish several missions (Maurtua, V., 1906, 12:192-199). But the century drew to a close with the Piro still largely unmissionized. Though numerically small, their settlements or trading groups now extended down the Ucayali River as far as Sarayacu in Setebo territory (Raimondi, 1862, pp. 116-117). Still seeking metal tools, they even requested a mission in 1879; but the mission lasted only a year (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:214-325; Galt, ms.; Fry, 1889, p. 49). Early in the present century the Piro were victims of enforced labor for rubber gather- ing. Farabee (1922, p. 53) thought that 500 to 600 Piro remained in 1922; the 1940 census gives 5,000 Piro, 1,200 Chontaquiro. Masco.—Fejos (ms.) places the modern Masco (Mashco, Moeno) be- tween the Madre de Dios, Inambari, and Alto Madre de Dios Rivers and the Cordillera of Caravaya (lat. 13° S., long. 72° W.), a flatish, densely jungled area; the Stiglich map gives the Jnapari (Inamari) as a Masco division around the headwaters of the Rio de Pejes and the left side of the Madre de Dios to the Tacanti-manu River, with the Masco between the Chilive and Abulija Rivers. Subtribes listed are the Careneri on the Colorado River, the Puquiri, the Toyeri, and others (Fejos, ms.). An unsuccessful expedition by the Jnca Emperor Yupanqui to this region is claimed for 1450. Expeditions during the 16th century probably did not reach it. After 1862, several parties descended the Madre de Dios River, or visited the region. (Faustino Maldonado, in 1862; Raimondi, in 1863; Baltazar de la Torre, in 1873; Robledo, in 1879; Fermin Fiscarrald, in 1890; German Stiglich, in 1902; Ernesto La Combe Survey and Teniente Olivera Survey, in 1903; Enrique Llosa, in 1906; Leonardo Lama, in 1932; Maxwell Stuart, in 1936; Fejos, in 1940.) Fejos’ report covers the Careneri, who are probably the Arasa (Arasaire), estimated at 800 in 1940. The Pariquiri in 1940 numbered 3,000 and spoke Quechua. The Masco proper numbered 1,800 and lived on the Manu, Madre de Dios, Colorado, Iuaneari, and Blanco Rivers. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 541 Sirineri.—The Sirineri (Sirineyri, Sireneire) lived south of the Masco, on the Madre de Dios from its great curve to Ccofiecc (Garcia Rosell, 1905), on the Marcapata River (Marcoy, 1875, 1:555), on the upper Puca- puca River, and near the upper Chilive (Pilcopata) River (Stiglich map). (Lat. 13° S., long. 70°-71° W.) They were estimated at 1,000 in the 1940 census. Tuyuneri.—The Tuyuneri (Pucapacuri) adjoined the Sirineri, on the Tono, Pinipini and Pilcopata Rivers (Garcia Rosell, 1905, p. 7). (Lat. 13° 30’ S., long. 70°-71° W.). Cipriani (1902) located them on the lower Inambari River; Marcoy (1875, 1:555), on Rio Chaupimayo. Huachipairi—The Huachipairi (Huatchipayri) had settlements on the Cofiispata (Ccofispata) and Pilcopata Rivers (Garcia Rosell, 1905) ; on the Manu (Manuquia) tributaries (Cipriani, 1902, p. 177); on the lower Inambari and the Madre de Dios Rivers (Stiglich map). (Lat. 14° S., long. 72° W.) They are estimated at 1,500 in the 1940 census. Puncuri.—This tribe lived on the Puncuri River and numbered 15 to 20 in about 1900 (Cipriani, 1902, p. 178). Pucpacuri.—The Pucpacuri lived on the Camisia and Tunkini Rivers, and warred with the Anti and Chontaquiro (Marcoy, 1875, 1:555). Several tribes of uncertain affiliation, though probably Arwakan, were: The Guirineri, on a right tributary of the Ucayali River below the Ticumbinia River near the mission of Siapa. They had almost been destroyed by the Masco in 1807 (Maurtua, V., 1906, 12:215; Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8 :324). The Epetineri in 1807 were pagans who seem to have occupied the right side of the Urubamba River from the Pijiria River to near the Ucayali River (Maurtua, V., 1906, 12:216-218; Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:327-328). SOURCES The 17th- and 18th-century sources have been mentioned previously pp. oll, 113). “Nineteenth-century travel includes Enock (1908), Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54), Sala (1892), Amich (1854), Exploracion de los Rios Pichis . . . (1897), Fry (1889), Galt in 1870-72 (ms.), Reich (1903), Navarro (1924), and Ordinaire (1887, 1892). There is no major scientific account of these tribes, Farabee’s observa- tions (1922) of 1906 being of uncertain value and Tessmann’s (1930) including only a few data from a Campa encountered on the lower Ucayali River. Other sources are Garcia Rosell (1905) on the eastern tribes, Fejos (ms.) on the Masco, Cipriani (1902), Fernandez Moro (1926-27), and Grain (1942) on the Michiguenga. D042 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 CULTURE SUBSISTENCE Farming.—Farming follows the usual Tropical Forest slash-and-burn pattern with sweet manioc (yuca) the staple (the Machiguenga consider it sacred (Grain, 1942)) and bitter manioc absent. Sixteenth-century sources report sweet manioc and bananas among the Amuesha. In 1788, Campa plants included lima beans, manioc, and sugarcane, the last intro- duced by Whites. Campa crops of the last half century have been yams, peanuts, sweet potatoes, bananas, pineapples, tuber beans, macaba, taro, sicana, pumpkin, Guilielma palm, sugarcane, pepper, barbasco (Loncho- carpus nicou). But some adaptation to habitat is observable: Campa of the Sierra grew coca and potatoes in addition to maize. The Campa also cultivate a medicinal narcotic, “hitini” (Navarro, 1924). Campa clearings usually lie along the river bank, but in times of danger are on hill tops. In the Quiempiric region a chief’s plantation was re- ported to be 3% league in circumference. But Galt (ms.) observed a Piro family in 1872 which had only one stalk of corn, “a dozen or more yuca trees, and a half a dozen banana trees,” the produce supplemented by an occasional fish or monkey. The Careneri plant circular fields with concentric rings of crops: pineapples, pifayo, bananas, manioc, maize, and pepper (capsicum) in the center; next, papaya trees; outside, sweet potatoes, peppers, pumpkins, and cocona (Fejos, ms.). The Campa and Amuesha use paddle-shaped digging sticks; the Careneri, plain sticks. Each Machiguenga family has its own clearing, which is made anew every 2 or 3 years. Men help one another prepare these, but subsequently each woman cultivates and harvests from her own plot (Farabee, 1922). A suggestion of nutritional deficiencies is beriberi, which the Machiquenga attribute to eating papaya after sungaro fish, roast crayfish, or hipa juice. (See Fernandez Moro, 1926-27, for endemic diseases.) Fishing.—The Campa take fish with drugs (barbasco, Lonchocarpus, Tephrosia, Clibadium) ; the Amuesha use a wild plant; the Machiguenga use one called “kogui,” bone hooks (but Farabee denies use of hooks), gill nets, hand nets, large nets with sinkers, fish pots, multiprong spears, and possibly arrows. They also use a weir and some kind of dam to drain a section of river. Notably absent are devices of the lower Ucayali River: harpoons, harpoon arrows, atlatls, weirs, and traps. Hunting.— Game animals include tapirs, boars, deer, and monkeys, with the last of greatest importance. Sloths, snakes (Tessmann, 1930), deer heads, and corvina fish (Navarro, 1924) are taboo. The Campa hunt with bows and arrows, blinds built near water holes, spring-pole traps, sharp sloping stakes placed on animal trails, and recently with some rifles. The Machiguenga also smear a glue on tree limbs to catch birds. Neither the blowgun nor hunting nets are known (Tessmann, 1930). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 543 Gathering.—The Campa supplement their diet with jungle produce, among it honey, a root called mabe, ants, and several palm fruits (Euterpe, Triartea, Scheelea tessmannii, and Oenocarpus). They use the climbing ring to ascend trees. Domestic animals.—The dog is used for hunting and is bred by the Piro for trade. Chickens are kept in coops; they and their eggs are eaten by the Campa, but the Piro eat only the eggs. Pigs are not kept (Tessmann, 1930). Only the Machiguenga have ducks. Food preparation.—These tribes cook meat on a pyramidal or rec- tangular babracot; the smoking thus given it may preserve it for a few days. The Campa grind food on a “plate-like wooden piece” with a stone mano (Tessmann, 1930); the Piro use a hollowed log as a mortar (Farabee, 1922). The sexes eat apart, using wooden spoons, pottery bowls, or monkey skulls (Machiguenga). Condiments include rock salt from Cerro de la Sal, and pepper (Capsicum). HOUSES AND HOUSEHOLD EQUIPMENT Each family erects its own structure; a large communal house is only made by the Masco (pl. 54). In 1790, the Campa constructed a hemi- spherical, thatched house—evidently a beehive type—and a special shed in which batchelors slept and men kept their weapons (Izaguirre, 1922- 29, 7:66). Reich (1903) reports similar structures in the present century, but Tessmann believes that beehive houses are for temporary use, the more permanent house being rectangular, with side walls and gabled roof. The recent Careneri and Machiguenga house is oval, the roof sloping nearly to the ground, but Piro houses are rectangular, 20 by 12 feet (6 by 3.6 m.) long and 18 feet (5.5 m.) high, with elevated sleeping storage platforms (Farabee, 1922). The Campa are accredited with erecting observation platforms. Inside the house is a constant fire. The fire fan is woven. Woven or bark sleeping mats are used in place of hammocks. DRESS AND ADORNMENTS The standard dress is the cushma (pls. 50, right; 53, top, right) with a neck opening which runs from front to back for men, from side to side for women. It is made of bark cloth or, among the Campa, Piro, and Machiguenga, of wild cotton, and is dyed, usually with bixa red, and variously ornamented with feathers, beads, etc. This garment seems to have varied little from the 16th century to the present day (Izaguirre 1922-29, passim; Tessmann, 1930; Farabee, 1822), though missionary influence probably made its use more habitual. Some customary nudity still occurs among the Antaniri Campa, whose men pass a cord around the waist and under the genitals (Tessmann, 1930), the Masco (pl. 53), the Careneri, who use the cushma only for sleeping (Fejos, ms.), and 544 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 the Huachipairi (Gadea, 1895, p. 141). Other garments reported are the Atiri man’s sleeveless shirt, Machiguenga and Campa bark shirts, the Atiri woman’s short fiber apron, and the Piro woman’s rolled hip cloth (Tessmann, 1930). For dress occasions, the Machiguenga now wear European clothes (Grain, 1942). The most characteristic ornament is a pendant, often of silver, sus- pended from the nasal septum, but some Campa wear a pin through the septum. The Carenert and Machiguenga place pins through the upper lip and cheeks, the Campa and Piro through the lower lip. The Campa have recently begun to perforate their ears for ornaments (Tessmann, 1930). The Campa groom the hair with a composite comb, which the Careneri lack. Depilation is not reported. The Campa blacken the teeth with Piperaceae. All tribes wear many beads, necklaces, feather headdress, and arm and leg bands, and paint the body with genipa, both as decoration and as protection against sunburn and insects. The Machiguenga even paint their animals (Grain, 1942, p. 244). The only badges of status reported are chiefs’ birdskin necklaces and bark headbands with two feathers behind. TRANSPORTATION The common carrying devices are tumplines, infant bearing bands, and small bags. The carrying net is ascribed only to the Lorenzo (Ordinaire, 1892, p. 162). Machiguenga men and women can carry 50 to 75 pounds 15 miles a day. Tessmann denies that the Campa use canoes, but Navarro records cedar dugouts. Careneri dugouts are 12 feet (4 m.) long. The Campa make pointed balsa rafts held together with chonta nails and cross beams. Bark cloth.—Bark cloth for cushmas and mats is probably made by all tribes. Weaving and spinning.—Cords are made of Cecropia leucocoma bast. These tribes weave cotton, but whether they grow it is uncertain; the Machiguenga and Piro gather theirs wild (Farabee, 1922). They rest the end of the spindle in a gourd or pot. The Campa are accredited with the vertical, or “Arawak,” loom for weaving large pieces of cloth, and with the “Ucayali” loom (see p. 577) for small bands. A horizontal belt loom, varying in size according to the product—cushma, bags, arm and leg bands—is reported among the Piro, Machiguenga, and all Campa except the Antaniri, who do not weave. The Piro make netted bags. Basketry.—Baskets include twilled sieves and containers, twined tele- scope baskets of Gynerium stalks, and palm-leaf baskets. Metals.—Some precious metals from the Highland reached these tribes through trade and were made into ornaments. The Campa, however, were taught smelting and blacksmithing by the Franciscan missionaries. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 545 They even exploited iron mines in the Cerro de la Sal (Izaguirre, 1922- 29, 1:190), and smelted with Catalan type furnaces, making iron knives (Ordinaire, 1892, p. 152). Pottery.—Ceramics are usually crude, a finer ware being procured from the neighboring Panoans. The Campa ware is coiled; plates have red designs; pots only fingernail impressions (Tessmann, 1930). The Machiguenga, Masco, and Piro generally make only crude cooking and water pots, the latter being corrugated in part, but some bowls are painted (fig. 73, f). They also make ceramic pot rests, used in threes. The Careneri make vessels of lumps of clay, forms being pots and jars and decorative patterns resembling those used in body paint (Fejos, ms.). Weapons.—The bow and arrow have been used from the 16th century until the present day (pl. 54), but blowguns and atlatls have never been reported. Machiguenga bows are 5 feet (1.5 m.) long, flat, 1% feet (% m.) wide, and made of chonta palm. The arrows are of Gynerium sagittatum and have cemented, spiraled feathers and points of the usual Tropical Forest types, which, however, are never poisoned. The Piro shoot left-handed (Farabee, 1922). Fire making.—The Campa make fire with two stones; the Antaniri (Tessmann, 1930) and Machiguenga (Farabee, 1922) with the drill. Cotton, raw copal, or resin serve as tinder. Miscellaneous.—Containers are made of calabashes. The native Lorenzo ax had a diorite head fastened to the handle with rosin. The Campa stone ax head was slightly anchor-shaped (Fry, 1889, 1:110). Steel axes replaced native types at an early date. The Piro used the dried tongue of a “payshi’ fish as a rasp (Herndon and Gibbons, 1853-54, pp. 196-197). The Machiguenga still cut with a peccary tooth when they lack steel knives. ECONOMIC FUNCTIONS The small village, consisting of one or a few related families, is largely self-sufficient economically. Men hunt and fish collectively and divide the take. They also clear farm lands cooperatively, but women sub- sequently plant, cultivate, and harvest for their own families. Intertribal trade has always been conducted. Some Jnca gold in the form of ornaments formerly passed down the Ucayali River (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 282). In 1806, the Chontaquiro were reported to be trading parrots and monkeys for iron tools at Sarayacu, while the Piro and others traveled up and down the Ucayali, giving wax for tools, cloth, fishhooks, and beads. It is likely that the excellent painted pots among these tribes came from the Panoans downstream. 546 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS Social patterns are mainly those based on the individual family. There is no large communal house, no trace of clan or moiety, and no extended family, except as a tendency toward patrilocal residence sometimes brings patrilineally related families into close proximity. These families usually live in separate, neighboring houses. Franciscan accounts of the Apuri- mac Basin in 1787 reveal small settlements of 3 to 4 houses and 9 to 15 people. Ten Campa villages in 1782 averaged 30 persons each. In 1788, a Campa village had 3 houses, 16 people (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 6:286). In the present century, Reich (1903; p. 134) reported that each Campa community had 8 to 12 huts, hidden some distance from the river. Machiguenga families live alone or in small groups. (Farabee, 1922). Some of the modern Campa (Tessmann, 1930) and Masco (Fejos, ms.), however, have communal houses sheltering up to 6 families. These tribes frequently take captives in warfare, but absorb them into the local group. Chieftainship ordinarily falls to the community headman and is in- herited patrilineally. A chief’s authority is limited to leadership in clear- ing lands, hunting, fishing, and fighting. Farabee (1922) claims, however, that the Piro have a tribal chief, whose authority is absolute. If true, this is probably a recent development. LIFE CYCLE Life-cycle observances are, if our scant data are indicative, unelaborate and little patternized, except those at girls’ puberty. Childbirth is matter of fact and lacks the couvade; death observances amount essentially to nonritual disposal of the corpse. Childbirth and childhood.—Possibly because of demoralization through extended White contacts, Campa women eat chantini roots for barrenness and Machiguenga women practice much abortion (Fernandez Moro, 1926-27, pp. 154-155). A Campa child is born in the house and the mother confined 1 week (Tessmann, 1930). A Machiguenga child is born in the woods, immediately after which the mother returns to routine life (Farabee, 1922). A suggestion of couvade comes from the Sirineri only. A Campa child is named when it walks; it acquires a new name at seven. For misbehavior, children are beaten or frightened with a bull- roarer, which is said to be the sound of a jaguar (Tessmann, 1930). Girl’s puberty.—The most elaborate girl’s puberty rites are those of the Piro. The girl is confined in bed and covered to prevent her looking at anyone, even her own family. When leaving the house, she must cover herself and avoid people. After 6 months, she is delivered to her fiancé, who has been chosen years earlier by her family (Fry, 1889). Tessmann (1930) reports some kind of female circumcision among the Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 547 Piro but probably mistook this for premarital defloration with a bamboo knife (Farabee, 1922). Fernandez Moro (1926-27, 43:156) also men- tions ceremonial defloration of girls at a feast; the tribe is not mentioned but may be the Machiguenga. Tessmann (1930) claims that the Campa confine the girl 6 months, during which she spins; Navarro states that confinement lasts for “some days,” followed by an orgy of dancing, drinking, running, washing, and a final whipping of the girl with nettles, which sexually excites the youths present. Marriage.—There is no evidence of restrictions on marriage except those within the immediate family, i. e., within the community, though the Campa are said to permit cousin marriage but not uncle-niece or aunt-nephew unions (Tessmann, 1930). Infant betrothal is ascribed to the Piro (Farabee, 1922) and may be more general. Polygyny is not uncommon. Galt (ms.) cites a Piro settlement that consisted of an old man and two wives, each bought for a hatchet from a friendly Campa. Bride service is reported only among the Piro, where the youth may not speak to his father-in-law while serving him (Fry, 1889, 1:51). Ata marriage ceremony the Piro sacrifice a turkey, tapir, or other animal specially reared for the purpose (Fry, 1889). Postmarital residence is usually patrilocal or independent, but may be matrilocal. Tessman de- clares that many Campa are unmarried and that widows and widowers do not care to remarry. A Machiguenga may exchange wives with a friend or lend his wife to a visitor. The extreme lack of death ritual is found among the Machiguenga, who not only throw their dead unceremoniously into the river but similarly dispose of hopelessly ill people. They bury only persons killed in warfare (Farabee, 1922). The Campa abandon the corpse in a clearing (Iza- guirre, 1922-29, 7:66; Reich, 1903) or, on the lower Apurimac, burn or throw it into a river (Tessmann, 1930). They provision and abandon their seriously sick (Chantre y Herrera, 1901). These tribes give up the settlement after a death, but the Piro bury in the house, sometimes in a canoe, under the platform (Farabee, 1922) ; they cry, cut their skin, blacken their bodies and, if a husband dies, throw his goods into the river, or, under White influence, pay his bad debts! (Fry, 1889, 1:50). The Machiguenga (Farabee, 1922; Pio Aza, 1923 b, p. 379) and Piro (Farabee, 1922) believe that the soul enters the red deer, which, there- fore, is not eaten. Campa belief holds that souls have immortality in a heaven which resembles earth, but wicked magicians hover in the bush to teach their arts to youths. Hence, evil shamans are cremated or thrown into a river. WARFARE These Arawakan tribes have long been hostile among themselves and toward the Whites. The stronger Ucayali River Campa and Piro have 548 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 been friendly with each other and with the downstream Panoan, Conibo, Shipibo, and Setebo, all of whom victimized the weaker, hinterland tribes— the Amuesha, Cashibo, and Amahuaca—with slave raids. In the Madeira River headwaters, the Careneri are enemies of the Puguiri, Huachipair, and others. Campa weapons of attack are the bow and unpoisoned arrows, slings, and improvised clubs. For defense, the Campa fill ditches with sharp stakes, but the Lorenzo strew chonta-thorn caltrops on trails. Navarro states that to acquire courage the Campa chew and rub their bodies with ebenque tubers. In 1896, before attacking the Pangoa colony, a shaman chewed coca, sang, and told his warriors that if, prior to the fight, they blew with all their force, enemy bullets would turn into leaves. RECREATIONAL AND ESTHETIC ACTIVITIES Art.—Too little is known of art styles to attempt characterization. Musical instruments.—The following musical instruments are re- ported: A two-headed, monkey-skin drum (Campa and Machiguenga), 5- to 8-tube panpipes (Campa) ; bone flageolet (Campa) ; 6-hole longi- tudinal flute and 2-hole transverse flute (Campa) ; musical bow (Campa) ; and a trumpet made of a tube inserted in the occipital hole of enemy skulls (tribe unknown, Velasco in Maroni, 1889-92, 33:46). The last may be foreign, as no trophy skulls are otherwise reported from these tribes. Games.—Campa games are the humming top, bull roarer, (whirring sticks), maize-leaf balls, and wrestling. Machiguenga boys play at archery; girls toss balls made of bladders. Cats’ cradles probably occur among all tribes. Narcotics.—Narcotics include domesticated tobacco and coca, and sev- eral wild species of unidentified plants. The Campa, Piro, and Machi- guenga smoke tobacco in pipes like those of the Panoan tribes, or take it as snuff through V-tubes. The Machiguenga chew it with ashes (Grain, 1942, p. 242). Shamans, however, imbibe the juice so as to rub it with spittle on their patients or use it while sucking (Navarro, 1924; Tess- mann, 1930). Anyone may put young tobacco leaves on his chest for colds. The Campa grow coca and, when fatigued, chew it with burnt lime and the bark of a creeper called chumayro or chamairo (Ordinaire, 1892, pp. 132-133), which they travel widely to find (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 6:325). The Machiguenga chew coca when they can get it (Grain, 1942, p. 242). The Careneri take a green powder through the V-tubes (Fejos, ms.). Another Campa narcotic is naquire, a creeper, which in small doses permits divination but in large doses causes temporary insanity (Navarro, 1924). The Campa shaman takes cayapi. A Piro hunter and his dog eat the seeds of Acacia miopo. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 549 All tribes except the Careneri make chicha of manioc, maize, sweet potatoes, bananas, and other produce, the fermentation of which is started by chewing. They intoxicate themselves on festive occasions. RELIGION Data on religion are entirely unsatisfactory. There is a hint of a creator god who retired to heaven (Campa, Machiguenga). Navarro’s account (1924) of an Apurimac Campa trinity (Venus as the father, an unidentified star as the mother, and Jupiter as the son), of sacred fires kept by the shamans, and feasts at the new or full moon for Venus seem fanciful. Information on lesser spirits is no more enlightening. SHAMANISM AND SICKNESS Farabee gives no information on the Machiguenga or Piro shaman, indeed denying their existence though his comment that the Piro kill witches attests evil shamans. But Ordinaire (1892) describes a Piro shaman, who undergoes 2 months of instruction in seclusion, meanwhile eating only bananas, remaining silent, smoking much, and vomiting daily. Tessmann distinguishes good and evil Campa shamans. During instruc- tion, the former diets, takes tobacco, especially juice and snuff, until he sees the “mother of tobacco,” a white person with whiskers, and finally takes cayapi, whereupon the “mother of cayapi” gives him “thorns” with which to kill sorcerers. The sorcerer is taught at night by the souls of deceased witches, who lurk in the bush. They appear in the form of bats to teach him to throw a “bone” into the victim’s body. These tribes probably recognize natural causes of illness. During epidemics they flee from their villages. Supernatural beliefs are varied. The Campa attribute magical disease and death to a “bone” thrown at night by a witch, to a sorcerer who becomes a jaguar, and to snakes ordered by a shaman to bite the victim (Tessmann, 1930). The Careneri suppose that a spirit, “He who comes at nightfall,” has shot invisible arrows into the sick man (Fejos, ms.). Many ailments are treated with herbs, but those caused supernaturally are treated by shamans. To ascertain the perpetrator of witchcraft, the Campa shaman spits coca into his hand, shakes it, and ascertains the guilty person through its configuration (Ordinaire, 1892, p. 148). To cure, he blows tobacco smoke and rubs coca on the patient, and sucks out the “bone” which the witch has put inside the person. Then, smoking and drinking cayapi, he endeavors to fell the witch by blowing his “thorns” into him. Great supernatural struggles develop between good and evil shamans. It is said that shamans successful in killing witches may de- velop a lust for killing and turn into jaguars after they die (Tessmann, 1930). 550 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 An Amuesha designated as a witch is flogged, deprived of food, con- fined in a room with heavy smoke, then taken to the patient and made to dig up the “bones,” “thorns,” or other objects he is supposed to have buried. He is then killed and thrown into the river (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:22-24). Amuesha and Campa children are often accused of witchcraft, the Campa even torturing and burning them alive (Navarro, 1924). Sala (1905-08) cites a 9-year-old Campa girl who was in danger of being killed for witchcraft in 1896. The Campa use a number of magical substances. Cyperus piripiri is put on a bow to make it shoot well. It is swallowed with tobacco by a shaman before a sucking treatment, and is used to wash invalids (Tess- mann, 1930). Wildcat hearts are taken for courage, gall bladders in order to divine, toad gall for eye trouble, monkey gall for toothache, bear excrement against stoutness, pulverized pitiro (a beetle) against anemia, and cultivated kitini to narcotize oneself and to stop hemor- rhages. The Campa rub scorched palo de balsa leaves on their heads for aches (Navarro, 1924). MYTHOLOGY S. Garcia (1942) has recorded several Machiguenga myths. Men were made of palo de balsa by beings called Tasorinchi. The Tasorinchi, who were created from nothing, were very powerful. They changed many Machiguenga into animals. One of them tried to drown the Indians by causing a flood. Another nailed him to trees, where he still lives, causing earthquakes by his struggles. A female Tasorinchi is the “mother of fishes.” Several Tasorinchi finally became armadillos. The Chonchéite, a legendary cannibalistic tribe; the Kugapakuri, a tribe of bowmen; and the Viracocha, the people of the Puna, were made by a demon, Kientibakori. The last two were created in the underworld. The Viracocha emerged when the spirits, the Inkakuna, who were mining, dug through to the underworld. The hole was plugged and those remain- ing below became the Kamagarini, or demons. Those who survived above became people when they ate yuca. The people of the Puna came out through a hole dug by a child. Formerly, people lacked teeth and ate only potter’s clay. Kashiri (Moon) brought manioc roots to a menstruating girl and taught her to eat them. He married her and gave manioc, maize, plantains, and other foods to her parents. The girl bore four boys, all suns: (1) ihe Sun, (2) Venus, (3) the sun of the Underworld, and (4) the sun of the firma- ment that gives light to the stars. During his birth, the last son burned his mother, so that she died. Kashiri’s mother-in-law then made him eat his wife’s corpse. Cultivated crops, especially manioc, are closely connected with Kashiri, to whom they complain if they are not cared for and eaten correctly. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 551 A Machiguenga woman had relations with her step-son. Her husband sought another woman for the boy, whereupon the wife became angry and sought to poison him. He thwarted her attempt, and she hid in a tree. When he could not find her, he tied a burning bamboo to himself like a tail and went to the sky, where he became a comet. Meteors are his tears. LORE AND LEARNING The Machiguenga reckon time by moons, 12 to a year, by moon quar- ters, and by the blooming of certain flowers. They measure short objects by spans and half spans, and long objects with poles, but have no weights or measures. Travel is estimated by sun positions (Farabee, 1922). They regard the Milky Way as a river where animals bathe to gain eternal youth (Pio Aza, 1923 b, p. 396). BIBLIOGRAPHY Amich, 1854; Chantre y Herrera, 1901; Cipriani, 1902; Enock, 1908; Exploracion de los Rios Pichis, 1897; Farabee, 1922; Fejos, n.d.; Fernandez Moro, 1926-27; Fry, 1889; Gadea, 1895; Galt, n.d.; S. Garcia, 1942; Garcia Rosell, 1905; Grain, 1942; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54; Hervas, 1800-05, vol. 1; Izaguirre, 1922-29; Marcoy, 1875; Maroni, 1889-92; Maurtua, V., 1906; Navarro, 1924; Ordinaire, 1887, 1892; Osambela, 1896; Pio Aza, 1923 b; Raimondi, 1862; Reich, 1903; Sagols, 1902; Sala, 1892, 1905-08; Skinner, 1805; Stiglich, 1908; Tessmann, 1930. MAYORUNA HISTORY The Mayoruna (Maxuruna, Majuruna, Mayiruna, Maxirona, Mayu- zuna, Barbudo, Dallus), who occupy the swamps and forests south of the Amazon River between the lower Ucayali and the Jutahy Rivers (lat. 4°-7° S., long. 70°-74° W.; map 1, No. 3; map 5), were seemingly ex- tremely primitive. Fragmentary information from early missionaries and from Tessmann’s sketchy report (1930) suggests that they were semi- horticultural and lacked many of the hunting devices, technological accom- plishments, musical instruments, rites and religious concepts character- istic of their neighbors. Their culture may, perhaps, be considered proto- Panoan or even proto-Montafia. The Mavyoruna avoided residence on the large rivers, partly because of hostility with the tribes occupying them. This isolation doubtless accounts for their cultural poverty. Linguistically, however, they are Panoan. Their dialect, according to Izaguirre (1922-29, 9:202), re- sembled that of the Remo; according to Figueroa (1904, p. 115), it resembled that of the Chipeo, Cheteo, and Capanahua of the Huallaga River. 52 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Before the Spaniards came, the Mayoruna had raided tribes along the lower Huallaga region, menacing the Cocamilla and repelling Chébero, Maina, and Cocamilla expeditions against them. Later they fought bravely against a Spanish expedition from Moyabamba. The Mayoruna’s seminomadic habits thwarted missionary work, but contacts with missionaries and with mission Indians somewhat acculturated this tribe. In 1654 some Mayoruna traded for iron tools near the Mission of Santa Maria de Huallaga. A Cocamilla chief became lay missionary to the Mayoruna and initiated peaceful trading, after which Father Raimundo de la Cruz baptized and preached among them. Finally, the Mayoruna came voluntarily to the Mission of Santa Maria on the Huallaga River, which the Maconagua, one of their sub- divisions, were forced to join. An epidemic in 1655 took a heavy toll, reducing the mission population to 200 warriors (about 1,000 persons). (See Figueroa, 1904, pp. 111-123; Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :419-427; Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 522.) Little is known about the Mayoruna during the next century. In 1755, a group was taken to the Mission of San Joaquin de los Omaguas but soon escaped (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 503). Later the Mayoruna entered a special section of San Joaquin through friendship with the Omagua. Omagua children taught Mayoruna girls to weave and boys to use canoes and spear throwers. For their part, the Omagua welcomed the service of the Mayoruna children, especially when through marriage the boys became permanent members of their households. Mayoruna girls also married Yameo boys. In 1762 additional Mayoruna were put in a new mission, Nueva Sefiora del Carmen, somewhat above Loreto de los Ticunas (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 521-523). The majority of the Mayoruna, however, continued their seminomadic life in the country crossed by the lower Ucayali and Tapichi Rivers. Since the expulsion of the Jesuits, in 1767, the Mayoruna have occupied the marshes and forests south of the Amazon and east of the lower Ucayali, center- ing on upper Tapichi and Yavari Rivers. (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:130, 160; Skinner, 1805, p. 433; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, pp. 184, 193; Galt, ms.) In 1859 there were also 250 Mayoruna at Cochiquinas on the Amazon. The village of Maucallacta, also on the Amazon, was once occupied by 100 Marubo (Maroba), a Mayoruna subdivision (Raimondi, 1862, p. 100). The Mayoruna continued to be more or less hostile to their neighbors and, until recently, were victimized by Conibo slave raids. The present century found them still resisting acculturation (Tessmann, 1930). Their number is estimated at 3,000 (Peruvian census, 1940). CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES The Mayoruna have always been seminomadic, living mainly on palm fruits gathered in the marshes (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 521). In native times they fished little because of their remoteness from the rivers, and ate little meat because they lacked the blowgun (Figueroa, 1904, p. 116), but they took turtles with harpoon arrows and kept them in pools (Osculati, 1854, pp. 212-213). In the present century, the blowgun is the main hunting weapon; nets, traps, deadfalls, and the bow and arrow are not used. The Mayoruna took fish only by means of baskets and two drugs, one of them a cultivated plant (Tessmann, 1930). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 553 Early sources mention cultivation of some maize and bananas (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 521). Figueroa (1904, p. 166) adds sweet manioc and some peanuts, and Tessmann (1930) sweet potatoes and pumpkins. Food was ground in a trough, and meat cooked on the rectangular babracot. HOUSES AND VILLAGES Early Mayoruna villages consisted of three or four houses (Chantre y Herrera, 1901), each tightly built to keep out mosquitoes (Figueroa, 1904, p. 116). Tessmann (1930) describes modern gabled houses with supporting posts and auxiliary sheds of similar construction. People sleep in Astrocaryum fiber hammocks. Men sit on logs, women on mats placed on the ground (Tessmann, 1930). TRANSPORTATION Missionary sources remark that the Mayoruna learned to make canoes from the Omagua at the missions. Tessmann (1930) describes the recent vessel as merely a hollowed trunk of [riartea ventricosa, propelled by a paddle with a crutch handle. The Mayoruna also use rafts. DRESS AND ADORNMENT Both sexes were naked in early days (Figueroa, 1904, p. 117), painted from the head to waist (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:202). Today women wear a Ficus bast apron, men a cord to hold up the penis; uruct is the only paint used. Tessmann (1930) denies tooth filing or blackening, depila- tion, and combs, but states that men tonsure the hair. The characteristic ornaments, especially for men, formerly were chonta palm splinters and feathers passed through the ear lobes, the nasal alae, and the upper and lower lips (pl. 51, top, left). The great number worn through the lower lip resembled a beard, hence the name Barbudo (bearded). These ornaments have been abandoned. The Mayoruna also tattooed the face, and wore a shell in the septum of the nose, feather head ornaments, monkey-tooth necklaces, and arm bands (Tessmann, 1930). MANUFACTURES The Mayoruna make hammocks and bags of Astrocaryum or of wild cotton. The spindle for cotton has a crossed stick attached to it in place of a whorl and is rolled on the thigh. Cotton is woven into bands and ribbons on a small loom attached in some manner to a stick (Tessmann, 1930). Weaving was perhaps learned from the mission Omagua. The Mayoruna do no netting, but weave palm-leaf baskets (Tessmann, 1930). Ceramics comprise plain cook pots, bowls, and jugs, the last two with red interiors (Tessmann, 1930). 554. SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Early sources list clubs and wooden swords (macanas) (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 527), throwing spears (chinganas) and _ shields (Izaguirre, 1922-29, vol. 9; Figueroa, 1904, p. 115), and note the absence of the bow and arrow (Izaguirre, 1922-29, vol. 9) and blowgun (Figueroa, 1904). Tessmann (1930) denies use of the shield but affirms use of a blowgun which seems to be made in one piece. Fire is made with a drill and activated with a feather fan. TRADE The Mayoruna used to trade with their enemies. They went to the river and blew bamboo trumpets to signal the traders on the opposite side. The latter crossed in canoes and, without landing, held articles for ex- change on the points of their spears. The Mayoruna gave parrots, ham- mocks woven of wild cotton, feather headdresses, and various small objects, and received knives and other iron tools. The traders then separated, shooting arrows at each other (Figueroa, 1904, p. 112). SOCIOPOLITICAL GROUPS Tessmann’s scant data (1930) suggest that the sociopolitical unit is the patrilineal extended family occupying a single house. Marriage is often polygynous, residence patrilocal. WARFARE The Mayoruna have generally received strangers with hostility. Their main weapons of warfare were the javelin, club, and, formerly if not now, the shield. Castelnau (quoted by Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:426) accredits them with cannibalism, but this probably refers to funerary cannibalism. (See below.) LIFE CYCLE Childbirth.—Birth entails 20 days’ confinement and dieting for both parents, the father meanwhile avoiding work (Tessmann, 1930). Girls’ puberty.—At her first menses, a girl is confined where no one can see her and observes a few dietary restrictions (Tessmann, 1930). Formerly, a man often reared a small girl and married her when she reached puberty (Jiménez de la Espada, 1889-92, 27:79). Death observances.—Characteristic Panoan endocannibalism was practiced at death. Osculati (1854, pp. 212-213) observed that dying people for whom Christian burial was planned were greatly distressed at the prospect of being eaten by maggots instead of by their relatives. The corpse was roasted and, with laments, cut into pieces and eaten. The bones were then ground, mixed with masato, and drunk. (See also Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 275). The head was kept until filled with Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 555 maggots, when the brains were spiced with aji and eaten with great relish (Figueroa, 1904, p. 118). Twenty years ago, the Mayoruna buried infants in the house (Tessmann, 1930). ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES The Mayoruna had signal drums (Figueroa, 1904, p. 115), bamboo signal trumpets (probably not connected with secret cults), snail-shell signal horns (Tessmann, 1930), and trumpets with a sounding cup and bamboo tube (Tessmann, 1930, table 16, fig. 16). They lacked panpipes, musical bows, and transverse flutes, and used the longitudinal flute only as a child’s toy (Tessmann, 1930). Tops, stilts, ball games, wrestling, and dancing are unknown (Tess- mann, 1930). Tobacco, the only narcotic, was smoked in a pipe made of an Astro- caryum fruit shell with a monkey bone stem. Chicha was originally made of fermented sweet manioc and, later, also of sugarcane. RELIGION AND SHAMANISM Tessmann (1930) secured a hint of a sky god, possibly identified with the sun, of an underground deity, and of a belief that souls of the dead lingered in the bush, were feared and perhaps sometimes went into deer, which were taboo. His assertion that the Mayoruna have no shamans and attribute all sickness and death to natural agencies is incredible. BIBLIOGRAPHY Chantre y Herrera, 1901; Figueroa, 1904; Galt, n.d.; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54; Izaguirre, 1922-29; Jiménez de la Espada (Noticias auténticas . . . 1889-92); Maroni, 1889-92; Osculati, 1854; Raimondi, 1862; Skinner, 1805; Tessmann, 1930. THE PANOAN TRIBES OF EASTERN PERU INTRODUCTION A large number of Panoan tribes centered in the Ucayali Valley (map 1, No. 3; map 5). Along the main river were several large, strong tribes which raided and enslaved their smaller linguistic kin, who kept to the headwaters of the tributaries. The former were the Setebo, Shipibo, and Conibo, whom Tessmann (1928, 1930) collectively calls the Chama (Tschama). The Aguano may also have been Panoan. These river tribes are the best known ethnographically. The hinterland tribes, on whom information is scanty, include the Chamicura, Cashibo, Capanawa, Puyumanawa, Remo, Mananava, Nianagua, Amahuaca, Maspo, Amen- guaca, Ruanagua, Pichobo, Soboyo, Comobo, Mochobo, Nocomdn, and Mayoruna, the last treated separately (p. 551). East of these tribes on 6533334738 556 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 the headwaters of the Jurua and Purtis Rivers were many other culturally similar, Panoan-speaking tribes who, for convenience, are described else- where (p. 657). Two tribes in the neighborhood of the Ucayali River, the Carapacho toward the upper Huallaga River and the Urarina (Itucale) north of the Amazon River, may have spoken Panoan. Many other tribes are merely mentioned in early documents and cannot be classified. The two common endings of tribal names, “bo” and ‘“nagua” (nahua, nawa), mean “people.” Panoan culture does not differ radically from that of other tribes of the Montafia. Its more distinctive form occurs on the lower Ucayali River. The social, political, and economic unit is the extended family occupying a single, large house and supporting itself by slash-and-burn farming, supplemented by hunting and fishing. But, uniquely, the family is matrilineal, with some clan features. Subsistence is based on sweet manioc, but turtles and river mammals are taken in some numbers with harpoons and spear throwers and with harpoon arrows. The blowgun ard spear rather than bow are used for hunting. The Ucayali Panoans lack both the hammock and platform bed and sleep on mats on the ground. They use both the horizontal and the “Ucayali” loom. They have minimal birth and puberty rites, except for subincision and deflowering of girls and Conibo circumcision of boys, and they deform infants’ heads and blacken their teeth. Warriors’ nose de- formation (Urarina) is unique. These tribes once took trophy heads but did not eat their enemies. They practice urn and earth burial, cre- mation, and funerary endocannibalism. Beliefs about life after death are varied. The Panoans still have a characteristic art style, which dis- tinguishes their pottery and other artifacts. They smoke tobacco as cigars or in pipes or take it through tubes but lack most drugs except cayapi, which is taken by shamans. The peripheral Panoan tribes and the upper Ucayali Arawakans are culturally similar to each other, and both groups differ from the Ucayali Panoans. They probably have a patrilineal household. They depend largely on hunting and fishing, but their rivers lack turtles and large, aquatic mammals. Bows and arrows, spear throwers and harpoons but not blowguns are their weapons. They make primitive ceramics, have inferior canoes or no canoes, and use simple wooden clubs. They lack circumcision, subincision and head deformation. Unlike the neighboring Arawakans, the peripheral Panoans practice endocannibalism and use little or no coca. The Panoan tribes of the Ucayali River and those of the Jurua-Purtss area have several characteristics in common: dependence on sweet but not on bitter manioc; turtle hunting; harpoons; apparently an extended matrilineal, at least matrilocal, household as the sociopolitical unit, but clans not proven; tooth blackening; cannibalism of their own dead but Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 557 not of enemies; tobacco snuff taken through tubes; shaman’s trance in- duced by a drug (cayapi?); a variant of the “Ucayali” loom; and domesticated cotton. But, like the peripheral Ucayali Panoan peoples, the Jurua-Purts tribes lack the spear thrower and make little use of the blowgun; they hunt instead mainly with the bow and arrow. Also, they do not deform infant’s heads. Typically non-Montafia, the Jurua-Purts area uses hammocks, has ceremonies with accompanying purification to celebrate children’s tooth blackening and lip piercing, cuts the girls’ hymen at puberty, and uses sacred bark trumpets that are taboo to women and children. Some of these traits probably came from the Jurua-Purus Arawakan tribes. TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY Urarina.—The Urarina (Jtukale, Itucale, Ytucali, Singacuchusca, Cingacuchusca, Arucui, Arucuye, Ssimaku, Shimacu, Chimacu, Chambira, Chambirino) lived north of the Marafon River on the tributaries of the Chambira River (lat. 4° 30’ S., long. 75°-76° W.) ; the Cingacuchusca, a subtribe, was evidently on the Tigre River. There were two main Urarina divisions: the Urarina proper and the Jtucale (Escobar y Men- doza, 1769; Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:407), but Hervas (1800-05, vol. 1) gives Urarina divisions as Barbudo, Itucale, Mayoruno (Mayoruna?, see p. 551), and Musino. The Urarina are tentatively classed as Panoan. Velasco (1842-4, 3:208) states that their language was related to Mayoruna, a Panoan tongue. (See Tessmann’s (1930) Urarina vocabulary.) Figueroa (1904, p. 187), however, alleged that the Jtucale and Cingacuchusca spoke the same language as the Cocamilla, i.e... Tupi. The Itucale may have migrated in post-Contact times from near the Chamicura and the Cutinana on the Samiria River (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:231). The Itucale may also have lived south of the Marafién River at one time, for they are very similar culturally to the Chamicura. The Itucale were first contacted by Father Majano through friendly Cocama. In 1653 a few were taken to Borja, in 1679 several more Jtucale went to Chamicuros, and, in 1712, others were settled in a mission. As only a few of the mission group remained in 1730, the Itucale went to the Huallaga River missions and were known as Aracut in 1737 (Maroni, 1889-92, 20 :266). The Urarina, having been favorably impressed by the missions on the Marafion River, accepted a mission of their own on the Chambira headwaters in 1738. More than 200 Jtucale eventually joined them. This mission was moved several times be- fore the end of the century when the population, reduced from its earlier number, was 600. In the present century, although Rivet (1924, p. 674) states that the Urarina are extinct, Tessmann (1930) states that 300 largely assimilated Ssimaku (Urarina) survived. Aguano.—The Uguano (Aguanu, Awano, Santa Crucino), consisting of the Aguano proper, the Cutinana, and the Maparina occupied the re- 558 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 gion of the lower Huallaga and the Marafion (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 60) down to the Samiria River (lat. 5°-6° S., long. 74°-76° W.). The linguistic affiliations of these tribes is uncertain. The Aguano proper had adopted Quechua at or soon after the Conquest. But if Rivet (1924) is correct that Chamicura is Panoan, the whole group must have been Panoan. Rivet (1924) does not, however, recognize an Aguano group, mapping the Tupian Cocamilla (Guallaga) in Aguano territory and assigning several Aguano subtribes to other linguistic families. The Aguano proper had two main subgroups: one included the Seculusepa and Chilicagua; the other, the Meliquine and Tivilo. The Tivilo (Tibilo) were Chébero according to Beuchat and Rivet (1909), but old sources group them with the Aguano (Figueroa, 1904, p. 129; Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :435; Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 188- 189). The Aguano may have been north of the Marafién River when first contacted, for the Maina told of “Aguanu” living 2 days’ east of the Pastaza River (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:143). The Tivilo, however, were on the eastern side of the Huallaga River, opposite the Chébero. Bitter enemies of the Chamicura and feared by the Spaniards, the Aguano first began trade relations with the Cocama in 1653 and the next year, lured by gifts of iron tools, entered a mission on the lower Huallaga River. But they had to live in three separate villages because of disagreement among themselves. After an epi- demic, the whole nation numbered about 1,000 persons. The Tibilo, continually quar- reling with the Chamicura, had to be settled separately in San Lorenzo de los Tibilos. In 1737, San Xavier de los Chamicuros had 237 inhabitants, and San Antonio Abad had 92. In 1758, the Chamicura and Aguano agreed to occupy San Xavier together. They had been decimated by epidemics and wars against the Jivaro, in which they served as auxiliaries of the Spaniards. (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :427-434; Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 188-189; Figueroa, 1904, pp. 124-135.) In the last century, the Aguano were concentrated at Santa Cruz on the lower Huallaga River where there were 350 persons in 1851 (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:170), 300 in 1859 (Raimondi, 1863). At that time there were 80 Tivilo at Maipuco on the Marafion River. In 1925, Tessmann (1930, pp. 253-254) found that 100 Aguano survived. They were almost completely acculturated. The Cutinana are classed by Beuchat and Rivet (1909) as Chébero which is Cahuapanan, evidently on the strength of Veigl’s classification (1785 a, p. 36) and because of their later association with the Chébero at missions and their subsequent location between the Chayawita and the Chébero. Figueroa (1904, p. 125), however, identifies them linguistically with the Aguano and Maparina. They were found to speak the same language as captive Aguano brought into a mission. In 1641, the Cutinana were found on what is probably the Samiria River (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 75-78, 382-383), which Maroni (1889-92, 26:292) considers their original home. That year, 100 families went to the Chébero mission, then entered their own mission, Santo Tomé. Some, however, evidently remained on the Samiria River in 1738 (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 382-383), while others were near the Urarina and between the Chambira and Pastaza Rivers, having migrated from the Samiria River (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:231). In 1737 most of the Cutinana lived with the Chébero (Maroni, 1889-92, 26 :292). The Maparina were also an Aguano subtribe (Figueroa, 1904, p. 187), which probably adjoined the Cocama. They apparently fought with the Chipeo (Shipebo) in a revolt in 1660 and with the Cocama in 1663 (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:93). Cutinana prisoners from these wars were put in a Huallaga River mission (Chantre y Herrera, Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 559 1901, p. 227). In 1681, they lived on the Huallaga River above Santiago, but epidemics drove them to join the Cocamilla in the Santiago mission (Maroni, 1889-92, 28:111). In 1830, they were reported on the Samiria headwaters; in 1881, on the lower Huallaga. They may since have been assimilated. The Sicluna were neighbors of the Aguano, but their relationship is unknown (Figueroa, 1904, p. 134). Chamicura.—The Chamicura (Chamicuro), linguistically closely re- lated to the Shipibo, probably lived originally near the Samiria (formerly the Chamicuro) River (lat. 5° 30’ S., long. 74° W.), where a few pagan Chamicura remained in 1737 (Maroni, 1889-92, 26 :292). In 1768, after a smallpox epidemic, 500 Chamicura survived on the Samiria River, the others having gone to the Huallaga River (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 57). These were taken with Aguano remnants to Santiago de la Laguna on the Huallaga River. In the present century, the Chamicura have been dispersed, owing to the rubber boom and to acculturating influences. Only 60 largely assimilated plantation workers live at Pampa Hermosa on the Huallaga River (Tessmann, 1930), though the 1940 Peruvian census gives 1,500. The Sicluna (Chicluna) were probably a subtribe of the Chamicura (Veigl, 1785 a, ps o7): Setebo.—The Setebo (Settebo, Shetebo, Ssetebo, Schetibo, Sitibo, Xitipo, Jitipo, Gitibo, Pano, Manoita, Puinahua?, “turkey hawk people’) lived north of the Cashibo, centering on the Manoa or Cushabatay River and perhaps extending down the Ucayali to adjoin the Cocama (lat. 6°- 9° S., long. 74° W.). In historic times they gradually withdrew from the main river and dwindled in numbers. Meanwhile, the Sensi, Panobo, and perhaps Puinahua became separate subdivisions of them. The Setebo were first visited in 1657 by Father Alonso Cabellero, who founded a few short-lived missions. In 1661, Father Lorenzo Tineo and 200 Payanso established two Setebo missions with 2,000 prospective converts, but the Setebo plotted a revolt after receiving iron tools. Tineo evacuated the missionaries and 100 Setebo followed him to join the Panatahua, Payanso, and other upper Huallaga River missions. Fur- ther attempts to found missions resulted in more murders of Spaniards and the projects were abandoned. In 1670, smallpox swept the region. The same year, Father Lucero took some Setebo, Chepeo (Shipebo), and Cocama to his mission, Santiago, on the Huallago River (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 251), but many of these died of smallpox in 1680 (Maroni, 1889-92, 28: 105-112). During the 18th century, the Shipibo killed many Setebo settled at the mouth of the Manoa River and forced others to take refuge in marshes up the Cushabatay River. Renewed missionary efforts began in 1754 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2:209). An expedi- tion in 1757 with 300 Chol6én participants failed, but by 1760, the pitiful condition of the Indians and their desire for protection from the Shipibo and for tools to cultivate their fields induced them to accept a mission. The Setebo remembered something of Christianity after 80 years, having crosses everywhere and baptizing babies with lemon juice. The missionaries wrote a Setebo grammar and dictionary. The revolt of a division called the Yambo (Yaubo) led by Rungato in 1767 put an end to this mission and started the general uprising on the Ucayali River. Franciscans returned during the 19th century, founding Sarayacu (pl. 48, center) in 1790 with many tribes, but in 1860 a violent epidemic of smallpox destroyed many of the Setebo, and in 1861 the missionaries abandoned Sarayacu because of conflicts 560 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 148 with the civil governors and traders. The Setebo migrated to the lagoon of Cashiboya on the right side of the Ucayali (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9 :254-264). Galt, traveling up the Ucayali River in 1870 (ms.) “saw nothing and heard very little” about the Setebo, some of whom were said to be at Santuaba, at Lake Santuaba, and at Roioboya. Marcoy wrote (1875, 2:47) that the Setebo extended from the Cushabatay River, above which lived the Shipibo, along the Ucayali to its mouth. In 1925, Tessmann (1928, p. 8) reported that the Setebo were the northernmost Chama, with their main settlement at Cruz Muyuna, where there were also Panobo. The 1940 census records 3,000, though Tessmann estimated 360. The Puinahua, meaning “excrement men” in Panoan and called Hotentot by the missionaries because of their filth, were a semilegendary tribe who lived “beyond the Isla deseada” on the Marafién River. They were discovered about 1800, but only a few persons were ever seen (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:42, 203; 12:437-438). In 1870, Galt (ms.) thought they were largely extinct, but Tessmann (1928) takes them to be the Setebo who once lived along the Canal de Puinagua. Panobo.—The Panobo (Manoa, Pano, Pana, Pelado) sprang either from Setebo who had gone to Huallaga River missions in 1670 or from those of the upper Cushabatay River (lat. 7° S., long. 76° W.). Favoring the former hypothesis was the presence in 1681 of Pelado (probably Panobo) 5 days above Santiago on the Huallaga River. Even these, however, might have moved west from the Cushabatay River, for in 1682, there were 7,000 Pelado in the high arid county 5 days (east) from Laguna on the Huallaga (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 283). Skinner (1805, pp. 407-408) records that the Panobo were alleged to have been Setebo of the Cushabatay River who fled Calliseca (Shipibo) attacks in 1686. Fritz even maps Pelado on the Marafion River below the Ucayali River. In 1760 the Panabo seem to have formed a separate group in the Cusha- batay region (Skinner, 1805, pp. 407-408). Hervas (1800-05, vol. 1) gives Iltipo and Pelado as Pano subdivisions. In 1863, the Pano were reported at Lake Cashiboya. In 1925, 100 to 200 were scattered on the Ucayali River, some mixed with Setebo at Cruz Muyuna (Tessmann, 1930, pp. 106-107; 1928, p. 8) ; these spoke mainly Quechua and Spanish and were being rapidly assimilated. Sensi.—The Sensi (Senti, Senci, Ssenssi, Tenti, Mananahua) separated from the Setebo at the beginning of the 19th century to live on the right bank of the Ucayali River, lat. 6°30’ S., long. 75° W. (Marcoy, 1875, 2:53-57). The subtribes were the Ynubu (Inubu), Runubu, and Casca, their number 3,000, and their habitat between the Ucayali and Javari Rivers, near Lake Cruz Muyuna and its affluent, the Chunuya River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:273; 9:38; 12 :436-437). The Sensi originally numbered 3,000 but half of them had died of epidemics by 1800 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:38), most of the survivors being placed in the Mission of Chanaya-mana soon thereafter (Marcoy, 1875, 2:176; Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:38; Sagols, 1902, p. 364), but others remaining in the forests. Chanaya was abandoned in 1821 (Marcoy, 1875, 2:176). In 1852 it had 37 Sensi (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:37, 88, 197). In 1851, Herndon (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, p. 205) found the Sensi Vol. 83] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 561 on the east bank of the Ucayali, above Sarayacu. In 1875 (Marcoy, 1875, 2:47, 77, 176), 12 to 15 families (100 people) occupied the forests of Chanayamana, especially the village of Pancaya, and formed a distinct group. Their northern limit was Lake Chanaya (Marcoy, 1875, 2:172). Most of the Sensi were absorbed by other tribes, but in 1925, 100 remained on the upper Maquia River (Tessmann, 1930). Mayo.—The Mayo, probably a Panoan tribe, were discovered on the Tapiche River near the Sensi and Mayoruna in 1790 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12 :429-431). Shipibo (Chipeo, Chipio, Chepeo, Shipipo, Ssipipo, Calliseca).—The Shipibo (little monkey people) are identified by Amich (1854, p. 29) with the 17th-century Calliseca because the latter lived near the Setebo and because their “character” was like that of the 18th-century Shipibo. Izaguirre (1922-29, 1:136 ff.) and Skinner (1805) concur, but Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, 1:184) and Tessmann (1930) identify the Calliseca with the Cashibo. Both Shipibo and Cashibo lived east of the Tingan in the Pachitea and Aguaytia Valleys, but only the former were neighbors of the Setebo. Early accounts relate that trips eastward through Payanso country reached the Calliseca near the Ucayali. As this Calliseca territory is almost certainly that of the Shipibo, we accept the Shipibo as the 17th- century Calliseca. The Shipibo spoke the same language as the Setebo (Marcoy, 1875, 2:58). They originally lived on the upper Aguaytia River (lat. 8° S., long. 75° W.), from which they were driven in the 17th century by the Cashibo, who in turn had been pressed by the Campa of the Gran Pajonal. The Siipibo themselves drove the Conibo from the region of the mouth of the Aguaytia River southward up the Ucayali River to Pisqui (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:303-304). They numbered 1,000 or more (Skinner, 1805, p. 409). The Manamabobo and Manava (lat. 10° S., long. 74° W.) were probably Shipibo or Cashibo divisions. In 1657, missionaries and soldiers visited the Shipibo (then called Calliseca) and the Setebo, but were killed by the former (Amich, 1854, pp. 26-29). The Shipibo joined the Cocama in hostilities against the Huallaga River missions in 1660 (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 226). In 1661, 2,000 or 3,000 Setebo and “Calliseca” were gathered in two towns (Skinner, 1805, pp. 444-449; Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:136), but they re- belled against their missionaries and, in 1670, attacked the Panatahua missions, The same year some Shipibo joined the Mission of Santiago on the Huallaga. In 1680, after the Cocama fled, many Shipibo who remained in order to “go to heaven” died during the smallpox epidemic (Maroni, 1889-92, 28:105-112). From 1686 to 1698, the Shipibo were under Jesuit influence, but in 1698 they killed their missionary and overthrew White domination (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 296). By 1704, all missions were lost in this region and little was done for 50 years. Meanwhile, the Shipibo carried on bitter warfare against the Setebo, whom they defeated in 1736 (Skinner, 1805, pp. 409, 444-449). In 1764, about 1,000 Shipibo lived scattered in family groups (Amich, 1854, p. 239), occupying 20 leagues of the left side of the Ucayali River and extending 10 or 12 leagues into the interior (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2 :237). In 1765 several new missions were founded in the region (Amich, 1854, p. 239) and by 1766, Shipibo of 5 towns had been reconverted, but the missions were lost in the Rungato revolt of 1767 (Skinner, 1805, pp. 410, 448). 562 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 In 1790, the Shipibo were reported on the Pixi, Tamaya, and Aguaytia Rivers, on the Ucayali above the Sarayacu, and on the Cushabatay River. They numbered about 275 families in two main villages, with other scattered families (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8 :223, 239-240, 275, 307). In response to requests, the Franciscans founded two missions (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:159, 241). Marcoy (1875, 2:60) attributes to them a mission population of 800 to 900 in 1791. The Shipibo were then great travelers and salt traders. Another mission was established for 300 families in 1813 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:36). In 1821, the Shipibo inhabited the Pisqui River, from Charasmana to its headwaters and the Aguaytia and Cushabatay Rivers (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:42). In 1851, Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54) saw Shipibo villages near Sarayacu (23 persons), Sucre (25 persons), and Isla Setico (3 persons). Galt in 1870 saw and heard little of them (ms.), but Marcoy (1875, 2:16, 47) attributed to them 180 miles of the Ucayali from the right bank of the Caponcinia River, where they adjoined the Conibo, to the Caxiabatay River, where Setebo territory began. In 1925, Tessmann reported (1928, pp. 11, 12) that many Shipibo workers had with- drawn from plantations to live scattered between Contamana and the mouth of the Utoquinea River. He guessed their number at 1,300, but the 1940 census records 2,500. Manamabobo (Manambobo)—Though possibly Cashibo or Conibo (Hervas, 1800-05, vol. 1), this was more likely a Shipibo subdivision who in 1680 were called Chipeo montareces, “wild” Shipibo, and lived near the Pachitea River (lat. 10° S., long. 74° W.) but migrated to the forests near the Conibo. In 1687, they were put in the Mission of San Nicolas Obispo, but fled because of epidemics and were later resettled (Maroni, 1889-92, 30:145). Manava.—Though possibly Cashibo, the Manava were more prob- ably Shipibo who had been taken to Lamas and Laguna after the Cocama rebellion. They fled from these towns and, in 1690, attacked the Conibo on the Ucayali to steal iron tools. Their mission on the Taguaco River was abandoned in 1695. Some Manava on the Cushabatay River were taken to Lamas and Moyabamba in 1703 as slaves (Maroni, 1889-92, 30 148-150). Mananamabua.—These were listed by Hervas (1800-05, vol. 1) with the Manabobo as Conibo subdivisions. Conibo.—The Conibo (Conivo, Cuniba, Cunivo, Curibeo, “fish people’) had their aboriginal settlements on the Pachitea River and up and down the Ucayali River (lat. 9° S., long. 74° W.). The original number at the mouth of the Pachitea was 2,000 (pl. 49, top). When first visited in the 17th century, the Conibo were raiding other tribes for slaves and loot and exchanging the slaves to the Cocama of the lower Ucayali for iron tools. But they were friendly to the Spaniards, partly because of a desire for iron tools. The first contact with Whites was probably in 1682 when the Conibo visited the lower Huallaga River and left some of their young people at Santiago to learn the language (probably Quechua) and Christianity (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 282). In a race to establish the first Conibo mission, the Franciscans came down from the Tambo River and the Jesuits ascended the Ucayali River. Father Viedma, a Fran- Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 563 ciscan, established San Miguel in 1685 at the mouth of the Pachitea River, but the Jesuits won favor and the Franciscans withdrew. A few other Jesuit missions were founded (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:273), all evidently sought by the Conibo because of the opportunity they afforded for the Indians to obtain iron tools. Resentment at enforced military service on a punitive expedition against the Jivaro in 1691 led to revolt and massacre of Spaniards in 1695. The Conibo supported by the Piro, Campa, Shipibo, Manamabobo, and Mananamabua repelled a punitive expedition in 1698 (Maroni, 1889-92, 33 :47-54; Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 293-296) and resumed their former mode of life. Thirty years later, other missions were started (Skinner, 1805, pp. 409-410), iron tools again being an inducement for the Indians, though jealousy about the quantities given different chiefs and epidemics led to trouble (Amich, 1854, pp. 171-175). Another revolt occurred in 1767, the year of the Jesuit expulsion, when Conibo, Setebo, and Shipibo under Rungato massacred all the mis- sionaries and temporarily terminated their work (Skinner, 1805, pp. 409-410). Franciscans later returned to the region and established two missions in 1790 and 1811 with 556 families (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:241; 9:37). Meanwhile, the Conibo had spread along the river and conducted slave raids among all tribes from the Mayoruna near the Amazon to the Amahuaca of the upper Ucayali (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:131). This produced considerable tribal intermixture. By 1851, their villages were scattered north almost to the Cocama (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, vol. 1) and in 1870 though centering at Sarayacu (which was reduced by smallpox from 1,000 in 1860 to 200 in 1872), they were spread from the Pachitea River to the mouth of the Ucayali (Galt, ms.). Marcoy (1875, 2:21) found 600 to 700 Conibo in 10 or 11 settlements along 200 miles of the Ucayali River from the Capoucinia River on the north, beyond which were Shipibo, and to the Paruitcha River in the south, where Chontaquiro territory began. A nativistic concept, which probably un- derlay the early revolts, held that the Conibo were descended from the Jnca Emperor and would ultimately return to power. For this reason the people liked Quechua names and spurned miscegenation (Galt, ms.). The same idea seems to have per- sisted in 1925, when Tessmann (1928, pp. 3, 11, 13) found that they avoided White towns and would not marry Peruvians. They lived mainly along the upper Ucayali River from the mouth of the Pachitea to the Sheboya River above Cumaria, although many had settled among neighboring tribes. Tessmann estimates them at 1,200; the 1940 census, at 3,000. Cashibo (Cacibo, Caxibo, Casibo, Cachibo, Cahivo, Managua, Hagueti, Capapacho?).—The Cashibo occupied the Pachitea and Aguaytia Valleys, adjoining the Conibo (lat. 9° S., long. 75° W.). They probably once reached the Ucayali River (Sobreviela map), but later avoided it, fearing other tribes, and even withdrew in the 18th century from the Pachitea proper to its tributaries, the Inuquira and Carapacho Rivers (Marcoy, 1875, 2:143). Apparently the Cashibo were not visited by missionaries (unless the 17th-century Carapacho or Calliseca were the Cashibo) until 1757, when they killed one missionary and forced others to flee (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2:205, 229). In 1790, they were hostile to all neighboring tribes and were the main obstacle to navigation of the Aguaytia and Manoa Rivers (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:308). In 1820, they had retreated to the hills and to the Pachitea, Shipiria, and Aguaytia Rivers (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9 :42-43) but in 1851 were again on the Pachitea River, though some occupied the Aguaytia and Pisqui Rivers. They were at war with other tribes which attacked them (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:184). In 1870, those on the Aguaytia River 564 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 were safe, but in the Pachitea Valley they were victims of Setebo and Conibo raids (Galt, ms.). In 1902 (Sagols, 1902, p. 360), they lived from south of the Aguaytia River to the Sierra of San Carlos, east of the Pachitea River. In 1925, 1,500 to 2,000, divided into three groups, the Kakataibo, Cashino, and Rufio (Tessmann, 1930, pp. 124-128, 153-154), still avoided civilization, and lived mainly on the upper Aguay- tia River, extending south to the Sungaroyacu, a tributary of the Pachitea, north to the Pisqui River and perhaps to the headwaters of the right tributaries of the Cush- abatay River. The 1940 census gives 5,000 to 7,000 but Reifsnyder (personal commu- nication) believes that epidemics have reduced them to only a few hundred families. The Cashibo were still relatively isolated in 1925, and retained their native culture (Tessmann, 1930). Carapacho.—The relation of the Carapacho (lat. 9° S., long. 76° W.) to neighboring tribes is obscure. They did not speak Amuesha (Amich, 1854, pp. 145-153). Marcoy (1875, 2:143) believes that Carapacho is a synonym for Calliseca, a 17th-century tribe that may have been the modern Shipibo (or possibly Cashibo). But the Carapacho and Calliseca were mentioned in 1631 as tribes east of and adjoining the Tingdn of the Huallaga River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:81-82), one account stating that the Carapacho lived on a small tributary of the Pachitea River in the middle of the Pampa del Sacramento. Sobreviela’s map shows them north of the Pozuzo River at about lat. 9° 45’ S. They may have been the Cashibo. They were first contacted in 1631 by Father Felipe Luyando while he worked among the Panatahua. The Carapacho favored the missionaries, who were threatened by the Chanatahua and Tingdn, Juan Rondon built a mission at their request, but it was abandoned in the latter half of the century, the Indians reverting to their former mode of life. In 1734, Father Simon Jara found them again after 2 years of exploration of the Pampa del Sacramento. He made peace, but did not missionize them. In 1773, the Carapacho extended over 60 leagues from Mairo to Huamancot. In 1794, they were still hostile when visited on the Pachitea River near the junction of the Palcaso and Pichis Rivers (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:308). Sagols (1902, p. 362) reports them on the Callescas River. Capanawa (Kapanahu, Capanagua, Buskipani, Busquipani).—The Capanahua lived east of the Ucayali River toward the Javari River, on the upper Maquea River, and near the headwaters of the Tejo, Gregorio, Libertade, and Breu Rivers, between S40 Pao and Capoeira Rivers, tribu- taries of the upper Jurua, and around the headwaters of the Envira River (lat. 6° S., long. 74° W.). Other Capanawa were established at the head- waters of the Javary, Tapiche, Blanco and from the Maquea (Alacran) to the Guanacha River. The latter were also called Buskipant. A Franciscan attempt to missionize the Capanawa in 1817 was frustrated by an epidemic, and the Indians returned to the bush. In 1925, they lived on the upper Tapiche River under a patron (hacienda owner) and on the upper Rio Blanco, which rubber workers called the Rio Capanawa. Only 100 survived, as they had never been numerous and had been subject to attacks by other tribes during the rubber boom (Tessmann, 1930; Izaguirre, 1922-29; Sagols, 1902, p. 363). The 1940 census figure of 900 must be too high. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 565 Remo.—The Remo (Rheno), who spoke a Conibo dialect, avoided the aggressive Shipibo and Conibo by living on the headwaters of the eastern tributaries of the Ucayali River between Cerro de Canchyuaya and the Tamaya River (lat. 8° S., long 74° W.). A branch lived on the Jurua- mirin River, a left tributary of the Jurua River. In 1690, there were said to be 600 family heads, about 3,000 people (Maroni, 1889-92, 30:151). A century later, some Remo settled with Piro at the Franciscan mission of Sarayacu (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:225), but in 1820, most of the tribe was still avoiding the shores of the Ucayali River for fear of the Conibo. The Remo lived mainly on the Cayaria River. A few of them spoke Sensi, a Setebo dialect (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9 :38-43, 91, 202). The first mission in this region was founded in 1859 for the S/ipibo, who later abandoned it and attacked a Remo village. The latter took refuge in the interior of Piyuya (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:243-244). In 1862, the Remo left the upper Cayaria River to enter a mission at Shunumanda, farther downstream, but within a few years the Conibo attacked the mission and captured women and children (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:307). In 1870, Galt (ms.) said there were Remo remnants at Calleria and above Calleria in the interior, most of the tribe having been killed off or enslaved by the Conibo and Shipibo. The rubber boom also took a heavy toll, In 1925, Tessmann (1930) reported that most of the surviving Remo occupied the sources of the Javari, Tapicho, Ipixuna, and Mos Rivers; others were under White settlers on the Javari and Batan Rivers. The 1940 census figure is 2,500. Niaragua.—The Niaragua (Niamagua) lived 12 leagues from the Ucayali River (lat. 7° S., long. 74° W.), east of Mano (Izaguirre, 1922- 29, 8:264). Amahuaca.—The Amahuaca (Amajuaca, Amawaka, Amaguaco, Ameuhaque, Ipitinere, Sayaco) preferred to live at the headwaters of the tributaries of the upper Ucayali, Jurua, and Purus Rivers because they feared slave raids from the Ucayali proper. Amahuaca have been re- corded in the following places: Between the Tamaya and Inuya Rivers; between the Chesea and Sepehua Rivers (tributaries of the Ucayali and Urubamba respectively) ; the Amonya headwaters; between the Guru- maha and Purts Rivers; the Amoaca, Tejo, and Sao Jao Rivers, all upper Jurua tributaries; and the Tarajuaca Basin. (Lat 9°-11° S., long. 73°-74° W.) In 1686, a village of 12 huts (150 people) was seen on the Coniguati River. During the 18th and 19th centuries, the Amahuaca remained pagans and were hostile to Whites and to other Indians, especially to the Piro, Conibo, and Shipibo, who en- slaved them (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:272; 8:160, 308; 9:41; Galt, ms; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:195). The only attempt to missionize them failed, and the mission- ary was forced to leave. The Amahuaca continued to avoid the Ucayali River peoples (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:308-315, 325; Fry, 1889, 1:100). In 1925, the Amahuaca, numbering about 3,000, were still hostile to Whites and to other Indians, except the Campa and Cashinahua, the latter their close relatives. They lived at the sources of the Jurud, Purtis, and Embira Rivers and on the upper and right tributaries of the Ucayali and Urubamba Rivers, from the Tamaya River in the north to the Sepahua River in the south. They were little acculturated (Tessmann, 1930). The Peruvian Amahuaca were estimated at 1,500 in 1940. 566 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 Amenguaca.— Possibly Amenguaca is a synonym of Amahuaca. These Indians lived on the Imiria River. The best known of their many groups and subgroups are the Jnuvaqueu and Viuivaqueu. In 1690, Father Ricter found them hostile (Maroni, 1889-92, 26 :234-235; 30:150-151). Maspo.—The Maspo, mentioned only in 1686, were a tribe which, like the Amahuaca, avoided the Ucayali River. There were 26 huts with 500 people 2 leagues up the Taco River and others 3 days up the Manipaboro River, right tributaries of the Ucayali River, lat. 9° S., long. 74° W. (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:272). Yuminahua.—This tribe lived on the Riosinho and Tejo Rivers, and in the Tarahuaca mountains near the Amahuaca (Villanueva, 1902-03, 12 :427). Ruanagua.—The Ruanagua were reported in 1663 on the Ucayali River, above the Maspo, especially at the mouth of the Corjuamia (Cura- huania) River (Galt, ms.) and in 1686, 1 day up the “Coraguania” River and on the upper Taraba River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:276-277). (Lat. 11° S., long. 74° W.) They were subsequently associated with the Comobo at the junction of the Ucayali and Apurimac (probably Urubama) Rivers (Skinner, 1805, p. 429). In 1830 they remained in the same general area. Pichobo.—The Pichobo (Pichaba) are mentioned in 1663 and in 1686 as a tribe on the Ucayali at the mouth of the Taguanigua River (Galt, ms. ; Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:276). They were mapped in 1830 in the same region. Soboibo(Soboybo, Sobobo, Soboyo, Soyboibo, Bolbo).