E 51 U6X CRLSSI Ae | Pari Pare ij * eu nun Wee | 2 a RNS a we fe i NN Geel Oe hath.) Ae af it ar) t Da? oe Ra iye: wabeiitt ae = eMiopunn INURL AG | -- 4 MAREK COs Sea | aa dts Pe Corey | Lie | 7 ” : | * yet iy ean Fat ay o} iy , tw r } ' my : | L ‘ P a MF aad | Ki ie A . T > { 1 \ When, after a visit by Dr. Sheldon Jackson, the Presbyterian Board of Home Missions provided for a “lady missionary-teacher” for Sitka Indians, Commander Beardslee gave her a great deal of assistance, providing a suitable place for her school in the old Russian hospital, and so on. His relief, Commander Glass, as has been related, arbitrarily but effectively made school attendance compulsory for Indian children. This was the origin of the Sitka Industrial School, later the Sheldon Jackson School, and now Sheldon Jackson Junior College, in which hundreds of young Indians, mostly Tlingit and Haida, have been educated. 5 Senate Doc. 71, 1882, pp. 34-35. This school was not for Indians, but is mentioned as indicative of Beardslee’s genuine interest in civic progress. He started the school by: preparing a room for it in one of the Government buildings, taking up a subscription among his officers, nagging local businessmen into giving subscriptions, allocating $20 per month from a contingent fund made available to him by the Secretary of the Navy, and employing as teacher an educated creole woman by hiring her as official interpreter (taking her up on the ship’s articles as an Able Seaman). Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 13 Other schools were started as well. The head of the Northwest Trad- ing Company (apparently after some pressure by Commander Glass) authorized the construction of a schoolhouse adjacent to the company’s Chilkat post (the site of present-day Haines), and the trader’s wife, Mrs. Dickenson, an educated Tongass woman, taught there until a mis- sionary teacher relieved her. Another school was established in 1881 at Hoonah, by the Presbyterian Board of Home Missions. By 1882, the mission schools for Indians in southeast Alaska numbered seven, six of which were operated in connection with Presbyterian missions (the affiliation of the seventh is not mentioned) (Jones, 1914, p. 246, and passim). The Organic Act of 1884 provided that the Secretary of the Interior shall make needful and proper provision for the education of children of school age in the Territory of Alaska, without reference to race, until such time as permanent provision shall be made for the same, and the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated for this purpose. [23 Stat. L., 24, sec. 18.] Nichols asserts that in the year this act was passed, and the fund made available, limited though it was, no use was made of it “through lack of ideas as to how best apportion it” (Nichols, 1924, p. 102). In 1885, according to the same historian, $25,000 was appropriated for the education of Alaskan children “without reference to race,” and $15,000 for the support and education of Indian children in in- dustrial schools. That same year the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Education agreed on the appointment of Dr. Sheldon Jackson as General Agent for Education in Alaska. Jackson, active in the missionary field, was primarily interested in education us a proselytizing technique. He realized that (even in that pre- inflation era) the amount of appropriated funds was insufficient for setting up a Territorial school system. He therefore used his in- fluence as General Agent for Education (and he also could count on a potent backing in Congress) to expend most of the funds avail- able to assist a going concern—the mission school system in the Panhandle. Thus, the mission schools got substantial subsidies from the annual fund, most of which was expended in this way (the appropriations for the school years 1886-87 to 1900-1901 ranged from $15,000 to $50,000, and averaged about $30,000 per year) (Senate Doc. 1093, 1913, note, p. 225). This materially assisted the program of Indian education, and at the same time sowed seeds of resentment among white Alaskans. Those unenfranchised citizens could not compete with Jackson in political influence. It is most probable that resentment, justified or not, against Jackson’s interest in the natives and his ability to channel a Jarge proportion of such funds as were available into the Indian educational program, contributed 412730—58 ° “~ 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 to the anti-Indian discriminatory attitude that prevailed in Alaska up to the early decades of the 20th century. In the 1890’s, the subsidies to mission schools were whittled away. An act passed by Congress in 1900 provided for election of school boards in municipal corporations, and allocated 50 percent of license moneys collected in each municipality to its schools (Senate Doc. 1098, 1913, p. 225). This was apparently the beginning of the Territorial school system. In 1901, provision was made for schools for white children outside of incorporated towns, and in 1905 another act created an “Alaska fund” into which license fees were to be paid, and one-fourth of which was earmarked for schools. This act made the governor of the district ex officio superintendent of schools, and specified, among other things, that these schools were for “the educa- tion of white children and children of mixed blood who lead a civilized life.” Provision for the education of native (Indian and Eskimo) children remained directly under the Secretary of the Interior, and was supported by congressional appropriation. The native schools were actually operated by the Bureau of Education (a predecessor of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare). Thus the “two-school system” came into being, officially. The Indians had a ringside seat at the long struggle of white Alaskans for civil government and a measure of self-government. While it is to be doubted that the natives paid much attention at first, as time wore on and they became increasingly aware of the limitations placed upon them by their ambiguous status (since, not being treaty Indians they were not “wards” of the Govern- ment in the ordinary sense, but were at times treated as such), some of them must have recognized the similarity between their situation and that of the vociferously protesting whites. The story of Alaskan civil government is a lengthy and complex one that need be only sketched most briefly here. From the time of the purchase, 1867, 17 years passed before any provision was made for civil law.?. During this period the only effective law was that dispensed by the naval commanders who from 1879 to 1884 gingerly tried to administer some sort of order by stretching their instructions “to protect American lives and property” close to the breaking point. Even then there was no way in which an Alaskan resident could ® Loe. cit. and Secs. 319-324. In 1906, $100,000 was appropriated for native education, and the following year appropriations were increased to $200,000 per year, remaining at that level for some time. 7™The only acts Congress passed regarding Alaska were: one establishing a customs dis- trict (the entire Territory), with a collector of customs at Sitka and several deputy col- lectors; extension of sections of the act of 1834 (regulating commerce with Indians), which prohibited sale to Indians of liquor and firearms (interpreted ordinarily in Alaska as meaning breech-loading weapons) ; and an act approving the leasing of the fur-seal monopoly to the Alaska Commercial Co.; jurisdiction of U. S. District Courts in Oregon and California was extended to Alaska. Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 15 acquire real property, make a legal will, or perform any other normal function involving legal processes. A miner who, after firing five .84 caliber pistol slugs into a comrade’s body in a drunken moment, was arrested by the naval commander and sent to be tried for assault with intent to kill before the United State District Court in Portland, was discharged by that court for want of jurisdiction — that is, there was no law against such an act in Alaska (although the same court a year or so earlier had hanged a Sitka Indian for the murder of a white man). Finally, in 1884, the first “Organic Act” for Alaska was passed. This act provided for an appointed governor, one judge, one marshal, a district attorney, a clerk, four commissioners, and four deputy marshals, and applied the laws of Oregon to the District (for Alaska was specifically not made an organized Territory by this act). The trials and tribulations of Alaskans under this system—the fact that the Oregon code did not fit (for instance, it ascribed certain functions to incorporated towns and counties, which did not exist in Alaska), need not be gone into here. Bit by bit, more legislation was passed : major steps were a criminal code provided in 1899 and a civil code in 1900, both drafted to fit Alaskan conditions; in 1906, provision for election of a delegate to Congress (a mass meeting had elected one in 1881, but he was refused admission by the House Committee on Elections) ; and finally in 1912 an elective legislature was provided for. What is more important are the methods used by white Alaskans to call the attention of Congress to their plight. They held mass meetings, drafted petitions to Congress and to various Presidents, they sent representatives to lobby on Capitol Hill, and formed nonpartisan organizations, such as the Arctic Brotherhood, to urge their demands. Alaskan newspapers were full of discussions of the issues, and being good frontier newspapers did not bother with subtleties, but expressed themselves bluntly and forcefully. The famous Valdez resolution telegraphed to President Theodore Roosevelt on the day of his inaugu- ration in 1905, though a more spectacular expression than most, was fairly typical of the tone of the day.* I have no concrete evidence that the Tlingit and Haida, as they became more and more literate, more involved in the industrial economy of Alaska, and more acutely aware of their problems, were directly influenced by the tumult that accompanied the white residents’ campaign. If, however, Indian leaders, at least, were not interested, and did not learn something about ® The resolution read, ‘On behalf of 60,000 American citizens in Alaska who are denied the right of representation in any form, we demand, in mass meeting assembled, that Alaska be annexed to Canada.” The idea was apparently to create a sensation that would produce some action; although there had been some talk of annexation to Canada in the Klondike rush period, after people observed the swift efficient manner in which civil government, law and order, and some measure of self-government were set up in Yukon Territory, it seems that no serious interest in the idea developed until about 1911 (Nichols, 1924, pp. 246, 366, and passim). 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 white American techniques for influencing legislation, they must have been singularly unaware of what was going on around them. To as- sume that they were so obtuse would come close to insulting their in- telligence. I am certain they were considerably affected by the turbulent scenes about them. Mission activity continued over the years, becoming more and more important in native life. Various Christian sects were active at different times. The Greek Orthodox Church is said to have increased its activities and its influence for a time. A Roman Catholic Mission was estab- lished at Fort Wrangell in the 1870’s but did not prosper. The Friends, the Salvation Army, and the Methodist-Episcopal Church also entered the field (Episcopalian, Congregational, and Moravian missionaries began work in other parts of Alaska). But the Presby- terian Church was most active in southeast Alaska and with its enthusiastic Alaskan representative, Sheldon Jackson, came to have great influence. In the first two decades of the 20th century it attained a peak in importance in the Indian villages (I do not mean to imply that it is not influential still, but there was at that time a great surge of interest among the Indians).. The Presbyterian missionaries were being supported strongly by graduates of Sitka Training School, who had matured and taken their places as leaders in their home communities. It suddenly became very popular to join the Church. The missionaries urged abandonment of old customs, and adoption of “civilized” life. It was at the behest of the Presbyterian missionary at Kake that that village cut down its row of totem poles, built a wooden sidewalk, and requested a charter as an “organized village”—being the first native community in Alaska to do so, a fact of which Kake people are very proud. By 1912 the great majority of Tlingit and Alaskan Haida were members of a Christian church, were economically dependent on commercial fishing, and were heavily dependent as well on white material culture: clothing, firearms, tools, traps, fishing gear, and to some extent on purchased foods such as coffee, flour, sugar, and the like. A fair proportion of the younger and middle-aged people spoke English with some ease, and were literate. A few had attended Indian schools in the States, Chemawa and Carlisle; others were in the process of being educated in those “outside” schools. HISTORY The Alaska Native Brotherhood was founded in 1912 by a group of men from various communities (though most of them were from or lived in, Sitka) who met in Sitka for the purpose. This first organizational meeting is nowadays regarded as the first of the Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 17 Brotherhood’s annual conventions, though properly speaking it was not a convention. The original founders numbered 10.° All were men who were not only quite acculturated, but who specifically were strongly influenced by the Presbyterian missionaries of Sitka Train- ing School (later “Sheldon Jackson School”). This influence was manifest in the emphasis in Brotherhood policy on Christian ideals and morality. All 10 of the founders were themselves not only members of Presbyterian congregations but were regarded as espe- cially outstanding leaders in church work in their respective com- munities. In addition certain missionaries at Sitka appear to have encouraged the founding of the organization, and contributed advice and guidance. A Dr. Wilbur, a medical missionary stationed at Sitka Training School at that time, was mentioned as having been of especial assistance to the founder (Alaska Fisherman, vol. 1, No. 6, 1924). In the years immediately following the founding, many prominent Indians of southeast Alaska joined—nearly all of them were active members of the Presbyterian Church, which at that time was vigorously expanding its mission activities through- out southeast Alaska.’