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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 176
RIVER BASIN SURVEYS PAPERS
Frank H. H. Roserts, Jr., Editor
Inter-Agency Archeological Salvage Program
NUMBERS 15-20
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1960
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Bureat or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D.C., March 29, 1989.
Sir: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts, en-
titled “Historic Sites Archeology on the Upper Missouri,” by Merrill
J. Mattes; “Historic Sites Archeology in the Fort Randall Reservoir,
South Dakota,” by John E. Mills; “The Excavation and Investigation
of Fort Lookout Trading Post II (39L.M57) in the Fort Randall
Reservoir, South Dakota,” by Carl F. Miller; “Fort Pierre IL
(39ST217), a Historic Trading Post in the Oahe Dam Area, South
Dakota,” by G. Hubert Smith; “Archeological Investigations at the
Site of Fort Stevenson (832ML1), Garrison Reservoir, North Dakota,”
by G. Hubert Smith (Introduction by Robert L. Stephenson and an
appendix by Carlyle S. Smith) ; “The Archeology of a Small Trading
Post (Kipp’s Post, 32MN1) in the Garrison Reservoir, North
Dakota,” by Alan R. Woolworth and W. Raymond Wood, and to
recommend that they be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of
American Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
Frank H. H. Rozerts, Jr.,
Director.
Dr. Lzonarp CARMICHAEL,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.
It
DiC»
EXPLANATION OF THE INTER-AGENCY
ARCHEOLOGICAL SALVAGE PROGRAM
The Inter-Agency Archeological Salvage Program is a cooperative
plan of the Smithsonian Institution; the National Park Service and
the Bureau of Reclamation, Department of the Interior; and the
Corps of Engineers, Department of the Army. It was formulated,
through a series of interbureau agreements, for the purpose of re-
covering archeological and paleontological remains which would
otherwise be lost as a result of the numerous projects for flood con-
trol, irrigation, hydroelectric power, and navigation improvements
in the river basins of the United States. Various State and local
agencies have assisted in the work. To carry out its part of the joint
undertaking, the Smithsonian Institution organized the River Basin
Surveys as a unit of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The Na-
tional Park Service has served as liaison between the various agencies
and has provided the Smithsonian Institution with all the necessary
information pertaining to the location of proposed dams and other
construction and their priorities. It has also had responsibility for
budgeting costs of the program, funds for which are provided in the
annual Department of the Interior appropriations. The operations
of the River Basin Surveys, Smithsonian Institution, have been sup-
ported by funds transferred to it from the National Park Service.
Through agreements with the National Park Service, money has also
been made available to State and loca] agencies to supplement their
own resources and aid them in their contributions to the program.
The River Basin Surveys Papers, of which this is the fifth
bulletin, are issued under the scientific editorship of Frank
H. H. Roberts, Jr., director of the Bureau of American
Ethnology.
institution JAN 2 5 1961
PUBLISHER’S NOTE
A separate edition is published of each paper in the Series entitled “River
Basin Surveys Papers.” Available copies of Papers 1-20 can be had upon
request to the Publications Office, Smithsonian Institution, Washington 25, D.C.
RIveR BASIN SURVEYS PAPERS PUBLISHED PREVIOUSLY
No. 1. Prehistory and the Missouri Valley Development Program: Summary
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
20!
remit:
. 18.
ks
Report on the Missouri River Basin Archeological Survey in 1948, by
Waldo R. Wedel. Bull. 154, pp. xv—-xviii, 1-59, pls. 1-12, fig. 1. 1953.
. Prehistory and the Missouri Valley Development Program: Summary
Report on the Missouri River Basin Archeological Survey in 1949, by
Waldo R. Wedel. Bull. 154, pp. 61-101, pls. 138-15. 1953.
. The Woodruff Ossuary, a Prehistoric Burial Site in Phillips County,
Kansas, by Marvin F. Kivett. Bull. 154, pp. 103-141, pls. 16-28, figs.
2-3. 1953.
. The Addicks Dam Site:
I. An Archeological Survey of the Addicks Dam Basin, Southeast
Texas, by Joe Ben Wheat. Bull. 154, pp. 143-252, pls. 29-47,
figs. 4-23. 1958.
II. Indian Skeletal Remains from the Doering and Kobs Sites, Addick
Reservoir, Texas, by Marshall T. Newman. Bull. 154, pp. 253-
266, figs. 24-28. 1953.
. The Hodges Site:
I. Two Rock Shelters near Tucumcari, New Mexico, by Herbert W.
Dick. Bull. 154, pp. 267-284, pls. 48-54, figs. 29-30. 1953.
II. Geology of the Hodges Site, Quay County, New Mexico, by Sheldon
Judson. Bull. 154, pp. 285-302, figs. 31-35. 1953.
. The Rembert Mounds, Elbert County, Georgia, by Joseph R. Caldwell.
Bull. 154, pp. 303-320, pls. 55-56, figs. 836-40. 1953.
. Archeological Investigations in the Oahe Dam Area, South Dakota.
1950-51, by Donald J. Lehmer. Bull. 158, 190 pp., 22 pls., 56 figs.,
6 maps. 1954.
. Excavations in the McNary Reservoir Basin near Umatilla, Oregon, by
Douglas Osborne. With appendixes by Marshall T. Newman, Arthur
Woodward, W. J. Kroll, and B. H. McLeod. Bull. 166, 250 pp., 40 pls.,
6 figs., 19 maps. 1957.
. Archeological Investigations in the Heart Butte Reservoir Area, North
Dakota, by Paul L. Cooper. Bull. 169, pp. 1-40, pls. 1-12, figs. 1-2.
1958.
Archeological Investigations at the Tuttle Creek Dam, Kansas, by Rob-
ert B. Cumming, Jr. Bull. 169, pp. 41-78, pls. 13-24. 1958.
The Spain Site (89LM301), a Winter Village in Fort Randall Reservoir,
South Dakota, by Carlyle S. Smith and Roger T. Grange, Jr. Bull.
169, pp. 79-128, pls. 25-36, figs. 3-4. 1958.
. The Wilbanks Site (9CK—5), Georgia, by William H. Sears. Bull. 169,
pls. 37-45, figs. 5-9. 1958.
Historic Sites in and around the Jim Woodruff Reservoir, Florida-
Georgia, by Mark F. Boyd. Bull. 169, pp. 195-314, pls. 46-55, figs. 10-
11. 1958.
Six Sites near the Chattahoochee River in the Jim Woodruff Reservoir
Area, Florida, by Ripley Bullen. Bull. 169, pp. 315-357, pls. 56-73,
figs. 12-13. 1958.
Ivy
FOREWORD
In the present volume of River Basin Surveys papers there are
six reports pertaining to a phase of the Inter-Agency Archeological
Salvage Program which thus far has not been given as much publicity
as some of the other activities. The articles deal with a series of
historic sites investigations which were carried on in the Fort Randall
and Garrison Reservoir areas and in the spillway area below the Oahe
Dam. The field investigations were based on extensive documentary
studies which were made by Merrill J. Mattes and Ray H. Mattison,
historians on the staff of the Region Two office of the National Park
Service at Omaha, Nebr. Mr. Mattes prepared a detailed report con-
cerning the historic sites located in the Fort Randall Reservoir area
while Mr. Mattison compiled the necessary data for the Oahe and
Garrison Reservoirs. In each case extensive studies were made on
the ground for the purpose of locating and identifying as far as
possible the various forts and trading posts mentioned in the Journals
of the early explorers and the records of the various fur-trading com-
panies which operated along that portion of the Missouri River.
From the evidence thus obtained Mr. Mattes was able to recommend
specific sites for excavation. In some cases there was no question
about the identity of the site involved, but in others excavations were
required to determine whether or not a correct identification had been
made or if perchance the location was that of some other post.
The general background for the historic sites studies and the salvage
operations required is discussed by Mr. Mattes in his paper, “Historic
Sites Archeology on the Upper Missouri.” He provides considerable
information which is not given in the various detailed site reports
that constitute the following papers. Since Mr. Mattes wrote the
article, the Fort Randall, Oahe, and Garrison Dams have been closed.
The Fort Randall closure was in the summer of 1953 and that of the
Garrison in the summer of 1954. Virtually all the sites mentioned
in those two areas have long since gone under water. The Oahe Dam
was closed in the summer of 1958 and, although a number of important
sites near the lower end of the reservoir were inundated during the
fall and winter months of 1958-59, it will still be possible to investi-
gate others farther upstream as late as the summer of 1961. Also,
since Mr. Mattes’ paper was written the Big Bend Reservoir, which will
lie between the upper reaches of the Fort Randall Reservoir and the
Oahe Dam, has been activated and a series of new problems compar-
v
VI FOREWORD
able to those discussed for the other three reservoirs will need to be
solved. While the specific situation has changed, the overall picture
is still as critical at this time as it was when the Mattes paper was
prepared.
The excavation of sites was for the most part carried on by parties
from the Missouri Basin Project of the River Basin Surveys, and
four of the papers are by members of the River Basin Surveys staff.
During the course of the work Mr. Mattes and Mr. Mattison were
extremely helpful in assisting party leaders to locate their sites and
in interpreting the materials from them. The investigations in the
Fort Randall area were mainly conducted by John E. Mills. The
preliminary reconnaissance and testing of sites was, however, done
by Thomas R. Garth, and Dr. Mills has included the information
gathered by Garth in his paper, “Historic Sites Archeology in the
Fort Randall Reservoir, South Dakota.” One of the Fort Randall
sites, however, was excavated by Carl F. Miller, and his report on the
Fort Lookout Trading Post II incorporates the notes made by Mr.
Garth when he did some digging there during the preceding field
season.
As indicated above, no historic site digging has yet been done in
the Oahe Reservoir basin proper. The excavations by G. Hubert
Smith at Fort Pierre II were in an area some distance below the dam,
but were of a salvage nature in that the construction of the spillway
for the dam did involve the remains of that historic trading post.
The studies at Fort Pierre II as reported by Mr. Smith were the latest
in the series.
In the Garrison Reservoir area Mr. Smith initiated the historic
sites excavations by his work at the site of Fort Stevenson. His de-
tailed account of the activities there constitutes Paper No. 19 of the
present volume. Since those investigations were the first exten-
sive ones in the historic sites program and his report was the
first comprehensive one of that nature to be completed, the Fort Ste-
venson paper perhaps should have followed immediately after Mr.
Mattes’ article. However, it seemed better to group the papers by
reservoir area, proceeding northward along the river, rather than by
the chronological order of the excavations, and that is the reason for
the sequence as printed in this bulletin. The work at the small trad-
ing post that has been identified as Kipp’s Post was done by Alan R.
Woolworth and W. Raymond Wood under an agreement between the
National Park Service and the State Historical Society of North Da-
kota. The site of the post had previously been located and identified
by G. Hubert Smith, but it was not possible for Mr. Smith to conduct
excavations there. Consequently the arrangements were made
whereby Mr. Woolworth and Mr. Wood carried on that work. Mr.
Smith and Mr. Woolworth previously cooperated in investigations at
FOREWORD VII
Fort Berthold, also in the Garrison basin, where there was an ex-
tremely interesting site consisting of the remains of Fort Berthold I,
Fort Berthold I, and the Arikara-Hidatsa-Mandan village called
Like-a-Fishhook. Part of the work at that location was done under
agreements between the National Park Service and the State Historical
Society of North Dakota, and some of it was carried on by Mr. Smith
as a River Basin Project. Because the results obtained are so ex-
tensive and it has seemed advisable to combine both the historic White
and historic Indian stories, the overall paper will be of such size
as to warrant publication in a separate bulletin. For that reason the
Fort Berthold results are not included in the present series.
Some excavations have been made in other historic sites in the
Missouri Basin, but because their locations are on tributary streams
and in other reservoir areas, they are not being reported upon in the
present publication, which is primarily concerned with the Upper
Missouri. At a later date a number of additional papers on historic
sites will be issued in a subsequent bulletin.
Frank H. H. Roserts, Jr.
Director, River Basin Surveys.
mainow
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CONTENTS
Horeword, byl rank Eb. -E. Roberts, dro. -.2.22-<5s52+cosscncesecee
No. 15. Historic sites archeology on the Upper Missouri, by Merrill J.
1h LO SYLAR Mee py OE ere
No. 16. Historic sites archeology in the Fort Randall Reservoir, South
Dakovabycd olny Mills Se nae oe ee a eee ee Soe er
No. 17. The excavation and investigation of Fort Lookout Trading Post II
(39LM57) in the Fort Randall Reservoir, South Dakota, by Carl F.
UE pars ea am gD ee Re aa 9 a
No. 18. Fort Pierre II (89ST217), a historic trading post in the Oahe Dam
Srey Soutn akota,.by G. dubert smithess: S222. 55- 2552s Seee ==
No. 19. Archeological investigations at the site of Fort Stevenson (82ML1),
Garrison Reservoir, North Dakota, by G. Hubert Smith. (Introduction
by Robert L. Stephenson and an appendix by Carlyle 8. Smith)_-----_-
No. 20. The archeology of a small trading post (Kipp’s Post, 32MN1)
in the Garrison Reservoir, North Dakota, by Alan R. Woolworth
anda; haymond WO0dl 5 225.09 eoe eee seen soe ok cone eces see
Appendix. List of reports, articles, and notes relating to the salvage pro-
Sramopubushed im Other series 22-. s-- 2-22 ee eee eee ease
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 176
River Basin Surveys Papers, No. 15
Historic Sites Archeology on the Upper Missouri
By MERRILL J. MATTES
Introduction___
CONTENTS
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Literature cited
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HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY ON THE UPPER
MISSOURI*
By Merrmu J. Marrss?
INTRODUCTION
The Flood Control Act of 1944 laid the groundwork for a compre-
hensive water-control plan for the Missouri River Basin, involving the
survey of over 100 potential reservoir sites, and the early creation of
several of these reservoirs by the Corps of Engineers and the Bureau
of Reclamation. The construction of large dams, inundating extensive
river valleys, posed a grave threat to important historical and archeo-
logical values quickly recognized by two other Government agencies
which have primary responsibilities in these fields—the National
Park Service of the United States Department of the Interior, and the
Smithsonian Institution. Under the aggressive leadership of chief
historian R. F. Lee and assistant chief historian Herbert E. Kahler,
of the National Park Service, and Dr. Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr., of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, a program was launched for the sur-
vey and salvage of archeological sites threatened or doomed by the
prospect of inundation (Corbett, 1949; Johnson, 1951; Mattes, 1947;
Roberts, 1952).
Conceived in 1945, the program was actually implemented in 1946
when a field office of the Smithsonian Institution was set up at the
Laboratory of Anthropology of the University of Nebraska at Lincoln,
and the positions of historian and liaison archeologist were set up by
the National Park Service at its Region Two Office in Omaha (Wedel,
1947). Field surveys were started in 1946, while comprehensive exca-
vation projects were started in 1949 (Wedel, 1949). From the stand-
points of available funds and the intensity of fieldwork, the program
reached its climax in the summers of 1951 and 1952 when 16 separate
survey or excavation parties were operating (B.A.E. Ann. Reps.).
A drastic reduction in funds beginning in the fiscal year 1953 resulted
in asharply curtailed program, there being only six field parties during
that summer. In 1954 the program continued on this limited basis
(U.S. Dept. Int., 1952 a). The need for continuing intensive salvage
1 Submitted August 1954.
2 Regional Historian, National Park Service, Region Two.
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
has not abated, particularly in the huge Fort Randall, Garrison, and
Oahe Reservoir areas on the “main stem” of the Missouri River in the
Dakotas; but the prospects now are that many important sites will be
unsurveyed, certainly unexcavated, because of the inadequacy of funds
(W.S. Dept. Int:,, 1953)).2
The primary concern has been the excavation of prehistoric Indian
sites, and most of the funds have gone for this purpose because it has
been realized that the only primary sources of information that exist
in the field of prehistory lie underground. However, National Park
Service officials have been conscious of the need, also, to conduct
researches to ascertain what historic sites were threatened by the water-
development program, to locate such sites as precisely as possible by
analysis of documentary records and field surface reconnaissance, and
to recover valuable historical data by excavation.
The principle of utilizing the technique of archeology as a research
weapon in the field of history, while long recognized in Europe, has not
received wide acceptance in the United States until the past two
decades. Beginning in the WPA project days of the 1930’s, there has
been an increasing number of sites, significant in some phase of early
American history, which have been excavated with profitable, some-
times spectacular, results. There has also developed a small but
respected number of archeologists who, becoming fascinated by the
possibilities in this field, have made a specialty of “historic sites
archeology.” The National Park Service, several of the State histori-
cal societies, and certain private foundations have been leaders in this
field (Anon., 1951 and 19538; Harrington, 1952).
Since a historic site by its very definition presumes some preknow]-
edge of underground data, the need for excavating such a site must
be carefully assessed beforehand, for such a project may involve a
sizable outlay of funds (Harrington, 1953). Obviously, costly exca-
vation of a site concerning which practically all architectural and
cultural details are already known would not be justified. Archeo-
logical excavation of a historic site is justified primarily to fill impor-
tant gaps in documentary or archival research. It may yield struc-
tural evidence that has been partly or entirely lacking, or correct
the misinformation that contemporary historians and diarists some-
3 There was an even greater reduction in funds and fieldwork in the fiscal year 1954-55.
Beginning in 1955-56 and continuing through 1957-58, marked increases in appropriations
made possible an expansion of the investigations. In 1955-56 there were 8 field parties
from the River Basin Surveys, Smithsonian Institution, and 6 parties from State institu-
tions working under agreements with the National Park Service. During 1956-57 the
Smithsonian sent out 16 parties, while cooperating institutions were represented by 9
parties. In 1957-58 there were 19 Smithsonian parties and 11 from cooperating institu-
tions working in the Missouri Basin. The situation again took a downward trend in
1958-59 and it was necessary to reduce the Smithsonian parties to 10 and those of the
cooperating institutions to 6. Conditions continue to be as critical as described by Mr.
Mattes and are further complicated by the activation of the Big Bend Reservoir project
between Fort Randall and Oahe.— EDITOR.
Riv. Bas. Sur.
Pap. No. 15] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOQLOGY—MATTES 7
times make. A second and oftentimes quite important justification
for this type of project is the collection of historical objects that help
to throw light on living conditions of the period and place, or that
may illuminate specific problems. Museums, deluged with random
items of dubious authenticity, appreciate receiving collections that
have been scientifically assembled by excavation, the plans guided
and the results interpreted by qualified technicians.
THE MISSOURI BASIN
The Missouri Basin, occupying approximately one-sixth of the land
surface of the continental United States but comprising less than one-
twentieth of the population, is the heartland of the traditional fron-
tier American West. The seemingly interminable Great Plains, ris-
ing imperceptibly to the sudden crescendo of the Rocky Mountains,
was the last major region in the United States to settle down to a
peaceful domestic routine. Long after territories east of the Mis-
sissippi had been well populated and methodically “civilized,” the
wild empire of the buffalo, the Sioux Indian, and the bighorn sheep
attracted only the more rugged citizens—traders, trappers, soldiers,
freighters, prospectors, missionaries, and Indian fighters—typical
frontiersmen all (Briggs, 1950).
There is, of course, no official date for the end of the “trans-Missis-
sippi frontier,” but the carnage at Wounded Knee Creek, in late De-
cember 1890, the last important clash between red man and white on
the American continent, makes an excellent milestone (Mooney, 1896).
It is more difficult to determine when this frontier began. Presum-
ably this was whenever the first white man reached its easternmost
limits. True, Lewis and Clark were the first recorded white men to
ascend the Missouri to its uppermost reaches, cross the Continental
Divide, and reach the Pacific Ocean by land route, but many white
men preceded them in the exploration of the Great Plains (Lewis and
Clark, 1904; Coues, 1893). Just how far west the La Vérendrye
brothers traveled in 1742-43 is an unsettled point, but it is certain that
for decades prior to Lewis and Clark traders of French, Spanish, and
British origin or auspices did invade the Plains (Nasatir, 1952).
We know that Coronado entered the southern limits of the basin in
1541 and the conquistadores who succeeded him penetrated the basin
many times. The Villasur party, victims of Pawnee treachery,
reached the forks of the Platte in 1720 (Bolton, 1949, App., pp.
282-304; Folmer, 1953, pp. 280-284).
The Platte-North Platte-Sweetwater route to South Pass was dis-
covered in 1812 by Robert Stuart and his Returning Astorians, and
in 1824 it was first utilized by trappers and traders of the Rocky
Mountain Fur Co. as a route to the settlements (Rollins, 1935; Dale,
502329—60-—2
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
1941). In 1841 the first bona fide emigrants ascended this covered-
wagon route; in 1849 the emigration became a flood, spilling toward
the California gold fields (Ghent, 1929; Hafen and Rister, 1953, pp.
315-330).
The Platte or Oregon Trail route, precursor of the first transcon-
tinental railroad, completed in 1869, demonstrated the virtues of the
Central Route overland to the Pacific Coast. However, for many
decades it was rivaled by the Missouri River as a major transconti-
nental route. From the time of Lewis and Clark until the completion
of other railroad bridges in Dakota Territory in the 1880’s, the “Big
Muddy” was traveled by thousands of pioneers and hardy adventurers,
its tortuous banks becoming the setting of many small but vigorous
communities.
To frontiersmen pushing out onto the prairies, accustomed to river
travel, the wide Missouri River rather than the shallow unnavigable
Platte was the obvious way west, and the fact that it made a decided
northward swing about 200 miles west of St. Louis was not a deter-
rent. ‘This mighty stream was not only the key to the mysterious
and long-sought Western Sea, it was the royal road to riches through
the lucrative fur trade. After 1806 its role as a major transconti-
nental thoroughfare was insured, and soon trading posts began to
spring up near every Indian village (Chittenden, 1936, pp. 75-602).
Among the earliest of these was Bijou’s (or Bisonette’s) trading post
below the mouth of White River, set up by Manuel Lisa in 1812
while en route to the Arikara (Drumm, 1920, pp. 56-59). In 1822
two major establishments appeared farther upstream, just below the
S-shaped reverse called Big Bend, between present Chamberlain
and Pierre—the American Fur Co.’s Fort Recovery, and Fort Kiowa
alias Fort Lookout, a rival post of the Columbia Fur Co. In 1828
the great trading post of Fort Union was erected by the American
Fur Co. near the mouth of the Yellowstone River, while rival posts
were erected in the vicinity by Kipp, Campbell, and Sublette. About
1830 Fort Clark appeared at Knife River, and Fort Pierre and Fort
Laframboise were erected at Bad River near present Pierre (Wilson
and De Land, 1902; Abel, 19382). In 1845 the American Fur Co.
established Fort Berthold at the great bend at the Mandan Villages
where the Missouri River makes its final swing westward.
There were a few occasions when officials launched expeditions
upriver to subjugate or parley with the Indians—notably the Leaven-
worth expedition of 1823 and the Atkinson-O’Fallon expedition of
1825—but fur traders dominated the scene until the 1850’s, when
Indian troubles on the Plains brought the United States Army into
the picture.
In 1855 General Harney, after chastising Sioux Indians on the
Platte, led his cavalry overland from Fort Laramie and took over
Riv. BAS. SUR. new
Pap. No. 13] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 9
Fort Pierre from the traders, making it the first military post on the
Upper Missouri. This was shortly succeeded by Fort Lookout and
Fort Randall downstream (Meyers, 1914, pp. 71-108). Indian up-
rising during the 1860’s prompted the addition of fortified points and
garrisons at Fort Rice and Fort Stevenson while Whetstone, Lower
Brulé, Grand River, and Fort Berthold Indian agencies, among
others, came into being as steps toward pacifying and civilizing the
bewildered aborigines (Comm. Ind. Aff., 1865-70).
Meanwhile, pirogues, canoes, flatboats, bullboats, and steamboats
plied upriver to these primitive or warlike establishments or beyond
into Montana country, where the fur trade was replaced during the
1860’s by the lure of gold. Steamboat landings, woodyards, saloon
towns, and little communities of assorted description appeared along
the river to fulfill the needs of the rough and dangerous times.
Until 1849 the Missouri River rivaled the Platte route as a major
line of approach to the Far West. After that date it became the line
of demarcation between the eastern settlements and the western
wilderness, with Indians, Indian agents, and United States Cavalry
playing out the last act of interracial violence.
THE NATIONAL PARK SERVICE AND THE
MISSOURI BASIN
Planned construction of the several giant dams along the Missouri
River in the Dakotas unavoidably doomed many of these sites, highly
significant to American frontier history. For the first time in the
known history of river impoundment, the nature of the calamity
about to befall the cause of historical conservation was fully under-
stood. Further, machinery was on hand to do something about it.
The National Park Service, by authority of the Historic Sites Act
of 1935, is the Federal agency primarily responsible for the conserva-
tion of historic sites. This responsibility extends first of all to sites
that happen to be, accidentally or by design, in Federal ownership,
such sites comprising the bulk of the present 180 national parks, na-
tional monuments, national memorials, national historical parks, etc.,
in the National Park System (Lee, 1951). Secondly, however, the
Service is charged by this Act to make necessary surveys of historic
as well as prehistoric sites throughout the United States, to assess
their national significance, and to cooperate with other agencies, State
or Federal, in the preservation and interpretation of such sites. When
the National Park Service as an Interior Department agency became
involved in the Missouri River Basin program, it became readily ap-
parent that it shouldered a dual responsibility—to undertake recrea-
tional planning for reservoir areas, and to initiate a program for the
conservation of historic and archeologic sites threatened by these
reservoirs (Mattes, 1947, 1952 a).
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
The historical phase of the Missouri River Basin program began
with the employment of a full-time historian for the task in the
summer of 1946. The work involved intensive library and archival
studies at various repositories, notably the National Archives, and files
of the various State historical societies. This was followed by field
reconnaissance to identify historic sites, structures, or other features
to be inundated, to evaluate their significance, and to recommend
steps to be taken to “salvage” data or materials wherever possible.
Salvage alternatives included comprehensive photography, mapping,
measured drawings, and relocation of structures, and archeology of
extinct sites—that is, the recovery of surviving historical objects and
structural evidence underground.
During the period 1946 to 1952 over 80 proposed reservoir areas
were surveyed by Service historians. Although the results of most
of these surveys did not appear as separate reports, but were in-
corporated in official reports on recreational planning, a few areas
contained historical values of such magnitude that separate reports
were deemed essential. Of these, the four principal reports are those
relating to the Gavins Point, Fort Randall, Oahe, and Garrison Res-
ervoirs, all on the “main stem” of the Missouri River in South and
North Dakota (Mattes, 1949; Mattison, 1951, 1953 a,b).
In addition to summary reports on reservoir areas, there has also
been a series of reports on individual sites, designed primarily to
provide orientation for archeologists and others engaged in actual
salvage work. Several of these have found publication (Mattes,
1952 b; Mattison, 1951; Hoekman, 1952). Some of these reports
have been contributed by graduate students of colleges or universities,
enlisted through the cooperation of the Mississippi Valley Historical
Association (Dick, 1950).
The data compiled by the Missouri River Basin historical survey
have not been limited to those found in published material. In-
evitably, the broad scope of this survey has enabled the historians to
sweep up in their net an imposing array of new data, derived from
interviews and unexploited documents, which have not only expanded
the historical horizon but have compelled scholars to revise many long-
cherished misconceptions. The survey has provided fish, so to speak,
for many years of historical frying. Several “byproducts” of this
research are now in manuscript form; a few have found their way
into print (Mattison, 1954 a, b, and c; Mattes, 1953; Morgan, 1953,
pp. 376-377).
With the assistance of a staff photographer, over 1,500 record
photographs have been made of historic sites and features that would
otherwise have gone unrecorded. These pictures are on file in the
Region Two Office of the National Park Service in Omaha, with
copies in the files of the State historical societies most directly con-
Riv. Bas. Sur. one Be
Pap. No. 15] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 11
cerned (U.S. Dept. Int., 1952b). With funds largely provided by the
Missouri River Basin Project, the National Park Service supervised
a project for obtaining measured drawings of 12 structures in the
Missouri River Reservoir areas, which drawings and accompanying
notes and photographs have been prepared and are filed in the Library
of Congress in accordance with standards set forth by the Historic
American Buildings Survey.*
The principal salvage effort in the historical field, however, has been
the archeological search and excavation of sites of importance in
early Missouri River history, with the object of ascertaining or
verifying structural data and obtaining objects, for eventual museum
use and study, which might throw new light on everyday conditions
during the frontier period. The Smithsonian Institution, which had
already assumed responsibility for the survey and excavation of
Indian sites, agreed to undertake the historic sites fieldwork required.
After several unsuccessful efforts to obtain appropriations for this
particular type of archeology, funds were finally made available in
the fiscal year 1950. Actual fieldwork in historic sites on the Upper
Missouri was conducted for three summers, 1950 to 1952 inclusive,
and again in 1954, all in the Fort Randall and Garrison Reservoirs,
where dams were under construction and where impoundment, at the
date of writing this report, has actually covered many of the critical
sites described. (Although field reconnaissance by Service historians
included rather thorough coverage of the Oahe and Gavins Point
Reservoirs, dam construction in those instances has been scheduled
somewhat later and consequently salvage measures have been less
imperative. It is hoped that work can yet be accomplished there, or
archeological losses—both historic and prehistoric—will be extensive. )
The Fort Randall report listed 120 historic sites and features, in-
cluding 15 Lewis and Clark camp sites, 3 military posts, 4 trading
posts, and 13 abandoned communities of other types (Mattes, 1949).
The Garrison report described 77 historic features, including 15 iden-
tifiable Lewis and Clark sites, 1 military post, 4 trading posts, and 9
abandoned communities of other types (Mattison, 1951).
What factors determined which sites would be most eligible for
archeological investigation, in view of the limitation placed on funds
available for that purpose? Three such factors appeared in weighing
any given site or in weighing one against another—the degree of
historical significance, the extent of available knowledge, and the
accuracy of orientation data. Thus, theoretically, the most eligible
site would be associated with some important event in American
" «The measured structures are: in Gavins Point Reservoir, Episcopal and Congregational
Missions, Santee Indian Reservation, and the Hutterite Mill near Tabor; in Fort Randall
Reservoir, the Fort Randall Chapel; in the Oahe Reservoir, the Oahe Chapel, St. Johns
Episcopal Church and Chapel at Cheyenne River Agency, blacksmith shop at Fort Bennett;
in Garrison Reservoir, the Fort Berthold Congregational Mission, Indian dance hall at
Hlbowoods, the powder magazine and officers’ quarters at Fort Buford.
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 176
history. We would know precisely where to find it, yet we would
lack important data which we might reasonably expect to be revealed
by excavation.
The Lewis and Clark expedition was unquestionably of epic im-
portance, hence the explorers’ camp sites satisfy the first requirement.
However, it would be difficult to make a case for archeological work
at such sites since they would be virtually impossible to pinpoint—if
indeed they still survived over 150 years of channel shifting—hence
the returns would be extremely meager, if not entirely negative.
Steamboat landings, villages, missions, and other communities of
fairly recent origin might bear such similarity to still-existent com-
munities that archeological findings might not be rewarding. Three
classes of sites, representative of significant frontier eras, offered the
greatest promise. These were the trading posts, the military posts,
and the early Indian agencies.
Sites finally selected for exploration and for excavation were, in
order of their appearance, going upriver: Fort Randall (first phase),
Fort Randall steamboat landing, Whetstone Indian Agency, Bijou’s
trading post, Fort Recovery, Lower Brulé Indian Agency (first
phase), Fort Lower Brulé, Fort Lookout (four phases), Fort Hale,
all in the Fort Randall Reservoir area, in Gregory, Charles Mix,
Lyman, Brulé, Buffalo, and Hughes Counties, S. Dak.; and Fort Ste-
venson, Fort Berthold (three phases), and Kipp’s Post, all in the
Garrison Reservoir, in Mercer, McLean, Mountrail, Dunn, McKenzie,
and Williams Counties, N. Dak.
Any success achieved by the archeological search for historical data
in the Missouri River Reservoir areas is due in large measure to the
close and continuing cooperation between the Lincoln field office of
the Smithsonian Institution and the Omaha office of the National
Park Service, despite a succession of personnel in key positions at
both establishments. While under the continuing general direction
of Dr. Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr., Bureau of American Ethnology, the
Missouri Basin Project of the Smithsonian Institution has been under
the successive leaderships of Waldo R. Wedel, Paul L. Cooper, Ralph
D. Brown, and Robert L. Stephenson. The post of liaison arche-
ologist for the National Park Service has been filled successively by
Jesse D. Jennings, Gordon C. Baldwin, and Paul L. Beaubien. How-
ever, as regional historian the writer has been identified with the
project continuously since 1946. Until 1949 he was historian for
the Missouri River Basin Project; thereafter, in his present capacity,
he assumed general technical direction of all historical and archeologi-
cal programs in Region Two of the National Park Service. In 1950
Ray H. Mattison and Harry B. Robinson were appointed historians
for the Missouri River Basin.
Rw. ae oer «—s«zHHISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 13
HISTORIC SITES INVESTIGATIONS
In the spring of 1950 funds for the historical phase of the salvage
program were assured, and Thomas R. Garth was employed as arche-
ologist in this field. In July he accompanied Cooper and the writer
on a trip to initiate the program in the Fort Randall Reservoir.
The first problem requiring attention was the exact location of
early Fort Randall, a military post of commanding importance in the
Dakotas from 1856 to 1892 (Mattes, 1952 b). In 1871 the crude log
structures at this post had been replaced by large frame buildings.
Contemporary pictorial evidence suggested that the rebuilt fort was
somewhat removed from the original. It was suspected that the early
site was on the point of land once known as Handy’s Point, which
would be entirely covered by the giant Fort Randall Dam (Mattes,
1949, pp. 482-483; Chittenden, 1936, p. 927). The area was searched
rather thoroughly but surface evidence, at least, was negative. It
was the consensus that, despite certain contrary evidence suggested
in the meager pictorial data, the early fort must have been laid out
substantially within the area of the identifiable later Fort Randall.
Since this site would be just below the downstream toe of the dam,
and precautions had been taken that it would not be disturbed by
construction activities, it was determined to forsake Fort Randall for
the moment and to take the party upriver where important known
values would be destroyed.
The Fort Randall Reservoir area extends from the site of old Fort
Randall, just above the Nebraska-South Dakota line, to the curious
reverse in the Missouri River known as Big Bend, just above Fort
Thompson, agency for the Crow Creek and Lower Brulé Indian
Reservations. This is a distance of nearly 140 miles. However, the
heaviest concentration of sites, both historic and prehistoric, falls
within a relatively short section of about 20 miles in the upper reser-
voir, between American Crow Creek and Campbell Creek, in the gen-
eral vicinity of Chamberlain, S. Dak. An unusual abundance of
tributary streams and wide bottomland in this section apparently ac-
count for its popularity with explorers, fur traders, military com-
manders, and Indian agents. Here on the “Oacoma Bench” was the
Camp Pleasant of Lewis and Clark, where the Captains spent several
days in October 1804 to rest and overhaul their gear (Lewis and Clark,
1904, pp. 149-155). Here, beginning in 1812 or earlier, was located a
whole succession of trading posts which also served as outposts of the
expanding American Territory, strongly influencing the course of
western history for four decades. This section was also the locale of
three military posts and as many Indian agencies during the pre-
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
carious period when the cantankerous Sioux tribes were making their
first sullen efforts to become civilized.
Most important of the trading posts in this group was Fort Recov-
ery, reputedly on American Island, originally Cedar Island. It was
supposedly so named as the successor of the 1812 Fort aux Cedres of
the Missouri Fur Co. ; however—much to the confusion of historians—
it enjoyed several aliases, among them Cedar Fort, Fort Brasseaux,
and Pilcher’s Post (Chittenden, 1936, pp. 141, 922; Wilson and De
Land, 1902, p. 326). Whatever one chooses to call it, research strongly
suggests that, contrary to a widespread but careless assumption, this
post was not on American Island but on the right bank of a creek
near the foot of the island (Mattes, 1949, pp. 533-548). Established
in 1822, this fort achieved distinction in 1823 as the base for the his-
toric Ashley-Leavenworth campaign against the unruly Arikara, and
was described in that year by Duke Paul of Wiirttemberg (Wiirttem-
berg, 1938, p. 482). Ten years later its passing was noted by another
European traveler, Prince Maximilian of Wied (Wied-Neuwied,
1906, pp. 302-805).
Well fortified with documentary data, the Garth party searched
intensively for signs of Fort Recovery, making numerous test squares
and trenches in an ever-widening are from the point hypothesized
in the Mattes report. The negative results despite exhaustiveness of
the search led to two possible conclusions: (1) that Fort Recovery
had never been destroyed by fire but that the remains were painstak-
ingly dismantled by the traders themselves, by Indians, or by steam-
boat crews, leaving no trace; or (2) that the actual site had suc-
cumbed to the Missouri River. Since the total disappearance of
evidence at a site busily occupied for several years is scarcely con-
ceivable, the second alternative is the more acceptable one.
Fort Lookout now engaged the attention of the historical-archeo-
logical reconnaissance party. Here the outlook was more hopeful since
Fort Lookout remains were reported by local informants to be defi-
nitely in evidence. The only difficulty here was that this evidence
was to be found in three different places. A partial explanation of
this quandary was offered by a hypothesis in the basic report: despite
the common historical assumption, the Fort Lookout trading post
(1822-?) and the later Fort Lookout military post (1856) were two
quite different establishments, probably at two different locations.
Fort Lookout military post was established on order of Gen. Wil-
liam S. Harney in 1856 and was built under the direction of Capt.
Nathaniel Lyon. It was abandoned the following year (Meyers,
1914). It proved to be exactly where the records indicated it to be,
on the south boundary of the present Lower Brulé Indian Reserva-
tion, at the lower end of a wide meadow now called the “Fort Hale
Riv. Bas. S
Riv. Bas. Son. ‘HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 15
Bottoms.” There was virtually no surface evidence of this post, which
had been laid out on a rather ambitious scale, only to be completely
dismantled upon its abandonment, and the materials used at Fort
Randall, 100 milesdownstream. After careful search, however, Garth
located a concentration of military debris and accouterments on a
slope about 200 yards back from the river bank, which was probably
adump. The fact that the military post site proved to be a few feet
above maximum reservoir pool level, coupled with the multiplicity
of other problems, led to the abandonment of this particular effort.
Research indicated that Fort Lookout trading post had a disconcert-
ingly checkered career. It was established by the Columbia Fur Co.
in 1822 and the following year it figured in the historic Ashley-
Leavenworth expedition against the Arikara (Wilson and De Land,
1902; Chittenden, 1936, pp. 825-329; Frost, 1945, p. 37; Morgan, 1958,
pp. 59-77). In 1825 it was the scene of a grand parley between the
Sioux and members of the Atkinson-O’Fallon diplomatic expedition
(Reid and Gannon, 1929, pp. 21-23). About this same time Fort
Lookout (which, contrary to another common assumption, is identi-
fiable with the “Fort Kiowa” of the fur traders) was taken over by the
American Fur Co. In 1833 it appears in the journals of Prince Maxi-
milian as an adjunct of the Upper Missouri or Sioux Indian Agency ;
at this same time Maximilian describes a second Fort Lookout or
“French Post” a few miles downriver (Wied-Neuwied, 1906, p. 303).
During the 1840’s a “Fort Lookout” was occupied in desultory fashion
by La Barge and other latter-day, small-time traders (Chittenden,
1903, p. 59; Mattes, 1949, pp. 540-541.)
Garth’s explorations settled two things: first, that there was a trad-
ing post site on the river bank nearby, but not coincident with, the
Fort Lookout military post; second, that the dimensions of this trad-
ing post were too small to identify it as the historic Fort Lookout-
Fort Kiowa of 1825, hence it was the “French Post” Fort Lookout
of 1833, or La Barge’s Fort Lookout of the 1840's.
What happened to the famous Fort Lookout of 1825? After a
most intensive reconnaissance of the Fort Hale Bottoms, coupled
with a careful analysis of river meanders, Garth concluded that the
Fort Lookout site of 1825 had been destroyed by river action. If
Maximilian’s Fort Lookout (alias Sioux Agency) of 1833 were identi-
cal with the fort of 1825, then it too had disappeared. Subsequent
investigations were to substantiate this finding.
To minimize the confusion, the writer now holds to this solution
of the Fort Lookout tangle:
Hone ookout Tao-* ee Alias Fort Kiowa, the post of 1823-25, apparently
destroyed by river action.
Hort, Lookout, Wl ses Maximilian’s “French Post” of 1833, probably
identical with La Barge’s post of the 1840's,
discovered by Garth in 1950.
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 176
Fort Lookout IIJ__----____-- Maximilian’s “Sioux Agency” of 1833, probably,
but not certainly, identical with Fort Lookout
I, in any event also destroyed by river action.
Mort wwookout; DV 22 utes ere a The military post of 1856 adjoining Fort Lookout,
location confirmed by Garth in 1950.
One other important discovery was made in 1950. An unidentified
historic site on the right bank, near Chamberlain, had been reported
by a Smithsonian reconnaissance party; one local informant had
mistakenly identified this as Fort Lookout military post. Excavation
here revealed the hitherto unidentified remains of an establishment
tentatively identified as Fort Lower Brulé, predecessor of Fort Hale,
a military post established in 1870 to police the newly relocated Lower
Brulé (U.S. Surg. Gen. Off., 1870, p. 410).
Garth also reconnoitered and confirmed the site of Lower Brulé
Indian Agency, 1868-90, below the mouth of American Crow Creek
(Andreas, 1884, p. 94) ; the site of Fort Hale, 1870-84, opposite the
mouth of Crow Creek (U.S. Surg. Gen. Off., 1875; Hackett, 1916),
nine-tenths of which had already been claimed by the Missouri River ;
and the site of Whetstone Agency, 1868-72, just above the mouth of the
creek of the same name (Comm. Ind. Aff., 1868-84; Robinson, 1916,
p. 99; Kingsbury, 1915, p. 808; Poole, 1881). An intensive search of
the area around the mouth of White River failed to disclose the re-
mains of anything resembling a trading post, thus tending to confirm
the writer’s belief that the historical concept of a Fort Brasseaux at
White River was erroneous.
In 1951 Carl Miller intensively excavated the site of Fort Lookout
II, finding two historic levels that fit the variable descriptions of
Maximilian’s “French Post” and La Barge’s Fort Lookout, both
establishments of modest proportions in comparison with the historic
Fort Lookout I of the 1820’s. Debris from this site, while scantier
than anticipated, will aid in studies of the material and crude archi-
tecture of the little-known commercial outposts of the Upper
Missouri.
During this same season, G. Hubert Smith conducted limited exca-
vations at the site of Fort Stevenson (1867-83), destined to lie under
200 feet of water behind the gigantic Garrison Dam (Mattison, 1951;
Kane, 1951). Although less than 25 percent of this site was excavated,
no further work here was deemed necessary. Findings confirmed the
general accuracy of building plans preserved in the National Archives;
and an excellent collection of objects of the military period was made,
insuring the salvage of authentic remains for the information of future
students. This project was complicated by the fact that Fort Steven-
son was taken over by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and used as an
Indian boarding school until 1893. The debris of this latter episode
was liberally intermixed with the military.
Riv. BAS. SUR.
Rw. S-{5]; HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 17
In 1951 Smith, accompanied by historians Mattes and Mattison, also
reconnoitered the site of Like-a-Fishhook Village of the Mandan-
Hidatsa-Arikara alliance, the locale of Fort Berthold I (1845-62)
and II (1858-ca. 1885) (Comm. Ind. Aff., 1868-94; Kane, 1951; Tay-
lor, 1982; Mattison, MS.) In 1950 Glenn Kleinsasser of the North
Dakota Historical Society conducted limited excavations in the
remains of the Indian village. In 1951 James H. Howard, his succesor,
did likewise.
Smith also reconnoitered the alleged site of Kipp’s trading post of
1828, at the mouth of White Earth River, and confirmed the location
of this little-known post (Chittenden, 1936, p. 957; Will and Hecker,
1944, pp. 8-12).
In 1952 Smith returned to tackle the excavation of one of the princi-
pal historic features of Garrison Reservoir, Forth Berthold II—
trading post, Indian agency, military post, and focal point of the
great village that was the final refuge of the Three Tribes from the
assaults of smallpox and the Sioux.
While Smith and Howard were entrenched at Fort Berthold, John
K. Mills instituted mopping-up operations (as far as historic sites
were concerned) in the Fort Randall area. Mills carefully reviewed
the work of Garth and Miller at Fort Recovery, Fort Lower Brulé,
Fort Lookout IT and IV, and Fort Hale, and contributed supplemen-
tary data. He confirmed the negative findings at the mouth of White
River, and made a fruitless search for any evidence of Bijou’s, or
Bisonette’s, trading post of 1812, opposite old Rosebud Landing.
Since the Fort Recovery-Fort Lookout area seemed to have yielded all
the information it had to offer, he then moved back downriver.
Whetstone Creek was the locale of Whetstone Indian Agency and a
stockaded Fort Whetstone, outpost of Fort Randall. The only thing
left in sight to go on was the creek itself, plus one or two suspicious
depressions in a wheatfield. Ground plans from the National Archives
and historical sources indicated a rather extensive village with cotton-
wood log construction dominant. Mills reconnoitered the area and
tested it intensively, at first with disappointing results. It was several
weeks before the outline of a stockade was encountered ; this proved to
be the post corral. The fort itself was not in evidence and there was
relatively little else that could be linked to Spotted Tail’s occupancy.
This was bottomland, and alternating sheet-erosion and siltation seems
to have effectively obliterated the bulk of the remains.
From Whetstone, Mills moved to the immediate vicinity of old
Fort Randall itself. He took up quarters in a building, condemned
by the Corps of Engineers, which proved to be the remnant of an
officers’ quarters. The main area of the fort, a mere stone’s throw
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiu. 176
from the downstream toe of the rising Fort Randall Dam, contained
the rather well-defined outlines of the structures that once graced
the perimeter of the parade ground. There was no mystery as to the
whereabouts of the buildings, and the site would not be destroyed by
reservoir or outlet works. The only part of the fort in jeopardy was
a piece of bottomland that would be covered by a rock apron for
channel stabilization. In 1950 Mattes and Garth had found surface
debris here that clearly indicated some kind of occupancy, although
no features were clearly identified here on any available ground plans.
However, in 1952 only one structure was located in this area. This
proved to be a brickkiln, probably of the boom construction period
of the early 1870’s.
In 1953 no historical salvage work was accomplished, this being a
casualty of a further decreased budget. In 1954, however, archeolo-
gists returned to Like-a-Fishhook Village, the Fort Berthold area,
under rather dramatic circumstances. It was long recognized that
there was an exceptional concentration of archeological values here,
a grand intermixture of late Upper Plains Indian and frontier white
cultures. Several seasons of excavations had exposed numerous
earth-lodge sites, and a portion of Fort Berthold I1; but several un-
solved problems remained regarding the latter post. Furthermore,
no trace had yet been found of the primary site, Fort Berthold I.
It was with dismay, therefore, that the salvaging agencies learned
in the early spring of 1954 that the level of waters impounded behind
Garrison Dam was steadily approaching the 1,750-foot mark, where
sat doomed Fort Berthold. Two steps were taken immediately: to
concentrate all possible available funds and resources as early as pos-
sible in an effort to complete vital archeological research at the site,
and to request the Corps of Engineers to slow down the Garrison rise
long enough to achieve this goal. Through excellent four-way coop-
eration, this operation met with complete success.
After mature consideration of the delicate issues involved, repre-
sentatives of the Division Engineer, Missouri River Division, Corps
of Engineers, agreed with the National Park Service to a plan to
divert a larger volume of the spring rise to the Fort Randall Reser-
voir, and retain more water in Fort Peck Reservoir than normally
planned, in order to slow down the Garrison’s rise by at least 10
days, or until July 1. Meanwhile the Smithsonian Institution and the
State Historical Society of North Dakota, cooperating with funds
supplied by contract through the National Park Service, pooled their
manpower, equipment, and camping facilities for a “last chance”
attack upon Fort Berthold.
Archeologists G. Hubert Smith and Alan R. Woolworth, of these
respective institutions, made excellent headway, assisted by reserva-
Riv. Bas. Sv:
Rw. as. fe; HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 19
tion Indians (descendants of the Like-a-Fishhook Villagers) and a
power scraper rented out by the Corps of Engineers. ‘The net result
was additional information concerning Fort Berthold II, and the
triumphant discovery of the remains of Fort Berthold I, as well as
the rambling village stockade. All this was spurred on by knowledge
that approaches to the site (as well as dry exits therefrom) would be
flooded before the trading-post area itself went under water.
After the Fort Berthold finale Woolworth, accompanied by W.
Raymond Wood, went 90 miles upriver to the site of Kipp’s trading
post, which Smith’s reconnaissance party had positively identified in
1952. Here again a bulldozer was summoned, the site leveled, charred
stockade walls exposed, and substantial data were recovered.
That completes the historic sites salvage picture to date.® If suffi-
cient funds are forthcoming for additional work in this department
before the impoundment of waters in Oahe Reservoir, there are several
major sites there that should be tackled. Notable among these are the
site of Fort Manuel Lisa, on Hunkpapa Creek just below the south
boundary of North Dakota, abandoned because of frontier hostilities
during the War of 1812, and the probable burial place of Sacagawea
of Lewis and Clark fame (Mattison, 1953 b; Drumm, 1920; Robinson,
1924) ; the site of the second Fort Sully, 1866-84, on a high bench not
far above the Oahe Dam, among the major military posts of the
Dakotas (Hoekman, 1952; U.S. Surg. Gen. Off., 1875); the closely
related sites of Cheyenne River Indian Agency Post I and Fort Ben-
nett I and II, on Agency Creek, about 7 miles upstream from Fort
Sully, 1870-91 (Mattison, 1953 b; U.S. Surg. Gen. Off., 1875; Comm.
Ind. Aff., 1870-92); Grand River Agency, 1865-73, predecessor of
the Standing Rock Reservation Agency at Fort Yates, just above the
Grand River, near Mobridge (U.S. Surg. Gen. Off., 1875, pp. 408-409 ;
Comm. Ind. Aff., 1868-73) ; and the nearby sites related to the hostil-
ities of 1823 between Arikara Indians and the forces under Colonel
Leavenworth, General Ashley, and Sioux allies, an encounter that
forced the fur traders to explore overland routes to the Rocky Moun-
tains, changing “the course of empire” (Mattison, 1953 b; Morgan,
1953, pp. 42-77; Robinson, 1902).
By this joint program of the Smithsonian Institution and the Na-
tional Park Service, involving a combination of historical and archeo-
logical scholarship, new light is being thrown upon the early, much-
obscured history of the Upper Missouri River, the first great route
across the American continent.
5The excavations at Fort Pierre II, Paper No, 18, this bulletin, were carried on and
completed after the present paper was written.
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
LITERATURE CITED
ABEL, ANNI® HELOISE, EDITOR.
1982. Chardon’s journal at Fort Clark, 1834-39. Pierre, S. Dak.
AwnpreEas, A. T.
1884. Historic atlas of Dakota. Chicago.
ANONYMOUS.
1951. Notes and news (historic sites). Amer. Antiq., vol. 17, No. 1, pp.
77-81.
1953. Notes and news (historic sites). Amer. Antiq., vol. 18, No. 3, pp.
287-288.
Botton, HERBERT EUGENE.
1949. Coronado, knight of Pueblos and plains. New York.
Briees, Harotp HB.
1950. Frontiers of the northwest, a history of the Upper Missouri valley.
New York.
BuREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY.
Annual reports for 1946 to 1953, inclusive.
CHITTENDEN, Hiram M.
1903. History of early steamboat navigation on the Mississippi River ; life
and adventures of Joseph La Barge. 2 vols. New York.
1936. The American fur trade of the West. Notes by Stallo Vinton. New
York.
CoMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
Annual reports, 1845-94.
CoRBETT, JOHN M.
1949. River basin archeology, a race against time. In Planning and Civic
Comment. Reprint from July—Sept. Quart. Publ. Amer. Planning
and Civie Assoc.
CovuEs, ELLIOTT, EDITOR.
1893. History of the expedition under the command of Lewis and Clark
to the sources of the Missouri river. 4 vols. New York.
DALE, HARRISON CLIFFORD, EDITOR.
1941. The Ashley-Smith explorations and the discovery of a central route
to the Pacific 1822-29. Glendale, Calif.
Dick, Everett N.
1950. Progress report of the committee to cooperate with the National
Park Service. Mississippi Valley Hist. Rev., vol. 36, No. 4,
pp. 758-760.
Drumm, STELLA M., EDITOR.
1920. Journal of a fur-trading expedition on the Upper Missouri, 1812-13,
by John C. Luttig, clerk of the Missouri Fur Company. St. Louis.
FoLMErR, HENRY.
1953. Franco-Spanish rivalry in North America, 1524-1763. Glendale,
Calif.
Frost, Donatp McKay.
1945. Notes on General Ashley, the overland trail, and South Pass.
Worcester, Mass.
GHENT, W. J.
1929. The road to Oregon, a chronicle of the great emigrant trail. New
York.
HACKETT, CHARLES F.
1916. Along the Upper Missouri in the 70’s. South Dakota Hist. Coll., vol.
8, pp. 27-55.
py No is; -HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 21
Haren, LERoy R., and Rister, CARL CoKE.
1953. Western America. New York.
Harrineton, J. C.
1952. Historic site archeology in the United States. Jn Archeology of the
Eastern United States. Ed. by James B. Griffin. Pp. 335-344.
Chicago.
1953. Archeology and local history. Bull. Amer. Assoc. for State and Local
History, vol. 2, No. 6, pp. 157-167.
HOEKMAN, STEVEN.
1952. The history of Fort Sully. South Dakota Hist. Coll., vol. 26,
pp. 222-277.
JOHNSON, FREDERICK.
1951. The Inter-Agency archeological salvage program in the United States.
Archeology, spring number, pp. 25-40.
KANE, LUCILLE M., EDITOR.
1951. Military life in Dakota: The journal of Philippe Regis de Trobriand.
St. Paul, Minn.
KINGSBURY, GEORGE W.
1915. History of Dakota Territory. 5 vols. Chicago.
Ler, Ronabp F.
1951. United States: Historical and architectural mounments. Pan Amer-
ican Institute of Geography and History. Mexico City.
LEWIS, MERIWETHER, and CLARK, WILLIAM.
1904-5. Original journals of the Lewis and Clark expedition, 1804—
1806... 8 vols. Ed. by Reuben Gold Thwaites. New York.
Mattes, MERRILL J.
1947. Historic sites in Missouri valley reservoir areas. Nebraska Hist.,
vol. 28, No. 3, pp. 1-15.
1949. Historic sites in the Fort Randall reservoir area. South Dakota
Hist. Coll., vol. 24, pp. 470-577.
1952a. Salvaging Missouri valley history. Westerners Brand Book.
Chicago.
1952 b. Revival at old Fort Randall. Military Engineer, vol. 44, No. 298,
pp. 88-93.
1953. Captain L. C. Haston’s report: Fort Laramie to Fort Leavenworth
via Republican River in 1849. Kansas Hist. Quart., vol. 20, No. 6,
pp. 392-416.
1954. Under the wide Missouri. North Dakota Hist., vol. 21, No. 4, pp.
145-167.
MatTrison, Ray H.
1951. Old Fort Stevenson—a typical Missouri River military post. North
Dakota Hist., vol. 18, Nos. 2-8, pp. 53-91.
MS. Research report on Fort Berthold. MS. in files of the National Park
Service (1951).
1953 a. An army wife on the Upper Missouri: The diary of Sarah BE. Can-
field, 1866-68. North Dakota Hist., vol. 20, No. 4, pp. 190-220.
1953 b. Fort Rice—North Dakota’s first Missouri River military post.
North Dakota Hist., vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 87-108.
1954a. The diary of Surgeon Washington Matthews, Fort Rice, D. T.
North Dakota Hist., vol. 21, Nos. 1-2, pp. 5-74.
1954 b. The army post on the Northern Plains, 1865-85. Nebraska Hist., vol.
35, No. 1, pp. 17-44.
9,4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
Mattison, Ray H.—Continued
1954e. Report on historical aspects of the Oahe Reservoir area, Missouri
River, South and North Dakota. South Dakota Hist. Coll., vol.
27, pp. 1-159.
1955 a. Report on historic sites in the Garrison Reservoir area, Missouri
River. North Dakota Hist., vol. 22, Nos. 1-2, pp. 5-73.
1955 b. The Indian reservation system on the Upper Missouri, 1865-90.
Nebraska Hist., vol. 36, No. 3, pp. 141-172.
1956a. The military frontier on the Upper Missouri. Nebraska Hist., vol.
37, No. 3, pp. 159-182.
1956 b. Report on historic sites adjacent to the Missouri River, between
the Big Sioux River and Fort Randall dam, including those in
the Gavins Point area. South Dakota Hist. Coll., vol. 28, pp.
22-98.
1957. Indian missions and missionaries on the Upper Missouri to 1900.
Nebraska Hist., vol. 38, No. 2, pp. 127-154.
1958. The Indian frontier on the Upper Missouri to 1865. Nebraska Hist.,
vol. 39, No. 3, pp. 241-266.
MAXIMILIAN, see WIED-NEUWIED, MAXIMILIAN ALEXANDER PHILIP, VON.
MEYERS, AUGUSTUS,
1914. Ten years in the ranks of the U.S. Army. New York.
MOooNneEy, JAMES.
1896. The ghost dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890. 14th Ann.
Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1892-93, pt. 2, pp. 653-948.
MoreGan, Dae L.
1953. Jedediah Smith and the opening of the West. Indianapolis.
NASATIR, A. P., EDITOR.
1952. Before Lewis and Clark: Documents illustrating the history of the
Missouri, 1785-1804. 2 vols. St. Louis.
PooLze, DEWITT C.
1881. Among the Sioux of Dakota: Highteen months experience as an
Indian agent. New York.
REID, RUSSELL, and GANNON, CLELL G., EDITORS.
1929. Journal of the Atkinson-O’Fallon expedition. North Dakota Hist.
Quart., vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 5-56.
RoreERTs, FRANK H. H., Jr.
1952. River Basin Surveys: The first five years of the Inter-Agency Arche-
ological and Paleontological Salvage Program. Ann. Rep. Smith-
sonian Inst. for 1951, pp. 851-383.
RosBINsoNn, DOANE, EDITOR.
1902. Official correspondence of the Leavenworth expediiton into South
Dakota for the conquest of the Ree Indians in 1823. South Dakota
Hist. Coll., vol. 1, pp. 179-256.
1916. Dakota military posts. South Dakota Hist. Coll., vol. 8, pp. 77-99.
1924. Fort Manuel. South Dakota Hist. Coll., vol. 12, pp. 99-102.
ROLLINS, PHILIP ROLLINS, EDITOR.
1935. The discovery of the Oregon trail: Robert Stuart’s narratives of his
overland trip eastward from Astoria in 1812-18. New York.
TAYLoR, JOSEPH HENRY.
1932. Fort Berthold Agency in 1869. Frontier and Indian life and kaleido-
scopic lives, pp. 45-53. Valley City, N. Dak.
THWAITES, REUBEN GOLD, EDITOR, see LEWIS and CLARK, and WIED-NEUWIED.
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Die NOC Tel HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MATTES 23
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR.
1952 a. Rediscovering the past in the Missouri River Basin. Smithsonian
Inst., Missouri River Basin Progress Report, June, pp. 202-209.
1952 b. Photographing the past. Smithsonian Inst., Missouri River Basin
Progress Report, September, pp. 48-48.
1953. Archeological salvage—Missouri River Basin. National Park Serv-
ice, Missouri River Basin Progress Report, October-December,
pp. 70-80.
U.S. SURGEON GENERAL’S OFFICE.
1870. A report on barracks and hospitals with descriptions of military
posts. Cire. No. 4. Washington.
1875.