—A tribe men- tioned in 1686 in the region of the Taguanigua and Cohengua Rivers (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:276), where they remained in 1830 (lat. 11° S., long. 74° W.). Mochobo (Mochovo, Univitza) —The Mochobo lived in 1663 between the Guanini (Unini?) and Guanie Rivers (Galt, ms.), and in 1686 be- tween the Guarini and Guanué Rivers, left tributaries of the Ucayali (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:277). (Lat. 12° S., long. 74° W.) They seem to have been closely associated geographically and historically with the Comobo. Comobo (Comavo, Comambo, Univitza).—The Comobo and Mochobo, according to Maroni, lived between the Unini and Inua Rivers above the Conibo. The Mochobo were on the Unini River, the Comobo on the Inua, Sepa, and Mapoa Rivers (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:234-335; 30:137). In 1686, the Comobo were with the Ruanagua on the upper Tarabo (Tambo?) River ; in 1687, on the right side of the Tambo River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:227, 294). In 1688, they asked for a missionary. In 1693, those on the Sepa River, hard-pressed by the Piro Upatarinavo, went to a Conibo mission (Maroni, 1889-92, 30:152). The Comobo are subsequently unknown. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 567 Nocoman.—This tribe was first identified by Tessmann (1930) as a people who had been confused with the Cashibo but who really constituted a distinct but small group, once living near the sources of the Inua River (lat. 11° S., long. 72°-73° W.), thence moving to the Amueya River and later to the Tamaya River, where the Chama nearly annihilated them. In 1925, only three survived. Unidentified tribes of the Ucayali region.—Several tribal names appearing on early maps or in early documents without identification were probably Panoan. Many of these occupied the hinterland east of the Ucayali River where, perhaps like the better-known Remo and Amahuaca, they avoided the predatory river tribes, but also escaped the attention of travelers. In the general region between the Ucayali and Tapiche Rivers were the Ysunagua, Diabu, Sinabu, Viabu, Puyamanawa, and Aguanagua (Izaguirre, 1922-29; Sobreviela map, 1830). Other tribes, perhaps in the same region or farther south, were the Chunti, Ormiga, and Trompetero (Izaguirre, 1922-29). East of the Alto Ucayali, above its junction with the Pachitea River, in addition to the Maspo, Amahuaca, Pichobo, and Soboyo already mentioned, were the Saninahuaca on the Chesaya River and the Camarinagua on the Cumaria River, both shown on the Sobreviela map of 1830. SOURCES The outstanding historical source is Izaguirre’s compilation of mis- sionary documents (in 14 volumes, 1922-1929). Other early 17th- and 18th-century records are found in Maroni (1889-92), Escobar y Mendoza (1769), Velasco (1842-44), Rel. geogr. Indias (1881-1897) ; Figueroa (1904), Raimondi (1862), Veigl (1785 a), Fritz (1922), Hervas (1800-05, vol. 1), Amich (1854), and Jiménez de la Espada (Noticas . . ., 1889-92). The 19th-century travelers include Skinner (1805), Herndon and Gib- bon (1853-54, vol. 1), Galt, 1870-72 (ms.), Marcoy (1875), Fry (1889), and Ordinaire (1892). The principal work of the present century is Tessmann’s general survey (1930) and his monograph (1928) on the Chama (i.e., the Setebo, Shipibo, and Conibo). Farabee (1922) provides some supplementary details. Rivet (1924) has given the most systematic linguistic classifica- tion. Other data are contained in Sagols (1902), Villanueva (1902-03, vol. 12), Woodroffe (1914), and Fejos (ms.). CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Farming.—Sweet manioc and maize seem to have been the staple crops since earliest records in 1665 (Figueroa, 1904, p. 206; Amich, 1854, p. 264; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, vol. 1), though plantain now ranks 568 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 with them (Tessmann, 1928). Bitter manioc has never been grown. Other cultivated plants that were probably aboriginal are: pumpkins of several varieties, peanuts, cyclanthera, tuber beans (Pachyrhizus tuberosus), papaya, red pepper (aji), scitamea (Calathea), sweet potatoes, and macabo (Xanthosoma sp.). A banana like the eastern Asiatic Musa cocinea with fruit that stands erect is thought native by Tessmann (1928, p. 147), but see Sauer (Handbook, vol. 6). Several important plants have been introduced during the historic period: Bananas (Musa paradisiaca, subsp. sapientum), sugarcane, yams (Dioscorea trifida), Chrysophyllum cainito, anona, a variety of macobo, pineapples, taro, and beans, the last two in 1791 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:254). Rice, coffee, and onions have become important in the last century. Other crops, the origin of which is uncertain, are cashew (Anacardium occidentale), Inga, Matisia cordata, maranta, and guava. The Chama also grow tomatoes, water- melons, and Passiflora quadrangularts. The Panoans cultivate cotton for weaving, genipa and uruct for paint, reeds for arrow shafts, two species of fish poison, and tobacco. Cultivation follows the usual slash-and-burn pattern, men doing the heavy work. New clearings are necessary every 2 or 3 years (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:202). Among the Pano, the settlement helped a man clear his fields and was rewarded with a drinking bout (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:246). The Chama place their main fields on high ground but grow peanuts in sandy soil by the river. They plant sweet manioc, yams, and macabo, in the same field, with various palm trees scattered throughout and a border of bananas, guava, anona, and other fruit trees. Manioc is harvested 7 to 8 months after the shoots are set out (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 137-130). Fishing.—Fish, turtles, and river mammals are important foods to all Ucayali River peoples, and especially to the Aguano. During the historic period, salt fish became an important trade item. About 1850, Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, 1:197) estimated that 25 Indians could collect and salt 4,000 pieces of fish in 6 weeks, or 4 pieces per day per person. Fishing devices used on the main stream of the Ucayali are like those of the Tupian and other tribes of the lower Marafién River: the bow and arrow with single, multiple, and harpoon points (pl. 48, bottom) ; fish spears with single and multiple points (fig. 80, d); and harpoons (fig. 80, e), thrown mainly with the atlatl (which has recently been discarded). Tribes like the Urarina, living along small streams, seem to lack these methods (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 68). Most Panoans drug fish with cultivated plants, such as Lonchocarpus nicou, Tephrosia toxicaria, and Clibadium sylvestre. The Sabela use a wild plant called “mandiko.” The leaves and branches of these plants are beaten with a wooden mallet, mixed with water in a canoe, and dumped into a stream, after which whole canoe loads of fish may be picked up (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 132-133, 145-146). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 569 Other fishing devices are of spotty occurrence: the dip net (Chamicura, Aguano), hand basket (Omurana, Cashibo), and hooks (Omurana, Aguano, and Nocomdn), which are probably recent. Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, 1:172-173) note that fish of the lower Maranon, though numerous, do not readily take a hook, and Figueroa (1904) said that the Aguano first got hooks from the Spaniards. Weirs, perhaps native, are placed across the mouths of lagoons and have openings for canoes to pass through (Tessmann, 1928, p. 116). Turtles (pl. 48, bottom) and turtle eggs, taken during low water in late August, were formerly of great importance, but have recently de- creased in numbers and laws now restrict their exploitation. They are mainly a source of grease, an important article of commerce with the White man. The grease is scraped from turtle intestines or rendered from the eggs, which are crushed with water in a canoe-shaped trough. The grease is skimmed off, boiled, and salted down in jars (Marcoy, 1875, 2 :33-35). Turtles are sometimes kept in corrals. The Ucayali Panoans spear manatee with iron harpoons which have a wooden float attached (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:252). They usually avoid caimans but occasionally kill them with the bow and arrow (Tessmann, 1928," p. 113): Hunting.—The Panoans eat water hogs, pacas, agutis, squirrels, potos, bears, deer, tapirs, peccaries, monkeys, water fowl, parrots, and sometimes water snakes and small caimans, but eschew opossum, bats, ant-eaters, sloths, snakes, and carrion birds. Monkeys, waterhogs, and young bucks are most important (Tessmann, 1928, p. 142), but Woodroffe (1914, p. 79) declares that Chama will not kill deer. The Nocomdn, Cashibo, and Amahuaca use the bow and arrow for hunting, but all lower Ucayali tribes use the blowgun for small game and the spear, formerly thrown with the atlatl, for large game. Other Panoan hunting devices are: hunting dogs (wherever the dog occurs), blinds, usually in the form of a small house, pitfalls with sharpened stakes in the bottom, hunting nets (sporadically used), and a variety of deadfalls, spring noose, and box traps. The Chama also make animal calls of a hollow caiman or jaguar tooth (Woodroffe, 1914, p. 66). Collecting wild plant foods.—The Chama rarely gather wild plant food in great quantities. The main species are palms, especially chonta, Euterpe, Astrocaryum, Iriartea, Guilielma, Scheela, and Jessenia bataua. Use of the cabbage palm was introduced (Tessmann, 1928, p. 144). Wild fruits eaten include Pourouma cecropifolia, Noyera mollis, Achras sapota, and Lucuma lateriflora. Various nuts were also eaten. The Chama eat snails (Ampullaria and Achatina), “crabs” or “shrimps,” insects, beetle larvae from Scheelea palm nuts, termites, and honey (Tessmann, 1928, p. 143). 570 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Food preparation.—The Chama and Aguano crush manioc with a wooden pounder in a trough and grind maize, manioc, and peanuts on a wooden board with a grooved chopper, but the Setebo and Amahuaca use a stone grinder. A wooden mortar and pestle is used for plantains (figs. 78, d; 80, h). The Chama food grater is a paddle-shaped board studded with wires—formerly with wooden splinters. The Amahuaca employ a thorny root. Nearly every house on the lower Huallaga and Ucayali Rivers has a roller sugarcane press, but the Cashibo and Nocomdn squeeze the cane with a stick, while the Amahuaca and Urarina merely suck it. The Chama boil meat, fish, and vegetables in a pot, roast them in ashes, or fry them when sea cow (manatee) fat is available. They smoke meat and fish on a pyramidal babracot or an improvised frame (Tessmann, 1928, p. 146). These tribes season their foods with several varieties of cultivated pepper (Capsicum), spices, and salt, the last obtained from the Cashibo, who mine it on the upper Pisqui River and trade it widely (Tessmann, 1928, p. 163). They eat from pottery bowls, using their fingers, shells, or, recently, wooden spoons and drink from incised calabashes or fruit shells (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 172-173). Drinks, both fermented and unfermented, supply much nourishment. Palm fruits, plantains, manioc, maize, yams, sugarcane, and even peanuts are mixed with water and drunk. Manioc or maize chicha, or masata, fermented with chewed sweet potato, affords both a food and intoxicant. Fermented manioc carried on journeys is diluted in water and eaten. Domesticated animals.—In aboriginal times, the Panoan tamed wild animals, e.g., pigs, parrots (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:245), monkeys and agutis (Tessmann 1928, pp. 97-99). They later acquired chickens, the Chama believing that theirs came from the Jnca. At first the Conibo ate neither chickens nor their eggs, fearing blindness (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:310) ; now they consume both, but more often trade them to the White man. Ducks were seemingly introduced in the early post-Contact Period, though the Muscovy duck may have been native. Domesticated pigs are more recent and are found at only a few villages (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 97-98). The dog may not be native, but it was used for hunting at an early date. HOUSES AND VILLAGES A large house sheltering one to several families constitutes the Panoan village or community. Tessmann believes that the original Chama, Amahuaca, Cashibo, and Panobo house had a gabled roof which was sup- ported by two or three center posts and sloped to posts forming side walls (pl. 49, top). Aguano, Chamicura, and Urarina had a dwelling of the ON a Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 571 Chébero type, 60 feet (20 m.) by 17 feet (5.5 m.), the roof being sup- ported by beams and rafters instead of by center posts. The Buifio and Huino Cashibo made a beehive type house, while the Nocomdn built a conical hut with 4 central posts to support the roof. Under Spanish influence, the Chama and perhaps other tribes have recently adopted the Chébero type. (See Tessmann, 1928, 1930.) The Mayo (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:430) were alleged to have made a tightly closed structure inside a gabled roof, the customary darkness of which trained their eyes for night fighting! In addition to dwellings, the Panoan tribes construct potters’ shacks, storehouses, chicken houses, and a variety of shades and temporary shelters. The 18th-century Pano built guard houses where they stored their weapons and kept a sentry to watch for enemies (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8 :247-248). The Panoan tribes used to sleep on a mat on the ground, though the Aguano, Chamicura, Panobo, Pano, Nocoman, Shipibo, and Urarina have recently adopted platform beds and use hammocks for resting. Itucale and Chanucura infants sleep in hammocks. Only the Amahuaca and Remo adults normally sleep in hammocks. To escape mosquitoes, the Chamicura use a cover, formerly of mats, now of imported netting, while the Pano make a cotton-cloth tent. The Urarina sleep under a densely woven bast mosquito net. A wooden stool, made of a half log, is used by men on the lower Ucayali, women sitting on mats. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Garments.—Customary nudity was undoubtedly very common at one time, despite occasional use of various garments, but missionary precepts instilled ideas of modesty, which led first to the spread and more frequent use of native garments (pl. 49, bottom), and later to adoption of some White man’s clothes. In 1782, the Carapacho (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 5:132) and in 1800 the Capanahua, Sensi, and Mayo (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:41; 12:436) were still nude. In 1834, among the Cashibo, who were little affected by missions, men continued to go naked but women some- times wore cotton loincloths (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:104). Galt (ms.), however, found these women still nude in 1871 and saw only one woman wearing a loincloth, but in 1925, all Chama were fastidious, even new- born babies being immediately clad in shirts, and girls of 5 or 6 changing to skirts. The Aguwano wore European dress, and the Cashibo made a great virtue of modesty (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 66-67, 120). Nakedness in men had a high correlation throughout the Montafia with some method of tying up the genitals, the distribution of which is, how- ever, spotty. The Cashibo and Nocomdn bound up the foreskin of the Penis with a thread (pl. 50), whereas the Amahuaca, Remo, and Setebo 653333—47—39 572 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 fastened it up with a string of Astrocaryum passed around the waist (Tessmann, 1930, plate 10, map 1.). Garments were known long before they gained everyday use. In 1686, the Conibo had painted shirts for men, and shirts and shoulder capes for women ; these were embroidered with colored threads (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:309). But, like the cushma (pl. 49, bottom), which was recorded be- fore 1767 (Amich, 1854, p. 264), it was reserved for special occasions. Aguano men wore short skirts (Figueroa, 1904, p. 434) ; in 1851, Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, 1:170) found them still unclad above the waist. Urarina women wore skirts (Izaguirre 1922-29, 8:106). Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, 1:198) attributed the cushma to the Remo, Shipibo, and other Ucayali River tribes. The Chama cushma is made either of bark cloth or of woven cotton. Though mainly a man’s garment, Chama women also wore it. That of the Setebo is distinguished by its short sleeves (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:440). The short Shipibo men’s shirt with sleeves and the Nocomdn sleeveless shirt are probably recent. Women usually wear some form of skirt or apron covering at least their genitals (pl. 50). The Amahuaca, Remo, and Campa wear an apron sus- pended from a string. A woman’s skirt, consisting of a single strip of cloth sewed together at the ends to form a tube, is used among the Urarina, Chama, Chamicura, Panobo, and Nocomdn. Yuminahua and Amahuaca women wear a cotton skirt and nothing else (Villanueva, 1902-03, 12 :427). A woman’s shawl or mantle, worn over the shoulders and sometimes over the head, and used to carry children, is characteristic of the Chama. All of these garments often have panels, woven of different colors, in which are painted designs characteristic of the area (pl. 49). Chama paints are red, black, purple, yellow, and white, obtained mainly from several plants listed by Tessmann (1928, pp. 157-158). Several other plants are used to perfume shirts (ibid, p. 159). Head deformation.—The Ucayali tribes—Chama, Cashibo, Shipibo, Conibo, and Nocomén—compress an infant’s head for 4 days after birth under a pad on the forehead held in place by a board and a band passing around the head (figs. 76, 77; Tessmann, 1930, map 2). The Conibo of Castafieda’s day compressed the head between two boards for a year (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:305-306). Skinner also observed this in 1805. In 1851, Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, p. 199), reporting defor- mation between two boards, one on the forehead, the other behind, said that the effect was not observable in adults. But Gabriel Sala, observing this in 1896 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 10:48), said the effect lasted throughout life. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 573 Bu MTD FBLA AUD) a? ANDI TT fl) a i) J! Anglin Ficure 76.—Panoan (Chama) device for head deformation. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1928.) — ee Figure 77.—Panoan (Shipibo) mother and children. The head of the infant is under- going artificial deformation, (After Farabee, 1922.) 574 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 Headdress.—The Chama formerly wore their hair long but now cut it medium length, with bangs on the forehead. They dye it with the juice of genipa or of Justicia inficiens. The Capanahua shave (?) their heads (Villanueva, 1902-03, 12:426). Chama combs are made of small reed stems, the teeth bound between transverse reeds and woven with cotton threads. The Conibo use a jagged seed. Hair is cut with a bamboo knife. The Chama originally used no head covering but now wear straw hats or handkerchiefs. Festival feather headgear is used by all tribes. Depilation.—The Chama pluck their sparse beards with tweezers made of two mussel shells tied together; the Nocomdn shave with bamboo knives. The Panobo used to smear tree gum on the skin, then remove it with the hair adhering to it. Ear, nose, and lip ornaments.—The ears, noses, and lips were perfor- rated, often with many holes, through which ornaments could be suspended (pls. 49, bottom; 51). An early observer counted 28 holes in the nose and lips of a Remo (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:208). The Amahuaca passed a stick through the nasal septum. The Ucayali River Panoans preferred to suspend a silver ball or crescent from a cotton thread through the septum but might use sticks, shells, or other materials. Similarly, sticks, feathers, and pendants of various materials, silver preferred, were put in the lips and through several holes in each ear. Tooth blackening.—Stained teeth occurred among the Urarina, Chama, Amahuaca, Panobo, Setebo, Shipibo, and Conibo. The Chama chewed the stem of a pepper, Piper pseudochurumayu, grown spe- cially for this purpose. The Chamicuro darkened their teeth by chewing an unidentified fruit. The Aguano filed their incisors to points. Miscellaneous ornaments.—All these tribes wear a wide variety of forehead bands, necklaces, chest bands, bracelets, rings, and leg bands made of seeds, sweet grass, monkey teeth, and other materials. Early Aguano wore anklets and garters of human hair (Figueroa, 1904, p. 258). Paint and tattoo.—Use of paint on the face, arms, legs, and body was common. Chama colors were: black (genipa), red from the fruit shell of Bixa, and a reddish yellow from the bark of Bira. The Cashibo clean their bodies with grease. The Amahuaca tatooed the face, the Remo and Sensi the face and body, and the Sensi even the penis. They performed the operation during childhood, using a thorn and copal soot. TRANSPORTATION Canoes and rafts.—Well-made canoes are used on the Ucayali River, but some tribes, such as the Cashibo and Amahuaca living on smaller or more rapid streams, had no use for boats and used only balsa rafts (Galt, ms.), which consisted of five pieces of wood (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:99). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 575 The Urarina learned to canoe and to fish only after they were settled on the Maranon River (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 68). In 1800, Conibo canoes were 50 to 60 feet (about 15 to 18 m.) long and 3 to 5 feet (1 to 1.5 m.) wide, with both the stern and the prow a “pyramidal point.” These canoes, which took a year to build, were made of a tree felled with a stone ax. The limbs were burned off, the outside was shaped with fire, the inside was burned out, and the canoe was scraped with flint until the hull was 3 to 4 inches thick. Then, by filling the canoe with water and building a slow fire outside, the cavity was widened and braced with crosspieces (Skinner, 1805, p. 443). Seventy-five years later, these canoes were described as 10 to 20 feet (3 to 6 m.) long (Marcoy, 1875, 2 :37-38). The modern Chama and Aguano made dugout canoes of Calophyllum brasiliense, mahogany (Swietenia tessmannii), a species of Leguminosae, and, most favored, the soft wood of (Cedrela longipetiolulata). The tree is felled, moved to the shore on rollers, and hollowed with an adze, fire being used only to harden the finished vessel. The canoe is trough-shaped, the bow usually having a rhomboid head in which holes are cut and the stern being furnished with a square, flat piece. Holes and cracks are tempo- rarily filled with clay but are permanently mended with resin of the copal tree or of Clarisia racemosa (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 123-124). Ucayali River paddles have a narrow blade and a crutch handle (fig. 78, 1). Shipibo paddles have blades narrower than those of the Conibo. Carrying devices.—Chama men habitually carry their pipes and other articles in a small woven cotton bag. The hexagonally woven burden basket is probably in general use. A child may be carried in the mother’s shawl, or in a special band (fig. 77). MANUFACTURES Basketry.—Basketry products are distinctive neither in weave nor form. They include woven and twined sleeping mats, women’s sitting mats, fire fans, round and square food storage containers, chicha sieves, women’s trinket and workbaskets, and carrying baskets. The last, made with a hexagonal weave, is produced by most of the tribes, though the Chama obtain theirs in trade (Tessmann, 1928, 1930). Weaving.—Three-ply cord, used for various purposes, is usually made of wild Astrocaryum and Cecropia leucocoma bast, the former being more abundant on the upper Ucayali River. The Nocomdn make bast ham- mocks, and the Panobo knit bast bags; the Urarina make both, and loom- weave loincloths, mosquito nets, cushion covers, and bast bags. True weaving is done with cultivated cotton, which is cleaned by hand and spun with a spindle having a clay, bone, tortoise-shell or hardwood whorl, and resting on the ground or in a calabash or pot. It is woven on 576 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Garces eet: ae S = =4 Ro D === igi eS < gems se ear pail Sas —_ 3. Anglin Ficure 78.—Chama and Cahuapana utensils. a, Feather fire fan; }, er fire fan; c, wooden spoon; d, wooden food pounder; e-h, wooden clubs (macana type) ; i, canoe paddle. (f, Cahuapana, all others Chama.) (a-e, h, 1, Redrawn from Tess- mann, 1928, pls. 21, 50, 45, 59, 31; f, g, redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, map 23.) vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 577 two types of loom. The first, used for cushmas, shirts, loincloths, and large bands, is the horizontal belt loom: the stick holding the warp at one end is attached to the weaver’s belt, the other end to her feet, or, if the loom is large, to a house post. The second, called the “Ucayali loom,” consists of a small, oval frame. The warp runs between one end of the frame and the transverse stick affixed inside the other end. Fabrics produced on the belt loom have an ordinary in-and-out weave and are made with the help of a weaving sword. The weave on the “Ucayali loom” is, as in Guiana, accomplished by first crossing over the warp ele- ments and holding them in place with small sticks, then drawing through weft strands to replace each stick. Textiles have both woven-in and painted-on decoration (Tessmann, 1928, 1930). Pottery.—An excellent and beautifully painted pottery ware distin- guishes the Panoan from other Montafia tribes (figs. 73, 74; pl. 52). Rectilinear designs in red-and-black-on-cream are applied to vessels rang- ing from small bowls and jars to huge chicha vessels 2 or 3 feet in diameter (pl. 52). These ceramics are best developed among the Conibo (pl. 52, a), Shipibo, and Setebo. The Amahuaca and Nocomdn paint none of their ware, ornamenting merely with punched elements. The Cashibo make only unornamented red bowls and incised cook pots. The Chamicura and Urarina make fingernail-decorated cook pots, red and white water jugs, Ficure 79.—Panobo bowl, white and red. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, color pl. 6.) and bowls with smoke blackened interiors. Aguano ceramics include punctate-decorated cooking pots and vessels with Spanish shapes and ornamentation. The Chama vessels are made of various clays mixed with the ashes of Licania bark (Rosaceae) ; construction is by coiling. Red and black designs are painted with hair brushes over a white slip; small incised lines may provide additional decoration. A pot is baked inside an old jar filled with ashes; subsequently it is glazed both inside and out with rosin (Burseraceae). Bowl interiors are sometimes soot-blackened over a fire (Tessmann, 1928). Marcoy (1875, 2:27) states that a woman was sup- posed to dance while the Conibo baked a pot and that the vessel interior 578 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 was glazed with copal gum and the exterior painted black (soot), yellow (Guttiferae), blue (indigo), green (pepper leaves), and red (uruct). The Amahuaca make pottery tobacco pipes. Modeled potsherds with human and animal heads found in the vicinity of Yarino Cocha were disclaimed by modern Chama (Tessmann, 1928, p. 26). Woodworking.—Wood carving is exclusively a man’s industry. Chama wooden products include bowls, molds, troughs, stamps, stools, sugarcane presses, spoons, and pipes (Tessmann, 1928, p. 95). Weapons.—For hunting, the principal aboriginal weapon on the lower Ucayali—Panobo, Setebo, Shipibo, Urarina, Aguano, and Conibo—was the blowgun, whereas the blowgun was lacking and the bow and arrow was used for both hunting and warfare among the hinterland tribes— Nocoman, Cashibo (pl. 50, left), and Amahuaca. The bow and arrow was probably aboriginal also on the lower Ucayali, but gained importance only after the dart and spear thrower were abandoned, when it became chiefly a fishing weapon. Firearms are now increasingly used. Early Remo bows were 7 to 9 feet (about 2.1 to 2.7 m.) long and semicircular in cross section, but in 1834, they were round in cross section (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:91, 104). In 1870, the Cashibo made bows about 6 feet (2 m.) long of chonta palm (Galt, ms.). Conibo also made chonta palm bows (Marcoy, 1875, 2:31). The modern Chama bow is of Guil- ielma palm, square or D-shaped in cross section, with a string of Cecropia and Astrocaryum fibers (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 140-141). The early arrows (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:104; Galt, ms.) were 6 feet (2 m.) long and featherless, having a chonta palm point and various kinds of barbs. The Cashibo were distinguished for their long arrows. Modern arrows have four kinds of points for hunting: bamboo blades for large game; barbed palm-rod points for small game and birds; one or two pieces of bone arranged to form a barb for small game; and a knob head for birds. Only the last lacks feathers; the others have flush, wrapped feathers. Chama fish arrows have three prongs (Ama- huaca, four) set in the same plane, the points often tipped with barbed iron, but for swarms of fish, seven palm points are set around the shaft (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 122, 141). The Chama also make two kinds of harpoon arrows. One has three detachable parts, the shaft, foreshaft, and wooden point with iron barbs, all three held together with a cord and separating after being shot into a fish. The other, used to shoot turtles, has only two detachable parts; the main shaft and the foreshaft are permanently joined, but the plain iron point is detachable. Both kinds have two feathers (Tessmann, 1928, p. 122). Cashibo hunting arrows resemble those of the Chama, though they are often featherless, but war arrows are large and beautifully ornamented, often having Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 579 Ficure 80.—Montafia artifacts, a-c, Cashibo spear points; d, Aguano two-pronged spear ; ¢, Aguano harpoon; f, Aguano wooden dish; g, Aguano quiver with blowgun darts; h, Aguano food pounder; i, Chébero feather fire fan. (a-c, 1/13 actual size; d-t, 1/16 actual size.) (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, pls. 15, 46, 42, 45.) 580 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 women’s hair attached. These are the center of Cashibo art interest (Tess- mann, 1930, pl. 15, figs. 1-14). The Chama blowgun is made of two halves of Jriartea deltoidea wood, bound together with wrapping covered with copal and equipped with a mouthpiece of two jaguar or crocodile teeth. The largest are 7% feet (2.5 m.) long. Darts, bearing poison procured in trade from the Huallaga River, are kept in a section of bamboo (fig. 80, g; Tessmann, 1928, pp. 138-139). Tessmann states (1928, 1930) that the Chama and Panobo formerly used a throwing board to cast fish arrows (darts?), but have given it up. The Chama fish spear has one or two barbed iron points and a cord attached to the butt end by which to recover it if it slips from the fisher- man’s hand (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 112, 115). The Chama harpoon has a 9-foot shaft, a foreshaft, and a detachable barbed iron head fastened to a wooden float (Tessmann, 1928, p. 119). Spears have a varying number of barbs (fig. 80, a). The macana, or wooden club, was recorded for the Sensi in 1834 (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:88) but was probably of general distribution. It was used in duels, especially over adultery, more than in warfare. Recent Chama specimens are shown in figure 78, e-h. The Sensi shield of 1834 had a circular rim of creeper covered with hide (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:88). For a scalping knife, the Chama carried the upper part of a toucan beak, hung around the neck by a cord (Tessmann, 1928, p. 222). In aboriginal times, stone knives were also used. Recent Chama show some skill in metallurgy: they shape the iron knife with heat, burn the blade into the handle, and fasten it with wax and fiber (Wood- roffe, 1914, p. 66). Skinner (1805) stated of the Chuncho generally that a missionary brought from Manoa one of these hatchets [of stone], in shape perfectly resembling ours, but which, instead of a handle, was provided with two ears, with a channel to secure the extremity by the means of cords. The Indians manufacture them with other stones, aided by the chambo, or small copper axe, and then with water and patience proceed to sharpen them. Fire making.—Tessmann (1930) states that the Nocomdn did not know how to make fire and that few remembered using the fire drill. Evidently flint and steel supplanted the drill at an early date. The Urarina, however, use the drill and, for a stunt, two stones. Fire fans, either woven of feathers or made of matting (figs. 78, a, b; 80, 7) are of general distribution. The Chamicura use a rosin torch; the Urarina one of beeswax or a bunch of certain seeds on a stick. ECONOMIC LIFE AND TRADE The family was evidently self-sufficient for essential wants, though communal assistance in preliminary farm clearing was probably given. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 581 The large house was community property; so, perhaps, was the canoe, chicha jar, and other objects. Aboriginal trade is little known, though Tessmann’s information (1928, pp. 217-218) in 1925 that the Chama formerly traveled to procure white earth for painting pots, copal, white clay, varnish, and poison for blowgun darts suggests considerable barter. When iron tools, especially axes, became available during the historic period, a lively trade with the White man for these coveted objects began. The Pano took cinnamon, peanuts, parrots, cotton, and shawls to the missions to trade for iron and were willing to exchange a canoe that had required months of work for an ax or machete (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:248). In 1791, the Conibo were trading “bed coverings” and resin to the Omagua for iron tools; a canoe for an iron ax was considered a fair exchange (Skinner, 1805, p. 433; Marcoy, 1875, 2:37-38). In the last century, several items produced by the Ucayali River Indians became major export products: turtle oil, sarsaparilla, vanilla, canelon, copaiba, sandi (Marcoy, 1875, 2:176), salt fish (peixe), manatee and charipa lard, flor de balsa (for pillows and mattresses), wax, cacao, coffee, honey, tobacco, and cedar. The Urubamba River exported cacao, coffee, cane, and wax. Although prices became standardized (Galt, ms: Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54), exchange was usually in goods. Products received today from the Whites are axes, machetes, knives, mosquito netting, jackets, pants, handkerchiefs for covering the head, beads, mirrors, and guns. Meanwhile, Indians continue to trade among themselves. The Campa, for example, obtain cushmas from the Piro. The Comibo trade arrows, bows, wax, cotton, and hammocks. The Panobo procure blow- guns from the Setebo; the Conibo get theirs from the Chébero in exchange for wax. SOCIOPOLITICAL GROUPS The aboriginal Panoan sociopolitical unit was the household, which evidently consisted of related families, though its precise composition and rules of descent are not known. It was also the political unit, despite the proximity of many houses to one another, and was to a large degree the economic unit. It acted as a group, moving every few years when new farm lands were cleared. It is not known whether the Aguano, who now have a single village of 16 houses, formerly conformed to this pattern. Tessmann calls the Chama unit the “kin,” meaning sib, but fails to demonstrate sib characteristics. He states that the Nocoman and Ama- huaca lacked the “kin.” The household community has persisted since earliest times. Even mission life, when scores of people were concentrated in large villages, failed to destroy it, for families returned to their aboriginal separatism after leaving the missions. The 1,000 Shipibo were, prior to 1800, 582 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 scattered in communities of a single family each (Skinner, 1805, p. 409). The Sensi in 1834 were split into small groups under the leadership of family heads (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:88). Herndon’s observations in 1851 (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:154, 170, 195-203, etc.), show the difference between missions or trade towns and native communities. The Indian population at some of the former was: Sarayacu, 1,000; Parmari, 30; San Regis, 210; Urarinas, 80; Laguna (mostly Cocamiulla) 1,044; Santa Cruz (Aguano), 350; Chasuta (1,200). Some native communities were: 2 Remos houses, 22 people; 2 Conibo houses, 15; 4 Conibo houses, 33 persons ; 3 Conibo communities with 30, 25, and 9 persons respectively ; Shipibo, 25; Piro village with 150 persons or 33 families. Of Indian settlements on the Ucayali in 1835, very few were still occupied in 1850, although the total population was about the same (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:212-213). In 1870, Galt observed that the Indian villages of this area consisted of one, two, or three families. The Conibo, Shipibo, Setebo, Piro, Remo, and Amahuaca, wrote Hern- don (Herndon and Gibbon, 1854, 1:205), were a roving people who even lived in boats. Small communities were still the rule in 1925, except where encroaching colonists had reduced the Indians to plantation workers. Chama houses tended to be grouped 100 to 200 m. (about 300 to 600 feet) apart around lagoons. Amahuaca houses were more widely separated. The community on the lower Ucayali River was inferentially an ex- tended matrilineal family, for the household was said to consist of the headman, his wife, his unmarried sons, and his married daughters with their husbands and children. Marriage was matrilocal and polygyny was sororal (Tessmann, 1928, 1930), or, according to older sources, a man married several women who were bought or captured. These features are consistent with matrilineal sibs or clans, though it is remarkable that the extended family household elsewhere in the Montafia is patrilineal. Tessmann (1930, pp. 127-128, 150) states that the Cashibo are divided into three groups, each having several “sibs” bearing animal, plant, or other names. Each “sib” seems to be localized in a scattered village, whose people will not eat their eponym. The Setebo have also animal-named sibs (Tessmann, 1928). Tessmann gives, however, no geneological data to indicate the descent, localization, exogamy, or other functions of Cashibo or Chama “kin,” so that it is not certain that the exogamy is more than avoidance of near relatives or that the group name designates more than 3 community. The peripheral tribes, except possibly the Urarina, were less strictly matrilocal and their communities seem to have been extended patrilineal households. Slaves, captured from the weaker Panoan tribes of the hinterland, were evidently an important element in the communities of the stronger Ucayali River peoples. The Pano used to capture Mayoruna, Panatahua, Ama- huaca, and Shipibo (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:249; Skinner, 1805, p. 433; Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 583 Maroni, 1889-92, 30:137). Shipibo and Conibo took Cashibo and had nearly exterminated the Remo in 1870. Slaves, wrote Villanueva (1902- 03, 12:428), were captured in periodic raids; a 10- or 12-year old boy was worth 500 soles, a Campa boy much more; a girl brought 300 to 400 soles. Many captives were sold to the Whites or other Indians, but others were incorporated into the community. Americh (1854, p. 90) remarks that Piro taken by the Conibo had to cultivate the plantations. The aboriginal community headman was doubtless the family elder. Recently, the White man created chieftainship and defined its functions (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 217-218). Division of labor within the household seems to have thrown the burden of productive labor on women: tilling the soil, transporting goods, cook- ing, weaving, making pottery, and preparing drinks (masato). Tessmann (1928, p. 211) states that a Chama man works for his wife’s father, but sometimes contributes meat or fish to his own father’s family. A pattern of group participation in land clearing and perhaps other labor is sug- gested, but this does not affect individual family ownership and harvest of farm plots. There is little inheritable property other than the canoe and fields which pass from a man to his son (Tessmann, 1928, p. 223). This arrangement is conceivable in the case of canoes, but in the case of fields, it is quite inconsistent with the matrilineal nature of the community and is largely meaningless, because fields were normally tilled for only about 3 years. Matrilocal residence threw a man into daily contact with his mother-in- law, whom he had to avoid. In case of divorce, which was easy, the man returned to his own home (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 210-211). Chama murder and suicide were unknown. Thieves were required to replace stolen goods, physical violence rarely being necessary to coerce them. Theft of a wife entailed a combat with clubs between contenders, but no one was killed, and the thief kept the woman. Adultery was settled by a combat between the husband and paramour during a drinking bout (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 221-222), but the Amahuaca might murder in reprisal for adultery (Tessmann, 1930). LIFE CYCLE Birth and childhood.