? Prior to the founding of the Alaska Native Brotherhood, church- affiliated societies had been organized in nearly every Presbyterian mission. These were ordinarily started by the resident missionary, or by the missionary’s wife in the case of women’s groups, and fol- lowed the usual pattern of church societies in white Protestant con- gregations, both in form and functions. Officers were chosen by election; business meetings were conducted according to standard rules of preliminary procedure. Purposes of these groups included Bible study, familiarization with church ritual, and charitable and civic acts. Each of these organizations was strictly a local affair, limited to the local mission congregation (that the same or similar names occurred in several villages is to be attributed to the pattern of nomenclature of such societies in the parent church). It is also important to note that in a few exceptional cases only did any of these societies survive for more than a few years the transfer of the individual missionaries who founded them, a measure of the close control maintained by those persons. The significant thing about these early societies from the accultura- tional point of view is that they provided a training ground in which white techniques of group cooperation could be learned. They had ® They were Ralph Young, Paul Liberty, Frank Price, and Peter Simpson, residents of Sitka (Simpson was actually of Tsimshian ancestry) ; Frank Mercer and James Watson, of Junean; Bi Katanook, of Angoon; Jim Johnson of Klawock; and Seward Kuntz and George Fields, whose residences I neglected to record. 1” Rev. Edward Marsden, of Metlakatla, for example, may be mentioned as one of the group who affiliated themselves with the Brotherhood in its earliest years. 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 elected officers: presidents, vice presidents, secretaries, treasurers, and others. They had business meetings, conducted by rules of parlia- mentary procedure. (Elections and rules of order were also being taught in connection with the village councils that many missionaries established.) The societies had definite goals, social as well as reli- gious; they campaigned for worthy causes, and raised funds through missionary approved methods (bazaars, basket socials, etc.) to further their causes. At a time when the aboriginal way of life had been disrupted beyond repair by white civilization, and when the Indian appeared to have but two choices—to become acculturated or to become extinct—this type of group organization, itself white-ap- proved, offered a ready-made mode of attacking the Indian’s problems.” The New Covenant Legion, at the Sitka Presbyterian Mission, was typical of these early church societies. It was founded by George Beck, who was at that time a lay worker at the Sitka Mission (he later was ordained and served as missionary at Kake). Beck was assisted by a mixed-blood Tlingit woman, Mrs. Tamaree (formerly Mrs. Paul). Mrs. Tamaree was highly acculturated, a devout church- worker, and, as well, a person of considerable influence among the Indians. The New Convenant Legion held weekly meetings. Its membership was drawn from the native congregation of the mission church, including both men and women. ‘The society had a full set of elective officers. Bible study constituted one of the major activities; social problems, particularly the desirability of the aboli- tion of both aboriginal customs and the use of alcoholic beverages, were frequent topics of discussion. Both Beck and Mrs. Tamaree were transferred to other mission stations and duties after a time, and the group disbanded. It is said, however, that most of the founders of the Brotherhood had been members of this society. In Klawock, about the year 1909, the Presbyterian missionary encouraged members of his congregation to form an organization which they called the “Brotherhood of Klawock.” This society, like the New Covenant Legion at Sitka, was patterned after white 11 None of my informants mentioned the Arctic Brotherhood as a source of inspira- tion for the Indian organization, but I suspect most strongly that it offered them a model. The Arctic Brotherhood began as a sort of fraternal order of Klondikers. It soon became politically minded, working for Alaskan self-government. In 1909, it had sufficient in- fluence that President Taft accepted an invitation to a special convention in Seattle, at which he was installed as “Honorary Past Grand Arctic Chief’—though in a speech he dismayed the membership by reaffirming his opposition to the organization’s goal (Nichols, 1924, pp. 829-333). In the year the Alaska Native Brotherhood was formed, the Arctic Brotherhood, along with other organizations of white Alaskans, had won a major victory, the act of 1912, which authorized a Territorial legislature, and thereby a great increase in Alaskans’ control of their own affairs. The use of the term “brotherhood,” and of such desigations as ‘Grand Camp,” “Grand President,” etc., in the native organization, dupli- eating Arctic Brotherhood usage, seems to corroborate the suggestion as to this source of influence. Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 19 church groups, and had about the same formal organization and the same type of activities. One former member of this group recalls that a function regarded as important was the appointing of a “sick committee” whose duty it was to visit the sick, both to console them and to render practical aid such as getting in their firewood. The organization also drew on its treasury to pay or help pay the fare of any person who had to go to town for medical attention. The Brotherhood of Klawock was one of the more successful of the early societies. It continued to function for a number of years, finally affiliating with the Alaska Native Brotherhood in the early 1920’s. Its local strength is demonstrated by the fact that on the insistence of its membership it was permitted to retain, through a special arrangement, its own bylaws after the merger rather than adopting those prescribed for local chapters by the Alaska Brother- hood. About 1912 and the years following, there were a number of women’s societies organized in various villages. As a rule they were started by the wife of the local missionary, with membership recruited from the feminine portion of the local congregation. At Kake, for ex- ample, the wife cf George Beck, who had by that time been assigned there as missionary, with the assistance of Mrs. Stuteen, a Tlingit woman who was one of the early members of the Presbyterian congre- gation there, organized a “Women’s Village Improvement Society.” According to Mrs. Stuteen, Mrs. Beck told them that she was pattern- ing the organization after a women’s society to which she had belonged in her home town in the Eastern United States before coming to Alaska. This organization had regular meetings which were opened with prayer and hymns and readings from the Bible. The members elected officers including the president, vice president, secretary, and treasurer, and appointed various committess. One of the important committees was the “sick committee” which functioned among the women of Kake as did the sick committee of the Brotherhood of Kla- wock, visting the sick and giving them assistance of various sorts. The society soon established a pattern which became prominent in its lineal successor, the Alaska Native Sisterhood. In the very early days of its founding the members raised funds by giving socials and basket suppers and the like, and they gave this money for various projects of community benefit. On one occasion when a board sidewalk was to be built (or rebuilt) at Kake, the Women’s Village Improvement Society raised $400 to pay for materials and the sawing of lumber for the walk, and some $90 for food which the women prepared and served to the men who contributed the labor. Similar organizations were founded in other communities. There was the Women’s Village Im- provement Society at Hoonah which continued to function at least 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 into the early 1920’s, after the Alaska Native Sisterhood had been founded. At Klawock, the Women’s Missionary Society (that may not be the exact title of the organization) was established by the wife of the same missionary who inspired the founding of the Brotherhood of Klawock. In short, it is plain that there was little about the source of inspi- ration of the Alaska Native Brotherhood, or about its formal pattern, or, as we shall see later, its original function, that distinguished it from the numerous associations founded among the Indians at about the same period. The principal, unique feature, and the one that con- tributed to its success where the others evenutually failed, appears to have been its nonlocal character. That is to say, from the first it was envisaged as an organization that was to be represented by local chapters (called “Camps”) in various communities. It appears, too, that the local units were not directly managed by white missionaries, and that therefore the native members were forced to take a greater responsibility in keeping the groups going. Perhaps for this reason the Brotherhood survived its early years. The Brotherhood had not been in existence for more than 2 or 3 years, it was related, when the suggestion was made that a woman’s auxiliary be formed. According to one informant the feminine unit was first called “Daughters of Alaska,” a name later changed to the present one, “Alaska Native Sisterhood,” to parallel that of the men’s group. As the Sisterhood was introduced in one village after another, is usually, though not invariably, took over the existing women’s societies, lock, stock and barrel. This is what occurred at Kake, for instance, where the Village Improvement Society, existing officers and all, became the Kake Camp of the Sisterhood on receipt of a charter from the parent organization. At Hoonah, however, I was given to understand that a chapter of the Sisterhood was established, and coexisted with the local Village Improvement Society for some years. Many women belonged to both simultaneously. The first chapters or camps of the Brotherhood were established at three places, Sitka, Juneau, and Douglas. For several years no new units were added. In 1915, most of the founders and prominent early members met at Metlakatla, during an “Educational Fair,” put on by the Bureau of Education (which originally established native schools in Alaska, a function that was taken over in 1931 by the Alaska Native Service, the Alaskan unit of the Bureau of Indian Affairs). One informant insisted that at that time a number of Metlakatla people became interested, and formally established a Camp in their com- munity, but he seems to have been in error, although a good deal of interest in the organization was aroused. Other persons, including a number of well-informed Metlakatlans, assured me that there never Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 21 had been a camp at Metlakatla. It seems to have been at this time that Rev. Edward Marsden became interested in the organization, how- ever, and he had a great deal to do with establishing the Camp at Saxman, for he was then connected with the Mission in that Tlingit community. Other villages were slower in joining; it appears that it was not until the early 1920’s that Camps came to be established in all the Indian communities in southeast Alaska except Metlakatla. Each Camp, incidentally, retains a numeral, or serial number, that indicates the relative time of its establishment. Thus, the Angoon Brotherhood Camp is “Camp No. 7,” the seventh chapter to have been chartered. Brotherhood and Sisterhood Camps in each community were not necessarily started at the same time, and therefore may have different serial numbers. A number of informants agree that one thing that hindered the spread of the organization in the early days was the persistence of ancient local jealousies and rancors that had carried over from un- settled feuds and wars. Just how conscious of this the missionary advisers of the early days of the organization were is a matter of doubt, but they seemed to have been unable to do very much about it. It is related that before Wrangell people could be seriously interested in participating, a formal settlement had to be made between them and certain of the Sitka clans because of surviving bitter feeling resulting from a “war” between them. A Wrangell man who had resided at Sitka and who joined the Brotherhood quite early played a leading part in arranging this settlement and was the principal emissary to Sitka. At what must have been a very remarkable ceremony, a formal treaty of peace was signed by the Wrangell and Sitka chiefs concerned. The peace treaty was written in English and was drawn up largely in terms of Western concepts.” Its signing, however, is said to have been accompanied by parts of the ancient aboriginal peacemaking ritual with the exchange of the gowakan (“deer”) dancers (see Swanton 1908, p. 451). A year later the annual con- vention was held at Wrangell, and apparently the Wrangell Camp was organized. By the mid-1920’s, as has been remarked, nearly every Indian com- munity in Southeast Alaska, always excepting Metlakatla, had a local branch of both the men’s and the women’s organizations, most of which have continued to function up to the present time. In the fall of 1952 there were active Brotherhood Camps at the following places: Angoon, Craig, Douglas, Haines, Hoonah, Hydaburg, Juneau, Kasaan (?), Kake, Ketchikan, Klawock, Kluckwan, Saxman, Sitka, 2A copy of this document is said to be preserved in the Alaskan historical library of the Territorial Museum in Juneau. A previous formal treaty of peace, signed by Sitkan and Wrangell chiefs, at the urging of Commander Beardslee, USN, was made in 1879 (U. S. Navy Dept., Naval Archives, Commanders’ Letters, Sept._Dec. 1879), but seems to have been forgotten. 