Among the shipments to Fort Randall in 1856-57 from the Quartermaster
Office at St. Louis was one of 5,000 bricks. A letter of February 20, 1857, from
Col. Francis Lee, commanding officer at Fort Randall, to the Deputy Quarter-
master at St. Louis proves that no brick making was in progress at that time,
for Colonel Lee declared “I can’t find any person in this command who under-
stands making brick” and added “Even if the Clay here will answer the purpose,”
indicating uncertainty on that important point.
The remainder of the artifacts were fragmentary bottle glass,
chinaware, and metal pieces of indeterminate origin and date.
SUMMARY STATEMENT
The brickkiln excavated in 1952 at the edge of the historic military
post of Fort Randall probably furnished structural materials for the
building of parts of the original fort or for the rebuilt fort in its
early period of construction. The brickkiln itself may be dated in the
period after February 1857 but cannot be specifically restricted to
either of the two periods of construction (late 1850’s or 1870-72) at
Fort Randall.
WHETSTONE INDIAN AGENCY AND ARMY POST (89GR4)
INTRODUCTION
The Whetstone Indian Agency was established in 1868 to serve
the Brulé and Oglala bands of Sioux that had been transported to
Dakota Territory from the Fort Laramie region. The Brulé remained
but a short time at the agency and finally established their main camp
on the White River 60 miles west of Whetstone. The Indians at the
agency in 1869 numbered 1,000 and were under the leadership of
Chiefs Swift Bear and Big Mouth. By 1870 there were 4,500 Indians
drawing subsistence from the agency.
Military troops from Fort Randall were stationed at Whetstone
Army Post until 1872. The military post (pl. 3) was built of cot-
tonwood timbers obtained from nearby Whetstone Island. Following
its military abandonment, this military post became a depot for
transportation of supplies to the Red Cloud and Rosebud Indian
Agencies to the southwest.
The first reconnaissance of the site of Whetstone Indian Agency and
Army Post was made in 1947, by a Smithsonian Institution field
5 Personal communication from Alvin P. Stauffer, Office of the Quartermaster General,
Department of the Army, February 20, 1953.
Riy. BAS. Sur.
Pay. NO 16] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MILLS on,
party led by Paul L. Cooper. A second Smithsonian Institution field
party visited the site in 1950 under the leadership of Thomas R.
Garth. Surface indications during these two investigations consisted
of small depressions in the ground and glass, iron, and crockery
fragments. The site was thus identified as one of white provenience
and the geographical area was identified as the location of the Whet-
stone Indian Agency and Army Post.
The site is situated in a cultivated field on the first terrace of the
right bank of the Missouri River, one-half a mile north of the con-
fluence of Whetstone Creek and the Missouri in Gregory County,
S. Dak. (map 1). A stand of cottonwood, scrub oak, and ash sur-
rounds the site. The Missouri River lies 300 yards to the east of the
army post remains. ‘To the west is a stretch of wooded area bordered
by cultivated fields of wheat and barley. North of the site, across a
narrow channel of the Missouri River, lies Whetstone Island, cov-
ered with a growth of cottonwood and cedar. Whetstone Creek, 800
yards south of the site, flows from the west to empty into the Missouri.
The terraces on the west side of the river are relatively level in this
area but are quite precipitous on the east side of the river.
This area lies in a climatic zone that is marked by the extremes of
summer heat and winter cold and rapid fiuctuations in temperature.
Temperatures of 100° F. and higher are not uncommon from June to
September, accompanied by high humidity, making living conditions
particularly unpleasant. Conversely, from November to March,
below zero temperatures often prevail. Heavy snowfalls, however,
are unusual and the normal snow cover is less than 2 feet. The post
was relatively free from drifts, as it was protected from the wind by
a timber stand on all sides. Normally, three-fourths of the annual
precipitation is distributed from April to September. November and
February are the driest months. Military road travel would have
faced definite restrictions during the heavy rainfall months, for the
bottomland roads are quite impassable during and immediately fol-
lowing the heavy rains.
EXCAVATION
During the summer of 1952 the writer and a party of 10 conducted
archeological excavations at the site of Whetstone Indian Agency and
Army Post for a period of 8 weeks. The Missouri River flood of
1952 had, only a few weeks before, covered the area with a foot of
new silt. In order to relocate the artificial terrain features that had
been noted during the reconnaissance of 1950, it. was necessary to test-
pit an area 1 mile square. This testing produced cedar-post remains
and a portion of a former stockade wall. The military post ground
plan, drafted in 1870, indicated two areas surrounded by stockades
of cedar posts. One was the army post proper (pl. 3) and the other
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
was a corral stockade (fig. 2). The area thus located by testing was
the latter of these two and no evidence of the former was found either
in the tests or the excavations. This negative evidence resulting from
considerable testing and searching probably indicates the removal of
post buildings and stockade timbers by the settlers of the 1870’s.
Following the discovery of the corral stockade, an exploratory
trench 92.5 feet long (pl. 5, 6) disclosed a row of cedar-post butt re-
mains bisecting the north-south axis of the cultivated fields. The bot-
tom of this trench was 2.5 feet below the existing surface of the field.
The original depth of the trench in which the posts had been set is
LEGEND
(@ BURNED HAY G} INTRU! SIVE PIT 4
BURNED GRAIN a BURNED MATTING WHETSTONE ARMY POST
©) asH Bmw evANED COTTONWOOD PALISADED AREA, SITE NO. 39GR4
RIVER SAND o SQUARE POSTHOLE L 20
FEET
T2ip
a7;
Figure 2.—Site plan of the Whetstone Indian Agency and Army Post, corral area, showing
locations of the various features.
unknown owing to the disturbed condition of the ground resulting
from 20 years of cultivation and the recent flood damage. This
proved to be the north wall of the corral area and had been destroyed
by fire, as indicated by the charred remains of the proximal ends of
the posts. Continued excavation of the area to the south of this
north wall provided a clearly defined trench (pl. 4, a, and fig. 2) that
formed an irregular rectangle surrounding the confines of the site.
This trench, 2.5 feet deep, averaged 1.3 feet in width. It was 102.5
feet in length on the north side and 100.5 feet in length on the south
side. The west side was 24.0 feet in length and the east side was 26.0
feet in length. These dimensions coincide closely with those indi-
cated on the ground plan of Whetstone Indian Agency and Army
Post as being the stockade that enclosed the corral, stables, teamster
grounds, and harness shop.
It was only in the north wall and southeast corner of the stockade
that post remains were found. The absence of post remains in the
trenches of the east, south, and west walls may be due to their removal
Riv. BAS. SuR.
Pap. No. 16] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MILLS 39
by the settlers of the 1870’s for fuel and building material. The north
wall was probably left standing to form a windbreak for the supply
depot that was established on the site after the abandonment of Whet-
stone Army Post by the military in 1872. The subsequent destruction
of this wall by fire may have come about at any time thereafter. The
neat rectangular shape assumed by the stockade wall on three sides was
offset by the west wall, which was angulated enough to break the
rectangular pattern (fig. 2). This departure from right-angle corners
as found in the northwest and southeast corners was confusing at first
discovery but the reason became apparent upon further excavation.
The laborers—soldiers or Indians—cutting the trench to set the cedar
posts, had run into a deposit of river sand (pl. 4, a) 8.5 feet south of
the northwest corner. They were forced to angle the trench line
inward to seek firmer ground, as the posts could not be securely set in
this loose sand.
An intrusive pit, 5.0 feet square, was found outside the northwest
corner of the stockade (fig. 2). This may have been an excavation
placed in that corner to receive a support for an above-ground structure
such, perhaps, as a blockhouse.
The southwest corner was a deviation from the other three corner
forms in that it projected 0.8 feet beyond its union with the west wall.
Centered in this corner were remains of a cedar post (pl. 4, 6) the
fragmentary charred proximal end of which was studded with square-
cut nails.
Bone fragments, found in the east and south walls, possibly evidence
tamping for cedar posts in the stockade line. Outside the south wall
were four areas of ash concentration. These probably represent dumps
where ashes were disposed of when the firepits within the stockade
were cleaned out.
Archeological evidence of interior structures (fig. 2) indicates that
they were made of cottonwood. All the wood was burned, probably
in the same conflagration that had destroyed the north stockade wall.
The burned remains were spread from the east to the west wall, with
the largest clusters in the northeast and northwest sectors. Large
quantities of square nails were recovered on and underneath the tim-
bers. They had been used to tag the timber forms together. The
quantity and position of the burned remains indicate that these had
been small] structures built against the north stockade wall. The struc-
tures were erected after the ground plan was made, as they are not
indicated as a detail of this plan. Thus they represent a late period of
construction in the army post, or were built during the activation of
the supply depot that followed the military abandonment of Fort
Whetstone.
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
Patterned within the stockade walls were the remains of 30 postholes.
The holes averaged 6 inches in diameter. The posts that were placed
in these holes either supported a roof enclosing the stockade area, or
were supports for individual structures.
In the north-central and western sectors of the excavation were
found areas of burned hay (fig. 2). Southeast, on both sides of the
south wall, were piles of burned grain. The presence of hay and grain
is further substantiation that the excavation was conducted in the
corral stockade area.
Burned matting was recovered in the north-central section of the
stockade and is indicative of human occupation. The sod floors of
habitation sites were commonly covered by mats, and the area of
burned matting may mark the location of the former teamsters quarters.
ARTIFACTS
The greatest assortment of artifacts is classed in that type com-
monly found in historic sites, i.e., fragmentary glass, chinaware, and
metal pieces. Most of the glassware can be assigned to broken bottles,
though a few pieces appear to be fragments of windowpanes. If this
latter assignment is correct, it would indicate that at least one of the
structures in the corral stockade, perhaps the harness shop, had been
equipped with glass windows.
Metalware was present in profuse quantities. Square-cut nails,
spikes, strap iron, files (pl. 8, ¢), and iron rings make up the bulk of this
material.
Culinary pieces are represented in a 3-tined fork fragment (pl. 8, d)
and a wooden-handled knife (pl. 8, e).
Two cartridges bear manufacturers’ marks on the bases. Both are
.50-.70-caliber center-fire pieces, one marked 1-R-85-F (pl. 8, 2),
which means January—Rifle-1885-Frankford Arsenal. The other
piece (pl. 8, 7) has on its base 83-R-80-F (March—Rifle-1880—-Frank-
ford Arsenal). The shells were manufactured by the U.S. Army at
Frankford Arsenal, Philadelphia, for military purposes. The .50-.70
was made for the U.S. Rifle, models 1866, 1868, and 1870. The dates
on the cartridges recovered at Whetstone, 1890 and 1885, indicate that
they were post-army period at the agency (1868-72) and can be as-
signed to the supply base era of the 1880’s (Howard, MS., Appen-
dix V). One other shell (pl. 8, %) is a .44-caliber center-fire piece,
used in the .44-.40 Winchester, Colt Lightning Magazine Rifle or
revolver. This cartridge type was manufactured in the post-1870’s.
The textile pieces, floor or wall matting, and portions of a 3-ply
rope were the only perishable artifacts recovered. All had been
carbonized by the fire that destroyed the corral stockade area. Two
of the matt pieces (pl. 9, h, 7) are wickerwork weave, and another
(pl. 9, 7) is checkerwork.
Riv. BAS. SUR. ; ok
Pav. No. 16] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MILLS 41
SUMMARY STATEMENT
The corral-stockade area of the Whetstone Indian Agency and Army
Post was excavated during the summer of 1952. Lack of post remains
on three sides of the structure indicated partial destruction of the
stockade, as such, following abandonment of the post by the military
in 1872. Charred post remains in the north wall and general burning
of the area suggest final destruction by fire while the site was being
used as a supply depot. Burned straw and grain testify to the use
of this area as a corral, and burned matting indicates the general
area of the teamsters’ quarters. Lack of any remains of the army
post proper, though an extensive search was made, suggests that the
buildings, timbers, and posts were removed by settlers during the
1870’s or thereafter.
LOWER BRULE INDIAN AGENCY (391LM54)
This agency was established in 1868. A military post, located near
the agency in 1879, was later moved upriver and renamed Fort Hale.
By 1890 the agency had undergone considerable expansion and was
apparently a thriving community. Most of the agency structures
were moved upriver to the present Lower Brulé Subagency in 1892.
Two of the buildings were relocated in Oacoma. One, a church, has
since burned down, but the old agency headquarters building, now the
residence of ex-Governor M. Q. Sharpe, still stands.
The site was visited by the Smithsonian Institution reconnaissance
party in 1950 and revisited by the writer and party in 1952 (pl. 5, a).
It is situated in a pasture bordering the right bank of American Crow
Creek, on the right bank of the Missouri River, 1 mile southwest of
Oacoma in Lyman County, S. Dak. (map 1).
Chinaware fragments, square-cut nails, and miscellaneous iron
pieces indicated a site of white provenience. Two surface pieces col-
lected were a knife handle and blade fragment (pl. 8,6) and a porce-
lain doll leg (pl. 8, 7). Surface depressions, probably marking cel-
lar depressions, were found scattered over the site. A graveyard was
located on a knoll to the north of the site. Local informants stated
that this graveyard had been associated with the agency and that the
bodies had been disinterred and moved to the present Lower Brulé
Agency, 22 miles upriver from the site.
Further investigations at this site were not recommended owing
to the existing documentation already extant and to the fact that
structures had all been moved elsewhere. An extremely extensive
excavation would have been necessary, with the probability of a very
small return in archeological or historical values.
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
FORT LOWER BRULE (39LM53)
INTRODUCTION
An army post was established in conjunction with the lower Brulé
Indian Agency in 1870, at a location somewhere in the vicinity of that
agency. The exact location of this post, known as Fort Lower Brulé,
has not been definitely determined though considerable search for it
has been made.
A reconnaissance party of the Smithsonian Institution, led by
Thomas R. Garth, in the summer of 1950 located a site of white
provenience in one of several suggested localities for this site. It is
situated on the second terrace above the right bank of the Missouri
River, 4.5 miles above Oacoma, in Lyman County, S. Dak. (map 1).
Surface indications of the site included a series of low hummocks
containing burned earth, charcoal, and artifacts of white provenience.
It is highly probable that this is the location of Fort Lower Brulé,
although positive identification as such is not at hand.
EXCAVATION
Immediately following the surface examination in 1950, Garth’s
party proceeded with test excavations at the site. A stripping opera-
tion begun on the largest hummock revealed a quantity of bright
orange and red fragments of burned chinking. Imprints of round
logs were found preserved in the burned chinking. The diameter of
the log imprints varied from 0.58 to 0.75 feet and averaged 0.65 feet.
The bark pattern indicated that the wood used was eastern red cedar
and probably cottonwood.
Further excavation (pl. 6, a) revealed two units or rooms built 7
feet apart, and the space between them covered by a wooden roof.
The dirt roof of the structure, after the fire had burned the rafters,
had fallen on the burning floors below, smothering the fire and pre-
serving many of the timbers in a charred state.
The floor joists were spaced 2 feet apart. These were indicated by
square-cut nails that had held down the flooring and that projected
up through the fallen roof dirt somewhat higher than the joists them-
selves. The nails as well as the other iron artifacts in the building
ruin were badly corroded.
In the northwest corner of one room was a chalkstone fireplace
(pl. 6, a). Between the back of the fireplace and the wall was a clay
filling, a safety feature installed to safeguard the wall from fire.
This living unit had been floored with oak planks that were 12 inches
wide and less than 1 inch thick.®
®Mr. Jack King, local informant, said that when he first homesteaded the site in the
1890’s, a great many oak tree stumps covered the terrace. A sawmill is shown in this
location on the 1890 Missouri River Commission map.
Riy. BAS. Sur.
Pav. No. 16] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MILLS 43
The structures connecting the living units had been enclosed by
vertical planks, the butts set about 2 inches into the ground. These
were indicated by narrow trenches along the east and west wall lines
that contained bits of rotted wood. The east trench was broken by
a space wide enough for a doorway, and this open area was covered
with bits of fine gravel of the type that occurred in a pathway east
of the building. This connecting structure must have had a dirt floor
as there was no evidence of wood flooring.
In the other occupation unit a number of charred timbers were found
in proximity toa probable chalkstone forge. These appeared to be roof
timbers rather than supports for a wooden floor. The hard dirt floor
was baked in some areas by the fire. This room may have been used
as a blacksmith shop. The 5- x 4.1-foot chalkstone platform, about
8 inches high, may have been the forge. Three feet south of the
forge was a 9-inch oak post that may have supported an anvil, and
the remnants of what was probably a large water barrel, commonly
associated with blacksmith shops, were still farther to the south
(pl. 6,6). Here there was evidence of two iron barrel hoops and small
portions of charred wood. There was a large amount of iron stock
and tool fragments; the latter are represented by portions of a chisel,
hoe, blade, axhead, wagon iron, and spikes. A door hook located in
the center of the west wall may indicate an entrance in that vicinity.
Near the excavated building were found the remains of a well. The
surface indication was a depression approximately 10 feet in diameter
by 2.5 feet in depth. The outline of the well appeared in the darker
fill when the top soil was removed. The well diameter was approxi-
mately 4 feet. Mr. King stated that he filled in the well in the nineties
because it was a danger to stock. Thus the material in the upper part
of the well is of a late date and was discarded. Below the 12-foot depth
the oak cribbing in the well was still intact. This cribbing was made
from a series of logs about 7 inches in diameter, split on the long
axis and notched at the ends. The inside diameter of the cribbed sec-
tion was 3.3 feet. The well measured over 18 feet in depth, but the
exact depth was indeterminable because of the sand which seeped in
from the sides with the water during the process of excavation. The
well above the cribbing had evidently been walled with logs placed
vertically and held by iron hoops.
The material in the lower 5 feet of the well was in excellent preser-
vation. Fifty-eight ice gliders (pl. 7), an octagonal barrel of a buffalo
gun, wagon irons, square-toed shoes, and window glass were recovered
from that depth. The ice gliders are evidence of Indian activity near
the site.
The one cellar excavated on the side was approximately 2.5 feet deep,
13.3 feet long, and 11.5 feet wide. The sandy walls were sloped to
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
obviate the necessity of a wood or stone wall lining. There was some,
but not definite, evidence of a fallen dirt roof. Artifacts were few,
consisting of an earthenware crock, miscellaneous iron, and a charred
cask lid. Two L-shaped hinge spikes found near the center of
the north wall on the cellar floor may indicate a door in that area.
There was no indication of wooden flooring in the cellar.
ARTIFACTS
The four .50-70-caliber, center-fire cartridges with inside fuses
(pl. 9, o-7) were of the type used by the United States Army in the
1860’s and 1870’s. They were probably fired in an Allen alteration
rifle. Another item related to army life was a hat emblem (pl. 9, /) or
insigne of brass. The words “E Pluribus Unum” are inscribed above
the head of an eagle with outstretched wings on this piece. A toothed
hide scraper of iron was recovered that is similar in shape and notch-
ing on the working edge to the toothed bone fleshers of Indian manu-
facture. It was probably made in the blacksmith shop and may have
been a trade item.
The octagonal gun barrel from the well was part of a percussion-
type sporting rifle that shot a .50-ealiber rifle shell and used a special
percussion cap to ignite the charge. A 5-inch piece cut off the end
of the barrel (pl. 8, 2) was also in the well, and an iron butt plate
(pl. 8, 2) that was found near this piece may have been a part of the
same oun.
The boot soles found in the well are the square-toed variety of the
period. The heavy hoe blade had an iron collar at the top for insertion
of the handle. A frying pan located in one of the building structures
was similar to modern types except for the long handle with a hand-
made loop at the end.
The following information on the stoneware crock was supplied by
G. Hubert Smith, Smithsonian archeologist :
The stoneware crock or jar marked “Dakota City, N.T.’’ was probably made
at the Dakota City Pottery, operated by John B. Ziegler and Charles F. Eckhart
as early as 1859. (The State of Nebraska was admitted in 1867.) As early as
1857, Samuel Whitehorn, previously a resident of Vermont and New York State,
had opened a brick yard at Dakota City, which is said to have been the first
“industrial enterprise” of the community. (A. T. Andreas, publ., History of the
State of Nebraska, Chicago, 1882, pp. 612-613.) Whitehorn appears to have made
brick for only one season, and there seems to be no mention of the manufacture
of pottery in connection with the brick business. Elsewhere, potteries were in
many instances developed independent of brick manufacture, sometimes by
farmers who had acquired the skill.
The date of the establishment of the Dakota City Pottery by the firm of
Ziegler and Eckhart, which also operated a general store, is not known. Files
of the Dakota City Herald preserved at the Nebraska State Historical Society
begin with the year 1859, and the earliest advertisement of the firm found begins
with August 18. Queensware is specially mentioned in this advertisement, but
Riv. BAS. Sur. shai
rey HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MILLS 45
it may be doubted that this was locally produced. The Herald for August 27,
however, states that the steamboat Omaha, recently arrived from St. Louis,
upon her return down river the following day took with her a large quantity of
stoneware—about ten thousand gallons—from Ziegler and Eckhart’s pottery.
(The production of earthenware at this period was frequently given in terms
of total capacity of pieces.)
Miscellaneous items include a three-tined iron fork, small three-
cornered file, ax (pl. 8, s), and portions of a large corkscrew. Wagon
part remains were the rub bar off a wagon box, the clevis (pl. 8, a)
which couples the wagon tongue and doubletrees, iron hoop and
bracing at the distal end of a wagon tongue, scrap iron from a single-
tree, strap iron and bolt combination to hold the sides of a wagon
to the bottom, and chain links.
The ice gliders were found below the 15-foot depth of the well.
They were made from deer, elk, or cow rib, and range from 11 cm.
to 20 cm. in length. ‘The whole specimens are blunted at one end and
the butts are hollowed to allow the insertion of two thin-feathered
sticks. Forty-five of the specimens lack any decoration but the others
evidence incising of various forms. The predominant pattern, found
on three and incipient on a fourth, is a series of diamonds placed end
toend (pl. 7, a, 6,e). Onone specimen (pl. 7,0) the diamond pattern
is cross-hatched. Another design is a series of incised triangles
along one edge (pl. 7, f). The remaining geometric designs are a
series of dots forming a triangle (pl. 7, 2), or straight lines. One
piece is notched along both lateral edges (pl. 7, c). Two and possibly
a third specimen have more or less realistic representations. One of
these pictures an actual ice glider, complete with feathers (pl. 7, d@).
Another represents a bird (pl. 7, 7). One specimen has an hourglass
design formed of a number of crossed lines with a featherlike repre-
sentation on the rear of the design (pl. 7, 7). The ice gliders were
thrown with an overhand motion at a target. Their presence in the
well may be due to this latter object’s use as a target, and the gliders
were lugged across the snow to its edges (Culin, 1907, pp. 399-420).
SUMMARY STATEMENT
A site of white provenience situated in one of the suggested loca-
tions of the site of Fort Lower Brulé was investigated. It yielded a
rather large artifact inventory and considerable data concerning
architectural details of a military post of the last third of the 19th
century. A well in the yard also yielded a large and interesting series
of a specialized type of Indian artifact—ice gliders. Proof is yet
lacking that this is actually the site of Fort Lower Brulé established
in 1870. However, on the basis of general location, general architec-
tural features, and quantity of artifactual materials of the appropriate
time period, it seems highly probable that this is the actual site of
Fort Lower Brulé.
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 176
FORT LOOKOUT MILITARY AND TRADING
POSTS (39LM57)
The site of Fort Lookout Military and Trading Posts was investi-
gated in 1950 by a Smithsonian Institution reconnaissance party under
the leadership of Thomas R. Garth. The two posts were assigned a
single site number, as their locations were contiguous. However, it
must be pointed out that Mattes’ researches (Mattes, 1949) have indi-
cated that the two, while situated contiguously, where slightly separate
in location. Of course, they were also separate in time by more than
a quarter of a century.
Site 39LM57, referring to both posts, lies in pastureland, bounded
by two small streams, on the south boundary of the Lower Brulé
Indian Reservation in Lyman County, S. Dak. (map 1). Further
excavations were conducted at this site in 1951 by a second Smithsonian
Institution field party, under the leadership of Carl F. Miller. The
archeological data of Fort Lookout are reported by Miller, in Paper
No. 17 in the present series of papers dealing with historic sites archeol-
ogy. Miller also presents some documentary data supplemental to
Mattes’ previous reports and consequently details pertaining to this
site need not be repeated here.
FORT HALE (39LM52)
Fort Hale, originally established at the Lower Brulé Indian Agency,
was relocated on the first terrace of the right bank of the Missouri
River, 13 miles upriver from Oacoma in Lyman County, S. Dak.
(map 1). The site was investigated by a Smithsonian Institution re-
connaissance party in 1950 under the leadership of Thomas R. Garth.
At that time it was ascertained that most of the building sites and
parade ground had been washed into the river. A number of cellar
depressions were still visible as were also sections of graveled walkways
that were raised a foot or more above the terrace plane. Artifactual
materials collected here in 1950 by Garth consisted of wrought-iron
nails, a strap hinge, a leather shoe sole, a glass button, a piece of cut
bone, and miscellaneous fragments of iron, eathenware, china, bottle
glass, window glass, and wall plaster.
The writer visited the site in the summer of 1952 and found that its
last remnants had been destroyed by the Missouri River flood of the
same year.
FORT RECOVERY
A site of major historic importance in the neighborhood of American
Island near Oacoma is Fort Recovery. The historic references to this
site are extremely confusing as has been demonstrated by Mattes’ exten-
Riv. BAS. Sur. wx be :
Pav. NO 16] HISTORIC SITES ARCHEOLOGY—MILLS 47
sive documentary researches.’ Erected during the first quarter of
the 19th century, the establishment was known by various names such
as Fort Recovery, Cedar Fort, Pilcher’s Post, and Fort Brasseaux, to
name afew. The post had considerable significance in the early his-
tory of the area in connection with the Leavenworth Expedition of
1823 and many other historic events of the time. However, docu-
mentary sources failed to pinpoint the location of the site.
In 1950, a Smithsonian Institution party under the direction of
Thomas R. Garth made an extensive search for surficial features indi-
cating the possible location of Fort Recovery. In spite of the inten-
sive and extensive examination of the area by this party, the results
were negative. The actual location is still unknown.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
ANDREAS, A. T.
1884. Historic atlas of Dakota. Chicago.
BLACKBURN, WILLIAMS MAXWELL.
1902. History of North and South Dakota. South Dakota Hist. Coll.
vol. 1, pp. 51-165.
Briecs, Harotp H.
1929. Early freight and stage lines in Dakota. North Dakota Hist. Quart.
vol. 3, No. 4, pp. 229-261.
CHAPPELL, PHIL H.
1906. A history of the Missouri River. Kansas Hist. Soc. vol. 9,
pp. 287-817.
CHITTENDEN, HIRAM MARTIN.
1936. The American fur trade of the West. New York.
Cox, JoHN H.
1981. Soldiering in Dakota Territory in the seventies. North Dakota
Hist. Quart., vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 68-81.
CULIN, STEWART.
1907. Games of the North American Indians. 24th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer.
Hthnol., pp. 399-420.
HANSON, JOSEPH MILLs.
1946. The conquest of the Missouri. New York.
HOWARD, JAMES H.
MS. Like-a-Fishhook Village. MS. filed in Smithsonian Inst. River Basin
Surveys Office, Lincoln, Nebr.
KINGSBURY, GEORGE W.
1915. History of Dakota Territory. Vols. 1-5. Chicago.
MAaAtTrTes, Mrrriti J.
1949. Historic sites in the Fort Randall reservoir area. South Dakota
Hist. Coll., vol. 24, pp. 470-577.
Myers, AUGUSTUS.
1914. Ten years in the ranks of the U.S. Army. New York.
PETERSON, W.J., EDITOR.
1945. Log of Henry M. Shreve. Mississippi Valley Hist. Rev., vol. 31.
7 See footnote 3, p. 31.
502329—60——4
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
PooLe, DEWITT C.
1881. Among the Sioux of Dakota. New York.
Reavis, L. U.
1887. Life and military service of General William Shelby Harney. St.
Louis.
ROBINSON, DOANE, EDITOR.
1916. Dakota military posts. South Dakota Hist. Coll, vol. 8, pp. 77-99.
U.S. Sureron GENERAL’S OFFICE.
1870. A report on barracks and hospitals with descriptions of military posts.
Cire. No. 4. Washington.
1875. A report of the hygiene of the United States Army with descriptions
of military posts. Cire. No.8. Washington.
BULLETIN 176 PLATE 1
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ick
f the br
(oto)
Som
b,
xcavation.
fore e
Randall br
ea be
In ar
1
il
rickk
Opsol
a, The surface of the Fort Randall br
n
kkil
1c
ort
wr
at
rows under the tc
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 2
Reus
coil oa
84 is a ; Ji Sci
a, The Fort Randall brickkiln area after excavation showing brick rows and raised strips
of mortar. 6, Profile of the Fort Randall brickkiln area showing burned earth underlying
physical remains of the site.
BULLETIN 176 PLATE 3
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
th mee TS
‘\sog Awiy pur Aouasy urIpuy suOjs}oy AA IY} JO aouvivedde ajqeqoid jo Sulmviqd
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE
Trench line of the southwest stockade wall, Whetstone Indian Agency and Army Post.
b, Remains of southwest corner stockade post, Whetstone Indian Agency and Army
Post.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE
A,
eee
8)
er
a, Site of Lower Brulé Indian Agency. b, Trench showing remains of north stockade wall,
Whetstone Indian Agency and Army Post.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE
a, Excavation at Fort Lower Brulé. , Barrel and forge remains at Fort Lower Brule.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 7
(0) 2
Ese set =a ] Scale in inches
Ice gliders from well at Fort Lower Brulé.
BULLETIN 176 PLATE
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Pa
: vue »
ee 26 ¥ eae
y ro ee: oF
SCALE IN INCHES
Artifacts from historic sites, Fort Randall Reservoir.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 9
SCALE IN INCHES
Artifacts from historic sites, Fort Randall Reservoir.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnslocy
Bulletin 176
River Basin Surveys Papers, No. 17
The Excavation and Investigation of Fort Lockout Trading Post I
(89LM37) in the Fort Randall Reservoir, South Dakota
By CARL F. MILLER
49
HOMUTITEUY MAIMOuMTINA
oo eo eg olondit nesttiind Yo casa
. one Biotin n
a1
: 6 Q
-., TI 04 wioged eyoriue sive 19vii —
il ie0'd geiberl tuodool 110% lo soitagitéevm baa at
Test digoe orca fahastk vam atti ni ¢
“ean tt aah @
CONTENTS
PAGE
introduction... = ere A em ER sk eS 55
Site SQLMS ie. 22 As eile ten, the oer Sot fs Gy et eee 56
SPECIMENS aye EBay we St ye ge ERB ye Be ee eee et Ea 61
listorictartifacts: <9 <2 22 2. 2 eh ee trea in gh ee MN ee 62
Trade: beads ox ates: sagen 22! Pe Pee ae, Eee ee Te Oe A 62
rade pipes’. 2. Re oi oh Sep lyase rte A ct eget 64
Chins and’ earthen warest< s45ep Se Soe Be Et 66
Glace iia = fe a ee ee is 2 ee ee PE le de oh ten 67
BUG COIS $8 eet een ery ae pag Re oa eh ge gS 68
NTE eee ee a eee anne Pts ery Pet Ley Sa ME SS De 73
Articles, of brass, copper, and lead 6.43.2.) 2) ee hee 74
SDF Yay SFE SY os eo 5 ae btn eet ea red hn gn eh OS te ep Se i 76
Trait, listo the historig.aspecte -b- 2445-6 ete tat 6 ees 78
Indian prtita cts: 54 oy iis yy eit eo ptt pede Se geet abbas 79
puMmmMary, andr conclusions. 24% 2 ia 2ects ek Ob eel ee ee are ot 79
Selectedtbibhocraphys 7% 9!) ek hae ee ee eo 81
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
(All plates follow page 82)
10. a, At the start of the excavations. Looking northeast across the bottoms
adjacent to the west bank of the river. b, Erosion ditch which delimited
the site along its southern edge and the tree covering of the bottom lands.
11. a, The arrangement of the parallel darkened earth-filled shallow trenches
which gave the first inkling of the remains of Fort Lookout. b, The re-
mains of charred timbers in association with the chalkstone fireplace
footer resting upon the floor of Fort Lookout Trading Post.
12. a, View showing depth and outline of rectangular “wine cellar.” 06, A cache
of fire-broken stones, Feature 438, resting upon sterile loess. Such caches
were not common but were frequent enough to warrant notice.
18. a, Men cleaning off floor of Feature 27, a large rectangular upright post
structure belonging to preceding Indian period. 0b, Sectioning post molds
to determine original depths.
14. a, Butt ends of original posts in situ in north wall of Feature 27. b, Out-
line and contents of charred wood of Feature 44 with a slight suggestion
of plaster used on west wall of pit.
15, Fragmentary white clay trade pipes from the Fort Lookout Trading Post
horizon.
16. A two-mold glass bottle from the surface of the site.
17. Brass cartridge cases, musket balls, and slug, as well as an individual gun
flint.
18. Various iron objects from the floor or fill above the Fort Lookout Trading
Post level.
51
502329—60—_5
52
oOo ONS
12.
14.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
TEXT FIGURES
. Diagrammatic representation of area uncovered in previous summer’s
work at the site, with the location of the chalkstone fireplace footer,
meature 7, in positions eee ees a oes Cece ee
. Representation of tangible remains of La Barge Trading Post with its
associated features and position of charred beams on floor of the
structure s22+ = Ss: csecesces eee eet eee ete dette ee
. Representation of third level of occupation, which shows the arrange-
ment of the narrow trenches of the earlier Fort Lookout and the
various-pits and ash concentration. = ====-2=2=-255=22 222-2242
. Bead types according to shapes, showing cross sections of each---- ~~
. Unusual-square-cut glass: trade bead... =--==--+-=----= 27S See ee
. Certain details of construction of various pipes_-_--.---.-_-----------
. Surface contour of molded glass vessels<-------——__-— == = == Se
. a, Cross section of milk-white glass button showing well and _ hoies
for attachment. 6, Pearl-and-brass button showing cross section.
c, Details of surface treatment=245! )O8_ Asc 0y_2eeis 40 Sees 2s
. a, Back and profile view of brass button bearing inscription, “Warranted
H. Orange.” b, Spheroid button of brass, showing measurements
and indentation of brass plate. c, Fine quality of brass button with
the inscription on base. d, An unusually fine specimen of “French”
brass button with its highly ornamented top. e, Types of wire shanks
used. with brass-button construction-.232-2=-.=---=--- 225225 —=eeee
a, Cartridge case of Winchester-type sheil from upper historic level.
b, Basal configurations of three cartridge cases____.._.-----------
. Hand-forged axhead, showing split butt end_--____---_-------------
Machine-madeshinge fragments. ==. ---2--222-----5-25 552-4 e ee
. Portion of the Missouri River showing the location of Fort Lookout II
Trading: Post-and (nearby historicalsites...
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86
FORT PIERRE II (39ST217)
A HISTORIC TRADING POST IN THE OAHE DAM
AREA, SOUTH DAKOTA?
By G. Husert Smiru
FOREWORD
From time to time since the establishment of the Missouri Basin
Project of the River Basin Surveys, as funds and personnel were
available, in addition to studies of native sites the Project has
given attention to sites of White origin in areas to be flooded. Less
numerous than native sites (both prehistoric and historic) in these
areas, the White sites—fur-trade posts, military posts, and the like—
have also been carefully studied, with actual excavation in certain
instances, inasmuch as they have independent importance in the his-
tory of the region, as well as direct bearing upon its native history.
This work by the Missouri Basin Project supplements and expands
systematic documentary investigations of historic sites made by the
National Park Service in these areas of the basin, including that of
the Oahe Reservoir area.
The report that follows presents results of excavation at one such
site of White origin, that of Fort Pierre II, a successor of a more
famous original, Fort Pierre Chouteau, both posts having been oper-
ated by the St. Louis firm of P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company; Fort
Pierre II was constructed after 1855, when the previous post was
sold for military purposes. It is probable that the use of the later
establishment, the site of which has now been partially excavated,
was of relatively short duration, and that the post itself was of rela-
tively minor importance even during its own period—one of rapid
decline in the trade as a whole. These inferences call for a brief
statement explaining why the present work was undertaken, in view
of the urgent demands of numerous other sites.
The claims of historic sites known for reservoir areas in the basin
cannot be allowed to overshadow those of the prehistoric and historic
native sites so widely distributed throughout these sections of the
Missouri valley. Furthermore, other sites of White origin are not
1 Submitted February 1959.
87
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 176
lacking within the Oahe area itself, sites that still remain unexca-
vated, though of probably richer individual historic values than the
present one. The general significance of any site—historic or pre-
historic, Indian or White—scarcely affords more than clues, how-
ever, to actual historical or scientific values until careful excavations
have been carried out. (This is not to deny historic values to “asso-
ciation sites,” at which physical] data are not recoverable by ordinary
archeological procedures. An example of such a site would be an In-
dian treaty ground, used for but a few hours or days but pivotal in
the general history of an area.) In the present instance, excavation
has added substantially to knowledge of a period of mid-19th-century
trade, then declining, about which relatively little has hitherto been
known, and provides a part of the “documentation” ordinarily missing
from customary records available to historians.
As one result of systematic documentary research by the National
Park Service covering historic sites in the Oahe Reservoir area, it
became apparent that such sites, to be adversely affected by construc-
tion of the dam and establishment of the reservoir, were not inconsid-
erable in significance or numbers (Mattison, 1954). Sites of forgot-
ten ghost towns, of better-remembered military posts, and even of an
important battle were among those to be flooded beyond hope of
further study at some future time.
No single category of sites was, however, as large or generally im-
portant in the earlier history of the region as that of the fur- and
Indian-trade posts of the last century. Extending from at least the
period of the War of 1812 down to that of permanent settlement of
much of the valley in the 1880’s, surviving sites of these posts—visible
physical remains of which have long since disappeared—preserve
irreplaceable data of earlier times, written record of which is ordi-
narily scanty, or even lacking—data in part recoverable only through
archeology. Actual physical details of individual posts, or properly
recorded specimens illustrating life at such frontier communities and
the conduct of the trade, on the other hand, are seldom to be found
in customary document sources or museum collections. (Inventories
of physical properties and goods at such establishments, a few of which
have been preserved and published, seem to be rare; such sources,
conversely, sometimes preserve detailed information not to be expected
from even the most thorough excavations. Cf. McDonnell, 1940.)
An example of the meagerness of contemporary document sources
concerning such commercial posts of the past century will illustrate the
desirability of excavations at sites of the kind. Despite more than two
decades of heavy use as a departmental headquarters of the dominant
trading firm of the region, little would now be known of the plan or
construction of the original Fort Pierre Chouteau were it not for the
records made for the War Department at the time of its purchase as
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pap. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 89
a military post—in a sense, fortuitous late records. (See plan and
descriptions of this post in 1855 in DeLand, 1902, pp. 296, 348-349.)
It is true that visitors such as Prince Maximilian and Edward Harris,
the latter of whom accompanied John James Audubon to this place,
left descriptions and a plan of the post that are of great value to the
student (Mattison, 1954, pp. 24-25). Carl Bodmer, who accompanied
the prince, even sketched the post from a distant point (Pope, 1954,
p. 16; Rathbone, 1954, p. 220, reproduction of an aquatint from the
Maximilian atlas). These sources, however, afford little more than
a general impression of the establishment—literary and artistic in-
terests, understandably enough, having centered upon the scenery and
native peoples of the upper Missouri. In this fortunate instance,
Federal archives thus materially aid the student in any study of design
or construction of the post since archeological investigation is lacking.
In such records alone, so far as is known, are specific details available
concerning Fort Pierre Chouteau, such, for example, as would be
required for authentic reconstruction.
These mercantile establishments of the past century—outposts of
the first permanent occupation of the West—are, furthermore, less well
known than other early White communities, such as military posts. As
is apparent from comparison of sources compiled by the National
Park Service (Mattison, 1954), military posts are, in general, well
recorded in surviving archival materials, records contemporary with
the design and construction of the forts. Such being the case, addi-
tions to knowledge of such military posts, possible or expectable from
actual site excavation, are limited, and excavations, therefore, seem
the less urgent. The fact that, by contrast, specific data for the
trading posts are comparatively rare affords a justification for care-
ful excavation, quite apart from any consideration of the importance of
such sites in their own right. It may be added that, as compared
with the fate of the military post on the Plains—several excellent
examples of which still survive, some of them relatively little changed—
the trading post, for various reasons, is less well remembered, no
original posts having survived.
In view of the fact that the site here reported lies below the Oahe
Dam, a word should be added explaining why it qualified as a salvage
problem. The site lies near the alinement of a vast spillway, the
function of which is that of a safety valve. Like several native sites
of the area, this site is thus liable to almost instantaneous and total
destruction, without warning, in an emergency, and clearly constituted
a true salvage problem, if not one of the usual sort. In keeping with
the principle hitherto applied to all large sites of the reservoir areas
of the Missouri basin (historic and prehistoric alike), the excavations
were designedly partial, sampling investigations. The data obtained,
however, seem for the present to be fully adequate, affording as they
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
do new light on various aspects of the physical history of the original
establishment, and for the first time providing specific data on physical
remains of a post in the central Dakota region. These data should
become of even greater usefulness with future work on other historic
sites, such as that of Fort Pierre Chouteau itself, and the present work
provides part of the orientation for such future studies.
The archeological investigations here reported concern some 8 weeks
of excavations carried on during June and July 1956, under the writer’s
direction. Assisting him throughout this period were Elmer R.
Gardner and the late Peter Kuipers, both of Platte, S. Dak., and Larry
J. Giddings and Robert R. Ricketts, of Fort Pierre. The conscien-
tious, willing help provided by these men and their interest in their
work are hereby gratefully acknowledged. Harold A. Huscher, ar-
cheologist of the Project, also provided welcome assistance with the
instrument survey of the site.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Perhaps few geographic locations in the West exhibit a greater
concentration of sites of separate and distinct (though related) his-
toric fur- and Indian-trade establishments, or one covering a longer
time-span, than that of the junction of the Bad and the Missouri
Rivers, in present Stanley County, S. Dak. (map 3). Soon after the
end of hostilities, after the War of 1812, and the official restriction
of the trade in the West to American citizens, one Joseph Lafram-
boise, perhaps a former employee of the famous North West Com-
pany of Montreal, is said to have traded here in 1817 (Thwaites,
1906, vol. 22, p. 315 n., cited by Mattison, 1954, p. 17).
There appears to be nothing beyond traditional evidence of La-
framboise having built here at this time, but the traditions are cir-
cumstantial and have the earmarks of authenticity (DeLand, 1902, pp.
378-374). According to them, Laframboise was a mixblood (French
and Ottawa) who in 1816 had come by way of Prairie du Chien,
Wis., licensed to trade on the upper Minnesota River. In the fol-
lowing year he is said to have built a store at the mouth of the Bad
River (then commonly known as the Teton), obtaining building ma-
terial from dry driftwood timber. The date in question is derived
from two different Dakota “winter counts” (Mallery, 1886, p. 109,
cited by DeLand, 1902, pp. 378-374). This probably modest estab-
lishment is said to have been used by its builder at least until 1819,
and the memory of his residence near the Bad River is preserved today
in the name of Laframboise Island, near its mouth, though the pre-
cise location of the post remains in doubt.
The next establishment for trade at this point appears to have been
that of a group of former Montreal merchants, the Columbia Fur
Company, probably in 1822. This firm (like Laframboise, no doubt,
Riv. Bas. Sur.
Pav. NO. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 91
maintaining British ties and sympathies), of which William Laidlaw,
Kenneth McKenzie, and James Kipp were prominent members, seems
to have operated its post—named “Fort Tecumseh” for the Shawnee
leader in the late war—until 1827, when the company was absorbed by
the American Fur Company (DeLand, 1902, pp. 329-335). The pre-
cise location of the site of Fort Tecumseh is also in doubt. Some
students believe that it was situated in N14 sec. 28, T. 5 N., R. 31 E.
(Mattison, 1954, p. 23). DeLand (1902, p. 281, map), however,
placed the site in sec. 21 of the same township and range.
Another post was also soon established nearby—that usually re-
ferred to as the Teton Post from an alternate name of the Bad River,
and built in 1828 or 1829 by the St. Louis group of Pierre D. Papin,
Gabriel P. and Michel S. Cerré, and Honoré Picotte, a group some-
times referred to as the “French Company,” apparently to distinguish
it from the American Fur Company, and perhaps from the Columbia
(cf. DeLand, 1902, p. 374; Abel, 1932, p. 202, n. 20). Once again,
precise location seems impossible; the site of the Teton Post is said to
have been at the mouth of the Bad, but whether on the north or south
side is uncertain (DeLand, 1902, pp. 374-375).
At this late date, it is improbable that the actual sites of Lafram-
boise’s post, of Fort Tecumseh, or of the Teton Post could be re-
located. The entire area in question, adjacent to the mouth of the Bad
River, has been much altered in recent years as a result of the growth
of the city of Fort Pierre and through extensive changes in surface
levels in and near it after the disastrous flood of 1952, and by the
establishment of new street and highway grades. With the building
of Fort Pierre Chouteau in 1831-32, however, the student is at last
upon solid ground, the location and character of the post having been
recorded in several sources contemporary with its actual use.
For the earliest trading establishments in the immediate neighbor-
hood of the mouth of the Bad River, bottom lands had been chosen
as sites, easy access to both the Bad and the Missouri having appar-
ently weighed more heavily with the traders than other considerations.
Experience with seasonal flooding, however, seems at length to have
dictated that any new post be differently located. With the build-
ing of Fort Pierre Chouteau by the American Fur Company, as head-
quarters for its Upper Missouri Outfit, a new site was selected, ap-
proximately 3 miles upriver from the Bad and beyond the reach of its
flood stages or of a conjunction of flood waters from the Missouri
and the Bad, while retaining ease of access to the channel of the
larger river. This site, located in NE14SWY, sec. 16, T. 5 N.,
R. 31 E., was marked in 1930 with a boulder bearing a bronze
historical tablet (Mattison, 1954, pp. 24-28).
Still another early post was destined to rise in this vicinity, that
of the firm of Sublette and Campbell, begun in 1833 as an opposition
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
post but sold the following year to the larger Chouteau firm (then
successors to the American Fur Company in the West). Again the
precise location is in doubt, though the site may le in SE}, sec. 28,
T. 5 N., R. 31 E. (ibid., p. 22). No other establishments of
subsequent date are known for the immediate area.
Fort Pierre Chouteau, long headquarters of the trade in this region,
and frequently visited by travelers, had by the year 1855 fulfilled its
major historic role. Having survived noteworthy (though now
little-known) changes in the nature of the trade itself during the
preceding two decades, the old post was now the scene of a military
occupation, and for a final brief period performed an essentially dif-
ferent function. This occupation was connected with campaigns
against hostile Dakota (Sioux) Indian groups, conducted by military
forces under the command of Bvt. Brig. Gen. William S. Harney,
and entailed the purchase of the post for garrison and supply
purposes. Thus the building of new posts by the traders for their
own needs became necessary.
Unfortunately, data pertaining to these new trading establishments,
following abandonment by the traders of the old post, are not readily
available, and statements of historical students concerning them, fre-
quently unsupported by conclusive evidence, are doubtful and con-
fusing, or actually in disagreement. The following outline of the
probable succession of events after 1855 is believed to be in the main
correct, if inadequate in details. An attempt has here been made
to proceed upon the evidence of contemporary documents or, lack-
ing this, on the basis of reliable testimony of eyewitnesses given at
later times. The attempt is not wholly successful, and search of the
commercial papers of such firms as the Chouteau Company and its
affiliates may provide data to fill in the scanty outlines now known,
when detailed research becomes possible.
It is known from contemporary sources that the agent of the
Chouteau firm, upon the sale of old Fort Pierre to the War Depart-
ment in 1855, was Charles E. Galpin, frequently referred to elsewhere
as “Major” (Galpin to Capt. P. T. Turnley, Fort Pierre, Nov. 1,
1855; Galpin to Turnley, Nov. 8, 1855; in U.S. War Dept., 1902,
pp. 404, 412). The same sources reveal that Galpin had at this time
lived in the region for 16 years, 10 of which (i.e., since 1845) he had
lived “immediately at Ft. Pierre” (Galpin to Turnley, Nov. 8, 1855,
ibid.). Galpin was to continue here for some years longer, as repre-
sentative of the Chouteaus. With him, at one time, Charles Primeau
seems to have represented the firm.
It is known that at some time prior to August 7, 1855, Galpin had
established a camp about 4 miles above Chantier Creek, “with the party
that vacated Fort Pierre on the arrival of the troops,” at a site said
to be good, having a considerable quantity of grass and wood, but
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pap. No. 18], FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 93
little timber fit for building (Lt. G. K. Warren to Maj. O. F. Winship,
Fort Pierre, Aug. 7, 1855, in U.S. War Dept., 1902, p. 392). The site
of Galpin’s Camp near Chantier Creek is indicated on a map, made
to accompany the letter, by Warren and Paul Carrey, entitled “Pre-
liminary Sketch of a survey of the Missouri R. near Ft. Pierre for the
purpose of laying out a reserve for that Post,” approved by Maj.
W. R. Montgomery, commandant, Fort Pierre, August 8,1955. (This
original map, as yet unpublished, is in the National Archives, Record
Group 77 (126-1), and a photostatic copy is in Missouri Basin Project
files.) The camp is shown as situated immediately below the mouth of
a small unnamed stream next above Chantier Creek, on the west side
of the Missouri, at a distance from the creek of approximately 4 miles.
Of this new site at which the traders were located, some 16 miles
upriver from old Fort Pierre, the comment was also made that while
the landing was not good, it was better than that at Fort Pierre, and
that, in general, the location was a “more eligible one”—i.e., probably,
for trade purposes. There appears to have been some doubt on the
part of the traders at this time of the wisdom of reestablishing them-
selves intheregion. Warren comments “that the trade with the Sioux
in this vicinity is ruined forever, and that it will not be profitable to
incur the expense of establishing a trading post”—i.e., to replace Fort
Pierre Chouteau (ibid., p. 393). Galpin himself revealed something of
the problem in writing that “Fort Pierre is a barren and exhausted
place” (Galpin to Turnley, Fort Pierre, Nov. 8, 1855, op. cit., p. 412).
The general area of Chantier Creek, the location of the traders in
the summer of 1855, despite the comment on its suitability seems to
have been utilized by them as headquarters for only a short time. The
area previously had been used by the traders from old Fort Pierre as a
source of timber, not available in sufficient quantities in the immediate
vicinity of the mouth of the Bad River, and it is possible that depletion
of timber near Chantier Creek and the advantage of location near the
old site combined to cause a return downriver. It is probable that the
establishment near Chantier Creek was used only during the winters
of 1855-56 and 1856-57.
DeLand states that Galpin in 1857 began a new post to take the place
of the old, and that this establishment was situated “about two miles
north of the site of old Fort Pierre” (DeLand, 1902, p. 365; his map
places this site in sec. 5, T. 5 N., R. 31 E., near its northeast corner;
Mattison, 1954, p. 30, is in doubt about the precise location). This
statement appears to be based upon testimony of Marcel C. Rousseau,
who came to the area in the fall of 1857 as bookkeeper for the Chouteau
firm, and later stated that when he arrived the stockade of this post
was under construction. This new post (according to DeLand, whose
data were doubtless from Rousseau) was about 125 feet square, and
built similar to the first Fort Pierre except for the fact that it had no
94. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
“bastions” (i.e., blockhouses). The stockade proper, on this author-
ity, then “constituted about two-third of the entire enclosure,” vari-
ous buildings forming a part of the enclosure except along the front.
DeLand states that the precise date of abandonment of this estab-
lishment is not clear, but that it was superseded by a “New Ft. Pierre.”
He also states that Galpin was in charge of the various posts of the
Fort Pierre group used by the American Fur Company (i.e., the
Chouteau firm) from the time of the building of this “Ft. Galpin” until
the company went out of business at this point, and that as late as
about 1865 he assisted in hauling timber from “old Fort Pierre” with
which to construct a store on the east side of the river, near the first
Fort Sully military post, adjacent to Farm Island, in present Hughes
County.
DeLand further states that in 1859 a second Fort Pierre, or “New
Fort Pierre,” was built in this area, though some work had probably
been done on it the previous year (DeLand, 1902, pp. 369-370). This
establishment, he states, was situated 17% miles above (north of) the
site of old Fort Pierre, and “some twenty rods or so south of the
southern end of an island at that point in the Missouri River.” This
statement probably refers to a timbered flat, now joined to the main-
land, below Wood Island, and lying largely in sections 32 and 33, T.
5 N., R. 6 E. (Cf. Corps of Engineers map, 1947, sheet 68. The
original General Land Office plat of the township reveals that by
1890 this flat had already been joined to the mainland. Cf. G.L.O.
plat of T. 5 N., R. 6 E., Black Hills Meridian, in South Dakota
Department of School and Public Lands.)
DeLand was unable to state the source of timber used in building
this “New Fort Pierre,” but thought that there was little reason to
doubt that before it was completed some of its materials had come
from the old post, ie., that abandoned by the traders in 1855. This
is confirmed by a brief entry in Raynolds’ journal for September 10,
1860, made while he was en route downriver to Fort Randall, an
entry that gives a final glimpse of the famous old trading post, Fort
Pierre Chouteau: “As we passed old Fort Pierre I noticed that but
little was left of the structure, the remains consisting of the shell
of one row of houses, and the demolition of this was in progress, the
material being used in the new fort [1.e., Fort Pierre IT]” (Raynolds,
1868, p. 121).
Joseph Wandel, who about this time was employed by the Chouteau
firm (or by someone connected with it), is quoted by DeLand con-
cerning this “New Fort Pierre.” From this source it is probable that
after the abandonment by the War Department of the original Fort
Pierre, about 1857, building materials were moved upriver from it to
the new site adjacent to “Seven-Mile Timber,” and just opposite the
lower end of the timber, about 300 yards from the river. (This loca-
Riv. BAS. Suk. an :
Pap. No. 18] FORT PIERRE It SMITH 95
tion may be the same as the island referred to above, lying in sections
32 and 33.) “We had to cut the brush away,” Wandel is quoted as
saying, “because the Indians would lay there and kill people. They
did that several times, the Rees [Arikara] and Gros Ventres
[ Hidatsa].” Wandel added that the “second Fort Pierre” stood
until the “steamboat people” took the houses, i.e., for fuel; “Nobody
knows how it was burned up.” From his account, quoted verbatim
by DeLand (1902, pp. 369-370) it is clear that persons other than
steamboat-fuel suppliers made use of the materials from the second
post; Wandel refers to freighters of army supplies as also taking
what they needed.
Basil Claymore (or Clement), another informant, also testified
concerning Fort Pierre II—situated “at the foot of the island.”
Claymore stated positively that Galpin was in charge of both old Fort
Pierre and the new post, remaining in charge until the company quit
business in the area (i.e., about 1865), though he also added that he
(Claymore) had served under two “bosses”—Galpin and Primeau.
Charles Primeau appears to have been in charge of “New Fort Pierre”
in June 1862 (perhaps during a temporary absence of Galpin), at the
time of the murder of Bear’s Rib, an important Dakota chief favor-
able to the Whites, by a group of hostiles—an event referred to in
several sources (Primeau, “agent in Charge of Ft. Pierre,” June 20,
1862, and Samuel N. Latta, Yancton, D. T., Aug. 27, 1862, summa-
rized by W. G. Robinson, 1954, vol. 27, pp. 298-299, 305-306; testi-
mony, of Wandel and Claymore in DeLand, 1902, pp. 366-368).
The matter of the precise location of Fort Pierre IJ, more fully
dealt with in the following section, is of importance in view of the
fact that, as has been seen, there were several separate but roughly
contemporaneous posts in the vicinity, at least two of them in the
immediate neighborhood (Fort Galpin and Fort Pierre Il). Brief
mention will here be made of two further establishments, of somewhat
later date on the basis of available evidence. (Several clearly erro-
neous statements about these various posts appear in the general
article by Wilson, 1902; DeLand, 1902, has corrected these errors.)
DeLand’s data record the former existence of a Fort Laframboise
(i.e., the second of that name, not to be confused with that of 1817
at the mouth of the Bad River), which he locates in sec. 25, T. 6 N.,
R. 381 E. (DeLand, 1902, pp. 865-366 and map; Mattison, 1954, pp.
31-82, places the site in sec. 30, T. 6 N., R. 30 E.). This post is said
to have been established by the firm of La Barge, Harkness, and Com-
pany in 1862 and to have been operated, for a short time only, by
Frank Laframboise, a descendant of Joseph, previously mentioned.
The location given would place the site in the immediate vicinity of
the Oahe Dan, but it has been impossible to verify the statement. In
all probability, any remains at this point were obliterated during the
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
construction of the dam, beginning in 1950, prior to systematic search
for historic sites in the area in question.
One other trading post mentioned is Fort Primeau, which is said to
have been built and occupied by Primeau early in the 1860’s, and prob-
ably before 1862 (DeLand, 1902, p. 378; cf. also his map, opp. p. 281).
This establishment is said to have been situated in sec. 26, T. 6 N., R.
30 E., “a short distance above the Fort LaFramboise of LaBarge, Hark-
ness & Company,” and just below and opposite Peoria Bottom, on high
ground and near the edge of the bluff. It has been shown above
that Primeau had, in June, 1862, been in charge at Fort Pierre
II, apparently during Galpin’s temporary absence, and it seems im-
probable that he would simultaneously have had a second trading post,
scarcely 5 miles distant. DeLand’s suggestion concerning the date of
“Fort Primeau” therefore seems doubtful. Mattison (1954, p. 32)
states that this post belonged to La Barge, Harkness and Company,
but no evidence is cited to support his statement that Primeau was a
“partner” of that company, a firm opposing the Chouteau interests,
whose agents in 1862 are known to have been Primeau and Galpin. It
is, finally, quite possible that in identifying a “Fort Primeau” as in
existence in 1862 (a post separate from Fort Pierre IT) DeLand (who
is followed by Mattison, 1954, p. 832) may have been in error, inasmuch
as the terrain in sec. 26 is quite unsuitable for the location of a post.
No intensive search has, however, been made of the terrain in this
section, so far as is known, though it is probable that large-scale cut-
ting, by the river itself against the bluffs of the south side of the valley
at this point, may long since have removed any physical traces of
“Fort Primeau.”
The present study is particularly concerned with the physical history
of the establishment known as Fort Pierre IJ, evidence for which is
preserved in a few documentary sources, to which new data can now
be added from excavations of the site of the post. No complete review
of the general history of the fur- and Indian-trade on the upper
Missouri can here be attempted, desirable as such a review would be
for proper understanding of the significance of this particular post.
That topic is much too large and complicated to undertake here, and
adequate sources for such a review are, in any event, not yet available
in print. The history of Pierre Chouteau, Jr., and Company—other-
wise the Upper Missouri Outfit of the American Fur Company—itself
remains to be written, and only portions of the general commercial
history of the upper Missouri have thus far been published. The
historic role of Fort Pierre Chouteau and other trading centers in its
immediate vicinity, including Fort Pierre II, merits more attention
than it has yet received, and the topic has apparently been seriously
attempted only once (Wilson, 1902). It is possible, however, to gather
certain facts about historic events in this area, which provide some
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pie Nos) FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 07
of the background for understanding of the physical history of the
later post.
It has been noted above that until its sale in 1855 Fort Pierre Chou-
teau had for a number of years served the Chouteau firm as depart-
mental headquarters for their Indian trade over a large region. It is
known that from this base of operations, under the general admin-
istration of a resident superintendent (ordinarily called the bourgeois,
or “boss”) such as William Laidlaw, Honoré Picotte, and Alexander
Culbertson, the firm drew the proceeds of a vast reservoir of furs and
hides, from which point they were transshipped to St. Louis, and to
which large shipments of commodities of all kinds were dispatched
by steamboat, to be distributed among many different native groups.