—A Panoan mother delivers her child in isola- tion, assisted by other women. All tribes but the Chamicuro bury the umbilical cord and afterbirth. The mother is confined for varying periods, the longest being 15 days (Cashibo). Dieting lasts much longer. There is no couvade, and few restrictions are imposed on the father, except for a day or two of dieting and avoidance of heavy labor. The Chama baby is painted and receives the head deformation board shortly after birth (fig. 76). Skinner (1805, p. 269) stated that the waist and joints of a male baby were bound to give it strength. When old 584 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 143 —_— iV ARES Reta a |e Bi vie 4 uh \) Ul AM w ‘ Figure 81.—Panoan (Chama) walking aid for infants. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1928.) enough to stand, a Chama child plays in a pen (fig. 81). For misbehavior, children are whipped or threatened with the jaguar. The Chama father frightens disobedient children with a disguise of banana leaves and a calabash mask. Boys play with toy canoes, bows, arrows, and the like, and girls with dolls; there are no group games. Every child is taught adult tasks (Tessmann, 1928, 1930). Naming involves no ritual, no sib names. The ancient Conibo, how- ever, named and baptized children at the age of 1 year, when the head press was removed, subjected them to dietary restrictions, and gave them herbs to develop desirable qualities and to protect them from witchcraft (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:305-307). The Cashibo removed an infant girl’s clitoris at 2 months (Tessmann), but the Chama performed this rite at puberty. Other Panoan tribes lacked this practice. Puberty.—None of these tribes have any initiation rite for boys, except that in 1800 the Cashibo were said to circumcize (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:42). Girl’s puberty rites are usually minimal. At her first menses, the Amahuaca do nothing to the girl. The Cashibo and Nocomdn merely isolate her for a few days, the Urarina confine her 10 days, the Aguano for 1 month, but the Cashibo, Conibo, Setebo, and Shipibo have fairly elaborate ceremonies, featuring subincision. In 1871, Galt (ms.) said that the Conibo held a 10-day festival, after which the girl was tied to a tree for 3 Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 585 days and the operation performed, a rite he attributed also to the other three “principal” tribes of the Ucayali—probably the Chama group. Tess- mann reports that a group of pubescent Chama girls were assembled at full moon while men and women danced all night and drank from special zoomorphic pots. Next morning, the girls were painted, stupefied with drink, then each laid on a bench where an older woman cut off and buried the clitoris and labia. Reich (1903) adds that the girl was deflowered with a clay penis representing her fiancé. The girl was then isolated in her hut for one month, wearing an “egg-shaped” piece of pottery as a pubic cover. (Cf. the pottery “‘fig leaves” of Marajo, Santarém, and the upper Xingu River.) Cashibo girls were subincised during a feast, which started with a contest of shooting chickens, included dances and a song by women alluding to flowers, stars, etc., and culminated when the neophyte girl, leading dancers, drank herself to unconsciousness, and an old woman cut her clitoris. A wild orgy in which men fought each other followed (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:311-114). Among most of these tribes, sexual relations are prohibited before puberty but condoned subsequently. Marriage.—Data on marriage restrictions and preferential unions are unreliable. Tessmann states (1930) that the Amahuaua permit aunt- nephew and uncle-niece marriages, prohibiting only brother-sister unions, and the Pano, Nocomdn, and Chamicura tolerate even cousin marriage, but the Cashibo prohibit uncle-niece alliances. The levirate was accre- dited to the Chamicura (Escobar y Mendoza, 1769, p. 45), and sororal polygyny to the Conibo and probably others. Probably all tribes were polygynous which, if not sororal, meant that outside women became part of the wife’s family’s household because of matrilocal residence. Galt (ms.) cites a Conibo man in 1870 who had four wives, each with children, and was on his way to buy more children from the Piro. Chiefs, es- pecially, were polygynous, and the missionaries’ attempt to abolish it was a major cause of rebellion. Unions were sometimes contracted through infant betrothal (Skinner, 1805), but usually the man sought the girl’s father’s permission, The couple went to live permanently with the girl’s family, where the man worked mainly for the support of his in-laws. Adultery brought some punishment of the woman—the Sensi flogged her and spread ants on her—and a duel between the interested men (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:308; Tessmann, 1930). Death observances.—Death observances varied considerably, espe- cially in disposal of the corpse: cremation, urn burial, canoe burial, and earth burial both inside and outside the house. The main feature show- ing functional connection with the total culture is parenticide, that is, the 586 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 occasional killing of aged relatives who had become a burden on the community. This custom is not uncommon among similar marginal peoples. Endocannibalism coupled with parenticide and with cremation also occurred sporadically. The Aguano accomplished suicide with barbasco (Figueroa, 1904, p. 134). The Conibo and Ruanagua killed and ate their parents (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:277). In 1871 (Galt ms.), the Cashibo did the same when their parents were aged and helpless. Endocannibalism, possibly without parenticide, was common. In 1800, the Capanahua were said to eat their dead parents (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:41; 12:435-436) ; the Cobino and Setebo also ate dead relatives (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:104; Jiménez de la Espada, 1892, p. 4). The Remo, Cashibo, Conibo, Yuminahua, and Amahuaca coupled endocannibalism with cremation, first burning the body, then mixing the ashes with masato, and drinking them during a wake (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12 :244-748; Villanueva, 1902-03, 12:427; Maroni, 1889-92, 30:132-133). This was seen among the Remo as late as 1912, but the Amahuaca, though still cremating in 1925, did not drink the ashes. There is some indication that urn burial, now usually restricted to children, was once more general. The Chamicuro were thought to have substituted cemetery for urn burial (Tessmann, 1930) ; the Setebo aban- doned urn burial inside the house under missionary influence (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:250) ; and the Conibo, who buried under the house floor in urns in 1875, recently cremated. Burial under the house floor but not in urns is reported for the Pano (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12 :474), the Chama, in a coffin made of two canoes (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 214-216), the Piro, in a canoe (Herndon and Gibbons, 1853-54, vol. 1), and the upper Manay River tribes (Galt, ms.). The Urarina bury in the house, which they abandon (Tessmann, 1930). Burial outside the house, not in urns, is attributed to the Panobo, and Nocomdn (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:475). The Sensi also bury. Urn burial for infants occurs among the Panobo and Amahuaca. Property of the deceased is pretty generally destroyed, leaving little to be inherited. All clothes, utensils, weapons, and personal effects are burned or buried with the corpse. Growing crops are preserved. Whether houses are burned, abandoned, or kept means little because of shifting residence. The chief remaining item, the canoe, is evidently used more and more often as a coffin. During mourning, close female relatives wail, males maintain cere- monial silence, and both sexes wear old clothes, cut the hair, and do not marry again for some months. The Remo even mourn deceased pets. WARFARE These tribes have probably always been in a state of strife because of enmities created by slave raids, so that retaliation as well as slaving serve Vol. 83] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 587 as war motives. The main aggressors were the Chama, Shipibo, Conibo, and Setebo. Victims were the smaller tribes, away from the main course of the Ucayali River. Of the latter, one of the principal victims, the Cashibo, made much of warfare and expended their main art talents on war arrows, Fights consist of sudden, stealthy attacks by expeditions of men. The spear thrower was formerly used in warfare on the lower Ucayali. but recently the bow and unpoisoned arrow have become the prin- cipal weapons. Other weapons are slings (Cashibo), thrusting spears (Cashibo), clubs (Cashibo, Amahuaca, Capanahua, Setebo, Nocoman), and a knife for cutting up victims (Cashibo). The Sensi formerly used circular hide shields (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:436). Caltrops were never employed, but the Cashibo and Nocoman set unpoisoned stakes in defen- sive trenches. The Cashibo shot from behind palm screens. An Urarina warrior slit the skin along his nose to form an arch of flesh, its length indicating his prowess (Maroni, 1889-92, 27:72). Cannibalism of war victims has not been reported, but various trophies were taken: scalps (Aguano, Chama), heads (Cashibo, Setebo), lower limbs and forearms (Cashibo). The Aguano wore human-hair belts and hung scalps on their leg bands. The Jtucale in 1665 removed and smoked the skins from enemies’ heads, then filled them with grass to form masks (Skinner, 1805, p. 289). A house full of trophy skulls gave a Setebo man social status and helped him get many wives. A Cashibo preserved his enemy’s skull and wore his teeth as a necklace. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Art.—A well-defined art style characterizes the Panoan tribes of the Ucayali River and extends south among the Avawakan people at least to the Campa. The style consists essentially of complex angular, geometric designs drawn in rectangular panels. Most characteristically, the design is formed by a heavy line outlined by one or two fine lines. Colors are usually black and red on a cream or white background, but occasionally negative designs, white-on-black, are used. Such decorations are applied to most objects—pots (figs. 73, 86), clothes (fig. 82), pipes, rattles, paddles (fig. 83), body and face (fig. 84), beadwork, weaving implements (fig. 85), etc. The beadwork has a striking resemblance to that of parts of the interior of the Guiana region and of portions of Central America. Realism is restricted mainly to animal effigy jars employed in girls’ puberty ceremonies. Musical instruments.—Two-headed skin drums, probably of Spanish origin, are used by the Urarina, Aguano, Chama, Panobo, and Chamicura. The large signal drum was used by the Chamicura and may once have 653333—47—40 588 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Ficure 82.—Decorative design from a Shipibo man’s cushma. (After Farabee, 1922.) FicureE 83.—Shipibo paddle. The dec n both sides n black paint. (Length 68 inches Adan deetiet Farabee 4052.) Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 589 Ficure 84.—Shipibo body painting. Used by both sexes. Lines are in black or red. Usually neck and forehead are painted black. (After Farabee, 1922.) Ficure 85.—Shipibo decorated weaving sword or batters. Used with belt looms. (After Farabee, 1922.) Black White bh Ficure 86.—Montafia pottery types. a, Piro; b, Panobo. (a, Redrawn from Farabee, 1922; b, redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, color pl. 6.) 590 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1438 been known to the Remo. Amich mentions (1854, p. 262) Conibo war drums carried in canoes. Most music is made with wind instruments: panpipes, with 3 to 12 tubes (fig. 87, b); longitudinal flutes, with 4 to 6 holes, and among the Cashibo made of human bone; transverse flutes ; a calabash blown into the hole left by pulling out the stem (Chama) ; trumpets (fig. 87, c) ; and a clay instrument with 2 holes or pipes which gives a double note (Chama). Skinner (1805) mentions a Conibo “horn” made of thick cane and used to announce the peaceful intention of strangers approaching a village. The musical bow and fruit-shell leg rattles are used by most Panoan tribes. A zoomorphic rattle is shown in figure 87, a. Singing seems generally to be done by people intoxicated with chicha. Dances.—People dance during drinking bouts but dance forms and purposes are not known. “They dance with their clubs on their shoulders, turning around and yelling like mad men” (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:245). Tessmann gives three Cashibo dances: circle, bow and arrow, and skull. Games and toys.—Children play individually with miniature imple- ments, weapons, and toys rather than in group games. Even maize-leaf balls, known to most of these tribes, wrestling, and rubber balls (Nocoman only) did not involve real group play. Among children’s toys were stilts, humming tops, whirring sticks, various slinglike devices for throw- ing stones and maize grains, and possibly the bull-roarer. The Conibo played ring-and-pin (pl. 48, top) with a turtle skull (Marcoy, 1875, 2:40). The only adult game may be of recent origin: laying stones in grooves in the earth and counting them in tens (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 41-43). Drinking bouts.—Drinking bouts are frequent and entail considerable drunkenness. They provide an opportunity for general release of sup- pressed aggressions, especially between men who settled their disputes with some violence though without murderous intent (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 106-108). Intoxicants are made of fermented manioc, maize, sugarcane, and other plants. Narcotics and drugs.—The Panoan tribes used few narcotic and drug plants, despite their proximity to the area of eastern Ecuador and Colombia, which is prolific in such plants as yoco, cayapi, and guayusa, and to the Highland, where use of coca is customary. The Amahuaca, Panobo, and Urarina drink cayapi; the Panobo use coca, drinking it on special occasions; the Aguano drink guayusa. Tobacco has been coming into more general use; the Cashibo are said to have borrowed it recently from the Chama, but the Nocomdn still lacked it in 1925. It is smoked in pipes (fig. 87, d) or cigars, taken as snuff through tubes (fig. 87, e), or drunk as juice. The last method is re- stricted to shamans, except among the Jtucale. The modern Aguano also chew tobacco. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 591 On 2 is 6 SP 70cm: Ficure 87.—Artifacts of the Montafia tribes. a, Chama rattle (2 views) ; b, Chama panpipes; c, Mayoruna trumpet; d, Chama wooden tobacco pipe; e, Panoan V-type snuff inhaler. (a, b, d, Redrawn from Tessmann, 1928, pls. 58, 30, 26; c, e, redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, pl. 16 and map 17.) 592 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 The pipe in 1790 consisted of a hollow reed with a small, tubular mouth- piece (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:162), but the recent Chama and Panobo pipe is made of wood and has a stem (fig. 87, d). The Amahuaca pipe is of clay. The Urarina and Chamicura formerly smoked only cigars but the latter have borrowed the Chama type of pipe. Smoking, once restricted to men, is spreading to women. Tobacco powder is taken through V-tubes (fig. 87, e), one of which is inserted in the nose while an assistant blows through the other. This method has been used by both sexes on the Ucayali River from 1790 to recent times (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:162; Tessmann, 1928, 1930) and is also used by the Amahuaca and Panobo. RELIGION Recorded beliefs have some mixture of Christian and native ideology. Tessmann denies that the Chama had any concept of a soul, ghost, life after death, gods, or spirits (1928, pp. 183-184). Galt (ms.) agrees with Tessmann that the Chama have no High God concept, but Skinner (1805, p. 274) recorded the belief that God came to earth to count men, causing an earthquake. The Conibo held that God, Mueraya, controlled the heavens and the jaguars, and aided shamans (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:317). Other myths (below) of a god or creator have an undetermined Christian element. The Panoan tribes believe in some bush spirits, the Cashibo regarding them as anthropomorphic giants and pygmies and as spirit animals, which molest and frighten people at night (Tessmann, 1930). Beliefs about life after death are so extraordinarily varied that a com- mon denominator is difficult to recognize. Castafieda wrote (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:317) that souls of good people went to a sky above the sky, but wicked people roamed until chained for eternity by Mueraya-sent jaguars. The Conibo soul (Maroni, 1889-92, 30:131) first lingered near the corpse and was then attracted to heaven by the sun which imparted to it indestructibility. Most Amahuaca souls went to heaven where they married and ate, but did not molest the living; others went to the under- world to live with a spirit called Tjaxo. The Cashibo soul lived an idylic existence in heaven, but the Chamicura soul remained alone without food or shelter in heaven. The Panobo, Urarina, and Nocoman believed that the soul remained on earth, immortal, the first two tribes regarding it as harmless ; the Nocoman, as likely to kill wanderers at night (Tessmann, 1930). SHAMANISM AND CURING The shaman’s major function is the cause and cure of disease, though Jiménez de la Espada ascribed to Conibo shamans the power to foretell the future. Tessmann credits shamans solely with the ability to manipulate Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 593 a magical substance, usually conceived as a “thorn,” but other sources hint at spirit helpers. Castafieda wrote (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:313-316) that Conibo shamans (mueraya) drank tobacco juice to get in touch with the God or spirit also called Mueraya (see above). The Shipibo shaman, called mucroya, entered a hut, covered his head with leaves, chanted, whispered, shouted, and shook himself until a spirit appeared (Ordinaire, 1892, pp. 220-221). Illness is thought to be caused by a magical substance controlled by a sorcerer; it is generally cured by a medicine man. The sorcerer’s art is learned during months of instruction from an experienced practitioner, except among the Amahuaca, where the neophyte, insensate with cayapi, travels to receive thorns from the soul of a former magician. The pupil learns to take the magical substance—a “thorn” or splinter (Chama), a monkey bone (Amahuaca)—into his own body and becomes immune to it. The Panobo witch is supposed actually to swallow a bow and four arrows, but the Nocoman magician merely learns to use his thorn and thorn thrower. During this period of instruction the neophyte diets (Chamicura, Shipibo, Urarina, Panobo), smokes cigars (Chamicura, Urarina), smokes a pipe (Panobo, Chama), takes tobacco juice (Cha- micura, Panobo, Urarina), drinks cayapi, observes continence (Chama), and learns magical chants (Chama). To cause sickness, the Amahuaca sorcerer smokes, vomits his “thorns,” and throws them at his victim at night. The Panobo magician operates similarly with his bow and arrow. The Chamicura and Urarina magician spits or blows his “thorns” from a distance; a drunken man is especially vulnerable. The Chama sorcerer swallows tobacco juice, coughs up his “splinter,” and sticks it in his victim. The Cashibo magician coughs up packages of poison, dons a feather headdress, changes into a bird, and flies to his enemy. He turns himself into a small man to enter the victim’s house, throws the poison on him, turns again into a bird, and flies home. A Nocomdan witch soaks his “thorn” in a “poisonous” red herb, waylays his victim, and flips the thorn at him with a short stick. Unless removed, the magical object quickly causes death, after which it returns to its owner. The Comnibo attributed illness to animals and stones as well as to sorcerers (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:313-316). Tessmann (1930) records that a magician may transform a venomous snake or mice into jaguars and send them to attack a person. These ideas may be in the pattern already described. The Nocoman concede no remedy for illness caused by magic. The Cashibo say it can be cured only herbally, not magically. But the Panobo, Chama, Amahuaca, Urarina, and Chamicura shaman may cure as well as kill. Smoking and massaging, the Panobo medicine man withdraws and exhibits the magical “arrows” but the patient usually dies of “internal 594 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 injuries.” The Chamicuro and Urarina shaman dreams the identity of the sorcerer while smoking, then, blowing cigar smoke over his patient, sucks out the “thorn,” exhibits it, and swallows it in order to use it against others. He is paid for a cure, which is rare. The Chama shaman smokes and sucks out the “splinter,” which he draws into himself. The Amahuaca shaman smokes, sings, sucks out the “thorns,” and throws them away (Tessmann, 1930). In addition to these procedures, Galt (ms.) mentions burning leaves as a “conjuring” device to cause sickness. Tessmann adds that a Cha- micura shaman may send a jaguar not only to kill people but to hunt game. Tessmann states that magicians are not accused of sorcery because people fear their power. Galt (ms.) cites the murder of a Cashibo by a Combo, who suspected him of practicing black magic against his family. Medicinal practices.—Among nonmagical cures are bleeding, bathing, and administration of herbs. Father Leceta (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:51) wrote that Ucayali River tribes gave the patient a monkey-broth purgative, after which the bleeder bit his arm and sucked his blood. The Chama take cold baths to cure fevers. Herbal remedies comprise a considerable pharmacopia ; some were gen- erally used, some administered only by specialists; many were cultivated. Their true pharmaceutical properties are not known, but some are clearly magical in function. The Carapacho cured wounds with cane shoots (Gynerium sagittatum) according to Izaguirre (1922-29, 2:71). The Chama take Brunfelsia grandiflora roots as an aphrodisiac ; Tabernaemon- tana sananho for costiveness and constipation; the sap of a Ficus for biliousness, anemia, and as a purgative; and various medicines to increase strength when hunting or weaving, to help children learn to walk, and for other purposes. The Amahuaca rub leaves of Dracontium longpipes into snake bites, but the Urarina use Cyperus. MYTHOLOGY Native mythology is greatly confused with Biblical narratives. Thus, Cashibo creation stories in which the Sun (Nokoya) and Moon (Kamu), a man and his wife, create the world and things on it, including people, may be Christian in plot. The Chamicura believe that God, Yusi, dwells in heaven; he made the world and everything on it, and retired when the Jews persecuted him, but he still helps mankind in planting and in busi- ness (Tessmann, 1930). The Chama tale of the origin of cultivated plants is more aboriginal. A couple and their daughter ate only genipa fruit mush. Two birds, Mashentari and Ruirui, visited the daughter alone at the house. Mashentari refused her offer of genipa and told her to strike his knees with a stick. She did so and ripe plantains fell out. Next time Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 595 he came, she struck plantain plants from one knee, and manioc, sweet potatoes, yams, maize, and other plants from the other knee. The bird then instructed her in planting them. In another tale, an Inca, Yoashiko, gave the Chama roasted maize and other plants (Tessmann, 1928, pp. 199-200). The story of the origin of fire is also native. A small parrot belonging to the Shipibo asked Yoashiko for food. When a coal was thrown at him instead, he took it home and thereafter had fire. A Cashibo version also relates that a pygmy parrot stole fire from the Inca (Tessmann, 1930). An early historic document (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:305) records a semihistoric Conibo story. The first Conibo lived with his family on a mountain in the west. Becoming numerous, his people migrated to the Gran Pajonal, thence to the Ucayali River. LORE AND LEARNING Some Sensi constellation names are: Canopus, the “thing of the day”; Mars, “forward”; Capella, “spoon”; Southern Cross, “dew fall” (Hern- don and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:205). The Chama have names for the Morn- ing Star, Evening Star, and Pleiades (Tessmann, 1930, p. 182). According to the Conibo, the sun (Bari) is the son and the moon (Usé) is the daughter of Habi. The sun smeared the moon’s face with genipa (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:317). The Pleiades are seeds changed into children who had adventures with a caiman and climbed to heaven. The Southern Cross is the skeleton of a manatee which God killed. The Great Nebulous is a jaguar preying on deer. Various stars are also named (Castafieda, im Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:320). BIBLIOGRAPHY Amich, 1854; Beuchat and Rivet, 1909; Chantre y Herrera, 1901; Escobar y Mendoza, 1769; Farabee, 1922; Fejos, n.d.; Figueroa, 1904; Fritz, 1922; Fry, 1889; Galt, n.d.; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, vol. 1; Hervas, 1800-05, vol. 1; Izaguirre, 1922-29; Jiménez de la Espada, 1892, (Noticias auténticas .... 1889-92) ; Marcoy, 1875; Maroni, 1889-92; Ordinaire, 1892; Peruvian Census, 1940; Raimondi, 1862; Reich, 1903; Relaciones geograficas de Indias, 1881-97; Rivet, 1924; Sagols, 1902; Skinner, 1805; Tessmann, 1928, 1930; Veigl, 1785 a; Velasco, 1842-44; Villanueva, 1902-03; Woodroffe, 1914. THE SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY TRIBES OF THE UPPER HUALLAGA RIVER TRIBAL DIVISIONS Early sources mention a large number of tribes on the upper Huallaga River (map 1, No. 3; map 5), south of the Hibito and Cholon, but give little idea of their linguistic affiliations and their culture, except that it seemed to resemble that of the Tropical Forests rather than that of the Highland. 596 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 These little-known tribes are as follows: Tepqui.—tThis tribe adjoined the Cholén and occupied the Santa Marta River, a tributary of the Huallaga River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:81-82), lat. 9° S., long. 76° W. Diego de Cordova (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12 :386) states that they may have been related to the Panoan-speaking Mayoruna. Muzape.—This was mentioned only as a tribe hostile to the Cognomona (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:126). Comanahua.—The Comanahua (Cumanahua) were 3 days’ travel from the Tepqui and ajoined an Inca tribe (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1 :123- 126). Quidquidcana (Chuquidcana?).—This tribe was a neighbor of the Tepqui and occupied the Magdalena Valley (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1 :81-82, 123-125), lat. 9° S., long. 76° W. Chupacho.—The Chupacho were said to live in the forests of the Chinchao, Monzon, and other left tributaries of the Huallaga River, almost to Moyobamba (Maurtua, A., 1919, p. 6), which, however, would overlap Cholon and Hibito territory. (Lat. 9° S., long. 77° W.). Panatahua.—The Panatahua lived on the left bank of the Huallaga River, between the Coyumba and Monzon Rivers, on the lower Chinchao River, which was the center of the upper Huallaga missions, and on the headwaters of the Pachitea River. (Lat. 9°-10° S., long. 76°30’ W.) Izaguirre (1922-29, 12:386) quotes Padre Sala’s improbable assertion that the Panatahua language seemed to be related to that of the Amuesha (Lorenzo). Pulgar Vidal (1943) notes that the Panatahua were sup- posed to be related to their various neighbors; their language is, however, not recorded. This tribe was split into many independent groups. Chunatahua (Chinatahua).—Near the Panatahua on the right bank of the Huallaga River and near the mouth of the Chinchao River (Iza- guirre, 1922-29, 1: 81-82), lat. 9° S., long. 76°30’ W. Tulumayo and Sisinpari.—On the Tulumayo (modern Azul?) River (Izaguirre, op. cit.), and the right side of the Huallaga River between the Mufia and Aguaytia Rivers (Maurtua, A., 1919, p. 6), lat. 9° S., long. 76° W. Tingan.—Extending eastward from the mouth of the Monzon River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1 :81-82), lat. 9° S., long. 76° W. Timayo, Huatsahuana, Ninaxo, Guatinguapa, Mailona, and Muzape.—Somewhere near the Panatahua and Chusco (Izaguirre, 1922- 29, vol. 1). Chusco.—Many divisions of Chusco lived near Huanuco (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1 :81-82), lat. 10° S., long. 77° W. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 597 HISTORY In 1557, the Franciscan, Arias de Avila, entered Panatahua country, but the In- dians burned their houses and fled. The Sisinpari, Panatahua, and Chupacho also resisted him or fled eastward into the forests. But in 1631, a Franciscan mission was established at Tonua at the mouth of the Chinchao River with 1,000 Panatahua and Chunatahua. The missionaries, though well received by the Panatahua, were, at the instigation of an old female shaman, threatened by a war party of 500 Chunatahua, Tingan, Quidquidcana, and Carapacho. Observing that the Carapacho favored the missionaries, the war party became peaceful. Fray Juan Rondon settled the Cara- pacho, and during the next 12 years, Father Luyando founded 8 new missions in the region of the Panatahua (Skinner, 1805, pp. 444449), all controlled from San Fran- cisco de Chusco. Meanwhile visits to the Quidquidcana and Tepqui accomplished only the baptism of a small number of Indians. The upper Huallaga River missions declined because of heavy mortality caused by epidemics of smallpox, measles, and mumps (papera) in 1662 and again in 1670. In 1691, only 200 Indians remained in 4 small villages in the Panatahua region. In 1700, the Shipibo or Cashibo attacked the Payanso. Soon the Franciscans abandoned the region. In 1704, the Panatahua mission was declining and the Indians returning to the bush. The last Christian In- dians were assembled on the Tulumayo River, but the settlement was attacked by Indians and the survivors moved to Cuchero (Amich, 1854, p. 126). By 1704, disease and the Calliseca had ended missionary work among the Payanso. From 1726 to 1755, the missionaries did little in this region. After 1760, the region was crossed by parties en route to the Ucayali via Huanuco and the Panchitea River, but penetration of the Ucayali River was suspended by revolts of 1767 (Skinner, 1805, pp. 444-449). The Panatahua tribes seem to have become assimilated to Peru- vian national life, while the Tulamayo, Chunatahua, Tepqui, and others have blended with the Cholon and Hibito. ETHNOGRAPHIC SUMMARY Brief notes in Izaguirre (1922-29, 1:99-130, 12 :384-386; Cordova y Salinas, 1651, bk. 1, ch. 25; Pulgar Vidal, 1943) reveal some 17th- century culture. The Panatahua grew maize and sweet manioc, took fish, gathered honey, and drank chicha. Weapons included clubs (macanas) and lances or spears of chonta palm (Panatahua) and bows and arrows (Panatahua). The Tepqui made good pottery and wove cloth. Many of these tribes seem to have gone naked, the Panatahua painting themselves with genipa. The Tepqui wore the hair in bundles down the back. The Panatahua wore shell necklaces and breast bands. The Panatahua passed a bone splinter through the nose and wore a bone labret. The Tepqui and Quidquidcana painted the face with stripes. The Tepqui were described as canoe Indians. The Panatahua built bridges over the rivers. The Tepqui were monogamous. A newly married couple set up an in- dependent household. BIBLIOGRAPHY Amich, 1854; Cordova y Salinas, 1651; Izaguirre, 1922-29; Maurtua, A., 1919; Pulgar Vidal, 1943; Skinner, 1805. 598 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1483 TRIBES OF THE MIDDLE HUALLAGA RIVER TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY South of the Cahuapanan-speaking tribes of the lower Huallaga River lived the Cholon and several tribes, whose aboriginal languages were un- known (map 1, No. 3; map 5). Among these were the Lama, Tabalosa, Payanso, Cascoasoa, Amasifuin, Suchichi, Chedua, Alon, Cholto, Huata- hua, Nindaso, Pandule, Zapazo, Nomona, Cognomona, Mapari, Cumbazd, and Hibito. Many of these names may be synonyms or subtribes of one another or of better-known tribes. By the beginning of the 19th century, only the Cholén, Hibito, and Lama survived. Most of these tribes, especially the Lama or Motilon (Rivet, 1924, p. 669) and their immediate neighbors, spoke Quechua when first discovered. It is possible that they had previously spoken other languages, for Quechua quickly supplanted many native languages of the Montafia in post-Columbian times and this region was entered by the Spaniards by the way of Moyobamba in the 16th century. Linguistic diversity is indi- cated for the Tabalosa, Pandule, and Suchichi by the fact that the mis- sionaries were handicapped by the different languages when an interpreter who spoke Quechua died (Letra anua del Pert de 1635, in Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:cLx111). On the other hand, Quechua may, as Tess- mann (1930) believes, have been introduced to some of these tribes in pre-Columbian times. We are unaware of the evidence to support Beu- chat and Rivet’s (1909, pp. 619-620) claim that the Lama, Lamisto, and Tabalosa spoke Cahuapanan. In 1830, Poppig (1835-36, 2:320) found that all the tribes of the Huallaga Valley between the Huayabamba River and Chasuta, i.e., those listed above, spoke Quechua (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:80). Lama.—The Lama (Lamisto, Lamista, Lamano, Motilon, not to be confused with the “Motilones” of eastern Colombia) occupied the general area of the Moyobamba (San Miguel) River, around Moyobamba Lamas, and Tarapoto, and even extended along the Huallaga River to Chasutino (Poéppig, 1835-36, vol. 2), lat. 6°-7° S., long. 66°-67° W. In 1554, Pedro de Ursua founded a short-lived town in Lama territory. The Lama, Amasifuin, Cascoasoa, Suchichi, and Tabalosa were finally converted by a Jesuit, and in 1654, brought under the government of Lamas centering in the city of Lamas (Santa Cruz de los Motilones y Lamas), which came to consist of Indians and Mestizos from Moyobama and Chachapoyos. Many of them settled in the Mission of San Francisco Regis on the Paranapura River (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :99- 101). In the 18th century, the Indians, all serfs of Lamas, occupied three small pueblos, Cumbaza, Tabalosas, and Pueblo del Rio. In 1735, San Francisco Regis had about 100 people (Figueroa, 1904, p. 295), and in 1737, 60 Lama fugitives occupied the village of Baradero on the Paranapura River (Zarate in Figueroa, 1904, p. 387). In 1767, they passed under Franciscan authority (Amich, 1854, p. 271). At the end of the 18th century, there were only 4 towns in the area: Santa Cruz de Motilones Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 599 y Lamas, Cumbaza, San Miguel, and Tabalosas (Velasco, 1841-44, 3:248; Skinner, 1805, p. 179). In 1829, only the Lama of Chassuta retained their native culture. In 1925, there were 1,000 or more Lama (Lamista) in the mountains southwest of Yurimaguas on the middle Mayo River and on the upper Cainarache and Sisa Rivers, centering at Lamas. They were partly acculturated but retained some native religious beliefs (Tessmann, 1930, pp. 219, 234). Tabalosa.—The Tabalosa (Tavaloso) probably lived on middle Mayo River, a little above Lamas, where the present village of Tabaloso stands, lat. 7° S., long. 67° W. (Beuchat and Rivet, 1909, p. 620).1 Chantre y Herrera (1901, p. 60) locates them in the Huallaga region. In 1630, the Tabalosa, Suchichi, and Pandule numbered 11,000. Suchichi.—The Suchichi (Suchiche, Suriche) were the Indians of Tarapoto. In the 17th century, a Franciscan missionary, Manuel Casiano visited them. Later came the Jesuits. There were 281 Indians at Tara- poto in 1790. (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 7:175, 251, includes Sobreviela’s census. ) Cascoasoa.—The Cascoasoa (Coscanasoa, Chasutino) originally occu- pied the right bank of the Huallaga River between the Chapillisa (Cha- pisa)River—not shown on the recent maps—and Lupuna River at the mouth of the Huayabamba River (lat. 7°30’ S., long. 67° W.). In 1790, there were 262 Cascoasoa at Cumbaza Mission (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 7:175, 241). In 1851, there were 1,000 docile and peaceful Indians, probably Cascoasoa, under a priest at Chasuta. They were good hunters and expert canoeists (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, p. 164). In 1925, several thousand Chasutino (Cascoasoa) lived in several villages along the middle Huallaga, at Charuta, Yarifia, Pucaarca, Chapaja, and lower Sisa River at Boca de Sisa and Buenaparte (Tessmann, 1930). Their dialect is nearly identical with that of the Lama. The people were largely assimilated, but independent and quarrelsome. Amasifuin.—The Amasifuin lived on the left bank of the Huallaga, across the river from the Cascoasoa (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 7:175, 251) between the Cahuapanan and Cholonan stocks (lat. 7°30’ S., long. a7 WW.) Payanso.—In the middle 17th century, the Payanso (Payango) were found along the right side of the Huallaga River from the Huayabamba tc somewhat north of the Chipurana River (lat. 7°-8° S., long. 77° W.). According to Skinner (1805, pp. 444-449), this was an area of 4 by 25 leagues, lying in the Cordillera and extending from the Huanuco River to the Sacramento Plain. Although numbering 20,000 originally, the Payanso have either become extinct or are represented by the modern Quechua-speaking peoples. Their original language is entirely unknown. In 1644, the Payanso were first visited by Father Ignacio de Irarraga. By 1650, Franciscan missions among the Payanso were: La Santisima Trinidad, 3,000 1 According to the Relaciones geogrdficas de Indias (4:cxix111), the Tabalosa, Pandule, and Suchichi lived around the town of San Miguel de Avisama. 