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 Wrangell, and Yakutat. Alaska Native Sisterhood camps were active at the same places, except apparently at Kasaan, where none was reported, but instead there was a very active camp at Petersburg. The histories of these individual camps has not always been smooth. Kasaan, for instance, was not represented at the 1952 convention; in fact I was not aware there was a camp there until the appearance of the Grand Treasurer’s report in which a contribution of money was reported from that town. As I understand, Kasaan is on the verge of disappearing as a community because of remoteness from sources of income; most of its population has moved elsewhere. There is no Brotherhood Camp at Petersburg. The Saxman Camp, it was said, was rather weak and inactive for a number of years, but in recent times has increased its membership and its activities markedly. At Haines, the men are said to have lost interest for a time, so that their Camp was completely inactive in 1950-51. In 1952 it had been re- juvenated and was back in full swing. As has been related, from its inception the Alaska Native Brother- hood was patterned after white lodges and societies. It therefore had to have a constitution and bylaws to define its formal organization and functions. Presumably such a document was drafted when the Brotherhood was founded, perhaps written in longhand, but the first printed constitution appeared in 1918. Because of some amendments (and perhaps exhaustion of the original supply), a new edition which introduced extensive changes was published in 1920. More recent editions, published about 1936 and in 1948, follow the pattern of the 1920 version closely, except insofar as they include amendments made since that time. The texts of the 1918 and 1948 versions are given in Appendixes 1 and 2. It may be noted that among other things the earliest constitution makes no mention of or provision for is the Sisterhood, which was almost certainly in existence at the time. Other points of difference will be brought out in dis- cussing policies of the organization. FORMAL ORGANIZATION The formal structure of the Alaska Native Brotherhood is defined in its constitution. The central organization is known as the Grand Camp. This Grand Camp is the body that meets at the annual con- vention held, usually, during the week of the second Monday in No- vember. It consists of various elective officers of the Brotherhood and Sisterhood, three delegates from each local Camp (one of whom is normally the president of the local Camp) of the Brotherhood, and three from each local unit of the Sisterhood, and the Executive Com- mittee. The officers of the Grand Camp, who are ex officio members of the Executive Committee, include the Grand President, Grand Vice Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST yr President (several vice presidents may be elected if the convention sees fit to do so), Grand Secretary, and Grand Treasurer. The Alaska Native Sisterhood has the same officers, although only its Grand Presi- dent serves on the Executive Committee. Other members of the Executive Committee include the past Grand Presidents of the organi- zation. Prior to 1936 this committee included all past Grand Officers of the organization, but after a series of changes, only former Grand Presidents were included. When the convention is not in session the Executive Committee is empowered to act for the entire organization. This committee is, according to the constitution, bound to be governed by resolutions and motions passed by the convention and is not authorized to set aside the expressed will of the convention. In actual practice the group has considerable power. Since a number of the grand presidents have held that office for several terms the committee is somewhat smaller than might be expected. Most of its members have been leaders in Brotherhood affairs for a great many years. There has been at times a slight amount of dissatisfaction, particularly among the younger men, with the power of the Executive Committee and its remoteness from the rank and file of the organization. About 1936 a resolution was passed whereby part of the membership of the Executive Com- mittee would be drawn from the ranks of the ex-officers and the other part was to be elective. Apparently this system did not work out very well and a year or so later it was dropped. The Brotherhood once more relied on its former officers to guide it. The principal dif- ference after this time was that, as at present, only the past Grand Presidents are seated on the Executive Committee. In 1952 the Executive Committee consisted of the 5 current Grand Officers, the Sisterhood Grand President, and 12 past Grand Presidents of the A. N. B. With the members of a body of this type scattered as they are all over southeast Alaska, it is obviously impractical for them to have frequent meetings. The constitution provides that five members of the committee shall constitute a quorum empowered to conduct any essential business once the entire committee has been properly notified. In case even so small a representation cannot be obtained, the committee may communicate by means of letters or telegrams. Each of the subordinate Camps in the various communities in south- east Alaska is organized on receipt of a charter issued by the Grand Camp. Each Camp elects a number of officers including its chairman or president, vice chairman, corresponding secretary, recording sec- retary, financial secretary, treasurer, and a camp council composed of three members. ‘There seems to have been a deliberate attempt to create a large number of offices in order to give as many people as 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 possible the opportunity of getting experience in the business of the organization. Each Camp is supposed to meet at least once a month, except during the fishing season when meetings are ordinarily suspended. Local. business is discussed, and also Grand Camp business, if there is any. The Grand Secretary is supposed to be responsible for maintaining most of the communication between the Grand Camp and the locai units, through correspondence; in addition there may be subcom- mittees such as the political committee which have certain responsibili- ties for communicating with the Camps. Apparently there is considerable variation as to regularity of local meetings, and attendance at them. Just before an annual convention, when delegates must be elected and instructed, funds raised to cover their expenses, and resolutions drafted for presentation to the con- vention, interest runs high, and meetings tend to be both frequent and well attended; after the convention, when delegates report, the same is true. At other times, there may be local problems that arouse interest. Between times interest may slacken, unless the camp’s officers are adept at keeping it at high pitch. Nearly every camp has its hall for meetings and other activities. Ketchikan and Petersburg were said to be the only places lacking halls in 1952, and the Ketchikan Camp arranged to purchase a build- ing in the fall of 1958. These Brotherhood halls vary from old, none-too-large structures in need of repair to huge well-equipped buildings like the new one at Hoonah, just completed in time for the 1952 convention at a cost of nearly $50,000.21 Typically, they have an open floor area, large enough for a basketball court (though some courts are on the small side), that serves as well for public meetings, the showing of motion pictures, and large social functions, a stage at one end of the court, rest rooms, and frequently a well-equipped kitchen for preparing and serving refreshments. Heating plants vary from wood stoves to the most modern type of oil furnaces with blower systems. These halls fill a major need in the social life of the villages, where there are no other adequate gathering places for group activities (some village churches of course have lounges or social rooms, and some schools have rooms that can be made available, but the Brother- hood hall is not only neutral ground, and regarded as really com- munity property, but it also is spacious enough for almost any local need). This usage has the virtue of focusing attention on the Brother- hood, and making its hall the community center in a very real sense. An aspect of the camp organization that should be noted is the insistence of the old local groups on maintaining their identities in a 18 This figure includes the computed cost of labor, based on man-days worked at going rates, although actually labor was provided free by local men. Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 25 number of cases. Elderly informants and early observers agree that the Tlingit “tribes,” the several clan lineages that jointly shared a winter village, had no real unity. The autonomous political unit was the local clan. Nonetheless, while there may have been no formal unity in the winter-village group composed of several clans, there was at least a feeling it was preferable to associate with one’s neigh- bors, rather than with complete outsiders. Various people have recommended the merging of the Juneau and Douglas Camps, for example. The two communities are not far apart and now have facile access via good roads. The “real” Juneau people, excluding the casual visitors to town who for the most part do not participate in local Camp activities in the city anyway, are principally descend- ants of the inhabitants of the old winter village at Auk Bay. The Douglas group are descendants of the old Takukwan (Taku Inlet people). Nonetheless, the two small camps were organized sepa- rately in the beginning and have maintained that separation up to the present day. The same is true of the camps at Ketchikan and Saxman. They also have remained separate and distinct, al- though it would seem more efficient for them to join forces. The Saxman people consist primarily of the old Sanyakwan or “People of Cape Fox,” and the Indian community of Ketchikan consists principally of the descendants of the Tongass group plus a sprin- kling of outsiders from various parts of southern Alaska as well as a good many Tsimshian from Matlakatla. While Sanyakwan and Tongasskwan have been neighbors and are considerably inter- related through ties of blood and marriage and have been so for gen- erations, they have regarded themselves as separate groups and con- tinue to do so today. Their local chapters of the Alaska Native Brotherhood and the Sisterhood are quite separate. The initiation fee to membership in the local Camps is $10, and the annual dues are $12 (the latter having been increased since publica- tion of the 1948 edition of the constitution). Fifty percent of the initiation fees and annual dues collected by the local camps must be forwarded to the Grand Treasurer for the use of the Grand Camp. In addition, each local camp is assessed a certain amount of money by the annual convention (this sum is designated the “annual budget”). These assessments range from $400 each which the Sitka and the Wrangell camps were assessed for the year 1952-53, to $150 assessed each of the camps at Haines, Saxman, and Petersburg for the same period. Normally the local Brotherhood camp attempts to raise half of this fund and the local Sisterhood the other half. In actual prac- tice it is commonly admitted that the Sisterhood usually raises most of the money. 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 The expenses of the Grand Camp as of 1952 include the following: the Grand Secretary’s salary of $1,800 a year; the Grand Treasurer’s salary of $480 a year; a substantial amount ($3,000 approved for 1952-58) for use by the Executive Committee primarily in traveling expenses for meetings and similar business; allocations for office ex- penses of the secretary and treasurer ; and various funds for legislative and legal purposes, the latter ordinarily involving the financing of defense of test cases, or cases concerning issues in which the Brother- hood as a whole is interested. For example, the 1952 convention au- thorized allocation of a sum of money for appealing the case of an Indian who had been found guilty of violation of fishing laws and fined—for using commercial gear to take fish for domestic use at a time when commercial fishing was restricted. The obvious need for regular communication between the Grand Camp (represented by the Executive Committee out of convention), and the local Camps, was solved for a time by the publication of the Alaska Fisherman. This journal, established in 1923, for a period of approximately 10 years, was the official organ of the Alaska Native Brotherhood. Each Camp was assessed a sum at an annual conven- tion (presumably that of 1922) to be applied toward purchase of the press and establishment of the journal. The Kake camp is said to have made an especially generous contribution to the initial fund. In- dividual subscriptions helped meet operating costs, and in addition there was a certain income from advertising. The first few issues of the journal appeared somewhat irregularly but by 1924 the numbers were published regularly once a month. The predominant tone of the journal was political in line with the philosophy already current that the most effective manner in which the Alaska Native Brotherhood could attain its ends was through developing and using political in- fluence. Particularly during election years were there discussions in the journal of Territorial officials and elective officers. In many instances there was very blunt criticism of the actions or policies of these public servants. In addition there were articles published fre- quently dealing with various aspects of the major policies of the Brotherhood : better education for Indian children; frequent exhorta- tions to Indians living in white communities to pay taxes (though they could not legally be forced to do so at that time) and otherwise perform their civic duties; continuation of the bitter campaign against fish traps; and occasional articles inveighing against continu- ance of ancient customs. In addition, of course, there were various news items concerning the activities of local camps and, if appro- priate, discussions of the principal features of annual conventions of the Brotherhood as they were held. Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST Zi. The Alaska Fisherman ceased to appear in the early 1930’s. Since that time the Alaska Native Brotherhood has made no consistent at- tempt to maintain communication between its various camps and to inform its members through any regularly published organ.’* Publi- cation came to an end, according to one informant once connected with the staff, because of financial difficulties deriving from an unduly high overhead. Some persons insist the sale of the press that brought about the suspension of publication was arranged without the formal approval of the Brotherhood; a more probable version is that the plant was taken over by creditors through the usual legal steps. Many members of the organization took considerable pride in the journal and say that they would have liked to have it continued. MEMBERSHIP One is commonly told in the villages that “everyone [i. e., all the adults] in town” belongs either to the Alaska Native Brotherhood or to the Sisterhood. On questioning further, to find out who does not belong, and why, one meets with considerable reluctance on the part of informants to cite names and facts. The fact is that in most com- munities most of the adults are not members (at least in the technical sense of “paid-up members”), as the tabulation below shows. The figures on membership (table 1) were taken from the formal reports on “members in good standing” posted by each camp during the 1952 convention at Hoonah (a “member in good standing” is one who has paid his dues). Taste 1.—Alaska Native Brotherhood and Sisterhood membership data, 1952 Alaska Alaska Total Town Native Native Indian- Brother- Sister- popula hood hood tion ! : cone figures are from House Rept. No. 2503 (82d Cong.), pp. 1547 ff. 0 report. 