E a1 Uex CRLSSI \\ Lat WN sath cRNS PRA ne AON VAY Ay eG at : SR N ives WSS a S ‘ Pi < Ree 3 BEROEDD Oem ee er ED yyy 5, iy Y nt A ‘ . ‘ is) Set ee wae Bacar . Ake el GO me gee OL ase ne ee | oa 7 med - aa 7 : @ peat , a © ot + , « 2 4 - » LY - ’ ao 7 = a prs a - a? 7 a wily , a 35 wt hoes : : a - ty = 7 a 7 e ~ a a vw 88th Congress, Ist Session - - - - - House Document No. 31 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION lV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 190 An Ethnography of the Huron Indians, 1615-1649 By ELISABETH 'TOOKER U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1964 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington D.C., 20402 - Price $1.00 (Paper) LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau or AmeEricAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D.C., Decemprr 28, 1962. Sim: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscript, entitled “An Ethnography of the Huron Indians, 1615-1649,” by Elisabeth Tooker, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, Frank H. H. Roserts, Jr., Director Dr. Lronarp CARMICHAEL, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. Ir MAY 1 8 1464 / CONTENTS PAGE Rea COM Reet. eee pte RIN ok LL NEE Pe ee OL ie Ra ok el ae 1 im troc@uichlons See Sa 53 yb ae eS Pehl ie ae we Sia as ee Eid os 2 ee 3 Pheeruuiron Weare... 1-2. seeks 2 Soles eee kk ble Sean 9 1 heh OniniE yO CEs See ee ee ee eee ee eee eae 12 PRR wR ODACCO Mea RCH 2 Si My ole as Bs a See ee et 12 SighOmN CULT OCA DUCE. oe nee re Be yey ter ea SS eG ae oe ee ae Ae ee 13 Other roquoiam prOUps.c So AL Ses sot 2 ee ee eee oe 16 ahhesroquois: League see at A. ae os ay ee ETS Se SES ees ep ue 17 phe Aleonquine.—--— 35! 2.2 BEE He Mi eae 20 rae bey Ele Be Pees De a ease 19 DSS) a SGA ae ea a ee a aye ere ee ae ee eS 20 TEPER ELS SS Sa a a pg ae aa SA eT ee ale eR 22 lintertriballrelationse==-22 = 25. == —so. seen ee = RAT Re Ie hl Re Fes 25 sinacexamclhiwale as = tos see ee ee Ee pa be es Be ee ae Se 25 BRUM CWOlprISONeh Ges oo. oie" Sas ees oes Seas ie areata Seles hee 31 remvallapees seme eee eto ce. 1 5 epee EAD ere eee eee eee bene ee 39 ConA GENS HE BS pe Se I a Eg Se Se eee ee eee es ee 42 Cs TITY) Ee a at ee ae ee ae eae ee an Fae eA Oca lS Ae we Zs 42 CUCU SREY SSS DA 6s DP RS ah aR eee ee ge Ea 48 CMe mere mar sers yeni es Fen 2 Ae VG 4 ee zy) PAV ee Oe Se 52 pS HUEY GI 00 ee a ee ee ee eee oo Rees eee 56 DUIS Big Oe UO EE ee MO OS ey VSS meee a a STS 57 S MOST SCC eee a a ae eens hat! SARS hae Bec AE, SE BP Neyaps Le Rete 58 Dini SiOnMOlg a WOE as @ ert eee eee eae et Pee a a ae ae 58 OTICUI LUNGS 220 MEMBER Shee Ake w SSN te Se Se De 60 Srsub inerrant Sees Syste pees pepe vee d Seah g ees pik ge Suge Sed Pestle ee 62 LDS oS Se AE SARE Se Se ee eee ae Se See eee ae 62 1 LTE BNE a See er eg ML HC pag. EN. eo ee 65 Mieais ata jieir preparadwonns. 222/725. 22 see Senne ee 67 ReAAGRaltCmGle siete we tea See Nei Toei etn Se ne Lb og Ie MERE OS 71 | ASIC O00 soe S04 eee Ce 2 Male, ce 2 AS Rae ee Sia pd Nee bee gp 72 LTS FS eo PS ee ees are Se es eth ch oo 2 3s Ree ea ee eee A eS of 72 SD PUNCTURE wr eh ap ee Oe, RT ae ats See eee aie 76 PEG aN a See es ay hs ala Oe poe eet ER ee wee et = LEDS tae 79 Ceremony of the Marriage of Two Virgins to the Seine_____-_--_--- 79 PME: Mee Ser SUA tice Tne SE! oe. PAE AE OR NY AS 80 Hy PeSshOimillnesseete= ee kets SEG we iW yaw oe Rael SL ra ee 82 Cureiol naturaltillmessess Sac oe pose ee th a A SE pe 84 Oresmscandetne Gesired = 22 ae) 5 fas es 2S a ey 86 Mie dieime sim etree ese ee nee nes ate eer este PE eS CEN Le ne 91 PACE MISILLOM GLO WEES ae eee a eer bee ALE Le Sue oe Vee 97 Guminiguceremenies!.2 5/2 SOIL Y Pe a ar TOL ( CE VaN Os ie Ee een co A eek OER “Te fat Rese See eee EC A Sa OLN es 114 ‘VIREO ih saat MM ae eens: TED. Fe RM eerie 2 a i mee ek I) mY uly Charms. 28 elk oe ete ft ee ee Meee peepee eo ee eee 120 astiiay «= MAY 14 1964 IV CONTENTS WRG Gyele jc 5 eh Se Ss Me ite ne ER Es as = ee pee eee Birthrand childhoods 2 oe ee eae es ee eee Warriapes 2.022. 2ee ee bee a ees oe ee oe ee ee eee Wescente sa ei ae = pe ere a ae ye SY 8 aN yo Niourmng: oe 2 af Seal ee eh ee 2 ee eee ee Reastiorthe: Dead! oo. soe ate ee ee eee eee Rhetatterliie.2 22. 2) Pewee eas Se eee a ee Lae eee Mythology 28 22). UNS See pO Oe? ee ec eee ee a eee handtor ithe deadh.2. Soa me Ca See SEE ee ce oe ee Creation! niytie te oe a eS a ae Appendix 1. Names and probable tribal affiliations of Huron villages_-_- Appendix’ 2. (The Iroquoianoricim myth cycles 35222 2NSe uses Appendix 3. Additional Huron words and phrases_--_--_--_---------- Appendix 4. Authors of the documents contained in “The Jesuit Relations ands Allied Doctinients” 9252s o. Sse ee es oe eye ee ee ee PREFACE In the first half of the 17th century, the Iroquoian-speaking Huron lived in an area at the southern end of Georgian Bay in the present Province of Ontario, Canada. It was there that the French visited them, some recording what they saw and thus providing much of what we know of Huron culture—for in 1649 the Huron were driven from their homeland by the Iroquois and dispersed. The body of this work, a compilation of the ethnographic data contained in 17th-century descriptions, is intended to be a more con- venient general introduction and index to Huron culture than is presently available. It is also to be hoped that it will prove useful to students of Iroquoian culture change, for this body of data offers an almost unique vantage point from which to view such change. Tem- porally close to the archeological data, it affords both a point from which to look backward in time and, close to pre-Columbian times, a view of an Iroquoian culture little affected by Western civilization and a point from which to look forward in time. The ethnography may be read either with or without reference to the notes which, in addition to serving their usual function as a vehicle for editorial comment (both mine and that which various students of the Iroquoians have previously made), also serve as a ve- hicle for indicating the cultural similarities and differences between the Huron and other Northern Iroquoian cultures, particularly those of the 19th- and 20th-century Wyandot and Iroquois cultures, and for indicating evidence of culture change. A brief history of the Huron after their defeat also is included. For these notes, much, but by no means all, of the important ma- terials on the Iroquoians published in the 19th and 20th centuries was consulted. Unfortunately, while the material on the Iroquois is quite full, that on the descendants of the 17th-century Huron is, at best, spotty. As a result, not all the comparisons that ought to be made can be. Although a few references that occur in the later literature have been included, the 18th-century data was not consulted and is probably best considered separately. An American Indian would say that four things are necessary for the successful completion of a task. In this case, the four are the following individuals: Marian E. White, Wallace L. Chafe, William 1 2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 N. Fenton, and William C. Sturtevant. All] have made important suggestions as to what the content, specific and general, of this study should be, have corrected errors in the drafts, and have indicated their interest in the project at those times I most needed such reassurance. For all this, I am grateful. In spite of their best efforts, errors and inadequacies remain and for these, the responsibility is mine. AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON INDIANS, 1615-1649 By Exitsapers Tooker INTRODUCTION Our knowledge of the Huron for the period beginning with their first extensively described contact with the French and ending with their defeat and dispersal by the Iroquois in 1649-50 rests on three primary documents: Samuel de Champlain’s account of the winter (1615-16) he spent in Huronia; Gabriel Sagard’s account of his win- ter visit in 1623-24; and the yearly Relations of the Jesuits who began intensive work among the Huron in 1634. These accounts, however, are not the earliest on an Iroquoian group: Jacques Cartier in 1535 had met some Iroquoian speakers living along the St. Lawrence, a group which perhaps joined the Huron between the time of Cartier’s visit and that of Champlain.