600 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 people; La Limpia Concepcion, 800; San Luis, 3,000; San Francisco, 200; another village, 150. The total mission population was 7,150. In 1662, the population had decreased through epidemics and infant mortality, but the region had many large villages with streets and churches, and the Indians, a large number of whom spoke Spanish, were expert tailors, barbers, and blacksmiths. A smallpox epidemic oc- curred in 1670. In 1704, the missions were destroyed by a Shipibo (Calliseca) invasion from the east, and the Franciscans abandoned the region (Izaguirre, 1922- 29, 1:128-139), Later, Skinner (1805, p. 408) listed the Payanso as a tribe near the Setebo. Huatana, Nindaso, Nomona, and Zapaso.—These were tribes living in the middle 17th century in the Huallaga Basin, near the Payanso (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:133), lat. 6°30’ S., long. 77° W. The Zapaso were probably on the Saposoa River, a tributary of the Huallaga at lat. Agito. Chedua, Alon, and Cholto.—In 1685, these tribes lived on the Huambo River (Skinner, 1805), connected with the Mission of Santa Rosa de Huambo, lat 7° S., long. 77° W. (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12 :391). Cumbaza.—The Cumbazd (Cumbasa, Belsano) inhabited Balzapuerto on the Huallaga River (Marcoy, 1875, 2:172) and Tarapoto on the Shil- cayo River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:204). The Mapari in 1850 were a Cumbaza subgroup living between Santa Catalina and Yanayacu, in the mountains between the Huallaga and Ucayali Rivers at the headwaters of the Cuschiabatay River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:204). (See also Ca- huapanan, Yamorai, pp. 606, 607). The Cumbazé had entered Franciscan missions in the 17th century, then, after a dispute with the Chébero in the 18th century, migrated to the Pampa del Sacramento, and, finally, became dispersed in Setebo missions on the Ucayali River (Marcoy, 1875; 2172): Cognomona.—The Cognomona, friends of the Tepqui lived 20 leagues from the Panatahua and near the Payanso (lat. 8° S., long. 76°30’ W.). In 1640, a party of them visited the Franciscan missions (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 1:81-82). Hibito.—The Hibito (Ibito, Jibito, Zibito, Xibita, Chibito) had an isolated language, which was spoken from Monte Sion to Lupuna and Pachiza. It still survived in 1834, although Quechua had supplanted all native languages farther down the Huallaga River. (Lat. 7°30’ S., long. 76°30’ W.) Although visited by Jesuits about 1670, the Hibito were converted in 1676 by Franciscans. The missionary, José Araujo, founded Jesus de Ochanache and wrote an “arte,” vocabulary, and catechism in the Hibito language (Izaguirre, 1922-29, BAS). In -_ the Hibito were collected in two missions and, in 1789, the town of Pachisa was founded with Indians from Pajaten. The wild Indians who roamed between the Huayabama River and the Jelache, may have been Hibito from Pajaten mixed with Conibo. In 1790, there were 205 Hibito at Sidn and 372 at Del Valle Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 601 (Skinner, 1805, pp. 417-418). Hibito was spoken in 1834 from Sidén to the mouth of the Huayabama River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:80). In 1851, there were 500 Hibito at Tocache, Lamasillo, Isonga, and Pisana (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, p. 146). Chol6én.—The Choldén occupied the Huallaga Valley above the Hibito (lat. 8° S., long. 77° W.) and spoke a distinctive language. During the 17th century, Indians east of Cajamarquilla, probably including the Cholon, had often raided the Highlands and even destroyed the villages of Condur- marca and Collay. But in 1670, they peacefully received a shepherd from Cajamar- quilla and later requested a priest. Beginning in 1676, the Franciscans undertook to Christianize the Cholén. The Mission of Buenaventura de Apisonchuc was built by Father Francisco Gutierrez de Porres, who wrote a grammar, a dictionary, and several religious books in the Cholén language (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2:197). Appar- ently some attempt had been made to include the Hibito and Cholén in the same mission, for quarrels required their segregation, and each was placed in 2 missions (Skinner, 1809, pp. 406-408), the 4 having 1,800 persons in 1767 (Amich, 1854, pp. 75-80), though in the same year Izaguirre (1922-29, 2:198) estimated that the Cholon and Hibito together numbered 4,800 persons. In 1790, there were 204 Indians at Playa Grande, 205 at Pampa-hermosa, 325 at Pajaten, and 378 at Buenaventure del Valle. In the missions, the Indians were divided into bands and companies and had regular hours of labor. The Cholén numbered about 900 to 1,000 in 1829 (228 families in 6 missions (Poppig, 1835-36, 2:320-321)). Herndon and Gibbon (1853- 54, p. 134) reported 188 docile Cholén under church influence at Tingo Maria. In 1925, they occupied the area south of Pachisa between the Huallaga River and Rio del Valle (Tessmann, 1930, pp. 546-547). Their language still survives, though many speak Quechua. SOURCES Some historical information is contained in early mission records com- piled by Izaguirre (1922-29), Raimondi (1862), and Maroni (1889-92). Later explorers adding fragments of historical and ethnographic mate- rial are Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54), Skinner (1805), and Péppig (1835-36). Tessmann (1930) arrived in the area after most of the native culture had disappeared. Miscellaneous compilations include Rivet (1924), who, however, has no linguistic material; Brinton (1892) on language; and Father Pedro de la Mata, who published the first part of a Cholén grammar (1923). CULTURE SUBSISTENCE Farming.—The Payanso cultivated maize, peanuts, and sweet manioc, and took game and fish. In the 17th century, the Cholén and Hibito grew bananas, sweet manioc (yuca), peanuts, coca, cotton, and chonta palms. They caught and salted fish, hunted monkeys and peccaries (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:395), and gathered wild fruits. The ground kernels of chapaxa palm fruits were a substitute for yuca. In the late 18th century, farming and fishing were essential sources of food (Amich, 1854, p. 75). 602 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Tessmann (1930) listed as 20th-century Lama crops: bananas, plantains, maize, yams, sweet manioc, peanuts, sweet potatoes, beans, pumpkins, solanum, macabo, and sugarcane. Agricultural ceremonialism is suggested by a Hibito (?) feast which was held when ground was cleared for the priest at Sidn in 1850. People danced, drummed, played fifes, and drank chicha (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, pp. 149-150). Hunting.—The Lama hunted with spears and the blowgun, the darts of which were poisoned with a liana sap (Tessmann, 1930). A century ago the Cholén believed that to kill vultures, hawks, and armadillos would spoil their hunting poison; that to kill snakes would make their blowguns crooked ; and that to kill caimans would ruin their rifles. Poppig (1835- 36, 2:320) said that these Indians gave their dogs a plant juice (Taber- naemontana sananho) to sharpen their scent. Choldn hunters of 1830 wore necklaces of Annonaceae and Achras seeds and carried amulets in their pouches. Fishing.—The Lama fished with harpoons, spears, bows, multiprong arrows, harpoon arrows, dams, drugs made of Tephrosia and Clibadium, and, recently, with nets (Tessmann, 1930). The Choloén used barbasco (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 6:183). Food preparation.—The Lama ground food on a wooden slab or ina stone mortar, cooked in a pot set on three stones, and smoked meat on a babracot (Tessmann, 1930). Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, p. 140) observed Cholén cooking animals in their skins and eating monkey foetuses. Salt came from the hills of Callana Hacu, up the Huallaga River. HOUSES The 20th-century Lama house is gabled, side-walled, and thatched. The Payanso built rectangular palisaded houses in groups of 6 to 10 forming villages. The houses had loop holes for shooting. In 1830, the Cholén slept on mats and in hammocks purchased from the Maina. The 17th-century Payanso and the modern Lama sleep on platform beds. The Lama use no mosquito nets (Tessmann, 1930), though Skinner (1805) described Hibito or Lama mosquito nets that were rigged on canoes. The Lama use footstools. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS In 17th-century missions, the Cholén, Payanso, and Hibito were clad in painted cotton cushmas for everyday purposes, but for dress costume men wore pants and women wore long dresses and shawls, which they procured in trade (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2:199; 12:391-392). The Pay- anso wore belts sewn with snail shells. In 1851, the Hibito painted their faces with red (achote) and blue (huitoc) daubs (Herndon and Gibbon, Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 603 1853-54, p. 146). The men of Balzapuerto (Cumbazd?) suspended colored feathers from their necks (Maw, 1829, p. 125). Modern Lama dress is Spanish in type, but feathers, bracelets, and red (bixa) paint may still be seen (Tessmann, 1930). The 17th-century Payanso suspended a bead, bone, or shell from the nasal septum, perforated the ears for bone sticks, and tattooed the nose. TRANSPORTATION The 17th-century Cholon and Hibito used carrying baskets (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:393), but Maw (1829, p. 125) reported carrying nets in the Balsapuerto region (Cumbazd) and Izaguirre (1922-29, 6:226) men- tions them among the Cholon. Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, p. 158) state that an Indian on the lower Huallaga River could carry 75 pounds. The Cholon used pouches, like the Andean chuspa, for small objects. Tessmann (1930) ascribes to the Lama rafts but no canoes. River craft were probably no better developed upstream. MANUFACTURES Basketry.—Fragmentary information on baskets seems to indicate the usual Tropical Forest types. Mats were woven of two large palm fronds. Weaving.—The Cholén and Hibito probably grew and wove cotton in native times. The 20th-century Lama use a drop spindle and horizontal loom ; the Chasutina had adopted a Spanish type loom. Ceramics.—Modern wares are: (1) incised cooking pots; (2) “pitchers” with the upper part white, the lower part red; and (3) red or black bowls (Tessmann, 1930). Fire making.—In recent times, the Lama made fire with flint and steel and activated it with feather fans. Weapons.—All tribes used blowguns (Figueroa, 1904, p. 95; Maw, 1829, p. 125) and spears. The former were made of two half tubes glued together or of one tube inserted in another. The darts were poisoned with a mixture of a liana sap, cayenne pepper, barbasco, sarnango, and other ingredients (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, pp. 135-136), known as “poison of the Lamistas,” which the Hibito and Cholén bought from the Lama (Raimondi, 1862, pp. 111-112). Izaguirre (1922-29, 7:251), however, reports that the Lama obtained poison from the Ucayali River, near the Manoa River. The Lama, Payanso, and Cholén use clubs, and the Lama is the only tribe in the area to use the sling (Tessmann, 1930). Only to the Cholén have been ascribed the bow and arrow (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 6:215). The Payanso use lances or spears. TRADE In the 17th century, the Cholén and Hibito traded coca for Spanish garments and iron, making 8-day trips to Cajamarquilla for this purpose (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 2:199; 12:391-392). 653333—47—41 604. SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 148 By the end of the 18th century, the Huallaga River region had con- siderable trade. Local products were salt fish, woven pouches, bees’ wax, manioc meal, “vegetable bougies” from a tree, feathered hats, container lids (Skinner, 1805, p. 423), coca, and fish lines. These were sold or traded to the Highland peoples. SOCIAL CULTURE Information on nonmaterial aspects of the culture of these tribes is extremely limited. Social and political patterns and birth, puberty, mar- riage, and death practices have been obscured if not entirely displaced by Christian customs. For the Lama, Tessmann (1930) claims an arrangement unique in the Montana: patrilineal “sibs” (apparently each a separate settlement), which are paired into mutually hostile groups. There is no means of knowing whether the individual family huts of the Chasutina area of 1851 (Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, 1:154) were native. A century ago, a pubescent Cholon boy drank a strong purge and a decoction of certain creepers, which were kept from his view lest they lose their power. He remained for a month fasting in his hammock (Poppig, 1835-36, 2:320-321). ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Games.—Games and toys mentioned are humming tops, maize-leaf balls, and stilts. Musical instruments.—Recent Lama musical instruments include two- headed drums, panpipes, and longitudinal flutes. The Hibito had bone flutes. In the Hibito region, Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, p. 142) saw four trumpets, each made of a section of hollowed wood, joined together with twine wrapping and wax and fitted with a reed mouthpiece. These were blown to announce a friendly visit when approaching a settlement. Beverages.—Chicha made of manioc is an old trait (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 6:185). The Balzapuerto Indians made chicha of manioc, maize, plantains, and chonta fruit. Maize chicha was made of crushed and boiled grains to which a small quantity of chewed cumal (probably kumara, sweet potatoes) was added and the mixture boiled again. It would not keep longer than a week (Maw, 1829, p. 157). Banana chicha was brewed of overripe fruit which was crushed, boiled, and strained through a rush sieve and boiled again. Narcotics.—Tobacco was taken as juice and smoked in cigars and pipes. The latter were formerly of wood with a bone stem and recently of clay. Coca was chewed with lime (Tessmann, 1930). It was cultivated along the Huallaga River from Tingo Maria to Pachiza (Raimondi, 1862, p. 134). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 605 RELIGION AND SHAMANISM Data on native religion are lacking. These tribes were all good Catholics in 1830 (Poppig, 1835-36, 2:321) and probably earlier. Lama shamanism had some peculiar features. The neophyte sorcerer dieted and took tobacco juice, cigars, ayahuasac, and, uniquely, Brunfelsia grandiflora and another liana. He acquired a general power from these plants but no internal “thorns.” To cause illness, he impregnated a splinter with his power and cast it at his victim. To cure it, a shaman sucked out the splinter. Anthropomorphic bush demons might also cause sickness. Cyperus was used only as a curative. The sap of an Apocynaceae and the seeds of Jatropha curcas were used to prepare a powerful purgative. The Cholén were reputed to be powerful doctors in 1830. BIBLIOGRAPHY Amich, 1854; Beuchat and Rivet, 1909; Brinton, 1892 a; Chantre y Herrera, 1901; Figueroa, 1904; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54, vol. 1; Izaguirre, 1922-29; Letra anua del Pert de 1635 (in Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97) ; Marcoy, 1875; Maroni, 1889-92; Mata, 1923; Maw, 1829; Poppig, 1835-36; Raimondi, 1862; Rivet, 1924; Skinner, 1805, 1809; Tessmann, 1930; Velasco, 1841-44. THE CAHUAPANAN TRIBES TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY ? Owing to incomplete and often contradictory statements by the earliest observers, to paucity of linguistic material, and to the change of termi- nology in the course of centuries, the true affiliation of many tribes included in this section can only be guessed. It would only serve to perpetuate possible errors were the doubtful tribes to be pigeon-holed as Cahuapanan with the appearance of certainty. Some tribes, which Rivet and Beuchat appear to class as Cahuapanan on the basis of geographical position, we list as doubtful. There is linguistic material on the Cahua- pana language (Beuchat and Rivet, 1909, pp. 622-634 ; Rivet and Tastevin, 1931), but not for the Cahuapanan affiliation of other tribes, such as the Chébero, Paranapura, Chayawita (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 93; Zarate in Figueroa, 1904, p. 386), and Munichi (Veigl a, 1785, p. 37). Early sources, moreover, are not consistent in classifying these tribes. Cahuapana and Concho (Chonzo).—When first described these tribes lived together in the quebradas of the mountains of Chayavitas toward Moyobamba (lat. 5° S., long. 77° W.) Until 1691, they hid in their mountains, avoiding missionaries and slavers, but obtained iron tools, clothes, and poison from the Indians of Moyobamba and Lamas. 2 See Map 1, No. 3; map 5. 606 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Their first mission, 1691, soon failed, but later, when a secular priest attempted to Sell them into slavery, they migrated across the Chayavita mountains (probably to the south) and settled in a village under missionary care (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 300-301, 312-313). About this time, 200 Concho, the remnant of a much larger tribe which had been destroyed by the people of Moyobamba, were taken to the Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de los Cahuapanas y Conchos. In 1737, 518 Indians re- mained at this mission, and other Concho were still in the forests (Maroni, 1889- 92, 26:215; 28:413). They moved in 1757 to the mouth of the Cayapanas River (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 312-313). In 1767, Spanish raids had reduced the Cahuapana to 600 (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 42). In 1925, some 150 Cahuapana remained in two villages on the Cahuapanas River (Tessman, 1930). Chébero.—The Chébero (Xévero, Xébero Jébero, Shiwila; not to be confused with the Jivaro or Hibito, each a wholly distinct tribe) spoke the same language as the Chayawita, which is Cahuapanan (Beuchat and Rivet, 1909). Two subtribes are the Chébero proper (lat. 5° S., long. 76° W.) and the Paranapura (Chébero-Munichi), the latter an offshoot of the Chébero who settled among the Munichi in 1654. It is likely that both the Cufinana and Tivilo are subtribes of the Aguano (this volume, pp. 557-559) who, having moved into Cahuapanan territory in historical times, were thought to belong with the latter.? The Chébero were originally scattered in the angle between the Marafién and Huallaga Rivers, extending west along the Marafién and to the Sierras of Chayabitas and Cavapanas (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 143; Veigl, 1785, p. 35). When first visited by Father Lucas de la Cueva in 1638, they were 1% days’ travel up the Apeina River (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :393) scattered in small settlements, 2 to 6 leagues apart (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 33-78). The Chébero, terrified by punitive expeditions hunting down rebellious Maina, readily accepted mission protection (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 33 ff.), and Concepcién de Xéveros was founded in 1640 with 2,000 Indians (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 525). In 1643, believing that the baptismal records were a census made to facilitate enslaving them on encomiendas and fearing punish- ment for their part in assaults against the Maina, the Chébero abandoned the mission. They warred against other tribes but soon starvation and threats of being taken as slaves to Borja impelled them to return to the mission (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 33-78). Meanwhile, neighboring tribes were missionized, but, mistrusting one another and attributing deaths to witchcraft, they were placed separately in three annexes to the original Chébero mission: San Pablo de los Pambadeques, 1646, for the Cocamilla; Santo Tomé, 1641, for the Cutinana; and San José, 1648, for the Ataguate (Figue- roa, 1904, p. 72). It was not until about 1690, when suspicions and hostilities were sufficiently allayed, that these tribes agreed to assemble in a single, new mission, Concepcién de Maria, which had 2,500 Cocamilla, Cutinana, Ataguate, Chébero, Aunale, Jivaro, Ticuna, and Mayoruna—the last three from remote regions. Subsequently, the Chébero were very helpful in supplying sweet manioc and bananas to missionary parties in the region (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 116 ff.). In 1737, there were 1,757 people in Concepcién, which included Cutinana and other tribes as well as Chébero (Zarate in Figueroa, 1904, p. 383). In 1769, the Chébero mission included Alabano, Jivaro, Mayoruna, Yameo, and Ataquate. A census in 1840 showed 5,000 Chébero. In 1859, Raimondi (1863, pp. 85-86) estimated that there 8 Beuchat and Rivet also class Velasco’s Ataguate and Velasco’s and Hervas’s Cutinana and Tivilo as Chébero. Figueroa (1904, p. 125), a 17th-century source, classes the Cutinana as Aguano; Veigl (1785, p. 36), as Chébero. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 607 were 3,000 Chébero. They were peons of the inhabitants of Moyobamba, specializing in making blowguns, torches, and wax candles for trade. In 1925, 600 Chébero lived at Concepcion. They retained some of their aboriginal culture, but about 80 per- cent could speak Quechua (Tessmann, 1930, pp. 415-416). The Paranapura (Xévero-Munichi) were Chébero who had fled from Moyobamba slavers to the Paranapura River, where they intermarried with the Munichi and adopted their language. They numbered about 150. Father Raimundo de Ja Cruz assembled them with some Chayawita at the Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto de Paranapura in 1654; only 192 Indians remained in 1692 (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :435 -443). Beuchat and Rivet (1909, p. 619) name the Ataguate as a Chébero subtribe, no doubt because of their proximity to the latter, that is, toward the source of and on the right side of the Aipena River and perhaps at Atagua Lagoon, east of the village of Chébero. The Ataguate were placed in the Mission of San José in 1648 by Fathers de la Cueva and Peréz (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 142). Chayawita.—The Chayawita (Chawi, Tshaahui, Chayhuita, Chayabita, Shayabit) were thought by Tessman to include the Cahuapana, Chawi, and Yamorai as Chayawita subtribes, but previous usage restricted Chaya- wita to what is probably Tessmann’s Chawi (Tshaahui) subdivision (lat. 5° S., long. 77° W.). The Chayawita and Chébero languages were so similar as to be mutually intelligible (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 37). Their original home was in the mountains where the Sillay River has its headwaters. The Chayawita had been greatly reduced in numbers by early 17th-century slavers. In 1654, the Jesuit, Raimundo de la Cruz, visited one village of 100 people, but the bulk of the tribe was scattered in the mountains at the headwaters of the Paranapura River. They were placed in a mission that year with Munichi and Chébero but gradually drifted away after the missionary had departed (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :434- 443). The Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de la Presentacién was later founded and, in 1737, had 442 inhabitants. Veigl (1785 a, p. 37) reports 600 Chayawita in 1767. In 1925, a few hundred Chayawita (Tessmann’s Chawt) remained on the upper Sillay and upper Paranapura Rivers and in Balzapuerto (Tessmann, 1930, pp. 378- 382). They retained some native culture. Yamorai.—Yamorai (Balzapuertino) is a tribal name used only by Tessmann (1930) to designate 500 to 1,000 Indians living in 1925 on the upper Paranapura River and near Santa Rosa on the left side of the Huallaga River, with a few on the middle Paranapura and Shanusi Rivers. As no early sources mention tribes precisely in this territory, it is impossible to identify the Yamorai. Possibly they were related to the Pambadeque to the north (p. 608). Munichi.—The Munichi (Otanave, Otanabe, Munitsche, Munichino), lat. 6° S., long. 76° W., had, according to Beuchat and Rivet (1909), two subtribes: the Churitana, for which Velasco (1841-44) is the authority and which are evidently the Churituna mentioned by Chantre y Herrera (1901, p. 60) in the Huallaga River region; and the Muchimo, for which Hervas (1800-05, vol. 1) is the authority. The Munichi originally had 3 villages on a small tributary of the Huallaga River, 3 days’ journey above the Paranapura River (Maroni, 1889-92, 28:434443). In 608 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 1654, a Jesuit father found only 64 family heads (a total of about 320 persons) in their main village. Chantre y Herrera (1901, p. 60) places them on the Huallaga River. In 1661, the population was 92. The Munichi refused to join the Chayawita and Paranapura in the Mission of Loreto and held out until two missions of their own were founded in 1652 (Escobar y Mendoza, 1769, p. 52). These missions had been opposed by the settlers of Moyo- bamba, who regarded the Munichi as their slaves. By 1737, the missions were com- bined, but the total population was only 151 persons (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :435-443; Zarate in Figueroa, 1904, p. 387). In 1850, there were 150 to 200 Munichi (Rai- mondi, 1863, p. 82). In 1925, about 200 Munichi remained in 25 houses in a village called Muniches, no doubt the early mission site, on the lower Paranapura River. A few, largely assimilated Munichi lived in another village by the same name on the lower Itaya River near Iquitos, where they had moved several decades ago. They retained traces of aboriginal culture (Tessmann, 1930, pp. 303-304, 310). Pambadeque and Cingacuchusca.—The Pambadeque were, accord- ing to Beuchat and Rivet (1909, p. 620), Cahuapanan living between the upper Aipena and Paranapura Rivers, i.e., between the Chayawita, Chébero, and Yamorai. Chantre y Herrera (1901, p. 156) mentions them in connection with the Cingacuchusca of the lower Huallaga River. Mem- bers of both tribes were taken to an annex of the Mission of Concepcion de Maria. There is a possibility that the Pambadeque were Cocama. (See p. 688.) SOURCES Historical material with fragmentary ethnographic information occur in old missionary accounts: Figueroa (1904), Chantre y Herrera (1901), Maroni (1889-92), Izaguirre (1922-29), and Veigl (1785 a). Unless otherwise specified, cultural data which follow come from Tessmann (1930), who found the Cahuapanan tribes so acculturated that many aboriginal customs were mere traditions. Many other customs, though native in character, were probably in large part of recent origin, e.g., clothing, use of tobacco, house types, and many foods. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE Farming.—Aboriginal Cahuapanan staples were sweet manioc, maize, and bananas (Maroni, 1889-92, 28:408). Other early Munichi plants were sugarcane, camarico, and pumpkins (Figueroa, 1904, p. 92). Bitter manioc, though not aboriginal, was introduced to the region at the end of the 18th century to furnish provisions for explorers. Izaguirre (1922- 29, 7:238) mentions its cultivation by the Chébero, who made farinha for sale. Other Cahaupanan plants are listed on page 519. Tessmann considers Chébero land to be very infertile. Figueroa (1904, p. 73) remarked that these Indians cleared new land every 2 years when the soil became exhausted, and Maroni (1889-92, 28:408) observed that fields had to remain fallow for years. The Chébero farmed with a dibble and a spatulate cultivating stick. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 609 Hunting.—Game was too remote from the Chébero village to be im- portant. Formerly, the blowgun was the main weapon (Munichi, Chébero, Chayawita), with spears used for larger game (Yamorai). Only the Chayawita used the bow and arrow (Tessmann, 1930). Today firearms have largely replaced native weapons. Hunting blinds are ascribed to the Chébero and Chayawita. About 1800, a box trap of some kind with a dog lure was used to take jaguars (Skinner, 1805, pp. 421-422). Tessmann reports a similar Chébero and Chayawitta trap for birds and a larger one for tapirs. Fishing.— Drugging fish with Tephrosia and Clibadium was Rete general. The Chébero formerly fished with the bow and arrow, but use them now only as children’s toys. Spears are used by the Municht and Chayawita, harpoons by the Munichi. Aboriginal use of hooks is un- certain; importation of iron hooks has certainly extended their use. The Mumichi and Chayawita used nets, the latter a type that was dragged. To take manatee (Trichechus inunguis) the Chébero stretched a strong net across the opening of a weir. One hunter drove the animal to the opening, where it was caught in the net or speared by a man standing on a platform (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:414). Food preparation.—The Cahuapanan tribes ground food in a wooden trough or bowl (fig. 89) or on a flat wooden slab, and smoked meat on a babracot. Herndon and Gibbon (1853-54, p. 174) described preparation of farinha during the last century by an unidentified tribe in the region. Manioc pulp was put in a sack which was suspended and stretched like the tipiti to squeeze out the poisonous juices; then it was roasted and sold. Salt, obtained nearby from Laguna Pilluana near Chapillisa and Cachi- huafiusca north of Valle Hermoso, was an important trade item on the Huallaga River (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 7 :250). HOUSES AND VILLAGES The aboriginal house type may have been the gabled, side-walled struc- ture (Tessmann, 1930). The platform bed was used by the Chébero (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:395), Munichi (fig. 88), and Chayawita (Tess- mann, 1930). Hammocks served the Chayawita and Chébero only for resting and were used among the Munichi by children. Unelaborated footstools were common. Ficure 88.—Cahuapanan (Munichi) low platform bed. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930.) 610 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.B. Bull. 148 DRESS AND ORNAMENTS The Cahuapanan formerly went nude much of the time, though Chébero women sometimes wore a skirt and men a sacklike shirt which was open at both ends and extended only to the waist. Whether naked or not, men held the penis up under a string passed around the waist (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 32, 68; Maroni, 1889-92, 28:405). Similar garments may have been used by the Chayawita. Spanish clothing had been adopted by the 18th century, but on festive occasions Chébero women wrapped themselves in a large, fringed cloth fastened with a silver pin over the shoulders and tied around the waist ; it was dyed blue for married women, and red, blue, and brown for spinsters (Veigl, 1785, p. 40). This costume suggests the Jivaro woman’s garment. Men wore their hair to the shoulders ; women, as long as it would grow. Strings of fragrant seeds and colored tubes, animal-tooth necklaces and perfumed grasses and feathers in the hair band were also worn (Veigl, 1785 a, pp. 32-33). Twentieth century survivals of native costume and ornaments (Tessmann, 1930) include arm and leg bands (Chayawita), blackened teeth (Chayawita), ornaments in ear per- forations (Chébero, Chayawita), paint (Chayawita), tattooing (Yamorat and Chayawita, done with a palm needle and rubber soot), and feather headgear (Chébero, Chayawita). TRANSPORTATION The Chébero carried goods both in baskets and knitted bags. Canoes were probably made by all tribes, but those of the Chébero were said to be inferior. Figure 89 shows two paddle forms. MANUFACTURES Weaving.—Hammocks and bags of Astrocaryum fiber were made by the Munichi, Chébero, and Chayavwita, the first also making fish nets of this fiber. Considerable cotton was grown and woven, and the Chébero were famous in Colonial times for the blankets and featherwork which they made for the Whites (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 7:232). Cotton was spun on a spindle suspended in the air (Munichi) or twirled on the ground (Ché- bero, Chayawita). The whorl was usually of ornamented tortoise shell. The loom was, according to Tessmann (1930), horizontal like that of the Chama. Basketry.—At least three basket forms are known among the Munichi, Chébero, and Chayawita: containers, sieves, and carrying baskets, the last having a hexagonal weave (Tessmann, 1930). The Chébero also made waterproof containers by weaving a double-wall basket of split creeper strands and stuffing leaves in between (Veigl, 1785, p. 41). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 611 Ficure 89.—Chébero and Aguano utensils. a, b, Chébero canoe paddles; c, Chébero wooden bowl and pounder. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, pl. 76.) Pottery.—The Munichi make pottery bowls (pl. 52, c), the upper halves of which are white, the lower red. They also make Spanish-type vessels. The Chayawita and Chébero make fingernail-decorated and in- cised cooking vessels (fig. 90), jugs with the upper portion white, the lower red (Tessmann, 1930, table 80, figs. 1, la, 7), and ornamented drinking bowls (pl. 52, d, f). Ficure 90.—Chébero pottery. (kedrawn from Tessmann, 1930, color pl. 10 and pl. 80.2 612 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Weapons.—Chébero blowguns were made of two half-tubes and were 10 spans long (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 33). These were sold to other tribes (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12:355). Some of the Cahuapanan purchased their poison from the Lama. Both thrusting spears and javelins were used, Chébero spears being of chonta wood, 9 spans long (Veigl, 1785 a, p. 33). During warfare of 1661, a tribe of this region, perhaps the Chébero, used spear throwers and shields (Figueroa, 1904, p. 265). Clubs were also used, but bows have not been reported, possibly having been replaced by the blowgun at an early date. Miscellaneous tools.—Veigl (1785 a, pp. 33-34) mentions other Chébero implements: a wood-carving tool made of the tooth of a fish, pig, or monkey; a plane or smoother made of the rough bone under the tongue of a large fish called paice; axes with polished stone heads fitted into a socket at the end of a stick. Fire making.—Fire was made with the drill by the Chébero and Chayawita. Cotton served as tinder. The Chébero fire fan was braided. The Chébero use a copal torch. They set their pots on three clay supports, but the Munichi use three stones. SOCIOPOLITICAL GROUPS Virtually no information on aboriginal social structure, social behavior, or crisis rites is available, as these tribes became almost completely accul- turated to Spanish customs at an early date. Tessmann (1930) believes that the Chébero always had a single large village instead of the small “kin” groups found elsewhere in the Mon- tafia, but Izaguirre (1922-29, 12:396) states they formerly were scat- tered in small groups along the southern bank of the Marafion and were later gathered into their large village. This village, laid out on the Spanish plan with a central plaza and church, is one of the few instances in which Montafia Indians remained in a mission center, whether missionaries were present or not, and did not revert to their aboriginal separatism. Chayawita villages consisted of one to several houses. Recorded chieftainship is probably the result of Spanish influence: the Chébero village chief with 10 assistants; the Chayawita chief with 4 or 5 assistants. But a reference in 1661 (Figueroa, 1904, p. 265) mentions a war dance, during which high chiefs sat in hammocks and lesser chiefs on stools, while warriors danced. LIFE CYCLE The Chayawita still confine parents for a few days after a birth. At puberty, the Chayawita seclude the girl for 8 days. Maroni states (1889-92, 29:239) that the Chébero, like the Awishira, used to flog girls and put red pepper in their eyes to give them strength. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 613 Some survival of the native marriage pattern is recognizable in the Chébero requirement that the bridegroom help his father-in-law and in Chayawita matrilocal residence which precedes permanent patrilocal resi- dence. The penis bone of the coati is regarded as an aphrodisiac. The Chébero formerly flexed a corpse, put it in an urn, and covered it with another urn (Jiménez de la Espada, 1889-92, 27:85). Christian burial is now general, but the Chayawita place the corpse in a hollowed tree trunk and leave it in the bush. WARFARE These tribes were remarkably peaceful in late historic times; they had only brawls among themselves, fought with clubs. But warfare must once have been of some importance, for the Munichi formerly protected their villages with trenches filled with sharp stakes and the Chébero practiced cannibalism. Figueroa (1904, p. 265) recorded a war dance: painted male dancers wearing animal skins on their heads and carrying spear throwers, ceremonial spears, shields, and straw figures pretended tc: assault a house while chiefs drank chicha. Singing and drinking went on for days. Chantre y Herrera (1901, p. 90) implies that the Chébero were unjustly accused of cannibalism because they kept trophy heads, but Father Lucas de la Cueva, their first missionary, states that they ate their victims’ livers, entrails, and hearts seasoned with pepper (Maroni, 1889- 92, 28 :389 ; Figueroa, 1904, p. 41). Maroni (1889-92, 28:406) recounts that after a war party, the Chébero brought back heads, drank chicha, and feasted on the enemy’s liver. They evidently made shrunken heads (tsantsas), for Figueroa (1904, p. 263) states that women carried “re- duced heads,” singing victory songs and praising the excellence of their warrior husbands. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments include two-headed skin drums, leg rattles, longi- tudinal and transverse flutes, musical bows, and large and small panpipes. Figueroa (1904, p. 264), describing a Chébero dance of 1661, states that men, women, and children moved in a circle, while the leader in the center, adorned with nose ornaments, uruct, and feathers, lead the sing- ing. The dance often ended in rough play. They also danced in palm-leaf headdresses accompanied by flutes and panpipes (Figueroa, 1904, p. 94). The Chayawrita now use masks of Spanish origin at their festivals. The principal toys were humming tops, stilts, maize-leaf balls, and slings. Tobacco may once have been used only by shamans, who chewed it, but pipe smoking is now general among the Chébero and Chayawita. The only other narcotic reported is cayapi, also used by shamans. 