3 About 800. Hoonah is omitted from the tabulation of population cited; figure is approximation. _ 4 Petersburg is omitted from the tabulation cited; elsewhere, the same report gives 191 as the Indian population in 1947, %4In recent years, various grand secretaries have sent, at irregular intervals, circular letters to all the camps relating to specific issues. Aes BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 Filling the membership rolls is obviously something of a problem. It is not clear why this should be so, especially in the native villages (Indian residents of cities like Juneau, Sitka, and the rest, of course, have numerous distractions). Some persons with whom the matter was discussed believed that low-income level was to blame, especially in years of poor fishing seasons like 1952. Others compared the difli- culty of collecting dues to that of collecting taxes, blaming the short- sighted attitude of individuals who are reluctant to put out money for which they do not get an immediate tangible return. Plain lack of interest may account for certain cases of failure to join or to remain in the organization. However, this reflects at most an indifferent attitude; there appears to be no formal opposition to the organization, individual or organized. I was told by a number of people that there had been a Brotherhood Camp at Petersburg, but that it had become inactive “because most of the young Indian men from Petersburg are in the Army now.” Yet in 1947 (the year of the most recent census figure I could find for that town), 191 persons classified as Indians lived in Petersburg. Per- haps there are fewer now, but one may suspect that loss of interest may have contributed to the demise of that chapter. People do not like to admit this, however. Apparently the A. N. B. has become a symbol of Indian solidarity in southeast Alaska, so there seems to be a feeling that all Indians should be interested in it, and should belong to it. Again, Hoonah, the largest Indian village in southeast Alaska, re- ported a total of 35 members in good standing in the Brotherhood and 40 in the Sisterhood. Of course it is true that most of the people in the community cooperate with the Brotherhood and Sisterhood and support them in various other ways. For example, I was told by the man who acted as timekeeper, that when the new Alaska Native Broth- erhood hall at Hoonah was being put up early in 1952, one hundred fifty-some-odd men volunteered for labor, turning out in one or the other of the usual three work gangs during the 2 months it took to complete the rough construction.” In the weeks immediately preced- ing the convention during which the interior of the hall was finished and the specialized jobs such as installing of wiring, plumbing, heating plant, etc. were being carried on, there was no lack of assistance. In other words, most of the young and middle-aged able-bodied men and many of the elderly ones gave liberal free labor to help build the hall. They also contributed a considerable sum of money for the purchase of materials. It is necessary to point out that this improvement in Indian health services is not simply due to the fact that the responsibility for them was transferred to another depart- ment; the Department of Indian Affairs urged the transfer, as part of its postwar program, and cooperates most actively to assist the Department of Public Health to carry out its work. Just as in the case of the expansion of educational work, the new health program has been in line with the changes urged by the 55In addition, of course, these services to the Indian are free (except to Indians who have resided continuously off their reserve for 18 months or more), whereas the white man must pay for most of his medical attention, unless he is a welfare case. Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 145 Brotherhood, and the organization counts the improvements among its achievements, even though they most probably would have been initiated by the Indian Department in any case. As a result, there is a very pronounced attitude on the part of the Indians to accept these benefits as their just due. Some persons with whom I talked seemed far less gratified over the new services than they were queru- lous that such services had not been given the Indian long ago. It is worth reporting that there may be exceptions to this pattern of complaisant acceptance of benefits—I know of at least one. The hospital at Alert Bay, previously mentioned parenthetically, is now primarily for whites, and depends heavily on local financial support. I was told that the local white community, and various logging concerns in the region, contribute regularly and substantially to keep it going. The Indian Department, through the Department of Health, makes a fixed monthly allotment to the hospital for services to Indians. However, for a number of years, the Indians have demonstrated a dawning awareness of civic responsibilities. They have organized an annual performance of ceremonial dances, at which some of the chiefs’ most spectacular and valuable masks and other regalia are used. Admission is charged to these performances, said to be quite well attended, and the entire proceeds are donated to the hospital as a contribution of the Indian community. INCOME TAX Canadian Indians, as wards of the Government, and their property on reserves, had never been subject to taxation by either Federal or Provincial Governments. However, in the early years of World War II, an administrative decision was made that Indian commercial fishermen should be considered liable for income tax on the proceeds from their fisheries, presumably on the grounds that such Income was not derived from the reserves themselves. The Indians protested vociferously. Many of them got into difficulties from the outset, since, having no experience with the long arm of taxation, they simply neglected to file their returns, which made them liable to stiff fines. The Native Brotherhood discussed the matter at several conventions; as has been remarked it was primarily this issue that led to the fusion of the Brotherhood and the Kwakiutl villages Pacific Coast Native Fishermen’s Association. One particularly sore point was that while, under the new ruling, an Indian fisherman was to be taxed, the Indian farmer or cattleman in the interior, who farmed or grazed his stock on reserve lands, remained exempt from taxation since income pro- duced on a reserve remained tax-free. The Brotherhood and the P. C. N. F. A. joined forces essentially for the purpose of carrying out Andrew Paull’s proposal that they attack 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 the problem through legal means. The P. C. N. F. A. treasury was comfortably full, and was made available to the Brotherhood, and so legal counsel was sought. During the following years several lawyers worked on the case. Funds were raised for their retainers and expenses by a special assess- ment on the membership, which in certain years was as much as $10 per member, over and above regular dues. This procedure did not conflict with the article in the Indian Act prohibiting raising of funds for a suit against the Government, since there were several other legal avenues of approach. One line of strategy that was studied revolved about using the Brotherhood’s support to defend some Indian fisher- man brought into court on charges of violation of the tax law. Another involved suit against a packing company that withheld tax moneys (although to a nonlegalite like the writer it would seem that this would immediately involve the Government since the company had simply been acting as the Government’s agent). Part of the In- dian case was believed to rest on a portion of the British North America Act and that section of the Terms of the Union that pro- vided that the Dominion Government should pursue “a policy as liberal as that hitherto pursued by the British Columbia Provincial Government.” Many informants quoted this provision, interpreting it to mean that since the Provincial government had not taxed In- dians, the Federal Government could not do so. All the arguments sounded like the Allied Tribes land case all over again. After a number of years during which, some informants aver, the Government delayed the case to prevent its being brought to a hearing (apparently they were talking about the line of strategy in- volving defense of a test case), the lawyers informed the Brotherhood Executive Committee (in the fall of 1958), that the case could not be defended successfully. The Executive Committee found itself in a quandary. A goodly amount of funds had been raised and spent on the legal study of the problem over the years, and there was con- siderable feeling among the Indians about the matter. Hence the problem was whether simply to drop the whole thing and to try to explain to the membership why it was a hopeless case, after having drummed up enthusiasm for it for so long, or whether to throw good money after bad by going ahead with at least a token defense, to give the people a show for their money if nothing more. At the time I left the coast early in 1954, no decision had been reached. The essence of the Indian attitude was that the Indian was entitled to special consideration because he had never been remunerated for the lands of the Province. “It used to be our water and our fish,” a number of people told me. It is true that several influential persons in the Brotherhood told me privately that they had come to regard Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 147 the whole thing as unfortunate, and bad publicity for the organiza- tion, going on to say that, with the typical large Indian families, and the consequent plentiful exemptions, an Indian who had to pay a thousand or two thousand dollars a year in taxes was making enough money so that he could afford it. Such remarks were however rank heresy from the point of view of Brotherhood official policy, and there seemed little likelihood of convincing the membership in general that they were rational appraisals of the situation. ABORIGINAL CUSTOMS Abandonment of aboriginal customs never became a plank in the platform of the Native Brotherhood of British Columbia. There had been a provision in the Indian Act making the potlatch illegal since 1885; enforcement was difficult, especially among the southern Kwakiutl, who persisted doggedly in potlatching despite arrests, con- fiscation of goods, ete. Agents in the early days had difficulties too, for they could rarely get a Provincial court to convict an Indian on the charge of violating this section of the Indian Act. In 1918, violation was made a summary offense, triable by the Indian agent, so that en- forcement became easier. But even this did not deter the Kwakiutl. Some informants relate that they lined up solidly behind Andrew Paull in 1942 not only because of his bold attack on the extension of the Federal income tax law to Indian fishermen, but because he assured them he would attempt to have the prohibition on potlatching re- pealed.® Itis obvious that a formal stand by the Brotherhood against the custom would have cost them southern Kwakiutl support. The northern coast groups, particularly the Tsimshian divisions (Tsimshian, Niska, and Gitksan), had no interest in suppressing the custom. As the result of missionary influence, they abandoned the Dancing Society performanceslongago. The mortuary and memorial potlatches (with marble tombstones substituted for totem poles), were continued, quite openly, except that in addition to the chiefs and clan members who received gifts—referred to of course as payments for their services in connection with the funeral, etc——payments are also made to various modern institutions: to the minister who conducts the funeral service, to the choir if songs are sung at the services, to the village band if it plays while the body is conducted to the cemetery, and soon. Informants seem to assume that these gifts or payments somehow change the character of the performance and legalize it. Clan and tribal secretaries keep minute records of these transactions; I had the privilege of studying the bookkeeping connected with several major potlatches that were given during the 1940’s at Port Simpson % The section was dropped from the Revised (1951) Indian Act. 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 and in the Nass villages. Noone seems to regard these affairs as other than perfectly normal and correct. Just as in Alaska, the clan system seems to operate with full vigor on the northern British Columbia coasts, regulating marriages, and establishing the framework within which the potlatch is carried on. Some Niska informants asserted that an intraclan marriage would ab- solutely not be permitted in their villages, and while the occasional exception to such sweeping generalizations usually comes to light when one has time to go into the topic, it is clear that there still is a strong feeling against such unions. The clan system apparently has never been made the target of attack by missionaries and administra- tors.” In fine, the whole system of aboriginal customs was differently perceived in British Columbia than in Alaska: it had been adapted to everyone’s satisfaction in the north, and was being strongly perpetu- ated in southern Kwakiutl country, and hence was never presented to the Brotherhood as a theme to be made an issue of, except in the in- stance, elsewhere cited, of its becoming a local issue between elder and younger generations in certain Gitksan villages. ACTION POLICY The principal Brotherhood technique for achieving goals which involve action by the administration has been through petitions trans- mitted either to the head of the Department of Indian Affairs, or to the Minister of the executive department to which that office is as- signed, or sometimes to other Members of Parliament. This of course represents in one sense a continuation of the use of such petitions begun years ago at the suggestion of early missionaries on the coast, and it also represents one of the very few techniques through which a voteless group of people can hope to influence their Government. In recent years there has grown up a policy of attempting to influence of- ficials favorably in two other ways. The first of these is by inviting them to Brotherhood annual conventions where they are given oppor- tunity to address the convention and also to hear the opinions of the Indians on various topics. The second technique has been that of try- ing to cooperate with officials in every way possible. The work done by the Brotherhood in helping to straighten out confused young In- dians as to their duties and the procedures through which they could get exemption from service in the Armed Forces was an example of this. Another example was the recent nomination by the Brother- 57JT have never been able to learn what specific steps Duncan took against clan organi- zation at Metlakatla, aside from the suppression of all native festivals which would in- clude the important crest displays, and making the people discard all regalia, carvings, and the like. My impression is that he never really attacked the clan system as such, but brought about its disuse through suppressing integrally related phenomena. Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 149 hood of individuals who were widely acquainted in various districts to carry out the registration of Indians when the Province granted them the Provincial franchise. The fact that the Brotherhood has been able to get the ear of re- sponsible officials is due primarily to the fact that it has managed to make itself recognized as a responsible body representing a large segment of the Indian population of British Columbia. This is why incorporation under the Societies Act has proved so very useful. Previously, of course, the organization had been recognized by the fishing industry in connection with its operations in the labor relations field. At present, agencies of both the Federal and Provincial Gov- ernments regard it as an established unit that speaks for the Indians. The modern practice of the Canadian Government to consult Indians on proposed legislation which will affect them has improved the posi- tion of the organization. The two principal representatives at Brotherhood-Government conferences, Scow and Kelly, have done a good deal to increase the standing of the Brotherhood in the eyes of officialdom. They are both competent men who are able to give good logical presentations of the views of the organization, and they also make a point of avoiding any extremist stands. The Brotherhood has no active policy in the area of provincial politics. Of course there was nothing they could accomplish in that field prior to their political enfranchisement. It is also true of course that their principal legislative problems are matters which are under the control of the Dominion Government rather than the Province. Legal action has been resorted to most infrequently except for the yery recent income tax case. It seems probable that the long and un- successful attempt by the Allied Tribes to win a favorable solution of the land problem may have made the Indians skeptical of the value of this method of procedure. Lack of familiarity with legal recourse is not a reason for this disuse of the courts. A great many Indians are quite familiar with the processes involved in getting legal assistance when needed to defend them. During periods when certain agents were making determined campaigns against the potlatch, the southern Kwakiutl were able to find a number of competent attorneys to help them when hailed into court. Indians have used attorneys fre- quently in cases involving violations of the liquor laws. As is indicated elsewhere, in questions of labor relations the Brother- hood’s action policy is to all intents and purposes the same as that of any other union group. If there is any difference at all from that of the ordinary labor union, it is the somewhat conservative attitude that characterizes both the Indian membership and their officials who negotiated for them. This attitude pattern seems to stem primarily from two concepts. One of these is the feeling of loyalty toward the canners who for many years have been the only source of credit and 412730—68—11 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 thus have provided the only means through which the individual In- dian could better himself financially. 'The second concept is one fre- quently expressed which stresses the dependence of the Indian for his livelihood on fishing. It is commonly stated by Indians from the coast that in the case of a strike that lasts most of the fishing season, - the white fisherman can get work ashore, whereas the Indian cannot. As far as the organization’s internal policy goes, the most signifi- cant feature is that practically all decisions both on action and on policy definition are made by the leaders of the organization—that is, the Executive Committee—with practically no rank-and-file voice. The only exception here is at the time when fish prices are being agreed upon when it is essential that the membership indicate their approval or disapproval of specific offers. Prior to an annual convention the membership at large is not officially advised of the agenda as is customarily done in the Alaska Native Brotherhood. Consequently, there is no such thing as an instructed delegate at the British Columbia Brotherhood conventions. Resolutions are not drawn up in the village meetings prior to the convention for presentation there. At the convention the delegates present resolu- tions, which are supposed to represent the thinking of the member- ship in the branches, but which actually may or may not doso. This failure to define the policy of official representatives occurs even on the Executive Committee echelon. Fairly recently when Scow and Kelly were invited to Ottawa for a conference with the Minister of Immigration and Naturalization in connection with proposed revi- sions to the Indian Act, this committee did not specifically instruct their two delegates, but merely passed a resolution of confidence in their discretion. Of course many of the topics which were ex- pected to be brought up at the conference were ones on which the Executive Committee had long since taken an official stand for the organization as a whole. One reason for this lack of rank-and-file influence on policy is because of communication difficulties. Many of the villages are isolated and even the district vice presidents cannot or do not visit them frequently. This is true of communications from the top down as well as from the membership upward. A good many members of the organization in the villages do not understand various decisions and plans which are supposed to be organization policy. For ex- ample, the status of the income tax case and the procedure by which the Executive was attempting to bring it into court in the winter of 1953-54 were understood by but very few of the rank-and-file. I was given some extremely confused accounts of what was going on. This is true in many other matters as well. For instance, some time within the last few years the Brotherhood and the union jointly won a demand for the creation of a benefit fund by the canners Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 151 through the setting aside a certain amount (approximately 1 cent), for each case of salmon. Since fishermen are legally regarded as individual contractors, they are not subject to workmen’s compensa- tion benefits. This fund is drawn on to pay survivors in case of death on the fishing grounds and to pay some small benefits in the case of major disaster, such as sinking or burning of the vessel, etc. (This is of course quite apart from the union’s own welfare fund.) Since the Brotherhood has no permanent northern office, the union’s business agent offered his services in putting in claims, receiving and distributing the benefit checks for members of the Brotherhood in the north as well as for members of his union. This was agreed to by the Brotherhood who considered it an example of courteous cooperation. The result has been, however, that almost none of the northern Indians realize that the Brotherhood had anything to do with getting this arrangement created for its members. Such situa- tions do very little to convince people that the Brotherhood is actively accomplishing anything in their behalf. Probably this lack of com- munication within the organization is responsible for a great deal of the apathy of the membership on a local level. It is certainly true that in the villages in which there is less than outstanding local leadership, interest in the Brotherhood is consistently weak. This is a principal cause of the financial problems of the organization. Few people will take much pains to pay their dues when they don’t know what is being accomplished with their money. Another sort of procedure that represents a specific policy is the activity of the organization in trying to assist either individual Indians or Indian communities in connection with various problems. One example cited to me concerned the building of a breakwater at Friendly Cove in Nootka Sound. The Nootka had for a long time been petitioning that a breakwater be constructed because there is no near safe anchorage for their boats. The Brotherhood was eventually asked for assistance. It turned out that there was some company doing some major construction work in the region. I neglected to record in my notes whether this work was connected with a logging or @ mining enterprise, but at any rate, adequate heavy equipment was available to construct the breakwater. The Brotherhood presi- dent and business agent were able to arrange very simply that the structure be built in exchange for the granting of a right-of-way across some local reserve. The point here is that the Indians, especially in the more isolated villages, do not understand the principles and procedures of negotiations, whereas the Brotherhood leaders and business agents with their long experience in fish price negotiations are quite conversant with the techniques. There was no pattern of bar- gaining in the aboriginal culture. So much has been written about 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 the emphasis on wealth in prehistoric Northwest Coast civilization that this point is likely to be overlooked. Commodities were bar- tered and rewards were given for services performed but without setting of close evaluations. If a Northwest Coast chief had a canoe built for him, no price was set in advance for the work. When the | canoe was completed or some time thereafter, the chief gave the canoemaker a quantity of wealth goods and typically as large a quantity as was convenient at the time. Even in barter of small objects or foods, while there were rough ideas as to equivalences of value, there was no real, close price setting. The well-known incident at Fort Simpson in which the Haida and the Tsimshian princesses were exchanging halibut for oil provides a nice demonstration of this point. The Tsimshian woman considered the pieces of dried halibut she was being given as awfully small. There was, however, no bar- gaining that led to compromise on larger pieces of halibut or smaller measures of oil. In fact no solution of the very simple matter was ever arrived at. The affair ended in a savage altercation and finally a pitched battle in which a great number of people were killed. This may be of somewhat lengthy diversion from the main theme of this paragraph, but is worth citing to stress the point that the Brother- hood lends a real service and a very important one to fellow Indians. Such services are often offered to nonmembers of the Brotherhood with the hope of winning their favor and getting them to join the organi- zation. Two members of the Executive Committee made a lengthy trip a few years ago and spent considerable time and effort in trying to assist a group of interior people who fished at the foot of the falls of the Skeena near Moricetown. These falls prevented the weaker species of salmon from ascending the river. Humpbacks and dog salmon congregate at the foot of the falls in great numbers. The Department of the Fisheries resolved to build a fish ladder at this place to permit the salmon to go on up the river. In conjunction with the Office of Indian Affairs, they planned a meeting with the Indians who fished there to work out some procedure for compen- sating for the loss of this fishing place. They offered several alter- natives. One of them which involved permission for Indians to fish according to fixed quotas was regarded by the Brotherhood officers as the most beneficial in the long run. In this particular instance, they were unable to accomplish very much. The interior Indians had grandiose notions of getting a very large cash compensation, despite the fact that they are said to depend very heavily on the drying of salmon for winter food supply. However, the actual out- come in this case is less important here than is the fact that the rep- resentatives of the Brotherhood and the organization itself (since their travel was financed by the organization’s treasury) went to con- siderable lengths to try to help them get the best possible solution. PART 3. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The foregoing sections relate the individual histories, describe the organizational structures, and list the major goals and policies of the two Indian Brotherhoods. It is important to mention that the list of policies and activities has not been completely exhausted; how- ever, the major ones have been covered. Our next step must be to derive broadly significant conclusions from our data. In many studies which, like the present one, are concerned with acculturational situa- tions and problems of applied anthropology, conclusions seem difficult to extract. It may be that the fact that one is dealing with mate- rials pertaining to modern times and modern problems, with current and live issues, and with living personalities, imposes handicaps on the student of culture. Despite a limited number of honorable excep- tions, many studies of this sort fail to yield significant results. The mere tabulating of elements of aboriginal culture that have persisted into modern times never really tells us much; it will not be attempted here since it appears to be so sterile an activity. Various ancient concepts and patterns which are still important to the Indians, and others completely replaced by white ideas and practices, have been mentioned in passing. ‘he important thing about such phenomena is the way in which they have conditioned new attitudes, and how they steer the new hybrid culture into certain channels, sometimes assisting, and sometimes retarding adjustment. The present material, however, offers its own solution to the sort of conclusions which may be derived, which is, obviously, to analyze our data in terms of the success or failure of the organizations to achieve their defined goals, It must be emphasized that no value judgments are involved in this. The appraisal will be comparable to that of the experimental psy- chologist who analyses the success or failure of the subjects of his experiments to solve certain problems posed them. The point here is that both organizations set themselves certain specific goals. These goals they intended to achieve by use of techniques borrowed from white American and Canadian culture. Their degree of success or lack of it should give us a measure of the native’s skill at using the borrowed tools. Both organizations, the Alaska Native Brotherhood and the Native Brotherhood of British Columbia, were founded in response to the situation of frustration in which the Indians found themselves. In Alaska, white settlers persisted in treating the Indians as though they were stateside reservation Indians of definitely restricted civil 153 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 rights, denying them the prerogatives of full and equal citizenship to which the Indians felt they were entitled. In British Columbia the Indians had just lost a long, bitterly if not brilliantly contested suit for the recognition of what they regarded as their basic aboriginal right to the land. In Alaska there was some direct stimulus by white missionaries toward the formation of the organization, and as well the pattern of a successful white organization, the Arctic Brother- hood, which was regarded as just having won its long fight for civil right and law and civil government for the white Alaskans. In British Columbia there had been active missionary influence toward the development of earlier organizations, such as the Nishga Land Committee and the Allied Tribes. There was also the stimulus of- fered by the Alaska Native Brotherhood itself, which at the time of the founding of the Canadian organization was operating with great apparent success. These various combinations of factors, as might be expected, led to the formation of two very similar organi- zations. As a consequence, not only the structures of the two groups were very similar, but there were a host of similarities both in early goals and in the approaches to problems. While we have just said that broadly speaking the formal organi- zational formations of the two Brotherhoods are much alike, there is considerable differences in detail not only in form but in their opera- tional aspects. The Alaska Native Brotherhood must be regarded as an effectively organized entity. The local units are active and are able to sustain the interest of the rank-and-file membership. A significant factor here is that the local camps are the principal social foci in the villages. The