Thus, in the year 1851, from Fort Pierre, Picotte supervised the trade
at Fort Lookout and Fort Vermillion, downriver, and Fort Clark and
Fort Berthold, upriver, besides many lesser stations (Kurz, 1937, p.
235).
The entry of the steamboat is a major historic factor in any study
of the trade of the 19th century on the upper Missouri. First suc-
cessfully adapted to the upper river with the building of the famous
Yellowstone, which in 1831 reached Fort Tecumseh, and the following
year Fort Union, near the mouth of the Yellowstone River, the steam-
boats permitted bulk shipments far beyond the scope or speed of pre-
vious watercraft such as rafts and keelboats, and led the way to a truly
modern commerce. By 1859, when Fort Benton was reached, steam-
boat navigation had been extended to the very foothills of the Rockies.
By that period, furthermore, the Chouteau interests dominated the
trade over a vast region—far beyond the Missouri valley proper—
and, in fact, constituted a monopoly, despite frequent challenge, us-
ually unsuccessful. The scale of these operations may be judged
from the fact that a single season’s furs and hides from the upper
Missouri sometimes reached the valuation of a half-million dollars
(Thomas Forsyth to Lewis Cass, St. Louis, Oct. 24, 1831; in For-
syth, 1957, p. 206).
Detailed information on the trade, on either “imports” of furs
and hides at St. Louis or “exports” of commodities for the trade from
that place, are not readily available, though such data would aid ma-
terially in understanding the beginnings, development, and decline
of the trade in the West during the 19th century. It is, however, ap-
parent that by the late 1830’s—about the period of entry of the
steamboat as a new and different factor—there was a shift of emphasis
from the smaller peltry (particularly the beaver) to the larger buf-
falo hides and robes.
Thus in Joseph N. Nicollet’s important geographical report the
statement is made that the Chouteau firm after 1839 almost entirely
suspended operations in the Rockies, where previously they had em-
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 176
ployed from four to five hundred trappers and hunters, nearly a
thousand horses, and from two to three thousand dollars’ worth of
merchandise (Nicollet, 1845, p. 65). In 1840, said Nicollet (probably
on the basis of information furnished him by the Chouteau firm it-
self), the principal posts were withdrawn, the company “limiting
itself to the purchase of buffalo robes, and other peltries of less value.”
Reasons advanced in his report include that of the difficulty of com-
peting with the Hudson’s Bay Company, lacking “certain privileges”
refused it by the Congress; the “enormous duties” to be paid on goods
imported for the trade, as well as those levied by the United King-
dom, defeated the company’s operations or “rendered them too oner-
ous.” Such statements, doubtless intended to influence political ac-
tion on behalf of the traders, specifically the Chouteaus, reveal some-
thing of the intricacy of the historical development of trade in
the West.
With the steamboats, others besides traders also visited the region,
often as guests of “the company.” ‘Travelers such as George Catlin,
Prince Maximilian and Carl Bodmer, Nicollet and John C. Fremont
are among those who came, particularly during the 1830’s. By the
1850’s, the U.S. Army also found ways to go to the upper river by
steamboat, as in 1855 when Harney’s troops were transported thither
from St. Louis in the course of his expedition against the Sioux.
Among the travelers, at least one left some record of Fort Pierre
II, which, according to custom, he calls Fort Pierre, ignoring the
fact that the original Fort Pierre Chouteau had already passed into
history. This was the German-born artist, Charles Wimar, who in
both 1858 and 1859 came by steamboat, probably also as a guest of
the Chouteaus. Wimar later prepared a plate of drawings, showing
each of the more important establishments of the firm (reproduced
in Chittenden and Richardson, 1905, vol. 2, frontispiece). The loca-
tion of the original of this plate—drawings probably intended for
lithograph engraving—is not now known, but individual sketches of
some of the subjects (e.g., Fort Berthold I, in present North Dakota)
have fortunately been preserved. Inasmuch as Wimav’s first visit to
the upper river did not take place until 1858, after the abandon-
ment and probable disappearance of old Fort Pierre Chouteau, his
sketch of that post must have been based upon some other view, per-
haps that made by Bodmer in 1833, and lithographed in color in the
atlas accompanying Maximilian’s Travels (published in Coblenz,
1839-41). It iscurious but understandable that Wimar, on his plate of
drawings, should have shown a post formerly used by the company
here, Fort Pierre Chouteau, rather than that then actually in use,
Fort Pierre II. Nor is any finished drawing of the latter to be found
among surviving drawings by Wimar.
Denese FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 99
Wimat’s primary purpose on the occasion of his visits to the upper
river was, of course, particularly to sketch and paint the Indians and
the scenery, and his field books (still in large part unpublished, but
carefully preserved at the City Art Museum of St. Louis) furnish
a valuable record of the upper river including the Fort Pierre region
at this period, some 25 years after the visits of Catlin and Bodmer
(Rathbone, 1946, pp. 18-20; 48; 74). Leaving St. Louis in May,
1858, on the first trip upriver, he first encountered Yankton Indians
above Sioux City, who had been invited aboard the boat by an Indian
agent also en route upriver. Above Fort Randall, Wimar was also to
see Ponca and Brulé, and more Yankton Indians. At Fort Pierre
(i.e., Fort Pierre IL) there were gathered several hundred Dakota,
with their women and children; portraits of as many as possible of
them Wimar endeavored to obtain during the very brief stay, the
steamboat (7 wilight) carrying the party farther upstream the same
afternoon (July 12). It is known that Wimar had with him on this
journey an ambrotype camera, but no specimens of his photographic
work are now known, and his efforts may not have been successful.
In Wimar’s sketchbooks are numerous excellent drawings and por-
trait sketches of various Indian men and women, doubtless obtained
on this trip; among these is a likeness of Bear’s Rib, a Dakota chief,
of whom more is said hereafter, and of whom Wimar subsequently
painted an oil portrait also extant. Another hasty sketch, intended
to show particularly the arrangement of groups of Indians gathered
near the steamboat, seems to show Fort Pierre IT as well, though with
little attention to detail. In 1859 Wimar returned by boat to the
upper river, adding to his drawings as before.
One other visitor to the region during these years was Capt. Wil-
liam F, Raynolds of the Corps of Engineers, who in the summer of
1859, accompanied by the eminent geologist Ferdinand V. Hayden,
Lt. Henry E. Maynadier, and others, explored the upper Missouri
and Yellowstone valleys. On June 18 of that year Raynolds held
a council with the Indians at Fort Pierre, at the same time issuing
the annuities (annual payments of goods and money) due the Teton;
returning downriver, the party was once more at the post from
September 8 to 10, 1860 (Raynolds, 1868, pp. 120-121.).
By the admission to the Union of the State of Minnesota in 1858
the remainder of the former Territory of the same name (which had
extended to the Missouri River itself, touching the Territory of Ne-
braska, established in 1854) was left without territorial government.
Various delays postponed the creation of Dakota Territory until
1861, when it was formed of this unorganized remnant east of the
Missouri, and a portion withdrawn from the Territory of Nebraska,
lying west of the Missouri. Few settlements had, however, been
502329—60——8
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 176
made in the area that was to become Dakota Territory, even by 1861.
In 1857, townsites had been promoted at Medary, Flandreau, and
Sioux Falls, but settlements at the first and second were abandoned
the following year, and that at Sioux Falls had to be defended from
the Indians by fortifying the tiny community. In 1859, settlements
were made at Yankton, Vermillion, and Bon Homme. At the cen-
sus of 1860, less than five thousand persons (Indians apart) were
claimed for all of the area of Dakota Territory, which then comprised
the area of both of the present States.
Data collected by the enumerators at the census of 1860 provide
some further light on trade activities in the Fort Pierre area during
the brief existence of Fort Pierre II. Original census schedules cov-
ering this area have not been located, but the printed abstracts of the
census record the fact that 17 persons were found at “Ft. Pierre”
in that year, presumably including most of those then residing near
the mouth of the Bad River (U.S. Census Office, 1864, p. 552:
“Territory of Dakota’)?
The total of 17 persons tabulated for “Ft. Pierre” probably in-
cluded all those regularly residing at Fort Pierre II (the only trade
establishment then in existence in the area, so farasis known). Lack-
ing the original schedules, however, it is impossible to determine
whether persons not actually part of the personnel of that post were
also included. The composition of the group of 17 is of interest: three
White and seven Indian males, and one White and six Indian females.
It is known that Galpin’s wife was a prominent Sioux woman, a
daughter of Two Lance and previously the wife of Honoré Picotte,
by whom she had two daughters. By Galpin she also had two or more
sons and two daughters (Holley, 1892, p. 284; Hayden, 1862, pl. 1 and
p. 457 n.). It is doubtful that Mrs. Galpin was the White woman
counted, but the identity of that person is not known.
Though it cannot be proved that all 17 persons counted were part
of the personnel of Fort Pierre II, as has been noted, at least that
number would probably have been needed to manage the post. The
fact that both Whites and Indians were listed for “Ft. Pierre” is also
of interest. The employment of Indian personnel was customary at
such establishments; native or mixblood males frequently were em-
ployed as hunters, whose responsibility it was to provide game for
2 All of the present State of South Dakota west of the Missouri River was contained in
the Territory of Nebraska from 1854 to 1861. Original schedules of the census of 1860
for that Territory are preserved in the National Archives and at the Nebraska State His-
torical Society, Lincoln, and the latter institution has microfilm copies of the schedules
at the National Archives. These schedules do not, however, include entries for the Fort
Pierre area, nor for any of several river settlements counted above Fort Randall. Inas-
much as the abstracts of the census were not published until 1864, after the organization
of the Territory of Dakota (including, in its original form, all of the present States of
North and South Dakota), it is possible that data for the parts of the former Territory of
Nebraska, including the Missouri River settlements, were then shown under the newer po-
litical subdivision, the Territory of Dakota.
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pap. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 101
the subsistence of the posts, and they also had other duties; Indian
women were doubtless also employed from time to time. It is of
course possible that of the 13 Indians counted here some were included
who were actually no more than camp followers, who happened to re-
side near the post but had no direct relation with it.
By a treaty made at Washington in 1858 with the Yankton tribe,
a large part of the present State of South Dakota east of the Missouri
had been opened for legal settlement, with the exception of a reserva-
tion in present Charles Mix County (D. Robinson, 1904, pp. 248 ff.;
W. G. Robinson, 1954, pp. 246-249, digest of treaty of April 19, 1858).
This cession was, however, unpopular with the Yankton, and caused
dissension among the Yanktonais and Teton, who also claimed the area.
Not until much later were further White settlements made along the
Missouri above Yankton, and then only after the virtual disappear-
ance of the steamboat. Such permanent settlements in present-day
North and South Dakota could not, in fact, come about until after
the Indian Wars of 1862-66, and the dispersal of most of the native
occupants of the region, ever farther west.
Two noteworthy events occurred in the vicinity of Fort Pierre II
during its brief existence; the first was the murder, previously referred
to, of a prominent Dakota leader, Bear’s Rib, in the immediate vicinity
in June 1862, at the hands of his own people. Events leading to this
murder may be briefly summarized here.
By the early 1850’s, occupation of the territory tributary to Fort
Pierre had been divided between two groups of the Dakota who had
dispossessed earlier native occupants of the area. These were the great
Teton nation and the smaller, closely related Yankton and Yank-
tonais. Though no fixed boundaries marked the range of these
vigorous and then powerful peoples, the Teton (particularly the
Oohenonpa or Two Kettle, Miniconjou, Uncpapa, Brulé, Blackfoot,
and Sans Arcs subdivisions, constituting embryonic tribes) ranged
particularly to the west of the Missouri, while the Yankton and
Yanktonais ranged specially to the east.
Bear’s Rib first appears in history in 1855, when he was appointed
“first chief” among his people by General Harney (Warren, 1856,
quoted in Robinson, 1904, pp. 227-230). He was referred to as a
“oreat warrior,’ and was the leader of a mixed group of Miniconjou,
Sans Arcs, and Oohenonpa (Primeau, June 20, 1862, quoted by Rob-
inson, 1954, p. 805). In the summer of 1856, an exploring party
under Lieutenant Warren encountered him in the southern Black
Hills, at which time he promised to endeavor to influence his people
not to molest that party, which was striving to penetrate as far as
Bear Butte, in the northern Hills. Bear’s Rib, however, protested
vigorously to Warren that if the “treaty” presents (by the arrange-
ment of the previous year) had been intended to purchase right of
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
entry into the Hills, they were not wanted by the Sioux, nor did
the Indians want them if they were intended to induce them not to
go to war with the Crow and their other enemies. “AI] they asked
of the white people,” Warren quoted him as asserting, “was to be left
to themselves and let alone . . .” (Warren, 1856, in Robinson, 1904,
pp. 227-230). Subsequently, Bear’s Rib, who appears to have been
an able leader despite later strong disaffection among the Dakota
themselves, met Captain Raynolds at Fort Pierre II, where he pro-
tested the provisions of the Yankton Treaty, and Raynolds reported
the able speech of Bear’s Rib in his own words (Raynolds, 1868, p.
20; also in Robinson, 1904, pp. 249-250).
By the provisions of various agreements such as the Treaty of
Fort Laramie, of 1851, and the unratified “treaty” made at Fort
Pierre by Harney in 1855, annuities were made to various peoples
of the area centering about Fort Pierre. These annuities were paid
during special visits of then nonresident agents of the Indian Office.
Thus in the spring of 1862 there came to Fort Pierre between two and
three thousand Sioux, from seven bands, to meet the agent, Samuel
N. Latta. The Indians with one exception refused to treat with Latta
at this time, however, or to accept any “presents.” This exception was
Bear’s Rib, who, “after persuasion,” accepted goods for his band
though claiming that in so doing he was endangering his life and
that of his followers, and who asked that no more goods be brought
unless under military protection. A few days later, a party of Sioux
“came in from the prairies,” killed him and several of his people, and
compelled the remainder to flee (Robinson, 1954, p. 288; report of
W. P. Dole, 1862).
Bear’s Rib had been at odds with other Dakota leaders because of
his adherence to the Whites. Latta himself, in his report of the affair,
mentions that the chiefs had protested that they were in the minority,
that they “had been promised protection,” that the amount of the an-
nuities was so small as to promote discord rather than harmony
among the Indians, and the like. Other chiefs present at the council
seemed to be agreed, withholding their approval of the annuity pay-
ments and refusing future benefits. Only Bear’s Rib, whom Latta
refers to as an Uncpapa chief “appointed” by Harney and “a brave
and good man,” remained friendly to the Government, though ap-
parently well aware of the risk to himself. Latta stated that a few
days after he had delivered the annuity goods, a portion of the Sans
Ares who were opposed to intercourse with the Government appeared,
and “within the gates of Ft. Pierre” killed Bear’s Rib and several
others (Robinson, 1954, p. 299; report of S. N. Latta, Aug. 27, 1862;
Robinson identifies the post in question as Fort Laframboise, but this
seems doubtful).
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pap. No. 18], FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 103
The facts leading to the slaying of Bear’s Rib are not entirely
clear, but it is probable that the activities and methods of the traders
(the immediate beneficiaries of money payments under annuity pro-
visions) played a part. It is not difficult, in any event, to under-
stand the murder of even a prominent tribal leader, particularly one
known to be favorable to the Whites, by adherents of some other
leader.
Charles Primeau, agent of the Chouteau firm in charge of Fort
Pierre at the time, was a witness of this murder, and a letter has been
preserved, written by him to his employers and thence forwarded to
the Indian Office, which supplies some further details of the incident
(Robinson, 1954, pp. 305-306, appendix to report of 1862). On
June 5, 1862, Primeau stated, a party of Miniconjou and San Arcs
arrived at the fort “from the prairie” (i.e., a party of hostiles). No
other Indians were there at the time, except some of Bear’s Rib’s
young men (themselves on the watch for an Arikara war party),
who had moved down to the Bad River the day previous. There
were about one hundred lodges under Bear’s Rib, comprising Mini-
conjou, Sans Arcs, and Oohenonpa Sioux. According to Primeau,
these Indians had, when occasion arose, “protected us” (i.e., the
traders) from the Indians of the prairies. For this reason, he re-
ported, and because they were accustomed to receive presents, they
were not on good terms with the other Indians. The latter an-
nounced that they had come to kill Bear’s Rib and five principal men
of the “friendlies.” Hearing of this, Bear’s Rib decided to try them,
and appeared alone at the post on June 6. “He was traitorously
shot down by the Sans Arcs,” wrote Primeau, but before dying he
killed the Indian who had shot him, while another Indian was shot
by his men. Bear’s Rib was quoted as having said that Harney had
promised to aid him, but that the Government had not done so, that
he had often been warned that he would die at the hands of his own
people, that he hoped the Great Father would now protect his
(Bear’s Rib’s) people, and that he had never desired that soldiers
be sent into the area, though now he hoped they would be, in order
to protect his friendly people.
Primeau added numerous other statements attributed to Bear’s Rib.
It is clear that Primeau was much alarmed, and the points made in
the chief’s statement express many of the fears of the traders as well.
Fort Pierre II, said Primeau, was so situated that its employees were
obliged to allow the Sioux to enter the fort, not knowing whether the
Indians came with good or evil purposes. “They not only abuse and
insult us but also the Government.” The troops at Fort Randall,
downriver, which he numbered at four hundred, were of “no earthly
use” in that place, he felt; the summer and fall were the time for
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 176
troops to appear at Fort Pierre, especially since in all probability the
fall or winter would produce further troubles, or the spring, with the
passage of the steamboats to Fort Benton. It is worthy of note
that these events at Fort Pierre, and the murder of Bear’s Rib, were
separated by little more than 2 months’ time from the violent outbreak
of the Santee Dakota on the Minnesota River, not far distant, and the
fears of the traders for their own safety, even on the Missouri, were
probably well founded.
In addition to the contemporary account of the murder of Bear’s
Rib contained in Primeau’s letter, reminiscent accounts of the event
have also been preserved from the recollections of three eyewitnesses—
David Gallineaux, Louis La Plant, and Basil Claymore (DeLand,
1902, pp. 366-868). These circumstantial statements preserve cer-
tain other details. Joseph Wandel, an employee of the Chouteau
firm, recounted (to DeLand) the event as related to him soon after-
ward by Gallineaux, who believed that the murder and accompanying
trouble were “the worst thing that ever happened at Ft. Pierre.” All
the cattle of the post, he stated, were killed by the Indians at that time,
and it was necessary to go to Sioux City for cattle with which to
transport buffalo robes downriver.
Gallineaux described the murder in vivid detail, stating that when
Bear’s Rib came up to the post he was alone, mounted on a mule.
Having tied the animal, he then entered Primeau’s house (i.e., inside
the stockade), where Primeau’s wife offered him coffee and bread,
which he refused. While Bear’s Rib was talking (Gallineaux told
Wandel), news was brought him that his mule had been shot by the
hostile Indians, upon which he went out, carrying a double-barreled
shotgun. Outside the stockade he saw no one, the nearest tipi being
about 30 paces away. Looking at his mule, and in the middle of
speaking of the fact that this was the third such “trick” that had
been played upon him, he was fired upon by a man in the nearest tipi.
Bear’s Rib immediately shot and killed this individual, and attempted
to kill another; he had actually fired twice before the bullet he him-
self had received (in left forearm and heart) caused him to fall.
When he had fallen, the hostile Indians ran to the trading post, opened
the gate, and rushed inside, seizing everything they could lay their
hands upon. They then closed the gate, the fort being everywhere
filled with Indians. Bear’s Rib’s own people, camped near the Bad
River, having been notified, also went to the post, mounted on horses,
only to find the gate barred. Inside, the White men (Primeau and
others) were virtual prisoners.
Bear’s Rib’s party demanded of the hostiles admittance to the fort,
but received no answer; they then appealed to Primeau, who dared not
admit them, but in his turn argued with the hostiles, whom he finally
induced to make retribution by payment for the killing of the chief,
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pay. No. 18] FORT PIERRE IlI—SMITH 105
a serious offense in native eyes. Before this could be arranged, the
Indians outside had killed all the dogs and horses of the hostile camp.
Gallineaux recounted numerous other details, adding that had it not
been for the influence of Primeau upon the hostiles within the post no
settlement of the affair could have been made. The situation had been
very dangerous for Primeau because the friendlies, being well armed,
could have “cleaned out” the hostiles within the stockade. Finally,
allowing the latter a length of time to leave the post, the other Indians
pursued them for 3 days’ time.
La Plant and Claymore were also actual witnesses, the former
having caught Bear’s Rib as he fell; the chief had been struck while
standing some 20 feet south of the southeast “bastion corner” of the
post, where La Plant and others were preparing coffee over a campfire.
The body of Bear’s Rib was later buried near the post by its employees
and numerous friendly Indians. The individuals who had killed the
chief were identified by Claymore as Ousta (One that limps) and
Tonkalla (Mouse) (DeLand, 1902, p. 368).
The killing of Bear’s Rib is associated in one local tradition of
doubtful validity with a large boulder located at the base of the bluffs,
west of, and visible from, the site of Fort Pierre IT; according to this
tradition the victim was there murdered with arrows. No attempt can
be made to explain the confusion over the weapon responsible for the
killing, but it is possible that, rather than marking the site of the kill-
ing, the boulder actually marks the site of the burial of Bear’s Rib.
Another noteworthy event in the history of Fort Pierre II was the
liberation of the Lake Shetek captives and their return to safety here
in late November 1862. As part of a broad campaign of bloodshed,
on August 20, 2 days after the outbreak of the Santee Dakota in Min-
nesota, an attack was made on a small White settlement on Lake Shetek,
in Murray County, Minn., one of several such advanced frontier settle-
ments. Indiscriminate killings there left only 10 women and children,
who were made captive and were taken toward the Missouri River.
(The events are fully detailed, from contemporary evidence and sur-
viving witnesses, Indian and White, by Robinson, 1904, pp. 301-313.)
Galpin, returning downriver with a party of miners from Idaho,
and accompanied by his Dakota wife, came upon Indian bands with
these prisoners from Lake Shetek near the mouth of Beaver Creek (in
present Emmons County, N. Dak.) in November, but his party was
fired upon, and only narrowly escaped. At the trading house of
Charles Primeau (i.e., at Fort Pierre II) he told of his encounter with
the hostile band that held the captives. A group of 10 young war-
riors of the Two Kettle (Teton) tribe—probably members of the “Fool
Soldier” military society—was organized by Waneta (also known as
Martin Charger, and reputedly the grandson of Meriwether Lewis),
and obtained provisions from Primeau for the purpose of going to
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 176
their rescue. Finding the hostiles under White Lodge encamped op-
posite the mouth of the Grand River (present Walworth County,
S. Dak.) —themselves apparently now fast running out of provisions—
Waneta and his band were able, after much parley and further risks to
the White prisoners, to exchange them and to effect their safe return
to Fort Pierre, whence they were taken to Fort Randall and ultimately
to relatives. From the recollections of Ist Sgt. A. M. English, it is
known that his company (A, of the Dakota Cavalry) reached Fort
Pierre shortly after the captives, under escort, had departed for
Fort Randall, whither the company itself returned a few days after-
ward (English, 1918, pp. 261-262).
For several years, beginning with the summer of 1862, all events in
the Missouri valley were oriented about a single major theme, that of
the subjugation and pacification of the Sioux, and amid the swirl of
events of the following years, Fort Pierre II fades into obscurity.
At the outset, the famous outbreak of the Santee concerned only these
more easterly relatives of the Teton, Yankton, and Yanktonais, and
the Dakota of the Missouri valley proper were never involved in fully
organized rebellion, as were the Santee. With the flight of remnants
of hostile Santee bands into Dakota Territory after the campaigns
against them of Gen. Henry H. Sibley of Minnesota, in August and
September, the westerly Dakota became ever more involved in the
hostilities.
Early in 1863, plans were laid for punitive expeditions against all
the Sioux, and one column, largely infantry under Sibley, moved from
the Minnesota Valley to the Devil’s Lake region, while the other,
largely cavalry under Gen. Alfred Sully (which it had been intended
should converge with the first), moved somewhat belatedly to the same
area. (The full details of these campaigns have been ably recounted
in Folwell, 1924, vol. 2, pp. 265-301.) Sully, who was unable to pro-
ceed beyond Fort Pierre until August 21, and thereby failed to join
Sibley, engaged the hostiles at White Stone Hill (in southeastern
North Dakota) on September 3 and 5, Sibley having previously
clashed with hostile Indians at Big Mound, Dead Buffalo Lake, and
Stony Lake, in late July. With the year 1864, Sully was to assume
the chief role in further pursuit of the recalcitrant Sioux, his campaign
of that year culminating in the battle in the Killdeer Mountains, July
28-29, where the camps were largely those of Teton Dakota. During
1865 there were still further campaigns, ended only by a Peace Com-
mission that met in the fall at Fort Sully, a new military establishment
below Fort Pierre.
Few details seem to have been preserved during these troubled
years of events at Fort Pierre II, or about its trade. James Harkness,
in a diary of a journey upriver to Fort Benton, and returning to St.
Louis, in 1862, refers briefly to the post in an entry made September 20
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Par, No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 107
(Harkness, 1896, p. 359). Harkness was a member of the short-lived
opposition firm of La Barge, Harkness and Company, whose trader
in the Fort Pierre area, Frank Laframboise, had just established the
new opposition post, Fort Laframboise, above Fort Pierre II (cf.
p. 95). Departing downriver from his company’s new establishment,
Harkness mentions reaching the older post in a gale and obtain-
ing there some meat and other things during an hour’s stay, so
it is clear that relations between the opposed traders were then
cordial. Perhaps the ominous state of Indian affairs—it was then
little more than a month after the Minnesota outbreak—drew the
traders together as nothing else would have been likely to do.
Among the units combined in Sully’s force of 1863 were several
volunteer cavalry and infantry units. When the force collected in
July in the Fort Pierre area, a temporary depot seems to have been
established at Laframboise’s post, to which the 41st Iowa Infantry
(actually mounted) was assigned, and where some of the military sup-
plies were deposited, the remainder aboard the steamboats that had
brought the troops upriver. The 6th Iowa Cavalry is said to have
camped “under the bluff below the fort” (i.e., Laframboise’s post,
and probably somewhere near Fort Pierre II), and the 2d Nebraska
Cavalry above it, while the 7th Iowa Infantry was left “at the site
of old Fort Pierre, 3 miles [sic] below” (Wilson, 1902, p. 807;
probably based upon Sully’s reports).
A brief reminiscent account of experiences during the Sully expedi-
tions, based upon a diary kept at the time by Frank Myers, a private
of Company B, 6th Iowa Cavalry, gives some further details of these
months of the summer of 1863 (Myers, 1888, p.6). From this source
it is known that Myers’ unit reached “Ft. Pierre” about June 5.
While there, an Indian scout, Crazy Dog, brought in a captive white
woman, Lavinia Engels, who had been taken prisoner at New Ulm
the year previous—a widely reported incident. Myers refers to “Ft.
Pierre” (1.e., Fort Pierre II) as “only a trading post belonging to the
Northwestern Fur Co., which was at that time doing an immense
business buying hides from trappers and Indians.”
Myers noted that after a brief stay at Fort Pierre, his company
moved 25 miles upriver and camped, but that after 2 or 3 weeks there,
the Indians had become so numerous and aggressive that his unit was
compelled to return to the fort to await the arrival of ammunition,
their supply having run short. On July 7, the balance of the com-
mand having arrived, Myers’ company moved across the river by
steamboat to meet them. Thence the command was moved to the
mouth of Little Cheyenne Creek, in present Potter County, S. Dak.
3The Northwestern Fur Co. is known to have been formally organized by Hubbell &
Hawley, of St. Paul, in 1865, but it seems to have been active previously (cf. Kane, 1955,
p. 325). The firm had purchased the upper Missouri posts of the Chouteau firm, includ-
ing Fort Pierre II.
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 176
At the close of the campaign of 1863, Sully had returned to the
Missouri—the only avenue of supply for military goods in quantity,
by steamboat—and during the winter he made his base at a new post,
named for him, adjacent to Farm Island, in sec. 12, T. 111 N., R. 79
W., in present Hughes County, approximately one-quarter mile east
of the city limits of Pierre (DeLand, 1902, map opp. p. 281). In this
new area the trade was now reestablished, Fort Pierre II, one of the
last of the true Indian-trade stations of the region, apparently being
abandoned at this time (ibid., pp. 870-871). Wandel, whose recol-
lections of the old post were reported by DeLand, and who assisted
with the removal of 1863, stated that the “American Fur Company”
(as the traders persisted in referring to the changing commercial
firms) wished military protection but that this was refused by Sully
unless the traders would remove to the vicinity of the military post;
this was accordingly done, with the use of rafts and boats made of
plank to carry coffee and sugar and “things we could lift,” but left
were “thousands of dollars’ worth of things we couldn’t lft.”
Thus the known history of Fort Pierre II comes to a close. With
removal to the neighborhood of Fort Sully, the traders doubtless
assumed more the role of sutlers for the military, less that of Indian-
traders. In 1866, the military themselves removed upriver, to estab-
lish a permanent military post, “New Fort Sully” (89SL45), in
present Sully County. This post was, in the next decade, to become
one of the finest on the river, and it was not abandoned until 1894,
by which time the true Indian frontier had disappeared forever and
the modern history of the region had begun, with permanent
settlement.
DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE
Site 89ST217, the partial excavation of which is reported here, is
located in lot 4, sec. 4 (fractional), T. 5 N., R. 31 E., B.H.M. This
location differs from that given by Mattison (1954, p. 30) for the site
of Fort Pierre II; legal data are, therefore, given below, in detail.
This section (4) contains but four lots, and lies along the west bank
of the Missouri River, in Stanley County, S. Dak., approximately 4
miles north of the city of Fort Pierre, the county seat (U.S. Corps of
Engineers [maps of] Missouri River, Gavins Point near Yankton,
S. Dak., to Stanton, N. Dak., 1947, sheet No. 68). The site in question
is opposite and somewhat downstream from Snake Butte, a prominent
landmark in Hughes County (pl. 23, aerial photograph by Corps of
Engineers, U.S. Department of the Army).
Lot 4, referred to, is situated near the south “taking line” of segment
A of the land reservation of Oahe Dam, now under construction, and
was acquired by the Corps of Engineers prior to July 14, 1948, from
Riv. BAS. SUR.
Pap. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 109
the previous owner, Harold Breeden, together with parcels of land
in adjacent sections to the west and south (U.S. Corps of Engineers,
Oahe Dam, Real Estate, [map of] segment A, July 14, 1948). During
the season of 1956, lot 4 was not under agricultural lease, but was in
use, together with adjacent leased parcels, by Carl and Dale Wagner,
father and son, of Fort Pierre and Pierre, respectively, owners of
buildings situated on the lot in question formerly owned by Harold
Breeden, together with the land.
Previous title to the parcel in question (lot 4) is recorded in public
records preserved in the office of the Register of Deeds, Stanley
County. Original entry of lands including the present parcel was
made by Alltony [sic] Brignoli on October 22, 1892, at the Receiver’s
Office, Pierre (Stanley Co., Reg. of Deeds, Receiver’s Receipts, vol. 8,
p.8). By a warranty deed made December 22, 1892, Brignoli sold and
conveyed to May R. Miller lands including this parcel (Stanley Co.,
Reg. of Deeds, Deed Record, vol. 6, p. 134). Subsequently, on April
26, 1893, a United States patent (Sioux Indian Lands) was issued to
Brignoli for these lands (ibid., vol. 6, p. 191). By a warranty deed
of February 18, 1902, May Rooker Brown (formerly May R. Miller)
and Harry Brown, her husband, granted, bargained, sold and conveyed
lands including this parcel to Jane R. Breeden (Stanley Co., Reg. of
Deeds, Warranty Deed Record, vol. 10, p. 496). Harold Breeden
appears to have been the legal heir of Jane R. Breeden, but the title
has not been further traced. It may be noted that Stanley County,
created from former Sioux Indian Reservation lands, was first opened
for legal settlement in 1890, some years after the abandonment of the
trading post here discussed.
Official copies of original notes of General Land Office surveys of
the former reservation, of 1890, covering the present parcel, are pre-
served in the South Dakota Department of School and Public Lands,
at Pierre, and these contain historical data pertaining to the present
site. As required by the General Land Office, field surveys (preserved
in notebooks and plats of the surveyors) included, with actual instru-
ment data for subdivision and meander lines of each unit, a general
description of each. Here were recorded general comments on soils,
vegetation, visible landmarks, and other topics of importance for Land
Office purposes. In the general description of T. 5 N., R. 31 E., sub-
scribed and sworn to on November 24, 1890, by Frederick W. Petti-
grew and Frederick C. Flickinger, deputy surveyors, appears the
following passage, of interest here:
The remains of old Ft. Pierre can plainly be seen in sec. 16. J. W. Philips
house now stands in the center of the old stockade. This fort was established
as a trading post in 1855 [and] was afterwards abandoned and re-established
in sec. 4 near the S.W. corner. In either case a trench marks the line of the
old stockade, and heaps of earth the sites of former residences. (S.D. Dept.
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 176
of School and Public Lands, Ms. Field Notes of the Survey of Township 5 North
of Range 31 Hast, of the Black Hills Meridian, South Dakota, vol. 203, pp.
437-488, 447).
This statement, containing information obtained in 1890, records
the fact that in that year the former locations of Fort Pierre Chouteau,
in sec. 16, and of Fort Pierre II, in sec. 4, were well known. The
statement in question is, of course, hearsay evidence, inasmuch as
visible remains of both earlier trade establishments had disappeared,
except for “trenches” and “heaps of earth’”—evidence probably com-
monly understood in the area at the time, and readily obtained by the
surveyors. The obvious error in the date of establishment of old Fort
Pierre—1855—is an understandable one, that year having been the
date of acquisition of the former trading post as a military post.
This detectable error in the sworn statement of 1890, far from throw-
ing doubt upon the reliability of the statement as a whole, indirectly
reveals the dependence of the surveyors upon hearsay evidence for
portions of their record—local testimony concerning historic facts.
Other portions of the statement, e.g., the references to the dwelling of
the well-known J. W. (“Scotty”) Philip, the trenches, and the heaps
of earth are, of course, eyewitness data. (It may here be noted also
that, as evidence, portions of the G.L.O. record are not essentially
different from the historical statements of DeLand concerning the
sites In question, statements also based in part upon hearsay evidence.)
In the absence of precise location data for these trading posts con-
temporary with their actual use—data scarcely to be hoped for in view
of the fact that adequate topographic maps were lacking for this
region prior to the opening of the former Sioux Indian Reservation
and the Land Office surveys of 1890—the record of that year must be
accepted as demonstrating beyond reasonable doubt the original loca-
tion of the two sites of particular importance here—that of Fort
Pierre Chouteau, and that of Fort Pierre II. In view of the use of
the area near the mouth of the Bad River during the heyday of the
fur-trade and Indian-trade by various firms and individuals, some-
times simultaneously in the same immediate region, the preservation
of such specific and presumably impartial and unbiased records as
these is a fortunate circumstance for historical purposes.
As shown on the Corps of Engineers maps cited above, site 39ST217
is situated approximately 1,000 feet west of the present channel of the
Missouri River, at an elevation above sea level of approximately 1,480
feet. This point is on the bottom land or flood plain of the river, but
the site is now screened in this section of the valley from a view of
the channel by trees and underbrush. Immediately west of the site,
at an additional distance of approximately 1,000 feet, the first terrace
of the valley (locally known as the “first bench”) rises some 20 feet
higher, a notable topographic feature when viewed from the lower
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pav. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 111
elevation of this site. Site 39ST16, known as the Breeden earth-lodge
village, a prehistoric site investigated during the season of 1955 by the
Missouri Basin Project, is located on this first terrace, somewhat to
the north of west from site 89ST217, and well above flood levels. On
this first terrace also is located the present access road leading to the
Oahe Dam; this is a hard-surface highway connecting with U.S.
Highway 14, west of Fort Pierre.
Located on the level flood plain, site 39ST217 had been under culti-
vation for many years when it was investigated during the season
of 1956. The geologic character of the deposits at this point have
been described by Crandell as “floodplain alluvium,” consisting of
“stream deposits of reworked glacial drift, Pierre shale detritus, and
sand and gravel of nonglacial source” (Crandell, 1954). The surface
cf the plot in question was found to be supporting a thin cover of
volunteer oats and weeds in 1956, and while not presenting clear evi-
dence of structural features such as partially-filled stockade trenches,
showed one slight depression some 20 feet in diameter (later found
to be the site of a cellar), together with object materials that ante-
dated modern agricultural use, such as fragments of common fired
brick, bits of fired adobe-clay chinking, metal, glass, glazed earthen-
ware fragments, and small glass beads (pl. 19, a).
It was known that river flooding, especially during the late winter
and early summer seasons, had periodically affected the site in the
past, and layers of silts from such sources were encountered upon
excavation. At the Breeden-Wagner buildings mentioned (believed
to have been the original homestead site of Brignoli) Carl Wagner
pointed out accidental traces and one intentional record mark show-
ing that in 1952 the area had been covered by flood waters to a depth
of some 3 feet. The flood of that year, on the Missouri proper at this
place, converging with another, on the lower Bad River, upon the city
of Fort Pierre, forced its complete evacuation. Flooding at the
present site was, of course, that of the Missouri proper.
Seasonal flooding of the vicinity of site 839ST217 had, without ques-
tion, previously affected it on numerous occasions, but such natural
events appear to have no visible effect upon the archeological remains
to be described. Aggradation of the flood plain had certainly occurred,
on the evidence of layers of sterile water-borne materials, but no
evidence was seen in excavation of complimentary processes such as
cutting into structural features. Long cultivation of the area, on
the other hand, had had only relatively slight effect upon the structural
remains, cultivation having penetrated to only a shallow depth—
seldom exceeding 4 to 6 inches.
Reference has been made to the fact that the site is now screened
from the Missouri. This timber and underbrush is, in large part,
clearly of recent origin, possibly by extension of smaller areas referred
et? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
to in older documents—i.e., has become reestablished or has expanded
since the period of original use of the site. It is probable that when
the site was in use, land lying between it and the river would have
been cleared, as a security measure, as is suggested by the statement
of Wandel, cited above (p. 95), to facilitate transshipment of goods
by steamboat, and as a result of heavy demands by the trading post
upon local resources for fuel and construction materials.
Changes such as these, in the character of the natural resources
of the immediate area following the period of the trading post, may
be inferred, prior to the agricultural use of these lands, beginning
about the year 1892. The needs of a trading post, in fuel and construc-
tion materials, would materially have altered the timber cover of the
immediate area, whereas soils and grasses would probably have been
affected to only a slight extent, only in the immediate vicinity of the
post, and only accidentally, rather than systematically. In the ex-
cavation data there are, for example, only slight hints of the use of
horses or cattle, or of provisions for stabling them, from which one
night infer the degree of use of grazing lands in the immediate neigh-
borhood. Such animals were, of course, essential to the operation of
such a post, but there are surprisingly few traces, in specimen materials
recovered, to document the fact. Cultivation of the soil, furthermore,
while no doubt practiced here during the period in question, may
also have been of minor importance—perhaps little beyond small
kitchen gardens, of which no evidence has been found.
ARCHEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OBTAINED
Before proceeding to an account of new data obtained in excava-
tion at Site 839ST217, it seems well to describe the methods employed
in obtaining the data. Available historical documentation, maps, and
aerial photographs had been studied with care before the immediate
area was visited in May 1956. Two series of aerial mosaic photo-
graphs were used—that of the former Agricultural Adjustment Ad-
ministration, U.S. Department of Agriculture, of 1988, and that
of the Corps of Engineers, U.S. Army, of 1946. (Parts of the first
series are in the files of the Missouri Basin Project; the later series
was consulted in the Oahe Area Office, C.E. The latter series of
photographs was the basis for the engraved maps of the Missouri
River from Gavins Point, near Yankton, S. Dak., to Stanton, N.
Dak., prepared by stereophotogrammetric methods in 1947. These
engraved maps are also in the files of the Missouri Basin Project.)
Of these two series of aerial photographs, the former, made during
the dry cycle of the 1930’s, appeared to be the more helpful for
present purposes. Examination of the sheet of the series covering this
site (AA A-BOK-3/56-—June 2, 1938) suggested that the site of Fort
Riv. BAS. SUR.
Pap. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 113
Pierre lay in the immediate vicinity of the Breeden-Wagner buildings
(which include the building believed to be the Brignoli claim shanty).
The evidence considered to be of archeological importance comprised
a large “enclosure” bounded by straight lines, approximately rectangu-
lar, and having what appeared to be smaller rectangular outlines con-
tiguous to the larger “enclosures,” which were interpreted as sites of
former blockhouses. These surface features were believed to antedate
the farm buildings (also visible on the photographs, and still stand-
ing in 1956), which they appeared to enclose. It was therefore sup-
posed that these buildings had been built on the site of the abandoned
trading post.
With initial exploratory trenching it soon became apparent that
this belief was erroneous, and that the true site of the post actually
lay somewhat north of, and quite separate from, the farm buildings.
It seems probable that these farm buildings, beginning with the claim
shanty, had for some reason been purposely located near the site of the
former post. No evidence, however, is visible on the aerial photo-
graph mentioned, of the actual site determined by excavation, and
this can best be explained by reference to the prolonged cultivation
of the area. By contrast, the sites of many native villages of the
Oahe Reservoir area have been observed on such photographs despite
cultivation, but the physical characteristics of those sites are notably
different, and the present experience demonstrates the fact that all
sites of archeological interest may not be visible on such photographs,
even those taken under ideal conditions of ground cover, if the sites
have been long cultivated.
Excavations were initiated with an exploratory trench 3 feet in
width and extending to the north, beginning approximately 50 feet
north of a corral fence surrounding the farm buildings, in line with
the west side of the corral, this side forming the front of the group,
and facing the present highway. The accompanying plan of the ex-
cavated site shown in map 4, was subsequently made with alidade
and plane table, distances being chained. This trench was carried
to only a shallow depth (approximately 6 inches), since it produced
only the scantiest cultural debris, much of which was of recent origin.
When this trench had been extended northward for a distance of ap-
proximately 50 feet, structural features were first encountered in
place, in the remains of a stockade trench having an alinement ap-
proximately at right angles to the exploratory trench, and containing
burnt and decayed timber remains, fragments of burnt adobe clay,
and other debris, the original trench averaging 2 feet in width and
containing random earthfill with cultural materials.
When vertical and horizontal sections of this original stockade
trench had been made and examined, tests approximately 5 feet square,
and separated by balks approximately 6 inches wide, were opened east
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 176
and west of the exploratory trench, without particular concern for
compass orientation, but following the course of the stockade trench,
sections of which had been exposed. In these test squares, further
sections of the original stockade trench were made, and the tests were
extended east and west until a change in the alinement of the original
trench was observed, at a corner approximately 50 feet west of the
exploratory trench. From this point northward, similar tests were
then made, the test squares following the alinement of the west face
of the original enclosure. It had now become clear that the site
of the post lay north of the corral and farm buildings, and did not
enclose them as had been supposed. Sections were then made of the
north face of the enclosure, in a similar fashion, though no actual
intersection of west and north faces was found.
Portions of the south, west, and north sides of the stockade having
been located by sectioning, together with one clearly defined corner
at the point of intersection of the west and south faces, a road patrol
(blade) was obtained, with an experienced operator, to expose the
outline of the whole enclosure in horizontal section. Work was be-
gun with this motor equipment at a point near the presumed inter-
section of north and west stockade lines, though as has been noted no
actual intersection of these lines had been found in hand excavations.
During this time also, a portion of the northerly half of the entire
enclosed area (that enclosed by the three sides known) was also bladed
off, the earth being moved well to the east, to an area of slightly lower
elevation, in the hope of locating further architectural remains or
similar features (pl. 19, 6). Only one such site (House-site A) was
discovered in this process, and it is probable that prolonged cultivation
of the entire site had destroyed other building remains elsewhere
within the stockade area.
In the course of this mechanical work, the alinement of the stock-
ade trench previously opened by hand excavation on the south, west,
and north was also cleared once more by blading away the balks
between preliminary test squares. When the east face of the stock-
ade had also been exposed by blading (after the northeast and south-
east angles of the original enclosure had been located by hand
exploration), the original stockade trench was revealed in horizontal
section in its entirety, and the true size of the former post became
apparent (pl. 23).
The initial exploratory excavation trench, excavated by hand, was
also continued approximately 150 feet northward from its starting
point, and when extended into the interior of the enclosed area, ex-
posed remains of the additional building (House-site B), in charred
and decayed sills and random wood-fragments, fired adobe-clay chink-
ing, and plentiful artifactual materials (pl. 22,@). In the course of
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Riv. Bas. Sur. ,
Pap. No. 18], FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 115
the blading of the north half of the entire enclosed area of the stock-
ade, one other site was also designated as that of a building (House-
site C); on further investigation by hand this identification was,
however, modified as described below.
In addition to the horizontal section of the complete outline of the
stockade, with a part of the interior area, obtained by means of the
mechanical equipment supplemented by handwork, vertical sections
were also obtained on faces cut by the forward edge of the blade of the
equipment (the forward edge being kept toward the interior of the
enclosure). These vertical faces were of relatively shallow height,
seldom exceeding 114 feet, but they revealed additional vertical sec-
tions of interior details of the original post such as certain offset
trenches at right angles to the main stockade line, supplementing the
horizontal sections.
The applicability of customary archeological field methods, with
hand excavation, to the study of a site of White origin needs no dis-
cussion here, but comments may be made concerning the use of me-
chanical equipment such as a road patrol on such sites. In the exami-
nation of the site of a trading post, known from comparative data to
have been constructed in large part of timber materials and evidencing
little if any masonry to obstruct the use of such equipment, it seems
desirable to obtain, early in the excavation, some notion of the full scale
and plan of the whole, since such matters are of primary concern in
the study of such establishments. In the present instance, the fact
that overall dimensions of the whole proved to be greater than 200 feet
reveals something of the intended role of the post in its period and,
probably, something of historic change in the design of such establish-
ments at this relatively late period of the Indian-trade. In this in-
stance, the mechanical opening of large parts of the area also revealed
that few architectural remains meriting detailed study survived within
the enclosure, despite the relatively large size of the post. It would, of
course, have been entirely feasible to obtain this information by hand
methods, though many weeks of hand labor would have been required
for the purpose, whereas the use of mechanical equipment occupied
but a few hours, and at a more reasonable cost.
In order to use the mechanical equipment available (a blade) in a
consistent, effective fashion, earth was bladed outward from the four
sides of the stockade in the process of cutting horizontal sections of
these lines. Since the depth reached by the inner vertical edge of the
blade was appreciable, averaging 114 feet below the level of the present
(cultivated) surface, it was necessary to move the earth some distance
outward from the vertical profile left by the edge of the blade. This
was a distance of 15 to 20 feet, ordinarily, the resulting berm rising
very gradually to a crest, outward. This cutting was, of necessity,
502329609
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 176
deeper on the inner portion and, conversely, the spoil dirt beyond
covered other deposits from view. Some data concerning the im-
mediate exterior of the stockade were undoubtedly lost in this process.
Only one uniformative shallow pit was encountered (probably no more
than 1 foot in depth, originally) during this blading, along the west
’ face, outside the stockade. Near the southeast angle of the enclosure,
at a somewhat greater distance (but not shown on the accompanying
plan), a modern deposit was encountered, consisting of a plank and
post structure, fastened with wire nails, and disturbed by subsequent
plowing, probably the remains of a corral fence of relatively recent
date.
There are other practical considerations concerning the use of me-
chanical equipment in such investigations. It might be supposed that
such extensive blading as that here accomplished would destroy much
of the cultural remains sought. In the present instance, however, it
was known from previous hand excavations that the soil at the surface
of the site had been completely disturbed by cultivation, and that it
was improbable that structural features would be found until this
mantle had, by some means, been removed. There was, therefore,
little objection to using such a piece, but rather a distinct advantage
from the standpoint of salvaging as much information as possible in
the shortest time. Elsewhere during the salvage program the use of
such equipment had also been justified in the study of undisturbed sites.
Experience elsewhere with such mechanical equipment, a road pa-
trol, in the study of a site of White origin (that of the site of the
trading post of Fort Berthold I, a part of Site 82ML2, which had not
been used for modern agriculture) also afforded ample original data
of structural and achitectural features without, it is believed, material
loss of evidence (Smith and Woolworth, MS.). At that site the
equipment was also used to expose the alinement of the adjacent village
stockade. The use of such a mechanical device has, needless to say,
certain limitations. Such a device cannot be halted immediately upon
the exposure of an artifact or feature of archeological significance ;
it provides, ordinarily, only horizontal soil sections and it must be used,
at least at the start, in the manner of a plow, the leading edge depressed
sufficiently to cut into deposits. Finally, a blade cannot carry earth
away, but must roll or drag it, and this may on occasion prove ob-
jectionable, if unavoidable. In general, however, the present experi-
ence corroborates that gained elsewhere by others: mechanical equip-
ment can, and sometimes should be, used, where available, in any
salvage program.
ARCHITECTURAL EVIDENCE
Like most commercial establishments of the frontier, Fort Pierre
IT was built in the form of a hollow square, a large timber enclosure
intended to provide security for goods and personnel of the post—
Riv. BAS. :
Pav. Nov is} FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 17.
security from theft, raid, and petty annoyance caused by native
visitors.
Unlike many other such posts, however, this stockade had been very
simple in plan, and upon excavation little evidence was encountered
that it had ever been provided with blockhouses, a familiar feature
of many other posts. It is possible that by the year 1859 such facilities
were deemed unnecessary in this area, in view of changing relation-
ships between trader and Indian; it is also possible that blockhouses
were not provided because of lack of funds or materials during the
brief period of the use of the post, or because uncertainties of the trade
at the time did not favor such elaboration of a basic plan. Whatever
the reason for omitting the protection of blockhouses, which ordi-
narily were paired and offset, to permit flanking fire along adjacent
sections of a stockade, this post does not seem to have been furnished
with them, from evidence surviving at ground level. No documentary
evidence on the point is known; the reference cited above (p. 105) to
the “southeast bastion corner” may signify no more than the southeast
corner of the entire stockade, and no evidence of any special structure
such as a blockhouse was found at this place upon excavation.
Within the enclosing stockade, buildings appear to have been located
near the perimeter, either connected with, or close to, the line of the
stockade, as was frequently the case with such establishments. Only
two definite building sites were encountered (House-sites A and B),
and that of a cellar (A), which lacked evidence of having been pro-
vided with a superstructure. Extensive trial blading and close exami-
nation of the whole site, moreover, failed to reveal traces of other build-
ings within the stockade. Along the north stockade line, and connected
with it, secondary trenches were encountered, which may mark the sites
of minor structures (House-site C). Little had been preserved, how-
ever, to reveal their exact nature, and they may have been no more
than minor sheds and corrals. On the basis of surviving evidence, and
taking account of the probability that sites of certain buildings for-
merly in use here had been completely obliterated by cultivation of
the entire area, it nevertheless seems probable that buildings of the
post had always been few in number and that the central yard or com-
pound had always been relatively open.
On excavation, the sides of the stockade enclosure were found to
describe a somewhat irregular quadrilateral. The intent of the de-
signers and builders probably was that the enclosure should be a rec-
tangle, but no two sides were of identical length, or any corner a true
right angle. Little is known of actual steps in the construction of any
of the many trading posts of the Missouri valley, from accounts made
at the time and on the spot, such as would be useful for comparative
purposes. From evidence accumulating at excavated sites of a few
such posts, however, it seems improbable that attention was paid by
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 176
builders of the posts to laying out perfect geometric figures. It may
be suspected that much of the planning and building was of the rule-
of-thumb variety, and that most of the actual construction was accom-
plished by using the readiest, simplest means at hand.
The most notable feature of the enclosure formed by this stockade
is its generous size. Approximate dimensions of the enclosure are as
follows:
Kast side: 225 ft.
South side: 220 ft.
West side: 195 ft. (est.)
North side: 227 ft. (est.)
The latter estimates have been obtained by projection of the adja-
cent stockade lines to a point of intersection.
Such proportions are considerably greater than those of many trad-
ing posts of preceding years in the valley, and almost equal to those
of Fort Pierre Chouteau, which is said to have measured 235 feet
square (Harris, 1951, p. 83, cited by Mattison, 1954, p. 25), and Fort
Union, which is said to have measured 220 by 240 feet (Audubon,
1897, vol. 2, p. 180, cited by Mattison, 1955, p. 66). The large size of
Fort Pierre II suggests that when the post was built it was intended,
despite the omission of blockhouses, to be a full replacement of the
old post (Fort Pierre Chouteau), and not merely another secondary
post.
The location of Fort Pierre II on the lowermost level of the valley,
the flood plain itself, has been noted. The post was probably so lo-
cated because of the fact that a reasonably large open space was avail-
able here, within a reasonable distance from the riverbank and landing
facilities for steamboats. The fact that the low site would be subject
to spring flooding may have caused little concern to the builders, de-
spite previous experience, when such flooding had caused incon-
venience to establishments nearer the mouth of Bad River. Con-
venience to the river-highway itself—a major consideration—and
space surrounding, sufficiently open for reasonable security from un-
welcome visitors, must have weighed most heavily in planning for the
new post.
The orientation of the enclosure is of interest, in view of the fact
that although compass orientation would not seem necessary, it was
adhered to. No data are known proving the use of a compass in laying
out the post, and it is possible that it was established by the easy ex-
pedient of setting the lines at night according to the position of the
North Star. Elsewhere, posts seem to have been so oriented in order
to permit dwellings to face southward (probably to take advantage of
winter sunshine upon building fronts, away from prevailing winter
winds), with utility buildings such as warehouses and storerooms
DisUNaaa eit FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 119
facing them, on the opposite side of the enclosure. In the present
case, one large building site (House-site B) appears to be that of a
warehouse, facing north, but data are lacking on any former buildings
opposite, facing south.
Instead of facing south, the smaller building site (House-site A )—
probably that of a dwelling, traces of which were found near the east
line of the stockade, adjacent to the northeast angle—appears to have
faced in some other direction than southward. The front alinement
of this building is not evident, but it is possible that the main en-
trance was on the north, opposite a fireplace and chimney on the south
wall. If this was the case, immediate access to the adjacent stockade
entrance would have been possible, and it would have been a means
of keeping control over the use of this gate.
Fort Pierre II was built of native timber, particularly cottonwood,
but few data are available from excavation on whether building tim-
bers were ordinarily hewn and fitted (as might be expected, at this
period) rather than roughly fitted, full-dimension logs. Whether
sawmills, at such locations as Chantier Creek, upriver, were actually in
use at this period isnot known. No lumber fragments clearly showing
saw marks were found, however, and it is probable that hewn timber
was then ordinarily used for construction, except in the stockade itself.
In the stockade, logs were probably peeled, to reduce fire hazards.
Such timbers were undoubtedly obtained from groves of trees in
the vicinity of the post, and from those near the river, upstream, from
which logs could readily be floated down to the site. It is also pos-
sible that timber materials used were in part salvage materials from
the buildings and enclosure at Fort Pierre Chouteau, which was finally
abandoned in 1857, after the removal of some useful building ma-
terials by the military themselves (cf. p. 94). No clear evidence of
the reuse of materials from such an earlier post was, however, seen.
In view of the fact that by the year 1859 timber resources of the
region were probably badly depleted through long exploitation for
both construction and fuel, by both Indians and Whites, Fort Pierre
II may have appeared to be less skillfully or carefully built than pre-
vious posts such as Fort Pierre Chouteau. It is unfortunate for
comparative purposes that no contemporary picture of the present post
seems to have survived. It is to be hoped that evidence of this sort
and, indeed, further documentation of any kind, will be found. Some
further data are preserved in the Chouteau Company and family
papers now in the Missouri Historical Society, but it has not yet been
possible to examine these papers.
Several unpublished manuscripts in these collections appear to bear
directly upon the physical history of Fort Pierre IJ. The following
selected items, information concerning which has kindly been supplied
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 176
by Miss Barbara Kell, former reference librarian, may serve as
illustrations:
(1) Inventory of “stock property” of the Upper Missouri Outfit at Fort Pierre,
June 1, 1857. By this date, the military had abandoned Fort Pierre Chouteau,
and the inventory presumably shows property repossessed by the Company,
which had not yet been paid for by the Federal Government for the post; this
property may have been moved to Fort Galpin, the temporary post referred to
above (p. 93), used until the establishment of Fort Pierre II in 1859.
(2) Invoice of goods shipped to Fort Pierre by P. Chouteau, Jr., and Co., May
14, 1858. The invoice should reveal kinds of goods received at this point just
prior to establishment of Fort Pierre II, for comparison with earlier and later
invoices.
(3) Invoice of goods, etec., shipped to Fort Pierre [II] by P. Chouteau, Jr., and
Co., May 238, 1859.
(4) Invoice of lumber, Fort Pierre [II] to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Co., July 27,
1859. Evidence of “export trade’ from the post, downriver, perhaps to military
posts such as Fort Randall, or to consignees at Sioux City, Iowa, and other river
communities.
(5) Bill of lading and invoice of goods shipped to Galpin by P. Chouteau, Jr.,
and Co., Sept. 7, 1859.
(6) Invoice of merchandise furnished Fort Benton, by Fort Pierre, May 25,
1860. Evidence that Fort Pierre II continued, at least on occasion, the depot
function of Fort Pierre Chouteau, supplying more distant posts.
(7) Insurance policies on merchandise shipped to Fort Pierre and other points,
April 11, 1864. Evidence that even after the removal of Company interests from
Fort Pierre II in 1863 the use of the name “Ft. Pierre’ persisted; the record
should be useful for comparison with data on shipments of previous date.
The stockade of Fort Pierre II had been formed of a single con-
tinuous row of logs or heavy timbers, closely set on end in a trench
prepared to receive them, on the four sides of the enclosure, the ends
of the posts having been held in place by earth, probably tamped in.
No evidence was found that throws light on methods of tying timbers
together above ground, or bracing them, in order to keep the posts
in alinement. Various sections of the once-continuous line of posts
were seen in excavation in exposed post butts in the prepared trench,
and, where the post butts were lacking, the alinement of the trench was
clearly marked in soil discoloration, without interruption except at
two points, to be noted. These discolorations were not uniform in
character. At some points, the undisturbed sandy subsoil was darker
than the fill in the trench; elsewhere, the fill in the trench (sometimes
containing bits of charcoal or ash) was darker than the undisturbed
earth on either side (pls. 20, 6; 21, a, 6). Throughout the entire
course of the stockade, as well as at sites of interior structures of the
post, it was seen that fire was a major factor in destroying the original
post. Whether this fire destruction was accidental or purposeful is
unknown, or whether more than a single major fire was responsible.
In many sections of the original stockade trench, little or no wood
remains, either decayed or charred, had been preserved. The timbers
Riy. BAS. Sur.
Pav. No is] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 121
that had originally stood in these sections had probably been removed
for use as fuel after the abandonment of the post. At some other
points, timber remains still in place were associated with post pits that
had been refilled with earth, and it is probable that these instances
illustrate repair of the stockade, and replacement of original posts,
decayed or damaged.
Vertical cross sections of the original stockade trench were made
at points near the southwest and southeast angles of the post, and
in these sections it was observed that the depth of the trench below
the original (now-disturbed) surface probably nowhere exceeded 2
feet. It seems probable, therefore, that the height of the original
stockade above the ground was no more than 8 to 10 feet at most, thus
requiring logs 10 to 12 feet overall.
Two openings in the stockade lines of the post were encountered
upon excavation, both openings having permitted access to the in-
terior, and both, probably, ordinarily used as gates, though excava-
tions provided no significant architectural detail from which the
nature of the gate could be determined. The opening along the east
stockade line near the northeast angle of the post, appears to have been
the more important of the two, and not far removed from it was the
site of the dwelling (House-site A). At this opening, somewhat
larger timbers had stood on either side of the opening, and the area
had apparently been screened from the interior by a short line of
smaller posts at right angle. If, as might be supposed, this was the
site of the main gate of the post, this angle of the post would have
been a logical location for a blockhouse, but no evidence was found
of any such architectural elaboration here.
