ZL LZ gs LES Lee Gy _ , Z Lies Za Ye Z Zs Cra Lis GEILE De Ze LAGE ioe ee Z LE Loe Z oy LE GE Zs ies eee tig Coe LE OE Lie Zo LEI ao . ne i te ie +. eo. —- Ee a a = =—Auirora ice oo ee ee oe nee ees 106 Site A=9 >= Relémioss 25 sa tate oes eee ees eee ee 107 Site A=l0—=Montanharda Plumas 2. ee 2 ae 107 Site A=11——Montanhs dé Aristés 2250 2s aes ane eee 108 Site*A—12=“Cruzeirosue So 116 Site A=13-—Mataplor 22 ae eee 118 Site A=142Mscapai io -2 sro en > meee ee 118 Site-A=15—=Vils; Velha- tee 5a 26 See ee ee 119 Site A=16-—Mhagtdo Campos. 52220 nn en eee 120 Site "A=18—Maicas? stone tee eee eee 121 Site A=19=—Renovadont so ves 2S 8 eee ee 122 Site A=202=Vila*Cunanie- 2 = c2e 0 2c eee oe ee 122 Site,A=21=Pracnibace = 2 oe aos ee eee ee 122 Site A=22-"lon celedia mn tse ne mee ee 123 Data from other invectications.©-—-- 52 =—- eae. = eee eee 123 Rio ‘Oiapoque sites oto ee ee 123 Rio Wacd sites oro 222 22 30S Sa SAE ar ee ee ee 125 Rio *Aracaudsitesto 2. 27) 2 Sahee et Sree eee 125 Gunant sites =" os i oo ee ee 126 Monte Mayé sites? 27275252 5 ae eae eee 128 Tiha'do*@arae site s2 252720 one ee eee ss 130 Acahy zaltsite rss 27S SS ene eee ee a ee ee 131 Iearapé Lartarucalzinhoysitess ase see ees ee 131 ee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON VII Tue Territory or AMapA—Continued The Aristé Phase—Continued PAGE Analysis of materials of the Aristé Phase_-____..._------------ 132 Pourery tyme UescipulONe. sn eee ee = 132 Aristé@pelaiee sea ae oe eee meee ae i ee 132 ATIStOULAINGCOtss = ee ene ae ae eee eee ee eee 135 Davis CiseG ett ee tae ee eee ee ae Soe aerate ae 137 Mioxsit Scrape soSe soos. ooo ese cee em eo Le amcs 140 Serrapblain es 2 eres oat eee eee see eee see eS 143 Seren EIN tOUe ee soe Se a eae eee ee eee eS 145 Ween ineined== "92-6 ceo sana wee eee 148 Unelacsined Mecorahed = 19282 teeta seo ee 150 UT RLOast Sh eaeget bs 2 (G1 Bert pl een a spe ae ek es eS ee ee 150 Noniceramicrartifachs==<- eo tee ene ee eee aaa 150 CoraameMist Oye te eee ee ee es ee ne ae eee 151 Diagnostic features of the Aristé Phase______..-_-.----------- 156 Conelusions*and' imterpretations= —-—- 22-2 sesso - see sone 158 INGA ATORISUAND = 52 ea ee ner ee ena nae oem eee ee een ine ea 168 Geuptaphical CesenpumOle =. oa a=. ne ee 168 slcopicnleGoresu nanos =m ame Meee ane eee ee eee eee 174 Picea OM Mase es OMe ee ee ce ee ae ee 174 Description of sites and excavations_-______-_-.----------- 174 PS TE Suge) s/fee sw 010 ping a nara ate ple pan Oe an ne 174 Sie OVA RUd een eee ee ne eee eo ee dle Site JO — AManatU ba se a oo eee ee ae eee eee Niaiel iter) N= SOrOLOCOn ete ame ae rene te ee ee ee eee 178 Data trombother imvespleahlONSe ss sane ae eee ee 179 Site LO eee ee ee oe ee ee ee 179 rit i) DA ee he i on poe Sn Sy eg 179 Analysis of materials of the Ananatuba Phase_________---- 179 Povtery type Geectipmols: 6. - a eee noe 179 Atanas hd AINGeG st 0s toe oe nao eee 180 HACENeATY GUL Wey TIN mere een ne es rt ne ert 181 CarmomDrushed ee see eee nee eo See = 184 SipolNGisedans Sate oe eee eee se 185 SOrorocon ey sine eee eye ene nee es see 187 UniclassinedeDecoratedees-ss2 22 ese ree e ee oe 188 BGEGOEy Ar Ciba Ce nea er en ere eee eee a 189 IN@MGS AAO CHE HN Gia ee ee ee ae 189 CE SPAT O NERS CODY seo one Me te oe ee ee are ee ate ee 189 Diagnostic features of the Ananatuba Phase_____--------- 193 ite vVianoUemras PMACO. 20a. = soe en seme ee ee ae 194 Description of sites and excavations__-._.___._--_-_--_----- 194 Sites OLOATin nS. tt ae ee eee ee ee Sey a 194 Sito IDO eo eee oe tee ee ee a ee ee 198 Site Ilo DACUM ES = att Ree oe ae eos ae 199 Bike Ga CANT OUG: ae eee te ee a ree ee 200 Sitene-o—POrto neal see eee ee ee eee es ee 201 DEta from Oller investigations: "25" 5 222 2 2 le eee 203 Nite d= t7——PlGrdo Angas. sn one eee en 203 VIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 MaraJé6 Istanp—Continued Tropical Forest Phases—Continued The Mangueiras Phase—Continued PAGE Analysis of materials of the Mangueiras Phase____________ 203 Pottery. type descriptions. — 222 4-- e ee ee 203 Anjos Plain sco. 52 2 ae eee ee we eee 203 Baeurt Brushed: 22/52 e se ee 207 Croart, Brushed 220.5. 5\e2- 2oh eee ee oe ae 207 Bsperangai Red 20s 2202 ae ee ee 208 Mangueiras Plain... 22) 425. ae ee 210 Pocoaté Scraped2:_.. 2-5 2 ee pew 213 Pseudo-Sipé6 Incised—Mangueiras Phase Variety__ 215 Unelassified Decorated. 22.548 ee 216 Pottery artiiacts: s2hoet ee ge PAW Nonceramic artifacts 2-202. =4 3. 2a eee ee 217 Ceramic history: <2 i552 6 oe A ee ee 217 Diagnostic features of the Mangueiras Phase______________ 221 The Formiga: Phase: 2. 22224223 2-2 2 Soe eee 222 Description of sites and excavations_______.___.___-_____- 222 Site J =4——Mireajaes 28a ee ee 222 Site. J—6—Hormiga.-2 222 eae ee oe ee 224 Data, from other excayations 2. <--- 3) 5+ sy 2 eee 226 Site 018 —Coroes A222 ae aw ee te Se 226 Analysis of materials of the Formiga Phase_______________ 227 Pottery atypedescriptions=. 22 ase = ae ee eee 227 Catarina: Plain! 25-2 = 2 ee eae pit pm ee 227 Coroes ‘Pilati § =< =. 558 3 ee ee 228 Embatba Plains. 25-2222. 35. 8) eee 230 Formiga) Plain: 22.2. 22523 4a ee 232 Miurcais Corrugated.) 2s 322 2b) eee 234 Pseudo-Sipé Incised—Formiga Phase Variety _-_-__--- 237 anba brushed. 223 is font oe Pe ee 238 Unelassified Decorated 2.2. | 2 sss = 2S eee 238 Potteryartifacts 2... === 5s ae Sa a ee ee 239 Nonceramiciantiiacts $5259. = ee 239 Ceramic histopya2 20 226 see 2 ee 239 Diagnostic features of the Formiga Phase___-_-__---------- 241 The Arus Phase. cos 46 2.0 es ese se ee eee 242 Description of sites and excavations__-------------------- 242 Site J-2/3—-Chaves:Airport. = 225 oe eee 242 Site J=1l—_Carmmo: . 2-5 228 ae 244 Data from other investigations___-..'.-=--.+--- 22-2 sess 245 Analysis of material... 522 3 22ers 245 Ceramic history: 2.2 3-225. see a eee eee 245 Diagnostic features of the Arua Phase___-_---------------- 245 Comparison and interpretation of the Tropical Forest Phases, with a method for computing village duration____------------ 245 Characterization of the Tropical Forest Phases__-.-..-_----_---- 257 The Marsajoara Phase. 2... 2s ee oe ee ee 259 Description of sites and excavations... — 2 2.-2- =. -__ {55s e= 259 Site J=14— Monte Carmelo.2 2 sso a=2 = - 5... See 259 Mound 1, Guajaré.= 2) ees os ee 259 Mound.2). Monte Carmelo..6- 222 =) _ 22 22 eee 278 Mound 3, Bacstale.o 222002225. 5-4 eee 279 ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Ix Marajé Istanp—Continued The Marajoara Phase—Continued Description of sites and excavations—Continued PAGE Sited—lo—-Os Camutinge--- = =.= see eee oe 279 Mounei--Canniiuins?.>sss>>=sSse2ei* Sea == = 281 MGUn Ut =e oe eae es Ss Se ee eS ee ee a 286 MOUn doa ea = Oe See ee ee on eee eno SS 287 Mound Sacrarios.-> ti 25 )S-s Si set ENS oP oe eee aes 288 Mound os cacachowt) )S ssl et Pens a ee Bees o 288 Noun dG =a Ao ae ek OS WS SHES es = eee ee ese 288 Mound’ 7, Sno Gentor et foe ne eee en eee nes 289 IMOUN GS a= aS a hk oe OE ee oe eon eee 289 Mound Oi +s - = Paes Cea ee eee oie 289 MOU CSL O Resa s & = 3s SEE ER ee ec 289 WMoundshliwes =. 208 == Sirs Oren ante eer fee se 289 Mound aiCarnos 9 OR Se Seen ee 289 Mound Wligeea. «er an ee ee ee eee ea SK 290 Mound-?4. Inayasalan 0-2 ese se ee oe sae 290 MGUnGELD eas ss be > Ss > ee ee ee ae ae 292 Mound iG hesmino es eee ote See elena aan 293 Mound -Iv,-belem=>=> => eee eee seas oe 293 Mound tS A rhiiabss =A= @ 3 Ste oe anata 295 Moundsl9i noone aos Be oe nana eee a 295 Mound00:e asses a= oe = ae Sas POU AI a aS 295 Datatrom other Investigations. "= 222-222! 2 22 S22 eto. --=--=- 295 Bacur Altos --=> 2 aee Meera ess hee Se ae Soe 296 GauGites=-52-55555 595 50= sae Steen Ne Nn Se aes 296 Camiutinss-s.=>-25-4 eens Henn see e ne ae ie 2s oe 297 Gara tates ce ee Ee weet ee ee aes S 301 CUT CTT AS eee aw sw AED OD SRNR ON Fed UIE LY IE (MRE EN a 301 Guruxype-s-255222s52 Sete ss ete sess ess She ioe ie =- sss 301 iDesterroce = acre see ene ee DUSTER ES Sn HUE eas sic 302 DDIaManhinas soso se bere © ayn = heh Ye eee ees ere ka 302 Hortalera ms 5352 2-9 a nan ees Ss Ua ee eo ie 302 Guaierie 22-22 ahs kent SSE SSS SEE le oe 306 A aaostBiGhos a2 a ae ee bate rete ea ee a oo 306 hados Marcose- 2 sean + Hees sh PIR ee ee 307 uUVATIOIFAG foams sa es eer sonnets Re Ree ES Sse os 307 MiG CGACRO = ae re Noes A aeRO RRS SS SEN GIN A occas 308 Matinad osiae mene ec ee eee ee cie he e ores IE ET 308 Menin Oh D euges = san ooo are bn one ME eh te wie eS Se 308 Mionte.Carmeloss=— =a" = as = Sass aes o ah Sees UES 308 Nazareth sos sBeRe ’ BiBO LR Rae i) Se ee eee 309 Pacovaléessonso=s> esos sss .- SOON eee US eee 309 iPacovaldorcururd <2 = 2 eee Sot SE eee eae 315 Pacovalidos|Melloe- sess Se leh 5 Se ee eel BO ee ee 316 Panellisgeicest.45 5 sas ne sae SASR ere reese seen sees eee Ss 7/ Sanharags- 5 92 aaea = Ba Peds ene nes te Fa ee Sule Santa Brisa. 2-52 sors lisse = es 9hs SSIES Sa 317 Gantatizabelerss lass sees RRS PEI Chr A ae ee 317 SantopAMmdreures= eth nae ste ae eee Me A ee 318 Serra. loan ou eae Sekt a 52527) RR ATO ee 318 xX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Maras6 IsLanp—Continued The Marajoara Phase—Continued Data from other investigations—Continued PAGE Teso das Igacgabas=+ << <= 2. 2 a ee ee ee 318 Teso de‘Severinos >is. 2. 2 35 Ae eee ee 318 Teso. dos Ching. +4 2.5.32. 254 ee ee 319 Teso do Gentile... )-.0 ee 322 Teso dos Gentios:-0. 2262202. ce ode eee ee 323 Unnamedimounds=3) 4225252 22 eee eee ee ee 323 Conclisions:=.. ote Se oe ee ee ee See eee 324 Analysis of materials of the Marajoara Phase_______.-__-__----- 324 Pottenybypedescrip ions == aa ae ee ee ee 324 Anajas Double-slipped Incised_- 2. sp 2-452_ 5.222 ee 326 Anaias Plain incised? == = 5. 2 eee eee 328 Anajas. Red: Incised 230.5 525 ae ee eee eee 331 Anajass White Incised._-._....)}' =e Bae Se eee 332 Ararf Double-slipped Mixcised22_ = #2 k.-94. 22 2 ee 336 Arari Plain tixcised |< 22-4 et Ee ea ee 339 Arart Red: Excisedes 2 22222 = 250. ee eee ee 341 Arari Red Excised, White-retouched___._______------ 344 Arari White Pixeised.._..--.- ctor Se ee 2 ae 347 Camutins (Plaine. 2222-2 6e og ae ee oe ee 348 Carmelo Red 222 = «222202 5 252 ee ee ee 353 Goiapi Seraped 2-22 2.22) ee ee eee 355 Guajaré Incised.. ~~ -. ae ht et a ee ee 356 Inajaé -Plain_-y. 22.5. 2 52k 22 oe re 358 JoanesyPaintedes 8 22 be 359 Pacoval:incisedt:.. 8 ys. Se 2 ee eee 366 Unelassified Decorated: 255s = ee eee 370 @eramicyand monceramicrartifactse ===] a= eee 371 Axes 52. 5s 2288) wee. Se Je Xo eines 372 Beads. 2. gs. eo os Doe ee eee 374 Barplugs: 1-2 25a oee on sok 8 ae ee 374 Bigurines. < ow obe se er 375 Trabrete 2 on 5 oe Be 377 Spmdle:whorls..°- -.-222—- 2. .2 25 45 eee ae ee 378 SP0ODS 3.24. oe 22 2 eee eee ee 380 SLOOISS 2a ee ee ee Le eS ee 381 Tangas ss. eho fo i ee 382 Whistles. 2422422252. 00 2.) 22) ee See 384 Miscellaneous: 220 22. 2) = ee eee 384 Ceramic history=<.2.2 52. .22--22_ 25. -. pb ae eee 385 Diagnostic features of the Marajoara Phase____---_----------- 398 Conclusions and interpretations=— = =.) = 55) ee ee eee 404 Tr TSUANDS OR Min xXTAINA VAIN) CAV TAIN AS eo oes eee ee oe 425 Geographical descriptions... =... =. 202 2 See ee ee 425 Mesiarias. ~ 2455522508 2 22 22 Se ee ae 425 LE hats 5 a: eee en a Ome oy Mr Te dere iy Ae ee RS Oe 2 Bee, See 427 The Acauam -Phasens i222 See ee 8 a eee 429 Description of sites and excavations____..__-_-----=--=+-~---- 430 Site M—1—Jacaretiba. <<.) 25.22. = 8. | hk eee 430 Site M-3—Acauan.22 222202 ilk ke eee eee 430 Site J-12—Jurupuceti.. =. 3-2... 282-525 436 Patel. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Tuer Isuanps of Mrex1IaANA AND CaviANA—Continued The Acauan Phase—Continued Data from other myestications==9 =e 5225-5 2 ss eee ee Analysis of materials of the Acauan Phase-______-------------- Pottery. type Geseniptions= == 6 =e feta eK = - == MCAUaTMEXCIS@Us 22 let = ee ee ee ee ke Carobaltincisea: 2 2S: SOU Wee eae ee Soe le Rioripes Cormugated =... Ma ieee eee Paciencin’ Seraped_ 224 4" E4993) Fp see Skee EE TE PiryzeleP isin |. eet eos s aa ste SS Verzal tndisadilu. i082) Bais SS iit See: OF Unelassified! Decorated: Ses aan ae sa ee eee Pottery antifacte: 2201 322 209. ie eP oot tet Ke bee INOnceraniic-artifaets*:. | #22205. ese we Beas. 22 ee Weramre HIStory: 2 22. 22 oes 8 a ee ee Diagnostic features of the Acauan Phaseu-___---------------- ihe Arua Phase? oats 25086 2s 2 oe ee 2 eee oe ts Description of sites and excavations_.__...------------------- Habitation sites on Mexiana and Caviana__-_-------_---- Meéxiana- 22822 8 ee ee ee IM=2-—Papa Cachorross 2252) 22 te M7 —Abertas 28222 Eye a eee eee elect ee @aviana=2. eee 2 ee aa ae Ree ee ©25= Morerataet. Se ese eee Se ee @=6—Croatasal mite ae 22 Sete ks oe ee Se C=7—Sio Domiige 22. 2 Ce See Se ©-6==Prcaa:- 22 sl OU Sec TSORe en 18 Sea ee Lae C210==Sa0sBentowe ets see a eee oS eee C=13=AltavPiratuba ee se ee ee G14 SUimtoninhes 2 ee aes Ea, et @415=-Patahta. = ts. sees A ees Sere Cemetery sites: 22 0S8CR AG sapret SE. Ss aS ft Bee INES SEV ahs Rk oe ic ea eS, Nem ae GY Weekes © eget ae en M—4——Hundordassranellast: 23525= Se 42-2) Sas eee Mab Mulatinioeese 2. 222+ ee ee eee Cavianian tut Sobel 5 eh oe oe See Seen ee C=1==Teso' das ‘leacabusteo 8 4 2 Soke ke G=4—Tesordosindios: 22. 248 22a ee eee @-6—Crodtasal! Section A_...--- 22 4. Aes essen C-9== Frei JoaGt 2. Sets Fae ae ie a ee Se C-11—-Vaquejador de Sio Sebaste&o____-_------- CS12— Condino+. ¥ Buse G6 aoe fe cae ees Daca trom Other IMVestiabions= =—- ===. seo co sos eee ee INTexiaties se ERR SR RA ahs ea ee ee ee ea eo M—6—Recreosite {Oo Sh as Dn BS aoe. See ae eos M=8:—Limgo. da Norac2=:_25_ 4S. Seas ee ee lee M-0"Chapéuuic. (routing s0 Suda ae Ss oe @avianal& ojo. ee eo pee ee Mania AReAGOGOs SS 16 tes Sea ges oes Sao Domingo ea te. rie) | Seat er me Yea Ss Mesordayv Sama humid sss este 3 ae ees ea eS Baperaned si Cilio CL OPeein IU was he eae bok ‘Teso dos *indigs. Bu BUant 2ee 2. Sea SOS S XII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Tur IsuANDS OF MEXIANA AND CaviAnA—Continued The Aru& Phase—Continued Data from other investigations—Continued Caviana—Continued PAGE BacabalvPiees+ 252 POUL aaa OLR eR 2. ee 523 Pesqueiross2s22 25552225 ee oe 524 Praimha 2/2 sehen ee a Ge Se 524 Rebordello= 222-5222. 22 ee ee 524 Analysis of materials of the Aru&é Phase______________________ 525 Pottery type:descriptions---.- = -.SUS 9 ayaa 525 A berta Uncisedtsse.s. sot = I es 525 Nazaré Brushed. 2222 bt ed Sd 525 PiratubatPlainsa4- ss 4h se el Oe ees oe 526 Unelassified Decorated jase EO fe ee 532 Pottery artifacts::322%2\s-.2gessos22-2— eee 534 Nonceramiciartifacts:+ 2a ie 20. Seek Shee re oie 534 Ceramic ‘history 2.22262 eee se ose 4 eee 534 Diagnostic features of the Arua Plage luis hal My POUR 538 Conclusionstand anterprevationse ss ee eee ee ee 539 Tar, HIstoRiIcan ArTRRMATH@225 452552525 5545-5-) Ue eee 556 Chronology -of Huropean-contact 2 shew Aiea ee es 556 Ethnohistoricalintornmratio ms see ee ee eee ee See 566 Territory of-Amapace- ios 2s 2e shanna ns RO ee 566 Tribestiist2s ebe oa bs ate PA ere ee ee 566 Populations. 229285 2422 a SESE Ae oe eee eee 569 Gulturéve se Se Soe CAE OL I ee ae ee 569 Subsisteneesesc22sesre cS So oer. eee 570 Settlementipattermm a2 Sees ees ee eee 571 (Eransportation==20 USC tk Guise me co ee ee 573 Manutacturest2 eid. : ORO iit Lr oe eo eee bia Dressvandornament eee we ee ee eee 573 Socialiorganization===22 555.5 =s5 eee A LUMO Me ce ee 574 Recreations: cz2es-oosseecen seen Oe ee eee 576 hifeeycle:--202024 4.28 OOOl Aa ete. eee 576 Re gIOn: 2525.28 eee eb ee 578 Warlatéss:-cxssecccessttos= ae iO. Lee 578 hore:and tearing (28 + 200) OUP Sh oe 579 The Islands=s*=srcer2 220 SSE BOD Oa rw Pee eset eee 579 Tribestistac sear eth, OOM HOMe RE ne ee ee 579 Populationic=4e sa. se 25 -PR Ee Re eee ae 581 Cuilihtrre eR eR Es TS ES PO CS RY DT ee 2 ay 5 ny 581 Settlement patborth< --O OF tie Vw le ee 581 5 Watercraftucees 22 22 CA OU IY TOO IS 582 Manufactures. ¢ 28 Se sees tenes d= ee 582 Socialvorganization.< +2202 22-95 eee yes eee 582 Life eycloréir brea S108 Se) OOS ees eee 582 Wrarfaroniesscesec2casee oo eae ee eee 583 Ethnohistorical-archeological correlation______.__-_--------------- 583 IMPLICATIONS OF THE CULTURAL SEQUENCE AT THE MoutTH oF THEAMAZON_ 589 LireRrsrurnCrpmpetses>soxc2rccctehsceoe eee OS... Ls eee 608 waneess ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON XIII ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES (All plates follow page 664) 1. Views of the Rio Araguarif above its junction with the Rio Amapari, Territory of Amapa. 2. Arua Phase stone alinement at A—8—Aurora in the central part of the Territory of Amapd. 3. Mazagado Phase sites in the southern part of the Territory of Amapé. 4. Aristé Phase habitation site of A-9—Relégio and its environment in the central part of the Territory of Amap4. 5. Aristé Phase burial site of A-10—Montanha da Pluma in the northern part of the Territory of Amapé. 6. Aristé Phase sites in the northern part of the Territory of Amap4. 7. Mazagido Phase vessels from A-—3—Picacdé Cemetery. 8. Camaipi Plain vessels collected by Lima Guedes from the Rio Vilanova and now in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. 9. Mazagéo Phase vessels collected by Lima Guedes from the Rio Vilanova and now in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. 10. Mazagdo Plain sherds showing coarse quartz temper and typical applique decoration. 11. Type sherds of Anauerapucti Incised, Mazagado Phase. 12. Type sherds of Pigacd Incised, Mazagdéo Phase. 13. Type sherds of Uxy Incised with rectilinear motifs, Mazagao Phase. 14. Type sherds of Uxy Incised with curvilinear motifs, Mazagéo Phase. 15. Decorated pottery types of the Mazagio Phase. 16. Unclassified Decorated sherds from the Mazagido Phase. 17. Zoomorphic burial urns of the Marac4 Phase from Ilha do Para. 18. Anthropomorphic burial urns of the Maracé Phase, collected by Lima Guedes from the Rio Marac4 and now in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. 19. Lid heads of Maracé Phase anthropomorphic burial urns in the collection of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. 20. Aristé Plain burial vessels from A—11—Montanha de Aristé. 21. Decorated pottery types of the Aristé Phase. 22. Fragmentary vessels of Flexal Scraped from the Aristé Phase cemetery of A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2. 23. Type sherds and a complete vessel of Serra Plain from Aristé Phase sites. 24. Vessels of Serra Painted from cemetery sites of the Aristé Phase. 25. Serra Painted jar from A—15—Vila Velha and a sample of the glass trade beads found inside. 26. Pottery types from the Aristé Phase. 27. Aerial views of Marajé Island (courtesy of the United States Army Air Force). 28. Aerial views of Marajé Island (courtesy of the United States Army Air Force). 29. Typical environment on northern Marajé. 30. Habitation sites of the Tropical Forest archeological Phases on Marajé Island. 31. Formiga Phase sites in the campo of northern Maraj6. 32. Marajoara Phase habitation mounds on the Igarapé Camutins, central Marajé. JAN 1 0 1958 rake f moe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 . Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds on the Igarapé Camutins, central Marajo6. . Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds on the upper Rio Anajds, central Marajé. . Type sherds of Ananatuba Plain showing rim variation and handle con- struction, Ananatuba Phase. . Type sherds of Carmo Brushed, Ananatuba Phase. . Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Design Type 1: row of scallops, Ananatuba Phase. . Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Design Type 2: zoned, fine cross-hatch, Anana- tuba Phase. . Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Ananatuba Phase. . Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Design Type 5: zoned, parallel lines, Ananatuba Phase. . Type sherds of Sipé6 Incised, Ananatuba Phase, Design Types 6 and 7. . Miscellaneous pottery from Ananatuba Phase sites. . Type sherds of Bacuri Brushed, Mangueiras Phase. . Type sherds and miniature vessel of Croarf Brushed, Mangueiras Phase. . Rim sherds from vessels of Mangueiras Plain, showing rim form and occa- sional notched or lobed decoration. . Type sherds of Pocoaté Scraped, Mangueiras Phase. . Decorated sherds from the Mangueiras Phase. . Decorated pottery types of the Formiga Phase. . Trade sherds of the Marajoara Phase excavated at the Formiga Phase site of J-6—Formiga. . Type sherds of Anajés Double-slipped Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.) . Vessels of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara Phase. . Vessels of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.) . Type sherds and vessels of Anaj4s Red Incised, Marajoara Phase. . Type sherds of Anajds White Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.) . Anajds White Incised vessels, Marajoara Phase. . Type sherds of Arar{ Double-slipped Excised, Marajoara Phase. . Ararj Plain Excised vessels. . Type sherds of Ararf Plain Excised, Marajoara Phase. . Type sherds of Ararf Red Excised, Marajoara Phase. . Ararf Red Excised vessels, Marajoara Phase. . Ararf Red Excised vessels, Marajoara Phase. . Ararf Red Excised vessels, Marajoara Phase. . Type sherds of Ararf Red Excised, White-retouched, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.) . Rim sherds of Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain bowls and jars from Marajo- ara Phase habitation mounds. . Rim sherds of Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain bowls and jars from Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds. . Inaj4 and Camutins Plain vessels associated with Marajoara Phase burials. . Vessels from Marajoara Phase cemeteries. . Large rim adornos from Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain Vessel Shape 4, Marajoara Phase. . Rim adornos from Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain Vessel Shape 4, Mara- joara Phase. i 2. MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON XV EVANS ] 70. ffi 72. Type sherds of Goiapf Scraped, Marajoara Phase. Sherds and vessels of Guajard Incised, Marajoara Phase. Type sherds from Joanes Painted bowls with red-on-white designs, Mara- joara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.) . Vessels of Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase. . Neck sherds from large Joanes Painted burial urns, Polychrome Type B— red and black on white; J-15, Mound 1, surface. . Vessels of Joanes Painted, Polychrome Type B; Marajoara Phase. . Joanes Painted burial urn, Marajoara Phase. Two views of polychrome an- thropomorphic jar L, J-14, Mound 1, cut 1; now in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém. . Type sherds of Pacoval Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.) . Pacoval Incised vessels, Marajoara Phase. . Pottery figurines from Marajoara Phase cemetery sites. . Miscellaneous pottery objects from Marajoara Phase cemetery sites. . Pottery spoons from Marajoara Phase sites showing range in size and posi- tion of “‘spout.”’ . Pottery tangas from Marajoara Phase burial urns. . Pottery stools and stool fragments from Marajoara Phase sites. . Painted pottery stools. . Small pottery vessels with large, grotesque, ‘‘wing”’ adornos. . Sherds with incised and excised designs from Arauquin, Venezuela. (Uni- versity Museum, Philadelphia.) . Vessels with incised and excised decoration from Colombia. . Decorated sherds from the Lower Amazon. . Acauan Phase site of M—3—Acauan. . Type sherds of Acauan Excised with rectilinear motifs, Acauan Phase. . Type sherds of Acauan Excised with curvilinear motifs, Acauan Phase. . Acauan Phase pottery. . Type sherds of Floripes Corrugated, coarse variety, Acauan Phase. . Type sherds of Floripes Corrugated, fine variety, Acauan Phase. . Ornamental rims of Piryzal Plain, Acauan Phase. . Decorated pottery types of the Acauan Phase. . Decorated sherds from the Acauan Phase site of J-12—Jurupuci. . Aru& Phase habitation sites on Caviana Island. . Arua Phase cemetery of M—4—Fundo das Panellas. . Arua Phase cemeteries. . Arua Phase sites. . Type sherds of Aberta Incised, Aruaé Phase. . Type sherds of Nazaré Brushed, Arua Phase. . Rim sherds of Piratuba Plain, Arua Phase, showing typical thickening and folded-over treatment. . Small Piratuba Plain vessels associated with Arua Phase burial jars. . Piratuba Plain vessels from M—5—Mulatinho, Mexiana, Arua Phase. . Sherds from Piratuba Plain platters or griddles with punctate decoration around the rim, Arua Phase. . Piratuba Plain sherds with impressed ring decoration or applique ribs, Arua Phase. . Piratuba Plain sherds with impressed ring decoration from M—4—Fundo das Panellas burial jars. . Piratuba Plain sherds with applique decoration, Arua Phase. . Fragmentary vessels of Piratuba Plain, Arua Phase. . Miscellaneous sherds from Arua Phase habitation sites. VI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 FIGURES PAGE 1. The Territory of Amapd4, showing geographical features and location of archeological sites.22 2004 Sas oe ee Pe le 34 2. Ground plan of A-8—Aurora, a stone alinement of the Arua Phase__ 39 3. Ground plan of A-23—Ilha da Fortaleza, Conceicio, a stone alinement of the Arua Phase..222. : t2-. 0 2S Ee See ee ee 40 4. Ground plan of A-~1—Picacé and A-3—Picacdé Cemetery, Mazagao PRAS6. 2. nota ea OE yep POE cs a Steg ep mg 46 5. Ground plan of A-2—Lauro, a habitation site of the Mazagao Phase_ 47 6. Foot of a zoomorphic (turtle) urn from A-3—Picacd Cemetery, Mazagao, PRase@ 2 5.5 45% Es ae ee a a ee eee eel eal: Eee 49 7. Glass trade beads from A-3—Picacd Cemetery, Mazagdo Phase_____ 50 8. Jar C (Mazagio Plain), Burial Group 1, A-3—Picac4 Cemetery, Mazagao Phase... <3. ee 222 Ee oe ee 52 9. Vessel E (Uxy Incised), Burial Group 1, A-3—Pigacd Cemetery, Mazagao PDOs6 48 op hs IR es En ee 54 10. Stone artifacts from A—3—Pigac4é Cemetery, Mazagio Phase__-_-____ 55 11. Glass trade beads from A-—4—Valentim, Mazagio Phase___________ 59 12. Reconstruction of jar A, Burial Group 2, A-4—Valentim, Mazagao PHSS6 | oe oe ae See ae ee a ee eae 61 13. Pottery vessels from Burial 3, A-4—Valentim, Mazagao Phase____- 63 14. Anauerapuct Incised lid from Burial 3, A-4—Valentim, Mazagdo Phase... |. 0 s2cick ooo ees See ee ae ee ee 65 15. Ground plan of Site A-6—TIlha das Igacabas, a habitation site of the Mazapao Phase... \2 22. ~ es Ao oo et ee 66 16. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anauerapuct Incised, Mazagdo Phase, (Appendix, table 2): 2:6 - hae he sees et 79 17. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camaipi Plain, Mazagao Phase (Appendix, ‘table 3) a0 oe ee ee ee 82 18. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Jari Scraped, Mazagao Phase (Ap- pondix; tiable4)r oso 8 oe hy ee ee ee 84 19. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mazagdo Plain, Mazagao Phase (Appendix; table 5) 22.5 fee ie oo re 86 20. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pigacé Incised, Mazagio Phase (Appendix, table 6). 50. o5..5 55 08 oe eta oat Se ee 88 21. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Uxy Incised, Mazagaéo Phase (Ap- peridix, ‘table (iz. =- 2254 22 U2. 2 See 90 22. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Vilanova Plain, Mazagaéo Phase (Appendix, table.8)_..--.. oee ek See eee ee ee 93 23. Seriation of Mazag4o Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency (Appendix. table J) 42-3 28 3 oo Re Ee ie 96 24. Trends in the popularity of common vessel shapes of the Mazagao Phase (Appendix, table AQ). 2-24 coe eee ha et oe 102 25. Stone artifacts from A-7—Amapé, Aristé Phase_-.___------------- 105 26. Ground plan of A~9—Relégio, a habitation site of the Aristé Phase__ 106 27. Worked sherd scraper from the Aristé Phase cemetery of A-11— Montanha de -Aristé, Cave 1. bo ee Se 109 28. Ground plan of A~11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2, Aristé Phase_-__ 110 29. Small stone chisel from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2, Aristé PHAS@. sae cee Pid ra oc ea Se es ee ee el At} 30. Pottery figurine (Aristé Plain paste) from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2,.Arist6é Phases 5) 242. 43028: = pee 9). 112 ce ara ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 31. 32. 33. 34, 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. Di. 58. 59. Flexal Scraped Bowl (vessel E) from A—11—Montanha de Aristé, CawenwAriste PURSS 48) - 3 at ob okt ee ee Flexal Scraped Jar (vessel G) from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave IIL HE ARES 2 ane int a 8 Serra Painted design on the shoulder of vessel P from A—11—Montanha fewntiste. Cave2, AvistG DP RAee 6. o.oo oF oo ke Reconstruction of Aristé Painted vessel with anthropomorphic face from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 3, Aristé Phase________-- Detail of the anthropomorphic face on the Aristé Painted vessel SHON MUN OUTC Rae = ee ee ee ee a fe ee Burial urn and lid of the Aristé Phase found by Hamy (1897) on the LECT MOVE T a fo(eh b (ome eee eee eae RU kt Oe Pee ee Se ERECT Profile and top view of shaft-burial at the Cunani Site, Aristé Phase (After Goeldin| 900i) 22+ 52.0. 34 =e he Se Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Aristé Plain, Aristé Phase (Ap- DENGIX Foal Eudes ak ee a eT ae Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Aristé Painted, Aristé Phase CAmpenmix. stanley ho) at es ee 8 a Ree Aristé Painted sherds from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2, PRIS GEASS C6. 2 Wate! eke eee ok ae ee a Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Davi Incised, Aristé Phase (Ap- Mendixesthab ley WA) ee apc ee. cee sie ee ey ee ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Flexal Scraped, Aristé Phase (Aprendixs table 15) se. 24 ees sk Fee eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Serra Plain, Aristé Phase (Appendix, LS?) ee. eee ee ee ae eee ees Seen ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Serra Painted, Aristé Phase (Ap- mendixwtable (i.e o se im aN eee ne BN hee eS Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Uacd Incised, Aristé Phase (Ap- PenGixe Palo US) = ee ur fae a I a Seriation of Aristé Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency CAmpendix: tele, U1) eee hs ie ak Marajé Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and the location of archeological sites... ssa ote aS North coast of Marajé Island, showing vegetation pattern and the location, of sites J—6 through J-13_.2.-.. 2-424. --.s-44---2.- Plan of J-7—Sipé, a habitation site of the Ananatuba Phase___-___-_ Partially drilled sherd from J—7—Sip6, Ananatuba Phase_____-___- Cylindrical pottery objects from J-9—Ananatuba, Ananatuba Phase_ Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Painted, Ananatuba PhaseutAppendix, table, 24) 4 pen ee eS ey ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Plain and Sororoco Plain, Ananatuba Phase (Appendix, tables 23 and 26)__________- Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carmo Brushed, Ananatuba Phase (Arpad ts trate DA) se Nan ie ae ay eh ee eS Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Sipé Incised, Ananatuba Phase Gampendix tables?) ee: 2 ee Ga Seriation of Ananatuba Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency, (Appendix, tables;21, and) 22)... 9... 224 -.---5ice4 Plan of J-5—Croarf, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase_-_-__ Pottery tubular pipes from Mangueiras Phase sites.____________-_- Figurine parts from J-5—Croari, Mangueiras Phase______-_____--- 391329—57——2 XVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. “pile 72. 73. 74, 75. 76. CALE 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. Labret (?) fragment from J—5—Croarf, Mangueiras Phase__________ Plan of J-13—Bacuri, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase___-_ Plan of J-16—Canivete, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase__ Labrets and biconical object of pottery from C-3—Porto Real, Wangcueiras ‘Phases ss Sr oo ee ee ee ee eee eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anjos Plain, Mangueiras Phase (Appendix; ‘table!29) eh 2 eee eee eee eee ois eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Bacuri Brushed, Mangueiras Phase (Appendix table 30) sete cee ee ee ee ee ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Croarf Brushed, Mangueiras Phase (Appendix, ttablevS0) 22S 2 Oe ees A ee ee ne Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Esperanga Red, Mangueiras Phase (Appendix, table 32) on: tee ee ee ee eee ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain jars, Mangueiras Phase (Appendix, table:3)) 22 2e see oe ne ee ee ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain bowls, Mangueiras ‘Phase (Appendix; tableonn. 2 one he ee ee ee eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pocoaté Scraped, Mangueiras Phase (Appendix;"table°o2)2 22 ean ee ae eee en ee ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pseudo-Sipé6 Incised, Mangueiras Phase’ Variety (Appendix, table'32) > 2)" se 2 see sn ae Seriation of Mangueiras Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency “(A ppeudix” table’ 28)"= 223222.) ee ee Stratigraphic evidence for the origin by acculturation of Mangueiras Plain Vessel Shape 4 (Mangueiras Phase) from the Ananatuba Phase (Appendix, ‘tables 2/-and’ 3a) 222 ese o eae nee eee Stratigraphic evidence for the origin by acculturation of Man- gueiras Plain Vessel Shape 3 (Mangueiras Phase) from the Anana- tuba Phase’ (Appendix, ‘tables 27 and’ 33)_______ 02 2 Pa Se Plan of J-4—Mucajd, a habitation site of the Formiga Phase_____-_ Plan of J-6—Formiga, a habitation site of the Formiga Phase_____- Drilled sherds from J—6—Formiga, Formiga Phase______________-- Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Catarina Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix;*table-35)2 "= Soest 1 Pee ee eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Coroca Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix™tablesb) wt oss tes sO Sees See nee een eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Embatiba Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix, table 'S6) 2 ooo eee eee ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Formiga Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix"table s/)eeeeo= ee ence eee ees Eee ae ee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mucaj4 Corrugated, Formiga Phase (Appendix: table: 38) ee Ce ee Leesan See oe Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pseudo-Sipé Incised, Formiga Phase Variety (Appendix, table’38)— 2" 22 =) a. a ee eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Saiba Brushed, Formiga Phase (Appendix:"table:38) 20.2 ees int eee oe ee Seriation of Formiga Phase sites on the basis of pottery type fre- quency (Appendix: table'3s4)" © 23 ers See eee North coast of Marajé Island in the vicinity of Chaves, showing the locations of J—2/3—-Chaves Airport and J-4—Mucajé_______----- Stone ax from J—2/3—Chaves Airport, a habitation site of the Arua wae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON . Burial stratigraphy of J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, Marajoara Phase_____ . J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, vessels A, B, C, and D, Marajoara Phase____ . J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar E, Marajoara Phase___________________ . J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar F, Marajoara Phase___________________ . J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar H, Marajoara Phase___________________ . J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar I, Marajoara Phase_______________.___- : J-14, Mound 1, cut.1,.jar J, Marajoara Phase..1+) 2228) 2S oso) . J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar K, Marajoara Phase___________________ , J—14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar, Marajoara Phaseiil) oo). 22 leek . J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar M, Marajoara Phase__________________- ) J14 Mound 1,.cut: 1, jar N, Marajoara, Phase... . J-14) Mound 1; cut t;jar O; Marajoara Phasels2y 228 poe 22 . Plan of mounds composing J—15—Camutins, a mound group of the Marajoarai PD ase = as xchs ars oi dose Se LE, A © ST . Plan of J—15, Mound 1, Marajoara Phase, showing the location of QC VLOG ce rs ae yy yy a NEE ee ATES Be Jk . Artifacts from J—15, Mound 1, cut 2, Marajoara Phase____________ . Detailed plans of J-15, Mounds 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, habitation mounds of she. Marajoars Pase 2422.2 te SoS WIR RAT See . Detailed plan of J—15, Mound 4—JInajasal, a habitation mound of the Marajoara Phase, showing the location of cut 1_____________ . Profile of west face of cut 1, J-15, Mound 14, Marajoara Phase____- . Detailed plan of J—15, Mound 17, a Marajoara Phase cemetery, showing location of excavations. __-2__-.22) 2264 2ieeboleet . Map of Marajé Island, showing the location of Marajoara Phase Cemoeteryesites...~.L22 sos ee 2 bk OEE oe eel ie wT Se . Plan of the Fortaleza Mound Group of the Marajoara Phase on the RuotGomps. 20 Gs). 2a Bite) subs ed Biivel We very . Detailed plan of Mound 7 of the Fortaleza Group showing the extent of Farabee’s excavations in this Marajoara Phase cemetery site___ . Plan of the Marajoara Phase site of Pacoval made by Lange in 1913__ . Plan of the Marajoara Phase site of Pacoval made by Hilbert in 1951__ . Plan of Teso dos China mound group of the Marajoara Phase______ . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajdés Double-slipped Incised of the Marajoara) Phase 22.04 Vues ait See in ed nh nek lt . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara IPNasereen Fulls. 10 erry Ae gin tials | 3s | eee tots! m iloeeiebts . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Double-slipped Excised and Ararf Red Excised, Marajoara Phase____.-_...i2_i--1.-_ 21L- . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Plain Excised, Marajoara Phase ie Winifred aang Seri te NAP etter ane | hey lu Toe wai . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Red Excised, White-retouched, Marajoara Phase . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inajd Plain bowls, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46)___________ 152. 153. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inajd Plain jars, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46)__________--- . Less common rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inaj4-Plain; (MarajoarasPhase___ £2. 2 eden eee ee Pe AE . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carmelo Red, Marajoara Phase ___- . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Goiapi Scraped, Marajoara Phase__ . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Guajar4 Incised, Marajoara Phase__ . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, table:47)_ os nS! of) jelce a as a eee . Joanes Painted, Polychrome Type A and B, Marajoara Phase__-___- . Joanes Painted, Polychrome Type C, Marajoara Phase___________- . Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pacoval Incised bowls, Marajoara : Marajoara. Phase miniature axes —--- = 2 2 e eeeeee . Marajoara Phase stone ax from J—14, Mound 1, cut 1____________- . Marajoara Phase pottery labrets from J—15, Mound 1, surface. Re- construction is based on a complete stone specimen from Panellas_- . Marajoara Phase pottery spindle whorls._-........--.----------- . Standardized measurements on tangas of the Marajoara Phase_____- . Marajoara Phase grooved polishing stone from;J—15, Mound 1, SUTface 2s seek RS bee ee ee ke ee ae ee . Ceramic stratigraphy of J—15, Mound 14, cut 1, showing trends in the Marajoara Phase plain wares (Appendix, table 39)_-________- . Ceramic seriation of the Marajoara Phase sites of J—15, Mounds 1 and 17, and J—-14, Mound 1 (Appendix, table 40)-_-_-__-_------- . Seriation of Marajoara Phase cemetery sites based on relative fre- quency of Inaj4 Plain and Camutins Plain (Appendix, table 41) -- . Seriation of J-15 habitation mounds based on the relative frequency of Inaj4 Plain and Camutins Plain (Appendix, table 42)________- . Trends in Marajoara Phase decorated types revealed by the seria- tion of the 4 Marajoara Phase cemetery sites of Pacoval, Fortaleza, Camutins, and Guajar4 (Appendix, table 43)__.________--------- . Trends in unusual pottery artifacts and adornos of the Marajoara Phase shown by comparing the cemetery sites of Pacoval, Fortaleza, Camutins, and Guajard (Appendix, table 44)______._____------- . Distribution of the various archeological Phases on Marajé Island_-_ . Archeological distribution of distinctive traits of the Marajoara Phase_ . Tassels shown as ear ornaments on Marajoara Phase anthropomorphic . Mexiana Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and loca- tion of:archeological) sites. 32 a0 8 oe eee ts a) ae . Caviana Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and loca- tion of archeologiealtsites ii 2 2202 Js. se eee Soeees ee ee Plan of M-3—Acauan, a habitation site of the Acauan Phase-_---_-- Acauan Phase anthropomorphic or zoomorphic rim adornos on Piryzal Plain from M-3—Acauan 22/22 ee ee eee PAGE 351 352 354 355 357 360 364 365 367 368 373 374. 375 ht ie sas ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. iT; 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. Acauan Phase spindle whorl from M-—3—Acauan_________---_------ Acauan Phase figurine head from M-3—Acauan___________--_---- Acauan Phase stone flake from M-—3—Acauan--_________--------- Acauan Phase pottery stamp from M-3—Acauan___________------ Acauan Phase figurine from J—-12—Jurupucti__._________--------- Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Acauan Excised, Acauan Phase (Appendix, table 49) .= a eee USE UE LIS Dee me Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carobal Incised, Acauan Phase Cirnpendix taple 40st 2 ee ee to eee Sees Oe eee Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Floripes Corrugated, Acauan Phase-__- Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Paciencia Scraped, Acauan Phase (Appendix, table 49). - «22-22-22 sssecscsee Ss Eh Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piryzal Plain, Acauan Phase (Appendix table;50).2 =. 2~ac2 2s bose soca soe ce BOL hs Plan of M—2—Papa Cachorro, a habitation site of the Arua Phase__ Ararf Excised vessel with adorno, a Marajoara Phase trade sherd found at the Arua Phase site M—2—Papa Cachorro____________-- Location and environmental situation of C-5—Morera and C-6— Croatasal, habitation sites of the Arua Phase______________-_--- Aru, Phase pottery animal feet.2o lS. 720 Igo fr soe Sa Plan of C-8—Pacaj4, a habitation site of the Arua Phase__________ ATUaige NASe'StONe Axes. us eee eee a Tee ere PL Tuoi te Plan of M-—4—Fundo das Panellas, an Arua Phase cemetery site, showing the positions of the burial jars_____.___-_____---------- Reconstructed burial jars from the Arua Phase site M—4—Fundo das Pari h ehcte pen meen > = SIE) SAME 2 The PO) OSS he SAL Ge Sse A Painted decoration on Piratuba Plain sherds from Arua Phase sites__ Plan of M—5—Mulatinho, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase, showing the position of the burial jars and other objects____._.____--_---- Arua Phase anthropomorphic vessel 4 from M—5—Mulatinho-__-__-__- Arua Phase zoomorphic adorno from jar 24, M—5—Mulatinho__-_-__-_ Arua Phase nephrite pendants from M—5—Mulatinho___________-- Detail of modeling on jar 7 from the Arua Phase Site C-1—Teso das Igagabas and a reconstruction of the vessel to which it belonged__-_-_ Plan of C-4—Teso dos Indios, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase, showing the location of the burial jars__.._________»____-_=_-- Reconstructed jars from Arua Phase cemeteries___________________ Detailed plan of Section A, the burial area of C-6—Croatasal______ Base shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Arua Phase__________________- Arua Phase anthropomorphic burial jar from Section A of C-6— Chriss ficial ty psp Ace a pa Ae Rie a Ph an a a sy he iTS Phase MOniony MPUTINGS. 4226 een eee Aru’ Phase stone axes from C—9—Frei Jofo_______-__.-_---_----- Aru4, Phase decorated sherds from C—9—Frei Jofo____--_____-__-_- Aru% Phase zoomorphic rim adorno in the form of a bird from C-9— peu Re 2s 2s ct gtk spear pike, Feet pean Foe OS ap ee A A oe TB cece Arua Phase nephrite pendants and beads from C—9—Frei Jofo___-_~ Plan of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedo, an Arua Phase cemetery Piratuba’ Plain bowl associated with Burial jar 4 from the Arua Phase site C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefio__-___.__-------------- XXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 PAGE 191. Tiered jar of Piratuba Plain associated with Burial jar 12 from the Arua Phase site of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefio__________ 512 192. Arué Phase pottery beads associated with burial jar 4, C—11— Vaquejador de Saa:Sebasteio_22 2.2 {22 ee 513 £93. Stone axes of the Arua Phases ho- 2 2 eee ae eee eater oe 514 194. Plan of C-12—Condino, a cemetery site of the Arug Phase, showing the location of thejburialjars= == 2 252s ee ee eee eee ee 516 195. Piratuba Plain platter from the Arua Phase site, C-12—Condino____ 518 196. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain bowls, Arua Phase (Appendix; stabledb 2). = 5.20. A QUk Sa ee fe de ee ee 528 197. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Arua Phase (Appendix, ‘table 52) 2) 2 2340) So ee ik eee) eee eee 529 198. Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua Phase sites= 0° 22 o 2 2 See ae eet 2 eee 530 199. Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua Phase Sites Aye ek PReS Le a Nel eee ee en ee 531 200. Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua PSS SILCs sees PRE OY See ape ahh sate ear kolo ate ey eee | Se 532 201. Seriation of Arua Phase sites on the basis of vessel shape frequency of Piratuba Plain (Appendix, table b2)a-=0 (=a — :ye ene ee eee 536 202. Designs made by pottery, stampsss_2- 6 sey ee ee 547 203. European forts and other settlements at the mouth of the Amazon prior to the middle of the 18th century _..2..2..-<-_=.5- 2-2-8 560 204. Early map of the tribes inhabiting the Guiana coast published by William Delisletin AWO3222 s0 2k oe bn ee ee ee ee 568 205. The cultural sequence at the mouth of the Amazon_________________ 590 206. Routes of migration and diffusion in northern South America, recon- structed from the evidence of the affiliations of the archeological Phases at the mouth of the Amazon==: 9222-2 22.5. 2422-255 92- 600 TEXT TABLES A. Glass beads from A-3—Picacé Cemetery__-_.._-_.---------------- 51 B:. Glass'beads from ‘A-—4—Valentim= 222 [22h 2_ el So Se ieee eee 58 C. Glass beads from A-15—Vila Velha____________------------------ 120 D. Relative frequency of Ananatuba Phase and Mangueiras Phase wares at %—Sip6eewe steerer eS A Se IO COU RDU Sa One 192 E. Duration of Ananatuba Phase village sites__._.____._____---_----__- 253 F. Duration of Mangueiras Phase village sites___._._..__..------------- 253 G? Durationtof Arua Phase villagetsitessie: Joss 5 2 ae eee ee 254 He Duration of Hormiga, Phase willage’sites. == se ee eee 254 I. Differential results of two methods of calculating rate of village refuse accumulations<22s2essssee sesso a SS ee ee 255 Js) Wai -Waicvillagevduration=°20. jose c22 7 SR Sag) Ue See eee 257 K. Frequency of Inaj4 and Camutins Plain wares at Teso dos China_____- 322 L. Temporal differences in Anaj4s White Incised decoration________-~-- 336 M. Temporal differences in Ararf Plain Excised decoration___-___------ 341 N. Temporal differences in Arari Red Excised decoration___-___------- 344 O. Temporal differences in Ararf White Excised decoration_.______----- 348 P. Differences in wear on tanga fragments__._--220.-202---_-~=-4-9522 382 Q. Standardized measurements on-tangas..-..=-+-----+-----+-----tt- 383 R. Duration of Acauan Phase village Site M-3—Acauan_______-_------- 456 S. Glass beads from M-—5—Mulatinho_________-.-.------------------ 492 senGarns aay ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON p.O.4 50) ies U. PAGE Base type and dimensions of burial jars from C—6—Croatasal, Section A. 501 Chronological sequence of European exploration and settlement-_--_-- 557 APPENDIX TABLES . Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excavations at sites of the Mazagao Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Anauerapuct Incised in sites of the Mazagio Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Camaipi Plain in sites of the Mazagéo Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Jari Scraped in sites of the Mazagao Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mazagéo Plain in sites of the Mazagao Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Pigacd Incised in sites of the Mazagao Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uxy Incised in sites of the Mazagao Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Vilanova Plain in sites of the Mazagao Phase. . Reduction of the individual rim and vessel shapes of Mazagéo Phase pottery types to common vessel shapes. . Frequency of common rim and vessel shapes irrespective of pottery type in sites of the Mazagao Phase. . Frequency of pottery types in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Plain in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Painted in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Davi Incised in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Flexal Scraped in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Plain in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Painted in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uacd Incised in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Reduction of the individual rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Phase pottery types to common vessel shapes. . Frequency of common rim and vessel shapes irrespective of pottery type in sites of the Aristé Phase. . Frequency of pottery types in stratigraphic excavations at site J-7 of the Ananatuba Phase. . Frequency of pottery types in stratigraphic excavations at sites J—8, J—9, and J—10 of the Ananatuba Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Plain in sites of the Ana- natuba Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Painted and Carmo Brushed in sites of the Ananatuba Phase. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Sipé Incised in sites of the Ananatuba Phase. XXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Sororoco Plain in sites of the Ananatuba Phase. Frequency of 3 jar shapes in Ananatuba Phase plain wares that influenced the pottery of the Mangueiras Phase. Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excava- tions at sites of the Mangueiras Phase. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Anjos Plain in sites of the Mangueiras Phase. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Bacurf Brushed and Croari Brushed in sites of the Mangueiras Phase. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain in sites of the Man- gueiras Phase. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Esperancga Red, Pocoaté Scraped and Pseudo-Sip6 Incised in sites of the Mangueiras Phase. . Frequency of 3 jar shapes in Mangueiras Phase plain wares showing in- fluence from the Ananatuba Phase. . Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excava- tions at sites of the Formiga Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Catarina Plain and Coroca Plain in sites of the Formiga Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Embatba Plain in sites of the Formiga Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Formiga Plain in sites of the Formiga Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mucajé Corrugated, Pseudo-Sipé Incised and Satba Brushed in sites of the Formiga Phase. . Frequency of pottery types in J-15, Mound 14, Cut 1, a habitation site of the Marajoara Phase. . Frequency of pottery types in stratigraphic excavations at J-14, Mound 1, J-15, Mound 1, and J—15, Mound 17, cemetery sites of the Marajoara Phase. . Adjusted frequency of plain pottery types from 17 Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds. . Frequency of the pottery types in surface collections from J—15 habitation mounds, Marajoara Phase. . Frequency of decorated pottery types at 4 Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds. . Frequency of unusual pottery artifacts and adornos at 4 Marajoara Phase cemetery sites. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain in sites of the Mara- joara Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Inaj4 Plain in sites of the Marajoara Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Joanes Painted in sites of the Mara- joara Phase. . Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excava- tions at site M—3 of the Acauan Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Acauan Excised, Carobal Incised and Paciencia Scraped of the Acauan Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Piryzal Plain of the Acauan Phase. . Frequency of pottery types at sites of the Arua Phase. . Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain in sites of the Arua Phase. PREFACE Any field project undertaken in the interior of a country away from the settled metropolitan centers of the world depends so heavily on personal contacts, friendliness, hospitality, and cooperation for its successful completion that it is impossible to single out each individual to whom special mention is due. However, there are a number of people whose contributions were instrumental in making our work possible, and we wish to take this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to them for their generous assistance and cooperation. For his enthusiastic interest in, and active support of our proposal to do archeological research at the mouth of the Amazon, we are particularly indebted to Dr. William Duncan Strong, Loubat pro- fessor of anthropology and at that time chairman of the Department of Anthropology of Columbia University. It is no exaggeration to say that without his aid, our plans would never have been realized. Dr. Charles Wagley and Dr. Julian H. Steward, also of the Columbia faculty, aided us in details of the planning and together with Dr. Strong read and criticized the portions of this report that were sub- mitted as doctoral dissertations to Columbia University. We are indebted to Dr. Wendell C. Bennett for both encouragement and advice when our plans were in a formative stage, and for friendly and continuing interest in our work and its results. We deeply regret that he never saw the completed monograph, but hope that in dedi- cating it to him we are able to convey an impression of what his friendly guidance meant to those of us who never had the privilege of being his students. For showing an interest in supporting the first intensive archeological field work in the Amazon Valley we wish to record our gratitude to the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropo- logical Research, Inc. (at that time called The Viking Fund, Inc.) and to the William Bayard Cutting Traveling Fellowship Fund_ of Columbia University. The successful launching of the expedition in Brazil was due to the cooperation of Sra. Heloisa Alberto Torres, then director of the Museu Nacional in Rio de Janeiro, who offered us permission to work under the auspices of that museum. For her scientific and official assistance as well as her friendly interest, aid, and advice from the beginning to the end of the trip, we offer our warmest thanks. Sra. Maria Alberto Torres was also extremely helpful in guiding us through the intricacies of official details in a foreign country. Dr. and Mrs. Charles Wagley, XXV XXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 who preceded us to Rio de Janeiro and Belém, did a great deal to pave the way for our reception. In Belém, we are particularly obligated to Sr. Machado Coelho, at that time director of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, for his coop- eration and for placing at our disposal a house on the museum grounds in which we lived while classifying and analyzing our excavated materials; to Sr. Frederico Barata, who not only allowed us to examine his collection of archeological specimens but was ready to aid us in any other way that was within his capacity; to Sr. Eurico de Melo Cardoso Fernandes, whose interest in anthropology was primarily responsible for our being invited to work in the Territory of Amap4; to Sr. José Ambrosio de Miranda Pombo, who was instrumental in obtaining permission for us to work on the Island of Mexiana and in the Municipio of Chaves, Marajé Island; to José F. Cottim, who volunteered his services as our interpreter in official situations before our knowledge of Portuguese was adequate; to Benjamin Pinto y Sousa, who patiently washed and numbered all our sherds and per- formed numerous other indispensable services both on Caviana and in Belém; to Dr. Gaspar Cesar de Andrade, director of the Servico Especial de Satide Ptiblica in Belém, and his staff for certain medical supplies and advice; to Dr. Acylino de Leao, delegate to the Conselho de Fiscalizacgio de Expedigées Artisticas e Cientificas, for his under- standing and cooperation in official matters regarding the archeological collections; to Sr. Fritz Ackermann and Sr. Felisberto de Camargo for permitting us to study their private archeological collections. At various intervals while in Belém we spent many enjoyable hours in the homes of Mr. and Mrs. George T. Colman, Mr. and Mrs. Gordon Pickerell, Mr. and Mrs. M. L. Albuquerque, and Sr. and Sra. Philippe Farah. Their hospitality did much to make our months in Belém pleasant memories. While in the Territory of Amap4 we became indebted foremost to Governor Janary Gentil Nunes, who, because of his interest in the Territory of Amap4 and his eagerness to develop all its potentialities, gave us overwhelming cooperation and placed at our disposal every- thing from motorboats to airplanes, maps, and workmen in order to expedite our research before the rainy season reached its height. Thanks to him, we were able to accomplish here in 1 month almost as much as we had been able to do in 4 months on the islands. Sr. Newton Wilson Cardoso, director of the newly formed Museu Territorial, ac- companied us on all our trips here to learn the technique of archeologi- cal field’survey and excavation. * He‘proved'so apt a pupil that we were able to include in our archeological analysis of the region addi- tional sites and materials he later collected by himself. We wish to thank Sr. Fritz Ackermann, for making available to us the information WheeTee? ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON XXVII he had recorded about archeological sites during geological surveys. For their friendliness, cooperation, and hospitality while we were in the Territory of Amap4, we are also indebted to Sr. and Sra. Janary Gentil Nunes, Sr. and Sra. José Ferreira Teixeira, Sr. Raul Montero Valdez, Sr. Benedito José Carneiro de Amorim, Sr. Hermogenes da Lima Filho, Sr. Atahualpa Maranh4o, and Prof. José Tostes. The carrying out of extensive archeological survey in north Brazil involves the granting of permission by land owners to trespass, ex- cavate and in many cases also to use the ranch house for headquarters. For granting their permission to work on their property, for placing at our disposal the facilities of the fazendas, and for assistance in nu- merous other ways, we wish to thank the following persons: On Marajé Island—Sr. and Sra. Dionysio Bentes de Carvalho, Sr. Rodolfo Chermont, Sr., Sr. Rodolfo Chermont, Jr., Sr. Armando Teixeira, Sr. Lauro de Miranda Lobato, Sr. Raul Bittencourt, Capt. Amfncio Antonio dos Santos, Sr. Raimundo Brito, Sr. Noe Xavier de Andrade, Sr. Fernando Teixeira; on Mexiana Island—the members of the Mexiana Cooperativa, especially Sr. Edgar Guamé whose scientific interests permitted us to enjoy many evenings of pleasant conversation and whose cooperation was absolutely overwhelming, and Sra. Lelio Lobato for her friendly hospitality while at the main fazenda house; on Caviana Island—Sr. Dionysio Bentes de Carvalho, Coronel Lusignan Dias, Dr. Claudio Dias, Dr. Armando Morelli, Sr. Mario Lobato, Sr. Angelino Lobato, Sr. Antero da Silva Melo Filho, Sr. Benjamin Pinto e Sousa, Sr. and Sra. Tiburcio da Silva Melo, Sr. Nadir Pinto e Sousa, Sr. and Sra. Manoel Alves da Silva. The most extensive archeological investigations in the Amazon area are those made by Nimuendajti during the 1920’s under the aus- pices of the Ethnographical Museum, Géteborg, Sweden. The un- published notes have been edited by Stig Rydén, supplemented with detailed descriptions of the specimens in Géteborg Museum collections. Rydén has generously made available to us this manuscript (Rydén, MS.) and photographs of the plates, and has granted permission to quote passages in this report. His cooperation has added considerable comparative information to the sections on Marajé, Caviana, and the Territory of Amapd. It is a pleasure to acknowledge our indebted- ness to him, In the technical analysis of certain specimens, we wish to thank the following scientists for their cooperation, information, and expert opinions: Marshall T. Newman, Division of Physical Anthropology, United States National Museum, for the study of extremely fragmen- tary human bone material; Doris M. Cochran, Division of Reptiles and Amphibians, United States National Museum, for identification of reptile bones; Junius B. Bird, Department of Anthropology, XXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 American Museum of Natural History, for comments on clay frag- ments with cord impressions; Arthur Woodward, Glenn A. Black, and Kenneth Kidd for analysis of the glass trade beads. There are two people whose exceptional contribution to the success of our work requires special acknowledgement. Mr. George T. Col- man, United States Consul at Belém, helped us immeasurably by seeing our equipment through the customs and acting as intermediary in similar official situations at no little saving to us in time and mental anguish. The interest he and Mrs. Colman showed in us and our work is typical of their enthusiasm for all things pertaining to the culture and people of Brazil. Peter Paul Hilbert, ethnologist of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi in Belém, accompanied us on our second trip to Marajé Island, took his indoctrination into field archeology with aplomb, and has since returned to the Island and done further work. His generosity in putting his data at our disposal is evident in the frequency with which he has been quoted in the Marajo section of this report, and it is difficult to express accurately the extent of our debt to him for this contribution. Finally, we would like to record our warm thanks to the caboclos who were our guides, our workmen, our companions, and frequently our hosts. They and their fellow Brazilians in all walks of life made our stay in Brazil so pleasant, as well as scientifically rewarding, that we are eager to return. The third and fourth sections of this report formed the nuclei of dissertations submitted to the Faculty of Political Science of Colum- bia University in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the de- gree of doctor of philosophy. Clifford Evans presented ‘‘The Archeology of the Territory of Amap4, Brazil (Brazilian Guiana)” in March 1950, and Betty J. Meggers presented ‘‘The Archeological Sequence on Marajé Island, Brazil” in February 1952. Now, both of these sections have been reorganized and partly rewritten for in- clusion in the final monograph, and all statements, conclusions, and interpretations included herein supersede any previously made which may slightly differ. B. J. M. C. E. Division of Archeology, United States National Museum, Smithsoman Institution, Washington, D. C., May 21, 1954 ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS AT THE MOUTH OF THE AMAZON By Berry J. Muacurs and Cuirrorp Evans INTRODUCTION BACKGROUND OF THE LOWER AMAZON ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION Prior to the introduction of extensive survey and stratigraphic excavation by trained archeologists, the interpretation of the arche- ology of an area must be based on the more elaborate and decorative pieces of pottery that have found their way into museums and on vague comments recorded by travelers in pursuit of adventure or by scientists after other kinds of information. This situation applied to the mouth of the Amazon prior to 1948. In the 19th century, Marajé Island in particular exerted a great fascination on numerous scientists as well as laymen. The Marajoara mounds were first recorded in the 18th century by an anonymous visitor who was impressed by the well-made vessels they contained. When the Amazon was undergoing exploration during the latter part of the 19th century by geologists, botanists, general naturalists, and laymen, these sites were frequently visited and examined. Among those who wrote detailed accounts of their activities and impressions are José Vieira Couto de Magalhies, Domingo Soares Ferreira Penna, Joseph B. Steere, Orville A. Derby, Charles F. Hartt, and Ladislau Netto. In 1895 and 1896 Emilio Goeldi and Aureliano Lima Guedes conducted survey and excavation in the Territory of Amap4 and reported the now well-known sites at Cunani and Marac4. Most of these men made collections of the more elaborate types of pottery and these were sent to museums in North America and Brazil. In the early decades of the 20th century, the mounds of Marajé continued to be visited and excavated. Those who conducted the most extensive explorations represented two new categories of pro- fessional allegiance: Journalists, like Algot Lange who dug in Pacoval in 1913 and Desmond Holdridge who examined several mounds east of Lago Arari in 1930; and anthropologists, including W. C. Farabee who made extensive excavations in 1914 at Fortaleza and in 1916 at 1 2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 the Camutins, Curt Nimuendajt who tested sites in the Cabo Maguari area in 1922, Heloisa Alberto Torres who visited Pacoval do Cururt in 1930, and Antonio Mordini who excavated at Teso dos Gentios in 1926 and Panellas in 1928. It is unfortunate that none of these individuals has written a detailed account of his findings except Lange (1914), whose excavation technique is unreliable. Farabee left detailed field notes on some of his work, but they are largely rendered useless by the loss of the pottery identifications. However, he de- posited a large collection of complete vessels and a sample of sherds at the University Museum in Philadelphia. Thus, in spite of a long sequence of articles and numerous visits of inspection and even excavation, the descriptions of Marajoara Phase remains are so incom- plete and indefinite that they serve more to tantalize than to inform. Our interest in the archeological situation at the mouth of the Amazon dates from 19438, when Meggers began an analysis and inter- pretation of a small collection from Marajé Island made in 1871 by J. B. Steere, and deposited at the University Museums in Ann Arbor, Mich. (Meggers, 1947). This study revealed the meagerness and indefiniteness of the information on the Marajoara Phase sites and their contents, in spite of the relatively voluminous literature, and indicated that no reliable conclusions could be drawn without strati- graphic excavation. This conclusion was strengthened after a de- tailed examination was made of the larger and more representative Lange collection from Pacoval at the American Museum of Natural History in New York. A classification of the sherds by surface treatment (plain, slipped, double slipped) and decoration (incision, excision, painting) revealed a variety of types, some simple and others complex. The probable selectivity of the collection, coupled with Lange’s method of excavation (p. 312), indicated any efforts to deduce temporal significance from the differences in decorative styles would be purely speculative. The further the study of these museum collections proceeded, the more obvious became the need for scientific fieldwork as a basis for the interpretation of the archeological remains at the mouth of the Amazon. With all these factors in mind the authors, then graduate students in the Department of Anthropology at Columbia University, drafted a program for Lower Amazon archeological exploration. The research problems were discussed in detail with Drs. Wm. Duncan Strong, Julian H. Steward, Charles Wagley, Wendell C. Bennett, and Gordon R. Willey, and the interest with which these individuals received the project led to correspondence with officials in Brazil to investigate the possibility of their cooperation. Although the details were not fully completed by correspondence, sufficient encouragement was received from Dr. Heloisa Alberto Torres, then director of the Museu nasa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 3 Nacional in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to warrant proceeding with a formal application for research funds and with preparations for the expedition. Through the generosity of the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Inc. (at that time known as The Viking Fund, Inc.) of New York a joint research grant was obtained for a year of “Archaeological Study in the Lower Amazon, Brazil” from July 1, 1948 to July 1, 1949. Dr. Wm. Duncan Strong, then Chairman of the Department of Anthropology of Columbia University presented the research project to the authorities of the University with the result that further financial assistance was received in the form of a William Bayard Cutting Traveling Fellowship. Through Dr. Strong’s cooperation we were permitted to work as representatives of the Department of Anthropology of Columbia University, an ar- rangement which aided our work immensely and facilitated our re- lations with Brazilian authorities. Beyond the procedures followed above to guarantee the financial and scientific support of the project, a number of difficulties in planning were encountered. In spite of the fact that we talked to several people who had spent considerable time in the tropical forest regions of South America, no one was able to offer any concrete advice on such specific things as field equipment needs, or on the problems and possibilities of labor, transportation, etc., beyond the limits of the main course of the Amazon or its major tributaries. Relying on Evans’ prior experience in Peru, we consequently sent down many items that had seemed to be necessary field equipment, but which later proved completely useless or impractical in the lowland tropics and were shipped back to a central base at the first opportunity. ITINERARY We left Miami, Fla., on July 1, 1948, flying directly to Rio de Janeiro to complete official negotiations with the Brazilian authorities. Our arrival was preceded by that of Dr. and Mrs. Charles Wagley who had come to Brazil under UNESCO auspices to conduct research for the International Hylean Amazon Institute (Wagley, 1953). Not only did the Wagleys pave our way in Rio de Janeiro, but they preceded us to Belém, Par4, where their announcement of our arrival made our reception more cordial than it otherwise would have been. In Rio de Janeiro, Dr. Heloisa Alberto Torres, director of the Museu Nacional, offered us her complete scientific cooperation and allowed us to work under the auspices of the museum. In addition, her friendly aid, hospitality, and assistance expedited the acquisition of the necessary official papers with the result that on July 17 we flew north to Belém, the capital of the State of Para and the gateway to the Amazon. In spite of a handful of letters of introduction pro- 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 vided by Dr. Torres, the contacts the Wagleys had made for us, and the cooperation of Dr. Machado Coelho, director of the Museu Goeldi, we were delayed for 6 weeks in town by problems surrounding the negotiation with officials and landowners for permission to under- take archeological investigations on their property. Since Brazilian federal law regarding antiquities or subsurface rights does not auto- matically grant permission to trespass nor does it actually protect the archeological sites, our itinerary was controlled by the willingness of the owners to cooperate and their preference as to when we should visit their property. A workable schedule was finally achieved and we left Belém August 20, 1948, by wood-burning steamer through the inland route to Chaves on the north coast of the Island of Marajé. Chaves served as our first base of operations, from which excavations were conducted at Sites J-1 through J-5. On September 2, we moved eastward to Fazenda Santa Catarina, where a new base was estab- lished. From there and the various outstations of the Fazenda we worked until September 23, covering Sites J-6 through J-12. Since the owner-manager of Mexiana Island had requested that our visit coincide with his presence on the Island, we left Marajé Island at this time and established a new base of operations at Fazenda Nazaré on Mexiana. Sites M—1 through M-7 were studied while on Mexiana Island from September 24 to October 22 when we moved to Caviana Island. A base of operations was established at Fazenda Sao Jodo da Caridade and Sites C-1 through C-15 were excavated between October 22 and December 14. During this period we returned on November 19 to Chaves in order to examine further Site J-4. Before going back to Caviana Island on November 23 we went along the north coast of Marajé toward the east to examine Site J-13. Our baggage had become of some considerable size by this time, even though the Marajé sherds had been shipped back to Belém earlier, and since we were unable to arrange successfully for direct transportation from Caviana to Macapa in the Territory of Amap4, we hired a sailboat to bring all the specimens into Belém by way of the coastal route while we returned to Belém via the inland steamer which was to stop in Chaves on December 18 on its monthly trip. Arriving in Belém on December 21, we made our headquarters in a house provided on the grounds of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, which was to serve not only as our living quarters but as an excellent laboratory space for storing and studying the numerous archeological specimens. After the baggage arrived from the islands, along with a general handyman and assistant, Benjamin Pinto e Sousa, the work was laid out in the laboratory so that he could wash and number all the specimens collected so far =o 4 ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 5 while we returned to the field for another month before the rainy season began. On January 2, 1949, we flew from Belém to Macap4, the capital of the Federal Territory of Amap4, where we had been invited to under- take archeological investigations by the Governor, Janary Gentil Nunes. Through his magnificent cooperation all the governmental facilities, including: motor launches, trucks, airplanes, maps, archival records, and obscure reference books were put at our disposal so that our work in the Territory of Amap4 would be facilitated as much as possible in the limited time available. We were accompanied on all our trips by Sr. Newton Wilson Cardoso, director of the newly formed Museu Territorial. Asaresult of some specimens brought back by a geologist, Fritz Ackermann, from the Rio Picac4, we began with a survey of the Rio Vilanova and its tributaries. This resulted in data on Sites A-1 through A-6 and A-13. From January 15 to 21, we explored the Rio Araguari-Amapari without finding any sites. On January 22 we flew to Amap4 and worked at Sites A—7 through A-12 until January 30, when we returned to Macap4. The remaining few days in Macap& were spent in getting data on Site A-14 and in photographing and taking notes on the various specimens that Sr. Cardoso had in his custody in the Museu Territorial. On February 4 we returned to Belém by air and immediately moved into our house- Jaboratory on the Museu Goeldi grounds. The rainy season was now at its height and many of the specimen bags and labels showed such severe effects of mildew that some of the identifications were almost illegible. We began to work immedi- ately on the classification of the pottery while Sr. Benjamin Pinto e Sousa continued to wash and number the rest of the sherds. In addition to analyzing all our own sherd material and photographing all the complete specimens and representative samples of the pottery types, we also classified, described, and photographed all the speci- mens in the Museu Goeldi which had any sort of provenience data, as well as some specimens in the private collections of Sr. Frederico Barata and Sr. Fritz Ackermann. This work continued until May 5, when, although the rainy season lasted somewhat longer than was normal, we left for a final trip to the interior of Marajé Island to collect data on the elaborate Marajoara Phase burial mound complex. On May 6, accompanied by Peter Paul Hilbert, the ethnologist of the Museu Goeldi, we sailed from Belém to the center of Marajé Island, making our headquarters at Fazenda Campo Limpo near the upper Rio Anajds. Sites J-14, J-15 (with 17 artificial mounds), and J—16 were excavated in the area and we returned to Belém on May 23. The remaining time in Belém was spent in completing the analysis of the previously excavated materials as well as the newly acquired 391329—57-—_3 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 specimens from the Marajoara mound cultures.’, On June 23 we flew to Macap4 for the day to deliver a talk on the results of our work in the Territory of Amap4. While there we found that Sr. Newton Wilson Cardoso had visited several more sites since working with us and had proved himself an apt pupil by taking accurate notes and keeping materials by site, as well as making some stratigraphic ex- cavations. He kindly allowed us to take this material back to Belém for classification and study. The last week or so in Belém was somewhat hectic. Not only did we have to pack our equipment, but the final details of the study of all the materials excavated had to be completed and a division had to be made into type collections to be left at the Museu Goeldi in Belém, the Museu Territorial in Macapé, the Museu Nacional in Rio de Janeiro, and smaller samples to be exported for distribution to muse- ums in the United States.1 On July 1, we flew from Belém to Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, where for several days we visited the caves of the Lagéa Santa region with Mr. H. V. Walter and Sr. Josephat Paula Penna (Evans, 1950). On July 4 we continued to Rio de Ja- neiro to close our official business with the Museu Nacional and to report to Dr. Heloisa Alberto Torres the progress of our year’s field- work in the Amazon. After paying respects to the many friends we had made in both Rio de Janeiro and in the north, we left Brazil by air arriving in New York on July 14, 1949. PROBLEMS AND COMPROMISES IN FIELD TECHNIQUE Archeology in the tropical forest of South America presents, in addition to the usual problems, many difficulties that are not en- countered in the more arid or more accessible parts of the New World. Manuals of field procedure and precision methods of excavation technique frequently cannot be followed, and the field situation must be met with an understanding of what is pertinent and whatis unprofit- able in order to gain the maximum of information in the shortest possi- ble time. Otherwise, one could easily spend a full year in the field and have very little to show for it. This we learned, however, only by experience. For the benefit of those who may follow us, we will outline briefly some of the major problems and compromises. Evans, who had recently returned from 9 months of fieldwork on the coast of Peru, superintended the assembling of the field equipment. We included all those items that had been essential or helpful in that work, and some of these proved to be even more important in the tropical environment, particularly specimen bags of unbleached muslin, 1 These type collections have been deposited at the United States National Museum, the University Museum in Philadelphia, the American Museum of Natural History, the Peabody Museum of Yale Uni- versity, the Museum of Anthropology at the University of Michigan, and the Museum of Anthropology of the University of California. pet aa aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON a linen tags, and duplicate sets of field notes. In the hope that aerial photographs might reveal the location of the Marajoara mounds as they do ruins on the coast of Peru, we secured permission to examine those taken of Marajé Island by the United States Air Force, going to some difficulty since they were still classified as ‘‘confidential.’? The results were highly disappointing because the forest growth obliterated all but the most abrupt and extreme alterations in the terrain. Later, after experience on the ground and in low elevation flights over the savanna and jungle, we became fully convinced that aerial photog- raphy has nothing to offer as a means of locating archeological sites in the Amazon area. However, we derived one important benefit from the aerial survey of the Amazon. As a result of this work, the Aeronautical Chart Service of the United States Army Air Force has been able to revise and correct its World Aeronautical Charts to such a degree of accuracy that when on the ground we could follow each bend and curve of all but the smallest streams. From the standpoint of a more useful scale for groundwork, the Aeronautical Chart Service made available the Preliminary Work Sheets, Scale 1:500,000, from which the final copies of the World Aeronautical Charts, Scale 1:1,000,000, are made. Not only did these maps save us considerable time and trouble, but they gave a degree of accuracy to the site loca- tions and the geographical features of the area that otherwise could not have been attained. In addition to these excellent maps, we took along surveying equip- ment, such as a plane table and tripod, alidade, and stadia rod, on the assumption these materials would be useful in the mapping of each archeological site. Two weeks in the field demonstrated that not only it was impossible to carry around this equipment, but also it was com- pletely nonfunctional for several reasons: (1) Generally, the sites were not large enough or with enough surface features to warrant the use of the alidade and plane table; (2) to sight a line through vegetation required a cutting operation that was not economically feasible or practical; (3) a sufficiently accurate map could be obtained with greater ease and in less time with grid paper, a compass, a tape, and a hand level. In other words, we made a compromise in technique here because if we had not done so we would have had to sacrifice results in terms of the number of sites we could examine and we are convinced that a site map so derived would show no more pertinent information than is now available on our various plans. Field technique must be adaptable to the situation so that the most scientific data can be obtained under the peculiar local circumstances. To demonstrate the point, it is pertinent to mention why we used the system of sinking several small strata cuts, generally 1.5 by 1.5 meters, into various sections of the site instead of digging a long trench or a 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 larger, single strata cut. Again, the site situation is the determining factor. In all the sites of the Tropical Forest level of culture the accu- mulation of refuse is too shallow to make it essential to dig a large cut to provide sufficient space to throw out the dirt as the cut increases in depth. The nature of the refuse makes it more functional to place several small cuts in various parts of a site in order to test more of the occupation zone. Trenches are not feasible because of the quan- tity of trees and their root systems that cover most sites. A series of small cuts can be finished in a limited time going from the surface to sterile, whereas a larger excavation might not reach completion in the time available at certain sites. The question has been raised as to why we did not trench the large Marajoara mounds in two directions. Our answer is threefold: (1) Property owners were extremely hesitant to allow any digging in their mounds because they offer the only high ground for their cattle during the wet season and also because they do not want their “treasure” disturbed. Permission to dig even small test holes was difficult to obtain and permission to trench the mounds would never have been granted. (2) Sufficient labor for extensive trenching activities was not available at any cost. (3) Scientifically speaking, it was far more important to test several sites than restrict ourselves by extensive excavation on one site. This approach has per- mitted us to evaluate and interpret more extensive digging conducted earlier by Farabee (MS., 1914) and others. For those who have not had the fortune or misfortune, depending on one’s viewpoint, to work in Amazon archeology, the tremendous problem created by roots cannot be overempbasized. Although the cuts were laid out originally with square sides, the first layer of dig- ging always produced roots that often caused a slight modification of shape; however, the area covered in each cut was always well con- trolled. Not only was it impossible to polish the walls of strata cuts, but if they had been polished they would have shown no details. The intense rainfall, high humidity, and easily leached soil take out any materials that would make a clear-cut line of strata distinguishable on the walls of cuts. In the artificial mounds of the Marajoara Phase, soil conditions did vary and here it was possible to smooth the walls of the cut sufficiently to plot the various features. In all the other sites the excavation technique was careful and well controlled, but not carried to the point of diminishing returns by trying to follow out preconceived ideas that no strata cut is properly executed unless the ritual of polishing and smoothing is faithfully carried out. In other words, the entire excavation technique in Amazon archeology can be summarized in a few words: not once was technique abandoned because of a lack of interest, nor was it modified to the extent that the data obtained would be unreliable; but it was necessary at all via ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 9 times to be realistic about technique and to apply the method to the peculiar local situation that would bring results, rather than blindly become a slave to technique irrespective of the total results. Rain and humidity create problems that can only be appreciated if one has tried to work in a tropical forest situation in part of the rainy season. Granted, we stayed in Belém classifying our materials at the height of the rainy season, but some of the fieldwork had to be conducted during this part of the year. Tarpaulins were used to cover the excavations to keep them from filling with water during a downpour, but even then we were digging in mud. Survey trips in dugouts up streams and rivers, going from intense sun one hour to a heavy shower the next, made it difficult to keep notes and photo- graphic equipment dry. Cameras and film had to be kept in airtight eans dehydrated with silica gel. The intense rainfall in the Amazon not only creates physical hazards that restrict the work and actually makes it impossible to undertake archeological fieldwork during February, March, and April, but it reduces the archeological evidence to objects of stone or pottery. Postholes, matting, thatching, and other details of house construction are so quickly destroyed by decay that unless the posts burned (apparently an extremely rare situation) there is absolutely no evidence of such features. Proof of this factor is easily obtained by digging on the site of a former caboclo house where the exact position is known. If over 5 years have passed, the area, has passed into secondary growth, posts and postholes have disappeared, ali decayed vegetable matter has been leached out or washed away and except for areas darkened with charcoal or ashes there is no sign of the occupation other than occasional broken arti- facts. Bone materials destroy rapidly even in secondary urn burials. Except in those urns in which the water supply was constant (in other words the jar broke and was filled by rain or by seepage and remained moist throughout the dry season) or where the urn and its lid had kept the contents constantly dry, bone has turned to dust, usually dis- tinguishable only as fine, white flecks in light gray to black soil. The few bone scraps we were able to salvage were in extremely poor condition and had to be treated with a dehydrating agent mixed with a stabilizing cement, such as acetone and duco or acetone and ambroid. None of the problems and compromises mentioned so far have been dictated by another situation inherent in the Amazon area, one that has a decided effect on the method of carrying out the fieldwork—the tack of modern transportation facilities and the sparse population. In spite of all the modern mechanical aids to mankind, one is reduced to the necessity of utilizing the primitive, local means of transporta- tion. More than once after a slow and difficult dugout trip we wished for an outboard motor, but there were many other situations in 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 which paddling in a dugout was 100 percent more practical than travel- ing by outboard motor. To use motors it is necessary to haul all the gasoline from a main base and establish caches of fuel. To do this would involve organization and planning of supplies that would be more time consuming and frustrating in the long run than the use of local transportation. By taking advantage of the larger sailboats, sailboats with auxiliary motors, or launches to traverse some of the longer distances, traveling light when going by dugout, and depositing our collections and main equipment at various bases, we were able to reach all areas fairly easily. ‘Those who have never traveled in the interior of the Amazon, along the smaller streams where only a hunter, wood cutter, or rubber cutter might live, sometimes find it difficult to understand the importance of the dugout as a means of transporta- tion. Not only is it a sturdy craft, capable of taking a lot of punish- ment from submerged debris, but it is quite stable, easy to propel and will hold a fairly large load. Nevertheless, in archeology more than once we had to keep in mind the fact that, although we went ‘empty handed”’ to a site except for a few digging tools, specimen bags, and photographic equipment, we always returned laden down with sherds. This is not to say that we now feel that our final results have suffered as a result of the limitation of transportation (after completion of the study, we have only one site that we feel could be better interpreted with another day’s work), but several times we had to take into con- sideration the fact that another bag of surface material or another test excavation would be out of the question because of the lack of hands to carry the resulting sherds back to the dugout, or because the waterline of the dugout would be lowered below the margin of safety. Archeology in the Amazon is not like that of areas of the world where one can drive to the site, load the car down, and then drive back again if necessary. Fortunately, the cultures are simple, the sites are small, and a maxi- mum of data can be secured with a minimum of digging. The prob- lem of labor in the Amazon is much more severe than in many other parts of the New World. Most of the people live by working on cattle ranches, cutting wood, gathering rubber, or by hunting. Miles and miles of rivers and streams can be traveled without seeing any human habitation. Local labor is consequently not available in quantity. If one had the financial resources to buy a boat large enough to house a crew of men and to transport food for this crew, then labor could be brought from Belém to the interior. However, this is not practical for many reasons. ‘The expense of such a project would be prohibitive on the budget of most New World archeological expeditions; the laborers would not be familiar with the local situation and it would still be necessary to hire local guides; permission from landowners to oa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Ha trespass with such a large crew would not be easy to obtain; transporta- tion of such a large crew to more remote sites would overtax the available facilities. As a result of this acute labor shortage and the necessity of constantly changing guides as we moved from one area to another, we found ourselves doing a larger part of the actual excava- tion work than would normally be expected. Only during the first month on Marajé did we have the same workmen long enough for us to train them to work in a strata cut. Otherwise the guide went hunting or dug in another part of the site for sherds to increase the sample from the site. In the long run, however, such a system means that one does not have to question the data when analysis might suggest inadequate or careless excavation technique that can so often be blamed on an inexperienced crew. Looking back on the Amazon situation and having the benefit of a second tropical forest expedition (Evans and Meggers, MS.) behind us before writing this introduction, we believe we have found the equipment best suited for South American tropical forest archeology, as well as developed the ability to travel light with a minimum of unessential equipment but with a maximum of protection for such things as cameras, exposed film, notes, etc. In spite of this we still have no general solution for the problems of transportation. Re- gardless of how much planning is done beforehand or how much money one has available, there is no way to avoid traveling by foot, by horse, by bullock, by dugout, and by sailboat, even though oc- casionally the airplane, jeep, truck, car, outboard motor or launch may be thrown in for the sake of variety. In other words, the local situation frequently cannot be predicted. One might carry an out- board motor and gasoline for weeks and then discover that the local conditions of a particular stream make use of the motor impossible; and paddling a dugout the only resort. There is one universal fact, however, and that is the contribution of the local guide to the success of South American tropical forest arche- ology. This guide is essential and invaluable not only because of his knowledge of the location of sites along a specific stream and in the adjoining area, because of his hospitality, his ability to obtain extra fish and game to supplement the food supply, and the use of his thatched shelter as a base, but also from the standpoint of his intimate knowledge of the local custom, the local problems, the local geographic features, and most of all for his ability to arrange for an extra helper, a dugout, an extra set of paddles or whatever else might be needed. A good guide can anticipate the archeologist’s requirements and make archeology in the Amazon more than just hard work. 