* 1The two Huron tribes, Arendahronon and Tohontaenrat, which joined the Huron about 1590 and 1610, respectively, may have been the Laurentian Iroquois, the Iroquoian- speaking peoples Cartier found living along the St. Lawrence in an area Champlain later found to be inhabited only by Algonquian tribes (Hewitt 1907 c: 585; Wilson 1885: 58— 60). Other students of the Iroquoians, however, have suggested that the Laurentian Iroquois in whole (Bailey 1933: 97-102) or in part (see Fenton 1940 d: 167-177; cf. Morgan 1901(2) : 188-191) joined the Iroquois. It also is possible that the St. Lawrence valley was occupied by the Iroquois after the Laurentian Iroquois had left (Hale 1894: 10). Various reasons have been suggested for the migration of the Laurentian Iroquois out of the St. Lawrence valley. Wars with the Huron (Lighthall 1899: 207), the Iroquois (Hale 1894: 10-11; Hewitt 1907 c: 584; Connelley 1899 c: 95), or the eastern Algon- quians (Fenton 1940 d: 174) have been cited as the cause for the abandonment of the valley. Another suggestion is that Iroquoian agriculture was hazardous at best in the St. Lawrence valley (the northern limit for maize agriculture) and that climatic condi- tions forced the Laurentian Iroquois to move south, to an area where the growing season was longer (Barbeau 1949: 228-229). Wuropean-introduced diseases and abandonment of hilltop strongholds for more vulnerable positions near the river, after first contact, have also been suggested as factors contributing to the disappearance of the Laurentian Iroquois (Fenton 1940 d: 175). The migration of these Iroquoian peoples out of the St. Lawrence valley and the wars that were the cause of these migrations may have led to the formation, or at least the strengthening, of the Huron and Iroquois Leagues. The addition of two tribes, perhaps the Laurentian Iroquois from the St. Lawrence, to the Huron League about 1590 and 1610 probably influenced the character of that league and may have been the actual,time of its founding. The Iroquois League also may have been founded about the same time. AIl- though both Morgan (1871: 151; 1881: 26; 1901(1): 7; 1901(2) : 190) and Hale (1881: 5; 1883: 178-180) thought that the Iroquois League was founded about 1460 or not later than 1459, Hewitt (1894: 67; 1944: 80; ef. Morgan 1901(2) : 189-190) disagreed and (Footnote continued at bottom of next page.) 3 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 These descriptions picture a Northern Iroquoian group relatively unaffected by European civilization (probably the Huron even at this early date had been affected by French trade, as Europeans had been trading with Indians to the east for some years previously). French traders probably had met Hurons and knew a little of their customs, but such material is fairly inaccessible, if available. The interest of merchants often precludes an interest in writing of the common customs of a people. It is rather the professional explorers and missionaries who write of strange lands and peoples for publi- cation at home. The most extensive data on the Huron is that contained in the Jesuit Relations. Each year the Jesuit missionaries working in New France sent back to their Superior in France a report, or relation, of their activities, and each year these reports were edited and printed in France with the intent of gaining support for the missions. Simi- larly, Sagard’s account was written and published to obtain support for the Recollets, a reformed Franciscan order. Champlain, who worked closely with the missionaries, asking them to aid him in New France, wrote to justify his explorations. Such motivations should not blind us to the value of these documents, as one is impressed with the amount of ethnographic detail in them and the extent to which the data are consistent, both internally and with what is known of other Iroquoian and North American Indian cultures. There are available two shorter works based on these documents, but neither is completely satisfactory for anthropological purposes. Kenton (1927) republished only extracts of the Relations, and, although Kinietz (1940) uses some of the material in the Jesuit Rela- tions and in Champlain’s and Sagard’s accounts, he omits much that is of interest to anthropologists. suggested, on the basis of a tradition recorded by Pyrlaeus, that the league was formed between 1559 and 1570. Using this statement of the Mohawks to Pyrlaeus, a similar statement of the Onondagas to Ephraim Webster (both to the effect that the Iroquois League was founded a length of a man’s life before the Huropeans came to trade in the country), and the statement of some Senecas that the league was formed about 4 years before Hudson’s voyage up the river named after him, Beauchamp (1891 a: 297-298) concluded that the probable date for the founding of the league was about 1600. Fenton (1961: 271) agrees with Beauchamp, and ends his discussion, ‘‘Let us fashionably say, 1600 plus or minus 80 years!” Although confederations of Indian tribes were common in post-contact times, they do not seem to have been a feature of pre-Columbian North American cultures. Most of the Indian confederacies were formed to combat the superior strength of Huropean in- trusions through greater numbers. A similar reaction may have strengthened the Iroquoian leagues, but their formation prior to first contact with Europeans requires another expla- nation. The Indians along the Atlantic coast who were trading with the Europeans in the 16th century may have formed a kind of alliance with them and caused the more interior tribes, the Iroquoians, to confederate to gain superiority and thus take part in this trade. Further, as alliances serve to make communication easy and to facilitate trade between their members, the various Indian confederacies directed the trade that became important. These considerations support the suggestion that the Iroquoian con- federacies were founded (or at least strengthened) in the latter part of the 16th century rather than at an earlier date. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 5 In its original form, the ethnographic data in the documents is scattered through many volumes and understandably few have read through the sources. This is particularly obvious in the case of the Jesuit Relations. One deterrent to the use of the Jesuit Relations in archeological and ethnographic research is the initial shock of seeing over 70 volumes on a library shelf although only certain of these documents pertain to the Huron. For this compendium, vol- umes 7 through 34 of the Thwaites edition, which cover the years 1634 (the beginning of intensive Jesuit proselytizing) to 1649 (the defeat of the Huron by the Iroquois) were used. Of these, Brébeuf’s Relation of 1636 is perhaps the most important, but the other Rela- tions, also quite long and detailed, contain valuable ethnographic information sandwiched in between accounts of baptisms, deaths, con- versions, and hardships of life in foreign lands. The material in Bressani’s Relation (JR 88-40)? that repeats data contained in the preceding Relations has not been included; the principal new ethno- graphic material in this Relation, that referring to hair styles, paint- ing, and tattooing (JR 38:249-253), and death customs (JR 39 : 29-33), is included. Although the period of intensive Jesuit missionizing in Huronia, 1634-50, produced the most extensive collection of material on the Huron, Champlain’s and Sagard’s shorter accounts, both of which relate to earlier and brief expeditions, contain valuable information. The first such expedition began in the summer of 1615 when Cham- plain and Joseph Le Caron, a Recollet, left for Huronia with different groups of Huron traders; they returned in the summer of 1616. (The Huron made their trips to Three Rivers and Quebec to trade during the summer when the rivers were open; as the French obtained passage with the Indian traders, they also left and returned during the summer months.) At times during the winter of 1615-16, Cham- plain and Le Caron met and both made a visit to the Tobacco League. Although Le Caron’s memoirs are not preserved, Champlain’s are, thus providing an important source of information about the Huron. No missionaries went to Huronia from the summer of 1616 until the summer of 1623, when Le Caron returned accompanied by two other Recollets, Father Nicolas Viel and lay Brother Gabriel Sagard-Thé- odat. In the summer of 1624, Le Caron and Sagard returned to Quebec. Viel remained in Huronia for another winter and left for Quebec in the summer of 1625, but drowned on the way. This second expedition was reported by Sagard. In the summer of 1626, the Recollets were joined by the J esuits In their activities, and tires priests, a Recollet, Joseph de la Roche d’Aillon, and two Jesuits, Jean de Brébeuf aad Anne de Noué, went 2 For explanation of citation abbreviations, see text, p. 8. 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 to Huronia. Brébeuf and d’Aillon had arrived in Quebec in 1625 but probably postponed leaving for Huronia because the news of Viel’s death implied native hostility. De Noué returned to Quebec in 1627, d’Aillon in 1628, and Brébeuf in 1629. This expedition pro- duced no significant account of Huron culture. After the French had surrendered Quebec to the English in July of 1629, missionary activity ceased until Canada was ceded back to France in 1632. In 1634, the Jesuits resumed their missionary work among the Huron when Brébeuf, accompanied by two other priests and other Frenchmen, returned. The characteristics of the writers on the Huron are most easily discussed in terms of familiar stereotypes. In the Jesuit Relations, the Jesuits applied their almost intuitive devotion to scholarship to the study of the Huron, as in other writings they applied it to West- ern culture. In contrast, Champlain, the explorer, and Sagard, the lay brother and member of the reformed Franciscan order, were less scholarly but not necessarily less accurate. These differences in style have present advantages. The Jesuits, consistent with their devotion to religion, give extensive accounts of Huron religion (a difficult subject at best) but treat in a more cursory manner other aspects of Huron culture. In contrast, Champlain’s and Sagard’s accounts of religion are grossly inadequate, but as both deal extensively with aspects of Huron culture slighted by the Jesuits (particularly the life cycle, descent, and subsistence techniques), they provide an important supplement to the latter’s documents. Although both Champlain and Sagard were interested in the life of the ordinary person, Sagard perhaps resembled