The second opening in the stockade lines, near the northwest angle,
was of different design, being formed by long parallel sections of
stockade, also lacking significant architectural detail. The difference
in plan of this entry from that of the other opening suggests that its
use differed from that of the other, but the actual use is obscure. Near
this angle, large quantities of nails and spikes were found, with some
scrap metal, which suggests that a shop of some kind had once stood
nearby, the structural remains of which had been lost.
At the southwest angle of the stockade, sections of trench, inter-
secting with the exterior lines and identical with them in containing
post butts and timber fragments, and disturbed earth, enclosed a small
area of the interior (pl. 20, 6). This 4-sided figure, approximately
12 by 14 feet, suggests a blockhouse or tower. The sides of this small
enclosure consisted of vertical timbers rather than horizontal logs,
however, and such construction differs from that of blockhouses at
many trading establishments. Furthermore, the four sides of this
enclosed area formed a continuous closed line of posts, lacking any
visible interruption, or obvious entry, leading to either the interior
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
or exterior of the post. It is possible, of course, that evidence of such
an opening had been destroyed. It is also possible that this small
enclosure had originally supported a second story or platform, but
if so the whole unit would have been unusual. If such a second level
had once been used, it is also possible that the first level had not been
furnished with any direct access, and had been a closed, dead space.
Relatively few artifacts were recovered near this southwest angle
of the stockade, and there is, therefore, little hint of the use of this
area, as, for example, the site of a blockhouse.
Despite the lack of documentary or archeological evidence that Fort
Pierre IT had been provided with blockhouses, it should be repeated
that evidence of such blockhouses may have been obliterated during
cultivation. Elsewhere, at the site of Fort Berthold II (a part of site
32ML2, a site not disturbed by cultivation prior to excavation), little
evidence of the former existence of its two blockhouses was found on
excavation, though photographic and other pictorial record was avail-
able of their former existence (Smith, MS.). In that instance, the
blockhouses had been built of hewn and fitted horizontal timbers,
apparently set directly upon the surface of the ground without foot-
ings, but no physical evidence of them had remained in place.
It is worthy of note that for “Ft. Galpin,” apparently used 1857-59,
the statement was made (as noted on p. 93) that the post was similar
to Fort Pierre Chouteau except that it lacked “bastions” (1.e., block-
houses). The description of “Ft. Galpin” as having been only par-
tially stockaded suggests that the establishment may never have been
completed, or blockhouses added during its short existence. What-
ever the actual reasons for omitting such defensive features at the
later post, their absence is a hint of important changes that were
occurring in the trading posts at this period.
The site of a dwelling (House-site A) was first observed during
trial blading of the north part of the interior of the present site, in
the remains of an incomplete platform of unfired adobe-clay bricks,
regularly laid, probably in adobe mortar (pl. 20, a). Associated with
this structure, probably a chimney base, were a small ash pit and
loose adobe bricks and fragments, which had been accidentally fired
on one or more surfaces, together with a few loose kiln-fired red brick
and brick fragments. This ash pit was not a true hearth pit, in
which fire had been laid directly, and lacked extensive scorching such
as would have resulted from such use. It appeared rather to be an
ash accumulation from a chimney, associated with random adobe
brick tumbled from the chimney, which had previously been accident-
ally and indirectly fired by the heat of a stove used with the chimney
or subsequently, upon destruction of the building by fire.
The incomplete adobe-brick-paved platform lay outside the building
lines, which were marked throughout a part of their extent, contigu-
Riv. Bas. Sur.
Pap. No. 18], FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 123
ous with the platform, by charred fragments of timber sills, from
which accurate measurements could not be obtained. These archi-
tectural details marked the alinement of the south elevation, and the
east and west corners of a small building approximately 18 feet wide,
overall, undoubtedly of timber. No further architectural detail was
obtainable, the northerly portion of the structure having been com-
pletely destroyed, probably during cultivation, leaving only the scant-
iest scattered debris. Even charcoal bits and ash were sparse in this
area. There were, however, hard-packed areas, probably remnants
of the original earth floor of the building, within the area partly out-
lined by the sills, and some of these packed areas were slightly
scorched and reddened.
The building that had stood here had been destroyed by fire, and
the very sills of the building had been burnt. That the adobe-brick
platform, immediately beyond the wall, was not accidentally fired
in the process may be explained by supposing that it was protected
from the fire by other material from a collapsed chimney, subse-
quently removed by cultivation. The few kiln-fired red brick found,
undoubtedly brought to the site by steamboat, had probably been
used in this chimney as well. The adobe bricks of the platform were
not sufliciently well preserved to permit isolating complete individual
specimens. ‘The bricks measured 5 to 6 inches in width, and ap-
proximately 1 foot in length, and appeared to be approximately 3 to 4
inches in thickness. They showed no evidence of having been made
with a binder such as straw, and had probably been specially made for
use in the chimney base.
The building in question (House-site A) has been referred to as
a dwelling. This conclusion seems inescapable in view of the small
size of the original, the fact that it had been provided with a rather
substantial chimney (apparently used with a stove), and that it had
had only earth floors. In the disturbed fill covering this building
site, some few further clues to original construction were obtained
upon excavation, including three fragments of lime plaster (perhaps
from upper portions of the chimney), a quantity of small fragments
of window glass (some of which were scorched or melted, probably
during the burning of the building), numerous nails, and some minor
building hardware.
Other specimens obtained here illustrate original furnishings and
reveal the essentially domestic character of the building. Among
these are the blade of a spade, a fragment of cast-iron stove, num-
erous sherds and broken objects of stoneware and white and colored
earthenware, a table fork with wooden handle (fragmentary), frag-
ments of glass tumblers, a group of animal and bird bones (probably
food refuse), and small personal possessions that support the identifi-
cation of the building as a dwelling. Among the latter is a group
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buue. 176
of seven identical large hand-decorated glass beads, probably part
of an ornamental strand once the property of a woman of the house-
hold. These beads were found scattered over the floor area of the
dwelling, but had obviously once been used together.
A more imposing, though also badly denuded, building site (House-
site B) was encountered along the south side of the stockade, prob-
ably the site of a warehouse or trading building rather than primarily
a dwelling (pl. 22, a). This site was first observed during initial
excavations at a point at which the building site was crossed by the
north-south exploratory trench. The excavation of this building
site was accomplished entirely by handwork.
The most noteworthy details of this building site were parallel
rows of charred horizontal timbers and timber fragments, the remains
of sills and joists of the original, though the spacing was not en-
tirely uniform. Although in general badly preserved, these timbers
appeared to have been hewn, and probably originally measured 4
by 4 and 6 by 6 inches. Associated with the horizontal timbers
were numerous bits of accidentally fired adobe-clay chinking, and
remains of burnt and unburnt adobe bricks. Fragmentary post
butts and filled postholes were also found, containing remains of
posts that had been set in small pits, ordinarily 1 foot square and 1
foot deep, and probably dug with spades. The blade of one such
spade, too badly corroded to preserve, was found on the original
ground level near the west end of this building site. One minor
architectural detail encountered was a small group of stones, which
had served as a footing for a sill or joist, also approximately 1 foot
square. Despite the number of sills and posts used in the building,
no divisions of the whole such as room areas could be defined. Nor
was there evidence to show whether the timberwork was end-notched
or included vertical posts (as is suggested by the presence of the
post butts) into which horizontal hewn logs were tenoned. Else-
where, the latter distinctive style of logwork was employed in the
construction of posts of this period (e.g., Fort Berthold II, a part
of site 82ML2). The surviving post butts here may actually be
nothing more than separate footings for end-notched horizontal
timbers, rather than true corner posts.
Another noteworthy architectural detail of this building was the
provision of small fireplaces, the remains of two of which were
found (pl. 22, b). These were made of puddled adobe clay, prob-
ably reinforced with twigs and sticks, and provided with small
hearth areas, in which ash and charcoal bits were found. No clue
to the original design of upper parts of fireplaces or chimneys was
seen, but these were probably of the simplest character. No sug-
gestion was found of the use of adobe bricks in direct association with
these fireplaces.
Riv. BAS. Sur. :
Pap. No. 18], FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 125
The remnants of floor sills and joists found here reveal that this
building had originally been furnished with a flooring of planks or
puncheons, but no remnants of such flooring were found, and it may
have been destroyed by the fire that destroyed the building, or subse-
quently removed for use as fuel. In addition to evidence of the fact
that the building had been floored, several small subfloor pits were
found on excavation. These pits may have been in use prior to the
construction of the flooring (which may itself have been introduced
after the completion of the exterior), and the pits may not have been
accessible after the flooring was provided. These small shallow pits,
which varied in diameter from 114 to 314 feet, and in depth from 1
to 3 feet, were uninformative, some being void of specimen material,
others containing only random bits of construction or household debris.
They did not appear to have been made specifically for storage or
refuse pits, and their use is obscure.
The excavation of this building site produced larger quantities of
small specimens, derived from both construction and use of the struc-
ture, than were obtained from the dwelling site (House-site A).
Quantities of nails were found, of various sizes (though lacking large
spikes), fragments of window glass, some scorched and melted and
some undamaged, two plaster fragments, and numerous bits of adobe-
clay chinking, originally used between wall timbers), some of which
had been partially fused by the action of fire. Relatively few of the
objects obtained were derived from ordinary household debris, though
a quantity of sherds of glazed earthenware was found, with fragments
of various glass bottles (one of them the seal of a wine bottle) and a
quantity of food-refuse bones. Personal possessions and trade goods
were present in some numbers, including fragments of firearms, gun
flints, cartridge cases, a jackknife, clay-pipe fragments, small glass
beads, and garment buttons of various kinds (including a few military
buttons, which may be derived from the use of the site by military
personnel, or from the use of surplus military garments by Indians).
Unusual objects found include the foot of a china doll and two U.S.
silver coins, a quarter of a dollar and a dime, both bearing the mint
date 1857, such as would have been in general circulation during the
years in which Fort Pierre II was used.
Objects of special interest from this site are some probably derived
from visits to the building of Indian customers, during trading ses-
sions. They include a group of cut antler-tine objects (similar to those
used by many native peoples for pressure-flaking of stone), several
incomplete catlinite tobacco pipes, and small rounded gaming pieces
made of glazed earthenware. A pear-shaped catlinite object and a
catlinite ball are perhaps souvenir “pocket pieces” of White traders
and visitors.
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bunt. 176
Although undue weight should not be put upon evidence of the
composition of the specimens from this building site, these specimens
do not, in general, suggest actual occupation of the building as a
dwelling as much as its use in the trade, probably as a combination
storage and sales building. It is scarcely surprising that larger objects
such as would have been needed in such a trade building were missing
upon excavation, since valuable tools and furnishings of that nature
would hardly have been abandoned with the discontinuance of trading
here. The cultivation of the site after abandonment also helps to
explain the removal of larger objects, such as might obstruct agri-
cultural operations.
The location within the stockade of this building, and its size,
character, and associated specimens, also suggest that the building
was not primarily adwelling. It had, beyond question, originally been
divided into rooms (though no clear evidence of their precise dimen-
sions was found), and some of these may from time to time have been
used for living purposes. If, as in 1860 appears to have been the case,
as many as 17 persons sometimes resided at this post, some of these
may occasionally have dwelt here. The lack of evidence of any other
building sufficiently large enough to accommodate stored goods and
provide for trading operations, however, is noteworthy.
Little information was obtained from the area excavated adjacent
to the northwest angle of the stockade, which was at first believed
to be the site of a building (House-site C), data such as might have
established the use of the immediate area. Structural data at this
point comprised only incomplete sections of refilled trenches lacking
timber remains, connected with the main stockade trenches, and one
large post butt and random wood fragments. Specimens from this
area were likewise few in number and uninformative. They include
a quantity of nails, window-glass fragments, some domestic debris,
and a few personal objects. It is probable that long cultivation here,
as at other points within the whole site, had destroyed most of the
structural data sought, and that such specimens as were obtained
had been much displaced by cultivation.
The site of one other structure (cellar A) was partially investigated
by hand excavation. This was the site of an earth-walled cellar, which
was sectioned after part of the disturbed surface materials had been
removed to expose the outline of the pit. Prior to excavation, this
site had been pointed out by Miss Marjorie Breeden (now of Compton,
Calif.), whose parents had formerly owned this property. Miss
Breeden recalled that she and others had frequently found small relics
in this general area in the past, including a gun fragment at one time
owned by Mr. Harold Breeden, a brother.
When the surface soil had been removed, it was seen that the original
cellar pit had been almost entirely refilled, largely with random earth,
Riv. BAS. Sur. ats
Par. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 7
and very nearly leveled during cultivation, leaving only a slight de-
pression. The borders of the pit were somewhat vague and ill defined,
doubtless as a result of the slumping of the walls while the pit was
still open, and of differential rates of settling after the pit had been
filled with loose earth. In order to obtain information on the original
pit, the area was sectioned by a north-south trench approximately
3 feet in width and carried to the floor level of the original pit,
approximately 8 feet below the present surface, approximately the
depth of the cellar during use.
This section revealed that the north-south dimension of the cellar
had also been approximately 8 feet, and the east-west dimension may
have been equal, from the outline of the pit visible in horizontal sec-
tion. The pit appeared to have originally had vertical walls (subse-
quently somewhat damaged by earth-movements), and at the base
of the north and south walls were two or more heavy timbers, to re-
tain the walls and retard earth slumping. These timbers, though
heavy, were too greatly decayed to permit accurate measurement, but
they appeared to have been not less than 6 inches in diameter, or 6 by
6 inches. The floor of the cellar was marked only by the undisturbed
subsoil.
The random fill encountered in opening the cellar section revealed
little to illustrate the original use of the pit, most of the fill having
been intentionally introduced subsequently, during attempts to oblit-
erate it, probably during the period beginning in 1892 with the home-
stead settlement nearby. Some of the objects encountered in this
fill, probably deposited here after the abandonment of Fort Pierre
IT, in 1863, certainly pertain to a later period, while a few seem to
have been derived from the use of the area at the earlier date, by re-
deposit through earth moving and cultivation. Of the older objects,
several suggest the presence of Indians at the trading post—e.g., a
rimsherd of native pottery (one of only eight sherds from the entire
site), a fragment of catlinite pipe, and three small human skull frag-
ments. Of the remainder of the objects found in the cellar, some ap-
pear to pertain to the period of the trade (i.e., ca. 1859-63), while
others seem to be derived from the later farm period—e.g., clinker
fragments, bits of plate glass, parts of the metal frame of a buggy
top, and the articulated skeleton of a young horse. In view of the
fact that the fill revealed little of the original uses of the cellar,
during the period of the trade, the trial section was not extended.
No suggestion was seen of the use of any superstructure with this
cellar, probably because of cultivation prior to excavation. It is clear,
however, that the cellar had been of some importance for storage,
since no other large pit was found at the site. Since the pit was lo-
cated near a building believed to have been itself primarily for storage
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 176
and trade, it is possible that the pit had once held goods of the trade
rather than foodstuffs, but certainty on this point is not now attainable.
In view of the presence of military groups in this region at various
times after 1855, the question naturally arises whether Fort Pierre IT,
a trading post, may in any way have been altered or modified by them.
Soldier labor would have been available at any time after the occupa-
tion of Fort Pierre Chouteau by the Army in the summer of that year,
and plentifully with the summer of 1863 and the arrival of Sully’s
campaign forces. As has been noted, it is improbable that the present
post was established until the year 1859, and by 1863 trading activities
had been moved from this area downstream to the site of the first Fort
Sully. Military construction or alteration of existing trading posts
may have been accomplished at certain points in the area, as is sug-
gested by the scanty records of this brief 4-year period, but no specific
mention has been found of the employment of soldiers on the present
post, or of the quartering of soldiers here, which aids in the study of
its construction and use.
There is, on the other hand, evidence to suggest that the post was
wholly the work of others than military personnel. At one point
along the west stockade line, two ax blades were found in the original
fill of the stockade trench, one a single-bit woodsman’s ax lacking
distinctive features, the other a half ax of the variety frequently called
a squaw ax, ordinarily employed by Indian women in gathering fuel
and of little use for other purposes. Numerous small glass beads were
also obtained from the fill of the stockade trench at various points
along its entire course, whereas no military objects were found in the
excavation of the trench. The few objects of ultimate military origin
found elsewhere, particularly at House-site B, furthermore, do not
support the notion of actual residence of troops here. It is probable,
therefore, that the original construction of buildings and stockade was
accomplished in part with native labor (perhaps Indian women), and
probably about the year 1859 rather than subsequently. The use of
native labor would have been in keeping with the character of trading
operations; White labor was ordinarily at a premium on the frontier,
and the traders frequently employed native labor when and where
available.
The possibility of the use of the post by the military, after its com-
pletion, is not, however, to be disregarded in the study of the site of
Fort Pierre II, despite lack of documentation or physical evidence of
such use. In the fall of 1856, Galpin, as representative of the Chou-
teau firm, was officially notified of an opportunity of applying for the
position of sutler for the troops at Fort Pierre Chouteau, then number-
ing 175 men (Capt. C. S. Lovell, Fort Pierre [Chouteau], to Galpin,
Oct. 80, 1856; in Chouteau Collections, Mo. Hist. Soc.; information
courtesy of Miss Barbara Kell, Oct. 19, 1956). Whether Galpin was
Riv. Bas. Sur. sie
Pap. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 129
actually appointed at that time is not known. He did, however, sub-
mit requisitions for goods needed “for trade and soldiers” some months
afterward (Galpin to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Co., Fort Pierre, Mar.
20,1857). It is probable that the Chouteau firm did serve as sutlers
thereafter. The intimate dependence of military personnel, and the
War Department itself, upon the trading firms is hinted at in such
records. Galpin and other Chouteau agents in the vicinity probably
provided sutler services until Fort Pierre Chouteau was abandoned
by the Army in the spring of 1857 and subsequently, during the Sully
campaign of 1863, prior to the removal of Company interests to the
first Fort Sully. No pertinent data for the intervening period are,
however, known, though these would doubtless provide further light
on Fort Pierre II, if they should be found, as in the National Archives.
Data such as these, of the relation of the traders to the military,
illustrate the varied role played by successive trading posts in the area,
beyond the primary function of supplying the Indian. They also
suggest how military influences upon Fort Pierre II could be ex-
plained, without resort to inferring actual military occupation of the
post, which is not supported by known records and is, indeed, im-
probable. Specifically, the presence among the specimens obtained
from the site of regulation military items such as uniform buttons,
fragments of ordnance and other equipment, may be readily explained
by visits of commissioned and enlisted personnel here, and the
probability that the post served as canteen, at various times between
1859 and 1863.
No evidence has been seen, in short, that tends to cast serious doubt
on the identification of the site excavated as that of a trading post,
specifically Fort Pierre II, used 1859-63. While it is true that no con-
temporary documentation now known conclusively links this site with
that trading post, the archeological evidence, comprising physical
remains of various kinds, cannot be accommodated to an establish-
ment of any other kind, such as a military post. Nor are there hints,
in known contemporary records, of other trading establishments to
which the present physical data can be fitted.
The precise identity of the site excavated would scarcely call for
discussion except for the fact that there had been several commercial
posts in the general vicinity prior to 1859, and at least two in the
immediate neighborhood, on the evidence of scanty contemporary and
traditional record. (It should be noted that all of these posts were
commercial in origin, and true trading posts, though the influence
upon them of the military occupation after 1855 must be taken into
account where its effects can ultimately be observed ; such will unques-
tionably be the case at the site of Fort Pierre Chouteau, when that
site is excavated.) Traditional evidence, however, is seldom conclu-
sive for historical purposes, and does not constitute true primary evi-
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuu. 176
dence. The present problem is, therefore, that of identifying this
site from scanty records of various kinds, to which the material evi-
dences from excavation must be added—the latter, like contemporary
records, constituting true (if limited) primary evidence. Further
archival research, fortunately, offers hope of better knowledge of the
physical history of Fort Pierre II, as well as of its general historic
role.
ARTIFACTUAL EVIDENCE
The following descriptions of selected objects obtained in excava-
tions at the site of Fort Pierre II (39ST217) complement the numeri-
cal specimen catalog of all objects collected there, prepared at the
Project laboratory. These descriptions have here been grouped in
logical classes and subclasses, according to the normal or most usual
use of the objects or materials, or with respect to the human activity
they best illustrate. The groupings are not, of course, mutually ex-
clusive, and some cross references have been provided where they
might facilitate study. No attempt has been made to provide an
exhaustive account of each class of objects represented, or to describe
or annotate each object or fragment preserved. The descriptive mat-
ter is intended for study in connection with materials from other sites,
as well as for planning future exhibit use of the specimens.
The entries below provide specimen catalog numbers, identification
and description of object, material of which it is composed, state of
preservation, shape or design, size or dimensions (where possible),
decoration and marks, notes on comparable specimens, and general
historical notes. Measurements are usually given in English, inas-
much as this system was that employed by manufacturers of most of
these objects, the products of factory and industrial processes. In the
case of objects of native significance, those of small size, such as glass
beads, and a few special items, measurements are, however, given in
the metric system.
CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS AND BUILDING HARDWARE, FUEL
Hardwood.—wNo. 793: Sawed fragment (flooring?) ; width ca. 2 inches; thick-
ness ca. % inch; partially burnt. Nos. 619, 1185: Other fragments, some of
which appear to be hardwoods. Limited quantities of finishing lumber were
doubtless obtained by steamboat, from St. Louis and other downriver points.
Chinking, clay.— Nos. 12, 219, 503, 548, 617, 682, 751, 794, 1190, 1274: Numer-
ous fragments, normally a dull gray, though some are accidentally fired and
have a buff or reddish color as a result. Several (e.g., Nos. 794, 1190) preserve
impressions of the logs or heavy timbers with which the chinking was used.
Bricks, adobe.—Nos. 839-845 : Fragments of seven specimens, probably molded ;
none completely measurable, but apparently 5 to 6 inches in width, ca. 12 inches
in length and ca. 3 to 4 inches in thickness (i.e., smaller than sizes customary
in the American Southwest). Though originally only sun dried, some of the
specimens exhibit traces of accidental firing on one or more surfaces, during
Ee ese FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 131
use in masonry. No evidence is to be seen that these bricks were made with a
binder such as straw. The masonry from which they were obtained had been
laid up with adobe-clay mortar. The use of adobes in the Missouri basin is
also known from archeological investigations at the site of Fort Stevenson,
N. Dak., and elsewhere, during the 19th century (Smith, 1960).
Bricks, kiln-fired—Hleven measurable specimens and numerous fragments.
Nos. 221, 838, 1186, 1188: Four common red bricks, length 8% to 84 inches;
width 334, to 414 inches; thickness 2 to 214 inches, the variations merely the
result of irregular firing. Nos. 13, 222-225, 837, 1187, 1228: Hight slightly
larger, superior bricks, buff to red in color, with coarse, gravelly temper, some-
what friable; length 814 to 8% inches; width 4 to 414 inches; thickness 21%4 to
254 inches; although none of these specimens are marked, they resemble fired
bricks found at the site of Fort Stevenson, which are known to have been
manufactured by the St. Louis firm of Hvens and Howard, established in 1857
(Smith, 1960). By the year 1859 there were, of course, other downriver com-
munities from which brick could have been obtained by steamboat.
Mortar, lime.—Nos. 217, 218, 1184, 1229: Small fragments, flat, from joints
in brick masonry; some of these have a fine sandy texture, and are very hard.
It is worthy of note that no fragments of finish lime-plaster were obtained at
this site.
Spikes and nails—Numerous lots, including several thousands of specimens,
of which some appear to be handwrought, though the vast majority are clearly
machine cut. Examples (only) of the former are: Nos. 551, 652, 876; one
unique large specimen (No. 332) (pl. 24, h), has a length of 1014 inches;
another (No. 936) (pl. 24, g), has a length of 51% inches. Examples of the ma-
chine-cut nails are: (No. 749) 20-penny; (No. 649) 12-penny; (No. 651) 10-
penny; (Nos. 552, 648) 8-penny; and (No. 647) 6-penny sizes. A few finish
nails (Nos. 645, 646) are present, 2 and 3 inches in length.
Pintles, door.—No. 514: Wrought iron, length ca. 9 inches, height ca. 2%
inches; No. 948: Length 8% inches (pl. 24, a). Similar specimens have been
obtained from the site of Fort Berthold II (Smith, MS.).
Hinges, door.—No. 293: Portion only, probably locally wrought iron, with
loop for insertion of pintle, and holes for nailing; length 8% inches. No. 687:
Portion of tapered specimen, with holes for wood screws; length 514 inches.
No. 628: “Butterfly” style, of cast brass, with 6 holes for screws; length 3
inches; width (open) 2 inches, with engraved letters, inscript: “F. & C. Clark”
on obverse, and obscure lettering on reverse (pl. 24, f). A similar specimen
of butterfly hinge (No. 964), incomplete, of iron, retains 2 small wood screws.
A leaf of one similar specimen (No. 995) has a length of 254 inches. Fifteen
leaves of similar specimens (Nos. 114, 423, 774-776, 911, 965-971, 1207, 1242)
measure 214 inches in width, and were of equal breadth when open. One leaf
(No. 108), of a similar style, square, measures 2 inches in length, having 2 holes
only. No. 346: Portion of one leaf of an H-hinge, of iron; original height ea. 3
inches, width (open) ca. 4 inches, having 3 holes in each leaf (pl. 24, e).
Screws, wood.—Nos. 81, 485, 487, 781, 925: Nine specimens, ranging in length
from % of an inch to ca. 2 inches; others are preserved with hinges described
above.
Hook, door.—No. 317: Handwrought iron (portion only, with eye-rivet) ;
length ca. 5 inches (pl. 24, b).
Handle, door.—No. 956: Thumb-latch only, of wrought iron; length ca. 514
inches (pl. 24, ¢). A very similar latch, complete with its handle, of slightly
smaller size, was obtained at the site of Fort Berthold II (Smith, MS.).
502329—60—_10
BP BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 176
Knobs, door.—Nos. 18, 465: Fragments of two molded brown ceramic knobs
(“marbled”), having a recess in the reverse for the insertion of a metal spindle ;
diameters 214 inches and 2% inches; the latter is fire damaged, but neither
was found in direct association with a building site.
Striker, door lock—No. 988: Machine-forged cast-iron; length 3%4 inches,
with two holes for screws (pl. 24, d).
Glass, window.—Nos. 24, 470, 497, 546, 592, 624, 820, 1173, 1222, 1269, and
other lots: Numerous lots, totaling several hundred small fragments, some fire
damaged; predominantly a thin gage, ca. 46 of an inch in thickness. Two
small sherds (Nos. 466, 467) are lightly etched with floral designs, of a style
formerly often used in doors having a glass panel.
Coal, mineral.—No. 1273: Fragments of lignite (?). Fist-sized clinkers from
mineral coal (lignite?) are also present (Nos. 220, 657, 795, 1182); one of
these resembles natural “secoria”’ of the upper Missouri region.
TOOLS AND IMPLEMENTS
Chains (log or wagon).—No. 310: Hook only, wrought iron, height ca. 5
inches; breadth ea. 8 inches; worn out in use (pl. 24,0). No. 482: Section only,
probably from a trace, having one large flat link, 2 twisted links, and a ring;
total length ca. 7 inches (pl. 24, s). Nos. 108, 431, 908, 972, 973: Other links,
of smaller sizes.
Spades.—Nos. 327, 787: Portions of 2 blades, steel, lengths not measurable;
widths 634 inches and 714 inches. The latter (No. 787) was excavated immedi-
ately west of House-site A (dwelling). Two other specimens of spade blades
(not preserved) were excavated just west of the probable west wall line of
House-site B (warehouse).
Ages, single bit—No. 640: Height 7 inches; maximum width of blade 4%
inches; weight approximately 4 pounds; slight damage to edge during use
(pl. 24, p). Found in the original trench fill, along the west stockade line,
together with the half-ax described elsewhere (p. 141). No. 295: height 614
inches, maximum width of blade ca. 4% inches; weight 2 pounds, 10 ounces;
slight damage to edge of blade, and forward edge of eye, during use. Probably
locally forged.
File, carpenter’s—No. 996: Portion of a flat file, with shank, width ca. 1 inch;
fire damaged, ; from House-site B (warehouse).
Chisel or wedge.—No. 315: Handwrought from a steel file (machine made),
showing evidence of use; length 5 inches (pl. 24, 7).
Punch, carpenter’s.—No. 363: Steel, shank rectangular in section, drawn to a
chisel end; length 334 inches; width of working end 44 of an inch only (pl. 24,
q).
Wire.—Nos. 95, 388, 486, 5386, 575, 669, 932, 1254, 1255: Fragments of plain iron
or steel wire, of various gages. Nos. 576, 635, 667, 1253, 1256: Five fragments
of barbed fence wire; two are single strand with single pairs of barbs, one
(No. 1253) has double pairs of barbs.
HARNESS AND FARRIERY; WAGON PARTS
Ox shoe—No. 117; Unique specimen (used in pairs), iron, with four shoe-
nails; height ca. 314 inches (pl. 24, k) ; approximate width of a pair of this
size, in use, 44%4 inches. Has small cleats (worn) at upper and lower margins.
Horseshoes.—Nos. 299, 303, 304, 305, 306, 696, 977: Seven complete or frag-
mentary shoes, with and without cleats. One (No. 306) is for use on a heavy
draft animal; length ca. 7 inches; width ca. 6%4 inches. Another (No. 304),
much worn, is of a size suitable for a pony; length ca. 4%4 inches; width ca.
414 inches.
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pap. No. 18] FORT PIERRE II—SMITH 133
Buckles, harness.—No. 100: Steel, width 14% inches. No. 595: Steel, for smaller
strap, width % of an inch. No. 1023: Cast brass, width 2 inches (pl. 24, 7).
No. 1237: Cast brass, width 1 inch. The latter two lack a tongue.
Hinge, strap.—No. 197: Sheet brass, die-stamped with floral decoration, width
1% inches (pl. 24, m) ; probably for use with leather harness straps, to which
it was fastened with small iron rivets.
Azle, wagon.—No. 307: Portion of cast iron shaft only, length 10% inches;
maximum diameter ca. 2 inches.
Aale-housings, wagon.—Nos. 641, 642, 643: Wrought iron; interior diameters
514 inches, 5% inches, and 6 inches; widths of bands ca. 1144 inches; thickness of
metal ca. 3% of an inch; all from heavy wagons such as mule-drawn Army
wagons.
Linchpin.—No. 323: Portion of one arm (curved) only; length ca. 2 inches
(pl. 24, 7). Perhaps a part of a patented variety of pin. Has small eye at one
end, a small loop at the opposite end, upon which the arm revolved. The linchpin
was passed through the axle of some wagons, to keep the wheel in place.
Clevises.—No. 326: Steel, length 9 inches; width 41%4 inches. Nos. 319, 322,
936: Similar specimens, of smaller size (pl. 24, 7); the last has rotating arms
for attachment to wood, and may be from a buggy shaft.
Wagon bolts.—No. 1244: Square head; threaded shank, length 434 inches (pl.
24, n). No. 1004: Flat head; threaded shank, length 5 inches. No. 354: Flat
head ; threaded shank, retains nut; length 4% inches. No. 956: Rounded head;
threaded shank, length 334 inches.
Wagon parts (miscellaneous).—Numerous iron fragments, largely wrought
iron, and some probably of local fabrication ; many are obviously wagon fittings,
but complete description is not attempted here. These pieces appear to pertain
to both the period of the Indian trade at Fort Pierre II and that of the agri-
cultural period that followed.
Wheel, balance.—No. 328: Portion only, cast steel; probably from an agri-
cultural machine such as a threshing machine; diameter 31% inches; thickness
11% inches.
Mower blades.—Nos. 300, 301, 302, 512, 934, 935: Six specimens, some showing
evidence of use; width 3 inches. These obviously pertain to the agricultural
* period at this site.
Buggy-top.—Nos. 1249-1251 : Three fragments of steel stays only, having brass
ornaments and lock plates.
FURNITURE AND HOUSEHOLD ARTICLES
Stoves, cooking—Numerous small parts (incomplete), of cast iron. Nos. 270,
271, 278, 284: Fragments of round lids, diameters ca. 74% inches. Nos. 272, 274:
Fragments of lid of slightly different design. Nos. 347, 425, 1003: Fragments of
curved dividers, used to support lids. Nos. 275, 979: Fragments of unidentified
parts of stoves. Lumps of mineral coal, also obtained, are referred to above
(2 132)).
Stove pipe—No. 572: Flattened section, sheet iron, with crimped interior
seam ; original diameter ea. 3 inches.
Cabinet (chest of drawers).—No. 782: Handle only, steel, die-stamped, length
81% inches. No. 1162: Small brown ceramic knob, with recess for metal spindle;
height 1% of an inch; diameter °4 of an inch. No. 579: Hinged fastener, for
cabinet or box, cast brass, length ca. 234 inches, width ea. 1 inch (pl. 25, @).
Candlestick.—No. 789: Center column only, sheet brass, with a portion of the
iron base; the column was provided with a slot for the candle-ejector (missing),
and has simple decoration, parallel engraved lines, in sets of three; approximate
height of entire object ca. 4 inches (pl. 25, b). From House-site A (dwelling).
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 176
Bibcock (spigot).—No. 1052: Brass (lacking handle or key); length 51%4
inches; of a kind formerly used with a wooden keg or barrel; interior diameter
of spout 5/16 of an inch (pl. 25, d).
Kettle—No. 786: Large rim sherd of cast-iron kettle (greatest dimension ca.
9 inches) ; height of original vessel ca. 9 inches; maximum diameter ca. 10 inches,
probably provided with legs. Several smaller fragments, spherical or curved,
are also present, probably from Similar kettles. No. 691: A fragment of the base
of a brass kettle or pail, diameter ca. 9inches. Several cast lugs: No. 885: with
rivets for attachment to body of kettle, width 214 inches; No. 321: with holes for
attachment and for a separate handle, width 4 inches; No. 1246: with holes, width
2 inches.
Griddle.—No. 325: Cast iron, with low rim and annular rest (lacking handle) ;
diameter 9°%4 inches.
Coffee grinder.—No. 311: Steel handle only, length ca. 5% inches, bearing cast
letters in relief: “ADAMS”; probably a patented variety (pl. 25, c). No. 711:
Small fragment of conical perforated housing in which such handles fitted;
diameter ca. 3 inches; height 156 inches.
Coffeepot—No. 948: Handle only, blue enameled steel “hollow-ware”’; length
ca. 5% inches. Hnamelware (often called “graniteware”’) dominated the Amer-
ican market, supplanting much of the earthenware previously sold, about the
year 1900, and was itself superseded in many fields by newer products of alumi-
num, glass, and, most recently, plastic.
Whetstones.—Five specimens (all fragmentary); one (1122), of micaceous
schist, apparently commercially made; width ca. 13 inches, thickness %.¢ of an
inch. The others (Nos. 1121, 1123, 1124, 1125), fragments of tabular stones,
appear to be of local origin.
Knife, kitchen—No. 1194: Fragmentary, steel, with wood fittings, attached
by five small brass pins; original length ca. 10 inches (pl. 25, f). No. 986: frag-
ments of curved blade of a knife of comparable size.
Forks, table—Nos. 324, 567, 788, 918, 919: Fragments of metal parts. One
(No. 788), probably originally 7 inches in length, still retains one of the two
original wood fittings, held in position by three small brass pins (pl. 25, e). All
of the specimens are fragments of three-tine forks, except for one (No. 919),
which has but two. Bone and metal parts of what is probably another specimen
(No. 1058), were fastened with two large and two small brass pins; original
length of this specimen ca. 7 inches.
Spoon, serving—No. 1009: Iron, length ca. 8 inches (broken); the bowl is
pointed, and the handle is curved (die stamped toward the under surface, for
strength). No. 400: Handle fragment only, die stamped, of iron.
Jugs, stoneware.——Numerous small sherds, buff, light brown, and dark brown
in color. One rim fragment (No. 460) is from a dull brown small-mouth con-
tainer, (perhaps a preserving jar). Another (No. 654) is a shoulder fragment
of a light-buff-colored bitters bottle, of a common variety, similar to specimens
found at Fort Berthold II and elsewhere (Smith, MS.). Of the remaining
sherds (Nos. 22, 462, 545, 799, 1174, 1267) totaling approximately 64, some are
fragments of jugs and covers, and illustrate common color varieties—gray, brown,
and buff particularly.
Jardiniere.—No. 1265: Large heavy sherd of light-brown slipped ware, hand
thrown but bearing bold appliqué floral design in relief (pl. 25, k). (Period 1890
(ff. ?).)
Mixing bowl.—No. 459: Large sherd of buff queensware, decorated with al-
ternating narrow brown and white bands; height ca. 5 inches (pl. 25,7).
WHETSTONE AGENGY.
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MAP OF
MISSOURI RIVER BASIN
SHOWING SOME
CENTURY MILITARY & TRADING
POSTS
200
MiiEeex I GO { —--——___,
105° | ° u ARK
Mar 5.—Map of the Missouri River Basin showing locations of some of the 19th
century military and trading posts, especially along the Missouri River in North
—
: and South Dakota
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
NORTH DAKOTA
RIVER BASIN SURVEYS MISSOURI BASIN PROJECT
VICINITY MAP OF
FT. STEVENSON (32MLI)
FORT STEVENSON
LEGEND
ADAPTED FROM
GARRISON DAM
INTERMITTENT STREAM
U.S. GORPS OF ENGINEERS
MAP OF GARRISON RESERVOIR
WOODED LAND
(SHEETS 143 & 147, JULY, 1943)
— LEGEND —
GRASSED LAND
DIRT ROAD ==
TRAIL
2000 3000 4000
_— 1354
oo « = oe eee
coe He MARSH
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SCALE IN FEET
Map 6.—Map of the vicinity of Fort Stevenson (32ML1) showing relationship of the
ite to the Missouri River and to Douglas Creek
4
e2aRnad ae
128AM ab ap) ah
Riv. Bas. $02 INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 169
neers, 1892). Inspection of an aerial photograph of that portion of
the river, taken April 4, 1943, suggests that the river, since 1870, had
retreated about one-half mile at this point, leaving new land not then
in existence (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, MRD-1-89, 19438 b).
This topographic change in the vicinity of Fort Stevenson was of
historical importance because of its bearing on the problem of the
location of the original warehouse and steamboat landing, not pre-
cisely recorded, so far as is known.
The recent bottom land between the first terrace and the main chan-
nel of the Missouri was well timbered with cottonwood and ash, and a
few smal] open areas adjacent to the terrace were in use as hay land.
That this bottom land, then probably narrower than in 1951, was
not well timbered in 1867 is clear from the fact that it was then neces-
sary to obtain suitable saw logs for use at the new post from the
opposite (south) side of the river (Mattison, 1951, p. 27). The
gathering of fuel in the immediate vicinity of the post must soon have
stripped it of timber resources, and it is probable that still earlier
search for fuel and building materials, by Indians and by “wood-
hawks” who supplied steamboats with fuel, had begun this denuding
of the bottom lands. Official records show that cutting of timber on
the military and Indian reservations was a source of conflict between
the military and the Indians, as well as civilian white persons (ibid.,
pr2t).
Evidence of the fact that these bottom lands were largely bare of
timber in the late 1860’s, and that a full view of the river itself could
be had from the post at that time, is contained in the journal of General
de Trobriand, then commandant, who mentions the passage on the
river of war parties of Indians in bullboats, and of miners from Mon-
tana in Mackinaw boats (de Trobriand, 1951, pp. 181-133, 150).
These parties were seen on the river from the temporary camp area
immmediately east of the site of the permanent post, whereas no part
of the main channel could be seen in 1951 from the site of Fort
Stevenson, because of the widening of the bottom land and growth of
new timber in recent years.
Only one reference to extreme high water in the Missouri near Fort
Stevenson has been encountered, though spring flood waters frequently
inundated the bottom Jands near the post (ibid., p. 254; account of the
breakup of the ice on March 25, 1868). It was recorded that in 1866
flood waters approached within 12 feet of the site of the future post.
Such a rise would mean that the level of the main channel rose approxi-
mately 18 feet, opposite the post. Except in periods of such extreme
flooding or of excessive precipitation, however, the site of the post was
probably a very suitable one, affording good surface and subsoil drain-
age. The post surgeon stated in 1875 that “the natural drainage is
perfectly efficient, hence there are no artificial drains, and none [are]
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 176
needed” (Matthews, 1875, p. 440). The soils at the site were readily
pervious, and it was observed that even after heavy rains, as in June
1951, water remained standing on the surface for only a few hours at
most. It was quite a different case with the gumbo soil at a lower
elevation nearby, which retained water for days and even weeks, and
which must have given trouble for wagons, just as it did in recent years
for motor vehicles, even on graded roads.
Several years apparently elapsed, after the fort was built, before
drive wells were put down, and in the meantime water for drinking
and other purposes was obtained from the Missouri itself (Matthews,
1875, p. 440). A photograph taken at Fort Stevenson, probably about
1870, shows a group of enlisted men and civilian mule drivers on such
a water detail (pl. 32). It is not surprising that medical records of
the post show a high incidence of dysentery. The use of river water
for drinking, and the fact that the transportation of food supplies
was often badly interrupted during winter months are sufficient
explanation (Mattison, 1951, p. 22). By the time of the inspection
report of 1879, drive wells were in operation and that water source
must have been an improvement. Yet those wells were located less
than a hundred feet from common latrines or “sinks,” and the wells
are reported to have been no more than 10 feet in depth below the floor
of the pump house (ibid., p. 34). A further possible source of water
was various springs in the vicinity, but water from such springs was
apparently disliked, and was referred to as “unpalatable” (Matthews,
1875, p. 440).
In the immediate vicinity of the post, prairie hay lands doubtless
originally supplied all grazing needs. It was, however, noted in 1875
that a wide extent of country had to be searched to obtain sufficient
hay for the post, and it was thought that this supply would become
even shorter (ibid., p. 488). The map of the reservation of 1870
(traced 1879), previously mentioned, shows a post garden on Douglas
Creek, west of the fort. It was a policy of the War Department at
this period to furnish part of the subsistence for these posts by means
of such gardens, operated by post personnel. This garden was irri-
gated by hand during the dry season of the summer. It contained be-
tween four and five acres of ground, and produced peas, beans, and
lettuce well. Potatoes and onions are said to have been produced in
quantities sufficient to meet the needs of the post for the greater part
of the year, while turnips, beets, cabbages, and the like were raised in
smaller quantities (ibid., p. 440).
At some period during the military occupation of Fort Stevenson,
tree planting had been attempted about the parade ground. Photo-
graphs taken during that period and subsequently show the position
and size of several such trees in front of the officers’ quarters (photo-
graphs in State Historical Society of North Dakota). The remnants
av. No 19} INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 171
of one of the trees that had stood before the South Officers’ Quarters
survived in 1951. It was an ash, as presumably were the others ap-
pearing in the photographs. The trunk of this tree was dead, but
suckers from the base were still growing. Sections of the main trunk
were collected. These trees had probably been transplanted as saplings
from the adjacent bottom lands. Their size at that time, or the
precise date of transplanting, is not known, but it must have occurred
soon after the post was completed, probably in the early 1870’s, though
there is no mention of tree planting in the report of 1875 (Matthews,
1875). One of the photographs referred to above, said to have been
taken in 1879, shows these trees in healthy condition, and in this view
they appear to have been in place for several years. It is probable
that these trees would at least at first have been well cared for and
frequently watered after transplanting.
Construction materials locally available for use in building the post,
and the presence near the fort of lignite coal, which was used to
supplement wood for fuel, are of special interest. The map of the
reservation (1870) shows the location of coal north of the post, at
the edge of the second bench and a road leading to the mine from the
fort. A mine in that location was still worked in recent years, for
local use. ‘Traces of the use of lignite, in accumulations of weathered
coal and lenses of coal ash, were found in excavation at the fort site.
Of this lignite deposit, de Trobriand (1951) in 1867 stated that it was
necessary only to scoop up the coal, which was exposed on the surface.
It was also extracted in chunks with a pick, and was said to be of
excellent quality and very pure, burning easily and completely con-
suming into cinders (ibid., p. 159). Matthews also mentioned the
quality of the fuel, though stating that it burned rapidly and dis-
integrated upon exposure to the air (cited by Kane, ed., in de
Trobriand, 1951, p. 159 n.). Another military visitor of this period,
Bvt. Maj. C. W. Howell of the Corps of Engineers, also reported that
coal was plentiful in the hills in the neighborhood of the post, but that
it was considered by the officers to be of poor quality. It had been
used in heating stoves, though it did not give entire satisfaction, and
had also been used in the blacksmith shop, though it there failed to
afford a good welding heat (Howell, 1908, p. 400).
The source of timbers for construction at Fort Stevenson, as well
as of fuel needed, is recorded in part in de Trobriand’s journal (de
Trobriand, 1951, p. 304). In June 1868, a contract was awarded for
timbers and firewood, and it is stated that it was even then necessary
to go as far as 35 or 40 miles from the post to obtain logs of suitable
dimensions. These logs were to be at least 16 inches in diameter,
and 25 feet in length. The contract also called for some twelve hun-
dred cords of firewood. It seems clear that the first lumbering activi-
ties on the south side of the Missouri during the preceding year had
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BULL. 176
rapidly exhausted the timber resources available for building
purposes.
Of local materials employed at Fort Stevenson for construction
purposes, none is more clearly illustrated in the excavations than the
extensive use of field stone for masonry foundations, still largely
preserved in place. No quarry rock was available in the vicinity,
and most of the stones used were probably found on the surface of
the prairies, derived from glacial drift and river deposits. De Tro-
briand speaks of rock having been brought from, the bluffs 114 or 2
miles away—presumably the highest bench away from the river
(ibid., pp. 42, 346). The boulders used, so far as could be seen during
the investigations, were of suitable size for carrying and handling,
and many wearisome wagonloads must have been brought in by
soldier details. Civilian masons were apparently responsible for the
stone masonry, as well as for other construction here. Soldiers also
assisted from time to time in actual construction activities (ibid., pp.
43, 158).
A particularly interesting use of local materials for construction
purposes was that of clays employed with prairie grasses in the man-
ufacture of adobe bricks. According to local tradition these bricks
were made by soldiers working under the direction of an Indian
woman known as “Indian Mary” (information from, Dr. Robinson;
his authority was persons who had lived at the fort). The precise
source of clays used in making these bricks is not known, but it was
probably in the immediate vicinity of the brickyard which, in turn,
lay between the landing and the temporary camp (de Trobriand, 1951,
p. 43). The yard was, therefore, near the point at which Garrison
Creek entered the recent river bottom land, about one-quarter mile
east of the parade ground of the permanent post.
The use of adobe clays for adobe brickmaking elsewhere on the
upper Missouri is not unknown, but it would be of interest to Inow
how adobe bricks came to be made and used in military buildings
here, in preference to other possible types of construction, at a point
far distant from the adobe-brick region proper in the Southwest. It
would also be of interest to know how “Indian Mary” became ac-
quainted with the process of adobe-brick manufacture and just what
her background had been. The adobe-brick tradition does not seem
to have persisted in the architecture of this region of the upper Mis-
sourl, but was succeeded by that of the sod house and other styles, in
the period of permanent settlement of the region.
Adobe bricks were, it is true, used at numerous other military posts
in the West during the 19th century. An example is Fort Laramie,
established in 1849, but that post was some four hundred miles south
and west of Fort Stevenson. The adobe-brick tradition at Fort
Laramie had, furthermore, been introduced during a previous period,
Riv. Bas. SUR. INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 173
when the region at the mouth of the Laramie River was the site of
major fur posts. The direct connection of the adobe-brick architec-
tural tradition at that place with that of the Southwest is revealed
by the fact that Southwestern labor is said to have been employed in
making and using adobes at least as early as 1841, in building Fort
John, which in 1849 became the military Fort Laramie (Hafen and
Young, 1938, p. 83, quoting John C. Fremont). In the case of both
fur-trade structures and private buildings of the military period at
Fort Laramie, such as the sutler’s store, adobe bricks were used in
true masonry. This was also the case with certain of the lesser mili-
tary buildings, such as the sets of officers’ quarters on the west side
of the parade ground. In the case of “Old Bedlam,” an officers’
quarters at Fort Laramie begun in 1849, adobe brick were also used,
but only as packing between the timbers of the frame, probably to
serve as insulation.
The general history of architecture of western military posts of
the 19th century has apparently not yet been given special study.
It is known that the original construction at Fort Buford, a military
post established in 1866 near the older Fort Union of the fur trade,
was also of adobe-brick masonry, and by 1871 efforts had been made
to replace the adobe brick. As late as 1875, however, numerous orig-
inal buildings of this style were still in use at Fort Buford (Mattison,
1955, p. 61). Though there appears to be a general tradition of
the use of adobe brick at these posts in the late 1860’s, the details
are obscure. The use of such materials in the construction of Fort
Stevenson may, however, be related directly to a tradition estab-
lished on the upper Missouri itself during the preceding period of
the fur trade.
Although trading posts on the upper Missouri, as elsewhere outside
the Southwest, were primarily timber structures (whether or not
palisaded), adobe mud and doubtless occasionally even adobe brick
were also employed. It has been stated that the few trading posts
built of adobe were the exception, timber construction having been
the most typical in the western United States (Chittenden, 1954, vol.
1, p. 45). Some evidence on the matter is available for the portions
of the upper Missouri in question.
The earlier trading posts of Fort Berthold (ca. 1845 ff.) and its
competitor Fort Atkinson (ca. 1858 ff., subsequently known as Fort
Berthold; both a part of 32ML2) were timber structures, as were
Fort Clark (1831 ff.), Fort Union (1828 ff.), and the still earlier post
of James Kipp (32MN1), at the mouth of the White Earth River
(1826 ff.). So also was Fort Mandan, in which Lewis and Clark had
wintered in 1804-5 with the Mandan Indians. Test excavations at
the site of Kipp’s post made in October 1951, by the Missouri Basin
Project demonstrated that this post had been enclosed with a stockade,
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY . [Bunn. 176
and that the stockade and interior buildings had been damaged by
fire. This fire had preserved clear evidence, in burned lumps of chink-
ing, of the use of adobe mud. Similar evidence is doubtless preserved
at the sites of other early fur posts in this region, and at least one
post, Fort Benton (1847 ff.), originally of timber, was rebuilt at some
period in the 1850’s with adobe-brick masonry.
All of the earlier trading posts of the upper Missouri were built,
as was Fort John (which became Fort Laramie), by the American
Fur Company or one of its various branches or offshoots, or by the
numerous opposition companies, and a fur-trade expression, “dobies,”
preserves a memory of the use of adobe in one form or another in
trading-post buildings. The artist, Rudolph Friederich Kurz, re-
corded in 1851 that Fort William (perhaps identical with the post
known as Fort Mortimer), the opposition post near Fort Union at
the mouth of the Yellowstone, was built of sun-dried clay, referring
to chinking or plastering of the timbers, or to the use of actual adobe
brick in masonry. Hence, he says, the men from this post were called
“dobies,” the word derived from adobe, itself a Spanish-American
word (Kurz, 1937, p. 188 n. and pl. 6, top; Mathews, 1951, vol. 1, p. 9).
The word was also frequently applied to the brick themselves (Hafen
and Young, 1938, p. 101, quoting an emigrant description of Fort
Laramie, 1843: “dobies (unburnt bricks)”). Further evidence of the
use of local adobe clays in the construction of various trading posts,
for chinking and plastering, and occasionally for adobe-brick manu-
facture and use, is doubtless available.
In connection with the matter of the use of adobe bricks of local
manufacture in the construction of Fort Stevenson in 1867, the plan
of the whole post is also of special interest. At most western posts of
the 19th century, the arrangement of units of the whole, the buildings,
and other structures, was rectangular or lozenge shaped, enclosing an
area frequently used for drill purposes and known as the parade
ground. It is hardly surprising that such a central plaza, or place d’
armes, should have characterized military installations of the Ameri-
can West, inasmuch as the tradition is a part of modern military plan-
ning itself, irrespective of the nationality of the planners. At Fort
Stevenson, however, in addition to the “hollow square” of most forts,
there is one element which is distinctly Southwestern, like the adobe
brick, and is reminiscent of the patio. The courtyard, enclosed by the
wings of the individual buildings, is a close parallel to the patio of
the casa in the Southwest. It would be interesting to know the deriva-
tion of this plan, utilized at Fort Stevenson and other posts, and, in-
deed, often followed today. The initiative in planning frontier posts
was apparently left to field engineers by the War Department, and de
Trobriand stated that on arrival of the garrison at the site, “a complete
plan” was made of the buildings to be erected, their location, and their
Riy. BAS. Sur.
Pav. No. 19} INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 175
dimensions (de Trobriand, 1951, p. 42). The definite Southwestern
flavor of this post also suggests that it may have been designed by
field engineers, or that the post was built according to plans already
developed elsewhere about the same period, probably in the Southwest.
A comparison of plans of posts constructed in that region in the years
just preceding 1867 might shed light on this matter. In this connec-
tion, it may be noted that similar courtyard-building plans were not
used at Fort Laramie in early military structures, though buildings
there were in part of adobe-brick masonry, as has been seen.
Little can be said on the matter of trails and wagon roads that af-
forded communication and transport for Fort Stevenson, though these
have an obvious bearing upon any study of the physical remains of
the post. One study of this nature has recently appeared (Wright,
1953). It should, perhaps, be pointed out that communication and
transport for Fort Stevenson, from 1867 until about 1873, was largely
by river steamboat, and the subject of steam navigation of the upper
Missouri for this period is receiving special attention from Ray H.
Mattison, historian, National Park Service. Records of freight ship-
ments, passenger traffic, and related matters should afford additional
light on the circumstances of life at Fort Stevenson, beyond that now
available. Business records, such as those of J. C. Burbank and Com-
pany, contractors for supplying materials for Fort Totten (via Fort
Stevenson), if available, might also afford further light on Fort
Stevenson itself.
It has been mentioned that, upon excavation, few errors were found
in the post records for Fort Stevenson, which appear to be remarkably
complete and intact. So far as measurements of separate structures
and specific facts concerning individual buildings could be verified,
the data preserved therein appear to be accurate (fig. 15). One curi-
ous minor error was, however, noted on the ground plan of 1879, in
the measurements of the parade ground itself, as delimited by the
buildings of the post. On this plan, the distance shown—333 feet—
between the front wall line of the Guard House and that of the row
of Officers’ Quarters—the east-west dimension of the parade—is ap-
proximately correct (measurement from photostat of original; the
photostat is reduced one-half). The dimension of the parade at right
angles (north-south) is, however, shown on the plan as approximately
196 feet between buildings, whereas the actual distance between re-
maining footings of these structures is 220 feet. (The ground plan
of 1879, as traced for publication in Mattison, 1951, opp. p. 28, differs
slightly from the photostat in these measurements. )
The reason for this error in the plan of 1879 is not known. Inas-
much as the buildings appear to have been correctly measured, it seems
probable that the parade ground was not actually measured overall,
and that the buildings were placed on the plan, one at a time, the
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“offset” between the south building line of the parade and the south
building line of the South Officers’ Quarters, and that between the
north line of the parade and the north line of the North Officers’ Quar-
ters, having somehow been overlooked. The narrative inspection re-
port of 1879, submitted separately from the plan of the same year, gives
these figures as 195 and 331 feet, respectively, and is therefore also
inaccurate (Mattison, 1951, p. 32).
The plan of 1879 was available in photocopy during excavations,
and was most useful in studying the site. The plan is, in fact, basic
to an understanding of the whole site, and the designation of par-
ticular sites, areas, and details as given therein was adhered to in re-
cording excavations, rather than introducing arbitrary, new desig-
nations. Only occasionally was the term “feature,” familiar in much
archeological fieldwork, used; the architectural term “detail,” is more
apropriate. It seemed preferable to refer to room areas of various
buildings (e.g., of the Hospital) according to the identification given
in 1879 (“bake house,” “kitchen,” etc.) , rather than to assign arbitrary
references without regard to probable or known functions, despite the
fact that these buildings are known to have been variously used at
different times. To have introduced new field references would have
been to confuse the study of the contemporary record as well as of the
archeological evidence.
Some record should here be made of the fate of the remains of Fort
Stevenson subsequent to the abandonment of the buildings by the Fed-
eral Government and their public sale in December 1897 (Matti-
son, 1951, p. 39). From the evidence of a few surviving photographs
and local tradition as well as of excavation, only the Commanding
Oflficer’s Quarters remained intact for any length of time. This build-
ing was used by several families as a farm home and, later, as a
granary, and was finally demolished about 1945. At some time during
the use of this building as a private home, a cellar was excavated
beneath the structure, and large portions of the footings between the
north and south halves of the building, and of the south footing, were
completely removed. ‘This is said to have so weakened the structure
that it became uninhabitable; subsequently it was used for storage of
grain and this further misuse doubtless hastened its destruction.
A large barn, standing in 1951 but subsequently demolished, im-
mediately west of the parade ground, was built at some time between
1883 and 1894, during the period of the use of the former post as an
Indian school (pl. 34, a). This barn was, in 1951, smaller than when
originally built, and parts of the footings of the larger original could
still be seen. Local informants stated that the barn had merely been
cut down in size from the original, after extensive wind damage at
some time in the past, and was not reconstructed. It is probable that
many of the large cottonwood timbers used in the original barn had
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 176
been taken from military buildings demolished after 1883. Many
of the timbers in the barn showed dowels, dowel holes, spiking, and
joining, which served no useful purpose in the barn, but indicated
previous use of the timbers. The barn was demolished in 1952.
Several buildings in the city of Garrison and elsewhere in the
vicinity are said locally to have come from Fort Stevenson, but it is
not probable that any of these were moved intact. Such buildings,
like the barn, probably merely contain timbers and millwork previ-
ously used at the fort.
From documentary sources, as well as archeological evidence, cer-
tain buildings are known to have been destroyed by fire at the site of
Fort Stevenson, either during or subsequent to the military occupation.
Examples of these are the Hospital, the South and North Barracks,
and the Commissary Storehouse. From local information and the
testimony of the excavation of the site units, other buildings were
purposely demolished at one time or another, probably for salvage of
timbers, stone, and other materials. Examples of these are the South
Officers’ Quarters and the Commanding Officer’s Quarters. At each
of these, whether the buildings were destroyed by fire or intentionally
demolished, certain other manmade changes probably also occurred.
Thus, in the case of the Hospital and the South Barracks, both of
which had adobe-masonry walls, evidence was found of apparently
intentional leveling of the ruins subsequent to the fires. Large sec-
tions of walls, for example, were found collapsed flat, as though they
had been pushed over from a standing position, or had fallen of their
own weight, after having been weakened by weathering.
Several of the original cellars, such as those of the Hospital and
the South Barracks, had received great quantities of trash after the
destruction of the buildings. This was especially noticeable at the
site of the large cellar of the Commissary Storehouse, which had served
as a dump over a considerable period of time for the adjacent farm
home in the former Commanding Officer’s Quarters. Here there was
also evidence of attempts to fill the depression, probably to remove the
farm hazard of an open pit, with additional disposal materials such
as plaster, ash, gravel, and the like, but complete filling had not been
achieved, because of the large size of the original cellar.
One new structure was actually imposed directly upon the site of
the military post and Indian school. This was an earth potato cellar,
made about 1915 between the sites of the Hospital and South Bar-
racks; the excavation is said to have been made with a horse and
scraper. ‘This cellar was actually semisubterranean, and earth had
been piled on either side of the excavation—on parts of the sites of
the Hospital and South Barracks—the earth being obtained in the
immediate vicinity, from the sites of ruined buildings (pl. 35, 0).
fav. No 19}, INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 179
Little damage had been done to the stone footings of the adjacent
buildings, probably because of their compact and massive character,
but large amounts of adobe-brick rubble were moved at this time from
both the Hospital and South Barracks sites. This was particularly
noticeable in the exacavation of the latter. Here the front portion,
or “main body,” had been denuded of practically all building debris
aside from the very footings themselves.