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BULD. 167 ORGANIZATION OF THE REPORT Archeologists attempting to organize the description of a variety of cultures occupying a relatively large geographical area that is broken into several well-defined units are faced with various prob- lems in determining the best method of presentation. They must find a logical order that will meet the needs of the rare student or specialist who will read from cover to cover in the proper direction, and they must also anticipate and attempt to provide for the larger audience that will proceed in reverse order and frequently never probe deeper than the general conclusions. The organization of this report attempts to meet the requirements of both types of readers. Analysis of the archeological remains brought out the fact that the natural geographical divisions were correlated with clearly defined cultural boundaries. A twofold separation into the mainland (Ter- ritory of Amap4) and the islands (Marajé, Mexiana, and Caviana) was therefore not simply an arbitrary convenience but rather an aid to the understanding of the archeological sequences. Further subdivision of the islands into Marajé on the one hand and Mexiana and Cavi- ana on the other was warranted by the widely different roles played in local prehistory. Within each of these areal divisions the geo- graphical description is followed by the discussion of the archeological cultures in chronological order. A uniform outline was employed to assure equal coverage and to facilitate comparison. In addition to the details of the sites and their excavation and the analysis and description of the artifacts, this gives a summary of any information from other investigations and concludes with a condensation of the diagnostic features of the culture as represented by or deduced from the archeological remains. Hach geographical unit closes with a detailed analysis of the evidence for the chronological position of the cultures in the sequence and of their probable affiliations. One culture, the Arua, is found on all three of the islands and on the mainland, and after considerable deliberation we decided to treat it in the following manner. The details of site description and ex- cavation, and the information from other investigations are given separately in each of the areas; data on Arua sites in the Territory of Amap4é are included in that section and similar information on sites on Marajé are given under that island. Since the majority of the sites of this culture are located on Mexiana and Caviana, and since the Arua is the only pottery-making group to have dominated those islands, the analysis of the pottery and other artifacts, the sum- mary of diagnostic features, and the detailed interpretation of the culture are given in this part of the report. One of the disadvantages of archeology in the tropical forest is that the climate soon disposes of all but the most durable remains, in wiser ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 13 this case objects of pottery and stone. As a result, any attempt at reconstruction of the cultural pattern must be based on knowledge of living cultures. Since we have made the effort to secure the maxi- mum amount of information from the archeological remains, and have drawn heavily on ethnographic clues for this purpose, the re- port begins with a summary of the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture, emphasizing material traits and generalizing sociopolitical and re- ligious aspects. This is followed by a notation as to which of these traits might be discerned in the archeology. Finally, the significance of the environment in the formation and stabilization of this type of cultural adjustment is discussed. The evidence that environment has played an important part in producing the Tropical Forest Pat- tern justifies the rather detailed environmental descriptions that introduce each geographical section. The historical information, including location and description of the tribes at the mouth of the Amazon in the early postcontact period, has been placed after the archeological evidence for two reasons: (1) In this position it follows the general chronological order of the report, which is from early to late, and (2) it supplements the archeological remains but in turn is subject to verification or evaluation in terms of the archeological picture. This section includes the chronology of conquest and settlement, the information recorded about the aboriginal cultures, and an analysis of the amount of correspondence between this and the evidence from archeology. Since this is the first report of survey and excavation in the Tropical Forest area of South America, it has been necessary to describe in detail all of the sites and the cultural remains as a basis for future work. We have tried to reduce repetition to a minimum and to keep the detailed descriptions separate from the interpretations that are derived from them. This makes it possible, we hope, for any reader interested only in the major conclusions to satisfy himself with as much or as little specific information as he desires. Such a person can begin with the chapter on “Implications of the Cultural Sequence at the Mouth of the Amazon” and if he desires documentation he can turn to the conclusions and interpretations at the end of each of the geographical sections. If his interest is sufficiently stimulated, he can pursue the facts as far as he wishes. It must be emphasized, however, that the critic cannot fairly attack any theories or interpretations given in these chapters without delving deeper into the report and examining the supporting data on which they are based. The only term in the report that warrants some explanation is our use of ‘Phase’ when referring to our various archeological com- plexes. Phase has been used to designate distinct archeological cultures with a definite geographical distribution and persistence 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 through time. Although this parallels, in a general way, the modified terminology of the Midwestern Taxonomic System (Cole and Deuel, 1937), it is not an attempt to introduce this system to the Amazon region, where the archeological situation is not sufficiently well known as yet to warrant its use. The term “Phase” was selected instead of tribe, group, culture, complex, etc., because it carries absolutely no ethnological connotation. At present there is no way of deter- mining whether each of the archeological Phases corresponds to one tribe or several, or whether two Phases correspond to a single tribe.? In addition to limiting the cultural reconstruction, the conditions of preservation in the tropical forest place difficulties in the way of arriving at temporal evaluations. Unfortunately, insufficient un- contaminated charcoal was found to make Carbon 14 techniques applicable. In an attempt to compensate for this, we have tried to establish a time sequence by developing formulas for calculating the rate of refuse accumulation in the archeological village sites (pp. 245 ff.). The results are admittedly tentative and before the system can be considered reliable there will have to be further check of the formulas in other South American Tropical Forest situations and particularly in ethnographic village sites. A few words should be said about the pottery type descriptions. We have not considered all the variations in the ceramic complex of a Phase as independent. Instead, we have recognized the plain wares as primary and the decorated types as the result of applying ornamenta- tion to the surface of a minor proportion of one or more of the plain wares. This approach is revealed in the pottery type descriptions by the absence of complete details on paste, temper, texture, and surface treatment under each of the decorated types; instead, the reader is referred to the plain ware or wares on which the decoration was placed for these details. For example, Anauerapucti Incised designs always occur on Mazagao Plain paste. Since the details of paste and surface are the same in both these types, they are given in the plain type description only. This procedure was followed in the interest of emphasizing the interrelationships between the pottery types within a Phase. In the Marajoara Phase, a tabulation of the decorated sherds according to the plain ware on which the decoration was placed permitted the use of small, selected samples for seriation and made it possible to secure a relative date on sites that would be undatable otherwise (pp. 386-388). In naming the pottery types, a consistent method was followed, which deviates from that used in some other areas. The first term is a proper noun, either the name of a major site of the Phase or of some 21In an article that appeared as this report was submitted for publication, Phillips and Willey (1953) recommend the use of the term “ phase” in this manner: Mncenns, Asp ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 15 geographical feature or landmark in the region of distribution of the sites belonging to that Phase. The second word is descriptive and distinguishes decorated from undecorated surfaces. An undecorated surface is described as “plain,” rather than as “orange,” ‘‘white,”’ “brown,” or “gray” as is sometimes done. The use of a color term signifies a slip or paint, as in the case of “Carmelo Red,” ‘‘Arari Red Excised,” and “‘Anaj4s White Incised”’ of the Marajoara Phase. Occasional applique, modeling, or punctation has not been singled out for separate consideration as a decorated pottery type in any of the archeological Phases at the mouth of the Amazon because the occur- rence is too restricted or sporadic to be of temporal or cultural signifi- cance. Applique reaches an appreciable frequency only in the Arua Phase, but the fluctuation from site to site makes it of no value for seriation (see fig. 201). Although change in frequency through time was not the only criterion used in deciding whether or not a variant in the ceramic complex should be emphasized by making it a pottery type, this was an important consideration in doubtful cases. Whena separate pottery type did not seem warranted, such specimens were described either as ‘Unclassified Decorated” or as occasional orna- mentation of the plain ware. The observant reader of the pottery type descriptions will notice a slight variation in the format of the vessel shape descriptions. This is the result of a friendly disagreement between the authors as to the most useful method of presenting the information and not of editorial oversight. The same reader will note that the drawings of the rim profiles have been rendered solid black for plain wares and in outline for decorated types to make them distinguishable at a glance. Each site is designated by a key letter and a number, in addition to the local name. The letter indicates the geographical region in which the site is located (A—Territory of Amap4; C—Caviana; J—Marajé, formerly called Joanes; and M—Mexiana) and the number, the particular site. This system, which permits the addition of future sites in each area, has been followed in other parts of the New World. It is especially convenient for designating sites in foreign countries where the local names are often difficult for Americans to pronounce, much less remember. Throughout this report the authors have kept in mind that the ac- quisition of archeological data has one main purpose: to reconstruct the cultures of the past and their interrelations through history, For this reason, we have attempted to revitalize the dead fragments of the cultures we have found and to resurrect some semblance of their former, living condition. Some of our more conservative colleagues may,object to our efforts to reconstruct the social organization, the evolutionary development or decline of certain cultures, or to see the 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 various archeological Phases as expressions of different cultures adapting themselves in various ways to a tropical forest situation, but it is our sincere hope that these interpretations will not only make the report more useful to anthropologists as a whole, but will demonstrate that archeologists can do more than just accumulate bushels of potsherds. TROPICAL FOREST CULTURE ETHNOGRAPHIC DEFINITION OF TROPICAL FOREST CULTURE: To be in a position to evaluate properly the interpretations and conclusions reached about the archeological cultures of the mouth of the Amazon, it is necessary for the reader to be familiar with the evi- dence on which they are based. This includes not only the archeo- logical material but also the ethnographical details that are character- istic of the Tropical Forest Pattern, since these constitute one of the bases for the recognition of the Marajoara Phase as something unusual and distinct from the general uniformity of sequence from past to present. Since the Amazon forest has held similar potentialities and limita- tions for human adaptation as long as man has been a resident of the South American Continent, a basic general consistency of culture through time might be expected. Another reason for this belief is the uniformity in general features that is characteristic of cultures in the Tropical Forest today. This similarity results from the necessity for securing a living under similar conditions of food supply, natural resources, and other aspects of the environment that encroach upon men in their daily lives, and the ease with which useful inventions and discoveries may be swept along the innumerable waterways to be in- corporated into the cultures of distant tribes. Underlining the dom- inant role of the environment in channeling the cultural adjustment is the characteristically wide variation between Tropical Forest cultures in traits of no survival significance, such as types of body adornment, methods of disposal of the dead, and observances surrounding birth, puberty, and death. Tropical Forest culture, as distinguished in the Handbook of South American Indians (Steward, editor, 1946-50), is both a cultural area and a level of cultural development. In the former capacity, it is a cultural complex based on “the cultivation of tropical root crops, especially bitter manioc; effective river craft; the use of hammocks as beds; and the manufacture of pottery’? (Lowie, 1948, p. 1), which occupies the immense Amazon drainage bounded on the north by the Orinoco and its tributary the Guaviare, on the west by the Andean highlands, on the south by the Chaco and on the east by the Matto ? Throughout this section, unless otherwise noted, the data presented are taken from the various articles in The Handbook of South American Indians, Volume 3: The Tropical Forest Tribes (Steward, editor, 1946- 50). 17 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Grosso uplands and the Atlantic Ocean. A smaller concentration occurs in a strip along the Atlantic coast, south to the present bound- ary of Uruguay and inland as far as riverine and tropical forest condi- tions exist (see Steward, 1946-50, vol. 3, map 1). . As a level of cultural development, Tropical Forest culture is inter- mediate between the Marginals, nomadic hunters and gatherers of wild foods, and the class-divided, occupationally specialized Circum- Caribbean and Andean peoples living by permanently productive agriculture. Less efficient Tropical Forest agriculture makes possible a semisedentary type of life, with concomitant possibilities for amassing material possessions, but is not profitable enough to remove the neces- sity for constant exploitation of the wild resources of the forest and the streams, or to permit the concentration of population and the occupational division of labor prerequisite to the development of a more formalized system of social and political control. The result is that, whereas the Tropical Forest Pattern verges toward the Circum- Caribbean in its material cultural inventory, it more closely resembles the Marginal Pattern in its social organization and religious develop- ment. Because archeological remains are slim, an understanding of the present cultural pattern is helpful as a guide to achieving the fullest interpretation of the clues from the past and to visualizing the range of adjustment probably characteristic in prehistoric as well as in his- toric times. In the brief description that follows, settlement pattern will be given more emphasis than usual because it is one of the few aspects of culture that can be described almost as fully for extinct as for living cultures. Agriculture —A variety of plants is cultivated by living tribes in the Tropical Forest area, with some regional variation and other recent modifications brought about by the introduction of Old World crops like bananas and sugarcane. Of primary aboriginal significance were the root crops, with bitter and sweet manioc as staples and the sweetpotato, cara, and arrowroot also widely grown. Beans were raised in the western part of the area, but seem not to have been introduced into the Guianas until post-European times. Maize was everywhere of secondary importance. Palms and fruit trees, some- times planted but more often exploited in the wild, include papaya, guava, ingd, genipapo, avocado, castanha (Brazil nut), cwpuasst, gua- rand, manga, assat, and other palms. Tobacco, calabashes, and uruct (for dye) were among the nonfood crops. Fields were located in the vicinity of the settlement or scattered in the surrounding forest where conditions of soil and drainage were suitable. Size is variable: a Yuracare field was 10 by 500 meters (Métraux, 1948 c, p. 487), an Amanayé field, 912 by 1,188 meters cet pla ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 19 (Nimuendaji and Métraux, 1948, p. 200). The Tacanan clearings average 50 by 20 meters (Métraux, 1948b, p. 381), and those in the Guianas about 4,025 to 8,050 square meters (Gillin, 1948, p. 825). Before the introduction of iron axes, trees were cut by alternately charring the trunk with fire and cutting away the burned wood with stone axes. The Mojo either waited for a strong wind to topple the girdled trees or selected for felling those whose fall would carry ad- jacent ones with them. After drying, the brush was burned and the crops planted between the charred stumps and unconsumed trunks. Clearing a new field was often a collective undertaking, in which the owner rewarded his helpers with a feast on its completion. Because of rapid soil exhaustion, new fields were constantly being cut in the Guianas and were required everywhere each 2 to 3 years at the most. Tapirapé fields were planted for 2 years, the second- year crop confined to manioc (Wagley and Galv4o, 1948, p. 168). The Cubeo situation is typical: The periodic exhaustion of the soil by manioc produces a seminomadic tribal life. But mobility is limited not only by tribal boundaries but by the necessity of maintaining contact with the gardens nearing exhaustion. To avoid abrupt transitions, the Indians select a new site not too far from the old one and begin to plant it many months before moving. They continue to harvest the abandoned gardens until the entire new crop has reached maturity 8 months to a year later. Abandoned fields are reputedly not replanted, although their owners may con- tinue to harvest the fruit trees for a considerable time. Presumably according to its quality, the soil is exhausted in 3 to 5 years. [Goldman, 1948, p. 770.] The yield of a typical garden may be judged by the fact that a Cubeo field of about an acre produces approximately 5 tons of manioc a year. This is harvested at an average rate of 25 pounds a day and converted into flat cakes, one of which lasts an adult 2 days if supple- mented with other food. Manioc gardening and the preparation of the plant for eating consume 75 percent of a woman’s time (ibid.). Hunting.—The variety of bird and animal life made hunting impor- tant, but the paucity of large land mammals made it more time-con- suming than in forested areas in other parts of the world. Blowguns with poisoned darts, spears, and bows and arrows tipped with bamboo, hardwood, bone, or sting ray barbs were the major weapons, but traps, nets, and deception were also employed. The Indians of the Guianas, a typical example, manifest virtually all the tricks adaptable to their fauna. They imitate the call of the tapir, deer, monkeys, and birds to allay their suspicions; stalk deer; fire the savanna grass and encircle large game in communal drives; dig out armadillos from their burrows; or lie in ambush, screened by a shelter built on the ground orinatree. ([Lowie, 1948, p. 10.] Fishing.—The Amazon network of rivers and streams provides a constant and plentiful food supply that was thoroughly exploited by the Tropical Forest peoples, as well as by the Marginals. Numerous 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 and varied techniques were used, of which drugging was perhaps the most productive. For this purpose, over 100 species of narcotic plants were used. Spearing, shooting with bow and arrow, and capturing in traps and weirs were also common methods. Not only fish, but turtles, caymans, frogs, manatees, and turtle and cayman eges were utilized. Forest products —The forest was a source not only of food, but of most of the other adjuncts of life. Woods for stools and mortars; fibers for baskets, hammocks, mats and lashings; reeds for arrow shafts; materials for house manufacture, poisons, medicinal plants, oils, and resins were only a few of the products gathered. Often one plant yielded materials for many uses, like the buriti palm, which was a kind of ‘‘country store” for the Warrau, providing leaves for roofing houses, fibers for thread, and rope used to make hammocks, edible pith, materials for sandals from the leaf sheath, conelike fruits regarded as a confection when soaked in water, sap for the manufacture of an alcoholic drink, and the edible larvae of a beetle. [Gillin, 1948, p. 826.] Settlement pattern.—The riverine environment of the tropical forest presents two basic choices for village location: away from the river or along the shore. Considerations of defense, elevation, and proximity to food sources contribute to the selection of the site. The Caraja, for example, feel that it is preferable to be closer to fishing grounds than to gardens, and build on a high bank overlooking the river. This location is also chosen by the Mura, Apiac4, and tribes in the Uaupés and Montafia regions. Jivaro settlements are on a steep hill at the head of a stream. Other tribes, who favor the depths of the forest, also do so for reasons of a subsistence nature. Gillin observed this in the case of the Barama River Caribs: Successful hunting requires a wide range of virgin forest on all sides, a territory in which the hunters are-not handicapped by competition from neighboring vil- lagers or passersby on the river. Furthermore, it is the practice to locate cassava fields on hills or slopes in order to facilitate drainage of the soil. Suitable facili- ties for natural drainage are most often found at some distance from the river. [Gillin, 1936, p. 31.] Tribes who shun the river include the Encabello, whose villages are 4 to 9 km. away, the Awishira, 9 to 18 km. away, and tribes of the Upper Xingt, 3 km. away. A nearby creek provides the domestic water supply and a path gives access to the river. Land above flood level is almost universally chosen, but the Omagua often settled on islands, beaches, or lowlands likely to be inundated, and in this respect they are more comparable to the pre-European inhabitants of the Island of Marajé. Houses were of two fundamental types, communal and single-family, of which the communal type is predominant. It varies from the small aa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 21 structures (about 4 < 10 meters) housing 3 to 8 families, character- istic of the Omagua and Tapirapé, through somewhat larger dwell- ings of the Aroana (18.2 X 6.1 meters), the Witoto (10 X 20 meters), the Parintintin (20 meters long), and the Jivaro (13 X 26 meters) to the immense structures of the Tupinambé (up to 150 meters long), the Awishira (22.5 X 90 meters), and the Apiacd, which sheltered sev- eral hundred people. Details of construction also have a wide range, including circular, rectangular, and elliptical floor plan; conical, gabled or arched roof; thatched or open sides; the interior unparti- tioned or divided by mats into family compartments. Individual family houses were characteristic of the Tupi-Cawahib (3.5-5.5 meters square), tribes of the Guianas and the Montafia, and the Encabello (sometimes occupied by two families). Pile dwellings are built by the Warrau and Tucuna when on inundated sites; otherwise the floor is of packed earth. Village composition is variable and not coordinated with the nature of the house, except where a single communal house constitutes the village, as is characteristic in the upper Amazon. Otherwise both types may be arranged in a circle around a central plaza, in rows or haphazardly scattered in the clearing. The dimensions of the clear- ing are rarely recorded, but in one Barama River Carib village of half a dozen houses it measured 206 by 136 feet and was roughly elliptical in outline (Gillin, 1936, p. 101). In population, the Tropical Forest villages run the gamut from two or three families (Chimane) to more than a thousand individuals (Tupinambé). The majority contain under 200 people, housed in one or more communal houses. The average population for villages with individual family houses is somewhat less. Village permanency.—Information is scarce on the length of time that villages continue to be occupied, but where this is mentioned it is invariably short. The Tupinamb4é move when the soil in the vicinity is exhausted or the thatch on the house begins to deteriorate, that is every 4 to 5 years, and the new village is near the old one. Montafia villages move every 2 to 3 years, the Jivaro at least every 6 years, the Cubeo every 3 to 5 years, the Tapirapé every 4 to 5 years. In addition to soil exhaustion, the decimation of game ani- mals or the destruction of nearby palm trees makes a change desir- able. Among some groups, abandonment is customary at the death of a member of the household. Furnishings.—Wherever they are mentioned, floors are described as of packed earth and neatly swept at all times. Furnishings are sparse, but usually include wooden stools, often carved in the shape of an animal, mats and hammocks or platform beds. Personal 391329—57—-4 2D BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 belongings, weapons, gourd bottles, baskets, etc. are often stored in the rafters. Dress and ornament.—In aboriginal times the vast majority of the women wore no clothing, and male covering was confined to a penis sheath. Women of some of the Montafia tribes wore a pubic cover of a shell (Zapa) or a leaf (Zéparo), and in the Upper Xingt of a miniature straw triangle. On the Jurua-Purus a short, apronlike fringe of cotton was substituted. Depilation of all or part of the body hair was frequently produced with resin or latex. Body painting is widespread, employed particularly on festive occasions. A great variety of ornaments—beads, bracelets, anklets, earrings, labrets, diadems, ligatures—are created from the brilliant and profuse selection of materials made available by nature: wood, human and animal teeth, feathers, bone, shell, stone, beetle wings, fruit shells, seeds, jaguar claws, bird beaks, woven cloth, and bast fibers. Transportation.—The effective exploitation of the Tropical Forest environment requires dependable watercraft. The rivers are not only the avenues of transportation and communication, but also barriers to be crossed. Canoes are indispensable to many types of fishing. As a result, watercraft is one of the diagnostic traits of Tropical Forest culture. Their greater lightness makes bark canoes most useful in the upper reaches of streams or where rapids make frequent portages necessary. Elsewhere, dugouts are common. The Tupi- namb&, who manufactured both types, had bark canoes 40 feet long, holding 25 to 30 persons, and dugouts manned by 60 men. Sails appear to have been aboriginally employed along the Guiana coast, but the more usual propulsion was with paddles, supplemented by poling in very shallow water. Manufactures—Another diagnostic of Tropical Forest culture is the manufacture of ceramics. These are simple in shape and orna- mentation, in accord with their utilitarian function. Calabashes were everywhere important as containers, and were put to many uses elsewhere associated with pottery. Twilled basketry was widespread and employed for a great many articles in daily use. Among the Guiana Indians, where the art of basketry reached a high degree of proficiency, the products included— tubular manioc presses (tipitis), cassava and farinha sifters, fire fans, plated rectangular boxes, wicker pot stands, sitting mats, carrying baskets, handbags, rectangular telescoping two-piece containers for household goods, trays for holding cotton. . ., rectangular and round hanging trays, deep bucket-shaped utility baskets, bottle-necked farinha baskets, fish traps, conical landing baskets for fish, hour-glass-shaped containers, rattles for babies, cover nets for the suspen- sion of pots, knapsack covers, and hollow-woven belts. ([Gillin, 1948, p. 839.] Hammocks and other articles were woven from palm (aeta, tucum or buriti) or cotton fibers. The wooden spindle had a whorl of wood, nae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 23 turtle shell, a round wild seed, bone, calabash, clay or a sherd, and was usually discoid, 2.5 to 5.0 cm. in diameter. Among the typical musical instruments were hollow log drums, gourd rattles, and bark and clay trumpets. Social and political organization—A Tropical Forest village is typically composed of one or more kin groups tracing their relationship in the Guianas through the female line, elsewhere patrilineally. When the village consists of a single extended family or sib, local exogamy is observed. Marriage with cross-cousins is often preferred. There is no social stratification and no well-defined leadership. Al- though a headman is recognized, his main functions consist in organiz- ing fishing and hunting expeditions, supervising on ceremonial occasions, and arbitrating disputes. The advent of foreigners or of war, requiring consolidated action on the part of the group against the outside, however, could put greater authority in his hands (e. g., Apiac4). Polygyny was generally permitted, but common only among chiefs. There was little occupational division of labor within a tribe, except along sex lines, but certain tribes made products of recognized superiority that were sought in trade. The only person who possessed knowledge of an exclusive nature was the shaman, who was not a full-time specialist. He treated the sick by blowing and sucking the affected area, washing in herbal decoctions, and sweat baths, and also foretold the future. Infe cycle—Food taboos are often observed during pregnancy, especially by the mother. After birth, which usually takes place in seclusion, the couvade is widely practiced, though with various degrees of duration and intensity. At puberty both sexes frequently undergo ordeals in which flagellation, scarification, and exposure to biting ants are common components. In the Guianas, this ordeal was a pre- requisite for marriage. In contrast to the relative uniformity of other aspects of Tropical Forest culture, the methods of disposal of the dead are numerous, widely variant, and with no apparent correlation to geographical or linguistic and therefore presumably historical unity. The body is often buried beneath the floor of the dwelling along with ornaments and utensils, after which the building may be abandoned temporarily or permanently or not at all. Among the Munduruct a male of high status is exhumed after the flesh has decayed, cremated, and the ashes are buried in a jar. The Tupinambé wrap the body in a hammock and squeeze it into a large jar, which they bury in the house floor or in the open, building a fire in the vicinity to keep evil spirits away. A Mura was buried with his possessions wherever he happened to die. The Omagua disinterred the body 3 months after burial, washed and painted the skeleton, and set it adrift ina vase. The Caraj4 exhumed 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 the body the next season and placed the remains in an urn, which was not reburied. Cremation was less common, but practiced by Rucuyen and Atorai, the former keeping the ashes in a jar, the latter burying them. The Guaharibo “burn the bodies of their dead, collect the calcinated bones, and pound them in a mortar, and keep them in their houses in globular baskets of closely woven mamuri. When they move their residence or travel, they carry with them the bones of their ancestors”? (Spruce, 1908, quoted by Métraux, 1948 e, p. 864). Other groups, among them the Tapajé, cremated the corpse or the exhumed bones and mixed the ashes with a beverage, which they drank. CULTURE TRAITS DISCERNIBLE ARCHEOLOGICALLY One of the most striking features of the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture is the extent to which the material culture is composed of traits of a perishable nature. ‘This, coupled with the warm and humid environment, makes it almost intangible from an archeological point of view. Of the busy village, with its large, thatched houses, the variety of household utensils, the array of manufactured items, and the gaudy feather headdresses and other ornaments, all that remains is a scattering of potsherds, a few chips from cassava board graters, and perhaps a few stone axes. The cemeteries that provide informa- tion in other parts of the world are often absent, meaning that burial could have been by any of the varied methods practiced in the region today,few of which would leave any trace even if the spot could be found. es s \ = & . at? EQUATOR : | y F MEXIANA = : : XK : *) s ae 0 2. ° 50 100 KM 2 \ 50) vw Alto Alegr. : * 1949 EXCAVATIONS “A Bom Destino & NIMUENDAJU’S EXCAVATIONS ® LIMA GUEDES'’ EXCAVATIONS Q \A 1098 @ COUDREAU’S EXCAVATIONS n vi me 330 METER CONTOUR LINE » " 4 SWAMPY LOWLAND J 2/9 ELEVATION IN METERS — Say AFTER U.S. AIR FORCE WORLD AERO- NAUTICAL CHARTS 894, 895, 946. DBD Fiocune 1—The Territory of Amap4, showing geographical features and location of archeological sites. 991329 © -57 (Face p. 14) a2 SUOITAVADXA eRe} @MOITAVAOXS @ULACWSUMIM & SVOITAVADXS ‘23Q3U0 AMI «@ @UOITAVAOXS 2UASAGUOD lt BVvIJ AUOTHOD RATAM OEE aw QMAIWOJ YOMAWE 4 - (6 2AaT3M WI vOlTAVaua eye WM) R3A GIROW 3903 RIA.2.u AaTIA mee, 2h 266 Pee e2TRAMS JaAdITUAM ae es nai AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 35 and Amap4 Grande—flow into the Atlantic Ocean. The longest and largest of these, the Rio Cassiporé, stretches northward for 300 km. from its source in the Serra Lombarda to the sea. It is obstructed by rapids and falls to such an extent that in early colonial times its headwaters were often reached by ascending the Rio Calgoene and crossing over by a small igarapé joining the two rivers to avoid the hardships of portage. One of the major rivers of the Territory of Amap4, the Rio Araguari, empties into the Atlantic Ocean just south of the Cabo do Norte and divides the Territory into a northern and southern sector. It has two main forks, the Araguari proper, which flows due south from the foothills of the Serra Lombarda, and the Amapari draining from the eastern extreme of the Serra Tumuc-Humac. Although this river is 1 to 3 km. in width along much of its lower course and has a deep channel and swift current, a stretch of rapids and falls between the towns of Ferreira Gomes and Porto Grande and a silted-up mouth has made the lower 150 km. of the river of only secondary importance from the standpoint of modern navigation. The land along the river is subject to flooding during the rainy season, except for occasional high bluffs and rounded hills, but the region is not geographically distinct from or more hostile than other parts of the Territory (pl. 1). However, the low banks may account for its position as an important cultural boundary in aboriginal times. South of the Rio Araguari-Amapari all the rivers and igarapés drain into the north channel of the Lower Amazon instead of the Atlantic Ocean. There are no unusual features along the Rios Matapi, Vila- nova (formerly Anauerapuct), and Maracé; these drainages are similar to all others in the region with meandering courses, deep channels, greatly affected by tide action toward the mouth, broken by rapids toward the headwaters, crossing lowlands along the coastal fringe and lower reaches and cutting through uplands, higher hills, and moun- tains in the headwaters. LD fy. ’ Fai 1 STONES—4,, ¥ ~~ / a i ES act ELEVATION baie @F ABOUT 5™ eee Ficure 3.—Ground plan of A-23—Ilha da Fortaleza, Conceigdo, a stone aline- ment of the Arua Phase. rs ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 41 Potsherds were distributed sparsely from the surface to a depth of 10 cm. or less in a roughly circular area with no concentration near the stones. Seventy-six sherds were collected from the surface and 288 from subsurface testing. All of the sherds were good, typical, early style Piratuba Plain resembling the type from Cafezal (A—5) and Site M-2 on Mexiana. No bone fragments or whole vessels were found. The fact that the site has a more extensive refuse deposit than is gen- erally associated with these stone structures makes it possible that a small Arud village was located here prior to the erection of the stone alinement. DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS Arua Phase habitation sites, typically small and shallow, appear to have escaped notice by the previous investigators in the Territory of Amap4. In any event, no one thought the pottery types sufficiently interesting to warrant transportation to a museum, even one so accessible as the Museu Goeldi in Belém. During his archeological explorations in the Territory of Amapaé during parts of 1923 and 1925, Nimuendajii encountered numerous stone alinements similar to our Site A-S—Aurora. The brief sum- mary that follows is taken in part from Linné’s published accounts (1928 a, 1928 b) but principally from Rydén’s (MS.) translation and study of the notes and materials collected by Nimuendaji and depos- ited at the Ethnographical Museum in Goteborg. Where it was possible to identify the cultural affiliation from a study of the photographs, drawings, or Rydén’s descriptions of the artifacts, we have done so. IGARAPE DOS MACACOS Several granite slabs were on a slight rise of land near the zgarapé One slab, 1 meter tall and 10 cm. thick ,was vertical with fragments of another scattered nearby. Fragments of a few vessels and several stone axes came from the site. RIO NOVO On a small hill about 6 meters from the river bank, there is a stone alinement consisting of three parts: (1) The eastern part composed of a vertical, granite slab 2.45 meters high, 1.15 meters wide and 10 cm. thick, with a smaller pillar leaning against it as support and several fragments scattered over the ground; (2) the central part with a ver- tical, granite slab and a looted “grave-shaft” nearby, which was coy- ered with a large flat stone; and (3) the western part 20 meters from the central group where five granite slabs (largest one 1.60 meters tall) were placed irregularly over an area of 5 square meters. Except for a large stone ax, no artifacts were found. 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Although Nimuendaji did not visit them, he received information that further up the Rio Novo there were several other similar stone alinements. JOSE ANTONIO One of the largest stone alinements in the Territory of Amapé extends about 100 meters along the Rio Calgoene. (A ground plan and photograph are given in Linné, 1928 b, fig. 4 and pl. I-1.) Large portions have been demolished by treasure hunters and people seeking stones for road paving, house foundations, and anchors, but about 150 stones are still available on the surface. Nimuendajt divides the alinement into three parts, A, B, and C, each apparently distinct from the other. The granite slabs appear originally to have been vertical with smaller stones propping up the bases. Although a few scattered sherds were found around some of the stones there was no concentra- tion; a few complete axes came from the area. Traces of charcoal to a depth of 1 meter were perhaps produced by the original slash-burn clearing of the land. Nimuendajii was impressed by the fact that although this group of stones represented a tremendous amount of work including transporting them from some distance, pottery was exceedingly sparse. The descriptions suggest the pottery is typical Piratuba Plain. VILLA CALGOENE Three vertical stone slabs erected in a triangle are said to have once been standing a short distance from the old Villa Calcoene. TESO DA MINA A large stone alinement consisting of a larger and a smaller group was near the Amapé Grande, but an organized party of treasure hunters had so disarranged the numerous granite slabs that their original position was indeterminable. No pottery was found by Nimuendajt. sucURIIU Two small alinements on the Rio Sucurijt, a source of the Rio Mayacaré, had been totally destroyed by treasure seekers. LAGO DOS PATOS On the Lago dos Patos of the Rio Sucurijti was a recently disturbed alinement of 12 stones. No artifacts were found. CACHOEIRINHA South of the town of Amapd on the Igarapé da Serra there is a large stone alinement arranged in four separate groups with some stones still erect but with most of them scattered. Nimuendajt reports that et aa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 43 one large granite slab was 4.38 meters long. A few sherds were found at the base of some of the stones. Rydén’s descriptive com- ments suggest they belong to the pottery type, Piratuba Plain. ACGAHYZAL Along the Rio Frechal (today sometimes spelled Flexal) there is a large group of stones, only a few of which still stand because of disturbance. Contrary to the situation at other stone alinements, a great number of plain or incised sherds were found, which had a sandy paste different from the few sherds found at the other aline- ments. In his description, Rydén (MS.) comments that a red-brown paint was on the exterior surface of several sherds but the majority were incised. Our identification of these sherds from Rydén’s plate 26 places the majority of them in the pottery types known as Uacié Incised and Davi Incised. From these observations and our own investigations at Site A-8—Aurora, it is clear that both the quantity and quality of most of these sherds are not the same as usually found by the alinements. They are pottery types representative of the Aristé Phase and must have been deposited some time posterior to the construction and use of the alinement by the Arua. ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS Since the Aruaé made only one kind of undecorated pottery, Piratuba Plain, a light-tan to orange-surfaced, sherd-tempered ware, and only a fraction of a percent of the sherds are decorated, the seriation of the sites cannot be based on percentage analysis of pottery types alone. Careful study and comparison of the sherds from 7 cemeteries and 15 habitation sites belonging to the Arua Phase on the Islands of Marajé, Mexiana, and Caviana revealed certain pronounced differences in vessel shape, decorative style and general quality of ceramic that seemed indicative of time lapse. Glass beads found at two sites establish them as late and provide a terminal point along with his- torical records of Aru& occupation. The seriation based on vessel shape is characterized by the disappearance of ring-impressed decora- tion and by improved control of the ceramic medium, shown in thinner walls and more regular surfaces, and more ingenious vessel shapes. The Piratuba Plain and the few decorated substyles of this type from Sites A-5, A-8, and A-23 are of the cruder variety of Arua pottery. The jar from Site A—5 is ornamented with a ring-impressed, applique band, and a few sherds with irregular incised lines (Aberta Incised) were found at Site A-8. These characteristics place the Arua Phase sites in the Territory of Amap4 at the beginning of the Arua sequence, and the absence of contact materials adds confirmation to this seriation. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 CERAMIC HISTORY The development of the various styles and substyles of pottery from the Aru& Phase of the Territory of Amap4 can only be discussed intelligently when the Arua materials from Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé have been studied. The analysis is therefore postponed until a later section of the report (see pp. 245, 525-537 for details). DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE ARUA PHASE The evidence from the habitation sites indicates that the pattern of small villages occupied for a short time, characteristic of the Arua Phase on the islands, was the same on the mainland. The crudely made and predominantly undecorated pottery, Piratuba Plain, fits into the interpretation of a relatively low cultural level. Although secondary burial in large jars placed on the surface in remote parts of the forest is characteristic of the Arua Phase on the islands, no such sites have, as yet, been reported in the Territory of Amapé. Stone alinements are associated with the Arué Phase in the Territory of Amapé and the lack of similar structures on the islands can be explained by the fact that no stone was available. Although their function is problematical, they were always constructed on a high place com- manding the best unobstructed view of the surrounding area, even if such construction meant the transportation of the stones by dugout from as far as 10 km. away. Large-scale disturbance by treasure seekers makes it impossible to reconstruct the original position of the stones in many cases, but in others the arrangement varies from a single row of stones to crude circles and triangles. The presence of a burial shaft at Rio Novo and sherds of Aristé Phase pottery types at Aurora and Agahyzal reflect an occasional usage of the high areas with peculiar stone alinements by the later peoples of the Aristé Phase. Arua burials have not been found in the vicinity of the structures. The scattered sherds from occasional vessels do not suggest any extensive offertory practice utilizing pottery vessels; nevertheless, it seems most likely that these structures had some ceremonial function in the Arua culture. THE MAZAGAO PHASE DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS The geographical description of the Territory of Amap4 indicated that the Rio Araguari-Amaparf divides the area into northern and southern regions (fig. 1). This geographical barrier seems to have been significant as a cultural boundary between two contemporaneous cultural groups, the Aristé Phase to the north and the Mazagao Phase to the south. The following description of the sites, excavations, and raat ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 45 materials of the Mazagéo Phase will demonstrate the geographical limitation of this cultural group. SITE A-1—PIcAch OCCUPATION Fifteen kilometers up the Rio Pigacé from its confluence with the Rio Vilanova, a large area had been cleared on the northeast bank for a@ manioc garden. A cemetery (Site A-3) was in the midst of the garden. Our exploration of the vicinity revealed a large habitation site (fig. 4) on a slight hill 25 meters to the south of the cemetery site. The occupation site, A-1, covers a large part of this hill, with the forest growth of the area very dense, undoubtedly enriched from the large amount of ash in the refuse; however, all the trees are secondary growth. In the area of the site the steep bank rises 16 meters above the Rio Pigac4 and 4 meters above the level of the bank just to the north in the region of the cemetery (A-3). The hill would have provided a complete command of movements up or down the stream, as well as an excellent defense position. Sherds were scattered over an area roughly conforming to the hilltop, measuring 110 meters in a north-south direction, and 60 meters in an east-west direction. The area was tested intermittently with 10 small test pits to determine the extent and depth of the deposits. The black, sandy-loam refuse layer with scattered sherds varied in thickness from the surface only, to a depth of 20 cm., averaging 10 to15cm. Beneath the refuse, the light- orange, sterile clay was tested to a depth of 1.15 meters. Owing to the extreme unevenness and shallowness of the refuse, stratigraphic work was not feasible. Instead, a test pit 2 by 2 meters was dug in the northern part of the site, in what appeared to be the region with the thickest concentration of sherds, and the materials cataloged as a unit. In this deposit, sterile clay was encountered at a depth of 12 to 15 cm. below the surface. Besides 518 sherds, the following nonceramic objects were found: 1 large piece of yellow ochre (5.0X5.5X1.5 cm.) with one surface flattened from polishing, another slightly depressed from use scratches, with the remaining surfaces irregular; 2 scraps of Jutahi resin (one 5.03.5 cm.; the other 4X2 cm.); 1 coarse-grained, granite ham- merstone fragment roughly rectangular in cross section (3.5-4.5 cm. wide, 2.0 cm. thick, 7.0 cm. long) with the edges slightly rounded but very little reshaping, one end slightly battered; 3 fragments of fire- burnt clay, and 21 fragments of quartz, granite, and indurated sand- stone conglomerate of which 11 were fire burnt. SITE A-2—LAURO Two kilometers downstream from Site A—1, on the opposite (north- west) side of the river (fig. 5), the flood plain extends about 30 meters back from the edge of the clear, fast-running Rio Pigac4. The bank [BULL. 167 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 46 SN hay Pit tae ae) Sa Ld LB aL ‘asvyd ovsezeyy ‘Alojyomeg yordtg—e-y pur vovdtg—]—y jo uvd punoln—'¢ qynADdT vovdid ow 1 dnOus Iviune \ eew aus. 40 4 BS Ee, oN eg? eee ands INIT) = BAVINIXONddY N3QUVD DOINVYN MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 47 EVANS] RIO PIGACA Figure 5.—Ground plan of A-2—Lauro, a habitation site of the Mazagao Phase, rises sharply for about 7 meters, levels off a little, and then rises more gradually to a flattened summit 14 meters above the flood plain. The dense forest and heavy undergrowth had been cleared from the slope as well as the adjacent summit for the planting of a manioc garden. After the brush burning, the owner noticed sherds scattered on the ground in the northwest corner of his garden. Our sampling showed that this area had been a large habitation site, 83 meters in length, parallel with the river, and 52 meters in width. Throughout this extent the soil was gray-black, sandy loam and the undergrowth thick in the uncleared areas; beyond the site the soil was light brown with sparse undergrowth. Site A-2—Lauro was visited during the rainy season when, in spite of good drainage, the ground was extremely wet. Stratigraphic excavation was attempted first, in the hope that the refuse might be deep enough to provide evidence of a ceramic change through time. Two cuts were made, the first outside and the second inside the zone of cultivation (fig. 5). The sherd sample was then increased by a surface collection and two test excavations, which were 2 by 2 meters upon completion. Strata cut 1, 1.5 by 1.5 meters, controlled in 15 cm. levels, was excavated in the center of the east quarter of the site inside the undisturbed limits of the forest. The black, sandy loam of the refuse layers contained many small quartz and granite pebbles intermixed sparsely with small sherds. Many of the stones were fire burnt, but most of them were rock fragments natural to the soils of this part of the Territory of Amapd. Strata lines are not visible in this type of 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 soil or refuse deposit due to the leaching effect of high rainfall in a tropical climate. At a depth of 35 to 38 cm. the soil changed to reddish-brown or light-brown clay without any mixture of sherds. There was no soil change in the native sterile clay, tested to a depth of 1.00 to 1.50 meters. The juncture of the refuse strata with the natural soil was irregular, conforming to the unevenness of the original ground surface. Level 0 to 15 cm. produced 216 sherds, 1 burnt-clay fragment, and 18 rocks; level 15 to 30 cm., 86 sherds, 2 burnt-clay fragments, 1 waterworn, oval pebble probably used as a pottery smoother (2.7 X1.81.4 cm.); 1 grooved fragment of sandstone, proba- bly a “shaft smoother” (groove depth 5 mm.; groove width 5-8 mm.; fragment 5.04.0 2.2 cm.); and 7 rock fragments, none fire burnt. Level 30 to 38 cm. had 29 sherds, 1 yellow ochre fragment with use scratches on one surface and the other surface areas irregular (size, 4.0X2.80.5 cm.), and 3 small rocks. Strata cut 2 was dug in the unplanted corner of the garden 20 meters south of the center of the site area, using the same dimensions and levels as in strata cut 1. The refuse features were identical to those of cut 1, with the sherds giving out at a depth of 25 to 28 cm. upon an irregular and uneven surface. Level 0 to 15 cm. contained 221 sherds, 1 broken, natural, waterworn pebble of fine-grained diorite with one end showing extensive battering and use as a hammerstone (fragment length 5.0 cm., width 6.5 cm., thickness 2.0 cm.), 1 unworked quartz flake, 1 burnt-clay fragment, and 13 rocks. Level 15 to 30 cm. had 77 sherds and 4 burnt-clay fragments. The two test excavations and surface collections added 873 sherds and the following nonceramic objects to the materials from Lauro: 1 ax fragment of fine-grained diorite with the bit missing, butt- end flat with the surfaces well-polished (fragment length 8.5 cm., width 5.0 cm., thickness 3.5 cm. at the butt end tapering to 2.0 cm., with an oval cross section); 1 percussion flake of fine-grained diorite that could have been used as a scraper but shows no evidence of intentional or use retouch (roughly triangular, 5 cm. long, 4 cm. wide at the bulb of percussion, 8 mm. thick and 8 mm. wide at the point); 4 burnt-clay fragments; and 43 rock fragments of which half are fire burnt and the others are a miscellaneous collection of quartz, iron concretions, granite, and indurated sandstone fragments, probably all natural inclusions in the soil. All the sherds were relatively small, due to the brittleness of the cariapé and sand-tempered paste, with their surfaces badly eroded. SITE A-3—PICACA CEMETERY Pigacd cemetery is 25 meters north of the occupation site, A-1, on a flat area at the edge of the steep river bank, 4 meters lower than the Maaenns AMD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 49 hill (fig. 4). A manioc garden covers the entire cemetery and much of the surrounding area; as a result, the majority of the vessels were badly broken from cultivation activities. However, since these vessels originally had been partially buried in the ground, a number of them were still intact. The amount of excavation that could be undertaken was restricted by the planted crop. Fortunately, there was a good-sized area near the bank not under cultivation and surface sherds indicated this to be the center of the site, which extended over an area roughly 30 meters in diameter. The light-brown sandy loam of the cemetery is not distinguishable from the soil of the surrounding area, indicating no use except as a depository for the burial jars. In addition to 12 complete or partially broken jars or bowls, 1,281 sherds were collected from the site. Most of these large fragments belong to only a few vessels. One of the most unusual pottery fragments was a large hollow foot (Mazagao Plain) with five toes probably representing a turtle, measuring 8 cm. high, with the diameter of the sole 14 cm. and of the leg 10 cm. (fig. 6). No other fragments of this urn were found nearby. It is undoubtedly Fiaure 6.—Foot of a zoomorphic (turtle) urn from A-3—Picacd Cemetery, Mazagao Phase. [BULL. 167 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 3—Picacdé Cemetery, Mazagao Phase. Glass trade beads from A- Figure 7.— MEGGERS AND EVANS] ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 51 from a zoomorphic jaboty urn of the type found by Lima Guedes and Farabee on Ilha do Para (see pp. 71-73 and pl. 17). A few years previously Fritz Ackermann, a geologist of the Territory of Amap4, had excavated a jar in the same cemetery 7 meters north- west of our Burial Group 1 in which he discovered a large number of European glass trade beads. These specimens are now in the Museum in Macapd. Since the beads from the burial have not been kept as a unit, an exact count of each type is not possible; the following varieties are included: TaBLE A.—Glass beads from A-3—Picacdéd Cemetery Color Clear glass with white stripes. Blue with white, red and blue overlay. Azurite blue with white stripes. Azurite blue__-= 22 =. - Porcelain white____------ White, red, and green--- Description Round with white lines inside running lengthwise; sometimes called ‘‘Gooseberry”’ (fig. 7, @ Round, 6 mm. diameter, with a colored, barber-pole overlay on the exterior (fig. 7, 5). Round with inlaid narrow white stripes running al- most from hole to hole (fig. 7, c). Round, 5-8 mm. diameter (fig. CA) pe ee ae Round: 5mm: diameter: (Giz-17,'6)=- 3 =e nnn ee Layered glass with star-shaped cross section revealing Count (?) (?) (?) Most common variety in senple examined. (2) an inner white layer, a red middle layer, and an outer layer of light green upon which there are darker green stripes. No terminal grinding. Sometimes called ‘‘Chevron or 12 Apostle beads’’ by bead ex- perts (fig. 7, f). Variety of ‘“‘Ghevron bead” with a red core, blue in- terior layer, and a solid blue exterior. Ends ground to expose the star-shaped red layer in contrast to the blue; barrel-shaped (fig. 7, g). Small, ‘‘Seed beads’’ varying in shape from round to barrel to disk-shaped, ranging from 1-2 mm. in di- ameter (fig. 7, h). Red and blue___--.------ (?) Porcelain white, azurite (2) blue or dark, opaque blue. Burial Group 1.—Five burial jars were found together slightly west of the center of the cemetery area (fig. 4). The base of jar A was 45 cm. below the present surface. This burial jar had been broken by the later burial of jar C and further disturbed by a large root growing through it. The existing fragment of jar A, a small, flat, pedestal base 12 cm. across, with curved sides rising 20 cm. to a maximum existing diameter of 32 cm., contained no bone frag- ments. ‘The vessel was a good example of Mazagao Plain. The base of jar C was 42 cm. below the surface next to jar A. It had a cylindrical body 40 cm. tall with two applique nubbins sug- gesting breasts. The jar was 21 cm. in diameter at the mouth, 25 cm. in the widest body diameter and had a short, pedestal base 18 em. in diameter (fig. 8). It was plain except for 4 small holes 1 cm. below the rim edge, matching in spacing 4 corresponding holes at the lower edge of the lid. The face-lid (fig. 8), almost completely restored from fragments found inside and around the jar, was similar in gen- eral shape to the truncated-cone type used in the Rio Maraca area. It was 10.5 cm. high, 21.5 cm. in diameter at the rim that joined the 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 em ee O 3 6 CM Figure 8.—Jar C (Mazagio Plain), Burial Group 1, A-3—Pigacé Cemetery Mazagao Phase. bes a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 53 jar, and 13 cm. in diameter at the flat top. The face was asymmetri- cally applied by incising eyes and eyebrows and adding appliques for nose and mouth. The surfaces of both the lid and jar were slightly uneven, but not rough, and both were good examples of Mazagao Plain. A mixture of sand, a few miscellaneous, scattered sherds and bone scraps filled jar C. Traces of bone appeared at a depth of 18 cm. from the rim of the jar, all in extremely poor condition due to the moisture that had collected in the jar after the lid had fallen in. Apparently this jar had been only partially filled with bones and sand, filling up completely when the lid broke and fell inward. At a depth of 20 cm. inside the jar, a small shallow bowl (pl. 7, c) was inverted over several scraps of the occiput. Just below it, right- side-up at a depth of 25 cm., was a miniature jar (pl. 7, e) containing three molar fragments and pure white sand. The bone fragments of tbe urn represent the secondary burial of a young adult, but no anthropometric details can be given because of the poor condition of the bone. Both small vessels are excellent examples of Mazagao Plain. The small, open bowl measures 11.6 cm. in diameter and 4.5 cm. in height, with a flat base 5.0 cm. in diameter. The lip is uneven and modeled with two pairs of small, triangular, rim-adornos opposite each other. The miniature jar is much cruder and more asymmetrical, with a globular body 9 cm. in diameter, a flat base 5 cm. in diameter, a short neck 5.5 cm. in diameter with a slanting rim. The total height varies from a maximum of 5.5 cm. on one side to a minimum of 4.5 cm. on the side opposite. Another tall, cylindrical vessel, jar B, was 19 cm. north of jar C with its base 31 cm. below the surface. Since the existing Jar fragment is 33 cm. tall and the fragments of a possible plain, inverted bowl-lid were inside, a portion of the jar and lid must have originally projected aboveground. The interior was filled with sandy loam; 15 cm. below the rim, bone scraps were mixed with sand. No teeth were found nor were any bone fragments large enough for identification. The jar was 21 cm. at widest body diameter, with a mouth diameter of 18. cm. and with a short, pedestal base 1 cm. high and 12 cm. in diameter. On the back of the jar a dorsal ridge 5 mm. high extended vertically from the rim halfway down the body. One small nubbin on the opposite side just below the broken top probably represented a breast. The vessel was Mazag4o Plain with a large amount of crushed white quartz and mica temper visible on the surface. The exterior surfaces were smoothed but irregular, with the body wall 1 cm. thick. Several fragments from inside the jar appear to be rims of both the jar and lid; they have small holes near the lips, similar to those of jar C. 391329—57——6 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 A large, depressed globular jar, vessel D (Mazag4o Plain), was 48 cm. from jar C and 22 cm. to the east of jar B, with its base 39 cm. below the surface. The rim was missing, but the body measured 31 cm. high, 43 cm. in maximum diameter, 24 cm. in mouth diameter, and had a flat, pedestal base 11 cm. in diameter. The interior of the jar was filled with very wet, sandy loam and traces of bone fragments. A small, broken bowl (vessel E) was inverted over skull fragments inside the jar, near its center and 20 cm. below the rim. Beneath these, a few scattered fragments of long bones were arranged parallel to each other alongside a scrap of the left side of the mandible, which contained several badly worn molars. The bones of this secondary burial were too fragmentary to permit a detailed analysis beyond the Figure 9.—Vessel E (Uxy Incised), Burial Group 1, A-3—Picacé Cemetery, Mazagao Phase. fact that they were of an adult human with complete tooth eruption and badly worn molars with caries. Vessel E was reconstructed (fig. 9). It is a poor, late example of Uxy Incised with crudely applied, light incisions, a triple nubbin applique around the waist and a thickened, slightly everted rim. The surfaces are light tan to dark gray, and the shape is very irregular and asymmetrical, measuring 22 cm. in mouth diameter, 12.4 cm. in height and 9 cm. in diameter of the flat, slight pedestal base. The fragments of jar Z, a cylindrical, anthropomorphic burial urn seated on a clay bench, were 42 cm. west of jar C and only 20 cm. below the surface. A small ax (fig. 10, a) of indurated sandstone, 6.2 cm. long, 4.9 cm. wide, and 2.7 cm. thick, was next to the left leg of the bench. This ax was only partially shaped beyond the natural form of the rock, with the upper end rounded and used as a hammerstone and the bit well polished. A small, granite polishing stone (fig. 10, b), rounded on all surfaces and probably used in ceramic polishing, ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Ny ‘i ‘C ‘ KY \Wy WN MBEGGHRS AND ! ‘ \ i | NM Ae ee A a t ——— | ees — 1CM Figure 10.—Stone artifacts associated with Jar Z from A-3—Picacd Cemetery, Mazagao Phase. a, Small ax. 6, Polishing stone. 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 was among the sherd fragments of the vessel. It was oval, measuring 4.8 em. long, 2.3 to 2.7 em. wide and 1.2 cm. thick. Although a complete reconstruction of jar Z was not possible owing to the eroded condition of this soft and unusually sandy variety of Mazagao Plain, sufficient fragments were recovered to establish the form as a local copy of the well-known Maraca seated anthropo- morphic urns. The reconstructed bench was 31.0 cm. long, 14.5 cm. wide and stood 4.5 cm. high. It had the tail (5.5 cm. long) of a cutia (agouti) at one end and a well-modeled cutia head at the other end (pl. 7, a). The head rose 8 cm. above the bench and was 4 cm. wide and 6 cm. long. A small, raised, punctate rib ornamented the bench top at each end. The oval, tubular body of the man seated upon the bench was 21 by 13 cm. in diameter, with the height unreconstructable from the fragmentary condition of the sherds. The legs with swollen calves, indicating use of ligatures, were attached to the body so that the feet were suspended in midair. The legs are fairly well modeled with prominent ankle bones, but each foot has 8 toes. Both arms are circular in cross section and the seven-fingered hands have cup- shaped palms to rest upon the knees. The head of the body is the lid of the burial urn but, although all the facial features of mouth, nose, eyebrows, and one ear were recovered, insufficient pieces prevent a complete reconstruction. The mouth was 6.2 cm. long and 1.0 cm. wide, with the teeth represented by a long, horizontally incised line intersected by numerous vertical lines. The eyes were made by appliques 3.8 cm. long, 1.8 cm. wide, and 4 mm. high with a long, deep, lengthwise incision. The eyebrow was formed by a slight rib. An applique 5.2 cm. long and 1.4 cm. wide formed the nose, which had two small holes at the base to represent the nares. From the fill 1 meter to the southeast of this jar and a few centi- meters below the surface came a piece of red ochre with facets worn by rubbing. Burial 2—The broken upper edge of another vessel was level with the surface of the ground 1.60 meters south of jar D of Burial Group 1. Excavation revealed a tall Mazagao Plain jar having a cylindrical body 22 cm. in diameter with a bulbous expansion at the bottom 31 cm. in diameter and with a slightly concave base. The existing height was 35 cm. Inside the jar, bone scraps were mixed with sandy loam from a depth of 15 cm. to the jar bottom, but the condition was too poor to permit any identification. No teeth were found. Burial 3.—A large, broken, globular-bodied jar was 1 meter south of jar D of Burial Group 1 and 50 cm. from Burial 2, with its base 50 cm. below the surface. A large root passed directly through the body and no bones remained inside. The vessel was typical Mazagéo Plain with a very sandy paste and a brownish-red surface. The flat rim ye ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 57 was slightly thickened on the exterior, giving an exterior mouth diameter of 32 cm. The body diameter was 50 cm., diameter of the slight, pedestal base 20 cm., and the estimated body height 60 cm. Burial 4.—This tall, cylindrical jar of Mazagéo Plain was 1.25 meters north of jar D of Burial Group 1. The rim was broken off approximately 5 cm. below the surface and the base was 41 cm. in the ground. The burial urn had the same general shape as jar C of Burial Group 1, measuring 22 cm. in diameter at the broken upper edge, 28 cm. in maximum body diameter, and 36 cm. in existing height. The small, flat, pedestal base was 15 cm. indiameter. No lid fragment was recovered. ‘The vessel was completely filled with moist dirt, with the lower third of the contents including coarse sand mixed with decomposed bone scraps. Two small vessels rested side by side in the bottom of the burial urn. One, an Anauerapuct Incised bowl (pl. 7, d) with an incised, in-sloping shoulder and a single, short, strap handle, contained pure, coarse sand, small bone fragments and a little dirt. It is an excellent example of the typical Anauerapuct Incised rectilinear, squared-spiral, incised design filled with white chalk. The bowl has a gray, fire-clouded, well-smoothed surface and good symmetry, and is by far the best-made vessel from the cemetery. The mouth diameter is 9.0 cm., body diameter 13.5 cm., and height 5.6cm. The small, strap, looped handle has a slight groove down the center and is 1.5 cm. wide. The base is slightly flattened. Its com- panion, a small Vilanova Plain jar (pl. 7, 6) with two broken-off protrusions leaving holes low on one side, was filled with coarse sand, 3 molars, and a few bone scraps. The neck is slightly constricted and the rim thickened on the exterior. The mouth diameter is 5.3 cm., body diameter 7.0 cm., diameter of the small, flat base 2.5 cm., and total height 6 cm. Although well smoothed, the exterior is irregular in places. Burial 5.—A large, globular Mazagao Plain jar with a vertical neck was found intact 25 cm. west of the tall jar of Burial 4, with its base 50 em. below the surface. The diameter of the small, flat pedestal base is 13 cm., of the body 43 cm., and of the mouth 31.5 cm. The total height is 34 cm., and the neck height 10 cm. Two human faces, modeled on opposite sides of the neck, are set off by paired vertical bars in the same style as the jar from Site A-4, Burial 3 (fig. 13, 6). The eyes and mouth are represented by small, relief buttons 5 mm. above the surface, with depressions in their centers. Flanking the face are two parallel, applique bars 8.0 cm. long, 1.0 em. high, and 1.2 em. wide with horizontally incised, parallel lines. The four sets of these vertical bars seem to mark the limits of each face. The surface of the vessel is badly eroded but originally was well smoothed in spite of being slightly irregular. 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Miscellaneous sherds, sandy loam, fragmentary scraps of long bones, and “bone dust’? were intermixed inside the jar. Unfor- tunately, the poor preservation of the bones did not permit any phy- sical anthropological observations. Several fragments of an Anauera- pucti Incised lid, with incisions on the exterior and interior, were found upon the rim and shoulder of the jar. This pedestal-basin lid, identical in shape and design to one from Site A-4 (figs. 13, a; 14, b), has a high, cylindrical, pedestal base supporting a shallow, wide basin, which was inverted over the jar mouth. SITE A—4—VALENTIM Valentim cemetery is on a high hilltop about 2 km. from the north- east bank of the Rio Picacd and 4 km. above its confluence with the Rio Vilanova. The top of the hill levels off for an area of about 25 meters in diameter, but the vessel fragments were all on the north edge of the hilltop, spread over a 5- by 4-meter area on the surface or buried in light orange clay. Our guide asserted that he could remember when the vessels had been intact and said that they had been broken by the children from a house formerly nearby. At our arrival only a few scattered sherds were visible on the surface and the area was cov- ered with a dense, secondary forest growth and underbrush. Many trees were growing through the vessels, making the problem of exca- vation extremely difficult (pl. 3, b). Most of the vessels were so badly broken, decomposed, or disturbed by root action that all meas- urements had to be obtained in situ with a re-check made in the laboratory from a partial reconstruction of the fragments. In addition to the excavation of several burial groups where some of the vessels were still partially intact,a concentration of badly broken fragments of numerous vessels was recovered from the center of the site in association with 42 European glass trade beads. The beads in- cluded the following varieties: Taste B.—Glass Beads from A-4—Valentim Color Description Count Opaque, sky blue--_--.------ Long, tubular, square in cross section (6 mm.), 7.5 cm. long with 1 rounded edges, hole 1.5 mm. in diameter. Middle layer of white surrounded on both sides by opaque, sky blue. Desig- aay by one bead authority as a variety of ‘‘Bugle Bead”’ (fig. ll, a). Porcelain white with red | Round, to egg shaped, 6.5 mm. diameter with 3 vertical, red 1 stripes. stripes, 1 mm. wide (fig. 11, 6). ; Porcelain white with red | Spherical, 8mm. in diameter, with three red spots, 2-4 mm. diam- 2 spots, bordered with blue. eter, bordered with blue; hole diameter 1.5 mm. (fig. 11, c). Porcelain white withredlines_| Small, tubular, round cross section, 3 mm. diameter, 6 mm. long 2 with thin (0.5 mm.), straight red lines running lengthwise. Cente by one bead authority as a “short Bugle Bead” g.11,d). Porcelain white.-.-...-..---- SA egg shaped; diameter 5-8 mm., length 6-8 mm. 5 g.1l,e). Opaque:bluei£: 2... Round, diameter5mm. Broken fragments only-_.--------------- 3 Porcelain white_---..---.---- Small, ‘Seed Beads” round, discoidal or barrel shaped with diam- 28 eter from 2.5-4.5 mm, length 2.0-3.0 mm. (fig. 11, f). Total cco sooo we Meee ee oe ee cere See ee Oe ee eee eee eee 42 5 ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON fe) Figure 11.—Glass trade beads from A-4—Valentim, Mazagao Phase. 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 A total of 434 sherds, mostly rims, bases or diagnostic body sherds was taken into the laboratory for analysis and found to represent at least 34 separate vessels. Twenty-two percent of the sherds are Mazagao Plain, 39.0 percent Vilanova Plain, 27.0 percent Camaipi Plain, 5.1 percent Anauerapuct Incised, 6.4 percent Picacd Incised, and 0.4 percent Unclassified (pl. 16, c). Burial 1.—A Vilanova Plain jar was at the western edge of the site, with its base 28 cm. below the present surface. It had a round base, a globular body 42 cm. in diameter, curving up to join a gently sloping narrow neck 8 cm. tall and 24 cm. in diameter at the rim, with the total height of the jar 28 cm. The jar lip was rounded and slightly thick- ened on the exterior. The surface, now badly eroded, was originally smoothed and fairly even. > Mel Bee S| STR) 0. -glivg 2-43 CM Rim Scale Heat Cie Des Taal) BS Oo 4 8 I12CM Vessel Scale Figure 55.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Sipé Incised, Ananatuba Phase (Appendix, table 25). 70 a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 187 variation within the type of 1-3 cm. The typical arrangement is a single row placed 0.5-1.5 cm. below the rim edge. The area im- mediately below is occasionally covered with parallel, diagonally incised lines. 2. Zoned, fine crosshatch (pl. 38). Irregularly shaped areas of fine crosshatch with straight, stepped or scalloped boundaries are defined by broad incised lines. These are alternately left blank and filled with fine crosshatching, done with short strokes so that the lines overlap. The design occupies a band around the shoulder of the vessel and is set off at the upper and lower edge by a hori- zontally incised line, the upper one being about 1 cm. below the rim edge. 3. Zoned, large crosshatch (pl. 39, a-b). Similar to type 2 but with the crosshatching composed of broad incised lines like those used to outline the zones. 4. Diagonal crosshatch, unzoned (pl. 39, c-e). A band of lines incised diagonally in one direction around the vessel circumference and crossed by a similar number of lines running diagonally in the opposite direction. The area they occupy may or may not be bounded above and below by a horizontally incised line. 5. Zoned parallel lines (pl. 40). Zones of incised parallel lines, usually stepped, alternating with unincised zones. The band they occupy on the upper part of the vessel is demarcated by horizontal incised lines at the upper and lower limits. 6. Unusually broad, parallel lines (pl.41,a-d). Parallel lines assuming the appearance more of shallow scraping than true clearcut incision. The motifs are dominantly rectilinear, often triangular. 7. Row of circles along the rim (pl. 41, e). Small, somewhat uneven and irregularly spaced circles in a row along the rim edge. This variety is rare, represented on only 2 sherds. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: All of the design types are present only at J—7, where the execution is also the best. Types 4 and 7 are absent at J-10; types 1 and 7 are absent at J-9. Only types 5 and 6 are represented at J-8, possibly because of the small sherd sample from that site. No trends are evident in vessel shape (Appendix, table 25). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present through the Ananatuba Phase with a slight increase in frequency. SOROROCO PLAIN PASTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling; coils range from 1.5-2.5 cm. wide. Temper: Ground sherd with most of the particles small to moderate in size; no hunks. Texture: Good mixture of clay and temper particles giving a well-kneaded compact mass. Sherds hard to break and leave an irregular, angular edge. All sherds have a clear ring when knocked together. Color: Orange-tan to pinkish-orange core in 25 percent of the sherds. Others have a thin (0.5-1.0 mm.), pinkish-orange band on both surfaces with a uniform, light-gray core. Lighter-colored particles of sherd temper often speckle the gray core. Some sherds are speckled with black. Firing: Oxidized firing, more complete than in Ananatuba Plain; only a few fire clouds. 188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 SURFACES: Color: Exterior—A light pinkish orange to dull, deep red, the latter color occurring on only 5 percent of the sherds. Interior—Usually a light to dark gray. Only 5 percent of the total sherds are pinkish orange or red on both surfaces. This pottery type is easy to distinguish from Anjos Plain by the lightness and pinkishness of the orange. Treatment: Exterior and interior—Majority are smoothed on the exterior and interior with the surfaces slightly irregular and uneven; only a few sherds (less than 1 percent) have the surfaces floated. All the surfaces tend to be badly pitted and easily eroded due to the poor surface finish. Hardness: Easy to scratch with the fingernail; 2.5. Form: Rim: Direct, exteriorly thickened or everted with a rounded or flat lip. Body wall thickness: 5-13 mm., majority 8 mm. Body diameters: Range from 20-50 cm. Base: Typically rounded and unthickened; a few with slightly thickened, blunt, pointed bases. Vessel shapes: The same range of shapes as Ananatuba Plain (fig. 53), but with different relative frequency. See type description of Ananatuba Plain (pp. 181-183) for details and the “‘Ceramic History of the Ananatuba Phase” (p. 191) for the discussion of forms. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Black ash particles are present in about three-fifths of the sherds from J-—7, cut 2, levels 30-45 cm., 45-60 cm., and 60-75 cm.; and in about one-half of the sherds from cut 1, levels 15-30 cm., 30-45 cm., and 45-60 cm. None were noted in the samples from J—9 and J-10. Examination under a microscope indicates that this is a natural characteristic of the clay source used during the occupancy of J—7, rather than a conscious addition. Its seemingly greater abundance in Sororoco Plain as compared to Anana- tuba Plain probably results from a difference of firing of the two types. A few trends are discernible in vessel shape. Shape 7 is found exclusively in the earliest site, and shape 1 declines in frequency from early to late. Shapes 2 and 5 exhibit a sharp increase toward the end of the Ananatuba Phase sequence (Appendix, table 26). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present at all sites and showing an increase in frequency from the early to the late part of the Ananatuba Phase sequence. UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED The majority of the sherds in this category are either too small or too badly eroded for classification. Those that are well preserved are either unique or too rare to warrant the creation of a separate decorated type. They represent three techniques: incising or brushing, relief, and punctation. INCISED SHERDS: From Site J-7—Sipé: 3 sherds with light scratches; 2 with deep grooves; 6 with indistinct designs. From Site J-9—Ananatuba: 2 sherds with faint scratches; 1 with deep grooves made when clay was very wet; 6 with faint and irregular incised lines (possibly a crude variety of Sipé Incised); 1 with nicks along the exterior rim edge and faint incisions on the exterior. MAGORRS, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 189 From Site J-10—Sororoco: 3 from the same jar are ornamented with a row of broad grooves 1.5—-2.0 cm. long, placed diagonally around the neck; 13 with faint or badly eroded incised designs. From Site J-8—Maguari: 3 with incised designs (probably Sipé Incised). MopELED SHERDS: From Site J-7—Sip6: 3 sherds with a raised ridge on the exterior that looks like an unsmoothed coil. From Site J-9—Ananatuba: 1 sherd with a modeled knob. From Site J-8—Maguari: 1 sherd with pinched surface superficially resem- bling corrugation (pl. 42, e). PunctaTe SHerps (pl. 42, b-c): From Site J-7—Sip6: 1 sherd with a relief rib, 2.0 em. wide and 1.6 cm. high, is covered with punctates, 2 mm. in diameter, spaced irregularly 1-4 mm. apart. From Site J-9—Ananatuba: 2 sherds from a deep bowl with the exterior covered with horizontal rows of generally triangular punctates; 1 with 6 rows of shallow, generally oval punctates occupying a broad interior rim thickening, and with the rim and interior painted red; 1 with rows of fine, evenly spaced punctates that may have been made with a dentate tool. Pottery Artifacts Objects of pottery other than vessels are exceedingly rare in the Ananatuba Phase. Three small, cylindrical objects of fired clay (fig. 51) came from three successive levels at Site J-9. No wear is visible and their use is unknown. A worked sherd (pl. 42, d; fig. 50) came from Site J-7 and was probably a spindle whorl. Nonceramic Artifacts No chips, fragments, or objects of stone, bone, or shell were found at any Ananatuba Phase site, except for an occasional small iron con- cretion that appears to be a natural inclusion in the local soil. Crramic History The four strata cuts and the surface collections produced 13,483 sherds of Ananatuba Phase pottery types, which were analyzed by levels and seriated to give the sequence shown on the adjacent chart (fig. 56). Prior to the Mangueiras Phase intrusion in the upper levels of J-7—Sip6, the seriation gives a relatively smooth picture of ceramic change, in which the whitish-surfaced, gray-cored Ananatuba Plain declines from 93 percent of the total sherds in the lowest level at J-9— Ananatuba to 48 percent in the upper level at J-10—Sororoco. In this same period, Sororoco Plain, a pink- to orange-surfaced ware, increases from 6 percent to 49 percent (Appendix, tables 21 and 22). The attempt was made to subdivide Ananatuba Plain into a polished or slipped and an unpolished variety. The resulting per- centages gave the polished type a frequency of 5 percent at J-9, 190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 4 percent at J—10, and 21 percent at J—7. This seems likely to be a reflection of differences in soil rather than differences in manufacture, however, when it is considered that the soil at J-9 and J—10 contained a high percentage of clay, which eroded the surfaces of the sherds at these two sites badly, whereas the sandy soil at J—7 left the surfaces well preserved. Added to this difficulty is the fact that the gradation between unpolished and polished is so gradual that it was often impossible to decide into which category a sherd should be put. Until evidence from a larger number of sites is available, it seems best to consider this variation as a more careful finishing applied to the surface of a small percentage of Ananatuba Plain vessels. The decorated type diagnostic of this Phase is Sipé Incised, in which boldly drawn, broad, incised lines are applied to the exteriors of bowls and small jars in a variety of patterns ranging from a simple, scalloped line to a complex, zoned band. The popularity of this type grows from 0.5 percent at J—9 to between 1 percent and 3 percent at J—10 and the first occupation of J-7—Sipé. It reaches its peak during the Mangueiras Phase occupation of J—-7, during which time it increases to from 8 percent to 25 percent of the total Ananatuba Phase wares. This is also the period of the greatest variety and best execution of the incised designs. The other important decorated ware in the Ananatuba Phase is Carmo Brushed, which differs only in paste from many sherds of Croari and Bacuri Brushed associated with the Mangueiras Phase. From an occurrence of 1 percent or less at J—9, it increases to from 4 to 6 percent in the lower levels of J—7 and continues thereafter to fluctuate between 1 percent and 4 percent until it disappears just before the end of the Ananatuba Phase. Sherds of Ananatuba Painted occur scattered throughout the Phase in the amount of a fraction of a percent in the levels where they appear. It is possible that painting was originally present in greater frequency, but has not survived the erosion to which the surfaces of the sherds were subjected in the soil. On the existing samples, the red paint was applied either on the rim top or edge, or in parallel, diagonal, or horizontal bands on the body. Red-painted sherds occur with greatest frequency at J—7, and as in the case of polished surfaces on Ananatuba Plain, this may be a reflection of less hostile soil condi- tions, rather than of an actual increase in the popularity of the painted technique. An analysis of the vessel and rim shapes characteristic of Ananatuba Plain and Sororoco Plain and calculation of their percentage frequen- cies reveals remarkably little change in popularity of various forms (Appendix, tables 23 and 26) in spite of the relatively long period of time that the sequence appears to represent. It is also interesting to 391329 O -57 (Face p. 190) 2:0- = Sa & sr 2:15 eee i 2:.30 ad a I 15 - Se, 0 AS ANJOS ESPERANGA | PLAIN RED 30-. 45- J-19— SUR '-104 .60- Wed 90-1 ere eS ae | 0 20 40% jles 21 and 22). | Oo ey BACURI BRUSHED A? 7 ae an. i a 5 ee a4 wae ‘4 7 ot a é pal a) ‘ g I ; ed 3 is a] U if rf 1¥ u ; ot i y a 7 a ‘ 391329 O -57 (Face p. 190) J-7 1:0-.15M 2:0-.15 2:.15-.30 2:.30-.45 1: .15-.30 .30-.45M .45-.60 J -!19— SURFACE '-10 .60-.75 .15- .90 90-1.05 J-8 — SURFACE J-7 1} .30-.45M 2:.45-.60 2:.60-.75 2:.75- .90 |: .45-.60 O-.1I5 M 15-.30 .30-.45 .45-.60 ee Sars! eS lS aS eo ee Ee cl Sa eS COT TTT) COO) MOOT TTT) COO TTT TTT) ANANATUBA PLAIN ' SOROROCO PLAIN SIPO INCISED = B- ODO CARMO ANANATUBA BRUSHED PAINTED ‘wie: ate: ats =a MANGUEIRAS PLAIN CSS) SS Le ow = i=] ANJOS PLAIN Sess 0 20 40% Ficure 56.—Seriation of Ananatuba Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency (Appendix, tables 21 and 22). 0 | Oo ' ' / ESPERANGA BACURI RED BRUSHED D s = a ’ =e 5 "S$ 7 a. ET, oon | QNNOW 2 GNNOW advuvol 226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 near this burial that could be interpreted as constituting grave goods. The count from cut 2 by levels gives: Level .00-.15 m.: 123 sherds and 1 burnt-clay lump Level .15-.30 m.: 238 sherds and 1 burnt-clay lump Level .30-.45 m.: 494 sherds and 19 burnt-clay lumps Level .45-.60 m.: 126 sherds and 2 burnt-clay lumps Cut 3, 1 meter square, was put in the center of Mound 2. Here the sod layer extended to a depth of 10 cm., but conditions below dupli- cated those in the two previous cuts, with sterile grayish-brown clay appearing at 50 cm. This test was continued to a depth of 75 cm., into the sterile soil underlying the mound. Cultural remains were distributed : Level .00-.15 m.: 218 sherds, 1 burnt-clay lump Level .15-.30 m.: 739 sherds, 13 burnt-clay lumps Level .30-.45 m.: 836 sherds and 27 burnt-clay lumps Level .45-.60 m.: 166 sherds and 11 burnt-clay lumps To these totals, the surface collection added 146 sherds Drilled sherds.—The two drilled sherds from cut 1 are Formiga Plain (fig. 77). Both were crudely shaped into a circle, averaging Figure 77.—Drilled sherds from J-6—Formiga, Formiga Phase. 3 cm. in diameter, and drilled through the center from both sides with a hole 6 to 9 mm. in diameter. Both are slightly concavo-convex in cross section, with a thickness of 6 mm. Data FROM OTHER EXCAVATIONS SITE J—18—-COROCA The only other site that has been identified as belonging to the Formiga Phase is J-18—Coroca, on the right bank of the Rio Ararf, mange ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 227 a few kilometers south of its junction with the Rio Anajasinho (fig. 47). It was excavated by Peter Hilbert of the Museu Goeldi, who describes it as on the edge of a rise that parallels the Rio Arari 100 meters inland from its usual western shore. The refuse deposit overlies a low, artificial mound now covered with trees, which extends 25 meters north-south and 4 to 8 meters east-west. From an elevation of 1.00 meter at the middle, it rises to a summit 1.50 meters high at the center of each half. A 1.5 by 1.5 meter stratigraphic excavation made in 15-cm. levels on the northern summit showed the refuse to extend to a depth of 65 cm. Soil in the first level was light-brown clay, becoming lighter in color and increasingly sandy to a depth of 60 cm., where it changed to hard, whitish clay, which continued sterile to 1 meter (Hilbert, pers. corres.). The excavation produced the following materials: Level .00—.15 m.: 47 sherds. Level .15—.30 m.: 156 sherds. Level .30—.45 m.: 214 sherds and 1 fired clay lump. Level .45-.60 m.: 209 sherds. Level .60-.75 m.: 17 sherds. One clay lump and 19 additional sherds made up the surface collec- tion. All the material was sent to us for analysis and provides im- portant additional information on the ceramic history of the Formiga Phase. ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE FORMIGA PHASE Pottery Type Descriptions The description of the Formiga Phase pottery types is based on the analysis and classification of 8,042 sherds from habitation sites. Using the binomial system of nomenclature, the following types were established, arranged in alphabetical order: CATARINA PLAIN It is possible that the sherds described as Catarina Plain are actually badly eroded examples of the Marajoara Phase ware, Inajdi Plain. Their initial ap- pearance coincides with that of certain Marajoara Phase decorated types, and the vessel shapes resemble those of the Marajoara Phase. Since the coadition of preservation prevented an identification and correlation based on paste and surface features, it was considered safer to give these sherds a separate designation, keeping in mind the possibility they might not constitute a new Formiga Phase plain ware, but rather trade material from the Marajoara Phase. PASTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling. Temper: Crushed sherd. Sometimes visible as distinct bright-orange, cream, or light-gray particles with smooth surfaces which contrast with the dark- gray paste. Size ranges from 0.5-5.0 mm. Moderate amount visible. 228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Texture: Distinctly laminated appearance in cross section with numerous air pockets where layers have buckled slightly. Extremely poor kneading of clay and temper when clay rather dry produced poor cohesion. Easy to break with a very crumbly, irregular edge caused by each lamination breaking in a different plane. Separation along old coil lines suggests modeling when the clay was unusually dry with poor kneading of the coils. Color: 80 percent of the sherds are fired orange in an irregular band along both surfaces and to a depth of 2 mm. leaving a medium to dark-gray core. The zone of contact between the two colors is irregular, with the orange encroaching on the gray along the lines of lamination giving the cross section a variegated appearance. Remaining sherds are gray cored with a thin brownish-tan layer on the surfaces. Firing: Incomplete, in oxidizing atmosphere. A few fire clouds. SURFACES: Color: Exterior and interior— Majority of sherds are leather-red-brown some- times shading off to a dusty-cream on both surfaces. A few have this color on exterior only, the interior being variegated gray-orange. The variegated appearance on both surfaces of 5 percent of the sherds is pro- duced by irregularly spaced splotches of bright orange, light tan, and dark blue-gray. Treatment: Exterior and interior—Unusually poor quality of the paste resulted in loss by erosion of the original surface in over 50 percent of the sherds. Of those in which the surface is preserved, 25 percent are partially smoothed with a hard-surfaced tool bringing finer particles to the surface and giving a dull luster, but still leaving many irregularities, small pits and tool-smoothing marks. The remaining 75 percent are superficially smoothed with the hand or fingers, erasing the coil lines but leaving a rough, uneven, coarse, soft surface. Hardness: 2. Form: Rim: Externally thickened or slightly everted with an angular inner lip edge. Body wall thickness: Range 5-15 mm., majority 6 mm. Body diameters: Range 22-38 cm. Base: Flattened, joining the sidewalls at an 80-degree angle, or slightly thickened on the interior producing a slight convexity. Diameters range 22-24 cm. Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds: 1. Carinated bowls with flattened bottom, everted or exteriorly thick- ened rim. Rim diameter 26-34 cm., diameter of flat base 22-24 cm. (fig. 78-1). 2. Jar with flat bottom, rounded body, insloping neck, exteriorly thick- ened rim. Rim diameter 22 cm.; maximum body diameter 28-42 em. (fig. 78-2). TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 35). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Catarina Plain appears suddenly at the termination of the Formiga Phase. COROCA PLAIN PASTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling indicated by breakage which occasionally leaves a concave edge on one sherd and a convex one on the corresponding edge of the part broken off. MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 229 EVANS] OF: “lege: SCM Rim Scale Dora tots SESSET DEE: 2 = ° m ¥ em Ca Oe oO 4 8 12CM Vessel Scale Figure 78.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Catarina Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix, table 35). Temper: Ground sherd with wide variation in the size of particles in each specimen. Granules are not evenly distributed, probably contributing to the general fragility of this type. Color of temper particles is typically bright orange, contrasting sharply with the gray paste. Texture: Cleavage very irregular and granular; many air pockets. Extremely friable because of poor quality of paste composition, mixture and firing. Knocking the sherds together produces a dull thud. Color: Whitish to light orange to bright orange beginning from the exterior surface and extending inward in a band of varying width sometimes in- cluding the entire cross section. Some trace of gray is present in about 55 percent of the sherds. The oxidation is frequently complete except for the interior surface, so that the gray ‘‘core’’ tends to be along the in- terior edge rather than in the middle of the cross section. Firing: Oxidized, incomplete to complete; no fire clouds. SURFACE: Color: Exterior—Range from light, whitish tan to light orange to pinkish orange. Interior—The same range plus a dull gray brown, which occurs on the majority of the incompletely oxidized sherds. Treatment: Superficial smoothing leaving small pits and protruding temper grains, and an irregular and somewhat undulating surface. Smoothing lines parallel to the rim are common on the interior; made by wiping the fingers around the circumference. 391329—57——17 230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167 Slip appears on a majority of the sherds on the exterior, sometimes car- ried over to the interior on bowls. The slip is often poorly applied, with a marked variation in thickness in a small area from paper thinness to 0.5-1.0 mm. The slip was applied when the surface was too dry, making the bond poor and causing the slip to peel off readily. Hardness: Soft; 2. Form: Rim: Typically direct, or everted with a rounded lip. Occasionally with slight exterior or interior thickening. Body wall thickness: Range 4-10 mm, majority 6-9 mm. Base: Rounded with slight interior thickening, amounting to an increase of about one-third over the body wall thickness. Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds: 1. Jars with short outflaring or everted necks and curved or vertical sides producing a globular or ovoid body. Direct rim with rounded or flattened lip. Rim diameter 8-32 cm., majority 20-22 cm. (fig. 79-1). 2. Globular-bodied jars with sides incurving to a direct rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 14-20 cm. (fig. 79-2). 3. Small jars with globular bodies and rims either thickened on the ex- terior or slightly everted to produce the appearance of thickening. Rim diameter typically 7-14 cm.; sometimes 15-18 cm. (fig. 79-3). 4. Bowls with rounded bottom, outsloping sides and direct rim with rounded lip. Rim diameter 18-24 em. (fig. 79-4). Appendages: Three fragments of handles come from J-6—Formiga. These are round in cross section and have a small pluglike protrusion on the end for insertion into the body wall (cf. Ananatuba Plain). TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: No vessel shape trends in the small sample of rim sherds available (Appendix, table 35). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Formiga Phase with an early climax and a slow decline. EMBAUBA PLAIN PASTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling. Temper: Ground sherd, with particles ranging from 0.5-3.0 mm. Texture: Poor mixture of clay with temper leaving many air pockets and clumps of temper particles. Cleavage plane is angular and irregular. Color: Often mottled in appearance because of the lighter colored particles of sherd temper in the grayish paste. Except for a thin band, almost paper thin, of orange or reddish tan adjacent to both surfaces, the core is gray to black. Firing: Incomplete oxidation; many fire clouds and splotches of bright orange. SURFACES: Color: Ranges from light tan to cream to orange-tan to dull gray on both exterior and interior; however, the majority are dark-tan to tannish-orange orange on exterior with a grayish interior. Treatment: Exterior and interior—Lightly smoothed, leaving a rather un- even and irregular surface with many pits where the temper particles dragged. Roughness of surfaces made them susceptible to erosion. Some of the thinner-walled jars and bowls are slightly more regular and better smoothed. Hardness: Soft; 2. MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 231 EVANS] Ey es ee Oe wal 2 3CM Rim & Handle Scale ts Ee lea ss a oO 4 8 t2CM Vessel Scale Eee) Handle Types Ficure 79,—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Coroca Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix, table 35). 