614 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 RELIGION AND SHAMANISM Native religious concepts are unknown except for a Chayawita belief in a mountain demon and an idea that souls of the dead went into the bush and were harmless. A suggestion of the early reaction to Christianity is contained in a Chébero tale. To escape the “evangelic rule,” it is said, the Chébero took a grass called campana supaya (Datura) and went below the water, where they had a good time with their deceased relatives. Taking datura caused one village to change into a lagoon (Maroni, 1889-92, 28:402). On one occasion, the devil kidnapped a Chébero. The Indians followed its tracks, which were first those of a man, then of a child, and finally of a jaguar (Maroni, 1889-92, 28:402). Some Indians responded to mis- sionaries so literally that they imitated each gesture, crossing themselves, spreading their arms, yawning, striking themselves, and even opening their mouths each time the missionary did so (Figueroa, 1904, p. 274). Fragments of the shamanistic pattern recorded by Tessmann (1930) indicate belief in “thorns” and perhaps birds as the source of power. Chébero and Chayawita shamans received a magic mass with “thorns,” which, according to the Chébero, was brought by an owl which taught the shaman songs. The shaman took cayapi and chewed tobacco. Dis- ease was caused by injections of these “thorns” into the victim and cured by sucking them out. The Chébero attributed magical virtues to cyperus and used it to prevent snake bites and jaguar attacks, to bring fishing and hunting suc- cess, and to increase the fertility of women and of manioc. The Chaya- wita used it only against snake bites. The Chébero took Datura to make themselves invisible in addition to the purposes already mentioned. The Chébero believed that earthquakes occurred when God arose in the place where sky and earth meet. BIBLIOGRAPHY Beuchat and Rivet, 1909; Chantre y Herrera, 1901; Escobar y Mendoza, 1769; Figueroa, 1904; Herndon and Gibbon, 1853-54; Hervas, 1800-05, vol. 1, Jiménez de la Espada (Noticias auténticas . . . 1889-92); Maroni, 1889-92; Raimondi, 1863; Rivet and Tastevin, 1931; Skinner, 1805; Tessmann, 1930; Veigl, 1785 a; Velasco, 1841-44. TRIBES OF THE UPPER MARANON RIVER TRIBAL DIVISIONS Deep in the Andean valleys of the upper Marafion River in North Central Perti were several tribes which, in contrast to the Quechuan peo- ples, who occupied the higher mountain masses that nearly surrounded them, apparently had diverse languages and Tropical Forest cultures. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 615 They are known only from a sketchy report by Diego Palomino (Relaci- ones geograficas de Indias, 1881-97, 4:28-33). These tribes were the Patagon, Chinchipe, and Bagua, who were possibly related to one another, and the seemingly distinct Chirino, Tabancal, Sacata, Copallin, and Cha- chapoya (map 1, No. 3; map 5). Linguistic data from these tribes consist of four words each from the Chirino, Patagoén, and Copallin, three from the Bagua and Sacata, and five from the Tabancal, not all of them comparable. On the basis of these, Rivet (1924, p. 664) classifies the Patagén as Cariban. Disre- garding broader affiliations, which seem too tenuous to postulate, Patagdon and Bagua have in common one or two similar words. It was said that the Indians of Perico (probably Chinchipe) and of Jaén (probably Pata- gon) spoke the same language, and that the Chinchipe and Bagua were related. Thus, these three adjoining tribes may have belonged to a single linguistic group. The other brief word lists have nothing in common. Moreover, both the Tabancal and Sacata were said to be linguistically different. The language of the Indians of Copallin, Llanque, and Lomas de Viento was also said to differ from that of their neighbors. They may have spoken Quechua, but as Quechua is also mentioned as a dis- tinctive language, this seems unlikely. Patagon.—The Patagén lived somewhat inland from the left side of the Chinchipe River, occupying the territory from Perico or from the con- fluence of the Chinchipe and Chirinos Rivers down to the Maranon River and a short distance up the Utcubamba River (lat. 5°30’ S., long. 78°30’ W.). According to 16th-century encomienda lists, the Indians of Jaén and of Paco, Chacainga, Olipanche, and Pueblo de la Sal, all villages north of Jaén (Jaén was originally at the mouth of the Chinchipe River) were Patagén. (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4 :28-29.) Chinchipe.—The Chinchipe (Chenchipe) occupied both sides of the lower Chinchipe River from the mouth of the Chirinos River to the Marafion River and lived along the Marafion River to the mouth of the Chamaya River (lat. 5°-6° S., long. 79° W.). Bagua.—The Bagua had a few settlements up the Utcubamba River, just beyond the Patagon (lat. 6° S., long. 78°30’ W.). Chirino.—The Chirino lived along the Chirino River and seem to have extended across the mountains north of the Patagén down to the Marafion River (lat. 5° S., long. 78°30’ W.) (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4 :28-33). Copallin.—Indians whom we call Copallin were those of Llanque, Copallin, and Lomas de Viento, east of the Marafion River and north of the Utcubamba River (lat. 6° S., 68° W.). They differed linguistically from their neighbors. Sacata.—The Sacata were an isolated linguistic group living between the Chamaya and Sacata River, on the Paramos de Sallique and on the Tabaconas River (lat. 6°30’ S., long. 78°30’ W.). 616 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1438 Tabancal.—The Tabancal were said to be an independent group be- tween the Chirinos and Aconipa Rivers, tributaries of the upper Chin- chipe River. HISTORY Juan Porcel, having been granted the privilege of conquering the Indians of the region of Jaén and the Chinchipe Basin, entered the country in 1542. After a brief and abortive attempt at colonization, he left and was succeeded in 1549 by Diego Palomino, who founded the city of Jaén de los Bracamoros* near the junction of the Chinchipe and Marafidn Rivers. As the subsequent history of these Indians is not known, it is presumed that they became encomienda laborers and soon merged with the rural, Quechua-speaking population. ETHNOGRAPHIC SUMMARY These people seem to have had simple culture, basically like that of the Tropical Forests but with a few Highland features. Living in deep valleys, rarely above 3,000 or 4,000 feet (1,000 to 1,300 m.) and usually under 1,000 feet (300 m.), they grew maize (the Chinchipe had a crop every 4 months), sweet potatoes, sweet manioc (Chirino), peanuts (Chirino and Copallin), many fruits, such as guava, guayaba (guaya- voa?), pears (?), caimito, lucuma, barbarry figs, zapote, and genipa, and such tubers as schiras and aracachas. The Patagén and perhaps others even grew potatoes. Llamas, typical of the Highlands, were kept by the Chirino, and alpaca by the Copallin, who consequently had wool for garments. Several other tribes used woolen garments, and may have reared these animals, though cotton was more common. Hunting and fishing devices are mentioned only in the case of the Chinchipe, who used fish nets, hunting nets, and hunting snares. Wild honey was gathered. The Patagén ground food with stone grinders (batanes) or wooden troughs (a manera de camellon). The Chinchipe lived in open sheds ; the Copallin and Patagon, in round houses, those of the latter thatched to the ground. Chirino and Patagon houses held single families. The platform bed was used by the Patagén and Chirino. Chinchipe men ordinarily went naked with the penis tied up with a . string, whereas Utcubamba River Copallin men wore a breachclout (bra- quero). Probably men of all these tribes wore a shirt, that of the Chin- chipe, Utcubamba River, Tomependa, and Chirino being of cotton, that of the Patagén and Lomas Indians of wool or cotton, and that of the Chirino and Copallin more often of wool. Shirt lengths varied, extending to the navel among the Patagén of Perico and to the knees at Jaén. On festive occasions, Patagén men wore several shirts, each with tassels. éThe Bracamoro Indians are the Jévaro of the Zamaro Valley. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 617 Chinchipe women wore a skirt extending to the calf, and a cotton band around the chest. The more typical woman’s garment was a blanket (manta) wrapped around the body, with one arm exposed. Copallin men shaved their heads, while women wore their hair long. On the Utcubamba River, the hair was worn in one large braid behind, two small ones on each side. Ornaments consisted of feathers, a reed through the earlobe, a splinter through the lower lip, a shell or silver plate suspended from the nose, and string of beads around the arms and legs. A Patagon chief's ornament was a chest plate of white shells pieced together like armor and a large shell pendant. All these tribes probably used the lance and spear thrower and perhaps the spear. The Chirino lance was of chonta palm, 30 palms long. Clubs and bone daggers were also reported. The Chirino shield was of wood, that of the peoples of Lomas de Viento of wood or tapir hide. These Indians were good swimmers and used rafts. The only suggestion of social life is that Patagén villages were close together and each consisted of 5 to 10 houses with 3 or 4 inhabitants each, so that a chief might rule as many as 10 houses, or 30 to 100 people. THE JIVARO INTRODUCTION The Jivaro, (Chiwaro, Siwaro, Jibaro, Givari, Xivari, Chivari, Givaro, Zibaro, Jivara, Hibaro, Jivira etc.)—not to be confused with the Cahua- panan-speaking Chébero of the lower Huallaga River or the Hibitoan- speaking Hibito—comprise a linguistically isolated group in the Montafia of Ecuador north of the Marafién River (map 1, No. 3; map 5). There were formerly three, possibly four, main divisions: the Jivaro proper, the Malacata, the Palta and perhaps the now extinct Bracamoro. The Palta, aboriginally a Highland type tribe, has been assimilated into the Quechua-speaking population of Highland Ecuador, and is described by Murra in the Handbook, Volume 2, page 801. The Jivaro proper are typical of the Montafia except in emphasis. They have little that is directly traceable to the Highland. They practice the rain forest type of farming, hunting, and fishing, but once kept a few llamas and guinea pigs. The principal weapons were formerly the bow and arrow, which were later superceded by the blowgun, spear, and atlatl. Men’s dress is typical of the Montafia; women’s robes pinned over the shoulder may be of Andean origin. Canoes, baskets, and ceramics are of Tropical Forest types, but men’s weaving on a vertical loom is unique in the region. The extended, patrilineal family occupying a single large house is a Montafia feature, especially of the late post-Contact period. 618 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 But Jivaro preoccupation with warfare is an extreme development of a pattern common to neighboring tribes, and the shrunken head complex, though not unique, is outstanding in its importance and persistence. Crisis rites are distinctive only in the boys’ and girls’ feast or tobacco ceremony, and in disposal of the dead in hollow logs placed inside houses. The shamanistic complex includes the concept of spirit helpers and magic “darts” as the cause of disease. TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY The Jivaro proper probably now occupy the same territory that they held in aboriginal times (lat. 2°-5° S., long. 77°-79° W., map 5). There are four principal divisions, each split into innumerable communities or jivarias, named after rivers: (1) The Antipa, on the right bank of the Santiago River from the Zamora to the Alto Marafion River; (2) the Aguaruna, on the right bank of the Marafién between the Nieve and Apaga Rivers (lat. 5° S., long. 78° W.) ; (3) Huambiza, on the right bank of the Morona and Mangosia Rivers and the left bank of the Santiago River from the Cordillera of Cuticu to the Marafion; and (4) the Achuale (Achuare), between the Pastaza and Morona Rivers, from Lake Puralina to Andoas (Stirling, 1938; pp. 24). The Palta and Malacata were probably Jivaro living in the Highland near Loja (lat. 4° S., long. 79° W.) and speaking closely related languages (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 3:213). For their Jivaro affiliations, Verneau and Rivet (1912-22, p. 37) cite Benavente’s expedition (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:30). Benavente crossed the Paute and Minas de Santa Barbola Rivers, the latter probably a tributary of the former, and entered what was presumed to be Jivaro territory, where the Indians spoke the same language as the Malacata. The Bracamoro (Pacamuru, “tailed Indians”) were the Jivaro of the Zamoro River, but the name was also applied to Indians of unknown speech in the region of Jaén de los Bracamoros. Many attempts have been made to conquer the Jivaro because of the placer gold in their territory but none succeeded. Two Jnca Emperors, Topa Inca and his son, Huayna Capac, both failed to subdue either the Jivaro or the Bracamoro. The latter, who were nearest Spanish posts in the Highland were, however, conquered in 1542 and the city of Jaén founded in 1549. The same year, the Benavente expedi- tion visited the Jivaro proper. Trips by Juan de Salinas, beginning in 1557, led to the founding of several colonies, but the Jivaro destroyed them in 1599. The Bracamoro subsequently disappeared from the literature, probably having been as- similated, but the Jivaro proper retained their independence. During the next cen- tury, military and missionary conquests failed. It was not until 1767 that the Jesuits gained a foothold among the Jivaro, but they were expelled the same year, and the Franciscans carried on the work from 1790 to 1803. Missionizing subsequently be- came mainly a subterfuge for treasure seeking until 1850, when it was resumed with greater sincerity. The Jesuits returned in 1869 but there was an uprising in 1873 and the Jesuits were again expelled in 1886. The remainder of the century brought Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 619 more travelers, missionaries, and military expeditions, but none had a lasting influ- ence. During the present century, Protestant missionaries have entered the field. But the Jivaro remain unsubdued and only partially acculturated, though many speak Quechua, They showed aggression against the Whites as late as 1915, 1925, and 1928 (Stirling, 1938, pp. 3-28). POPULATION On the basis of a partial census of 1580, Stirling (1938; pp. 36-37) placed the aboriginal population at about 30,000. Modern estimates range from Rivet’s 20,000 and Karsten’s 15,000 to 20,000 to Tessmann’s 10,000 to 12,000. SOURCES The Jivaro have probably received more attention than any other South American tribe; the scientific literature on them is enormous. Never- theless, many aspects of Jivaro culture are imperfectly known. Old missionary and explorers’ accounts contain only fragments of in- formation. (See p. 511 and Stirling, 1938, for a bibliography of these.) Ethnological studies tend to treat only limited aspects of the culture or to reflect strong theoretical views of the authors. Karsten’s many publica- tions, which are summarized in his comprehensive work (1935), were based on 3 years of field work, though he only twice spent more than 8 days in a single village. His theoretical interest in religion is very manifest, and it is frequently impossible to distinguish his own or his informant’s views from his first-hand observations. Nonetheless, it is the main source on social and religious culture. Rivet’s studies are com- pilations of older sources; he never visited the Jivaro. Up de Graf’s (1923) work is designed for popular appeal. Tessmann (1930) adds only a few fragments of information from an Aguaruna informant. Stirl- ing (1938) is the first to recognize the importance of change in the historic period; he also adds new detailed data on blowguns, preparation of shrunken heads, shamanism, weaving, and warfare. Present needs include adequate studies of technology (which are now only partially available), clarification of social structure and function and of marriage practice through a genealogical approach, verification of the patterns of religion and shamanism, analysis of property rights, and study of agricultural methods. There is also abundant opportunity for investi- gation of local variations in this large and widely distributed tribe. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE Jivaro crops of the 16th century were “seeds,” maize, and a root, doubtless manioc. Fish, deer, tapir, wild fruits, cacao, nuts, and curassow supplemented the diet. Recently, however, the Jivaro have eaten neither deer nor tapir, fearing the spirits in them. 653333—47—42 620 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 Farming.—Present-century crops appear in table 1 (p. 516). They are cultivated with much ritual (Karsten, 1935) in fields located around the communities. Nonfood crops include cotton, tobacco, mycot, natima, bixa, and barbasco (Stirling, 1938). Agricultural rites.—Karsten (1920 a, 1935) reports certain agricul- tural rites of the Jivaro. When planting manioc to be consumed during a tobacco feast in her honor, a woman and her companions squat near the cuttings and chant an incantation. Then they address Nungui, the Earth Goddess, who is symbolized by a stone of curious shape. The first manioc cutting is painted red, and the woman to be honored places it against her groin. Each woman who plants the cuttings sits on a manioc tuber. After the field has been planted, a ceremonial digging stick is stuck into the ground and the people pray to Nungui. The female owner of a field may not paint herself with genipa, or wear a bracelet around the forearm. When planting banana trees, men observe various tabooes and pray to Shakaema, the husband of the Earth Goddess. For 5 successive nights after planting their fields, Jivaro women dance and chant, asking the Earth Goddess to make their manioc grow. They also practice a magic ceremony to expel rodents which attack the crops. Tubers gnawed by these rodents are covered with ashes and thrown into the forest. The people chant an incantation, requesting the rats not to harm the young plants. Hunting and fishing.—Aboriginal hunting weapons were the bow and arrow, the spear, and the atlatl. The blowgun has replaced the bow for hunting small game; and spears, thrown without the aid of the atlatl, are used for large game. Firearms are becoming more general (Stirling, 1938). Other devices include deadfalls, spring noose traps, and pitfalls with stakes in their bottoms (Tessmann, 1930). Stirling describes a communal peccary hunt carried on with the aid of dogs; the game is speared from trees or is driven into the water and pursued in canoes. Karsten (1935) gives no data on hunting methods but describes magic: Pepper is put in the eyes of hunters and their dogs to improve their vision; men take tobacco and paint their bodies red for strength; they do the same to their dogs; they keep animal trophies to insure future success ; dogs are prevented from eating the bones of game; many charms are used ; and hunting dogs are subjected to an elaborate ceremony involv- ing manioc planting, fasting, drinking guayusa, and feasting. Fish are caught by hand, drugged with barbasco and Clibadium, speared, harpooned, and taken with hooks, with traps placed under rapids, and with both hand nets and large casting nets. The antiquity of the hook is uncertain; bone hooks preceded iron. The Aguaruna catch fish ascending creeks in weirs (Villanueva, 1902-03, 13:79). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 621 Domesticated animals.—The aboriginal Jivaro were unusual among Montafia tribes in keeping a few llama and guinea pigs. It is doubtful whether the dog was native. Chickens and pigs were introduced by the Spaniards and, according to Karsten, were sacrificed in many ceremonies. Food preparation.—Food is ground on a flat wooden slab and in a mortar. It is seasoned with capsicum pepper and with both a natural and a prepared salt. HOUSES AND COMMUNITIES The Jivaro community is and always has consisted of a single large house (jivaria), usually located for defense on a steep hill at the head of some stream. It is moved at least every 6 years as new farm land is needed. The house is elliptical, about 40 feet (13 m.) by 80 feet (26 m.), and has a thatched, gabled roof supported by interior posts and a side wall 8 to 10 feet (2.4 to 3 m.) high, made of strong, closely-spaced staves so as to be impervious to attack (pl. 60, bottom). One end of the house is occupied by men, the other by women. Furniture comprises sleeping platforms (fig. 91), storage platforms, hooks, and footstools. The Agua- runa were ascribed palm-fiber hammocks (Villanueva, 1902-03, 13:81). Ficure 91.—Jivaro platform bed. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930.) DRESS AND ADORNMENT Prior to missionary influence, nakedness was common although two garments seem to have been native: a wrap-around skirt for men (pl. 62, top, right) and a full-length robe for women. The latter is pinned over the right shoulder, the left shoulder remaining bare (pl. 62, bottom, right). These clothes are generally of brown cotton, but poor people may dress in bark cloth (Stirling, 1938). Some individuals also use ponchos (Tessmann, 1930). 622 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 A variety of fashions of coiffure are shown by Stirling (1938, pls. 3-10). Ornaments include fur and feather headdresses, ear pins, women’s lower lip labrets, tattoo, red bixa and black (genipa) paint applied with a roller stamp, blackened teeth, wrist and leg bands, and elaborate bead collars and chest bands. Status and other special badges include hunters’ ornaments made of tayo bird femora, warriors’ girdles with human hair attached, face paint, head rings, and women’s upper arm bands. TRANSPORTATION Goods are transported in hexagonally-woven baskets held by tumplines. Babies are carried in bands (pl. 60, top, left). Dugout canoes of some size and excellence seem to be aboriginal, but they have never been adequately described. MANUFACTURES Basketry.—Hexagonally-woven carrying baskets and mats are men- tioned, but basketry techniques have not been analyzed. Spinning and weaving.—Men do all spinning, weaving, and knitting. Astrocaryum fibers are used to knit bags with an eyed needle and to make fish nets. Cultivated cotton is spun with a kind of drop spindle, the cotton being fed from an elevated container. Belts and clothing are woven on a nearly vertical loom set in a frame. The warp is wrapped continuously around the upper and lower bars, producing a cylindrical piece of cloth. Women color textiles with brown vegetable dyes (Stirling, 1938). Pottery.—Women are potters. They use a coil technique (pl. 62) and make cooking vessels, bowls, and large chicha jars. Some vessels have incised zigzag decorations. Others are fired, then colored red with copal (Stirling, 1938) or uruci (Tessmann, 1930; Karsten, 1935) (pl. 52, h). Some bowl interiors are decorated with white geometric designs represent- ing mythical figures. Aguaruna bowl interiors are painted red-and-black- on-white and are varnished with carafia. Some bowls have rattling pebbles inside a double bottom. Skin work.—Several fur products are made, including head bands and bags. Preparation of shrunken heads (p. 625) also involves techniques of skin and hair preservation. Metallurgy.—The Jivaro have remained very indifferent to the con- siderable placer gold in their territory. Of Highland metal objects, they acquired only a few copper axes. Fire making.—Fire is made with the drill and activated with a feather fan. Weapons.—Weapons of warfare reported in 1540 were lances and round shields; in 1571, spears, spear throwers, round shields of tapir hide and wood, and copper axes; and, in 1582, throwing spears, thrusting Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 623 lances, and stones (for slings?). The bow and arrow and spear were used in 1582 for hunting. During the late 17th century, the bow and spear thrower were aban- doned, and the blowgun and hand-thrown spear became the principal hunting weapons. In the present century, blowguns, spears (pl. 62), and firearms are used for hunting. Spears are often tipped with iron, but heads of human bone or chonta palm wood are preferred, the latter for their magical potency. The shield is now made of hide or of a single piece of wood to resemble three concentric, superimposed circular slabs. SOCIOPOLITICAL GROUPS The sociopolitical unit from pre-Columbian times to the present day has been the household, which formerly consisted of 80 to 300 persons and occupied a single dwelling (jivaria), but today has only 30 to 40 persons. Each house stands in a more or less isolated, defendable site, one-half to several leagues from its neighbor. The group occupying the jivaria is described as patrilineal, but no analysis of its composition or structure is available. Karsten’s assertion (1935) that, after a period of matrilocal residence, a newly married couple established its own house scarcely fits the picture of a patrilineal household which would require ultimate residence in the groom’s father’s house. Each community is independent, having its own headman, but half a dozen friendly jivarias may unite temporarily for warfare. After the 16th-century rebellions against the encomenderos, large numbers of jivarias formed alliances against the Spaniards. LIFE CYCLE Childbirth.—Jivaro women know vegetable abortives. During child birth, a mother is isolated lest she contaminate other people. Afterward, both parents are subjected to food taboos and to various restrictions on their activities in order to protect the infant, but the father does not remain in bed. Unlike many neighboring tribes, the Jivaro do not kill one of twins. They practice infanticide only on deformed babies (Karsten, 1920 a). Puberty.—Tessmann (1930) denies that the Jivaro have menstrual observances, but Karsten (1920 a, pp. 13-28) describes measures to protect menstruating women from spirits which seek to make her preg- nant and a tobacco ceremony designed to give a girl strength after her first menses and to reinvigorate an older woman. The ceremony begins with a crop fertility ceremony and the slaughter of specially raised pigs and chickens, after which the girl takes tobacco juice to cause vomiting and to produce visions. He also describes a feast to initiate boys into manhood (Karsten, 1935, pp. 237-242), but there appears to be no secret cult. 624 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 Marriage.—A man may marry his cross-cousin and his sister’s daugh- ter (Karsten, 1935, p. 186). Polygyny is common, especially because of high male mortality in warfare. Stirling describes marriage by purchase, often of pre-pubescent girls (1938), but Karsten states that bride service to the girl’s father is given during several years of matrilocal residence in lieu of a price. The levirate is required. Death.—Archeology indicates some former urn burial in Jivaro terri- tory (Stirling, 1938), though recently only the Aguaruna have practiced this method (Tessmann, 1930). In the historic period, an ordinary person was placed in a hollow-log coffin in a special hut; a chief’s coffin was left in his dwelling, which was abandoned. The deceased was sup- plied with food and drink for 2 years, at the end of which he was supposed to become an animal or bird (Stirling, 1938). Some children, however, were buried in urns, and occasionally adults were given earth burial (Karsten, 1935, p. 460). Among all Jivaro, missionary influence has made earth burial more frequent. WARFARE The Jivaro differ from other Montafia tribes neither in the causes, methods, nor weapons of warfare but in their extreme zeal for war. Excited to rebellion during their 16th-century reduction on Spanish encomiendas, the Jivaro became formidable foes who have never been truly conquered to the present day. But their more absorbing military efforts have always been directed toward other Jivaro communities. The desire to avenge the death of members of their own household or to re- taliate against imagined sorcery, together with social prestige attached to military success, has, despite intervillage kinship bonds, pitted com- munities against one another in unending reprisals. Peace, concluded through the ceremony of burying the lance, may readily be broken by serving formal notice on the foe. The chronic danger of attack accounts for the elaborate rites by which peaceful visitors must approach and be received into a village. Warfare is directed by a special chief of considerable though temporary authority. It begins with a dance of excitation while a shaman drinking cayapi invokes supernatural assistance. The aggressors attempt a surprise attack, using spears but never blowguns. Around their village the de- fenders have placed lances and firearms, both automatically released by bent poles, and barricades, pitfalls, and trenches filled with sharp stakes. If worsted, the villagers call for help with their signal drums and barri- cade themselves in their houses, shooting through loop holes. The victors shrink the heads taken from their foe and go home to celebrate a victory dance. The shrunken heads are proof that the ancestors have been avenged. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 625 Shrunken heads.—Shrunken heads (tsantsas) are now most typical of but not peculiar to the Jivaro (pl. 63). The skin is cut and removed from the skull, the lips are everted and pinned or sewed together, and the whole head skin is boiled with a plant which somewhat shrinks it and fixes the hair. It is further reduced by placing hot stones and sand inside it; then it is smoked, polished, and kept in a jar. When victim’s heads cannot be taken, sloth or other animal tsantsas may be substituted. Many fraudulent shrunken heads, made from unclaimed dead in city morgues, are on the market and in museums. They generally lack one or more of the following characteristics of genuine Jivaro tsantsas: Lips sewn or pinned, the forehead compressed laterally, nostrils dilated, all facial hair except eyebrows removed (mustaches frequently reveal falsi- fied tsantsas), the skin smoked-blackened and polished, and little orna- mentation except the lip threads. The Jivaro, moreover, never preserve the whole body. (See Stirling, 1938.) ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Art.—The principal Jivaro art products are carved spear handles, feathered head ornaments, and mythological paintings on pots and other objects. Musical instruments.—Jivaro musical instruments include: Hollow- log signal drums used singly (fig. 92; pl. 62); two-headed skin drums Figure 92.—Jivaro drum. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, pl. 59.) played both by dancers and by shamans; transverse and longitudinal flutes ; musical bows; snail-shell signal trumpets; and jangles of shell and other materials attached to belts and leg bands. The Aguaruna make primitive two-string violins in imitation of Spanish models. Panpipes are merely children’s toys. Drinks and narcotics.—Chicha is made by fermenting manioc and other plants. Narcotics include tobacco, cayapi, Datura, and guayusa. Tobacco, the most important, was formerly taken only for magical pur- poses but is now generally smoked for enjoyment. Karsten (1935) describes the use of tobacco in boys’ initiation rites, in women’s tobacco ceremonies, in curing, in general magic, and in vision seeking. It is smoked as cigars, or else the juice is drunk or blown up the nose. Placed in the eye, it is thought to counteract bad dreams; painted on the body, it gives protection. 626 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 Cayapi is used by shamans or by people wishing to contact ghosts or to provoke divinatory visions. Datura is drunk or taken as an enema through a straw by warriors desiring to gain power and to foretell the future. Guayusa is a purgative and emetic and is believed to give strength. SHAMANISM The Jivaro shaman seems to have a greater variety of functions than his colleague among other Montafia tribes, though the incomparably richer material on the Jivaro (Stirling, 1938) may be responsible for this impression. He assists in warfare, makes rain, manufactures love potions, gives miscellaneous advice when under the influence of guayusa, causes disease, and cures illness by both herbal and supernatural means. A neophyte shaman is instructed for 1 month, dieting for 5 days and taking five drugs, including tobacco juice, cayapi, and three others, one of which may be Datura. He learns to control several disease-causing spirits: the spirit of the blowgun; the ray fish, most dangerous of all; snakes; a doorlike spirit causing barrenness; the woodpecker and toucan, which cause stomach trouble; the night bird, which brings various ills; and insects, which cause skin troubles. To cause sickness, a shaman blows one of the spirits he controls into his victim by means of tobacco smoke (Stirling, 1938) or, with the aid of his spirits, he sends a magical “thorn” or “dart” (Tessmann, 1930; Karsten, 1935) into him. A water monster may also cause illness. To cure, a shaman sings, plays his drum, takes Datura, tobacco, and cayapi, and sucks out the “thorn.” Shamans may also reveal the identity of a sorcerer. Some shamans may turn into jaguars to attack people. RELIGION Jivaro religion is based on the concept of a supernatural essence (tsarutama) that gives power to both objects and spirits. This essence is in the Rain God, who inhabits mountain peaks, in various animals in- cluding the Anaconda God, who lives in rapids, in demons, in the sun, the moon, the earth mother (whose importance is repeatedly stressed by Karsten), and, among plants, especially manifest in the chonta palm. It is in many fetishes, such as shrunken heads, fur balls taken from animal stomachs, certain brown stones, seeds, and jaguar teeth (Stirling, 1938). Though feared, these various spirits and demons are the object of no organized cults. The supreme god, Cumbanama, is remote and has no interest in human affairs. Karsten mentions an ancestor cult, which seems to be linked with ideas of reincarnation. Recorded beliefs about life after death, however, are too varied and conflicting to reveal a clear pattern of ancestor wor- Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 627 ship. Souls of warriors become, according to the qualities of the deceased man, either ferocious animals, such as jaguars, or innocuous anirnals, and children become birds. Shamans turn into dangerous monkeys, bears, and deer (Stirling, 1938). Karsten also describes a belief in trans- migration of souls to plants as well as to animals. Potential danger from one’s ancestors motivates vengeance of their death, but it is not clear that they are propitiated to procure their direct intervention in worldly affairs. No formal ancestor cult with secret initiation, like that of the Tucano tribes, is indicated. There is some hint of a guardian spirit concept in Karsten’s statement (1935) that animals, birds, and other spirits seen under the influence of narcotics help the dreamer in various ways. These spirits, called the “old ones,’”’ seem to have some connection with the concept of reincarna- tion. Karsten describes five ceremonies which employ magic. These, men- tioned above, are the victory celebration and the ceremonies for the benefit of children, young men, women, and dogs. It is curious that pigs and chickens, both post-Columbian elements, have a prominent role in these rites. MYTHOLOGY Despite the continued vitality of Jivaro culture, mythology is being for- gotten. The creation myth recounts that Cupara (Compadre?) and his wife were parents of the Sun. They created Sun’s wife, Moon, of mud. Among children of the Sun and Moon were Manioc and various animals, including the Sloth, which was the first Jivaro. Ensuing adventures of the parents and children account for a large portion of Jivaro culture (Stirling, 1938). The myth of the star brothers is very similar to the Tupi tale of twins. A jaguar killed his Jivaro wife, but his mother secretly reared his two sons, who became stars. When adults, they killed the jaguar to avenge their mother, then returned to the sky by means of an arrow chain (Karsten, 1935, pp. 523-526). Other tales recount the flood, the theft of fire by Hummingbird, and the acquisition of salt, potter’s clay, and pumpkins (Karsten, 1935). BIBLIOGRAPHY Karsten, 1920 a, b, 1921, 1935; Relaciones geograficas de Indias, 1881-97; Rivet, 1924; Stirling, 1938; Tessmann, 1930; Up de Graf, 1923; Verneau and Rivet, 1912-22; Villanueva, 1902-03. 628 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 ZAPAROAN TRIBES INTRODUCTION Zéparoan-speaking tribes occupied a large territory between the Marajfién, Napo, and Pastaza Rivers (map 1, No. 3; map 5). The main tribes were the Maina, the Coronado and closely related Oa, the Andoa and closely related Gae and Semigae, and the Pinche, Roamaina (Omur- ana), Iquito, Awishira, Zéparo, Zapa, and Canelo. In addition, there were several tribes of doubtful affiliation in this area: The Aunale, Alabono, Curizeta, Sucumbio, Coronado of the Aguarico River, Neva, Comacor, and others mentioned below. Zéparoan culture is characterized by considerable variation, the result perhaps of the extreme isolation of the communities, the native lack of canoes for communication along rivers, and the presence of Witotoan and Tucanoan tribes to the north, the Andean peoples to the west, and the Marafién and upper Amazon tribes to the south and east, which subjected them to diverse influence. Subsistence was based on sweet manioc, though the bitter variety was introduced to the Maina and Roamaina at the end of the 18th century. The Zdparoans did much hunting and fishing, but with simple devices. Blowguns and spears were used for hunting, but poison for the blowgun was imported. The spear thrower was probably aboriginal but was later abandoned. Bows were used little, if at all. Drugs, some nets, and pos- sibly hooks were the main fishing devices. Early houses and communities were small; the large communal house may be post-European. Mosquito tents and hammocks of cachibana or Astrocaryum were well developed. Transportation devices are distinc- tive only in the aboriginal lack of canoes. Among manufactures, the development of cachibana cloth is outstanding; chambira fiber and cotton products are not unusual. The aboriginal sociopolitical unit was probably the extended patrilineal family, perhaps smaller than among neighboring tribes. The couvade is strongly developed. The Awishira, who adjoined the Western Tucan- oans, may have initiation rites. Bride service with ultimate patrilocal residence resembles that of other Montafia tribes. The practices of earth burial, urn burial, scaffold burial, and endocannibalism bring widespread features into new combinations. Wars were fought with spears and shields, the victims eaten, and trophy skulls taken. Musical instruments are remarkable only for the presence of armadillo-shell trumpets, the absence of musical bows, and the near absence of panpipes. The signal drum is a northern feature. Narcotics include tobacco, cayapi, guayusa, and Datura; coca is not used. Religion is typically based on animism, with beliefs in bush and water demons. Shamanism involves spirit powers as well as “thorns.” Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 629 TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY Rivet (1930, p. 696) classified Zdparoan as an independent family, with resemblance to the Tupian Miranya (Bora), and named five dia- lects—Zdparo, Konambo, Gae, Ando (Semigae, Simiga, Shimagai, or Ga), and Jquito—and 39 subtribes. Many of these so-called subtribes, such as the Blanco, Conambo, Curaray, Iginori, Mauta, Meugano, Napo- toa, Shiripuno, Supinu, Tiputini, and Yasuni (Beuchat and Rivet, 1908, pp. 237-239) are merely local groups that were named after rivers, a common practice in the Montafia, and consequently merit no further con- sideration. Grubb (1927, pp. 75-76) lists as modern Zdparoan subtribes the Andoa, Yasuni, Pinche, Zaparo, Auca (numbering 2,000), Nushino, and Supinu. Auca, however, is a generic term in the Montana for pagan as contrasted to Christian Indians. Yasuni, Nushino, and Supinu, prob- ably named from rivers, are difficult to equate with the older terms. Ortiz (1940, p. 101) gives the following Zdparoan dialects: Gae, Semigae, Iquito, Iginori, and Panocarri, several of which also are evidently river names. LIST OF TRIBES The list of tribes included here as Zdparoan in speech does not entirely correspond to that of Rivet. For the Zdéparoan affinity of Andoa, Iquito, Gae, and Zdparo, Beuchat and Rivet (1908, pp. 241-249) have published linguistic material. Evidence that the Coronado and Roamaina spoke Zaparoan, although Beuchat and Rivet (1909) assign them to the Cahua- panan family, is cited below. Similarly, we include Awishira as Zdpa- roan, although Rivet (1924, p. 686) considers them Tucanoan. Maina (Mayna, Rimachu).