A. N. B. hall is the community center in every case. Since in most of the villages several religious denominations are represented, no church group can compete with the Brotherhood as a community enterprise. It is also quite obvious that considerable thought has been put into tying in activities such as social affairs and athletic events that would interest the younger members of the community. While it is true that greater efficiency might improve the handling of fiscal affairs, such as collection of dues, on the whole the Alaska Native Brotherhood is a well-organized structure. The fact that it has withstood the vicissitudes of factional conflict for years demonstrates its basic strength. The British Co- Jumbian organizaticn on the other hand is quite the reverse. It has a well-organized and well-integrated upper echelon, but its local organization is very weak. The local units are comparatively in- active and ineffectively led. In part this may be due to the fact that, in the northern British Columbia coast villages at least, the Brotherhood has had to compete with various older established groups such as local athletic clubs, village brass bands organized in club Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 155 fashion, and the like, for community interest. By and large, the Brotherhood is very much in need of active full-time organizers and of programs to build up interest and enthusiasm outside of the annual period of fish-price negotiations. Nothing has been done so far to break down intervillage rivalries and enmities which show through at times, to the detriment of the organization as a whole. The persistence of these attitudes cannot be attributed just to the fact that there were more cultural and linguistic differences and more local antagonisms between various British Columbia villages than there were in southeast Alaska. The Tlingit clans and villages found themselves embroiled in conflicts and bloody wars with each other just as frequently as did the groups to the south. The Alaskan Indians have made much better use of the organization concept than have their neighbors to the south. In the area of goal and policy, both organizations very early seized on education as a prime need of the Indian. To them all, education represented a sort of royal highway by which the Indian would achieve competence to deal with modern white social and economic development. This concept of education as the one solution to the Indian’s problems was obviously taken over, lock, stock, and barrel from the missionary doctrine that it offered the surest road to extinction of aboriginal culture and to the “civilization” of the Indian. One notes that in the early phase of Alaska Native Brother- hood policy, and throughout that of the British Columbia organ- ization’s policy formulation, “education for the Indian” was little more than a magic phrase. Very little analytical thought was given to what type of education would best solve the problems. It is true enough in a basic way that literacy, familiarity with simple arithmetic, and so forth, are minimal requirements for dealing with the modern economic world. Beyond that point the stress on educa- tion seems uncritical and uncomprehended. The reformulation of A. N. B. policy into an attack on the so-called two-school system was an attempt to combine the goal of education with an attack on the Indian’s ambiguous sociopolitical status. Other than this, there was no major change in educational policy. The result therefore points up the lack of effort by the Indians to analyze their problems criti- cally. One feels that they have done little more than parrot the teachings of respected and influential white friends of early days. The A. N. B., principally through the efforts of one outstanding individual, did finally solve its specific (revised) goal—the attack on the two-school system. Since that time, however, it has taken no steps to study the educational needs of the Indians. This is the more striking now since most of the Indian communities operate their own schools as part of the Territorial school system. Nor has 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 the organization taken any steps to assist the villages in the highly complex problem of financing the operating cost of the school (collect- ing the necessary local taxes to meet budgets over and above the 85 percent of funds provided by the Territory). If furthering educa- tion is considered a real goal of the Brotherhood, the fact that most of the village school boards so consistently operate in the red, unable to raise local revenue to foot the school bills, should be a challenge to the organization. It has, however, been completely ignored. This is so, despite that fact that a committee of influential persons whose opinions would be widely respected could undoubtedly be assembled from the Brotherhood, and be detailed to study village problems and to recommend to village school boards techniques for collecting taxes and for budgeting school costs. The Native Brotherhood of British Columbia has seen its campaign for better schools apparently won. This, however, was accomplished directly by officials of the Federal and Provincial Governments and not by the Brotherhood itself. The most the organization can claim in this regard is an indirect assist as the organization’s spokesmen made white friends and officials more conscious of the deficiencies of the old system. Citizenship status and enfranchisement form another area of keen interest to both organizations. Alaskan Brotherhood leaders and the membership in general regard the Charlie Jones verdict as a signal victory which the organization won. In one sense it may have been a victory at least in so far as it affected the attitudes of white Alaskan neighbors. The real legalization of the Indian’s status as a full United States citizen did not come, however, until 1924 with the enact- ment of Federal legislation. It is scarcely necessary to remark that this legislation was not influenced by the Brotherhood. The subse- quent step by Brotherhood leaders of mobilizing the Indian mem- bership to use their newly recognized voting privilege as a political force in Alaska was a major step. It was a step which went a long way to win for the Indian consideration and a considerable degree of respect, albeit reluctantly given, by local whites. This achievement was of course due to the insight and special experience of a few out- standing leaders. The effective use of Alaska Native Brotherhood political power has come to be hampered by the factiona] dispute within the organization. The case of the Canadian organization differs. Despite years of protest against discrimination, and the Indian’s disadvantageous political status, the Brotherhood has never been able to formulate a practicable and workable policy. The old issue of aboriginal rights which was developed during the Allied Tribes period has obtruded and confused the issue consistently. Even the leaders of the organization have never gotten beyond the unreal- istic attitudes of wanting to hold all the privileges of citizenship, Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 157 but none of the concomitant duties and responsibilities. The official stand on military service and payment of income tax reflects this thinking. The so-called Maori Plan, understood in all its implications by very few, appealed for a time as a way to get both the franchise and retain the aboriginal rights. It is of course clear that obtaining the Provincial franchise was not due to the Brotherhood’s efforts but was almost forced on the Indian by white British Columbians. The Alaska Native Brotherhood’s early stress on abandonment of aboriginal customs was one of its least successful programs and one which, as a result of its failure, has been pretty well dropped. The noteworthy aspect of this policy is the fact that the opinions and atti- tudes of early-day missionaries were taken in toto with no attempt to evaluate or appraise them. The potlatch was made the target of attack without regard to the fact of its integral functional rela- tionship to the clan-moiety system. As long as that system continues to exist, the moiety reciprocity, of which the potlatch is one form of expression among the Tlingit and Haida, will continue. It is difli- cult to see how this point escaped the early missionaries, and still more to see how it escaped the Indians themselves who knew what they were doing. Yet by uncritically following the missionary line the A. N. B. failed so signally that it had to modify its stand to the point where it now evades the issue entirely. In the field of labor relations there is of course a vast difference in the ways in which the two Brotherhoods operate and in the degree of success they have achieved. The Canadian Brotherhood got into labor relations almost by chance. This phase of activity did not become of major importance until the organization expanded south- ward to take in the well functioning Kwakiutl P.C.N. F. A. This field has, however, become the most successful area of operations for the British Columbia Brotherhood, despite the fact that it cannot quite hold its own against the white union. In fact, since the grassroots organization is so weak the labor relations activity is a primary factor in holding the Brotherhood together. Local rivalry and memories of hereditary antagonisms would in all likelihood have shattered the organization long since, were it not for the common and mutual interest of the Indians in the fish price negotiations. At the same time the labor relations activity has acted to inhibit expansion of the organization into the interior primarily because of the great empha- sis put on economic problems of the coast people. The Alaska Native Brotherhood entered the labor relations field temporarily in an attempt to strengthen its position. Its failure was principally due to factional rivalry. The British Columbia Indians were barred from making the land question one of their principal issues as they undoubtedly would 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 have liked to do. In Alaska the Brotherhood had the opportunity of serving its membership by handling this problem as one of its major issues. Complete failure to come to any accord on the matter made it impossible for the organization to act. Factionism entered the picture somewhat, but conflicting loca] interests and attitudes which could not be solved made any sort of success impossible. If the Indian land claims are ever legally sanctioned it will be the result of the efforts of a few individuals and the final outcome, whatever it may be, will probably not please more than a few. To revert from these specific targets and goals to more fundamental policy concepts, in both organizations the implicit original aim was to detribalize and to deculturalize the Indian as rapidly as possible, mak- ing him into a “white man.” This was of course a solution for the Indian problem borrowed intact from early-day missionaries and ad- ministrators of Indian affairs in the United States and Canada. The theme was most clearly expressed in such original A. N. B. policies as those stressing ability to speak English as a requisite for membership, the emphasis on abandonment of ancient customs, and the numerous associations of Christian religious forms. This goal has not been even approximately obtained by either organization. In British Columbia a long series of factors obviously produced this outcome. Prominent among these factors is the administrative pattern of reser- vations, the granting of various sorts of special prerogatives (the aboriginal rights referring to hunting and fishing for domestic use, etc.), and the recently added health and welfare benefits made avail- able by a benevolent administration. These factors have operated in the same way that similar factors have affected modern Makah culture, as Colson (1953) has brilliantly demonstrated. It is clear that they have simultaneously made it worth while to continue to be an Indian, and have reinforced public consciousness, both Indian and white, of the racial and social differences between the two peoples. From a point of view of applied anthropology one could scarcely hope to devise a pro- gram more likely to succeed in creating or bolstering ethnocentrism. The existence of the Brotherhood itself, an important organization whose membership is based on racial ties, obviously contributes to this awareness of race. Other usages, particularly those regarded by the Indian as discriminatory, such as the inability to buy or possess liquor legally, the lack of the Dominion franchise, and other legal disadvantages contribute to the same feeling. In Alaska the case is markedly different. The Tlingit and Haida have never been reserva- tion Indians. No matter what abstruse interpretations legal minds may devise, the Indians themselves have never accepted the idea of be- ing ina wardship status. They have never admitted that they had any less rights than any other United States citizens. Unlike their Can- Drucker] NATIVE BROTHERHOODS ON NORTHWEST COAST 159 adian neighbors, they have never claimed any special rights. They obey the same game laws as white men or pay the same fines if they break them. They pay their taxes when they can, and do their military service like any other good citizen. A whole generation has grown up since the right to vote has been an issue. The question of land rights and titles exists, but white Alaskans also have difficulty, so they claim, in getting valid titles in a territory where 99 percent of the land is public domain. Consequently, there must be other forces at work which have defeated the goal of detribalizing the Tlingit and Haida. Several points come to mind. One of the first is that mentioned as a minor factor in connection with the British Columbia situation: the fact that the major organization, the Alaska Native Brotherhood it- self, is made up on racial lines. The political activity of the Brother- hood of course also has a racial slant. It stresses the idea that the Indians if they acted as a united group could wield political power in the Territory, and implicitly treated them as a special interest group. Another factor must have been the question of discrimination. Al- though the Indian through the Brotherhood organization found a solution for that problem, at least insofar as business dealings with whites go, discrimination must undoubtedly have accented race con- sciousness during the many years that it was practiced. And finally there is a factor deriving particularly from all the foregoing and par- ticularly as well from characteristic attitude patterns of aboriginal days. This is the typical fierce pride of the Northwest Coast Indian: his pride in himself as a man, and his pride in his clan, which was sometimes extended to his village or “tribe.” This attitude seems to have come to be extended to a racial pride in being an Indian as opposed to being a white man. Although among themselves local rivalries and conflicts still bulk large, in situations involving both whites and Indians the Indians resolutely support each other. In this pride in being an Indian there is also a strong element of antagonism for the whites. De Laguna (1947) has commented on the strong anti- white feeling prevalent at Klukwan. This