232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Form: Rim: Direct, exteriorly thickened or everted, with rounded lip. Body wall thickness: Range 5-12 mm., majority 7 mm. Body diameters: Range 22—48 cm. Base: Rounded on exterior and slightly thickened on interior. A few non- typical bases, flat and with a slight pedestal, come from Site J-4—Mucaja4. Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds: 1. Jars with rounded body, walls sloping or curving inward to an ex- teriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter 10-38 cm. (fig. 80-1). 2. Jars with globular body, walls incurving to a direct rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter 16-30 cm. (fig. 80-2). 3. Jars with globular body and collarlike, everted rim. Rim diameter 18-24 cm. (fig. 80-3). 4. Bowls with rounded bottom, walls curving outward, then nearly vertical to an exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 12-26 cm., majority 18-26 cm. (fig. 80-4). . Rounded bowls with direct rim and rounded lip. Mouth diameter 10-26 cm.; majority 16-26 cm. (fig. 80-5). 6. Bowls with rounded bottom, upcurving sides, expanding slightly at the direct rim with a flattened top. Mouth diameter 20-32 cm. (fig. 80-6). Appendages: Rarely, loop handles with a circular cross section, 1.2-1.5 cm. in diameter. Ends have a small conical projection for insertion into the body wall but this is smaller than on Ananatuba Phase handles and was of little structural advantage. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Vessel shape 1 appears to increase slightly in frequency and shape 6 to decline, but there are no well-defined trends (Appendix, table 36). Differences in vessel shape preference have an areal rather than a temporal distribution in the Formiga Phase. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPH: Gradual increase in frequency from the beginning to the end of the sequence of the Formiga Phase. or FORMIGA PLAIN PasTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling. Temper: Ground sherd, particles ranging from 0.5-3.0 mm. Texture: Moderately hard to break owning to tensile strength produced by the hard, smoothed surfaces. Cleavage is very angular and a freshly broken edge is soft and crumbly on the core. Admixture of the clay and temper is poor, with the temper often lumped together, leaving numerous air pockets. Color: Ranges from a thin band of orange to tan on the polished surface with a light to dark gray core, to an orange band 40 percent of the cross section thickness with a dark gray core. Ten percent of all the sherds are fired light tan to orange through the cross section. The lighter temper particles are often visible in the gray cores. Firing: Oxidized under extremely variable conditions; usually incomplete. Fire clouds and bright orange splotches are frequent. SURFACES: Color: Exterior and interior—Ranges from whitish cream to tan to orange tan to cream streaked with dull, dark red on the polished surface, to dull, orange red or dusty grayish orange on the unpolished surface. All combi- MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 233 BVANS] Handle Types ES Ort 2. s'CM Rim & Handle Scale PRE LA CART ite a nw or et oN en EE ees 4 Oo 4 8 12CM Vessel Scale Ficure 80.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Embatiba Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix, table 36). nations and ranges of colors are on both the exterior and interior surfaces, with the whitish cream to cream streaked with a dull, dark red being the most frequent. This streaked color is apparently due to a variation in the amount of pressure applied in polishing the slipped surfaces. Polishing tracks are always reddish because the pressure of the tool removed a 234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 slight amount of the whitish or cream slip from this area permitting the orange-red undersurface to show through. A well-polished, evenly smoothed sherd usually has a redder color than the others. Treatment: Exterior and interior—75-85 percent of the sherds have a very smooth, slipped or floated surface with a high luster. The rest are unslipped and the polishing is more poorly done, leaving the surface uneven and irregular with smoothing tracks and pits, and producing only a slight luster. Of the highly lustrous, well-polished sherds, half were given a cream slip, reaching 1 mm. in thickness with poor cohesion to the underlying surface so that it flakes off easily. Some surfaces were highly irregular and uneven when the smoothing was begun and the final regularity came as a result of polishing, hence the streaking as the surfaces were worn down. On the floated sherds the surface was worked when wet bringing up a fine layer of clay; these are dis- tinguished by the thinness of the surface layer and its tan-orange color. Ten percent of the jar sherds appear to have been polished only on the rim and neck leaving the body exterior only lightly smoothed. A diagnostic feature of this type is the luster from polishing, even though the surfaces as a whole are not regular. Hardness: 2.5 Form: Rim: Direct, exteriorly thickened or everted with rounded lip; expanding with a flat top. Body wall thickness: 5-11 mm., majority 7-8 mm. Bases: Typically rounded and unthickened or slightly thickened; one flat base joining the sides at a 55 degree angle. Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds: 1 2 3 5 . Bowls with rounded bottom, upcurving sides and expanding rim with a flat top. Rim diameter 18—44 em. (fig. 81-1). . Rounded bowls with a direct rim and rounded lip. Rim diameter 10-30 em. (fig. 81-2). . Bowls with rounded bottom, walls curving outward, then nearly vertically to an exteriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Mouth diameter 16-30 cm. (fig. 81-3). . Small jars with globular body, constricted mouth and slightly everted or exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter 10-20 cm. (fig. 81-4). . Jars with globular body, walls incurving to direct rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter 8-20 cm. (fig. 81-5). Appendages: One fragment of a handle with a circular cross section 1.5 em. in diameter. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 37). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Formiga Plain is the dominant plain pottery type in the early part of the Formiga Phase. It undergoes a steady decline in frequency and has almost disappeared by the end of the Phase. MUCAJA CORRUGATED The term “finger pinched”? might have been more accurately descriptive than “corrugated,” but the latter term was chosen because it seems highly probable that this technique represents an effort to copy the appearance of a corrugated pottery ty pe used by another group. menceees Sap ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 235 ie sl es LE o) a 2 3CM Rim Scale ERS EE ES (eae eS Oo 4 8 I2CM Vessel Scale Ficure 81.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Formiga Plain, Formiga Phase (Appendix, table 37). 236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Paste: Always on Embatba Plain; see that pottery type for descriptions of temper, firing, etc. SURFACE: Color: See Embatba Plain. Treatment: Exterior—Coil lines left visible and embellished by pinching horizontally between the thumb and forefinger, creating two large and deep impressions separated by a narrow prominent ridge. An alternative was to press downward along the coil edge making a row of impressions but without the prominent ridge (pl. 48, a—h). Interior—Smoothed sufficiently to erase coil lines, but leaving irregular- ities and often smoothing tracks. Hardness: 2. Form: Rim: Everted with slight, exteriorly thickened and rounded or pointed lip on the sherds from J—4. Those from J—6 are direct with a rounded lip. Body wall thickness: 4-20 mm.; majority 6-10 mm. Base: Flat, joining the wall at an angle of 40-65 degrees. Vessel shape reconstructed from sherds: 1. Semicylindrical jars or bowls with flat bottom and everted, thickened rim. Rim diameter 16-32 cm. majority 16-18 cm. (fig. 82-1). 2. Jars with rounded body, insloping neck and direct rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter 16-18 cm. (fig. 82-2). Liebe Oeeter2 3 OM Rim Scale es Oo 4 8 12 CM Vessel Scale Ficure 82.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mucajé Corrugated, Formiga Phase (Appendix, table 38). TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Crudest and least resembling true corrugation at the time of its earliest occurrence in the Formiga Phase. The small sample shows no trend in vessel shape (Appendix, table 38). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Appears suddenly in the latter part of the Formiga Phase sequence. — ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 237 PSEUDO-SIP6 INCISED—FORMIGA PHASE VARIETY PASTE AND SURFACE: The majority are on Formiga Plain, remainder on either Embatba Plain or Coroca Plain; see those type descriptions for details of paste, temper, color, etc. Form: Rims: Direct or exteriorly thickened with a rounded lip. Body wall thickness: Range 3-8 mm., majority 6 mm. Base: Rounded. Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds: 1. Bowls with a rounded bottom, sides curving inward to an exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 24-30 cm. (fig. 83-1). ee eS ees | Ont en 436M Rim Scale [a ee ee | - 0 4 8 126M Vessel Scale Fiaure 83.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pseudo-Sipé Incised, Formiga Phase Variety (Appendix, table 38). 2. Bowls with a rounded bottom, outcurving sides and direct rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameters average 22 cm. (fig. 83-2). 3. Jars with rounded body, walls insloping to an exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameters range 6-20 cm., majority 14-20 cm. (fig. 83-3). Decoration (pl. 48, i-n): The incised designs are copies from Sipé Incised of the Ananatuba Phase. (See Sipé Incised, pp. 185-187, for details of technique and motif.) Motif: At Site J—6, design types 1, 4, 5, and 6. At Site J-18, design type 4. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 38). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Occurs sporadically throughout the Formiga Phase sequence. The fidelity of the copy of Ananatuba Phase motifs indicates some direct contact with either the Ananatuba Phase or the Man- gueiras Phase and serves to compensate somewhat for the absence of a strati- graphic link. 938 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 SAUBA BRUSHED PASTE AND SURFACE: On Coroca Plain, see that type description for details of temper, color, firing, etc. Form: Rims: Slightly thickened on the exterior or interior with a rounded lip. Body wall thickness: Range 4-7 mm., majority 4 mm. Base: Probably rounded. Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds: 1. Jar with rounded body, insloping neck and exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 18-22 cm. (fig. 84-1). 2. Jar with a globular body, walls incurving to a direct rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 14 cm. (fig. 84-2). are eee O) (2 S3iGM Rim Scale Figure 84.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Satiba Brushed, Formiga Phase (Appendix, table 38). DeEcoRATION: Exterior surface covered with parallel brushings typically 0.5-1.0 mm. wide and from 1.0—4.0 mm. apart with the majority 2.0 mm. apart, applied when the clay was damp enough to leave the marks sharply defined. A small per- centage were brushed twice with a bunch of twigs held at different angles to produce diagonal or criss-cross patterns. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None discernible in the small sample available (Appendix, table 38). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Formiga Phase. UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED A few scattered sherds with incised or punctate decoration were found at all Formiga Phase Sites. They are tabulated below: UNCLASSIFIED INCISED: 1. Fine-line incised, marks ranging from very fine to 1 mm. wide, usually running parallel, occasionally cross hatched or zigzagged. Total sherds from J—6, 37; from J—18, 1; from J—4, 1. 2. Simple, rectilinear patterns with intersecting straight lines. Total sherds from J—18, 6. MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 239 EVANS ] 3. Miscellaneous badly eroded or very small sherds with traces of incision. Total from J—6, 15 sherds. UNCLASSIFIED PUNCTATE: 1. Rows of ovoid punctates beginning below the rim and probably covering the exterior; shape of marks varies greatly on the same sherd, running from triangular to ovoid to rectangular, depending on the angle at which the tool was held. Total from J—6, 3 sherds; from J—18, 6 sherds. 2. Row of punctates along the rim exterior. One sherd from J-6. Pottery Artifacts The only pottery artifacts found were two sherds that had been worked into crude disks and perforated through the center, possibly for use as spindle whorls (fig. 77). Both of these came from Site J-6—Formiga (see p. 226 for details). Nonceramie Artifacts Artifacts or fragments of stone, bone or other nonpottery material are completely absent. Crramic History The seriated sequence shown in figure 85 js based on the analysis of 7,234 sherds from J—4 and J-—6 on the north coast and 643 sherds from J—18, in central Marajé6. The trends were derived from 4 stratigraphic cuts, 1 in each of the mounds at J—6 and 1 at J—18, the shallowest of which produced sherds to a depth of 60 cm. (Appendix, table 34). The passage of time in the Phase is marked by changes in the popu- larity of the three plain wares: Formiga Plain, Coroca Plain, and Embatba Plain. The earliest level produced only Formiga Plain, a cream to dark-red ware with a lustrous surface. From a climax of 95 percent in the lowest levels of J—6, it declines to 2 percent by the end of the Phase. Taking its place are the unpolished types: Embatiba Plain, with a dull grayish or brownish surface, and Coroca Plain, with a whitish to reddish surface. The latter has an early climax, followed by a slow decline, while Embatiba Plain increases gradually until the end of the Phase. The percentage of Coroca Plain is considerably greater in the lower levels at J-18 than in contemporary levels at J—6, reflecting a regional difference. J-—4, a one level site, seriates near the end of the J-6 occupation by virtue of its high per- centage of Embatiba Plain. The decorated types associated with the Formiga Phase are for the most part undistinguished and unclassifiable. Of the two identifiable types, Satiba Brushed is present in nearly all levels at J-6, usually in a fraction of a percent, and is comparable in its execution to the brushed types of the other Tropical Forest Phases. Pseudo-Sipé Incised, so-called because of the similarity of the motifs and technique of incision to Sipé Incised of the Ananatuba Phase, is also found 240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 throughout the sequence, although somewhat more sporadically and never exceeding 1.4 percent in any level. In the final third of the Formiga Phase there is a sudden introduction of a finger-pressed surface decoration that may represent an attempt to imitate the appearance of corrugation. The fact that the earliest as well as the crudest examples of this technique occur at J—4"° may indicate a stimulus from somewhere to the west. Its introduction at J—6 failed to take root, although the specimens from this site approach true corrugated ware more closely in that the coil lines remain un- obliterated. Another innovation at the end of the history of J-6, and one that probably brought the Phase to an end, is represented by the intrusion of two Marajoara Phase decorated types, Arari Excised (pl. 49, a-e) and Guajara Incised (pl. 49, f-7). These appear suddenly at the top of cuts 1 and 2, and are unquestionably of Marajoara Phase origin, probably acquired by trade. Although the exceedingly poor condition of Catarina Plain (which appears about the same time) makes positive identification impossible, there is a good chance that it is in reality badly eroded Inajé Plain, one of the Marajoara Phase plain wares. A few badly eroded sherds from Teso dos China, a Marajoara Phase site, showed similar variegation of gray and orange. As in the other Tropical Forest Phases, the vessel shapes of the Formiga Phase wares fail to show any well-marked trend of increase or diminution in frequency. In this Phase, the relatively small num- ber of rims makes the situation even more obscure. A computation of the ratio of bowls to jars in the three plain wares shows that 85.7 percent of the Coroca Plain rims are from jars in contrast to 32.4 percent in Formiga Plain. A similar predominance of jars in the more highly oxidized ware is also characteristic of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases. In Embatba Plain the two categories are more equally represented, with 59.4 percent jars and 40.6 percent bowls. The most striking aspect of the vessel shapes of Formiga Phase wares is their marked spatial distribution. In Formiga Plain, shape 4 is the dominant jar form at J—4 and J-—6 but is absent at J-18 (Appen- dix, table 37). In Embatba Plain, J—-18 lacks shape 1, which accounts for 40.4 percent of the rims from J—4 and 41.2 percent of those from J-6, as well as shape 6, which reaches 11.2 percent at J-4 and 9.1 percent at J-6. On the other hand, Embatiba Plain, shape 3 is absent at J-6 and rare at J—4, but claims 58.3 percent of the rims from J—18 (Appendix, table 36). A similar disparity between apparently contemporary Formiga Phase sites is evident in types of decoration. Only J-6 produced 16 The trace shown farther down on the chart (fig. 85) is in the level immediately preceding that seriating above J-4, and probably belongs to the end of that level. SURFAC 1, =e hs : io oO <=. See 15-.30, 2.30 -.4 ' ° ! j Te) (@) i'e) Ag ite) ys (02 “d e0Ry) 4S- 0 bzET6E 391329 O -57 (Pace p. 240) J-6 1 O-.15M i eee) = | | \ BPR | 2:0-.15 | a a g 2:.15-.30 0 ic a ca faxes} SURFACE a) CZZLLZTLZZAA vz 3:0-.15 — ————————] | | O-.15 Pa SS tea oO 1.15-.30 —— — on | ] i ° 1.30.45 an ATT Eee | 15-.30 occ eer La o 2:.30-.45 = a | | .30-.45 Ess —j re 0 3:.15-.30 —————] ———] — | | 45-.60 SS oO ee O 60-.75 —— Ss nica 3:.30-.45 ——— = ma l 3'.45-.60 ——-] ———— — 2:.45-.60 rz) l: .45-.60 exuwmae Pred a! 1 Lito 0 20 40% 1'.60~.75 eee , I: .75-.90 eee eed , ; FORMIGA EMBAUBA COROCA SAUBA PSEUDO-sIP6 UNCLASSIFIED MUCAUA GATARINA ARARI GUAJARA PLAIN PLAIN PLAIN BRUSHED INCISED DECORATED CORRUGATED PLAIN EXCISED INCISED Figure 85.—Seriation of Formiga Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency (Appendix, table 34). ———- "LAA, J 5 eee ei ha ee ts 2k 5 7 ‘ r _ FEUPVVLER A ARARE SAS MBSGAHA AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 241 Satiba Brushed and Pseudo-Sip6 Incised, although these occur in the earliest levels and so should have had ample opportunity to diffuse to J-18. Since innovations of this type passed rapidly between equally widely separated sites of the Mangueiras Phase, it seems reasonable to conclude that Formiga Phase villages were relatively more isolated and perhaps also less receptive to ceramic innovations than were those of the Mangueiras Phase. The presence of a decorated variety employing the motifs of Sipé Incised of the Ananatuba Phase is susceptible to an interpretation similar to that given for Pseudo-Sipé Incised in the Mangueiras Phase (pp. 218-219). The Formiga Phase variety of Pseudo-Sipé Incised appears to be another and perhaps independent example of ceramic acculturation. The exact origin in time or place is uncertain since no sites showing Formiga Phase-Ananatuba Phase contact similar to the Mangueiras Phase-Ananatuba Phase contact at J-7 were located, and the type is present in the earliest known levels of the Formiga Phase. However, in contrast to what happened in the Mangueiras Phase, the ceramic influence appears to have been purely local, since no Pseudo- Sipé6 Incised sherds were collected from J-4 or J-18. Diacnostic FEATURES OF THE FoRMIGA PHASE A typical Formiga Phase village was located in the campo but accessible to the forest, and adjacent to a stream. At J—4 and J-6, this was a small igarapé, large enough to provide a water supply but too small to be navigable except in the rainy season. The sites consist of 1 to 6 independent mounds, which at J—6 are produced by the refuse accumulation, but at J-4 and J-18 have an artificially constructed core. The mounds at J—4 cover a considerably larger area and are individually larger than those at J—6, but the refuse deposit has a depth of only 10 cm. in contrast to almost a meter at J—6. The presence of a few lumps of clay bearing twig impressions may indicate the use of wattle and daub in the house construction. All three of the habitation sites are contemporary, as shown by the interdigitation of the levels in the strata cuts, with J-6 covering the longest span of time and J—4 much the shortest. The ceramic history is characterized by the decreasing frequency of Formiga Plain, a lustrous ware with a streaked surface, an early climax and gradual decline in Coroca Plain, with a whitish to reddish surface, and an increase on the part of Embatba Plain, with a dull grayish to brownish surface. Decoration is typically crude and nondescript, the only consistent types being Sattba Brushed and Pseudo-Sipé Incised and these are present from beginning to end with no notable change in frequency. Ceramic artifacts are limited to two worked and drilled sherds that may have been spindle whorls. 242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 The burial pattern seems to have been cremation and interment of the ashes beneath the house in the village refuse. One such burial was encountered in J—6, cut 2, at a depth of 45 cm. No grave goods of any description were associated. The inception of the Formiga Phase is uncertain, but its termination is apparently the result of the arrival of the Marajoara Phase, whose people came in contact with the village at J—6 just before it was abandoned. THE ARUA PHASE DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS In spite of the prominence of the Arua in historical accounts of Marajé, only two village sites were found on the north-central coast. SITE J-2/3—CHAVES AIRPORT In 1943 a small emergency landing field was constructed on the southeast edge of the town of Chaves, on the north coast of Marajé (fig. 86). Leveling operations removed 50 to 75 cm. of earth and uncovered 18 plain jars containing bone fragments about 25 cm. below the surface. The townspeople recalled that all were broken or so fragile that they fell into pieces when removed from the support- ing earth. We were unable to discover a single sherd in any one’s possession in 1948. A small, ungrooved ax found at the same time was still preserved. Examination of the site revealed scattered sherds on the surface at the north and south edges of the field, which were about 60 meters apart. The original surface of the ground averages 25 cm. above the field level along the north edge and 50 to 75 em. higher on the south edge. The fact that the refuse layer averages 25 cm. in thick- ness at both extremes, together with the information that jars were found in the intervening area, seems to justify the conclusion that we are dealing with the two parts of a single large habitation site. The refuse layer was dark-gray, sandy loam, with the sherds concen- trated between 20 and 25 cm. below the surface. Flecks of charcoal were noted at 15 cm. on the north side. Excavation was carried out by cutting back the north bank 1.5 meters inward along a section 13 meters long, and by peeling off the south bank in a strip 30 meters long and 1 meter wide. One hundred and fifty-four sherds from the north side and 741 from the south excavation give a total of 895 sherds from the site. In 1948 the north edge of the site was only 100 meters from the coast, where the steep, high bank is subjected to continual erosion by the waves. At the time the village was occupied the shoreline can be said with certainty to have been somewhat farther away. The entire area was wooded prior to its clearing for the airstrip. 243 ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON MEGGERS AND EVANS] q1odiry SsoAvy O— 8/2 “S3AVHD JO VuNiias3ud BHL 30 dVW Y31dV Ubu us WH] ma a >. aac (‘S[el1078Ul [eUISIIOGe Ou podnpoid [-f) “vleony;y—p-f pus —{ JO SUOT}BIO] OY} SuTMOYsS ‘soAvYyH Jo APTUTOIA oY} UI puvs] Oferepy JO Wsvoo YION—'9g8 aUnDIA S33YL G3YSLLVOS HLIM OdWV9 wu "a. E S3AVHO 0 244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Figure 87.—Stone ax from J—2/3—Chaves Airport, a habitation site of the Arua Phase. Az.—The only nonceramic artifact from J—2/3 was an ungrooved, polished ax (fig. 87) of fine-grained, dark-greenish diorite flecked with black. Several polishing planes toward the blade and the sides and a few pecking marks at the butt end make the surface slightly irregular. The ax is 9.0 cm. long and 5.6 cm. wide at the convex blade, with curving sides and a rounded butt. Thickness is 3.7 cm. The blade was chipped in the center during use. SITE J—11—CARMO A small habitation was located on the east bank less than a kilometer above the mouth of the Igarapé do Carmo, a small stream emptying into the north coast of Marajé several kilometers east of the town of Chaves (fig. 48). The land in this area is comparatively high and there are no surface indications of village refuse. Discovery was made by the caboclos because of sherds once exposed in the bank of the igarapé after a heavy rain. The coastal fringe of forest covers the region and the site was overgrown with cane and spiny palms, but no large trees were close to the excavation. A cut 1.5 meters square was begun about 8 meters in from the igarapé, but the sherds were so sparse that it was enlarged on all sides in an effort to secure a more adequate sample. There was no soil discoloration from habitation, the color throughout being light gray. The sherds were 12 cm. below the surface and the soil above them was densely compacted with roots. Poh ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 245 Refuse was extremely sparse, even in comparison with other sites of the Arua& Phase, and only 28 sherds were obtained. Data FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS Survey and excavation on the Islands of Mexiana and Caviana produced a large number of Arua sites, both habitations and ceme- teries. Additional sites were found in the Territory of Amapa. Details of these are given on pages 37-41 and 457-524. ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS Since the vast majority of the cultural remains came from the Islands of Mexiana and Caviana, the pottery and other artifacts have been analyzed and described on pages 525-534. Crramic HISTORY A seriation of the Arua habitation sites based on vessel shape places J-2/3 and J—11 in the lower part of the sequence. For details, see pages 534-537. D1AGNostic FEATURES OF THE ARUA PHASE The Marajo sites are typical of Arua Phase village sites both in location and composition. Notable, however, is the absence of any report of cemeteries of the type associated with the Phase on Mexiana and Caviana. For a general summary of the Phase see page 538. COMPARISON AND INTERPRETATION OF THE TROPICAL FOREST PHASES, WITH A METHOD FOR COMPUTING VILLAGE DURATION By their lack of standardization in shape, their simplicity or absence of ornamentation and their exclusively utilitarian purpose, the ceramics of the Ananatuba, Mangueiras, Formiga, and Arua Phases evoke the image of a level of cultural development where technology was competent to remove the concern with subsistence from the position of immediate urgency it occupies among Marginal hunters and gatherers, but not yet able to assure reliable and constant production of a surplus that would permit the technological elaboration and the social and religious development attained by the advanced cultures of aboriginal South America. The size and composition of the habitation sites indicate small, scattered villages. All of these traits are descriptive of living tribes of the Tropical Forest culture area, and it is probable that the extinct Phases resembled the living tribes in other aspects of their culture as well: that they made and used baskets, mats, hammocks and canoes; that the sociopolitical unit was the extended family or clan, with a chief whose duties and powers were limited; that full-time specialists and social stratification were 3913295718 246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 absent; that religious observances were primarily of a shamanistic character; that crisis rites included the couvade at birth and ordeals at puberty. Although there is ample justification for assigning these four archeological Phases to the Tropical Forest culture pattern, it does not follow that they were any less distinctive in particular features than are an equal number of living Tropical Forest tribes. Although settlement pattern and ceramic traits are never used as the primary means of differentiating living tribes, where they are overshadowed by more striking social and religious differences, these are the only aspects of the culture that remain to the archeologist and when examined closely they prove to be equally varied. For many of the historical problems the archeologist hopes ultimately to solve, a complete ceramic definition of the culture is sufficient to provide the pertinent data, and a reconstruction of the total culture is not re- quired. However, the description of the Ananatuba Phase in terms of firing, surface finish and incised designs of the pottery conveys no image of the sort we are accustomed to evoke when speaking of a living society. It provides no basis for comparison with the cultures on the ethnographic level. It is a name in the archeological sequence and nothing more. In the hope of adding to the Phase definitions and revealing their individuality more clearly, an extensive examination was made of the only nonceramic data available, the location and composition of the sites themselves. A difference in settlement pattern was im- mediately evident. For example, the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phase sites are alike in two features: they both occur in the forest rather than the campo, and they are not on the immediate coast. The Mangueiras Phase people, however, emphasized closeness to a navigable stream, whereas in the Ananatuba Phase proximity to the campo was more important. The Formiga Phase is distinct from the previous two in its choice of a campo location, while the Arua Phase sites are typically in the forest on the shore of a good-sized igarapé or on a smaller one not far from its junction with the coast. These differences in village location are likely to be associated with differences in less tangible aspects of the culture, especially as they relate to the subsistence resources. For instance, it might be suspected that the Aru& were dominantly riparian, placing greater emphasis on the watercourses for food and transportation than the Ananatuba, with their immediate accessibility to both forest and campo. A difference in mobility, also suggested by the Arua em- phasis on coastal and inland water routes and the Ananatuba Phase avoidance of the same, is borne out by estimates of village perma- nency. MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 247 EVANS] No trace was found of postholes, which are usually relied on by archeologists to give information on house type. However, the assumption that pile dwellings were used is likely to be correct, since it is derived from the fact that sites are located on slight natural rises, poorly drained and muddy during the rainy season, and from char- acteristics of the refuse accumulation. Slight historical corrobora- tion is found in accounts of the existence of such structures in the area in the 16th and early 17th centuries (Nordenskidéld, 1920, p. 7). Another clue to house construction comes from the finding of frag- ments of clay with stick impressions in sites of the Formiga and Ananatuba Phases, suggesting the use of mud-plastered walls. Nordenskiéld (op. cit., p. 3) reports this wall-type used by Indians around Roraima in Guiana, as well as from more remote parts of Colombia and Bolivia. He was uncertain as to whether it was an aboriginal or European-introduced technique but our evidence sug- gests the former conclusion may apply to the mouth of the Amazon. There are several features of the sites that suggest differences in village composition. Unfortunately, there is no information about the type of refuse accumulation associated with different house types and village arrangements in existing Tropical Forest settlements so that the interpretation of the archeological situation must depend on rea- soning that seems logical but cannot at the moment be supported by ethnographic facts. Two basic types of village organization are found among Amazonian tribes today: (1) one or more large, communal dwellings, and (2) a cluster of separate family houses arranged in a circle or in one or more rows. On the one hand, the population is concentrated in one or more spots; on the other, it is spread out. Theoretically, these differences should result in differences in refuse accumulation. In a communal house, there is an approximately even distribution of living over a continuous floor area. Assuming that the average rate of breakage of ceramics over a period of time was constant for the differ- ent families occupying the house, and that the sherds were swept or dropped through the floor, they would accumulate in the protected area beneath the house. They would not be further broken by being kicked about or trampled on by the occupants or mixed with more dirt than filtered through the house floor or was deposited as silt during an exceptionally heavy rainy season. In other words, the midden should have the characteristics observed at the Ananatuba Phase sites: a relatively small, generally round or oval area with the sherds thickly concentrated and comparatively large. The use of a communal house in the Ananatuba Phase can be checked by comparing the site area to the dimensions of modern Tropical Forest communal houses. Those of the Tupinambé measure 75 to 90 meters long by 9 to 15 248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 meters wide, and house 100 to 200 individuals. Since Ananatuba Phase sites are smaller (table E), the population of an average Anana- tuba Phase village may be estimated as not exceeding 150. In the second type of village pattern, the individual houses are set at various distances from each other. They may or may not be pro- vided with walls, but in either case the exit is readily accessible. If the assumption can be made that the path of least resistance would be to toss the sherds from a broken vessel out on the ground (as is done by caboclos today), they would become scattered in the surrounding area. Children playing would kick them about and adults walking through the village would step on them and break them into smaller pieces. Disintegration of old houses and construction of new ones would change the arrangement and allow the refuse to accumulate evenly over the habitation area. Exposure to these conditions, as well as to weathering from sun and rain would spread the sherds about and mix them in the dirt. If the same rate of breakage obtained as in the first type of village and the populations were of comparable size, we would expect the sherds to be scattered over a wider area, to be generally smaller, sparser, and mixed with a greater quantity of dirt. Mangueiras Phase villages are typically five times larger in area than those of the Ananatuba Phase. However, two facts suggest that this does not represent a difference in house type, but rather a difference in village size. The density of the sherd refuse is quite similar to that in Ananatuba Phase villages, with an average of 606 sherds per 15-cm. level at J-13 as against an average of 650 per 15-cm. level at J—10. In one Mangueiras Phase site, C-3—Porto Real, the sherds are even more concentrated than in any site of the Ananatuba Phase. Further- more, the area occupied by C-3 is smaller than that typical of Anana- tuba Phase villages, and is too small to represent anything but a com- munal type of house. Since it is unlikely that this one village would have an untypical house type, it can be concluded that communal houses are also characteristic of the Mangueiras Phase. The larger area covered by the refuse at most sites suggests that typical villages were composed of several such houses, representing a considerably larger population than was characteristic of villages of the Ananatuba Phase. Turning to the Arua Phase, we find that the area of the site averages only 154 square meters, except in three exceptionally large sites cover- ing over 1,000 square meters (table G). The smaller area would not allow enough room for houses of the individual family type, and prob- ably indicates that the Arua villages were typically composed of a single communal house like those of the Ananatuba Phase, but only one-fourth to one-half as large. This interpretation of the Arua can be checked to some extent ethnographically. Archeology shows that eee on ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 249 the Aru& migrated to the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé from Brazilian Guiana. Linguistically, they have been identified by one authority as Arawak (Nimuendajt, 1948 b, p. 195). This being the case, it is probable that the Arua villages on the islands were not greatly different from those in the Guianas in more recent times. In characterizing them, Gillin (1948, p. 829) says, “Relatively small settlements, seldom if ever containing more than 200 individuals, oftener 30 to 40, are the rule... .” Extension of this analysis to the Formiga Phase runs up against several complicating factors. The upper levels of the 3 mounds at J-6 were subjected to much greater damage by erosion and other destruc- tive agencies than the lower levels, which softened and broke the sherds into smaller pieces and materially increased the count per level. At J—4 the mounds are larger and more numerous, but the refuse layer is only 10 centimeters thick as compared with a maximum of 90 cm. at J-6. The greatest difference between the refuse deposits here and those of the other Tropical Forest archeological Phases is the accumu- lation of sherds in several independent spots with sterile areas between them, rather than in one continuous area. Why this should be the case is not clear. There is evidence at J—4 and J—18 that the mounds were artificially constructed and then lived upon, but at J-6 the refuse deposit extends to the bottom of the mound, indicating that it is purely a midden accumulation. These differences in the known Formiga Phase sites prevent a simple characterization of the village pattern. In regard to house type, the small area occupied by many of the mounds (table H) and the association of several mounds in a small village area suggests that communal houses may have been used in this Phase also. When it comes to the question of assigning dates or duratiors to these Marajé Phases, new difficulties emerge. None of the existing methods of absolute dating for archeological sites are applicable in the Amazon area, and there is little prospect of a new method being developed that can overcome the handicaps of rapid and complete disintegration of all but the ceramic remains. Prodding by the lay- man, who always asks, ‘‘How old is it?’’, as well as their own desire to give the reconstructed sequence of cultures some point of reference in time as well as in space, leads archeologists to search for some means of estimating the relative duration of sites and cultures. This must often be based on “feeling for the material’? acquired by intensive study, because of the absence of any standard for correlating a certain amount of ceramic change with a given span of years. In the hope of achieving some more objective basis for estimating the relative durations of the Tropical Forest Phases on Marajé, the refuse 250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 conditions in the sites were subjected to an analysis that resulted in the following interpretations. The first aspect of an archeological site that strikes one as likely to be of temporal significance is the depth of the refuse deposit. If the refuse at Site A is 2 meters deep and that at Site B only 1 meter deep, Site A may be supposed to have been occupied for a longer period of time than Site B. While this may seem true in theory, it is an unreli- able yardstick in practice. Many variable and often accidental factors enter into the composition of a refuse deposit, and comparative stratigraphy has shown that a shallower deposit may actually repre- sent a longer period of time than a deeper one (Ford, 1951, p. 94 and fig. 36). A communal house is likely to give a different rate and density of refuse accumulation than a village of scattered, individual houses. Another possible source of error exists when the refuse deposit is a special area set aside by the village inhabitants rather than a gradual accumulation over the village itself. Prone to error as refuse accumulation appears to be as a basis for estimating relative duration of sites, it is the only method that can at present be applied to Amazon archeology. Used within a single geographical region, limited to cultures of comparable level of develop- ment, and shorn of the accidental variations just mentioned, it is possible to avoid some of the major pitfalls and to arrive at estimates that should give at least an approximation of relative duration. The four cultural Phases under discussion all appear to be typical representatives of the Tropical Forest culture pattern. Thus, it is likely that a similar average rate of breakage pertained in the different Phases and at different times in the same Phase. If this assumption may be accepted as valid, then the sherd accumulations can be regarded as a constant among the variable features in the growth of the midden deposits. In estimating the relative duration of sites within a Phase or between Phases, the basis will be therefore the total number of sherds present in a sample of standard area rather than the relative depth of the total refuse deposits. The dimensions of the refuse area selected as the basis for computing the rate of sherd accumulation depend primarily on convenience. If all the stratigraphic excavations had been the same size, that figure would have been chosen. Unfortunately, however, three sizes are represented: 1 by 1 m., 1.5 by 1.5 m., and 2 by 2m. The middle figure was arbitrarily selected as the standard and the sherd counts of the smaller and larger excavations were adjusted to this standard area in the following manner. The area encompassed by a cut 2 by 2 m. is 4 times greater than in one that is 1 by 1 m. The area of a 1.5 by 1.5 m. cut is 2.25 times greater than that of a 1 by 1 m. cut. To adjust the sherd total from a 2 by 2 m. excavation to the standard inal ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 251 for 1.5 by 1.5 m., the total was first divided by 4 (which reduced it to the equivalent of a 1 by 1 m. cut) and then multiplied by 2.25 (which increased it to the equivalent of a 1.5 by 1.5m. cut). For excavations of 1 by 1 m., multiplication of the sherd total by 2.25 was the only step needed. One exception was made to the rule that the total sherd count from an excavation of standard 1.5 by 1.5 m. area was used to derive the site duration. This was J-7—Sipé, which began as an Ananatuba Phase village and later received a Mangueiras Phase influence, ap- parently consisting of the invasion and cooccupation of the site by people of the Mangueiras Phase. Since it is of interest to know how long the village lasted prior to this event and how long it survived thereafter, the levels with Ananatuba Phase pottery only were calcu- lated separately from those with both Ananatuba Phase and Man- gueiras Phase sherds. As it happens, this division occurs in the middle of each cut, the lower 2 levels of cut 1 and the lower 3 levels of cut 2 representing the exclusively Ananatuba Phase occupation, and the upper 2 levels of cut 1 and the upper 3 levels of cut 2 the combined Ananatuba Phase-Mangueiras Phase period (Appendix, table 21). Having decided upon a standard area of excavation, the next step was to select a standard density of sherds. The concentration of pottery in the village sites of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases is remarkable. The 2- by 2-m. square cut at the Ananatuba Phase site of J—9 produced 4,596 sherds, and there is no reason to believe that such a density is not typical of the site as a whole. The possibility that we are dealing with a special dump heap rather than a habitation accumulation is unlikely since such systematic refuse disposal is not found among living tribes of the Tropical Forest culture. Further- more, similar high densities occur at other habitation sites of these Phases. Before assigning a duration for the accumulation of this amount of refuse, an attempt was made to find out what rate of accumulation was recognized in other areas of the New World with similar levels of cultural development in pre-European times. The most obvious comparison is with the Southeastern United States, where run-of-the- mill settlements were small and scattered like those of the Tropical Forest. The information needed for this kind of analysis is rarely given in reports on Southeastern sites, but one interesting example is provided by Willey. In his discussion of Mound Field, in Wakulla County, northwest Florida, he remarks that “Pit I. . . had a total of 4,789 sherds, an amazing number from an excavation three meters square and less than one meter deep” (1949 a, p. 60). Like the sites of the Ananatuba Phase, the Mound Field site is ‘‘small in extent and probably represents only a small population” (ibid.). The ceramic 252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 analysis showed it to have been occupied from early Santa Rosa to late Swift Creek times, estimated as from A. D. 900 to 1200 (op. cit., figs. 14 and 20). This estimate of 300 years of uninterrupted occupa- tion may be too high, but it seems reasonable to assume that the accumulation at J—9, which contained only 193 fewer sherds (i. e., 4,596) in a cut less than one-half the area and only three-fourths the depth of that at Mound Field, must indicate a long period of residence. It is inconceivable that such a sherd accumulation could have been built up in less than 100 years, and if there is a gross error, it is likely to be on the conservative side. However, the primary goal is to pro- vide a basis for deriving relative rather than absolute duration, and for this purpose the figure of 100 years can be considered as the equivalent of 100 percent. A site producing half the number of sherds from the standard area will thus be interpreted as having lasted half as long, although this may represent an actual duration of either more or less than 50 years. When the sherd totals per strata cut were reduced or increased to agree with the results to be expected from a standard 1.5 by 1.5 m. excavation, the site with the largest sherd total turned out to be J—10 with 2,600 sherds from cut 1. This is 20 more than the excavation at J-9, which was compared above to Willey’s Mound Field, and is preferable to the total from J—9 because it is a round number. A further advantage to J—10, cut 1 is that it was excavated in the dimen- sions now being used as the standard size and did not have to be converted. Using this sherd count as the unit of measure gives the formula: 2,600 sherds per 1.5X1.5 m. area=100 years. It should be emphasized that this formula for the rate of sherd accumulation is designed specifically for refuse deposits associated with houses of the communal type. Since there is reason to believe that the rate of accumulation may vary with house type, care should be taken in using it where houses of the individual family type seem indicated by the area and density of the refuse deposit.!’ The application of this formula to the sherd totals per standard cut of 1.5 by 1.5 meters from sites of the Ananatuba Phase gives estimates of village duration ranging from 4.9 years at J-8 to 147.7 years at J—7, Mound 2. However, J-8 is the only village with a duration of under 98.9 years (table E). 17 This interpretation is illustrated by sites of the Mazag&o and Aristé Phases in the Territory of Amapa. In both of these the habitation area is larger than in any of the sites on the islands, ranging from 4,160 to 6,600 square meters in the Mazagio Phase and occupying 7,854 square meters in the Arist6é Phase. The sherd density is very low, however, totaling on the average under 150 sherds per 15-cm. level at A-2 in contrast to over 650 per 15-cm. level in sites of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases. This dispersed site area and scattered distribution of sherds fulfills the characteristics deduced as correlated with villages of individual family houses (p. 248), and the application of the communal house formula is invalid. For results of the use of this formula in the Acauan Phase, see pp. 455-456. enaemng, o5P ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 253 Tasie E.—Duration of Ananatuba Phase village sites Site area | Total | Sherds per Estimated Site number and size of original | Site dimensions (sq. sherds | standard duration in strata cut meters) | from cut of years the cut | 1.51.5 m. Ananatuba Phase J-7: Mound tent: 1 (2xX2im)) eee 30 m, diam_-_---- 706 818 460 17.7 Mound 2, cut 2 (2X2 m.)_.__----- 3522) (2) m2 - 770+ 4, 560 2, 568 98.9 J-8 (1.51.5 m.) Le eo scan eeu aoe eae 30 m. diam__---- 706 127 127 4.9 ON (2 Sonne) pe oa ee ne ee 20 m. diam_-_---_- 314 4, 596 2, 580 99. 2 J=107 C1 SSC DAM) 2 eee 10X50) mie = -_-_- 500 2, 600 2, 600 100.0 Mangueiras Phase mixture with Hu Ananatuba Phase “Mound Picut (22m) eee 30 m. diam__---- 706 2, 149 1, 210 46.6 Mound: 2) cut 2-- =e 35X22 (?) m..-=- 770+ | 2, 243 1, 265 48.8 Total duration of J-7 Noung! 1, cutie. -. 25-5 eee es oon Pe es Sou 2 ee ee eee oes oe = 17. 7+-46. 6=64. 3 MMounGg\2; cuti2.- .=-s<.d2e5s= 3 2 oe ec no rE alee 98. 94-48. 8=147.7 This is an unparalleled degree of permanency for villages of the Tropical Forest Pattern, as attested by the ethnographical evidence (p. 21), but since the formula was designed to err on the conserva- tive side there seems to be no way to avoid attributing this duration to the Ananatuba Phase sites. If anything, they may have been occupied considerably longer. A similar degree of village permanency appears to have existed in the Mangueiras Phase. The formula here gives a range from 10.3 years at J-17 to 118 years at J—5 (table F). Of the 5 pure Mangueiras Phase sites, 2 lasted more than 100 years and 2 less than 25 years. TaBLEe F.—Duration of Mangueiras Phase village sites Site area Total Sherds per | Estimated Site number and size of original | Site dimensions (sq. sherds from} standard duration strata cut meters) the cut cut of in years 1.5X1.5m = (OLs<<7bmee eee 1, 125 809 500 19.2 ay a RO ae 2 aay Ba dae TxQ0imean ae 140 607 455 17.5 CoB Pe Soe eee. De ee $20 ma aes 160 646 260 10.0 Cal ON eae Se ee ere ee ene 2070 mee 1, 500 315 150 5:7 C13 se eet eee ee APA ERS 305¢1 0) mee 3 724 371 14.2 Cala ee hee aval nee eet eae 1510 me 150 525 392 15.1 Oa5 its exec, 1 ines 23 8b) porter ae bm .jdiames= 19 126 38 1.4 When the formula is applied to sites of the Formiga Phase, some of the variable, external factors affecting its reliability are brought out. There is a great difference between the durations derived for the 3 mounds composing J—6, ranging from 20.1 to 170 years (table H). A similar difference in duration is suggested by the seriation of the stratigraphic excavations in these 3 mounds (fig. 85). However, the mound covering the greatest span of time in the seriation is cut 1 (Mound 1), whereas the calculation of duration gives the maximum span to cut 3 (Mound 2). Examination of the field notes suggests an explanation for this discrepancy. The condition of the sherds from cut 3 was poorer than from the other 2 mounds, the erosion of the surfaces being so advanced that the sherds were thin and fragile. The result was a high rate of fragmentation under the pressure of cattle, root action, and similar external forces after abandonment of the site. This produced a sherd count per 1.5 by 1.5 meter area that is very TasBLE H.—Duration of Formiga Phase village sites Total Sherds per Estimated Site number and size of original : 6 . Site area sherds standard strata cut Site dimensions (sq. meters)} from the cut of create cut 1.5X1.5 m. y J-4: g Main mound (2X2 m.)__-------- LOO 20 ae nee 2, 000 929 523 20.1 -6: Mound 1, cut 1 (2X2 m.)__--_-_- (GDP <3} 3 08 ye ee 480 3, 365 1, 895 73.0 Mound 3, cut 2 (2X2 m.)__------ 18 m. diam_-_---- 254 981 553 21.3 Mound 2, cut 3 (1X1 m.)_-----_- 10 m. diam__---- 78 1, 959 4, 407 170.0 J—18) ESS Sern) aoe ee ee PUSS iyi 0 bp ets ae 150 643 643 24.7 wea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 250 much larger than that from any of the other mounds at J—6 and cannot be considered as reflecting the original rate of sherd deposition. A comparison of the estimated durations of J—4 and J—18 brings out another kind of discrepancy. In both of these sites the refuse deposit rests on an artificially constructed earth mound, in contrast to J-6, where the refuse extends to the original ground surface. The dura- tion of 20.1 years for J—4 represents a concentration of sherds from the standard area of 1.5 by 1.5m. but only 10cm. in depth. The duration of 24.7 years for J—18 is derived from a refuse deposit of much less density, since only 120 more sherds were collected in a deposit of more than 60 cm. in depth. This situation permitted the excavation of J—18 in five levels and stretched out the period of time represented by this site on the seriation chart as compared to J—4 with only one level (fig. 85). In view of this lack of uniformity in the density of the sherd refuse in the Formiga Phase, it is safer to refrain from relying on the estimates of duration until more sites of this Phase have been examined and the variable features can be more adequately evaluated. Two independent checks can be made on these estimates of village duration. Rouse (1952, pp. 564-565) has used rate of refuse accumu- lation to estimate the duration of the archeological periods on Puerto Rico. Using the depth of the deposits belonging to the historic period as a basis for calculation, he concluded that 40 years were required to accumulate 25 cm. of refuse, giving a rate of 1 cm. per 1.6 years. Rouse’s figures utilize the actual depth of the deposit, rather than the density of sherds in the refuse that forms the basis of our calculations. A comparison of the results given by the two methods for sites of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases (table I) shows interesting concordances as well as noteworthy discrepancies. TaBLe I.—Differential results of two methods of calculating rate of village refuse accumulation Our formula: Rouse’s 2,600 sherds formula: Phase and sites per 1.51.5 |1 em. deposit meter cut equals 1.6 equals 100 years years Ananatuba Phase: ee, TMOUTGL,' Ctat UE ooh es Se es hee ee ei ee Me oe Ae OE 64.3 96.0 Jet, WMOUNd.2; CU bio Se ae EEE eT OE LT CSN OSIE ee 147.7 144.0 ee ee a ee ee ee ers ee OOP Seely) Te OT Se ON Be apeeree ieee 4.9 24.0 +t eae Sie ean tO Se BAM es SE ae ee oe 99. 2 96.0 J=103 2 cb S 3 Ae oe ee Oe eee eee ee Fe oe 100.0 120.0 Mangueiras Phase: Bae ioe oe ot | ee ee ee a eee eR hE ee oe 118.0 144.0 J=(3mound 1, cut) 1.2. See ee ee ee Se BA EE 46.6 48.0 Ji IMOUNG 2) CUb-22seeree ee ee eee sie eee Seep ee ee 48.8 72.0 Ge Saha as eee ee a Oe? 116.0 120.0 1 a ie Se ene ge ee ee: ee ee ee ae ee 23.0 24.0 5 Gs Co a Ua al lr a Sh al oe va oe OR ela eae 84.0 64.0 OES GT, OP aap eens SPE PRCT Set ee ee eee es 64.5 51.0 256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Of the 12 duration estimates for villages of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases, Rouse’s method of calculation gives larger figures than ours in 8 cases and smaller ones in 4. The differences amount to less than 5 years for J-9, J-13, J—16, the total duration of J-7, Mound 2 (cut 2), and the Mangueiras Phase occupation of J-7, Mound 1 (cut 1). Considering the completely independent derivation of the two methods of estimating duration, this is a remarkable correspond- ence. However, there are 4 cases in which the discrepancy between the two results is 20 to 31.7 years: J—5, J—10, the total duration of J-7, Mound 1 (cut 1), and the Mangueiras Phase occupation of J-7, Mound 2 (cut 2). In each of these, Rouse’s method of determining duration gives the larger result. It seems possible that this is caused by the major consideration that prompted us to substitute sherd count for the more usual depth of refuse accumulation, namely, the accidental factors that may influence the amount of dirt mixed with the sherds under tropical forest conditions. The second independent means of checking the reliability of our formula comes from ethnographic evidence. The writing of this report was interrupted by field work in British Guiana, during which we worked on the Upper Essequibo River among the Wai Wai Indians (Evans and Meggers, MS.). Since this group has not been disrupted by European contact and preserves its Tropical Forest Pattern of culture with a high degree of purity, we took advantage of the oppor- tunity to test the rate of refuse deposition at two recently abandoned Wai Wai villages, where the actual period of habitation could be determined from informants. Since these Indians use a communal house, the rate of accumulation should be comparable to that in the Ananatuba, Mangueiras, and Aru& Phases. The only potential source of disagreement lies between the dirt floors of the Wai Wai and our interpretation that houses on piles may have been used by the archeological Phases. There were two abandoned Wai Wai villages for which information on length of habitation was available. E-2 was said to have been occupied for about 6 years and E-11 for 3 to 4 years. From each of these sites a sherd collection was made from a measured area and the sample was counted. The result was then converted into the standard cut dimensions and the site duration computed according to the for- mula. Classification showed that the sherds from this part of E-11 belonged to an earlier (Taruma) occupation of the site, but the results at E-2 are almost identical to the duration given by the Wai Wai informant (table J). In summarizing this effort to derive site duration from the density of the sherd refuse, it may be said that the method appears to have definite possibilities for application to Tropical Forest archeology. qeca mas) AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 257 TaBLE J.— Wai Wai village duration Duration Site Excavated Sherds Sherds per] estimated Actual area recovered | 1.5X1.5m.]} from sherd duration density Meters Years Years WSO Poets. oie: thee eee 2 Fie 2X2 317 177 6. 82 Before it can be accepted without considerable qualification, however, more tests must be made in living or recently abandoned villages where the conclusions derived from sherd density can be checked against the actual period of habitation. With civilization rapidly encroach- ing on the remaining unacculturated tribes in the Amazon area, it is to be hoped that ethnologists will cooperate in securing the necessary information. On the archeologists’ part, it would be advisable to base the duration estimate on an average density of sherds derived from several samples at a site rather than a single excavation as we have used in most cases here. This would minimize errors arising from the accidental selection of an unusually sparse or dense part of a site for excavation. CHARACTERIZATION OF THE TROPICAL FOREST PHASES Based on the archeological evidence, the four Tropical Forest Phases on Marajé can be characterized as follows: Ananatuba Phase—The people who left the remains identified ceramically as the Ananatuba Phase lived in isolated villages in an area whose known extent is from the north-central coast of Marajé inland toward the Rio Anajds. SNiin WVO SO 3avuve! —> MRSC REG, S5D ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 283 The lid was also 38 cm. in rim diameter and had a flat bottom 11 cm. in diameter. Jar B, Joanes Painted (pl. 67, a): Exterior and interior surfaces are smoothed, leaving polishing tracks and many irregularities, and slipped with white. Beneath the slip, the surfaces are light cream or tan, and the paste has a light gray core. The vessel has a short, collarlike rim, 2.2 cm. tall, a globular body and a rounded base. The exterior surface of the collar was painted red. Maximum diameter of the body is 18.0 cm., of the rim 14.5 em. ‘Total height is 10 cm. Whitish sand appeared at a depth of 1.10 meters and was sterile to 1.50 meters, where the cut was terminated. Sherds by levels totaled: Level .00-.15 m.: 79 Inaj4 Plain, 93 Camutins Plain, 7 Arari Plain Excised, 1 Ararf Red Excised, 1 Anajés Red Incised, 3 Anajds Plain Incised, 19 Joanes Painted, 3 Carmelo Red, 4 modeled sherds, 5 red-on-white, and 3 red-slipped tanga fragments. Level .15-.30 m.: 12 Inajé Plain, 25 Camutins Plain, 1 Arari Plain Excised, 2 Arari Red Excised, 5 Joanes Painted, 4 Carmelo Red, and 3 red-on-white tanga fragments. Level .30-1.00 m.: 25 Inaj4 Plain, 24 Camutins Plain, Arari Red Excised sherds from 4 different vessels, 1 Goiapi Scraped, Joanes Painted sherds from 3 bowls, and 2 red- slipped tanga fragments. Cut 2 was placed in the center of the mound, about 2 meters from the summit on the river side. It was 1.5 meters square and excavated in 15-cm. levels.4® Because of the steepness of the slope at this point, the first level was measured off on the uphill side and leveled out on the downhill side to permit the removal of an equal amount of dirt from all parts of the cut in succeeding levels. In the first level, the soil was dark-gray wet clay, roots were thick and sherds large and abundant. Between 15 and 45 cm., the soil became darker and the sherds less numerous. At 50 cm. the soil became light gray on the uphill side, but in the remainder of the cut it continued dark until 75 cm. From this point until sterile soil was reached at 2.10 meters, the sherds were mixed in light-gray or whitish, sandy clay streaked with light gray, and containing scattered charred bits of wood and small pockets of ash. From 2.10 to 2.55 meters the yellowish, sandy clay contained charcoal, but no sherds or lumps of burnt clay. Two unusual objects were found in cut 2. Level 0.75-0.90 meter produced a worked sherd of Camutins Plain (fig. 103, 6). It was roughly oblong, 4.8 by 3.5 cm., 2.4 mm. thick at the edges and 4.5 mm. thick at the center, slightly convex and smooth on both surfaces. The edges had been rounded and there was a shallow groove in each end, as though to secure a string wound or tied around it. An ec- centrically shaped Inaja Plain object came from level 1.05-1.20 18 Because of the small sample per level, 2 levels were combined for stratigraphic analysis of the pottery types (Appendix, table 40). 284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Fiaure 103.—Artifacts from J—15, Mound 1, cut 2, Marajoara Phase: a, Eccentric pottery object. 6, Worked sherd. meters (fig. 103,a). It was circular, flat on one surface and convex on the other. An extension at one side was drilled horizontally and broken off at the hole. The flat side was rough and uneven, and the convex one bore a design of parallel grooves curving from the center to either side. Width was 4.9 cm., length from the broken edge to the opposite end 4.7 cm., maximum thickness 1.3 em. The object was crude both in form and decoration, possibly a crude pendant. Cut 3, also 1.5 by 1.5 meters square, was excavated 8 meters from the east end of the summit and 2 meters from the center on the side away from theriver. For the first 4 levels the soil was medium brown, with some ash in level .45-.60 meters. In level .60—-.75 meters it be- came darker, and between .75 and .90 meters the soil was streaked with fire-burnt clay. Between 0.92-1.10 meters, a bright-red band of burnt sand and clay intermixed with black ash occupied one corner of the cut.!? Below 1.10 meters and continuing to the bottom of the test (1.50 meters) the soil was pure white, sandy clay with no ash or sherds. The slightly flattened base of a Camutins (?) Plain jar was en- countered at 1.00 meters. The vessel had a globular body, 45 cm. in maximum diameter and 50 cm. tall. The everted rim was broken off, but fragments were found in the fill. The red-slipped tanga inside was broken but all fragments were present (pl. 82, d). This last level (0.75—-0.90 m.) also produced a number of sherds from a small, anthro- pomorphic, Joanes Painted jar with an insloping neck and a slightly flaring rim with a diameter of 18 cm. Facial features were indicated by low applique on the neck, outlined with red-painted lines. Another sherd from this vessel was a small, zoomorphic adorno. Burial Group 1 designates a place on the west end of the ridge, on the south side of the summit, where the caboclos had removed several 1 Because of the smal] sherd sample per 15-cm. level, 2 levels were combined for stratigraphic analysis of the pottery types (Appendix, table 40). eces AP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 285 large jars. Part of another (jar 1) was visible at the edge of the old excavation. Removal of the surrounding dirt showed it to be Joanes Painted, 70 cm. tall (rim broken off), with a flat bottom 15 cm. in diameter, rounded sides, a flat shoulder, and an insloping neck. The structural weakness of the angular shoulder and the pressure of the earth had broken the jar into large pieces. The interior was filled with wet dirt containing flecks of charcoal, miscellaneous sherds and, at the bottom, a complete, red-slipped tanga. The base of this jar was 1.15 meters below the existing surface of the mound; the rim was 45 cm. below the surface. Jar 2, a globular-bodied jar 36 cm. in diameter with a low-relief snake twisting over the exterior, was resting in a break in the neck of jar 1, so that its bottom was supported by the shoulder of the latter. Jar 3, Inaj4 Plain and 30 cm. tall, was about 20 cm. to the west of jar 1 with its rim 28 cm. below the surface. The dirt filling it contained much black ash from a cremation. Jar 4, a second large Joanes Painted jar, was at the north side of Jar 1, with its broken rim 60 cm. below the surface. The reconstructed rim diameter was 54 cm., total height 70 cm., neck height 30 cm., minimum neck diameter 37 cm. A shallow, broken Arari Plain Excised bowl, 42 cm. in rim diameter, was inverted over the top as a lid. The dirt inside the jar was very muddy, a fact which had con- tributed to the destruction of the skeletal remains. With the latter were scattered small vessel sherds, fragments of charred wood and four sherds from a single red-on-white tanga. Dr. Marshall T. New- man, United States National Museum (pers. commun.), made the following analysis of the skeletal remains: Three mandibular, two maxillary fragments, four teeth, one petrous, and a few eroded sections of long bone shaft. All the skull parts and teeth are left side, and belong to the same individual. This individual had erupted and worn second molars, but shows an unerupted third molar. Therefore, the age should be more than 12 but less than about 18 years. The small size of the mandibular fragments suggests female. Jar 5, Anajds White Incised, was above and between jar 1 and jar 4, with its rim 35 cm. below the surface. It contained bone fragments in a poor state of preservation, some of which Newman could identify as human and adult. Others were identified as crocodilian by Dr. Doris M. Cochran of the Department of Zoology, United States National Museum. Jar 5, Anajés White Incised (pl. 55, a): The jar was noticeably asymmetrical, with a cylindrical neck 24 em. tall, a squat, rounded body 36 cm. in diameter and 14 cm. tall, a flat bottom 14 cm. in diameter and an everted, exteriorly thickened rim 31 cm. in diameter. The entire exterior was white slipped and covered with an incised design in which triple parallel lines outlined rectangular, hexagonal, and stepped panels containing simple motifs drawn with single lines. A contrasting 286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 color effect was produced by cutting the incisions through the slip into the orange undersurface, and was most pronounced in the small squares and triangles at the corners and ends of the single lines. The motif is typical of that employed on Pacoval Incised, but the red retouching of the lines has been omitted. Burial Group 2, like Burial Group 1, was an excavation begun by the caboclos, who had removed a large painted jar. This spot is on the south side of the ridge, about 25 meters southeast of cut 2. Two small jars, their upper edges about 38 cm. below the surface, were found by cutting away the sides of the earlier excavation. Both vessels were filled with wet soil, which contained neither bone frag- ments nor sherds. Jar A, Inajé Plain, had a flat bottom 15 cm. in diameter, from which the sides flared outward to the maximum diameter of 31 cm. at a height of 11 cm., and then curved inward to the neck, which was 18 cm. in diameter. With the rim missing, the existing height was 26 cm. Jar B, Joanes Painted (pl. 73, b), was 2 meters north of jar A. The body was globular, with a short, outslanting neck and an everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Measurements include: total height, 38 cm.; rim diameter, 35 cm.; maximum body diameter, 36 cm.; diameter at base of neck, 23 cm.; neck height, 9cem. A white slip covered the exterior. ‘The neck was decorated with a stylized face in low relief, with the background painted red. A red-painted design covered the body. The surface collection from Mound 1 does not represent a random sample as it does on the other Camutins mounds. Sherds were present in such abundance that it was felt that a better idea of the range of material present would be secured by picking up striking decorated sherds and unusual or ornamental plain ware rims. This technique amassed examples of the following decorated wares: Anajis Plain Incised, Anajais White Incised, Anajis Red Incised, Arari Plain Excised, Arari Red Excised, Arari White Excised, Arari Double- slipped Excised, Goiapi Scraped, Guajard Incised, and red-slipped, and red-on-white tangas (pl. 82, a—-b). Both Inaj4 Plain and Camu- tins Plain were well represented, with forms including stools, tall pot rests, straight-sided and flat-bottomed bowls with 4 “dimples” in the walls, a funnellike bowl with an open bottom, and small bowls (pl. 67, 6) and jars of all descriptions, generally with rims ornamented by nubbins, adornos, notches, or applique. Also included were two small figurines (pl. 79, a—b), an ear plug (fig. 134, @), and 2 labret (?) fragments (fig. 185). Two stone objects were found: a small, flat, smooth stone about 5 cm. in diameter, with deep crisscross grooves on both surfaces produced by rubbing with a stick (fig. 138), which came from the vicinity of Burial Group 1, and a miniature diorite ax (fig. 132, a). Mound 2.—This is the first in the series of habitation sites scattered along the left bank of the Igarapé Camutins upstream from Mound 1. oe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 287 It is separated from Mound 1 by approximately 2 km. One of the smallest of the series, it is at present 5 meters long, 50 cm. wide and 75cm.high. It has been badly trampled by cattle and was surrounded by water at the climax of the rainy season. A few plain-ware sherds (Appendix, table 42) were scattered in the soil to a depth of 25 cm. Mound 3.—This mound, 75 meters upstream from Mound 2, is approximately oval, 32 meters long, and 8 meters wide (fig. 104). The north side, subject to erosion by the river, rises almost vertically, while the other sides slope gradually and then rise at an angle of 30 a | MOUND 3 MOUND 6 = a we wot i . 2 =a a? e ak yom 1 3m £ wn ® 2 ei ' Bie = No “fe Za t a x 2 a a 2 5 a x + Sa et = MOUND 15 Po Ss So a MOUND _16 + * Figure 104.—Detailed plans of J-15, Mounds 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, habitation mounds of the Marajoara Phase. 288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 to 45 degrees to form the central part of the mound, an area 10 by 5 meters and reaching a height of 8 meters above the high waterline. The soil is light-colored, sandy clay with areas of reddish, burnt sand and black charcoal fragments. Sherds are most abundant in the highest part of the mound, although a few are scattered on the flanks. Tests along the bank indicate that they are present to a depth of 2 meters (Appendix, table 42). Mound 4, Sacrario—This is a long, low, thin mound (fig. 104) curved to follow a slight bend in the river 20 meters above Mound 3. It is 100 meters long and varies from 5 to 8 meters in width. The surface is 1.25 to 1.50 meters above high water level except at a knoll at the east end, 25 by 7 meters, which rises to 2.50 meters. At the height of the rainy season the campo surrounding it on three sides is beneath 50 cm. of water. The soil is sandy clay, darker than that composing Mound 3. Predominantly plain ware sherds (Appendix, table 42) are distributed sparsely over the entire surface. Present growth includes a few large trees, but consists mainly of small, scrubby brush and trees. Mound 5, Sacacéo.—Tnis is the only mound on this part of the river that was constructed on the right bank. Its lower end is directly opposite the upper end of Mound 4. At the present time it measures 45 meters long by 8 meters in width and from 1.00 to 1.50 meters in height. More than any of the other mounds surveyed, this one seems to have suffered from the trampling of cattle seeking refuge from the flooded campo and it probably was originally somewhat higher. The soil is light-gray, sandy clay and sherds are present over the entire surface (Appendix, table 42). Fifteen large and many smaller trees cover it. ‘The surrounding campo is flooded, but the water appeared to be unusually deep near the mound, possibly the result of dirt for mound construction having been removed from the area. Mound 6.—This mound, 8 meters above Mound 4, was separated from the latter in May by a small inlet of water. The campo on the southeast side was muddy but not flooded. This mound is formed by a narrow elevation 50 by 8 meters in horizontal dimensions and 5.00 to 6.50 meters high, and a low, circular area 11 meters in diameter and 1.75 meters high, the two sections being joined by a necklike construction 4 meters long and 1 meter in elevation (fig. 104). The river has cut away the west side so that it rises nearly vertically, while the protected slopes are more gradual. The surface is covered with thick grass, spiny palm and brush, and a few large trees. Sherds are not easily found, possibly partly because of the sod covering, and most of the sample (Appendix, table 42) came from two spots and from a depth of 10-15 cm., which was below the grass root mat. Mnecnen AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 289 Mound 7, Séo Bento.—This resembles Mound 6 in general appear- ance and vegetation. It is separated from the upper end of the latter by 6 meters of flooded campo and is approachable only by boat during the rainy season. Ova! in outline, it measures 60 by 15 meters, with gentle slopes from the summit to the water’s edge except on the eroded river side. Maximum height is 4 meters, maintained over an area 30 by 5 meters in the center of the mound. Sherds are abundant, especially in the eroded bank (Appendix, table 42). Mound 8.—This is 45 meters long and 10 to 12 meters wide, and is 40 meters upstream from Mound 7. The soil is light-gray to whitish, sandy clay with bright fire-reddened zones. Sherds are moderately abundant in a layer averaging 25 cm. in depth (Appendix, table 42). The bank rises sharply to an elevation of 3 to 4 meters on the south and west sides, and slopes off gradually to the north and east, forming a level platform 30 by 6 meters. Trees, small bushes, and a little grass comprise the vegetation cover. Mound 9.—This is 30 meters above Mound 8, is oval, and measures 20 by 10 meters. The sides rise steeply to a level top, 7 by 8 meters in diameter and 5 meters above the flooded campo. Growth includes one large tree, small bushes, and patches of tall grass. Sherds are not abundant on the surface (Appendix, table 42). Mound 10.—This mound is covered with forest, and is separated from Mound 9 by a deep, low area 25 meters wide. The site is 30 by 15 meters, with moderately steep sides rising to a height of 3.75 meters. The soil is reddish-brown loam, less clayey than in the preceding sites, and no sherds could be seen on the surface. Random digging to secure a sherd sample (Appendix, table 42) uncovered a broken jar toward the southwest end of the summit. It had fallen toward the northwest and inside was a complete Inajé Plain stool, lying upside down (pl. 83, a). Mound 11.—This is 18 by 14 meters, and is 75 meters upstream from Mound 10. It is 1.75 meters high and pottery is abundant in the eroded northwest bank in a zone from 20-100 cm. below the surface (Appendix, table 42). Except for scattered small trees and a strip of wood along the southwest side, the cover is short grass (pl. 32, a). Soil composition is like that of Mound 10, a reddish- brown loam. Mound 12, Carmo.—This mound is 2 km. above Mound 11, on the same side of the igarapé, which at this point was 20 meters wide and said to shrink to a width of 10 meters during the dry season. This mound is nearly circular, 12 meters in diameter and 1.25 meters high. A fringe of trees runs around the edge and the center is grassy. Soil is reddish-brown, sandy clay and sherds are abundant under the 290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 sod layer (Appendix, table 42). As is typical during the rainy season, the mound was completely surrounded by water. Mound 13.—This, like the other forest-covered mounds, is camou- flaged by the trees so that it would be easily overlooked by a casual observer. It is in a bend in the stream 25 meters above Mound 12, and is isolated on the other side by the flooded campo. At present, dimensions are 18 by 10 meters and 1.50 meters high. A border of trees grows on the bank, but the center is grassy. Sherds are exposed in the eroded north end (Appendix, table 42). Mound 14, Inajasal—This is 1 km. east of Mound 13 (fig. 105). It is the largest of the habitation sites, being 51 meters long, 25 to 35 meters wide, and 5.75 to 6.25 meters high along the summit.” The slopes are steep and covered with trees except at the center of the east side. The summit and the east slope are grassy (pl. 32, d). Because of its size and the abundance of the surface sherd refuse, this mound was selected for stratigraphic excavation. A cut 1.5 meters square was begun near the center of the ridge and taken WATER LEVEL, MAY 1949 & & Fieaure 105.—Detailed plan of J-15, Mound 14—Inajasal, a habitation mound of the Marajoara Phase, showing the location of cut 1. 20 Hilbert (1952, p. 10), who returned in the dry season when the base was exposed, gives the actual height as 7.00 to 7.25 meters. At low water the river is 75 meters away. MEGCERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 291 METERS 00= DARK-BROWN LOAM GRAYISH-WHITE STERILE CLAY BROKEN JAR WITH ASH GRAYISH-WHITE STREAKED WITH ORANGE SHERD COUNT PER LEVEL ASH POCKETS & STREAKS BASE OF LARGE JAR CONTAINING ASH STERILE CLAY [ssh AL) (lee ai Gs FIRE-BURNT e 25 sOnGM Ficure 106.—Profile of west face of cut 1, J-15, Mound 14, Marajoara Phase. down in 15-cm. levels (fig. 106). Sherds were abundant in the dark-brown loam, which extended beneath the sod to a depth of about 18 cm. Then began a stratum of light orange, which became brighter orange with increasing depth; sherds, as well as clay lumps, continued numerous. At 35 cm. light, grayish-white soil appeared in the northwest corner and spread over the entire cut at the beginning of the next level at 45 cm. From here to a depth of 70 cm. the soil continued sandy and whitish gray, with streaks and small pockets of bright orange. A pocket of black ash at the west side of the cut in level 0.45-0.60 m. produced the majority of the sherds from that 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 level. From 72 to 77 cm. was a second fire-burnt layer containing sherds. Another layer of light, grayish-white soil with traces of black ash and sherds in poor condition extended from 77 to 90 cm. in the northwest corner and to 1.04 meters in the rest of the cut. The majority of the sherds from level 0.90-1.05 meters were con- centrated at the bottom of this stratum, just above a third burnt- orange layer. The latter, somewhat thicker than those above it, became browner in level 1.35-1.50 m. Sherds from an ash-filled jar were removed from the northwest wall at this level, and an ash pocket was encountered on the opposite side of the cut. Sherds were abundant and large. Beginning at about 1.45 meters in the northwest corner and at 1.50 meters in the rest of the cut was another light-grayish stratum. The soil was streaked with orange and contained pockets of black ash about 20 cm. in diameter. This variegated appearance, with bright orange, reddish orange, light tan, whitish gray and streaks and pockets of black ash continued to a depth of 1.95 to 2.05 meters. A large base sherd containing black ash was found at 1.95 meters, but sherds were generally sparse. Except for a pocket of burnt orange in the northwest corner, the soil below level 1.95-2.05 m. was moist, whitish clay, although sherds still appeared. At 2.12—2.15 meters there was a transition to compact, whitish, dry and flaky clay flecked with gray, yellow, and hard orange particles, which was sterile and consistent, and comprised the core and foundation of the mound. In the sherd count by levels, the sparsity of decorated sherds is notable by contrast with the totals from Mound 1, cut 1 (p. 283): Level 0.00-0.15 m.: 75 Inaj4 Plain, 140 Camutins Plain, 8 Anajds Incised, 1 Joanes Painted. Level 0.15—-0.30 m.: 19 Inajd4 Plain, 93 Camutins Plain. Level 0.30—0.45 m.: 30 Inajé Plain, 163 Camutins Plain, 1 Joanes Painted. Level 0.45-0.60 m.: 8 Inaj4 Plain, 22 Camutins Plain. Level 0.60—-0.75 m.: 52 Inaj4 Plain, 32 Camutins Plain, 3 Joanes Painted. Level 0.75-0.90 m.: 43 Inajé Plain, 40 Camutins Plain, 2 Joanes Painted, 2 red-slipped tanga sherds. Level 0.90-1.05 m.: 20 Inaj4 Plain, 51 Camutins Plain, 3 Joanes Painted. Level 1.05-1.35 m.: 41 Inaj& Plain, 55 Camutins Plain, 1 Joanes Painted. Level 1.35-1.50 m.: 54 Inajé Plain, 45 Camutins Plain, 2 Anajds Incised. Level 1.50-1.65 m.: 25 Inaj4 Plain, 19 Camutins Plain, 3 Joanes Painted. Level 1.65-1.80 m.: 18 Inaj4 Plain, 29 Camutins Plain, 4 Joanes Painted. Level 1.80-1.95 m.: 15 Inajé Plain, 8 Camutins Plain, 1 Joanes Painted. Level 1.95-2.10 m.: 52 Inajd Plain, 29 Camutins Plain, 1 Anajds Incised, 2 Joanes Painted. Level 2.10-2.25 m.: 48 Inaj4 Plain, 12 Camutins Plain, 1 Anajds Incised, 2 Joanes Painted. Mound 15.—This mound, 300 meters above Mound 14, is the last site on this part of the igarapé. It is 30 by 11 meters, with the sides rising steeply at the south end to a knoll 8 meters in diameter and mpc a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 293 4.50 meters high, and sloping off gradually toward the north end (fig. 104). The soil is dark gray to a depth of between 25 and 50 cm., and then becomes light, sandy clay. Sherds are sparse except on the steep bank (Appendix, table 42). Heavy tree growth on the edges conceals the mound from the passer-by. Mound 16, Tesinho.—This is about 250 meters below Mound 1, on the same (left) bank of the zgarapé. It and the adjacent area are covered with forest, which except on the mound itself was under water at the time of our visit. The artificial elevation has an area 140 by 16 meters, with the sides sloping steeply except at the north- east end (fig. 104). The maximum height, maintained over an area approximately 100 by 5 meters, is 3.20 meters. Sherds were scattered over the surface (Appendix, table 42) and were said to be abundant along the north side below the flood level. Protected from the in- vasion of cattle by the forest extending between it and the campo, it has accumulated a relatively thick undergrowth. Mound 17, Belém.—This mound, lying almost directly opposite Mound 1, is another cemetery. It measures 250 by 59 meters, and attains a height of 6.40 meters (fig. 107). At the time of our visit, the lower end had been cleared for cultivation but the remainder of WATER LEVEL, SOM N @ 1949 EXCAVATIONS O FARABEE'S EXCAVATIONS Fieure 107.—Detailed plan of J-15, Mound 17, a Marajoara Phase cemetery, showing location of excavations. 391329—57——21 294. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 the site was covered with forest, although none of the trees was ex- ceptionally large (pl. 33, b). Many small sherds are scattered over the bank toward the river, where erosion has washed off the humus layer. The side away from the river levels down into forest, which is boggy but not inundated during the rainy season. Inquiries among the caboclos, one family of which was living on the mound, elicited the information that no complete jars had ever been found.” The unusually large size and the fact that decorated types were more abundant than on other habitations indicated the advisability of more extensive examination. A stratigraphic cut 1.5 meters square was excavated near the center in 15-cm. levels.” For the first 26 cm., the soil was dark-gray loam containing small but abundant sherds. From here to between 45 to 50 cm., the soil color was light tan sprinkled with black wood ash, beneath which was a layer of blackish ash about 5 cm. thick. From 50 to 70 cm., the soil became lighter tan, with a streaked appearance, and contained ash and burnt clay lumps. Sherds were more numerous than in the previous levels. For the next 10 cm., pockets of black appeared sporadically. At 80cm., began a stratum of yellowish-white sand that contained relatively few sherds. Between 0.95 to 1.10 meters the color became black once more. A burnt-red layer, streaked with black, occupied the region between 1.10 to 1.20 meters, followed by a thin band of black ash 1 to 2 cm. in thickness. Underlying this and continuing to the maximum depth tested (3.25 meters) was the sterile core of the mound, composed of light, yellowish-white, sandy clay, containing charcoal particles in the upper 40 cm., but below that free from refuse mixture. The only pottery artifact was a spoon (pl. 81, e), which came from level .60-.75 m. ‘The sherd totals per level reveal the frequency of decorated sherds and tanga fragments typical of Marajoara Phase cemetery sites: Level .00-.15 m.:%2 40 Inajé Plain, 113 Camutins Plain, 2 Anajds Incised, 7 Joanes Painted, 4 red-slipped tanga fragments. Level .15-.380 m.: 14 Inajé Plain, 24 Camutins Plain, 3 Ararf Excised, 1 Anajaés Incised, 2 Guajardé Incised, 7 Joanes Painted, 1 red-slipped tanga fragment. Level .30-.45 m.: 66 Inajd4 Plain, 74 Camutins Plain, 5 Arari Excised, 1 Anajas Incised, 1 Guajard Incised, 2 Joanes Painted. Level .45-.60 m.: 28 Inaj4 Plain, 25 Camutins Plain, 1 Ararf Excised, 1 Anajads Incised, 6 Joanes Painted, 3 red-on-white tanga fragments. Level .60-.75 m.: 76 Inajé Plain, 68 Camutins Plain, 4 Ararf Excised, 1 Anajads Incised, 14 Joanes Painted, 3 Goiapi Scraped, 14 red-slipped and 8 red-on-white tanga fragments. 21 This is contradicted by Farabee’s findings (described on pp. 298-299). 22 This is in the area where Farabee first dug and found only sherds (see p. 298). 23 Because of the small totals for many of the pottery types in 15-em. levels, 2 levels were combined for the stratigraphic analysis of pottery trends (Appendix, table 42). see ee ND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 295 Level .75-.90 m.: 95 Inaj4 Plain, 13 Camutins Plain, 5 Ararf Excised, 1 Anajads Incised, 4 Joanes Painted, 3 red-slipped and 5 red-on-white tanga fragments. Level .90-1.05 m.: 93 Inajd Plain, 6 Camutins Plain, 10 Joanes Painted, 6 red-slipped tanga fragments. Level 1.05-1.20 m.: 25 Inaj4 Plain, 7 Camutins Plain, 5 Joanes Painted, 2 red-slipped and 2 red-on-white tanga fragments. Mound 18, Arraial.—This is separated from the lower end of Mound 17 by a strait 7 meters wide and 50 cm. deep at highest water. It is almost circular, 68 meters in diameter and sloping gently toward all sides from a maximum height of 3.20 meters at the center. Sherds (Appendix, table 42) are abundant in a path that runs across the center and are scattered over the whole surface. Forest with thick undergrowth blankets the site and the cultural refuse is covered with humus except at the edges where erosion has uncovered whitish sand. Mound 19.—This is a low, round mound 100 meters east of Mound 14, and is 25 meters in diameter and 0.75 to 1.00 meters above high water level. It is covered with araca, high grass and a few small trees; the soil is black to gray to brown. No sherds are visible on the surface, but a test produced them just beneath the root mat. Too few were recovered to provide an adequate sample for seriation. Mound 20.—This mound, lying between Mounds 11 and 12, has been almost completely eroded away. Its present elevation is 50 cm. and its area 5 by 2 meters (at high water). A smaller nubbin about 2 meters in diameter projecting above the water 5 meters upstream is probably another remnant of this same mound. These conditions did not permit the collection of a sherd sample. DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS Although it has been said that ‘more than a hundred artificial mounds are now known”’ on the Island of Marajé (Mordini, 1934 a, p. 62; Howard, 1947, p. 47; Meggers, 1948, p. 153), it should be realized that the word ‘known’ is used in a somewhat indefinite sense. No single individual is acquainted with all, or even with a fraction of this total, and three-quarters of them have never been so much as mentioned on any printed page, much less located and de- scribed. “Known”? must be understood, therefore, as referring mainly to awareness of the existence of these sites on the part of the local residents and fazenda owners. The importance attached to them by the owners and the prestige derived from owning a good one, as well as the possibility of the same site being reported by several different people, have perhaps increased the number “known” beyond the actual total figure. There is the greater probability, however, that far more exist than are reported, since those listed below are predom- 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 inantly cemeteries and the ratio of habitation mounds to cemeteries is 13:1 for Fortaleza and 18:2 on the lower Camutins. While the present census is incomplete, the making of a more ac- curate compilation would require the better part of a year, adequate facilities for transportation, and the cooperation of all of the land owners in the area, a set of conditions that will probably never be fulfilled. Fortunately, such complete knowledge does not appear to be necessary for the preliminary reconstruction and interpretation of Marajoara culture. The mounds that are known show sufficient con- sistency to make it almost certain that when others are recorded in the future they will not reveal a basically different pattern of culture. This section summarizes all of the scientific information available on Marajoara sites and in order to facilitate reference to them, the mounds will be described in alphabetical order. As many as possible have been located on the map (fig. 108), but it must be kept in mind that the location is usually approximate, from written description or from a map on which it was difficult to correlate the rivers with those on the air map with any assurance of accuracy. BACUR{ ALTO Three to four kilometers north of the Fazenda Silva, in the region of Cabo Maguari, is a site called Teso do Bacuri Alto. In September 1922, it was visited by Nimuendaji, who gives the following description: The refuse deposit had a thickness of about 20 cm. and covered a somewhat larger area than that of Teso das Igagabas [which was 10 x 20 meters]. Though the owner of the Fazenda had already made excavations, great numbers of clay fragments were, nevertheless, brought to light. They were bigger and better preserved than those of the two other sites, and among the huge number of bad products were some fragments of really beautiful and artistic specimens. Sey- eral times I found fragments which, though widely scattered, could be put together . . . [Rydén, MS.] Among the sherds were a large number of stool fragments with relief and polychrome decoration. Other objects found included charred tucumd nuts, sharp-edged splinters of a brittle, fiery-red stone, a small piece of nephrite, small lumps of ocher and yellow tand, and a badly corroded iron nail (Rydén, MS.). All specimens are in the Géteborg Museum. (The nail is of more recent origin.) CAJUEIROS Couto de Magalhaes speaks of a ‘‘kind of circular fort of earth” on the Fazenda Cajueiros, and Ferreira Penna, in quoting him, adds that it “probably contains artifacts and human remains.’’ A mound called Cajueiros and described as ‘bastante rico” is reported by the Bardo de Marajé. The same site is mentioned by Pinto, and a bowl from there is illustrated by Torres. MNCGRRY AND uvanwh) Bibliograp Derby, w ue Fe league abore the | s a Preyer? ee 210 by 80 nheters } ; pos preemies & large enced CAMO TIN C2) =< 98) position ts wi! form, but thus were conalruqte Pacov' itl, Fron ¥ TLS than incised is large, d somecal form in both play st, complete fragms nty 4 it shotlRbo gites, Gat sane iasariille by isis a : x: Tee than those cise by Woter ae ; : ; : Fiovam 108. awaits bietsatad Seed awe fom Methom 391329 O -57 (Face p. 296) Or AMAZON ao ote G CAJULEIROS PACOVAL DO “CURURU SANTA iZABEL A MATINADOS DIAMANTINA g Byazareé CURUXYS a STO. ANDR @TESO DOS CHINA Sorecacd Dh @ #PACOVAL DOS MELLO SS CARATATEUA GUAJARA CAMUTINS (y-15) ONTE CARMELO (- 14) —— ILHA DOS BICHOS 10 20 30 1949 EXCAVATIONS. HILBERT EXCAVATIONS. LOCATION APPROXIMATE. SITE LOCATION UNCERTAIN. AFTER AAF PRELIMINARY BASE 9468 Fiaure 108.—Map of Marajé Island, showing the location of Marajoara Phase cemetery sites. = oo eter é Ki Rea ee Bee Tt) "babel ak Mapamas, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 297 Bibliography: Torres, 1940, pl. 49; Couto de Magalhaes, 1876, pt. 2, p. 34; Ferreira Penna, 1879 a, p. 48; Marajé, 1895, p. 88; Palmatary, 1950, p. 276; Pinto, 1930, p. 351. CAMUTINS Although von Martius mentioned the existence of urns at Camutins in 1867, Ferreira Penna is said by Hartt (1885, p. 17) to have been the first to make a scientific examination and a collection, which was deposited in the Museu Nacional. He was followed in 1876 by Orville Derby, who left the first description: The main mound, about a league above the junction of the igarapé with the Rio Anajis, was 210 by 80 meters in base measurement and some 13 meters in height.* Derby made his visit during the dry season, and was able to observe a large excavation on the west side of the igarapé from which he de- duced the earth for the construction of the mounds had been taken. Near it was a second mound, almost as large as the first. A third mound, a few hundred meters below the first, was lower but broader and was bounded by the igarapé on three sides (cf. our J-15, Mounds 1, 16, and 17). He was informed that there were a dozen mounds in a distance of half a league upstream from those he saw, all on the east side, and all but two in the narrow tree zone along the bank. He was also told that at times sherds were found in the campo and in the forest on the natural surface of the ground. On the question of intentional form or orientation, he concluded, These three mounds all extend in different directions, indicating that their position is without significance. They all have a more or less elliptical or oval form, but this seems to have been accidental, as there is no evidence that they were constructed according to any definite plan. |Derby, 1879, p. 226.] The ceramics he found to be of the same general type as those at Pacoval, which he had just visited, with a few differences in emphasis: From what I could observe, it appears that the jars are more frequently painted than incised, the contrary of what occurs at Pacoval. The predominant shape is large, depressed and globular, while at Pacoval smaller sub-cylindrical and conical forms are more common. ‘These observations, however, are too slight for the establishment of distinctions, and all the principal forms are represented in both places. Tanga fragments are abundant, although I did not find any complete ones. The majority are red and without ornamentation, but I saw fragments painted like those from Pacoval. [Jn Hartt, 1885, p. 25.] The next visitor to leave a detailed report was W. C. Farabee (1916 b), who in 1916 made extensive excavations in one of the group, which he refers to as the “Magno Mound,” and which is now called “Belém” (see J-15, Mound 17). He also tested our Mound 18 in 24 Tt should be kept in mind in evaluating the discrepancies in the dimensions here and for the following sites, that some are estimates rather than measurements, and that they were made at different times of the year when the difference in water level changed the visible extent. In the earlier accounts, 75 years less erosion by rain and cattle may be partly responsible for the fact that the measurements are often larger than those given by later reporters. 