No other manmade changes were observed at the site of Fort
Stevenson except for those arising from agricultural use (pl. 31).
Some attempts had been made to remove the stone footings of build-
ings, probably in the hope of increasing the cultivable area about the
site of the fort; this was particularly noticeable near the front (north)
footing of the East Wing of the Hospital. But these attempts seem
to have been abandoned. The months of soldier labor expended here
in the late 1860’s were not to be obliterated by the occasional efforts of
later farmers.
The original parade ground of the fort was under cultivation in
1951, and had apparently been plowed for many years, and the
site of the Guard House had been almost competely obliterated.
Whether this structure was originally provided with a stone footing
comparable to that of the larger building is not known. The inspec-
tion report of 1879 merely described the Guard House as “made of
the same materials as the other buildings of the post” (Mattison,
1951, p. 86). The inference from this statement is that this build-
ing was also an adobe-brick masonry structure, set upon a stone
footing. A photograph of the former post, probably taken about
1895 and showing the Guard House in ruinous condition, suggests,
however, that it was actually a frame building, rather than one of
adobe masonry, and such foundation as it once had may have been
much slighter than those of the larger buildings (photograph in
Missouri Basin Project and National Park Service Region Two files;
original in State Historical Society of North Dakota; also in Reid,
1947-48, opp. p. 206).
It remains to mention other uses to which the site of Fort Stevenson
had been put, aside from that of cultivation. Because of the char-
acter of the building remains, which in most instances could not be
cleared or leveled for cultivation, parts of the whole site were fenced
and used for stock pasture. Such a fence line still crossed the south
side of the original parade ground, crossing the site of the South
Officers’ Quarters, and the area between this fence and the edge of the
terrace (on the south) had probably been used for many years, as it
was in 1951, for stock pasture. Though this may have caused minor
changes in this area, no major change was seen that could be attributed
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 176
to stock. Much of the grass cover here appeared to be of native
prairie grasses.
The construction of Fort Stevenson appears to have been ac-
complished by contract with civilians, assisted by soldiers detailed
for the purpose from time to time. In August, 1867, de Trobriand
noted that civilian employees numbered 40 persons, of the 260
persons at the post. The masons were for the most part civilians
(de Trobriand, 1951, p. 43). There are, however, a few suggestions
of poor building practices, such as the placement of chimneys
upon joists in certain instances, rather than upon separate footings.
The practical lessons learned in the process of manufacture of the
adobe bricks here are also of interest in this connection. General de
Trobriand recorded that there was some experimentation with these
bricks before their manufacture and use were mastered (de Trobriand,
1951, p. 835). This fact suggests that, even if made under the direc-
tion of an experienced person, the experience had not extended to
this immediate region, and may have been obtained elsewhere. In
connection with the poor building practices mentioned, there is the
related matter of the suitability of the plans for the buildings, and
the adequacy of planning prior to actual construction. There is evi-
dence that adobe brick were not entirely suitable for masonry here.
This masonry seems at first to have been left exposed to the weather,
and the walls were said to have tended to crack (Mattison, 1951,
p- 30). This was undoubtedly a result of the inferior quality of
the bricks manufactured, as well as of the unsuitability of adobe brick
for use in exposed walls in the climate of this region.
Despite the more obvious shortcomings of planning and actual
construction of Fort Stevenson, and the obvious haste that was re-
guired in 1867 to complete the work, had the buildings been properly
cared for during use, had there been no disastrous fires, and had
surviving buildings not been actually misused, they should have been
sound enough to stand for many years longer than they did. The
buildings had, by 1897, served a useful purpose during a frontier
period. This frontier period was already over by 1897 and the needs
of permanent settlers of the region found little place for undertak-
ings such as the preservation of historic sites and buildings.
EXCAVATIONS OF INDIVIDUAL SITE UNITS
HOSPITAL
The post hospital of Fort Stevenson was located at the southeast
corner of the parade ground, separated from the nearest building by
an “alley” of 20 feet, which seems to have been a standard distance
between all the major structures. This building faced on the parade,
and matched the Offices (or Headquarters Building), of identical
(reversed) plan, on the opposite (north) side. Like all the larger
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Riv. BAS, Sur.
Riv No: 9] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 181
buildings of the post, the Hospital was built to enclose three sides of
a yard, in this case opening toward the parade (figs. 15, 16).
The Hospital was probably among the first of the larger buildings
undertaken in the construction of the permanent post, begun late in
June 1867, but there is record of the fact that in October of that year
this building had not yet been roofed or floored (de Trobriand, 1951,
p. 129). Troops had been at work on the post since June, and from one
record it seems likely that work on the Hospital had not been neglected.
On August 7, a teamster was fatally injured by Indians “near the
foundations of the new fort,” and he died shortly afterward “in the
hospital” (Mattison, 1951, p. 8). Thus it seems probable that the
permanent hospital, though incomplete, was in usable condition by the
date of this event. The building was probably roofed before the severe
winter of that year set in. No evidence was found, on excavation, of
any subsequent major changes in the structure, during the period of its
use, and it was probably destroyed in the fires of the summer of 1894,
at which time the two former Barracks(one adjacent to the Hospital)
were also destroyed. Excavation provided unmistakable evidence of
the complete destruction of the Hospital by fire.
The site of the Hospital, like that of most of the other buildings
at the post, was well covered with vegetation prior to excavation—
largely tough grass sod and weeds (pl. 35, a, 6). This site had never
been cultivated or put to other use than that of pasture, largely because
of the obstacle of the massive footings, but it had in part been inten-
tionally leveled. Despite this leveling and the mantle of vegetation,
the building lines of the original structure were visible throughout
most of their courses, and the plan and details concerning the build-
ing preserved in the documentary record were also of assistance in
defining the site. Partially exposed rows of boulders, sometimes en-
closing crumbling lime mortar, were the visible remains of original
elements of the structure. Actual masonry was not visible throughout
the whole course of these lines, but where otherwise obscure, building
lines could be traced in the slightly different appearance of the sod
and weed growth. Where vegetation rested upon masonry it was
sparser and less luxuriant. Adjacent to the masonry, on either side,
it was denser and greener. The cellar area, within the site of the
East Wing of the Hospital, was clearly marked by a depression, and
supported a rank growth of sod and weeds.
Excavation of the site of the Hospital was begun by stripping off
the vegetation, and exposing the actual contours of the surface (pl. 35,
a, 6). ‘The masonry footings were then exposed, by narrow trenches
(approximately 2 feet in width) on either side, and the removal of
loose earth from their upper surfaces, with frequent reference to the
documentary records available. These footings were the foundations
of the original structure, and constituted its lowest member. Only the
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 176
cellar, mentioned above, reached a greater depth below the original
ground surface. The whole site was then cleared of building debris
and accumulated earth, by excavating to the level of the original
ground surface within the foundations, in the interior of the original
building (pls. 36, a, 6; 87, @). This old surface was clearly evident in
a level dark loam, undisturbed except where penetrated by building
foundations and the trenches originally made for their construction.
At points at which the footings were not preserved to their full
height, the masonry rose but 4 to 6 inches, at most, above the old
ground level. At other points, depending upon slight variations in
the contours of the original surface, the masonry was actually flush
with it. Within the interior of the building area the average accumu-
lation of debris, resting on the old surface, was no more than 3 to 6
inches, though at some points there were actual slight elevations, the
sites of collapsed portions of walls or of chimneys (pls. 36, 6, 37, a;
fig. 16).
Like most of the larger buildings at Fort Stevenson, the Hospital
was built of timber, adobe brick, common fired brick, stone, and related
materials. ‘The inspection report of 1879 described the construction of
these buildings as having been “of adobe set up in frames on rock foun-
dations,” the roofs being high and shingled, and the buildings one story
in height (Mattison, 1951, p. 33). Excavation afforded evidence that
there had been some difference in the design of wall members in the dif-
ferent buildings of the post (even among those in which adobe brick
were used), and comments on this matter appear elsewhere in the
present report. The precise design of the walls of the Hospital,
however, was not evident because of the fire and the extensive changes
that had taken place at the site subsequent to the destruction of the
building by fire.
The walls of the Hospital, comprising adobe-brick masonry and,
presumably, timber, had rested on massive stone footings that, in part
at least, were set with lime mortar. The footings here averaged 18
inches in thickness (pl. 38, a, 0; fig. 16). The inspection report cited
recorded that the walls of certain buildings of the post were “about
14 inches” in thickness (Mattison, 1951, p. 833). This was the thick-
ness of wall remnants found at the site of the South Barracks, to be
described, and there is no reason to doubt that this was also the case
at the Hospital, though no portions of the adobe-brick walls proper
were preserved in place on the footings here.
At some points, this stone masonry footing was preserved to its full
original height, and in some parts of its course, at least, the upper
surface had been made quite level, by the use of lime mortar, to re-
ceive the walls (pls. 37, b; 38, 6). It seems probable that the original
intention had been that these footings should all be laid in lime mortar,
but the practice had, apparently, soon been abandoned, perhaps be-
Pay, No 19] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 183
cause of a shortage of lime or the lateness of the season at which the
masonry was constructed, or both. Although the masonry footings
were massive, as has been stated, they were also rather shallow, and
extended little more than a foot or two below the original ground
surface, as was seen at two test excavations, carried below the base
of the footings (pls. 37, 6; 38, a). These footings had been con-
structed in narrow trenches, evidence of which, in disturbed soils,
was frequently encountered in the course of excavation.
The masonry footings of the Hospital had been made of field stone
of random size, such as could have been picked up on the prairie in
the vicinity, brought to the site by wagon, and worked and placed by
individual workmen (pls. 37, 38). Many of the stones had been used
in the masonry without trimming or other preparation, but some had
been roughly split, probably with a heavy sledge. These broken or
roughly “faced” stones had usually been placed with a face toward
an exposed or upper surface, the smoother and flatter surfaces vertical
or horizontal. After these larger, and sometimes shaped, pieces had
been set, smaller stones and spalls had been used to fill the joints of
the masonry (pl. 38, >). Although the stones of the footing were
ordinarily placed horizontally the masonry was not actually coursed
throughout or consistently. Little attempt had, apparently, been
made to select material for the footings, other than according to con-
venient size for carrying and handling, or to provide more than a
sound foundation for the walls and building proper. Cornerstones
had not been specially trimmed, so far as could be seen, though it
should be noted that some stone had been removed from the footings,
and trimmed pieces may thus have been lost, as at exterior corners.
(pl. 37, 6).
There are at least two explanations of the loss of materials such as
the stones of these footings, and of the building debris that once
covered the site. Other buildings in the vicinity of Fort Stevenson
today are said to have been made of materials from the abandoned
buildings, including both stone and timbers, and some intentional
leveling doubtless occurred during the period of the use of the site
of the post as a farm. Secondly, a root cellar, made of earth about
1915 by using a horse and scraper, lying between the sites of the Hos-
pital and the South Barracks and actually superimposed on parts of
both, was in part of earth and debris scraped from these sites
(pl. 35, 0).
The deposit covering the remains of the Hospital was composed
of various materials derived from the building itself. These included
adobe brick with adobe mortar, common fired brick with lime mortar,
charred bits of wood and metal hardware from the building, ash lay-
ers, derived from the destruction of the building, and large quantities
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butu. 176
of earth, in part probably wind deposited, but largely the remnant
materials from the disintegration of the adobe bricks and adobe mor-
tar. Much of the adobe brick and mortar had been altered by fire
at the time of the destruction of the building. As a result, it was pos-
sible, on excavation, to isolate and remove individual bricks, acciden-
tally fired; this was not possible with the unfired bricks occasionally
seen. This debris within the site of the building, as has been stated,
was relatively shallow except in areas such as that of the West Wing,
over which the earth cellar had been built. Few intelligible details
of original construction were found, with the exception of an occa-
sional stone or fired-brick footing for floor joists, of collapsed portions
of adobe-brick masonry and fired-brick chimneys, the stone founda-
tion of a bake oven, and a small cellar at the rear of the East Wing.
It was known that the exterior of the Hospital, like many if not all
of the buildings of the post, had been whitewashed, probably during
the period of military use, and traces of this whitewash were found
on some of the adobe brick. No evidence of weatherboarding or
siding was found.
The common fired brick encountered at this site were the familiar
coarse red bricks manufactured in many places, and here employed
for chimney construction. A few of these bricks were marked, and
they appeared to be exclusively of St. Louis manufacture. There is
no reason to believe that any of these fired bricks were made here,
as were the adobe bricks. There is, on the other hand, documentation
concerning the shipment of brick with other building materials fur-
nished on contract. These bricks had been laid in lime mortar, the
lime also doubtless received under contract, and had been placed in
the masonry of chimneys in ordinary bond, so far as could be seen
in the few instances in which the masonry of the collapsed chimneys
was sufficiently intact to observe the probable arrangement of the
bricks. These chimneys were, of course, for use with stoves, and the
base of one large circular heating stove (apparently of a style suitable
for use with either wood or lignite) was found on the site of the West
Wing, though badly damaged by the intense heat to which it had been
subjected on the destruction of the building by fire.
No information was obtained from excavation concerning the place-
ment, dimension, or type of flooring used in the building, but it was
known that the building had had necessary flooring, from charred
bits of wood of this kind found, as well as from the documentary
record. According to the inspection report of 1879, the flooring of
the barracks was of dressed pine laid upon rough flooring of cotton-
wood plank, and the same was doubtless true at the Hospital (Matti-
son, 1951, pp. 34, 35).
The root cellar, built about 1915 of earth and rubble obtained in
the immediate vicinity, had been so placed that it covered the whole
Riy. BAS. SUR. LO
Riv, No ig}, INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 185
of the site of the West Wing of the Hospital, obscuring all but the
line of the footing on the east side, toward the yard. This recent
earthwork had protected from further disintegration large portions
of collapsed adobe-brick-wall materials. In collapsing, on or after
the destruction of the building by fire, the portions frequently retained
much of their original position and arrangement, except that they
lay on their sides, individual bricks thus resting on edge rather than
superimposed, as originally. The arrangement of bricks in these por-
tions was in regular courses, but without regular bond or courses of
headers. Since the individual bricks were of somewhat irregular
dimensions, and the mortar joints not perfect in alinement or width,
the vertical joints were also irregular, and occurred at random, accord-
ing to the size and placement of the adobe bricks.
No parts of the timber members originally used in framing the
walls were found. From the large size of collapsed areas of adobe-
brick masonry, found without associated timber remains of framing
dimension, it seems probable that this framing had been widely
spaced, in this structure, and had been totally destroyed in the fire.
Evidence of a slightly different type of construction, involving timber
framing and adobe-brick packing, found at the site of the Command-
ing Ofiicer’s Quarters, is described elsewhere.
The inspection report of 1879, and the ground plan of the post, of the
same year, provide some data on the varied use of the different parts
of the Hospital at that time, but this information was verified in ex-
cavation in only occasional instances (fig. 16). For one reason or
another, evidence that might have supplemented the documentary
record was lacking, except as mentioned hereafter. It is hardly sur-
prising that physical remains were lacking, which might have indi-
cated the position or character of interior partitions and minor archi-
tectural details. The partitions probably had no separate footings,
merely resting on joists, or even directly upon the wooden flooring,
and all these wood members had been destroyed. No footings were
found that might have indicated the precise original location of chim-
neys, and in this instance the chimneys are known to have been set
directly upon the floor joists (report of 1879, cited by Mattison, 1951,
p. 83). Here and elsewhere poor building practices reveal a lack
of careful advance planning for the buildings.
Of rooms 1 to 6 of the ground plan of 1879—dispensary, storeroom,
steward’s room, ward, bathroom, and laundry, respectively—almost
no distinct evidence was found (fig. 16). Occasional objects were en-
countered, which appear to be related to the original use of the build-
ing, such as scissors (apparently of surgical type), parts of glass
syringes, and numerous frames of metal cots, but all, or many, of these
may have been introduced on the site during the period of the use of
the building as an Indian school, rather than during the earlier period
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
of its use as an Army hospital. Cast-iron frames of school desks,
probably those in use in the Indian school at the time the building was
destroyed, were also found in excavations at the Hospital.
Scarcely more information of architectural significance was found
for other room areas of the Hospital—those indicated in 1879 as rooms
7 to 11—closet, dining room, kitchen, matron’s room, and bake house,
respectively (this bake house was actually a room within the Hospital,
and should not be confused with another Bake House, probably built
some time after 1879, and located east of the Hospital, between it and
the Magazine) (fig. 15). A cellar area was found beneath the dining-
room area indicated on the plan of 1879; this cellar had, however,
merely been excavated into the subsurface clay and gravel and was not
provided with cribbing or masonry. The dimensions of the cellar as
shown on the accompanying plan are consequently only approximate
(fig. 16; pl. 86, 6). No evidence was available to indicate the exact
period of construction of this cellar, which is not mentioned in the
report of 1879. Here as elsewhere smaller objects found appeared
to be related rather to the use of the building as a school than as a
hospital.
In areas 5 and 6, the bathroom and laundry rooms shown on the plan
of 1879, almost no building debris or objects were found, and these
areas had probably been much reduced in height at the time the adja-
cent earth cellar was made, leaving little deposit in these areas above
the original ground surface upon which the Hospital had stood.
At the site of the bakery, or bake oven, of the Hospital, the only
architectural detail of note was the stone foundation or platform,
probably the base for the oven proper (pl. 36, 6). Although the ma-
sonry of this footing was not preserved to its full original height, it
was, however, higher than the top of the adjacent wall footing by as
much as 6 inches, and had probably originally been even slightly
higher. This foundation had been made of large boulders (some as
great as 2 feet in greatest dimension), spalls, and even a few fired
brick. The upper surface of the platform was not smooth or level,
and some of the original stones had probably been removed after the
destruction of the building, with any parts that may have rested on
the foundation. The rock in this masonry had not been laid in regular
courses or layers, but at random; some of the flatter stones had been
laid flat, but others were set on edge or at an angle, as convenient in
the masonry. The upper surface of the surviving foundation had
probably been subjected to intense heat from time to time, from the
stoves or ovens, individual stones having thus been cracked and
spalled. Adjacent to the masonry foundation was a rubble heap of
fired brick, but it was not possible to determine the precise original
location of this chimney, lacking any separate footing.
Pav. No. 19], INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 187
Although no remnants of doors, windows, or casings were found at
this site, even in charred form, window-glass fragments were encoun-
tered in almost all parts of the site. Some of this glass appeared to be
undamaged by fire, but most of it occurred in melted or fire-damaged
condition. No complete panes of glass had survived, but it seems
probable that the windows were simple 4- or 6-pane sash, the panes
hence rather small. The fragments all appear to be of the modern
type in thickness, approaching that today described as No. 6 (approxi-
mately %4¢ inch). Little of the metal hardware in use in the building
at the time of the fire had survived, and much of this had been so
damaged by heat that it revealed little of the appearance of original
items. Such hardware as had been in use here was, perhaps, of the
simplest sort, and the bits found revealed nothing of architectural
significance concerning the plan of the building.
The surviving evidence concerning the original construction of the
post Hospital may be summarized as follows: evidence derived from
the documentary record (including photographic and other pictorial
evidence) and from archeological investigation. The building had
been set upon stone-masonry foundations. The walls consisted of
adobe-brick masonry (with, probably, some timber framing, the exact
design of which is obscure). Roofs, floors, and millwork at windows
and doors were of wood. Only adobe brick and the heavier building
timbers, of cottonwood, were of local origin and manufacture. All
else—building hardware, windows, doors, and casings, even shingles,
common fired bricks, and lime—had been brought to the post by steam-
boat, from a distance (probably largely from St. Louis, Mo.). The
window sashes were provided with glass. Several common fired-brick
chimneys, for use with stoves, were a part of the original building.
Their exact location cannot be demonstrated, though their approxi-
mate position is known from documentary records, and at least one
photograph, which shows the east elevation of the East Wing of the
Hospital (copies in Missouri Basin Project and National Park Sery-
ice Region Two files, showing the placement of windows on the east
elevation but nothing of their detail). No major architectural
changes are known to have been made on the structure after its com-
pletion, and any alterations that may have been made were probably
minor in nature.
SOUTH BARRACKS
Fort Stevenson was provided with two barracks or sets of “Com-
pany Quarters,” for housing the two companies of infantry intended
for it. Like other major buildings about the parade ground, these
barracks were built to enclose a yard. In the case of the barracks,
however, the central portion or “body” of the buildings faced imme-
diately on the parade, the yards thus opening away from it, perhaps
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 176
to afford privacy for the enlisted men occupying the barracks (fig.
15).
Centrally located with respect to the whole post, the barracks were
doubtless among the earlier of the large buildings undertaken, but
there is record of the fact that not until January 1868 were the troops
completely housed (Mattison, 1951, p. 28). These barracks could
have provided little more than minimum housing needs, in dormitory
and mess space, and it is difficult to see how these two buildings could
have served all the needs of 238 men, for whom they were planned.
The average strength of the post during most of its history was, how-
ever, only about 110 (Mattison, 1951, p. 24).
Like the majority of buildings at the fort, the barracks were built
of field stone, adobe brick, timber, and related materials, in the same
style as that previously described for the Hospital, and were provided
with chimneys of common fired brick (fig. 17; pls. 39-41). Excava-
tions were made at the site of the barracks on the south side of the
parade ground, and this site was, for convenience, designated as the
South Barracks. As was the case at the site of the Hospital, this
site was well covered with grass sod and weeds. It had been dis-
turbed in only one area since the final collapse of the remains of the
structure after the fire of 1894. This collapse had left a somewhat
uneven surface, with occasional low mounds of adobe-brick rubble
near building lines, and a depression marking the site of a small cellar
(fig. 17). At the front of the building site, portions of the stone
masonry of footings were visible throughout parts of their course
(pl. 39, 6). No known photograph or sketch shows the barracks
buildings.
Only a part of the site of the South Barracks was excavated (fig.
17). This part was the west half of the “body”—the company room
or dormitory of the original—and the entire West Wing, extending
to the rear (southward). The other half of the whole site, the east
half of the “body” and the East Wing, was left unexcavated; this
half of the remains of the original structure had been covered by
parts of the root cellar mentioned, made in 1915, and superimposed
on parts of the sites of the Hospital and South Barracks. Removal
of the part of this same large earthwork lying over the West Wing
of the Hospital had been completed prior to excavation at the site of
the South Barracks, and experience gained there suggested that
removal of this part would not be warranted.
The irregular mounds of rubble of accidentally fired adobe brick and
common fired brick were visible particularly at the site of the West
Wing (pls. 39, 6; 41, 6). In the front area, the west half of the com-
pany room, little or no deposit had been preserved lying on the original
surface of the ground, except at the southwest corner adjacent to the
West Wing, and this front area had been considerably altered, prob-
pav. No 19} INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 189
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GROUND PLAN OF WEST HALF OF THE
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Excavation of 195!
Kitchen
T1357
Ficure 17.—Ground plan of the site of the west half of the South Barracks, Fort Stevenson,
showing excavations of 1951.
ably in the process of obtaining earth by horse scraper for the root
cellar of 1915. In this area, except at the one corner mentioned, no
adobe-brick wall remains were found on excavation, and little else than
the lower parts of the stone masonry footing remained (pl. 39, a).
Even this footing had been partially removed, either in the earth mov-
ing, or to obtain stone for masonry elsewhere, after the destruction of
the buildings. The surface of the whole site was covered with rather
sparse weed growth at places in which the rubble heaps had furnished a
poor location for grass (as in the area of the West Wing), and with
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 176
grass in areas of lower elevation approaching that of the original
ground surface (as in the case of the area of the “body”). The vege-
tation was first removed from the part of the site to be excavated, and
excavation was begun by narrow trenching adjacent to masonry
footings.
The masonry footings encountered at the site of the South Barracks
did not differ significantly from those previously seen at the site of
the Hospital. They had also been built of random-sized field stone,
frequently roughly faced or placed with a natural flat surface exposed,
in part in lime mortar, the spaces toward the center line of the masonry
having been filled with smaller rock and spalls (pl. 41, a). Little
care had been given, in building, to the appearance of the finished
masonry, probably because the footings were largely covered in use,
and at one point along the rear wall of the “body” of the building,
measurements apparently had gone awry (fig. 17; pl. 839 a). The
footing of the rear (south) wall of the “body” had not at first been
properly alined with its continuation to the west, the portion separa-
ting this front room area from the rear wing, and the former part had
been altered before the walls were erected by widening the footing
approximately 6 inches on the exterior (south), to make it conform
with the latter part (pl. 39, a).
As was found to be the case at the site of the Hospital, the frame
and adobe-brick walls of the South Barracks had rested upon the stone
masonry footings, the walls being somewhat narrower than the width
of the footings. The walls of these barracks are said in the report of
1879 to have measured “about 14 inches” in thickness, and this was the
approximate size of portions measurable in place during excavation.
The walls had been so placed that their exterior surfaces were flush
with exterior surfaces of the footing, thus leaving approximately
6 inches of exposed masonry on the interior, upon which the floor
joists rested (pl. 40, a, 6).
In the South Barracks, particularly in the West Wing, portions of
the adobe-brick walls had been preserved in place throughout most of
their setting, but to a height of only one or two courses (pl. 41, a).
These parts of the adobe-brick walls of the building still in place were
ordinarily less affected by the fire that destroyed the building, and
were somewhat more difficult to see and trace than the collapsed por-
tions of walls. They had in some way been protected from the fire,
by falling debris or because they had been beneath the hottest part of
the flames. The upper parts of walls, found collapsed, would have
been subjected to greater heat and had probably been fired prior to the
time of collapse, rather than subsequently.
At several points in the excavation here, fragments of charred wood
members were found beneath collapsed portions of wall. These were,
however, usually beyond measurement and afforded no information
av. No 19], INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH toi
concerning timber design of the original building (fig. 17). Little
could be learned from these fragments concerning the original di-
mensions or use of these wood members, because of the extensive fire
damage and the contorted state of the rubble, ash, and charred frag-
ments. One or two fragments appeared to have originally measured
3 inches by 14 inch, and were probably bits of flooring. At some
points along the interior of walls, resting upon the masonry footings,
were other fragments of wood, the remains of the ends of floor joists,
spaced 14 inches apart, on center, and probably 2 inches by 4 inches
dimension. No information was available on the original length of
these timbers, but they would, of course, have spanned the width of
the wing. Along the exterior of the wall lines, and at or above the
level of the footings, were a few charred or decayed remnants of the
original siding of the building; though none of these could be ac-
curately measured, fragments of siding found had apparently been
1 inch by 6 inches dimension, the length unknown. At one point,
traces were seen of what were probably the vertical timbers to which
the siding had been fastened. These were apparently spaced 2 feet 6
inches apart, but no measurement of their size could be obtained.
The site of the West Wing excavated is that of the wing originally
used as a mess hall and kitchen. Even without the available docu-
mentary evidence, the earlier use of this area would have been quite
clear, from the evidence of large quantities of common white earthen-
ware (“Ironstone”), metal mess plates, and other mess gear, al-
though the actual provenience of these materials is, at least in
part, that of the Indian school period rather than of the earlier mili-
tary period. No divisions or partitions of the wing could be dis-
tinguished, however, aside from that of a cellar area near the rear.
This cellar area, like other interior and exterior areas about this wing,
contained large quantities of adobe-brick and fired-brick rubble,
charred wood, ash, and the like, derived from the destruction of the
building. In addition to much obviously modern farm refuse, it also
produced some older household debris, which had been in use in the
building at the time of the fire. Here also were traces of two barrels
and of wooden staves with metal hoops, which had stood on the dirt
floor of the cellar at the time of the fire (fig. 17). No evidence was
available to indicate whether this cellar had been constructed during
the military period at the post. A cellar here is not mentioned in the
report of 1879, but it seems probable that it existed at that time.
At the site of this West Wing of the South Barracks were two dis-
tinct areas of fallen fired brick and lime mortar, the remains of
chimneys that had collapsed (pl. 41, 6). No bond or masonry pattern
was descernible in this debris, the chimneys having fallen in heaps.
No footings were found for these chimneys, and they are known from
the inspection reports to have merely rested on floor joists, rather
502329—60-——14
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
than upon separate footings. The joists had, of course, been
destroyed by the fire. A metal object that appears to be part of
a coffee mill was found lying on top of the chimney heap nearest to
the cellar (fig. 17) (thus, probably, near the actual kitchen area), in
such a position as to suggest that the mill had originally been fastened
to the chimney. Clear evidence of the action of the fire that had de-
stroyed the building was the abundant melted window and bottle
glass found, and the heat-damaged metals and earthenware, in addi-
tion to the evidence of the burning of the structure itself.
Of smaller object materials about the building at the time of the
fire, and obtained in excavation, many appear to pertain to the military
period of the use of this building, while a few objects are definitely
attributable to this period, having survived the period of the use of the
building as a dormitory for the Indian school. Such objects as the
mess gear of military style may not, however, have been directly
military. It seems probable that much of what was in use here in
1894 had actually been inherited from the military command on the
abandonment of the post in 1883, or was subsequently obtained
through the War Department for the school, from property previously
used here or elsewhere at military installations.
One architectural detail of interest, situated along the exterior of
the east wall of the West Wing (toward the yard), and united
with the original masonry footing at this point, is a cistern (fig. 17).
This had been constructed of common fired brick and had been plas-
tered on the interior with what appeared to be Portland cement,
rather than with lime mortar or other material. Inasmuch as Port-
land cement was not commercially available, or widely used, in the
West until the 1880’s, this addition to the original building was prob-
ably introduced during the period of the use of the building asa school.
Jt is the only major late architectural alteration or modification
of the military buildings, for which evidence was found on exca-
vation at the site of the fort. The cistern, in all probability, had not
been used for any length of time, and prior to the fire had been
partly filled with lignite, gravel, sand, and other material. Above
this fill was adobe-brick rubble derived from the walls of the build-
ing after the fire. The adobe brick, of earlier manufacture, was
thus superimposed upon construction of a later period, in which Port-
land cement had been used.
Excavation of the site of the West Wing of the South Barracks also
turned up great quantities of obviously recent farm debris. Among
these was a butchering sink made from a large galvanized-iron tub,
the skeleton of a pig, stove parts that appeared to have been used in
the later farm rather than at the earlier school or military post, and
other objects. Few of these were of permanent interest, or were
saved, and frequently the only distinction that could be made between
bar. No 19] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 193
the various object materials found was whether they were burnt or
damaged by fire, and hence pertained to a period preceding the fire
of 1894.
On the evidence from excavation of the South Barracks, and from
the documentary record, the Barracks of Fort Stevenson thus dif-
fered in construction in no important respect from that of the Hospital,
previously described. Adobe-brick masonry walls resting upon stone-
masonry footings, timberwork (the exact design of which is not
known), and fired brick chimneys, were the major architectural ele-
ments. Only one major alteration had been accomplished at the site
of the South Barracks subsequent to the military period, that of the
addition of a cistern of brick masonry and Portland cement.
COMMISSARY STOREHOUSE
The Commissary Storehouse, in which were housed the subsistence
stores of the post, was a balloon-frame structure, built in 1873 (Matti-
son, 1951, p. 34). It is said to have been the only building of the
post built in this architectural style, which was first employed about
1850, and soon became the most common style for most wooden build-
ings, large and small, public and private. The exact date at which
this building was destroyed by fire is not known, but this occurred
at some time after 1885, in which year the former storehouse was in
use as a girls’ dormitory of the Indian school, as is known from a
ground plan of the former post made at that time (Mattison, 1951,
p. 37, tracing of photostat or original plan in National Archives;
the date of the original is 1885, rather than 1863, asshown). Though
not specifically mentioned in connection with the fires of the summer
of 1894, the building may have burned at that time, Subsequently,
much of the salvageable building material had been removed.
The record of the sale of the public property, in 1897, shows the
sale of a commissary building, but this building can hardly have been
the original Commissary Storehouse of the period 1873-85, in view
of the archeological evidence of the destruction of this building by
fire (Mattison, 1951, p. 40). After the destruction of the original
Commissary Storehouse, perhaps in 1894, another building may
have been used for the purpose by the Indian school, until the removal
of the school, soon afterward, to the Indian agency location at Elbo-
woods. The original Quartermaster Storehouse, which faced the
Commissary Storehouse on the opposite side of the parade, survived
somewhat longer, and this may be the building referred to in the sale
record of 1897. A photograph said to have been taken “about 1895”
shows this quartermaster building in good repair (Mattison, 1951,
opp. p. 2).
The site of the original Commissary Storehouse, on the south side
of the parade ground and near the southwest corner (fig. 15), was
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 176
almost entirely obscured, prior to excavation, by a dense growth of
vegetation—largely lush grass with relatively few weeds—and no part
of the original construction, such as exposed stones of the footing,
was visible (pl. 42, a). Only a prominent depression at the rear of
the site of the East Wing of the building served to mark the actual
location of any part of the whole (fig. 15). This depression, clearly the
remains of a cellar, was, as a matter of fact, one of the most prominent
surface features of the whole site of Fort Stevenson.
Without any surface indication of the original building lines at
this site, excavation was begun by trenching at the supposed location of
the front line of the original structure, following the plan of 1879,
and at the outer rear corners (i.e., southeast and southwest) of the East
and West Wings shown on the plan. Clear evidence of the original
location of the building on this site was obtained only when a depth ot
more than a foot had been reached. Portions of the remains of the
original footings were then encountered along the line of the front wall
footing and at the rear outer corners mentioned (pl. 42, a). These
portions of the footings consisted of but single large rocks in rough
alinement, but seldom in contact with each other—the remnants of the
masonry of the footings after most of the stones had been removed for
use elsewhere, at some time after the destruction of the building. So
much of the masonry had been removed that in portions of its course
the only evidence that there had once been a footing in this position
was the disturbed soil in the refilled trench originally made to accom-
modate the masonry. Little could be learned of the original appear-
ance of the masonry here, but the almost complete lack of lime-mortar
fragments suggested that the masonry in this case, as elsewhere about
the post, had in part been laid dry, without mortar. Though little
evidence had been preserved concerning the footing for this building,
there is no reason to suppose that it differed in any way from those of
other buildings, even though the building proper was in this instance
of a different style.
At the site of the masonry footings at the southwest corner of the
West Wing, much the same condition was found (fig. 15). Only traces
of the original stone masonry, in scattered stones and the disturbed,
refilled trench, provided information to verify the dimensions
of the building as given in the report and plan. At the site of the
cellar at the rear of the East Wing, no stone or other masonry of any
kind was found until the excavation had reached nearly the floor level
of the original cellar. At this point, the remaining masonry, of the
cellar walls, was of common red fired brick. The brick used were of
the same type as that previously found used elsewhere only for
chimneys. Only the east half of the cellar area was excavated, because
of the size of the unit (fig. 18; pls. 42; 43).
Riv. Bas. SUR. INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 195
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1 bey he ts cece a oy Pert
[ee ee eit T358
Ficure 18.—Ground plan of the cellar of the Commissary Storehouse, Fort Stevenson,
showing excavations of 1951.
The brick-lined cellar of the Commissary Storehouse was, ap-
parently, the only cellar at the post so built, and was of more careful
design than the earth cellars of other buildings. This cellar must have
been built at the time of original construction of the building (1873),
and had been done with care and some skill in bricklaying. The brick
were common red brick that had been shipped to the post for construc-
tion purposes, and were indistinguishable from those used elsewhere in
chimneys. The brick masonry of the walls of this cellar had been laid
four bricks wide, the stretchers, lengthwise with the course of the wall,
provided with additional courses of headers at intervals. Throughout
the remnants of the walls seen in excavation, only the lowest courses
had been preserved, the upper portions having collapsed (or having
been pushed) into the cellar, probably after the fire that destroyed the
building, and having been covered with other fill (pls. 42, 43). Por-
tions of the east and south walls had been preserved to a height of eight
courses above the level of the cellar floor, and at these points it was ob-
served that the fifth course, counting from the floor level, was a course
of headers laid at right angles to the course of the wall (pl. 43, 5).
The bricks in these walls had been laid in lime mortar.
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 176
The floor of this cellar had also been made of common fired brick
(pls. 42, 48). In this instance, the bricks were laid flat, and length-
wise with the long axis of the cellar (i.e., north-south). So far as
could be determined, the masonry of the floor was not laid with lime
mortar, and it was probable that, as in other similar uses of common
brick, they were here simply laid level on a smooth sand base.
Although the brick had been laid lengthwise with the cellar, at one
point near the south wall one row of brick ran east and west, for no
apparent reason, and this may have been merely accidental or
capricious.
Near the north-south midline of the cellar floor were three recesses,
each approximately 10 inches square, which showed the original loca-
tion of supports for the ceiling of the cellar (and flooring at ground
level), as well as their dimensions (fig. 18; pl. 42, 6). It is probable
that these posts were originally used in pairs, and that another row
was present in the unexcavated portion of the cellar. Similar to
these floor recesses near the midline were others near the walls, which
probably served likewise for floor supports (fig. 18; pl. 48, 6). The
dimensions of these wall recesses (and hence of the timbers placed in
them) were approximately 2 inches by 12 inches. In both the midline
recesses and those along the walls, charred wood fragments and de-
cayed wood were present. Between the recesses along the east wall
of the cellar (the only portion of wall sufficiently well preserved to
show this detail), a lime whitewash had been applied to the brick-
work. Near the floor recesses in the middle of the cellar, one badly
charred timber, which was probably not larger than 2 inches by 4
inches in original dimensions (fig. 18; pl. 42, 6), lay on the floor.
Nothing could be learned of its original length, but it doubtless had
originally spanned the distance from wall to midline post—i.e., more
than 8 feet.
The ceiling of this cellar (the flooring at ground level) was earth
filled, to serve as insulation for perishable foods kept in the cellar.
in the much-disturbed fill that had accumulated in the former cellar,
traces were frequently seen of such earth levels, associated with charred
wood, but such was their contorted state that no detail could be
learned of this earth-packed ceiling. It was also known that in 1879
this building had a furnace, and among objects excavated, found lying
on or near the original brick floor, were parts of a sheet-steel furnace,
probably that which had been in this position at that time (pl. 49, a).
With this were such furnace tools as a scoop shovel and a furnace
shaker, much damaged by the fire. Lying on or near the floor in
various places beneath the fire debris were many large fire-broken
sherds of heavy earthenware (“stoneware”) which had been in the
cellar at the time the building was destroyed and had been used for
food storage.
Pav. No 19], INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 197
After the destruction of the building by fire, the cellar of the Store-
house had been filled, in part intentionally, probably to keep out
stock and children, with gravel, sand, earth, and large boulders,
and the area had been used for a dump. Much of the refuse ac-
cumulation found on excavation of the cellar was of recent origin,
and clearly from the period following 1897, during which the site
of the military post was in use asa farm. The only demarcation of
the fill in the cellar area was an irregular line between the building
debris and the later intentional fill. In some places this separation
was marked by the irregular line of debris derived from the original
earth-filled ceiling mentioned. This irregular line helped in separat-
ing older materials, beneath, from more recent materials, at a high-
er level. Of the objects encountered, only those that appeared to be
older were saved intact; some of the more recent materials were also
collected, and were marked as “surface” collections. In the fill was
a large accumulation of farm rubbish of all kinds, particularly metal,
glass, and earthenware, and among this rubbish was a large mess-
kitchen range of Army style, that had survived probably at least
since the time of the use of the buildings of the fort by the Indian
school (pl. 49, 6). The size of this range is such that it would
scarcely have been used in a farm kitchen.
On the evidence of excavation, and from documentary record,
it is known that the Commissary Storehouse differed materially in
construction from other major buildings of the post in being bal-
loon framed rather than of the more typical adobe-brick and timber
design. ‘Though no data are available concerning chimneys or their
placement, they must have been present, and doubtless resembled
those of other buildings. Concerning the timbers there is little evi-
dence aside from the inference that, as elsewhere, the heavier timbers
and flooring were of local cottonwood, the other lumber and millwork
having been obtained, as were the fired brick, by importing, probably
from St. Louis, Mo.
The architectural design known as balloon framing is of special
interest, this one major building at Fort Stevenson having been made
in that style. This design, first employed, apparently, in American
architecture about 1850, and particuarly in the West, has now so long
been employed that the technical term itself has been nearly forgot-
ten, while the older style, known as braced framing, is now probably
extinct in American architecture (Gidieon, 1949, pp. 281-289;
Mathews, 1951, vol. 1, p. 67). The major difference between the two
styles is in the dimensions of the timbers, and the way in which they
were.used. The braced frame, represented elsewhere at Fort Steven-
son, employs heavier timbers (frequently 4 by 4 inches or 4 by 6
inches) fastened by mortising and pins; the balloon frame employs
lighter timbers (usually 2 inches by 4 inches) held together solely by
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buiu. 176
spikes and nails. The balloon-frame design is correlated with the
rapid settlement of the Western United States, the availability of
dimension lumber even in areas remote from timber production
through the development of the railway transportation system, and
the adaptability of this lumber to the needs of the settler on the vanish-
ing frontier. It is entirely possible, in this instance, that the lumber
used in the Commissary Storehouse had been received by rail at Bis-
marck (reached by the Northern Pacific Railroad in 1873), and from
that point hauled by wagon to Fort Stevenson. By 1873, shipment
of lumber long distances by water had probably become impractical.
SOUTH OFFICERS’ QUARTERS
Three sets of Officers’ Quarters are shown on the Ground Plan of
Fort Stevenson, of 1879, arranged in a row along the west side of the
parade ground and facing the Guard House, to the east (fig. 15). The
plan does not identify these quarters separately, but it does show the
middle building of the group as a single unit, the other two as double
units—i. e., for two families each. The description of these quarters
provided in the inspection report of the same year gives a good account
of the construction of these private dwellings, and clearly indicates
that the middle unit (the single dwelling) was that provided for the
commanding officer of the post (Mattison, 1951, pp. 32-33). For
convenience, therefore, the three sites are here designated as North
Officers’ Quarters, Commanding Officer’s Quarters, and South Officers’
Quarters. Excavations were conducted at the sites of the South Offi-
cers’ Quarters and of the Commanding Officer’s Quarters.
In addition to these permanent buildings for officers’ homes, tem-
porary quarters of logs were erected in the immediate vicinity of the
more permanent buildings, and were used until the latter were finished.
These cabins are shown on a sketch made by de Trobriand in May
1868 (de Trobriand, 1951, opp. p. 196). The location of these tempo-
rary log buildings with respect to the permanent buildings is somewhat
more clearly revealed on a plan of the post published in 1870 (U. S.
Army, Surg. Gen. Off., 1870, p. 394). They were placed in the same
part of the whole post as the permanent quarters, but to the north and
south of them, and on the site of the Commissary Storehouse, subse-
quently built. One of these log structures is visible on a photograph
made after the abandonment of the military post (pl. 33). There is,
however, no mention of them in either the inspection report or plan
of 1879.
The permanent officers’ quarters were built during the summer of
1868, and at least the Commanding Officer’s Quarters were occupied
in October of that year (de Trobriand, 1951, p. 340). It seems prob-
buy. No 19], INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH £199
able that the other Officers’ Quarters were completed about the same
time. From the mention of the sale of three separate officers’ quar-
ters in December 1897, it is probable that the South Officers’ Quar-
ters, one of the three, survived until that date. It was probably
demolished soon thereafter, leaving little evidence of its original con-
struction above the footings themselves.
The site of the South Officers’ Quarters (fig. 19; pl. 44, @) was
completely obscured on the surface of the ground when first ap-
proached, and was covered by a continuous heavy sod with few weeds.
Excavation was begun by trenching at the assumed location of the
southeast corner of the building, according to the plan of 1879. It
soon became apparent that an error had been made in preparing that
plan, since the corner sought was found approximately 14 feet north of
the point at which it had been shown. (The photostat of the ground
plan of 1879, in National Park Service Region Two and Missouri
Basin Project files, is reduced one-half from the original. The orig-
inal seems to have been somewhat unskillfully drawn, and may be
somewhat distorted as a result of shrinkage of the cloth; but this does
not account for the error in measurement of the parade ground.)
ee a a aN a a ad a on a eae ee ae a oe Far ee ent
ifs
!
Wood Sil
32 MLI
Ground Plan of The
South Officers Quarters
Wood Sills
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Figure 19.—Ground plan of the site of the South Officers’ Quarters, Fort Stevenson
showing excavations of 1951.
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
Excavation showed that the remains of this structure had been ob-
scured by a heavy mantle of mixed earth, containing bits of building
debris such as broken fired brick and fragments of lime mortar.
There was also a great deal of fine gravel; this was probably intro-
duced on the site of the South Officers’ Quarters at the time of the
excavation of the cellar beneath the Commanding Officer’s Quarters
immediately to the north. (A break in the masonry footing of the
south wall of the Commanding Officer’s Quarters, on the side toward
the present building, and an apparent cellar entrance depression, sug-
gests that the excavated material was moved directly out over the
site of the South Officers’ Quarters.) Two small trash pits had also
been dug at the site, at some time after the destruction of the build-
ing, and these contained recent refuse. A fence running across the
site of the building was not removed during excavations.
The excavated remnants of this building did not differ materially
from those previously found at other building sites, except that this
site had been more extensively altered, through the removal of almost
every part of the original building except for the lowermost parts of
the stone masonry footings (fig. 19; pl. 44, a). At no point was the
footing preserved to its full original height, and the midline footing
had been completely removed throughout a great part of its course.
The stone masonry here, as elsewhere about the site of the fort, con-
sisted of field stone, sometimes cracked to provide a face, and this
face placed toward the inside or outside surface of the footing. These
larger stones had then occasionally been chinked and fitted with
spalls and smaller rocks. At no point had this footing been placed
in lime mortar, so far as could be seen in the remaining portions.
It became clear on excavating that the building had been completely
removed, probably soon after its purchase in 1897 and at a time when
it was in sound condition, since the only timber remains found were
those of three decayed sills, of heavy plank, probably native cotton-
wood (fig. 19). These sills were probably parts of the frames of
wooden ventilators that had given access to the space beneath the
original floors of the building. They had been placed at too low an
elevation to have served as the base for door sills, and the plan of
1879 shows the two front doors (leading to the separate parts of the
building) near the midline of the whole, rather than in the position
in which the wood was found. No other timber remains suggested
anything of the original architectural detail of the building, nor was
any common fired brick found that could be related to the original
chimneys.
Adobe earth was encountered in excavation at this site, but no adobe
brick (fired or unfired), nor any other evidence of fire damage to the
building. Smaller objects found were of little assistance in tracing
Ei Ne ig} INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 201
the history of the structure and were, in large part, clearly of recent
origin.
Architectural evidence concerning the South Officers’ Quarters,
from excavation and contemporary record, while scanty, suggests
that this structure was similar in every way to the Commanding Offi-
cer’s Quarters, the site of which was subsequently excavated, and for
which more data are available. Like it, this building had been set
upon a stone masonry foundation, it was also a frame structure in
which adobe brick were used (probably in somewhat different fashion
from that seen in larger buildings such as the Hospital and Bar-
racks), and the building had been provided with fireplaces and chim-
neys, constructed of common fired brick. As in other buildings of the
whole post, the common brick, as well as the lighter lumber and mill-
work used here, had doubtless been imported, only the heavier timber
being of local production, like the stone of the masonry and the adobe
brick.
COMMANDING OFFICER’S QUARTERS
The Commanding Officer’s Quarters, the middle building of the row
of officers’ homes, was located on the west side of the parade ground,
directly opposite the Guard House, and was a single dwelling (fig. 15).
This building, during the winter of 1868-69, was the home of General
de Trobriand, at that time commanding a military district which,
with Fort Stevenson, included Forts Totten and Buford. It was
during de Trobriand’s regime that much of Fort Stevenson was built,
and much of his entertaining and historically valuable journal was
probably written in this building.
Although the construction of the Commanding Officer’s Quarters
had been begun late in 1867, it was not possible to complete it until
the following summer, and it was first occupied in October 1868
(de Trobriand, 1951, p. 340). After serving as the home of
various post commandants, the building also served as the superin-
tendent’s residence during the period of the use of the former post as
an Indian school. About the year 1897 it became the home for the
farm established on the site. Information concerning private owner-
ship of the site of the post, preserved in records of the Register of
Deeds, McLean County, at Washburn, might afford some further
knowledge of the later history of the building. A photograph of
this building, probably taken about 1910, during the period of the
use of the former quarters as a farm home, is owned by Mrs. Falstad,
of Garrison. This preserves some details of the exterior, as it then
looked, which are not visible on earlier photographs or sketches.
After having served various farm families, it was used as a granary,
and was finally torn down about 1945, the last of the original buildings
of Fort Stevenson, At some time during its use as a private home,
a cellar was dug beneath it, and portions of the masonry footings
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 176
removed. It is hardly surprising that when it was demolished, it was
said that nothing could be done tosavethe building.
The former Commanding Officer’s Quarters (fig. 20; pl. 44, 0b),
like most of the more important buildings of the post, had been built
of stone, adobe brick and adobe mortar, and timbers, including mill-
work of various kinds, and had had plastered walls and ceilings.
Traces of most of these elements were found on excavation, which was
made at the site after it had been a ruin for only 6 years. When
first approached, the site was covered with a mass of dense, tall weeds
surrounding a cellar hole filled with great quantities of building
debris, particularly, large quantities of broken plaster. Various
remnants and bits of timber and millwork were also lying about,
which had been overlooked or discarded when the house was torn
down.
The weeds and rank grass that covered most of the site, except for
the cellar area, were first removed, revealing the contours of the
surface. Narrow trenches were then dug along the exterior of the
exposed stone masonry of footings and other elements surviving
in place from the original structure. The cellar is said to have been
made after the building had been in use for many years, and it was
for that reason left unexcavated (pls. 44, 0; 45, a). No other major
architectural changes in the original were noted, in excavation, since
all parts of the structure above the footings, except for portions of
the main building sills, had been removed from their places at the
time of final demolition. Within the interior of the structure, excava-
tion was carried down to the original ground level upon which the
building had been placed, as far as the margin of the recent cellar
mentioned.
As had been the case with previous sites excavated, the deposit
covering the site of the Commanding Officer’s Quarters was derived
primarily from the materials originally comprised in the building
itself, with little visible additions such as wind-deposited soil. These
materials included adobe brick, adobe mortar, common fired brick,
lime mortar and lime plaster, and occasional wood fragments or larger
timbers, plank, or moldings, ordinarily much decayed and rarely
in their original positions. Various samples of wood members were
obtained. Among these were two cottonwood door sills, much worn
with use, a window casing, a portion of a second window casing bear-
ing the manufacturer’s stencil and the shipping address of the Acting
Assistant Quartermaster of the post. There were parts of a door
frame, and a complete door, which appears to be of an older style
of millwork, and had probably been at the post from the period of
the military occupation.
No evidence was seen in the excavation of this site of any fire-
damage to the original structure. Though outlines of adobe bricks
Riv. BAS. Sur.
Pay. No. 19}, INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 203
if a = OH |
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QUARTERS
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T360
Figure 20.—Ground plan of the site of the Commanding Officer’s Quarters, Fort Stevenson,
showing excavations of 1951.
204. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 176
in adobe mortar and traces of their use were frequently observed, it
was Impossible to measure or collect specimens of these unfired bricks
because of their disintegrated state.
The stone masonry of the footings here was apparently identical
with that previously described for other building sites. Somewhat
greater care had, however, been given to the appearance of this ma-
sonry than in the case of the other buildings, some of the work having
been carefully fitted and mortared (pl. 44, 6). The remains of a
“false footing” of stone were found at the site of the rear wing of
the building, on a projection northward from, the west footing of the
main part of the building (fig. 20; pl. 45, a). The building, as com-
pleted, had been provided with a wing, extending to the rear (west)
from the north half of the whole, which had served as a kitchen (figs.
15, 20; pl. 44, b). At the position of the false footing, a complete
footing had once been constructed, or partially completed. It seems
probable that it had originally been intended that the whole building
be symmetrical, and that after a part of the footing in this position
had been finished the plans had been changed, perhaps by de Tro-
briand himself, by extending the building lines to provide a kitchen
wing. Work on the footing may have been stopped, and the remnants
of the masonry here consisted of but a few smaller rocks and spalls.
This was the only trace found of a footing for any partition within the
building, aside from that at the midline.
At three points along the course of the exterior footing of the
building were openings through the masonry, two along the east
(front) line, one along the north; none was found elsewhere (fig. 20).
These openings were furnished with wooden frames of 2-inch plank,
and the openings were apparently ventilators, to allow circulation
beneath the original floors. The frame in the opening of the north
footing was much decayed. Those along the front were in a somewhat
better state of preservation, and may have been better protected by the
porch that had originally extended across the front of the quarters.
The ventilators were not uniform in dimensions, but varied with the
elevation of the original ground surface adjacent. The frame in the
north footing still carried the original building sill above it, though
both were much decayed.
Within the south half of the site of the Commanding Oflicer’s
Quarters, all evidence of details of original construction had been
removed during the construction of the recent cellar. Somewhat
more was found in the north half of the site, and details found there
had doubtless been repeated in the south half. Midway between the
front wall footing and the false footing mentioned were the remnants
of a fireplace and chimney base (fig. 20; pl. 45,@). This was a stone
masonry footing, similar in construction to the footings of the build-
ing proper, but partly damaged or reduced in size during the con-
Riv. Bas. So} INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 205
struction of the cellar. The original east, north, and west faces of
this fireplace footing had been preserved intact. This footing was
not preserved to its full original height, but this level would have
been approximately the same as the height of the floor, presumably
immediately above the top of the main-wall footings. From the
description of this building in the inspection report of 1879, this
interior fireplace footing must have served the parlor room, which lay
just to the east and on the front of the building, as well as the dining
room, just to the rear (west) of the parlor. Near the fireplace foot-
ing lay a quantity of broken fired brick, probably remnants of the
original chimney from the fireplace. Most of the brick originally in
use here must have been removed at the time the building was
demolished.
At the site of the “kitchen” wing, at the rear of the north half of
the Quarters, was a second small chimney base. This lay along the
footing of the west wall of the wing, and was of the same type of
rough stone masonry (fig. 20; pl. 45, a). Though not preserved to
full original height, this base rose above the elevation of the exterior
wall footing against which it abutted. Clearly related to this chim-
ney base was a section of fallen fire-brick masonry, found in the
interior of the wing. This section had presumably fallen at the
time the building was demolished, and lay with the interior plastered
surface downward. The section had been kept intact because of the
fact that it was a part surrounding a chimney hole and metal sleeve.
Along a large part of the footings of the exterior walls of this
building the original building sills of cottonwood were still in place.
The portions best preserved, upon which any detail could be seen,
were those along the north footing and along the footings at the
rear wing (pl. 46, a, 6). These sills measured 314 inches in thickness,
12 inches in width, and had been laid flat. They were, however, much
decayed, and had probably been somewhat compressed during use
by the weight of the building resting upon them, from an original
thickness of 4 inches. It was impossible to measure the complete
length of any of these sills except for one that lay on the west footing
of the rear wing; this timber was approximately 16 feet long (pls.
44,6; 45,a).
These sills had been joined by overlapping joints, and at four of
the six corners of the footing and at one point along the north footing,
these joints could be observed. The joint along the north footing
was the best preserved, and in this instance the overlap of one timber
upon the other was approximately 10 inches deep (pl. 46, 5). At the
corners of the masonry, the sills had been overlapped their full width
(12 inches), at right angles (pl. 46, a). This amount of overlapping
had doubtless varied according to convenience from place to place
in construction. These lap joints had been spiked with six to eight
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
nails. At some points along the exterior of the sills, fragments of
the original siding of the building were seen, but these were not uni-
form in either materials or dimension, and probably represent casual
repairs made on the building at various times.
The sill found in place on the south footing of the rear wing pro-
vided some detail concerning the original timber construction of the
building. This sill showed four excavated areas or mortises, two
each approximately 4 by 4 inches and 4 by 6 inches, and extending
through the sill vertically. These holes, made to receive vertical
timbers, the braced frames of the walls proper, were not regularly
placed, as might have been expected. These mortises were the only
ones seen on any of the sills still in place, and while vertical timbers
similarly placed doubtless continued about the whole building, no
concrete evidence of their original position elsewhere was found,
in either mortises or spiking.
In addition to the mortise holes in the sills mentioned, some further
knowledge of the construction of this building was available from
groups of spikes along the inner edge of this sill, approximately 1
foot 6 inches on center, which showed the original location of vertical
studding of the inner face of the wall. These studs, to which the
lath and plaster had been fastened, had probably been 2- by 4-inch
dimension, or larger. Many fragments of lath, as well as great
quantities of broken plaster, were found in the building debris on
the site. The plaster was white or painted in various colors, and some
larger fragments were collected. The colors include red or pink,
green or blue, and a shade of brown. The fragments were so scat-
tered, however, that it was impossible to be certain of color or colors
that had been used in any particular room from the fragments found
within any part of the whole site.
Adjoining the kitchen wing and on its south side were the remnants
of a much-decayed wooden porch floor (pl. 47, a, 6). No attempt
had apparently been made to remove this when the building was de-
molished. The porch floor had been built with two sills, but that at
the outer edge of the floor was so badly rotted that only traces of the
original wood had been preserved. The second or inner sill was
found in place, midway between the outer and inner edge of the fioor
(fig. 20; pl. 48, a). This second sill was 5 by 8 inches, set on edge,
and was actually two separate timbers laid end to end, the longer orig-
inally measuring slightly more than 614 feet in length. On these
sills, at right angles, floor boards had been laid, nailed in place, in two
layers. The lower floor boards were 1- by 2-inch dimension, the
length averaging 3 feet, but of miscellaneous materials, some being
plain, some tongue-and-groove lumber (pl. 47, 6). After this floor
had been in use for some time, a second floor had been put down over
it, also at right angles to the sills, the boards used having been 1- by
Bay. No ig] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 207
3-inch tongue-and-groove lumber, and from 5 feet 6 inches to 5 feet
8 inches in length (pl. 47, a). It seems unlikely that either of these
floors was the original, and the floor remains found were probably
replacements. It is known, however, from the report of 1879, that
the Commanding Officer’s Quarters had been furnished at that time
with an “enclosed porch” at the kitchen wing, and the dimensions of
the original as given, 6 by 18 feet, are approximately the same as
those of which remains were found.
In addition to the construction materials collected, such as wood and
plaster fragments, numerous objects were found in excavation of
this building site. The greater part of these pertained to the period
of the occupation of the former dwelling as a farm home rather than
to any earlier period. In the area beneath the rear porch were nu-
merous items of some interest, particularly various children’s play-
things. Elsewhere within the footings of the building clear evidence
was found of the late use of the building as a granary, in small grain
and straw among the building debris. On the site of the kitchen wing
were the skeletal remains of small animals (rats, mice, cats, and do-
mestic fowl), some of which were doubtless also introduced in the site
during the use of the building asa granary.
The Commanding Officer’s Quarters, like the other major buildings
of the post, was thus set upon stone masonry foundations, the walls
having been of braced framing, packed with adobe brick, rather than
of massive adobe-brick masonry as in the case of the Barracks and
Hospital and, probably, other larger buildings of the post. Some
specimen material of millwork from the building is now available.
Details of front, side, and rear elevations of this building are avail-
able in sketches by de Trobriand and in various photographs (de
Trobriand, 1951, opp. p. 356). Only one major architectural change
is known to have been made in this structure after its completion, that
of the introduction of a cellar, and the removal of portions of the
original footings at the same time.
The description of the buildings of Fort Stevenson, given in 1879,
which records that they were “of adobe brick set up in frames on
rock foundations,” is particularly well illustrated in this instance, in
which evidence had been preserved of the “braced framing” of the
original. ‘The mortises mentioned revealed the design of the timber
construction, and between this framing adobe brick had been used
as packing or lining. It will be recalled that at the site of the large
public buildings previously excavated, the Hospital and the South
Barracks, no clear evidence of the original framing had been pre-
served, whereas it was seen, by reason of the accidental firing of
masonry, that solid masonry walls of adobe brick had been employed
there. Thus, despite the phrasing of the inspection report, there
is evidence that there were some variations in the design of the build-
502329—60——15
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun1. 176
ings of the fort, particularly with respect to buildings in which both
timber and adobe were employed. It seems probable that no detailed
plans for these buildings were prepared elsewhere, as at departmental
headquarters, and that actual design and construction were left
largely to the discretion of field officers.