—The Maina, the most famous tribe in the ancient Province of Maynas, occupied the lower Morona and Pastaza Rivers down to the Marafién River (Veigl, 1785 b, p. 29), and the Marafion River almost to the Pongo de Manseriche (lat. 4°-5° S., long. 77° W.) (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:cxt). Their attacks had forced the Indians of Nieva (probably the Aguaruna) to retreat from this region toward Nieva. The territory was subsequently occupied by the Chaya- wita and other Indians of the Potro River (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:cxLi1). The Maina centered, however, at Laguna Grande de Rimachu (hence Rimachu), now called Laguna Rimachuma or Rimachi, west of the lower Pastaza River (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:218). Tessmann’s classification of several tribes in this region must be dis- regarded, because he states (1930) that Rimachuma and Maina are syno- nyms for Kandoshi, whom he divides into two subtribes, the Murata and Shapra (Chapra, Chapa). The Murata, however, were a subtribe of the Andoa, and the Zapa a subtribe of the Roamaina. Captain Alonso Mercadillo, descending the Huallaga River in 1538, may have visited the Maina, but Juan de Salinas, who found them in 1557 below the Pongo 630 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 de Manseriche, was the first to describe them. Salinas explored the lower Pastaza River and Rimachuma Lagoon. About 1580, an attempt to build a settlement at the Rimachuma Lagoon apparently failed (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:34-35). Dur- ing the 16th century, Spaniards from Santiago de las Montafias on the Santiago River and from Nieva frequently raided the Maina to capture slaves or to avenge Maina attacks, some of which reached their settlements above the Pongo de Man- seriche and even approached Santiago. After a punitive expedition against the Maina in 1616, the Spaniards made peace with several of their chiefs. In 1619, Diego Vaca de Vega took possession of the Province of Maynas, which had been granted to him, established Borja, and sent his son, Pedro Vaca de Vega, to subdue the Maina of the Pastaza River and Rima- chuma Lagoon (which he called Maracaybo Lagoon). His son brought 4,000 of this tribe from Rimachuma to Borja (Rel. geogr. Indias, 4: LxxI-LXXIII, CXXXIX- CXLV, CLU-cLIv; Figueroa, 1904, pp. 13-33; La jornada del Capitan Alonso Merca- dillo, 1895), where, according to Maroni (1889-92, 29:191-203), 600 Maina “family heads” (about 3,000 Indians) were distributed among 60 Spaniards as vassals for their encomiendas. Figueroa (1904, p. 15), places the figure at 700 family heads, about 3,500 Indians. Epidemics and warfare had, by 1636, reduced the Maina at Borja to 400 families, or 2,000 Indians (Figueroa, 1904, p. 15). In the general revolt of 1640, the Maina killed 34 Spaniards but failed to take Borja (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 120-122). A new governor, Don Pedro Vaca, pursued them, brought about half back to Borja, and called upon Jesuit missionaries to help pacify them. The Indians were dis- tributed among 21 encomiendas, where the Fathers traveled to baptize them, but the Jesuits estimated that only 1 out of 10 survived the brutal treatment they received. In 1642, the Maina were again decimated by epidemics (Maroni, 1889-92), and in 1661, only 200 “tributaries” (about 1,000 Indians) remained at Borja. This number included other Indians more recently brought in but excluded some 500 who had fled (Figueroa, 1904). The total population was about 1,500. In 1668, Father Juan Lucero founded three Maina missions: San Luiz Gonzaga. with 70 family heads (350 Indians) ; San Ignacio de Loyola, with 110 family heads (550 Indians) ; and Santa Teresa, with 91 family heads (455 Indians). There remained in 1737 only one village of Maina encomendados, San Ignacio, near Borja, with a population of 63 people (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :191-203). A few pagan fugitives were on the Samiria River (Maroni, 1889-92, 26 :292). In 1752, Christian Indians from Chayawitas helped to found a mission for the Maina at Rimachuma. Another mission, San Juan el Evangelista, was established below the mouth of the Pastaza (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 520). In 1768, the Maina population had greatly decreased because of revolts, smallpox, suicide, and infanticide, although missionaries had brought in a few more families from the forests (Veigl, 1785 b, p. 30). Izaguirre (1922-29, 12:396-397) considers that the Maina are now extinct. Zaparo.—The Zdparo (Curaray, Zdpara), named from their wicker- work baskets, cannot be located with certainty because many Zdparoan groups seemingly bore this name. The Zdparo proper were first found by Father de la Cueva below the junction of the Noxino (Oas) and Curaray Rivers, some distance inland (lat. 2°30’ S., long. 76° W.) (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:230). The mission of Los Santos de Zaparas must have contained Zdparo though it is not so stated explicitly (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 308). In 1848, Father Castrucci found Zdparo on the Bobonaza River, 7 days’ travel from its mouth, and near the Tigriacu and Napo Rivers, the whole Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 631 tribe numbering 1,000, a sharp contrast to Osculati’s estimate of 20,000 persons a few years later. In the second half of the 19th century, the Zdparo were divided into two groups: one, the more numerous, between the Curaray, Napo, and lower Arajuno Rivers, the other, centering in a village on the upper Curaray River but including settlements along the Lliguino, Nushinu, Nuganu, Supinu, and other rivers (Pierre, 1889, p. 90; Simson, 1886, p. 166). Of numerous groups named after rivers—Muegano, Curaray, Tupitini, Matagen, Yasuni, Manta, Shiripuno, Nushino, Andoas, Rotuno, and others (Villavicencio, 1858, p. 170)—many are probably Zdparoan subtribes. A large num- ber of these spoke Quechua in addition to Zéparo. In 1925 Tessmann (1930) guessed that only a few hundred Zdparo remained; they occupied the sources of the Curaray, Villano, and Cononaco Rivers. More recently, a small group of Zdparo has been discovered on the Putumayo River in Colombia at Salado Chico, between Puerto Leguizamo (formerly Caucaya) and Puerto Montclar del Putumayo. These Indians had originally lived on the Napo River, near the Witoto-Caimito. The Zdparo of the upper Napo River speak only Quechua (Ortiz, 1940, p. 99). Zapa (Cepa, Iiuru).—The Zapa, so-called because the women wore a shell pubic cover, were apparently distinct from the Zdparo, being linguis- tically and culturally close to the Roamaina, whose history they shared (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 135-136). (Lat. 4° S., long. 76° W.) These are perhaps Tessmann’s Shapera (Sapa), a division of his so-called Kandosht. Gae and Semigde.—The Gae (Gaye, Siaviri) and Semigde (Semi Gaye, Ssemigde, Soronotoa?) were so closely related linguistically, cul- turally, and geographically that they might be considered a single tribe. (Lat. 2°-3° S., long. 76°-77° W.) Rivet’s Gae vocabulary is also very similar to that of the Andoan Murata. The Gae lived between the Tigre and Bobonaza Rivers, the latter being the home of the Coronado, their bitter enemies. They occasionally visited the Bobonaza River, but their villages were some days travel in the in- terior. (Figueroa, 1904, p. 155, however, placed them on the Bobonaza. ) From subsequent historical accounts (below) the Gae seem mainly to have occupied the Beleno (present Villano?) and Callana-yacu Rivers, both headwaters of the Curaray River (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:85). Chantre y Herrera (1901, pp. 207, 214, 249, 307-308) locates them near the Bobonaza River between the Pastaza and Napo Rivers, which they visited to fish. Veigl (1785 b, p. 50) states that Gae and Semigde territory was between the upper Tigre, Napo, and Curaray Rivers. The Semigde were east of the Gae, on the Curaray River above the Awishira and were neighbors of the Neva (Neova) and Zdparo (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :229, 261-264). Semigde subdivisions were the Aracohor, Mocosiohiro, Usicohor, Ichoco- mohor, Itoromohor, and Maithiore, the last sometimes appearing as an independent tribe (op. cit.). The Comacor on the upper Tigre River might, judging by the name, be a Semigde subdivision, but a Semigde informant mentioned them in connection with the Neva (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:232). As the Neva were neighbors of the Semigde, this might imply that the Comacor were either a distinct tribe or a Roamaina subdivision, or that Comacor was a synonym for the Iquito, who were also called Mamacor and Omacacor. 632 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull, 143 The Gae were first visited by Dominicans on the upper Pastaza River near the Canelo in 1581 (Pierre, 1889, p. 135) but subsequently eluded all missionaries and slavers (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:29, 85-86, 231-235, 246) until 1672, when a few of the tribe entered their first mission, San Xavier, on the Gaye River (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:255; Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 250). But continued slave raids from the Pastaza River region and intermittent missionary activity prevented complete stabil- ity of the mission until Father Nicholas Durango settled at San Xavier in 1696. Meanwhile a Gae cacique induced some of the Semigde to enter San Xavier and others to join Mission Santa Cruz on the Pastaza River (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 308). In 1707, when the Indians killed Father Durango, the Semigde and most of the Gae fled from San Xavier. The chief who instigated the murder went to the Neva and Zdpara in the role of a missionary, but was finally killed (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :256). The next year, many Semigde and the Gae who had remained at San Xavier went to the Andoa mission, Santo Tomé. The Gae who stayed in the bush were practically wiped out within 2 years by Spanish slavers from Borja. By 1768, the Gae were extinct, while only a few Semigde survived, some in the mission of Andoas, others wild (Veigl, 1785 b, p. 51). In modern times, Ortiz (1940) found two Semigde dialects, one on the Tigre River, related to Andoa and another on the Curaray River. Andoa.—The Andoa were closely related linguistically and culturally to the Gae and Semigde (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 307-308), which led Tessmann (1930) incorrectly to believe that Semigde is merely a synonym for Andoa. They lived aboriginally between the Pastaza and Morona Rivers (Veigl, 1785 b, p. 47) above the Maina (lat. 3°-4° S., long. 77° W.). Three Andoan groups mentioned in early sources—the Guallpayo (Toqueoreo), Guasaga, and Murata—appear to be post- Columbian subdivisions, which had separated from the Andoa proper. Andoa was a name applied not only to the tribes of the Pastaza River above the Maina, but in 1582 to the Indians of the encomiendas of the Santiago River, who had probably been brought by slavers from the Pastaza River. The Andoa taken from the Guasaga River (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :261-263) to the region of Borja on the Marafidén River were called Guasaga. Those who escaped the encomiendas and re- turned to their homes became known as Guallpayo. A hamlet of 56 Andoa remained at Del Alto or Nuestra Sefiora de las Nieves opposite Borja in 1737. Toward the end of the 17th century, the Andoa remaining in the Pastaza River region were settled by Father Tomas Santos on the Bobonaza River, somewhat above the Mission of San Xavier, but the settlement did not thrive. In 1701, the Andoa on the Guasaga River were collected in a mission by Father Nicolas Durango, then they moved to the Gae mission, but fled in 1707, fearing the Semigde who murdered Father Durango. Subsequently they joined the Gae, Semigde, Guallpayo, and Guasaga in the Mission of Santo Tomé de los Andoas built in 1708 on the Pastaza River near the Bobonaza River. In 1737, this mission had 447 people (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 307-308, 419; Maroni, 1889-92, 26:227; 29 :261-263) and in 1768, 400. There were also Andoa at Borja and a few wild families in the bush. In the first half of the next century, the tribe lacked a mission and became a constant victim of Jivaro and Murata raids. In 1846, however, Father Castrucci gathered 450 Andoa into their ancient village. In 1925, only 12 families remained at Andoas (Tessmann, 1930). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 633 The Murata (Murato), erroneously included by Tessmann (1930) as a Kandoshi (Maina) subtribe, were not known previous to 1744. The Andoa at Santo Tomé had long reported that a tribe called the Murata lived near their territory and men- aced them when they hunted in the bush and carved canoes on the Guasaga River. They said that the Murata were related to them (Veigl, 1785 b, p. 43; Escobar y Mendoza, 1769, p. 58, expresses the same opinion), but a vocabulary supposed to be Murata, published in 1928 (see Rivet, 1930) bears no resemblance to any Zdparoan dialect. The Murata fought off Jesuit missionary expeditions in 1748 and in 1754, but the next year a Murata was captured and sent back to his tribe with presents, after which they agreed to have a mission. Nuestra Senora de los Dolores was founded on the Guasaga River with 158 Indians (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 477- 482). In 1762, many Jivaro joined the Murata. In the first half of the 19th century, the Murata were reported attacking the Andoa and, about 1846, they and the unidentified Machine Indians frequently came from the Manacaro-yacu and Mitu-yacu Rivers to assault travelers on the Pastaza River. These tribes still inhabit the marshy region between the Pastaza, Morona, and Marafion Rivers. The Guallpayo were the Andoa who escaped from encomiendas near Santiago de las Montafias on the Santiago River, where they were listed in 1582 (Relacién de la gobernacién de Yahuarzongo y Pacamurus, in Rel, geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:34- 35), and, to avoid slavers, settled near the Gae (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:263) at the headwaters of the Tigre River. They might originally have been an Andoan enclave among the Jivaro on the Santiago River, but more likely they had been brought from the Pastaza River by slavers who raided the Maina and Gae in the 16th and 17th centuries (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 71-73, 146, 152-154; Figueroa, 1904, pp. 13- 33). Some of the Guallpayo joined the Mission of San Xavier (founded in 1672), but were subordinate to Gae. In 1684, others were reported in the forests pirating on the Asarunatoas River, fighting the Asarunatoa, and intimidating other tribes. The Guallpayo were last mentioned in 1708, when a few of them with 100 Guasaga were building a mission on the Pastaza River near the Bobonaza River. The mission later included Gae, Semigdée, and Andoa, and it is presumed that the Guallpayo be- came submerged in this population. Coronado (Jpapiza, Hichachapa, Quilinina).—These Indians were called Coronado because of their triangular, crownlike hairdress. Early references variously located their habitat on: the Pastaza River near the mouth of the Bobonaza River, 1656 (Figueroa, 1904, p. 157) ; the Aarra- bima River, a right tributary of the Pastaza somewhat above the Bobonaza (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:216) ; and the Tigre River, 2 days below its head- waters and 1 day overland from the Bobonaza River (lat. 3° S., long. 77° W.). The Coronado of the Aguarico River (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :183) were probably a totally different tribe, perhaps Tucanoan, who bore this name because of a similar hairdress. The Taroqueo (probably distinct from the Toqueoreo, an Andoan subtribe), spoke the same language as the Coronado. In 1681, 6,000 Taroqueo lived near the Coronado, Gae, and Zdparo (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 273). The Chudavina, whom Maroni calls “friends of the Coronado,” and whom missionaries wished to unite with them (Figueroa, 1904, p. 158), may also have spoken the same language. The Miscuara, 634 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 mentioned as living near the Coronado on both sides of the Pastaza River (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 60), were perhaps also related to the latter. Beuchat and Rivet (1909, p. 619) classify the Coronado as Cahuapanan, accepting Chantre y Herrera’s statement that the former were south of Pinche, between the Pastaza and Tigre Rivers, at about lat 3° 50’ S., adjoining the Maina. Earlier references, however, not only place them north of this supposed location, well within Zdparoan territory, but ex- plicit statements link them with the Zdparoans. Figueroa (1904, p. 155) calls them “kinsmen” of the Oa, while Chantre y Herrera (1901, p. 239) states that the Oa spoke the same language as the Awishira. Father Lucero wrote in 1676 that the Awishira understood the language of the Coronado and Gae (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :246), the latter unquestionably Zaparoan. The Coronado were first contacted by slavers who subsequently captured many of them. The tribe remained elusive, however, until 1656, when two Coronado slaves sent by a Jesuit, found them at the mouth of the Bobonaza River. Only 43 persons remained of the once large tribe, the others having been killed by the Gae, the Maca (probably a Jivaro subtribe), and the Spanish slavers. Seven families fleeing from the Gae had migrated north to join their kinsmen, the Oa. In 1659, Brother Antonio Fernandez de Enciso stayed among the Coronado 7 months, building the Mission of Jestis de los Coronados, but no other missionary came after his departure and they returned to the bush. In 1702, Father Gasper Vidal brought them back to this mission, hoping to settle them with the Semigde, but as their name disappears from the literature, they probably died off or were assimilated (Figueroa, 1904, pp. 153-160; Maroni 1889-92, 29:88). Oa.—The Oa (Oaqui, Deguaca, Santa Rosino), close relatives and neighbors of the Coronado, lived near the Aarrabima River near the junc- tion of the Bobonaza and Pastaza Rivers (lat. 2° 30’ S., long. 77° W.). Spanish slavers and Gae hostility drove them to the Tigre headwaters, thence to the Nushino (Nonxino) River, where some Coronado families joined them. They were put in a mission in 1659, then transferred to a mission on the Ansupi River, and finally placed under secular authority at Santa Rosa (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:118-119). They have since disap- peared from the literature. Roamaina.—The Roamaina (Numurana, Hunurana, Omurana), totally distinct from the Maina, lived at the headwaters of the Chambira River (lat. 3°30’ S., long. 76° W.). The Zapa seem to have been an intimately associated tribe or subtribe. The Pinche, Pava, and Araza, who spoke the same language and lived in the same region as the Roamaina (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :264-266), may also have been subgroups of this tribe. The Habitoa, found in 1684 with the Pinche on a tributary of the upper Tigre above the Asarunatoas River (the Asarunatoa might have been an Andoa subtribe), may or may not have been another of their sub- tribes (Maroni, 1889-92, 32:142-143). The Uspa, who lived with the Pinche and Araza in the Pastaza Basin and were taken to the same # my poet we ge A Se Set ORE i= pO EL OA OO LE fs : PuatrEe 48.—Panoan Indians of the 19th century. Top: Conibo playing ring-and- pin game. Center: Procession of the Immaculate Conception, at Sarayacu, on the Ucayali River. Bottom; Conibo Indians shooting tortoises. (After Marcoy, 1869.) Puate 49.—Conibo Indians. Top: Village on the Pachitea River. (After Castelnau, 1850-59.) Bottom: Group wearing cushmas. Some have lip plugs. (Courtesy University Museum, Philadelphia.) Puiate 50.—Cashibo and Campa garment types. Left: Cashibo man and wife. Right: Campo boy incushma. (After Tessmann, 1930.) PLatTeE 51.—Montania ear, Bottom, left: Marahua. ments for ornaments: Ricaurte, 1936.) nose, and lip ormanents. (After Marcoy, 1869.) Coto-Orején, above; Right: Top, left: Mayoruna. Types of ear enlarge- “Sarayacu,’ below. (After PTF PLATE 52.—Montaiia pottery t;pes. a-—d, Polychrome: black-and-red on cream; e, f, white-on-red; g, h, red-on-cream. a, Conibo, fine-type polychrome; b, Aguano: c, Munichi: d, Chébero: e, Yameo: f, Chayawita: g, Yameo: h, Jivaro. (a, Courtesy University Museum, Philadelphia; b-h, after Tessmann, 1930, color pls. 5, 7, 9, 11, and 13.) PLATE 53.—Masco Indians. Top, left: Group beside large communal house. Top, right: Man dressed in cushma beside small hut. Bottom, left and right: Men with labrets. (Courtesy Paul Fejos.) we ‘. if Fa - Puare 54.—Archers of the Montafia. Top: Masco. (Courtesy Paul Fejos.) Bottom: Amuescha. (Courtesy James Sawders.) 55.—Masco rack of pottery and temporary wind shelters. (Courtesy Paul Fejos.) Puate 56.—Acculturated Canelo Indians. Top: Canelo chief, war captain, and two Barias judges, with canes of authority, a Spanish heritage. Bottom: Canelo at Paci Yuca, Ecuador, wearing Spanish dress and ponchos. (Courtesy American Museum of Natural History.) Puate 57.—Canelo Indians. Top; The chicha shampoo in progress on the last day of the feast, Paci Yacu. Bottom: The dance around the cross, Paci Yacu. (Courtesy American Museum of Natural History.) (68ST ‘P2101q 10yJy) *AINyuad YIGT OY) JO SuRIpuy OfPaURQ—ge auLvIg 2 news a NN i gr ENN ome - . enn: see Piare 59.—Zaparo Indians of the 19th century. Top: Zdparo in hunting and war dress (at left); Encaballado chief and woman (at right). Bottom: Com- munal house (malocea) on the Napo River. (After Osculati, 1854.) ommenna of Natural Museum merican ssmann, 1930.) Indians. (Top, Courtesy A History; bottom, after Te 1varo , Puate 60.—J INQ "M MoYVIBYA ASozZINO ot NS Xe a Puatre 62.—Jivaro Indians. Top, left: Warrior with European-type drum. Top, right: Lances used for hunting and fighting. Bottom, left: Pottery mak- ing. Bottom, right: Woman’s dress. (Courtesy Matthew W. Stirling.) American Courtesy ( the Jivaro. Museum of Natural History.) 3.—Human heads shrunken by Je PLATE € Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 635 missions, may also have been a Roamaina subtribe (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 308). Beuchat and Rivet (1909, p. 620) classify the Roamaina as Cahua- pana. ‘This is doubtful, because although they adjoined the Maina, who conceivably were Cahuapanan, they also adjoined the indisputably Zapa- roan Andoa on the north and the Jquito on the northeast. To the south were the Panoan Urarina and Itucale. Moreover, the Pinche are thought to be Zdporoan, even by Beuchat and Rivet. Beuchat and Rivet (1909, p. 619) include the Chapa (doubtless the Zapa; Rodriguez, 1686, gives Chapa as a synonym for Zapa) as a Roa- maina subtribe, but Tessmann, although linking the Zapa with the Roa- maina, divides the Maina (Kandoshi) into the Murata and Chapa. But the Murata is an Andoan subtribe (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 477), and it is very doubtful that the Chapa and Zapa were distinct peoples. The first White contact with the Roamaina seems to have been in 1641, when a number were captured to serve as interpreters. Plans to missionize the Roamaina and Zapa in 1656 were postponed by enforced serfdom at the new colony of San- tander on the lower Pastaza River and by epidemics of influenza, smallpox, and dysentery, which reduced the population of the two tribes from an estimated 10,000 in 1654 to 1,500 in 1660. Jesuit influence brought the abandonment of Santander and, in 1659, the Mission of Santos Angeles de los Roamainas was established on the Pastaza River. By 1695, however, epidemics and desertion left only five Roamama in the mission. The Roamaina subsequently joined the Mission of San José de los Finches in 1708, but deserted in a few years at the instigation of a chief who insisted on carrying on sororal polygyny. In 1737, 20 to 40 Roamaina families were discovered on the Capirona River. They were ready to accept Christianity but reluctant to go to the Pastaza River (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:265; Zarate in Figueroa, 1904, pp. 142-155, 395). In 1925, only 21 Roamaina (Omurana) survived. They claimed to have moved from the Marafién or possibly the Pastaza River to the Uritu-yacu, a small, left tributary of the Marafién, where they lived under a patron, spoke Quechua in addi- tion to their own language, and were largely assimilated (Tessmann, 1930). Awishira.—The Awishira (Ixignor, Awishiri, Avirxiri, Abixira, Avixira, Avijira, Abigira, Abisjira, Auishiri, Agouisiri, Auhishiri, Auxira, Abira, Ahuishiri, Ashiri) were classified by Rivet (1924, p. 686) as Tucanoan but Father Lucero stated in 1676 that they understood the language of the Zdparoan-speaking Coronado and Gae (Maroni, 1889-92, 29:246). Their proper classification must await better lin- guistic data, which can still be obtained. Their original territory lay between that of the Tucanoan and Zdparoan tribes on the lower Curaray River and extended northward to the Napo River (lat. 2°30’ S., long. Bo- UW. o)ic Though the Awtshira were probably seen by the Orellana expedition of 1540, it was not until after 1620 that visits by missionaries, explorers, and Christianized In- dians together with the baptism of a few of their own tribe paved the way for their first mission, founded at San Miguel in 1665. At this time, the Awishira were 653333—47—-43 636 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 numerous, extending some 50 leagues along the right bank of the Napo River, opposite the Tucanoan Encabellado (Cruz, 1900, p. 36), and southward to and along both sides of the Curaray River (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :182-183 ; 29 :224-225). Within two years, the chief, objecting to the missionary’s ban on polygyny, instigated the murder of the missionary. A punitive expedition entered their territory in 1676 (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :85-87). In 1755, 118 Indians called “Abijira Encabello” were transferred to the Napo River missions, but most of them escaped. One hundred years later, the Awishira occupied their original territory (Osculati, 1854, p. 183; Pierre, 1889, p. 90) but were definitely hostile to both the Encabellado and Whites. Their feeling toward the latter was in part due to Portuguese slave raids (Simson, 1886, p. 152). They lived on the right bank of the Napo River opposite the Orejon or Coto and were closely associated with the Jquito and Mazane, but retained their own language and customs (Villavicencio, 1858, p. 175). In 1925, the main group of Awishira, reduced through warfare with the Peruvians and neighboring tribes to between 30 and 50 persons but still savage, moved to the Tiputini-Shiripuno River region. Another group of some 25 Awishira lived under a patron at Lake Vacacocha near the lower Curaray River; these had lost most of their native culture (Tessmann, 1930). Iquito.—The Jquito (Iquita, Ikito, Amacacore, Hamacore, Quiturran, Puca-uma), closely related linguistically to the Gae (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 345), were evidently unknown before the 18th century. They are not mentioned in the early literature and do not appear on Fritz’s map of 1707. They seem to have lived north of the Yameo, occupying most if not all of the drainage of the upper Nanay River and its tributary, the Rio Branco (probably Chimbira River), and extending from the Tigre to the Napo River (lat. 3°30’ S., long. 75° W.) The Iquito had three subtribes: the Jquito proper, the Maracano, and the Auve. The Iquito proper lived up the Yuracnamu or Yracanamu (probably the modern Yaraca-yacu) River, a tributary of the Tigre, and extended from the Tigre to the Curaray River. Tessmann erroneously classed modern Jquito as a distinct language, and named two divisions, the Jquito and the Cahuarano (Tessmann, 1930), the latter perhaps being the older Maracano. The Maracano (Moracano) occupied the Guashchamoa (Necamumu) River, a tributary of the Rio Branco. This may be Tessmann’s Cahua- rano (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 348-349, 387-389, 486-490, 544-550). The Auve lived near the Encabellado of the Curaray River. The [quito proper, first visited in 1737, were eventually enticed by gifts to enter two missions. One of these was abandoned in 1749 and the Indians scattered, some going to other missions and others reverting to a primitive life along the Rio Branco. More Jquito later joined missions, and even helped convert their kinsmen (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, pp. 348-349, 544-550; Figueroa, 1904, pp. 379-382). In 1925, there were several hundred Jquito on the middle Nanay River and 1,000 Cahuarano on the lower Curaray River. The latter still retained some of their native culture (Tessmann, 1930). The Maracano were missionized in 1748, but moved several times. In 1858, Villavicencio (1858, p. 175) reported some Maracano on the Amazon River. They Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 637 had acquired some elements of European culture through contact with the Christian- ized Indians. The Cahuarano are perhaps their descendants. The Auve, who were always hostile to Whites, have not been men- tioned since Chantre y Herrera’s account (1901, pp. 400-405). Pinche.—The Pinche (Pintsche), with its subtribes, the Pava, Araza (Arasa, not to be confused with the Arawakan Arasa of Bolivia), and Uspa (Uchpa, Utschpa, Uchupa, Liepa), lived in the mountains between the Pastaza and upper Tigre Rivers, (lat. 3° S., long. 76° W.) (Veigl, 1785 b, p. 44; Escobar y Mendoza, 1769, p. 56). It is impossible to dis- tinguish their territory sharply from that of the Roamaina, whose language they spoke, or from that of their neighbors, the Semigae, Pava, and Camacor (possibly a branch of the /quito), but it is probable that they lived north of the Roamaina and south of the Semigde and Zdparo. The Pinche and Havitoa, the latter an unidentified tribe, were visited by Father Tomas Santos in 1684 (Maroni, 1889-92, 32 :142-143). The Pinche, Pava, Uspa, and Araza were first placed in two missions in 1698. They numbered about 500 warriors (some 2,500 people) in 1700. The mission was twice moved, most of the Pinche and Pava dying soon thereafter and others following the Roamaina into the bush in 1713. In 1731, 50 Araza joined the mission, San José, at the invitation of the Andoa. In 1737, the Pinche mission had only 136 inhabitants, but wild Pinche and Uspa were reported in the area between the Chambira and the Pastaza Rivers. Only 100 Pinche survived in 1846. (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :264-266; Figueroa, 1904, pp. 297, 395; Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 308; Izaguirre, 1922-29, 9:167.) In 1925, there were still savage and hostile Pinche on the upper Tigre River. Canelo.—The native language of the Canelo (Canela, Kanela, Napo, Santa Rosina, Lorreto) is unknown because they quickly adopted Que- chua when they, one of the first Amazonian tribes to accept Christianity, were placed in a mission by the Dominicans in 1581. (Lat. 2° S., long. 78° W.) Reinburg (1921) believes the Canelo are Zdparo; Karsten (1935, pp. 9-10) that they are a mixture of Jivaro, Zaparo, and Quechua. The mission, located at the mouth of the Pindo River, a tributary of the Pastaza River, included also Gae and three tribes of unknown identity, the Ymmunda (Ynmuda), the Guallingo, and later the Sante (Santt), none of whom are subsequently mentioned in early chronicles. All of these Indians were indiscriminately called Canelo (Pierre, 1889, pp. 106, 135). Other tribes mentioned in connection with the Canelo, such as Penday, Chonta, and Canincha, were probably named from rivers. Jivaro raids eventually forced the mission to be moved to Chontoa, then to the Pastaza River, where it still exists, though the raids continued through the last century. By 1775, the Canelo were decimated by smallpox, but their number was augmented by Jivaro converts. At the end of the last century, the Canelo (Napo) had lost their identity, being lumped with the Quechua-speaking peoples of the upper Pastaza and Napo Rivers. They were distinguished from the Jivaro, Encabellado, Zadparoan, and other pagan jungle tribes, all called “Auca,”’ by the fact that they ate salt, wore more clothes (pl. 56), were more completely Christian, and would not associate with the latter. 638 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 In 1877, they occupied Canelos and Sarayacu on the Bobonaza River, upper Curarai village, the left bank of the Napo River down to the Coca River, the villages of Napo, Aguano, Santa Rosa, Suno, Archidona, San José, Avila, Baez, Papallacta, Tena, Loreto, Concepcién, Payamino, and Cotapino (Simson, 1886, pp. 153-154). Of these villages, Canelos, founded in 1712 (Maroni, 1889-92, 1:234), had about 30 people in 1730, its population consisting of refugees from encomiendas. In 1780, it had 100 people; in 1870, about 70 Quechua-speaking families or 350 persons (Orton, 1870, p. 172). In 1877, when the mission was in ruins, it had only 150 to 200 people, many of whom spoke Jivaro (Simson, 1886, pp. 98-100). In 1894, there were 600 people (Rimbach, 1897, p. 372). At the turn of the present century, the Canelo were scattered in several villages on the Bobonaza and numbered between 1,000 and 1,300 (Tessmann, 1930). Reinburg (1921) states that they were scattered in isolated families, but gathered twice yearly in missions to observe Christian rites and festivities. About 2,000 now remain at Canelos under Dominican missionaries (Karsten, 1935, p. 10). TRIBES OF DOUBTFUL AFFILIATION IN OR ADJOINING ZAPAROAN TERRITORY Many of the following names may designate little-known tribes: Alabano.—The Alabano lived on the upper Tigre River. They were in the Mission of San Xavier for a while but, decimated by smallpox, returned to the bush in 1764. Some later settled with the Jquito in the Mission of Santa Barbara (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 555). Neva (Neova).—The Neva lived on the Tiu-yacu, an upper Tigre tributary (lat. 3° S., long. 76° W.) (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:232), and may have been a Roamaina subdivision. Asaruntoa.—The Asaruntoa were situated near the Roamaina and Andoa, and were perhaps a subdivision of the latter. Aunale.—The first location of the Aunale is shown on Fritz’s map of 1691 between the Curaray and Tigre Rivers, south of the Abijira. But Maroni (1889-92, 26 :233) puts them on the right side of the Tigre below the Yuracnamui (the modern Yaraca-yacu?) River. The Aunale are first mentioned in 1743 when Yameo scouts sent by Father Brentano traveled 2 weeks up the Tigre River and found 11 houses of Quechua- speaking Aunale who had deserted the Chébero mission of Concepcion. (Lat. 3° S., long. 75° W.) Nearby lived some Jtucal. Twenty Aunale called on Father Brentano, who sent them back with an invitation for the others to visit the mission. The Aunale were at Concepcion during the 18th century (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :412; 31:70-71). Curizeta.—The Curizeta were Indians who fled from the encomiendas of Archidona on the Napo River near the Curaray to the headwaters of the Cosanga River, a tributary of the Coca River (Maroni, 1889-92, 28 :118). Coronado of the Aguarico River.—Although, like the Coronado of the Pastaza River, these people were probably named for their crown- like hairdress, they were not related to the latter and may have been Tucanoan. They were found in 1621, 12 leagues below San Pedro de Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 639 Alcala del Rio Dorado. Their most ancient settlement was at the town of San Francisco de los Coronados. There were 20 families in 1621, all good boatmen and Christians (Maroni, 1889-92, 28:183). Inemo dikama.—tThe existence of this tribe was revealed by a vocabu- lary collected by M. de Wavrin (Rivet, 1930) from two Indians living between the upper Curaray and Napo Rivers. It does not have the slightest resemblance to any Zdparoan dialect and is apparently an isolated language. According to one informant, his language was called Tei and his tribe Inema dikama. The neighboring tribes were called the Sapeiné, Tuie, Wau, and Emi, all unidentifiable names. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE The Zdparoans were all slash-and-burn farmers, but depended in vary- ing degrees on other foods. The Andoa relied greatly on collecting wild fruits; the Awishira in 1858 were primarily hunters and fishermen. Farming.—The main crops were those common to tropical South America, with sweet manioc the staple. In post-Columbian times, bananas and plantains were also major foods. The Awzshira received bananas even before they came in contact with the Whites. Bitter manioc had not spread in aboriginal times west of the Encabellado and Quijo, but it was introduced to the Maina and Roamaina at the end of the 18th century, so that they might make farinha and sell it to explorers as a traveling ration (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:28). Other crops are listed on page 516. Fields were cleared with stone axes (which the Awishira used until the 19th century), burned, and tilled with a dibble. Bush and weeds were kept down with a large chonta knife, which was later replaced by the machete. Hunting.—Hunting weapons had a sporadic distribution. The blow- gun for hunting birds and monkeys has been ascribed the Roamaina, Zaparo, Canelo, and Maina, but the bow only to the Roamaina. The Awishira and Iquito used neither blowguns nor bows, and hunted only with spears, which placed them at some disadvantage. Spears were used by all tribes for large game. The Zdparo resorted to spears whenever they exhausted their stock of blowgun poison, which they obtained only through trade (Simson, 1886, p. 167). These tribes used trained hunting dogs. The Zdparo, like the Jivaro, put tobacco juice in their dogs’ throats and noses to improve their scent. Zdparo hunters used bone whistles to lure monkeys by imitating their calls and to communicate with other hunters by imitating birds (Simson, 1886, p. 168). Other hunting devices included nets and traps (/quito), pitfalls with pales for taking pigs (Jquito, Pinche), and bird snares (Pinche). 640 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 An Jquito hunter who had slain a wild pig took its head as a trophy and left his spear with a few of the animal’s hairs at the site of the kill. Canelo hunting ritual is described in detail by Karsten (1920 a, 36-42). Fishing.—The principal fishing method was drugging with barbasco (all tribes), Clibadium (Roamaina, Zéparo, Awishira), and Tephrosia (Zaparo, Awtshira, Iquito). Fish spears were Canelo and Zéparo weapons, but the harpoon was limited to the Canelo. Bows and fish arrows were used only by the so-called Kandoshi among whom they were children’s toys (Tessmann, 1930). The fishhook may have been native to the Iquito and Zdparo, the latter using a gorge. The Canelo and Zdparo had fish nets; the former placed several nets, each 5 feet (1.5 m.) by 20 to 25 feet (6 to 8 m.), end to end across the mouth of a stream (Simson, 1886, p. 157). The Roamaina fished with dip baskets. The Awishira occasionally took turtles in the Napo River (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :85-87). Collecting.—During certain seasons, wild fruits, especially of chonta and achua palms, were important foods. Fat palm grubs and certain flying ants were also relished. Food preparation.