298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 several places to a depth of 6 feet, finding sherds to a depth of 3 to 4 feet but no whole vessels. He attributed the location of the mounds to springs along the left bank of the zigarapé and to the conditions of proximity to the campo and accessibility to the breeze from the east, which would minimize the annoyance from insects. The owners of the cemetery visited by Derby (our Mound 1) refused Farabee permis- sion to excavate, and from the magnified dimensions he gives for it (1,500 ft. long), it does not seem probable that he was able even to make a close examination. Excavation was extensively undertaken on our Mound 17, as the diagram in his field notes shows (fig. 107). After testing the top and along the west side and finding only sherds, he tried the south end, where someone had once found a pot, “and at once found so many pots together it was impossible to dig without hitting one. In a space of six feet square there were six large pots and three small ones.” This cut he called “plan 1.” Plan 2 was excavated near the center of the top and plan 3 north of plan 1. An examination of Farabee’s field notebook (1916 b), where the location of each vessel is given by number, leads to a feeling of frustration that the loss of the vessel identification should render a major part of the material useless. The few associations that can be recognized are extrapolated below. They indicate the same trend at Mound 17 as that observed in our work at Guajar4 and Camutins, Mound 1, namely, a transition from secondary burial with tangas in large jars to cremation without associated tangas. Plan 15 Depih KOO Ses 8 __. 29, with black ashes, inside 28; 32, engraved, containing child’s teeth, inside 31. DCCs Se see me as Group of 6 jars, small to 3 feet tall, all with ashes. 3 feet 4 feet Difeet yaw hy Fen 24, top broken, bones inside; 27, engraved, bones; 107, large, painted, tanga inside. 6 feet Wiee teh ohare Shh 109, large, engraved. Depth Plan 2 LfOO te ee eset 12, small and round. 2 icet~ =e ee 8, large, 2 tangas and bones inside, lid inverted over mouth. Sifeet hs SAL) Paes 11, large, bones inside. 4sfeets.2428_A03 1, 3 ft. high, plain, 4 small bowls (?) inside; 30, large, contain- ing bones. Hifest: -~s2 se eS 16, large, painted, containing bones and a tanga. 25 Vessel numbers are those used by Farabee in his field catalog. Levels shown here without entries do not mean no vessels were found, but that the data is not sufficiently specific to be of use. A complete listing of the vessels from each plan is given by Palmatary, 1950, p. 276. MERGES EA AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 299 Depth Plan 3 1 foot. 2 feet. SleChy tea eae 4, containing ashes. Anfeets<2¥s2sce2 1, large, decorated. 5 feet. G:fecteecet Saee% 2, painted, large, “‘beautiful plate’ inverted over mouth as cover, bones inside. 7 feet. Sifeetain eh sa 2 61, large, engraved. It is uncertain whether Farabee’s description of Marajoara burial practices applies to both of the sites on which he dug, or to the Camu- tins alone. If his interpretation can be relied upon, he found primary urn burial: Many of the urns were broken from the weight of the superimposed earth, and when excavating it was convenient to remove these fragments before disturbing the earth in the interior. This method allowed us to cut down in cross sections and expose the outline of the bodies in profile. As the bones decomposed, silted earth took their places; so, by carefully cutting away the earth, we were able to trace out all the bones of the body. In many cases, in the early stages of de- composition, the head had fallen forward from the trunk and remained face up on the bottom of the urn. The body, no doubt, had been wrapped in cloth or bark and then deposited in the urn after it had been placed in a hole dug in the mound. The neck of the urn was sufficiently large to admit the body in this form. In one of the largest of the urns two adult bodies had been seated side by side. [Farabee, 1921, p. 148.] Sandoval Lage is the first to record the extent of the mound com- plex on the Igarapé Camutins. He notes that their number exceeds 40, but errs in attributing to some a height of 20 to 40 meters. He says of the ceramics that they are generally comparable to those from Pacoval, the greatest difference being a higher frequency of painting at Camutins (Lage, 1944, pp. 219 and 225). Lage calls attention particularly to a number of mounds on a tributary of the upper Camutins, on the Fazenda S40 Marcos, which he believes to have escaped previous notice because of their small size (op. cit., p. 217). In January, 1950, Hilbert visited Marajé as a member of a party from the Museu Paulista, and undertook an examination of the upper Camutins. He was able to discover and map 17 sites between the last mound we visited (Mound 15, Inajasal) and the headwaters of the stream. All have suffered greatly from erosion, expedited by the depredations of water buffalo introduced by the ranchers some 30 years ago, with the result that all but 5 are completely inundated during the rainy season. The following descriptions are abbreviated from Hilbert’s notes (1952, pp. 10-15, and pers. corres.). The loca- tion is shown on his map (op. cit., pp. 11 and 13). Ma. 1. Ht. 2.5 meters; covered with bushes and small trees; no surface sherds. 300 Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. Md. 6. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 . Similar to Md. 1, except that height is about 1.5 meters. . “Pau d’Arco,” height 4 meters, covered with trees and bushes. Sherds of domestic ware scattered over surface, especially at base on northwest. . Sherds on bank about 1 meter above water level; no artificial ele- vation visible. . “Ingd4,” height 1 meter at south end, 2.50 meters at north end; overgrown with Ing4 trees and bushes. Surface sherds most frequent on west and northwest slope. Opposite Md. 5, 2.5-3.0 meters high on river side, nearly circular, and covered with vegetation; sherds on surface of north slope. 7 and 8. Sherds on river bank (cf. Md. 4). 9. 10. ale 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. Two small mounds, height 1.50 and 1.00 meters; covered with bushes and trees. Sherds on river bank (cf. Mds. 4, 7, 8). Two low mounds on left bank, 1 meter in height, covered with bushes and small trees. ‘‘Aratengdé,”’ two summits, south elevation 1.50 meters, north one 2.0—2.5 meters, separated by slight depression; many sur- face sherds, especially at north end. Many sherds on surface of elevated left bank, 3.00—-3.50 meters high and ca. 300 meters long (cf. Nos. 4, 7, 8, 10). “Urubi,” in forest some 50 meters from the river bank; no prominent elevation; many sherds on surface including typical ornate cemetery types. ‘‘Cuieiras,’’ 75 meters from the river on the right bank; maximum height 3 meters, with gentle slope to west; many sherds on east slope. Excavation produced 20 anthropomorphic burial urns with stylized faces, protruding eyes and smaller excised jars with jacaré modeling. One of the latter contained 64 cylindri- cal beads of a white stone flecked with black. ‘“‘Tucumeira,”’ consists of three small, round accumulations 10-15 meters in diameter, separated from Md. 15 by a narrow low area. Artificial elevation barely perceptible, but surface on river side produced many sherds and figurine fragments. “Furinho,”’ ca. 150 meters long by 30 meters wide; maximum height 3 meters at south end, decreasing to 2.5 to 2.0 meters going north. Surface sherds abundant. Excavation produced sterile soil below 1.5—2.0 meters. Secondary urn burial typical; jars plain, painted, or excised. One earplug, 5 tangas, mostly red slipped. Hilbert gives a general description of the burial pattern derived from excavations in Cuieiras and Furinho. Three main types of urns were encountered: (1) Painted, anthropomorphic jars, from 35 to 80 cm. in height (the most frequent type); (2) jars with globular, painted or plain body and cylindrical, excised neck, with a total height of 40 to 50 cm; and (8) excised, cylindrical jars, sometimes with a slightly expanded base. Tangas were rare in the jars, only one being found at Cuieiras and 5 at Furinho, and tanga sherds were completely absent in the surface accumulations at Cuieiras and Tucumeira (Hilbert, 1952, pp. 18-19, and pers. corres.). There was no evidence of cremation, ME eee a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 301 Hilbert makes several observations on the quality of the decorated types as compared to those at Pacoval: The style of decoration and the manner of its execution are the same at Cuieiras and Furinho. All the techniques that are typical of the Marajoara Phase occur. Beyond this, the following observations can be made: I—Predominance of plain and painted pottery. II—The paint adheres superficially, and comes off easily. JII—The decoration, whether painted, incised, or champlevé, is executed more superficially and with less care than is usually the case. The tracing of the lines, as well as the disposition and distribution of complexes they form, is frequently arbitrary and inconsistent. The general impression is one of lack of the sure and uniform stylistic sense that is typical of the Marajoara Phase. ITV—The modelled ornamentation shows, in part, this same characteristic. [Hilbert, 1952, p. 20.] Hilbert’s classification of the sherds on the basis of core character- istics, ignoring surface decoration, gave 65.3 percent Inajé Plain of 49 sherds from Cuieiras and 37 percent Inaj4 Plain of 27 sherds from Furinho (ibid.). Bibliography: Derby, 1879, p. 226; Farabee, 1916 b (also in Palmatary, 1950, pp. 275-276); Farabee, 1921, pp. 145-146; Hartt, 1871, p. 260; Hartt, 1885, pp. 23-25; Hilbert, 1952 and Personal Corres.; Lage, 1944, pp. 215-219; Marajé, 1895, p. 88; Martius, 1867, p. 178; Palmatary, 1950, pp. 272, 275-277. CARATATEUA About 8 km. southwest of Lago Guajara a patch of forest stands out from the treeless plain and marks the location of this site. Hilbert describes it as extending approximately 500 meters northeast-south- west, and narrowing from 150 meters near the southwestern end to- ward the northeast. There is no marked elevation, but it is probably sufficient to prevent flooding. A 1- by 1-meter test produced few sherds and sterile gray sandy clay at a depth of 30 cm. Of the 44 sherds, 40, or 90.9 percent, were on Inaj&4 Plain; 4, or 9.1 percent, were on Camutins Plain. Decorated types included Anajés White In- cised. There was one fragment of a stool, but no evidence of tangas. The existence of other smaller sites of similar nature in the vicinity leads Hilbert to the conclusion that Caratatéua represents a complex of sites similar to Teso dos China (pers. commun.). CUIEIRAS “Mound das Cuieiras” is one of those listed by Baréo de Marajé (1895, p. 87), with no location or description. This may be the same as Santa Brigida, which is on the Igarapé Cuieiras. CURUXYS Holdridge (1939, p. 43) mentions having excavated a burial mound on Fazenda Curuxys, which is located about half way between Lago Arari and the east coast at Soure. 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 DESTERRO A mound called “Ilha das Panellas” is located on the Fazenda Desterro, which in 1895 belonged to Francisco L. Chermont (Marajé, 1895, p. 88). Holdridge visited a fazenda by that name just north- west of Laranjeiras in 1938, and an indefinite reference to excavations may have been located there (1939, p. 175). Another fazenda of the same name is on the upper Rio Mocdées. DIAMANTINA Farabee conducted excavations in what appears to be a group of habitation mounds east of Lago Ararif: Went to work with 5 men but found no mounds at all, nothing but house sites, a dozen or more on the banks of igarapé from Lake Arary. Here the banks were above high water and a good place to live, about 4 miles from the lake. .. . The 5th and 6th and 7th we dug these sites and found a few burial pots, all plain, unpainted, small; all had charred bones inside. Found only one fragment of a painted pot and one engraved; all (other) fragments were of that coarse undeco- rated ware. No fragments of animal bones, no fireplaces, only ashes mixed with earth in one site. . . . No place was two feet deep to original clay. Saved 4 pots and 2 fragmentary plates, 1 cup, 3 stone axes found together near surface alone, some other pieces of stone with grooves, one a good axe. [Farabee, 1916 b, pp. 2-5.] FORTALEZA This cemetery on the upper Rio Goiapi, southeast of Lago Ararf, was first reported by Barnard in 1871 as being “a mound 8-12 ft. high, forming an island during the annual overflow and full of vases’’ (Hartt, 1871, p. 260). Thanks to Farabee, it and the associated habitation mounds are the most thoroughly excavated of all Mara- joara sites (fig. 109). Although the ceramic identifications have been lost, as happened in the case of his Camutins specimens, the Fortaleza field notes (1914) are somewhat fuller and accompanied by numerous maps and diagrams. The 14 mounds are described as follows with the dimensions representing the extent at the end of the dry season: No. 1. Did not examine. 2. 10’ high, 150’ in diameter, steep on the stream side, sloping gently in other directions. 3’ high, oblong, 20’ by 30’. 5’ high, 30’ in diameter, steep on the stream side. 7’ high, 60’ in diameter. 4’ high, 15’ wide, 40’ long, in open field by side of stream. 10’—12’ high, 200 yards long, 75 yards wide, in forest by side of river. River 75 yards wide. Broad, flat top, great many sherds mostly same coarse kind as 1| and 3. 8. 6’ high, irregular in shape, 250’ by 300’, just across stream from 7, same class of sherds. 9. At fork in the river, 6’ high, 20’ in diameter. 10. Left of stream, 12’ high, 70’ diameter, perfect cone. 11. On island in the middle of the river, 12’ high, 300’ long, 30’ wide. Be OT a meenee AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 303 12. On island 30’ west of 11. 13. On Sta. Cruz, 14 mi. below island. 14, On Sta. Cruz, 4 mi. below 13. Farabee made extensive excavations in 4 of the habitations and, although he felt poorly rewarded for his time and efforts, the results go far to demonstrate conclusions that would otherwise remain tenta- tive. In addition, he investigated Mound 7, which appears to be a Figure 109.—Plan of the Fortaleza Mound Group of the Marajoara Phase on the Rio Goiapf. (After Farabee, 1914.) 304. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167 cemetery. Since his large-scale digging led to the same interpretation as our limited tests, the account of his discoveries has the double inter- est of detailed description of the composition of the mounds and of demonstration of the reliability of the data derived from small tests by archeologists trained to recognize pertinent features. All quotations are from Farabee’s 1914 field notes. Mounds 2 and 8. “Nov. 25, Wed.—Sent four men to work on Mound No. 2, there being nothing whatever in No. 3 on the sides. After cutting all to 28 ft, I felt justified in continuing with 20’ through the center in hope of finding some- thing at the bottom near the middle. At noon found pot 2 in the very center on top, 6’’ below surface. “Nov. 26, Thurs.—Character of Md. 2 same at 30’ except the narrow layer of ash has disappeared. ‘The bottom ash is same, nothing in the ash. In the hard earth below 244’ often is found small patches of ash with no evidence of fire... . “Nov. 27, Friday—Work continued on Mound No. 2 and 3. Nothing but sherds found.... “Nov. 30, Mon.—Continued work on Md. No. 2 with eight men. “Trench No. 1, 15’ wide and 10’ deep and 40’ long, started from river at original surface of campo. Some ashes on original surface. Ashes and earth were strati- fied until the high water level was reached. ... No thick stratum of ashes but here find numerous fire-places on burnt earth with fine charcoal in ashes and small or thin patches of ashes. In one of the largest fireplaces were many fragments of the coarse red ware with many bottoms of pots, possibly burning place. Frag- ments of deer jaw-bone and snake backbone... “Trench 2, 15’ wide, 9’ deep. Same level as other, some ashes on bottom but no fireplaces. Few fragments of pottery; near middle length, burnt earth as of fire-place. After continuing for 45’ to centre of mound and finding nothing new, I discontinued. . . “Trench 3. Cut three trenches 3’ wide and 30’ long down to original [surface], 1%’ apart. Nothing but very few fragments, no ashes, no fireplaces. Solid earth same as campo. [Trenches dug on] north side. “Trench 4. Cut 3 trenches 4’ wide and 14’ apart, 30’ long, on south side li. e., end]. Found immense quantities of fragments and burnt earth—sweepings from pottery factory. Very little ashes. Dump heap is reddish on account of burnt earth. Found pottery lamp” and fragment of pottery mold 2 for out- side of pots.” Mound 3. “Cut trench along side and cross middle, 3’ wide and 20’ long. Very few fragments and nothing more. Mound 4. ‘Dec. 1, Tues.—Put two men on Md. 4. Cut trench 10’ wide, 5’ deep, past middle. [At] 15’, found some sherds and little ashes in patches. Stone axe near surface. Mound 5. “Nov. 20, 1914—Went to work on mound No. 5 of plan as it seemed the most likely, being a round mound and centrally placed. Had but one man and my boy, but we made a good start and [I] was encouraged by finding one good specimen. The mound was very hard as it was near [the end of] the dry SCASON. 4. < “Noy. 21, Sat.—Continued with only one man, found nothing but sherds. Some white ash found but no charcoal, no fragments of bone or stone. While sherds are common they are not numerous and all of the thick red ware... . 26 These identifications are erroneous, iene ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 305 “Nov. 238, Mon.—Worked with 2 men. At 10’ on bottom found white ash 2’ 8’’ thick just above 3” or 4”’ river deposit and then 2’’ to 3’’ ashes and earth to top carried and placed above. The bottom is the general level of the campo and from 12’’ to 15’’ below high water. . .. The same stratification continues at 20’; nothing found in the ashes. “Noy. 24, Tues.—Same stratification at 25’. Nothing found except fragments. The first 214 ft. of top has fragments. Next 3’ nothing, next 144’ few fragments... . “Nov. 28, Sat.—Abandoned work on Md. No. 5 at 9:00 A. M. having excavated well past the middle of the mound down to original soil and found practically nothing.” Mound 7.—Excavation began with 2 trenches at the south end, in which he ‘‘dug all day and got not even sherds.’”’? Two more on the west side, toward the north end, were slightly more encouraging: trench 3 produced sherds and fragments of tangas, and trench 4, -— Fiaure 110.—Detailed plan of Mound 7 of the Fortaleza Group showing the extent of Farabee’s excavations in this Marajoara Phase cemetery site (after Farabee 1914). two vessels containing ashes and bone fragments at a depth of 1 foot. Although a prohibition against felling any of the trees growing on the site meant that excavation had to be undertaken patchily, a glance at the diagram (fig. 110) will show that the testing was quite thorough. Among objects of an unusual nature from this mound were: Trench 4: 2 stone axes. Trench 5: Fragment of a spindle whorl. Trench 6: Small quartz ax 2 feet deep; 6 stools scattered, 15 inches or less in depth. Trench 8: Group of 9 clay stools piled together south of a large pot, half of which projected above ground. Of the stools, 3 had ashes inside, 2 were set over clay; all were right side up. (Farabee, 1914.) 7 The use of the term “‘ash’”’ here and probably elsewhere in Farabee’s notes is misleading. Our excavation showed that the core of the mounds is composed 0 fa flaky, speckled white clay that he has erroneously identified as ash. 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 In a letter to the University Museum, Farabee summarizes the condition of the burials: . . . the burials were grouped. In a space of 50 feet square, we might find 50 pots, and then another 50 without finding a thing. Once in a space 4’ by 2’ we found 7 pots belonging to 4 different burials. Apparently, they practiced two methods of burial: in one, the bones after they had been disarticulated and, in some cases broken, were put in pots and buried. The other method was to burn the body and bury the ashes ina pot... . Very little was found inside these burial pots or with them. In some eases a tanga was inside the pot but more often it was placed near the pot on the outside, along with plates and dishes. [Letter of Feb. 8, 1915.] In the hope of providing a basis for seriating this site with those we excavated, we classified the collection of 746 sherds at the University Museum, Philadelphia, listed as from Fortaleza according to our ceramic types. The entire range of decorative techniques is repre- sented (Appendix, table 43). Of the decorated sherds, 376 have the gray core of Inaj4 Plain and 108 the orange core of Camutins Plain. Added to the plain sherds, this gives a total of 552 or 74 percent Inaja Plain and 194 or 26 percent Camutins Plain (Appendix, table 41). Bibliography: Farabee, 1914, 1915, and i921, pp. 144-145; Hartt, 1871, p. 260; Palmatary, 1950, pp. 274-275. GUAJARA A mound covering 4 or 5 acres is reported by Hartt (1871, p. 260) to be located on the campo near Lago Guajar4, east of Lago Arari. This mound is not to be confused with another of the same name in the Monte Carmelo group. ILHA DOS BICHOS This cemetery was visited by J. B. Steere in the rainy season of 1871, and the major part of his collection was deposited in the Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan. Located in the campo near the Rio Arari, upstream from the modern settlement of Arariuna, it was about half an acre in area and 15 to 25 feet high. The suriace was covered with trees, and the rains had washed deep ravines in the sides. Sherds were abundant on the surface and a test showed the refuse deposit to be of “considerable depth.” Burial urns protruded at various levels from the eroded sides. Although these were broken, Steere describes them as “upright, with straight sides and with large covers like broad-brimmed hats. Both the urns and the covers showed remains of painting in various bands and figures’ (Steere, 1927, p. 22). All traces of bones had disappeared, but several of the urns contained beautifully polished and ornamented tangas. As a result of his digging, Steere concluded that: MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 307 EVANS] The mound appeared to have been built to a certain height, inhabited, and the dead buried beneath. Then, after a time, another layer of earth and another period of occupation was added. ‘Two of these levels showed paving of burned clay, which was covered with ashes, charcoal and broken pottery. [Op. cit., pp. 22-23.] A small collection deposited by Steere at the Museum of Anthro- pology, University of Michigan, is presumably from this mound. It contains 31 vessels and sherds, all but three with decoration. This includes all of the Marajoara Phase types except Goiapi Scraped, Anajas Plain Incised, and Carmelo Red. A classification on the basis of the plain ware on which the decoration was applied gives (omitting 7 complete vessels) 15 or 62.5 percent Inaj&é Plain and 9 or 37.5 percent Camutins Plain. Bibliography: Meggers, 1947; Palmatary, 1950, p. 271; Steere, 1927, pp. 22, 23. ILHA DOS MARCOS For this mound, we have nothing but a reference to its existence on a fazenda belonging to Cruz Macedo & Cia. (Marajé, 1895, p. 87). LARANJEIRAS Tocantins names this, along with Camutins and Pacoval,as typical of the mounds found on the campos of Marajé6, covered with luxuriant vegetation and containing ceramic deposits, especially burial urns. It also appears in the Bardo de Marajo’s listing, in which he describes it as ‘bastante rico.” More recently, Laranjeiras was visited by Holdridge, who reports it to be about 15 feet high and to cover an area of over 2 acres. At the time he was there, the main fazenda house was situated on the summit and his description of the ravages wrought by many forces is typical of what has happened to many of the other Marajoara mounds: Everywhere the ground was littered with the bits of strange funeral pottery— the roots of the great trees had reached down among the dead, expanded in their vigorous life, and crushed the urns that held the bones of the men and women who built the very mound on which the trees grew. Cattle had stamped over the graveyard in the wet season, their dull feet destroying the art and dreams of whole generations. Ranch children had excavated, looking for dolls, and smashed what did not please them. Cowboys. . . had dug for gold and, in disap- pointment, destroyed all they could. Several archeologists had been allowed a fly-by-night kind of permission to excavate which had served only to whet their appetites before they were asked to leave. [Holdridge, 1939, pp. 69-70.] Digging produced a “lovely big burial jar’ with anthropomorphic features, associated with “plates and dishes, fragments of dolls and whistles, broken bits of tangas” (op. cit., p. 71). On Holdridge’s map, Larangeiras is shown about half way between Lago Arari and Cabo Maguari, the eastern tip of Marajé. 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Bibliography: Holdridge, 1939, pp. 68-71; Maraj6, 1895, p. 88; Tocantins, 1876, p. 55. MACACAO The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, has a number of specimens from this mound, which is shown on Palmatary’s map as northeast of Lago Guajaré (1950, p. 283). MATINADOS Holdridge is tantalizingly indefinite about this site or sites on a fazenda shown on his map (1939) as just northeast of Lago Guajara. His use of the plural may refer to several sites here, or simply to his experience in digging mounds in general. It may be of Matinados or of Laranjeiras he is speaking when he says, ‘‘we found one burial urn four feet high with sculptured figures on its side, human faces portrayed and painted designs,” with which were associated small vessels and tangas (Holdridge, 1933 b, p. 204). He thought he could distinguish three horizons of ceramics in the mounds: at the bottom, ‘a, layer of simple red ware without designs, incisions, or bas-relief”’; in the middle, ‘‘a layer occupied by exceedingly beautiful pieces painted with fantastic designs and incisions of an infinite variety,” and on top, the simple red ware again (ibid.). Careful excavation in other mounds, however, does not produce any evidence to substantiate this impression. MENINO DEUS Farabee mentions a “low mound from which round pot came”’ at Menino de Dios (1916 b, entry for Jan. 8). Mordini lists ‘“Menino Deus” as one of the sites in the area enclosed by the Ganhodo and Cururt Rivers and the Lagos Mututi and Asapdo (1934 a, p. 62). MONTE CARMELO Steere (1927, p. 23) recounts that in 1879 he “camped for several days on a large mound of several acres on the little river Anajas,” which probably was one of the Monte Carmelo group. The first to conduct any excavation appears to be Desmond Holdridge. He de- scribes the site as ‘near the source of the Rio Anajas” (1939, p. 72), and although he attaches the name ‘‘Monte Carmelo”’ to it, his de- scription applies best to the mound now called “Guajara” (J—14, Mound 1). Hither through error or exaggeration, he gives the height as “about 70 feet,” or almost 7 times what it was in 1949, only 18 years later. Among the products of his excavation was a large an- thropomorphic burial urn (now in the Brooklyn Museum) with modeled faces on the neck and stylized, painted delineation of the arms and hands on the body (op. cit., photograph opposite p. 87). In 77 als ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 309 general style it is very similar to jar L from our Guajara cut (pl. 76). It contained miscellaneous sherds, fragments of tangas and a secondary burial (op. cit., pp. 72-73). NAZARETH Our only knowledge of this site comes from the listing by the Bardo de Marajé of a mound on the Fazenda Nazareth, belonging to Sr. Francisco L. Chermont. There is a fazenda by this name in the head- waters of the Rio Mocdes (Marajé, 1895, p. 88). PACOVAL Ilha de Pacoval, on the east shore of Lago Ararf, just above the mouth of the Igarapé das Almas, is the most frequently visited mound on the Island of Marajé, both because of its accessibility and because of the apparently inexhaustible richness of the ceramic remains. Even today, after 80 years of uninbibited exploitation, one can still pick up “hundreds of little items: small figurines, adornos, fancy rims, extremely good-looking incised and champlevé sherds or even painted ones” (Hilbert, pers. commun.). The earliest recorded visit, although not the first to be published, was made by Couto de Magalhaes who traversed Marajé in 1865. Even at that early date he reported that many artificial mounds are known . . . of which one of the most notable on the island of Marajo is an artificial island in Lago Ararf. [1873, p. 410.] He deduced that they were built to raise the houses above the annual flood waters: Considering that the region in which they are found is inundated for many tens of leagues . . . it is evident that the people, from the time they arrived in the area, began to build the mounds, without which it would be impossible to explain their method of existence during the rainy season in places that become true Mediterranean oceans. [Couto de Magalhiées, 1873, pp. 410-411]. Six years later, in 1871, Hartt sent his assistant, W. S. Barnard, to examine the site and his is the first detailed description: The Ilha das Pacovas lies close to the western * side of the lake, opposite the beginning of the Rio Arary, which forms the outlet to the lagoa, and just to the south of the mouth of the Igarapé das Armas. It is oblong in shape, about ninety paces in length from north to south, and about forty paces in width. In the month of November, when the water was low, it was somewhat over ten feet in height above the level of the lake. It is for the most part covered with large forest trees. Situated at the northern end of the island, and separated from it by a narrow channel, is a little crescent-shaped islet apparently built on as an addition, and not so high as the main island. Both were evidently raised artificially, and are full of burial vases and pottery of all kinds. The vases, which are about three feet in height, are, in some places, buried as many as three or four above one another, but they are more or less scattered. The waves have worn away the edges 26 The directions are confused in several places in this account. 391329—57 22 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 of the island making a sloping shore full of broken burial jars and thickly strewn over with fragments of pottery. [Hartt, 1871, pp. 260-261.] In the following year Pacoval was visited by Steere, Derby (whose collection is mostly at the Peabody Museum, Cambridge) and Ferreira Penna (who collected for the Museums in Belém and Rio de Janeiro). Ferreira Penna’s description agrees with that of Barnard, and he re- marks that the eroded northwest shore of the mound was so thickly covered with pottery fragments that there was hardly a spot where one could put his foot without stepping on a decorated sherd or part of a figurine. Steere had informed him that he noticed a marked change in the ceramics in the deposit, with the best examples in the lowest level and the quality deteriorating toward the top. This observation interested Ferreira Penna and he made an effort to check i Be As soon as I arrived at Pacoval, I began to have the thick vegetation which covered the mound cut away, and there began shortly to appear several circles which were nothing less than the mouths of urns buried there and without lids. They were all of coarse, dark clay, and without any decoration except for some almost vanished traces of white paint in angular designs. They were broken and filled with dirt, with their own sherds and with fragments of a few small vessels originally placed inside them. In one of the jars was found a small pipe,?” which although very crude is of interest because it is the only one that has been found in the Paré mounds. One side of the mound was subject to erosion during the winter by the action of the lake waters, and the excavations executed there produced two urns, one painted red and yellow on a grayish background and the other with relief and painting in blue and red. While this excavation was in progress, I saw a large urn, beautifully painted and with modelling on its upper and lower parts, sheltered by the huge roots of a robust caja tree, which fell after being undermined. A few of the tree roots had pene- trated into the mouth of the jar and cracked it, so that the fall broke it completely apart. The work undertaken in the lower part of the mound was time-consuming and laborious; the earth was as if petrified by the presence of minute fragments of pottery which were imbedded in the clay like a coarse mosaic. The outcome of these efforts, if unsatisfactory in not producing a single complete specimen, gave me numerous fragments that were notable for their ornamentation and for their choice of material. I believe that it is only in this section that have been dis- covered those strange, triangular objects known as Tangas.... On the basis of the admittedly incomplete examination I made of this mound, I was able to recognize that there existed at least three levels or orders of vessels, the lowest level containing the most perfect ones and the upper the crudest, cor- responding with what Steere had previously observed. [Ferreira Penna, 1879 a, pp. 52-53]. Derby paid another visit to Pacoval in 1876, and his observations, as recorded by Hartt, enlarge the picture of the burial pattern: The best-made objects are the burial urns, which were interred with particular care. The earth around them is frequently fine sand mixed with sherds, ashes and 27 This is probably a pottery spoon (pl. 81). SAGGY cant ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 311 carbon, indicating that after the urn was set in place the hole was filled with a special kind of dirt. Fine sand and sherds are also occasionally found inside the urns, mixed with the bones. Sometimes an elaborately decorated jar was put inside a larger plain one. They appear always to have been covered with a lid, but this has generally been broken and the fragments fallen into the jar. The bones found inside the jars are very poorly preserved, disintegrating into powder when exposed to the air, and in some cases completely vanished. In several instances I was able to tell from the bones that the complete skeleton had been buried, although the mouths of the jars I saw were not wide enough to admit a human body intact, nor was the jar large enough to hold it. It seems likely, therefore, that only the skeleton was buried after the decomposition of the flesh. It is certain also that some of the belongings of the deceased were placed with the body. In two cases I found tangas inside the jars, and at least one of these could not have been intruded accidently. The urn had been set inside a larger one and the tanga was in the space between the two. In one or two other burials I found small vessels inside the urns that seemed to have been used to hold paint or snuff. Stone objects are exceedingly rare. I did not find a single one, but I have seen a few that were said to have been found at Pacoval. [Hartt, 1885, pp. 22—23.] Netto, who came about the same time, adds a few more details: The burial mound called “Ilha do Pacoval”’ is an artificial hill.... This hill is located on the east shore of Lago Ararf, on the interior of Marajé Island, and having been constructed more in the lake bed than on the shore, is now an island and now a peninsula, depending on whether the water level is high orlow. [1885, p. 266.] He also comments on the difference in the ceramics and suggests three possible interpretations: My own excavations, as well as those made by Derby and Ferreira Penna, have shown that along with the jars of the finest workmanship or the most delicate painting are found exceedingly coarse vessels which have no characteristics that would authorize their classification as representing the same period or would indicate the same source of manufacture as the former. ... I do not wish to say whether this crude pottery is evidence of the progressive degradation under- gone by the people who made the lovely jars referred to above, or whether it is the product of a less civilized group that by chance settled on the same spot deserted by the inspired and skillful makers of the most beautiful ceramics of South America. A third possibility is also plausible, and that is that the different qualities of urns were correlated with different classes of individuals: the impor- tance or obscurity of the deceased determining the richness or plainness of the urn in which he was buried. ([Op. cit., p. 265.] Another early visitor was Tocantins, who commented on the prom- inence of the mound in the rainy season: At the time of my visit it rose 1.14 M above the level of the lake, while the adjacent campo was 2.28 M below the same level. This was the only point within a radius of several leagues that stood out from the flood waters beneath which the entire central basin of Marajé was submerged. ... The site... is even today distinguished from the surrounding terrain by its thick, black layer of soil which is at the present time shaded by luxuriant vegetation. [Tocantins, 1876, p. 55.] Other reports about this time give the elevation as from 3 to 8 meters, a2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 e FALLEN TREE LOW FLAT BEACH ke 3 2 @ EXCAVATED JARS Freure 111.—Plan of the Marajoara Phase site of Pacoval made by Lange in 1913. depending partly on whether the water level was high or low (Ferreira Penna, 1879 a, p. 51; Hartt, 1885, p. 20). At the end of the 1913 dry season, Pacoval was visited by Algot Lange. A diagram he made of the site is reproduced in figure 111. He reported that: The general form of the island is that of a narrow parallelogram with rounded corners. ... The northern section is higher than the southern, reaching, at a certain point, a height of four yards above the present water level. At the extreme of the wet season, when the greater part of Pacoval is submerged, . . . this highest point forms a narrow ridge just beyond reach of the choppy waves of the lake. This ridge slopes off to either end. ... ([Lange, 1914, p. 308 and photo opposite p. 318.] The soil throughout is a black, rich clay resembling the kind that is found at the bottom of the holes or ponds in the prairies. In places there is an out- cropping of sand. ‘Throughout the island the earth is mixed with pottery frag- ments from the size of minute particles to pieces weighing as much as twenty- five pounds. [Op. cit., pp. 310-311, photo opposite p. 309.] Lange began by raking the surface of the entire site, ‘allowing no piece showing the slightest value to escape our farina baskets” (op, cit., p. 314). This procedure took several days, and during work along the western shore the mouths of a number of large urns were discovered sunk into the ground, forming a straight line following the littoral. I counted twelve in all. The first of these was broken upon reaching a depth of two feet. It crumbled into minute fragments when fully exposed. The mouth of the second jar was plainly visible amidst many broken pieces on the surface of the beach. This we attacked judiciously . . . [and] the result of this cautious work of many hours is a pyriform funeral urn of almost three feet in height. Upon placing this on the beach I remove a quantity of earth and greyish ashes from the interior, with the result that I find some human bones, all broken in pieces, and underneath these a most peculiar object of rare beauty and skill of workmanship. It is a perfect specimen of the original primitive “‘figleaf”’ for women. ... Working our way around the old fallen mucajé palm we make some very rich finds. Whole vases covered with what appears to be symbolic figures of a com- SepeenaiAay ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 313 plicated pattern, bordered by stripes of red and brown painted bands, surprise us and cause my sincerest admiration for the permanency of the colours which appear now as fresh as if painted but yesterday. I find also small platters with labyrinthic designs painted and incised. . . . Large and small idol heads, many of which are broken, lie around, some partly covered by earth and dirt. Close to the palm trunk I institute a series of excavations, and during many days we find here some rare objects of pre-historic art, such as a large richly painted and incised idol.28 . . . [Op. cit., pp. 314, 316-317.] In the 38 years that have elapsed since Lange’s visit, the mound has continued to decrease in elevation. The most recent description of its condition is by Hilbert (1952, pp. 21-30, and pers. corres.), who visited the site in 1951. At that time there was a single tree on the northeast end and a native house on the highest point toward the southwest part, where the elevation reached 1.60 meters during the dry season (fig. 112). As the water level in the lake rises with LAGO ARARI Figure 112.—Plan of the Marajoara i site of Pacoval made by Hilbert in 951. the rains, the mound shrinks until it is completely inundated. Now that vegetation is no longer able to maintain a foothold on the mound and the soil is not bound by the interlaced roots, the site is being washed away at an accelerating pace. Its long use as a modern house location, its frequent submission to excavation and its annual subjec- tion to the erosion by the waves of Lago Arari have resulted in thor- % This white incised, red retouched (Pacoval Incised), anthropomorphic jar is in the American Museum of Natural History 314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 ough disturbance of the cultural remains, with the intrusion of modern materials (china, tile, and beer-bottle fragments) to a depth of 90 cm. Hilbert made three stratigraphic excavations. Pit 1, 1.50 by 1.50 meters, was on the slope away from the lake, 10 meters south of the tree. ‘The upper 4 cm. were occupied by humus and roots. Between 4 to 14 cm. the largest sherds (averaging 10 cm. in diameter) were found. As the depth increased the sherds became smaller and in- creasingly eroded, often reduced to particles like coarse sand. At 50 cm. this gave way to sterile gray clay. An expansion of the cut for 4 meters toward the west revealed the same conditions. Pit 2, at the summit of the northeast end, was 2.50 by 1.50 meters. The situation was the same here as in pit 1, except that the condition of the sherds was somewhat worse. Intrusive materials included modern tile and pottery at 35 cm., china at 55 cm. and bits of a green glass beer bottle at 90 cm. Pit 3 was a trench 1 m. wide begun at the bottom toward the southwest end of the east slope and extended into the mound for 4 meters. No new features were discovered. During tests along the lake side, the refuse was found to extend to a depth of 10 to 35 cm., the higher figure pertaining to the northeast end and the lower one to the southwest. The surface collection of 307 sherds was classified by Hilbert on the basis of core color, giving 86 percent eray cored, or Inaj4 Plain, and 14 percent orange cored, or Camutins Plain (Hilbert, 1952, pp. 28-29 and pers. corres.). Specific information on the method of disposal of the dead prac- ticed at Pacoval is limited, but secondary burial is the most often- mentioned type. Hartt (1885, p. 22) concluded from the arrangement of the bones in one jar that the skeleton had been placed inside with the articulations at least partly intact. The fact that some of the jars were too small to hold a complete skeleton, even if disarticulated, led him to explore the possibility that cremation was also practiced: All the bones found in the urns were fragmentary. The probabilities are that the bodies were burned, and that only the ashes and charred bones were placed in the urns. An analysis of a small amount of black ash-like earth, found adher- ing to one of the jars, was made for me by one of my students, and found to con- tain a very large percentage of phosphate of lime. [Hartt, 1871, p. 263.] Netto also reports the discovery of ‘‘two or three partly calcined skulls,’ but concludes that cremation was unusual (1885, p. 427). The question of stratigraphy at Pacoval has been of interest from its earliest examination in 1871, when Steere and Ferreira Penna agreed that at least 3 strata could be discriminated by the quality of the ceramics they contained. A somewhat different conclusion was reached by Mordini, as a result of his excavations in 1926. He isolated two ceramic-bearing deposits separated by a sterile layer 48 cm, thick. The wares of the two strata were not distinguishable in recent Ny ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 315 style or ornamentation, but the examination by micro-emulsion showed the presence of cariapé tempering in those of the upper level, and it was absent in the lower level. Mordini concludes: From this it is possible to maintain that the Marajoans arrived at the island ignorant of the custom of adding siliceous material of biological origin to the clay used in making their pottery. Later, they acquired this cultural element either by local invention or by trade with some other Amazonian tribe. [Mordini, 1934 b, p. 15; ef. Mordini 1947, p. 640, and Linné, 1931, p. 281.] As explained above, Hilbert found the site completely disturbed at the time of his visit in 1951, making stratigraphic analysis impossible. In the hope of being able to seriate this site with others and thus determine the relative antiquity of some of the Marajoara cemeteries, we classified the Pacoval collection of the Peabody Museum, Cam- bridge, into the ceramic types established for the Marajoara Phase. The full range of decorated types was present, but only 29 plain sherds were included in the collection. In order to get a more reliable picture of the ratio of Inaj4 Plain to Camutins Plain, the decorated sherds were classified into these two types on the basis of their paste color. ‘This increased the count to 234 Inaj4 Plain and 79 Camutins Plain and gave a ratio of 75 percent Inaj4 Plain to 25 percent Camu- tins Plain. In computing the relative frequency of the decorated types, 1,039 sherds from the American Museum of Natural History collection from Pacoval were also included, giving a total sample of 1,353 decorated sherds (Appendix, table 41 and 43). Bibliography: Derby, 1879, pp. 225-226; Derby, in Hartt, 1885, pp. 21-23; Ferreira Penna, 1879 a, pp. 51-53; Hartt, 1871; Hilbert, 1952, and personal correspondence; Lange, 1914, pp. 307-322; Marajé, 1895, p. 87; Meggers, 1948, pp. 153-154; Mordini, 1934 a, pp. 62-63; Mordini, 1934 b, pp. 15ff.; Mordini, 1947, p. 640; Netto, 1885, pp. 265-268; Netto, 1890, p. 202; Sampaio, 1922, p. 849; Tocantins, 1876, p. 55. PACOVAL DO CURURU The earliest and most detailed account of this cemetery mound is by Nimuendajt, who visited it at the end of 1923: I then went a short distance in south-western direction from the bank of the Cajueiro [to] the upper Rio Cururt. .. . At its left bank the Fazenda Pacoval is situated, and 600 M further up a very interesting mound is located on a point of land between the Rio Cururt and its small tributary on the left. A canal now cuts across behind the mound so that it forms an island. The whole country, almost as far as the eye can see, is a tree-less plain, which is submerged nearly six months of the year by the high water. . . . Its length is 220 M and its overall width 50 M. It lies in a north-south direction. The northern and central parts are the widest, the southern one forming a long, narrow point. The greatest height (5 M) is near the northern end. Then the crest slopes down to about 1.50 M, rises again to more than 2 M and ends in the southern point mentioned. The alluvial soil is yellow clay, which is so intermixed with tiny fragments of pottery that, at a cursory glance, it gives the impression of being gravel. Fragments 316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 exceeding the size of a hand are rare, at any rate on the surface. The north and east sides are covered with sherds, as is the narrow strip of land between the mound and the river, whereas they are absent on the corresponding surface to the west. .. . It is overgrown with tall trees so that it is visible from a great distance in the flat, tree-less surroundings. As I was forbidden to make excava- tions . . . I had to confine myself to collecting a few fragments from the surface with the characteristic incisions in Marajé6 style. No traces of painting remain; they may, however, have been effaced by the weather. From the land-steward of the Fazenda I got a zoomorphous, spherical vessel without neck, with narrow rim and two pairs of cord-holes at the side [see Nordenskiold, 1930, pl. 14-e]. It is decorated in the characteristic manner and the cross-motif recurs no less than ten times. Further, I got a thick bead (?) of pottery. [Nimuendaji, in Rydén, MS.] The Géteborg Museum collection includes this excised vessel and a fragment of a stone ax of fine-grained, dark-green diorite (?). Pacoval do Cururt: was visited in 1930 by Sra. Heloisa Alberto Torres. Lothrop, in reporting her work, describes the site as being under water except at low tide (1934, p. 820). This is contradicted by Moraes’ statement that it is larger than Pacoval do Arari, reaching a height of 10 meters (1936, p. 34). Three small potrests are illus- trated by Torres (1940, pl. 47). Bibliography: Lothrop, 1934, p. 820; Moraes, 1936, p. 34; Nordenskidld, 1930, pl. 14-e; Rydén, MS.; Torres, 1940, pl. 47. PACOVAL DOS MELLO Hilbert reports the remains of a site in the campo 4 km. east of Caratatéua and almost due south of Lago Guajardé. The original contours of the mound were altered to provide a foundation for the headquarters of a fazenda now occupying the area, and the present maximum height is only 1.80 meters above flood level. A test pit near the northeast edge of the elevation showed the soil to be black to dark brown, with sherds to a depth of 1 meter. Below that was sterile dark gray to gray clay. Hilbert comments briefly on the pottery: The quality of this ceramic is striking. Undoubtedly one of the centers of the Marajoara Phase, with pottery like Pacoval do Arari or to a certain extent, the cemetery mound [Mound 1] of the Camutins. Anthropomorphie and zoo- morphic applique, so frequent at Pacoval, is nearly absent here. There are many sherds from shallow bowls, generally with undulating rims and two-part vessels like those from Fortaleza not far to the south [see Palmatary, 1950, pls. 66, 67, 70). Painting with polychrome designs on a lustrous white slip is common. [Hilbert, pers. corres.] In a small sample of 71 sherds, 65 were classified by Hilbert as gray cored and 6 orange cored, giving a ratio of 92 percent Inaja Plain to 8 percent Camutins Plain. Pacoval Incised appears to be frequent among the decorated types (ibid.). oo ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 317 PANELLAS Farabee (1916 b) records a visit to ‘Ilha das Panellas” on the Fazenda Cacuero, where he says Rempkin had previously dug. At the beginning of the rainy season it was 3 feet high, 50 wide, 100 feet long, and surrounded by water. Since it seemed “all dug over’’ he decided further excavation would be unprofitable. In July, 1928, Mordini spent 10 days excavating a trench 5 by 3 meters and 4.50 meters deep in a mound called ‘‘Panellas.”’ The soil was uniformly black with an intermixture of ashes at a depth of 3.50 meters. Although he has never published the results, a cross-sectional drawing of the vessels in situ is reproduced in Palmatary (1950, p. 279), together with a listing of their descriptions and contents. SANHARAO No clue is given to the whereabouts of this mound, listed by the Bardo de Marajé (1895, p. 87). SANTA BRIGIDA This site is west of Lago Arari, on the Igarapé Cuieiras, a tributary of the Anajds-miri (Anajasinho). Palmatary, who made a brief visit, describes it as 12 feet high and some two acres in area. One side was tested and in the space of about two hours, the workmen removed two large, undecorated jars, lacking their tops, one plain shallow dish, a painted and engraved concentric dish, more or less complete, and fragments of several large vessels. No effort was made to determine stratification but, within the limits of the small area excavated, decorated and undecorated wares seemed buried close together and in confusion. [Palmatary, 1950, p. 278.] A sample of 123 sherds collected in 1941 by Carlos Estevao de Oliveira is deposited in the Museu Goeldi, Belém. It was classified by Hilbert on the basis of core color, giving 68 sherds or 55.2 percent gray cored (Inajdé Plain) and 55 sherds or 44.8 percent orange cored (Camutins Plain). Decorated types include Anajds Plain Incised, Anajés White Incised, Arari Plain Excised, and Joanes Painted (Hilbert, pers. corres.). This may be the mound described to Lange (1914, p. 301) as located several days travel up the Anajasinho, 15 meters in height and full of pottery. SANTA IZABEL Ferreira Penna reports: In 1873 I visited this mound, situated in the campo northwest of Lago Ararf. It is difficult to find the site without a guide, because the artifacts are buried in an area that is level and flat like the surrounding campo. Although smaller and with fewer artifacts than Pacoval, it is nevertheless the only site that can 318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 rival the latter in the choice of material and in the perfection of the ircised and painted designs of the ceramics. It was here that I first found several Tinteiras, indispensible utensils of the aboriginal painters, all of them ornamented with elegant and delicate reliefs [probably excised designs]. One contained a good-sized lump of very fine, red- colored clay. . . . [1879 a, p. 51.] SANTO ANDRE Once more, there is only the mention of a mound near the Fazenda Santo Andre called ‘“‘Pacoval’’ (Marajé, 1895, p. 88). A fazenda by that name is located on the Rio Paracauari, which flows east to Soure. SERRA A mound of this name is said to exist in the area bounded by the Rios Ganhodo and Cururti and Lagos Mututi and Asap4&o, which would place it north of Lago Ararf (Mordini, 1934 a, p. 62). TAPERA No location is given for this mound, but there is a fazenda of the same name about half way between Lago Arari and the east coast. Holdridge excavated in this area in 1932 (1933 a; 1939, p. 105). Lage (1944, pp. 219-220) says the ceramics are more elaborate than at the Camutins. TESO DAS IGACGABAS In 1922, Nimuendajt visited a site called ‘““Teso das Igagabas,”’ in the Cabo Maguari region, about 1 km. south of the Fazenda Boa Esperanga. It produced pottery in the Marajoara style. He gives the following brief description of the dimensions and contents: An old negro could still remember that in his youth several big vessels had been excavated here. The excavators before me seemed to have set about their work very seriously, for in the mound, which was only 10 by 20 M at the utmost with a thickness of about 40 cm, I found but insignificant fragmerts. . . . although most of the fragments were of inferior material and coarsely manufactured, there were several pieces here which were carefully executed, and above all, some with the characteristic painting in Marajé style, red and black on white ground. On the rims of the vessel were round projections, which had served as handles. One fragment shows traces of having been used for smoothing arrow shafts. [Nimuendaji, in Rydén, MS.] TESO DE SEVERINO Lange describes a visit to a mound 6 miles east of Pacoval, which probably was Teso de Severino: Here we spend two whole days, returning with a canoe full of pottery, some of which is in fragments. The mound we visited is elevated hardly two feet above the level of the surrounding country, in the middle of a difficult piece of prairie, soggy and overrun with an uneven, coarse growth of wild cotton plants. Old lo ea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 319 Ludovico [the guide] indicated this spot as being likely to contain a great deal of pottery, particularly as no excavations have ever been undertaken there. I find there pottery of a totally different character from that near Ludovico’s [Pacoval]. The clay from which this was made seems to be lighter in colour and weaker, or else the burning was not so thorough as the other. All the vessels I find are of a different shape too, and one large bowl, which we unfortunately break by accidentally putting the point of the pickaxe through the bottom, is a strange piece of work full of fine details. [Lange, 1914, pp. 330-331.] The pottery from this site in the American Museum of Natural History (collected by Lange) includes mainly Anajis White Incised, with jars of Common shape 8 and rare shape 1 predominant. Another collection was made by Carlos Estevao de Oliveira in 1925, which Mordini examined (1934 a, pp. 63-64). He found the ceramics superior to those from Pacoval in painted and incised decoration and in fineness of paste, firing and skill of workmanship, but inferior to the latter in plastic decoration of an anthropomorphic and zoomorphic nature. Several pieces were partly covered with a kind of glaze. The tanga designs were also distinctive: The decoration is very carefully done, and it is noteworthy that it includes very complex and graceful anthropomorphic stylizations, motifs unknown on these objects at Pacoval do Arary, where the decoration is exclusively geometric. The frieze characteristically found on the upper edge [at Pacoval] . . . is abso- lutely unknown on tangas from Teso de Severino. [Op. cit., p. 64.] The most recent account is given by Hilbert (pers. corres.), who excavated at Teso de Severino in 1951. He describes it as 4 km. upstream from the mouth of the Igarapé das Almas (Igarapé do Severino) and some 400 meters in from the left bank. The site has been taken over as a foundation for a corral and cowboy barracks with much damage to its original condition. Hilbert reports that the bare patches around the buildings show many sherds and on the basis of their distribution estimated the site to extend approximately 75 meters northeast-southwest by 50 meters wide. It now has an ele- vation of only 50 cm. ‘Three test pits in various spots produced sherds to a depth of 20 to 50 cm. Of the 146 sherds collected, 125 or 85.6 percent are gray cored and 21 or 14.4 percent are completely oxidised. Decorated sherds are abundant and run the gamut of the more elaborate types. The sample included 5 hollow rims and 20 tanga fragments, of which 13 are white-slipped and 7 red-slipped. Bibliography: Hilbert, pers. corres.; Lange, 1914, pp. 330-331; Mordini, 1934 a, pp. 63-64. TESO DOS CHINA About 1 km. south-southeast of the south end of Lago Guajara is a group of 11 mounds of varying size, known collectively as “‘Teso dos China” (fig. 113). The majority are covered with large trees, which mark their location in the otherwise flat and treeless campo. There is 320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 no nearby igarapé, and the mounds are arranged over an area roughly 750 by 350 meters. The average elevation was only 50 to 100 cm. above the flood level in February, but except in unusual instances the water level of the rainy season does not rise sufficiently to inundate the mounds. Hilbert, who is the first to describe this group, has pro- vided some details of the condition of the individual sites (pers. corres.) : Mound 1: Approximately 100 by 60 meters, with an elevation # of 1.80 meters at the north and 2.50 meters at the south. A 1- X 1-meter test excavation in the south summit produced brownish soil and sherds to a depth of 30 cm. Mound 1 A: Northernmost of the group, about the same dimensions as Mound 1, but with a flat surface only 50 cm. in elevation. The northern half is covered with grass and bushes. A clearing on the south- ern half for cattle branding hes exposed abundant surface sherds. Mound 2: About 50 meters in diameter, with a flat surface 80 cm. above the February water level. It is overgrown with large trees and few sherds are visible on the surface. Mound 38: About 90 X 30 meters, with a flat summit 50 em. above water level. The surface is covered with large trees and many small sherds. Mound 4: About 20 X 30 meters and 50 cm. in elevation. Surface conditions duplicate those of Mound 38. Mound 4 A: Very small, covered with bushes, but with abundant surface sherds. Mound 4 B: Approximately 25 X 45 meters and 50 cm. in height; covered with grass except for a clearing where many sherds are visible. Mound 4 C: About 25 X 30 meters and 50 cm. in elevation. Surface covered with grass revealing few sherds. Mound 4 D: Very small. Mound 5: About 40 X 50 meters and 50 cm. in height; covered with grass except for clearing exposing abundant sherds. Mound 6: About 90 meters long by 40 meters in maximum width. Altitude at south end a little over 1 meter, less at north end. A test excava- tion in the south summit produced brown humus with frequent sherds to a depth of 30 cm; sparser sherds to 45 em., and below that sterile whitish, sandy clay. Experience with other Marajoara Phase sites would suggest that Mounds 1, 1A, and 6 might be cemeteries and the rest habitations. No burial vessels were encountered in the test excavations, however, and all of the sites present a relatively large amount of decorated types in the surface collections. Surface collections were made from most of the mounds, and Hilbert kindly sent to us for examination those from Mounds 1, 2, 4, 4A, and 5. as well as the sherds from the strata cutin Mound 1. The surfaces have suffered badly from erosion, but close examination showed that in addition to Inajé Plain and Camutins Plain, nearly all of the Mara- joara Phase decorated types were present. Although the samples were 2” Figures represent amount of exposed elevation during the rainy season when the surrounding campo was fiooded to a depth of 50cm. Actual elevation would thus be 50 cm. greater. arenes aaP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 321 CONTOUR LINES AT SO GM INTERVALS. AFTER HILBERT, FIELD NOTES. Fieure 113.—Plan of Teso dos China mound group of the Marajoara Phase. aee BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 small, none comprising more than 50 sherds, it was possible to classify them and to use the data for seriation by limiting the criterion of classification to core color and ignoring for the moment any surface decoration. This device makes it possible to see more accurately the relative proportions of the two plain wares, whose fluctuations provide the most reliable basis for seriation. This generalization gave the following figures (for sherd totals, see Appendix, table 41): TasBLe K.—Frequency of Inajé and Camutins Plain at Teso dos China Mound Tnaja Plain] Camutins Plain Percent Percent I: level:0=15 em... ==225- sat See Se ee eee ee 58. 6 41.4 Ts JevelitS—d0em- -o- 3 2 as So ae ew a et 68. 7 31.3 SUITE ECG se 70 A> {SUT ACOs on ee 82.5 17.5 4. A: surface... =~ 222222555552 55552 cso c sees esac ee ee eee eee eee 66. 6 33.3 GS ISUEIS CCS en ee 62.5 37.5 TESO DO GENTIL Two kilometers above its mouth, the Rio Anaj4s-miri is joined by a tributary from the north, called Igarapé do Gentil. Hilbert (pers. corres.) located two Marajoara mounds along its course about 1.5 kilometers above the confluence. At present, they are separated by a dry arm, with the igarapé passing along their eastern ends. The area is open campo with patches of trees and bushes. Mound 1, 50 meters long by 20 meters wide, had a maximum elevation of 2 meters above the flood level. A caboclo house occupied the western end. A test pit in the summit showed reddish-brown loam producing sherds to extend to a depth of 40 cm., beneath which was the sterile clay forming the foundation of the mound. Mound 2, about 25 meters north of the east end of Mound 1, was about 20 meters in diameter and 1.5 meters in elevation. A sherd sample sent to us for examination proved to contain typical Marajoara Phase wares. Half of the 20 sherds from Mound 1 repre- sented decorated types, including 5 Arari Plain Excised and 1 each of Pacoval Incised, Guajara Incised, Goiapi Scraped, Joanes Painted and Unclassified Decorated. Only 3 of the 18 sherds from Mound 2 had any decoration, with 1 each of Pacoval Incised, Joanes Painted and Goiapi Scraped. Added to the difference in size, this suggests that Mound 1 was a cemetery and Mound 2 a habitation site. Dis- regarding the decoration and classifying the sherds by the plain ware they represent gives a ratio of 50 percent Inaj& Plain to 50 percent Camutins Plain for Mound 1, and 61.1 percent Inaj4 Plain to 38.9 percent Camutins Plain for Mound 2. EoREEH AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 323 TESO DOS GENTIOS Mordini gives no specific location for this mound, which he exca- vated in 1926, mentioning only that it is north of Lago Ararf. Al- though he has not published his findings, some of the field notes are reproduced by Palmatary (1950, pp. 278-279). He made an excava- tion 5 by 3 meters in extent and 2 meters in depth. The soil was black to a depth of 80 cm., below which it became “black and slightly yellow.” The diagram (op. cit., p. 279) shows the ceramics to extend to a depth of 1.50 meters, the final 50 cm. of the excavation presumably being sterile. Plain and decorated burial vessels were recovered, the latter including Joanes Painted and unidentifiable “engraved” types, which probably represent both incised and excised. Although the diagram is not to scale, the measurements in the text show that the jars in the lower level are considerably larger than those in the upper one. Some contained miniature vessels, fragments of bone and ashes. No tangas are mentioned. UNNAMED MOUNDS In addition to the mounds just listed, there are several less specific references to the existence of other sites on Marajé. Barnard reported to Hartt that “Indian burial stations are quite numerous in the centre of the island” (Hartt, 1871, p. 260). Derby, in describing Pacoval, adds that “several other localities on the shores of the lake [Arar‘] have yielded a similar kind of pottery .. .” (1879, pp. 225-226). Lange reports a crescent-shaped mound at the outlet of the lake, which is probably a habitation site (1914, p.332) and another cemetery: During the months when the waters fall very low there appears in the middle of the lake, some two miles to the northward, a flat clay-and-sand bank, some fifty feet only in circumference. Here is to be found a great deal of pottery similar to that of Pacoval. [Op. cit., pp. 311-312.] In Hartt (1885, p. 25) is the information that ‘‘there exist mounds of the same kind [as on the Camutins] on the Rio Moc@es, on the Igarapé Grande, on the Rio Camar4 and in various places on the campos.” Mordini mentions a series of 7 small mounds between Cajuliros and Faz Café, which may be habitations (1934 a, p. 62). On the fazenda of Dr. Vincente Miranda, Farabee “located several of medium size and excavated four without finding a solitary thing of value. They had been used as house sites only, as was indicated by the presence of ashes and fragments of pottery” (1921, p. 144). Pinto (1930, p. 351) speaks of mounds near Soure. Statements like these support the conclusion that many more Marajoara sites exist than have found their way into the literature. It seems probable that these include a large number of habitations. 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 CONCLUSIONS On the basis of these descriptions of Marajoara Phase mounds, a few general conclusions can be drawn: 1. There is no intentional orientation toward any of the cardinal points; rather, orientation depends on the contour of the river or lake shore or is arbitrary. 2. There is no intentional effort toward the production of a zoo- morphic shape. The majority of the mounds are oval or nearly circular, and those interpreted as turtle-shaped are some that have suffered badly from erosion. 3. In addition to the large, ceramically rich cemeteries, there are numerous habitation mounds, which are typically smaller and contain predominantly plain pottery. 4. The mounds continued to be enlarged after they were in use, as indicated by the existence of layers of sterile soil between those pro- ducing sherd refuse. ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE MARAJOARA PHASE Portery Type DEscRIPTIONS The classification of Marajoara Phase decorated pottery into a readily distinguishable and workable number of categories has been a difficult task, largely because of the frequent utilization of two or more complex and technically distinct modes of decoration on a single vessel. This is a situation almost without precedent in New World archeology. Even the advanced cultures of Mexico and Peru rarely employed one type of decoration on the exterior and a totally distinct type on the interior of the same vessel. Obvious difficulties arise. If the classification recognizes all the possible combinations, there results an involved collection of categories that is not only a strain on the memory, but also has the drawbacks that important associations between particular decorative techniques and vessel shapes are obscured and that the completeness of the vessel will influence its classification. If the classification is made on decora- tive technique without regard to combinations, it will not apply to some specimens, but only to one or the other of their surfaces. Since the choice of a method of classification depends on the results it is expected to produce, the second alternative has been used here for the following reasons: (1) It is equally accurate and applicable for sherds and for complete vessels; (2) it permits statistical analysis of the relative frequency of each decorative technique at any given time or place; (3) it provides a workable number of easily distin- guishable categories. By the completion of the analysis, two more justifications had wade tT ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 325 become evident. In more than 90 percent of the cases where two techniques were used on the same vessel, one of these is Joanes Painted, and of the four cemeteries included in the study, only at Pacoval is there a high proportion even of this association. Another point brought out by this classification is the high degree of con- sistency with which certain vessel shapes are associated with par- ticular decorative techniques, such as hollow-rimmed bowls with Pacoval Incised or Anajas White Incised, and flat-bottomed, cylindri- cal jars with Arari Red Excised. Those specimens exhibiting more than one decorative technique were classified primarily according to the more complex technique (which was nearly always on the exterior) represented, with the fol- lowing order of precedence being used: double-slipped excised, double- slipped incised, excised and retouched, incised and retouched, excised, incised, painted, and scraped. However, other techniques associated on a single vessel are listed in each type description. Additional decisions had to be made regarding the classification of the varieties of excised and painted decoration. Up until the publication of the preliminary report (Evans and Meggers, 1950), decoration in which part of the original surface of the vessel was cut away, leaving the remainder in relief, was referred to as ‘‘champlevé’’. The decision was made to abandon this terminology and substitute the term ‘‘excised’’ because the standard definition describes cham- plevé as “having the ground engraved or cut out’ and being “inlaid in the depressions in the ground”’ (Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary). Only one variety of excised decoration, Arari Red Excised, White- retouched, has the excisions inlaid and has a consistently large propor- tion of the surface cut away. In Arari Red Excised and Arari Plain Excised, there is wide variation in the amount of excision, in some cases being confined to one or two excised lines around the vessel at the upper and lower limits of the design area, which is predom- inantly incised. For the purpose of classification, all examples with any excision were classified as excised because of the fact that the technique was the same regardless of the extent to which it was used on a single vessel. An alternative would have been to sub- divide the categories by the proportion of the surface excised, but because of the gradual and continuous variation between the two extremes, this would require constant and often subjective decisions that would inevitably differ with each classifier. By drawing the line between ‘any’ and ‘‘none,” there is no question as to how a given sherd should be classified. The validity of the inclusion of vessels with a minimum of excision in the excised type is substan- tiated by the fact that the vessel shapes are those typical of the excised rather than the incised types. 3913295728 326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 The classification of painted designs presented similar problems. A number of varieties of painting are represented on Marajoara Phase vessels, including red-on-white, black-on-white and three dif- ferent combinations of red and black on a white slip. Although a distinction between these would be desirable, this was not made because it did not seem to give reliable results. Many of the painted sherds have been subjected to considerable erosion, so that only a trace or two of the original paint remains. If this were red, it would not necessarily imply that black was not also present originally, and vice versa. To regard painting as a unit, therefore, for purposes of classification, seemed to be the only sound procedure. Even when this is done, Joanes Painted shows a significant decline in frequency during the Marajoara Phase. The classification of the decorated types that follows, therefore, has three points in its favor: 1. The limits of the types are sharply defined and unmistakable. 2. The types (with few exceptions) share characteristic design motifs and vessel shapes as well as the primary criterion of classifi- cation (slip, excision, incision, scraping, etc.). 3. The types show clearly defined trends when viewed in temporal perspective. The following descriptions of Marajoara Phase plain and decorated pottery types are based on the analysis of the sherd and vessel col- lections at the American Museum of Natural History in New York, the Peabody Museum of Harvard University in Cambridge, Mass., the University Museum in Philadelphia, Pa., the Museum of Anthro- pology in Ann Arbor, Mich., the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi in Belém, Para, Brazil, and our excavated material. The types have been given names according to the binomial system of designation, and are arranged in alphabetical order. ANAJAS DOUBLE-SLIPPED INCISED Paste: On Inajé Plain or Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details of paste and unslipped surface. SURFACE: White slip—primary slip: Color: White, occasionally fired cream or light tan. Treatment: Thick, usually well smoothed, occasionally with low luster. Smoothing tracks often remain. Fine to coarse crackle frequent on the interior. Hardness: 3. Red slip—secondary slip: Color: Cinnabar red, sometimes fired purplish brown, reddish brown or rusty red. Treatment: Very thin, smooth, sometimes with a low luster. Hardness: 3. ar ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 327 Form: Rim: Interiorly or exteriorly thickened with a rounded lip, or everted with a flat top. Body wall thickness: 6-12 mm. Base: Rounded or flat. Common vessel shapes: 1. Small, rounded bowls with rim slightly thickened on the interior, with a rounded lip. Depth, 5-9 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 7, b). Both surfaces white slipped, except the bottom of interior of some; exterior double-slipped and incised. Coils occasionally added around the maximum diameter on the exterior (fig. 114-1). 2. Bowls with flattened bottom, sides sloping outward and then upward producing slightly carinated profile, increased on one by exterior thickening. Rim everted, flat or concave topped with a rounded Liebe fapey Oo 4 #8 12CM Vessel Scale hat cad Lee contd Only 2a 3°CM Rim Scale Figure 114.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds Double-slipped Incised of the Marajoara Phase, 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 slightly thickened lip; maximum rim diameter 36cm. Both surfaces white slipped, exterior double slipped and incised (fig. 114-2). 3. Open basins with heavy, exteriorly thickened rims. The thickened rim is 5-7 cm. wide, 1.5-2.2 cm. thick; body wall thickness 0.7— 1.0 cm. White slip on both surfaces, double slip and incision on rim exterior; body exterior is Anajés White Incised or Pacoval Incised (Palmatary 1950, pl. 39, i). Two other sherds from simi- larly shaped jars have smaller rims, double slip and incision cover- ing the entire exterior. Rim diameter ranges 48—50 cm. (fig. 114-3). Rare vessel shapes: 1. Jar with a vertical neck and direct rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 10 cm. Both surfaces white-slipped, exterior is double- slipped and incised (Palmatary 1950, pl. 35, d). 2. Large jar with small, flattened bottom, globular body joining an insloping neck at the rounded shoulder, everted and exteriorly thickened rim. Vessel height is 92 cm. Neck exterior double- slipped and incised (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 96, a). 3. Globular-bodied jar with constricted mouth and exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Interior rim diameter 10 cm. Exterior is double slipped and incised. 4. Anthropomorphic jar with two faces modeled on opposite sides of a bulbous neck and separated by ears which serve for both. Vessel mouth has exteriorly thickened collarlike rim at the top of the heads; mouth diameter 4 cm. Double slipped to chin level, fine incised lines outlining the facial features; body is Pacoval Incised. Decoration (pl. 50): Technique: Slipped red over white and ornamented with incised lines 1 mm. or less in width on one-third of the examples and 2-3 mm. wide on most of the remainder, with a maximum width on one sherd of 4mm. Width is uniform on a single sherd. Lines are generally straight and deep, always cutting through the red slip and on 380 percent penetrating through the white slip to the orange paste to some extent. Motif: Anajds Double-slipped Incised is not a homogeneous unit as far as the motif is concerned. The elements and composition of each design are unique, with the exception that simple spirals appear on about 25 percent of the sherds. Other motifs include frets, ‘“‘keyholes,” scallops, and areas filled with parallel lines. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Anaj4s White Incised or Pacoval Incised may occur on the body when the double slip is confined to the rim or neck. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Restricted to the early and middle parts of the Marajoara Phase sequence. ANAJAS PLAIN INCISED PASTE AND SURFACE: On Camutins Plain or Inajé Plain, see those type descrip- tions for details of temper, firing, color, etc. Form: Rim: Usually exteriorly thickened or everted, sometimes direct. Body wall thickness: 4-15 mm.; thickness above 10 mm. is limited to large, open bowls. Base: Rounded, flat or annular. Common vessel shapes: 1. Large open bowls with rounded to slightly angular, outsloping sides a a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 329 and exteriorly thickened rim. Diameter 22-34 cm. Incision typically limited to flat or concave rim top (fig. 115-1). 2. Small bowls with rounded bottom, sides curving to a direct rim. Mouth diameter 9-16 cm. Incision on exterior (fig. 115-2). 3. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining slightly insloping walls at a rounded angle. Rim diameter 21-24 cm. Incision on wall exterior below the thickening (fig. 115-3). 4. Small jars with flattened bottom, globular body, short, vertical or concave-sided neck and everted or thickened rim. Body diameter 6.5-14.0 cm. at Pacoval, 17-26 cm. at Camutins. Incised lines on a ee ee | Op 2a SCM Rim Scole eee gaphy 29 & 0 4 8 I2CM Yessel Scale Fiaure 115.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara Phase. 330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 neck alone or neck and body; applique ribs sometimes also present (fig. 115-4; pl. 52, d-g; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 32, e, 47, d). 5. Jars with flattened bottom, globular body, constricted mouth and everted rim. Height 17-34 cm. Incision covers the upper two- thirds of the body (fig. 115-5; pl. 51, a-b; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 13, a-b). Rare vessel shapes: 1. Cylindrical jars with flat bottom, upslanting sides and exteriorly thickened rim (the same form as Arari Red Excised, common shape 6, fig. 118-6). Incision is on the exterior. 2. Jar with rounded body, short insloping peck and direct rim. Rim diameter 20-32 cm. Incision on the exterior of the body or neck. 3. Miniature jar with flat bottom, slightly irsloping sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Height 8.7 cm.; base diameter 7.8 cm. Incision covers the exterior. 4, Miniature jars with large, ‘“‘wing”’ adornos rising from the opposite sides of the shoulder (pl. 52, a-c). Incision covers the exterior. 5. Stools (pl. 83, d, f, z). 6. Figurines (pl. 79, d). DEcORATION (pl. 51, 52): Technique: Designs are executed with incisions averaging 1 mm. in width or wide incised lines averaging 2 mm. in width; the two widths of lines are almost never combined on the same vessel. Lines are typically sharply defined, but the quality of the incising and of the designs varies from exceedingly crudely done examples where the lines are crooked, unequally spaced and of unequal depth to carefully laid out designs with the lines straight, parallel and equally spaced. This well executed type of design is particularly characteristic of small jars of common shape 3. Motif: Anajds Plain Incised designs are typically composed of large areas or bands containing straight, parallel lines. The monotony may be relieved by having the lines in one sector running at right angles or diagonally to thoseintheadjacentone. Asimilar alternation in direction may occur in the bands. Incision on bowls is frequently restricted to 2-3 parallel lines on the upperrim edge. Decoration on jars may be limited toa band of vertical or horizontal, parallel lines around the neck. A more complex treatment is the division of the surface into large squares which are divided by diagonal lines into 4 triangles containing parallel lines. Occasional jars have di- agonal cross hatch. Simple, predominantly rounded spirals are also relatively frequent. Scalloped lines and concentric triangles are rarer, and rectangles, ovals and arrows are limited to one or two examples. Also rare are intricate and complex designs resembling those of excised types, but without the background cut out. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Applique ribs; stylized anthropomorphic faces with the features in low relief outlined by incised lines. Joanes Painted occurs on the interior of some bowls of common shape 1. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Examples from Pacoval are generally better done than those from the later sites. Common shape 3 shows a marked increase in size from the early to late part of the sequence. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present at all sites of the Marajoara Phase, but increases in frequency in the later ones. meee ANP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 331 ANAJAS RED INCISED PASTE AND SURFACE: On Camutins Plain or Inajé Plain; see those types for details of paste and unslipped surfaces. SLIPPED SURFACE: Color: Cinnabar red, sometimes with orange tint. Treatment: Typically thinner than the slip applied to excised surfaces and more comparable to Carmelo Red in thickness. Smooth, often with slight luster, occasionally with faint smoothing marks. Hardness: 3-4. Form: Rims: Direct, everted or exteriorly thickened with rounded lip. Body wall thickness: Typically 6-11 mm., rarely 13 mm’ Base: Rounded, flat or annular. Common vessel shapes: 1. Small bowls with rounded bottom, sides curving outward or upward to direct rim, sometimes with scattered small adornos. Rarely the rim is exteriorly thickened. Rim diameter 7-18 cm. Incision is on the exterior (fig. 116-1, pl. 53, f-h). 2. Large, open bowls with annular base, outsloping sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Rim diameter 15-28 cm. Incision usually limited to the rim top or rim exterior and both surfaces of annular base, but may cover the exterior (fig. 116—2). 3. Bowls with rounded bottom, slightly carinated walls and everted or exteriorly thickened rim. Maximum diameter, 38cm. Incision on the exterior (fig. 116-3). Eee) 0 4 8° 12 °'CcM Vessel Scale [Gare Gece OPIN 2a SGM Rim Scale Freure 116.—Rim profiles and thet tes of Anajés Red Incised, Marajoara hase. 332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 167 4. Bowls with flat bottom, vertical or outsloping sides expanding and interiorly thickened on the rim. Diameter 14-20 cm. Circum- ference may be circular or heart shaped, lip level or undulating. Incision covers the exterior (fig. 116-4). 5. Large, deep bowls with slightly outslanting sides, everted or exteriorly thickened rim, probably rounded or conoidal bottom (fig. 116-5; Meggers, 1947, pl. 2, fig. 3). 6. Jars with rounded bodies indicated by several body sherds; too small to give further details of shape. Rare vessel shapes: 1. Carinated bow] with flat, conoidal bottom, joining concave walls at a rounded angle, direct rim. Height 23.7 ecm. Incision on the exterior walls (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 23, b). 2. Miniature, oval-bodied vessel, small orifice at center of top with exteriorly thickened rim and flattened bottom. Length 7.5 cm., width 6.5 cm., height 6.5cm. Incision covers the exterior. (Shape is similar to the excised vessel illustrated in Palmatary, 1950, pl. 41, d.) 3. Shallow bowl with rounded bottom and outsloping sides, latter inset at the junction so as to leave scalloped, horizontal flange. Depth 2cm. Incision covers the exterior except on the flange. 4. Stools. Incision covers the disk. 5. Figurines. 6. Earspools (fig. 134). DECORATION (pl. 53): Technique: Red-slipped surfaces are incised with deep, sharply defined, narrow (J mm. or less in width) to wide (usually around 2 mm., occasionally 3 mm. or more) lines, typically of uniform width and depth on a single specimen. The lines are rarely straight, and often are unevenly spaced and overlap at points of intersection. One small bowl has wide lines, broken to produce dashes of irregular length in conjunction with regular incision. Broad, deep lines reveal the underlying orange or gray paste. Motif: Anaj4s Red Incised designs show no emphasis on any particular motif. On the contrary, they tend to borrow motifs from various incised styles; e. g., double-line design featuring scallops, typical of Guajara Incised, and bands or areas containing evenly spaced parallel lines, typical of Anajds Plain Incised. Other figures include steps, concentric rectangles, concentric triangles, angular or rounded spirals, and ‘“‘keyholes.” The combinations are usually simple, often leaving large unincised areas. Patterns that cover the entire surface with closely spaced, parallel lines forming angular spirals are very rare (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 35, h). ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted on some bowl interiors with small adornos on bowlrims. Anajds Red Incised may occur on a band just below the rim on cylindrical jars having Arari Red Excised or Arari Red Excised, White- Retouched on the bodies. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Decreases in frequency and disappears before the end of the Marajoara Phase. ANAJAS WHITE INCISED PASTE AND SURFACE: Majority on Inajé Plain with the rest on Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details of paste and unslipped surfaces, MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 333 EVANS] SLIPPED SURFACE: Color: White, occasionally fired cream or light orange. Treatment: Fine-textured, smooth, evenly applied, often polished producing a low luster. Hardness: 3-4. Form: Rims: Solid or hollow; exteriorly thickened, interiorly thickened or rarely direct, with a flat top or rounded top the most common. Body wall thickness: 5-12 mm. Base: Flat or rounded. Common vessel shapes: be i) Shallow bowls with rounded bottom, outslanting sides and incurving rim thickened on the interior. Body wall thickness 5-10 mm.; rim thickness 1.1—2.0 cm.; rim diameter 12-35 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 15, a, 25, b, 31, a). Incision covers interior or exterior; geo- metric adornos common on the rim; lip even or undulating (fig. 117-1, pl. 55, b). . Bowls of shape 1 but with hollow rim typically produced by looping the upper edge over into the interior, giving a contour indis- tinguishable from that of solid rims except in cross section. Body wall thickness 5-9 mm.; rim thickness 1.5-2.7 em. (fig. 117-2; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 38, g). . Bowls with sides curving upward and outward to angular junction with everted, flat-topped rim. Rim top 1.7—4.2 em. wide. Rim adornos common, especially a trianguloid type with two eyelike eminences on the horizontal surface and terminating in 1—2 round, upturned knobs (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 106, b). Incision limited to the rim top (fig. 117-8). Bowls with flat or rounded bottom, upcurving sides and direct rim with rounded or flattened lip. Body wall thickness 5-8 mm.; rim diameter 9-14cm. Rimadornosrare. Incision on exterior of wall. Rim top usually level, occasionally undulating (fig. 117-4). Bowls with flattened bottom, walls outsloping to mild carination then curving upward to an exteriorly thickened rim with rounded or angular lip. Upper wall height 3.5-6.0 cm.; rim diameter 18-30 cm.; body wall thickness 6-10 mm.; rim thickness 1.6-1.7 cm. Incision on exterior (fig. 117-5). . Flat-bottomed bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly thickened rim with rounded or angular lip. Rim diameter 10-32 cm.; body wall thickness 5-12 mm.; rim thickness 1-3 cm. Rim top is level or undulating with occasional low relief adornos; incision covers the exterior (fig. 117-6; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 17, b). . Deep, carinated jars with depressed conoidal bottom, insloping walls, and eveited, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 21-32cm. Incision on exterior, usually confined to walls; occasional small round body adornos (fig. 117-7; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 21, a-c). . Jars with bulbous or insloping neck, narrow mouth and everted or exteriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Body contours are uncertain. Typical mouth diameter on interior 2.1-6.0 cm., exterior 3-8 cm. Neck occasionally connects to the body by 4 flues instead of a single central opening (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, j and 1). Incision on exterior; rim exterior sometimes painted red (fig. 117-8). 334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Seen Oo 4 8 12CM Vessel Scale ere | OM IPs2553°CM Rim & Adorno Scale Fiaure 117.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds White Incised, Marajoara Phase. Rare vessel shapes: 1. Jars with two bulbous necks connected by a horizontal strap handle. One neck is covered over, the other has a narrow mouth (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, m). Incision covers the exterior. 2. Small, shallow bowls with rounded body and direct rim, top level or undulating. Diameter 9 cm. 3. Shallow bowls with carinated profile, walls may be nearly vertical or widely everted, rim direct or thickened. Incision on the exterior or wall interior. 4, Anthropomorphic jar with flat bottom, depressed-globular body, and a tall cylindrical neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Anthropo- morphic face in low relief on one side of the neck. Incision covers Mncannd ,ANp ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 335 the exterior. Height 21 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 25, a). This shape is typical of Arari Red Excised and Arari Red Excised, White-Retouched and is represented here by only one example. 5. Miniature jar with rounded body, insloping collar-like neck and 2 zoomorphic adornos rising fiom opposite sides on the shoulder. Diameter 8 cm., depth 7.5 cm. Incision covers the exterior. 6. Miniature cylindrical jar, flat bottom, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 4.8 cm. Incision covers the exterior. 7. Figurines (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 100, i). 8. Stools. Incision covers the disk and sometimes the exterior of the stand (pl. 83, c). DeEcoRATION (pls. 54, 55): Technique: Sharply defined, narrow, incised lines (1 mm. or less in width) on a white-slipped surface, often drawn when slip was well hardened; typically even and straight, sometimes cutting through the slip to reveal orange paste. Designs are well executed, with lines and elements evenly spaced. Fine lines are employed in four variations, the first three of which may occur alone or in combination: (1) Single, individual lines; (2) compound or double lines, composed of two fine lines running parallel, 1-2 mm. apart; (3) paired lines connected with a series of closely spaced horizontally drawn lines giving a ladderlike effect; and (4) a wide line cutting through the slip to the underlying orange paste, a rare compo- nent except in the latter part of the Phase. Used in combination with lines of type 2, type 4 produces an effect similar to that of Pacoval In- cised with a less vivid color contrast (pl. 55, a). Motif: One form or another of the spiral is the major element in almost all designs. Variations include single spirals, independent interlocking spirals (sometimes triple), interlocking spirals with inner ends joined by a short line and double interlocking spirals with ends of one pair joined. Contour is typically circular, but square, triangular, lozenge and irregular forms occur. Interlocking arms may be of the same composition or any com- bination of the three types of lines. The designs thus produced are exceedingly light and graceful, both because of the delicacy of the incised lines and because of the careful spacing and symmetry of the motifs. Other design elements include lines with small pendant ovals, stepped lines, parallel lines and frets. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted is frequent on the interiors of bowls with either solid or hollow rims. Pacoval Incised may occur on necks of com- mon vessel shape 7 jars or on the rims of bowls of common vessel shapes 1 and 2 (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 40, b, 37, b). All types of rim adornos are frequent on bowls. One stool with Anaja4s White Incised on the disk has Arari Red Excised on the exterior of the base. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Anajdés White Incised appears to exist as an important type with distinctive design motifs only in the early part of the Marajoara Phase. In the sites seriating after Pacoval, many of the designs show a close similarity to those of Pacoval Incised, differing only in that a wide, unretouched line that cuts through the white slip to reveal the underlying orange paste (technique 4) is substituted for the red-retouched line of Pacoval Incised. The relative frequency of this variety in the sherd sample is shown on table L. A similar trend is observable in Ararf White Excised (p. 348). 336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 TaBLeE L.