most closely the modern anthropologist. Unlike Champlain, he did not seek to lead men or change their destinies, but rather recounted only what he saw and did. Champlain, who saw himself as a man among men, went on a war expedition with the Huron against the Iroquois, hunted big game with the Indians and later wrote of his exploits—an early ver- sion of Theodore Roosevelt. Sagard, a follower of St. Francis who loved the plants, animals, and people of the new country, did not hunt or fight. He was a participant-observer who joined a Huron fishing expedition to better understand religious practices. As is apparent in his account, Sagard was learned, but not schol- arly. This is substantiated by the fact that he based a sizable amount of his description on that of Champlain. The reader of both recog- nizes, even in translation, sentences and paragraphs which Sagard has taken from Champlain. (In the compendium below, the number of references to both Sagard and Champlain and not to the Jesuit Rela- tions reflects the extent to which Sagard has used Champlain as a guide.) This copying was not simple plagiarism: Sagard probably omitted those data he did not observe, expanding, contracting, and re- Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON vA arranging the text to suit his purpose. He was learned, he knew the source and used it to his advantage; but he was not scholarly, he did not engage in arguments on the validity of Champlain’s data. The Jesuits ignored these earlier accounts, apparently preferring to make their own more extensive study of Huron culture. Their schol- arly attention is apparent not in the use of such sources as Champlain and Sagard (the Jesuits were in a position to learn more than either of these men) but in the treatment of the data they received, for they often carefully noted the source of each item of information, and whether it was actually observed or was hearsay. (This can be noted in the number of examples that are given to illustrate a general state- ment.) Sagard and Champlain were not as careful. In the most striking instance, Sagard implies that the Huron medicine man isolates a sick person (S 198) and later says that he observed this among the Algonquin (S 263). This should not lead us to question too seriously the validity of Sagard’s statements. For example, the distinction Sagard made between the “wandering” and “sedentary” tribes (i.e., between the Algonquian- and Iroquoian-speaking groups) resembles the kind of distinction a modern student of North American Indians would make and indicates his knowledge of what he writes. Although these documents should not be read uncritically, the cautions are few. By omitting the obvious biases of the writers (for example, their tendency to see the hand of the devil in the beliefs of the Indians) and by not reading the descriptions so literally that the reading is at variance with what one would expect in such a North American culture, a probably quite accurate picture of Huron culture is obtained. (The Jesuits, Sagard, and Champlain are akin to inform- ants whose descriptions must be weighed against the ethnographer’s knowledge of anthropology.) The footnotes, which were compiled after the ethnography was written, indicate the effectiveness of this method in obtaining an accurate picture of Huron culture. With few exceptions, they confirm the probable accuracy of the descriptions. The authors of the various Relations are listed in Appendix 4. With few exceptions, I have omitted statements that refer spe- cifically to the behavior of Indians toward the French priests: There is no way of ascertaining whether such behavior was the customary Huron behavior toward other Huron or an appropriate modification of such behavior for use with the French. Similarly, behavior of the French which is obviously not within French culture but derived from Huron culture is omitted: There is no way of ascertaining the degree, if any, the Huron cultural adjustments were’ modified to fit the French needs. In a sense, then, this is a conservative read- ing and more information could be gleaned from these documents. The generally recognized definitive sources were used in compiling this ethnography. Each of these contains both the French text and 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 the English translation, a convenience for those who wish to check the original. In general, the indexes in these sources are inadequate. To compensate for this deficiency and to increase the usefulness of this compendium, the source citations are extensive and may serve as an index. The sources and the abbreviations used in the citations are as follows: C=H. P. Biggar (ed.), The Works of Samuel de Champlain. Vol. 38. (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1929.) S=G. M. Wrong (ed.), Father Gabriel Sagard, The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons. (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1939.) JR=Reuben Gold Thwaites (ed.), The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. (73 vols. ; Cleveland : Burrows Bros., 1896-1901. ) Each citation in the text refers to the material between it and the preceding citation in the same paragraph. Because with few excep- tions a section in the documents is cited only once, similar material may occasionally be found in other parts of the text. For readibility I have paraphrased the statements in these docu- ments and have used direct quotes only (1) when I wished to indicate that an awkward or obscure phrase has not been paraphrased or (2) to set off material that was recorded as actual Indian discourse. These latter statements have been reworded so that they are not direct quotes from the sources. I have left them as quotations for the same reason that the original authors did: to give vividness to the description. Parentheses in a statement which the citation attributes to Sagard indicate additions which he made to “Histoire du Canada” (1636), a later edition of “Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons” (“The Long Journey to the Country of the Hurons”) (1632). Brackets in- dicate my additions. Throughout, certain consistent changes in wording have been made. For example, “chief” has been used in place of “captain”; “wampum,” for “porcelain”; “house,” for “cabin”; “spirit,” for “demon” and “devil”; and “you,” for “thee.” The current names of the Iroquois tribes have been used, not those the French give. The spelling of certain Huron words in some accounts has been changed for the sake of consistency. For linguistic purposes, the alternate spellings and references to these are cited when the Huron word is first used. The orthography of the word “Algonquin” has not been changed, except to alter “Algonquain” spellings to “Algonquin.” The term probably usually refers to a number of politically independent groups which spoke the same language or very closely related languages, in- cluding such peoples as the Nipissing and Ottawa (all of whom lived near the Huron), and perhaps also occasionally to such others as the Potawatomi. The word probably does not usually refer to speakers of other Algonquian languages, as, for example, the Montagnais. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 9 A discussion of the Huron language has been omitted; the chapter on language (JR 10: 117-128), two interlinear translations (JR 10: 69-73 and JR 21: 251-265), and a brief comment on the Huron lan- guage (JR 15: 155-157) are located easily in the Relations. I have embodied transcriptions (including alternate spellings) of Huron words and phrases for the benefit of linguists. References for al- ternate spellings are included for all words except tribal names, for which only the earliest reference is given. A list of words and phrases that could not easily be included in the body of the description is given in Appendix3. THE HURON LEAGUE The Huron, or Wendat* as they called themselves, were a league of four nations [tribes] sharing a common language, but each retaining its own traditions. These nations, the Attignawantan [At- tignaouentan (JR 19: 125), Atignaouantan (JR 23: 43), Atinnia- wentan (JR 26: 217), Atinniaoenten (JR 34: 131), Attigouautan (C 55), Atingyahointan (S 91), Nation of the Bear (JR 34: 131; 5 91) ], the Attigneenongnahac [Atignenonghac (JR 13: 37), Atignenongach (JR 13: 125), Attigueenongnahac (JR 15: 57), Attinguenongnahac (JR 19: 125), Attingueenongnahak (JR 21: 169; 23: 117), Atingue- ennonniahak (JR 26: 259), Atigagnongueha (S 91) ], the Avendah- ronon [Arendarhonons (JR 8: 71), Arendarrhonons (JR 18: 87), Ahrendaronons (JR 19: 125), Arendaronnons (JR 27: 29), Arenda- enronnons (JR 33:81), Henarhonon (S 91) J, and the Tohontaenrat ® Hewitt (1907 c: 584) has suggested ‘‘Wendat,’”’ the Huron name for themselves, means ‘‘the Islanders’ or ‘Dwellers on a Peninsula.” The Huron were defeated and dispersed by the Iroquois in 1649-50. It was probably the desire of the Iroquois to control the fur trade, as Hunt (1940) has ably suggested, or at least to control the areas in which the fur-bearing animals were to be found, as Trelease (1960: 120) suggests, that motivated the Iroquois to go to war against the Huron and other Indians (see note 17, p. 16). The beaver in Iroquois territory had been exhausted by 1640 and the Iroquois were forced to look elsewhere, to the north and east, in order to continue their trade with the Dutch (Hunt 1940: 34-37). By this time, the Huron were firmly entrenched as the important middlemen