attitude may be most marked among the Chilkat, but some degree may be found in every Indian community in southeast Alaska. The principal difference from village to village is a variation in the willingness to accept some individual whites as people with good intentions and no ulterior motives. The significant point seems to be that these various factors are primary in Alaska and secondary in British Columbia, but in both instances have contributed to the defeat of the goal of turning Indians into detribalized “white men.” The overall picture is that neither organization has actually at- tained many of the goals it has set for itself. In other words neither Brotherhood can properly claim a great deal of success. Considera- 160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 168 tion suggests that this is the result of the nature and concepts of the goals themselves, rather than the methods of attack on them. A noteworthy feature is that there have been few changes of defined policy since the organization’s early days. The major part of the principal issues of the Native Brotherhood of British Columbia are the same as those of the earlier Allied Tribes. William and Louis Paul gave new direction to the Alaska Native Brotherhood in the 1920’s but there have been few changes since, except for those that were forced on the organization from without, and these externally imposed problems such as that of the I. R. A., Alaskan land claims, etc., have not been handled efficaciously by the Brotherhood. The failure to see new problems was common to both Brotherhoods and represents a major defect in their operation. Mention has already been made of the serious need of the Tlingit villages for assistance in operating their schools and the fact that the Alaska Native Brother- hood has not taken up this topic. Many other similar modern-day problems could be mentioned. The tendency has been to take old slogans, such as “education for the Indian” and then harp on them without analyzing them in detail from the Indian point of view. Yet all this does not mean that the organizations have not contrib- uted to acculturation and cultural adjustment, although they may not have done so in just the precise ways they intended to. The organi- zations have done a great deal to better the Indian’s status by demon- strating to whites that the Indian can unite for political or economic purposes and can become a force to be reckoned with. They have thus made the Indian more important in his modern local world. The organizations have also given Indian leaders the opportunity to learn to deal with white officials and businessmen on even terms, and have made whites learn to respect the Indian’s ability at the con- ference table. Moreover by bolstering the Indian’s racial pride, though thereby defeating the aim of detribalizing him, it seems most probable that the Brotherhoods will in the long run contribute to his advancement as a self-respecting member of the Alaskan and British Columbian communities. This must be counted a definite gain as opposed to the other course of letting him drift off into becoming a dislocated segment of the population, of nonwhite physi- cal type, insecure and belonging nowhere, as would have happened eventually if the detribalizing goal of early administrators and mis- sionaries, and the early policies of the Brotherhoods themselves, had been achieved. BIBLIOGRAPHY ALASKA FISHERMAN. 1923-32. Vols. 1-9. Ketchikan; Juneau. [The magazine published as an official organ of the Alaska Native Brotherhood.] ARCTANDER, JOHN W. 1909. The Apostle of Alaska. New York and London. BANCROFT, HUBERT HOWE. 1886. History of Alaska, 1730-1885. Jn Bancroft’s Works, vol. 33. San Francisco. BritisH COLUMBIA. PROVINCIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1951. Second annualreport. Victoria. BritisH CoLUMBIA. RoyAL COMMISSION ON INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1916. Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the Province of British Co- lumbia Report. 4 vols. Victoria. (Cited as: Royal Comm.) BritisH COLUMBIA PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT. 1887. Report of conferences between the Provincial government and Indian delegates from Fort Simpson and Naas River, 3d and 8th February, 1887. Victoria. BurRrouGHs, JOHN ; Murr, JOHN ; and GRINNELL, GEORGE Bip. 1910. Narrative, glaciers, natives. Harriman Alaska Expedition, vol. 1, Smithsonian Institution. CANADA. DEPARTMENT OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION. INDIAN AFFAIRS BRANCH. 1952. Census of Indians in Canada, 1949. Ottawa. CANADA. DEPARTMENT OF MINES AND Resources. INDIAN AFFAIRS BRANCH. 1937. An act respecting Indians (“The Indian Act’). Ottawa. CANADA. Laws, STATUTES, ETC. 1950-51. An act respecting Indians (“The Indian Act”). Statutes of Canada, Acts of the 21st Parliament of Canada, 14 and 15 George VI, chap. 29, pp. 181-173. Ottawa. CANADA, PARLIAMENT. SPECIAL JOINT COMMITTEE ON CLAIMS OF ALLIED INDIAN TRIBES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 1927. Proceedings, reports, and the evidence. Ottawa. [Cited as: Joint Committee (1927)]. CHURCH MISSIONARY SOCIETY. 1869. The Gospel in the Far West. Metlahkatlah. Ten years’ work among the Tsimsheean Indians. Church Missionary House, Salisbury Square, London. ConHEN, Fetrx S. 1945. Handbook of Federal Indian law. Office of the Solicitor, U. 8S. Depart- ment of the Interior (4th printing). CoLiison, WILLIAM HENRY. 1916. In the wake of the war canoe. New York. CoLson, ELIZABETH. 1953. The Makah Indians .... Minneapolis, Minn. Crospy, THOMAS. 1914. Up and down the North Pacific coast by canoe and mission ship. Toronto. 161 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 Datiy ALASKA EMPIRE. 1952. Juneau, Alaska, October 17, 1952. DAvipson, GEORGE. 1901. Explanation of an Indian map... from the Chilkaht to the Yukon . .- Mazama Magazine, April. Des LAGUNA, FREDERICA. 1947. An anthropological survey of the northern Tlingit. (Mimeograph.) Dorsey, G. A. 1827. The geography of the Tsimshian Indians ... Amer. Antiquarian, vol. 19, pp. 276-282. [Names and populations of villages occupied at that time.] DRUCKER, PHILIP. : 1951. The northern and central Nootkan tribes. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 144. Emmons, GeEorcE T. 1916. The whale house of the Chilkat. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop. Pap., vol. 19, pp. 1-83. New York. GARFIELD, VIOLA EDMONDSON. 1951. The Tsimshian. Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Publ. No. 18. New York. GLADSTONE, PERCY. 1953. Native Indians and the fishing industry of British Columbia. Canadian Journ. Econ. and Polit. Sci., vol. 19, pp. 20-34. February. Toronto. See also JAMIESON, STUART, and GLADSTONE, PERCY. Gass, HENRY. 1890. Naval administration in Alaska. U.S. Naval Institute, Proc., vol. 16, pp. 1-19. Annapolis. GOSNELL, R. EDWARD. 1897. Year-book of British Columbia. Victoria. GRUENING, ERNEST. 1954. The state of Alaska. New York. HALiipay, W. M. 1935. Potlatch and totem. London and Toronto. HERSKOVITS, MELVILLE J. 1938. Acculturation: A study of culture contact. New York. HoNIGMAN, JOHN J. 1951. An episode in the administration of the Great Whale River Eskimo. Human Organization, vol. 10, No. 2, pp. 5-14. Howay, FREDERIC WILLIAM. 1930. A Yankee trader on the northwest coast, 1791-95. Washington Hist. Quart., vol. 21, pp. 83-94. 1942. The introduction of intoxicating liquors amongst the Indians of the northwest coast. Brit. Col. Hist. Quart., vol. 6, pp. 125-139. JACKSON, SHELDON. 1880. Alaska, and missions on the North Pacific Coast. New York. JAMIESON, STUART, and GLADSTONE, PERCY. 1950. Unionism in the fishing industry of British Columbia. Canadian Journ. Econ. and Polit. Sci., vol. 16, February, pp. 1-11; and vol. 16, May, pp. 146-171. Toronto. JoInT CoMMITTEE (1927). See Canada, Parliament, etc. JONES, LIVINGSTON FRENCH. 1914. A study of the Thlingits of Alaska. New York. KRAUSE, AUREL. 1885. Die Tlinkit-Indianer. Jena. Drucker] BIBLIOGRAPHY 163 LEMERT, EDWIN. 1954. Alcohol and the Northwest Coast Indians. University of California Publs. in Culture and Society, vol. 2, pp. 303-406. Berkeley and Los Angeles. LIsSIANSKY, U. 1814. A voyage round the world in the years 1803, 4, 5, and 6; ... in the Ship Neva. London. NICHOLS, JEANETTE P., 1924. Alaska: A history of its administration ... under the rule of the United States. Cleveland. Petrov, IVAN. 1900. Population, resources, etc., of Alaska (from U. S. Census Report of 1880). See United States Congress, Senate, Committee on Military Affairs. Pettitt, GrorGe A. 1950. The Quileute of La Push, 1775-1945. University of California Anthrop. Rec., vol. 14, No. 1. Berkeley. Pierce, WM. HENRY. 1933. From potlatch to pulpit. Vancouver, B. C. PooLe, FRANCIS. 1872. Queen Charlotte Islands: a narrative of discovery and adventure in the north Pacific. London. Royat Commission. See British Columbia. Royal Commission on Indian Affairs. Sapir, B. 1915. Sketch of the social organization of the Nass River Indians. Depart- ment of Mines, Mus. Bull. 19. Ottawa. SouwatTka, F. 1900. Military reconnaissance in Alaska, 1883. See United States Congress, Senate, Committee on Military Affairs. Scrpmore, ErizA RUHAMAH. 1885, Alaska: its southern coast and the Sitkan Archipelago. Boston. SENATE Doc. See United States Congress. Senate. SHANKEL, GEORGE BE. MS. The development of Indian policy in British Columbia. (Ph. D. thesis (History), University of Washington, 1945 (typescript) ). Simpson, Sir GEORGE. 1930. Narrative of a voyage to California ports in 1841-42. San Francisco. SWANTON, JOHN R. 1908. Social condition, beliefs, and linguistic relationship of the Tlingit Indians. 26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 1904-05, pp. 391-486. THOMPSON, FRANCES W. MS. Employment problems and economic status of the British Columbia Indians. (Master’s thesis, 1951, University of British Columbia.) UNITED STATES CONGRESS. SENATE. 1879. Report upon the Customs District, Public Service, and resources of Alaska Territory by William Gouverneur Morris, special agent of the Treasury Dept., 45th Congr., 3d sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 59. {Cited as: Senate Doc. 59, 1879.] UnitTep STATES Conaress. SENATE. 1882. Reports of Captain L. A. Beardslee, U. S. Navy, relative to affairs in Alaska, and the operations of the U. S. S. Jamestown under his command, while in the waters of that Territory. 47th Congr., 1st sess., Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 71. [Cited as: Senate Doc. 71, 1882.] 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 UNITED STATES CONGRESS. SENATE. 1913. The compiled laws of the Territory of Alaska, 1913. 62d Congr., 3d sess., Sen. Doc. No. 1093. [Cited as: Senate Doc. 1093, 1913.] UNITED STATES CONGRESS. SENATE. 1950. Russian administration of Alaska and the status of the natives (pre- pared by the Chief of the Foreign Law Section, Law Library, Library of Congress), 81st Congr., 2d Sess., Sen. Doc. No. 152 [Cited as: Senate Doc. 152, 1950.] UNITED States CONGRESS. SENATE. COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1939. Metlakahtla Indians, Alaska. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Indian Affairs, U. S. 74th Congr., 2d sess., 1934, part 35. UnitTep STATES CONGRESS. SENATE. COMMITTEE ON MILITARY AFFAIRS. 1900. Compilation of narratives of explorations in Alaska (by the U. S. Army). [Cited as: U. S. Senate, Compilation, 1900]. UnItTED States NAvy DEPARTMENT. 1879-84. Commanders’ Letters (original reports of U. S. naval commanders to the Secretary of the Navy, bound in volumes according to date, in U. S. Naval Archives section of National Archives). 1880. Annual Report of the Secretary of the Navy for the year ending June 30, 1880. : U. S. SENATE, CoMPILATION, 1900. See United States Congress. Senate. Com- mittee on Military Affairs. WELLCOME, Sir Henry S. 1887. The story of Metlakahtla. 2d ed. New York and London. APPENDIX 1 ALASKA NATIVE BROTHERHOOD CONSTITUTIONS OF GRAND AND SUBORDINATE CAMPS 1917-1918 SITKA, ALASKA? GRAND CAMP CONSTITUTION ARTICLE I. Purpose The purpose of this organization shall be to assist and encourage the Native in his advancement from his native state to his place among the cultivated races of the world, to oppose, discourage, and overcome the narrow injustice of race prejudice, and to aid in the development of the Territory of Alaska, and in making it worthy of a place among the States of North America. ARTICLE I. Eligibility Those eligible to membership shall be the English speaking members of the Native residents of the Territory of Alaska. ARTICLE mI. The Grand Camp The Grand Camp shall be composed of the officers of the Grand Camp, the Chairmen of the Subordinate Camps, the past Grand Presidents, the past Chairmen of the Subordinate Camps, and three delegates from each Subordinate Camp. ARTICLE Iv. Officers The officers of the Grand Camp shall be a Grand President, a Grand Vice President, Grand Secretary, Assistant Grand Secretary, Grand Treasurer, Grand Sergeant at Arms, and Grand Council with as many members as there are Subordinate Camps. ARTICLE VY. Duties of Officers Seotrion 1. The duty of the Grand President shall be to preside at the Sessions of the Grand Camp and to exercise a general supervision of the work of the Grand Officers. Section 2. The duty of the Grand Vice President shall be to perform the duties of the Grand President in his disability or at his request. Section 3. It shall be the duty of the Grand Secretary to keep the records of the Grand Camp and to conduct such correspondence as he shall be directed to perform by the Grand President of the Grand Camp. 1 Copied from printed copy ; original edition, 1st Constitution. 