—Temporal differences in Anajés White Incised . ‘ Decoration Technique of Incision Pacoval | Fortaleza | Camutins | Guajaré Regular incision: techniques 1-3________________________ 287 80 2 0 Technique 4, resembling Pacoval Incised___-__________- ri 9 1 1 CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Characteristic of early sites, with a sharp decline in frequency in the latter part of the Marajoara Phase sequence. ARAR{ DOUBLE-SLIPPED EXCISED PasTE: Predominantly on Inajé Plain, a few on Camutins Plain; see those types for details of temper, color, firing, etc. SURFACE: Unslipped surface—interior of jars: Color: Light orange to light tan to light brown. Treatment: Superficially smoothed, leaving uneven, rough or gritty surfaces because of the protrusion of temper grains. Hardness: 3. White slip—primary slip: Color: White, with firing variation from white to cream, salmon or light brown. Treatment: Variation from smooth and even to irregular, with prominent smoothing marks and medium crackle; exterior surface usually better smoothed than interior. Hardness: 2-4. Red slip—secondary or upper slip: Color: Deep, cinnabar red to purplish red to various shades of brown, occasionally almost black. Variation on single vessels indicates this to be the result of unequal conditions during firing. Treatment: Typically a thin film, much thinner than the underlying white slip; usually smooth, even, and occasionally slightly polished. Hardness: 2-4 on slips fired a variety of red; 5 where fired black. Form: Rim: Direct, everted or exteriorly thickened, rounded or flattened lip. Body wall thickness: 4-8 mm. on bowls, 5-11 mm. on jars. Bases: Flat, rounded or annular on bowls, flat on jars. Common vessel shapes: 1. Small, deep bowls with rounded bottom and walls curving upward to direct rim. Diameter 12.5 cm.; depth 5.5 cm. Both surfaces white slipped, exterior double slipped and excised (fig. 118-3). 2. Small, shallow bowls with rounded bottom, outcurving sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Diameter 12-17 cm.; depth 3-5 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 98, c¢ ?). Both surfaces are white slipped; exterior double slipped and excised (fig. 118-1). 3. Flat-bottomed bowls with vertical or outsloping walls, exteriorly thickened or horizontal rim. Thickening on the interior at the junction of the wall and base transforms the sharp angle to a more gradual curve. Both surfaces white slipped, exterior double slipped and excised (fig. 118-4; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 66). Macomns AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 307 a es Ont 2 3CM Rim Scale oe Uff Vessel Scale Figure 118.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Double-slipped Excised and Arari Red Excised, Marajoara Phase. 338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 4, Shallow, annular-based bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Diameter 30 cm. Both surfaces white slipped, exterior double slipped and excised (fig. 118-5; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 47, h). 5. Cylindrical or semicylindrical jars with flat bottom, vertical or slightly outslanting walls, everted or exteriorly thickened rim. Dimensions probably comparable to Arari Red Excised, common shape 6. Interior white slipped or unslipped; exterior double slipped and excised except on the bottom. (Since this pottery type is represented primarily by sherds, it is possible some may be from jars with cylindrical necks and globular bodies like Ararf Red Excised, common vessel shape 8). Rare vessel forms: 1. Rectanguloid bowls with flat bottoms, vertical sides and direct rim. Length 13-19 em.; height 4.5-10.0 em. Both surfaces are white slipped; exterior double slipped, excised on the bottom and sides, stylized anthropomorphic faces in low relief on ends, mouth toward rim (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 52, b). 2. Small jars with large “‘wing”’ adornos rising from shoulder at two opposite sides. Height 6.5 cm. Excision covers the exterior of the body (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 42, ¢). 3. “Shoe-shaped”’ vessel with a flat bottom, rounded, ovoid body and cylindrical neck rising from the top of one half. Side of neck toward end bears white-slipped anthropomorphic face in low relief; remainder of surface double slipped and excised. Height 28 cm. (Palmatary 1950, pl. 48, ¢). DECORATION (pl. 56): Technique: Slipped red over white and ornamented with a combination of incised lines and excised lines and areas. Excision typically covers 40-60 percent of the design surface, although on occasional sherds it is limited to excised lines 5-6 mm. in width dividing large rectangular or triangular areas containing incised designs. Excision is carefully and evenly done, cutting away the red slip and revealing the underlying white slip; in a few cases the white slip is also removed exposing the orange paste. The bottom of the cuts is scored horizontally to the main axis in 99 percent of the examples, leaving fine, parallel striations. Occasionally excision is so shallow that traces of the red slip remain. Technique of both excision and incision is uniformly excellent, with lines evenly spaced, straight, and sharply defined, and in general represents the acme of the excised technique. Motifs: A common component of these designs is a square containing a stylized face composed in its simplest form of two parallel lines running down the center and a small square in the middle of each half. Other typical motifs are square or rounded spirals, ovals, diamonds containing an incised cross, and lines ending in three prongs. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted may be found on the interior of open bowls and is always of high quality; rectangular bowls have low relief modeling and rounded bowls may have small rim adornos. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: An early type which declines in frequency and disappears before the end of the Marajoara Phase sequence. mncgnes. AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 339 ARARI PLAIN EXCISED PASTE AND SURFACE: On Inajé Plain or Camutins Plain, in proportions reflecting those typical of the plain wares at any particular time; see those types for de- tails of paste, temper, firing, color, and surface treatment. The decorated surfaces are considerably better smoothed than is typical of either Inaj4 or Camutins Plain. Form: Rims: Great variety of shapes, running the gamut from a direct rim with square or rounded lip to various types and degrees of exterior thickening, with a flanged lip being one of the more common. Body wall thickness: Range 6-26 mm.; thickness above 10 mm. is usually con- fined to the carination on bowls. Base: Rounded, flat or annular. Common vessel shapes: 1. Bowls with outcurving or slightly angular sides and thickened rim. Rim diameter 12-42 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 56, b, and 68, a). Excision on the exterior (fig. 119-1). Vie os if ! Se cee 3 CM Rim Scole | 4 TERS? 120M Vessel Scale Fieure 119.—Rim profiles and vessel SuSE of Arari Plain Excised, Marajoara Phase. 340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 2. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining short walls at a sharp angle, produced by marked exterior thickening. The wail is 2.3— 3.5 em. high, straight or slightly convex on the interior, concave to straight on the exterior. The rim top is flat or rounded, 5-8 mm. in width. Rim diameter may be slightly less, equal to or slightly greater than the diameter at the carination. Body wall thickness 6-8 mm.; maximum thickness at carination 1.1-2.6 cm. Rim diameter 24-62 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 68, b-c). Excision covers exterior (fig. 119-2, pl. 57, a). 3. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining concave walls at a pronounced angle. Rim direct with square or rounded lip, or everted. Wall height 5.0-8.5 cm.; wall thickness 8-10 mm.; thick- ness at carination 1.4-1.7 em.; rim diameter 24-34 cm. (Meggers, 1947, pl. 2, fig. 4). Excision covers the exterior (fig. 119-3). 4. Small, deep bow]s with rounded bottom, sides curving inward to a direct rim. Maximum height around 17 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 5, c, 46). Excision on the exterior (fig. 119-4, pl. 57, b). 5. Annular-based, open bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Rim diameter 25-33 cm. Excision on the ex- terior (fig. 119-5). Rere vessel shapes: . “Platter bowls” (See Joanes Painted common shape 8). 2. Flat-bottomed bowls with slightly outsloping sides and direct rim (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 13, d). 3. Globular-bodied jar with short vertical collar (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 41, c). . Stools (pl. 83, b, g). . Small, short-necked jars (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 20, d). . Figurines (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 4, a—b). . Miniature vessels (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 4, f; 5, e—d). —_ IDO of DECORATION (pls. 57, 58): Technique: Combination of narrow incised lines with excised areas or lines in varying proportions from a few excised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 13, d) to 75 percent of the surface removed by excision. In contrast with Arari Red Excised, the excisions are typically gouged out, rather than cut back evenly and scored. Margins of excisions range from straight and even to jagged and crooked. Floor of the excision may be deep at the center and sloping upward to the edges, deep and irregular, or relatively level, shallow and scored transversely. Incised lines are fine to 1 mm. wide, straight and even on the better-done specimens, wavering and with overlapping junctions on cruder ones. In rare cases cross hatching may be substituted for excision to produce the contrasting field. Another minor variation is the application of white to the excisions. Molif: The motifs of Ararf Plain Excised are the same as those on the other excised types, except that they tend to emphasize the less complex com- binations. Most common elements include spirals, interlocking spirals, crosses in diamonds, stepped figures, T’s, undulating lines, and concentric curvilinear or rectilinear figures. A common combination is a narrow band containing a line undulating between the two margins and having the semicircular areas between the loops filled with T or stepped figures. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Occasional bowls with Ararf Plain Excised decoration on the exterior have Joanes Painted designs on the interior. ea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 341 TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Although the gouging out of the excised area is always the typical! technique of decoration, a comparison of workmanship at Pacoval (American Museum of Natural History Collection) with that at Camutins (J-15, Mound 1) and Guajar4 (J-—14, Mound 1) shows that gouging out becomes increasingly predominant with the passage of time. The relative frequency of the techniques is shown on table M. TaBLeE M.—Temporal differences in Arari Plain Excised decoration Technique of excision Pacoval Camutins and Guajar4 Number | Percent | Number | Percent 30 71.5 46 92 Goaped outitrst 22-29 Ges eee ee A eee Boe Evenlyicutiback.and scored... 2-2 ss ee 11 26. 2 3 6 Retvouched withtwhitees sc ee eos = tee one ee eee kee oe 1 2°53 1 4 CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Marajoara Phase with increasing frequency. ARAR{L RED EXCISED Paste: On either Inaj4 Plain or Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details of temper, color, firing, etc. SURFACE: Unslipped surface: Coler: Light orange, orange-brown, light brown to light tan. Treatment: Smoothed; brushmarks, coarse crackle and slight irregulari- ties often remain; occasionally well smoothed with a low luster. Hardness: 3-4. Red slip: Color: Typically cinnabar red to dark red, occasionally fired brownish- rust or blackish. Treatment: Thin and evenly applied, fine texture, smooth and polished, often with low luster. Smoothing tracks sometimes visible. Hardness: Typically 3-4. Rare examples attain a hardness of 5. Form: Rim: Direct or everted with rounded, pointed, or flattened lip; exteriorly thickened with a coil added slightly below the rim top giving a flanged effect. Body wall thickness: 5-10 mm. Bases: Rounded, flat or annular. Common vessel shapes: 1. Shallow bowls with rounded bottom and outcurving sides, exteriorly thickened, rounded or flat-topped rim. Circumference is usually circular but occasionally D-shaped. Rim diameter 10-28 cm. A decorative coil with scalloped border is sometimes added around the circumference just below the rim edge (e. g., Palmatary, 1950, pl. 98, e). Small asymmetrically placed rim adornos are also typ- icai. Excision covers the exterior (fig. 118-1). 2. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining concave, vertical or slightly outsloping sides at an obtuse angle, less pronounced than that on similar bowls of Ararf Plain Excised because of the absence of exterior thickening at the carination. Upper wall slightly everted and terminating in a direct, rounded or pointed lip. Wall 3913829—57——24 342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 height 7-12 cm.; rim diameter 24-27 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 56, a). Excision on the exterior wall, occasionally also covering the bottom of the exterior (fig. 118-2). 3. Small, deep bowls with rounded bottom and outcurving sides, ex- teriorly thickened, rounded or flat-topped rim. Circumference is usually circular but occasionally D-shaped. Rim diameter 10-28 cm. A decorative coil with scalloped border is sometimes added around the circumference just below the rim edge. Small asymmetrically placed rim adornos are also typical. Excision covers the exterior (fig. 118-3). 4. Flat-bottomed bowls with vertical or slightly outslanting sides, ex- teriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Occasionally the rim is direct. Rim diameter 23-30 cm.; wall thickness 8 mm. Thick- ening on the interior at the junction of the wall and base transforms the otherwise sharp angle to a curve. Excision on exterior of sides (fig. 118-4; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 31, e). 5. Annular-based, open bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Rim diameter 25-33 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 67, b). Excision covers the exterior (fig. 118-5, pl. 60, a). 6. Cylindrical or semicylindrical jars with flat bottom and vertical or slightly outslanting walls, everted or exteriorly thickened rim. Height 20-35 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 30, b). Excision covers the exterior of the walls, frequently beginning 2-4 cm. below the upper rim edge leaving a band with incised and low-relief orna- ment (fig. 112-6, pl. 60, b). 7 Jars with flattened bottoms, rounded body, insloping neck and everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 22-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 59, b). Excision is limited to the exterior of the neck, the body being white-slipped and painted (fig. 118-7, pl. 62, a). 8. Jars with flat bottoms, globular bodies, short vertical necks and widely everted rims with exterior thickening. Height, about 22-50 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 60, 61, 63, b). Stylized anthropomorphic faces often occupy two opposite sides of the neck; body exterior covered with complex excision and often adorned with applique saurian motif (fig. 118-8, pls. 61, a—b, 62, b). Rare vessel shapes: 1. Anthropomorphic jars with flattened, conical base, sides curving upward and inward and then reexpanding to simulate a head, at the top of which is the everted rim. The expanded area bears a conventionalized anthropomorphic face on one side. No anatomi- cal details are present or the body, which is covered with a complex excised design. This form is typical of Pacoval Incised and is represented in this type by only one vessel whose height is 56 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 51, d). 2. Jars with flattened bottom, globular or depressed-globular body, cylindrical neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Excision covers the exterior. These are much more common in Arari Red Excised, White-retouched (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 65, e). 3. Jars with fiat conical base, sides sloping outward to maximum diameter about one-third of the distance from the bottom, then inward to just below the everted rim. Excision on the exterior. This form is typical of Pacoval Incised and occurs here exceedingly rarely (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 26, b). MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 343 EVANS] 4. Stools. Excision covers the disk top and occasionally the exterior of the base (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 25, c, 83, e, h). 5. Miniature ovoid or teardrop-shaped jars. Height 6.5-8.0 cm.; diameter 5.5-6.0 cm. Excision covers the exterior (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 42, b). 6. Miniature rounded bowls with incurving, direct rim. Depth 5 cm. Excision covers the exterior. 7. Miniature jars with large ‘‘wing”’ adornos rising from opposite sides of the shoulder. Excision covers the exterior of the body (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 43, a). 8. Miniature turtle-effigy vessels, produced by adding stylized head to one side of the body or rim of the small bowl which serves as a carapace. Diameter 8-10 cm. 9. Shallow, oval vessels or spoons with perforated stem issuing from one end. Length, 6-11 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 42, e). Excision covers the exterior. 10. ‘‘Platter-bowls’”’ (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 55, b). 11. Figurines. Excision covers the body (Palmatary 1950, pl. 47, a). DeEcoRATION (pls. 59-62): Technique: Broad or narrow incised lines are combined with excised lines and areas in varying proportions of incision to excision on a red-slipped surface. Some vessels have a predominantly incised design with only a trace of excision; from this there is a continuous range to the opposite extreme where 80 percent of the original surface has been removed. The excision cuts through the red slip to expose the underlying orange paste. In contrast with Arari Plain Excised, the excised areas are typically evenly cut back and scored by brushing them from side to side. Depth varies from only enough to remove the red slip to about 1 mm. Rare sherds have cross hatch in place of excision. The associated incised lines tend to be narrow when the amount of excision is limited or the vessel is small, and wide (1-2 mm.) when the degree of excision is extremely high. Both the lines and the boundaries of the excisions are straight, sharply defined and carefully executed. Motif: The most frequently employed motif is a stepped figure, which may be used alone as on the walls of carinated bowls, or in combination with undulating lines and other figures. The exteriors of small, shallow bowls are usually divided into halves or quarters, filled with stepped figures or spirals. On larger surfaces these elements may be used in conjunction with undulating lines, ovals or concentric ovals containing a double crossed line, T’s, interlocking or squared or rounded spirals, parallel straight lines, and other less-readily described elements. Although the exterior of a large jar may present the effect of symmetry, close examination shows that there is often considerable variation, but the pattern is so skillfully laid out that this is obscured by the balance of the total design. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Shallow, open bowls, platter bowls, and annular-based bowls may have Joanes Painted decoration on the interior. Jars of common vessel shape 8, with excision limited to the neck, have Joanes Painted on the exterior of the body. Modeling is common, in the form of geometric, anthro- pomorphic and zoomorphic rim adornos, and less frequently body adornos. An exceedingly rare combination is with Pacoval Incised, which appears on and just below the rim of cylindrical jars. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Ararf Red Excised shows a decline in the technical skill with which the design is executed, a careless gouging out of 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 the excisions replacing the earlier predominantly careful workmanship. This is readily perceived in a comparison of specimens from Pacoval (American Museum of Natural History collection) with later examples from Camutins (J-15, Mound 1) and Guajard (J—14, Mound 1): TaBLeE N.—Temporal differences in Arart Red Excised decoration Technique Pacoval Camutins and Guajaré Number | Percent | Number | Percent Evenly cut backiand: scored 5225 45=* 2 25cm eee ee 21 LEAT 7 38.8 Gouged |OUE! Sacer ee ae rae ras re ere ee 4 14.8 ll 61. 2 Oross Hatched: ess Oe ese Pe Pea a ee ret Re ee 2 7.5 0 CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Maximum popularity in early sites, with a subsequent decline in frequency throughout the Marajoara Phase. ARARI RED EXCISED, WHITE-RETOUCHED Paste: Predominantly on Inaj4 Plain with the remainder on Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details of temper, firing, color, ete. SURFACE: Unslipped surface: Color: Light orange to tan to rusty brown to gray brown, with the first two the most frequent. Treatment: Smoothed, frequently leaving irregularities and smoothing marks; temper grains occasionally protrude. Hardness: 3-4. Red slip: Color: Cinnabar red to dark red. Treatment: Thin, fine textured, smooth and sometimes polished; smooth- ing marks rare. Hardness: 3-4. Form: Rim: Exteriorly thickened in a variety of ways; rarely direct. Body wall thickness: 6-14 mm. Base: Flat or rounded on bowls, flat on jars. Common vessel shapes: 1. Shallow bowls, flattened or rounded bottom, outsloping sides and ex- teriorly thickened rim with rounded lip (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 50, b, 98, b and f). Diameter 10-36 em. (fig. 120-1). 2. Flat-bottomed bowls with almost vertical or outsloping sides and exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Sometimes the rim is exaggerated to a broad, horizontal rim. The excision covers the exterior of the sides and occasionally the bottom. Diameter 7-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 48, b). Rim may have adornos (fig. 120-2). 3. Rounded bowls with incurving, direct rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter, 10-20 cm. Excision covers the exterior (fig. 120-3). 4. Round-bodied bowls or jars with short collar, direct rim and rounded or flattened lip. Mouth diameter 20-30 em. (fig. 120-4; Palma- tary, 1950, pl. 64). 5. Deep bowls or jars with flattened, conoidal bottom, slightly outslant- ing sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Height 15-30 cm. (Pal- aecenes xD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 345 RA oats en [SS ag SSS fe) Ive *3"6M Rim Scale SSSseake Oo 4 8 126M Vessel Scale Figure 120.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Red Excised, White- retouched, Marajoara Phase. matary, 1950, pl. 62, b). Excision covers the exterior walls (fig. 120-5). 6. Cylindrical or semicylindrical jars of the same type as common vessel shape 7 of Ararf Red Excised. Height 13-39 cm. (Palmatary, 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 1950, pls. 44, a—b, 57, b, 58). Two adornos are often attached at the top to opposite sides of the rim and below to the body, making a loop handle, with the outer surface often modeled as an anthro- pomorphic face (Meggers, 1947, pl. 1, fig. 2). A variant is an exceedingly tall and slender cylindrical jar with a flat bottom and widely everted, exteriorly thickened rim with a height of 37-59 cm. Excision covers the exterior of the body; low-relief, stylized faces are on opposite sides of an expanded area below the rim; relief saurian motif may appear on the body (fig. 120-6; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 49, 57, a). 7. Jars with flat bottom, globular or depressed-globular body, tall cylindrical or insloping neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Height 27-42 cm. Excision covers the exterior, which typically also bears saurian motif (fig. 120-7; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 19, c; 51, a; 53, a; 54, a). Rare vessel shapes: 1. Carinated jar with rounded or flattened bottom, slightly inslanting walls and everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 20-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 63, a). 2. Anthropomorphic jar with flat conoidal bottom, convex sides, hori- zontal shoulder from which issues a short, everted neck with exte- riorly thickened rim. Anthropomorphiec face on neck, features in low relief; excision covers the body (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 92, a). 3. Shoe-shaped vessel, flat bottom, ovoid body with mouth and exteriorly thickened rim occupying one end of the top. The “‘toe’’ covered with relief modeling; ‘‘heel’’ excised. Height 6 em. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 48, d). 4, Jars with flat bottom, tall, conoidal body, rounded shoulder (neck and rim missing) with a body height of 59 em. Excision covers the exterior (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 23, c). DEcoRATION (pl. 63): Technique: This type is characterized by the combination of incised lines and excised lines and areas in approximately equal proportions on a red- slipped surface, with the excisions evenly cut back to a depth of about 1 mm., scored transversely and covered with a thick, white paint. The bond with the excised surface is usually poor and the white tends to chip off readily. A typical example has the incised lines and excisions straight, even, sharply defined and regularly spaced and the white retouch is care- fully applied. On some the white is smeared beyond the excision and onto the adjacent red-slipped surface. Some are so shallowly excised as to leave small patches of red in the excised areas. Incised lines are occasionally crooked, with overshot corners. Motif: Squared or rounded spirals and ovals are the most frequent, each diversified in a multiplicity of ways; T’s, undulating lines, stepped figures, pronged lines, and other geometrical figures are also employed. The two opposite sides of jar bodies often feature a low-relief saurain figure with sprawling legs, the excision filling in around and between them. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted on bowl interiors; Pacoval Incised on jar rims (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 39, k); relief modeling on bowl and jar rims and jar bodies; Anaj4s White Incised on horizontal rim top of bowls. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Most frequent at early sites, but present throughout the Marajoara Phase sequence. loko gale ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 347 ARAR{ WHITE EXCISED This pottery type appears to be an experimental variety at the sites represented in the analysis. All of the vessel shapes and most of the design elements are more characteristic of Arar{f Plain Excised or Arari Red Excised, except for those deco- rated in the red-retouch style, in which case the affinity is with shapes and motifs of Pacoval Incised. However, it was set up as a type rather than left unclassified because it represents a unique combination of white slipping with excision and because it may prove to be more popular at some other site in the future. PASTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACE: Usually on Inajé Plain, occasionally on Camutins Plain; see those types for details of paste and unslipped surfaces. SLIPPED SURFACE: White slip: Color: White, sometimes cream to tan from firing differences. Treatment: Uneroded examples are fine-textured, evenly applied, smooth and have a low luster. Occasional crackle lines. Most commonly applied to the exterior surface. Hardness: 2-3. Form: Rim: Thickened on exterior or interior, rounded or flattened lip. Body wall thickness: 5-11 mm. Bases: Rounded on bowls, flat on jars. Vessel shapes (except for shape 1, these are represented by a single sherd for each shape): 1. Shallow, open bowls with rounded bottom, outflaring sides turning upward at the rim, which is thickened on the interior. Excision is on exterior, beginning at the upper rim edge; low round bosses are a typical component (Meggers, 1947, pl. 2, fig. 1). 2. Bowl with outsloping sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Excision on the exterior beginning’ below the rim thickening. Diameter 20-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 16, e). 3. Carinated bowl with round bottom and short walls, joined at a sharp angle which is produced by a marked exterior thickening. Wall, 3.2 cm. high, straight on the interior and slightly concave on the exterior. Wall thickness, 8 mm. at the flat rim top and body wall 18 mm. thick at the carination. (Cf. common vessel shape 2 of Arari Plain Excised.) 4. Bowl with flat bottom and vertical sides. Excision covers the ex- terior (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 37, h). 5. Cylindrical jar with flat bottom, anthropomorphic adorno below the rim. DECORATION: Technique: White-slipped surface ornamented with a combination of incised and excised lines or areas, used intermingled or to cover alternating panels. Excision is typically shallow, but generally removes the white slip and re- veals the orange paste. It may be or may not be scored. In rare cases the scoring is done without prior excision. Incised lines are fine to 2 mm. in width. Motif: Spirals, ovals, parallel alternating excised and incised lines are most common. Motifs and combinations are less complex than Arari Red Excised and more comparable to Ararf Plain Excised. Many of the designs are those of Pacoval Incised, in which excision has replaced red- retouching to produce a contrast with the white slip. 348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Occasional adornos. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Pacoval is the only site where this type has any motif which can be called characteristically its own, although even here more than 40 percent of the designs are in the Pacoval Incised style, in which small triangles and squares at the junctions of the lines have been excised instead of colored red, with the cross inside a diamond the most common motif. At Fortaleza, Ararf White Excised declines in frequency and the majority of the examples are in the Pacoval Incised style: TaBLE O.—Temporal differences in Arart White Excised decoration Camutins Design Pacoval Fortaleza and Guajara Resulanexcised style. <4! -- 3-5-2 O so UE i eee 20 1 0 Pacoval incised styles sss >- 20. 8s nee ee eee eee 15 5 0 CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Arari White Excised is most frequent in the early part of the sequence and is absent at the end of the Marajoara Phase. CAMUTINS PLAIN PASTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling; coils 2-8 cm. wide visible on some large jars with incompletely smoothed surfaces. Temper: Ground sherd, with many particles quite large, ranging 1-5 mm. Texture: Very porous, with temper poorly mixed; temper particles easily rubbed out of matrix on a fresh break. Very irregular and angular cleav- age due to coarse temper; easy to break and very crumbly. Dull, heavy thud when dropped together. Color: Uniformly orange or reddish-orange. Firing: Completely oxidized; weakness of ware in part the result of ‘‘burnt- out” condition. SURFACE: Color: Typically a bright, tile orange; both surfaces may range from light orange to brilliant orange to reddish orange. Interiors of a few sherds have a light-grayish hue. Treatment: Exterior typically left rough and coarse textured, with wide finger-smoothing marks parallel to the rim. Numerous pits and protrud- ing temper grains contribute to the general unevenness and grittiness of the surface. Interior of bowls was often slipped with a thick layer of the same clay as the paste after the surface had been scraped or smoothed. Interiors of these sherds are sometimes slick and all are smoothed, though a few remain somewhat uneven. Crackle common on the interior and sometimes occurs on the exterior. Hardness: 2-3. Form: Rims: Typically everted and exteriorly thickened, with one common form of bowl having a direct or slightly interiorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Some rims have geometric, anthropomorphic or zoomorphic adornos or are ornamented by nubbins, scalloped lips, appliques with incisions in the form of crosses and nicks (pls. 64, 65). me ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 349 Body wall thickness: Large vessels range 10-25 mm. with the majority 15 mm.; smaller vessels range 4-10 mm., majority 6-7 mm. Bases: Majority flattened in one of two ways: (1) Flat base, sometimes thickened slightly, with the side walls attached at a prominent 45-degree angle (this type is the most common variety), and (2) thickened (1-3 cm.) base rising vertically 1-2 cm. on the exterior before joining the body wall, producing a slight pedestal. Diameters of both varieties range 10-20 cm., with the majority 12-14cm. A few bases are rounded, and those of stools, pot stands and “‘platter-bowls” are annular. Common vessel shapes: 1. Large, deep bowls with flat bottom, outcurving and upcurving sides, ending in a direct, vertical or slightly incurving rim. Maximum diameter 24-26 cm.; mouth diameter 24-32 cm. with the majority 30 cm.; depth 12-16 cm. Majority of sherds from J—15 habitation mounds are of this type (fig. 121-1). 2. Deep, basinlike carinated bowls with small flat bottom, sides outslop- ing to carination, then more vertical to everted, exteriorly thick- ened rim. Junction varies from pronounced carination to barely perceptible change in direction. Rim diameter 30-70 cm.; total depth 15-30 cm.; upper wall height 8-20 cm.; base diameter 8-17 em. (fig. 121-2; pl. 67, c; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 9, b—d). 3. Bowls with rounded body, outcurving sides, and exteriorly thickened rim; bottom is typically rounded and occasionally flat. Rim di- ameter 16-40 cm. (fig. 121-3). 4. Flat-bottomed bowls with outslanting sides, everted or exteriorly thickened rim. The rim is frequently ornamented with three large, heavy (usually solid), equally spaced, anthropomorphic, zoomorphic or geometric adornos (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 7, a and ¢c; pl. 102, a~b, d-e; and Meggers, 1947, pl. 3, fig. 1-3). Depth of bowl 4-9 cm.; exterior rim diameter usually 16-25 cm., rarely 30—44 em. Height of adornos 5-11 em (fig. 121-4; pls. 68, 69). 5. Carinated jars with flattened, conoidal base, vertical or slightly in- sloping sides and slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height, 24—43 cm.; rim diameter 20—34 cm. (fig. 122-5; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 10, c-d, 11, a-b). Sometimes with applique spiral (op. cit., pl. 12 g, and i). 6. Jars with rounded body, flat bottom and everted, slightly thickened rim, square or rounded lip. Rim diameter 16-36 em. (fig. 122-6). Small jars with flat bottom, rounded body merging into insloping neck, everted rim. Mouth diameter 13-24 cm. (Meggers, 1947, pl. 1, fig. 1). Occasional vertical handles (fig. 122-7). 8. Large jars with rounded bottom or small flat, pedestal base, walls curving outward to maximum diameter about one-third the dis- tance from the base then sloping inward to join the everted, ex- teriorly thickened rim. Height 80-90 cm.; rim diameter 54-76 em. (fig. 122-8). 9. Large jars with small, flat bottom, sides outcurving to a maximum diameter of 70 cm. about one-third the distance above the base, then slightly inward, joining a short, vertical neck at the rounded shoulder. The rim is everted and exteriorly thickened. The body height 62-64 em.; neck height about 15 em.; rim diameter 32-54 em. (fig. 122-9). ex 350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Vessel! Scale o | 2@ 36M Rim @ Adorno Scale Fiaure 121.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain bowls, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46). Less common forms: 1. Narrow-necked jars with flat, conoidal base, globular body and slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 34-39 cm.; rim diameter 10-14 em. (fig. 123-1; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 11, c, 12, d). fy _ 2, Jars with flattened bottom, sides sloping outward to maximum diam- ase Coane _ . eter, then inward to constricted mouth with a collarlike, exteriorly thickened rim. Two small loop handles often occupy opposite MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 351 Litiity 0 4 6 126M Vessela 5-7 Figure 122.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inaja Plain jars, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46). sides of the rim. Height, 10-20 cm.; diameter of orifice 1.7—4.0 cm. (fig. 123-2; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 11, e). 3. Flat-bottomed bowls with outslanting sides, direct rim and flat lip. Interior smooth, exterior with two coil lines, indicating construc- tion with three wide, flat coils. Four, approximately equally spaced, ringlike depressions on the exterior with corresponding projections on the interior along the middle coil. Height 7.5-12.0 em.; rim diameter 10—22 em.; diameter of depressions 4.5—6.0 em.; depression depth 0.5-1.0 cm. (fig. 123-3). 4. Bowls with flat bottom merging into rounded sides and incurving, direct rim with rounded or flattened lip. Rim diameter 10-17 cm. (fig. 123-4, pl. 66, c). Cylindrical pot stands with insloping sides and everted rim, open at the bottom and top. Height 15-20 cm.; diameter at the top 8-16 em. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 8, a). Sometimes ornamented with small rim adornos or geometric wall perforations (fig. 123-5). 6. ‘‘Platter-bowls” (cf. Joanes Painted, common vessel shape 8, fig. 123-6). 7. Stools (fig. 123-7; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 25, d). or 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 pee ea) Oo 4 86 12 CM Vessel Scale both o 1 2 3CM Rim Scole Figure 123.—Less common rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inaja4 Plain, Marajoara Phase. =i anna ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 353 8. Funnels. Small, carinated bowls with an open bottom, rounded lip at bottom and top. Diameter of bottom opening 5-10cm. Max- imum body diameter, 13-34 cm. (fig. 123-8). 9. Figurines. 10. Miniature bowls. 11. Spoons. Miniature, circular or oval bowls with perforated projec- tion at one end. Maximum diameter 3.2-6.5 cm.; depth 2-4 em. (pl. 81). Appendages: Nubbins or small appliques may be placed on the body wall or onrims. Handles in the form of loops, oval or round in cross section, with one end attached to the rim and the other to the shoulder are found on small jars. Points of attachment are widened out but well tapered and graceful. Length ranges from small loops 3-5 cm. long up to 8-10 cm. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 45). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Replaces Inaj4 Plain as the dominant plain pottery type in the latter part of the Marajoara Phase sequence. CARMELO RED PASTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACE: On Inaj4 Plain or Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details of temper, color, firing and the unslipped surface. SLIPPED SURFACE: Red Slip: Color: Cinnabar red to deep red, occasionally orange red. Treatment: Thin, often closer to a wash than a slip and reflecting the contour of the underlying surface, which is smooth and even on bowl interiors and irregular on the exterior of vertical-walled vessels. Hardness: 3. Form: Rim: Exteriorly thickened, direct, or broad, nearly horizontal and flat- topped with rounded lip. Body wall thickness: 5-13 mm. Bases: Probably flat. Vessel shapes: 1. Large bowls with outflaring sides, often slightly thickened on the in- terior for several centimeters below the rim, rounded and level or undulating lip. Rim diameter 20-32 cm. Interior and rim top red slipped (fig. 124-1). 2. Bowls with mildly carinated walls and broad, everted rim with sloping top and flattened lip. Exterior rim diameter, 22-29 cm;. width of rim top 3.5 cm. Red slipped on the interior or exterior or both (fig. 124-2). 3. Jars with insloping upper wall and everted or exteriorly thickened rim (based on rim sherds only). Rim diameter 22-40 cm.; red slipped on top and exterior (fig. 124-3). 4. “Platter-bowls” (see common vessel shape 8 of Joanes Painted). 5. Tangas (pl. 82, d, e). Decoration: Red coloring, applied to one or more surfaces, is the only ornamen- tation except for an occasional undulating rim edge or applique rib. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: None. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Carmelo Red shows a slight increase in frequency during the Marajoara, Phase sequence. 354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Et Lt a Pa t_] O 4 8 12 CM Vessel Scale [Pi ea On | (2s CM Rim Scale Figure 124.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carmelo Red, Marajoara Phase. mesaeesr est ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 355 GOIAP{ SCRAPED PasTE AND SURFACE: On Inajé and Camutins Plain; at J-15—-Camutins scraping is used predominantly on Camutins Plain, but usually of better quality than the general run of that plain ware, while about 40 percent are on Inaj4 Plain. See those type descriptions for details of temper, firing, color, undecorated surface, etc. Form: Rim: All jar rims are everted and thickened on the exterior, with a rounded or flattened lip. The thickening may be gradual, forming a uniform curve, or abrupt and angular. One bowl rim is unthickened and flattened on the top. Body wall thickness: Range 4-7 mm.; majority 4-5 mm. Bases: One complete specimen from Fortaleza (University Museum, Pennsyl- vania, SA1870) has a small flat bottom. Since the typical shape is similar to jars of Guajar4 Incised, the bases were probably within the range of rounded or slightly flattened represented in that type. Vessel shape: 1. About 90 percent of the rim sherds represent a form that has a con- tinuous variation, produced principally by widening of the neck, between a globular-bodied jar with a short, vertical neck and a slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim and a deep bowl with a flattened bottom, sides that curve or slant outward to the maximum body diameter and then constrict slightly below the everted rim (fig. 125-1; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 9,a). At the jar end of the range, the exterior rim diameter is 18-20 cm. and at the bowl end, 30 cm. or more. Scraping is typically confined to a band immediately below the rim, corresponding to the neck. 2. Only 2 rim sherds were from bowls, one rounded and the other with a slightly everted rim. Diameter 15 and 24 cm. (fig. 125-2). DEcORATION (pl. 70): Technique: There was a wide variation in the tools used to produce the parallel striations classified here as “‘scraping’’, so that there is pronounced lack of uniformity from one example to another in the width and clarity (Cnr jit POs OF IP ea 1SiCM Oo 4 8 12CM Rim Scale Vessel Scale Figure 125.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Goiapi Scraped, Marajoara Phase. 356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 of the marks. This type does not include those Camutins Plain and Inaj& Plain bowls that have broad horizontal smoothing marks on the exterior, but is confined to those instances where scraping was applied as decoration after the smoothing was completed. The marks are of two major varieties: (1) Shallow lines made with a tool that left faint, fine striations in the groove, which ranges from 2.5-5.0 mm. in width but has small variation on a single specimen; and (2) sharply defined grooves, 1-4 mm. wide and lacking the striations in the trough. The tool used to make the lines was usually single-edged, each line made separately. This results in nonuniformity not only in spacing but also in the width of the lines, which vary with the angle of the tool to the surface. In some specimens the lines are so uniformly parallel and so close together that a comblike tool must have been used, making several lines simultaneously. The surface of the trough of the scrapings varies from even and slick to rough because of the temper particles dragged out and left adhering to the surface. Motif: The predominant and almost exclusive use of scraping was to orna- ment the neck of otherwise plain vessels. The lines were made by dragging the tool vertically beginning just below the rim and stopping at the junction with the body or, where this is not pronounced, above the region of maxi- mum diameter. In some instances, this scraped band has the lines running horizontally, in which case additional scraping is often applied to the body, running diagonally or nearly perpendicularly to that on the neck. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: This type of scraping appears on the necks of some jars with Anajds Plain Incised or Guajard Incised decoration on the bodies (Palma- tary, 1950, pl. 32, d and e). TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Marajoara Phase sequence in increasing frequency. GUAJARA INCISED Paste: Typically on Camutins Plain, occasional examples from lower levels of the sequence on Inajd Plain; see those type descriptions for details of temper, firing and color. SURFACE: Color: Tan, light-orange or red-orange, often with blackened, fire-clouded areas. Treatment: Both surfaces often well smoothed, particularly on smaller vessels; in other cases the decorated surface is smoothed but may remain somewhat uneven. Hardness: 2.5-3. Form: Rim: Typically outflaring and exteriorly thickened with rounded, blunt- pointed or angular lip. Some bowls have direct or expanding, rounded or flat-topped rim. Body wall thickness: Typically 6-9 mm. Rare small vessels have walls 3.5- 4.0 mm. thick. Bases: Rounded or slightly flattened. Common vessel shapes: 1. Small jars with bases flattened sufficiently to prevent tipping, globular bodies, vertical or insloping necks and everted rims. There are two size ranges: maximum body diameter 6-11 em. and 20-45 cm. The height of the smaller group is 6.5-8.5 cm.; that of the larger ok ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 357 is not exactly determinable because of the lack of complete speci- mens. The larger jars have an exterior rim diameter of 20-30 cm, Decoration may cover the body or be limited to a band extending one-half to two-thirds of the distance below the junction of neck and body. The neck is almost invariably ornamented with con- tiguous vertical (rarely horizontal) incised lines or scrapings (fig. 126-1, pl. 71, 7). 2. Small bowls with rounded body, slightly constricted mouth and everted rim. Body diameter is 6.7-11.0 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 4, e). Incision on the exterior (fig. 126-2, pl. 71, h, 7). SY LS cod A Oo 4 8 |12CM Vessel Scale ee epee OF lees GM Rim Scale Fieure 126.—Rim profiles and ve shapes of Guajaré Incised, Marajoara hase. 391329—57——25 358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 3. Shallow bowls with upcurving sides increasing in thickness toward the direct rim with rounded or flat lip. Rim diameter 12-16 cm. Decoration covers the exterior (fig. 126-3). 4, Carinated bowls, with the rounded bottom joining almost vertical sides at a rounded angle. The rim is slightly everted and exteriorly thickened with a rounded lip. Rim diameter is 20-26cm. The decoration is limited to exterior of vertical wall (fig. 126-4). 5. Stools. Concave disk top 22 cm. in diameter; stool height 5 cm. Decoration covers the disk top. Rare vessel shapes: 1. A jar in the form of two superimposed jars, one small jar resting in the mouth of another of similar shape but slightly larger (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 11, d). Decoration covers the exterior. 2. Miniature oval-bodied vessel with a short, constricted oval neck and everted rim. Ends flattened, with nubbin projecting from center of each. Length 10 cm., height 6.8 cm. Exterior decorated with undulating, triple incised lines. DEcoRATION (pl. 71): Technique: The design is drawn with a double-pointed tool, which produces two evenly-parallel lines; a rare variation has a triple line. Within the type these vary from 0.5-2.0 mm. apart, representing variation in the dimensions of the tool point. On a single example, done with a single tool, the spacing is uniform. Incisions shallow, 0.5 mm or less in depth; width generally 1 mm., rarely 2 mm. The double lines are usually straight, although a series of double lines is not always evenly spaced. Motif: The most outstanding characteristic of these designs is their repetition ; a simple combination of straight and curved lines will form a continuous pattern over the entire decorated surface. A typical example is based on diagonally drawn lines producing a band of diamonds with their interiors filled by one long and two short lines drawn vertically and on triangles filled with similar lines drawn horizontally. One of the most frequent motifs is the scallop, used as the upper border, just below the neck, or as the basis for the whole design, dividing it into semicircular and angular fields. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Additional ornamentation may appear on Guajard Incised vessels in the form of vertical applique ribs on the body, small nubbins on the exterior rim edge, and scraping on the neck exterior. Of these, scraping is by far the most common and the applique ribs rare and early, perhaps con- fined to Pacoval. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: The most important temporal dis- tinctions are in vessel size and ‘in the application of the design. The later jars are considerably larger than the earlier ones, and more equal spacing of the parallel lines and a closer and more consistent approximation to true parallelism are characteristic of the earlier designs. The small jars are more typical of Pacoval and Fortaleza, while the larger variety are more common from Camutins. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Marajoara Phase with an increase in popularity from the early to late part of the sequence. INAJA PLAIN PASTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling, coils 2-5 cm. wide, visible on some large, poorly smoothed jars. Temper: Ground sherd, very angular and often coarse, particles attaining 5 mm. in diameter. ma ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 359 Texture: Very porous with temper poorly distributed. Poor mixture makes a granular, irregular cleavage plane. Tensile strength better than Camu- tins Plain. Sherds have a metallic ring when dropped together. Color: Cross section always has some gray core, ranging from a thin line, 1-2 mm. wide, to 90 percent of the total cross section. Steel gray the most typical color. Type set up as distinct from Camutins Plain on the basis of this difference in core color, Firing: Incompletely oxidized. SURFACE: Color: Exterior and Interior—Range from a light orange to dull tan to grayish tan to grayish orange to grayish red-orange. Majority of sherds have a grayish hue. Treatment: All details of surface porosity, water bubbles, and texture indicate the pottery was handled when extremely wet. Crackle lines begin around the prominent temper particles and although found on both surfaces are more common on the interior. Exterior rough, coarse and irregular with finger tracks visible on over 50 percent of the sherds. Interior of bowls floated or slipped with same clay as paste and smoothed, generally leaving smoothing tracks. Hardness: 3-3.5. Form: All vessel shapes, rims, bases, appendages, dimensions, etc. are identical to Camutins Plain. See that type for profiles, vessel shapes, and descriptive details (also figs. 121-123; pls. 64; 65; 66, a, b, d; 67, b; 68, 69). TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 46). CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: This is the dominant plain ware in the early Marajoara, Phase and declines in frequency as Camutins Plain increases. JOANES PAINTED PASTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACES: Details of temper, firing, color, surface treatment of the unslipped surfaces correspond to Inaj4 Plain and Camutins Plain; see those types for descriptive details. SLIPPED SURFACE: White slip: Color: Typically white; firing variations include cream, light orange, light tan and bluish white. Treatment: On bowl interiors, typically smooth, even and polished, often producing a slight luster. Somewhat unevenly applied on jar exteriors. Ranges from a thin film to 1 mm. in thickness. Hardness: 3-4. Form: Rim: Predominantly exteriorly thickened or direct; interiorly thickened on some shallow bowls; hollow on some bowls with Pacoval Incised or Anajds White Incised exteriors. Body wall thickness: Range from 4 mm. on miniature bowls to 17 mm. on the bodies of large jars Bases: Flat, rounded, annular or annular pedestal. Common vessel shapes: 1. Shallow, open bowls with rounded bottom, outcurving sides, ex- teriorly thickened rim. A thickened coil often added 1 cm. below the lip gives a flanged effect. Rim diameter 8-38 cm. Circum- ference may be circular (typical), ovoid or D-shaped. Those decorated with Pacoval Incised or Anaj4s White Incised on ex- 360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Sees Oo 4 8 126M Vessel Scale i: Oo 8 16 24 CM Vessels 10 B14 YA o 4! 2 3M Rim Scole Figure 127.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, table 47). MEGGERS AND EVANS] 10. 11. 12. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 361 terior may have hollow rims. Painting covers the interior (fig. 127-1). . Bowls with slightly rounded bottom, nearly vertical sides and exteriorly thickened or everted rim with a flat lip. Diameter 15-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 15, b; 71, d; 72, a). Painting on the interior or exterior (fig. 127-2). . Bowls with rounded or flattened bottom, angular profile and exte- riorly thickened rim with flat or rounded lip. Ina few the rim is slightly everted rather than thickened. Diameter typically 26-34 cm., occasionally 38-52 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 72, b-c; 78, b). Painting on interior or exterior (fig. 127-3). . Carinated bowls with flat or rounded bottom, lower sides outcurving or outslanting to join upper, vertical or insloping walls at marked carination; direct rim with flat or rounded lip. Upper wall comprises one-half to two-thirds of the total height. Diameter 16-24 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 76,dandf;77,aandc). Painting on interior and upper exterior (fig. 127-4). . Carinated, sometimes rounded, bowls with tall, annular, pedestal base, vertical to outslanting upper wall, everted or exteriorly thickened rim with rounded or flat lip. Mouth diameter 16-30 em. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 76, b-c; 79, a-b). Interior painted; exterior plain or painted (fig. 127-5). . Rounded bowls with outcurving to nearly vertical sides, direct rim with flat or rounded lip. Diameter, 10-38 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 32, b; 69, f-g; 82, e). Exterior and interior painted (fig. 127-6). . Bowls with rounded bottom, sides incurving to direct or slightly interiorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Diameter 10-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 69, g; 71, e). Exterior and interior painted (fig. 127-7). . “Platter-bowls” with flaring annular base, deep bowllike center inserted into the middle of a broad platter, producing a wide, troughlike, lateral extension terminating in an exteriorly thickened, often flanged, rim. Circumference circular or squared. Rim diameter, 25-45 cm.; central bowl diameter 5-16 em. (approxi- mately one-fourth to one-third of the total diameter). (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 80 a-d, 81a.) Interior painted. These vessels were used as burial-urn covers at Pacoval and Ilha dos Bichos (fig. 127-8). . Small jars with flattened bottom, rounded body and short, vertical, direct rim with a rounded lip. Height 6-15 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 73, a-b). Exterior painted (fig. 127-9, pl. 67, a). Jars with flat bottom, rounded body, pronounced shoulder, insloping neck and everted or exteriorly thickened rim. Height 20-80 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 82 a-b, 83 a, 84b,97a). Painting covers the exterior (fig. 127-10, pl. 73, a, c). Jars with fiat bottom, globular body, pronounced shoulder, outslop- ing neck and everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 30-40 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 86, a-b; 87, a). A rare variation has a carinated body (op. cit., pl. 78, a). Low relief, paired eye motifs on opposite side of neck are typical. Painting covers exterior (fig. 127-11, pl. 73, 6). Jars with flat bottom, outsloping sides, rounded shoulder, short vertical neck, and direct rim. Height 22-32 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 77, b). Painting on exterior, lower limit marked by 362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 slight ridge around the exterior about one-quarter the distance above the base (fig. 127-12). 13. Jars with flat bottom, upcurving sides, rounded shoulder, short vertical neck and everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 22-28 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 85, a). Painting covers the exterior, sometimes absent on the neck (fig. 127-13, pls. 73, d, ay). 14. Funerary jars with small, flat base, globular to ovoid body, rounded shoulder, vertical or insloping neck and widely everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 30-95 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 88, 89, 93, 94, 95). A rare variation has a flat, horizontal shoulder. Painting covers the exterior. Stylized anthropomorphic faces modeled on two opposite sides of neck; small, grotesque or anthro- pomorphic figures in the round between the ears (pl. 74, a-b); body painting typically includes stylized arms, hands and fingers (fig. 127-14; pls. 75, b, 76, a-b). 15. Anthropomorphic figurines. Height 6-24 em. (pl. 79, a-c, e; Palma- tary, 1950, pls. 47, b-c; 100, b-d; 101, a-d). 16. Tangas (pl. 82, a-b; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 102, f-k, 103, 104). Rare vessel shapes: 1. Carinated bowl, rounded bottom, slightly outslanting sides, hori- zontal rim with rounded lip. Painted interior of bowls of Arari Red Excised, White-Retouch common vessel shape 1. 2. Small, open bow! with outcurving sides, direct rim, with a coil added around the exterior generally about 1 cm. below the rim top, producing a decorative, often scalloped flange. Painted interior of occasional bowls of Arari Red Excised, common shape 4. 3. Shallow, open bowl with annular base and exteriorly thickened rim. Painted interior of occasional bowls of Arari Red Excised, common shape 6. 4. Mildly carinated bowl. Painted interiors of occasional bowls of Anajdés White Incised, rare vessel shape 2. 5. Carinated bowls. Painted interiors of bowls of Pacoval Incised, common vessel shape 4. . Stools (pl. 84, a). . Miniature bowls. . Globular bodied jars with small mouth and everted rim. Height 17-32 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 85, b). 9. Cylindroid jars with flat or conoidal bottom, vertical or slightly insloping sides, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 17-52 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 32, e; 69, e; 87, b). 10. Double or multiple bowls (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 70, d; 74, a-b). 11. Anthropomorphic vessels (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 75, b). DercoraTIon (pls. 72-76): Technique: I. Red or black paint on a white-slipped surface. The color of the red paint may vary from red to rust, orange brown, dark reddish brown, or even dark brown because of uneven firing conditions or because of difference in the thickness of the paint, giving it greater or less trans- parency. At the darker end of the range, red-painted designs are not distinguishable from those originally painted black. On the other hand, the use of a true black pigment is attested by the presence of polychrome designs using both red and black. Black-on-white is con- CO NI o> a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 363 siderably less frequent than Red-on-white; however both color com- binations occur on bowls and jars. In all painted vessels, the paint has a dull finish that contrasts sharply with the surface of the under- lying white slip when the latter is well polished. Painting is em- ployed in the following variations: A. Lines: 1. Wide, solid and dotted lines, width 2-5 mm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 31, b, 69, a: Red-on-white). Used on bowl in- teriors, the exterior being Pacoval Incised or, rarely, Anajdés White Incised. 2. Wide and narrow lines. In this and other categories using wide and narrow lines, the actual width is related to vessel size (i. e., the narrow lines on large vessels may exceed the width of wide lines on small vessels). Interior of bowls; exterior may be painted, incised or excised. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 38, c: Black-on-white). B. Lines and solid areas: 1. Narrow and wide lines and solid areas, the narrow lines being typically in pairs (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 82, b; 86, b: Red-on-white; pls. 81, a, 82, a: Black-on-white). Interior of bowls or exterior of jars; bowl exteriors may be plain or excised. 2. Narrow or wide lines and hatched areas. Interior of bowls; exterior may be plain, painted or excised (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 77, c; 70, £; 99, a and c: Red-on-white; pl. 69, e: Black-on-white). 3. Wide lines and solid areas. Interior or exterior of bowls (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 32, ec: Red-on-white). II. Polychrome designs combining 2 colors (red and black or red and orange) on a white-slipped surface. Most frequently these are a shade of red and one of black. In the ease of filled red lines (type C), the colors are red or brown and light orange. The colors are combined in 3 ways to produce a 2-color design on a white background: A. Red lines accented with black. The skeleton of the design is drawn in red, after which pendant dots, corner “reinforce- ments” and the centers of small rectangles, triangles, or crosses are painted black. This type appears to be restricted to Pacoval and is‘infrequent there (fig. 128, a—c). B. Independent use of red and black, with lines or areas of one color separated from those of the other color by an unpainted zone (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 32, f; 71, b, e-f; 93). Thisis by far the most frequent variety and occurs on both bowls and jars (fig. 128, d-f). C. Filled red lines. The design is drawn in paired, narrow, red or brown lines and the area between them is painted a light orange or red (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, c). Restricted to bowl interiors and to tangas (fig. 129, a-e). Motif: The same motifs are used in all the varieties of Joanes Painted in about the same relative frequency. Spirals are exceedingly common, principally the single variety, and are usually rounded or square. Inter- locking spirals are somewhat less abundant. Also exceedingly common is a T or L (half-T), always representing an unpainted area produced by painting a stepped outline on the interior of a triangle or small field of 364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 167 BLACK OR BROWN Figure 128.—Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase. a-c, Polychrome Type A. d-f, Polychrome Type B. another shape. Small, pendant dots along narrow lines are another popu- lar motif. Other elements include undulating lines (often in combination with T’s. and like them representing the white, unpainted background rather than a painted line), stylized faces (most typical on tangas), tri- angles, rectangles, crosses, diamonds and short wavy lines. The bodies of large burial urns often include an exotically stylized face along with geometric elements. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Anajds Red Incised, Anajés White Incised, Arar{f Plain Excised, Arar{f Red Excised, Arari Red Excised White-Retouched, Arari Double- Slipped Excised, and Pacoval Incised. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Red-on-white Variety A—1 and Poly- chrome Variety A are early, being found only at Pacoval. No trends are evident stratigraphically in vessel shape (Appendix, table 47). MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 365 EVANS] CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Joanes Painted as a whole shows a slight decline in popularity, although it is always by far the most frequent method of decoration in the Marajoara Phase. RED OR BROWN LIGHT ORANGE OR RED Figure 129.—Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase. a-~e, Polychrome Type C. 366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 PACOVAL INCISED PasTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACE: Predominantly on Inaja Plain, occasionally on Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details of temper, firing, surface finish, etc. SLIPPED SURFACE: White Slip: Color: White; irregular firing sometimes gives a cream or orange tint. Treatment: Fine, smooth on bowl interiors, sometimes showing faint luster. On bowl and jar exteriors smoothing tends to be less perfect, leaving smoothing tracks and some unevenness. Hardness: 3-5. Form: Rim: Solid or hollow, exteriorly or interiorly thickened, rounded or flattened at different angles producing a faceted lip. Body wall thickness: 4-12 mm. The entire range is represented in all vessel shapes. Bases: Rounded or flat. Common vessel shapes: 1. Shallow, open bowls with flattened bottom, outflaring sides and hollow rim produced by folding the upper edge toward the interior or by the addition of a flattened coil on the interior, changing the angle of the interior wall so that in some cases it becomes almost vertical. Thickness of hollow rim 1.5-3.0 em.; body wall thickness 5-9 mm.; maximum diameter 55 cm.; maximum depth 9 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 38, a; 39, j). Incised design covers interior or exterior (fig. 130-1). 2. Shallow, open bowls with flattened or rounded bottom and interiorly thickened, solid rim, usually indistinguishable from shape | rims except in cross section. Lip typically rounded, rarely flattened. Rim thickness 1.2-2.0 em.; body wall thickness 5-12 mm.; maximum diameter 44 cm. Incised design covers exterior and interior (fig. 130-2). 3. Shallow, open bowls with rounded or flattened bottom and exteriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Diameter 24—44 em. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 24, b-c). Incised design covers interior, occasionally also the upper part of exterior (fig. 130-3). 4, Bowls with flat bottom, outslanting sides and exteriorly thickened rim, sometimes slightly everted with rounded or bifurcated lip. Rim thickness 1.4—1.8 ecm.; body wall thickness 6-10 mm.; rim diameter 10-29 cm.; depth 5-12 cm.; base diameter 12-16 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 28, f; 48, a). Incised design covers the exterior (fig. 180-4). 5. Carinated bowls, the upper walls joining the lower ones so as to produce a marked change in direction, but usually with a more rounded and less pronounced angle than on Arari Plain Excised because of the outward slant of the upper walls and the lack of exterior thickening at the carination. Rim exteriorly thickened with a rounded lip; bottom flattened. Rim thickness 1.2-2.2 em.; body wall thickness 4-12 mm.; rim diameter 25-50 cm.; upper wall height 6-12 cm. Incised design covers the exterior wall (fig. 180-5). Bracees AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 367 Tai eee oO 4 8 l12GM Vessel Scale Figure 130.—Rim profiles and vessel ae of Pacoval Incised bowls, Marajoara hase. 368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 6. Bowls with rounded bottoms, curved sides and broad, horizontal rim 2.2-3.7 cm. wide across the flat top. Diameter 22-34 em. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 37, c; 38, j). The red-retouched design is usually confined to the flat rim top; rarely, also found on the exterior (fig. 130-6). 7. Deep, carinated bowls or jars with truncated conoidal bottom, vertical, slightly concave wall and exteriorly thickened, everted rim with a rounded or angular lip. Wall height comprises about two-thirds the total height, which is 29-33 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 33, a-b). Incised design covers the exterior of the wall (fig. 131-7). 8. Jars with flattened bottom, depressed-globular body and tall neck terminating in a slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded or angular lip. Height 33-46 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 18, a and c; 33, e). Design covers the exterior (fig. 131-8, pl. 78, b). 9. Jars with flat bottom, sides outsloping to maximum diameter about one-third of the distance from base and then insloping to the exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded or angular lip. Height 30-60 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 22, a and d; 29, a-d, 33, e—d). Incised design covers the insloping walls on the exterior (fig. 131-9). ones ! 2 36M Rim Scole Clas Bay 4 8 12M Vessel Scale Figure 131.—Rim profiles and meee shapes of Pacoval Incised jars, Marajoara hase. A a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 369 10. Globular bodied jars with constricted mouth and exteriorly thick- ened rim, These are often asymmetrical with the bottom slightly flattened off-center. Height 22-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 18, b and d; 82,c). Incised design covers the exterior (fig. 131-10, ple Cone). 11. Anthropomorphic jars with truncated conoidal base, walls insloping or recurved to neck, then expanding to form the head at top of which is jar mouth with an everted rim. Stylized anthropomorphic facial features; anatomical details on the body absent or suggested by low relief, nubbins, or small bosses. Height 36-77 cm. (Palma- tary, 1950, pls. 19, e; 23, d; 30, a; 34). Incised design covers the exterior. A less-common variety has a flat bottom and a cylin- drical or rounded body with slightly more anatomical detail. One example has the arms modeled in the round and raised to the mouth. Sexisfemale. Two of this type from Pacoval are 22 and 35 cm. tall (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 27, a—b; fig. 131-11, pl. 78, a). Rare vessel forms; 1. Jars with flat bottom, four-lobed body, short, vertical or anthropo- morphic neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Height 20-55 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 18, e; 19, b and d; 28,k). Neck Pacoval Incised with body Anajis White Incised. When the neck is not anthropomorphic, two opposite lobes of the body bear vertical applique strips flanked by two nubbins. 2. Bottles with a narrow mouth 4.5-5.5 em. in external diameter, a short bulbous upper section separated by a necklike constriction from the large body. No complete vessel of this type exists, but several sherds from Pacoval represent the upper part. Height from the neck constriction to the rim top is 8.3 em. Similarly shaped jars with the bulbous upper part connected to the main body by four independent flues come from Teso do Severino (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, i and j). Incised design on exterior. . Stools (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, g). . Bird effigy (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, d). . Complex jar composed of 4 figurines with intertwined arms, with a flat bottom and a bottle type neck (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 26, a). Decoration (pls. 77, 78): Technique: Diagnostic feature is the presence of incised lines that have been colored or “retouched” with red. Lines so treated are typically wide (1-3 mm.) and sharply defined. In a rare variation, the red line is formed by applying the pigment between two closely parallel, narrow incised lines. The design may be composed of (1) exclusively red-retouched lines, (2) red-retouched lines and broad, usually triangular or rectangular areas painted red, or (3) broad, red-retouched lines and fine, unretouched lines, which are sharply defined and occasionally cut through the slip to the underlying orange surface. The fine, parallel lines are not always evenly spaced and may be broken where one stroke ended and another was begun carelessly so as to overlap rather than join the end of the one previously completed. Similar overshooting is also occasionally present at corners. The red- retouching was done with a thick, cinnabar-red pigment and was frequently applied either carelessly or with too wide a brush so that the red line overlaps the edge of the incision. Rare examples have a dark-brown or black instead of a red-retouch, but at least in the case of the dark brown or CO 370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 this could be the result of a firing difference. Red-touched lines and areas and unretouched lines are used in the following combinations: 1. Retouched lines alone (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 37, b—-c). On jar or bowl rims or to outline anthropomorphic features on jars and figurines (pl. 77, 3, rim; 78, @). 2. Retouched lines and retouched areas filled with lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 19, d; 28, k; 38, f). Jar necks and bowl exteriors (pl. 78, b). 3. Retouched lines alternating with single, paired or triple narrow incised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 24, b and ¢; 32, a; 37, e). Interior or exterior of bowls. 4, Retouched lines and areas alternating with single, paired or triple, narrow incised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 18, a-d; 23, e-f; 29, a—d; 33, a-b; 33, d-e). Typical on jar exteriors (pls. 77, e, 78, c). 5. Alternation of paired, narrow incised lines, sometimes also ovals and triangles, the space between them painted red, and single, paired or triple, narrow incised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 24, a; 35, a). On bowl interiors and rims (pl. 77, a-b, f). 6. Broad, single, retouched lines dividing large rectangular or irregularly shaped fields filled with complex arrangements of narrow incised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 39, j; 48,a). Exterior of shallow bowls (pl. 77, 9). Motif: The majority of the designs on bowls incorporate an interlocking spiral, one member of which is a red-retouched line and the other a single, paired or triple, narrow incised line. Commonly associated with this is a pair of interdigitating lines, composed of a red-retouched line with four short, vertical projections that fit between a similar number of corresponding projections from a paired, narrow, unretouched line. Predominant on jar exteriors is a continuous series of angular, generally _/ -shaped fields, formed by single, paired or triple, narrow incised lines and containing a single, red-retouched line with various numbers of tri- angular appendages. This red-retouched line may be widened so as to cover half the surface of the field it occupies. ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Pacoval Incised may be used in conjunction with one or more of the following decorative types: Joanes Painted, Anajaés White Incised, Arari Red Excised White-retouch, and small adornos. When com- bined with Joanes Painted, the latter technique is used on the interior of bowls with Pacoval Incised occupying the rim or exterior, or both. Anajds White Incised may be found on the exterior of bowls or the body of jars with Pacoval Incised on the remaining surfaces. Association with Arari Red Excised, White-retouch is rare, limited to a few instances of Pacoval Incised designs just below the rim of a semicylindrical Ararf Red Excised, White-retouched jar. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Red-retouching of lines to produce a color contrast with the white slip is an early technique in the Marajoara Phase which dies out after Fortaleza site and is absent during the latter part of the Phase sequence. UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED There are very few decorated sherds from the Marajoara Phase that cannot be classified readily into one of the decorated types if alteration of surface color by accidental firing differences is taken into account. Those left in this residue are all varieties of punctate, often combined with incised lines. All but one has an unslipped surface. oa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 341 PUNCTATE: 1. Wedge-shaped punctates forming straight lines. The motif consists of concentric squares with the area between them divided by diagonal lines into fields filled with parallel punctated lines (similar to Anajas Plain Incised on pl. 52, g). Upper exterior of small six-sided jar with rounded bottom, constricted mouth, evertedrim. Height 7.5 cm., max- imum body diameter 10.5 cm., mouth diameter 7.0 cm. 2. Rows of round punctates following lightly incised guide lines. Division into areas, in each of which the lines are parallel to each other but diag- onal to those in the adjacent area. Exterior of a sherd from the shoulder of a small jar. PUNCTATE AND INCISION: 1. Single, double or triple incised lines separating irregularly shaped areas in the manner often employed in Pacoval Incised, with these areas filled by oblong or wedge-shaped punctates, 2-3 mm. long. Exterior of a miniature jar with a flat bottom, rounded body and slightly everted rim. 2. Broad, parallel incised lines alternating with a row of dotted lines, formed by elongated, dashlike punctates. Neck exterior of a small jar with a slightly flattened bottom, rounded body and everted rim; height 7.5 cm., diameter 4.8 cm. 3. Narrow, parallel incised lines in threes separated by irregular rows of elongated punctates. Red-slipped exterior of small, heart-shaped bowl with flat bottom, vertical sides and rim slightly thickened on the exterior. Rim diameter 14.0 by 16.2 cm.; depth 6.0 cm. CERAMIC AND NONCERAMIC ARTIFACTS Since only durable materials like stone and pottery are preserved in a tropical forest environment, it is fortunate that the Marajoara occasionally used pottery for other things than containers. Marajé Island produces no stone suitable for axes or ornaments, and such material had to be acquired from elsewhere. Stone artifacts are rare in refuse deposits, probably because, being scarce, care was taken not to lose them. As most of the forest-dwelling South Ameri- can groups have done in more recent times, it is probable that the Marajoara exploited the plant and animal resources to provide them- selves with ornaments of odd seeds and brilliant feathers. The occasional ear plugs or labrets of pottery are drab to the eye of the archeologist, and must have been so to the makers as well, although the latter apparently devoted no effort to making them more attrac- tive with painted or excised designs. In the descriptions of artifacts that follow, stone and ceramic objects of the same type have been described together because what was made is of more significance than the material used. Although the total is small and gives only a glimpse of Marajoara Phase mate- rial culture, what has survived is sufficiently unique to make this complex readily distinguishable should it ever be found elsewhere in South America in the future. 872 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167 Azxes.—A number of people have reported finding stone axes in Marajoara Phase sites. One of the earliest is Derby (1879, p. 227), who describes them as diorite, well polished, and not distinctive in shape, and says they are uncommon. Netto collected a number from Pacoval, which he specified in one place as 10 to 12 (1885, p. 445) and in another as “some 20” (op. cit., p. 270). He adds that “Sr. Rumbelsperger, who foliowed me a year later, also found no inconsiderable number of them” (op. cit., p. 445). Lange later included “a quantity of stone axes and various diorite implements” in his collection from the same mound (1914, p. 322). Farabee’s field notes (1914) on the Fortaleza group mention a stone ax from Mound 4, 2 from Mound 7, trench 4, and a small one of quartz from Mound 7, trench 6. An ax from Cajueiros and a broken specimen from Sanhardo are recorded as having been pre- sented to the Museu Paraense by the Bardo de Marajé (1895, p. 88). A fragment was found at Pacoval do Cururé by Nimuendaji (Rydén, MS.). The only specific information on size or shape comes from Bar- bosa Rodrigues (1876-78, fig. 57), who illustrates two examples. One is a fragment, for which the provenience is simply ‘“Marajé Island.” The other, from an unspecified mound, is polished diorite, somewhat asymmetrical, with a rounded butt, flattened blade, and notched sides. Our investigations produced three axes, one each from the surface collections at J-15, Camutins, Mound 1, and J—14, Mound 1, Guajar4, and one associated with an upper burial (jar A) in cut 1 of the latter cemetery. The two surface specimens are miniatures and may be similar to the “little axes’ Ferreira Penna found at Pacoval and Santa Izabel (1879 a, pp. 53-54). The one from Guajaré (fig. 132, b) is of gneiss, well-shaped but not polished except adjacent to the bit. It is 4.6 cm. long, 3.2 em. wide at the blade and 1.6 cm. thick. The sides taper slightly to the rounded butt, and the blade is sharp and nicked in the center. The Camutins miniature (fig. 132, a) is of greenish diorite and is almost square: 3.5 cm. long by 3.8 cm. wide, with a maximum thickness of 1.8 cm. The surfaces are well pol- ished, sloping toward the blade and sides in three facets that join at pronounced angles. The butt and one of the edges are battered as though the implement had been extensively used as a hammer in spite of its smallness and lightness. The blade is considerably nicked from use. ~ The ax found outside the base of burial jar A (J-14, Mound 1, cut 1) is somewhat larger and has a rounded and polished, blunt blade of the type used for preparing bast fibers (fig. 133). The blade is convex, the sides straight and slightly tapering to the butt, which is concave and the only unpolished part of the implement. The surfaces are smooth and unworn except for a chip at one edge. 373 ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON MEGGERS AND EVANS] b, J-14, a, J-15, Mound 1. Figure 132.—Marajoara Phase miniature axes. Mound 1. 391329—57——26 374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 FiaurE 133.—Marajoara Phase stone ax from J—14 ,Mound 1, cut 1. Length is 5.5 cm., maximum width 4.7 cm. and thickness at the butt 2cm. The material is diorite, dark gray to gray green in surface color. Highly polished axes of green diorite or nephrite are mentioned by Holdridge (1939, p. 75) as coming from the mounds. A specimen from Laranjeiras, in the Museu Goeldi, is 9.5 cm. long and 4.3 cm. wide, with straight, flat sides, a square butt, and a well-sharpened bit. Thickness is 2.2 cm. The surfaces are polished, but all the the flaws have not been removed, and the butt is rough. The stone is light green with iron impurities. Beads.—Very few objects that can be identified with certainty as beads have come from Marajoara sites. The only authenticated find is a recent one in which 65 cylindrical beads of a white stone with dark-brownish veins (nephrite?) were discovered in a burial urn in a cemetery on the upper Camutins. These are drilled from both ends toward the middle, making V-shaped holes joined at the small end (Hilbert, pers. commun.). Thirty-eight animal teeth, perforated for stringing on a necklace, were found by Mordini in one of the upper levels of his cut at Panellas (Palmatary, 1950, p. 279). Earplugs—Ornaments of this sort are rare, but a few have been recorded. Two small spools are in the Peabody Museum, Harvard University collection from Pacoval (fig. 134, b). Both have short, constricted shafts and expanded, concave ends, one of which is of less diameter than the other. They are circular, but otherwise crude and rough. The first has an orange paste with a trace of white slip and a fine hole pierced through the center. It is 1.3 cm. thick, 1.5 cm. in diameter on one surface, and 1.7 cm. in diameter on the other. inagies | ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 375 The second is Inajé Plain with a blackish surface; 1.2 cm. thick, 1.6 and 1.8 cm. in diameter on the disks. A similar specimen is in the University Museum, Philadelphia, collection from Camutins. It is 3 cm. in diameter and has smooth and polished surfaces. An exam- ple (fig. 134, a) from the surface collection of Camutins, Mound 1, is comparable in all respects, except that it is 2.5 cm. in diameter and slightly more ornate, having a red slip and two parallel, finely incised lines on the flanges. There is a perforation through the center that may have been used to insert a feather or a tassel. The ears of anthropomorphic jar L of J—14, Guajard, cut 1, con- tain ornaments in the lobe that appear to be earplugs of this type (pl. 76; fig. 147, a). They bear a painted design on the surface and have a pendant tassel. Figurines.—Stylized anthropomorphic figurines, in a complete or fragmentary condition, are relatively common in the refuse on ceme- tery mounds. The majority are small, although some are 25 cm. or more in height (Nordenskidld, 1930, frontispiece). They may be unslipped, red slipped or white slipped, and undecorated, incised, excised, or painted. Painting is most frequent, either red-on-white or polychrome, in an all-over design that emphasizes the low relief arms and other anatomical characteristics when present. The arms are often absent or abbreviated and the figure is typically rendered seated, with the legs and body forming a U-shaped base. The legs or knees are rounded at the end and may have toes at their base. Breasts and sexual organs are sometimes shown, and where sex is (Le | CM Figure 134.— Marajoara Phase pottery ear plugs. a, J-15, Mound 1. 6b, Pacoval. 376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 indicated, it is to the authors’ knowledge invariably female. The shape of the head is stylized in two basic ways: (1) sloping back from the forehead and up from the occipital area to form a pointed top (pl. 79, 6), and (2) cylindrical with a rounded top, a high forehead and two horizontal protuberances at the back that probably represent the hairdress (pl. 79, c, e). Netto (1885) illustrates a large series of the first type, and suggests that the distortion of the skull shape is evidence of the practice of cranial deformation. The presence of a deformed skull in one of the urns from J—14, Mound 1, Guajaraé (p. 273) lends support to this interpretation. Facial features follow a standard method of representation: the eyebrows are joined to the nose in a Y or T and may continue around and down the side to form the ear; the eyes are low relief, either pinched up or appliqued, as is the mouth. The features are generally outlined by painted lines or, when decoration is incision, by incised ones. The majority of the figurines are hollow and many contain small pellets that make them rattle. Their restriction to cemeteries is an indication that they held some ceremonial significance. Two small figurines were collected at the Camutins cemetery (J-15, Md. 1) by the 1949 expedition. One (pl. 79, 6) is somewhat pear- shaped, with a constriction just above the middle dividing the body from the head. Except that the body slopes outward in front in two low bosses, there is little relief indication of anatomical details. The face is well-modeled, with low protuberances for eyes and mouth, higher ones for nose and ears, and a high-peaked headdress with a horizontal perforation thru the tip, perhaps for suspension of the figurine with a cord. The surface is completely covered with a white sip. The eyes, nose, and mouth are outlined conventionally with black paint, which is also used to execute a simple design on the body and to depict the arms. The hair at the sides is black and the painted line extends over the ears. A red line runs from the forehead over the top of the headdress and down the back, where it joins a solidly painted red area at the back of the head. The bottom of the figurine is also painted red. Height is 9.7 cm., base 6.2 (front-back) by 4.5cm. It is heavy and probably solid construction. The caboclo who found it said it was with a burial urn. The second figurine (pl. 79, a) was found on the surface near the top of the east end of J-15, Mound 1. It is the same height as the one just described, but different in execution and has a number of small pellets inside it that produce a loud rattle when it is shaken. The head, once again, is large in proportion to the body, and on top of it is a headdress that looks something like a modern lady’s “‘pill- box”? hat. The body increases in diameter from the neck to the base, to which the outturned legs give a semicircular outline, flat a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 377 in front. The arms are raised to the sides of the head, and one joins the body noticeably higher than the other. The surface has suffered from exposure, but there is no indication that the facial features were ever as prominent as in the first figurine. Except on the bottom, the surface is white-slipped and painted with a pre- dominantly rectilinear design in red. Height is 9 cm., base 7.2 (side- side) by 5.4 cm. A corner of the headdress is broken off, showing the paste to be dark gray. TE GE GN | P= A 8 Z : mn | eM 4 nit\ . b Figure 135.—Marajoara Phase pottery labrets from J—15, Mound 1, surface. Reconstruction is based on a complete stone specimen from Panellas. Labrets—There are three objects, two from the surface of J—15, Camutins, Mound 1, and one from Panellas, that may have been labrets. The Panellas example is the only complete one, and also the only one of stone. It is translucent, gray-green nephrite and divided into two unequal parts. The longer one is a concave-sided cylinder, expanding toward both ends. Issuing from the greater ex- pansion is a slender projection with a rounded tip (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 105, k and p. 280). One of the ceramic specimens (fig. 135, a) has an identically shaped base and shows a break where the slender “point” is attached on the Panellas one. The existing part is 3.5 em. long, 1.8 cm. in diameter at the large end, and 1.5 cm. at the 378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 small end. The surface is light-gray, well smoothed, and ornamented with paired incised lines at the region of greatest diameter. The other specimen from Camutins, Mound 1 (fig. 135, 6) is con- siderably larger and had no projection from the wide end. The sides flare out to the base, which is 2.6 cm. in diameter. The opposite end, which is wider, has been broken off. The surface has been super- ficially smoothed, and remains uneven but not rough. Length is 4.1 cm. The manner of breakage indicates that the flanges were modeled with additional clay on a basic cylinder. Spindle whorls —Cylindrical to round ceramic objects, some closely resembling the spindle whorls from Colombia, have been found from time to time, notably at Pacoval. The majority are crude, but a few are well made and carefully decorated. All have lengthwise per- forations through the center. Of 15 examples in the American Museum of Natural History collection from Pacoval, 11 are solid and cylindrical with straight or slightly concave sides (fig. 136, c-e, pl. 80, d-f). Length varies from 3.5 to 5.3 cm. and diameter from 3 to 4.2 cm. Four of these have incised decoration and one has crudely ap- plied, applique bands. The remaining 4 are hollow and have the maximum diameter at the center, from which they taper toward both ends. This type is more carefully made than the solid ones and is decorated with delicate, incised lines (fig. 136, f-g; pl. 80, a-c). Length is from 3.7 to 5.4 cm. and diameter 3.5 to 5.0 cm. Two have small pellets inside, producing a rattle. A similar object, found by Hartt at Pacoval (1871, fig. 72, h, and p. 270), is 5.7 cm. long and incised. in the paired-line style identified with Guajar4 Incised. Two of the concave-sided, cylindrical type, one plain and one with incised dec- oration, are in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, collection from Pacoval (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 105, 1 and m). Another type of spindle whorl is in the shape of a flat disk. Hartt describes one of these from Pacoval made from a sherd: It has a diameter of 8 cm. and appears to be made of the flat bottom of a broken vessel, reworked to give its present form and perforated after the clay was fired and probably after the vessel to which it belonged was broken. The outline is not a perfect circle and the hole slants a little. [Hartt, 1885, p. 59 and fig. 12.] One surface is ornamented with an incised, interlocking spiral. Farabee (1921, p. 148) says he found only one object in all his ex- cavations that was identifiable as a spindle whorl. He probably refers to a specimen now in the University Museum, Philadelphia, collec- tion listed as from Camutins: a flat disk with smoothed but undeco- rated surfaces, a flat edge, and a hole pierced approximately through the center (pl. 80, g). The diameter is 5.2 cm. His field notes on the Fortaleza group, howeyer, also mention a whorl fragment from ail ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 379 cee (oe Ee 4 ‘fl CQ Pith awe (QUEL 11900)9 29222 Fieure 136.—Marajoara Phase pottery spindle whorls. a, J-15, Mound 1: b, J-14, Mound 1. c-g, Pacoval. 380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULt. 167 trench 5, Mound 7 (the cemetery). A similar specimen, found by us on the surface of J-15, Camutins, Mound 1 (fig. 136, a), is 5.8 em. in diameter and 1.4 cm. thick at the center, tapering down toward the edge. The surface collection at J-14, Mound 1 (Guajar4) produced a spindle whorl 5.4 cm. in diameter, but considerably thicker than the examples just described, measuring 2.3 cm. at the center and 1 cm. at the flattened edge (fig. 136, 6). The upper surface is ornamented with an overall application of fine, irregularly spaced punctates. The hole in the center is 1 cm. in diameter and was punched through from the ornamented side leaving a pronounced ridge around the exit on the opposite face. The paste is hard, compact Inaja Plain. Also from Guajaraé are the only examples of clay with cord impres- sion recorded from Marajoara sites (pl. 80, h-j). They consist of lumps of clay 2.0 to 2.5 cm. thick, with a slight curvature. Two of the three are smooth on the interior surface and two narrow abruptly at one edge to 7 mm. Junius Bird, American Museum of Natural History, examined the cord impressions and reported: Plasticene imprints . . . show what I believe is nothing more than a cord wrapping done while the clay was still damp. It certainly is not the impression of basketry or matting, nor do I think it possible to duplicate such markings with a cord-wrapped paddle. On the specimen where the impressions are spaced, the cord was slightly over 2 mm. in diameter, was of 2-ply construction, S spun and Z doubled, with three twists per 2 cms. Between the cord impressions, the clay was extruded and slightly smoothed off. The other specimen shows the cord impressions in contact with each other except at one place where they cut deeply into the soft clay. In that instance the cord is again 2-ply, S spun and Z doubled, with five twists per 3 cm. On one side the cord seems to have been over narrow leaves and failed to leave any impression on the clay. [Pers. corres., 1949.] Spoons.—There exist in the museum collections a number of objects of consistent shape and small size that may have been spoons or dip- pers (pl. 81). They are oval to circular, with a short stem at one end, which is pierced with a small hole. This hole is fine, but ex- periment showed it to be sufficiently large for the insertion of a stick strong enough to function as the handle of a spoon. Use as a pipe seems ruled out by the attachment of the stem at or just below the rim in all but two examples, which would be at or above the tobacco level and thus prevent a satisfactory draw. In the 12 specimens in the American Museum of Natural History collection from Pacoval, the bowl ranges from 3.2 to 6.5 cm. in length and from 2 to 4 cm. m depth. ‘Iwo have a crudely incised design, one is ornamented with a zigzag applique strip, and the remainder are plain. Of the four examples in the University Museum, Philadelphia, collection, the largest has a bowl 7.5 cm. long and is ornamented with incised lines fia. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 381 and a small adorno at the end opposite the stem (pl. 81, a). A plain specimen (pl. 81, e) was found at J-15, Mound 17, cut 1, level 60 to 75cm. The stem is attached at the base of the bowl, which is oval, 5.1 cm. long and 3.4 cm. deep. Stools.