between the French and the AI- gonquian tribes to the west and north. (The Huron acceptance of the French priests into their country probably was to cement this relationship.) The Huron controlled this trade to the extent that the Petun (the Tobacco Nation) and the Neutral provided them with corn, tobacco, and hemp, products that the Huron hemselves could and did produce. (Hunt 1940: 59 and passim probably overemphasizes the amount of hemp traded by the Petun to the Huron.) The Huron reaped a profit from these transactions (see also note 12, p. 18). After some years of trade, the two important Iroquoian leagues, the Huron and the Iroquois, found themselves in similar positions. Both had to obtain furs from sources out- side their own territories by trade and both had the same goods, corn and tobacco, to trade to the Algonquian for these furs. Wars ensued in which the Iroquois destroyed first the Huron and then the other Iroquoian nations. In these wars, the Iroquois were aided by the guns they had obtained from the Dutch in trade. The Huron probably had far fewer weapons, which gave the Iroquois the advantage. Other factors may have contributed to the destruction of the Huron League. ‘Trigger (1959) suggests that the Iroquois, left in relative isolation from the Huropeans, were able to develop into a stronger military and political power than the Huron, who were (Footnote continued at bottom of next page.) 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 [Tohontaenras (JR 13: 55), Tahontaenrat (JR 26: 293) ],* were united by their common interests and by their common enemies. [Later in the Relations another group, the Ataronchronons (JR 19: 125) [Ataconchronons (JR 13: 61) ]* is mentioned.] The Attigna- wantan and Attigneenongnahac, who called each other “brother” and “sister,” © were the most important, largest, and oldest nations of this league, having lived in the region for more than two hundred years. The two others were recent arrivals: the Arendahronon joined the beset by the division between Christian converts and pagans and by their dependence on the French. After their defeat, many Hurons were either killed outright or died from starvation and disease in their flight from the Iroquois. Many became captives of the Iroquois. Others fled to other Iroquoian tribes, the Neutral, the Petun, and the Erie and some to the French. The Tohontaenrat (the village of Scanonaerat) and some Arendahronons were given the privilege of founding a separate town (called Gandougarse) among the Seneca. For some Hurons their flight to other tribes only postponed their eventual captivity ; with the destruction of the Erie and Neutral, these Huron refugees among them were also taken prisoner. Those who had retreated to Orleans Island were forced by the Iroquois to either fight or migrate to Iroquois country. Of this group, the Bear (Attignawantan) joined the Mohawk, the Rock (Arendahronon) joined the Onondaga, and the Cord (At- tigneenongnahac) remained with the French. Those Hurons who joined the Tobacco Nation, although driven from the area, retained their identity. This group of Hurons and Petuns came to be known as the Wyandot, a corruption of the term Wendat (Hale 1888: 177; 1894: 6). Most of this group fled west, becoming involved in the complex history of the Upper Great Lakes area. After the peace of 1815, they were given land in Ohio and Michigan. In 1819, they sold much of this land, but retained some near Upper Sandusky in Ohio and some near Detroit. Later, these tracts were also sold and most of these Wyandots moved to Kansas and then to Oklahoma, where they are still found. Some remained in the vicinity of Detroit. The present Wyandot are considered more Petun than Huron. The Hurons who had settled on Orleans Island moved near Quebec in 1656 and, although several successive villages were built, they have remained in this area. The remnants of this group are the present Huron of Lorette. They have lost their old culture. (For a detailed description of this group in 1899, see Gérin 1900; for the history of the Huron after their defeat, see Clarke 1870; Connelley 1899 c: 92-96; Hale 1888: 177; 1894: 4-5; Hewitt 1907 c: 585-590; Jones 1909: 447 ff.; 1910: 577-582; Kinietz 1940: 1-4.) 4Hewitt (1907 c: 584) and Jones (1909: 72) identified the Attigneenongnahac as the “Cord People’ and the Arendahronon as the “Rock People.’’ Hewitt (1907 c: 584) sug- gests Tohontaerat means ‘‘White-eared’’ or “Deer People’; Jones (1909: 181) suggests the name means ‘‘People of One Single White Lodge.” ‘The Attignawantan are the Bear people. 5 The Ataronchronon were one of several groups of Indians which had moved to near the mission of Ste. Marie (Jones 1909 : 447; 1910: 578; Fenton 1940 d: 184). The mean- ing of the name, Ataronchronon, has been suggested as ‘‘People who Dwelt beyond the Fens, Morass, or Silted Lake’ (Jones 1909: 314; 1910: 578) or ‘‘People on the Fens” (Fenton 1940 d: 181). 6 Similarly, the Iroquois League was divided into two sisterhoods, the Mohawk, Onon- daga, and Seneca forming one sisterhood of tribes and the Oneida and Cayuga, the other. The tribes of one sisterhood addressed each other as “brother’’ and tribes of the other sisterhood as “our cousins.’ In another, and ritualistic, form of address, the Oneida and Cayuga called the Mohawk, Onondaga, and Seneca sisterhood “my or our father’s clans- men” and the Mohawk, Onondaga, and Seneca called the Oneida and Cayuga, “my or our offspring’ (Hewitt 1916: 164; 1917: 825-826; 1944: 83-84; Hewitt and Fenton 1945: 805; Goldenweiser 1913: 464; Morgan 1901(1): 79, 91-92; Shimony 1961 a: 117-118). There is also a tripartite division of the tribes in the Iroquois League (Hewitt and Fenton 1945: 305). Also compare the Wyandot (and Iroquois) custom: the members of the clans of one moiety call each other “brothers” and call members of clans of the opposite moiety “eousins’ (Connelley 1899 b: 27). Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON tt League about 1590 and the Tohontaenrat about 1610.7 Families might affiliate themselves with another nation by being adopted into it and sometimes a group of families left a nation to become one in their own right. The Attignawantan and Attigneenongnahac nations were the largest as they, over a period of time, adopted more families. These adopted families remained distinct little nations, retaining the names and memories of their founders, a general name [for them- selves], and a war chief and a council chief (JR 16: 227-229) 8 Of the four nations of the League, the Arendahronon were the east- ernmost (JR 20: 19; 33:81) and the group that the French first met (JR 20: 19), but the Attignawantan were the most receptive to Christianity (JR 10:31). Champlain found 18 villages, 6 of which were palisaded, inhabited by 2,000 warriors and perhaps 30,000 people (C 122). Sagard said there were about 25 villages, 30,000 to 40,000 people and 2,000 to 3,000 warriors (S 91-92). When the Jesuits arrived, they found 30,000 Hurons (JR 7: 225; 8: 115; 10: 313) located in 20 villages (JR 8: 115; 10: 313; 11:7).° By 1640, however, the population had been reduced to 10,000 (JR 17: 221-293, 297; 19: 77, 127). The Attignawantan were the most numerous; they accounted for half of the Hurons (JR 10: 77) and the most (14) villages (JR 15: 39). ([Later, after the Jesuit-introduced disease in the village of Thonatiria so reduced the population that it was abandoned, they had 13 villages (JR 17: 11, 59, 115).] The other nations had fewer villages: the Attignee- nongnahac, 2 [this figure is based on a comparison of JR 19: 183- 185 and 17: 87-89; cf. also JR 19: 125, 167, 209; 20: 21, 48]; the Arendahronon, 3 (JR 20: 21); the Tohontaenrat, 1 (the village of Scanonaerat) (JR 17: 87).2° The country of the Huron was not large; at its greatest extent, it could be traversed in 8 or 4 days (JR 8: 115). Its length, east and ‘west, was no longer than 20 or 25 leagues and its width, north and south, was in many places very slight, nowhere exceeding 7 or 8 leagues (JR 7: 225; 16: 225). [The earlier estimate of an east-west 7See footnote 1, p. 3. 8 The Iroquois also adopted individuals, families, and tribes into their confederacy. ®The differences in number of Huron villages given by Champlain, Sagard, and the Jesuits is quite understandable, and may not be due to error in counting. An Iroquoian village may combine with another village to form a larger single village or one village may split into two or three separate villages. Further, there were hamlets; settlements that were not villages proper, but small residential units that were politically attached to the village proper. Thus, the difference between Champlain’s figure of 18 Huron villages and the Jesuits’ figure of 20 may indicate the splitting of a single village unit and the difference between Sagard’s figure of 25 and those given by Champlain and the Jesuits may only mean that Sagard included some hamlets in his total. 10 See Appendix 1. ‘‘Names and probable tribal affiliations of Huron villages’ (p. 149). 