OTHER SITE UNITS
The ground plan of Fort Stevenson, of 1879, shows the location of
several sinks or latrines, but no other details of these necessary build-
ings have been preserved. The position of those originally located
at the rear of the buildings on the north side of the parade ground had
been completely obscured by many years of cultivation in that part of
the site of the post, but several smaller depressions were still visible
at, the rear of the buildings on the south side, near the edge of the
bank (fig. 15). These depressions were apparently undisturbed since
the pits were abandoned, and were clearly marked by a luxuriant
growth of long grass as well as by the actual contour of the ground at
those points.
Two of these pits were excavated, at the rear of the site of the
Hospital and in the approximate location of two shown in 1879. For
convenience, these two sites were designated as Latrine No. 1 and
Latrine No. 2. Excavation provided groups of informative objects,
the provenience of which is clearer than for some objects excavated
at other sites about the post. The two pits appear to have been used
during successive time periods—during the military period (No. 2)
and during the subsequent Indian school period (No. 1). Little was
preserved that indicated anything of original construction, aside from
the pits themselves.
Among the buildings mentioned as having been sold at auction in
1897 are various “closets,” and the privy buildings originally stand-
ing in this location were doubtless moved at that time or subsequently.
There had been some slump inward from the upper edges of the pits,
and the dimensions of length and width shown on the accompanying
plan were taken at the midpoint of the earth walls of the pits. These
walls had originally been very nearly vertical, but the pits were
somewhat smaller at the bottom than at the surface.
Latrine No. 1 was an unlined pit, which had been dug to a depth of
approximately 3 feet 6 inches below the present ground surface, and
measured approximately 8 fect long (east-west) by 4 feet 6 inches
wide (north-south). The original pit had penetrated fine-grained
surface soil into subsurface gravel. There had been no reinforcement
of the earth walls, and no construction materials were found that
might have been derived from the building that had stood over the
pit. The various objects found there clearly demonstrated that the
pit had been in use primarily (perhaps exclusively) during the years
Riv. Bas. ))” «INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 209
when the former Hospital had served as an Indian school. Among
them were a slate pencil, boys’ shoes, and fragments of knitted stock-
ing fabric, small black felt hats, and the like.
Latrine No. 2 was a somewhat larger pit than the other excavated,
and had been dug to a depth of approximately 6 feet below the sur-
rounding surface. This pit measured 14 feet 5 inches in length (east—
west) and 5 feet in width (north-south). The pit had also penetrated
to subsurface gravels, and in this case the earth walls had been shored
with planks set on end (pl. 48, 0). This cribwork, though almost
completely decomposed, appeared to have been of 1-inch stock, of
random width as great as 9 inches, and had doubtless originally been
secured to the privy at the upper ends of the planks. It is possible
that the building may, in part, have been made of adobe brick, since
adobe bricks and adobe mud were seen near the edges of the pit at
the surface, apparently in original position. These bricks may,,how-
ever, have been merely banked against the building.
Objects found in excavating Latrine No. 2 showed quite clearly that
the pit had been in use at an earlier period than the other, and during
the military period. Several military objects were obtained, with
fragments of men’s shoes, fabrics, and personal possessions. This pit
was doubtless intended for the use of the Hospital personnel and pa-
tients, and several Hospital Department, patent medicine, and drug
bottles of glass were obtained there, as well as the base of an older
type of glass whiskey flask.
The fill in neither of these pits revealed anything significant, in
structure or composition. In both instances, lime had been used from
time to time while the pits were open, and gravel and waste soil, in-
cluding some fine lignite, had also been used to fill the pits.
OBJECTS RECOVERED
In the following account of objects recovered in excavations at the
site of Fort Stevenson, intended chiefly as a descriptive report, the
objects have been grouped as far as possible according to logical rela-
tionships, rather than according to the nature of the materials of
which they were made. It has not always been possible, however, to
achieve a completely satisfactory arrangement of such a large and
miscellaneous group of materials. Many objects obtained had served
more than one purpose and have relationships other than those of
the most important or obvious. Where several relationships have been
observed, in different directions, these have been mentioned.
The various uses to which the site of Fort Stevenson had been put—
military, Indian school, and agricultural—merge imperceptibly into
one another, and many of the objects described here have no clear-cut
provenience. Several kinds of military objects obtained are obviously
derived from the period of the military use of the post, just as the few
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 176
materials derived from the Indian school belong to a subsequent period
and some agricultural objects to still another. But much of the
material of the specific periods is not clearly related to one or another.
An example is the marked white earthenware, probably first used in
quantity at the site during the Indian school period. The firm which
manufactured most of this, Burgess and Campbell, of Trenton, N.J.,
began operations in 1879 and could, presumably, have supplied the
enlisted men’s messes of the military post. It seems unlikely, how-
ever, that the military messes would have been furnished with such
tableware and it is known merely that the pieces were in the former
South Barracks at the time the building was in use as a boys’ dormi-
tory, when the structure was burnt in the summer of 1894. Metal
mess gear, which may have been used at either or both the military
and school messes, was also found at this site.
It is manifestly impossible, from the fragments that have survived
from such a site as this, to reconstruct more than a small part of the
life at a military post, subsequently used as an Indian school, and last
of all as a farmstead. This is particularly true by reason of the fact
that what has survived has ordinarily been preserved only by acci-
dent. In this respect, of course, the site of Fort Stevenson is like many
archeological sites both historic and prehistoric. On the other hand,
materials are now available from this site that reveal bits of the
physical history of the post nowhere else preserved, or preserved less
adequately. One would scarcely expect to find in any document that
dominoes was a game played, and perhaps favored, by soldiers or
Indian boys who once lived at the post. The example is a trivial one,
but archeological investigation frequently contributes such sidelights
on more formal history.
Interestingly enough, the great bulk of the objects obtained at Fort
Stevenson is derived from essentially modern industrial processes,
and are machine made; practically nothing was found, even for later
periods of the use of the site, that can be said to represent true hand-
craft, or even local improvisation. This is scarcely surprising, since
the needs of the post could be, and were, supplied from industrial cen-
ters by transport, even from a great distance. Supplies of all sorts
were at first received by steamboat—even, as has been seen, flooring
and millwork, fired brick, and similar bulky construction materials.
After the completion of the Northern Pacific Railroad to Bismarck, in
1873, transport was probably largely by wagon from that point, rather
than by river, as previously. Though steamboats continued in use for
some time after this date, they probably became less important there-
after for transport.
During the development of industrial manufactures in the latter
part of the 19th century, new and wider applications and uses were
rapidly made of raw materials previously of restricted use or but
Riv. Bas. Sur. . EG ji
By No ig] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 211
newly invented. Some examples of both older and more recent indus-
trial processes are here represented. An example is the replacement of
the use of horn, bone, shell, and other natural raw materials by artifi-
cially hardened rubber for such objects as combs, brush handles, and
the like, following the development of this industry attending Good-
year’s discovery and patents of 1851 and other dates. Materials such
as the present collection thus reveal something of the rapidly chang-
ing character of modern industrial manufacture, to which scant atten-
tion has sometimes been paid.
In the following section the objects recovered are listed in the man-
ner of an annotated catalog. The class of object is given first and
within the class the individual objects are grouped by type. Specimen
catalog numbers are given in parentheses immediately following the
object referred to. If the object, or one specimen of the group of
objects, is illustrated a reference is made to the illustration, also in
parentheses. A total of 6,099 specimens of all categories were recoy-
ered from the site and these have been cataloged under 2,134 catalog
numbers. The catalog numbers are less than the actual number of
specimens because of occasional “lotting” of several identical speci-
mens under a single catalog number (e.g., several fragments of win-
dow glass recovered from a single findspot are grouped under a single
catalog number).
MILITARY GOODS
UNIFORM AND INSIGNIA:
Cap (No. 1823). Six fragments of black leather visors for small forage
caps, used in the U.S. Army prior to about 1898.
Shoulder scales (Nos. 965, 966, 1245, 1246, 12838-1285, 1517, 1856) (illustrated
example pl. 50, w). Parts of the brass “shoulder seales’” worn by en-
listed men prior to about 1872 for dress occasions (4 to 41%4 inches in width;
3% to 4 inches in depth). The scale jointed, or overlapping. No com-
plete specimen was obtained. (U.S. Army Quartermaster’s Dept., 1889,
pp. 47, 50.)
Insignia (Nos. 632, 689, 1118, 1287, 1883). A brass hat ornament (No. 18383),
die stamped with the national emblem (spread eagle), similar in design
to that still used by commissioned officers. The specimen is badly broken
but bits of a greenish fabric and some coarse fiber (padding) still adhere
to it. This type was used for dress until about 1872. It was worn with
the stiff black felt hat, on the right side against the brim, which was
looped up. Both officers and men at this time also wore the insignia of
the branch of service (e.g., the infantry bugle) on the less formal forage
cap as well as on the front of the stiff black felt hat.
A die-stamped brass numeral “1” (No. 632), probably a regimental
number (14. inch in height). Companies of the 31st Infantry were at
Fort Stevenson in 1867, and of the 17th Infantry in 1870 and 1871, (Matti-
son, 1951, p. 24). A member of either of these regiments may have lost
this numeral.
A die-stamped brass numeral “6” (No.-1287), probably a regimental
number (% inch in height). Companies of the 6th Infantry were at the
post from 1872 to 1879 (Mattison, 1951 a, p. 24).
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 176
UNIFORM AND INSIGNIA—Continued
A die-stamped brass letter “K” (No. 639) (pl. 50, h), probably a com-
pany letter (1 inch in height). De Trobriand refers to Co. K (presum-
ably of the 13th Infantry) as being at Fort Stevenson in 1868 (de
Trobriand, 1951, p. 341).
A die-stamped brass bugle (No. 1118) (pl. 50, 7), a cap ornament (31%
inches in length). The bugle was the original infantry insignia until
about 1875 when the crossed-rifle infantry insignia was adopted (G.O.
96, AGO Nov. 16, 1875).
Buttons (Nos. 344, 956, 1478, 1854/1-2) (illustrated example pl. 50, g).
Die-stamped brass uniform buttons made in two parts with brass loops.
The size of the specimens obtained (34 inch in diameter) suggests that
they were for use on the dress blouse. Each has the national emblem
(spread eagle) without letters on the shield. This was the style used by
enlisted men. Only one (No. 1854/1) is marked with the manufacturer’s
name: “Horstmann Bros & Co./Phil[adelphia].” This company, and
the Scovill Co. of Waterbury, Conn., were important manufacturers of
such items during the 19th century. Similar specimens have been ex-
eavated at the sites of Fort Laramie, Wyo., and Fort Ridgely, Minn.
Shoulder-sling plate (No. 1288) (pl. 50, i). A die-stamped brass plate, on
a lead base with iron loops molded into the reverse, for attachment
to the ecartridge-box strap, which passed over the shoulder (2% inches
in diameter). The design, within a border, is the national emblem, the
eagle facing to the right. This eagle plate was used for combat until
1872 and for full dress until 1881 depending upon the kind of cartridge
box carried.
Belt buckle (No. 1892). A brass uniform buckle, oval in outline, with
hooks for attachment to belt or cartridge box (114 inches in height).
The buckle bears the letters “U.S.’’ within a border. Similar specimens
have been excavated at Fort Laramie, Wyo.
Canteen (No. 1133). Stamped sheet-metal canteen; round, with concentric
ribbed design (8 inches in diameter). This type was superseded, about
1898, by one with a smooth surface covered with felt and canvas.
Spur (No. 1640) (pl. 50, &). Portion of steel spur with geometric design.
Presumably of military origin.
REGIMENTAL PROPERTY ?
Guidon (No. 1824). Fragment of wood with small hole and brass ferrule
(1 inch in diameter). Probably the tip of the shaft of a guidon.
Mess forks (Nos. 916, 917). Silver-plated table forks, of trifid handle de-
sign. Both specimens have been damaged by fire, and are identical
except for markings. One (No. 916) (pl. 50, »). is die stamped on the
obverse of the handle: “Comp C 6th Reg/U-S. Infty 1868.” The other
(No. 917), is die stamped on the reverse of the handle: “Wm. Rogers,
Smith & Co. A[].” Companies of the 6th Infantry were on duty at the post
from 1872 to 1879, and this mess equipment had doubtless been used
elsewhere previously.
ORDNANCE:
Cartridges and bullets (Nos. 7-20, 90, 348, 399, 400, 476, 588-547, 959-963,
987, 1119-1128, 1236, 1237, 1356, 1475, 1525, 1609, 1661, 1721, 1763, 1808,
1884, 1858, 1882, 1883) (illustrated examples pl. 50, a-f). A detailed
analysis of these specimens, by Dr. Carlyle S. Smith, is included in the
present report as an Appendix. This analysis was published in the Plains
Anthropologist No. 1, May 1954, but is repeated here for reference in its
context with other items from Fort Stevenson.
bi No 19] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 213
ORDNANCE—Continued
Cap box (No. 1855). A shallow, round, brass box (lacks cover), to hold
primers (114 inches in diameter ; %¢ inch in depth).
Worm (No. 1521). Fragment of steel worm for cleaning rifle barrel.
Ramrod (Nos. 1606, 1867). Portions of two ramrods. One (No. 1867) has
the regularly designed end with an eye to hold a cleaning patch (1614
inches in length). Used with model 1864 or 1866 rifle.
Scabbard (No. 1857/1-2) (illustrated example pl. 50, j). Fragments of
the butt ends of sword or bayonet scabbards. Brass ferrules (314 inches
in length) are riveted to the leather fragments.
MEDICAL:
Bed bracket (Nos. 60, 566, 701). Steel brackets which were fastened to the
end-frames and supported the springs. Other specimens were found
in place on end-frames (not collected). Steel cots were in use in the
western military posts by 1874. These beds may not be strictly regula-
tion equipment of the Medical Department.
Scissors (Nos. 563, 633, 634) (illustrated example pl. 50, 7). Steel scissors,
with small thumb and finger loops, apparently of surgical style.
Surgical probe (No. 1798) (pl. 50,¢). Steel probe; shank 1% inch diameter ;
tapers to fine point; end slightly curved (6 inches in length).
Syringe (Nos. 336, 514) (illustrated example pl. 50, m). Fragments of two
glass urethral syringes, with glass plunger (3%4 inches in length;
1% inch in diameter). Venereal diseases are specifically mentioned as a
problem in the post hospital records (Mattison, 1951 a, p. 22).
Gauze (No. 1820). Cotton hospital gauze is present among fabrics found
in excavation of latrines.
Bottles and ground-glass stoppers (Nos. 515-517, 579, 580, 928, 1281, 1660,
1776, 1840-1842, 1847, 1848, 1852, 1853, 1878). Various containers of glass,
clearly for medicinal or patent-medicine use, and ground-glass stoppers.
Only one specimen found (No. 1840) (pl. 50, 2) is known to have been
of military issue. This is a round brown-green glass bottle, small mouth,
containing approximately 32 ounces liquid, bearing letters molded hori-
zontally on the side: “U. S. A./Hosp. Dept.” An assortment of smaller dis-
pensary-type, clear-glass, small-mouth bottles, round or square in cross
section, are also probably of military origin. These are preserved in
6-ounce (No. 1842), 4ounce (No. 1841), 2-ounce (Nos. 579, 1776), and
1-ounce (Nos. 931, 1875) size. Related to these, apparently, are three
even smaller, clear-glass, small-mouth bottles, apparently for narcotic
drugs, in view of their small size (Nos. 928, 1847, 1848) (illustrated
example pl. 50, n). These small containers are only % inch in diameter,
and range from 2 to 4 inches in height.
Clearly of use for patent medicines are several other glass bottles. Two,
of brown glass, hexagonal in cross section, and containing approximately
16 ounces liquid (Nos. 1852, 1853), bear the following lettering molded
on one face: “C. Lediard/St. Louis.” The firm of Hastings, Lediard and
Co., of which Charles Lediard was a member, is listed in the St. Louis
directory of 1866, as manufacturers of “Lediard’s mixed liquors and
bitters.” Lediard appears to have been a New York member of the firm
(information from Missouri Historical Society, Apr. 9, 1952). Another
bottle (No. 1281) (pl. 53, 0) of brown glass, square in cross section and
of approximately the same capacity, bears in recessed panels on two oppo-
site sides: “Paine’s/Celery Compound” (similar specimens have been
excavated at the site of Fort Laramie, Wyo.).
214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 176
SIGNAL:
Telegraph insulators (Nos. 1182, 1280) (illustrated example pl. 50, v). Two
specimens, of green glass (2% inches in diameter; 3%4 inches in height).
The design of these two is slightly different, though both are of the type
generally familiar today, having an interior molded thread for securing
them to a threaded wooden pin fixed to a crossarm of the telegraph
pole. One of the specimens (No. 1280) bears the molded lettering:
“Cauvet’s/Pat./July 1865.” Published records show that a patent was
issued to Lewis (or Louis) A. Cauvet, New York, N.Y., for such a tele-
graph insulator, presumably one of the first uses of glass for insulation
in this fashion (U.S. Patent Office, Ann. Rep. Comm. of Patents for 1865,
published 1867, vol. 1, p. 554 and illustration). On the evidence of the
insulators found, and the description of the patent, this type was not
covered with wood, as was sometimes the case on the frontier, largely
to prevent destruction of the insulators by the Indians. It is known from
the Ground Plan of Fort Stevenson, 1879, that the post was provided
with a telegraph office at that period (Mattison, 1951 a, opp. p. 28).
INDIAN SCHOOL GOODS
Desks (Nos. 69-75, 140, 378, 758, 792). Approximately 50 parts of cast-iron
frames of school desks were found in excavation, particularly at the site of
the Hospital, but elsewhere also. Only selected parts, complete in themselves or
carrying distinctive designs or lettering, were collected. All had apparently |
been damaged by the fires that destroyed the buildings. The frames are of
two slightly different designs, having open grillwork, and two sizes of desks
are represented, as marked in cast letters “C’’ and ‘“D” (Nos. 74, 69). These
desks, of which the frames have been preserved, all appear to have been manu-
factured by the “Sterling School/Furn. Co./Sterling, Ill.,” as appears from the
cast letters on several specimens (Nos. 73, 687). Patent dates are legible on
one specimen (No. 69) showing that patents were issued on Jan. 21, 1873 [?]
and June 5, 1877. Published records show that a patent for school desks was
issued to one C. H. Presbrey, Sterling, Ill., on the latter date (U.S. Patent
Office, 1877; specifications and illustration). A distinctive feature was a
“fluke-shaped’” nut, of which specimens are preserved on the frames collected.
The Sterling School Furniture Co., of Sterling, 1l., originally known as the
Novelty Iron Works Manufacturing Co., was organized as a stock company in
1869, and was renamed in 1873. Charles H. Presbrey was one of the directors,
and the “Sterling Seat’ was among the various types of school equipment man-
ufactured by the company, and widely sold (Bent, 1877, pp. 4381-432).
Inkwells (Nos. 49, 161-164, 298, 370, 371, 568-570). Cast-iron inkwell covers.
doubtless originally part of the desks mentioned above. These wells were
furnished with a small sliding cover bearing the die-stamped lettering: ““N I W/
Sterling/Ill.”’. The legend probably stands for “Novelty Iron Works.”
Slates (Nos. 48, 80, 81, 191, 228, 309, 419-422). Fragments of school slates,
none of which is sufficiently well preserved to indicate the size of original
surfaces.
Slate pencils (Nos. 44, 98, 182, 136, 308, 339, 349, 443-447, 554, 577, 912, 1658,
1768). Fragments of school slate pencils (344 inch diameter). Though some
of the fragments show roughly flat surfaces, most appear to have been machine
turned.
Chalk pencils (Nos. 133, 209, 448). Fragments (approximately %. inch
diameter).
Biv No 19] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 215
OTHER CIVILIAN GOODS
CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS, BUILDING HARDWARE, AND FITTINGS:
Adobe bricks (Nos. 381-386, 1091, 1092) (illustrated examples pl. 52, j, 1).
Accidentally fired adobe bricks. Six specimens (Nos. 381-386) are from
the site of the West Wing of the Hospital; two (Nos. 1091, 1092) from the
site of the South Barracks. Although it is known that during the manu-
facture of the adobe bricks at Fort Stevenson, changes were made in their
dimensions, those seen were all of the original size as given by de Trobriand
(de Trobriand, 1951, p. 385) (111% inches to 12% inches in length, 6 inches
in width, and 4 inches in thickness). As a result of the accidental firing,
they are of a yellowish-red color, similar to the “brick red’ of common fired
brick. It is known that cut prairie grass was used in molding the adobe
bricks, and the specimens show fiber-impressions (e.g., Nos. 384, 385).
The bricks were used exclusively with adobe mortar in the masonry, so
far as was visible in excavations at the various building sites. One speci-
men (No. 1092) shows the fired mortar adhering.
De Trobriand’s comments on the experiments made in changing the size
of adobe brick to that used in the Southwest, and on experience at the post
in using adobe bricks for building, are of considerable interest (de
Trobriand, 1951, pp. 48, 211, 335; Howell, 1908, p. 400). Southwestern
adobe bricks vary in size, but are generally about 18 inches in length, from
8 to 10 inches in width, and from 4 to 6 inches in thickness (Hodge, 1907,
vol. 1, p. 14).
Common fired bricks (Nos. 126, 176-179, 387-394, 537, 1093-1098) (illustrated
examples pl. 52, g, h, 7, k, m). Common red, yellow, and gray fired bricks
(8 to 81% inches in length; 354 to 4 inches in width; 24% to 2% inches in
thickness). True firebricks, which are more highly fired, and are used
for special purposes, were not found at the site. By far the greater number
of the bricks found at the site were unmarked, but two marked varieties
(die stamped while wet) are as follows: “Hvens & Howard/St. Louis, Mo.,”
(numerous) (No. 388), and “S B” (infrequent) (No. 389). The latter
mark may stand for “Sf[aint Louis] B[rick],” or indicate grade or style of
brick. The firm of Evens and Howard was established in 1857 by R. J.
Howard and John C. Evens, who had purehased a plant in operation since
1832 at St. Louis. The origina! plant is said to be still in use, and the
company is now known as the Evens and Howard Sewer Pipe Co., 5200
Manchester Ave., St. Louis (information from Superintendent Walter C.
Ude, Apr. 17, 1952).
One common fired brick may be of a special type. This brick (No. 126)
(pl. 52, m), the only one of its kind found in excavation, has a shallow
longitudinal channel along one face. Since only one specimen was found,
it is possible that this brick may have been accidentally included in those
shipped to the post.
Two fragments of fired-brick slabs were found, which may be chimney
fittings. The first (No. 178) is stamped with letters and a number (incom-
plete) (314 inches in width, 34 inch in thickness). The other (No. 179),
a channeled slab, has a sloping upper surface (144 inches in thickness).
Lime plaster and mortar (Nos. 99, 116-125, 272, 320, 321, 1367, 1490, 1540-
1545, 1560-1566, 1625). Specimens of common lime mortar and plaster;
one fragment (No. 1624) shows a copious use of hair, in this instance
apparently cow hair, perhaps obtained from the hides of beef cattle
used at the post. Specimens of plaster from the site of the Command-
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS, BUILDING HARDWARE, AND FITTINGS—Continued
ing Officer’s Quarters show painted surfaces. These are pink on white
(No. 1542) and pink on white over pink on white (No. 1560/3); gray
green over yellow (No. 1561/2); gray green over white (No. 1568) ;
yellow over gray green (No. 1564) ; yellow on green on white (No. 1544) ;
green on white (No. 1541); brown on white (No. 1540); and uncolored
white. It is impossible to correlate these colors with the wall decora-
tions mentioned by de Trobriand, and it is probable that some of the
eolors represent subsequent redecorating of the rooms (de Trobriand,
1951 a, p. 340). The lime plaster, like the fired bricks, was doubtless
obtained on contract, from St. Louis.
Boards (Nos. 1616, 1625, 1626, 1754). Various specimens of plain and
tongue-and-groove wooden boards (some damaged by fire); various di-
mensions.
Shingle (No. 1629). Fragment; apparently cedar.
Wooden moiding (Nos. 1615, 1627, 1628). Various specimens of moldings;
clear white pine.
Door (No. 1751). Clear white pine (66 by 28 by 15 inches). Four panels.
The door is fastened wholly with wooden dewels.
Door silis (No. 1753/1-2). Cottonwood sills of local manufacture. One
is much worn through use.
Window casing (No. 1752). One portion of clear white pine, window cas-
ing (No. 1754/17) is of particular interest in view of original markings
preserved on it. This was obtained at the site of the Commanding Officer’s
Quarters, and bears two painted stencils—one the name of the manu-
facturer of the millwork, the other the address to which the miliwork
was shipped. The first stencil reads, in part: “The / Market Street
Planing Mill / Philibert, Branconier & [Cole ? illegible] . .. St. Louis,
Mo.” It is known from St. Louis city directories that the firm of Ben-
jamin Philibert and David Branconier were in the millwork business
there as early as the year 1857. The name of Nelson Cole first appears
as a member of the firm in 1866. A successor to the original owners,
known as the William C. Frye Manufacturing Company, appeared in
these directories as late as 1913 (information from the Missouri His-
torical Society, St. Louis, Apr. 9, 1952). The second stencil referred to,
reads “A[eting]. A[ssistant]. Qfuarter]. M[aster]./Ft. Stevenson /
D[akota] Tferritory].” Dakota Territory was established in 1861, and
was succeeded by the States of North and South Dakota, admitted in
1889. Since the millwork of which this is a part was shipped to a rep-
resentative of the Quartermaster Department, and during the military
oceupation of the post, which ended in 1883, it is probable that this is
actually a portion of the original millwork used in the Commanding Offi-
cer’s Quarters, and belongs to the period of 1867.
Roofing (No. 1416). Fragment; galvanized iron.
Gautier (No.1629). Fragment; tin with shingle fragment attached.
Glass, window (Nos. 39, 76, 97, 172, 210, 310, 333, 412, 418, 472-474, 551,
935, 1191, 1818, 1470, 1533, 1578, 1745, 1773, 1816, 1844). Numerous lots of
fragmentary window glass; specimens are available from each individual
site excavated, including both of the Jatrines. Much of this appears to be
the older, thinner window glass (ca. 7s inch in thickness). A few speci-
mens are of thicker dimension, possibly of more recent date (eg., No.
551/78). Much of the glass collected shows evidence of fire damage.
Glass not so affected was doubtless shattered, without other damage, at the
time of the burning of the buildings.
Ris No jo], INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH . 217
CONSTRUCTION MATERIALS, BUILDING HARDWARE, AND FITTINGS—Continued
' Nails and spikes (Nos. 21-28, 58-57, 92-93, 110, 127-131, 248, 249, 273, 323-
326, 353-357, 376, 3877, 449-455, 457, 477, 555, 556, 614, 684, 685, 752, 861,
862, 1210-1220, 1233, 1893-1395, 1499, 1550-1553, 1555, 1597, 1622, 1699,
1700, 1755, 1789, 1790, 1792-1795, 1825) (illustrated examples pl. 51, b-7).
Numerous lots of nails and spikes; specimens are available from each
individual site excavated, including both of the latrines. Only two speci-
mens of the entire collection appear to be hand forged, and both of these
may have been made and used during the period subsequent to the military
post and Indian school. One (No. 1555) is a long spike (7 inches in
length). Another (No. 1792) is a small round nail, with rosette head
(2% inches in length; the head 1% inch in diameter). All other specimens
are the customary manufactured cut nail, which are still manufactured.
Cut nails were obtained, about 1941, by the National Park Service for
building restoration at Fort Laramie National Monument.
Screws (Nos. 52, 91, 137, 138, 322, 345, 351, 352, 427, 456, 457, 478, 497, 559,
560, 562, 600, 601, 750, 858, 1201, 1254, 1702, 1796). Wood screws of var-
ious sizes.
Door knobs (Nos. 86, 87, 135, 198, 194, 342, 401, 582, 623, 624, 760, 761, 834,
836-838, 986, 1159, 1269, 1270, 1310, 1877, 1457, 1530, 1657, 2054) (illus-
trated specimen pl. 51, 7). Glazed earthenware doorknobs (and frag-
ments), some of which retain original steel spindles. Spindles were
ordinarily fastened by the use of lead. The earthenware appears to have
been of only two types, a mottled brown (e.g., Nos. 624, 15380), and a
white (e.g., No. 1657), both highly glazed. No specimens of metal knobs
were found, though metal knobs must also have been commercially avail-
able at the time the post was in use. In view of the fact that only one
complete specimen of the white glaze type was found and this from the
site of the Commanding Officer’s quarters, it is possible that white knobs
were not originally used at the post, and that the specimen found repre-
Sents a replacement, subsequent to the sale of this building in 1897. A
metal door-lock plate (No. 1595), oval in outline and bearing a beaded
margin, from the same site, appears also to be a replacement.
Door handles (Nos. 88, 152, 300, 770, 1247, 1637). Metal thumblatch door
handles (and fragments).
Door locks (Nos. 151, 284, 372, 483, 578, 612, 657, 728, 731, 787, 874,919, 1110,
1136, 1238, 1249, 1898, 1496, 1498, 1595, 1862, 1866, 2057). Door locks
and latches of various types, and lock parts such as strikers. The major-
ity of these specimens are of rim locks. Although damaged by fire, some
specimens show that many of these were black japanned ware, still com-
mon in cheaper hardware. One lock (No. 787) (pl. 51, 0) bears the cast
letters: “Patented /May[]1863/June[]1864.” This specimen was un-
doubtedly manufactured under patents issued to Burton Mallory of New
Haven, Conn. for a lock and latch and improvement dated May 5, 1863,
and June 7,.1864 (U.S. Patent Office, 1866-72 Rep. Comm. of Patents for
1863, vol. 1, p. 402, published 1866; Rep. of Comm. of Patents for 1864,
vol. 1, p. 545, published 1866). Another lock, still retaining the spindle
for the knob, bears the cast letters, ‘“Patented/June 8, 1880.” eee Total 2
Riv. Bas. Sy INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 235
CENTER-FIRE, EXTERNALLY PRIMED CARTRIDGE—Continued
*4,
*5.
=6:
“ATE
*8.
*9.
*10.
wee
LAE
13.
4:
15.
16.
.30-30, brass. Manufactured by Winchester since 1894 for same arms as
No. 2 above.
CataloguewNos: 321356 /3; 1475/4 oe Pee oe ee Total 2
.00 Government, Model 1906 (.30-’06), brass. Manufactured by Rem-
ington-Union Metallic Cartridge Co. since 1906 for use in Springfield
Model 1903 and similar rifles.
CataloguewNo sala /O sees wos an A Ee See Motallent!
.003 British, brass. Manufactured by Winchester since 1897 for use in
British Army rifles and similar arms.
Cabal Ose ssNO see Be eee eee ie ee ee es Total 1
.o2 Special, brass. Manufactured by Remington-Union Metallic Cart-
ridge Co. since 1902 for use in Winchester Model 1894 and similar
rifles.
CatalosuesiNoss> Ad2ds 35 6/AMes - See Se eee ee Total 2
.32 Special, brass. Manufactured by Winchester since 1902 for use in
same arms as No. 7 above.
Catalogue Nos.: 1120, 1124, 1856/5, 1475/6, 1475/7____________ Total 5
.388-56, brass. Manufactured by Winchester from ca. 1887-1940 for use
in Winchester Model 1886 rifie and single shot rifles.
Catalogue rw NOS 1356 fills = Ste a ee ee Total 1
.88 Smith and Wesson, brass. Manufactured by Union Metallic Cart-
ridge Co. from ca. 1890-1901 for use in Smith and Wesson revolvers and
similar arms.
CatolagierNorcy 1GGi/3 esos ee a Total 1
.40-82, brass. Manufactured by Union Metallic Cartridge Co. between
1886 and 1901 for use in Winchester Model 1886 and single shot rifles.
CatalozierNOe-si6OGI/32. 2 ee ee ee os eee Total 1
44-40, brass. Manufactured by Winchester in this form since about
1900 for use in Winchester Model 18738, similar rifles, and in revolvers.
CatalogzuerNosss123 (4 (5) ose eee ee eee Total 2
45 Colt Revolver, brass. Maker unknown. For use in Colt Single-
Action Army Revolver ca. 1880.
CataloguemNo nc sl85 872 i ee ies Sia Ried ata in Beet ee Sea Ea Total 1
.45 Government (.45-70), copper. Stamped for rifle (R), made at
Frankford Arsenal (F), in April (4), 1882 (82). For use in U.S.
Model 1873 and later arms.
Catalogue Nos.: 400, 545, 962, 1661/2, 1721/2, 1721/4__-____-_ Total 6
.45 Government (.45-70), brass. Manufactured by Phoenix Cartridge
Co. ca. 1880 for use in same arms as number 14 above.
Catalogue Nos.: 541, 1119, 1127, 1475/1, 1525/1, 1525/2, 1721/1, 1721/3
2D G2tG, BOS soe ean ee =k ae Te eee Total 11
.50 Government (.50-70), brass. Maker unknown. Manufactured ca.
1880 for use in U. S. Model 1866 and later rifles, also Sharps carbines.
Catalogue Nos.: 476, 542, 543, 546, 1763/1, 1858/5____-_______ Total 6
SHOTGUN SHELLS, CENTER-FIRE, EXTERNALLY PRIMED:
als
et
12-gauge, low-base, brass, paper missing. Manufactured by Winchester
ca. 1880.
C@atalosuemNo deed GAs = es ee ee el eee ee ee ee eee Total 1
12-gauge, low-base, brass, paper missing. ‘New Rival,’ manufactured
by Winchester ca. 1890-1900.
CatalocueiNoss 3014 (6/2610 S= Se ee ee Total 2
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 176
SHOTGUN SHELLS, CENTER-FIRE, EXTERNALLY PRIMED—Continued
*3. 12-gauge, high-base, brass, paper missing. “Leader,” manufactured by
Winchester, probably after 1900, for smokeless powder loads.
Catalogue Nos:: 1129 1476/1. eee et ee eS ee a eee Total 2
*4, 12-2auge, low-base, brass, paper missing. “Sure Shot,’ manufactured
by Western Cartridge Co., probably after 1900.
*5, 12-gauge, low-base, brass, paper missing. “New Club,” manufactured
Catalogue (Noss) 1662222. 22 tk 2a ENE eee eee Total 1
by Remington-Union Metallic Cartridge Co. after 1902.
Catalogue Nost 22, 1355/la a ee ee ee eee Total 2
*6. 12-gauge, high-base, brass, paper missing. “Nitro Club,’ manufactured
by Remington-Union Metallic Cartridge Co. after 1902 for smokeless
powder load.
ORNS ING Shs: TSA Isiay/a Total 2
*7, 10-gauge, low-base, brass, paper missing. “Climax,” marking in
sunken channel with raised letters. Manufactured by United States
Cartridge Co. ca. 1900.
Catalogue NOX WA G/32 tet Ae ase ee awe) ts eee Total 1
*8. 10-gage, low-base, brass, paper missing. “Climax.” Marking in
sunken letters on flat base. Manufactured by United States Cartridge
Co., probably after 1900.
Catalogue mNos: W2t 2a 28h eh esha Seb Eee Total 1
BULLETS:
1. .45-caliber conical bullet, lead, for .45 Government cartridges as listed
above, ca. 1873-1900.
Catalose JNostiS83s eebet Si) bese Soe eee Total 1
2. .50-caliber conical bullet, lead, for .50 Government cartridges as listed
above, ca. 1866-1880.
C@atalosueHNos? 54 (en feete eet eee hye eae ad biel FE Total 1
8. .58-caliber conical bullet, lead. Minié ball for use in Civil War rifle
muskets, Models 1855, 1861, 1863, and 1864. Perforated with two
holes for suspension as a fishing sinker or as an ornament. Last
made in 1865.
Catalogue No.: 959 Gillustrated pl; 20.ef) 228-2224. 2222 tea Total 1
4, .58-caliber conical bullet, lead, zinc plug in base, tinned sheet-metal
disk between. Used to shoot out the fouling in muskets listed under
No. 3 above, and made ca. 1861-1865.
Catalogue No.: 343 (illustrated pl. 20, e)------_-------_---_ Total 1
REFERENCES CITED
BENT, CHARLES.
1877. History of Whiteside County, Dllinois. Morrison, Ill. (Reference
furnished by Illinois State Hist. Lib., Springfield.)
CHITTENDEN, HIRAM MARTIN.
1954. The American fur trade in the Far West. Ed. by Grace Lee Nute.
2 vols. Stanford, Calif. (Original ed., 3 vols. New York, 1902.)
FugEss, CLAUDE M.
1930. Article “Timothy Dexter (1747-1806).” In Dictionary of American
Biography, vol. 5, pp. 281-282. New York.
GIDIEON, SIGFRIED.
1949. Space, time and architecture; the growth of a new tradition. 8th
ed., enlarged. Cambridge, Mass.
Biv No ig] INVESTIGATIONS AT FORT STEVENSON—SMITH 937
HAFEN, LeRoy R., and Young, Francis M.
1938. Fort Laramie and the pageant of the West, 1834-1890. Glendale,
Calif.
HopGe, FREDERICK WEBB, EDITOR.
1907, 1910. Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico. Bur. Amer.
Ethnol. Bull. 30, pts. 1 and 2.
HoucuH, WALTER.
1928. Collection of heating and lighting utensils in the United States Na-
tional Museum. U.S. Nat. Mus. Bul. 141.
HOWELL, C. W.
1908. Report of a trip on the Steamer Miner from Sioux City, Iowa, to Fort
Benton, Montana Territory. Jn Coll. State Hist. Soe. N. Dak.,
vol. 2 [pt. 1], pp. 392-415. Bismarck. Rep. from Rep. of Sec.
of War, 1868, pp. 634-654; House Exec. Doc., 3d Sess., 40th Cong.
Kasten, Marie A,
1929. Joseph Burnett (1820-1894). Jn Dictionary of American Biography,
vol. 3, p. 299. New York.
Kivett, Marvin M.
1948. Preliminary appraisal of the archeological and paleontological re-
sources of the Garrison Reservoir. February. Missouri Valley
Project, Riv. Bas. Surv., Smithsonian Institution. (Mimeo-
graphed.)
Kurz, RUDOLPH FRIEDERICH.
1937. Journal. Trans. by Myrtis Jarrell; ed. by J. N. B. Hewitt. Bur.
Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 115.
McKEARIN, GEORGE S. and HELEN.
1941. American glass. New York.
MATHEWS, MITFORD M., EDITOR.
1951. A dictionary of Americanisms on historical principles. 2 vols.
Chicago.
MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON.
1875. Report on Fort Stevenson, Dakota Territory. In U.S. Army, Surgeon
General’s Office. A report on the hygiene of the United States
Army, with descriptions of military posts. Cire. No. 8, pp. 438-441.
See also U.S. Army, Surgeon General’s Office, 1870.
MATTISoN, Ray H.
1951. Old Fort Stevenson ; a typical Missouri River military post. Jn North
Dakota Hist., vol. 18, Nos. 2 and 3, April—July, pp. 240. Bismarck.
1955. Report on historie sites in the Garrison Reservoir area [North Da-
kota], Missouri River. Jn North Dakota Hist., vol. 22, Nos. 1 and 2,
January-April, pp. 5-78. Bismarck.
MiTMAN, CarRL W.
1936. Seth Thomas (1785-1859). In Dictionary of American Biography,
vol. 18, p. 445. New York.
REID, RUSSELL, EDITOR.
1947-48. Lewis and Clark in North Dakota; the original manuscript Jour-
nals and the text of the Biddle edition during the time the ex-
pedition remained in North Dakota. Bismarck. (First pub-
lished in North Dakota Hist., vols. 14 and 15.)
SmirH, CARLyLe S8.
1954. Cartridges and bullets from Fort Stevenson, North Dakota. Plains
Anthropologist, No. 1, May.
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
Smi1tTH, G. HUBERT.
1954. Excavations at Fort Stevenson, 1951. In North Dakota Hist., vol.
21, No. 3, July, pp. 127-135. Bismarck.
TROBRIAND, PHILIPPE REGIS DE KEREDERN, COMTE DE.
1951. Military life in Dakota; the journal of... translated and edited
from the French original by Lucile M. Kane. St. Paul. Publ. No.
2, Clarence Walworth Alvord Memorial Commission, Mississippi
Valley Hist. Assoc. (An earlier edition, abridged, edited by Milo
M. Quaife, entitled “Army Life in Dakota,” appeared in the Lake-
side Classics ; translation by George F. Will. Chicago, 1941.)
U.S. ArMy, CHIEF OF ENGINEERS.
1892. Missouri River Survey, Sheet 104. (Atlas.) [Washington.]
U.S. ARMY Corps OF ENGINEERS.
1948a. Garrison Reservoir, Sheets Nos. 143,147. July. Omaha.
1943 b. MRD-1-89. Omaha. April4. (Aerial photograph.)
U.S. ARMY, QUARTERMASTER’S DEPARTMENT.
1889. Uniform of the United States, illustrated, from 1774 to 1889. [Wash-
ington. ]
U.S. Army, SURGEON GENERAL'S OFFICE.
1870. A report on barracks and hospitals with descriptions of military posts.
Washington. Circ. No. 4.
See also MATTHEWS, 1875.
U.S. PATENT OFFICE.
1866-72. Annual reports of Commissioner of Patents for 1863 (published
1866), 1864 (published 1866), 1865 (published 1867), 1868 (pub-
lished 1869), and 1871 (published 1872). Washington.
1877. Official gazette of the United States Patent Office, June 5. Vol. 11,
No. 28. Washington.
1880. Official gazette of the United States Patent Office, June 8. Vol. 17,
No. 23.
WRIGHT, DANA.
1953. The Fort Totten-Fort Stevenson Trail. Jn North Dakota Hist., vol. 20,
No. 2, April, pp. 67-80. Bismarck.
BULLETIN 176 PLATE 31
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
‘UOlLe
ABIXI Ile
uOsuad
ADS IOV JO o}IS ol
{
a fo MOIA [Plo
BULLETIN 176 PLATE 32
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
‘OLS ‘v2 ‘UOSUaADIG 10g Iv [Ielep UOSeM J91¥ AA
BULLETIN 176 PLATE 33
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
S.OSST out ul JOCYIS ueIpuy UOSUVAITS WIOF 94) 1e UdIp]Iyo ueblpuy
~oagaih ART a ay ORF ore ce
i" .
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 34
©
$
ny ry
as SD
a, Barn of the Indian School period. 6, Douglas Creek west of the site of Fort Stevenson.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 35
a, Beginning the excavation of the East Wing of the Hospital. b, Removing part of the
recent (ca. 1915) potato cellar.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 36
Re
—— ae ———
a, General view of excavated site of the Hospital. b, View of excavated site of East Wing
of the Hospital.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 37
a, View of excavated site of West Wing of the Hospital. b, Exterior view of footing of the
southeast corner of the East Wing of the Hospital.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 38
a, Interior view of footing of the northwest corner of the main body of the Hospital. 8,
Detail of stone masonry.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUELCETRIN 176 PLAGE (39
a, Rear wall footing of the main body of the South Barracks. 0b, General view of the West
Wing of the South Barracks.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE
a, Exterior view of the southeast corner of the West Wing of the South Barracks. 8, Interior
view of the southeast corner of the West Wing of the South Barracks.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 41
ee eT, 2
ab SP i
: °
Pas Sse 8
a, Detail of the adobe brick masonry wall remnants. South Barracks. b, Collapsed chimney.
South Barracks.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 42
a
ee
aes
a, Remnants of stone masonry footings. Commissary Storehouse. }, Excavated portion
of cellar of Commissary Storehouse.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 43
> EEF
MT,
a, Detail of floor of cellar of Commissary Storehouse. b, Detail of wall of cellar of Com-
missary Storehouse.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 44
he South Officers’ Quarters. 5, Excavated site of the Commanding
Officer’s Quarters.
Fr}
1
(@)
rat)
a
a)
Oo
Qu.
S.
a
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 45
a, Interior of the north half of the site of the Commanding Officer’s Quarters. b, Detail of
interior of the rear wing (kitchen) of the site of the Commanding Officer’s Quarters.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 46
ete.
a, Detail of remnants of sills. Site of Commanding Officer’s Quarters. b, Detail of lap
joint in sills. Site of Commanding Officer’s Quarters.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 47
a, Remnants of late period porch attached to rear wing of Commanding Officer’s Quarters.
b, Remnants of earlier porch attached to rear wing of Commanding Officer’s Quarters.
BULLETIN 176 PLATE 48
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
b, View
g sills.
é
arters showin
Officer’s Qu
cf
g
g of the Commandin
win
ea of the rear
a, Porch ar
atrine No. 2.
of L
ibbin
cr
and timber
of pit
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 49
a, Furnace parts excavated at the site of the cellar of the Commissary Storehouse. 5, Army
style mess range.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 50
Objects principally of the military period.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 51
Objects principally representing building hardware and tools.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 52
ad, Domestic furnishings. e-m, Adobe bricks and fired bricks.
BULLETIN 176 PLATE 53
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Domestic furnishings.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 54
Personal possessions and agricultural objects.
ie § J
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 176
River Basin Surveys Papers, No. 20
The Archeology of a Small Trading Post (Kipp’s Post, 32MN1)
in the Garrison Reservoir, North Dakota
By ALAN R. WOOLWORTH and W. RAYMOND WOOD
239
502329—60——_17
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a
FOREWORD
During July and August of 1954, the writers were in charge of the
excavation of site 32MN1, or Kipp’s Post, in Mountrail County,
N. Dak. The successful conclusion of the excavation and study of the
materials found there was brought about by the interest and assist-
ance of many individuals and institutions.
First and foremost, thanks should be given to the Missouri Basin
Project, Smithsonian Institution. Dr. Robert L. Stephenson, then
acting chief of the Project, gave advice and loaned equipment; G.
Hubert Smith, of the same organization, visited the site with the
writers, read this manuscript at intervals, and was helpful in many
other ways. A map that Smith, George Metcalf, and Lee Madison,
of the Project, made in 1951, delimited the post and was of great
use during the excavation. In addition to this, the Missouri Basin
Project turned over to the State Historical Society of North Dakota
notes, photographs, and artifacts found at the site during a pre-
liminary investigation by a field party under G. Hubert Smith. Arti-
facts collected by the Smithsonian Institution are prefixed by the
letters “S.I.” in the text.
George Metcalf, Division of Archeology, U.S. National Museum,
aided in the identification of artifacts and was helpful at other times.
Malcolm Watkins, then associate curator, Division of Ethnology,
U.S. National Museum, identified the glazed earthenware. Dr. Carlyle
S. Smith, Museum of Natural History, University of Kansas, identi-
fied artifacts associated with firearms, and made the reconstruction
of the one-pounder cannon found at the site. The Misses Mary Eliza-
beth King and Irene Emery of the Textile Museum, Washington, D.C.,
identified the cloth fragments. Dr. Herbert Friedmann, curator,
Division of Birds, U.S. National Museum, identified the interesting
series of avian remains. Dr. David H. Dunkle, associate curator,
Division of Vertebrate Paleontology, U.S. National Museum, identi-
fied the fishbones. Dr. T. E. White, Dinosaur National Monument,
National Park Service, identified the mammal bones. Miss Lucile
M. Kane, curator of manuscripts, Minnesota Historical Society, aided
with historical research. Col. Dana Wright, St. John, N. Dak., and
Fred La Rocque, New Town, N. Dak., allowed the writers to examine
artifacts they had found at the site.
The National Park Service, Region Two, Omaha, Nebr., provided
a portion of the funds for the excavation and the writing of this report.
241
242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
Archeologist Paul Beaubien, of the National Park Service, main-
tained a steady interest in this report and helped with the artifact
identification, as did Marvin F. Kivett, museum director, Nebraska
State Historical Society, Lincoln, Nebr. Charles Stewart, the former
owner and lessor of the site in 1954, was helpful in any number of
ways. Leman Stewart provided a bulldozer on short notice. W. R.
Wood drew the maps and “objects of native manufacture.”
A hard-working and agreeable crew was provided by Harold Dietz,
Fred McEvoy, Richard Giddings, Clifford Chapman, and Fred Mor-
sette. Bernard Weinreich, of Bismarck, ably printed the photographs
used in this report.
The faunal remains, artifacts, notes, and photographs from site
32MN1 are on file at the State Historical Society of North Dakota,
Bismarck, N. Dak.
CONTENTS PAGE
ROLE WOLGe ses 2 = == a eee oa eee ae Sa aa ee oe ee eer 241
Imbroductiony=— 5252-2 Soa e ees Bee eet ot eee See 247
ihersite Gesenlbe@-t-7. 4. =. abe ae te ae = epee denies 248
The historical background of, Kipp’s, Post: -*..—.==- -2)-<=-.<2-=5 250
ThepColumbiag ur, Companye sas 5-9 ae eo 4 Se poe Pe ele 250
Archeolorical feldwork.. 4. Fe =. #3A ee ere Re eek Stes S 255
Avcheology of the:site: =. 2-6-4. 4e ee Be at te ee 256
StTMUcChilress= 22. 34-43-2525. 62 Sse ese ese Sos oa ee ee Se 256
inersvoc cade trenG he Layne ee eee ee Sa eee 256
PIVEN GME TN GENIN CO Sere me ese ys ee ees ce eee i
SNe DAS tIONS 8S 2 ste ae ere ee Be gets oD ee eee a 257
(hesbuildings) =< >> 22.5 e oe eta eee eee 258
MIRE DIN CES eee 2 a oh ee a a 262
Charcoal-filled: pits and: depressions. 2 = 5) 2) ee ee 262
Warge trenches: =. = ois are ae eee ee ee ee 263
Smallerenches ss 2,2 = 225 oe ee See a Se ae eS ore nee ene oe 264
ATgesplise ee = oo an Sao ee ee ce ee Peete B 264
Simallpltss = 2. a os a ee eS oe ee ye A 266
Buraltpiand purialio= — shes ee aes a De Se eee 266
ANGE EE GUS poe oS a a es ea eS Neg ee eee 267
Werengen asses 22 ad See ee eee ee es Senate 267
Hunting and other subsistence activities... -2------=._=-.=_.- 267
Housingsand construction materiais=o2= "==> -- 2-2-2522 2s 269
Household goods, personal possessions, tools, and equipment__- 271
Clothinewand footwear: — 425 > =~ s=s-o 2 ee te ea see estes 276
AUIRIVGNS (E0010 I) Ae ae ee tres le pe as eee ea 278
Objects ofmative manufactures-222 55 4 2-22 2 283
BPA rival ere Tia sna ety oe a ae ee eae OEE 2 Es ee 286
Conclusions snaiaiscussion=— - == 52. sire he ae Te se ee oe ee 286
aheisiteviucdiscriuctinres: 222-226 ae ee et Se Se ee ee 286
Mayorarchitectiral details: = sea ee 2 ea ee 287
VW ihiterojectpma terials. 57a yee meena SP Sh 2 oti oe 288
ara dertnousem 226 Cty tee sen ete EAS te ee 290
AT tifacteitsibyaleatunesaer = Sear ame = ae on ee es eee 291
Objectstofinativenmaniutactures seas == ee eee 291
intantapiridieen 42 - on ee oe ee mom SL oS ee ae 291
Comparisonswaith- other fur trade posts. —- --2--=.+22-2-=.--= 2225 292
Ibe RATE Clb EU ee eee ee. oe po Pe ee teen Sh ee 292
Appendix” 1. Listiof features at Site s2MINi_... .2. -----.-222s-2--- 222 295
Appendix 2. Glazed earthenware and glass from Kipp’s Post, by C. Mal-
ColmeWiatkinssesses= sass sees aot tee ae ot JS eee eeaae 299
Appendin oo mi annual renmisinser 2220 2 tes eae Pa ee 301
Exp lanavonvOlaplaves= meen: see ek ee ee ee ee eee 303
YA4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
(All plates follow page 306)
. Two views of the excavated Kipp’s Post.
. Two views of Features in Kipp’s Post.
. Four photographs of portions of the excavated post.
. Defense, hunting, housing, and construction artifacts.
. Household goods (glazed earthenware).
. Household goods, personal possessions, tools, and equipment.
. Personal possessions (trade clay-pipe fragments).
. Tools and equipment (whetstones, dressed limestone fragment, etc.).
. Clothing and footwear (buttons and a shoe).
. Trade goods (shale and ecatlinite pipes, beads).
. Trade goods (beads).
TEXT FIGURES
‘ PAGE
;, A reconstruction of \Kipp’s Post, ¢a. 1826-2722 20° 2 S202 ee 246
~ bilan of thexexcayased Kapp s Poste-2- 0 en eee (facing) 266
. A reconstruction of the one-pounder cannon found within the post____ 267
> Objects of “native “manufactire___.- 5 2 ne a eee 285
. Distribution of the artifacts found in Kipp’s Post___--__-_-_- (facing) 286
MAP
Map of the area around Kipp’s Post, with an insert showing its loca-
tion within the State of North Dakotalic--2-2 222.227 2 9 oe 249
aGtnl =) Ra ge ee
reper! whtaehay yyy mia,
T baw & fa, pe
[BuLu. 176
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
246
L7-9Z8I *¥° “Isog s,ddry jo uonsnm4su0se1 VIZ azuno1g
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Pe Es
eee Sak
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' SS Mn ae
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THE ARCHEOLOGY OF A SMALL TRADING POST
(KIPP’S POST, 32MN1) IN THE GARRISON
RESERVOIR, NORTH DAKOTA *
By Aran R. WootworrH and W. Raymonp Woop
INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this study is to describe the archeological remains
recovered from the excavation of 32MN1, the site of a Columbia
Fur Company trading post—Kipp’s Post—which was apparently
built at the mouth of the White Earth River in the fall and winter
of 1826-27. Kipp’s Post was built before the construction of Fort
Clark in 1831, and is the predecessor of the famed Fort Union, built
by the American Fur Company near the mouth of the Yellowstone
River in 1828. This site was only briefly noted in contemporary
literature, and details of its physical appearance and construction
were not previously known. The available historical facts are pre-
sented in this study, and should provide a background for an under-
standing of portions of the fur-trading activities of the Upper
Missouri River in the late 1820’s.
The site is described, archeological fieldwork is summarized,
structures are described, and an analysis of the artifacts recovered is
presented. The artifacts from the site are especially important, since
they relate to an early period of the fur trade in this area and to a
time span of only about 5 years. These have therefore been described
in considerable detail, and catalog numbers are cited for specific ref-
erence. Of special interest are the beads, glazed earthenware, but-
tons, and clay pipes. A large sample of shale and catlinite pipes
was also found.
Also of considerable interest are the two traditions of artifacts
found within the trading post. The majority of the artifacts are
White object materials as one would expect; nevertheless, about 45
specimens were found that are described as “Objects of native manu-
facture.” The latter are arrowpoints, mauls, whetstones, and a
considerable variety of hide-dressing tools.
1 Original report submitted to the Region Two office of the National Park Service in
March 1957 and accepted in May 1957 by the Regional Director as completing the agree-
ment between the National Park Service and the State Historical Society of North Dakota.
Some revision was made in text in November 1958.
247
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bunt. 176
Difficulty was encountered in classifying the White object mate-
rials. Finally, a functional classification was made. This serves
the purpose reasonably well, but as there is a certain amount of over-
lapping of categories, some cross references were used to compensate
for this. “Trade goods” in the main consist of beads, shale, and
catlinite pipes, though many of the other White object materials
obviously could be in this classification as well.
The site is compared with Forts Berthold I and I, located at
Like-A-Fishhook Village, McLean County, N. Dak., since they are
the only fur trade posts dating from approximately the same period
for which comparable data are available.
THE SITE DESCRIBED
The site is located in the SW14NEY, sec. 1, T. 153 N. R. 94 W.,
Mountrail County, northwestern North Dakota. It is situated on
the north, or left, bank of the Missouri River about 2 miles above
the former mouth of the White Earth River. Since 1945 the chan-
nel of the White Earth has shifted and the stream now flows into the
Missouri River about a mile upstream from the site.
The remains of the post were found on the second terrace of the
Missouri River, well above flood stage, and about 300 yards north of
what was probably the bank of the White Earth River at the time
the post was in operation. The terrace slopes slightly to the south-
east, but is otherwise relatively level. The post was built on the edge
of the terrace, facing south and overlooking the former channel of
the White Earth River, with the Missouri River several hundred
yards farther south (map 7).
Before the site was excavated, several features were evident from
the surface, although the area had been under cultivation for a few
years. Low hummocks were evident on the north and east, and nu-
merous shallow circular depressions were also visible. Occupational
debris exposed by cultivation consisted primarily of fired-clay chink-
ing, with some bone scrap and a few artifacts. Some material on the
surface definitely postdates the occupation of the fur trade post.
Among the modern items found were a 1935 copper-cent piece and
fragments of soft-drink bottles.
The site was admirably situated with respect to game and water
resources. Game was previously abundant in the area and included
bison, deer, antelope, elk, bear, beaver, and numbers of game birds.
Some of these animals are represented in the bone found in the site.
The river bottoms supported a great amount of timber, among which
is cottonwood, ash, boxelder, willow, and diamond willow. Wild
plums, chokecherries, and other wild fruits grow along the river
bottoms today.
ARCHEOLOGY AT KIPP’S POST—WOOLWORTH, WooD 249
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250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 176
THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF KIPP’S POST
After the purchase of Louisiana in 1803, and the Lewis and Clark
Expedition of 1804-6, American fur traders surged into this vast,
new trade area. Many of the former French-Spanish traders re-
mained in the field to compete with them. Manual Lisa, Pierre
Chouteau, and others backed trading ventures that expanded rapidly
into the Upper Missouri River region and penetrated well beyond
the mouth of the Yellowstone River.
Although little detailed information is available, the evidence indi-
cates that these ventures were largely curtailed by the War of 1812
with Great Britain, and little fur trading was done on the Upper
Missouri from about 1812 to 1820. At the time Kipp’s Post was in
operation (ca. 1826-30), American fur traders were still regaining
the ground lost during the hostilities with Britain. The American
Government was also trying to undermine the English influence with
Indian tribes in northern Louisiana Territory (Chittenden, 1954, vol.
1, pp. 127-128; Wesley, 1935, pp. 155-156).
At this period, the fur trade had not changed much since the days
of the 1790’s when the French-Spanish of Louisiana sought mainly
the smaller choice furs such as beaver and otter that were not bulky
and were highly valuable. The late 1820’s and early 1830’s brought
changes to this region as the American Fur Company bought out or
swamped its competitors and established permanent posts such as
Fort Clark, a short distance below the mouth of the Knife River,
which remained in operation until the fur trade was virtually ex-
tinct in the 1860’s. Great changes also came about for the native
populations of this area.
Weakened by diseases and liquor, they became more dependent upon
the fur-trade posts. Former luxuries became necessities, and the de-
cline of the village tribes was especially evident. With improved
transportation facilities brought about by the advent of the steamboat
on the Upper Missouri in the 1830’s, and the drastic decline in the
value of that staple of the fur trade—the beaver pelt—buffalo hides,
tongues, and pemmican, and deer hides supported the declining fur
industry. All of this was not yet evident during the heyday of the
Columbia Fur Company on the Upper Missouri, but grew more ap-
parent within 10 years after their amalgamation with the American
Fur Company in 1827.