—As unique and relatively abundant ceramic objects, stools are second only to tangas. ‘The American Museum of Natural His- tory collection from Pacoval contains enough complete specimens to give some notion of the variation in shape and size. All have the same basic form, in which a clay disk is attached to a flaring, annular base, inset at the point of attachment and with a diameter typically about 2 cm. smaller at its base than the disk (pl. 83). The majority are circular, but occasional specimens are oval. The disk surface ranges from flat to marked concavity and sometimes has a hole through the center, which is usually small, but may have a diameter equal to half that of the stool top. On 14 measurable specimens, the disk diameter ranges from 10.6 to 20.0 cm., but only 5 are under15cm. Two of the 14 are oval. Height runs from 1.5 to 8.0 cm., and is generally cor- related with the size of the disk. All except 5 are more than 5 cm. tall. The thickness of the disk is typically between 1.5 and 2.0 cm. At Pacoval, the majority of the stools are decorated and the tech- niques represented are Anaj4s Plain Incised, Anaj4s White Incised, Arari Plain Excised, Arari Red Excised, and Ararf Double-slipped Excised. One fragment has an adorno at one edge of the disk, and another probably existed on the opposite side. A stool with painted decoration is in the United States National Museum (pl. 84, a). Al- though no provenience is given, the early date of collection makes it probable that it comes from Pacoval. It is 18.5 cm. in diameter and 11.5 cm. high. The disk edge has an undulating applique band and small knob adornos, and there is a small perforation through the center. Nimuendajti found fragments of painted stools at Teso das Igacabas (Rydén, MS.). In his excavations in Mound 7 (cemetery) of the Fortaleza group, Farabee (1914) ran across a number of stools. Trench 6 produced half a dozen and trench 8 a group of nine. The majority are in the University Museum collection, and are typical in ail respects. Deco- ration is with simple, incised motifs on an unslipped surface. Several have stylized, anthropomorphic faces on the side of the base, with the eyebrows, nose, eyes, and mouth in low relief and outlined with an incised line. The Camutins group (J-15) is represented by 4 fragments of plain stools (2 with disk-edge adornos and 1 with low relief ridges on disk and base) and one of Anajé Plain Incised from the surface of Mound 1, and half of another with Guajar4 Incised decoration from the lowest level of Mound 1, cut 2. The latter had a disk diameter of 22 cm., a 382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 height of 5 cm., and was markedly concave on top. There is a very small adorno at one spot on the edge of the disk. A complete stool (pl. 83, a) with a well smoothed surface but no decoration came from just below the surface at the top of Mound 10. The flat disk is 19 cm. in diameter and the height, 5 em. (For further illustrations, see Netto, 1885, pp. 395-397; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 25 c, d, e; pl. 28 g; plie77e.). Tangas.—Probably the most distinctive of the objects found in Marajoara sites are the tangas. Trianguloid, with an upper convex edge joining the other two concave edges in more or less sharp points, and with the third intersection at the bottom broad and rounded, they do not notably differ from the pubic coverings used by the women of many of the Tropical Forest tribes today (see Levi-Strauss, 1948, fig. 33; Schmidt, 1942, figs. 239-242) except in the material of their manufacture, which is pottery. In general size, proportions, blunt- ness or sharpness of the points, and curvature of the edges and sur- faces, there is a range of variation that is probably correlated with differences in the anatomy of the wearers. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 457 THE ARUA PHASE DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS HABITATION SITES ON MEXIANA AND CAVIANA The major concentration of the Arué Phase is on the Islands of Mexiana and Caviana. In addition to the habitation sites described here, two were excavated on the north coast of Marajé (pp. 242-245) and one in the southern part of the Territory of Amap4 (pp. 37-38). Mexiana M—2—PAPA CACHORRO A rubber cutter noticed sherds washed out of the banks of a small branch of the Igarapé Papa Cachorro, 2.5-3.0 km. from the south coast of Mexiana and east of Fazenda Nazaré (fig. 150). Examination of the area revealed an Arua habitation site on the right (west) bank of the igarapé, which had been partially cut through by this small branch (fig. 164). Sloughing of the bank along the branch had caused the sherds to fall into the water from their original location below the humus layer at a depth of from 18-22 cm. in the ground. The un- disturbed area of the site revealed sherds in the loose, light gray clay below which the clay continued light gray but became more compact. Owing to heavy forest growth, the exact limits of the site could not be defined, but sherds seemed to be primarily concentrated in an area 6 meters wide and 15 meters along the bank. Some of the sherds from the water’s edge have a patina, but those from the main part of the site are in fair condition. They include 976 sherds of Piratuba Plain, 10 Nazaré Brushed, 25 Aberta Incised (pl. 102, a—f), 13 Un- classified, and 13 miscellaneous clay fragments. Seven sherds of Marajoara Phase deviation were mixed in with the Aru& Phase ware, 5 belonging to the Arari Excised class, (pl. 112, g-k), and 2 rim adornos (fig. 165). M—7—ABERTA About 2 km. east of the mouth of the Igarapé Papa Cachorro is the small Igarapé Aberta. Up stream, about 1.5 km. from the coast, the igarapé has a cut across an old Arua occupation site (fig. 150) leaving the potsherds in the muddy steam bed. They were recoverable only at low tide when the igarapé drains completely. Tests along the top of the banks, 2.5 meters above the bed, indicated a few sherds 25 cm. below the surface on the left bank. On the basis of the area of greatest concentration of pottery in the mud, it appears as though the site originally extended for about 8 meters along the bank. The sub- mersion of the specimens under water has given them all a patina unnatural to Piratuba Plain. The sherds collected classify into these 458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 “WATER: LIMIT “AT LOW | -TIDE “ SHERDS “IN: BANK: ~ SHERDS ™\ IN- MUD pina ie :ON.: "A \gureace~\ Fiaure 164.—Plan of M—2—Papa Cachorro, a habitation site of the Arua Phase. pottery types: 131 Piratuba Plain, 8 Nazaré Brushed, 3 Aberta Incised, 1 modeled bird (?) on the side of a pottery drum fragment (pl. 111, 6; ef. pl. 111, c), 9 Unclassified (pl. 112, d-f), and 13 miscel- laneous clay fragments. Caviana C—5—MORERA One kilometer from the east bank of the Rio Pacaj4, about 7 km. above its mouth, is an Aru@ village site (figs. 151, 166). It occupies a slight natural rise in the forest, which protects it from inundation during the rainy season. The forest stretches for a considerable distance to the north, south, and east but is broken on the west by MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 459 EVANS] ——————————————_-- Uae ——— a Ta | ———— ——- 5 —— —= i = ae | ; 4 | : \ i — Figure 165.—Arari Excised vessel with adorno, a Marajoara Phase trade sherd found at the Arua Phase site of M—2—Papa Cachorro. a broad arm of campo 300 meters from the site. The soil is light-gray clay, which was dry and packed hard at the end of the dry season, and vegetation was like that in the surrounding forest. Sherds were present on and below the surface over a roughly circular area 10-12 meters in diameter and from 5-12 cm. in depth. Exploration in the vicinity revealed a few scattered sherds 30 meters southwest of the main site, but extended excavation produced no more in this area. The entire site was excavated, producing 606 sherds from bowls and jars of Piratuba Plain, none of which have any type of decoration. C—6—CROATASAL This village site is approximately 1.5 km. west of C—5, near the edge of a stretch of forest on the opposite side of the patch of campo (fig. 166). An arm of the Igarapé Pacaj4 runs 250 meters from the western edge of the site, which occupies a natural rise about 1 meter above the level of the campo. Occupation refuse covers an area 75 meters long in a north-south direction by 15 meters wide, with the larger concentration toward the north end. Sherds were present to a depth of 15 cm. A group of jar bases occupying a small area just north of the center of the site represents a burial spot designated as 460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Figure 166.—Location and environmental situation of C-5—Morera and C-6— Croatasal, habitation sites of the Arua Phase. section A (pp. 499 ff., for description). The soil was light-gray clay, and not distinguishable from the sterile soil of the adjacent forest. The growth on the site included small trees, spiny palm, and broad- leafed croatd. Surface sherds were gathered from all parts of the site and two 2 by 2 meter square tests were made, one near the north end and the other near the south end. The collection includes 778 plain sherds and 31 fragments of applique or sherds with applique, all representative ex- amples of Piratuba Plain. Most unusual of these is a chubby, four- toed foot (fig. 167, 6) that may represent the foot of a cayman or land turtle. C-7—SAO DOMINGO About 250 meters inland from the west bank of the Igarapé Pacaja, almost opposite C-—5, is a small Arua habitation site (fig. 151) now almost completely covered by a large anthill. It is on a large natural elevation that protects it from inundation during the rainy season, and covers an oval area 20 by 7 meters, with sherds to a depth of 20to35cm. The forest in the vicinity is thick, and contains abundant spiny palm and cane. Excavation was possible only at the edges of the site, because of the large superstructure erected over the main portion by the ants, which were still in residence. A sample of 607 Piratuba Plain sherds Mngenks AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 461 — —, = Co Bs ! i} = HH ? Fiaure 167.—Arua Phase pottery animal feet. a, C-6—Croatasal, section A; b, C-6—Croatasal. was collected, of which 14 had applique decoration. Objects of nonceramic material include: Red ochre.—A small, irregular lump showing no evidence of use. Polishing stone.—A small piece of diorite with two small facets produced by rubbing. Glass bead.—The post-European position of this site was established by the finding of a tiny, blue, glass “‘seed’”’ bead comparable to those still used today by the Indians. It has a diameter of 2 mm., a thickness of 1 mm., and is perfo- rated by a hole too small to allow the passage of a fine needle. Although we encountered no other trade objects, the caboclos asserted that this site had been a popular hunting ground a few decades ago, and that a great many beads as well as some silver spoons had been removed. C—-8—PACAJA This habitation site is directly east of C-—7, on the bank of the Igarapé Pacaja (fig. 168), and covers an oval area 20 meters long by 8 meters wide. The soil was light-gray loam, filled with roots for the first 10 cm., followed by sherds between 10 and 20 cm. below the sur- face. Below 20 cm., it became light tan and sterile. At the time of our visit, the area was an abandoned clearing beginning to revert to forest, having been used recently by a caboclo as a dwelling site. The whole area was tested to determine the limits of the Indian site, and larger test pits were dug in three places toward the north, south, and east edges, producing 646 sherds of Piratuba Plain, one of which is decorated with applique. c-10—SAO BENTO On the west bank of the Igarapé Apani, 100 meters southeast of the fazenda house of SA0 Bento and about 4 km. downstream from C-9, is a relatively large Arua habitation site (fig. 151). It extends 462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 eS 880°M TO. 61 ABANDONED CABOCLO. : FLOOD PLAIN Ficure 168.—Plan of C-8—Pacaja, a habitation site of the Aruaé Phase. 75 meters along the igarapé on the edge of natural rise of about 1 meter, which marks the limit of the flood plain. The sherds are hidden by humus and a covering of small trees, and discovery of the site was said to have been made some years before when pineapple bushes were planted. The soil was light tan clay and very hard at the end of the dry season. At this time of the year, the Igarapé Apani is completely drained at low tide, although at high tide it contains about 2.50 meters of water. According to the residents, no jars or portions thereof had ever been found at C-10, and testing confirmed this. Sherds were sparsely distributed over the site at a depth of 5 cm. A surface collection was made in places where the pottery had been uncovered by cattle and by a path along the river side. This was enlarged by cutting a section 6 meters long by 50 cm. wide in from the path. Occasional streaks of burned clay were noted at the same level that produced the sherds. The collection includes 315 sherds of Piratuba Plain, 1 small sandstone chip (2.5 by 2.5 cm.), and 1 stone ax. Stone ax (fig. 169, a).—This specimen was acquired from the son of the owner of the site, who claimed to have found it during the pineapple planting. Since it MEGCERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 463 EVANS] is a typical Arua ax, this seems likely to be true. The stone is fine-grained, pale, gray-green diorite. Outline is trianguloid, narrowing from 7 cm. at the convex blade to a rounded butt. Length is 10 cm., thickness 2.5 cm. The surfaces are not well smoothed, so that some pecking marks and concoidal cleavage fractures have not been erased. The best finishing is on the blade. The butt end was considerably battered from use as a hammer. C—13—-ALTA PIRATUBA The Rio Piratuba is a large tributary of the east bank of the Rio Goiabal. Site C-13 is about 3 km. from the south shore of the south fork (fig. 151). The entire region is covered with forest with Figure 169.—Arua Phase stone axes. a, C-10—Sao Bento. 6, C-13—Alta Piratuba. c, C-14—Lim4ozinho. 464. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 considerably thicker undergrowth than in the Igarapé Pocoaté region. The site occupies an area 30 meters north-south by 10 meters east- west. The south half was a knoll about 25 cm. higher than the north end, but sherds were most abundant on the lower part. Soil was light gray and powdery in texture to a depth of 10 cm., where it turned to compact, hard, gray clay. About 30 sherds were picked up on the surface and after sampling to determine the extent of the site, excavation was concentrated in an area about 3 meters square near the center of the north half. The majority of the sherds were 5 cm. or less below the surface, although some were embedded in the clay hardpan. The collection is divided into 724 sherds of Piratuba Plain, including 6 with punctate and 3 with applique ribs, and 8 irregular lumps of fired clay, 2 to 6 cm. long. One stone ax was found on the surface. Stone ax (fig. 169, b)—This ax departs from the typical Arua variety in being of coarse, brownish granite with flecks of dark gray and black instead of diorite. It is 10 cm. long, 4.8 cm. wide, and 2.7 em. thick with parallel sides and rounded ends. One surface is flattened, the other convex. The blade is convex slightly off-center, but fairly well sharpened. C—14—-LIMAOZINHO On a high spot on the south bank of the Igarapé Lim4ozinho, about 500 meters from its junction with the north branch of the Rio Piratuba, is a small Arua habitation site (fig. 151, pl. 98, @). The bank is an almost vertical rise of 2.5 meters at low tide, while at high tide the water comes to within 25 cm. of the top. Sherds are limited to an area 15 meters long by 8 to 10 meters wide on the water’s edge, with a few washed down the sides of the bank. ‘The soil is dark-gray clay for the first 10 cm., beneath which it becomes harder and more compact. Sherds were present on the surface of the ground and to a depth of 8 to 10 cm. The sample was collected from the surface and from tests in all parts of the site. It includes 525 sherds of Piratuba Plain, 39 irregularly shaped, fired-clay lumps, and 1 fragment of a stone ax. Stone ax (fig. 169, c).—This fragment represents the butt end of an ax of fine- grained, dark brownish diorite. The surfaces are well smoothed and polished and the end has been chipped by use. Existing length is 4 cm., diameter 3.8 by 2.9 cm. at the break, from which it tapers to the flattened end, measuring 1.6 by 0.7 cm. C-15—PATAHUA About 1 km. southwest of C-14, on the former bank of the Igarapé Patahua is the remnant of a habitation site (fig. 151). Since its abandonment, the zgarapé has cut an arm into the bank, and sherds were limited to the muddy bed over an area 5 meters in diameter, aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 465 5 meters from the edge of the main stream at low tide (pl. 98, 6). The sherds are covered with patina from long immersion and the edges are rounded. The sample contains 126 sherds, all Piratuba Plain. CEMETERY SITES Cemetery sites belonging to the Arua Phase have been found on Mexiana and Caviana. Two on Mexiana and six on Caviana were visited and excavated, and provide a detailed description of the Aru Phase burial pattern. Mexiana M—-4—FUNDO DAS PANELLAS The boundary between the central campo and the coastal forest of Mexiana is irregular, with slender fingers of campo stretching into the forest here and there. One of these along the south coast, near the headwaters of the Igarapé Campinho (fig. 150), contains a small clump of trees now densely intertwined with vines and underbrush that was once an Arua burial place. The elevation of the ground at this spot is 20 cm. above that of the surrounding campo, which prevents its flooding during the rainy season. When the grass is dry, the present caboclos set fires that sweep along with the wind and may have reduced the size of the clump of trees slightly. This is suggested by the fact that a few of the jars were found outside the present tree area, which measures roughly 15 meters in diameter (pl. 99, a). The distance from water and absence of features sought in habitation sites suggest that the Arua selected for cemetery use an area that would not need to be frequented by the living in the pur- suit of their daily tasks. The 46 vessels appeared to have an approximately circular arrange- ment as they lay fallen and broken on the ground. Plotting by a grid (fig. 170), however, suggests that they were originally oriented in lines running north-south and east-west, with the majority con- centrated in the eastern part of the area of distribution. Most of the jars were half buried in the dirt and debris, and some were com- pletely surrounded by and enveloped in roots and vines (pls. 99, 0; 100, a). Although none were completely undamaged, a few were nearly intact and almost all were sufficiently preserved to make the shape restorable. In having suffered so little destruction, M-4 is unique among the Arua cemeteries thus far investigated. Although many of the jars were in good condition, few appear to have been provided with lids, and the contents were consequently exposed to the elements. Occasionally, when the vessel had fallen over and the bones were protected from direct weathering, a few large fragments survived. In most of the vessels, white flecks in the 466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 ® @ Ficure 170.—Plan of M—4—Fundo das Panellas, an Arua Phase cemetery site, showing the positions of the burial jars. fine, black, powdery soil in the bottom were the only remaining skeletal evidence. All of the vessels from M-4 are Piratuba Plain. The excavation, contents, and vessel descriptions present the following details: Jar 1 (fig. 171, a), badly broken but reconstructible, had fallen on its side and was leaning to the west. It was half full of black dirt, roots, and small fragments of bone. The surface is badly eroded, with large particles (4-6 mm.) of ground sherd temper sticking out. The neck shows smoothing striations on the exterior but the wide coils are not fully erased on the interior. The rim is thickened ex- ternally, everted and tapered to a rounded lip, with a slightly flattened upper surface 1.8 ecm. wide (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The rim is 3.5 em. wide and 2.0 cm. thick with a mouth diameter of 52 cm. The vessel body is elongated and rounded with a prominent shoulder and insloping constricted neck. The body height is 50 em., neck and rim height 25 em. with the maximum body diameter 65 cm., base of neck diameter 50 cm., the base diameter 14 cm., raised 1 cm. on a pedestal (base type C—fig. 181). On the neck 6 cm. below the junc- MEGGERS AND aad) ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 467 a, —s a Figure 171.—Reconstructed burial jars from the Arua Phase site M—4—Fundo das Panellas. 468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 tion of rim and neck is a row of circle impressions, each one measuring 1.3 cm. in diameter and 3 mm. deep. Jar 2 consists of only the base and neck; no rim sherds could be associated with this form. It was half buried leaning toward the northeast, with the contents scattered owing to its broken condition. It has a round base, elongated ovoid body, measuring 43 cm. high and 50 cm. in diameter, incurving sharply to form a constricted neck whose existing fragment measures 34 cm. in diameter. Jar 3 was completely smashed and not reconstructible. Jar 4 (fig. 171, 6) probably at one time stood adjacent to jar 5, for its base is only 20 cm. from this vessel. It was badly broken, with the lower half buried in the ground, but contained skeletal material in better than usual state of preservation. The arrangement of the bones, with the skull on the south side, leg bones at the north and the ribs and other bones in a pile between, indicates secondary burial of a disarticulated young adult skeleton. The exterior vessel surface is smoothed, but covered with deep crackle lines; the interior surface reveals coil junctions in places, indicating coils 6 to 7 cm. thick. The jar is globular with a maximum diameter of 48 cm. at a height of 32 cm. The sidewalls then inslope to a constricted mouth with an everted rim 34 cm. in diameter. The rim is slightly thickened on the exterior and measures 3.2 cm. wide and 1.6 em. thick (Piratuba Plain shape 19). The vessel is asymmetrical especially around the base, which is rounded; one side of base has a slight depression where the coiling slipped, giving the effect of a pedestal. Jar 5 (fig. 171, c) is one of the few burial jars which suffered little damage even though the rim and part of neck had broken off. It remained vertical, half-buried in the ground, filled one-third with pitch-black, wet humus mixed in the upper part with decayed leaves and twigs and in the lower part with fragments of long bones in a very poor state of preservation, identifiable only as human, probably femur, radius, and ulna. Two small broken bowls, vessels A and B, were with the bones, as well as miscellaneous sherds. Loose sherds around the outside of the jar base wedged it into a vertical position. The large, elongated, rounded jar measures 57 cm. in diameter at the waist, 32 cm. high to this point, and 37 cm. high from here to the rim. The neck incurves to the rim where the lip is everted as a result of adding a coil to a direct rim after some drying had already taken place. The everted rim measures 3.2 cm. wide with a rim diameter of 48 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 18). A row of rings is impressed on the neck 8 cm. below the rim. The rings measure 1.4 to 1.5 cm. in diameter, spaced 2 to 3 cm. apart and are 2 to 4 mm. deep. Vessel: A.—The small bowl was partially restorable, measuring 8.5 cm. high, 15.0 cm. in mouth diameter, and 3.5 cm. in base diameter. The exterior surface Mreomne} AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 469 color of light tan, the interior a dark, drab gray, and a dark gray core speckled with ground sherd temper particles are typical of Piratuba Plain. The interior is scraped leaving a few smoothing tracks while the exterior is better smoothed, but still rough and uneven with protruding temper particles. The rim is folded over, slightly everted with a rounded lip. Rim thickness is 8 mm. compared to the body wall thickness of 5-6 mm. and base thickness of 10 mm. Vessel A represents a miniature variety of vessel shape 3 of Piratuba Plain. Vessel B.—The fragments were sufficiently restorable to give the general shape and measurement. The small bow] with a thickened, flat pedestal base measures 16 cm. in rim diameter, 12 cm. high, 6 cm. in base diameter, with a pedestal 8 mm. high, body wall thickness 5-6 mm., and base thickness 1.4 cm. The sur- faces are badly fire clouded. Both surfaces are rough and irregular with some crackle lines. The rim is unthickened and slightly outsloping with a rounded lip. Sherd temper particles are fine to 2 mm. in diameter. The bowl represents a miniature variety of shape 7 of Piratuba Plain. Jar 6 (fig. 171, d) had been turned over and lay upside down with the dirt filled with miscellaneous sherds, a few bone fragments and a portion of the lower mandible. The exterior surface of the body of the jar is crackled with the neck showing some floating, while the in- terior is smoothed with the 3-cm. wide coils still distinct. The everted rim is exteriorly thickened with a thick coil forming a flat angular top rounded on the tip, measuring 3.5 cm. wide, 5 mm. thick at the lip, with the cross section through the thickest part 3.5 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 15). The form is a rounded body with a prominent shoulder and almost vertical neck walls. The vessel has a body diameter of 54 cm., body height 30 cm., neck diameter 48 cm., total vessel height 75 cm. with a rim diameter of 54 cm. The 110 sherds found inside include 2 bases, 6 rim sherds from large platters measuring 26 to 38 cm. in diameter and representative of shapes 1 and 5 of Piratuba Plain (which were sometimes used as lids upon burial jars), 20 sherds from small to miniature vessels ranging from bowls to small jars, with the rest of the fragments representing miscellaneous body sherds. In spite of the quantity of sherd ma- terial, there were insufficient pieces to reconstruct any of these vessels. Jar 7 (fig. 171, e) leaned toward the south and was badly broken. The black dirt inside contained a few large fragments of adult long bones, a skull fragment and a molar, and two small vessels, A and B, one of which also contained a few bone fragments. The round-bodied and round-based jar has a folded-over rim, 2.8 cm. wide and 1.1 cm. thick, rim diameter 21 cm., constricted neck diameter 19 cm., body diameter 38 cm., and total vessel height 51 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 17). Vessel A (pl. 105, a) is a small jar with a folded-over rim and rounded lip, a globular body and a thickened flat base. Vessel slightly asymmetrical with di- ameter of body 14.5 cm., height 10.5 to 11.0 cm., base diameter 6.5 cm., ex- terior mouth diameter 13-14 cm., body wall thickness 4-6 mm., rim thickness 391329—57——_32 470 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 6 mm. and base thickness 1.2 ecm. Both surfaces uneven; color range from whitish to gray to dusty brown with fire clouds. Vessel B (pl. 105, c) is an extremely crude, asymmetrical, unsmoothed bowl with the rim edge unsmoothed and with the body walls highly irregular in thick- ness, ranging from 18 mm. near the base to 5 mm. on the upper walls. Rim slightly everted with rounded lip. Mouth diameter 11 cm., rounded base 7 cm. in diameter, height 8 cm. This bowl probably represents a crude, miniature variety of shape 8 of Piratuba Plain. Jar 8 (fig. 171, f), one of the smallest jars from the site, was found half buried in the ground under a mass of tree roots. Inside were the bones of a mature adult with the skull fragments arranged on the bottom in the northeast side of the jar, a small crude offertory bowl, vessel A, in the northwest side and the long bones laid parallel in the south half of the vessel. The burial jar is smoothed on the ex- terior but still very uneven, with smoothing striations still visible on the neck and rim. Ground sherd temper grains are very distinct on the eroded surfaces. ‘The interior of the neck is uneven with a few coil lines still visible and with many crackle lines. The round- bodied jar with a flattened base is 50 cm. in maximum body diameter, 39 cm. in rim diameter, with a pronounced shoulder where the slightly incurved neck walls join the body. The neck length is 20 cm., total vessel height 58 cm. The everted rim with a flat top measures 2.6 cm. wide, 1.9 cm. thick at the center, and 1.3 cm. thick at the rounded lip which has an irregular groove around it (Piratuba Plain shape 15). Vessel A is fragmentary, with one-half missing and belongs to shape 7 of Piratuba Plain. The bowl is extremely crude and asymmetrical, the surfaces unsmoothed, undulating and rough, with many ground sherd temper particles protruding. Tannish-gray surfaces are spotted with fire clouds. Incurving sidewalls give a maximum body diameter of 12 cm. with the mouth diameter 10.5 em., height 8.2 em. and slightly concave base 7.0—-7.5 cm. in diameter. Jar 9 (fig. 171, g), lying on its side in the northeast part of the cemetery with its mouth toward the north, was intact except for a small fragment out of the rim, and empty except for an active wasp nest and a little light-gray dust. The exterior surface is uneven with the temper grains of ground sherd showing clearly and 4-cm. wide coils still visible on the neck. The tall jar has a slightly rounded, thickened bottom 27 cm. in diameter, an elongated, round body 63 cm. in diameter, a neck height of 41 cm. with a distinct lme where its insloping walls join the body, a rim diameter of 48 cm., and an everted, slightly thickened rim 3.2 em wide, 2.3 cm. thick, with a body wall thickness of 1.2 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16). A deco- rated rib 2 cm. wide and 1 cm. high runs around the neck 7 to 10 cm. below the rim, with impressed circles 1.0 to 1.5 cm. in diameter, spaced 1.0 to 1.5 cm. apart, and 4 mm. deep on its top. Jar 10 (fig. 171, h) stood vertical with its base 30 cm. below the ground, but with the upper portions of the vessel badly broken. The So a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 471 jar was filled with 25 cm. of dry, light-gray dirt and many small fragments of decomposed bone. The neck exterior is well floated, but the body surface crackled and eroded. Both the interior and exterior surfaces of the vessel are rough and uneven with the sherd temper particles standing out prominently. The rim is everted, slightly thickened but not folded over, measuring 1.8 em. thick and 4.0 cm. wide and with a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The body is elongated and rounded, 68 cm. in diameter, tapering to a slightly flattened base 25 cm. in diameter and incurving to a con- stricted neck 60 cm. in diameter with a rim diameter of 64 cm. The neck height is 34 cm., the overall vessel height 79 cm. Jar 11 was badly broken by a tree, 10 cm. in diameter, growing out of the center, although light-gray soil with flecks of bone was still in the bottom, which was buried 50 cm. in the ground. The rim was missing and it was impossible to associate any of the miscella- neous rims found in the site with this vessel. The body is ovoid, measuring 68 cm. in diameter, 61 cm. in height to the neck, which inslopes and has a diameter of 48 cm. at this point. Only 15 cm. of the neck fragment exists. The neck and body are floated on the exterior with smoothing striations still visible, while coiling marks still remain on the interior of the rough and uneven neck. Jar 12 (fig. 171, 7) had several large trees and roots growing through the base, which had destroyed any evidence of its original contents. Crackle and water-bubble pits are on the uneroded surfaces of the exterior, with the coiling marks still present on the interior. The everted, slightly thickened rim (Piratuba Plain shape 12) is 3 cm. wide and 2 cm. thick, whereas the body wall thickness is only 1.4 cm. The vessel has a long, gracefully curving, constricted neck 46 cm. in diameter and 30 cm. long, with a pronounced shoulder where it joms the round body, which is 66 cm. in diameter. Total height is 84 em., rim diameter 51 cm. A decorative row of impressed circles, 6 mm. in diameter and 1 cm. apart, extends around the neck, 8.5 em. below the rim. Jar 13 (fig. 171, 7) was found buried 45 cm. in the ground, standing in a vertical position and completely encircled with roots. Some roots had entered the vessel, destroying the contents. A few large sherds had been used as chocks around the slightly flattened bottom to keep the jar upright. The exterior of the neck and body are well floated with crackle lines very prominent on the rim exterior; on many parts of the surface large particles of ground sherd temper protrude. The everted, thickened rim tapers so that it decreases in thickness from 2.3 cm. to 2.0 cm. at the rounded lip forming a rim diameter of 52 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The vessel has a rounded body 472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 68 cm. in diameter, a constricted neck 49 cm. in diameter, and a total height of 78 em. Jar 14 was crushed beneath a mass of tree roots so that it was impossible to extricate anything except a few rim sherds. The everted rim, thickened to 2.0 cm. from a body wall thickness of 1.6 cm., tapers to a rounded lip where it is only 1.6 em. thick. The flat top of the rim is 4 cm. wide forming a prominent angle with the slightly outcurving neck (Piratuba Plain shape 15). A row of circle impressions, 6 mm. in diameter, 4 to 6 mm. apart, 2 mm. deep, extend around the neck at a point 5 cm. below the rim, where the body wall is slightly thickened by a low ridge. These circle impressions were made with a hollow cane when the clay was so wet that some of the clay from the center stuck in the cane leaving the center of the circle 1 to 2 mm. lower than the vessel surface. Both surfaces are crackled and uneven, with smoothing marks from the fingers still prominent. Jar 15 lay completely buried beneath the root mass of a large tree and could not be extricated. Jar 16 was also covered by the root mass of large trees; however, it was measured and observed to be comparable in size, shape, and form to Jar 12 (fig. 171, 2). Jar 17 (fig. 171, k) had toppled,to. the southeast, breaking, spilling its contents, and then the neck fragment had been encircled by the roots of an adjacent tree. The interior surface is badly eroded with deep crackle lines. The exterior is not only better preserved but better smoothed, although remaining irregular and uneven, with the crackle lines finer and more numerous. The 4-cm. wide, everted rim increases from the body wall thickness of 1.3 cm. to 1.6 cm. and tapers to a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 12). Total vessel height is 91 cm., with the elongated, ovoid body 61 cm. long and 54 cm. in diameter incurving prominently at the shoulder to the constricted neck with gentle insloping walls, which measures 30 cm. high and 46 cm. in diam- eter; the rim diameter is 52 cm. A decorative rib, 2 cm. wide, and rising 7 mm. above the surface had been affixed 7 cm. below the rim after the rest of the vessel had begun to dry, for this rib sloughs off easily, leaving no sign of its point of attachment. Impressed circles appear on the upper edge of the rib; they measure 1 cm. in diameter and range from 1.0 to 1.5 cm. apart. Jar 18 (fig. 171, 2) lay on its side with the rim and neck broken off, but nearby. Both surfaces are irregular, heavily crackled with the bright-orange temper grains of ground sherd giving a speckled appear- ance to the light-tan to dull-orange surfaces. Smoothing tracks show but the surfaces are still very uneven, almost undulating from failure to erase completely the coil lines. The jar has a rounded body, rounded base, and constricted neck. The folded-over, externally thick- vue ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 473 ened rim has a thin, squared lip with rounded corners (Piratuba Plain shape 17). The vessel is 68 cm. high, with a maximum body diameter of 53 cm., a neck height of 16 cm., a neck diameter of 42 cm., and a rim diameter of 51 cm. Jar 19 (fig. 171, m) had tree roots growing through it that had broken the vessel so that it lay partially upside down in 30 cm. of dirt. The exterior surface where not eroded is uneven and irregular, although smoothed, leaving broad (6-8 mm.), faintly concave marks from finger smoothing. The same wide smoothing tracks are visible on the neck interior. The exteriorly thickened rim curves outward (Piratuba Plain shape 18). The lip is rounded, rim thickness 2.5 em., width 2.1 cm., rim diameter 52 cm. The body wail thickness is 1.4 cm. The large rounded body is 45 cm. tall, 66 cm., in diameter, while the con- stricted neck gracefully curving inward from the shoulders is 30 cm. high and 41 cm. in diameter. Nine centimeters below the rim is a row of impressed circles averaging 1.1 cm. in diameter and 0.8 to 1.3 cm. apart. The center of the circle is pulled up by suction of the hol- low cane tool raising it 1 mm. above the level of the vessel surface. The exterior line of the circle is very distinct. Jar 20 (fig. 171, n) had been broken with the neck fallen toward the west and the body smashed between the roots of a tree. The surfaces are extremely uneven and irregular with abundant temper particles visible, around which crackle lines have developed. The 5-cm. wide, everted rim expands from a body wall thickness of 1.5 cm. to 2.0 cm. at the lip which is squared with rounded corners (Piratuba Plain shape 12). The reconstructed vessel measures 45 cm. in height and 56 cm. in diameter on the rounded body, with the constricted neck 33 cm. in height, 36 cm. in diameter, and forming a prominent shoulder where it joins the body. The mouth diameter is only 39 cm., but the rim diameter reaches 50 cm. A low, decorated rib 7 em. below the rim edge rises 2 to 3 mm. above the vessel surface. It is impressed with circles 5 mm. in diameter, spaced 1.5 cm. apart. Faint traces of red paint are visible on the neck below the rib of impressed circles, and suggest a curvilinear design (fig. 172, a). Jar 21 (fig. 171, 0) stood upright beneath a mass of roots. The surfaces are poorly smoothed and temper grains of ground sherd show profusely. The everted rim is exteriorly thickened, measuring 1.8 cm, thick as compared to the body wall thickness of 7 mm., and is 3.2 cm. wide with a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The ovoid body with a rounded base is 50 cm. high, 63 em. in body diameter, with a constricted neck, 22 cm. high and 38 cm. in diameter, forming a distinct shoulder where it joins the body wall. The rim diameter is 44 cm. A narrow, pronounced rib, 1 cm. wide and 1 cm. high, runs 474 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Figure 172.—Painted decoration on Piratuba Plain sherds from Aru& Phase sites. a, Jar 20, M—4—Fundo das Panellas. 6b, C-6—Croatasal. around the neck 10 em. below the rim, and bears a row of impressed rings 7 mm. in diameter, 2 mm. deep and 5 to 7 mm. apart. Jar 22 (fig. 171, p) was lying on its side with the mouth to the west, half buried in the ground, partially broken and with dry, light soil and many roots inside. The everted, thickened rim, 2.1 em. thick and 2.5 cm. wide, has a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The body is ovoid, 57 cm. long and 54 cm. in diameter, with a prominent shoulder where it joins the constricted neck, 42 cm. in diameter and 28 em. high, ending in a rim diameter of 47 cm. /8imm. in diamoters- 4 ese ee 1 white stripes inside. Porcelainvwhitem ee ee Oval; length 6-7 mm., diameter 5mm.; diameter of perforation 5 .5 mm. Skyiblue= so 22s. soot ee se ee Barrel shaped, 5 mm, long, 4 mm. in diameter-_--__-_._------- 1 Sky blues toons see eee Flat disk 3 mm. long, 5 mm. in diameter-_-_-_---_---------------- 1 Meee Ano ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 493 Caviana C-1—TESO DAS IGACGABAS This Aru& cemetery is 1 km. in from the southeastern shore of Caviana (fig. 151) in the midst of one of the more densely populated parts of the island. It has undergone considerable disturbance, having been exploited by the caboclos for a number of years as a source of sherds to pulverize for tempering their pottery. This site is such a well-known source that one of the children accompanying us was convinced that its renown had reached America and we had come to get sherds for that purpose. Such continuous and systematic removal of vessels, plus trampling by cattle and frequent burning of the grass on the site have wrought considerable changes in the ceme- tery and have reduced the vessels to a state of confusion that makes it difficult to reconstruct the burial pattern or even the vessels used. No surface indications of the existence of a site remained. Ex- cavation revealed the cemetery to extend approximately 100 meters east-west by 40 meters north-south, and to be limited to a slight natural rise giving an elevation of 50 to 60 cm. above the adjacent terrain. The soil was light gray, sandy, and well drained. Sherds were present between 5 and 35 cm. below the surface. The southern part of the site was covered with grass, while the northern part had a light growth of cane and small trees. The area covered by the cemetery was tested for sherds, and they were found to exist with varying degrees of concentration, being most numerous where the surface showed a slight depression. A 5 by 5 meter square near the center of the northern edge was given the most thorough investigation and fragments of six jars were located. An- other vessel, jar 7, with unusual modeled decoration (fig. 177) was excavated 30 meters to the south. Details of these vessels, all ex- amples of Piratuba Plain, are as follows: Jar 1 was an intact portion of the neck and shoulder of a large jar, with the rim broken off and the rest of the body unreconstructible. The diameter of the verti- cal neck was,30 cm. It was found upright 5 cm. below the surface, with sherds of various sizes inside, outside, and beneath it to a depth of 30 cm. Jar 2 was a rounded base fragment resting upright 35 cm. below the surface. Sherds associated indicated a concave neck, an exteriorly thickened rim with a square lip, and mouth diameter of 28 cm. There were traces of a reddish finish that may have been produced by rubbing the wet vessel surface with red ocher before firing. Jar 3 was represented by a base, upright 25 cm. below the surface, and fragments of a body 25 cm. away. The base was slightly concave (fig. 181, B), 12 cm. in diameter, with the walls sloping upward to a body diameter of 28 cm. at the existing height of 22 cm. Sherds from the rim show considerable variation in angle and width of the exterior thickening, but may belong to Piratuba Plain shape 14. Mouth diameter was 54 cm. 494. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 40M Figure 177.—Detail of modeling on jar 7 from the Arua Phase Site C-1—Teso das Igagabas and a reconstruction of the vessel to which it belonged. Jar 4 was part of a bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 7) lying upside down in the ground. The surfaces were smoothed, but very uneven and irregular. Walls curved outward and then upward to a direct rim with a rounded lip and a mouth diameter of 30 cm. Jar 5 was lying partly on its side 2 cm. below the surafce. The base was intact and the dirt inside contained a few small bone fragments, all too badly disin- tegrated for identification. No rim fragments were encountered. The base was slightly concave (fig. 181, B), 24 cm. in diameter, and joined the walls at a sharp angle. At the existing height of 35 em., body diameter was 56 cm. Jar 6 was broken into large sherds and scattered over an area of 1 meter at a depth of 5 to 10 em., mixed with sherds from other vessels. The jar had a flat base of the pedestal type (fig. 181, C) 18 em. in diameter, a rounded body termi- nating in a slightly constricted, exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip and a mouth diameter of 24 cm. The body was ornamented on the exterior with ap- plique pairs of strips forming irregular, undulating rows with applique nubbins between them at intervals (pl. 110, a, b; fig. 199, a). Narrow vertical applique strips occurred on the rim exterior. Associated with this jar was one of the shal- . pncones AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 495 low, flat-bottomed bowls or lids (Piratuba Plain shape 8), ornamented with 4 parallel rows of applique on the rounded lip. Jar 7 was found with the lower part intact and upright in the ground, its upper edge 8 cm. below the surface. The interior was filled with dirt containing many sherds, including three with crudely modeled heads (fig. 177) and bone fragments representing the femur, scapula, clavicle, and parts of the skull but no teeth. These were examined by M. T. Newman (pers. comm.), who identifies them as subadult or adult, with no evidence of more than one individual. The intact part of the vessel had a flat base 19 cm. in diameter, sides outsloping to a maximum body diameter of 54 cm., then curving inward to form a rounded shoulder. The fragments with applique decoration found inside appear to have fit on the neck giving it a convex profile (fig. 177), constricting just below the everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Mouth diameter was 30 cm. Parts of a large bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 4) with reddened surfaces and a mouth diameter of 38 cm. were found 33 cm. to the south of the jar, and may represent a former lid. C-—4—TESO DOS INDIOS This badly damaged cemetery site is near the headwaters of the Igarapé Pacaja, which flows toward the southeastern coast of Caviana (fig. 151). It occupies the southern end of an area of slight elevation that extends for about 1 km. toward the north. A small shallow lake lies just to the south and a branch of the zgarapé passes within 300 meters of the site. The whole area is covered with forest and one of the largest trees was a giant swmahuma (Ceiba pentandra) with a 4-meter root spread growing in the center of the burial area (pl. 101, a). Much of the destruction to the jars was wrought by this tree, and a number of sherds were embedded solidly in the wood. Tests revealed sherds and broken vessels on all sides of the tree except the west, the majority concentrated within a radius of 4 meters from the center of the trunk (fig. 178). Nimuendajti reports removing sherds and vessels from the west side of a similar tree on a site in this area (cf. p. 522). It is probable that his site and ours are the same, which would account for our failure to find anything on the west side of the tree. No sherds were deeper than 20 to 25 cm., with most of the fragments on the surface. In spite of the damage, it was possible to reconstruct 18 burial jars. Their style and the character of the site indicate a pattern comparable to that at M-4— Fundo das Panellas. The detailed characteristics of the jars, all examples of Piratuba Plain, and the circumstances of their discovery are as follows: Jar 1 (fig. 179, a) had the neck and rim broken off, but the base had remained vertical in the ground. Among the fragments was the rim sherd of a large shallow bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 6) with a diameter of 32 cm., which may have been part of a cover for jar 1 or jar 2. The jar had a flat bottom 15 cm. in diameter, sharply demarcated from the body wall, an insloping neck and folded over-rim (Piratuba Plain shape 17). Surfaces were even and regular except for the rim. Maximum body diameter 33 cm., rim diameter 28 cm., reconstructed height 35 cm. 496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 PARTS OF SAME JAR STERILE STERILE STERILE Ficure 178.—Plan of C-4—Teso dos Indios, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase, showing the location of the burial jars. Jar 2 had fallen to the south and was badly shattered. The base remained intact, and beneath it were preserved a number of skeletal fragments, including pieces of the skull at the north, long bones piled along the south and west sides, miscellaneous fragments of ribs and pelvis, but no teeth. The jar had a flat base 20 cm. in diameter, a rounded body, and a crudely and irregularly folded- over rim 36 cm. in mouth diameter (Piratuba Plain shape 19). The surface was very uneven and rough to the touch. Jar 3 (fig. 179, b) was represented by a base set at an angle in the ground, with the bottom toward the west, and miscellaneous small sherds. The rim was crudely folded over so that it formed a strip on the exterior varying from 2.0 to 2.8 cm. in width. The surface was smoothed but remained somewhat irregular. As reconstructed, this vessel is almost a duplicate of jar 1, with a base diameter of 13 cm., maximum body diameter 34 cm., mouth diameter of 28 cm. and re- constructed height of about 35 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 17). Jar 4 was so badly broken and scattered by the adjacent tree root that it could not be reconstructed. A fragment of the folded-over rim indicated a mouth diameter of 40 em., and suggested Piratuba Plain shape 17. Jar 5 was also destroyed by the tree, leaving only part of a flat base and miscel- laneous small sherds. Jar 6 was represented by a large fragment of the lower body leaning toward the south. Base diameter was 18 cm., maximum body diameter about 38 em. and existing height (to shoulder) 24 cm. MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 497 EVANS] ee: eed ° 20 CM VESSEL SCALE SS i, “a” 7G Ficure 179.—Reconstructed jars from Arua Phase cemeteries. a—e, C-4—Teso dos Indios. f-g, C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefo. h-k, C-12—Condino. l-r, M—5—Mulatinho, Jar 7, on the north side of the tree, designates sherds from the exteriorly thick- ened rim of a thin-walled bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 3), found mixed with sherds from jar 9. The surfaces are well smoothed and even. The rim diameter of 34 em. indicates that it could have served as a lid for jar 9. 498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Jar 8 (fig. 179, c) was about a meter east of jar 9, with the base and part of the body intact and lying on its side on the surface, with the bottom to the southeast. Body sherds were scattered for 1.5 meters to the south. The only rim fragment was 2 meters to the south and it is possible that it belongs to a vessel now buried under the tree rather than to jar 8. Both surfaces were smoothed but left very uneven so that the 2 em. wide coils remain distinguishable. The base, flat on the exterior and slightly convex on the interior, has a diameter of 20 em. (fig. 181, A). Maximum body diameter was 50 cm., existing height (to the shoulder), 35 cm., rim diameter 32 cm. Jar 9 is represented by only three large sherds from the rim and neck. These show a folded-over rim with a diameter of 30 cm. and a sloping neck 15 cm. in height, separated from the large body by a slight constriction (Piratuba Plain shape 18). Both surfaces were smoothed but slightly rough, with a few crackle lines and fine pits. Jar 10 (fig. 179, d), northeast of the tree, was bisected by a root so that parts were on opposite sides (fig. 178). It had a flat base (fig. 181, A), large globular body (indicated by numerous, gently curving body sherds), set off by a slight constriction from the insloping, collarlike neck ending in a direct rim with a mouth diameter of 28 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 13). Both surfaces were smoothed, with the exterior very even as a result of floating. Jar 11, just northwest of jar 10, was largely destroyed by the tree. The few remaining sherds indicate a flat bottom and an everted rim with a diameter of 34 cm. The curvature of the body wall below the rim suggests a globular jar of Piratuba Plain shape 19. Jars 12, 13, and 14 were indicated by large bases 5 meters southwest of the near- est edge of the main concentration of the cemetery. Jars 13 and 14 were sideways with their broken edges overlapping; jar 12 lay a little to the northeast and upside down. Many thick body sherds were scattered in the surrounding dirt, but no rims were recovered. Base diameters were 19.5 cm., 17.5 cm., and 20.0 cm. Associated was a single nephrite bead (p. 499). Jar 15, also badly broken, was on the southeast side of the tree. It had a flat bottom 13 cm. in diameter and a slightly everted, folded-over rim with a mouth diameter of 28 cm., suggesting Piratuba Plain shape 19. The surfaces are smoothed but uneven. Jar 16, east of jar 15, is attested by a flat base 13 cm. in diameter found upside down 25 cm. below the surface. Jar 17, 1 meter south of jar 15, had an everted, folded-over rim 30 cm. in mouth diameter. The wall slopes outward to a diameter of 38 cm. at 20 cm. below the rim (Piratuba Plainshape17?). Since the base is missing, it is possible that jar 16 is part of the same jar. The exterior is extremely uneven and shows many crackle lines. Jar 18 is incomplete, no rim sherds having been found. It has a flat base 25 cm. in diameter, and a body diameter of 57 cm. at a height of 28 cm. A large number of miscellaneous sherds were found in the circular area between two root spurs on the east side, which also produced jars4and 5. This was called section A, to distinguish it from section B on the south side of the spur, where similar conditions prevailed (fig. 178). The sherds were present to a depth of 25 cm. and represented fragments of a variety of large and small vessels. Those with identi- fiable shapes were included in the analysis for seriation of the site (fig. 201). Except for these two spots, there was no concentration moa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 499 of sherds that could not be identified as belonging to the burial jars described above. Only one object of nonceramic nature came from C-4: Nephrite bead.—A well-polished, cylindrical bead of tan nephrite with a greenish tint and streaks of darker brown was associated with jars 12, 13, and 14. It was 16 mm. long and 9 to 10 mm. in diameter. A hole had been drilled from one end, emerging on the opposite end slightly off center, tapering from 3.5 mm. in diameter to 2.0 mm. C—6—CROATASAL, SECTION A Approximately in the center of the habitation site of C-6—Croatasal (pp. 459-460) was a small area of slightly greater natural elevation, which produced a large number of burial jars as well as other sherds. Half of the jar bases were along a north-south axis spaced approxi- mately 1 meter apart; the remainder were up to 4 meters to either side of this line (fig. 180). Sherds from a variety of other vessels were abundant on the surface and to a depth of 20 to 35 em. in the loose, light-gray soil. Often they were beneath the base of a large burial MISC. ohonen <— pases 4 Pik LL ea LIMIT OF SHERD CONCENTRATION Ficure 180.—Detailed plan of Section A, the burial area of C-6—Croatasal. 500 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 jar, offering evidence that the cemetery belonged to the latter part of the village occupancy, the deaths perhaps being the cause for, or contemporary with, its abandonment. The relative frequency of the vessel shapes represented in this part of the site is shown on the seriation chart (fig. 201). The bases of 15 burial jars were excavated. Because of the badly broken condition and the numerous other sherds associated, it was Fiaure 181.—Base shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Arué Phase. A, Flat. B, Concave. C, Pedestal. D, Rounded. impossible to reconstruct any of the vessels. All were Piratuba Plain with coarse sherd temper, the grains up to 8 mm. long. Three dis- tinguishable types of base are represented: (A) Flat, joining the walls at a sharp to rounded angleof 45 degrees or more (fig. 181, A); (B) con- cave on the exterior with a typically rounded junction to the walls (fig. 181, B); and (C) flat and rising vertically for 1 to 2 cm. before joining the outsloping walls, producing a slight pedestal (fig. 181, C). Details of the jars and circumstances of their discovery are shown in Table T. Mncennsy nD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 501 TaBLE T.—Base type and dimensions of burial jars from C-6—Croatasal, section A Jar Base type Base diam-|} Body wall| Depth in eter thickness ground Cm. Cm LA! op OO ORE + A OEE SRC BianGsC ae. .: fo ee ak eee 17 1.0 | 23cm Po ln fa IS | © eee 11 1.0 | Surface GHA = ue ae Sn ee DAE ee ee EE 16 1.0 | Surface Ch ee ee ee ee ES erent eS 3 ae 16 1.1 |} 20cm nee oe ee eee a eae Cee ee 2 ee 14 0.9-1.2 | 10cm G2 ae - ee Pote oo (GNeckvonly)): 95-222 ot Fee ee ae 2 | eee eee Surface ee en we ee eee eecal| On ceees ooo os oan eee ee 18.5 0.8-1.0 | 10cm Sida Se RRR es eet Oe 21d (Oe ese ee ee ee ee ee ee 20 1.0-1.2 | Surface eee eee 2 See eee OER sk De 18 0.9-1.2 | 10cm LR SIS 7 OES ie 12 oe ee a Se ee 13 1.1 | 10cm Dien ss SESS oe as (0) Stine Se ee Bee 20 1.3 | 12cm ote Cee eo Ce oe ol NN Pe a ee ee een tsa 15 1.1 | 15em 1S ee Fe SE A CR re 86 8 a ee 21 1.5 | Surface. 1 Ce es eee ete! eee (Onna: £5 ee ee 14-16 0.9 | Surface. ih po = ee eS ee Sos AU Neer Sue SA eS 14 1.1 | 5em. The only jars with unusual features were jar 1, which retained a few fragments of human bone inside, and jar 14, which had anthropo- morphic features in the form of two hemispherical projections at one side representing legs on which toes were modeled, and female genitalia (fig. 182). Unfortunately, no fragments of the upper part of this jar could be located. Ta Faas aie teh Cx a ce on aies ule Figure 182.—Arua Phase anthropomorphic burial jar from section A of C-6— Croatasal. C-6, section A, produced a wealth of sherds with applique decora- tion, some of which seem to be parts of anthropomorphic vessels. In addition, there was a seven-toed foot (fig. 167, a), a crude figurine, and a cube of red ocher. Pottery figurine (fig. 183, b). A very crudely modeled, approximately triangular lump of fired clay, with three rounded points and intervening concave sides, was found near the center of the burial area. One surface is slightly concave, the other convex. It will stand upright only on the edge opposite the largest point. Width at base is 6.3 cm., height 5.8 cm., thickness from front to back 3.5 cm. Identification of its purpose remained uncertain until the excavation of C—12, where the finding of an object of similar shape and size provided with a face 391329—57——-34 502 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Ficure 183.—Arua Phase pottery figurines. a, C-12—Condino. 6, C-6— Croatasal. (fig. 183, a) established it as a figurine. Site C—6 is of somewhat later date than C-12, and the more stylized and simplified figurine appears to be a degeneration from the earlier form represented at C—12. Red ocher cube.—A small, roughly cubical piece of red ocher with six polished, flat to convex surfaces may have been used to produce the reddish color present on the surface of many sherds. It also could have been used for body painting, since the color is imparted easily if the skin or the cube surface is wet. The surfaces vary from 1.7 by 2.2 cm. to 2.4 by 2.4 em. C-9—FREI JOAO A short distance north of the upper Rio Apani, the coastal forest belt gives way to campo. Frei Jodo is almost in the center of a large open area, the nearest forest being a finger 300 meters to the west (fig. 151). The site is not differentiated by elevation or vegetation from the surrounding terrain, and the existence at present of a com- pact 10 to 12 cm. sterile layer over the sherds removes all cultural evidence of its presence. Vegetation includes clumps of tall grass changing to bushes toward the south edge. A few scattered trees grow just outside the site limits. Although this appears to have been an Arua urn burial cemetery, the identification is rendered difficult because the contents have suffered from various vicissitudes in recent time. The major de- struction was caused by trampling cattle, there once having been a corral on the spot, according to the present administrator of the fazenda. It was visited by Nimuendaji in 1923 but not excavated owing to hard ground (p. 521). Later, part of the site was excavated by a priest, after whom it is now called ‘Frei Joao.” The limits of the site are difficult to determine from the surface examination. Sherds are sometimes revealed in the cracks of the parched earth (visited during the dry season), and from this evidence it appears to have occupied a roughly circular area about 20 meters SCE eBSND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 503 in diameter. Excavation was concentrated in a 5- by 3-meter test between the center and the east edge. The bases of numerous large jars were associated with an abundance of large sherds, stone axes, and nephrite ornaments. Description of the four jars excavated will illustrate the burial pattern: Jar A is represented by a flat base (fig. 181, type A) resting upright 15 cm. below the surface. Base diameter was 26 cm., existing height 7 cm. where the diameter had increased to 36 cm., base thickness 2 em., body wall thickness 1.5 em. Fragments of bone appeared in the ground on the east where the wall had been broken away. Further digging there produced a large stone ax (ax 1; fig. 184, a) and other body sherds from the jar at a depth of 25 cm. Jar B is another base fragment found 3 meters southwest of jar A and 15 cm. below the surface. The existing fragment is in no way unusual, having a smoothed interior but a somewhat uneven exterior surface and a base that is slightly concave on the exterior with a corresponding convexity on the interior (fig. 181, type B). Associated with it were a small stone ax (ax 2; fig. 185, c) and four nephrite orna- ments (pp. 507-508; fig. 188). Jar C represents the lower third of a large round-bottomed jar (fig. 181, type D), which was resting 20 cm. below the surface and leaning to the northeast. Although it had been shattered into small pieces, the hard, surrounding earth held it in shape. At the maximum existing height of 27 cm., the body diameter was 45cm. Asmall stone ax (ax 3; fig. 185, d) was found 24 em. to the southwest. Also associated were fragments of two of the flat-topped bowls (Piratuba Plain shape 8) with delicate relief decoration (fig. 186, a, b), and miscellaneous sherds. Jar D was adjacent to jar C on the north side. Excavation revealed it to be a large, hollow-rimmed bowl 42 em. in diameter (Piratuba Plain shape 10), upside down and broken into large pieces. Since no jar sherds were associated, this may belong with jar C as a lid. Fragments of a large, badly shattered, but restorable stone ax (ax 4; fig. 184, b) were lying on and by the south edge of the bowl. A smaller, complete specimen (ax 5; fig. 185, b) was a little northwest of the first. Above the hollow-rimmed bowl were many sherds of different bowls, mostly representing shapes 2, 6, and 7. Nonceramic artifacts encountered in the excavation of C-9 included stone axes, nephrite objects, and red ocher. Stone axzes.—Seven axes of polished diorite were recovered from the relatively small area excavated. Of these, 5 were associated with the burials just described and 2 were isolated. Ax 1 (fig. 184, a), associated with jar A, is made of coarse-grained, greenish-gray diorite with dark-brown flecks. The butt retains pecking marks, as does the slight groove along the sides. By contrast, the blade end is well polished and the convex cutting edge sharp. Length is 13.5 cm., width at blade 6 cm., at butt 3.8 cm., thickness at center 5 cm. Ax 2 (fig. 185, c), found with jar B, is of fine-grained, light gray-green diorite with streaks of brown and white. It is somewhat asymmetrical, but well polished, especially toward the slightly convex blade. Fracture lines are not completely erased at the butt end, which is rounded and shows no signs of having been used for hammering. Length is 6.4 cm., width at blade 4.5 cm., width at butt 3.2 cm., thickness 2.1 em. Ax 3 (fig. 185, d), associated with jar C, is of fine-grained, light gray diorite, and is trianguloid in outline, narrowing from 6.4 cm. at the blade to 2 cm. at the 504 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 it ty if ff Piha & Yh, A/ fl / Ficure 184.—Arua Phase stone axes from C-9—Frei Joao. a, Ax 1. b, Ax 4. butt, which shows concoidal cleavage in various planes, probably from use as a hammerstone. The remaining surfaces are polished, but a slight indentation toward the center of one edge was not obliterated. The convex blade is well polished and sharp. Thickness is 2.8 cm., except where it tapers to the point. Length is 8.5 cm. Ax 4 (fig. 184, 6), associated with jar D, is of fine-grained, light gray diorite, well polished on all surfaces except the butt, which showed evidence of use as a hammer. The convex cutting edge is sharp, and the general outline symmetrical. ereEe AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 505 Figure 185.—Arua Phase stone artifacts from C-9—Frei Joio. a, Asymmetrical stone tool. 6, Ax 5. c, Ax 2. d, Ax3. e, Ax 7. f, Ax 6. 506 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 9 *» yo) 9 D Ficurre 186.—Arua Phase decorated sherds from C-—9—Frei Joao. a, Modeled and incised. 6, Modeled. cc, Incised. Length is 14.3 cm., width tapering from 8.8 cm. at the blade to 4.5 cm., at the flat butt, thickness 3.8 cm. for two-thirds of the distance from the butt, where it began to taper toward the blade. Ax 5 (fig. 185, b) of fine-grained, light-gray diorite is smooth and well polished on the blade. The remainder of the surface is irregular, although lightly polished, and the butt shows use as a hammer. Length is 7.3 cm., outline trianguloid, tapering from 6.2 cm. at the convex blade to 1.8 cm. at the butt. Thickness is 1.7 cm. just above the blade tapering toward the butt. This also was found near jar D. Ax 6 (fig. 185, f), made of fine-grained, gray diorite, is incompletely polished so that the lines of concoidal fracture are not erased. Pecking at the center of both sides forms a slight indentation or waist. It measures 9.8 cm. long, 5.5 cm.wide at the convex blade and 2.3 cm. wide at the butt, with the thickness decreasing from 2.5 cm. above the blade to 1.2 cm. at the butt. Ax 7 (fig. 185, e) is a rectanguloid ax of fine-grained, gray diorite, only slightly polished on all surfaces. The blade is badly chipped at both corners from hard use, and the butt is chipped in concoidal fracture from use as a hammerstone. The length is 7.0 cm., width 5.3 cm., and thickness 1.8 cm. at the center, narrowing to a point at both blade and butt ends. One of the miscellaneous sherds scattered throughout the site is from a bowl of Piratuba Plain shape 10 with the modeled figure of a bird perched on the hollow rim: wane ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 507 Hollow rimmed bowl (fig. 187).—A large rim sherd bears a modeled, hollow adorno in the form of a bird with a round head 3.8 cm. in diameter bearing two large, ringlike eyes 1.5 cm. in diameter and a small, conical-based beak battered on the end. This is set on a hunched body. The convex edges of the wings are modeled on the front, with a narrow mark running vertically between them down the breast. The figure is simply but effectively done, and strongly suggests an owl. It is fastened to the outer edge of the hollow rim, so that it leans back- ward but faces the interior of the bowl, which had a mouth diameter of about 16 cm. Asymmetrical stone tool (fig. 185, a).—This piece of biotitic granite with a naturally flat, D-shape, was probably used as a hammerstone or chopper. It has a rough, scalloped edge as a result of use. The tool measures 12.4 cm. long, 6.0 to 7.0 cm. wide and decreases in thick- ness from 2.2 cm. on the flat edge to 0.3 cm. on the other edges. Fiagure 187.—Arua Phase zoomorphie rim adorno in the form of a bird from C-9—Frei Jodo. Nephrite objects—Of the 5 nephrite objects from C-9—Frei Joao, the first four were associated with burial jar B, while the fifth had no associated material. The detailed descriptions follow: Pendant A (fig. 188, a) is a flat, rectanguloid pendantlike object of well-polished, pale-green nephrite. One end is carved in the form of a realistically modeled bird’s head with a heavy, down-curved beak, which probably represents the vulture. The skull is rounded slightly and is separated from the body by a narrow V-shaped indentation from both sides to form a neck. The body is a parallel-sided rectangle, except where the lower edge tapers toward the back. A biconically drilled perforation, 2 mm. in diameter at the surface and 1 mm. in diameter at the center, has been made 3 mm. from the front edge of the body. Length 3.4 cm., width 1.75 cm. on the body, and 1.4 cm. at the head, thickness 3.0 to 3.5 mm. 508 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 — te oe e =. bee Se ieee’ ats ; a ee ele c2— = « —s; — —= Fiaure 188.—Arua& Phase nephrite pendants and beads from C—9—Frei Jodo. Pendant B (fig. 188, b) is a flat, rectanguloid pendantlike object of well-polished, pale-green nephrite in the outline of a square-headed bird. The beak is hooked, neck long, and the body is more birdlike than the other two, tapering from both front and back toward a backward-turned, rounded tip. The perforation is drilled in the front edge of the body from one side only, giving it a conical form with a diameter of 2 mm. at its entrance and 1 mm. at the exit. Length 3.5 cm., maxi- mum width 1.3 cm., thickness 2.5 to 3.0 mm. Pendant C (fig. 188, c) is a flat, rectanguloid pendantlike object of well-polished, pale-green nephrite with the crude head of a bird at the upper end. The head is rounded and the heavy beak projects forward, but is not hooked. V-shaped indentations separate it from the rectanguloid body, which has the lower, back corner cut off. A biconical hole, 2 mm. in diameter on the surface and 1.5 mm. at the center was drilled near the center of the body. Length 3.5 cm., width 1.2 cm., thickness 3 to 5 mm. Bead D (fig. 188, d) is a flat disk of brownish-green nephrite, 1.7 cm. in diameter and 2.0 to 2.5 mm. thick. A biconically drilled hole in the center narrows from 1.5 mm. in diameter at the surface to 0.5 mm. toward the center. The surfaces are flat and parallel, one being well polished and the other rough. Bead E (fig. 188, e) is of pale-green nephrite with a cylindrical form measuring 1.5 cm. long and 1.3 cm. in diameter. The ends are flat and have parallel surfaces. mecenrs/ AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 509 All surfaces are well polished. The hole is biconically drilled and narrows from a diameter of 4 mm. at the surface to 2 mm. in the center. Five lumps of ocher, including one red, two yellow, and two red and yellow, were recovered from various places in the excavations. Ocher.—One red and yellow, and one yellow fragment are small, irregularly shaped concretions showing no evidence of use. The largest piece, a red and yellow colored fragment, is slightly rubbed on one surface only; it measures 4.5 by 4.0 by 4.0 cm. The lump of red ocher has the form of a flat-based (4.2 by 3.0 cm.), flat-sided cone, with three of the faces polished from rubbing. A yellow piece is long and thin with the upper and lower surfaces stepped and showing scratches made with a fine-pointed tool on the largest flat area. The overall length is 5.0 cm., width 3.4 cm., and thickness 1.5 cm. tapering to only 1 mm. C-11I—VAQUEJADOR DE SAO SEBASTEAO A narrow strip of forest runs east-west across the center of Caviana, separating the campo into two parts (fig. 151). In 1908, a path was cleared so that cattle could be driven from one campo to the other, and a small Arua cemetery was discovered on the east edge about 1.5 km. in from the south campo. Our guide asserted that the jars were unbroken then, but if this is true the thousands of cattle that have passed through the path during the years since have reduced them to an exceedingly fragmentary condition. The cemetery is 4 to 5 meters in diameter, and occupies a slight rise, 25 to 30 cm. above the surrounding area. The soil is loose, fine, and light gray, becoming more compact and light tan below the sherd layer. The surface root mat, 5 to 10 cm. thick, covered the refuse deposit, which was 45 cm. thick at the center of the site, decreasing to 25 cm. at the edges. Vegetation on the site included a small tree, 25 cm. in diameter, near the northwest edge, spiny reeds and small brush. The major concentration of sherds was around the tree and petered off to the south and east. Excavation included a thorough testing of the northern half of the cemetery, with a smaller test toward the south edge (fig. 189). The bases of 15 burial jars were recovered, together with numerous sherds and associated material. Unfortunately, the majority of the vessels were too fragmentary for reconstruction. They all represent Piratuba Plain; their descriptions follow: Jar 1 (fig. 179, f), near the northwestern edge of the site, is represented by one- third of the rim and neck, which were projecting upright 8 em. above the ground, and by large fragments of the body and base in the nearby soil. The jar has a concave bottom 20 cm. in diameter, walls rising to a slight, rounded shoulder, a concave-sided neck, and a folded-over rim (Piratuba Plain shape 17). The sur- face is not well smoothed, and undulations reveal where the 5-cm.-wide coils were joined. Rim diameter is 40 cm., reconstructed height, 64 cm.; neck height, 14 cm. Jar 2, one meter east of jar 1, is indicated by several body sherds from a large jar with an applique rib at the junction of the body with the vertical neck. Dia- 510 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 x <—— IRON KNIFE ©) RESIN AND xa STONE 58) orn epee | | | | | | | | | | | J AREA COMPLETELY EXCAVATED Ficure 189.—Plan of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefo, an Arua Phase cemetery Site. meter here is 28 cm., with the globular body estimated at 36 to 38 cm. in dia- meter. Body wall thickness is 1.1 em. The applique rib is 9 mm. thick and 8 mm. wide and is decorated with vertical notches, 1.0 to 1.5 cm. apart. No asso- ciated rim sherds could be identified. Jar 3 designates a crude and irregular fragment of a base, 12.5 cm. in diameter, found upright against the north side of the tree and partly under the roots. It is slightly convex on the exterior of the bottom and joins the walls after a vertical rise of 5 mm. that produces a pedestal effect (fig. 181, base type C). Toward the upper interior, the coil junctions are only partially obliterated. Inside were several sherds, including parts of a small globular vessel with a rim diameter of 12 cm. and of a deep bowl with irregular, prominent, unsmoothed coils on the interior, and three small, applique nubbins projecting from the exterior of the rim, which had a diameter of 18 cm. Jar 4 (fig. 179, g) was indicated on the surface by part of the base projecting 16 cm. above ground. Digging toward the northwest, the direction in which the first fragment was leaning, revealed 2 small stone axes lying side by side and a bowl containing 2 pottery beads (pl. 100, b). The bowl was 30 cm. northwest of the center of the base of the main jar. As reconstructed, the jar has a small, rounded MEG RSP AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON aL bottom from which the walls expanded gradually to the rounded shoulder, a short vertical neck and a slightly everted, folded-over rim (Piratuba Plain shape 17). Neck height is 8 cm., rim diameter 30 cm., and reconstructed total height 48 cm. Both surfaces were poorly smoothed, remaining irregular and uneven. The bowl (fig. 190) that had apparently been inside it has a folded-over rim, 19.5 cm. in mouth diameter, nearly vertical sides, and a convex bottom from which project a series of hook-shaped ‘“‘feet”’ arranged in a circle 5 cm. outward from the center of the base. Broken edges indicate that two similar feet occupied the center of the base. They are relatively equally spaced and numbered 10 originally. In addition, a row of small, conical appliques follows the lower edge of the junction of the wall with the base. These project 1.5 cm. from the vessel surface and are set, on the average, 1.5 cm. apart except where gaps of 4 cm. separate them into 2 groups, one of 7 and the other of 6 nubbins. Jar 5, 1 meter east of jar 4, was represented by a base sherd 8 cm. below the surface, with one moss-covered edge protruding. It is exceedingly crude, 19 cm. in diameter, with a rounded junction to the body wall at one side and a 2 cm. high pedestal type junction on the opposite side. Wall thickness is 5 to 7 mm., and none of the other sherds encountered in the vicinity are thin enough to have be- longed to the upper part. Inside was a large sherd from a deep bowl with a direct rim, ornamented on the exterior of the body with two undulating applique ribs, 0.8 to 1.1 em. thick. Jar 6 fragments came from midway between jars2 and 4. This location pro- duced a flat, pedestal-type base (fig. 181, C) 30 cm. in diameter and large sherds from two jar necks. The one that seems most likely to belong to the base is part of a rounded shoulder and vertical neck 32 cm. in diameter, with the rim missing. The second sherd is from a large, globular-bodied jar with a constricted mouth and upturned, direct rim 42 cm. in diameter (Piratuba Plain shape 20). Jar 7 had been demolished to such an extent that only a large base lying on the surface remained. The exterior is slightly concave and the edges join the body wall at an angle of 75 degrees (fig. 181, type B). Base diameter is 30 cm., exist- ing height 13 cm., at which the body diameter is 38 cm., base thickness 2.2 em., body wall thickness 1.4 cm. The exterior surface is better smoothed than the interior. ' i ys! i} Ua Ep, | 7 a IOS ra Fiaure 190.—Piratuba Plain bowl associated with Burial jar 4 from the Arua Phase site C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedo. 512 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Jar 8, another base, was 24 cm. below the surface. It is flat (fig. 181, type A), 20 cm. in diameter, with an existing height of 20 cm. at which the diameter is 40 cm. Jar 9 was indicated by a base upside down 18 cm. below the surface. It is flat, 16 cm. in diameter, joining the body wall at a rounded angle (fig. 181, type A). Jar 10 is a rim sherd from a large rounded bow! (Piratuba Plain shape 3) lying on the surface. The rim, 34 cm. in diameter, bears two narrow, overlapping, unsmoothed coils on the exterior, which provide a pair of irregular, parallel deco- rative lines. No jars were found in the immediate vicinity. Jar 11 is a pedestal-type base (fig. 181, type C), 16 cm. in diameter and 2 em. thick at the center. Both surfaces are somewhat irregular, although the exterior is better smoothed than the interior. Jar 12 has a flat base with a suggestion of a poorly defined pedestal, an insloping neck and a slightly everted, folded-over rim bearing thumb impressions along the lower edge (Piratuba Plain shape 17). The base was upright 18 cm. below the surface. Base diameter is 16 cm., rim diameter 26 cm., thickness at the center of the base 2.5 cm., body wall thickness 1.3 to 1.5 em. Associated with this jar was a large fragment of the base and body of a vessel built up of overlapping coils that were smoothed on the interior but left to form a tiered profile on the exterior (fig. 191). Body sherds were scattered as far away as jar 3. The bottom is flat on the exterior and convex on the interior, with a diameter of 18 to 20 cm. The coils are both closer together and more prominent at the bottom, increasing from 2.5 to 6.0 cm. apart from the lower edge of one tier to the lower edge of the next (proceeding from bottom to top), and decreasing from 1.2 to 0.8 cm. in pro- jection from adjacent surface below. Enough sherds were recovered to recon- soni) val “ile] S Ss 0 2CM Fiacure 191.—Tiered jar of Piratuba Plain associated with Burial jar 12 from the Arua Phase site of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedao. a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 513 struct the height to 31 cm., which represents seven tiers. At this height the body diameter is 40 cm. Only one rim sherd was found that might belong to the jar. It is a folded-over rim, slightly everted, with a mouth diameter of 48 cm. Jar 13 is a large base fragment, the upper edge of which was protruding 6 cm. above the ground surface. It is the pedestal type (fig. 181, type C), 26 em. in diameter, with coil lines clearly distinguishable on the bottom and in cross section showing the steps in construction. The first coil of the wall was added around the edge of a disk, which forms the center of the base. Then two smaller coils were added outside of the wall to form the projecting pedestal; as a result, the thickness of the wall at that point reaches 4.6 em. Both surfaces are very crude, uneven, and irregular. Jar 14 is another base, encountered 18 cm. below the surface. It has a flat bottom, rounded pedestal 1.5 cm. high and widely flaring side walls (fig. 181, type C). Base diameter is 20 cm., height of the existing fragment 13 cm., at which the diameter has increased to 45 cm. Jar 15, the lower part of a small jar, was upright with the upper edge protrud- ing 7 cm. above the surface and covered with moss. The flat bottom is 12 cm. in diameter, the rounded and poorly defined pedestal 9 em. high (fig. 181, type C). The maximum diameter of the rounded body, 11 cm. above the base, is 24 em.; body wall thickness 0.9 to 1.2 cm. A quantity of miscellaneous sherds from Piratuba Plain bowls and jars of various sizes and shapes was encountered scattered about in the dirt. The relative frequency of the rim and vessel shapes can be seen on figure 201. Noteworthy were a sherd from a platter or griddle (Piratuba Plain shape 11) with an upturned border bearing a row of impressed rings, and a body sherd from a large jar decorated at the base of the neck with an applique rib bearing vertical nicks approxi- mately 1 cm. apart. Other artifacts from C-11 include: Pottery beads.—Associated with jar 4 were two roughly circular pot- tery objects, pierced slightly off-center, that may be crude beads or spindle whorls. The larger (fig. 192, b) has a diameter of approxi- mately 4 cm., a thickness of 1.8 cm., narrowing toward the rounded edges, and a perforation 3 mm. in diameter. The second (fig. 192, a) is of similar shape, but smaller, measuring 3.4 cm. in diameter, 1.4 1 CM Figure 192.—Arua Phase pottery beads associated with Burial jar 4, C-11— Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedo. 514 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 cm. thick, and pierced in the same way, by pushing a stick through the clay while still wet. The surfaces are smoothed, but not well enough to produce evenness or symmetry. Stone azes.—Two axes of almost identical shape and size were associated with jar 4. Ax 1 (fig. 198, b) of fine-grained tannish diorite, worked by pecking and then polishing the surfaces smooth. Pecking marks are still visible just above the well ground, convex bit; the butt is flattened, but shows no use as a hammerstone. Length 7.2 cm., width 5.2 em. at the blade, 1.5 cm. at the butt, thickness 3.3 cm. Ax 2 (fig. 193, a) of fine-grained, tan diorite worked by pecking and then polishing; pecking still visible on the butt end, which shows slight use as a hammer- stone. The convex bit is well polished and sharp. Length 7.1 cm., 4.4 cm. wide at bit, 2 cm. wide at butt. Thickness varies from 2.4 cm. just above the bit to 3 cm. in the center of the poll. FicurE 193.—Stone axes of the Arué Phase. a-b, Associated with Burial jar 4, a Pm de Saéo Sebastefo. c, Associated with jar 8, C-12— Yondino. EVANS MaSCEnSrAND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 515 Polishing stone.—A cuboidal stone of fine-grained diorite with gray flecks and tan spots has several well-smoothed surfaces that indicate use involving friction. It measures 3.0 by 3.2 by 2.9 cm. Jutahi resin.—An irregularly shaped lump of clear, amber-colored, white-coated resin was found with the polishing stone, 15 cm. below the surface. It is 3.5 by 2.0 by 2.0 cm. Iron concretion.—This somewhat rounded but irregular concretion of iron, 3.5 by 3.0 by 1.5 cm., possibly represents a natural inclusion in the soil. It shows no trace of use. Iron knife blade—The rusted blade of a small knife was found a little north of the center of the site just below the surface. It in- cludes the blade (11.5 cm. long) and a portion of the tang that fit between the two sections of a wooden or bone handle, with two per- forations for attachment. The cutting edge is convex, the back straight; maximum width of the blade is 2.2 em., thickness 1 mm. at the edge, 3 mm. at the back. Although oxidized, the iron is still strong and all features of the implement are clearly discernible. It is not possible to determine conclusively whether this is an article of trade with the Aruaé or whether it is a relic of the construction of the cattle trail. This cemetery seriates above M-5, which had contact materials, and thus the knife would not be out of place; its condition seems too good, however, to be consistent with several hundred years’ exposure to the elements. C—12—CONDINO Another Arua cemetery is located about 500 meters north of C-11 and 250 meters east of the cattle trail (fig. 151). It has been dis- covered by our guide about 20 years previously while hunting and he contended that at that time the jars were whole and standing on the surface. At the time of our visit they were badly broken, with frag- ments buried to a depth of 20 cm. The bases of the large jars were arranged in an oval 10- by 5-meter area (fig. 194). The soil was light tan, loose, and somewhat sandy, and was not distinguishable in character or elevation from that of the surrounding area. Three or four small trees grew toward the edge of the site, and there was a sprinkling of cane, spiny palm, and small brush. Nine concentrations of sherds, generally including the base of a large burial jar, were scattered in the site area. The sherds were dispersed over small patches typically 0.50 to 1.50 meters in diameter, with the spaces between them sterile. The associations were as follows: Jar 1 (fig. 179, h), at the southwest limit of the cemetery, was visible as an 8 em. projection of a broken edge above the ground. Excavation revealed the lower half of a large jar, intact, leaning slightly to the west, with its base resting 23 cm. below the surface. The base, 18 cm. in diameter, had a low, rounded pedestal (fig. 181, C); sidewalls flared outward, then curving inward to form a 516 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 STERILE OUTSIDE DOTTED LINE Figure 194.—Plan of C-12—Condino, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase, showing the location of the burial jars. pronounced shoulder at a height of 28 cm., and then sloping to a vertical neck and everted rim with a mouth diameter of 36 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16?); maximum body diameter 46 cm. Jar 2A (fig. 179, 7), the lower part of a very large jar, was 1.5 cm. west of and leaning slightly toward jar 1. Inside it, with bottom inside bottom, and body sherds along the walls, were fragments of a second vessel, jar 2B. Sherds from both jars and from several bowls were encountered in the surrounding dirt. The close association between this and jar 1 makes it probable that the two vessels represent a compound burial. Jar 2A had a small, slightly convex base (fig. 181, type B), a large ovoid body and everted, exteriorly thickened rim (Piratuba Plain awe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 517 shape 15). An applique rib 1.5 to 2.0 cm. wide and 1.2 to 1.5 cm. high ran around the body just above the maximum diameter. The upper surface was ornamented with large thumb or fingertip impressions 3 to 7 mm. deep, and averaging 5 mm, apart (pl. 108, g-h). Maximum body diameter was about 48 cm., rim diameter 54 cm., reconstructed height 61cm. Jar 2B had a pedestal-type base 16 cm. in diameter (fig. 181, type C), from which the walls rise at an angle of 45 degrees. The only rim sherd that could belong to this jar is one with an outflaring, direct rim 40 cm. in diameter. This may be a misidentification, since no other jar with this sort of rim was encountered at any other Arua site. Jar 3 (fig. 179, 7) was signaled by a moss-covered broken edge protruding above the ground. The bottom of the jar was intact except for the broken out base and rested 23 cm. below the surface. A flat-bottomed, mildly carinated bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 2) with a flat-topped, horizontal rim 30 cm. in diameter and a base 22 cm. in diameter was resting right-side-up over the hole in the jar bottom. Rim sherds from four other vessels were alsoinside. The jar had a large rounded body, 62 cm. in maximum diameter, a short, almost vertical neck, 15 em. high, and a slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim with a square lip, and a mouth diameter of 40 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 15). An applique rib, 1 cm. high and 1 cm. wide, ran around the shoulder at the body diameter of 54 cm. Its upper edge bore a row of impressed rings 1 em. in diameter and 3 to 8 mm. apart (pl. 108, 2). Jar 4, 50 cm. southwest of jar 3, also had the edge of a fragment projecting above the surface. Digging beside this fragment uncovered a small, crude bowl (A). Next to it, a second bowl (B) was inverted over a smaller jar (C). Exam- ination of what was thought to be the main jar revealed it to be instead a flat, thick platter or griddle (Piratuba Plain shape 11) with the impression of a thick- ribbed leaf on the underside and an upturned rim with a row of circles impressed with a solid stick along the inner edge (fig. 195; Meggers and Evans, 1954, pl. 3). Diameter is 30 cm. Although the thickness is 1.5 to 2.0 cm., the impression of the main rib of the leaf to a depth of 1.3 em. where the wall thickness was only 1.6 cm. made the platter weak and fragile. The small associated vessels are all exceedingly crude. Bowl A has a flat bottom 8 cm. in diameter rounding out to vertical or bulging sides ending in a folded-over rim. The rim is not level, so that the vessel height varies from 7.3 to 8.4 em. Mouth diameter is 12cm. Bowl B (pl. 105, d) has a flat bottom 9 em. in diameter, walls curving outward and then inward to a constricted mouth with a direct rim and rounded lip. Except that the rim is not level, the symmetry is good. Height 7.5 cm., maximum diameter 14 cm., mouth diameter 12 cm. Jar C (pl. 105, e) has a flat bottom, walls outcurving to a diameter of 10.4 cm., then incurving be- fore flaring outward to the rim, which varies from direct to folded over and has a diameter of 9.3 cm. The base, 6 cm. in diameter, is flattened so badly to one side that the rim is slanted and height varies from 4.5 to 5.5 em. Jar 5 is represented by several rim sherds found scattered over a wide area. Two were with jar 3, and although the fragments differ somewhat in degree of eversion and mouth diameter, there is a possibility that all the rims belonged to jar 3. This would explain the fact that no body sherds were found for jar 5. A large neck sherd bearing an undecorated applique rib from location 5, how- ever, belongs indisputably to a different jar, since its diameter is considerably smaller than that of jar 3. The rib occurs at a body diameter of 40 cm., is 2 cm. wide at the base and comes to a point. Jar 6 was broken into large sherds, with no identifiable fragments from the rim. The base, 30 cm. in diameter, was of the rounded, pedestal type (fig. 181, type C). The walls curved upward and then inward, forming a rounded shoulder 891329—57——35 518 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 = o © @ é- SSS o. ¢ CSS== 7 4S B cri eee 7 @ se = cat , KY” A) Ficure 195.—Piratuba Plain platter from the Arua Phase site, C-12—Condino. | merging into an insloping neck. The point of junction was set off by a raised rib, formed during the building of the wall and not added as applique. The rib narrows from 2.4 cm. at its attachment to 8 mm. at its top, which is ornamented with a row of impressed rings 1.1 cm. in diameter and spaced 1.5 to 2.5 cm. apart (pl. 108, 7). Below the rib, body wall thickness is 1.2 em.; above, it increases to 2.3 cm. Jar 7 (fig. 179, k) was found with half its base protruding upside down above the surface. Digging produced sherds from body, neck, and rim, as well as parts of numerous thin-walled vessels, a possible lid and a small figurine. The Brcenen Aro ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 519 jar has a flat bottom 23 cm. in diameter (fig. 181, type A), walls upslanting to a rounded shoulder, insloping neck and a heavy exteriorly thickened, flat-topped rim with a diameter of 44 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 15). A low applique rib 2.0 to 2.5 cm. wide and 6 mm. high runs around the base of the neck. It is ornamented with two rows of punctate circles 4 mm. in diameter, 2 to 6 mm. deep, and 5 to 15 mm. apart, one row along the summit of the rib and the other along the lower edge. Among the numerous associated sherds was one from a large shallow bowl with a mouth diameter of 48 cm., which is large enough to have covered the jar mouth. The rim was of the channel type and slightly thickened on the exterior (Piratuba Plain shape 1). Jar 8 is indicated by a base fragment of the pedestal type (fig. 181, type C), 17 cm. in diameter, found upright, 20 em. below the surface. A small grooved ax was resting inside the bottom. The ground between this vessel and jar 1 was full of sherds so that it was impossible to tell which were originally asso- ciated with which vessel. It may be that jar 8 was part of the complex burial represented by jars 1 and 2. Jar 9 was too fragmentary to be reconstructed. Its presence is attested by body sherds from a large jar, which were scattered among sherds from a number of smaller bowls and jars. Objects of unusual nature from Site C—12 include: Pottery figurine (fig. 183, a).—Associated with the sherds from jar 7 was a small figurine, with a cuboidal head, a trianguloid body, and a convex base. The front and back surfaces are nearly flat, with a slight constriction at the neck. The only modeling is on the head which has a crude face with a deep gash, 1.2 cm. long and 5 mm. wide, for the mouth, ring-shaped eyes made with the end of a reed 5 mm. in diameter, and a modeled ridge leading up from the sides to a slight peak over the nose, which is formed by a similar vertical ridge. A perforation 2 mm. in diameter runs from side to side at the base of the neck, and could have been used to pass a string through for suspension. The figurine is 7.3 cm. tall, 6.2 cm. wide at the base, and 3.5 cm. wide at the head. Thickness from front to back decreases from 4 cm. at the base to 3 cm. at the head. The surface had been smoothed when the clay was fairly wet, giving a slightly floated but still somewhat uneven finish. The ware is Piratuba Plain. Stone ax (fig. 193, c)—The only stone implement came from inside jar 8. It is an ax of fine-grained, whitish-tan diorite with flecks of gray. Pecking marks remain on the upper sides, but were polished over in other areas. The sides are notched by working from the faces, forming a continuous groove 4 mm. wide on one edge but not meeting exactly on the other. The smooth butt rounds to a small flat end 1.5 by 1.2 em. and shows no evidence of use asa hammer. The bit is convex, well sharpened at the blade and smoothed between it and the notches. Length is 10 cm., width at the blade 6.2 cm., at the notches 5.3 cm., and at the butt 1.5cm. The cross section is oval, coming to a point at the blade and flattened at the butt end; maximum thickness 3.5 cm. 520 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS MEXIANA Mexyiana Island has not been the subject of much archeological exploration in the past as compared to either Caviana or Marajé. Several sites in the interior of the island and on the north coast have been found by various of the landowners and overseers, and one cemetery was visited in the early 1930’s by Heloisa Alberto Torres, then director of the Museu Nacional in Rio de Janeiro. No excava- tions have been conducted in the past, but a few burial urns have been brought out. The following descriptions are based on verbal informa- tion and our inspection of these specimens. M-€6—RECREO This cemetery site is located in the campo of the Baixa Grande, just north of the Pirizal Guard (fig. 150). The area is accessible only at the peak of the dry season and then only if the high grass growth of the baixa has been recently burnt. At the time of our visit no one on the island had been to the site in recent years, but enough corroborating data came from the caboclos and the past landowner, Sr. José Ambrosio Pombo, that there is little doubt of its location and use as an aboriginal cemetery. A large number of burial urns are said to occupy the spot. Photographs of the type of burial jars from M-4 and M-5 were shown to various people and they stated that the same type of large jars with impressed circles on a raised ridge on the neck was found at Recreo. Sr. Pombo remembered that small, glass, red, white, and blue ‘‘seed”’ beads had come from a smaller vessel at the site. M-8—LIMAO DA FORA A peculiar, tubular pottery vessel at Fazenda Nazaré, Mexiana, had been picked up in 1947 when a portion of the bank near the mouth of Igarapé Lim4o da Fora had caved in. No more specific provenience data could be obtained but the absence of large fragments of burial jars suggest that this must have been a habitation site. Tubular pottery drum? (pl. 111, c).