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 length of 230 leagues would appear to be a typographical error for 20 or 30 leagues. A breadth of 10 leagues given in the earlier ac- counts agrees satisfactorily with that of the Jesuits’ 7 or 8 leagues (C 121-123; S$ 90).] Its latitude in the central part was 44.5 degrees (JR 33: 61; C 121; S 90; cf. JR 15: 175; 16: 225). It had the shape of Brittany and was similarly situated, almost surrounded by the Freshwater Sea [Lake Huron] (C 122). The greater part of Huronia was cleared (C 122) and consisted of plains surrounded and intersected by a number of lakes (JR 8: 115) and streams (C 50). The country was “full of fine hills, open fields, very beautiful broad meadows bearing much excellent hay” and in many places there was “much uncultivated wheat, which has an ear like rye and grains like oats” (S 90). There were forests containing oaks, beeches, maples, cedars, spruces, yews, elms, and other types of trees (S 91; C 51) and, in the interior, forests of fir (C 51). The country was warmer and more beautiful and the soil richer and better, the farther south one went (S 91). Although the soil of the country was quite sandy, it produced a quantity of corn (JR 8: 115). NEIGHBORING TRIBES THE TOBACCO LEAGUE About 12 or 15 leagues to the west (JR 20: 43) or west-southwest (JR 33: 61) of the Huron lived a group which spoke the same language (JR 20: 43). They were called the Khionontaterrhonons (JR 8: 115) [Khionontaterons (JR 17: 165), Khionontateronons (JR 19: 125), Kionontatehronon (JR 23: 179) ], “the Nation of the Tobacco” (JR 20: 48) and by the French Petun [Tobacco] Nation (C 95) because of the abundance of tobacco that grew there (JR 20: 43). The Tobacco Nation was a confederacy of two separate groups, the Nation of the Wolves and the Nation of the Deer (JR 33: 143), and had at least nine villages (JR 20:43). The largest of these vil- lages, Ehwae, was burned by the Iroquois in 1640 resulting in the deaths of many by starvation, cold, smallpox, and drowning, and in the capture of others by the enemy (JR21:181). Algonquins lived among the Tobacco people as they did among the Huron: one missionary found two villages in which Algonquin was spoken (JR 21: 125, 185). The Tobacco confederacy had been an enemy of the Huron confed- eracy, and the two peoples waged cruel wars against each other. Not long before the Jesuits arrived in Huronia, however, the two leagues 1i1The names of these two tribes, Wolves and Deer, are names of clans among the present Iroquois and Wyandot. Perhaps in this case the Jesuits have recorded the names of clans rather than tribes. [Mooney (1910: 755) calls them clans.] Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 13 entered into an alliance and formed a new confederation against their common enemies (JR 20:43) .? The Tobacco Nation did not trade with the French, as the Huron controlled this trade (JR 21: 177). They lived like the Huron and had the same customs. Like them, they planted corn and had a fixed abode (C 95-96). THE NEUTRAL LEAGUE To the south and a little toward the west lived another Iroquoian- speaking neighbor of the Huron, the Neutral Nation (JR 33: 61-63). The Neutral [Atiouandaronks (JR 8: 115), Attiwandarons (JR 17: 165), Attiouandarons (JR 20: 49), Attiwandaronk (JR 21: 193), Attiouendaronk (JR 23: 179), Atiouendaronk (JR 27: 21), Attiuoin- daron (S 151) | were called in the Huron language “peoples of slightly different language.” (Peoples speaking an entirely different lan- guage were called Akwanake, ‘strangers.’) Conversely, the Neutral called the Huron by the same term as that used by the Huron to refer to the Neutral, Attiwandaronk. Probably not long ago, the Jesuits thought, the Huron, Iroquois, and Neutral were one people who over the course of time had become separated from one another to a greater or lesser extent. Asa result, some became enemies; some neutral; and some maintained a special connection and means of communication (JR 21: 193-195). The French named this group “the Neutrals” because they were at peace with both the Iroquois and the Huron (JR 21: 193-195; C 99-100). The term “Neutral” originally had been used to refer to many separate tribes, all groups south and southwest of the Huron, but later the French applied the name to only the one nation or confederacy (JR 21: 191-193; cf. C 99; S 157-158). Perhaps because of their position, the French made journeys to the Neutral country to trade for furs and other items (JR 21: 203). The Neutrals felt free to visit the Huron (JR 27: 25) and to seek refuge in Huronia in time of famine (JR 20:47-49; cf. JR 20:69). About 40 villages and hamlets comprised this nation (JR 20: 95, 105; 21: 189) of at least 1,200 individuals (JR 21:191). The Jesuits estimated about 500 fires and 3,000 persons in 10 villages visited on one trip (JR 21: 223). 12'The alliance of the Huron League with the Tobacco League proved to be a lasting one. After the defeat of the Huron, a number of them joined the Petun and their histories became linked, the combined group becoming the present Wyandot. At the time of the Jesuits, the close relationship between the two leagues may have been based on trade: as the Huron controlled the trade with the French, the Tobacco League may.have found it advantageous to have the Huron as friends. The Huron probably found it advanta- geous to have access to the tobacco that grew in abundance in Petun country. jAppar- ently, both groups wished to maintain this partnership, for both effectively prevented the French from establishing missions in Tobacco country, an act that would have indi- cated an alliance between the Petun and the French independent of the Huron (Hunt 1940: 56). The geographic position of the Petun, west of Huronia, may have fostered their dependency on the Huron. 671-292—64—_2 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 The western edge of the confederacy was located a 4- or 5-day journey (about 30 or 40 leagues) directly south of Huronia, at about the latitude of 42.5 degrees (calculated from Ste. Marie at about 44°95’’) (JR 20: 95; 21: 189, 205-207; 33: 61-63; S 158). From the westernmost Neutral villages to the mouth of the river of the country that emptied into Lake Ontario [Lake St. Louys (JR 33: 63) ] was a 4-day journey south or southeast. In this area were most of the Neutral villages, although three or four were east of the [Niagara] river (Onguiaahra), ranging from east to west, toward the Nation of the Cat (JR 21: 189-191). The extent of the country men- tioned above was 40 or 50 leagues (JR 33: 63). The tribe of Neutrals nearest the Huron was the Aondironnons, a great many of whom were killed in 1647 by the Seneca (JR 33: 81-83). One of the associate nations of the Neutral, the Wenrohronon [Ahouenrochrhonons (JR 8: 115), Weanohronons (JR 16: 253), Wenroronons (JR 17: 37), Awenrehronon (JR 21: 233)] 1%, was located near the boundary with the Iroquois and joined the Huron about 1638 (JR 16: 253; 17: 25). This occurred after the Neutral had severed their relationship with the Wenrohronon leaving them prey to their enemies. As they would have been exterminated if they had remained, the Wenrdhronon sent a delegation to the Huron to ask if they might join them. The Huron agreed to this, knowing the Wenrdhronon would help defend the Huron country. As a result of these negotiations, over 600 people, most of whom were women and children, made the journey of more than 80 leagues to Huronia assisted by the Huron, who escorted them, helped carry their house- hold goods and children, and defended them against their enemies. In spite of this, many Wenréhronons died on the way and nearly all of the remainder were sick either when they arrived or shortly there- after. The newcomers were distributed in the principal villages of Huronia, most of them remaining in the village in which the Jesuits lived, one of the largest in the country. In all these villages, they were given the best places in the houses and corn from the granaries (JR 17: 25-29). Five years later the chief of these people led a band of 300 warriors (JR 26: 273). Although the Neutrals were neutral in respect to the Iroquois and Huron, they had their bitter enemies, especially the Nation of Fire [Atsistaehronons (JR 20: 61), Athistaéronnon (JR 30: 89), Assita- eueronon, assista- meaning ‘fire’ in Huron and -eronon meaning ‘tribe’ (S 67)] (JR 20: 61; 21: 195; S 157-158). The Fire Nation people were speakers of an Algonquian language, not an Iroquoian one (JR 21: 125; 27:27) and were a large group, larger than all the Neu- 13 Although it would seem likely on the basis of the material in the Jesuit Relations that the Wenrdhronon was a tribe in the Neutral League, Hewitt (1907 b: 430-431) thought that it was either an independent tribe or confederated with the Erie. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 15 trals, Hurons, and Iroquois combined (JR 27:27). ‘The extent of the animosity between the Neutral and the Fire Nation is indicated by their battles. About 1640 the Neutral took 100 prisoners; in the following year, with an army of 2,000, they took over 170 prisoners (JR 21: 195) ; in 1642, they attacked a palisaded village of the Fire Nation with an army of 2,000 (JR 27: 25). The Neutral practiced the same kind of cruelties on their prisoners as did the Huron. But, unlike the latter who either spared the women or, having knocked them down in the heat of battle, took a piece of their bodies, the Neutral burned women prisoners as well as men (JR 21: 195). The dress of the Neutral was like that of the Huron. So also was their food. The Neutral grew corn, beans, and squash; their fishing was equal to that of the Huron; and they hunted “stags, cows, wild- cats, wolves, black beasts, beaver, and other animals” for their skins and meat. Flocks of wild turkeys roamed the fields and woods of their country. Wild fruits were to be found, chestnuts and wild apples being possibly more abundant than in Huronia (JR 21: 195- 197). Deer were also more plentiful in this country than in any other (S 225). They grew a large quantity of very good tobacco, which they traded to their neighbors (S 158). As among the Hurons, the basic Neutral garment was a skin. At the time of the Jesuits, however, the women assumed this responsibility and made the fires but did not stay for the meeting. If it were summer, the council was held in the middle of the village or, if there was need for secrecy, in the forest. The meetings usually were held at night and. often the entire night was spent in these discussions (cf. JR 19: 177). Decisions were made by a plurality of votes; the usual way of arriving at these decisions was to say to the old men, “Do you give advice; you are the masters” (JR 10:251). These meetings were called in the following fashion. The chief, after consulting in private with the other chiefs and old men of his village, and after having decided that the matter warranted a public ™ Jt seems unlikely on the basis of what is known about Iroquoian behavior and Indian behavior, in general, that decisions were made by majority vote of the council. The procedure was probably unanimous decision, the subject being discussed and compro- mised until all agreed. The reeds or straws probably were used as a device for-attaining unanimity (William N. Fenton: personal communication). 74 This statement implies that the Huron had League councils as did the Iroquois. % Morgan (1901 (2): 231) said that the Iroquois chiefs brought fagots to League meetings. 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 meeting, sent invitations to the council, to as many persons of each village as he wished. These invitations were taken by messengers, usually young men who had volunteered. Sometimes an old man was the messenger in order that the summons be more efficacious; the Indians did not always trust the young people. The summons was a request, not a command. These messengers told the chief of the village or, in his absence, the next in authority, the day on which the council was to be held (JR 10: 258-255) , When each man arrived at the meeting, he took a seat near those of his village or nation, so that he could consult with them (JR 10: 255). For example, in one such council consisting of three nations and the Jesuits, the Bear Nation sat along one side of the house, the Jesuits in the middle of the same side, and the two other nations, each with four very populous villages, on the other side (JR 15:39). If someone was absent, the matter was discussed to ascertain if the meeting should be- gin. If they decided to hold the council, it was opened, but not always by the leaders: difficulty in speaking, unwillingness, or even dignity might dispose these men against talking first. First, greetings were said, thanks for the trouble taken in coming, and thanksgivings for a safe arrival, that everyone arrived without accident, that no one had been surprised by enemies, had fallen into a stream or river, or had been injured (JR 10:255). Also asa part of the introduction, a cake of tobacco in a dish might be distributed to the more prominent mem- bers present. The Indians never spoke of business nor came to any conclusion without having a pipe in their mouths; they said the smoke went to their brains and gave them enlightenment on their difficulties (JR 10: 219; 15:27). Then, the matter to be discussed was brought up (JR 10: 255-257). As all affairs of importance were conducted by means of presents, and because wampum was valuable and all-powerful, it might be given in a council meeting. In one instance, when giving a collar of 1,200 beads of wampum, the Jesuits said it was to smooth the difficulties of the road to Paradise, employing the customary phrase when pres- ents were made in connection with some difficult enterprise (JR 10: 29). After the subject of the meeting had been presented, each nation or village consulted among themselves to decide what they would reply. Then, they gave their answer. The manner of speaking in councils differed from ordinary speech and had a different name (acwen- tonch) : in it, the voice was raised and quavered. A speaker spoke slowly, decidedly, and distinctly, and often repeated the same reason several times. Before he gave advice, he summarized the proposition and all the other considerations brought forward. Some words were used only in these speeches, and metaphors, various circumlocutions, Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 51 and other rhetorical devices were frequently employed. For example, when speaking of the Bear Nation, they would say, “the Bear has said, has done so and so; the Bear is cunning, is bad; the hands of the Bear are dangerous.” When they spoke of the man who conducted the Feast of the Dead, they said, “he who eats souls.” When speaking of a nation, they often spoke only of the principal chief; thus, in speaking of the Montagnet, they might say “Atsirond (one of their chiefs) says” [compare above]. Each speaker ended with the words condayauendi ierhayde cha nonhwicwahachen, ‘that is my thought on the subject under discussion.’ The assembly then responded with a “very strong respiration drawn from the pit of the stomach,” Aaau. When a person spoke to their liking, the Aaaw was “given forth with much more effort” (JR 10: 257-259) .”8 In one council between the Jesuits and the Indians, some fell asleep and others left, but the principal men remained until after midnight (JR 15:47). Various matters were discussed in council. For example, after a house in which only four or five children lived had been burned, the old men met in council to decide what should be done to assist the orphans. As all the stores of corn had been destroyed with the house, at the council each house said that it would furnish three sacks of corn. Everyone helped, giving whatever he could. One gave a plate, an- other a chest, and some even gave beaver robes. The children found themselves richer, at least in robes and clothing, than they had been before (JR 14: 48-45). All the villages had a kind of stock of wampum necklaces, glass beads, axes, knives, and other things obtained for the community in war, peace treaties, exchanges of prisoners, tolls from tribes which crossed their country, and by other means.” These items were de- posited with one of the chiefs, appointed as treasurer of the country. When a present might be made for the common benefit and safety of all, as to be released from making war and to secure peace, the council met. After having expounded on the necessity of making the gift and having determined its amount and quality, they notified the treas- urer to search his coffers and produce the gift. If he found that the finances were exhausted, every man taxed himself, giving what he could pay according to his convenience and good will and without compulsion (S 266-267). 7%é@The manner of speaking in councils, the use of metaphor, and the response of the audience are also Iroquois practices. . 7 Hewitt (1932: 480) mentions treasuries of the clan which contained strings and belts of wampum ; quill and feather work ; furs ; corn ; meal ; fresh, dried, and smoked meats ; and other things. They were guarded by women of the clan appointed for this purpose. 52, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 CRIME Murderers, thieves, traitors, and witches were punished (JR 10: 215; for punishment of witches see section on witchcraft). For the crime of murder, payment had to be made to the deceased’s family by the village of the murderer (JR 15: 157). The relatives addressed themselves to the village of the murderer and that village had to give as many as 60 presents, the least of which had to be of the value of a new beaver robe (JR 10: 215-217; cf. JR 28:49). Ifthe murdered was a member of another tribe, then war was declared be- tween the two tribes, unless that of the murderer gave large presents (S 163-164). Thus, if a Huron killed an Algonquin, the whole country assembled and agreed on the number of presents to be given to the tribe (JR 28: 49; cf. JR 33: 231-249 for the council concerned with the murder of a Frenchman by a Huron). And, if the Algon- quin killed a Huron, they gave presents to the Huron. In one case, a Huron man, who had gone to kill a prisoner the Huron had given the Algonquin, was killed by the Algonquins. As a result, they had to give the Huron fifty wampum belts, a hundred fathoms of wampum, a large number of kettles and hatchets, and two female prisoners (C 102-103). Ifa Huron murdered a foreigner, a bundle of small sticks, a little larger and thicker than matches, tied together, was given by the tribe of the murdered to that of the murderer to indicate the number of presents they desired. The chiefs then divided the sticks among themselves to decide what each nation would give. Then the chiefs returned to their villages to exhort the people to provide the required number of presents (JR 33 : 239-241). If the village or the relatives of the murdered were not given gifts by that of the murderer, the village or relatives would take up arms against them: it was an insult (JR 10: 219; S163). But this rarely happened (S 168). The usual number of gifts for the murder of a Huron man by an- other Huron was 80 presents and for the murder of a woman, 40. The price was higher for the death of a woman, the Huron said, because, 78 It seems likely that the Jesuits were in error and the payment had to be made to the clan rather than the village. Among the Wyandot, if a man murdered a member of his clan, the matter was brought up in the clan council; if a man murdered a member of 2 different clan, the matter was settled in a meeting of the two clans (Powell 1881: 66-67; ef. Finley 1840: 59). Similarly, among the Iroquois, the clans of the murderer and the murdered meet in separate councils, or if they were of different phratries, the phratries might meet in separate councils (Morgan 1881: 12; 1901(1) : 322-324) ; the members of the lineage or clan were obligated to purchase the life of one of its members who had forfeited it by homicide and to pay for the life of the victim (Hewitt 1918: 533-534). Apparently, with the establishment of the League, if the murderer and murdered were of different tribes, the matter was considered in a League council (Hale 1883: 68). Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 53 as they peopled the country, they were more valuable (JR 33: 243). Each of these gifts was presented by the chief with a long speech; a ceremony sometimes lasting entire days (JR 10: 217). Those who received the gifts carefully examined them and rejected those that did not please them. Those not acceptable had to be replaced with gifts that were (JR 33: 245). There were two kinds of presents given: some, as the first nine (andaonhaan), were given to the relatives to make peace and to take away all bitterness from their hearts and the desire for revenge; others (andaerraehaan, ‘what is hung upon a pole’) were put on a pole which was raised above the head of the murderer. Each of these presents had its particular name. Those of the first nine, the most important, follow. Sometimes each of these presents was a thousand wampum beads. The chief held the first present in his hand and said, condayee onsahachoutawas, “There is something by which he with- draws the hatchet from the wound, and makes it fall from the hands of him who would wish to avenge this injury.’ For the second present he said, condayee oscotaweanon, ‘There is something with which he wipes away the blood from the wound in the head.’ These first two presents represented the regret of the murderer for having killed the man and expressed his wish to restore his life. On giving the third present, the chief said condayee onsahondechari, ‘This is to restore the country.’ For the fourth, he said condayee onsahondwaronti, eto- tonhwenisiai, ‘This is to put a stone upon the opening and the divi- sion of the ground that was made by this murder.’ The fifth was made to smooth the roads and to clear away the brushwood; the chief said condayee onsa hannonkiai, in order that one might go henceforth in perfect security over the paths and from village to village. The last four presents were addressed to the relatives, to console them and to wipe away their tears. For the sixth, the chief said condayee onsa hoheronti, ‘Behold, here is something for him (his father, mother, or the one who would avenge his death) to smoke.’ The next was to restore completely the mind of the offended person, condayee onsa hondionroenkhra. The eighth was to give a drink to the mother of the deceased and to heal her as having been seriously sick because of the death of her son, condayee onsa aweannonewa @ocweton. The ninth was to place a mat for her on which she might rest herself and sleep during the time of her mourning, condayee onsa hohiendaen. After the giving of these principal presents, others were given as 72 At the time the Iroquois League was established, the price for murder was fixed. The settlement for the murder of one man by another was 20 strings of wampum; 10 for the life he had taken and 10 for his life that he had forfeited by committing the murder. The price was double for a woman. The settlement for the murder of a woman by a man was 30 strings of wampum; 20 for the life of the woman and 10 for the forfeited life of the murderer. The settlement for the murder of a woman by a woman was 40 strings of wam- pum; 20 for the life of the woman who had been murdered and 20 for the life of the murderer (Hewitt 1917 : 323; 1918: 541; 1932: 484-485 ; 1933). 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 further consolations and these represented all the things the deceased would use during life. One was called his robe; others, his canoe, his paddle, his net, his bows, his arrows, and so on. After this, the rela- tives of the deceased considered themselves perfectly satisfied (JR 10: 217-221) .®° In the past, the murderer had also to endure a punishment. The dead body was stretched upon a scaffold and the murderer had to he under it and receive upon himself all the putrid matter which exuded from the corpse. A dish of food was placed beside him and this was soon filled with filth and corrupt blood which fell into it. To get the dish pushed back a little the murderer had to give a present of seven hundred wampum beads (Aassaendista). The murderer remained in this position as long as the relatives wished. Finally, he made another rich present (akhiataendista). If, after all this, the relatives of the dead man revenged the death, all punishment fell on them and they had to give presents even to the relatives of the first mur- derer (JR 10: 221-223) 8 Inflicted wounds also were healed only by giving presents, as belts and hatchets. The value of these presents varied according to the seriousness of the wound (JR 10: 223). The presents given to the French for the murder of one of their number were as follows. The first present of the chiefs was to open the door of the Jesuits’ house to them and the second, to allow them to enter. After they had entered, the first present was “the wiping away of tears”: “We wipe away your tears by this gift so that your sight may no longer dim when you cast your eyes on this country which has committed the murder.” Next came the present called “a beverage”: “This is to restore your voice which you have lost, so that it may speak kindly.” The third was to calm the agitated mind. The 89 The names of these presents resemble the names of the 14 burdens or matters in the Iroquois Condolence Ceremony (see note 58, p. 45). Its resemblance is perhaps not acci- dental; the 10th burden is called the “20 matters,” the 20 strings of wampum that are the penalty for murder (Fenton 1946: 120; Hewitt 1944: 75). A procedure similar to that described for the Huron and that of the Iroquois Condolence Ceremony is recorded by Sir William Johnson for a council meeting between Iroquois and Whites concerning a murder (Beauchamp 1886: 90). 81 Finley describes a similar Wyandot procedure. He states that after the defeat of the Wyandot by the Iroquois, murder was frequent, and to stop it, the council of the tribe decreed to put to death every murderer (Finley 1840: 62). He goes on to say: When the sentence of guilt was passed, the body of the murdered person was taken and placed on a smooth piece of bark, supported by a scaffold of forks and poles, 2 or 3 feet from the ground, and so fixed that all the matter from the putrefy- ing carcass should drop from a certain place. The murderer was then tied, and so firmly pinioned to the ground by tugs and stakes, as not to be able to move in the least. A gag was then put into his month, so as to keep it open, which was so placed as to receive the drops from the putrefying body. In this position he lay, without a moment’s respite, until death came to his relief; and this, the chief said, would be from 10 to 15 days. A few were put to death in this way, which so effectively broke up the practice of killing and robbing, that it is hardly ever known for an Indian to touch the property of another, even in the woods, unless hunger compels him to take some meat to subsist upon. [Finley 1840: 63.] Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 55 fourth was to soothe the feelings of an irritated heart. Most of these gifts were wampum beads, shells, and other valuable gifts. Next were the 9 gifts to build a tomb for the deceased: 4 for the 4 posts that support it, 4 for the crosspieces of the deceased’s bed and 1 to serve the deceased as a bolster. Then the 8 chiefs of the 8 nations * each gave a present for the 8 principal bones of the body : those of the feet, thighs, and arms. Then the Jesuits gave a gift of about 3,000 wampum beads saying it was to make the “land level, so that it would receive them more gently when they should be overthrown by the violence of the reproaches that I was to address to them for having committed the murder.” The next day the 50 presents were hung on a type of stage (JR 33: 241-243). In addition to these presents, others were given to the French. Three were required to dress the body. The next was a present to draw the hatchet out of the wound. Then 3 presents were given: the first, to close the earth; the second, to trample it down (at this point the men began to dance to indicate their joy that the earth no longer wished to swallow them) ; the third, to put a stone on it that it might stay closed. Next came 7 presents: the first, to restore the voice of the missionaries; the second, to ask the French servants not to turn their arms against the murderer, but against the Iroquois; the third, to appease the Governor [of New France] when he heard of the murder; the fourth, to rekindle the fire; the fifth, to reopen the door; the sixth, to put the boat in the water; the seventh, to put the paddle in the hands of the young boy who had charge of that