THE COLUMBIA FUR COMPANY
The Columbia Fur Company was organized in late 1821 or early
1822, probably as a result of the merger of the Hudson’s Bay Company
and the Northwest Company of Montreal, which threw many ex-
perienced employees out of work. Chittenden (1954, vol. 1, p. 323)
Riv. Bas. Sor. ’
RW. BS Soy, «~ ARCHEOLOGY AT KIPP’S POST—WOOLWORTH, WooD 251
credits Joseph Renville, a former British trader, with forming this
new organization. Among the founders were William Laidlaw and
Kenneth McKenzie. One writer states that McKenzie was the direc-
tor of this company, but since he was not yet an American citizen,
he remained behind the scenes (Abel, 1932, p. 336). American citi-
zens, such as J. P. Tilton, gave the new enterprise the necessary legal
status to comply with American laws. The legal title of the company
was Tilton and Company, but it was commonly known as the Columbia
Fur Company (Porter, 1931, vol. 2, p. 745). Itis not definitely known
whether this name was used as an indication of the ambitious plans
of the concern; it could also have been an attempt to hide behind a
patriotic name.
The principal establishment of the new firm was on Lake Traverse,
near the divide of the Red River of the North and the Minnesota or
St. Peter’s River. Posts were also established at Prairie du Chien on
the Mississippi and at Green Bay on the western shore of Lake Mich-
igan although the more important establishments appear to have been
on the Missouri River. Most important of this company’s posts on the
Missouri was Fort Tecumseh, located a little above the mouth of the
Teton (Bad) River in present South Dakota. Farther downstream
was Fort Lookout and other posts were located south to Council Bluffs
(Chittenden, 1954, vol. 1, pp. 324-325 ; vol. 2, p. 965).
The American Fur Company had competing posts in association
with those of the Columbia Fur Company all along the Missouri River,
but none were so high as the mouth of the Knife River and the
Mandan-—Hidatsa trade.
The capital of the Columbia Fur Company, according to Chittenden
(1954, vol. 1, p. 824), was not large, “but the partners were all bold,
experienced, and enterprising men.” By 1826, the Columbia Fur
Company was in a good position. They were well entrenched and too
able a group of men for competition to easily suppress them. The
American Fur Company was well aware that it had to rid itself of this
dangerous competition.
Negotiations for a union of the two companies were begun in 1826,
and in July of 1827, the merger took place. Under its terms, the
Columbia Fur Company withdrew from the Great Lakes region and
the upper Mississippi. On the Missouri River, a subdepartment of
the American Fur Company was created which comprised all of the
region above the mouth of the Big Sioux River. The Columbia Fur
Company took charge of this department with little change of their
former organization. The former partners in it were made partners
or proprietors in this subdepartment. McKenzie, Laidlaw, Lamont,
and others, such as James Kipp, remained prominent in what became
the Upper Missouri Outfit of the American Fur Company (ibid., pp.
324-326).
252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 176
The following data concerning the Columbia Fur Company’s opera-
tions near the mouth of the Knife River are largely abstracted from
Wied-Neuwied (1906, vol. 23, pp. 223-228), who apparently collected
them from James Kipp at Fort Clark in 1834.
James Kipp, a Canadian of German descent, came to the Mandan
and Hidatsa country in 1822 as an agent of the Columbia Fur Com-
pany. At that time, Joshua Pilcher of the Missouri Fur Company
operated a trading post (Fort Vanderburgh) a little above the
Hidatsa villages on the Knife River which was abandoned in the
spring of 1823. In May of 1823, Kipp began building a fort in the
prairie between the later Fort Clark and the site of a winter village
of the Mandan inhabitants of Mih-Tutta-Hang-Kush. By Novem-
ber of that year, he had the post completed. This is the nebulous
Tilton’s Post, of which little is known.
It was in that year that prolonged hostilities between the Arikara
tribe and the Americans began. After the Arikara surprise attack
on General Ashley’s keel boats, a few miles above the mouth of the
Grand River in early June of 1823, Col. Henry Leavenworth retaliated
ineffectively with an attack on the Arikara villages. Thereafter, the
unawed Arikara killed every white man who came their way and
removed themselves to the vicinity of the Mandan villages near the
Knife River and the short-lived Tilton’s Post.
The personnel of Tilton’s Post consisted of Tilton, Kipp, and four
other men. They were in constant danger of attack from the neigh-
boring Arikara. Indeed, one of the Columbia Fur Company’s employ-
ees was killed at the entrance of Tilton’s Post by an Arikara chief,
Stanapat (The little hawk with the bloody hand). Other white people
on the Missouri River were also murdered. Neither Tilton nor Kipp,
nor any other employees, dared venture out of the fort during the whole
of the autumn of 1823. Tilton moved to a nearby Mandan village
and remained there until the fort was completed in November.
Although the Mandan were friendly with the Arikara, they were
aroused by the death of the Columbia Fur Company employee at the
entrance to the post and wished to make war on the Arikara. Tilton
dissuaded the Mandan from this course of action as he feared the
Arikara would then cause serious trouble with the transportation of
supplies from the Company’s post on Lake Traverse to the Mandan
post.
In early December of 1823, William Laidlaw, a partner in the com-
pany, came from Lake Traverse to the Mandan post with six wagons
of trade goods. The Arikara now made a tenuous peace with the per-
sonnel of Tilton’s Post, as they could not get supplies from any other
source. Difficulties with the Arikara continued, however, and Tilton
removed to a Mandan village where the chief, Tohp-Ka-Sinka (the
Ry NS 50] ARCHEOLOGY AT KIPP’S POST—WOOLWORTH, WOOD 253
four men) protected him. Afterward, probably in the spring of
1824, Tilton went downstream to St. Louis.
In the spring of 1824, the Arikara returned to their former villages
above the mouth of the Grand River stating that they would live in
peace thereafter with the white man. Kipp remained alone at the
Mandan village and did not see another white man through the entire
summer of 1824. About this time, Tilton’s Post was abandoned and
Kipp built a house near the Mandan village and dwelt there. During
the summer of 1824, Kipp had the palisades of Tilton’s Post cut down
close to the ground and the Mandans floated much of the timber down-
stream to their village where Kipp added a number of rooms to his
quarters and built a palisade around them. Probably in this same
year, a company employee named Jeffers came with seven men and
wagons of trade goods from the headquarters on Lake Traverse.
The year 1825 seems to have been a busy one at the Mandan post.
Kipp was short of trade goods and sent Touissant Charbonneau, now
a company employee, to Lake Traverse after supplies. On his return,
Charbonneau fell in with a group of Assiniboin and lost the entire
outfit. About this time, members of the Crow tribe arrived to trade,
but as Kipp was short of trade goods, he took two halfbreeds with
him to Lake Traverse where they obtained a supply and returned
with a wagon safely. During this same summer, while Kipp was
absent on the trip to Lake Traverse, Gen. Henry Atkinson visited the
Mandan villages en route on the well-known Yellowstone or Atkinson-
O’Fallon Expedition. Accompanying Atkinson were employees of
the “French Fur Company” or the P. D. Papin Company. The
trader Bissonette was with them.
In the autumn of 1825, Tilton arrived from St. Louis with a keel
boat laden with trade goods. Kipp had in the meantime sent in-
vitations to the Assiniboin, Cree, and Ojibwa tribes to come to the
Mandan villages and trade with him. A subagent for the Mandan
named Peter Wilson was at the Mandan Post with Kipp. Peace
was then made between these tribes, the Mandan, and Whites. The
object of this maneuver was to break off the northern tribes connec-
tion with the English and to draw their trade to the Missouri River.
In April of 1826, Tilton and Wilson went to St. Louis, and Kipp
remained at the post with five men. Tilton returned in November
with trade goods and, according to Maximilian, Kipp went to the
mouth of the White Earth River and erected Kipp’s Post.
Maximilian makes the basic reference to this venture as follows
(Wied-Neuwied, 1906, vol. 23, p. 228) :
In April of 1825 [1826] Messrs. Wilson and Tilton returned to St. Louis, and
Kipp alone remained at the Mandan Post, with five men. In November, Mr.
Tilton returned with a supply of goods, and Mr. Kipp went to White Earth
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176
River, carrying with him a fine selection. Here he built a fort, a little on this
side of the mouth of the river, and remained there during the winter, trading
with the Assiniboins.
Thwaites states in a footnote that the date of April 1825 should
actually be April 1826. To judge from the known date of the At-
kinson-O’Fallon Expedition, Maximilian was one year behind in his
dates (ibid., p. 228). In passing the mouth of the White Earth River
in 1833, Maximilian (ibid, p. 214) made another brief mention of
Kipp’s Post: “At this spot there was, formerly, a fort, which was
abandoned in 1829, when Fort Union was built.”
Another interesting though confusing reference to Kipp’s Post
was made in Larpenteur’s Journal (Larpenteur, 1898, vol. 1, p. 108) :
... About the year 1827 an outfit was made up and started for the mouth
of the Yellowstone, Mr. McKenzie in charge. They did not reach that far the
first year, but established a wintering post at the mouth of White river, halfway
between Forts Union and Berthold—say 150 miles below the Yellowstone.
After the post was finished Mr. McKenzie started for the States, and Mr.
Honore’ Picotte remained in charge. The returns were found encouraging
and in the following year he went on to the mouth of the Yellowstone, where the
chief of the band of the Rocks [Assiniboin] had desired him to build.
Presumably Larpenteur was given this information by Kenneth
McKenzie, but no mention of James Kipp is made at all. These
data indicate that the establishment at the White Earth River was
intended only as a wintering post and perhaps as a stopover en route
to the mouth of the Yellowstone River where a more permanent post
was to be established for trade with the Assiniboin and other tribes
in that region who had been previously dependent upon British
traders for supplies.
The only other contemporary documentation available concerning
Kipp’s Post is a brief note concerning the “Second Journey Of
Prince Paul” (the Duke of Wiirttemberg) up the Missouri River in
1830, as cited by Bauser (1988, vol. 19, p. 472) :
“February. To the Council Bluffs. Fort Atkinson. Visits the Mandan Indians.
Fort Kipp.”
Perhaps this evidence indicates that Kipp’s Post was still operat-
ing. It could well be that it continued in use until Fort Union was
well established and was then burned to prevent a competing com-
pany from using it.
The Southern Assiniboin chief, Red Stone, told Edward S. Hall
about Kipp’s Post in 1882 or 1883. He stated that at the time the
post was occupied, boats landed very near the post (Breeling, 1954).
Other references to Kipp’s Post are scanty, and apparently most of
these either are based on Maximilian or duplicate data given by him.
Until its excavation, Kipp’s Post was one of the least-known posts
of the Columbia Fur Company and the American Fur Company.
Par. No 20] ARCHEOLOGY AT KIPP’S POST—WOOLWORTH, WOOD 255
It is the present writers’ opinion that McKenzie, Kipp, and other
employees of the Columbia Fur Company started for the mouth of
the Yellowstone River in November of 1826, with a supply of trade
goods for the Assiniboin tribe and with intentions to build a trading
post at the mouth of the Yellowstone River. Halted by winter, a
wintering house was built at the mouth of the White Earth River for
trade with the Assiniboin and as an advance base for the construc-
tion of a post on the mouth of the Yellowstone River. Why else
would McKenzie, the reputed head of the firm, accompany an ex-
perienced trader (Kipp) to a mere wintering establishment? It is
quite conceivable also that when the Assiniboin and other northern
Indians came to the Mandan villages in the fall of 1825, they were
promised a trading post in their territory. Certainly Larpenteur’s
statement quoted above indicates this to be fact. Promises of some
sort must have been made to these Indians or they would have con-
tinued to trade with the British.
In July of 1827, the Columbia Fur Company merged with the
American Fur Company. In October of 1828, Kenneth McKenzie
wrote that a fort at the mouth of the Yellowstone was under con-
struction (Chittenden, 1954, vol. 1, p. 958). If the merger with the
American Fur Company had not taken place, it is quite possible that
the Columbia Fur Company, encouraged by the returns from Kipp’s
Post, would have erected its own establishment at that location. With
Fort Union well established, Kipp’s Post became less important and
was abandoned in 1829 or 1830.
ARCHEOLOGICAL FIELDWORK
The site was known from traditional information for years prior
to 1938 when Thad C. Hecker located and mapped the visible features
(Hecker, MS.). I > )
(For explanation, see p. 303)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 61
Personal possessions (trade clay pipe fragments).
(For explanation, see p. 303-304)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 62
O ] 10
cm.
‘Tools and equipment (whetstones, dressed limestone fragment, etc.)
(For explanation, see p. 304)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 63
Clothing and footwear (buttons and a shoe).
(For explanation, see p. 304)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 64
cm.
Trade goods (shale and catlinite pipes, beads).
(For explanation, see p. 304)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 176 PLATE 65
AtlissBiis pe ede +++ ‘
“eh j we OC"
bad i I Ld
eer teen a
na
arene ; ihe
O-: 3
(eS ee
cm.
Trade goods (beads).
(For explanation, see p. 305)
APPENDIX
LIST OF REPORTS, ARTICLES, AND NOTES RELATING
TO THE SALVAGE PROGRAM PUBLISHED IN OTHER
SERIES
(As of April 1, 1959)
ADAMS, WILLIAM RICHARD.
1946. Archeological survey of Martin County. Indiana Hist. Bull., vol. 23,
No. 6, pp. 195-224.
1949. Archeological notes on Posey County, Indiana. Indiana Hist. Bur.
Indianapolis.
ADAMS, WILLIAM Y., and NETTIE K.
1959. An inventory of prehistoric sites on the Lower San Juan River, Utah.
Mus. Northern Arizona Bull. 31 pp. 1-54.
Basy, RAayMonp S§S.
1946. Survey of Delaware Reservoir Area. Museum Echoes, vol. 19, No. 8,
Serial No. 208.
1949. Cowan Creek Mound exploration. Museum Echoes, vol, 22, No. 7,
Serial No. 248.
1949. Stratton-Wallace site. Ann. Rep., Ohio State Archeol. and Hist.
Soc., pp. 11-12.
1951. Explorations of the Cordray and Goldsmith Mounds. Museum
Echoes, vol. 24, No. 12, Ser. No. 272.
BELL, ROBERT E.
1948. Recent archeological research in Oklahoma. Bull. Texas Archeol. and
Paleont. Soc., vol. 19, pp. 148-154.
1949. Recent archeological research in Oklahoma, 1946-1948. Chronicles
of Oklahoma, vol. 27, No. 3, autumn 1949, pp. 303-312.
1949. Archeological research in Oklahoma during 1947. Proc. Fifth Plains
Conference for Archeology, Note Book No. 1, Lab. Anthrop., Univ.
Nebraska, pp. 6-7.
1949. Archeological excavations at the Harlan site, Fort Gibson Reservoir,
Cherokee County, Oklahoma. Plains Archeological Conference
News Letter, vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 3-15.
1950. Notes on work at the Harlan site. Archeol. Newsletter, vol. 1, No. 4,
pp. 1-2. Norman.
1951. Notes on work in Hufaula and Tenkiller Reservoirs. Archeol. News-
letter, vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 1-2. Norman.
1951. Notes on Tenkiller excavations. Archeol. Newsletter, vol. 2, No. 3,
pp. 1-2. Norman.
1951. Notes on work at the Vanderpool sites. Archeol. Newsletter, vol. 2,
No. 4, pp. 1-2, Norman.
1951. Notes on Tenkiller and Hufaula excavations. Archeol. Newsletter,
vol. 2, No. 5, pp. 1-4. Norman.
1952. Notes on Keystone Reservoir survey. Oklahoma Anthrop. Soc. News-
letter, vol. 1, No. 1, p. 8.
307
502329—60—— 22
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 176]
BELL, Rospert H.—Continued
1952. Prehistoric Oklahomans: or the Boomers came lately. Okla. Quart.,
vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 33-35.
1952. Keystone archeological survey. Oklahoma Anthrop. Soc. Newsletter,
vol. 1, No. 2, p. 4.
1952. Archeological field work, Morris site. Oklahoma Anthrop. Soc. News-
letter, vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 1-3.
1953. Digging for Indian history. The Indian Sign, vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 9-12.
Tulsa.
1953. The Scott site, Le Flore County, Oklahoma. Amer. Antiq., vol. 18,
No. 4, pp. 314-331.
1954. Excavations at Lake Texoma, Marshall County, Oklahoma. Okla-
homa Anthrop. Soc. Newsletter, vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 2-3.
1956. Radiocarbon date from the Harlan site, Cherokee County, Oklahoma.
Oklahoma Anthrop. Soe. Newsletter, vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 6-7.
1956. Radiocarbon dates from the Harlan site, Cherokee County, Oklahoma.
Oklahoma Anthrop. Soc. Newsletter, vol. 5, No. 6, p. 2.
1958. Notes and news—Harlan site excavations. Oklahoma Anthrop. Soc.
Newsletter, vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 1-2.
1958. Archeological investigations at the Boat Dock site, Ma-1, in the Lake
Texoma area, Marshall County, Oklahoma. Oklahoma Anthrop.
Soe. Bull. VI, pp. 37-48.
1958. Radiocarbon dates from Oklahoma. Oklahoma Anthrop. Soc. News-
letter, vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 3-4.
Bett, Ropert E., and BAERREIS, Davin A.
1951. A survey of Oklahoma archeology. Bull. Tex. Archeol. and Paleont.
Soe., vol. 22, pp. 7-100. (General study which contains information
obtained by salvage program.)
BELL, Ropert E., and DALE, CHARLENE.
1953. The Morris site, Ck-39, Cherokee County, Oklahoma. Bull. Texas
Archeol. Soc., vol. 24, pp. 69-140.
Bett, Rornert H., and FRASER, RICHARD.
1952. Archeological discoveries at the Morris site, Cherokee County, Okla-
homa. Chronicles of Oklahoma, vol. 30, No. 2, pp. 216-235.
Buiiss, WESLEY L.
1949. Archeological reconnaissance in Wyoming and Montana, 1946-1947.
Proc. Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology. Note Book No. 1,
Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 7-12.
1949. Early Man in the Northwestern Plains. Proc. Fifth Plains Confer-
ence for Archeology. Note Book No. 1, Lab. Anthrop. Univ. Ne-
braska, pp. 121-126.
1950. Birdshead Cave, a stratified site in the Wind River Basin, Wyoming.
Amer. Antiq., vol. 15, No. 3, pp. 187-196.
Bray, RosBert T.
1956. Some outstanding finds from Table Rock Reservoir area. Missouri
Archeol. Soc. Newsletter, No. 99, pp. 5-7.
BRETERNITZ, Davin A.
1957. Heltagito rock shelter (NA6380). Plateau, vol. 30, No. 1, pp. 1-16.
Flagstaff, Ariz.
1957. A brief archeological survey of the Lower Gila River. Kiva, vol. 22,
Nos. 2-3. Tucson, Ariz.
Brew, J. O., and others.
1947. Symposium on river valley archeology. Amer. Antiq., vol. 12, No. 4,
pp. 209-225.
APPENDIX 309
BULLEN, RIPLey P.
1950. An archeological survey of the Chattahoochee River Valley in Florida.
Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 40, No. 4, pp. 101-125.
BurGH, ROBERT F.
1949. Archeological field work of the University of Colorado Museum in
1947. Proc. Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, Note Book
No. 1, Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 12-14.
BURROUGHS, JOHN.
1958. Last look at a forgotten civilization. Popular Mechanics, pp. 114-116.
May.
But Ler, B. ROBERT.
1957. Dalles Reservoir prehistory: A preliminary analysis. Washington
Archaeol., vol. 1, No. 8, pp. 4-7.
CALDWELL, JOSEPH R.
1948. Palachacolas Town, Hampton County, South Carolina. Journ.
Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 38, No. 10, pp. 321-824.
1950. A preliminary report on excavations in the Allatoona Reservoir.
Early Georgia, vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 5-22.
1955. Cherokee pottery from northern Georgia. Amer. Antiq., vol. 20, No.
3, pp. 277-280.
1958. Trend and tradition in the prehistory of the eastern United States.
Mem. No. 88, American Anthrop. Assoc. Sci. Pap., vol. 10; Amer.
Anthrop., vol. 60, No. 6, pt. 2.
CALDWELL, JOSEPH R.; THOMPSON, CHARLES H.; and CALDWELL, SHEILA K.
1952. The Booger Bottom mound: A Forsyth Period site in Hall County,
Georgia. Amer. Antiq., vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 319-328.
CALDWELL, SHEILA KELLY.
1950. Reconstruction of the Woodstock Fort. Early Georgia, vol. 1, No. 2,
pp. 22-30.
CALDWELL, WARREN W.
1956. The archeology of Wakemap: A stratified site near The Dalles of
the Columbia. Abstr., microfilmed, Publ. No. 17, 119, University
Microfilms, Ann Arbor.
1957. Cultural traditions in the Columbia Plateau and Southern Northwest
Coast. Abstr., Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., April, p. 4.
1957. Archeological salvage in the Missouri Basin. Progress, Missouri
River Basin, Interior Missouri Basin Field Committee, Oct.—Dec.,
pp. 47-55. Billings, Mont.
1958. Important archeological discoveries in the Arkansas Valley. The
Ozarks Mountaineer, vol. 6, No. 8, p. 7.
CASON, JOE F.
1952. Report on archeological salvage in Falcon Reservoir, season of 1952.
Bull. Texas Archeol. and Paleont. Soc., vol. 23, pp. 218-259.
CHAMPE, JOHN L.
1949. White Cat Village. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pt. 1, pp. 285-292.
CHAPMAN, CARL H.
1949. Archeological field work in Missouri, 1946-1947. Proe. Fifth Plains
Conference for Archeology, Note Book No. 1, Lab. Anthrop., Univ.
Nebraska, pp. 17-19.
1954. Preliminary salvage archeology in the Pomme de Terre Reservoir
area, Missouri. Missouri Archeologist, vol. 16, Nos. 3-4.
CHAPMAN, Cart H., and Bray, Ropert T.
1956. Preliminary salvage archaeology in the Table Rock Reservoir area,
Missouri. Missouri Archeologist, vol. 18, Nos. 1-2.
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 176]
CHAPMAN, CARL H., et al.
1957. Table Rock salvage archeology. Jn A report of progress, archeological
research by the University of Missouri, 1955-1956. A special publi-
cation of the Missouri Archeol. Soc., pp. 5-37, Feb. Columbia.
CHAPMAN, CARL H.; MAxwELL, THOMAS J., Jr.; and KozLovicH, EUGENE.
1951. A preliminary archeological survey of the Table Rock Reservoir area,
Stone County, Missouri. Missouri Archeologist, vol. 18, No. 2, pp.
8-38. Columbia.
CoaLE, GrEorGE L.
1956. Archeological survey of the Mt. Sheep and Pleasant Valley Reservoirs.
Davidson Journ. Anthrop., vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 1-27. Summer.
CooLry, MAURICE E.
1958. Physiography of the Glen-San Juan Canyon area, pt. 1. Mus.
Northern Arizona, Plateau, vol. 31, No. 2, pp. 21-33.
1958. Physiography of the Glen-San Juan Canyon area, pt. 2. Mus.
Northern Arizona, Plateau, vol. 31, No. 3, pp. 49-60.
Coorrr, PAuL L.
1949. Recent investigation in Fort Randall and Oahe Reservoirs, South
Dakota. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pt. 1, pp. 300-311.
1949. An archeological survey of the Fort Randall Reservoir, South Dakota.
Proce. Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, Note Book No. 1,
Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 19-20.
1955. The archeological and paleontological salvage program in the Missouri
Basin, 1950-1951. Smithsonian Mise. Coll., vol. 126, No. 2.
Corsett, JOHN M.
1949. Salvage archeology in river basins. Planning and Civic Comment,
Quart. Amer. Planning and Civic Assoc., July-September.
1954. New dates from old data. Reclamation Era, vol. 40, No. 3, pp. 56-58.
CressMAN, L. S.; Cote, Davin L.; Davis, Wirpur A.; NEWMAN, THOMAS M.;
and ScHEANS, DANIEL J.
1958. Cultural sequences at The Dalles, Oregon. Univ. Oregon, Eugene.
CumMMINGSs, THOMAS §.
1953. A preliminary report on the Blue Stone Focus, White Rock Aspect.
Abs. Proe. Nebraska Acad. Sci., May.
DANSON, EDWARD B.
1958. The Glen Canyon Project. Mus. Northern Arizona, Plateau, vol.
30, No. 3, pp. 75-78.
DAUGHERTY, RICHARD D.
1952. Archeological investigations in O’Sullivan Reservoir, Grant County,
Washington. Amer. Antiq., vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 374-383.
1956. Archaeology of the Lind Coulee Site, Washington. Proc. Amer. Philos.
Soc., vol. 100, No. 3, pp. 224-278.
1956. An archeological survey of Rocky Reach Reservoir. Northwest
Archeology Number, Research Stud. State College of Washington,
vol. 24, No. 1, pp. 1-16.
Davis, E. Mort.
1950. The present status of the study of “Early Man” in Nebraska. Abstr.
Proce. Nebraska Acad. Sci., May.
1951. “Early Man” sites in the Medicine Creek Reservoir area. Abstr.
Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., April.
1953. Early human occupation of the Plains area. Abstr. Proc. Nebraska
Acad. Sci., May.
1953. Recent data from two Paleo-Indian sites on Medicine Creek, Nebraska.
Amer. Antiq., vol. 18, No. 4, pp. 380-886.
APPENDIX 311
Davis, E. Mott—Continued
1954. The Bridger Basin, Wyoming: An area of archeological promise.
Abstr. Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., Apr.
1956. Archeological Survey of the Big Sandy Reservoir area, southwestern
Wyoming. Notebook No. 2, Lab. Anthrop. Univ. Nebraska, Lincoln.
Davis, E. Mort, and ScHULTz, C. BERTRAND.
1952. The archeological and paleontological salvage program at the Medicine
Creek Reservoir, Frontier County, Nebraska. Science, vol. 115,
No. 2985, pp. 288-290.
Di Peso, CHARLES C.
1958. The Sobaipuri Indians of the Upper San Pedro River Valley, South-
eastern Arizona. No. 6. The Amerind Foundation, Inc., Dragoon,
Ariz.
DIrrerRT, ALFRED E., Jr.
1957. The salvage archeology program is resumed at the Navajo Dam. El
Palacio, vol. 64, Nos. 7-8, pp. 245-246.
1958. Salvage archeology and the Navajo Project: A progress report.
El Palacio, vol. 65, No. 2, pp. 61-72. Santa Fe.
1958. Recent developments in Navajo project archeology. El Palacio, vol.
65, No. 6, pp. 201-211. Santa Fe.
Dracoo, Don W.
1951. Archeological survey of Shelby County, Indiana. Indiana Hist. Bur.,
Indianapolis.
EVANS, OREN F.
1958. Analysis of flint materials from the Lee and Lacy sites. Oklahoma
Archeol. Soc., Newsletter, vol. 6, No. 7, pp. 2-3. Norman.
FAIRBANKS, CHARLES H.
1954. 1953 excavations at Site 9HL64, Buford Reservoir, Georgia. Florida
State University Studies, No. 16, Anthropology, pp. 1-25. Talla-
hassee.
FENENGA, FRANKLIN.
1952. The archeology of the Slick Rock Village, Tulare County, California.
Amer. Antiq., vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 839-347.
1953. Rediscovering the past in the Missouri Basin. Progress, Missouri
River Basin, Interior Missouri Basin Field Committee, June, pp.
202-209. Billings, Mont.
1958. The ice-glider game, an 18th century innovation in northern Plains
culture. Abstr. Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., May.
1954. The interdependence of archeology and ethnology as illustrated by the
ice-glider game of the Northern Plains. Plains Anthropologist, No.
1, May, pp. 31-88.
GAINES, XERPHA M.
1957. Plants in Glen Canyon. Museum of Northern Arizona, Plateau, vol.
30, No. 2, pp. 31-34.
GARRETT, JOHN W.
1952. Preliminary investigations of an aboriginal occupation site near
Sanish, North Dakota. Anthrop. and Sociol. Pap., No. 13, Montana
State Univ., Missoula.
GarTH, THOMAS R.
1951. Historie sites in the Fort Randall Reservoir area. Abstr. Proc.
Nebraska Acad. Sci., April.
GRovE, FRED.
1949. Archeologists uncover real Sooners. Univ. Oklahoma News of the
Month, vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 2-3.
312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 176]
GUNNERSON, JAMES H.
1958. Archeological survey of the Kaiparowitz Plateau. A preliminary re-
port. Utah Archeology: A Newsletter, vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 9-20. Salt
Lake City.
HANDLEY, CHARLES O., Jr.
1953. A new South Dakota locality for the kangaroo rat, dipodomys. Journ.
Mammalogy, vol. 34, No. 2, p. 264. May.
Harris, R. K.
1951. Plainview point from site 18C7-3. The Record, Dallas Archeol. Soc.,
vol. 10, No. 1, p. 2.
HASKELL, HORACE 8.
1958. Flowering plauts in Glen Canyon—late summer aspect. Museum of
Northern Arizona, Plateau, vol. 31, No. 1, pp. 1-3.
HEWES, GoRDON W.
1949. The 1947 summer field session in archeology, University of North
Dakota. Proc. Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, Note Book
No. 1, Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 21-24.
1949. Pottery from the sites excavated by the 1947 North Dakota field ses-
sion. Proc. Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, Note Book
No. 1, Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 58-67.
1949. Burial mounds in the Baldhill area, North Dakota. Amer. Antiq.,
vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 322-328.
1950. Sheyenne River. Proe. Sixth Plains Archeological Conference (1948),
Univ. Utah, Dept. Anthrop., Anthrop. Pap., No. 11, p. 9.
HOLDER, PRESTON, and WIKE, JOYCE.
1949. The Frontier Culture Complex, a preliminary report on a prehistoric
hunter’s camp in southwestern Nebraska. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14,
No. 4, pp. 260-266.
1950. The Allen site (FT—50) : Archeological evidence of an early hunter’s
camp on Medicine Creek, Frontier County, Nebraska. Proce. Sixth
Plains Archeological Conference, Univ. Utah, Dept. Anthrop.,
Anthrop. Pap., No. 11, pp. 105-107.
Howarp, LYNN E.
1951. Archeological survey in the Bull Shoals region of Arkansas. Missouri
Archeologist, vol. 18, No. 1, pp. 3-17.
HuGHEs, Jack T.
1949. Investigations in western South Dakota and northeastern Wyoming
Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 266-277.
1950. An experiment in relative dating of archeological remains by stream
terraces. Bull. Texas Archeol. and Paleont. Soe., vol. 21, pp. 97-104.
Hurt, AMY PASSMORE.
1958. The race for treasure. Sunday Empire, Mag., Denver Post, Aug. 31.
Hurt, WESLEY R., Jr.
1951. Report of the investigations of the Swanson site, 39BR16, Brule
County, South Dakota, 1950. Archeol. Studies, Cire. 3, State Archeol.
Comm. Pierre.
1952. Report of the investigation of the Scalp Creek site, 39GR1, and the
Ellis Creek site, 389GR2, South Dakota, 1941, 1951. South Dakota
Archeol. Stud., Cire. 4. Pierre.
1952. House types of the Over Focus, South Dakota. Plains Archeological
Conference News Letter, vol. 4, No. 4, pp. 51-52.
APPENDIX ale
Hurt, WESLEY R., Jr.—Continued
1953. Report of the investigation of the Thomas Riggs site, 39HU1, Hughes
County, South Dakota, 1952. South Dakota Archeol. Comm. Archeol.
Stud., Cire. 5. Pierre.
1954. Report of the investigations of the Spotted Bear site, 39HU26, and the
Cottonwood site, 39HU48, Hughes County, South Dakota, 1958.
Archeol. Stud., Cire. 6, South Dakota Archeol. Comm.
IRVING, WILLIAM N.
1958. The chronology of early remains at the Medicine Crow site, 39BF2,
South Dakota. Abstract, Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., p. 3. April.
JELKS, EDWARD B.
1952. The River Basin Surveys archeological program in Texas. Texas
Journ. Sci., vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 131-188.
1953. Excavations at the Blum rockshelter. Bull. Texas Archeol. Soe., vol.
24, pp. 189-207.
1959. Archeologists add new data on Texas’ past. Engineering-Science
News, vol. 7, No- 1, Univ. Texas, Austin, pp. 1-4.
JENNINGS, JESSE D.
1947. An atlas of archeological sites within the reservoirs located in the
Missouri River Basin. Region Two, National Park Service.
Omaha.
1948. Plainsmen of the past, a review of the prehistory of the Plains. U.S.
Dept. Interior, Region Two, National Park Service, Missouri Basin
Recreation Survey. Omaha.
1948. Saving a segment of history. Reclamation Era, vol. 34, No. 10, pp.
192-193, October.
1955. The archeology of the Plains: an assessment. U.S. Dept. Interior,
Region Two, Nat. Park Sery., and Univ. Utah, Dept. Anthrop.
JOHNSON, FREDERICK.
1951. The Inter-Agency Archeological Salvage Program in the United
States Archaeology, spring number, pp. 25-40.
JOHNSON, LEROY, Jr., and JELKS, EDWARD B.
1958. The Tawakoni-Ysconi village, 1760: A study in archeological site
identification. Texas Journ. Sci., vol. 10, No. 4, December 1958.
KEEFE, JIM, and SAULTS, DAN.
1953. Out of the dust of yesterday. Missouri Conservationist, vol. 14, No. 1,
January.
KIEHL, MARY.
1953. The Glen Elder and White Rock sites in north central Kansas.
Abstr. Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., May.
Kivett, Marvin F.
1948. Mechanized archeology. Plains Archeological Conference News Letter,
vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 16-17.
1949. Archeological investigations in Medicine Creek Reservoir, Nebraska.
Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, no. 4, pp. 278-284.
1949. An archeological survey of the Garrison and Baldhill Reservoirs.
Proc. Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, Note Book No. 1,
Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 24-25.
1950. An Archaic horizon? Plains Archeological Conference News Letter,
vol. 3, No. 4, pp. 4-7.
1952. Woodland sites in Nebraska. Nebraska State Historical Society,
Publs. in Anthrop., No.1. (While some of the material in this report
was obtained during earlier investigations, a considerable portion
of the publication is based on the results of salvage projects.)
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 176]
KIvetTtT, MARVIN F'.— Continued
1954. Notes on the burial patterns of the central Plains Indians. Abstr.
Proce. Nebraska Acad. Sci., April.
KIveTT, MARVIN F., and HItt, A. T.
1949. Archeological investigations along Medicine Creek. Proe. Fifth
Plains Conference for Archeology, Note Book No. 1, Lab. Anthrop.,
Univ. Nebraska, pp. 25-26.
LEHMER, DoNALD J.
1951. Pottery types from the Dodd Site, Oahe Reservoir, South Dakota.
Plains Archeological Conference News Letter, vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 1-15.
1952. The Turkey Bluff Focus of the Fulton Aspect. Amer. Antiq., vol.
17, No. 4, pp. 313-318.
1952. The Fort Pierre Branch, Central South Dakota. Amer. Antigq., vol.
17, No. 4, pp. 329-336.
1952. Animal bone and Plains archeology. Plains Archeological Conference
News Letter, vol. 4, No. 4, pp. 538-55.
1954. The sedentary horizon of the northern Plains. Southwestern Journ.
Anthrop., vol. 10, No. 2, pp. 139-159.
Lire, WILLIAM, and Fow Ler, Don.
1958. Archeological excavation and survey in Glen Canyon: Preliminary
reports of 1958 work. Utah Archeol., vol. 4, No. 4, pp. 4-16.
LISTER, ROBERT H.
1957. Salvage archeology in the Southwest. Southwestern Lore, vol. 23,
No. 3, pp. 84-85. Boulder.
1957. The Glen Canyon survey in 1957. Univ. Utah, Anthrop. Pap., No. 30.
Salt Lake City.
1958. A preliminary note on excavations at the Coombs site, Bouider, Utah.
Utah Archaeol.: A Newsletter, vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 48. Salt Lake
City.
McDouGALL, WALTER B.
1959. Plants of the Glen Canyon area in the Herbarium at the Museum of
Northern Arizona. (Mimeographed.)
McKusick, M. B., and Watson, R. S.
1959. Grinding implements from Vaquero Reservoir, San Luis Obispo and
Santa Barbara Counties. Ann. Rep., Archeol. Surv. Dept. Anthrop.-
Sociol., Univ. California, Los Angeles, pp. 138-14.
McNotTt, CHARLES H.
1958. La Roche ware and relative chronology. Abstr., Proce. Nebraska
Acad. Sci., April, pp. 3-4.
McNutt, CHARLES H., and WHEELER, RICHARD P.
1959. Bibliography of primary sources for radiocarbon dates. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 24, No. 3, pp. 323-3824.
MALOUF, CARLING.
1950. The archeology of the Canyon Ferry region, Montana, 1950. Anthrop.
and Sociol. Pap. No.11, Univ. Montana. Missoula.
1951. Archeological studies of aboriginal occupation in sites in northwestern
North Dakota. Montana State Uniy. Anthrop. and Sociol. Pap.,
No. 7, Missoula.
MATTES, MERRILL J.
1947. Historic sites in Missouri Valley reservoir areas. Nebraska Hist., vol.
28, No. 3, pp. 1-15.
1949. Historic sites in the Fort Randall Reservoir area. South Dakota Hist.
Colls., vol. 24.
APPENDIX alt
Mattes, Merritt J.—Continued
1952. Revival at old Fort Randall. Military Engineer, vol. 44, No. 298,
pp. 88-93.
1952. Salvaging Missouri Valley history. The Westerners Brand Book, vol.
9, No. 3, pp. 17-19, 22-24.
1954. Under the wide Missouri [historic sites in Missouri Basin reservoirs].
North Dakota Hist., vol. 21, No. 4, pp. 146-167. Bismarck.
Mattison, Ray H.
1951. Old Fort Stevenson, a typical Missouri River military post. North
Dakota Hist., vol. 18, Nos. 2-8, pp. 2-40.
1954. The Army post on the northern Plains, 1865-1885. Nebraska Hist.,
vol. 35, No. 1, pp. 1-27. Lincoln.
1954. Report on historical aspects of the Oahe Reservoir area, Missouri
River, South and North Dakota. South Dakota Hist. Coll. and Rep.,
vol. 27. Pierre.
1955. The Indian reservation system on the upper Missouri, 1865-1890.
Nebraska Hist., vol. 36, No. 3, pp. 141-172. Lincoln.
1955. Report on historic sites in the Garrison Reservoir area, Missouri River
{North Dakota]. North Dakota Hist., vol. 22, Nos. 1-2, pp. 5-73.
Bismarck.
1956. The military frontier on the upper Missouri. Nebraska Hist., vol. 37,
No. 3, pp. 159-182. Lincoln.
MAYER-OAKES, WILLIAM J.
1953. An archeological survey of the proposed Shenango River Reservoir
area in Ohio and Pennsylvania. Ann. Carnegie Mus., vol. 33, art. 3,
pp. 115-124, Anthrop. Ser., No. 1.
MELEEN, Ht. BH. |
1949. A preliminary report on the Thomas Riggs village site. Amer. Antiq.,
vol. 14, No. 4, pt. 1, pp. 310-321. (This paper includes material
from investigations in the Oahe Reservoir area prior to the salvage
program but also reports on work done in 1947.)
METCALF, GEORGE.
1956. Additional data from the Dodd and Phillips Ranch sites, South
Dakota. Amer. Antiq., vol. 21, No. 3, pp. 305-309.
MILLER, CARL F.
1948. Early cultural manifestations exposed by the archeological survey of
the Buggs Island Reservoir in southern Virginia and northern North
Carolina. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 38, No. 12, pp. 397-399.
1949. The Lake Spring site, Columbia County, Georgia. Amer. Antiq., vol.
15, No. 1, pp. 38-51.
1949. Appraisal of the archeological resources of the Buggs Island Reservoir
in southern Virginia and northern North Carolina. Quart. Bull.,
Archeol. Soe. Virginia, vol. 4, No. 1.
1949. Early cultural manifestations exposed by the archeological survey of
the Buggs Island Reservoir in southern Virginia and northern North
Carolina. Quart. Bull., Archeol. Soc. Virginia, vol. 4, No. 2.
1950. Early cultural horizons in the southeastern United States. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 15, No. 4, pp. 273-288. (A general article but containing
data collected during survey work.)
1950. An analysis and interpretation of the ceramic remains from Site 38
Mc6 near Clarks Hill, South Carolina. Journ. Washington Acad.
Sci., vol. 40, No. 11, pp. 350-354.
1956. Burin types from southern Virginia: A preliminary statement. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 21, No. 3, p. 311.
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 176]
Minter, BE. O., and JELKS, EpwWArpD B.
1952. Archeological excavations at the Belton Reservoir, Coryell County,
Texas. Bull. Texas Archeol, and Paleont. Soc., vol. 23, pp. 168-217.
MILterR, Loyr H.
1957. Bird remains from an Oregon Indian midden. The Condor, vol. 59,
No.1, pp. 59-63. Jan.—Feb.
MILLER, WILLIAM C., and BRETERNITZ, DAVID A.
1958. 1957 Navajo Canyon survey, Preliminary Report. Mus. Northern
Arizona, Plateau, vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 72-74. Flagstaff, Ariz.
1959. 1958 Navajo Canyon survey, Preliminary Report. Mus. Northern
Arizona, Plateau, vol. 31, No. 1, pp. 3-7. Flagstaff, Ariz.
MILs, JOHN E., and OSBORNE, CAROLYN.
1952. Material culture of an Upper Coulee rockshelter. Amer. Antiq., vol.
17, No. 4, pp. 352-859.
MOSIMAN, JAMES, and RABB, GEORGE B.
1952. The herpetology of Tiber Reservoir area, Montana. Copela, No.
1, pp. 23-27, June 2.
MULLoy, WILLIAM.
1954. The McKean site in northeastern Wyoming. Southwestern Journ.
Anthrop., vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 432-460.
NEUMAN, RoBERT W.
1957. Supplementary data on the White Rock aspect. Abstr., Proc. Ne-
braska Acad. Sci., pp. 8-4. April.
OSBORNE, DOUGLAS.
1950. An archeological survey of the Benham Falls Reservoir, Oregon.
Amer, Antiq., vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 112-120.
1953. Archeological occurrences of pronghorn antelope, bison, and horse
in the Columbia Plateau. Scientific Monthly, vol. 77, No. 5,
pp. 260-269.
OSBORNE, DoUGLAS; CRABTREE, ROBERT; and BRYAN, ALAN.
1952. Archeological investigations in the Chief Joseph Reservoir. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 360-373.
1956. The problem of Northwest Coastal-Interior relationships as seen from
Seattle. Amer. Antiq., vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 117-128.
PECKHAM, STEWART.
1958. Salvage archeology in New Mexico, 1957-58: A partial report. El
Palacio, vol. 65, No. 5, pp. 161-168. Santa Fe.
PENDERGAST, DAvip M., and MEIGHAN, CLEMENT W.
1959. The Greasy Creek Site, Tulare County, Arizona. Ann. Rep. Archeol.
Sury. Dept. Anthrop.-Sociol., Univ. California, Los Angeles, pp.
1-9.
PIERSON, LLOYD.
1957. A brief archeological reconnaissance of White Canyon, Southeastern
Utah. El Palacio, vol. 64, Nos. 7-8, pp. 222-230. Santa Fe.
Proctor, CHARLES C.
1953. Report of excavations in the Eufaula Reservoir. Bull. Oklahoma
Anthrop. Soe., vol. 1, pp. 48-59.
PurRDY, WILLIAM M.
1959. An outline of the history of the Flaming Gorge area. Univ. Utah
Anthrop. Pap., No. 37.
ROBERTS, FRANK H. H., Jr.
1948. A crisis in U.S. archeology. Sci. Amer., vol. 179, No. 6, pp. 12-17.
APPENDIX 317
RosBeErts, FRANK H. H., Jr.—Continued
1952. River Basin Surveys: The first five years of the Inter-Agency Archeo-
logical and Paleontological Salvage Program. Ann. Rep. Smith-
sonian Inst. for 1951, pp. 351-883.
1955. The Inter-Agency Archeological and Paleontological Salvage Program
in the United States. Pro Natura, vol. 2, pp. 213-218. Series pub-
lished by International Union for the Protection of Nature. Brussels.
1955. The Inter-Agency Archeological and Paleontological Salvage Program.
Missouri Archeol. Soe. News Letter No. 96, pp. 7-10. November.
Rupy, Jack R., and STmRLAND, Rosert D.
1950. An archeological reconnaissance in Washington County, Utah. Univ.
Utah Anthrop. Pap. No. 9.
ScHULTz, C. BERTRAND, and FRANKFORTER, W. D.
1948. Early man. Amer. Antiq., vol. 18, No. 3, pp. 279-280.
1948. Preliminary report on the Lime Creek Sites: new evidence of early
man in southwestern Nebraska. Bull. Univ. Nebraska State Mus.,
vol. 3, No. 4, pt. 2.
1949. The Lime Creek sites. In Proc. Fifth Plains Conference for Arche-
ology, Note Book No. 1, Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 132-134.
SEARS, WILLIAM H.
1950. Preliminary report on the excavation of an Etowah Valley site. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 137-142.
SHANE, RALPH M.
1956. A short history of Fort Berthold [Indian reservation]. 22 pp. Fort
Berthold Indian Agency, Newtown, N. Dak.
SHINER, JOEL L.
1952. The 1950 excavations at site 45BN6, McNary Reservoir, Washington.
Amer. Antiq., vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 348-851.
SHIPPEE, J. M.
1953. A Folsom fluted point from Marshall County, Kansas. Plains
Archeol. News Letter, vol. 5, No. 4, p. 54.
SMITH, CARLYLE §.
1949. Archeological investigations in Ellsworth and Rice Counties, Kansas.
Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 292-300.
1949. Archeological research at the University of Kansas, 1946-1947. Proce.
Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, pp. 29-30, Note Book No. 1,
Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska.
1951. Pottery types from the Talking Crow Site, Fort Randall Reservoir,
South Dakota. Plains Archeological Conference News Letter, vol.
4, No. 3, pp. 32-41.
1953. Digging up the Plains Indian’s past. Univ. Kansas Alumni Bull.
December.
1954. Cartridges and bullets from Fort Stevenson, North Dakota. Plains
Anthrop., No. 1, pp. 25-29.
1955. An analysis of the firearms and related specimens from Like-a-Fish-
hook village and Fort Berthold I. Plains Anthrop., No. 4, pp. 3-12.
SmitH, G. HUBERT.
19538. Indian trade beads from Fort Berthold, North Dakota. Central Texas
Archeologist, No. 6. Waco.
1954. Excavations at Fort Stevenson, 1951. North Dakota Hist., vol. 21,
No. 3, pp. 127-1385, July, 1954.
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 176]
Smiru, G. Huserr—Continued
1954. Archeological work at 382ML2 (Like-a-Fishhook Village and Fort
Berthold), Garrison Reservoir area, North Dakota. Plains Anthrop.,
No. 2, pp. 27-382.
1957. Archeological salvage at historic sites in the Missouri Basin. Progress,
Missouri Basin Field Committee, Jan.—Mar., pp. 89-50. Billings,
Mont.
1957. The present status of research on early historic sites of the Missouri
Basin. Abstract, Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., p.3. April.
SoLEcKI, RAuPH §.
1949. An archeological survey of two river basins in West Virginia. West
Virginia Hist., vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 189-211, and No. 4, pp. 319-482.
1952. Photographing the past. Progress, Missouri River Basin, Interior
Missouri Basin Field Committee, pp. 1-9. September. Billings.
1953. A Plainview point found in Marshall County, Kansas. Plains Arche-
ological Conference News Letter, vol. 5, No. 4, pp. 52-58.
STALLARD, BRUCE.
1957. Report on talk by Jim Garner concerning removal of Nespelem Indian
burials from Chief Joseph Reservoir. Washington Archeol., vol. 1,
No: 8, pile
STEEN, CHARLIE R.
1956. The archeological salvage program today Archaeology, vol. 9, No. 3,
pp. 175-181.
STEPHENSON, Rosert L.
1947. Archeological survey of Whitney Basin. Bull. Texas Archeol. and
Paleont. Soe., vol. 18, pp. 129-142.
1948. Archeological survey of McGee Bend Reservoir. Bull. Texas Archeol.
and Paleont. Soe., vol. 19, pp. 57-78.
1949. A note on some large pits in certain sites near Dallas, Texas. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 53-55.
1949. Archeological survey of the Lavon and Garza-Little Elm Reservoirs.
Bull. Texas Archeol. and Paleont. Soc., vol. 20, pp. 21-62.
1949. A survey of the Whitney Basin in Hill and Bosque Counties, Texas.
Proe. Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, Note Book No. 1,
Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, pp. 31-82.
1952. The Hogge Bridge site and the Wylie focus. Amer. Antiq., vol. 17,
No. 4, pp. 299-312.
1954. Salvage archeology. Bible Archeol. Digest, vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 2-11.
1954. Taxonomy and chronology in the Central Plains—Middle Missouri
River area. Plains Anthrop., No. 1, May pp. 15-21.
1954. The Stansbury site: An historic site in the Whitney Reservoir, Texas.
Abstr. Proce. Nebraska Acad. Sci., April.
1957. Some research problems emerging out of Missouri Basin salvage.
Nebraska Acad. Sci., p. 4. April.
1958. The Missouri Basin chronology program. Abstr. Proc. Nebraska Acad.
Sci.,p.4. April.
STONEY, GEORGE.
1950. Georgia’s archeologists before the camera. Early Georgia, vol. 1,
No. 2, pp. 18-21.
Strone, WM. DUNCAN; JOHNSON, FREDERICK ; and WEBB, WILLIAM 8.
1945. National archeological resources. Science, vol. 102, No. 2637, p. 44.
July 13.
APPENDIX 319
TREGANZA, ADAN H.
1952. Archeological investigations in the Farmington Reservoir area in
Stanislaus County, California. Rep. Univ. California Archeol.
Survey, No. 14.
1954. Salvage archeology in Nimbus and Redbank Reservoir areas, central
California. Rep. Univ. California Archeol. Survey, No. 26.
1958. Salvage archaeology in the Trinity Reservoir area, Northern Califor-
nia. Univ. California Archaeol. Surv. Rep., No. 43, pt. 1.
1959. Salvage archaeology in the Trinity Reservoir area, Northern Califor-
nia, 1958 field season. Univ. California Archaeol. Surv. Rep. No. 46.
WEDEL, WALDO R.
1947. Prehistory and the Missouri Valley Development Program: summary
report on the Missouri River Basin Archeological Survey in 1946.
Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 107, No. 6.
1947. The Missouri Basin archeological survey. Nebraska History, vol. 28,
No. 1, pp. 32-40.
1948. Prehistory and the Missouri Valley Development Program: summary
report on the Missouri River Basin Archeological Survey in 1947.
Smithsonian Mise. Coll., vol. 111, No. 2.
1949. Some provisional correlations in Missouri Basin archeology. Amer.
Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pt. 1, pp. 828-329.
1949. A summary of recent field work in central Plains archeology. Proc.
Fifth Plains Conference for Archeology, pp. 3-5, Note Book No. 1,
Lab. Anthrop., Univ. Nebraska, Lincoln.
1950. Missouri River Basin Survey 1948 Season. Proe. Sixth Plains Arche-
ological Conference, Univ. Utah, Dept. Anthrop., Anthrop. Pap.,
No. 11, pp. 3-8.
1951. The use of earth-moving machinery in archeological excavations. In
Essays on Archeological Methods, Univ. Michigan, Mus. Anthrop.,
Anthrop. Pap., No. 8, pp. 17—28.
WEDEL, WALDO R., and GRIFFENHAGEN, GEORGE B.
1954. An English balsam among the Dakota aborigines. Amer. Journ.
Pharmacy, vol., 126, No. 12, pp. 409-415.
WEDEL, WALDO R., and K1veETT, MARVIN F.
1956. Additional data on the Woodruff Ossuary, Kansas. Amer. Antiq., vol.
21, No. 4, pp. 414416.
WENDoRF, FRED; LUEBBEN, RALPH A.; BruGGr, DAvIp; and SCHROEDER, ALBERT
H., with appendices by EMrErRy, IRENE; Morris, Hart H.; and REED, ERIK K.
1953. Salvage archeology in the Chama Valley, New Mexico. Monographs
of the School of American Research, No. 17.
WHEAT, JOE BEN.
1947. Archeological survey of the Addicks Basin: A preliminary report.
Bull. Texas Archeol. and Paleont. Soc., vol. 18, pp. 148-145.
WHEELER, RICHARD P.
1950. Archeological investigations in Angostura Reservoir, Cheyenne River
Basin, South Dakota. Abs. Proce. Nebraska Acad. Sci., May.
1951. The archeology of the Boysen Reservoir, Fremont County, Wyoming.
Abs. Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., April.
1952. A note on the McKean Lanceolate point. Plains Archeological Con-
ference News Letter, vol. 4, No. 4, pp. 45-50.
1952. Plains ceramic analysis: a check list of features and descriptive terms.
Plains Archeol. Conf. News Letter, vol. 5, No. 2.
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 176]
WHEELER, RiIcHARD P.—Continued
1953. The distribution, cultural relationships and chronology of mounds and
earthworks in the Dakotas. Abs. Proc. Nebraska Acad. Sci., May.
1954. Selected projectile point types of the United States: II. Bull. Okla-
homa Anthrop. Soe., vol. 2, March, pp. 1-6.
1954. Two new projectile point types: Duncan and Hanna points. Plains
Anthrop., No. 1, pp. 7-14.
1954. Check list of Middle Missouri pottery wares, types, subtypes. Plains
Anthrop., No. 2, pp. 3-21.
1954. New contributions to the archeology of Oahe Reservoir. Abs. Proc.
Nebraska Acad. Sci., April.
1955. Recent archeological salvage operations in the Missouri Basin. Prog-
ress, Missouri River Basin, Interior Missouri Basin Field Com-
mittee, Oct.—Dec., pp. 65-73.
1957. Archeological field data and their interpretation. Abstract. Proe.
Nebraska Acad. Sci., p.4. April.
1958. A bibliography of the Indian archeology of the Central and Northern
Plains. Abs. Proe. Nebraska Acad. Sci., pp. 4-5. April.
WHEELER, RICHARD P., and SMITH, G. HUBERT.
1953. The prehistory and early history of the Niobrara River basin. Mis-
souri River Basin Project, Niobrara River Basin, Development
Plan, U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bur. of Reclam., Region 7, Denver.
WHITE, THEODERE FE.
1952. Observations on the butchering technique of some aboriginal peoples:
I. Amer. Antiq., vol. 17, No. 4, pp. 337-3888.
1952. Preliminary anaylsis of the vertebrate fossil fauna of the Boysen
Reservoir area. Proce. U.S. Nat. Mus., vol. 102, No. 3296, pp.
185-208.
1952. Suggestions on the butchering technique of the inhabitants at the
Dodd and Phillips Ranch sites in the Oahe Reservoir area. Plains
Archeol. News Letter, vol. 5, No. 2, pp. 22-28.
1953. Studying osteological material. Plains Archeol. Conf. News Letter,
vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 8-16.
1953. Bison steaks and venison chops—the Flint-age way. Montana
Farmer-Stockman, p.8. September 15.
1953. A method of calculating the dietary percentage of the various food
animals utilized by aboriginal peoples. Amer. Antiq., vol. 18, No. 4,
pp. 396-398.
1953. Collecting osteological material, or how to get a block plastered.
Plains Archeol. Conf. News Letter, vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 3-7.
1954. Preliminary analysis of the fossil vertebrates of the Canyon Ferry
Reservoir area. U.S. Nat. Mus. Proc. vol. 103, No. 3326, pp.
395-488.
1954. Observations on the butchering technique of some aboriginal peoples,
Nos. 3, 4,5 and 6. Amer. Antiq., vol. 19, No. 3, pp. 254-264.
1955. Observations on the butchering techniques of some aboriginal peoples,
Nos. 7, 8,and 9. Amer. Antiq., vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 170-178.
1956. The study of osteological materials in the Plains. Amer. Antiq., vol.
21, No. 4, pp. 401-404.
WILLIAMS, Bos.
19538. The Ward Site, Le Flore County, Oklahoma. Okla. Anthrop. Soc.
Newsletter, vol. 1, No. 9, pp. 2-9.
APPENDIX 321
WILMETH, ROSCOE.
1956. The Payne Site. Mus. News, W. H. Over Museum, Univ. South Dakota,
vol. 18, Nos. 11-12, pp. 18-21.
1958. Appraisal of the archeological resources of the Pomona and Melvern
Reservoirs, Osage County, Kansas. Kansas State Hist. Soc.
WITHERS, ARNOLD.
1950. Survey in eastern Colorado—University of Denver. Proc. Sixth
Plains Archeol. Conf., Univ. Utah, Dept. Anthrop., Anthrop. Pap.,
No. 11, pp. 10-11.
Woop, W. RAYMOND.
1953. Additional data on the La Roche focus. Abstr. Proc. Nebraska Acad.
Sci., May.
1954. Kipp’s Post, 32MN1, Garrison Reservoir, North Dakota. Interim
Report. State Hist. Soc., North Dakota. Bismarck.
1958. Excavations of a village site in the Table Rock Reservoir. Missouri
Archeol. Soc. News Letter, No. 119, p.3. February.
Woopsuky, ANausS M.; DURRANT, STEPHEN D.; and FLOWERS, SEVILLE.
1958. Preliminary report on biological resources of the Glen Canyon
Reservoir. University of Utah, Anthrop. Pap., No. 31. Salt lake
City.
1959. Survey of vegetation in the Glen Canyon Reservoir Basin. University
of Utah, Anthrop. Pap., No. 36. Salt Lake City.
WooLWwortH, ALAN R.
1954. A search in the past [river basin salvage in North Dakota]. North -
Dakota Outdoors, vol. 16, No. 9, pp. 6-7. North Dakota State Game
and Fish Dept., Bismarck.
1956. Archeological investigations at Site 832ME59 (Grandmother’s Lodge).
North Dakota Hist., vol. 28, No. 2, pp. 2-26.
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INDEX
Abalone shells (Haliotis), 148
Abel, Annie Heloise, 8, 91, 251
Adobe clay, burnt, 1138, 172, 178, 174
Agency Creek, 19
Agricultural Adjustment Administra-
tion, U.S. Dept. Agriculture, 112
Agricultural objects, 224
American Crow Creek, near Chamber-
lain, S. Dak., 18, 16, 41
American Fur Company, 8, 15, 91, 92,
94, 108, 154, 174, 247; 250, 251,
254, 255
American Island, supposed site of Fort
Recovery, 14, 46
Anas carolinensis (Green-winged teal),
301
platyrhynchos (Mallard), 301
streperus (Gadwall), 301
Andreas, A. T., 16, 44
Animal remains other than food refuse,
146, 301-302
Antelope, 32, 144, 248, 301-302
Antelope Creek, 86 (map)
Antelope Island, 86 (map)
Antilocapra, 301
Antler fragment, 286
Antler tine, cut, 125, 285 (fig.), 286,
291
Anvil, 43
Archeological evidence obtained, 112-
146
Archeological Investigations at the Site
of Fort Stevenson (82MLi), Gar-
rison Reservoir, North Dakota,
159-238, by G. Hubert Smith
Archeology of a small trading post
(Kipp’s Post), in the Garrison
Reservoir, North Dakota, 239-
302, by Alan R. Woolworth and
W. Raymond Wood
Architectural evidence, 116-130
Arikara Indians, 8, 14, 15, 19, 95, 103,
165, 252, 253, 263
Armstrong County, consolidated with
Dewey, 147
Arrowpoints, 141, 247, 283
brass, 282, 290
chopped flint, 291
Arrow-shaft straightener, 79
Articles of brass, copper and lead, 74
(fig.), 75
Artifact fits by features, 291
Artifacts, 35-36, 40-41, 42, 44-45, 61,
267-286
historic, 62-78
Indian, 79
miscellaneous, 145-146
stone, 62, 79
of native significance, 144-145
502329—60——23
Artifactual evidence, 130-146
Ashes, 38 (fig.), 39, 57, 59, 60 (fig.), 120,
122, 128, 124, 263, 265
Ashley, General, 19, 252
Ashley-Leavenworth campaign, 14, 15
Ashley party, 32
Ash trees, 37, 38, 169, 171, 248
Assiniboin Indians, 258, 254, 255, 287
Astor and Lisa Expedition, 32
Atkinson, Gen. Henry, 253
Atkinson-O’Fallon Expedition, 8, 15, 32,
258, 254
Audubon, John James, 89, 118
Awl, double-pointed, 274, 289, 290
Ax, 45, 79, 224, 290
single-bit woodsman’s, 128, 132
squaw, 128, 141
Ax blades, 128
Axhead, hand-forged, 77 (fig. )
iron, 48, 62, 76, T7 (fig.)