—The tubular pottery object tapers slightly from the wide mouth with rounded edges to the narrow end from which a rim or lip had broken off. One side of the cylinder has two small applique nubbins, the other, two modeled and incised birds. The wear on the nubbins suggests that the object had been placed on its side, resting on the two nubbins so that the two birds areontop. Since the rim is broken off, further evidence for such a position is lost. The crudely modeled, applique nubbins measure 1.0 to 1.2 cm. in diameter, 1 cm. injheight, and are spaced 6 cm. apart. One bird is complete; the body is modeled applique 2.5 em. long and 1.2 em. high, with a long, slightly curving bill, 2.6 cm. long and 6.mm. high. The two eyes are shown by small punctates and the wings, 2.0 to 2.5 cm. long, and legs, 3.5 cm. long, by incisions made when the clay was still very wet. The combination of modeling and incision makes a very effective drccana, Arp ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 521 representation. The other bird is not complete now, for its body has been broken, but it is of the same type and of the same general proportions, spaced 8.5 cm. from the first. The surface color is light orange with areas that are light gray to black as a result of firing differences. Vertical striations on the exterior and interior were made by a hard polishing tool when the clay was leather hard. Although well smoothed, the surface has a slightly rough texture. The paste is characteristic of Piratuba Plain. The vessel is 18 cm. in diameter at the broad end with a rounded direct lip and tapers to a mouth diameter of 8.5 cm. at the opposite end, where the existing, broken fragment of the rim is 12 em. in exterior diameter. Total length is 34cm. The similarity in shape to pottery drums from other areas (Lothrop, 1950, fig. 68) and evidence of horizontal position suggest a similar usage for this specimen and a more fragmentary one from M-—7—Aberta (pl. 111, 6). M-9—CHAPEU Three burial jars have been brought from this cemetery; in 1949, one was in the Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, one in the Museu Goeldi, Belém, and one at the main house of Fazenda Nazaré on Mexiana. The site was visited by Sr. Pombo and Heloisa Alberto Torres in the 1930’s. At that time no excavations were made, and no further sam- ples were taken other than the complete vessels. Sr. Pombo assured us that the site is in an environment similar to M-4—Fundo das Panellas, with the burial jars concentrated in a small patch of forest near Baixa de Chapéu. ‘The jar at Fazenda Nazaré has the following features: Jar 1 consists of the neck, rim, and shoulder with the base and lower part of the body missing. The surfaces are extremely crackled, with smoothing striations running horizontally on the neck and vertically on the body exterior, and with the coiling lines still visible on the neck interior. Coarse, ground-sherd temper particles protrude from the surfaces. It is a typical example of Piratuba Plain shape 16, with an everted, rounded, slightly thickened rim. The mouth diameter is 60 cm., neck height 29 cm., neck diameter at point of junction with body 50 cm., maximum body diameter 71 cm., and a reconstructed body height of 60 cm. Hight centimeters below the rim an applique rib, 5 mm. high, is impressed with an uneven line of circles, 5 mm. in diameter and pressed 3 mm. into the clay. CAVIANA In the fall of 1923, Curt Nimuendaji visited Caviana and excavated in a number of sites; the next year, he returned for further work. Ex- amination of the descriptions and places compiled from his field notes by Rydén (MS.) permits identification of all of them as Arua. Al- though the names have changed and the geographical locations, often based on landmarks like houses, are sometimes obscure, it appears that one of the sites he visited but did not excavate because of the hard- packed soil was our C-9. Two others can be identified as C-4 and C-8. The caboclos had lost track of the rest of his sites on the Pacaja and Apani by the time we came 25 years later. 522 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167 Since the majority of the sites reported by Nimuendaji produced a considerable quantity and variety of European trade material in con- trast with those we excavated, they are of importance in extending the description of Arua culture forward into historical times. The follow- ing brief summaries have been abstracted from Rydén’s (MS.) com- pilation of Nimuendajt’s field notes and Rydén’s description of the pottery: CAMPO REDONDO This cemetery is in a large strip of forest near the headwaters of the Rio Apani. In Nimuendajti’s words: The urn-site I visited is situated near the edge of a forested Teso, The rims of some of the urns projected from the ground like mouths of cannon; others were buried as deep as 1 m. Numerous urns of all sizes were placed so close together that it was necessary to dig between them with a knife-blade, and it was impossible to lift one out without damaging several others. Between the urns a lot of frag- ments not belonging to them were placed. [Rydén, MS.] The jars were plain and contained bone fragments representing second- ary burial. A long glass bead with blue and white stripes was found in one jar. One urn had a crude bow! lid. SAO DOMINGO A site of uncertain character is on the right bank of the Rio Pacaja, 300 meters southwest of a house occupied in 1924. Nimuendajii was refused permission to dig, but concluded from superficial examination that the cemetery had been destroyed. He notes, however, that the owner insisted that nothing but sherds had ever been found, although other people claimed that human bones and teeth, greenstone beads, and European objects like white beads and iron implements had been dug up. This may be the habitation site we designated as C-8— Pacaja. TESO DA SUMAHUMA In the large, forested elevation between the Rio Pacaja and its tributary the Igarapé Paric4, is an Arua cemetery. It occupies the most elevated portion of the ground and is marked by a large tree with widely radiating, exposed roots. At the time of Nimuendajit’s visit, the tree trunk was 2 meters in diameter and the roots covered an area of more than 6 square meters. Broken jars were visible on the west side in the niches formed between the roots. Twelve uras were iden- tified from the fragments; some of them retained traces of bone and, in two cases, teeth. One vessel had an anthropomorphic face on oppo- site sides of the neck (Nordenskiéld, 1930, pl. 22, c) and another was decorated with applique strips in straight and undulating rows. There were no objects of European origin associated. ane ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 523 The location and description of this cemetery closely resembles that of our site C-4—Teso dos Indios. The probability that the same site is involved here is increased by the fact that the only side of the tree where no pottery was found on our visit was the west, where Nimuendajt describes excavating 12 urns (fig. 178). ESPERANGA Farther up the Paric4, on the right bank, were traces of another Arua site. Plain sherds were lying on the surface and excavation produced a few small glass beads and a rusty chisel. TESO DOS INDIOS This name applies to the entire forested area bounded on the south by the Rio Pacajé and on the east by the Parica. An Aru& cemetery is located toward the western edge. Fragments of 19 large burial jars, up to 63 cm. in diameter, were visible on the surface and 8 smaller vessels were found in excavation. The jars were all undecorated and contained black dirt, sometimes with bone fragments (only one in- cluding teeth) and often burial gifts of either aboriginal or European origin. Fragments of lids in the form of large bowls were associated with three jars and complete bowl lids with two. Objects of Indian origin included: an ax 12 em. long, of grayish- green, fine-grained diorite; a flat pendant 2.2 cm. long, of green, semitransparent nephrite; a similar pendant 3.0 cm. long; 6 nephrite beads (8 illustrated by Nordenskiéld, 1930, pl. 43, b-d); 8 teeth, of which 4 had been used as beads; a lump of jutahi resin; 4 lumps of red ocher, and a small lump of raw rubber. European trade material was represented by a pair of scissors, 2 chisels, a fragmentary iron knife, an iron chopper, 2 brass bells, a fragment of a glass mirror, 2 iron table knives, an iron ring, and an abundance of beads of many types and colors. These had been placed in the urns or in smaller vessels beside them, or were loose in the earth. The objects of Indian origin were always associated with those of European manu- facture; other jars contained only European goods. BACABAL I The Rio Pracutuba, on the eastern end of Caviana, flows through an area characterized by long, low natural elevations covered with dense forest. Three cemetery sites, called by Nimuendaji Bacabal I, I, and III, are located on one of these elevations between the Lim4o and Bacabal, tributaries of the Rio Pracutuba. Bacabal I is by far the largest of the three and produced some two dozen vessels, a few of which retained traces of painted decoration in red and black. Applique was present on two small jars and one was incised with 524 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 vertical lines on the upper exterior. The associated objects, all of Indian origin, included three stone axes with nearly parallel sides and convex blades, and a cylindrical, nephrite bead. PESQUEIRO About 1 km. northeast of Bacabal I, on the upper Igarapé do Pesqueiro, is a habitation site marked by abundant surface sherds of a thick and coarse pottery. No decorated examples were found. These characteristics are typical of Arua village sites. PRAINHA A cemetery producing unusually shaped, painted urns is located on another of the natural elevations in the Rebordello area. At the time of Nimuendajiti’s visit, it was occupied by a small settlement, and the attitude of the local people prevented any adequate exami- nation. Nimuendajti was able to collect only two fragments, one painted black-on-white, the other black-and-red-on-yellow. A painted jar in the form of a squatting human figure, with the head forming the lid, was said to have been found previously. REBORDELLO The farthest west of the natural elevations, the site of the village of Rebordello, is the location of the largest urn-burial cemetery that Nimuendajti encountered. Wherever houses were built, graves were dug, or pigs rooted, fragments of pottery or complete vessels were turned up. Most of the urns were plain ware, but applique and painted decoration were relatively frequent, and a number of the jars had anthropomorphic features. Examples have been illustrated by Nordenskiéld (1930, pls. 19-22). The relatively good condition of the bones in the jars permitted a more detailed description of the burial pattern than was possible from other sites: Generally, the urns contained only one skeleton, though occasionally there were two skeletons. Often the bones, or the larger ones at any rate, were painted red with Uruct. . . . Usually the long limb bones are placed vertically against the wall of the urn in a pile. The skull lies on the smaller bones; the inferior. maxillary bone was always detached. [Rydén, MS.] The most common form of burial gift was a small vessel or vessels placed beside the urn. Other objects encountered included a small piece of resin, two bits of sandstone, two fragments of a cylindrical, nephrite bead, and a few tiny, white and blue china beads. MEGaERA AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 025 ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE ARUA PHASE Potrery Typrp DESCRIPTIONS The study of Arua Phase pottery is based upon specimens from the Territory of Amap& and the Islands of Caviana, Mexiana, and Marajé6, comprising a total of 12,589 sherds and 120 jars and small vessels. Although numerous efforts were made to break down the pottery into several groupings, it was impossible to arrive at any sub- division of the plain sherds that proved meaningful. The Arua Phase is therefore represented by a single plain pottery type. Decora- tion is sporadic and infrequent and it seemed more functional to consider occasional applique or circle impressions on the large burial jars as minor variations in Piratuba Plain. After considerable de- liberation, brushing and one type of incision were separated as distinct pottery types because, although they are represented by a very small sample, they are found only at early sites and are therefore important as time markers. The pottery types are established according to the currently accepted binomial system, the first name referring to a local geographical proper name and the second term descriptive. The detailed descriptions of each type are arranged in alphabetical order. ABERTA INCISED PasTE AND SURFACES: Incised designs were applied to occasional vessels of Pira- tuba Plain; see that pottery type for details of color, temper, firing and surface finish. Form: All but one example of this type are body sherds; the single rim is from a shallow bowl with an interiorly thickened rim and a flat top. DeEcoORATION (pl. 102): Technique: The incisions are composed of two major types of lines, which are both present on the same sherd. Broad incisions, made with a flat- ended instrument when the clay was partially dry, are most frequent. They are 1-2 mm. in width and the depth is typically 0.5 mm., with some occasionally as much as 1.0 mm. A smaller number of sherds have finer and fainter incisions, which are often difficult to see on the rough and irregular surface. Motif: Most designs are composed of parallel, straight lines, either in pairs or single lines. In several instances, these intersect a straight line running at a slight diagonal. Less frequently, the lines are curved or scalloped or in the form of large cross hatch. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Restricted to the early part of the Arué Phase. NAZAR BRUSHED PastE: This decorated pottery type is on Piratuba Plain; see that pottery type description for details of temper, color, texture, and firing. SURFACES: Color: Exterior and interior—Light tan to bright orange to brownish tan. Treatment:: Interior—Surface floated in the smoothing process, but clay left very 526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 irregular and uneven with the ground sherd temper particles causing lumps on the surface. Many small holes from water bubbles indicate the clay was worked when fairly wet. Exterior—Treated as the interior first, then brushed. Form: Rims: Probably typical forms of Piratuba Plain; only 1 rim found. It was externally thickened, from a vertical-walled vessel with a mouth of 22 em. in diameter. The thickened area of the rim is 1.0 cm. thick and 1.2 em. long. Body wall thickness: 4-10 mm.; majority 7 mm. Body: Globular or rounded. Base: No sherds found. Vessel shape: Sherds suggest rounded jars with slightly constricted mouths, DEcoRATION (pl. 103): Technique: Exterior brushed lightly with a bunch of sticks from the rim downward to the base in a vertical pattern or sometimes horizontally around the body. No diagonal brushing, but the brushed lines often over- lap. Brush marks appear to be regulated by the dryness of the surface when brushed, ranging from 0.5—-1.0 mm. deep, with individual lines aver- aging 1.0-1.5 mm. apart. Motif: No pattern, merely an effort to cover the exterior surface with vertical brushings, sometimes placed parallel to the rim around the body. Appar- ently limited to the body surface for only 1 rim or neck sherd was found intact with the brushing terminating at the collar. TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Early part of the Arué Phase. PIRATUBA PLAIN PastTE: Method of manufacture: Coiling. Temper: Fine to coarsely ground sherd, clearly distinguishable in 50 percent of the sherds, where the temper comprises about 30 percent of the mixture; otherwise, the temper blends into the paste so that it is invisible. Fairly evenly distributed except that coarse particles tend to be clustered. Texture: Generally compact and fine-grained in appearance but with an angular, granular cleavage produced partly by the angular temper particles. Harder to break than sandy pastes of other pottery, but still a relatively soft pottery. Dull thud when knocked together. Color: Medium to dark-gray core typical with band of light tan to orange red extending 1-3 mm. inward from both surfaces. About 30 percent are fired light tan to orange through the cross section. Firing: Incompletely oxidized; fire clouds rare. SURFACES: Color: Light tan to light orange to bright orange to orange tan to brownish tan to rusty orange on exterior and interior. On a single sherd or vessel the color shows little variation. Some better-smoothed surfaces have a dark-red film produced by rubbing with a lump of red ocher. Treatment: Interior and exterior—Coil lines erased but smoothing superficial, leaving a porous, pitted appearance and an uneven and irregular surface. A small percentage are even and slick and these generally have a red film left by the ocher used as a smoothing tool. Hardness: 2-2.5. ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 527 Form: Rims: Everted, interiorly thickened or exteriorly thickened, folded-over (junction of added coil with body wall not erased in cross section or smoothed over on exterior), channeled, direct, ‘pinched,’ and hollow with either rounded, pointed, or square lip (pl. 104). Body wall thickness: 4-23 mm., majority 8-15 mm. Bases: Bowls probably flat or flattened to some extent, rarely concave. Jar bases are (A) flat, (B) concave, depressed to 1.5 cm. at the center of the exterior, (C) pedestal, rising vertically for 5-20 mm. on the exterior before joining the outsloping body wall, or (D) rounded (fig. 181). Flat bases are generally thickened toward the center on the interior and may attain 2.5 cm. in contrast to 1.5 cm. at the junction with the sidewall. Because a large percentage of vessel-shape classifications were made on rim sherds, these base types cannot be distinguished as associated with any particular rim type. It is probable that the first three are alternatives employed on all the jar varieties. Vessel shapes: 1. Shallow to deep bowls with expanded or exteriorly thickened rim bearing a shallow to deep groove or channel on the upper edge, often slanted toward the interior. Maximum diameter 20—48 cm. (fig. 196-1). 2. Rounded or mildly carinated bowls with sharply everted rim, flattened top horizontal or sloping toward interior and square or rounded lip. Rim diameter 20 to 40 cm. (fig. 196-2). 3. Bowls with folded over rims, rounded to pointed lip; generally deep and rounded on the bottom, occasionally shallow and flat bottomed Rim diameter 18-42 em. (fig. 196-8). 4. Bowls with exteriorly thickened rim, rounded to squarish lip, probably rounded bottom. Rim diameter 19-52 cm. (fig. 196-4). 5. Shallow, rounded bowls with rim thickened on interior so as to produce broad, sloping, flat-topped, shelflike band along the interior, 2-3 cm. wide. Rim diameter 16-46 cm. (fig. 196-5). 6. Bowls with outflaring upper wall ending in a direct rim with square, rounded or pointed lip; bottom probably rounded. Rim diameter 22—46 cm. (fig. 196-6). 7. Bowls with straight or incurving walls, direct rim, square to rounded lip, probably rounded bottom. Rim diameter 14-42 cm. (fig. 196-7). 8. Flat-bottomed bowls or lids with short, slightly outslanting walls and ornate exteriorly thickened or flanged rim. Junction of the wall to the base inset so the base projects up to 1 cm. Flat exterior of base may be ornamented with thin applique strips and disks. Generally circular, occasionally rectanguloid. Diameter of rim exterior 12-24 cm. (fig. 196-8, drawn inverted as a lid). 9. Deep bowls with slightly everted upper walls “pinched off” just below the tip to produce a small, sharply defined rim with a rounded lip. Diameter 11—46 cm. (fig. 196-9). 10. Bowls with hollow rims produced by exterior or interior thickening. Rim diameter 20-42 cm. (fig. 196-10). 11. Flat, heavy griddles with upturned or interiorly thickened rim, usually ornamented with one or two rows of punctates. One specimen has the impression of a leaf with a thick central rib on the exterior. Diameter 34-45 cm. (figs. 195, 196-11, pl. 107). g a Be coal Pe Lamy, J J he NWWtec> Slt. dle 528 mencanas, Aan ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 529 12. Large burial jars with rounded body, tall vertical neck and everted rim expanding in thickness toward a square or rounded lip. Rim projects 2-6 cm. beyond the neck and has a diameter of 50-70 cm. All of this type were ornamented with a row of impressed circles on the neck (fig. 197-12; pl. 109). 13. Burial jars with ornamental, overlapping coil or undulation in the body wall 8-14 cm. below the folded-over (rarely direct) rim; large rounded body. Rim diameter 26-32 cm. (fig. 197-13). 14. Jars with a cambered neck and exteriorly thickened rim with square or rounded lip; probably large rounded body. Rim diameter 24-48 cm.; height of camber 6-11 cm. (fig. 197-14). Lititis Oo @ 16 24 cm) Vesse! Scais Fieure 197.—-Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Aru& Phase (Appendix, table 52). The vessel shape is a generalized version of a varying form (cf. figs. 171, 179). 530 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 15. Jars with rounded body, vertical or insloping neck and everted rim decreasing in thickness toward the lip, which is rounded or square. Flat rim top joins the inner neck wall with a sharp angle. Rim diameter 36-56 cm. Rare ornamentation with row of impressed rings around the neck (fig. 197-15). 16. Jars with rounded body, vertical or insloping neck and everted, unthickened or slightly thickened rim tapering to a rounded or pointed lip. Rim diameter 32-64 cm. (fig. 197-16). 17. Jars with large body expanding from base to shoulder, then con- tracting to join short, straight or concave-sided neck which terminates in a slightly everted, folded-over rim with a square lip. Rim diameter 26—50 em. (fig. 197-17). 18. Jars with rounded or elongated rounded body, insloping or concave neck and exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 18—52 cm. (fig. 197-18). 19. Jars with globular or ovoid body, constricted mouth and folded-over rim with square or rounded lip. Rim diameter 18-40 em. (fig. 197-19). “sana Fiaure 198.—Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua Phase sites. a, C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebasteao. b, C-12—Condino. c, C-6—Croatasal. MRCGRRA, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 531 1CM Ficgure 199.—Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua Phase sites. a, C-1—Teso das Igacgabas. b-e, C-6—Croatasal. 20. Jars with rounded body, constricted mouth and direct rim, some- times upturned 1-4 cm. below the rounded lip. Rim diameter 14-42 cm. (fig. 197-20). Occasional decoration: Applique: Ribs averaging 1 cm. wide and 1 ecm. thick, and conical nubbins up to 3 cm. in diameter and 1 em. high occur throughout the Arud Phase (figs. 198, 199, 200; pls. 108, 110, 111, a). Impressed rings: The surface of the neck or of a low applique rib around the neck or the shoulder of a large jar sometimes bears a row of rings made by pressing the end of a hollow reed or cane into the wet clay. The rings are not evenly spaced or placed in a straight row. Diameter is 0.6-1.5 cm., with the depth varying from 3-5 mm. This type of occasional decoration is most frequent in the earlier part of the Arua Phase (pls. 108, 109). Punctate: A row of punctates is sometimes substituted for the more usual row of impressed rings on a rib or along the rim of a griddle (pl. 107). TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: There is a consistent improvement in surface finish from early to late Aru&é Phase sites, including an increase in the frequency of rubbing with red ocher. Bowl shapes 1 and 5 and jar shapes 12 and 16 tend to be early, while jar shapes 13 and 14 are found only in late sites. Jar shape 17 increases in frequency and bowl shapes 2, 3 and 6 show a decline. Bowl shape 7 increases in popularity from the early to the middle part of the Phase and then declines (Appendix, table 52). 532 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 b ey Ficure 200.—Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua sites. a, C-9—Frei Joao. en C-1—Teso das Igacgabas. d-—f, C-6— roatasal. CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: The dominant pottery type throughout the Aru&é Phase. UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED Several types of decoration used during the Arué Phase are either too poorly defined or too infrequent to warrant the establishment of separate pottery types. Most abundant is applique in the form of nubbins and fillets, which has been considered as an occasional embellishment of Piratuba Plain and included as a minor variant in the analysis and type description. -The same approach was also used with rows of impressed rings which were frequently applied to applique aie ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 533 ribs. Painting appears to become frequent in the late sites, but only two sherds were found during our excavations and provided insufficient information for an adequate description. Hence painted sherds are here included in unclassified decorated. The other techniques left unclassified are punctate, a distinct type of cord impression, fine incision, fine applique, and corrugation. PAINTING: 1. Red-painted designs executed on the unslipped vessel surface. a. Bowl interior with a narrow band of red along the rim interior and a wider one (possibly covering the entire bottom) 4.5 cm. below, the two connected with diagonal bands (fig. 172, 6). One sherd from C-—6—Croatasal burial area (section A). b. Exterior of burial jar with traces of curvilinear design in narrow (2-4 mm.) red lines (fig. 172, a). One sherd from M-4—Fundo das Panellas, Vessel 20. 2. Black designs executed on the unslipped vessel surface. a. Curvilinear design utilizing concave-sided, triangular areas, with lines of unequal width and carelessly applied. One sherd from Prainha (Rydén, MS.). 3. Red and black designs on the unslipped vessel surface. a. Single or paired lines (2 black or one red and one black) forming rectangles or spirals. From Bacabal I (Rydén, MS.). b. Areas of red leaving spirals and V’s of the original vessel surface, giving a negative effect. Sometimes bordered by black lines and accompanied by black bands. From Prainha (Rydén, MS.). c. Geometric designs of broad black lines and fine red ones. Several examples from Rebordello (Nordenskiéld, 1930, pl. 20; Rydén, MS.). PUNCTATE: 1. Rows of punctates of unequal size and shape, ranging from rounded to elongated. Three sherds from M-—7—Aberta. 2. Occasional sherds substitute a row of punctates for the usual row of impressed rings on a rib or along the rim of a platter (pl. 107). These variants have been included with the impressed rings as occasional ornamentation of Piratuba Plain and are considered as part of that type. CorRD IMPRESSION: 1. The exterior thickening of a rim of Piratuba Plain shape 4 bears alternating horizontal and vertical lines 2.0-2.5 mm. wide and 2.0 mm. deep made by pressing a piece of cord into the moist clay. One sherd from A—23— Ilha da Fortaleza, Conceigao. INCISION: 1. Simple design composed of widely spaced pairs of fine incised lines, crudely executed, with overshot corners and angular curves (fig. 186, c). Ex- terior of a vessel from C-—9—Frei Jodo. 2. Concentric triangles of fine, unequally parallel lines, sometimes wavy rather than straight, and with overshot corners (fig. 186, a). Flat top or bottom of a vessel of shape 8, which also has applique decoration; from C-9—Frei Joao. 3. Undulating line with shorter strokes parallel to it filling the curves. Incisions fine and sharp, but lines slightly irregular and not consistently parallel. Top and side of a vessel of Piratuba Plain shape 8 from C-9— Frei Joao. 891329—57——386 534 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 FINE APPLIQUE: 1. Row of small nubbins, 2.5-3.0 mm. in diameter and 0.5 mm. high, orna- mented with a small impressed circle or notch. Regularity of spacing, regularity and delicacy of execution strongly suggest use of a die or mold. Two examples from C-9—Frei Jo&éio, one with additional relief decoration. 2. Low relief bands 1-2 mm. wide and 0.5 mm. high, forming parallel lines or spirals. Execution is regular, even and uniform, and especially in the case of the spirals strongly suggests the use of a mold (fig. 186, 6). Two examples from vessels of Piratuba Plain shape 8 from C—9—Frei Joio. One is also decorated with fine incised lines (fig. 186, a). CoRRUGATION: 1. Irregular corrugations along the coil line, 8-12 mm. wide and rising 1-3 mm. above the surface. Two examples from J—2/3—Chaves Airport (pl. 112, a—b). 2. Punchings with finger tip or stick producing a roughened surface with shallow depressions and slight bumps. One sherd from J—2/3—Chaves Airport (pl. 112, c) and 3 sherds from M-—7—Aberta (pl. 112, d-f). Porrery ARTIFACTS Pottery artifacts were found only in cemetery sites of the Arua Phase. They include crude, trianguloid figurines (fig. 183) and crude, solid beads or spindle whorls (fig. 192). Both types of objects were associated with burials. NoncrERAMIc ARTIFACTS Characteristic of the Arua Phase, in contrast to the other archeo- logical Phases at the mouth of the Amazon, are polished trianguloid or rectanguloid, ungrooved or slightly nicked stone axes (fig. 169, 184, 185, 193). These vary somewhat in symmetry and complete- ness of polishing, but typically have a convex blade and narrow to a flattened or rounded butt. Length ranges from 6.4 to 13.5 cm. Specimens occur occasionally in habitation refuse but were found most frequently in association with burials in cemeteries. Another type of stone object restricted to the Arua Phase is orna- ments of nephrite. These include polished, cylindrical or flat, disk- shaped beads (fig. 188, d—-e) and small, flat pendants or amulets with one end carved in the form of a bird head, identified as a vulture (fig. 188, a—-c). All of these have come so far from cemetery sites, specifically M-5, C-4, C-9 and Nimuendaji’s sites of Teso dos Indios, Bacabal I and Rebordello. CERAMIC HISTORY The ceramic history of the Aruaé Phase is based on the analysis and classification of 12,589 sherds and 120 complete or nearly com- plete vessels. This material is typified by an almost total absence ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 535 of any type of decoration, and although there are certain differences, particularly in surface finish, the gradation between them is so gradual that it was impossible to make a breakdown into two or more plain wares, whose relative frequency would be a guide to the chrono- logical position of the sites. As a result, all but 3 Arua Phase sites have 99-100 percent Piratuba Plain. Of the decorated types, Nazaré Brushed, Aberta Incised, and painting turned out to have temporal significance, but were too rare and present at too few sites to be used for site seriation (Appendix, table 51). A further diffi- culty in the establishment of a chronological sequence stems from the fact that none of the habitation sites presented sufficient depth in refuse accumulation to permit stratigraphic excavation. Fortunately, there exist two lines of evidence that partially make up the absence of stratigraphy, and make it possible to establish the beginning and end of the sequence. The fact that the Arua Phase is the first occupant of the Territory of Amap4 and the last occupant of the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé and migrated from the former to the latter makes it possible to define early character- istics in the ceramics. On the islands, the presence of European trade materials gives a post-Columbian date to the sites in which they are found, and the amount and variety can suggest the readi- ness with which such objects were available and through this the intensity of Kuropean activity. Since the seriation could not be carried out on the basis of differential frequency of several plain wares, the attempt was made to substitute a detailed classification of vessel shape. Since the majority of the classifications had to be made from rim sherds, in which the exact body contour could not be ascertained, and since evidence from cemeteries with nearly complete vessels indicated no well-marked differences in body shape, the main criterion used in establishing vessel shape cate- gories was rim form. It was possible to distinguish 20 well-defined rim types, of which 11 represent bowls and 9 jars. These were tabulated for each Arua Phase site, and the percentage frequency computed (Appendix, table 52). Before the seriation could be undertaken by this method, however, it was necessary to find a substitute for vessel shape in identifying the earliest sites on the islands. Site A-8 produced no rim sherds, and A—5 such a small number that the percentages derived from them could not be considered sufficiently reliable to be used as the initial basis for the Arua Phase seriation. Fortunately, one of the rare decorated types, Aberta Incised, occurs both at A-8 and M-2, and the sherds are so similar both in surface features and decoration as to be almost indistinguishable (pl. 102). This makes it reasonably certain that M-2 is an early habitation site on the islands, and the vessel shapes it 536 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 produced are representative of the earlier part of the Arua Phase. Sites with these vessel shapes were placed at the lower end of the scale and those producing European trade goods near the upper end. This gave a preliminary indication of the extremes, and the remaining sites were seriated according to the way in which their vessel shape fre- quencies best fit the trends (Appendix, table 52). Since it seemed possible that the cemeteries and habitations might exhibit differential percentages of certain vessel shapes that would distort the trends, they were seriated independently. The validity of this procedure was indicated when vessel shapes 10 and 12 were found to occur only in cemeteries and shape 15 turned out to be considerably more abundant in cemeteries than in habitations, while shapes 18 and 19 were most numerous in the habitations. Other shapes showed a similar frequency in both types of sites (fig. 201). Several vessel shapes show definite time distinctions. Bowls of shapes 1 and 5 and jars of shapes 12 and 16 tend to be early. At the opposite end of the scale, jars of shapes 13 and 14 are present only at the later sites. Jar shape 17 occurs at almost all sites, but shows a tendency to increase in frequency. Bowl shape 2, present at most sites, undergoes a slight decline, and the same appears to be true of shapes 3 and 6, although the trend is less marked. Bowl shape 7 appears to increase and then decrease in popularity. In view of the notable lack of any clearcut trends in vessel shape frequency in most of the pottery types of the other archeological Phases, these results might be suspected of having been ‘‘tailor-made”’ rather than being an expression of the actual situation. This reserva- tion can be checked against the differences that can be observed in the quality of Piratuba Plain in different sites and the occurrence of rare types of decoration. There is a consistent improvement in the quality of Piratuba Plain, particularly in surface finish, during the Arué Phase sequence. At the earliest sites on Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé, as well as in the Terri- tory of Amap4, the surfaces are poorly smoothed so that they remain uneven and irregular and have a characteristically porous and pitted appearance. Another indication of superficial smoothing is the uneven thickness of the vessel walls. The whole effect is one of extreme crudity. In the latter part of the sequence, reaching its greatest abun- dance at Sites C-7 and C-6, an increasing number of Piratuba Plain sherds have a well smoothed, even surface. Some are slick to the touch, and these generally have a deep-red film, apparently the result of polishing with a lump of red ocher. Sherds with irregular, poorly smoothed surfaces are still typical, however, and about 85 to 90 percent still have these characteristics even in the late sites. (9€5 “de0eq) LS - O 62ET6E S 391329 O - 57 (Face p. 536) JAR SCALE Nie ecw es 0 16 320M - an tr) ° °o BOWL SCALE oO ween) « 0 6 160M ui ; 0 a ceo ce ' a = Hs amt t aa a fea} es a 0-9 ’ [r=] = ' om ae = . 5 = eO=il Ee a a Pt a a) 5 G-12 4 ree == mass tf) 1 ] 1 cma Oo M-5 8 cd Com 1 = cs) fea fcr 1 ces = HABITATIONS ' 1 Feet Handles ' I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ul Applique a EOE EE a |p ae i | eee SHAPES BOWL SHAPES ADDITIONS Ficure 201.—Seriation of Arud Phase sites on the basis of vessel shape frequency of Piratuba Plain (Appendix, table 52) ‘o Se LL Se AI ab we gue! vot” = * oc ona” . = wn = - = werd =a i. roi aa j= ee omer ‘ as _——— J r— 5% b J a —- pesos | ca , — 0 5 meen oy 3 9 = ; : L =) one! eae co | oa t hs —— - oe av abptians afest 7 La ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 537 Decoration is less frequent in the pottery of the Aru& Phase than in any of the other archeological Phases distinguished in the mouth of the Amazon. What does exist is generally poorly defined and not suffi- ciently consistent or abundant to permit classification as a separate pottery type. One exception was made in the case of Nazaré Brushed, because a considerable number of sherds bearing brush marks came from two early habitation sites (M-—2 and M-7), and brushing had been recognized as a common decorative technique in the earlier Tropical Forest Phases. Another exception was made for Aberta Incised be- cause of its temporal significance and its role in helping to establish the close connection between early Arua sites on the islands and those in the Territory of Amap4. Motifs are typically rectilinear and com- posed of parallel or intersecting incised lines. The most frequent method of decoration, and the Aa one that extends over the entire Arua Phase sequence, is applique in the form of strips or nubbins. These are often ornamented with rows of im- pressed rings or finger impressions in the earlier sites, whereas in the later ones the applique strips are sometimes manipulated to form undulating rows, crude faces, or sprawling figures. Further evidence of the predominance of this plastic tradition of ornamentation appears in the occasional occurrence of crude anthropomorphic or zoomorphic vessels and adornos or parts therefrom. Except for one jar with traces of a linear design in red from M-4 and one bow] with a simple red-painted design from C-6, no painting was detected on any sherds or vessels recovered from any of the Arua Phase sites during the 1948-49 excavations. Sites on the eastern tip of Caviana, reported on by Nimuendajti, however, produced a number of painted examples (p. 533). Since the surfaces of sherds from sites seriating in the latter half of the sequence were generally in good condition and showed little or no evidence of erosion, the absence of painting cannot be explained as a result of loss by weathering. These sites in the Rebordello area of Caviana, are late post-contact, to judge from the quantity and variety of European goods they produced. In this period there was considerable contact with the Guiana mainland, especially in the area occupied by the Aristé Phase, and it is possible that the increased emphasis on painting is a result of Aristé Phase influence. Contact also seems the best explanation for the similarity between Piratuba Plain shape 14 and Aristé Plain shape 1. Site C-9, although conforming to the general Piratuba Plain vessel shapes, exhibits certain atypical features especially in decoration that set it apart. The only well-executed example of naturalistic modeling from the Arua Phase is a small, owllike bird used as a rim adorno (fig. 187). Incised designs using fine lines and fine relief that suggests the use of a stamp or mold are also represented only at this site. 538 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE ARUA PHASE Habitation sites of the Arué Phase have been encountered in the Territory of Amap4 and on the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé6. They are located on the bank of a navigable stream in the forest, generally not far inland from the coast. The sherd refuse is thinly scattered in a small, circular, or oval area, rarely covering more than 300 square meters. The refuse deposit is almost entirely on the surface, extending only a few centimeters at most into the soil, which bears no trace of discoloration to distinguish it from that of the sur- rounding forest. Arua cemeteries, found on Mexiana and Caviana, are also located in the forest, but farther inland and away from streams. Secondary burial was practiced, the bones placed in large jars which were set on the surface of the ground or in a shallow hole. The long bones appear to have been laid along one side, but poor preservation prevented recognition of any other details of skeletal position. Some bones show traces of red paint. Although associated materials are not typical, various burials produced small bowls, stone axes, pottery and nephrite beads, pottery figurines, and in the late cemeteries, glass beads and other objects of European origin. Burial jars were plain or decorated with a row of impressed rings and/or a strip of applique. Stone alinements are characteristic Arué Phase sites on the main- land, but none have been reported from the islands, probably because of the absence of native stone in sufficient quantity for their construc- tion. The stones were set on end in a linear, circular, or triangular arrangement, on an elevated spot. Except for occasional scattered sherds, nothing has been found associated. The absence of indica- tions of habitation or cemetery use leads to the assumption of some ceremonial significance. Ceramically, the Arua Phase is identified by Piratuba Plain, a sherd- tempered, tan-to-orange surfaced ware, which accounts for 99 to 100 percent of the sherds at most sites. There is no well-defined tradition of ceramic decoration. Simple brushing (Nazaré Brushed), crude incision (Aberta Incised), and a row of impressed rings around the neck or shoulder of Piratuba Plain jars are early techniques, while painting is late. Applique in the form of strips and nubbins occurs throughout the Phase as the most abundant form of ornamentation, and is particularly frequent in the cemeteries (fig. 201). Typical artifacts other than vessels include crude, trianguloid pottery figurines, rectanguloid, and trianguloid axes of polished dio- rite, and flat or cylindrical nephrite beads. The termination of this Phase was brought about by the European conquest and colonization of the islands. For several centuries after ci eee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 0039 A. D. 1500, the Arua fought a losing battle with the Portuguese, and finally disappeared from sight through mass removal, depopulation, acculturation, and racial intermixture by the early part of the 19th century. CONCLUSIONS AND INTERPRETATIONS The Islands of Mexiana and Caviana produce archeological remains that suggest that they were not occupied constantly or intensively by ceramic-producing cultures until just prior to European times. By contrast, the cultural sequence on Marajé is long and even that in the Territory of Amap4 acquires some semblance of antiquity (fig. 205). The failure of these islands to be permanently inhabited by earlier cultures of the Tropical Forest Pattern, or, to put it another way, the failure of the Tropical Forest Pattern to diffuse to Mexiana and Caviana, cannot be explained by present archeological evidence. It is probable that they were not uninhabited, and this assumption gains some support in the fact that the Mangueiras Phase did not expand over Caviana after it had gained a foothold but instead withdrew again to Marajé. However, no direct evidence of any preceramic or nonceramic inhabitants appears to have survived. The earliest ceramic-producing Phase that can be given a specific temporal position in the Mexiana and Caviana sequence is the Mangueiras Phase, which is represented by one site on southern Caviana. C-3—Porto Real belongs to the beginning of this Phase, and is the only Mangueiras Phase site not located on the Island of Marajé6. It appears to indicate a brief and unsuccessful attempt by the culture to expand to another island. The subsequent history of the Mangueiras Phase is confined to Marajé and has been discussed with reference to the chronological sequence there (pp. 407-408). Of the two remaining Phases on Mexiana and Caviana, the Arua Phase is established as the latest by the presence of European trade goods at all but the earliest sites and by documentary evidence throughout the colonial period. There is no similar evidence that the Acauan Phase was also in existence at this time. The major site, M-3—Acauan, is surrounded by Arua& Phase habitation and cemetery sites, and the avoidance of some kind of contact would have been impossible. Neither Phase shows any ceramic evidence of contact with the other, however, nor are any Kuropean objects associated with the Acauan Phase remains.* The only conclusion is that the Acauan Phase is pre-Arua Phase. More specific evidence of its temporal position in the archeological sequence at the mouth of the Amazon is not provided by stratigraphy and must be derived from the analysis of possible relationships between Acauan Phase 35 The two examples of European pottery irom M-3 are modern, dating within the last 100 years. 540 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 pottery and ceramic features of the other archeological Phases in the region. Among the distinctive Acauan Phase traits that can be used for comparison are corrugation, excision, incision, and unusual vessel shapes. Corrugation .—Sherds with surface treatment resembling corruga- tion came from sites of the Mangueiras Phase (C-3 and J—13), of the Formiga Phase (J-4 and J—6), and of the Aruaé Phase (J—2/3 and M-7). Except for Mucaj4é Corrugated of the Formiga Phase, these were too nondescript and infrequent to be handled as pottery types. Careful inspection of the sherds indicates that the majority fall into different categories of corrugation than Floripes Corrugated of the Acauan Phase. The examples from the Formiga and Arua Phases represent finger punctation or pinching of the semismoothed surface (pls. 48, a-h, 112, a-f) rather than the manipulation of the surface of each coil as it is added, which characterizes true corrugation. One sherd from the Aru& Phase (J-2/3) and 14 sherds from the Mangueiras Phase (C-3), however, do resemble Floripes Corrugated. Since the Acauan Phase appears to have been of short duration in the area, and since these two Phases are respectively the latest and the next to the earliest in the island archeological sequence, it is not likely that both could have learned the technique of corrugation by Acauan Phase contact. Before attempting to decide whether either could have been so derived, it is better to consider other evidence which may have bearing on the conclusion. Excision —Excised decoration is typical of the Marajoara Phase and four sherds in this technique came from one early Mangueiras Phase site (C-3). Although the paste differs, some vessel shapes and some of the design motifs of Acauan Excised, as well as the technique with which they are produced, are very similar to those of Ararf Plain Excised of the Marajoara Phase. Open, shallow dishes or bowls are common to both Acauan Excised and Arari Plain Excised and both types utilize a high percentage of externally thickened, everted rims, but otherwise specific resemblances in shape do not exist. The most striking correspondence is in decoration. The designs, layouts, and motifs of Acauan Excised are typical of the classic excision of the Marajoara Phase even to such details as spirals, curvilinear units, “eyes” surrounded by curvilinear and rectilinear designs, steps, alternating bands of cut and uncut areas with incised borders, etc. (pls. 90, 91). Although the most frequent technique of excision in Acauan Excised is a sort of pecking, the gouging out or scraping away and cutting back the field evenly also occurs, and both these techniques compare exactly to those methods used in the Marajoara Phase. In the latter Phase gouging-out is more common in Arari Plain Excised while the even cutting back ee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 541 is more frequent in Arari Red Excised. The Acauan Excised pottery, however, lacks the highly complex variations of slipping, double slipping, and white retouch found in the Marajoara Phase. Excision is not a typical method of decoration in the Mangueiras Phase. Of the 4 sherds from C-3—Porto Real, 2 came from mis- cellaneous diggings and the surface of the site, 1 came from level 8-16 cm. of cut 1 and one from level 16-24 cm. of cut 2. None of the sherds exceeded 2.5 cm. square and hence no indication of vessel size, rim form, or details of design motif are available; nevertheless the four specimens probably represent four different vessels. The technique of excision is similar to the most common variety from Acauan, a type of pecking and digging out instead of cutting back and gouging out, with the exterior surface smoothed and slightly floated before excision. With such small specimens and so few in number, it is difficult to make specific comparisons; however, the technique of excision seems to resemble more closely Acauan Excised from M-3—.» > i 7s 2: > « © | y a 7 De "4 1 co } ia . ) i! yg a. 52° si 50° 49° CAYENNE (1634-35 1643-44 : 1652-54 1654-64 ee eer ° 50 100 KM 4 LOCATION APPROXIMATE LOCATION UNCERTAIN 7 zx AFTER U.S. AIR FORCE WORLD m ENGLISH AERONAUTICAL C ) cotony|// \ ete Pee ie : 825,894, 895, 946. 1609-12f ° . 16268 -) o- DUTCH GOLONY (1614) 7] 2 c Y = 2 % Y 2 v & a < . = ws 2 %, ANGLO-DUTCH a : COLONY 3 ee (-1647) oF oY (e) O° ‘ cent "e co a DUTCH COLONY 4 (1646) ane Grande i aS re = Q Flexal ‘= od) a a & S Py gO DUTCH FORTS & o\_ Gt PLANTATIONS 2s 2° 4 1616-) — Fs ( I S = S) mi 2 a (688) G co epg J BRAZILIAN yrio® S FORT : (\s60-1662 7 i » fj E f f j Je ra K TT MOUTH OF THE ge AMAZON ee. a ly ZS GUMAU ps % (1631-1632) on o S S.A. DE MACAPA (1688-1763) = PHILIPPE BQUATGR 7S APANAPOCO eee ea (1629 y6 3!) eon tees ya, a) \ TAUREGE (ca. 1620-1626 AW, — e DUTCH SETTLEMENTS 5 a 1610) 4 Fee aN SNUILLETIVLE z wv ox — 391329 O - 57 (Face p. 560) " (1623-1625) WARME ONAKA as : ? < c DESTERRO Gq, “= Mi Z (1638-1697) fo) ‘ cu | h ter nell: (1620) ‘ ORANGE (1600-1623) ADRIANSEN’S SABER * psa (1600-1623 (1616-1623) Pad 3 o r MANDIUTUBA (-1625) Figure 203.—European forts and other settlements at the mouth of the Amazon prio r to the middle of the 18th century. Wise ft 04) (wio0 haote> “bing (~E831) YAQOIRAM * Casai-) AGUTUTGHAM reeae ‘teSor-O0Rtl IUNANG Br Venmean UAGEAM . Tesal-o008) MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 561 EVANS] create a permanent settlement on the Oiapoque, with rather indifferent success. By 1610 the Dutch had erected forts and plantations in the region between the Rio Jari and Macap4 (Braga, 1949, p. 23; Vianna, 1905, p. 229), and the English had established a colony on the Amazon under Roe (Williamson, 1923, p. 185). By 1615 or 1616, the Portu- guese had founded the town of Par& (Belém) and the Dutch the fort of Gurup&, on the island opposite the modern town of that name (Vianna, op. cit., p. 229; Edmundson, 19038, pp. 652-653; Caetano da Silva, 1861, Para. 41; Williamson, loc. cit.). The Dutch also had two forts and two sugar mills in the vicinity of the Cabo do Norte (Pereira, 1904, p. 256). In 1620, North planted a colony at the mouth of the Rio Parti on the lower Amazon, after exploring as far as the Rio Tapajés (Williamson, 1923, p. 96; Reis, 1947, p. 35). About this time there was an Anglo-Irish settlement called “SSapanapoca”’ on the north end of the Ilha dos Porcos and a French traveler of 1623 reported two English plantations, Tilletille and Warmeonake, on the Rio Cajari (Williamson, 1923, p. 93). In addition to these settlements, there appears to have been some infiltration of Europeans among the Indians, where the former prob- ably adopted the Indian pattern of life to a large extent. One source relates that: There was transported thither, Sixe yeares since [i. e. 1621] a Hundred persons, Gentlemen and others, who found that some of his Majesties Subjects, had lived safely amongst the Indians divers yeares before their comming: Many of these men are at this time remaining dispersed without government amongst the Indians, raunging about a spatious Country, and have learned the Languages of severall Nations . . .; These Indians also house them, worke for them, bring them victualls and commodities,. . . their payment is in glasse beades, Iron worke, or some such other like contemptible stuffe. [Anon., 1627.] In 1623 the Portuguese began their campaign to oust the other European powers and to consolidate their own position in the region. In that year they destroyed the Dutch settlements on the Xingt and at Gurupdé, and to insure permanent domination, founded Fort Mariocay opposite the former Dutch Fort of Gurup4, in the vicinity of the present town of Gurupd (Williamson, 1923, pp. 95, 103, 186; Reis, 1949, p. 13; Edmundson, 1903, pp. 652-653). The English settlements on the Cajari were destroyed in 1625 (Edmundson, op. cit., p. 660), and the Irish fort of Taurege (Torrego) in the same area met a similar fate at about the same time (op. cit., p. 661). In 1631, the newly established English fort Cumau, 2% leagues south of the present town of Macap4, was taken by the Portuguese, as well as the Dutch-English fort of Philippe between the Rios Anauerapucti and Matapi and the English colony on the Island of Tucujtii (now [ha Grande de Gurup4). These raids largely put an end to “foreign” 562 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 activities in the lower Amazon. The French and English retired to the north, above the Rio Oiapoque, and what little trading the Dutch undertook was limited to the vicinity of the Cabo do Norte (Edmund- son, 1903, p. 662). Although they had accomplished the expulsion of their competitors, the Portuguese had plenty to occupy themselves in maintaining their supremacy. The Indians of Marajé were a source of much difficulty, aroused as they were by Portuguese mistreatment. Fearful of a real invasion, the government sent a troop of soldiers to subdue the Nheengajfbas, but the latter conducted themselves with such skill and cunning that the expedition returned in defeat to Para. The state of hostility was maintained for a decade and a half before conditions of expediency forced the government to take steps to end it. Word was received from Europe of preparations for new inva- sions of the Amazon, and the governor was ordered to prepare for and to prevent such attempts. Having finally learned that ‘‘he who has the Aru& and the Nheengaibas on his side, holds the key to the Amazon,” he was prepared to risk much to restore the peace. Father Antonio Vieira, at that time Superior of the Jesuits in Paréd, offered the services of his organization as intermediary. A missionary was dis- patched in August, 1659, to make the peace offer to the Nheengaibas, and they, also weary of the fighting, accepted (Ferreira Penna, 1885, pp. 110-111). To prevent the reentry of other Europeans, forts were constructed at Desterro, near the mouth of the Rio Part, in 1638; on the Rio Araguari in 1660; and at the site of the earlier Fort Cumau, in 1688 (Santo Antonio de Macapé). After that, with few exceptions, the conflict over the boundary between Brazilian and French territory in the Guianas continued primarily on a verbal level. By the beginning of the 18th century, the consolidation of the conquest was almost complete. An Aru& uprising in the vicinity of Soure was put down with a punitive expedition of 60 soldiers and 200 Indians, and some 200 captives were taken. To forestall similar incidents, the Arua of the Rio Ganho4o on the north coast of Marajé were transferred to the Rio Urubt farther up the Amazon. Indicative of the effective dispossession of the Indians is the fact that by 1751, Marajé had already become established in cattle production, with more than 400,000 head (Reis, 1947, p. 58). Most of the Arua mi- erated to Cayenne and the Rio Oiapoque, where the French aided and abetted their quarrel with the Portuguese. After trying by ‘Toyal decree’ to bring the Arua back, or to get the French to send them back, the Portuguese between 1784 and 1798 bodily removed all the Indians between the Amazon and the Oiapoque and deposited them at Belém. Although large numbers escaped and braved the danger to Leos aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 563 return to the Guianas, the resistance was broken (Nimuendajt, 1948 b, pp. 196-197). For an evaluation of the effect of the European conquest on the native peoples, it is necessary to consider not only the times and places of the contact, but also the nature and extent of the relations between the two groups. In the lower Amazon, the Indians had a variety of opportunities to acquaint themselves with the newcomers, some of which they welcomed and others of which they resisted. The earliest type of intercourse between the Europeans and the Indians was on the comparatively superficial level of exchange of material goods. Although commercial enterprise was carried on from the beginning of the 16th century, it consisted mainly of infrequent and brief encounters that would not have caused much interference with the aboriginal way of life. However, the fact that goods of European manufacture were available to the Indians from A. D. 1500 onward is of importance in the dating of the sites with contact ma- terials. Unfortunately, there appear to be no records of the items used for trade before Harcourt’s account of 1613, but several lists for the 17th century are sufficiently similar so that they can probably be taken as a sample of what was available during the preceding century. Harcourt’s list provides considerable variety: The things which the Indians desire from us by way of trade . . . are Axes, Hatchets, Bil-hookes knives, all kinde of Edge tooles, Nailes, great Fishhookes, Harping-irons, Jewes Trumps, looking-glasses, blew and white Beades, Christall Beades, Hats, Pinnes, Needles, Salt, Shirts, Bands, linnen and woolen Cloathes, Swords, Muskets, Callivers, Powder, and Shot: but of these last mentioned, wee are very sparing, and part not with many, unlesse upon great occasion, by way of guift to speciall persons. [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 105-106.] A French enumeration of 1654 includes a few additional items: They will give you cotton, hammocks, agave fiber, gums, oils, medicinal roots, precious stones, pelts of diverse kinds, and land and water animals in very great number; and you will give them chisels, center bits, fish hooks, awls, bells, brass rings, glass beads and other baubles that they call Caracoulies, and which they hold in great esteem. [Boyer, 1654, pp. 333-334.] La Barre, in 1666, gives this advice to prospective settlers: And to trade with the Indians, one only needs bill-hooks, axes, knives, old white linen to make shirts to cover their bodies, white glass beads, and no other color, and cristal beads from number 30 to number 44, a few old hats that are not completely worthless, and steel for fire-making. All the rest of the gewgaws that most people bring they are unable to dispose of since they have no trade value. [La Barre, 1666, p. 52]. With the inception of colonization in 1600, contact between the two groups became more intimate, with consequently greater opportu- nities for acculturation. Initially, the Indians showed themselves cooperative and receptive. Harcourt, whose account of his travels in 564 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Guiana was published in 1613, paints them as eager to adopt European beliefs and practices: Moreover, the good inclination of the people towards our Nation, being willing to trade with us, and become subjects of his Majesty, our Soveraigne; their loving and gentle entertaining of us, desiring to have us live and abide amongst them; and their tractable conversation with us, not refusing to be instructed in Christianitie; and coveting to imitate and learne any trade, or worke, that they see used or practised by our men; are no small motives to persuade the prosecution of this action, and plantation in Guiana. [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 130-131]. One of North’s men gave a similar report of the friendliness of the Indians on the Amazon: The Christians which live in this Countrie take no paines nor labour for anie thinge; the Indians both house them, worke for them, bring them victualls, and theire Commodities for a small reward and price, either of some Iron worke or glass beades, and such like contemptible things . . . [MS. of 1622-23 quoted by Williamson, 1923, p. 88.] Contact of this sort must have resulted in a certain amount of acculturation. A more radical disruption of native life came from the practice of levying large numbers of Indians to supplement the rather small European forces on voyages of exploration and in their conflicts with one another. The siege of the English fort Cumau in July of 1631 was laid by 11 Portuguese and 5,000 Indians (Vianna, 1905, p. 242). When Teixeira ascended the Amazon in 1637, he took with him “seventy Portuguese souldiers, and twelve hundred Indians to row and to bear Arms, who together with their Wives and Servants made two thousand Persons” (Acufia, 1698, p. 36). It is probably need- less to add that large numbers of Indians perished in these under- takings. Acculturation was implemented by the transplantation of whole villages to the vicinity of forts, where the native labor could be ex- ploited more readily. This situation is described by Pedro de Azevedo Carneiro, who advocated its adoption for the maintenance of the newly constructed fort of Santo Antonio de Macapé at the end of the 17th century: And for the conservation of this fort and its inhabitants your Majesty should order brought down two villages bound to the service of the fort, so that the Indians can do the farming and serve the inhabitants for the latter’s payment, and serve the fort by fishing and hunting for the infantry and principally by paddling the canoes that may be necessary for the aforesaid fort, and be advised that without the aforesaid Indians it is impossible to maintain it; as all those that have been built and should still be built greatly require that each have a village nearby, as there is at the forts of Gurupd and Part, because there is great detriment in going to fetch Indians from various villages to come help at these forts. ... ([Reis, 1947, p. 45; ef. Vianna, 1905, p. 244.] ee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 065 Most violent and inhumane of all was the slave trade, and in this the Portuguese were the most relentless. One of the major figures was Bento Maciel Parente, who is characterized by one historian as “the foremost persecutor of the Indians, wrenching thousands of unfortunate Indians from the forests by steel or fire, to take them to the markets of Belem” (Braga, 1949, pp. 61-62). The Nheengafba of Marajé were roused to such a frenzy by this treatment that they not only revenged themselves on Portuguese on their lands, but even organized canoe attacks on all who came within view of their coast (Ferreira Penna, an Hartt, 1885, p. 110). This state of affairs was lamented by Vieira: Although distant only a day’s journey from the city of Pard, 39 years of Portu- guese residence have not brought the light of Christianity to this island. On the contrary, such are the relations that have existed with these Indians, that where we found them gentle and polite not long ago, they are today barbaric and ferocious. Because of this scandalously bad treatment, they have conceived such hatred and dread of the Portuguese nation that they wish neither peace nor commerce with us. Instead, they trade with the nations to the north, who often come this way, because they say they find them more trustworthy and need not fear the loss of their liberty. [Vieira, 1925, p. 393.] Finally, much confusion and disruption of the Indian culture was accomplished by the transplantation of large numbers of Indians from one part of the Amazon to another. This included not only the removal of groups from the islands and the Guiana coast mentioned above, but the bringing of others into the region. Two accounts will serve as examples: Indians were brought from the Rio Negro, the Tocantins and the Amazonas in 1764 to build the fort at Macapd4 because all the native population of the region had fled to the interior. [Reis, 1947, p. 50.] - in 1754 the intrepid adventurer, Francisco Portilho de Melo, brought 500 savages from the upper Rio Negro to the Ilha Sant-Ana, transporting them in 32 canoes. [Anon., 1946, p. 148.] Certain generalizations can be made from this chronology of co.1- tact to distinguish the periods and areas. During the century from 1500-1600, contact was limited to sporadic trading vessels, which provided the Indians with various articles of European manufacture in return for products of the woods and streams; otherwise, their life continued as it had in aboriginal times. From 1600-1620 numerous forts and plantations were established along the north bank of the Amazon, principally between the present town of Macapé and the mouth of the Rio Part, on the Ilha de Gurup4, and at the mouth of the Xingi. Another focus of colonization was the Rio Oiapoque and the region to the north now occupied by French, Dutch, and British Guiana. There appear to have been practically no European setile- ments between the Cabo do Norte and the Rio Oiapoque. 391329—57——38 566 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 This period of relatively peaceful colonization, during which the Indians appear to have been regarded rather as friends than as in- feriors, was interrupted by the Portuguese decision to sweep com- petitors from the Amazon region and establish sole jurisdiction. In the fights that ensued, Indians took sides or were levied to increase the manpower of all claimants. During the decade that this conflict was in progress, it is probable that considerable disruption of Indian culture was accomplished. After 1630, the British and Dutch re- treated north of the Oiapoque and the Indians of the mouth of the Amazon were left at the mercy of the Portuguese, who decimated their numbers by punitive expeditions and slave raids. Although the only record of the depredations of disease appears to be Beten- dorff’s account (1910, pp. 586-587) of a smallpox epidemic on Marajé in 1695, diseases must have taken their toll from the beginning. Between 1700 and 1800 there was widespread migration, both volun- tary and compulsive, from the islands to the Guiana mainland, and from both to distant parts of the Amazon. ETHNOHISTORICAL INFORMATION TERRITORY OF AMAPA TRIBES The effort to reconstruct the tribal picture in the southern Guianas (French and Brazilian) runs into considerable complexities as a result of the wholesale confusion of river, tribal, linguistic and family or individual names. The use of different of these units by different writers has produced a wide range of designations, varying from a handful to several dozen, as well as contradictions as to the tribe occupying a givenregion. For example, according to Harcourt (1613, p. 132) the Rios Maicary (Mayacaré) and Connaxini (Cunanf) were occupied by Yaios and Caribs, the Rios Cassiporogh (Cassiporé) and Arracow (Arucaua) by the Arracoories. La Barre, however, desig- nates the group inhabiting “part of the Rio Aricary, and the Maricary, Vninamary and Cassipoure” as Palicour (1666, p. 35). In another place he speaks of the ‘“‘Aracarets and Palicours who inhabit that coast,’ referring to the region between Cabo do Norte and Cabo Orange (op. cit., p. 14). Biet (1664, p. 148) says that a small tribe called the Racalet live along the Rio Maricary as well as a few Pali- cours, who apparently occupy the area between here and Cabo Orange. In French Guiana are the Galibis (La Barre, 1666, p. 36) or the Caribs (Harcourt, 1613, p. 1382). Harcourt designates the occupants of the Rio Oiapoque as ‘‘Yaios and Arwaccas’’ (ibid.), and notes that the Caribs north of the Rio Oiapoque are ‘“‘mortal enemies” of the ‘‘Yaios, Arawaccas, and other nations their allies” (op. cit., p. 85). Keymis pi lad ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 567 (1596) also mentions that the Oiapoque was inhabited by Arawak. In contradiction to this differentiation between Carib and Arawak is Biet’s statement that all the tribes between the Rio Maricary and Surinam “have almost the same language, except for a few words” (1664, p. 151). In spite of the intensive settlement in the region south of the Rio Araguari, there is little information on Indian tribes. Harcourt (1613, p. 132) lumps the groups inhabiting the Amazonas, Arrapoco and Arrawary under the label “Charibs.’”’ The general region south of the Rio Matapi was known as the “Province of Tucuji,” after the Indians predominating there. One version of tribal distribution is shown on figure 204, reproduced from a map compiled by William Delisle and published in 1703. Harcourt recounts an experience that suggests an absence of exten- sive contact between the Indians of this region and those to the north. The exploration of the Rio Araguari was undertaken in 1609 by Michael Harcourt, who was accompanied by Indians from the Oiapoque region. They spent several weeks in exploration, living primarily by hunting and fishing, added to the provisions of manioc they had brought along. However, they had to turn back before accomplishing all they wished because the manioc supply dwindled and could not be replenished locally since the ‘‘Arrawaries”’ who lived on that river “would not freely trade with them [the Oiapoque Indians] upon this first acquaintance, but alwaies stood upon their guard, on the other side of the river, where they inhabited” (Harcourt, 1613, p. 112). The identifications made by the chroniclers do not correlate well with more recent ethnographic or linguistic maps. Gillen (1948) lists 22 tribes inhabiting the coastal area between the Rio Jari and Cayenne in historical times. These include the Tucujii along the coast between the Jari and the Matapi and, continuing northward, the Palicur, Paracoto, Aricari and Palicur, Mayé, Yao, and Galibi. Linguistically, they embrace Arawak, Carib, Tupi, and unidentified stocks. Rowe (1948), on the other hand, classifies the Indians of the Brazilian Guiana coast into five tribes: the Apurui and Paikipiranga south the Rio Araguari, and the Emerillon, Palicour, and Marawan to the north. Mason’s linguistic map (1950) of South America shows the entire coast as Arawak, except for a Carib enclave in the vicinity of the Rio Matapi and some unidentified languages at the mouth of the Oiapoque, plus a late historical influx of Tupi on the coast north of the Araguari. His identification of the Palicur as Arawak is in contradiction to Biet’s statement quoted above that the same basic language was used by the Indians on both sides of the Oiapoque, and with Harcourt’s 568 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 , Mer tout iP y Gent Papisieey weeaers f 2 Acuranes que lap part des ' Pays nayee Autheurs plasent. le Lac de Parime et la F « irious p 9 02 & ao Palic Se 234 {Ville de Manoa del Aramufas Pi -— dey Coufears ant i : bee - Dorado { Bite “9th eo °° Maprouanes Marones : ~< Marigourse | Moroux peuples | Sort barbarer ot fa Warabouy ree | i Armagotes mM TO eens Re re RCARS“Aroubss Maronte 3 5 mune Jd Argert . Eqgumnoctale a Agquayras eye staes Caniliuras Fieure 204.—EKarly map of the tribes inhabiting the Guiana coast published by William Delisle in 1703. be i ea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 569 information that the Yaos were the enemies of the Caribs, who lived to the south and west of them (1613, p. 87). These conflicting statements can be partly laid to the extreme dis- ruption of the area in the years following the contact, and this situation makes it virtually impossible to arrive at a reliable reconstruction of the aboriginal picture from ethnohistorical sources. POPULATION As far as we have been able to discover, there are no contemporary figures on population density for Brazilian Guiana. Vague state- ments, like “the Palicour . . . are a rather large nation” (La Barre, 1666, p. 35), “the eastern Aricarets are not very numerous” (ibid.), and “their Countrey was full of inhabitants” (Harcourt, 1613, p. 76), are not very helpful. A few hints are provided by incidental observa- tions. Biet (1664, p. 355), for instance, states that Galibi villages contained up to “thirty or forty men with their wives and children.” The Galibis, who were the most powerful group in the area and gave the French much opposition, were so diminished by 1666 that “all those who live between the Aprouague and the Marony cannot furnish twenty war canoes armed with twenty-five men each” (op. cit., p. 36). Population figures for the area between the Oiapoque and the Amazon disputed between the French and Portuguese are quoted by Crevaux (1880, pp. 81-82) from the journal of a French Catholic mission, which gives ‘“‘not less than 200,000 inhabitants.” Unfortu- nately, no date is given for this estimate. In 1880, Crevaux believes that the total was not over 3,000 (ibid.). A calculation of the aboriginal population of the Guianas as a whole has been made by Steward (1949 b, p. 663). His figure of 213,750 is based on a density of 15 persons per 100 sq. km., or half again the present density. In another place (op. cit., p. 666), he gives the Indian population of the Guianas in 1500 as 90,000, which apparently includes only the coastal area. CULTURE The fullest descriptions of Indian culture are by La Barre (1666), Biet (1664), and Laon (1654), and these are unfortunately mainly devoted to the Galibi who inhabited the French Guiana coast, just north of the area examined archeologically. However, most of the information is sufficiently general that it could apply to almost any tribe belonging to the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture, and so it is probably safe to conclude that it applies equally well to the prehistoric tribes of Brazilian Guiana. At least, there is no archeological evidence to the contrary. A further indication that this is true is provided by 570 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Biet (1664, p. 390) who, in specifying that burial practices differ widely, implies that other aspects of culture were more uniform. Subsistence.—Both maize and manioc were grown by the Guiana Indians, according to Harcourt. Of maize, he reports that “in the space of two or three houres one man may set as much of this wheat, as may sustaine him, and many more a whole yeare” (1613, p. 151). In another place (op. cit., p. 94) he says that maize “‘yeeldeth admirable increase, even a thousand or fifteene hundred for one, and many times much more.”’ As to its use: “It maketh excellent meale, or flower for bread; and very good malte for beere or ale, and serveth well for sundry other necessary uses for the reliefe of man”’ (ibid.). The preparation of bitter manioc is described in detail by Biet: Bread is made in the following way: this root is scraped as one would do with a turnip and then grated with a grater of iron or copper, which is locally called a greige. After being grated, it is put in bags, which are placed in a press to remove the juice, which is very dangerous. When the juice has been completely removed, this flour is converted. It is taken from a shallow vessel and spread on a plate of iron the thickness of a finger. This is placed over a small fire, and when it is cooked on one side, it is turned to the other. It is immediately cooked, and one person can make at least sixty of them in a day. [Biet, 1664, p. 336.] The abundance of game in the area also made a great impression on Harcourt: The other thing to bee observed heere, is the store and plenty of victuals in Guiana; where sixty foure persons togeather in one company, without any provi- sion of victuals (bread and drinke excepted) before hand made, could travell abroade for six weekes space, most commonly lodging in the woods, seldome in any towne or village, and yet in all places wheresoever they came, could readily get meate sufficient for them all. [Harcourt, 1613, p. 113.] Several techniques were used in hunting: They used only the bow and arrow for hunting, whether of four-footed game or of birds. . . . They also have dogs, which they train to corner pigs. They use no traps, but they understand very well how to lie in wait for game. [Biet, 1664, pp. 357-358.] Arrows were specialized according to the type of use they would receive. Laon (1654, pp. 90-91) lists five types, one each for fish, animals, birds, and war, and one with a blunt, button tip for stunning paraquets and monkeys. Harcourt (1613, p. 89) notes that arrows were frequently poisoned. The fishing resources were so rich that they were exploited by the Europeans not only for their own immediate use but for trade (Biet, 1664, p. 148). According to La Barre (1666, p. 14), the Aracaret and Palicour hunted the manatee with a harpoon and traded their catch to the French, English, and Dutch. Biet (1664, p. 358) reports fishing by bow and arrow and by drugging streams among the Galibi who inhabited the Cayenne area. The latter technique is also described by Acufia (1698, p. 67) for the same tribe. ———— beep re ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 571 The method of preservation of meat is given in some detail by Laon: As soon as they have killed something, they smoke it, because meat does not remain fresh for more than a day and a half; the smoking grill is sometimes made of a half-circle of stones a foot high, across which they lay sticks, placing the meat above and the fire beneath. Another kind of grill, is that in which they put half a pig or deer on a wooden spit laid on two forked sticks. Then they make a fire on both sides, which roasts the meat without it being turned, and this method of smoking produces a very agreeable taste; they never use salt, and for seasoning they have only pepper. . . [Laon, 1654, pp. 91-92.] Another variety of the babracot, used for preserving fish and game by the Galibi, is described by Biet: The smoking grill is made with four forked sticks two feet long, which they set in the ground and on which they lay twigs to form a grill, on which they place the fish, making a fire below, turning it from time to time until the fish is done. So that it will keep, they expose it to the fire every day. They do the same with meat, such as deer, pig, armadillo, agouti, etc., which they roast in the hide. [1664, p. 358.] The general subsistence of the Guiana Indians is summarized by La Barre: In general, all the Indians live by agriculture, to which they only apply them- selves sufficiently to produce what is needed for subsistence. They are extremely adept at all kinds of fishing, and prefer fish to meat. They eat moderately, but are great drinkers of several kinds of beverages that they make, and which the French have imitated. Vwacou is made with cassava that is moistened and allowed to ferment. This drink is quite good and very refreshing. Paliuot is made with burned cassava and tastes somewhat like beer. Maby is made with boiled potatoes, and is like unfermented white wine; it is very pleasant to drink, but is a little flatulent. [La Barre, 1666, pp. 37-38; the preparation of these drinks is also described in Biet, 1664, p. 356.] Laon’s description of Indian hospitality gives an indication of the composition of a feast: . when you visit them, they receive you with open arms, and make you a feast after their custom, where the table is the ground; women come from all parts of the house each bringing you a dish, one deer, another pork, one fish, another bird, one crabs, which they estime greatly, with pzmentade, which is a sauce made with pimento and water . . . their bread is cassava. They also bring you three kinds of drink one of which is called vuacou, which they use ordinarily; it is a thick beverage, composed of a paste ground by the women between their teeth and mixed with pure water . . . they have also two other kinds of beverages, which they call maby and palinot, the latter intoxicating, which are used mainly in their ban- quets. . . [Laon, 1654, pp. 86-87.] Dietary restrictions and taboos were in force in certain situations. They were observed by fathers before childbirth (see p. 576) and by shamans and war leaders (see pp. 575, 578). Setilement pattern.—Choice of a village location appears to have been determined by two factors, the wet season conditions and defensibility. Biet describes the determinant of the Racalet village location as the former: . . . the habitations of this nation are three leagues from the sea, because 572 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 nearly all the land is inundated. Their houses are on little hills, and it is almost impossible to go from one to another, principally during the rainy season, except in canoes. [Biet, 1664, p. 374.] While comfort during the wet season was undoubtedly always a factor in the choice of a site, defensibility appears to have also been a strong consideration. Harcourt describes one settlement in the Oiapoque region as strategically located: When I had thus setled my company at this village, I went out to view the situation of the place, and the advantages for defence thereof. It is a great rockie Mountaine, not accessable by reason of vast woods, and steepe rockes, but only in certain places, which are narrow foote-paths, very steepe and easie to be de- fended: whereby we were lodged as in a Fort. . . [Harcourt, 1613, p. 78.] A similar comment was made by Biet on the care with which the Indians concealed the access to their villages: . . the paths that lead to these habitations are so narrow that only two men can walk abreast. The savages do not wish to make them wider for fear their enemies will discover them, and one can only reach their villages after many detours. [1664, pp. 166-167.} The Galibi used two types of locations: They usually live on small hills, clearing a large area around their houses, or else on flat ground, always close to a creek or small river, or to a spring to supply their needs. [Biet, 1664, p. 354.] There are a few scattered clues to house type. Laon’s description of Indian hospitality quoted above suggests a communal house type, while Biet (below) implies individual family houses were used in some places. La Barre (1666, p. 15) remarks that the low swampy coast of the Aricary, Vnimamary, and Cassipoure rivers is so unsuitable to habitation that the Indians there “for lack of high land on which to build their houses, are forced to place them in trees, where they look more like the nests of huge birds than the abodes of reasonable creatures.” Laon gives a few details of house construction and equipment: Their houses are made of wood and covered with the branches of palms, which is a very good covering, and when they travel, their equipment consists of a cotton hammock, which they attach to the first trees they encounter when they wish to sleep, a bow, a bundle of arrows, and a little basket in which there is a comb and a mirror. [Laon, 1654, p. 98.] The composition of a Galibi village is described in detail by Biet: They have a large, well-cleared plaza so that there will be plenty of room for dancing and other exercises. In the center of this plaza there is a large hut, sometimes more than 150 feet long, . . . It is open on all sides, having only a roof of palm supported by forked sticks and posts. It is here that they spend the day together conversing about their affairs, seated on their beds which they call Accadots or Amacs, and carrying out their tasks, like making bows, arrows, clubs and similar objects, when they are not occupied with bunting or fishing. Around this shed, at a distance of about 20 feet, are the houses where they go to sleep at night. Some of these are fortified with a double row of posts well-fastened Po al ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 573 together, through which arrows cannot penetrate; this is for protection when they are surprised by their enemies. [Biet, 1664, pp. 354-355.] Village size is generally unspecified. Harcourt (1613, p. 76) speaks of one as “‘small.’’ Biet (1664, p. 168) gives an account of the burn- ing by the French of an Indian village, which was first ransacked of useful goods including 48 hammocks, suggesting a comparable popu- lation. A Yao village on the Oiapoque contained 35 to 40 persons (La Barre, 1666, p. 35). Galibi villages numbered up to 40 families (Biet, 1664, p. 355). Transportation.—All of the tribes made dugout canoes, which they used for fishing and for traveling. That rather extensive voyages were undertaken is indicated by an account of a Galibi expedition through enemy (Palicour) territory to the Rio Mayacaré to negotiate for an alliance with the Racalet who inhabited that river (Biet, 1664, pp. 371-6). Going took 17 days, partly because the wind was unfavor- able, but also because a week was taken out for a feast to raise morale depleted by nervousness over the possibility of attack. The return took only 5 days, the wind making possible the use of sails, which speeded progress. Manufactures——Archive sources report arts and crafts similar to those in use today. The Galibi produced baskets of many kinds in- cluding strainers for manioc flour and tipitis (Biet, 1664, p. 355). Pottery jars up to 30 gallons in capacity were made by coiling (op. cit., pp. 364, 355-356). Cups for drinking were made by halving tree gourds (op. cit., p. 365; Laon, 1654, p. 87). Hammocks were in gen- eral use and made a strong impression on the Europeans because of their convenience and suitability to the climate. These activities, together with the manufacture of bows and arrows, were men’s work (Biet, 1664, pp. 355-356). By 1652, the Galibi were so acculturated that Biet (1664, p. 336) describes the use of a grater of iron or copper for shredding manioc and of an iron griddle to bake cassava bread. He notes, however, that at the time of their discovery, these Indians ‘“‘had no instruments for cutting and similar activities except sharp and pointed stones’”’ (op. cit., p. 153). Other manufactures included stools 6 inches or less in height, and musical instruments such as small drums, flutes, and horns (op. cit., p. 365). Numerous items of dress and ornament were also made. Dress and ornament.—Although all the descriptions of the Guiana Indians begin with the statement, “they go completely naked,’’ this appears to be a relative rather than an absolute evaluation impelled by the extreme contrast with the European dress. The three most explicit sources all describe some type of pubic covering worn by at, least part of the population. Among the Galibi, the men wore a piece 574 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 of cloth as a loincloth and the women a “skirt as wide as two hands, woven of glass beads,” while children and old people went nude (Biet, 1664, p. 353). Laon (1654, p. 89) designates those who wear a “skirt’’ as the ‘‘young people,”’ which generally agrees with Biet, and observes that this is done ‘‘more for finery than for modesty.’”’ Harcourt reports the use of a pubic covering only by males: . . although the better sort of men (especially the Yaios) doe cover their priv- ities, by wearing over them a little piece of Cotton cloth pretily woven after their manner; yet did I never see any of their women covered in any part, either above or beneath the waste . . . [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 72-3.] The hair was worn long and care was taken to keep it well combed. Facial hair was removed except by old men (Biet, 1664, p. 352). In contrast to the paucity of clothing, ornamentation was extensive and included both painting and the wearing of decorative objects. The Galibi practice is described in detail by Biet: To make themselves more attractive, they paint their bodies in various patterns with black and with the juice of the Genipa apple, which is dark blue that dis- appears on the ninth day. ‘They redden themselves in certain places with urucd, a kind of paint that grows in the country. They oil their hair with special oils to make it more glossy. The majority have their ears and lips pierced, where they insert gems and other pointed objects. They wear chains of beads with eighteen or twenty strands, which they call Caracolis, placing them at various places on their arms and legs. They have other chains of small rings of very small bone, which they call Otlarabis. Those who make them spend much time at it; the former are made from the shell of a mollusk .... They think very highly of them and spare nothing to own them; they are their greatest treasures. There is also a certain green stone that they estime greatly, which comes from the Amazon and is retrieved from a lake with great ceremonies. These stones have special virtues: it is said that they cure epilepsy and bloody flux. The women, besides these things, prize bits of crystal [glass beads?], which are their most beautiful ornaments. They also greatly estime thimbles, which they pierce to hang them on their hair. It is primarily at their social gatherings that the women don all of these gewgaws, ... . In addition to these jewels, the men make marvelously beautiful hats of multicolored feathers, and also belts in which they carry their weapons. [Biet, 1664, pp. 353-354.] Laon’s account (1654, p. 99) differs slightly in mentioning nose as well as lip and ear ornaments, and in describing the tinting of the hair as well as the skin with red uruct. The use of feathers and beads is noted also by Boyer (1654, pp. 280-281). Social organization.—Villages were composed of extended families or lineages. Biet explains that, ‘There are as many houses as the family is large, and there are settlements where there are thirty or forty men with their wives and children . . .” (1664, p. 355). Social stratification was generally absent. The early accounts speaking of ‘chiefs’ or “kings” reflect a projection of European ideas LL ot ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 54D into the aboriginal situation. Later, more discriminating writers recognized the limited powers of the leaders: They are all equal, although they have leaders who are like village chiefs, whose orders they obey on occasion: nevertheless they are no higher than the rest, and carry no sign of their rank except the club, which they place on their hammock, by which one recognizes them if one sees them in their house. They have no kings, as stated by Moquet, who was in this country 60 years ago, unless he gives the name king to the one who is their principal leader in time of war, who is ordinarily the most experienced, the one who has done great deeds among them, and who is the oldest ... . He is the one they generally consult in the most important matters, and they defer greatly to his advice. [Biet, 1664, pp. 361-362.] Boyer gives the same kind of information: The Indians have no rulers, chiefs or lords, and recognize no superiority among themselves. The oldest members of each family are respected as the leaders of that family ... . They have several subordinations for command in war, electing for this purpose a general who sets the time and place of the assembly, the order of the march and of the attack and combat, after which he has no more authority. |Boyer, 1654, p. 38.] The question of how a man qualified for the position of a war leader is answered in several ways by different authors and it is difficult to decide whether these are tribal differences or simply faulty observa- tion. Biet, as quoted above, says that he is the oldest and most experienced man. Boyer (ibid.) makes the choice seem wider by describing a special meeting of village leaders to decide upon the course of action and the “election of their general.’’ Both Biet and Laon, however, give detailed accounts of a period of fasting and ordeals undergone by those who wish to become “captains.” This trial lasts ‘‘more than 15 days’ according to Laon (1654, pp. 92-93) and 6 weeks according to Biet (1664, p. 379). During this time the initiate is confined to his hammock, maintains a partial fast, under- goes a daily whipping to test his endurance, is subjected to biting ants to test his courage, and is made to submit to other ordeals. The use of the plural suggests the possibility that this ordeal is a puberty rite required of all males rather than one restricted to the war leader, whose selection would be a relatively rare event. All the important issues are discussed in council, apparently com- posed of the adult males of the village, each of whom gave his opinion. The decision accepted was the one recommended by the older men, whose greater experience was considered to have given them greater wisdom (Biet, 1664, pp. 352-353). Division of labor was on sex lines, with tasks apparently carried out wherever possible in the company of others. Some activities were communal, such as clearing of gardens and house building, with the owner providing a feast in payment (Biet, 1664, p. 364). The 576 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 festivities, comprising 2 to 3 days of drinking and dancing, preceded the work. More important occasions for social gathering were the death of a leader, and the preparation for a raid or its successful conclusion. These events brought visitors from other villages, involved special preparations of food, drink, and shelter, and lasted as long as the refreshments held out (Biet, 1664, pp. 364-365). On these, as on other occasions, the men ate first, and were served by the women (op. cit., p. 366). Recreation.