412730—58——12 165 166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 Section 4. It shall be the duty of the Assistant Grand Secretary to perform such duties as may be assigned to him by the Grand Secretary. Section 5. The Grand Treasurer shall keep the funds of the Grand Camp and shall file a report for the Grand Camp with the Grand Secretary at least 2 weeks before each session of the Grand Camp. Section 6. It shall be the duty of the Sergeant at Arms to perform such aities as may be assigned to him by the Grand Camp, the Grand President, or the Grand Council. Section 7. The authority of the Grand Camp shall be vested in the Grand Council between the sessions of that body. Section 8. The Grand Officers shall serve for 1 year and shall be elected annually at the sessions of the Grand Camp except the Assistant Grand Secre- tary who shall be appointed by the Grand Secretary and shall serve at his pleasure. ARTICLE VI. Conventions The annual convention shall be held on the second Monday in November at a place designated by the preceding annual convention. ARTICLE VII. Revenues The admission fee shail be $10, of which $1 shall be sent to the Grand Secre- tary to be transmitted to the Grand Treasurer for the use of the Grand Camp. The membership dues shall be 50 cents per month, half of which shall be sent to the Grand Secretary to be transmitted to the Grand Treasurer for the use of the Grand Camp. ARTICLE vir. Committees The following shall be the standing committees of the Grand Camp, each of three members, Auditing and Finance; Constitution; Ritual; Benefits, Citizen- ship for Natives. ARTICLE Ix. Charters Twelve applicants shall be necessary to secure a charter for a subordinate camp. ARTICLE x. Bonds The Grand Treasurer and the Subordinate Treasurers shall give bond in the ARTICLE xI. Amendments This constitution may be amended at any annual meeting of the Grand Camp by a majority vote of the members present, provided that the proposed amend- ments are submitted to the subordinate camp at least thirty (30) days prior to the meeting of the convention of the Grand Camp. [Note here states: “Continued on page eight,’ which contains the Bylaws] SUBORDINATE CAMP CONSTITUTION ALASKA NATIVE BROTHERHOOD Section 1. This Camp shall be known as ____-____-_-__ (Name of Town) Subordinate Camp, Alaska Native Brotherhood. SEcTION 2, This Camp is subordinate to the Grand Camp of the Alaska Native Brotherhood, and all laws made by it are binding on this camp. Drucker] APPENDIX 167 Section 8. No applicant shall be admitted to membership except at a regular meeting by a majority vote, and then only when the application has been received at a previous meeting. Secrion 4. Any member guilty of misconduct may be expelled by a majority vote of the members. If the offense takes place in a meeting of the camp the member may be suspended or expelled at the same meeting where the offense occurs, but if the offense is committed otherwise, the member shall be given a trial after a week’s notice. A member expelled cannot again become a member except by unanimous consent. Section 5. The officers of this Camp shall be Chairman, Vice Chairman, Corresponding Secretary, Recording Secretary, Financial Secretary, Treasurer, and a Camp Council composed of three members. Section 6. It shall be the duty of the chairman to preside at all meetings. He shall be ex officio member of all committees. The Vice Chairman shall perform the duties of the Chairman in his absence or disability. The Corre- sponding Secretary shall conduct the correspondence of the Camp under its direction; the recording secretary shall keep the minutes of the meeting; financial secretary shall receive the dues of the members, giving his receipt therefor. He shall turn all moneys over to the treasurer who shall keep the accounts of the members of the Camp. The financial secretary and the treasurer shall make annual reports at the first meeting in November of each year. The financial secretary shall at each meeting make a written report of all moneys received at that meeting. The council shall have the general care and custody of the property of the Camp, and shall have all the powers of the Camp requiring immediate attention when the camp is not in session. All officers shall serve for 1 year and until their successors are elected. The annual election shall be held at the first regular meeting after the new year. Section 7. The admission fee shall be ten dollars ($10.00), and the annual dues shall be six dollars ($6.00) payable quarterly. Any member failing to pay his dues for the year by the first regular meeting in November shall stand suspended and shall be deprived of all rights of membership while so suspended. He shall be reinstated on the receipt of his dues and by a majority vote of the members present at any regular meeting. Section 8. Six members in good standing shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business at any regular meeting. Section 9. The Subordinate Camp Constitution shall not be amended except by a majority vote of the Grand Camp. Bylaws may be adopted not inconsistent herewith, if the same are approved by the Grand President and Grand Secretary. Section 10. ORDER OF BUSINESS: 1. Meeting called to order by chairman. 2. Reading of minutes of previous meeting. 8. Collection of dues (five minute recess.) 4. Reading of communications and bills. 5. Unfinished business. 6. Reports of Committees. 7. New Business. 8. For the good of the Camp. Section 11. The following standing committees composed of three members each shall be elected at the annual meeting each year: Finance and Auditing Committee whose duty shall be to audit the reports of the officers and recom- mend plans for the raising of money, and the care of the Camp funds; a Lecture Committee who shall endeavor to secure lectures at intervals on various 168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 subjects; a Benefit Committee who shall look after the interests of all members as may be required of the Camp; Citizenship Committee who shall endeavor to get as many members to secure certificates allowing them to vote. BY-LAWS ALASKA NATIVE BROTHERHOOD (1) Robert’s Rules of Order shall be the authority on parliamentary law in both the grand and the subordinate camps. COMMITTEE REPORTS (2) All standing committees shall make their reports at the annual conven- tion of the Grand Camp. Written and verbal reports from each subordinate camp shall be made to the Grand Camp at each annual convention. (3) ORDER OF BUSINESS . Meeting shall be called to order by Grand President. . Invocation. . Roll call. . Reading of minutes of the previous meetings or convention. . Election of Officers for ensuing year. . Unfinished business. . Reports of Committees. New business. . Good of Grand and Subordinate Camps. . All dues shall be collected. — APPENDIX 2 CONSTITUTION ALASKA NATIVE BROTHERHOOD AND SISTERHOOD 1948 CONSTITUTION ALASKA NATIVE BROTHERHOOD GRAND CAMP ARTICLE I. Purpose The purpose of this organization shall be to assist and encourage the Native in his advancement from his Native state to his place among the cultivated races of the world, to oppose, to discourage, and to overcome the narrow injustice of race prejudice, to commemorate the fine qualities of the Native races of North America, to preserve their history, lore, art, and virtues, to cultivate the moral- ity, education, commerce, and civil government of Alaska, to improve individual and municipal health and laboring conditions, and to create a true respect in Natives and in other persons with whom they deal for the letter and spirit of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and laws of the United States. ARTICLE II. Eligibility Those eligible for full membership shall be the descendants of the aboriginal races of North America. Persons not such descendants but married into such races are eligible for full membership and all its rights and duties except that of holding a Grand Office. ARTICLE III. The Grand Camp The Grand Camp will be composed of the Executive Committee, the Grand Officers of the ALASKA NATIVE BrRoTHERHOOD and the Grand Officers of the ALASKA NATIVE SISTERHOOD, the Chairmen of each subordinate camp and two specially elected delegates (three specially elected delegates if the chairman does not attend convention), from the ALASKA NATIVE BROTHERHOOD and also from the ALrasKa Native SisterHOooD. The Grand Camp shall have power to formu- late policies for the year following its meeting within this Constitution, and to 169 170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 appropriate money for the execution of such policies. No member of the Grand Camp absent from the Convention shall be permitted to vote. ARTICLE IV. Officers The Officers of the Grand Camp shall be a President, a First and other Vice’ Presidents, a Secretary, an Assistant Secretary without vote to be appointed by the Secretary, a Treasurer, a Sergeant at Arms, and the Past Grand Presidents. ARTICLE V. Duty of Officers Sec. 1. The Grand President shall preside at the sessions of the Convention, at Executive Committee meetings, and shall exercise a general supervision over the Grand Officers, and shall be ex officio a member of all committees. Src. 2. The Vice Grand President shall perform the duties of the Grand Presi- dent in his absence, his disability or at his special request shall perform duties as district organizer. The number of vice presidents shall be determined at each convention. Sec. 3. The Secretary shall keep the records of the Grand Camp, its Conven- tions, and Executive Committee meetings, and conduct all necessary corre- spondence of those bodies. He may appoint one or more assistants and assign them secretarial duties. He shall remind the subordinate camps of their obli- gations to the Grand Camp. In case of his absence or disability, the Grand President may appoint an Acting Secretary. Sec. 4. The Treasurer shall keep the funds of the Grand Camp and shall file a report with the Secretary at each convention or at the direction of the President. He shall keep the collection and expenditure of funds up to date to carry out the directions of the Convention and Executive Committee and shall make monthly reports to each subordinate camp and members of the Executive Committee with the assistance of the Secretary. Src. 5. The Sergeant at Arms shall perform such duties as are usual to his office or by direction of the Grand President. The Assistant Sergeant at Arms shall be the person who is sergeant at arms at the local camp at which the convention meets. Sec. 6. The Executive Committee shall consist of all Past Grand Presidents, and also of all the other Grand Officers of the Alaska Native Brotherhood and the Grand President of the Sisterhood duly elected for the ensuing year serving as members of the Committee and to remain as members until their successors qualify. It shall act for the Grand Camp when the convention is not in session, but shall have no power to set aside the expressed will of the Convention, and at all times shall, when the convention is not in session, be governed by the resolutions and motions passed by the convention and such other instructions as they may receive from the Grand Camp: Provided, however, That the committee shall have power to act for the best interests of the Alaska Native Brotherhood in any clear emergency. The Grand President shall be chairman. A quorum of the Committee to do business shall be five of its members. After reasonable notice, the Committee shall meet in person every three months or oftener; but in case a quorum cannot be secured, the entire committee may meet by letter or telegraphic communication. : Sec. 7. The Grand Officers shall serve for one year and shall be elected annu- ally at each convention; but shall hold office until their successors are duly elected and qualified, except that assistant secretaries shall serve at the pleasure of the Grand Secretary. In case the convention does not meet, the Executive Committee at a regular meeting thereof may elect successors. Sec. 8. The Grand President and Grand Vice President, of the ANS shall be elected in the same manner and time as the Executive Officers of the ANB. Drucker] APPENDIX 171 ARTICLE VI. Conventions The annua! convention shall be held on the second Monday in November or at such other time and place as may be determined by the preceding annual convention. The convention year shall end on the following Saturday. The year of each local camp shall end in October preceding the Convention. ARTICLE ViI. Dues ; Supporting the Grand Camp Sec. 1. The annual dues shall be not less than $6.00 and a $4.00 increase is made in the bargaining agency dues, per year, of which 50% shall be considered Grand Camp dues and shall be forwarded to the Grand Treasurer without delay. All dues shall be payable in advance on or before July 1. Members may be exempt from payment of dues while receiving a Territorial pension. The only valid evidence of membership shall be a receipt in the form prescribed by the Grand Treasurer. No local camp shall be in good standing while its financial report or its payment of Grand Camp dues is delinquent after the second day of the Convention. Src. 2. No person shall be allowed under any condition whatever to take part in any meeting of any subordinate camp or Grand Camp except under the title “For the Good of the Order’’; nor shall any member receive any benefits from the treasury for any disability arising during a delinquent period; nor shall any person be elected to office while delinquent. If any officer becomes delinquent, his office shall be declared vacant by the Grand President on notice or by the subordinate camp itself if the point of order is raised. No receipt or other evidence of membership shall be issued until actual cash in full has been received, or valid assignment (order on account) made by member and accepted by employer of good financial responsibility. Annually on July 1, the financial secretary, or business agents at isolated canneries, shall forward from his camp to the Grand Secretary a complete list of his camp’s member- ship showing members in good standing, delinquent, transferred, reinstated, or died. Sec. 8. Any member delinquent for more than 2 years and not participating in any meetings, may be reinstated upon offering his or her application in writing for reinstatement together with a sum equal to two past years dues. Upon the affirmative vote of the subordinate camp, the delinquent member shall be considered in good standing. Sec. 4. No person shall be a member of more than one camp at a time, but members may transfer to another camp without additional charge. ARTICLE Vill. Committees The following shall be the standing committees of the Grand Camp to be appointed by the Committee on Committees: Auditing and Finance; Consti- tution; Ritual and Grand Ball; Benefits and Gifts; Citizenship; and Health and Education. The Committee on Committees, the Committee on Credentials, special committees, and the chairmen of the Ways and Means Committee, and the Fisheries Committee shall be appointed by the Grand President. ARTICLE Ix. Charters Twelve applicants shall be necessary to secure a charter for a subordinate camp of the ALASKA NATIVE BROTHERHOOD; and a number equal to a quorum shall be necessary to retain such charter. When a petition is presented and the proper dues tendered, the Grand Secretary shall issue a charter upon securing the signature of the Grand President. fig’ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 168 ARTICLE x. Bonds of Treasurer; Certain Loans Forbidden Seo. 1. The Grand Treasurer shall give satisfactory bond in a sum to be determined by the Executive Committee, the premium of which shall be paid by the Grand Treasury. SEc. 2. The subordinate camps shall determine the matter of bonds for their. local treasurers, first whether to require a bond; second the amount. Sec. 3. No local camp, or the Grand Camp or any officer of either, shall make any loan of money or property under any circumstances whatsoever, upon penalty of the treasurer becoming personally liable immediately. But a local Camp may loan money or other property to the Grand Camp. ARTICLE xI. When Office may be Declared Vacant Whenever any officer shall absent himself or herself from four consecutive meetings of the subordinate camp without good cause, his office shall be declared vacant by the Chairman, or on a point of order raised by any qualified member. The subordinate camp shail then proceed to fill the office by election the same as at the annual election. The new officer shall then secure all books, money and other property from the vacating officer. ‘Good cause” shall be determined by the ballot of the camp. ‘When the question is put, it shall be in this form, “Resolved that ... has been absent from four consecutive meetings without good cause.” The fact of such four consecutive absences shall be determined from the record of attendance.