Axle, wagon, 133
Axle-howsings, wagon, 133
Bad River, 8, 86 (map), 90, 91, 93, 95,
100, 103, 104, 110, 111, 118
Bagby, Loniel B., Jr., 167
Baked clay items, miscellaneous, 284—
286
Bakery, 176 (fig.), 177, 186
Baldwin, Gordon C., 12, 166
Bale seal, lead, 276, 290
salloon framing, architectural design,
197, 198
dalls, rifle, 260, 262, 266, 269, 289
Bangles, 272, 290
Barbed wire, 224
Barley, cultivated, 37
Barn, 177, 178
Barracks, South, 176 (fig.), 178, 179,
181, 182, 183, 184, 187-193, 189
(fig.), 207, 209
Barrel, 189 (fig.), 191
Barrel hoops, iron, 48, 191
Bastion (or blockhouse), 257, 292
Battery, dry-cell, 136
Bauser, Friedrich, 254
Bauxar, J. Joseph, 163
Bazin, Xavier, cosmetic manufacturer,
139
Beads, 247, 248, 265, 266, 278-282, 290
barrel, 280
bone, 286
Cornaline d’Aleppe, see
Bay beads.”
eylindrical or cannon, 280-281
glass trade, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63 (figs.),
64, 78, 80, 81, 111, 124, 125, 128,
141-148, 228, 259, 260, 266, 279,
290
“Hudson
323
324
Beads—Continued
“Hudson Bay,” 62, 64, 81
large, 279-280
metal, 145, 281
native, 230
opaque, 280
seed, 64, 142, 266, 278, 281-282
shell, 145, 280
“star,” see “Hudson Bay beads.”
trade value of, 64
translucent, 279
types of, 63 (figs.), 64, 81
Beams, charred, 57, 58, (fig.), 59
Beans, cultivated, 170
Bear, 248
Bear Butte, 101
Bear’s Rib, Dakota Chief, murder of,
95, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105
Beaubien, Paul L., 12, 242, 272
Beaver, 248
Beaver Creek, Emmons County, N. Dak.,
105
Beaver hides, 97, 250
Beets, cultivated, 170
Bell, brass, 282, 290
Belt fastener, 225
Bibeock (spigot), 184
Bibliography, 47-48, 81-82
Big Bend, Missouri River, 13, 32
Big Bend Reservoir project, 6
Big Mound, 106
Big Mouth, Indian Chief, 36
Big Sioux River, 153, 251
Bijou’s trading post, 12, 17
Birchbark, rolled, 276
Birds, 62, 248
Bison, 32, 248
Bison bison (bison), 301
Bissonette, fur trader, 253
Bisonette’s trading post, 17
“Bitters,” 223
Blackfoot Indians, 101
Blacksmith shop, 43, 44
discards from, 78, 79
Black Hills, 33, 94
Blade, iron, 43, 44
Blockhouse, 94, 113, 117, 118, 121, 122.
PAD PAS h, PAPZ
Blocks, children’s, 228
Boards, 216
Boats, Mackinaw, 169
Bobcat, 301, 302
Bodmer, Carl, 89, 98, 99
Bolt catch, 270
Bolton, Herbert Eugene, 7
wagon, 133
Bolts, iron, 79, 228, 267, 275, 288
Bone, cut, 46
worked, 230
Bone fleshers, toothed, 44
Bone fragments, 62, 79, 128, 125, 229
Bones, animal (food refuse), 144, 258,
262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 301-302
badger, 146, 301, 302
beaver, 146, 301, 302
bird, 258, 301
bison, 144, 301, 302
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL. 176]
Bones—Continued
buffalo, 59
dog, 146, 301, 302
packrat, 146
Bon Homme Settlement, 100
Boot model, fired clay, 36
Boot soles, square-toed, 44
Bottle opener, 221
Bottles, blown-glass, 299
broken, 40, 46, 66, 67, 125, 1384, 272
condiment, 223
flavoring extract, 224
glass, 136, 192, 213, 272
medicine, 1438, 209, 223, 272, 289
molded, 67, 68 (fig.), 78, 209
perfume, 227
wine, 67, 78, 148, 223, 272, 300
Bottle stopper, 136, 213
Bourgmont, explorer, 151
Bowl, mixing, 134
whiteware, 135, 222
Boxelder, 248
Braced framing, architectural design,
197
Bracelet, brass wire, 141
Brackets, metal, 228, 290
shelf, 218
steel bed, 213
Braid, gold (?), 282, 290
Branta canadensis (Canada goose), 301
Brass, articles of, 74, (fig. 75)
fragments of, 79, 275, 290
Brass works, 73
Breedon, Harold, 109, 126
Breedon, Jane R., 109
Breedon, Marjorie, 126
Breedon-Wagner buildings, 113
Breeling, Lutie T., 254, 287
Brickkiln, 18, 34 (fig.), 36
Bricks, 33, 34-85 (fig.), 36, 111, 122, 123
adobe, 124, 180-131, 172, 173, 174,
179, 180, 182, 188, 184, 185, 187,
188, 189, 190, 192, 193, 202, 207,
209; 215
kiln-fired, 131, 183, 184, 186,
188, 194, 195, 196, 197, 200,
204, 205, 215
trade, 36, 122, 123, 210
Briggs, Harold H., 7
Brignoli, Alltony, 109, 111
Brignoli claim shanty, 113
Briquettes, clay, 57, 58 (fig.), 59
Brown, Frederick, druggist, 143
Brown, Harry, husband of May R., 109
Brown, May Rooker, see May R. Miller.
Brown, Ralph D., 12
Brulé County, 8. Dak., 12, 32
Brulé Sioux Indians, 36, 99, 101
Buckles, belt, 212
harness, 133, 224
metal, 228
suspender, 139, 225
Bucksaw, 224
Buffalo County, S. Dak., 12, 32
Buffalo hides and robes, 97, 98, 104, 250
Buffalo tongues, 250
Buggy top, metal frame of, 127, 133
187,
202,
INDEX
Building materials, 172, 183, 188
Building pin, 218
Buildings, 258-262
Bullboats, 9, 169
Bullet moulds, 289, 291
Bullets, 141, 212, 236
conical, 35
Bull Pasture (32ML39), 164
Burbank, J. C. and Company, 175
Burcaw, G. Ellis, 164
Bureau of American Ethnology, 12, 31,
163
Bureau of Indian Affairs, 16
Burgess and Campbell, pottery manu-
facturers, 210
Burial, infant, 266, 291-292
Burial pit and burial, 266
Butcher’s steel, 221
Butter-churn fragments, 62
Butter pats, earthenware, 222
Buttonhook, 227
Button molds, 73
Buttons, 68-73, 80, 125, 140, 247, 265,
276-277, 290
bone, 79, 140, 277
brass, 68 (fig.), 69, 70 (fig.). 71, 72,
75, 79, 140, 276-277
“china,” 68 (fig.)
glass, 46, 68 (fig.), 140
hard rubber, 140
iron, 69
materials of, 68
metal, 140
mnilitary, 35, 125, 129, 187, 212, 225
“mother-of-pearl,” 68 (fig.), 69, 140
pewter, 72, 73, 79
porcelain, 78
shell, 79, 140
Butt plate, iron, 44
Cabbage, cultivated, 170
Cabinet (chest of drawers), 133, 219
Cache pits or wine cellars, 58, 60, 78
Caldwell, Warren W., 141
Campbell Creek, near Chamberlain,
Sa Wake adc
Camp Pleasant, 13
Canada goose, 301
Candlestick, 133, 220
Candy tongs, 222
Canis familiaris (dog), 301
Cannon, cast-iron, 263, 289, 291
Cannonball River, 146
Cannon carriage bolt, 289
Canoes, 9
Canteen, metal, 212
Cap box, 141, 213
Caps, military, 211
Carbines, 289
Burnside, 233
Carrey, Paul, map by, 93
Cartridge, Burnside, 233
Cartridge cases, brass, 74 (fig.), 79, 125
Cartridges, 40, 44, 74-75, 141, 212
center-fire, externally primed, 234—
235
center-fire, internally primed, 234
rim-fire, 234
320
Cartridges and bullets from Fort
Stevenson, 232-236
Cask lid, charred, 44
Castor canadensis (beaver), 301
Cat, domestic, bones of, 146
Catfish, 302
Catholic Encyclopedia,
from, 137
Catlin, George, 98, 99
Catlinite, 79, 125, 144-145
Cattle, 112
killed by Indians, 104
Cedar Fort, see Fort Recovery.
Cedar Island, see American Island.
Cedars, 32, 37
Eastern red, 42
Cellar A, 126
Cellar depressions, probable, 41, 117,
126, 127, 188, 189 (fig.), 191, 192,
194, 195 (fig.), 196, 197, 292
Cement, Portland, 192, 193
Central Route to Pacific Coast, 8
Cerré, Gabriel P. and Michel S., 91, 154
Cervus canadensis (elk), 301
Chain link, 275
Chains (log or wagon), 132, 228
Chairs, 219
Chalkstone, fragmentary, 57 (fig.), 58
Challinor, Edward, pottery maker, 135
Chamberlain, 8S. Dak., 13, 16, 30 (map),
32, 76
Chamber pots, 220
Champe, Dr. John L., 55
Chantier Creek, 86 (map), 92, 93, 119
Chapman, Clifford, 242
Charbonneau, Toissant, 253
Charcoal, 42, 57, 58, 59, 61, 120, 123,
124, 262, 263, 265, 266
Charcoal-filled pits and depressions,
262-263
Charger, Martin, see Waneta.
Charles Mix County, S. Dak., 12, 31,
ays alin
Chen hyperboreus (snow goose), 301
rossi (Ross’s goose), 301
Cheyenne Indians, 165
Cheyenne River, 146
Cheyenne River Agency, 11
Cheyenne River Reservation, 146
Chimney, 119, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189
(fig.), 191, 198, 194
Chimney, stick-mud, 58, 80, 258, 288
Chimney base, 204
China, Rockingham ware, 78
China, Staffordshire, 66, 73, 135
China and earthenwares, 66, 78
Chinaware sherds, 33, 34, 36, 37, 40, 41,
46, 62, 66, 135, 222
Chinking, burned, 42, 111, 114, 124, 125,
130, 256, 258, 261, 262, 266, 270-
271, 287, 288
Chisel, iron, 48, 132, 224
Chittenden, Hiram M., 8, 13, 14, 15, 17,
98, 173, 250, 251, 255
Chittenden, Hiram H., and Richardson,
Alfred T., 98
information
326
Chokecherries, wild, 248, 269
pits of, 144
Choppers, 284, 285 (fig.), 291
Chouteau, 86 (map, area of Fort
Pierre II, S. Dak.)
Chouteau, P., Jr., operator of fur com-
pany, 87, 96, 98, 103, 120, 128,
129, 154, 250
Churn cover, stoneware, 223
Cistern, cement, 189 (fig.), 192, 193
Civilian goods, 251-229
Clamp, 222, 229
Clark, Dean, E., 166
Clay, adobe, 124
burned, 56, 58, 263
Claymore, Basil (or Clement), 95, 104,
105
Clevis, from wagon, 45, 133
Clinker, 229
Clocks, 220
Cloth, fragments, 277-278, 290
Clothespin, wooden, 222
Clothing and footwear, 225,
Coal, lignite, 132, 171
Coffee grinder, 134, 189 (fig.), 192, 221
Coffeepot, 134
Coins, U.S. silver, 125, 187-138, 226
Columbia Fur Company, §, 15, 90, 91,
154, 247, 250-255, 256, 290
Comb, 139, 227
ornamental, 139
Commanding Officer’s Quarters, 178,
185, 198, 200, 201-208, 203 (fig.)
Commissary storehouse, 193-198
Committee on Historic Sites of the Mis-
sissippi Valley Historical Asso-
ciation, 155
Community plan activity, 78
Concretion, natural, 145
Condiment jar, 143
Congregational Missions, 11
Construction materials and building
hardware, 130-132, 215-218
Containers, hard rubber, 229
Cooper, Paul L., 12, 13, 36, 37, 163, 166
Copper, articles of, 74, 75
fragments of, 79
Cork, natural, 224
Corkscrew, portions of, 45
Cornecobs, 263
Corner plate, 218, 229
Cornfield, 33, 34
Coronado, explorer, 7
Corps of Engineers, Bureau of Recla-
mation, 5, 18, 19
Garrison District, 166
United States Army, 31, 94, 99, 108,
109, 110, 112
Corral stockade, 38 (fig.), 117
Corset stays, steel, 225
Cosmetic jars, 159
Cots, metal, 185
Cotterpin, 229
Jottontail, 144
Cottonwoods, 32, 33, 37, 38 (fig.), 39,
AD, 80; AOI AGO Site VO eon,
200, 202, 205, 248
276-278
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL. 176]
Coues, Elliott, 7
Council Bluffs, 251
Counter balance, 224
Cover knobs, 222
Covers and lids, 229
Cow rib, 45
Crandell, Dwight R., 111
Crazy Dog, Indian scout, 107
Cree Indians, 253
Cribbing, oak, 43
Crock, earthenware, 44, 66
stoneware, 44
Crow Creek Reservation, 138, 30 (map)
Crow Indians, 102, 253
Cruet stopper, 223
Culbertson, Alexander, 97
Culin, Stewart, 45
Cup and saucer, 271, 289
Cups, 135, 221, 222, 271, 300
Cynomys (Prairie dog), 301
Dakota City, 44
Dakota City Herald, 44, 45
Dakota City Pottery, 44
Dakota Indians, 19, 91, 95, 99, 101, 102,
106
Dakota Land Boom, 33
Dakota Territory, 99, 100
Dead Buffalo Lake, 106
Decorations, 45, 65
Deer, 45, 144, 248, 301, 302
Deer hides, 250
Defense, 267
DeLand, Charles #., 89, 90, 91, 93, 94,
95, 96, 104, 108, 110
Denig, Edwin T., 145
Dentalia, 143
Department of Anthropology, Univer-
sity of Nebraska, 55
Department of School and Public
Lands, South Dakota, 94
Desk frames, cast-iron, 186, 214
Devil’s Lake region, 106
Dewell, Nathaniel, 166
Dick, Everett N., 10
Dietz, Harold, 242
Dinner plates, 222
Dishes, doll, 228
glazed earthenware, 271, 288, 289,
291
Dole, W. P., 102
Doil, china, foot of, 125, 139, 228
head of, 228
legs of, 274, 290
Domestic furnishings and utensils, 218-
224
Dominoes, 210, 227
Door:
fittings, 218
handles, 217
hanger, iron, 261
hook, iron, 48, 261, 270
knobs, 217
locks, 217, 288
roller, 218
sills, 114, 205, 216
springs, 218
INDEX
Doors, 67, 80, 187, 216
plank, 62
Dormatory, South Barracks, 189 (fig.)
Douglas Creek, 168, 170
Drill bit, 224
Dropped shot, lead, 79
Drumm, Stella, M., 8, 19
Dunkle, David H., 241, 302
Dunn County, N. Dak., 12
Earbob, 141
Earring, brass, 59, 75, 79
Earth, fire-baked, 35, 42, 48
Harthenware, brown-glaze bottles, 78
brown-glaze crocks, 78
English cream, 299
English white, 300
fragments, 46, 111, 128, 125, 265
glazed, 247, 266, 299-300
green—glaze crocks, 78
Staffordshire, 299, 300
white (“Ironstone’’), 191, 196, 210,
222
Eckhart, Charles F., 44
Eggbeater, 221
Elbowoods, town, 164, 193
Indian dance hall at, 11
Elk, 32, 45, 248, 301, 302
Emery, Irene, 241
HWngels, Lavinia, white captive, 107
English, 1st Sgt. A. M., 106
Episcopal Missions, 11
Excavations, 35-86, 37-40, 42-44
Fabrics, 225
Falstad, Mrs., of Garrison, owner of
photograph of Fort Stevenson,
201
Farm buildings, 113
Farm Island, 86 (map), 94, 108
Fastener, threaded, 229
Faucets, 218
Faunal remains, 286, 301-302
Figurine or vase, china, 139, 220
Files, metal, 40, 45, 132, 224, 274, 290
Firearms, fragments of, 125, 141, 289
Firehearths, 78, 124
Firepits, 59, 62, 78
Fireplace, 119, 124, 203 (fig.), 204, 258,
259, 261, 262, 288
chalkstone, 42, 57 (fig.), 78, 90
Fireplace tongs, fragments, 79
Fishbones, 62, 302
Fitting, threaded, 229
Flakes, modified, 284
Flandreau Settlement, 100
Flasks, whiskey, 1438-144, 209
Flatboats, 9
Flesher, elk metapodial, 265, 285 (fig.),
286, 291
Fleshing tool, 285 (fig.), 286
Flickinger, Frederick C., 169
Flint, “Knife River,” 230, 283
Flintlock hammer, 267-268, 289
Flints, gun, 125, 141, 265, 268, 289, 290
Flood-Control Act of 1944, 5
327
Flooring planks, 58, 125, 184, 210, 258,
288
Floor joists, 42, 124, 125, 288
Floors, oaken, 42
Folmer, Henry, 7
Folwell, William W., 106
Food, fragments of, 62
Food containers, metal, 143
Food mill, 221
Footing, stone masonry, 182-183, 192,
194
Ford, Grace Horney, 69, 71, 72
Forges, 81
chalkstone, 43
Fork, basting, 221
three-tined, 40, 45, 123, 134, 221
Forsyth, Thomas, 97
Fort Atkinson, see Fort Berthold II.
Fort aux Cedres, Missouri Fur Com-
pany, 14
Fort Bennett I, 19, 148
Fort Bennett II, 19
Fort Benton, 97, 104, 106, 174
Fort Berthold, vii, 8, 12, 18, 19, 97, 173,
254
Fort Berthold I, vii, 17, 18, 19, 98, 116,
138, 148, 153, 248, 257, 260, 286,
292
Fort Berthold II, vii, 17, 18, 19, 122,
124, 134, 137, 188, 141, 143, 144,
145, 148, 153, 164, 248, 260, 286,
292
Fort Berthold Congregational Mission,
11
Fort Berthold Indian Agency, 9, 163
Fort Berthold Indian Reservation, 163
Fort Brasseaux, see Fort Recovery.
Fort Buford, 11, 148, 173, 201
Fort Clark, on Knife River, 8, 97, 148,
153, 154, 178, 247, 250, 252
Fort Galpin, 86 (map), 94, 95, 120, 122
Fort George, 86 (map)
Fort George Island, 86 (map)
Fort Hale (39LM52), 12, 16, 17, 30
(map), 82, 33, 41, 46
Fort Hale Bottoms, 14, 15, 56
Fort John, see Fort Lamarie.
Fort Kiowa, see Fort Lookout.
Fort Laframboise, 8, 86 (map), 95, 96,
102, 107
Fort Laramie, 8, 36, 188, 172, 174, 175
Fort Lookout, 12, 14, 15, 16, 30 (map),
32, 33, 57 (fig.), 58 (fig.), 60
(fig.), 97, 251
Fort Lookout I, see Fort Kiowa.
Fort Lookout II (89LM57), 15, 16, 17,
55-82, 153
Fort Lookout ITI, 15, 16
Fort Lookout IV, identified by Garth,
LGA 3G
Fort Lookout Military and Trading
Posts (89LM57), 46, 49-82
Fort Lookout Trading Post I, vi, 8, 9,
14, 15, 56, 61, 78, 80
Fort Lower Brulé (89LM53), 12, 16, 17,
30 (map), 32, 33, 42-46, 148
Fort Mandan, 152, 173
Fort Manuel Lisa, 19
328
Fort McPherson, 64
Fort Mortimer, 174
Fort Orléans, 151
Fort Osage, near Independence, Mo.,
151, 152, 154
Fort Peck Reservoir, 18
Fort Pierre, 8, 9, 32, 86 (map), 91, 92,
93, 95
Fort Pierre II (3981217), vi, 19, 86
(map) 87-158
discussion, 146-151
recommendations, 151-155
Fort Pierre Chouteau, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91,
92, 98, 94, 97, 98, 110, 118, 119,
120, 122, 128, 129, 147, 148, 151,
153
Fort Pierre City, County seat, 108
Fort Primeau, 86 (map), 96
Fort Randall (Site 89GR15), 9, 11, 12,
13, 15, 17, 30 (map), 32, 33-36,
94, 99, 100, 103, 106, 120
excavation at, 34-35
Fort Randall Chapel, 11, 33
Fort Randall Dam, 18, 32, 33, 34
Fort Randall Reservoir, v, vi, 6, 10, 11,
13, 18, 25-49
Fort Randall Reservoir area, 30 (map),
79, 148, 158
Fort Randall steamboat landing, 12
Fort Recovery, 8, 12, 14, 17, 46-47
Fort Rice, 9, 147, 148
Fort Ridgely (Minnesota), 188
Fort Stevenson, vi, 9, 12, 16, 131, 137,
167, 159-2389, 280-232
excavations of individual sites, 180—
209
fragments from Fort Stevenson, un-
identified, 222—223
foreword on, 163-164
general observations, 167-180
ground plan, 176 (fig.)
Fort Sully I, 19, $4, 106, 108, 128, 129,
148 (map), 86
Fort Sully II, 19
Fort Tecumseh, 86 (map), 91, 97, 251
Fort Thompson, 13, 55
Fort Totten, 175, 201
Fort Union, 8, 97, 118, 148, 148, 151, 158,
154, 173 174, 247, 254, 255, 267
(fig. )
Fort Vanderburgh, 252
Fort Vermillion, 97
Fort Whetstone, 17
Fort William, 174
Fort Yates, 19
Framing, timber, 185
Frankford Arsenal, Philadelphia, 40
Franklin’s gull, 301
Fremont, John C., 98
French Fur Trading Company, 55, 61,
ro a 259
French Post, see Fort Lookout.
Friedmann, Dr. Herbert, bones iden-
tified by, 229, 241, 301
Frontier white cultures, 18
Frost, Donald McKay, 15
Fruit pits, 144
Fruits, wild, 248
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL. 176]
Frying pan, 44
“spider,” cast-iron, 228
Funnel, 221
Fur trade, 8
Fur trading posts, 32, 88
Furnace, sheet-steel, 196
Furnace shaker, 196
Furniture and household articles, 1838-
136
Gadwall, 301
Gallineaux, Davis, 104, 105
Galpin, Charles E., agent, 92, 93, 94,
95, 96, 100, 105, 128, 129
Galpin’s Camp, 86 (map), 93
Gaming pieces, glass, 230
glazed earthenware, 125, 145
Gardner, Elmer R., 90
Garrison City, N. Dak., 163, 166, 178
Garrison Creek, 166, 168, 172
Garrison Dam, 16, 18, 163, 166
Garrison District, 166
Garrison Reservoir, v, vi, vii, 6, 10, 11,
12, 17, 147, 163, 166, 231
Garrison Reservoir area, 163, 164, 165
Garth, Thomas R., vi, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18,
33, 37, 42, 46, 47, 56, 57, 62
Gauze, hospital, 213
Gavins Point Reservoir, 10, 11, 108, 112
General Land Office, plat of township,
94, 109, 110
Ghent, W. J., 8
Giddings, Larry, 90
Giddings, Richard, 242
Gidieon, Sigfried, 197
Ginger jars, Chinese porcelain, 66, 78
Glass, 67-68 (fig.), 78
dishes and plates of, 223
fragments of, 33, 34, 36, 37, 40, 111,
187, 259, 265
goblets and tumblers, 223
plate, 299
window panes of, 187, 192, 216, 261,
270, 299
Glassware, fragments, 62, 67, 68 (fig.)
Glazed Earthenware and Glass from
Kipp’s Post, by Malcolm C. Wat-
kins, 299-300
Goldmark, J., manufacturer of ammu-
nitions, 141
Goodrich, B. F., maker of slide-fasten-
ers, 139
Grain, burned, 388 (fig.), 40, 41
Granary, 207
Grandmother’s Lodge (site 32MEH59),
165
Grand River, 19, 106, 151, 252, 253
Grand River Indian Agency, 9, 19
Graveyard, 41
Gravy boat, 222
Great Plains, exploration of, 7
Green Bay, on Lake Michigan, 251
Green-winged teal, 301
Gregg, Josiah, 137
Gregory County, S. Dak., 12, 31, 32,
37
Griddle, 134, 221
Grillwork, lead, 229
34,
INDEX
Grinding slab, 230
Gros Ventres, see Hidatsa Indians.
Grouse, sharp-tailed, 301
Grus canadensis (sandhill crane), 301
Guard house, 175, 176 (fig.), 179, 198,
201
Guidon, wooden, 212
Gun, buffalo, barrel of, 438
Gun barrel, octagonal, 44
Gun flint, 266, 268, 289
Gun fragment, 126
Gunpowder, 291
Gun worms, 268
Gutter, tin, 216
Hackett, Charles F., 16
Hafen, LeRoy R., and Rister, Carl
Coke, 8
Hafen, LeRoy R., and Young, Francis
M., 173, 174
Hammer, tack, 224
Hammerstones, 144, 284, 291
Handle, door, 131
metal, 229
pail and tub, 222
pot, iron, 79
Handy’s Point, suppesed site of Fort
Randall, 18
Hardware, metal, 183
Hardwood, building material, 130
Harkness, Jamés, 106, 107
Harmonicas, 227
Harness and farriery, 132-133, 224
Harness ornaments, 224
Harness ring and strap, 224
Harney, General, commander of U.S.
troops, 8, 14, 32, 91, 98, 101, 102,
1038
Harpoon, wrought-iron, 266, 269, 289
Harris, Edward, 89, 118
Hartle, Donald D., 164
Harvey Fur Company, 154
Hasps, 76, 218, 261
Hat emblem, brass, 44, 136
Hatchets, 224
Hats, black felt, 209
Hay, burned, 38 (fig.), 40
Hayden, Ferdinand V., 99, 100, 144
Hearth areas, 57, 58 (fig.)
Heart River, 147
Hecker, Thad C., 255
Henry, Tyler, manufacturer of fire-
arms, 74
Hidatsa Indians, 95, 165, 263
Hide scraper, iron, 44
Hinges, 62, 79
butt, 77, 78 (fig.)
butterfly style, 131
door, 1381
iron, 76, 77, 218
strap, 46, 77, 133, 218
Historie American Buildings Survey,
atl
Historic aspect, trait list, 78-79
Historie Sites Act, 9
Historie sites archeology in the Fort
Randall Reservoir, South Da-
kota, 25-48, by John E. Mills
329
Historie sites archeology on the Upper
Missouri, 5-28, by Merrill J.
Mattes
Historie sites investigations, 13-19
Historical background, 90-108
Hitching rack, 261, 264
Hoe, iron, 43, 44, 224
Hoekman, Steven, 10, 19
Hoffman, C. W. 263
Hog, domesticated, 144
Holley, Francis C., 100
Hones, amorphous sandstone, 79
Hooded merganser, 301
Hooks, brass, 139, 229
door, 270
garment, 139, 218
iron, 79, 131, 218
Hoop, iron from wagon tongue, 45
Horse, articulated skeleton of, 127, 146
Horse bit, 275, 290
Horses, 112
Horses and dogs, killed by Indians, 105
Horseshoes, 132, 224
Hospital, 176 (fig.), 177, 178, 179, 180-
187, 193, 207, 208, 209
rooms of, 185-186
Household goods, equipment, ete., 271-
276
Houseknecht, Byron, 167
House-site A, 117, 119, 121, 122, 123,
IPAS, UB 1833
House-site B, 114, 117, 119, 124, 128, 182
House-site C, 115, 117, 126
Housing and construction materials,
269-271
Howard, James H., 17, 40, 164
Howell, Bvt. Maj. C. W., 171
Hubbell and Hawley, owners of North-
western Fur Co., 107
Hudson’s Bay Company, 64, 98
Hughes County, 8S. Dak., 12, 94, 108
Human bones, 145
Human teeth, 265
Hunkpapa Creek, 19
Hunting and other subsistence activi-
ties, 267, 269
Huscher, Harold A., 90
Hutterite Mill near Tabor, 11
Ice gliders, 43, 45
Ice skates, 227
Tctalurus (catfish), 302
Implements, tools and, 132, 224
Indian school goods, 214
Indian School period, 210
Inkwells, 214 , 220
Insignia, military, 211—212
Insulator, electrical, 136
Inter-Agency archeological and paleon-
tological salvage program, yv, 31,
55, 163
Iowa Cavalry, 6th, 107
Iowa Infantry, 7th, 107
Towa Infantry, 41st, 107
Iron fragments, 37, 41, 42, 48, 44, 45,
(Pe 7 (aE) etek (Cities)
229, 266
46,
19;
330
Jackknife, 125
Jackrabbit, 144
Jardiniere, pottery, 154
Jar lids, 221
Jars, jam, 66, 223
Jennings, Jesse D., 12
Jet burner, metal, 228
Joists, timber, 124, 125, 191, 192, 258,
259
Jugs, stoneware, 134, 223
Kahler, Herbert E., historian, 5
Kane, Lucille M., 16, 17, 107, 241
Kansas River, 153
Kell, Barbara, information from, 120,
128
Kennebec, 8. Dak., 55
Kettles, cast-iron, 79, 134, 291
fragments of, 62, 78
Keys and key-plates, 218
Killdeer Mountains, 106
King, Jack, 42, 43
King, Mary Elizabeth, 241
Kingsbury, George W., 16
Kipp, James, 91, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255,
9
Kipp’s Post, Archeological fieldwork at,
255-256
archeology of the site, 256-266
architectural details, major, 287—
288
conclusions and discussion, 286-292
deseription of, 248-249 (map)
See also Site 32MN1.
entrance to, 257
faunal remains from, 301-302
glazed earthenware from, 299-300
historical background, 250
reconstruction of, 246 (fig.)
site and structures, 286-287
trading post, vi, 12, 17, 19, 147,
153, 165, 173, 241-302
Kitchen at Fort Stevenson, 177, 189
(fig.), 191, 204; 205, 258, 262, 288
Kitchen vise, 221
Kivett, Marvin, F., 163, 167, 242
Kleinsasser, Glenn, 17, 164
Knife, pocket, 188, 226
stone, 144
table, 220-221
wooden-handled, 40, 134
Knife River, 8, 250, 251, 252, 287
Knives, 291
Bijou quartzite, 79
blades, 41, 79
fragments, iron, 77
handles, 41, 77, 79
Knobs, door, 132
Kolthoff, K. Anton, 55
Kuipers, Peter, 90
Kurz, Rudolph F., 97, 174
La Barge, fur trader, 15, 16, 55, 61, 95,
96
La Barge, Harkness and Company, fur
traders, 95, 96, 107
La Barge trading post, 58 (fig.), 66, 81
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLu. 176]
Laboratory of Anthropology, Univer-
sity of Nebraska, 5
Labouré, Catherine, saint, 137
Laframboise, Frank, trader, 95, 107
Laframboise, Joseph, trader, 90, 95
Laframboise Island, 86 (map), 90
Laframboise’s post, 91
Laidlaw, William, 91, 97, 251, 252
Lake Andes, 8. Dak., 30 (map), 31
Lake Michigan, 251
Lake Shetek, 105
captives, liberation of, 105
Lake Traverse, 251, 252, 253, 290
Lamont, partner in American Fur Co.,
251
Lamps, 219-220
La Plant, Louis, 104, 105
Laramie River, 173
La Rocque, Fred, 241, 281
Larpenteur, Charles, 254, 255
Larus delawarensis (ring-billed gull),
301
pipizcan (Franklin’s gull), 301
Latches and hasps, 218
Lathrop, William G., 137
Latrines, 208, 209, 225, 261, 262, 264,
292
Latta, Samuel N., 95, 102
La Vérendrye Brothers, explorations
OL NG
Lead, articles of, 74, 75°
fragments of, 79, 269, 288
strips of, 75
Leavenworth, Colonel, 19, 252
Leavenworth Expedition, 8, 32, 47
Lee, Col. Francis, 36
Lee, R. F., historian, 5, 9
Letter seal handle, turned bone, 274, 290
Lettuce, cultivated, 170
Level, 224
Lewis, Berkeley R., 141
Lewis, Meriwether, supposed grand-
father of Waneta, 105
Lewis, Meriwether, and Clark,
Ue ale;
Lewis and Clark Expedition,
12, 18, 19, 32, 147, 250,
Lid, iron, 78
Lignite (coal), 182, 171, 184, 192, 209,
266
Like-a-Fishhook, Arikara-Hidatsa-Man-
dan village, vii, 17, 18, 19, 144,
148, 164, 248, 257, 260, 263
Lime, 187
Limestone, dressed, 274
Linehpin, 183
Lisa, Manuel, fur trader, 8, 250
Lisa-Immel party, 32
Literature cited, 20-23, 155-158, 292-293
Little Cheyenne Creek, Potter County,
S. Dak., 107
Living structures, 43
Lockets, 226
Lock fragment, 270
Logan, Herschel C., 282
Log cabins, 62, 258, 259, 261, 265,
Log molds, 78
William,
7, 8; 11;
269, 289
288
INDEX
Logs, round, 258, 260
Lophodytes cucullatus (hooded mer-
ganser), 301
Lovell, Capt. C. S., 128
Lower Brulé Indian Agency (Site
39LM54), 9, 12, 16, 30 (map), 32,
33, 41, 42, 46
Lower Brulé Indian Reservation, 13, 14,
16, 30 (map), 46, 56, 61
Lower Brulé Subagency, 41
Lyman County, S. Dak., 12, 32, 41, 42,
46, 56
Lyne (bobeat), 301
Lyon, Capt. Nathaniel, builder of Fort
Lookout, 14
Madison, Lee G., 164, 166, 167, 241
Magazine, 176 (fig.), 186
Mallard, 301
Mallery, Garrick, 90
Malouf, Carling, 164, 165
Mandan-Hidatsa-Arikara alliance, 17
Mandan-Hidatsa trade, 251
Mandan Indians, 165, 173, 252, 253, 254,
255, 263
Mandan Villages, 8, 252, 287
Marble, child’s, 139, 228
Masonry footing, stone, 189
Match box, 222
Matches, 222
Mathews, Mitford M., 174, 197
Mattes, Merrill J., historian, National
Park Service, Omaha, Nebr., v,
vi, 9; 10; 1, 135945)15,117, 18,3,
46, 55, 79, 166
Historic Sites Archeology on the
Upper Missouri, 1-23
Matthews, Washington, 170, 171
Mattison, Ray H., v, vi, 10, 11, 12, 16,
17, 19, 55, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 95,
96, 108, 118, 147, 164, 166, 167,
168, 169) 1.735) 1753, 177, 1:79) 180!
181, 182, 184, 185, 188, 193, 198,
232
Matting, burned, 88 (fig.), 40, 41
checkerboard weave, 40
wickerwork weave, 40
Mauls, 247, 284, 285 (fig.), 291
Maximilian, Prince, 89, 98
Maynadier, Lt. Henry E., 99
McDonnell, Anne, 88, 143
McEvoy, Fred, 242
McKearin, George S. and Helen, 136
McKenzie, Kenneth, 91, 251, 254, 255
McKenzie County, N. Dak., 12
McLean County, N. Dak., 12, 248
Mechanical equipment, use of, 115-116
Medal, religious, 137
Medary Settlement, 100
Medical supplies, 213
Medicine Knoll Creek, 86 (map)
Medicines, patent, 143
Menu holder, 222
Mephitis (skunk), 301
Mercer County, N. Dak., 12
Mess forks, 212
Mess plates, metal, 191, 192, 209, 210,
221
ool
Mess room, South Barracks, 189 (fig.),
191
Metal fragments, 34, 36, 40, 58,
A e229)
Metcalf, George, 166, 167, 241
Meyers, Augustus, 9, 14
Midden pits, basin-shaped, 59, 78
Mih-Tutta-Hang-Kush, Mandan village,
252
Military goods, 136-137, 211-214
Miller, Carl F., vi, 16, 46, 153
The excavation and investigation of
Fort Lookout Trading Post II
(389LM57) in the Fort Randall
Reservoir, South Dakota, 49-82
Miller, May R., 109
Miller, Ruth W., 55
Mills, John E., vi, 17, 148
Historical sites archeology in the
Fort Randall Reservoir, South
Dakota, 31-48
Millwork, 210
Miniconjou subdivision of Tetons, 101,
78, 79,
“Minie ball,’ 35
Minnesota Historical Society, 241
Minnesota River, 90, 104, 251
Minnesota Valley, 106
Mirror, fragments, 227, 271, 289
Mississippi River, 251
Mississippi Valley Historical Associa-
tion, 10
Missouri Basin Project, 56, 87, 112, 147,
GA GG AGiHelioy plo) 187,
199, 241
Missouri Fur Company, 14, 252
Missouri Historical Society, records of,
119, 128
Missouri River, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 16, 31,
82, 34, 37, 90, 91, 93, 94, 108, 147,
153, 168, 169, 170, 248, 251, 286
Missouri River Basin, 5, 6, 7-9, 86
(map), 89
Missouri River Basin Project, 10, 11,
12,93
Missouri River Division, 18
Missouri River History, 11
Missouri River Reservoir area, 10, 11,
Mobridge, 19, 147
Molding, wooden, 216
Montana State University, 165
Montgomery, Maj. W. B., 93
Mooney, James, 7
Moore, N. Hudson, 72, 73
Mophead and clamp, 222
Morgan, Dale L., 10, 15, 19
Morsette, Fred, 242
Mortar, adobe-clay, 122, 183, 184, 202,
04.
lime, 131, 182, 188, 184, 190, 191,
192, 195, 196, 200, 215
Mortar strips, 34 (fig.), 35
Mountrail County, N. Dak., 12, 241, 248
Mower blades, 133
Muffin pan, 221
Murray County, Minn., 105
332
Museum of Natural History, University
of Kansas, 164
Mush Creek, 86 (map)
Musket balls, 75, 79
Muskrat, 301, 302
Mycteria americana (wood ibis), 301
Myers, Frank, 107
Nails, 121, 123, 126, 126, 216, 217, 259,
265, 266, 269, 288
case-hardened, 76
hand-cut, 79, 80, 81
iron, 261
square, 39, 40, 41, 42, 58, 59, 60, 76,
81
wrought-iron, 46, 76, 79, 80
National Archives, library of, 10, 98,
100, 166, 193
National Park Service, Department of
the Interior, 5, 6, 9, 18, 19, 55,
79, 87, 88, 89, 144, 165, 241, 242
National Park Service, Omaha, Nebr.,
Wee ay ayauls tay hOB is }55
National Park Service, Region Two
Office, 31, 55, 155, 166, 167, 179,
187, 199, 241
National Park Service and
Basin, 9-12
National Park System, functions of, 9
National Trust for Historical Preserva-
tion, 155
Nebraska Cavalry, 2d, 107
Nebraska State Historical Society, 44,
100, 168, 242
Nebraska Territory, 100
Neckyoke, 224
Needles, 73
New Fort Pierre,
ye
New Fort Sully (site 39SL45), 108
Nicollet, Joseph N., 97, 98
Night-Walker’s Butte, 164
North Dakota Historical Society, vi,
vii, 17, 18, 164, 165, 170, 179, 241,
242, 255
North West Company of Montreal, 90,
250
Northwestern Fur Company, 107
Missouri
see Fort Pierre
Oacoma, Lyman County, S. Dak., 30
(map), 41, 42, 46, 56
Oacoma Bench, see Camp Pleasant.
Oahe Area Office, C. E., 112
Oahe Chapel, 11
Oahe Dam, v, 19, 89, 95, 108, 111, 147
Oahe Dam area, 87-90
Oahe Reservoir, 10, 11, 19
area, 87, 88, 113, 153
Oahe Reservoir basin, vi, 6
Oaks, 37, 42
Objects of native manufacture, 283-—
286, 291
Objects recovered, 209-229
Odocoileus (deer), 301
Officer’s Quarters, 175, 176 (fig.), 177,
179, 180, 198-201
Officer’s Quarters, North, 198
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLu. 176]
Officer’s Quarters, South, 198-201, 199
(fig. )
Offices, 176 (fig. )
Oglala Sioux Indians, 36
Ojibwa Indians, 253
Omaha Indians, 32
Omaha, steamboat, 45
Ondatra (muskrat), 301
Onions, cultivated, 170
Oohenonpa subdivision of Tetons, 101,
1038
Orchard, William C., 64
Ordnance, 212-213
Ornaments, ear, 272, 290
Ousta (One that limps), killer of Bear’s
Rib, 105
Ox shoe, 182, 224
Paddle, wooden stirring, 58
Padlocks, 218
Page, Col. R. J. B., 166
Palisade, 287, 288
Papin, Pierre D., 91
P. D. Papin Company, 253
Paul, Duke of Wiirttemberg, 14, 32
Pawnee Indians, 7
Peach pits, 144
Peas, cultivated, 170
Pedioecetes phasianellus (Sharp-tailed
grouse), 301
Pemmican, 250
Pencil, chalk, 214
Pencil, slate, 186, 209, 214
Peoria Bottom, 96
Percussion caps, 58, 61, 75, 79
Personal possessions, excavated from
Fort Pierre II and Fort Steven-
son, 187-140, 225-228
Peterson, Mendel L., 74
Pettigrew, Frederick W., 109
Pewter fragments, 79
Philips, J. W., 109, 110
Picotte, Honoré, 91, 97, 100, 254
Pierre, S. Dak., 32, 147
Pig, skeleton of, 192
Pilcher, Joshua, 252
Pilcher’s Post, see Fort Recovery.
Pinmaking machine, 73
Pins, 73-74
brass, 73, 79, 189
safety, 228
straight, 272, 290
Pintles, door, 131, 261, 270
Pin tray, 220
Pipe-bowl, catlinite, 79, 125, 127, 144,
264
Pipe fittings, 218
Pipes, catlinite, 144, 248, 282, 290
pattern of, 65 (fig.)
probably French, 138
shale, 282-2838, 290
tobacco, 225-226
trade, 33, 35, 58, 64-66
Pipestem, clay, 33, 64, 65, 125, 188-139,
247, 259, 261, 263, 264, 265, 266,
272-274, 290, 291
Pirogues, boats, 9
INDEX
Pistols, horse, 289
pocket, 289
Pitchers, 222
Pits, charcoal filled, 262-2638, 264
large, 264-266
rectangular, 58, 59, 60 (fig.), 62,
78
small, 266
storage, 265, 292
Plaster, lime, 128, 215
wall, 46
Plate glass, bits, 127, 186
Plates, explanation of, 303-805
Platform, adobe-brick, 122, 123
Platte-North Platte-Sweetwater route,
7,9
Platte River, 8
Platters, 222
Plum, wild, 144, 248, 259, 269
Point (stone), 144
Political badge, brass, 227
Ponca Indians, 382, 33, 99
Poole, DeWitt C., 16
Pope, Annemarie H., 89
Porcelain doll leg, 41
Porch floor, wooden, 206, 207
Porcupine, 302
Post corral, 17
Postholes, square, 38 (fig.), 40, 124, 266
Post molds, 59, 258, 262
Post remains, 38, 41, 124, 256-257
Posts, cedar, 37, 38 (fig.), 39
cottonwood, 264
Potato cellar, 178, 183
Potatoes, cultivated, 170
Potsherds, Indian, 62, 291
Pottery, 144, 284, 291
Prairie dog, 301, 302
Prairie du Chien, Wis., 90, 251
Primeau, Charles, agent, 92, 95, 96, 101,
103, 104, 105, 154
Probe, surgical, 213
Projectile points, Mississippia type, 79
Prunus americana, 269
virginiana, 269
Pulley, 224
Punch, carpenter’s, 132
Puncheons, cottonwood, 258
Purse, coin, 226
Quaife, Milo M., 138
Quartermaster Office, 36, 176 (fig.)
Quartermaster Storehouse, 193
Quartzite, Sioux, 145
Rabbits, 62
Rafters, 42
Rafts, 108
Ramrods, 213, 268
Randall Creek, 33
Rathbone, Perry T., 89, 98
Raynolds, Capt. William W., 94, 99, 102
Red Cloud Indian Agency, 36
Red River of the North, 251, 290
Red Stone, Southern Assiniboin chief,
254
References cited, 236-238
Refuse pit, 257, 261, 262
Regimental property, 212
333
Register of Deeds, Stanley County, 109
Rehn, Clara, 166
Reid, Russell, 163, 179
Reid, Russell, and Gannon, Clell G., 15
Renville, Joseph, 251
Reports, list of, 8307-33
Ricketts, Robert R., 90
Rifles, 289
Allen alteration, 44, 75
Colt, 35, 40
Henry, 233
Remington, 233
Sharps, 233
sporting, 44
Springfield, 23
Winchester, 35, 40, 74, 75
Rimsherd, native pottery, 127, 13
Ring-billed gull, 301
Ringlike object, catlinite, 145
Rings, brass, 75, 141
finger, 259, 272, 290
iron, 40
metal, 229
River Basin Surveys, Smithsonian In-
stitution, vi, vii, 6, 9; 31,55, 56,
167, 255
River Basin Surveys Office, Lincoln,
Nebr., 3
Roberts) Prank Hi. a, Jr, oda sie do;
148, 166
Foreword, v—vii
Robinson, Doane, 101, 102, 103, 105
Robinson, Harry D., 12, 16, 19
Robinson, John W., 166, 172
Robinson, W. G., 95, 101
Rock Village site (82ME15), 164
Rocky Mountain Fur Company, 7
Rods, iron, 79, 229
Roof, dirt, 42, 43, 44, 62, 80
wooden, 42, 62, 80
Roofing, iron, 216
Rooms, remains of, 42
Root cellar, 184
Rope, three-ply, 40
two-ply, 276
Rosebud Indian Agency, 36
Rosebud Landing, 17
Ross’s goose, 301
Rousseau, Marcel C, 93
Rub bar from wagon, 45
Sacagawea, burial place of, 19
Safe-knob, 218
St. John’s Episcopal Church, 11
St. Louis, Mo., 106
St. Peter’s River, 251
Sampath, Hugh, 167
Sand, river, 38 (fig.), 39
Sandhill crane, 301
Sanish town, 163
Sans Ares subdivisions of Tetons, 101,
102, 103
Santee Dakota Indians, 104, 105, 106
Santee Indian Reservation, 11
Sauce dishes, 222
Saucers, 135, 222
Savings bank, 226-227
334
Saw, 224
meat, 221
Sawmills, 119
Seabbard, brass tip, 137, 213
Schumacher, Edward, 55
Scissors, apparently surgical, 185, 213,
1)
Seouring brick, 222
Scoville Company, manufacturers, 137
Serapers, end, 230, 284, 291
snub-nosed, 79
Screwdriver, 224
Serews, wood, 131, 217
Scythe, 224
Sealing wax, 274
Second Dragoons, 33
Second Infantry, 33
Seeds, 229, 269
Seven Mile Timber, 94
Shale, 248
Sharpe, Ex-Governor M. Q., 41, 55
Shells, center-fire, 35
mussel, 229
nut, 229
ornamental, 143
rifle, 44
shotgun, 228
Shingles, 187, 216
Shoe dauber, 227
Shoe heel, 140, 259
Shoes, boy’s, 209
complete, 278
fragments, 266
square-toed, 48, 209, 225
Shoe sole, leather, 46, 62
Shot, lead, 35, 75, 79, 261, 269
Shotgun shells, center-fired, externally
primed, 235-236
Shoulder seales, military, 211
Shoulder sling-plate, 212
Shovel, scoop, 196, 224
Sibley, Gen. Henry H., 106
Signal instruments, 214
Sills, timber, 123, 124, 125, 200, 202, 205,
206, 258, 259
Sinks, 176 (fig.), 208
butchering, 192
Sioux Agency, see Fort Lookout III.
Sioux City, 104, 120
Sioux Falls Settlement, 100
Sioux Indian Reservation, 109, 110
Sioux Indians, 7, 8, 14, 15, 17, 19, 32,
33, 79, 98, 102, 108, 106, 146, 165
Minnesota uprising of, 33
Sites:
39LM53 (Fort Lower Brulé), 148
389LM57 (Fort Lookout Trading
Post II), 56, 57 (fig.), 58 (fig.),
60 (fig.), 80, 81, 153
32ME15 (Rock Village site), 164
32ME16 (Star Village site), 164
32M B48, 164
32ME54, 164
32ME55, 164
32ME59 (Grandmother’s Lodge),
165
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLL. 176]
Sites—Continued
82ML1 (Fort Stevenson), 147, 159-
239
82ML2 (Fort Berthold I), 116, 122,
124, 153, 165
82ML2 (Like-A-Fishhook Village),
164, 257
82ML39 (Bull Pasture), 166
82MN1 (Kipp’s Post), 147, 153, 164,
241-302, 295-298 (list)
features at, list of, 295-298
32MN5, 165
32MN7, 165
32MN8, 165
382MN9, 165
382 MO26 (Slant Indian Village),
147
32MZ1, 165
89ST16 (Breedon earth-lodge vil-
lage), 111, 145
39S8T217 (Fort Pierre II), 106-112,
130, 146, 153
description of site, 108-112
Site units, other, 208-209
Skillet, 221
Skull fragments, human, 127, 145
Skunk, 301, 802
Slabs, cottonwood, 259
wooden, 265
Slant Indian Village (82MO026), 147
Slates, 214
Sleigh bells, 224
Smallpox, epidemic, 17
Smith, Carlyle 8., 35, 167, 241
Cartridges and bullets from Fort
Stevenson, North Dakota, 232-236
Smith, G. Hubert, vi, vii, 16, 17, 18, 44,
122, 131, 134, 138, 141, 142, 148,
145, 153, 164, 166, 241, 255, 267,
268, 269, 278
Archeological Investigations at the
Site of Fort Stevenson (32M1L1),
Garrison Reservoir, North Da-
kota, 159-289
Fort Pierre II (89ST217), a His-
toric Trading Post in the Oahe
Dam Area, South Dakota, 838-159
Smith, G. Hubert, and Wociworth, Alan
18) plese Oey
Smithsonian Institution, 5, 11, 12, 18,
19, 31, 36, 37, 41, 42, 44, 46, 47,
1638, 241
Snake Butte, Hughes County, 108
Snow goose, 301
Snuff jar, 226
Sod houses, 172
Soup plates, 222
South Dakota Department of Schools
and Public Lands, 109
Spade, blade of, 123, 124, 132
Spectacles, glass lenses, 227
Spikes, metal, 40, 48, 44, 121, 125, 1381,
217, 270
Spike shafts, iron, 76
Spool, thread, 228
Spoons, 221
serving, 134, 221
INDEX
Spotted Tail, Indian, 17
Sprews, 268-269
Spring Creek, 86 (map)
Springs, metal, 229
Spring scale, 222
Stanapat, Arikara chief, 252
Standing Rock Reservation, 19, 146
Stands, 219
Stanley County, S. Dak., 90, 108, 109
Stanton, N. Dak., 108, 112
Staples, fence, 224
iron, 76, 79, 80, 270, 275-276
Star Village site (32ME16), 165
State Historical Societies, files of, 10
See also North Dakota Historical
Society.
Stauffer, Alvin P., 36
Steamboats, 9, 101, 108, 118, 123
effect on fur trade, 97
Steel fragments, 229
Stephenson, Robert L., 12, 241
Foreword to Archeological Investi-
gations at Site of Fort Stevenson,
163-166
Stewart, Charles, 242
Stewart, Evelyn B., 166
Stewart, Leman, 242
Stockade, 287-288
Stockade trench, 256-257
Stockade walls, 19, 37, 38 (fig.), 39,
SONOA teeta la MeL LS.
119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 126, 173—
174, 256
Stocking fabric, knitted, 209
Stoke-on-Trent, pottery ware, 135
Stone, disk-shaped, 58
field, building material, 200
miscellaneous, 230
Stoneware, 66, 123, 223
Stony Lake, 106
Storage pit, 127, 128, 261, 288
Storehouse, 288
Storehouse, Commissary, 176 (fig.), 178
Storerooms, 118
Stove equipment, 219
Stove pipe, 133
Stoves, cast-iron, 123
cooking, 133, 197
heating, 184, 192
Stoves and furnaces, 218-219
Strap iron, 40, 79
Straw, burned, 41
Striker, door lock, 132
Stringers, burned, 60
Structures, 256-266
small, 39
Stuart, Robert, explorer, 7
Sublette and Campbell, 86 (map), 91
Subsistence, 143-144
Sully, Gen. Alfred, 106, 107, 108, 128,
129
Sully County, 108
Summary statements, 36, 41, 45, 79-81
Supply depot, 39, 41
Suspender fastener, 225
Swift Bear, Indian chief, 36
Syringes, glass, 185, 213
339
Tableware (whiteware), 135
Tabulating device (7), 136
Tacks, brass, 76, 79, 1438
iron, 79
Tanning, smoke, 263
Taxidea (badger), 301
Teapot, 135
Technological
78-79
Tecumseh, Shawnee leader, 91
Telegraph instruments, 214
Teton Indians, 99, 101, 106
Teton Post, 86 (map), 91
Teton River, see Bad River.
Teton Sioux Indians, 32
Textile Museum, Washington, D.C., 241
Thermometer, 136
Thimble, sewing, 228, 272, 289, 290
Thread, 139
Three Forks River, 154
Thwaites, Reuben G., 90, 254
Tilton, J. P., 251, 252, 253, 290
Tilton and Company, see Columbia Fur
Company.
Tilton’s Post, 252, 253
Timber remains, burnt, 113, 124, 126
Tin fragments, 229
Tinklers, 141, 272
Tinner’s hammer, 224
Tobacco label, 226
Tohp-Ka-Sinka, Mandan Chief, 253
Tonkalla (Mouse), killer of Bear’s Rib,
105
Tools, hide-dressing, 247
Tools and implements, 132, 224
Toothbrush, 227
Tortoise-shell ware, Rockingham, 66
Tower, 121
Toys, 228
cast-iron horse, 228
wheeled, 228
Trade goods, 141-143, 248,
290-291
storage of, 128
Traders, French, Spanish, and British,
and artistic activity,
278-283,
a
Trading posts, 80, 89, 129
Trail, Platte or Oregon, 8
Trap, animal, 141, 228
Trash pits, 200
Treaty of Fort Laramie, 102
Tree planting, 171
Tree section, 230
Trenches, exploratory, 113, 114, 124
hemispherical, 59, 60 (fig.)
intrusive, 34 (fig.), 35, 38 (fig.), 39
large, 263-264
offset, 115
parallel, 292
small, 264
stockade, 121, 261
Trivet, doll, 228
Trobriand, General Philippe Regis de,
AGO ATE 2 AGA fos ol Os lets
198, 201, 204, 207, 215, 230
Trudeau, Jean Baptiste, guide, 32
Trunks, locks of, 220
336
Tube, metal, 275
Tubing, glass, 229
Tumblers, glass, 123, 136, 271, 289, 299
Turnbuckles, 229
Turnips, cultivated, 170
Turnley, Capt. P. T., 92
Tweezers, 141
Twilight, steamer, 99
Two Kettle, see Oohenonpa subdivision.
Two Lance, Sioux warrior, 100
Unepapa subdivision of Tetons, 101
Uniforms and insignia, 211—212
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 167,
168, 169, 171
Upper Missouri Indian Agency,
Fort Lookout.
Upper Missouri Outfit, American Fur
Company, 91, 96, 120
Upper Missouri River, 9, 16, 19, 32, 99,
101, 174, 247, 250
Upper Missouri trading-post, 81, 107
Upper Plains Indian culture, 18
see
Valve, screw, 229
Vase, miniature, 220
Vegetable dishes, 222
Ventilators, wooden, 204
Vermillion settlement, 100
Vessels, glazed, 66
Vials, broken, 67, 78
Villasur party, explorers, 7
Wagner, Carl, 111
Wagner, Carl and Dale, owners of Fort
Pierre II, 109
Wagon furniture, 77, 79
Wagon iron, 43, 45, 77, 135
Walkways, graveled, 46
Wallet, leather, 226
Walls, 38 (fig.), 89, 189 (fig.), 190,
193, 195 (fig.)
Wandel, Joseph, 94, 95, 104, 108, 112
Waneta, Indian leader, 105, 106
War Department Records, 93
Warehouses, 118, 119
War of 1812, effect on Fur trade, 250
Warren, Lt. G. K., 93, 101, 102
Washers, 229
Watch chain, 226
Watches, pocket, 226
Water barrel, 43
Watkins, C. Malcolm, 66, 241
Glazed Harthenware and
from Kipp’s Post, 299-800
Weather conditions, 37
Wedel, Waldo R., 12
Wedge, 132
Weinreich, Bernard, 242
Well, 48
Wesley, Edgar R., 250
Wheat, cultivated, 37
Wheel, balance, 133
Whetstone, 134, 224
Whetstone Army Post, 30 (map), 382,
33, 36, 38 (fig.)
Whetstone Creek, 16, 17, 37
Glass
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BuLu. 176]
Whetstone Indian Agency, 9, 12, 16, 17,
30 (map), 32, 338, 36—41
Whetstone Indian Agency and Army
Post (Site 39GR4), 36-41
Whetstone Island, 36, 37
Whetstones, 247, 274, 284, 290, 291
Whippletree reinforcing band, iron, 77
White, Dr. Theodore E., identifications
by, 144, 229, 241, 301
White Earth River, 17, 173, 247, 248,
258, 254, 255, 286
White Earth Valley, 287
Whitehorn, Samuel, 44
White Lodge, leader of hostiles, 106
White object materials, 288-291
White River, 8, 16, 17, 30 (map), 32,
36, 254
White Stone Hill, N. Dak., 106
Whiteware, miscellaneous, 135-136
Whitewash, lime, 196
Wied-Neuwied, Maximilian Alexander
Philip von, 14, 15, 252, 253-254,
287, 290
Will, George F, and Hecker, Thad C.,
Zoo
Williams County, N. Dak., 12
Willows, 32, 80, 248
diamond, 248
Wilson, Frederick T., 96, 107
Wilson, Frederick T., and De Land,
Charles E., 8, 14, 15, 95
Wilson, Peter, Indian agent, 253
Wimar, Charles, 98, 99
Windmill shaft, 224
Window casings, 187, 202, 216
Window panes, broken, 40, 43, 46, 67,
78, 80, 123, 182, 216, 263, 288
Windows, 62, 67, 80, 125, 187, 288
Window-shade holder, 218
Winship, Maj. O. F., 93
Wire, 132, 229, 275, 290
brass, 75, 79, 275
fence, 224
Wood, W. Raymond, vi, 19, 242, 2638
See also Woolworth and Wood.
Wood, charred, 58, 61, 114, 120, 190-191,
196, 262
miscellaneous, 230
Wood ibis, 301
Wood Island, 86 (map), 94
Woolworth, Alan R., vi, 18, 19, 165
Woolworth, Alan R., and Wood, W.
Raymond; Archeology of a Small
Trading Post (Kipp’s Post,
32MN1) in the Garrison Reser-
voir, North Dakota, 289-802
Worm, steel, 213, 290
Wounded Knee Creek, battle at, 7
Wrench, arrow-shaft, 285 (fig.), 286, 291
flat, 224
Wright, Col. Dana, 241, 268
Wright, Lemuel, 73, 175
Wringer fitting, 222
Wiirttemberg, Duke of, 254
Yankton, S. Dak., 112
Yanktonais Indians, 101, 106
Yankton Dakota Indians, 145
Yankton Indians, 32, 99, 101, 106
Yankton settlement, 100, 108
Yellowstone, early steamboat, 97
INDEX Sy
Yellowstone Expedition, 2538, 254
Yellowstone River, 8, 97, 99, 153, 154,
174, 247, 250, 255
Ziegler, John B., 44
Ziegler and Eckhart pottery, 45
O
et al