—Food was grated either on a thorny piece of wood or on a board studded with pebbles and thorns. For grinding, the Roa- maina and Iquito used a wooden trough. Fermented manioc provided a food as well as an intoxicating beverage. A mass of the tubers was pounded, then slightly fermented with saliva; it was stored in a jar and consumed after adding water. As it kept for a long time, it was always the main provision for a long journey. Because mineral salt could be obtained only through trade from the Marafion River tribes, most of these Indians used certain plant ashes instead. Domesticated animals.—Each Indian household was surrounded with pets, but there were no domesticated animals until the missionaries intro- duced chickens. HOUSES AND HOUSEHOLD EQUIPMENT The long communal house predominated in the area. Awishira dwell- ings were about 75 feet (22.5 m.) wide and 300 feet (90 m.) long. The Coronado built equally large houses and closed them tightly against mosquitos. In the last century, the Zdparo lived in open sheds sufficiently large to protect 25 to 30 people from the rain, but now use side-walled houses. The Canelo formerly built palisaded villages, with secret en- trances (Pierre, 1889, p. 144). In 1894, they had rectangular, palm- thatched houses with walls of thin posts (Rimbach, 1897, p. 372). Most houses in the area are built of lathes made from the tarapote tree (/riartea ventricosa), which splits easily. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 641 To avoid mosquitos, the Roamaina and Kandoshi sleep under tightly woven tents, the former using palm bast or cachibana, the latter, Astro- caryum. The Roamaina sleep on the ground, the Canelo and perhaps Andoa on platforms, though some Canelo use hammocks. The Zdparo, Awishira, and Iquito sleep in hammocks. Men’s log seats are standard equipment of most houses. The Awishira built interior storage platforms, and the Jquito had special stands for spears. DRESS AND ADORNMENT Complete nakedness was customary among both sexes of Coronado and among Awishira and perhaps Gae and Semigde men. In other tribes, at least the genitals were covered. Roamaina and Zdparo men used a short flap of bark cloth or of cachibanco cloth; the Iquito tucked the penis under a belt. On important occasions, Maina, Zadparo, and Awishira men wore a bark-cloth tunic, the Zdparo decorating theirs with blue, red, and black geometric designs; Roamaina men wore capes (capuces) of cachibanco cloth. Canelo men, however, used either the breechclout or European drawers or pants and a poncho (Galt, ms; Simson, 1886, p. 154) and both sexes now wear Spanish costumes (pl. 56). Women of all tribes except the Coronado wore some covering. Among the Zdparo, they used a leaf and, more recently, a belt so narrow as to conceal nothing. Zapa women wore a shell pubic cover. Women of other tribes were clad in a wrap-around skirt, those of the Canelo and Awishira being of cotton, the latter painted and hanging to the ground. Iquito skirts were beautifully woven of cachibanco cloth, crudely painted, and trimmed with jingling animal teeth, seeds, and shells. Maina women dressed in a short, palm-fiber skirt and sometimes cloaked their upper bodies with a cloth passed over one shoulder and under the other (Veigl, 85° by) p: idl): Ear ornaments varied greatly: large shell disks glued to the end of wooden sticks, triangular shell pendants, and bone tubes (Jquito), fruit shells and other jingles or colored wooden disks 3 inches (7 cm.) in diameter (Zdparo), a stick worn by men (Awitshira and Andoa), and reed ear tubes with tufts of feathers (upper Nanay River). The Iquito suspended triangular shell plates from their noses. The Itucale and Urarina were widely famous for mutilating the nose in a manner unique in South America. They detached a strip of skin along the ridge of the nose and placed a rolled leaf under it. Because of this peculiarity the Quechua-speaking Indians called them Singacuchuscas (Cut-noses). Only the Awishira are accredited with lip ornaments. Galt (ms.) remarked that Zéparo women stained the lower lip black; this perhaps resulted from blackening the teeth, which was practiced by the Iquito, Awishira, Zaéparo, and Maina. The Maina accomplished this by 642 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 148 chewing a certain grass with ashes; they cleaned their teeth with maize leaves and renewed the stain every day or two (Chantre y Herrera, 1901. p. 63). Necklaces of teeth, fruit shells, beetle wings, and other materials and bracelets, armlets, anklets, and feather diadems have no striking peculiarities. The Coronado owed their name to a triangular tuft of hair projecting above the forehead, though the Roamaina and Zdpora evidently fixed their hair similarly. The Jquito singed the tops of their heads and smeared them thickly with uructi and rosin, which gained them the nickname. “Puca-uma”’ (“redheads” in Quechua). Tribes on the Nanay River removed eyebrows, eyelids, hair on the front of the head, women’s pubic hair, and men’s beards. They spread hot gum on the hair, then, after it hardened, pulled it and the hair off (Galt, ms.). In a similar manner, the Zdpora used resin to pluck their eyebrows, and body hair. Beauty operations were performed with mir- rors of black rosin (Iquito). Uructti and genipa paint provided decoration for formal occasions. Status badges are not reported, but Maina men were alleged to have worn as many ankle rings as they had wives. Only the Awishira deformed infants’ heads; lateral pressure somewhat lengthened the skulls (Tessmann, 1930). The Iquito and Zdparo, how- ever, pressed babies’ noses in some way to make the face broad. TRANSPORTATION Babies were carried in a sling. A Zdparo man kept his comb, tinder, poison, and other essentials in a small pouch. The Awishira, Zaéparo, Iquito, and perhaps other Zd4paroan tribes lacked canoes in aboriginal days, perhaps because they lived away from the main streams. The Kandoshi were thought to have learned canoe making from the Cocama. Canoes were introduced to the Awishira by a tribal member who learned about them from his Spanish captors, but in the last century, this tribe still preferred rafts and made only poor two-passenger canoes of hollowed bombana palm with the ends stopped with clay (Simson, 1886, p. 199). But certain unidentified tribes of the area made canoes that held 20 people. The best canoe material is cedro blanco and cedro colorado (Icica altisima). MANUFACTURES Spinning and Weaving.—Cordage was usually made of chambira fibers. Woven and knitted products were of chambira, cotton, and cachibanco (achua palm fibers), the last being preferred despite the greater strength of cotton. The Jquito either knitted chambira or wove it for loincloths Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 643 and bags. The Jquito, Roamaina, and Zdaparo made clothes, mosquito tents, and bands of cachibanco cloth. For this they extracted the fibers from terminal palm shoots (cogollo) and spun them to make large skeins. The spindle and loom are not described but may have been similar to those used for cotton. Cachibanco cloth was colored with various veg- etable dyes. Most of these tribes also wove cotton, the Zaparo and Awi- shira using a small, horizontal loom, Bark cloth.—Bark cloth was made by several of these tribes, probably being used when woven cloth was not available. Basketry.—Little is known of baskets except that the Zdparo were named after theirs, which had lids and double wickerwork walls of split creepers and were somehow water-proofed. These were used to store personal possessions. Potiery and other containers.—The Roamaina, Zaparo, Awishira, and Jquito made chicha jugs, bowls and punctate or fingernail-decorated cooking pots. Maina decoration was red, black, and white (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:cxlvi). Certain Roamaina vessels were red outside, black inside. Jquito bowls were undecorated. Canelo bowls, jars, and cups have geometric and conventionalized black and red designs on an orange or cream background (Karsten, 1935, pls. 19, 20). The Maina made wooden bowls and containers of calabash, the latter painted and varnished with parinari fruit (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 8:117). Weapons.—The principal hunting weapon was the blowgun. Bows were used for hunting only by the Roamaina. The blowgun was made of two wooden half-tubes carefully glued together. One of the earliest records of the use of the blowgun in South America is for the Mama in 1571. (See Stirling, 1938, p. 12). Later accounts attribute it also to the Andoa and Zdparo, but deny that the Awishira and Iquito used it. The Zdparo imported their poison from the Tucuna (Villavicencio, 1858, p. 367) and, when their supply ran out resorted to spears (Simson, 1886, p. 167). The Canelo make poison, but obtain a stronger brand in trade (Karsten, 1935, pps $45,152): For war, the Zdparoans typically carried large bundles of javelins and hurled them in rapid succession. The Canelo could throw them 45 to 60 feet (15 to 20 m.). Jquito and Gae lances were tapered at both ends, tipped with sharp chonta or bone points, and were decorated with feathers and basketry sheaths having alternating black and white design elements. Only Iquito lances were poisoned. The Zdparo used thrusting spears as well as javelins (Villavicencio, 1858, p. 171). The spear thrower and club (macana) are ascribed to the Maina in 1571 but are not mentioned subsequently. Large shields of palo balsa covering most of the warrior’s body have been used throughout the historic period. Some were round, e. g., Zaparo,; others, rectangular, e. g., that of the Jquito, which was 6 inches 644 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 (15 cm.) thick, 18 inches (45 cm.) wide, and 5 feet (1.5 m.) long (Figueroa, 1904, p. 380). Basketry shields were also common, those of the /quito being rectangular and woven of creepers. The Jquito used tapir-hide shields (Jiménez de la Espada, 1889-92, 27:77). Axes.—Axes had a polished greenstone head inserted in a hole in a wooden handle. Metallurgy.—Practice of metallurgy in pre-Columbian times is doubt- ful, but within the historical period the Gae traveled from the Bobanaza to the Napo River to collect gold dust (Chantre y Herrera, 1901 p. 249). The Santa Rosina (Canelo) also produced some gold (Galt, ms.). Fire making.—The fire drill was native, but flint and steel were preferred after their introduction. Tessmann’s reference to “two stones” (Andoa and /quito) may mean flint and steel. Fire fans were woven of feathers. TRADE There was some local pre-Columbian specialization in manufacture and trade, though trade increased greatly after the Contact. A main article of exchange has always been the excellent chambira hammock made on the Napo River and sought by the aboriginal Indian tribes as eagerly as by modern Mestizos. Iron knives, which the Zdaparo received for their hammocks, were traded on to more remote tribes. The Roamaina were a source of palm-fiber mosquito tents (Figueroa, 1904, p. 151). To obtain salt, the Canelo made arduous journeys requiring months to the Chasuta mines on the Huallaga River. When bartering salt to the Whites, a man exchanged the amount he brought back for 30 varas of cloth, of which he made clothes and mosquito tents (Simson, 1886, pp. 158-160). The Canelo also gathered sarsaparilla for sale. All of these tribes undertook long trips to the lower Napo and Amazon to purchase curare from the Tucuna and Pava and went to the Napo River to obtain signal and dance drums (Pierre, 1889, p. 144). SOCIOPOLITICAL GROUPS Aboriginal sociopolitical groups are not adequately described. In 1664, the warlike Awishira were dispersed in very small groups, each occupying a house located 2 to 4 leagues from a river. These house- holds so mistrusted one another that Father de la Cueva’s Awishira mes- senger needed a Chébero escort when approaching a village to announce the missionary’s arrival (Maroni, 1889-92, 29 :85-87). Within the last century each Zdparoan community consisted of several families occupying a single, large house. The Canelo village, for example had only one large hut which sheltered several families, each with its “plat- form” (bed?) (Pierre, 1889) ; in addition, each family had a hut in the bush near its plantations to which to retire from the village but where Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 645 people might come to visit, and another hidden hut that was known only to the family (Simson, 1886, pp. 157-158). A Zdparo settlement had about 100 people, living in the midst of their plantation, but members were not strongly united and continually wandered in “small hordes” (Simson, 1886, p. 172). Orton (1870, p. 171) calls these communities “isolated ranches.” Later, Tessmann (1930) found that only about 3 families occupied each house and constituted the community. In 1871, the Nanay River Indians were living in small, peaceful groups of 10 to 14 people each (Galt, ms.). Recent Jquito villages had 1 to 4 houses each (Tess- mann, 1930). Every tribe was patrilocal, suggesting the existence of extended patri- lineal families, though some villages may have been made up of several extended families. War captives were incorporated into the social group. Etiquette——A Coronado or Gae who had been away was received by his community with tears and laments. LIFE CYCLE Birth and childhood.—The widespread belief that the penis bone of the coati is an aphrodisiac is shared by the Zaparoan. During childbirth, women are generally isolated; they are assisted by other women. Jquito women gave birth in special huts built some distance from the village. Among the Zdparo, the oldest woman of the village cut the navel cord. Restrictions of varying rigor and duration are imposed on both parents. Zdparo parents are confined 10 days, the father avoid- ing work. The Murata father spends 4 days in bed. Both Awishira par- ents remain in their hammocks for 2 weeks, dieting ; quito parents, for 3 days. The Roamaina mother is isolated 1 month, and the father does not work for 5 days. Canelo parents diet and the father avoids working or hunting for several days. Abortion is evidently common. One of twins is generally killed among the Zdparo, Roamaina, and Canelo, the Canelo burying it alive. An Iquito girl was circumcised one week after birth. The reference to ceremonial flogging and to the Awishira custom of putting red pepper in the eyes to make a person “strong, courageous, vigilant, and diligent” may allude to initiation rites. A few Montafia tribes used pepper also to improve hunters’ vision. Initiatory whipping occurred among the Eastern Tucanoan tribes but not in the Montana. The Jquito frighten recalcitrant children with masks—the only use of masks in the area. Puberty.—Girls’ puberty is marked by a period of confinement: Two days (Roamaina), 1 week (Iquito), 8 days (Kandosht). The Awishira isolate a pubescent girl from men, the Jquito from the view of everyone 646 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 except her mother. After her confinement, the Roamaina and Zdparo bathe her and hold a chicha feast. . Marriage.—Child betrothal is common among the /quito; a man rears a girl until she is old enough to marry him. To court a girl, the man usually places firewood by her hut, then makes a formal request of marriage to her father or brother. The marriage ceremony is simple: the couple sits in a hammock and drinks chicha. According to the usual marriage pattern, a man works for his father-in-law in return for his bride, either contributing food (Jquito), helping on his plantation (Roamaina, Zaparo), or living with the wife’s family in temporary bride service (1 month, Awishira; one to two years, Kandoshi, Andoa). Resi- dence is patrilocal, either immediately after marriage or following bride service. Zdparoan marriage ties are loose, there being frequent exchange and theft of wives and promiscuous sex relations (Simson, 1886, pp. 172-173). Polygyny is a chief’s prerogative. Some /quito headmen used to have as many as 12 wives; some Zdparo, 3 or 4. Maroni (1889-92, 29 :265) mentions a case of sororal polygyny among the Pinche. Death.—The Zdparo occasionally killed hopeless invalids who had be- come a burden on the community. They also sometimes buried a child alive with its dead mother (Simson, 1886, pp. 175-176). Methods of disposing of a corpse varied greatly: earth burial, urn burial, and scaffold burial, various forms of reburial, and endocannibalism. The Iquito placed the body, either flexed or vertical, in a round pit and covered the grave with clay. The Zdparo bury inside the house, placing weapons, utensils, and food with the corpse (Izaguirre, 1922-29, 12 :472; Tessmann, 1930), but they or their predecessors at Aguano had once practiced urn burial (Simson, 1886, p. 135). The Andoa and Kandoshi put the body in a canoe, place it on a scaffold, and later rebury it in an urn. The Andoa, however, sometimes bury the canoe in the earth and later re- bury in urns. The Awishira leave the deceased in his hammock for 3 days, collecting the fluids of decomposition in an urn, and then bury him in the house. They burn his possessions. In 1664, the Roamaina laid the corpse in his hammock and suspended it in a deep pit. When the flesh had rotted away, they collected and cleaned the bones and placed them in an urn decorated with appliqué figures. A year later they buried the urn (Figueroa, 1904, p. 249). According to Tessmann (1930), however, the Roamaina recently cremated men and buried the remains in anthro- pomorphic jars, but buried women directly in the earth inside the house. The house was not abandoned after death, except among the Jquito, who did so only when the owner died. The Roamaina and Zapa were said to have eaten their deceased rela- tives (Figueroa, 1904, p. 150), the practice perhaps being akin to that of the Panoan tribes (p. 586). Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 647 The Canelo play games after a death (below), those of maize grains and die casting serving as a means of distributing the deceased’s property (Karsten, 1935, pp. 466-478). WARFARE These tribes are now largely pacified, except perhaps the Awishira. Accusation of witchcraft used to be the main cause of hostility between the tribes and communities. The generat pattern of fighting was to launch a surprise attack, kill the men with spears, capture the women and chii- dren, and retreat rapidly. Jquito warriors smoked tobacco to make them- selves invulnerable. The spear was the principal weapon of attack, though the Roamaina used bows and clubs. Shields, previously described (p. 643), were used in defense. Villages were protected by trenches and pitfalls filled with sharp stakes, which were poisoned among the Murata. The Canelo used palisades. CANNIBALISM Cannibalism and trophy taking was formerly common. The Roamaina and Zapa ate their slain enemies; the Gae boiled their flesh and took it home to eat (Figueroa, 1904, p. 150). The Yameo and Encabellado ac- cused the Jquito of cannibalism, but the missionaries found no evidence of it (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 90). Maroni (1889-92, 29:224) at- tributes cannibalism to the Awishira. Funeral endocannibalism has been mentioned. The Roamaina and Canelo held trophy skull feasts. The former placed the skulls on T-shaped poles, women dancing around them while the men drank (Figueroa, 1904, p. 263). The Awishira drank from enemies’ skulls. They and probably other tribes made necklaces of their victim’s teeth. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments.—The Zdparoan tribes used transverse flutes (Andoa, Kandoshi), two-headed skin drums (probably post-European), and belts with jingles (Zdparo). Curiously, panpipes are ascribed only to the Andoa and Iquito and denied for the Zdparo, Roamaina, and Kan- doshi (Tessmann, 1930). The musical bow does not occur. The Canelo made signal and dance drums 18 inches (45 cm.) long, 12 inches (30 cm.) in diameter, scooped from a hollow log (pl. 57; Simson, 1886, p. 106). Other tribes including the [quito may also have used the signal drum. The Zdparo have whistles to lure monkeys and trumpets made of armadillo shells. The Canelo carved fiddles, after Spanish models, from a solid block of wood (Simson, 1886, p. 156). Toys and games.—Amusements included children’s humming tops, slings attached to sticks, the maize-leaf ball game, and men’s wrestling. 648 SOUTH AMEnICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1438 Drinking and dancing.—At festivals, chicha and cayapi were always drunk. The chicha is made principally of various fruits, especially fer- mented manioc. The Jquito strengthened their chicha with a fungus that grows on decayed trees and on manioc stems. The Canelo constructed a still of pots and bamboo tubes, a device seemingly unique and surely post-Columbian in South America (Simson, 1886, pp. 162-163). The Awishira dance with a palm-branch costume, flourishing their weapons and accompanied by drums and flutes (Maroni, 1889-92, 29: 236). During a Zdparo feast, Osculati (1854, pp. 173-174) observed a woman’s circle dance, a jaguar dance in which a man raced to and from the plaza with a woman whom he struck with his stomach, a parrot and monkey dance, and finally a circle dance for men whose song was an- swered by the women. Old men sat apart drinking and singing of the deeds of their ancestors. Canelo cayapi and chicha drinking bouts lasted 8 days (pl. 57). Games.—After a death the Canelo play several games, evidently of Highland origin: casting a wooden die; tossing maize grains into holes on a board; blindman’s bluff; blowing a ball of burning cotton; seeking a concealed pin; and a game in which one person took a position in a row of people (Karsten, 1935, pp. 466-478). Narcotics.—Narcotics used in this area include tobacco, Datura, cayapi, and guayusca, but not coca. Tobacco may once have been somewhat restricted to magical use, especially by shamans; in fact, Tessmann (1930) believes that formerly the Zdparo, Awitshira, and Iquito lacked tobacco altogether. But Rein- burg (1921) affirms that the Zdparo drank tobacco to produce vomiting and a dream state, its effect being similar to that of cayapi, and Simson (1886, pp. 148, 164-170) mentions it as a general remedy throughout the Napo-Putumayo region. The Roamaina also drink tobacco juice. The cigar, formerly used perhaps only by some shamans, recently became general among the Zdparo and Andoa. Tobacco chewing is a recent Zaparo practice (Tessmann, 1930). Huanto (Datura arborea) is taken by the Zdparo and Canelo to foretell the future. Cayapi is generally drunk to produce a trance and visions. Zdparo warriors drink it to foretell the success of warfare, and shamans take it to invoke spirits which reveal the cause of sickness (Reinburg, 1921). The Awishira drink cayapi after chicha; Canelo drinking bouts have already been mentioned. The Jquito wear a special woven headgear while drink- ing cayapi; they see visions of animals (Tessmann, 1930), the significance of which is obscure. Guayusa, which is anesthetizing rather than exhilarating, was drunk during dances. The Pinche took it to increase their endurance on arduous Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 649 trips. The Zéparo plant and drink it as a curative. The Iquito, Roamaina, and Awishira, however, are said not to have used it. RELIGION The Canelo and their neighbors are essentially Christian today, but native animism doubtless survives among many Auca, or pagan tribes, of the lower jungles. Missionary influence has probably faded among the latter, though Simson (1886, p. 118) found the Zéparo practicing a mean- ingless ritual long after they had lost their priest. To the Zdparo the monstrous water snake or python was dangerous, but water spirits were harmless. The forest demons were usually con- ceived to be anthropomorphic and menacing. The Iquito believed in bush dwarfs, giants, and other anthropomorphic spirits, and the Awishira in a skeletonlike being with a visible heart. According to the Zdparo, a black spirit, mungia, devoured travelers in the bush. The souls of brave Zdparo men were thought to be reincarnated in birds and those of cowardly persons in reptiles (Villavicencio, 1858, p. 371), but shamans were held to become jaguars or pythons. The Canelo be- lieved that souls of deceased shamans turned into demons. Other tribes stated that the soul went to the bush and became innocuous (Tessmann, 1930). Shamanism.—-Shamanism in this group of tribes is described on page 650. Cyperus is or was taken by most of these tribes for hunting and fishing luck, fertility of manioc, female fertility, and as a general curative (Tess- mann, 1930). To stop storms, the Zdparo chewed piri-piri grass and spat it into the air. MYTHOLOGY We have three fragments of Maina flood legends. (1) The flood was caused by a god whom people had thrown into a dirty pit because he was covered with sores; the only survivor was the man who rescued and cleaned him. (2) A man and woman took refuge on a zapote tree, which grew up to the sky. They ate its fruits until the flood subsided. (3) A flood of the Rimachuma Lagoon destroyed all mankind except one man who lived in a hut where he found food prepared daily ; he discovered that it came from two parrots who flew to his house and became women, one the mistress, the other her servant ; he married the mistress, hence women are now lazy (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 4:xxii-Ixxiii). A Zéparo tale related that the moon was formerly a man who had sexual intercourse with his sister. To locate her lover, the girl smeared his face with genipa. Moon’s wife became a night bird. The Zdparo creator is called Piietzo (Osculati, 1854, p. 169). 690 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 143 The Tupi-Guarani twin story was recently recorded among the Zdparo (Reinburg, 1921). A woman, apparently the sister of the moon, was pregnant with twins. Her husband abandoned her, but the voices of her unborn babies guided her in her search for him. She was misled to the house of the jaguars who devoured her, but gave the twins to their old jaguar mother. Later, the twins killed the jaguars. One of the twins spoiled everything that his brother attempted to do for the benefit of mankind. The Roamaina thought that earthquakes occurred whenever God raised the hand in which he supported the earth. The Maina believed that they signified that God was inquiring the whereabouts of people; in answer, the people stamped the ground and shouted, “Here we are” (Jiménez de la Espada, 1889-92, p. 52). The Maina explained that gods coming from the west and east had opened the Pongo de Manseriche so that they could meet. One god, Innerre, lives with his wife, a large serpent, in a cave above the Pongo. Three Indians once visited this god; two were killed by the large number of bats in the cave but the third obtained medicines from Innerre (Jiménez de la Espada, 1889-92, p. 52). SHAMANISM The shaman, probably still functioning among many tribes, is both sorcerer and curer. His power, acquired and utilized with the aid of narcotics, comes from plants and animals, but is materialized in the form of “thorns.” During his instruction, the Andoa, Awishira, Canelo, Roamaina, and Kandoshi shaman takes cayapi in order to “see better.”” Tobacco, how- ever, gives the true power. The Andoa and Roamaina smoke it; the Roamaina, Zéparo, and Kandoshi take it as juice. The Jquito and Canelo shaman takes Datura and Cyperus instead of tobacco. An Awishira shaman’s power is his breath; the Jquito’s is Cyperus root; the Kandoshi’s, a magical bird; the Canelo’s, a python spirit; and the Andoa’s, Roamaina’s, Zdéparo’s, and Kandoshi’s, “thorns.” Disease is caused by sending the power or “thorn,” sometimes by means of a bird, into the victim, but the Awishira shaman sent a snake or his breath, and the Iquito his Cyperus root, whereas the Roamaina might make a water demon seize the person. Cure consists of blowing smoke and sucking out the disease substance, that is, the “thorns.” The Canelo believe that some illness is caused by ghosts, which they drive away with shouting. The Jquito buried sorcerers alive (Chantre y Herrera, 1901, p. 564). A shaman made contact with his spirits either by fasting in a small, isolated cabin or by remaining in his hut where he lay in his hammock or sat taking cayapi on a platform surrounded by other people. After long Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 651 persuasion, the spirits came, took possession of the shaman, and spoke through his mouth. Meanwhile, the shaman’s spirit had wandered far away to acquire knowledge of the future. Miscellaneous cures.—Cyperus and tobacco juice were general cura- tives. Snake bites were treated among the Zdparo with a creeper, itiningi or Soga de San Pablo (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:420). On the Napo River (Canelo?), salt, tobacco, and red pepper were administered and the patient was required to observe taboos, such as not eating grease or toothed fish or passing a pregnant woman (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:420). BIBLIOGRAPHY Beuchat and Rivet, 1908, 1909; Chantre y Herrera, 1901; Cruz, 1900; Escobar y Mendoza, 1769; Figueroa, 1904; Galt, n.d.; Grubb, 1927; Izaguirre, 1922-29 ; Jiménez de la Espada (Noticias auténticas .. . 1889-92) ; Karsten, 1920 a, b, 1935; La jornada del . . . 1895; Maroni, 1889-92; Ortiz, 1940; Orton, 1870; Osculati, 1854; Pierre, 1889; Reinburg, 1921; Relaciones geograficas de Indias, 1881-97; Rimbach, 1897; Rivet, 1924, 1930; Simson, 1886; Stirling, 1938; Tessmann, 1930; Veigl, 1785 b; Villavicencio, 1858. THE COFAN The Cofdn (Kofdn) lived in the upper Aguarico River region, near its junction with the Azuela River (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:245). (Lat. 0°-1° S., long. 75°30’-77° W.; map 1, No. 3; map 5.) Archidona and San Pedro Alacala del Rio, founded near the Coca River in 1536, were the first Spanish settlements. The Jesuit Father, Rafael Ferrer, visited the Cofdn in 1599 and founded several missions, especially Bendoa, but the Jesuits left the Cofdn following disagreement with the Spanish civil authorities. Ferrer returned in 1608, but the Spaniards of Alacala were enslaving the Indians, and he was killed by the Indians in 1611. In 1635, the Franciscans, Domingo Brieva and Pedro Pecador, visited the Cofdn at Alacala de Oro (Maroni, 1889-92, 26:245). Subsequent Jesuits’ efforts were ineffective, and the Cofdn continually decreased. In 1940, there were 206 Christianized Cofdn in Konsaya Puerto Asis to Cuembi, Achote (tributary of the Guamués), San Antonio del Guamués, Abusia River, and San Miguel River (Igualada and Castellvi, 1940, p. 97). BIBLIOGRAPHY Barnuevo, 1942; Castellvi, 1938; Igualada and Castellvi, 1940; Maroni, 1889-92; Rodriguez, 1684; Velasco, 1841-44. UNIDENTIFIED TRIBES OF THE UPPER PUTUMAYO-NAPO RIVER REGION Several tribes in this region which are of uncertain identity are as follows : 653333—47—44 652 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 1438 Sucumbio.—This tribe was visited by missionaries in 1633 east of Quito (Cruz, 1900, p. 14). Probably the Sucumbios or San Miguel River, a branch of the Putumayo River, was named from them, and they are the San Miguel Indians, who in 1877 lived between the Macaguage and Pioje divisions of the Encabellado and occupied the San Miguel, upper Aguarico, and Santiago Rivers (Simson, 1886, pp. 192-193). Their habitat was close to if not within that of the Cofdn. Sento (Sufio).—A tribe below the Sucumbio, north of the Putumayo River near the equator, visited in 1633 by Fathers Anguita and Cararubia (Cruz, 1900, p. 18). Becaba (Pecaba).—A tribe, less numerous than the Sefo, on the Putumayo River, 8 days downstream from the San Miguel River, living on islands in the river when Fathers Lorenzo Fernandez and Juan Cayado found them in 1635. Attempts to missionize them were given up (Cruz, 1900, pp. 18-19). Several other tribes, the Andacui and Otequa, are mentioned with the Encabellado, Macaguage, and Payagua as having had a numerous popula- tion in 16 villages in 1700. By 1780, they were decimated to only six reduciones around the headwaters of the Putumayo and Caqueta Rivers. They had raided and destroyed the Spanish towns of Mocoa, Ezija, and Sibundoy along the mountains. THE QUIJO INTRODUCTION The Quijo (Kicho, Quixo, Napo, Santa Rosino), not to be confused with the Jquito, were, according to Rivet (1924), a Chibchan-speaking people. They lived in the region of Baeza and Archidona, at the head- waters of the Coca River, and were in close contact with the Panzaleo of the Highlands (lat. 0°-1° S., long. 75°30’-77° W.; map 1, No. 3; map 5). Quijo culture has a number of elements which link it with the Highland, especially with other Chibchan tribes: potatoes, metallurgy in gold, mummification, bone-bead money, coca divination, dwellings scattered through farm lands with central villages for only temporary occupancy, and great political power of chiefs. Cieza de Leon observed that the Quijo were not very different from the Panzaleo (Handbook, vol. 2, p. 795), a Chibchan tribe, with whom they maintained close relations. A Quijo chief was reported to be related to chief of the Latacunga, a Pan- zaleo division. Many Quijo traits, however, are typically selvan: slash-and-burn agri- culture, with manioc, sweet potatoes, and other lowland crops as staples, hunting with the blowgun, fishing with drugs, the shamanistic power from “thorns,” and belief in nature spirits. Although it is possible that the Highland traits and the Chibchan language diffused from the nearby Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 653 Andes to replace older Tropical Forest traits, it is more likely that the Quijo was a Highland Chibchan tribe which moved into the Montafia and adapted certain features of its culture, especially its economic pattern, to the jungle. HISTORY Gonzalo Dias de Pineda, the first White man to visit the Quijo (in 1536), found them hostile. Colonization of Quijo territory started with the foundation of Baeza in 1559 and later of Avila on the Suno River. Resentful of the harsh treatment to which they were subjected by the encomenderos, the Indians revolted in 1577. The revolt failed, the priests who led it were either killed or deported to Quito, and many Quijo were sent to the coast, where they soon died. The Spaniards estimated the population at about 30,000 in 1559. Deportation, infanticide, and smallpox epi- demics after the revolt reduced it in less than 50 years to 2,829 (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 1:crv). In the last century, the Quijo were reputedly among the Christian Indians who looked down upon the “Auca,” the pagan tribes of the lower forest regions. But they still had a native economy, fished with poison, used the blowgun, and wore aboriginal ornaments (Orton, 1870). In 1925, Tessmann (1930) found that several thousand Quijo lived on the Tena, Suno, and Payomino Rivers, all left tributaries of the upper Napo River, where they were divided into villages. Prolonged mission and lay Spanish contact had left little of the aboriginal culture; Spanish and Quechua had supplanted their previous tongue. SOURCES The main source on the ancient Quijo is Don Diego de Ortegon’s “Descripcion de la Provincia de los Quijos,” written in 1577 (Rel. geogr. Indias, 1881-97, 1:c-cx11), from which Gonzalez Suarez (1890-1903, 6:55-60) and Jijon y Caamafio (1940-41, 1 :291-294) took their material on these Indians. These Indians are also mentioned by Rodriguez (1684). Last-century information can be found in Orton (1870) and Simson (1886). Tessmann (1930) has some material on the acculturated Quzjo. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE Farming consisted of slash-and-burn cultivation of maize, sweet manioc (yuca), potatoes, sweet potatoes, peanuts, beans, pumpkins, Guilielma palms, pepper (Capsicum sp.), yams, macabo, cocona (Solanum sp.), anda Cyclanthaceae (Tessmann, 1930; Ortegon, “Descripcion .. . 1881”). Cul- tivation of bitter manioc is mentioned only in recent sources. Introduced European foods include plaintains, bananas, sugarcane, pigs, and chickens. Other crops are tobacco and barbasco, the latter a fish drug. Typical of the Forest Tribes, the Quijo gather wild fruits, especially palms. In the 16th century, they fished with dams and barbasco; recent sources mention use of drugs (barbasco and Clibadium), landing nets, spears, harpoons (?), and bone hooks. The Quijo hunt with two-piece, 654 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B.A.E. Bull. 142 chonta wood blowguns, the poison for which comes from the Tucuna, and with spears, darts, and some traps. The Quijo grind food with both a flat and a trough-shaped grinder and smoke meat on the babracot. In the 16th century they prepared a “pan de yuca,” probably cassava. VILLAGES AND HOUSES Ancient houses were built of posts stuck in the ground and plastered with mud. Settlements had an average of four houses, but were occupied only on market days. Like the modern Indians, the people probably spent most of their time in huts closer to their fields. Modern Napo River Indian huts are rectangular with a gabled roof, the frame obviously copied from the Whites. The ancient Quijo slept on the ground; today they sleep in bedsteads, and use hammocks for resting. DRESS AND ADORNMENT In the 16th century, men in the region of Avila and Baeza wore two capes (mantas) knotted over the shoulders. In Archidona they went naked with the penis tied up. In both regions women used cotton loin- cloths. The most conspicuous ornaments were golden nose ornaments and breastplates. A thin labret, probably of resin, was worn through the upper lip. Modern Quijo dress exactly like the Mestizos, but still wear armbands and place feathered sticks through the ear lobes. Feather circlets were festive ornaments of the last century. The Indians now blacken their teeth, paint themselves with genipa and uruct, and tattoo. The 16th-century Quijo deformed infants’ heads fronto-occipitally be tween two boards, a custom which has entirely disappeared. Some modern Quijo have adopted the Cocama custom of filing the incisors. MANUFACTURES The ancient Quijo were expert goldsmiths and good weavers, cotton blankets constituting a large part of the tribute they paid to their en- comenderos. The modern people make nets and bags of agave or Astro- caryum fibers, crude pottery (fig. 93), and some mats and baskets. TRADE Markets played an important part in the economic life of the ancient Quijo. At these, they sold clothes, jewels, foods, and slaves. They had a sort of money (carato), consisting of strings of 24 bone beads, which was used to fulfill social obligations and to pay workers. The modern people undertake long trips to the salt mines of the lower Huallaga and exchange their salt for dress material. Vol. 3] TRIBES OF PERUVIAN AND ECUADORIAN MONTANA 655 Ficure 93.—Quijo pot on stone rests. (Redrawn from Tessmann, 1930, map 11.) LIFE CYCLE Childbirth.—Childbirth occurred near a river, where the mother washed herself and baby, then remained for a certain time, while the husband observed a strict diet, drinking only chicha beer. Marriage.—Child betrothal is said to have been common. In early times, the suitor paid bone money (carato) to the girl’s parents. The marriage was sealed after the bridegroom deposited wood, a bundle of straw, and food at the girl’s doorstep, but sometimes a husband had to give several years of bride service before taking his wife to his own home. Caciques and frequently commoners had many wives. Our earliest source records that hospitality required the host to lend his wife to a guest, who repaid him with bone money. Death.—Common people were buried indoors under the hearth, after which a 1-day wake was held and the widow washed. Chiefs were mummified, the corpse being eviscerated, smeared with tar, and smoked over a fire. The deceased’s jewels were placed inside the stomach cavity. Funerals were celebrated with dances and drinking bouts. Modern Quijo bury their dead in the hut in a coffin made of a part of a canoe, but they do not abandon the hut. The night following the burial, the deceased’s relatives and friends play several games (Karsten, 1920 a, pp. 92-95):