—All social gatherings were accompanied by dancing and music, in which “they make the air reverberate with the sound of their little drums, their flutes and their horns’”’ (Biet, 1664, p. 365). The dancing appears to have been reasonably energetic: “Their method of dancing is in a circle, without joining hands, but executing amazing postures, all in the same way and to the cadence of their instruments’’ (ibid.). Infe cycle-—Food taboos were in force prior to birth, at least among the Galibi: When a married woman discovers that she is pregnant, she informs her husband, who then does many superstitious things for fear that the child she carries may die. He refrains from eating many things and observes a strict penance. He is afraid to touch large fish, like the manatee, the turtle and other such. They do not wish to come near to anyone who fishes for them, for fear, they say, that their children may die, and their souls enter into those fish. [Biet, 1664, p. 389.] Immediately after the birth of the child, the mother bathes it and herself in a nearby stream and then resumes her ordinary activities (Laon, 1654, p. 97). The husband on the other hand, immediately takes to his hammock. In one account, he remains there for 3 weeks, complaining to visitors that his stomach aches (ibid.). Another account gives 6 weeks as the period of duration of the couvade, during which time the man eats so little that “‘he arises as thin as a skeleton,”’ and specifies that he must kill a species of bird as soon as it is over (Biet, 1664, p. 390). Children were greatly desired and affection- ately treated: The women are crazy about their children, they love them so much. They bathe them every day in a spring or river. They do not swaddle them, but lay them in a small cotton hammock made especially for them, leaving them always naked . . . these people never strike or correct their children, allowing them to live in great freedom, without doing anything that angers the parents . . . They never let them out of their sight, taking them on all their voyages and even when they go to war. [Biet 1664, p. 390.] Marriage could be polygynous, and was apparently easily entered into or dissolved (Laon, 1654, p. 90; Boyer, 1654, p. 279). The ceremony described by Boyer (ibid.) involved a week of festivities vow ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 577 including dancing, singing, and drinking. Biet goes into somewhat greater detail: When the father of a girl promises her to the one who has asked for her hand, he places the two back to back and they give each other food and drink recipro- cally. Then they both are placed in a new hammock, while the other young people dance and drink to the health of the new husband, who has provided the refreshments. [Biet, 1664, p. 388.] Old age was rewarded with certain exemptions from customary behavior, such as freedom to allow facial hair to grow among men (Biet, 1664, p. 352), and freedom to dispense with the pubic covering on the part of both sexes (op. cit., p. 353). Elderly people were regarded with respect and consulted for advice. Funeral practices and methods of disposal of the dead varied greatly even between adjacent groups, according to Biet (1664, p. 390). He describes the funeral ceremony of the Galibi as involving singing, dancing, and weeping. A similar account is provided by Harcourt: . . at the death of any of their Cassiques, Captaines or great friends whom they esteeme, they will make a solomne feast, (their chiefest provision being of their best and strongest drinke, which they call Parranow) which feast shall continue three or four daies, or as long as their liquor lasteth, spending their time in dancing, singing, and drinking excessively . . . during this solemnity of their drinking, some women being neerest of kin unto the party dead, doth stand by and cry extreamely. [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 91—92.] Cremation, either of the body or of the bones, is the only method of disposal of the dead mentioned in any of the sources, but the details differ in each account. Biet (1664, p. 39) describes the erection of a funeral pyre on which the corpse was placed, together with such utensils and weapons as he had used during life. The dancing and drinking continued until the body was entirely consumed. An al- ternative practice was the burial of the body until the flesh was gone, followed by cremation of the bones, mixture of the ashes with water, which was drunk and rubbed on the legs (op. cit., p. 392). Laon (1654, p. 87) also speaks of cremation, specifically denying the use of jars for the preservation of the ashes. Sacrifice of other individuals to accompany the deceased into the next world is described by Harcourt and Boyer. The former restricts this practice to chiefs, and specifies the victim as preferably a slave or prisoner of the deceased, or failing such, a servant (1613, p. 92). Boyer, however, says that ‘‘they sacrifice to their parents and friends, the latter’s wives, children and servants, to wait upon them in the next world .. .” (1654, p. 267). Since these practices have no parallel among existing Tropical Forest tribes, and conflict with the fact that little deference was paid to chiefs during life, they may be considered somewhat suspect. 578 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Religion.—Although the ethnohistorical accounts begin almost unanimously with the statement that the Indians are completely devoid of religion, they all continue with a description of certain well- defined concepts of the supernatural. La Barre (1666, pp. 38-39) says that they recognize the devil as the cause of their misfortunes and fear him, but offer him no veneration. The sun and moon were believed to be alive, according to Harcourt (1613, p. 91), but were accorded no worship or sacrifice. Biet (1664, p. 360) describes two major supernatural beings recognized by the Galibi, and the same general information is also given by Laon: They perform no religious acts, although they believe in a god and a devil. The god they call Tamoussi Cabou, which means old man of the sky . . . and the devil is referred to as Iroucan. They believe that all the good that comes to them is the work of Tamoussi Cabou, and that all their misfortunes come from Jroucan. The result is that, since Tamoussi Cabou is naturally good, and consequently can do them no harm, i¢ is not necessary to pray to him, but they pray to Jroucan so that he will never destroy them. [Laon, 1654, pp. 97-98.] Shamans were the intermediaries between the people and the super- natural. They were obliged to submit to an ordeal comparable to the one undergone by warriors to prove their fitness. Afterward they observed extensive food taboos in order to preserve their powers. According to Laon, . . their profession obliges them to observe troublesome laws concerning food and drink, and there are many delicate meats that they do not dare touch, like manatee, butter, cheese, porpoise, dolphin, beef, tortoise and all kinds of fat meat. The smallest fishes are the tidbits of these individuals; crabs and small birds roasted in their feathers on coals constitute their greatest delicacies. [Laon, 1654, p. 94.] Their major function was the curing of illness, which they did by typical methods involving dancing, blowing, and sucking out objects. They did not treat injuries incurred in warfare or accidents; this was done by the women, who used herbs (Biet, 1664, pp. 385-387). Life after death appears to have been vaguely defined. The dis- posal of personal effects with the body suggests a conception of an existence much like that on earth. The Galibi thought that the souls went “up above.’”’ The same group also believed in a kind of transmigration of the souls into large sea mammals, like the manatee, which they avoided eating as a consequence (Biet, 1664, p. 361). There is no indication that the souls of the dead were regarded with apprehension or that a house or village was abandoned at death. Warfare.—Alliances and hostilities of long standing appear to have been in effect in the Guianas. The Galibi, in the Cayenne region, were traditional enemies of the Palicours, who occupied the area just to the south. Smaller tribes sided with one or the other, or tried to maintain neutrality as did the Racalet (Biet, 1664, p. 148). MBGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 579 HVANS] Weapons of war are described by Harcourt as including: . Bowes and Arrowes, long staves sharpened at the point, and with fire hardened; wooden Swords and Targets [shields] very artificially made of wood, and painted with Beasts and Birds . . . their arrowes are oft-times poisoned [1613, pp. 87, 89.] The favorite method of attack was at night, on a sleeping village: They do not attack each other in pitched battle, but try to surprise each other in their villages, and when one or the other is victorious, they beat to death and slaughter all those who are unable to escape the fury of the winner. They pardon no one except a few small children and young women whom they take back to their country in great triumph to serve them as slaves. And when they take one of the men alive, ore keep him and fatten him, after which they kill him in a@ very cruel way. . [Biet, 1664, p. 148.] Harcourt eves? p. 87) describes a Carib raid on a Yao village, in which 200 Caribs burned and destroyed the houses and took many prisoners. The primary motivation seems to have been retaliation and revenge, with cannibalism being one way of accomplishing this. In spite of the constant danger, precautions were unusual. At- tempts were made to select defensible locations for settlements, and access trails were concealed (see p. 572), but there were no village stockades, and more interestingly, no watch was kept: During the night they sleep without fear, even when they are in the middle of enemy country. It is not their custom to be on guard, or to post sentinels, as a result of which they often pay dearly for their rasbness, being surprised by their enemies. . . . [Biet, 1664, pp. 373-374.] The selection of war leaders has already been described (see p. 575). Lore and learning.—A knotted cord was used to keep track of time between an invitation to a gathering and the date of its occurrence. Such a cord, containing as many knots as there were days intervening, was sent by the host to the heads of each village. One knot was undone each day ‘‘and in this way they never failed to arrive on the correct day”’ (Biet, 1664, p. 363). THE ISLANDS Information on the Indians occupying the islands in the mouth of the Amazon is sparse, indefinite, and difficult to evaluate. Much of it consists of lists of tribes and the part of the Island of Marajé they inhabited. Details of culture are exceedingly rare, and occur as inci- dental or even accidental inclusions in accounts of missionary or other activity. There are no long descriptions of Indian customs like those written by some of the early colonists in the Guianas. TRIBES One of the earliest enumerations of the tribes of Marajé is 2 Vieira. In a letter written in 1654, he says that the island is “‘s 580 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 large that it contains more than 29 nations, with languages as dif- ferent as German and Spanish.” Later, in 1659, he was more specific: In the large mouth of the River of the Amazons is an island longer and wider than the whole kingdom of Portugal, and inhabited by many nations of Indians, which because their languages are different and difficult, are called by the com- mon name of Nheengafbas . . . The nations with different languages introduced here were the Mamaiands or Aruans and the Anajds, which includes Mapuas, Paucacds, Guajards, Pixipixis and others. [Vieira, 1925, pp. 556, 567-568.] According to Ferreira Penna— The principal tribes inhabiting the island during the time of conquest and colonization were: the Aruans in the north and east, the Mapuds, Anajds, Gua- jards, etc., in the south and west. Scattered in the center and at various points along the south and east coast were the Mamayands, Sacards, Jurunas, Muands, etc. All these tribes and other sub-tribes comprised the population that the Portu- guese called by the indefinite term ‘“‘Nheengahibas”’ because each of them, it is said, used a separate dialect. [In Hartt, 1885, p. 109.] Other authors specify 7 tribes as occupying Marajé, some of which differ from those listed above. According to Betendorf, There lived there seven nations, each with a different language, so that although living on the same island in the middle of the river, they could not understand each other and wars were frequent between them. The names of these nations are: Joannes, Sacacas, Aruans, Mapudzes, Mamaiandzes, Pauxis and Boccas . . . [Betendorf, 1910, p. 90.] Other names recorded are the Aruanazes in the vicinity of Soure, and the Goyanazes in the vicinity of Villar (Pinto, 1930, p. 351); the Amanajiés and the Mocoées (Ferreira Penna, op. cit., p. 112); and the Combocas (Vieira, 1925, p. 561). There is no specific information on the linguistic affiliation of the Marajé tribes. The derivation of the word ‘“‘Nheengaiba”’ suggests one stock that can be eliminated. This term was applied to the In- dians of the island by the Tupinamba, in whose language it meant speakers of an unknown, unintelligible or confused language (Vieira, 1925, p. 556; Tocantins, 1876, p. 57), which would presumably be non-T upian. In Ferreira Penna’s opinion, the Arua at least were Carib: In the mouth are two large islands facing the sea—Caviana which like the plains of Marajé was occupied by the Aruan tribe at the time of the coming of the Portuguese, and Mexiana, occupied by the Alexianos, as they were called by the Franciscan missionaries. These Alexianos entertained frequent relations with the Caribs of Cayenne, who were their relatives, and instigated by the latter and abetted by the French colonists, they waged heavy war on the Aruans, to whom they were also related, but from whom they had separated for various reasons .. . The Aruans were related to the Alexianos, who were Carib according to the Franciscan Missionaries, and it appears that the Tocujas who had the same eee Ne ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 081 origin and occupied the part of the Guyana between the Cajary and Maracé4 to the ocean were also Carib. The Aruan language, if it was not the same as that of the Tucujts, at least was perfectly understood by the latter, while it differs considerably from that spoken by the Tupinambds, although many words were introduced from the language into that of the Aruans. [Ferreira Penna, 1879, p. 65.] This conclusion is disputed by Nimuendaji, who examined the vocabulary collected by Ferreira Penna in 1877 from an old shaman living at Afué. He designated it as “clearly Arawakan, though quite different from that of the true Arawak of the Guiana Coast and of the Palicur’”’ (1948, p. 195). Since Afud is in the Nheengaiba zone rather than the Arua, it may be that the vocabulary is not Arua. If this were true, there would not be any necessary discrepancy: the Arua could be Carib and the Nheengaiba, Arawak. Unless some of the lost works in the Aru& language produced by the missionaries in the 18th century are recovered, the question will have no possi- bility of solution since the language has become extinct with the extinction or acculturation of the speakers. POPULATION Bento Maciel Parente, writing between 1627 and 1632, mentions that there are ‘‘many islands populated with many people’ in the mouth of the Amazon (Reis, 1947, p. 66). The only estimate comes from Vieira’s account of the conclusion of the peace treaty between the Nheengahiba and the Portuguese. The Indians gathered at the meeting place and— The number of souls cannot be said with certainty; those who know least say that there may have been 40,000, which included a principal of the Tucujts, which is a province apart on the shore of the River Amazonas, opposite the island of the Nheengaibas, and it is reported that they exceed the latter greatiy in numbers, and that they comprise together more than 100,000 souls. [Vieira, 1925, p. 568.] Julian Steward has attempted to reconstruct the native population of South America based on the earliest account available for each tribe or area. His figure of 30,000 for Marajé is based on a hypo- thetical density of 60 persons per 100 sq. km., which is the density prevalent among the Coastal Tupi (1949 b, p. 662). CULTURE Settlement pattern.—T he Nheengaibas, or some of the tribes included under this designation, built houses along the rivers during the wet season (winter), whereas during the summer they roamed in the forest on their lands (Vieira, 1925, p. 568). 391329—57——39 582 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Watercraft-—The Nheengafbas had “light and well-armed canoes” which permitted them to harass effectively the Portuguese (op. cit., pp. 566-7). Manufactures —Vieira mentions the use of bows and arrows by the Nheengafbas (ibid.). The Arua had strong, broad-ended clubs for use in war (op. cit., p. 393). ‘Trumpets, horns, drums and other instru- ments’’ were used by the Nheengaiba (op. cit., p. 566-7). Social organization.—D’Azevado describes the difficulties encoun- tered in trying to acculturate the Indians to mission life and in so doing gives some details on division of labor and family composition: Quitting their forests, the Indians came into the settlements administered by the missionaries, where they gradually exchanged their ancestral customs for those belonging to the new existence. Communal houses and group living gave way to the initial separation of the sexes and a separate house for each family. The men passed from a leisure interrupted only by warfare to daily work interspersed with religious instruction: beginning in the morning with mass, confession, doctrine and often processions, ending at night with telling of the beads or litany; working in the manioc gardens and other projects for the support of the community; con- struction, beginning with the church, a simple thatched hut like the rest, but with its images and adorned inside with tinsel finery, brightly-colored cloths and barbarous paintings; expeditions into the forest to collect products, the sale of which contributed to the expenses of the church and of the community, . and in addition, prepared at all times to carry out the demands of the government or of individuals. ‘The women were not obliged to work as hard as they had in their aboriginal state: besides domestic tasks, they spun and wove, leaving to the men the fatiguing agricultural work which had formerly been theirs. After the initiation of this Christian life, by baptism and moral instruction, the great prob- lem was to eliminate polygyny, which met with resistance from the neophytes, who considered this the most intolerable of the sacrifices exacted of them. Forced to choose one among their wives for perpetual matrimony, they wavered between the most beautiful, the most diligent, the most skillful, the latest and the youngest. The rejected wives, in their turn, had to find a husband among the bachelors. This resulted in much displeasure and no moral victory, since the former relations were frequently reestablished, to the scandal of the missionaries, who did not fail to correct the adulterers. These and other derelictions were promptly punished, because the priests ruled in the patriarchal manner and prisons and corporal punishment constituted effective means of maintaining discipline. [D’Azevado, 1918, vol. 1, pp. 322—323.] Life cycle —An account of an elaborate ceremony associated with the taking of a name and thus gaining adult status among the Arua is given by a soldier who claimed to have been a witness to it in 1643. There is no way of discovering whether any or all of the story is a fabrication, or whether this was the actual fate of the shipwreck vic- tims captured by the Arua in that year. The soldier reported that the ceremony began with the binding of captives to a post set upright in the center of the clearing. This done, the Indians— . .. gathered around them with great festivity and shouting, each with his “killing stick’? in his hand. These are broad-ended clubs, strong and well-made, wore ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 583 and used as weapons of war. Thus armed, they circulate around the victims, jumping and singing until they are no longer able to control their frenzy. Then they let go their clubs, vying with one another for the honor of smashing the skull of a prisoner. The first blows are always directed at the head rather than another part of the body, because these heathens cannot have or receive a name until they have cracked the skull of some enemy, and the greater the rank of the person or of the nation to which he belongs, the more honorable the name that is acquired. For this ceremony, it is not essential to kill an enemy but any person will suffice, even one dying a natural death. Asa result, they often travel many leagues and enter the villages of their enemies under the protection of darkness, or remove a skull from its sepulcher and take it victoriously to the plaza of their village where they break it with the same festivity and ferocity as if it were a living victim and thereby take a name. [Vieira, 1925, pp. 393-394.] Warfare—The Nheengaiba developed a strategy in fighting the Portuguese, that made excellent use of the natural advantages of their habitat: The island is covered with a confused and intricate labyrinth of rivers and dense forest, the former with infinite entrances and exits, the latter with no en- trance or exit at all. There is no way to surround, to find, to follow or even to see the enemy, who makes the trees the line of defense from which he aims and releases his arrows. And, so that this kind of violent and invisible warfare would not be hindered by homes, wives and children, the first act of the Nheengaibas after resolving to go to war with the Portuguese was to dissolve and destroy the villages in which they lived, spreading the houses at great distances from each other so that one could warn the others of any danger and they would never be simultaneously attacked. In this way they inhabited the whole island without occupying any particular part, all the forests serving as their walls, the rivers as their trenches, the houses as their watch-towers and every Nheengaiba as a sentinel and their trumpets as signals of alarm. [Vieira, 1925, pp. 557—558.] Of the island groups, the Arua appear to have been the more warlike. According to Ferreira Penna, they were feared by their neighbors: The plains of Marajé, like those of the two large islands in the mouth of the Amazon [Mexiana and Caviana], were in the path of the migrations and disper- sions of these famous conquerors who, by virtue of their warlike spirit, their courage and the superiority of their race, were prepared to overcome and dominate each and all of the other peoples who chanced to appear and dared to offer them resistance. . . . Their neighbors greatly feared the Arua, who killed them or harassed them continuously with thefts and wars. [1879 a, p. 65; 1885, p. 109.] ETHNOHISTORICAL-ARCHEOLOGICAL CORRELATION With archeological documentation for the Islands of Marajé, Mexiana, and Caviana and the Brazilian Guiana mainland, and with relatively detailed contemporary observations by the early settlers in the northern part of the mainland area, it should be possible to elabo- rate considerably the cultural picture of the contact tribes. Two faults combine to minimize the success of this attempt: First, the almost complete absence of any ethnohistorical information on the 584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Arua, who have been shown archeologically to be the dominant and probably the only tribe on Mexiana and Caviana in 1500, and second, the predominance on the mainland of data on the Galibi, who oc- cupied the area just north of that included in the archeological in- vestigation. A detailed comparison of the information from both sources is valuable, however, because it aids in the proper evaluation of both and suggests explanations for apparent contradictions. The archive accounts of the islands specify that Mexiana, Caviana, and the north and east coast of Marajé were inhabited by the Aru4, at once the largest and most warlike of the tribes. This area corre- sponds to the one determined from archeological evidence, with a stronger concentration of sites on Mexiana and Caviana than on Marajé. The relatively simple culture indicated for the Arua finds confirmation in the archeological evidence. As far as the Nheengaiba are concerned, no comment is possible at this time. No archeological material has been recorded from the Nheengaiba area, except possibly central Marajé, where the known sites are of an undisputably pre- contact nature. Whether this is because the Nheengafba were a non-pottery-making group or simply a failure to discover the sites cannot be settled until a more concentrated effort is made to look for them.*® The ethnohistorical picture in Brazilian Guiana seems at first glance to be completely contradictory. There is a gross and irrecon- cilable discrepancy between the picture of two homogeneous cultural Phases with distinct geographical distribution demonstrated by arch- eology, and the hodge-podge of tribes belonging to numerous linguistic stocks haphazardly distributed through the Territory of Amapé, documented by the archive sources. Fortunately, this need not be laid to error on either side, but rather to the tremendous disruption and transplantation of Indian groups, either voluntarily or involuntarily, from and into the region in postcontact times. From the point of view of the archeologist, however, the situation has been hopelessly scrambled by these events, and attempts to relate prehistory to history can never have more than hypothetical results. All that can be said in this connection is that the ethnolinguistic classification most in accord with the archeological picture is that by Rowe (1948). His areal distribution for the Apurui conforms roughly to the Maraca ceramic tradition, the Paikipiranga to our Mazagao Phase, and the Emerillon, Palicur, and Marawan to the area included in the Aristé Phase. It seems reasonable to conclude that the archeological divi- sions must represent some major difference, perhaps of a linguistic nature, and that the ethnographic or linguistic reconstruction that most closely parallels it is more likely to approximate tbe aboriginal %6 A third possibility is that the Nheengaiba ‘‘tribes’’ are deculturated remnants of different Marajoara Phase villages. In view of the suggested origin of the Marajoara Phase, this interpretation fits the implica- tion that the Nheengaiba were linguistically unusual in the lower Amazon. ma. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 585 condition. Such archeological commentary makes it possible to recognize that the multiplicity of names present on some maps, like that prepared by Nimuendaji (Gillin, 1948, p. 800), and in the archive accounts represents a recent disruption rather than the aboriginal condition, and often a clan, village or chief’s name rather than a tribal or linguistic unit. One very interesting hint that the Rio Araguari-Amapari did func- tion as a boundary line as suggested by the archeological situation is given by Harcourt (1613), who reported that the Indians on that river looked upon those from the Oiapoque area with distrust, they being strangers and therefore unpredictable in their behavior. Although it is possible to read more significance into such statements than is intended, this does not seem likely here in view of the archeological situation and the fact that intercommunication existed between other tribes separated by no greater distance than is involved here. In respect to the cultural description of the Galibi and tribes in the northern part of the Territory, there is good agreement with the archeological evidence. It will be remembered that the definition of the Aristé Phase based on the archeology suggested a semisedentary culture, with the composition of the sites themselves indicating a village of individual family houses occupying a relatively large area, but seeming to represent little duration in time. Both Sites A-9 and A-12, Aristé Phase habitation sites, were located on small rises adjacent to a stream. Except for polished stone axes, the tools and weapons must have been made of wood or other perishable material. Although the pottery included a higher percentage of decorated types than similar pottery types in the Tropical Forest Phases on the islands, the general crudity and poor technical quality does not suggest that it was a specialized craft. One aspect that finds greater elaboration on the archeological than on the ethnological level is burial practices, which in this case involve cremation, with the ashes placed in pottery jars, usually ornamented with painted designs, and set on the floor of small caves or rock shelters. These were sometimes accompanied by offerings, particularly of glass beads. The ethnohistorical accounts reveal a culture based on agriculture, hunting, and fishing, with villages frequently located on small hills and always near a stream or spring. Houses were individual or communal, and villages averaged about 50 people. Arrangements for concealment included narrow and winding paths. Houses were constructed of wood and thatch and occupied principally during the night. Clothing was at a minimum, but ornaments of feathers, shells and glass beads were profuse, and body painting in red and black was customary especially on festival occasions. Except for pottery, the material culture was primarily of a perishable nature. During the day, activities included hunting, fishing, garden clearing, 586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 basketry weaving, potterymaking, and the manufacture of bows and arrows, which are reported to be male occupations. Women did the gardening, prepared the food and drink, collected firewood, took care of the children, and waited on the men. Except for shamans, there was no division of labor except along sex lines. Social stratifi- cation was also absent. The head man of a community was the oldest male, and although his advice was respected there was no compulsion to act upon it. The life cycle included prenatal food taboos, the couvade, polygyny, with marriage being easily entered into or dissolved, relaxation of certain restrictions in old age, and cremation at death, without the preservation of the ashes. Beliefs in the supernatural were rudimentary and involved no offerings or sacrifices. Warfare was quite prevalent, motivated by a desire for revenge, which was partially accomplished by cannibalism practiced on the captives. When the information from these two independent sources is com- pared, it is evident that except for the historical account being some- what fuller regarding social and religious organization, there is a good agreement. The only item in the documents that does not parallel what can be demonstrated or inferred from the archeological remains is the failure to preserve the ashes of the dead, although the method of disposal of the body is cremation in both cases. This may indicate a breakdown of the aboriginal pattern soon after Euro- pean contact. One interesting bit of negative evidence appears to strengthen the conclusion reached on slim archeological evidence that the stone alinements commonly found in the northern part of the Territory of Amapé are Arua Phase and not Aristé Phase. With their interest in the spiritual life of the Indians, it is not probable that the Europeans would have failed to know about such structures if they had been built and used by the contemporary Indians. When one turns to the dating of the sites producing glass beads, the problem of evaluation becomes more complex. Beads are obvi- ously post-1500 and constitute evidence of European contact, but it would be desirable to know how far into the postcontact period the culture survived, since this might shed light on the rate of ceramic change. A review of the chronology and nature of the contact detailed on pages 556-566 reveals two points bearing on this question: one, the intensity of the contact, and the other, its localization. On the first point, it has been shown that the first hundred years following the discovery were occupied with commercial activities, which brought European goods to the Indians but probably had little other impor- tant influence on the aboriginal way of life. Settlement began in 1600 and continued peacefully until about 1620, with the plantations and forts concentrated in the mouth of the Amazon proper and in was ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 587 the northern Guianas. This brought more intimate contact with the Indians, but it seems to have been on a friendly, mutual-aid level, apparently involving no fundamental disturbance of the cul- tural pattern. However, the wars that filled the decade from 1620 to 1630, when the Portuguese rose to expel the other European powers from their footholds in the area, wrought considerable havoc on the aborigines. Large numbers of Indians were recruited or of their own choice joined the small European forces. As a result, village life was probably disrupted and the culture pattern so broken down that those who survived the battles must have found it difficult or impossible to reassemble the bits. The situation was not ma- terially remedied when the Portuguese gained exclusive dominion, because they were famous for their slave raiding, and in addition sent punitive expeditions to subject tribes that showed resistance. Disease also took its toll from the first, but probably was more preva- lent after 1600, with the beginning of close and extended contact. Between 1700 and 1800, widespread migration was characteristic, with the Indians on the islands fleeing to the Guianas, and with the removal of large groups by the Portuguese from and into the area. The two facts that emerge from this summary are: (1) Of the area under archeological consideration, the most intensive and earliest European contact was in the region occupied by the Mazagaéo Phase; the Arua and the Aristé Phase peoples were more remotely involved, having few if any early colonial settlements on their lands; and (2) the warfare from 1600 to 1630 must have destroyed almost completely the aboriginal culture of the Mazag4o Phase or at least altered it so that it would be noticeably different from the precontact condition even as seen archeologically. This strongly suggests that the contact sites of the Mazagao Phase are not likely to be later than about 1630, although they may be as early as 1500. The terminations of the Aristé Phase and the Arua Phase are not -as readily defined. Since European activity was less intense in these areas, the cultures may have been able to preserve their integrity for a considerably longer time, in fact conceivably into the 18th century on the islands at least. This raises the possibility that sites may lack trade materials and still be post-European in date. Although there is no archival evidence that less trading was done on the islands than in the south part of the Territory of Amap4 prior to 1600, the seriated sequence of the Aru& Phase intersperses sites with trade materials between sites at which none are found. The large number of post-European sites in this Phase in contrast to the Aristé Phase and especially to the Mazagao Phase is further evidence of a longer survival for the Arua. Phrased in guess dates, this means that whereas the Mazagao Phase contact sites may represent a period of about 120 588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 years after A. D. 1500, the Aru& Phase contact sites probably span at least 250 years. The termination of the Aristé Phase probably lies somewhere between these two extremes. It might be expected that some light would be shed on this situation by analysis of the trade materials from the sites. In view of its potential importance it is unfortunate that so little information is available on the type of beads used by different European powers at different periods for trading with the Indians. A considerable range of sizes, shapes, and colors were recovered, and samples were sent to Glenn A. Black, Kenneth Kidd, and Arthur Woodward for evaluation. Their reports (pers. corres.), made independently, agree in placing the period of distribution from early 17th to early 18th century, and suggest that the earliest date would be around 1650. It is immedi- ately evident that this is out of line with the terminal date suggested above for the Mazagdo Phase, and would imply that trade materials from 1500 to 1650 did not include beads, which is very unlikely. The most reasonable explanation for this situation appears to be that Black, Kidd, and Woodward base their estimate on the dates given to similar material excavated from North American sites, where extensive contact was of a considerably later date than in the mouth of the Amazon. Consequently, until more definite data can be obtained regarding the time of manufacture of the various bead types in Europe, evidence from this source must take second place to more specific local historical records. IMPLICATIONS OF THE CULTURAL SEQUENCE AT THE MOUTH OF THE AMAZON In tracing the origins and affiliations of each of the archeological Phases at the mouth of the Amazon, we have been led to distant parts of northern South America. Perhaps the clearest result of this research has been the conclusion that the cultures in the vicinity of this delta cannot be understood except as reflections of events taking place in vital centers elsewhere on the continent at an earlier time. As far as we can determine, there were no significant local innovations. Each successive archeological Phase is a culture with an independent origin that moved into the area from somewhere else, occupied it for a brief length of time, and then was displaced or absorbed by the next invader. The result is not a cultural continuity such as exists in parts of Peru, but rather the somewhat arbitrary assortment of cultures oriented into a temporal framework shown on figure 205. The relative positions of the archeological Phases have been deter- mined from stratigraphy or from ceramic evidence of contact. The lengths of the bars represent differences in the relative duration of the cultures, computed on the basis of refuse accumulations (pp. 253, 421). Since the detailed archeological sequences and the evidence concerning the affiliations of the various cultures have been discussed at tbe conclusion of each of the three geographical sections into which this report is divided, only the highlights will be repeated here. The reader interested in a fuller account is referred to the more detailed discussions. The archeological record at the mouth of the Amazon begins with the Ananatuba Phase, a pottery-making culture that appears to have arrived on Marajé Island after the beginning of the Christian era. Prior to this time the ared was probably inhabited by preceramic groups, but nothing remains of their perishable culture to provide positive evidence of their presence. The arrival of the Ananatuba Phase represents the introduction of a more advanced level of culture, which appears to have been comparable to the Tropical Forest Pat- tern as it is known ethnographically. It does not, however, represent the origin of this type of culture, if we may judge by the technological level achieved in pottery making. Although the surfaces are not typically well finished, the vessels are not always symmetrical and most of the ceramics are plain, the product is well made and durable, and shows degree of competency in the handling and firing of clay and 589 [BULL. 167 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 590 javnovuy ow ‘SosByg [BoISo[OoyoIe 9y} JO UOTJEINP OATZV[ol PoyeuI}so 8Y} JOOYOL SYOOTq oy} Jo syyZus] JuoLOpIp oy, “uozeury 94} Jo YJNOU oy} 48 VdUONbas [wINyIND oY .—'GOZ TANASIG 3SVHd NYNVOV VNVIX3W +] OrvUVN 3SVHd VOINNOS rVUVN WULN39 8 HLYON 3svHa OvOVZVN | VNVIAVS OrVUVN ‘ juvnovuy old VNVIX3 40'S ({1SVO9 “3 8 ‘N) 3SVHd SV¥ISNONVAW OrvUVN 7 AWYLNZS 8 HLUON 3SVHd VENLUNVNY OrvUuVN TWYLNSD © HLYON Golu3d NV3d0uNnN3 -3ud 3aSvVHd VuvOrvUv Orvuvn AWHYLN39 8 isVv3 SSS eee Cm 00 09 aoiw3d OIWOLSIH fated ec tiaee eh VdVNV 30 AMOLINHSL VNVIAVOD 8 VNVIX3W “OrvUvW “ideale ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 591 in design execution far beyond what would be expected of a group just learning the art of pottery making. Three types of decorations occur: brushing with a bunch of twigs (Carmo Brushed), incision with well-defined motifs sometimes employing zoned cross hatching (Sipé Incised), and rarely, a band of red paint (Ananatuba Painted). The pattern of refuse accumulation suggests a village composed of a single, communal house, probably raised on piles. There is no evidence of the method of disposal of the dead. This culture appears to have been the sole pottery-making occupant of much, if not all, of Marajé Island at this early period, and the long duration of the villages on a single spot as well as the uniformity of the ceramic remains suggests a peaceful and undisturbed existence for many decades. The termination of the Ananatuba Phase was brought about by its conquest and assimilation by the second culture to make its appear- ance on Maraj6 Island. The earliest sites of the Mangueiras Phase are found somewhat west of the Ananatuba Phase distribution and the two cultures appear to have existed contemporaneously for some time on different parts of the island. After an initial period of settle- ment, the Mangueiras Phase underwent an era of expansion, in which it spread briefly to southern Caviana as well as eastward and south- ward on Marajé. As a result of this expansion, it came into contact with the Ananatuba Phase and succeeded in dominating it. This may have been an initially hostile collision, but after assuming the role of conqueror, the Mangueiras Phase planted a settlement at the Anana- tuba Phase village of J-7—Sip6 and the two peoples lived side by side until cultural evidence of the Ananatuba Phase gradually disappears. The superiority of the Ananatuba Phase pottery was recognized by the conquerors, and both vessel shapes and techniques of decoration were copied by them. Pottery here reveals a fascinating tale of accultura- tion, which may have been paralled in other more perishable traits (pp. 218-221). The unusual susceptibility of the Mangueiras Phase to such influence is further attested by pottery features it took over at an earlier time when it had some contact with the Acauan Phase. The Mangueiras Phase is distinguished from its predecessor by both ceramics and settlement pattern. Although characterized by the same qualities of crudity as Ananatuba Phase wares, the pottery differs in surface color and in other details. Decoration consists of brushing (Croari Brushed, Bacuri Brushed), scraping (Pocoaté Scraped), red coloring of the surface (Esperanga Red), and after Ananatuba Phase contact, a more or less accurate copy of the latter’s Sipé Incised (Pseudo-Sipé Incised.) Mangueiras Phase villages appear to have been composed of one or more communal houses. There is no evidence of burial pattern. 592 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 Partly contemporary with the Mangueiras Phase, and possibly also with the end of the Ananatuba Phase, is the Formiga Phase. Like its two predecessors, it belongs to the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture. Pottery is simple, sherd tempered, and even less formalized in decoration, with brushing (Satiba Brushed) the most consistent technique. Contact with either the Ananatuba or the Mangueiras Phase is indicated by the presence of Sipé Incised motifs on occasional sherds (Pseudo-Sip6 Incised), and another as yet unidentified influence is reflected in the sudden appearance of finger pinched surfaces (Mucaja Corrugated). The village composition is less consistent than in the other Phases but appears to have included several large houses, which in two of the three villages excavated, were built on low artificial mounds. In contrast to the two previous Phases, Formiga Phase villages are located on the campo rather than io the forest. One burial, a cremation without associated artifacts, was encountered in the village refuse. For none of these cultures do we have any specific evidence of deri- vation. They appear on Marajé Island fully developed, and cannot therefore be indigenous. They have not been found on Mexiana, Caviana, or in the Territory of Amap4 with the exception of a single Mangueiras Phase site already mentioned. Scattered pottery samples that have been collected at various points along the Amazon (Barbosa Rodrigues, 1876-78) seem to indicate that incising is the typical form of decoration on the archeological horizon. We would like to hazard the guess, in lieu of a more substantial basis for an opinion, that these early cultures on Marajé are the result of a slow diffusion of the Trop- ical Forest Pattern, which was characterized ceramically by sherd tem- pering and brushed and incised decoration, from the west to the east along the Amazon. During the time that the above events were taking place on Marajé Island, there is only one indication of a pottery-making culture on the other islands or in the Territory of Amapd. This is the Acauan Phase, the major site of which is on Mexiana. The pottery of this culture is remarkable for the abundance, variety, and complexity of its decora- tion, which includes excision (Acauan Excised), incision (Carobal Incised), and corrugation (Floripes Corrugated). Although there is no stratigraphic evidence of its temporal position, certain features of the unclassified decorated pottery from early Mangueiras Phase sites suggest influence from the Acauan Phase, and on this basis the two cultures have been considered contemporary. After a brief sojourn in this area, the Acauan Phase disappears. The reason for this is unknown, but no evidence exists to indicate that its removal was precipitated by hostile relations with other tribes. MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON _ 593 EVANS] Except for this single, short-term occupation by the Acauan Phase, the period of the Ananatuba, Mangueiras, and Formiga Phases on Maraj6 is not represented by comparable pottery-making groups in the Territory of Amap4é or on Mexiana and Caviana. It must be concluded either that these areas were unoccupied or that they were inhabited by hunting, fishing, and gathering groups. The reason for this is uncertain, and does not appear to be related to the suitability of the land for agriculture, since Marajé6 is not superior to these other areas in this respect. One is tempted to fall back on the conclusion that there was little population movement and consequently little population pressure exerted by tribes with a Tropical Forest type of culture in this part of South America until almost the historic horizon. Indeed, the remaining history of the cultures at the mouth of the Amazon would seem to bear this out. Next in the Marajé Island sequence is the Marajoara Phase, which has such close and numerous affiliations with the northwestern part of South America as to suggest a direct derivation from that region (figs. 146, 148). All the archeological evidence indicates that it repre- sents a culture of the Circum-Caribbean or Sub-Andean level of devel- opment, with a technology and sociopolitical organization far in ad- vance of its predecessors and successors in the lower Amazon area. The large earthworks erected as habitation sites and as cemeteries im- ply the organization of labor and of leadership to direct it. Social strat- ification is more directly revealed in the differential treatment of the dead. Division of labor is also suggested by the elaborate and varied pottery art, which combines a variety of decorative techniques—inci- sion (Guajaraé Incised, Anajds Plain Incised), excision (Arari Plain Ex- cised), scraping (Goiapi Scraped) and painting (Joanes Painted)— with a variety of slipped and double slipped surfaces (e. g., Pacoval In- cised, Anajds Red Incised, Arari Double-Slipped Excised). The result is an array of wares, some of which demonstrate a degree of skill and craftsmanship that leaves no doubt that experienced workmen were involved in their production. Other indications of the relative richness of the culture are found in the numerous pottery artifacts, including stools, spindle whorls, ear plugs, spoons, and tangas. Although there are no temples, the existence of idols and of elaborate burial practices indicates a well developed religious system. This culture appears to have arrived on the Island of Marajé at the peak of its development, and its local history as revealed in the archeological record is one of slow deterioration. The pottery becomes less varied and elaborate, and the complex types of decoration that remain become less competently done, implying the loss of pottery making as a specialized occupation. The breakdown of the social 594 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 167 structure is reflected in the disappearance of differential treatment of the dead. These and similar clues left in the archeological record per- mit us to trace the path of deculturation to a point where the once elaborate Marajoara Phase remains come to resemble archeologically those of the Tropical Forest Phases. In attempting to discover the cause for this situation, the most obvious line of investigation is environmental. An analysis of the subsistence resources of the tropical forest in general, and of Marajé Island in particular, leads to the conclusion that these are not sufficient for the maintenance of a highly developed culture. The demands of the Marajoara Phase were thus out of balance with the normal food producing capacity of the environment, and when the latter was taxed beyond its resources, the resulting impoverishment was reflected in the content of the culture. Since the environment could not be molded to meet the demands of the culture, the culture had to submit to the limitations of the environment, which meant a simplification to a level that was adapted to the subsistence resources.** ‘This is what happened to the Marajoara Phase, and this was the state it had finally reached when the island was invaded by the next and final archeological Phase. Of the many new traits introduced into the lower Amazon by the Marajoara Phase, only two—secondary urn burial and painting of pottery—ever became an important part of the Tropical Forest Pattern. The Marajoara Phase is the first in which painting be- comes a prominent method of ceramic decoration, the primary colors in this case being red and black, employed singly or in combination on a white-slipped surface (Joanes Painted). Secondary burial in large urns, with the bones of the deceased painted red, makes its appearance as the method of disposal of the dead. The fact that these traits are not early in the archeological sequence at the mouth of the Amazon and that they have their initial association with a culture that is unquestionably non-Tropical Forest in character sug- gests that they may not be of Tropical Forest origin or even old in the Tropical Forest area of South America. While the Marajoara Phase was feeling the effects of the tropical forest environment on Marajé Island, the Territory of Amapa re- ceived its first invasion by a pottery-making culture, the Arua Phase. This is the only group that occupied the lower Amazon whose origin can be traced to the north. In keeping with this, the greatest con- centration of sites is in the northern part of the Territory of Amapé. Those so far reported consist primarily of stone alinements, which the absence of habitation or cemetery association suggests had a 36a For a more detailed discussion of the relationship between Tropical Forest culture and environment, see Meggers, 1954. ee ASD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 595 ceremonial significance. Pottery of the Arua Phase is sherd tem- pered. Decoration is rare and most frequently in the form of applique ribs or nubbins; other types are brushing (Nazaré Brushed), simple, broad incisions (Aberta Incised), and painting. Arua Phase villages are reconstructed as having been typically composed of a single, relatively small, communal house. After occupying this part of the mainland for a short time, the Aru& Phase abandoned it for the islands in the mouth of the Amazon. There are indications that this was not a voluntary removal, but an expulsion brought about by the advent of another group, the ances- tral Mazag4o-Aristé Phase. To judge from the number of sites and the amount of ceramic change, the duration of the Arué Phase on Mexiana and Caviana Islands was considerably longer than it was in the Territory of Amap4é. A new trait appears, namely, secondary burial in large urns placed in groups on the surface of the ground. Offerings in the form of small vessels, stone axes, and beads were occasionally included. While these cemeteries may occur in the Territory of Amap4é as well, their failure to be discovered seems remarkable in view of the numerous, better-concealed cemeteries of the later Phases that have come to light in that region. _ Shortly after becoming established on the islands, the Arué Phase shows evidence of European contact in the form of glass beads asso- ciated with burial vessels. The absence of any other effect on the culture that can be discerned archeologically over a considerable period of time suggests that there was at first little active disturb- ance of the aboriginal life on Mexiana and Caviana. This seems to be confirmed by the absence in archives of any but casual mention of these islands. However, the Aru& on Marajé6 attracted more attention, probably because their island was never out of sight as the Portuguese laid their plans for achieving supremacy in the Ama- zon. Oo GD GE mncenes ARD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 601 descent of the Amazon followed by movement northward along the coast, receives no support from the archeological evidence at the mouth of the Amazon. The Aristé Phase has slight affiliations as far north as Dutch Guiana, but fades out there. In any case, it has no resemblance to the cultures of eastern Venezuela. We are on relatively secure ground if we consider the three earliest archeological Phases at the mouth of the Amazon as repre- sentative of the early content of the Tropical Forest Pattern. Al- though these are late in actual time, by the theory of diffusion they should reflect one of the early impulses that began the movement of traits out from their center of origin. On this assumption, we can conclude that sherd tempering, and incised, brushed, and scraped decoration of pottery are early Tropical Forest traits. By the same token, the absence until later times of cariapé tempering, painted and modeled decoration of pottery, and secondary urn burial indicates that these are late traits and if they are of Amazonian origin, it was not in the eastern part (cf. Willey, 1949 b, p. 143; Howard, 1947, p. 85). This local situation is confirmed to some extent by the fact that archeological material recovered from scattered sites in the Amazon area (see particularly Barbosa Rodriques, 1876-78) is generally char- acterized by incised decoration, while on the ethnographic horizon, pottery decoration is almost exclusively by painting. Although this sequence may not be universally established, we see no evidence that painting is of greater antiquity than incision, as has been suggested (Howard, 1947, p. 86). Nordenskiéld (1930, p. 34), on the basis of familiarity with lowland Bolivian material, suggested an evolution in ceramic decoration from modeling and incision to painting, which he attributed to influence from the Andean area. Our evidence indi- cates that, although this may be correct for the lowland Bolivia, it is not strictly true for more distant parts of the Amazon. The actual sequence at the mouth of the Amazon was from incision to painting and modeling, with the latter partly contemporary but becoming an important method somewhat later than painting. In addition to these changes in technique of pottery decoration, there is archeological evidence of alteration in other aspects of the culture. There is a notable lack of uniformity between some of the Phases in village permanency. The two earliest cultures on Marajé Island, the Ananatuba Phase and the Mangueiras Phase, are represent- ed by deposits of village refuse up to a meter in depth, and conversion of this into the number of years estimated as necessary to produce them (tables E and F) gives figures of up to 147 years per village, with durations of 50 or more years being more typical than shorter terms of occupancy. By contrast, the late archeological Phases, which include the Mazaga&o and Aristé Phases in the Territory of Amapaé 602 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 and the Aru& Phase on the islands, produced refuse deposits that never exceeded 45 cm. in depth and were most frequently less than 10 cm. thick. In the case of the Arua Phase, conversion of this figure into years gives a maximum of 19 years for the duration of an individual village (table G). Our investigations in British Guiana in 1952-53 seem to reveal the same decrease in village per- manency in that area. The explanation for this situation is not clear. One possibility not yet sufficiently investigated to permit an evaluation of its significance lies in the fertility of the soil in a tropical forest situation where the agricultural technique is by slash and burn. The initial occupant of a given area would have the ad- vantage of being able to exploit completely virgin land for agricultural purposes, and this might have given the fields a higher productivity for a longer time than could be later achieved even after a period of fallow in which the area returned to high secondary growth. It is a fact that the fresher the soil, the higher the production (Wagley, 1953, pp. 67-68), but the critical limit above which there is no further increase in fertility has not been established. Another possibly significant factor in the case of Marajé Island is the relatively abun- dant supply of wild game and fish, which properly exploited could support a small sedentary population for a considerable period of time. Before any reliable answer can be given to this problem it will be necessary to know how widespread this decline in village permanency is throughout the Tropical Forest area and under what specific environmental conditions it has occurred. It may turn out to reflect simply the introduction of new concepts of the supernatural, which lead to the abandonment of the village at the death of an occu- pant. Another cultural factor that may be involved is a difference in emphasis placed on the desirability of having the fields readily accessible to the village. Where this was considered important, the village would be moved as the nearby fields were exhausted; where it was not, villagers might go considerable distances to raise and harvest their crops. Another aspect of the archeological situation suggests an alteration in diet. This is the presence of griddles only in sites of the Arua Phase, which is one of the latest at the mouth of the Amazon. This implies an absence until this time of cassava bread, which is a staple food among the aboriginal peoples of the Guianas today, and suggests that this is a relatively recent method of utilizing bitter manioc flour in this part of South America. It is not necessary to conclude that bitter manioc was not grown, since it can be consumed in other forms (e. g., Lipkind, 1948, pp. 181-2), but it is also possible that only the sweet variety was raised by the first food-producing Phases. atkins ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 603 Although the botanical situation in the Amazon drainage with reference to plant origins is about as little known as the archeology, Sauer (1950, pp. 507-509) has discussed the problem of the limited distribution of bitter manioc as compared to sweet manioc. He notes that while both sweet and bitter manioc occur in the tropical regions of Brazil, Venezuela, and the West Indies, only the sweet form was found in the upper tributaries of the Amazon Basin when the Spanish first arrived there. Sauer’s conclusion is that climate alone does not account for the more restricted distribution of bitter manioc, and that this must indicate that the bitter variety was either a late form which did not have time to diffuse or there was some lack of receptiveness to it on the part of some cultures. If this distributional evidence of lateness cannot be conclusively demonstrated by the archeological results, it is at least not in disagreement with them. A nonceramic trait of material culture whose history can be traced archeologically is the use of stone axes. These do not occur in the three earliest Phases on Marajé Island. Their appearance coincides with the arrival of the Marajoara Phase on Marajé and of the Arua Phase in the Territory of Amapé. Only in the later Arua Phase on the islands and in the Aristé Phase in the Territory of Amap4, however, can they be considered relatively abundant. Since the availability of local stone did not alter, this must be considered as a purely cultural innovation. It is interesting to note that stone axes are late rather than early in the cultural sequence at the mouth of the Amazon. _ Having considered the evidence as it pertains to the content and to the place of origin and direction of diffusion of the Tropical Forest Pattern, there remains the problem of how this type of culture originated and how it is affected by the natural environment. The one and only important effort to reconstruct the origin of Tropical Forest culture has been made by Steward (1949 c, p. 762), who derived his theories partly from a comparison of the cultural similar- ities and differences between the Circum-Caribbean and Tropical Forest cultures, and partly from the evidence of what occurred in the Circum-Caribbean area under the disrupting influence of European contact (op. cit., pp. 765-766). Steward’s hypothesis was that the Tropical Forest Pattern developed by degeneration from Circum- Caribbean culture, retaining the general technology of the latter but losing the more advanced sociopolitical and religious traits, which could not be maintained in adapting to the subsistence re- quirements and limitations of the new environment. Two routes of movement were postulated, by which this declining culture spread: (1) down the Guiana coast and up the Amazon, and (2) up the Orinoco and down the Negro. Since Steward placed primary em- 604 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 phasis on the first of these routes, our archeological investigations are strategically located to test the validity of this reconstruction. The evidence they provide is negative both concerning this route of movement and this derivation of the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture. As already noted, no evidence was found either of a direct nature (in the form of sites) or of an indirect nature (in the form of influences on the local cultures) to support the conclusion that an important route of migration passed down the coast of the mainland and up the Amazon River. Nor do the earliest pottery-making cultures give any indication of having deculturated from a more advanced level. Furthermore, the lateness of this type of culture at the mouth of the Amazon rules out any possibility that the Tropical Forest Pattern could have originated either by evolution or decul- turation in this part of the lowland forest area. Although there appears to be no evidence in support of Steward’s hypothesis deriving Tropical Forest culture by deculturation from the Circum-Caribbean level in northeastern South America, this, of course, does not automatically rule out the possibility such a process could have taken place at the opposite end of the continent. We feel, however, that such theory is not needed to account for the similarities that exist between the two culture areas, and that to resort to a process of degeneration is to move on less safe ground than if one were to think instead in terms of evolution. Looking at the problem from this point of view, the general Andean area of Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia becomes the center of origin and dispersal of generalized and specific traits, ranging from the idea of agriculture to special techniques of metallurgy. These moved north and south within the Andean area and probably also eastward, beginning probably in very early times. In the Tropical Forest area only the earliest and most basic inventions were accepted and adapted for local use. Otherwise, the culture is mainly composed of special items suited to the requirements and the materials available in the forest and river environment. These same early inventions— agriculture and pottery—diffused to the Circum-Caribbean area, but here environmental limitations are less severe and cultural evolution was able to progress further, although it did not reach the heights of technological and political development attained in the Central Andes. Steward (1949 c, p. 762) made a similar sug- gestion as an alternative to his basic hypothesis of the origin of Circum-Caribbean and Tropical Forest culture, namely, ‘‘that the Circum-Caribbean cultures were in reality Tropical Forest type cultures with an Andean overlay” instead of the reverse, but he gave this possibility little consideration. 38 Willey (1949 b, p. 161) concluded that this was the primary center of South American pottery origins. mn eane AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 605 EVANS This brief sketch suffers from oversimplification. There were undoubtedly innumerable and constant interchanges between indi- vidual tribes in all of the areas concerned, so that the place of origin of many traits has been obscured. It seems doubtful, however, that any other part of the South American continent will produce a sequence of the same antiquity and the same evolutionary complete- ness as has been outlined in the Andean area, and a reasonably safe guess that this general area stimulated the evolution attained to a lesser degree in neighboring regions. Although proof is lacking at this time, we would prefer to see the Tropical Forest Pattern as having evolved from an earlier hunting, fishing, and gathering culture with the aid of techniques diffused from the west where a similar evolution had taken place some time before. We do not believe that the Tropical Forest Pattern as a whole is derived by deculturation from the Circum-Caribbean level of development, although there can be no doubt that some of the tribes now falling into this classification are the end result of the unsuccessful penetration of the lowland forest by a more advanced culture. If Steward’s hypothesis for the origin of the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture does not find support in our archeological evidence, the foundation of his theory, namely that a culture of the Circum- Caribbean or higher level of development cannot maintain its ad- vanced sociopolitical organization in the face of the limited sub- sistence potential of the tropical forest (Steward, 1948 a, p. 13), finds an excellent demonstration in the fate of the Marajoara Phase. This culture arrived on the Island of Marajé with every indication of possessing a culture of the Circum-Caribbean or Sub-Andean level of development, with an advanced sociopolitical organization characterized by occupational division of labor, social stratification, and well-defined leadership. The archeological record reveals that in the tropical forest environment of Marajé Island this culture underwent a gradual but persistent decline, in which those traits more advanced than the Tropical Forest level were lost. Although largely “‘non-material,” they are reflected in such material ways as the loss of differential treatment of the dead, and the disappearance of complex and time-consuming techniques of pottery ornamentation. The Marajoara Phase is a particularly good case for the demonstra- tion of this leveling effect of the tropical forest environment, since all other possible causes can be eliminated by comparative evidence. Were the Marajoara Phase the only intrusive culture, it might be argued that this transplantation in itself was the cause of the decline. But, since no fewer than four other cultures made the same transfer successfully, this reasoning cannot be accepted. Although isolation might be evoked here to account for the decline, this could not be 606 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 used to explain the same result of other similar penetrations of the lowland forest (e. g., Steward, 1949 c, pp. 759-760), and it is highly probable that a single cause is behind them all. Having seen the environment, analyzed the archeological cultures, and observed the modern problems of maintaining a productive subsistence economy, we are thoroughly convinced that the limited potentiality of the tropical forest environment for permanent local food production is the answer. The bearing of the archeological record at the mouth of the Amazon on these general and theoretical interpretations of the prehistory of lowland South America, which had been derived primarily on ethno- graphic evidence, is perhaps the most important outcome of the 1948-49 fieldwork. There is another result, however, of more local significance, although it may represent a situation that was duplicated over a larger area. This is the sharp contrast between the archeolog- ical picture of aboriginal Brazilian Guiana and that reconstructed from ethnographic and archive sources. The region between the Rio Oiapoque on the north and the Rio Jari on the south produced three distinct archeological Phases, the Mazagao Phase, the Maracad Phase, and the Aristé Phase. Each of these is internally consistent and suggests a homogeneous, well-integrated unit that does not seem possible without corresponding linguistic and tribal unity. However, from the time of the earliest identifications in the 17th century, the historical records seem to reflect only diversity, which at its most extreme form identifies each river as inhabited by a separate group. Careful analysis can resolve a great deal of this contradiction. In the early records, there appears to have been a confusion of the names of villages or headmen for tribal or ‘‘national’’ differences, partly as a result of linguistic difficulties and partly because of a lack of under- standing on the part of the Europeans of the aboriginal social and political systems. In more recent times the Guianas became a refuge that attracted tribes of different linguistic, tribal, cultural, and historical background from near and distant parts of the Amazon basin, giving a real tribal and linguistic diversity, but one that is unrelated to the archeological, pre-European horizon. The realization of these situations resolves much of the conflict between the archeological and ethnographical pictures, but not all. What remains forces us to raise the question as to what an archeolog- ical culture or ‘‘Phase,’’ as used throughout this report, actually does represent in ethnographic terms. When he is dealing only with the precontact horizon, it is easy for the archeologist to assume that his cultural units with temporal and spatial distribution correspond to “tribes,” which, on the ethnographical level, are linguistic or more or less loosely integrated sociopolitical units. This correlation can only ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 607 be tested on the historical horizon. Sometimes it is confirmed, as it appears to be in the case of the Arué. However, at other times there is the lack of correspondence mentioned above. The Aristé Phase especially seems to include several distinct linguistic groups, which imply tribal differentiation. This appears to indicate that a homo- geneous archeological complex can represent several tribes, which are not only sociopolitically distinct but also linguistically unrelated. The conclusion that tribal or linguistic divisions do not necessarily correspond with material cultural ones was confirmed during our archeological research in the interior of British Guiana in 1952-53. Here we encountered Indians who considered themselves members of different tribes, linguistically distinguished by anything from a minor dialectical variation to a separate linguistic stock, but which exhibited no greater difference in material culture than might be found in separate villages within the same tribe. This being the case, the apparent lack of correlation between the historic and the prehistoric horizons in the Territory of Amapé can be understood. It would be interesting and perhaps significant to discover what sets the areal limits on homogeneity in ceramic style and other aspects of material culture, since the barriers do not appear to be of a linguistic or tribal nature. An ethnologist who would view living groups as ‘“‘arche- ology alive” and conduct a material culture survey along archeological lines could make an important contribution to the useful integration of archeological and ethnographical results. The Tropical Forest Area of South America is one of the least known regions of the New World, archeologically speaking. It also contains the last large concentration of unacculturated or slightly acculturated aboriginal groups. Consequently, it provides an un- rivalled opportunity for archeologists and ethnologists to collaborate in the solution of these and other problems that will not only improve our understanding of local cultural development, but also have broader theoretical significance. In many parts of North America ethno- graphic information needed for an adequate archeological interpre- tation has long since vanished with the acculturation of the living representatives of the cultures. We have a chance in South America to profit by this example and to record the information that hindsight has shown to be essential. If archeologists and ethnologists will develop an awareness of the kind of assistance they can render to each other, then the only result can be profit to both specialties and the advancement of the general field of anthropology. In attempting to interpret the cultural sequence at the mouth of the Amazon into the larger framework of the development and diffusion of culture in the continent of South America, we have pushed beyond the demonstrable into the hypothetical. 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The Chavin problem: a review and critique. Southwestern Journ. Anthrop., vol. 7, pp. 103-44. WILLIAMSON, JAMEs A. 1923. English colonies in Guiana and on the Amazon, 1604-1668. Oxford. Wor.p AERONAUTICAL CHARTS. Preliminary Base Charts and World Aeronautical Charts. U.S. Army Air Force Aeronautical Chart Service. Washington, DG. 619 0°OOT/T9 |OOOT |Z8Z POT OT |T° OTF |$S |8'E 0 OOT|SP |0 ‘O0T\SS 938} 00010 g | fon) 938]U0010q | x 03119010 q | 038} 00010q 938]09010 7 AX/) OS|OITV S| WO Ig/oRg OIG} sep BUTT) ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON MEGGERS AND EVANS] 0001 |609 0 “OOT|FEF|0 “OOT COE |P8T |0°6E |69T 6°ST {46 j0°22 |ZIT FOS |60€ |1 ‘ss |96 im | alwila g io) (3 ° 8 18/3 |6 6B ct B > ot o> i) [) 8 8 (aor (A104 -ednd0Q | -emleD |(A1010UIND} "UID O¢-CT oseyd wy ue OBSLZBT)| -[BA) [ezojeQ |F-V 98 —S-V e218 1G@ |0°O0T |6¢ GLT |S Cheese. sc 6FI |0'9L [0% 938]090190F 930] 00010 q | 938}U0010q Q fo) B ese] ue018g eussalel@) “m9 GT-0 | "Ud cF—-0E 73409 :Tgno (SUOIZVAVOXS OIGARISI4VIIS OINV'T) Z-V 91S (ZS-1 SHTAV.L) XIGNAddV 0384 00010g 93108010 g 0001 |€248 |0OOT|8T¢ LTS en 0 ae eel eres es olka Nie We rie Was RY Vite WAG Wesai§ AV FLT 6ST 190 oS |Sh |1°8 GF 9°8 Beciea le 4 3 2 fer} B/E] 2 |8 os ot 9 i) og 0g oO @® epispeoig pue (aor dovjing |/-ednd09 omey | eovdtg) —Z-V eIS|I-V oS aan 1e90, peyissepou yy podeiog lee postouy AX Q 6g | ~pesTouy Bowdt wee aan Sa pasto -uy nondrienevuy Q |129¢|~~-UIe[q BAOURTIA ~""uletg Idremep 9 |669 |0°ZE |99T|-~“Ulelg ovsezeyy sodA} A10}}0g ($¢ by) asnyg onbvznpy oy} fo sais yo suoynavoxa avydnsbyous pun sUu0rj}09]/09 aavfins ur sadhy huayod fo houanbesg— |] ATAV I, 620 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 TABLE 2.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Anauerapucti Incised in sites of the Mazagdao Phase (fig. 16) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Site Papen eee ste] Pe Le St Eh ee || He Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage Cemetery sites YA Pee Spee ee SS an Ss 1 20.0 3 60.0 1 20.0 5 BS) ccncenckeec see e ened 4 40.0 4 40.0 2 20.0 10 Habitation sites Bal 2 once ciccocscedas been eee oe eee Cae ee cee | aac easerems Siena | aoe eee oee 1) eee 1 Ax6 ohooh eS eS ae | See eee iL cece eos eee ee eee Se ee 1 A=) Outil idevell0-(hiem)isse-=selaoaneeee | see nese IS eee Fe eres te 4 A-2: Surface and broadside_------ 1 6.3 6 37.5 9 56.2 16 A-2: Cut 2 evel O=liiem,)aee2o2= | eee eee Vande codec eee. oe eee 2 A-2: Cut 2 (level 15-30 cm.) _-----|--------|------------ ) es) ee eae ae ke be See 1 A=2: Out 1 (level 15—-s0\eml:)— 22223) - aaa eee 2) ee 1 I ee 3 POU foe Se cee eee eee fy Pe eee a Bee See bb ll eee 43 TaBLe 3.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Camaipi Plain in sites of the Mazagao Phase (fig. 17) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Site pe ee bee Fate Totals Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage Cemetery sites 1. eee rn eaeys Hae ERS e 11 69.0 2 12.5 3 18.5 1 AH3\2 25s 22 ee 7 53.7 4 30.9 2 15.4 13 Habitation sites p. ) eee nees Sennen e eas Se eeee | |e Semen a eee 2 2 fern |p ee Se 5 a ee 1 1 ae eee Coes a eee Ol a eae 1B eee (eee eee | kee Ae 3 A-2: Cut 1 (level 0-15 cm.)--._--- 2 sane eee i} | Lescoo. Be SASS SS eee 3 A-2: Surface and broadside------ 5 35.7 3 21.3 6 43.0 14 A-2: Cut 2 (level 0-15 cm.)--_-__- Ow 3) e eeeeces | Ee oe Se Ee | eee cee 2 AC ae ees eee ene i 2 Ps ee 10 (80 nl (eS 5) IE area ee Te 4 28. 5 14 Total os22 tenes SO) See as ees Ws |\saecencecase 16;| 2-0 ees 66 TABLE 4.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Jari Scraped in sites of the Mazagéo Phase (fig. 18) Form 1 Form 2 Habitation sites poeeee, SD Sipe 8k See ee NTIS Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage Poe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 621 TaBLe 5.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mazagaéo Plain in sites of the Mazagdao Phase (fig. 19) Form 1 Form2 | Form’ Form 4 oD <3) Oo i?) i oD oo oD oo Site ie - : E g ’ ~ ~ ~~ [-8) et a r= aN = 8 = = °o Do o oD o i) ° oO °o ie) Ay ie) Ay 6) Ay ie) Ay a Cemetery sites UN Lees 8 See py Se ee Se PD eee ae ee eee 3 | 37.5 5 ie 1] 12.5 37.5 8 JN 5 papetE 4 gets Sk Spa SS SRS Ae TRS PRE Pen aree cee renee ee 12 | 30.0} 8] 20.0] 9] 22.6 | 11 | 27.6] 40 Habitation sites cil 50,55: eae SiR ee ee ee ee eee 1] 20.0} 1] 20.0] 2] 40.0] 1] 20.0 5 LAE SS SESE SAT Re ee Bee ee lt oe ae Se ee 5 | 45.4 1 9.1 3 | 27.3 2; 18.2 ll Aso Out) Cevell0-lsiem)e's. 23-38 Stk eo coco cece lebce tales leecadel ss | Seeds s|loa 24a oe 2 UNDER iy eae val a) ors Cot) (a (ee SS ee 20.| 67.8) 2| 5&7] 7) 20.0) 6/|17.0] 35 AKI Outs (evel: 0-U5icem)/=- 25. Jos sas el esos secesee ee BAO ees lew cece O87 21a ee S| |S ae 9 A=2:.Out/2 (level 15-30! em:) 2. 2e soe e oie el decane Te eee! (Ce eee Beery |: eres a ee 3 AHO MOUE (leVvello-cO|GIN:) sas nocsecnases ene aoe=co=e gL) Ue Sea | Sa eae pS etalon BS i i) eee 4 Rar ONG I (eVeld0-40 CWls) = 22. esc encccoLeSucesevenac= Deez aaae pass bee aeleat | Sear es | poeeleee eee. 1 boo Beak ee ae eee ee eee ee eee Ga GOLON ease | eeese sl Wa LOsOn | Ss) |po0L0) |, 10 REG WONG esto et ace vies aaewae Sone ahaa ease wens ene Belvidere esas | cease boc sees 2 | 28.5 7 Isfoyeel IDC eee eee ae a ae Se eee ee Giddy Oulaase |e 1} 14.2 1} 14.2 7 A TPAlegre: Cesm. oo Net | ape se oS estes ak OAM | no A al |S ae | SR Lea [ee a ene 2 Vee ened scene are peau asabuecus ee anee ae See oko 4 uSOr0) |22e2| Sto s2lte oe eae ace! 1 | 20.0 5 hotaleasceese eee een ease ne eee een aes G0 |Seseee 137 | Peon 251 eae 32) |e 149 TaBLE 6.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Pigacé Incised in sites of the Mazagao Phase (fig. 20) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Oo oO Oo Oo i -7)) oo 1-7) a0 Site : : = g ~~ ~ ~_ ~~ Y = ea (ale a= fan = ° D 5° D ° D °o i) io) ie) ot 12) Ay 1@) Ay oO Ay & Cemetery sites J Nat ne cael Sebo arte Bet Se ayy ee as eee Sees Poe 5 | 50.0} 3] 30.0] 1/100] 1] 10.0} 10 LAER a eS aE ESS ee ee Sete at Sees 6 545.5) 44) 36548 |e ee oS ee Te ort 10 Habitation sites aT gy 52h a ys lp pak ep A pap a Brea pA (earns (Ne Saeed cael Ih Fee ios pene ee 2 Lede S Gos SST SS As iS SE ee eee eee 8) A255 4067s ieee | eee eee (eee oe 7 Je Biol ade IS Gi) | ee ee ee eee pL) (Re ar ee Pe | Ee ee 1 LNA PM Sot CET Ih) 0) Coe Fo fc (ae Se ei 3°) 0050) |) (2) oordaleacaleeeeee 1| 16.7 6 JN PTC Oy gl (Eh) UG Salih ci0 F) ee aaa ee ee eee Se 0 el eal ered teed sec at eases 1 AS OUb Le evel Lb-30 Clny) 25 none ase ee eens sen eeeee Th PES ae ae es See ee ee |e | ae 1 PASE CEE a ee a nS a AS TE Sey Se | etiea| oe eeee| (eRe eS ps eae (RE | 1 622 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 TABLE 7.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uxy Incised in sites of the Mazagao Phase (fig. 21) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Site Percentage Count Percentage Count Percentage Count Percentage Totals A=2:) Surface andsbrogdside eases. = see eee ee CN tes Pee i Uy eee ee eerie is 4 NaN ee pee oe tee Se SCE ie Ro ee eee 4 | 40.0 4} 40.0 2 2050 uses eee ee 10 DAO TORO = 24 O52 oe RA op Sa ee a ee 5 | 38.4 4] 30.8 3] 23.1 1 reat 13 ‘Bom Destino = ae 3 Yee Se es ae a eee 9 | 56.3 | 2] 12.6 4) 16525) oA e25: Oat P16 Alto'Alegre . 2-28 de 22 ee ee dAleeeete na (eee 2 i Cy aes tees) Eee tty EOE 3 5 ee ee ee Aeneas Sep ee Se ee ae 5 pee eee ee 5 | 55.6 3 | 33.4 1 Ta oa Ut Jp ee ee Se 9 Totals 32> elk Bie Os v2 Se Ba es ene oe 7 | Ree as} eee &..| 54. 5 |e 56 TaBLE 8.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Vilanova Plain in sites of the Mazagao Phase (fig. 22) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Site eee ei neereroene (teens Seen Ne NUE Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage A-2: Cut 1 (level 0-15 em.).______ A-2: Surface and broadside_-_____ A-2: Cut 2 (level 0-15 cm.)_______ A-2: Cut 2 (level 15-30 cm.) -___-_- A-2: Cut 1 (level 15-30 em.) _-____ A-2: Cut 1 (level 30-45 cm.) _-_____ penccens, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 623 TaBLE 9.—Reduction of the individual rim and vessel shapes of Mazagéo Phase pottery types to common vessel shapes (fig. 24) Form A Form B | FormO | FormD |} FormE |} FormF Pottery types (carinated |(jar; thick-} (tall, cy- | (pedestal- (open (jar; out- Form G bowl) ened rim) | lindrical | basin lid) bowl) curved (flat lids) jar) rim) Aasierapuek Sins) Porn 22-2 Sloss. 8 ee oh ee orm 1222] orm Se eee ee eee SER cised. Oamaipt-Plain=-—-|-2-~.--.._-..5 Horm 122-|" Form 2.- 415. <.------2 Rormige-:|2 22-28 e enna oe Mari Herapod.—=.2-\es 2s. 220. Se eo ae a eset Horm tl") orm. sien aes Tee Mazacho: Plain: __-|s...=-+-..42- Morn 12- oe orm 25-4) eens lke Form 4___} Form 3___| Rare Form 2. Riracainelsed S22 |? Worm 3:22 stees Se ed orm) 2224) Hormy12..\)ormi4: 22/222 Seo. eae Uxy Incised--__---- Hormatiand’ |S vegas eer ee De ea eee eee ee Form 4___]| Form 3. Form 2. Vilanova) Plaine =ss|2o. 2-222. -4e4 orm ise |( Norm) 25 4|200 soe Or Sasa ee aoe SBE ee 2 TaBLeE 10.—F requency of common rim and vessel shapes irrespective of pottery types an sites of the Mazagao Phase (fig. 24) Form A | Form B } FormC |} FormD | FormE | FormF | FormG (carinated (jar; (tall, (pedestal- (open (jar; bowl) | thickened |cylindrical] basin bowl) joutcurved | (flat lids) rim jar) lid) rim) Site aps Se Sool Co i ee ee oe ee oo oo a0 =") a0 i=") on » $s » = ~ F ~ # > : | 3 wa ~_ ~ SI 3 8 is] 3 8 |'3 BY eB 1ei ele) 28181218} 818) 8 12] 8 le 12) Ay 12) Ay 1@) Aa ie) Ay 1e) Ay Lo) Ay 1.2) Ay &B Cemetery sites J ae ee 2 4.2 | 20 | 41.7 4 8.3 6 | 12.4 | 14} 29.2 2 A Dil see 48 AB. Soot se so 3 3.5 | 24 | 28.3 | 16 | 18.8 8 Or Anza dy 28.201 10 Nes 2) et lee 85 [BULL. 167 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 624 *[810} PAOYS OY} WLI} JONI BI SOTJ0JOUIED ESET} JOJ POST SBA 4UNOD [OSseA OY} PoJONI}sUO0deI OG P[NOd S104}0 oY} PUB OJ0[dUI00 O10M S[OSSeA OY} JO AUBIO GdUTS 1 0°00T 16 O'OOT | Th 0°OOT | 9T O°OOT | & 0°00 | 22 0°00T | POT 0°O0OT | 2 0°OOT | IT (QAM al 8[810.L Tae £|| Saadaaaaeae PF OS = Tl ee | Se ees ee | ee [eS Re 4 (iN I Se Seat lcs 2 ates Ec | | Ran | as a aint ememer memes 818805] ok She eae = 5 | ae (Ce dal | Gl Be 3 | ee ae ee, | ea 0°0T 46 ar & €I SERRE G [os Seb vai lle wees eres a | | TB ere SOIC IE Tal ick ELS <1 nal |e ae) I «aa || Re | So (4 6° Saeco |. inal (SAMS E So ae ada he he a €'T Vit | emer poesjouy JAB Sel agit] [eae el tele Sata sal ee | (Oe aa | (ae (Ca eamenee © Saar! (7 oe Ae 6° i Farae pains | GRR all ES na | ee ca ee DO ed ST EXOrn £°¢ g 0% g 6°9 IT 9°28 (Liars Rael | pager 6°T 4 O°O0T | @ ¢°l6 (i NOP \i ate Paarl | eae ae Nig a “peyued B119g 0°18 62 9°98 806 8°86 oT PLT v 09S Za! 09 9¢ re ape | Se ct | ele (hati ool IF SS Seal (er aaa al (Rn Ue[d 81198 ec aa | | ae c cs. 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Gwe Wik ed | Se ak | ee | sed Ay £10940 (eAvO (9AO OrfeZTLID (g 9ABO) QISTIV | (¢ eA¥D) OISTIV | (1 OAV) QISTIY | OPIsUT) vUINTT | epys}no) vu, ete) Cys (aoyyedn000 Ayo ydeury —ZI-V OS op ByURuOHT | op vqURJuOP, | ep eyquRjuOyWY | Sp vyuLuOyy | Bp eyue}UOTY —6-V 91S Q{S}IV) B1OINW —L-V 948 —IL-V ofS —IT-¥ 38 —IT-Y 91S —O0I-V 91S —O0I-V 91S —8-V¥ 919 (97 ‘byf) asnyg oysitpy ayy fo says ur sadhy hsayod fo hauanbasyJ— |] @1av J, BE EERSPATD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 625 TABLE 12.—F requency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Plain in sites of the Aristé Phase (fig. 38) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Site Totals Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- age age age age Cemetery sites A-10 (outside) _____- 1a [see Peee eS PS ee epee = aa. | lanier meena (EER Ot PTS Jee 3 A-10 (inside) _ __---- 8 44.5 3 16. 6 3 16.6 4 22.3 18 A=T1* (Oave!2_-- 2. 3 33.3 3 33.3 2 22.3 1 Thea! 9 A-11: Cave 3_.----- ) 1 (eee Se 2) Pe eee (eee es DN es oe Sea es 3 A-11: Cave 1___-_-- 4 66. 6 2 BS a A ee ee ne! [Seen a] Peceereccrers Se 6 Habitation sites JN inh apse epics teense oul beers setae | perme teal lve oe mee 113) (eee ge? eae oe |e SER Meare ee eae ul YA) ee ee oe LS Ee en eee ee ee Eee er | eee eee eee nel ee ee 1 /\ DLE ee ee 1 20.0 2 40.0 2 A050) |e es el 5 YN CLES ree eae 1 11.1 5 55.5 3 8 Tee US [ee Se 9 Jee | ge ae ee Baltes a ate ees cated necks cts | eae ee els | ea Ae Bee 2 Totaly aoe Lose 5 al Se eee slr (p| eee eee 14> 22252 By | eee 57 TaBLE 13.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Painted in sites of the Aristé Phase (fig. 39) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5 =) q » =| ~ q » 8 » g a Se es ae a eee re |g iS) By 3 5 } 3 3° 5 } 3 ° ie) Ay 12) Ay 12) Ay 12) Ay 16) Ay B Cemetery sites A-10 (outside)- te epee Pal se epae [e earl pes Sem [oe Ean Ieee Oe ore 4 A-10 (inside) - 3 | 37.5 P55 1 | 12.5 1} 12.5 2 | 25.0 8 A-11: Cave 2- 3 | 23.0 2115.5 Ge a7 3 | 23.0 4] 30.8 13 A-11: Cave 3. | i Le eed 2 |: | a roo |: ek 5 A em [eas (eee ASV SOaVveles 3 2 ees ees 1 | 16.7 Onsar3 TS MGs7seeass eee 2 | 33.3 6 TABLE 14.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Davi Incised in sites of the Aristé Phase (fig. 41) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Site can neers | RNa eee as MA eA aloe WES a hace Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Totals age age age age Cemetery sites A-l1: Cave 2..-___- 1 Ul ASN Mepis ge paeee| (os cS ea Ze | |S SR Wh) [A a ar (| 1 Habitation sites fot pe et Go 626 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 TABLE 15.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Flexal Scraped in sites of the Aristé Phase (fig. 42) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5 Site e e & ep & a r= - | ies a = | - r| 2 = ROS Of Ven) P= el ber OE C=) PR) SO ea 3 S ° By ° 3S ° 3 ° S Ss 1@) Ay {@) Ay 1o) q, 12) Ay 1@) Ay & Cemetery sites A-11: Cave 2___- Mi 2 | 33.3 2 | 33.3 1 | 16.7 pA (Be Sa a | a fa Se 6 A=": '@avedesss2c-22s2snesee eee We -S- 3-2 loa cae |ne con | Sa eee bees ee ee 1 Habitation site BX ae er ee Oe ek Se eel eee (eee ee Baer ecard eee eee ne Been yh aire 1 Totals ae 22 2-04 220 ase py eee eres 2 esse e i Ne Sere b Uy | eee : (eee 8 TaBLE 16.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Plain in sites of the Aristé Phase (fig. 43) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5 ne en er noes © © © Site S Ey 3S Ey S eles tie-| a lie | elle le a) esol i ia a =a = ee Spt So Oo o D i>) D S [-7) 9° i) i) 12) Ay ie) Ay 12) Ay 12) Ay 13) Ay B Cemetery sites IA=1Gb 2 2 SD 3S oe Es Soe ee Al Ee (ee) ee ee 21)\. = Seeks ee 4 oN ae ee ee eee pV So ee ee ll ee 5 eee ere fee 2 A=10"(OUTSICO) base eae 3 | 43.0 ga tes Vs a) Seer (Eee 2 | 28.4 1] 14.3 re A=10 (inside) Se nec ee ee sant en saceee|ooeees 3 | 33.4 2 | 22.2 Pel Nie-2- 2) 2272 9 Habitation sites UNA. | eee eee OY eee 7 Ee Eee See 7 Ee ee Bee ee eee | aes 4 py pees ee nes ae ee Py) eae ee eee S| Bee pe ee 5 he eee | aes hee 4 Y.\| ees eee ie ee ee See 4 | 23.6 1 1.2 6 | 42.8 3. | 21.4 -)sosees|-ateess 14 D7 Ee ees ee eee see OD) (ee etal fe ate, (eon EE b Mpa pe ees 3 Aq91 22 Fae eee eee ones Daf ae 2S ae ea Se Sr ee ea | ee se | | ee 7 i) Pal Se 4 yO | Eee Eee ees eee ee 2] 13.3 3 | 20.0 6 | 40.0 yl a ie fl ae | 15 A=1RU 2. See NE REES Se 8 | 47.0 1 5.8 5 | 29.5 2) 1S 1 5.9 17 A= 1G) 2 ee ae eee | see e S| sane nn eee eee 24 | 3-224 7 Ae) el (ae at een [eine 4 Totaleo cs osas-seeensss=-a-5 207 | see LN Eee 7 | eee 20 eeeee a eet 87 sengenna: AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 627 TABLE 17.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Painted in sites of the Aristé Phase (fig. 44) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5 Site Percentage Percentage Percentage Count Percentage Count Percentage Count ENG SS A eee a, ae fee Seale ies Sera Tei es 2 SR ae ee ee Siti ag ee ee A-10 (outside) A—10)(Gnside) = 23222 Fes SAS DEAL Op ees ae el Habitation sites PASO EU GB SE Se Sa Beit SO ee SO raed (Shem Rope | ep sy ae (eB JN (ee ee eee See NS SESE STI SERRE Spies Sh eee. Ue Pee | Wieden Ser [ave Sra eee ed OE Ee eee hel on oe TREO SAS Tepper be Oe | a ee ee NS a SS I Le EO UE ae NO Getler oe oe Sa TABLE 18.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uagé Incised in sites of the Aristé Phase (fig. 45) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Habitation sites Totals Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage} Count | Percentage JAE Ss See oe ee ee 4 pee eee eee 119 Ee aera Se) ee See I Se a 3 LX SAS eee ee ee ee 3 42.8 3 42.8 1 12.4 MZ FO Gal rere eee see ee bi] |e eee eee ee el ps Se ea 1 | Se ae ee 10 [BULL. 167 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 628 SS Fo ie aa | eae ae Aa Ie een | aes TGULIOM eS gg nO UO) | ae Somes © epee eee Se Wenn teat ces op ack re ne ON oo ees DOSTOMIRU ORM) Ee es a Te (eae el | ge RC RENT | See PS GUCLO TS | eam CLO Hes eee PAUCLILO Tet ee renen | SULIO WT | eater ens) CLIO) | ee cen eee | ea eee OFUTT TUB LIG Fe (RMT)G | pee SS EES eRe Rea, QhULIO Wn |saaceers ped (yg |e a= AEE [Poo es LNLDE OC 0S i eee were 5 (REREsipc enn cel (Pagecn nae ses UB B11Ig Be a ee er GAO is | pameeeta PAULO Ta ero ome GpULIO MC ea GAO. 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I gr (eee le cpa laa Pece Ie Seton Vines cr ecere ca Wd 09-CF [edo] a Re la ) TN ae ca ca POM CR A Meee OG gh deve NEL Ma Matiee eaeme psec sess co cacauee ss Wd 9F-08 [2A] ORR} | meee gee a | | esas e a OWskebes Ena | ee Gigoel Wieser |e er 05" ch fence permanence is roe: wid 0-ST [edo] > re T Fh cael cng base AE rmem etna fmm ee Pee em [rare mentee mgm inp ecm ef pommel Sacceeenaral | tememoanin | mie [erate =O [ace ee eal [oredr > aaa a eee TULO LOT OAOr ZNO tL O00 DMO Se: been | eek Al Sevomn | me bape il(ehe erro aire og L°9T | I OROSRE= Ft Mevtliseear el tee aah CUCENIKGY, 4 scree Ps ms Iie, atte Aree alee iaaied gree 19 09-CF [9A0'T GETS |e eal Oh | bos isco |e metre: clog |e ait «lee MGs Uy hl STAG (slcn Rilccascsscaecmmnnaegor ie Wd oF-08 [207] 2400 Eg gm ee a Geller s ioe Pig vk UOT RE Se WR obs et ASOT: poe | Osta Ip weg ere: eee ee wd O8-GT [Ao] 5 ae aad is recede ea ane (ome in| ell gees gral ae, an [mee eae amie ae eee alin ae eat eee ell ee wa po mee a Nie eee = [oe es ee eae cg oT OG =) LOA Onis a —TMOLI-£ ete lease dice || Suloe | cullen lee -b es Sie | lee S|) lO |B 3 3 =I 3 & 3 3 iS 3 3 3 iS 3 3 g 5 B BIS |b} 81 8 5 Bi, &| 8 z B 5 B18 | 8 5 B | 2 [PAST sod sjejoy, | 6 ULI0,7 g WOT L wu0g 9 UI10\T ¢ WLIO, p UNO.T § W107 Z W107 T W107 (§¢ ‘b6Yf) asnyg vqnjounuy ay} fo sais ur UID] q O2010L0g fo sadnys jassaa pun wis fo iauanbe,g—9z% ZIAV I, 636 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 TABLE 27.—Frequency of 3 jar shapes in the Ananatuba Phase plain wares which influenced the pottery of the Mangueiras Phase (figs. 73 and 74) Common jar shape Total rims Form 1 of Anana- | Form3of Anana- | Form 5 of Anana- of both Sites tuba Plain and tuba Plain and tuba Plain and Ananatuba form 1 of Sororoco | form 3 of Sororoco | form 5 of Sororoco | Plain and Plain Plain Plain Sororoco Plain Count | Percentage} Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage J-7: Cut 1— Level 0-15 ecm___...._.-__ A a ee, SP ee a ee ee | eee | 11 Level 15-30 em__-_____-_- 7 USO | = pee | re Ses Se 4 8.7 46 Level 30-45 em_...-2__-__ 7 1 Ty EY | Ne ae, Ne ee Se 6 9.8 61 Level 45-60 cm_____-__-__ 11 CAs Dn (eee ae ee Se, 3 18.7 16 J-7: Cut 2— Mevell0=t5iem= sess ees Dafoe i ate = ratte ge Sera ete ee 13 Level 15-30 cm____-_-___-_ 4 16.7 2 8.4 2, 8.4 24 Level 30-45 cm______-____ 9 14.5 4 625 7 ie 62 Level 45—60 cm _.._--____ 42 15.4 5 1.8 28 10.3 273 Level 60-75 cm___----____ 20 10.9 6 31.8) 13 Ta 183 Level 75-90 cm_____--____ 5 16.6 1 3.3 1 3.3 30 Totals at Site J-7_.-____ 98 13.6 18 2.5 64 8.9 719 J-10: Cut 1- eveli0=30 Cm eee eee ee | ee Ll ee seers 1 hy isa eh st se 5 Level 30-45 cm___________ 8 25.8 3 By el eee ee ee 31 Level 45-60em-____________ 9 19.6 2 A Teg (ete Ee (IS Ge Se 46 Level 60-75 cm__......-_- 17 28.4 4 6.ial aes eee 60 Level 75-90 cm_-_-____-____ 8 18.6 4 Ch) Seas) ae eee 43 Level 90-105 em__________ 13 32. 6 3 1 {Stitt aes Sl |, SS 40 Totals at Site J-10_._.__ 55 24.4 17 7.5 1 0.4 225 J=82 Surtaceand!test > 2-22 aa eS ee 2 | Pea ee a al (os See |e 6 J-9: Cut 1— Level 0-15 cm______-.--_- 47 32.4 3 7A 4 PAT 145 Level 15-30 cm__ 51 29.0 5 2.8 4 2.3 176 Level 30-45 cm__ 39 28. 2 8 5.8 2 1.5 138 Level 45-60 em__ 16 34.8 5 TOS8 | 22 2c bee eee 46 Totals at Site J-9__-____ 55S (al Pea rms SY DAW, Raat e see oS 10: eee 505 Grand totals___.-_.-..- 0G) | eae oe See s2ee B70 sce Vole. esksece 1, 455 637 MEGGERS AND EVANS] ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Deen ———————— 58 00T | 809} OO0T! 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9 SINE sag} eee en 31 J-7: Cut 1— Level 0-15 em._.-....-_.- 8.1 74 Level 15-30 em_-__-_---_-- 3.6 56 Vb Saye 8s) Gi hane ect el) | FoF |e ra ee Ne ee oe Pe PY de ar 5 J-7: Cut 2— evel 0-15 Gme seen 5.3 38 Level 15-30 em_-__..--___- 9.1 33 HOVels 0 so cease sel Bz Pe SIS) © ely” e3qral | wee ee dees 22 Totals'ati I=?) ---.--<= = : ; 6 228 J-13: Cut 1— SUS Cal Us ah (a meal il | YF eee = PU 6 | ee ee ee Ae 6 Level 15-30 em___________ 3.7 54 Level 30-45 em___________ 3.8 53 Wel ran) Gee sat oes] 1) UD |e ZEN ie es SRL ee ea rh 49 GNOUGQS (OCI mes Soe eee lO ey Ie I TSSTo | Wk ob meme Th 7a he ete | Pep caneaeeaeny 23 Totals at J-13 2.2 185 C-3: Cut 1— J-5: Cut 1— LUE UD (isi eS Se Se le Pe Tee ec ge eel | cre (US Om Pe 39 ION GLUES cigs EES ae ee | eee ae Weare Os) ORE eas (ik eee Uc Sah |e MES 45 Hbevels0= 45 iene ec seen noke Set Beer AE de Lal Be abe na ee |e Re 24 LUCE ADD (cot Se. “Aes = 8 TS | he IE = See ee el en ad Bel Peet ue ||P me Beene 23 HRCV El GUS ONIN ae eee ee Bll lk Bieta eS one os ee eg Gm 33 LON ASTD) Goes OR EE Se |e Saree |S (ee ae eee ene (lee Ae | sree Sears 8 Motalsritwe—o-2 eee Be ee Neel peer net eee oes eae her | eee ame & 172 Granditotalg>-=5 = S24) M06 yea P oe (0° 96) eo ep | 731 [BULL. 167 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 644 9°88 +9 8% 10 0 ‘8 LIE 9 bl Zor 6 FE bP 0 ‘8h cata 1 ‘09 eI 8°99 1d i an Orel eqnequgy PLT 62 0°LI roa! 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Severino Suraces-o= aes se ee eee 21 14.4 125 85.6 146 Pacoval (Hilbert Collection) surface_-_..--.----------- 43 14.0 264 86.0 307 Caratatéuaxcuriaces 2 es Sao et eee eee 4 9.1 40 90.9 44 Pacoval dos Mello; surfaces 2-2-2225 =-22- 5 See 6 8.0 65 92.0 71 opal {tera aie yay eee er eee S10, |. eee 171 eee 2, 530 1 Derived from average of frequency in cut 1, level 0-15 em. and level 15-30 cm. rather than from a sur- face collection. 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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167 TaBLE 43.—Frequency of decorated potiery types at 4 Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds (fig. 143) Fortaleza Pacoval (surface col- | (surface col- | Camutins Guajaraé lection _|lection Univ.) (surface col- | (surface col- AMNH and| Museum, |lection J-15:)lection J-—i4: Peabody, Pa.) Mound 1) | Mound 1) Decorated pottery types Harvard) : ET |: = oo = oo b= oo =| oo eg SS ee a Mal ame =| eae |S 2 o So o iS) o iS) o \e) Ay ie) AY ie) io ie) Ay Anajis Incised: AmAjis Plain Incised 2222 f=: hee eee 103° |) 7.6 26) 5.4 69 | 22.6 19} 18.7 ‘Anayjas/ Red incised: 22202822 See eee 49 | 3.7 8) 137 Sty 1.6) |e eee Ama asnvihiteukncised esses eee 287 | 21.2 82 | 16.9 al) La6 1 .9 Anajas Double-Slipped Incised _-____---_--------- 28) |) 9251 1 2 |e eee Arari Excised: ArarivPlain EXCised = se She to= = oe = ee eee 7 ei Oye ae) 62 | 20.2 30 | 29.5 Arari Red Wxcised2o= se s02 2 eee 63 | 4.6 AOU metae Oh i PAA) 2 1.9 ‘Arari-Wihite Excised = 220 = Seo oe ee oe eee 28 | 2.1 || Ie 6) 1.6 22 Sas Arari Double-Slipped Excised _---_-------.------ 62 | 4.5 Gal aS 3 oS Arari Red Excised, White Retouch_------------- 39) ||) 2.9 6 |) 152 2 od 1 a) CarmelotRed= 2222 ant ee ee ee 5 4 3 AG yi eeae ss |e 1 9 Golapl'Scraped® 22.02 Soto. Gee as De ae 16°), 1.2 20 | 4.2 24 | 7.9 5 4.9 Guaiardiincised essa) toe Se ee ee ks} [Ve walee! 3 6 13 | 4.3 9 8.8 Joanes Painted: Red-on-Wiite:.=02. eo: 2 eae | 174 | 12.8 84 | 17.3 9] 2.9 16} 15.8 Black-on-White-__-...----- se becwseteoreescutesns 14 eal 1 $2) @o222=|so2s22]enee ae leeeeee Red and! Black-on-=W hites: {= -=_- -2sSeee = ee 93] 6.9 1 42 7. 2530 |222cee | See White (‘Slipioniyi 20525 ee eee es 75 5.5 154 | 31.8 93 | 30.5 18 var Pacoval' incised...) Re 221 | 16.3 | 54 | 11.2 | 4 Ol ae Totalsio 2. 2-8 5 ee ae eee ee 1, 253 |100.0 484 |100.0 | 306 |100.0 | 102 | 100.9 TaBLe 44.—Frequency of unusual pottery artifacis and adornos at four Marajoara Phase Cemetery Sites (fig. 144) Camutins Guajara Pacoval Fortaleza J-15: J-14: (surface (surface Mound 1 Mound 1 collection) | collection) (surface (surface collection) | collection) Pottery artifacts and adornos Total my my a 2 2 88) @ ae 4 boal aoe Bile] 8 |2es] 8 | ee] 8 | es So oD °o o o o . io) o 1e) Ay 1e) Ay oO Ay io) AY Stools: . 3. 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