boat. The Jesuits could have asked for 2 other presents to rebuild their house and church and to set up again 4 large crosses, but they did not. ‘The final presents were 3 given by the 3 principal chiefs, to calm the Jesuits’ minds and to beg them to love the Huron always. All told, about 100 presents were given. The Jesuits also gave some pres- ents (JR 33: 245-247). The Jesuits maintained that the Indians killed each other quite fre- quently, but that they imputed these murders to their enemies, who in the summer and autumn were to be found in ambushes along the roads (JR 20: 75). And, apparently, some murders were planned so that the blame feli on other Hurons. In one case, a young Huron robbed his father-in-law and carried his booty to his mother’s house in an- other village. In accordance with the custom of the country, the father-in-law then went to this house and took all he found, “hardly leaving the inmates enough with which to cover themselves.” The boy then plotted to kill his brother so that the father-in-law, or at 82 These “eight nations” may be a reference to clans and indicate that the Huron had eight clans: Lioyd (in Morgan 1901(2) : 225) citing Bressani’s description of the same event (JR 38: 273-287) says that the Huron had eight clans at this time. Various later lists of Wyandot and Huron clans give various total numbers (Barbeau 1912; 1917; Con- nelley 1899 b: 26-28; 1899 c: 106; Hewitt 1907 c: 590; Morgan 1901(2) : 225; 1959: 59; Powell 1881 : 59 ff. ; Wilson 1885: 75). 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 least his village, would be blamed for the murder and would have to give presents both to him and the other relatives of the dead man. After the planned crime had been committed, the youth appeared and asserted that his father-in-law was the murderer, that the ill-will he had for his in-laws was weil known, and that he had not been satis- fied with robbing them, but had done greater harm by taking the life of one of them. As a result of this argument, the village of the accused had to give satisfaction, a moderate fine, in this case, as the dead man and his relatives were obscure people and had little status. Later a girl of the village appeared and said that she had witnessed the murder. The final outcome was that the father-in-law was not accused of the crime (JR 13:11-17). Gambling was almost the sole cause for assaults and murders (JR 10:81). Some crimes in addition to murder were probably avenged by indi- viduals. For example, one man killed his sister who stole (JR 8: 123). Thieves were [usually] punished in the following manner: If an Indian found an object that belonged to him in the possession of another, he could take it back and all the thief’s possessions. If the thief was fishing, for example, he could take his canoe, nets, fish, robe, and everything else he had (JR 10: 228) .*8 Traitors who plotted to ruin the country were killed as quickly as possible (JR 8: 123) .84 SUICIDE Occasionally, an individual committed suicide either by eating a poisonous root [andachienrra (JR 14: 37), ondachienroa (JR 18: 27), ondachiera (S 195) (in JR 19: 178 called an aconite) | * that acted very quickly or by hanging himself. Apparently an antidote for the root was known: one Frenchman who ate it was cured by emetics which the Indians made him swallow (S 195). There were at least two reasons for taking one’s own life: excessive grief or vengeance on parents (and relatives) for some wrong (JR 13: 27; 14:37; 18: 27- 29; 19: 171-175). One of the principal reasons the Huron indulged 83 Winley (1840: 62) says that among the Wyandot, if one Indian stole from another, the person robbed could take as much property of the thief as would remunerate him for his loss and trouble. Powell (1881: 66) says that if the matter was not settled in a council of the clans of the two men involved, any property of the clan that was found could be seized. Among the Iroquois the punishment for theft was public indignation (Morgan 1901(1) : 324-325). Jackson (1830 b: 31) says that a person suspected of theft was called by the chiefs to appear in council. If he was guilty, he confessed and restored the property. Then every chief or warrior in the council could say what he thought and the thief had to listen. No other punishment was inflicted. 84 Wyandot traitors were killed (Powell 1881: 67). 8 Fenton (1941 b: 111-118) identifies this root as water hemlock (Cicuta maculata L.). It was not aconite (Fenton 1941 b: 109). Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 57 their children so much was that the children would commit suicide if they were treated with some severity by their parents (JR 14: 87). In one case a man poisoned himself “from the grief he felt because his wife had been taken away from him” (JR 8: 121). In another case, after he had lost a beaver robe and a collar of four hundred wampum beads at a game of straws, a man hanged himself from a tree rather than face his relatives. He had attempted suicide before, but a little girl had caught him in the act. When asked why he did it, he replied, “I do not know, but someone within me seems always to be saying, ‘Hang yourself, hang yourself’ ” (JR 10: 81).% ETIQUETTE Certain behavior was expected of individuals, for otherwise they would be criticized on the spot. If an individual made too many blunders, he would be talked about in the village and lose all his influence. When two Hurons met, the only greeting they gave was to call each other by name or to say “my friend, my comrade” or, if it was an old man, “my uncle.” If a Huron came into a house when the occupants were eating, they gave him something to eat. If he was given one of their dishes, he would taste it and give it back. But, if he was given a dish for himself, he would not eat it until he had shared it with his companions who usually took only a spoonful (JR10: 213-215). It wasaserious breach of etiquette to set one’s foot in a house while a feast for a sick person was going on (JR 13: 198), but it was proper to feed and lodge travelers (S 88). When they visited one another, they made mutual presents. To show politeness, they did not bargain and were satisfied to take what was honestly and reasonably offered. ‘They despised the proceeding of the French mer- chants who bargained for an hour to lessen the cost of a beaver skin (S 140). When the Indians wished to entertain someone and demon- strate their friendship for him, they presented him with a lighted pipe after having smoked it themselves (S 88). The Huron paid each other no compliments [probably in the sense that they did not indulge in the polite formalities of “civilized” society]. If their hands were dirty, they wiped them on their hair or on the coats of their dogs. They never washed them unless they were extremely dirty (S 140). They belched before everybody during meals (S 141). When one Huron sneezed, the others responded with imprecations, abuse, and even invoked death upon the Iroquois and all their enemies (S 85). 8 The motives and methods of Iroquois suicide are discussed in detail in Fenton’s (1941 b) study (see also below “Birth and Childhood” and note 27, p. 124, for further material on Iroquoian child-training practices). 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 SUBSISTENCE DIVISION OF LABOR The subsistence base of the Huron was a mixed one including agriculture, hunting, gathering, and fishing (S 103). Women did all the agricultural work; the men hunted, fished, and traded (JR 15: 155; C 187). The women tilled the ground; planted and harvested the corn; stored it; prepared it for eating, pounding it and roasting it in the ashes (JR 14: 235; C 136, 156; S 101). They pounded the meal their husbands carried on summer trading expeditions (C 166; S 101-102). They attended to other household matters. They were expected to attend their husbands, carrying the baggage (C 136) .*7 The women also collected the necessary wood (C 136, 156; S 101). All the women helped each other collect this wood during 2 days in the month of March or April. In this way, each household was supplied with what it needed in a few days (C 156; S 94). Ifa girl married at the time of year when it was difficult to gather wood, each woman and girl brought a load of wood from her own supply to the newly wed girl (C 156-157; S$ 123). They used only a very good wood and preferred to go a distance to obtain it, rather than use green wood and wood that made smoke. For these reasons, their fires were clear and were made with a small amount of wood. If they could not find trees that were quite dry, they felled those with dry branches and broke these into splinters and cut them to equal length. They did not make up fagots of twigs, nor use the trunks of the largest trees. Tree trunks were left on the ground to rot because, as they had no saw to cut them in pieces, they could only break them up if they were dry and rotten (S 94). [The Huron had stone hatchets (JR 17: 49) and traded for metal ones (see above, “Trade and War”) ]. Wood was carried tied up on their backs and attached to 87 Iroquois women also did the agricultural work, although the men cleared the land, removing the trees by felling or girdling them, burning what material they could, and uprooting the partly burned and rotted tree trunks (Parker 1910 b: 21-22; Waugh 1916: 7). Women cleared rubbish off the fields, planted the corn, beans, and squashes, and harvested them, often helping each other in these tasks. They also, of course, prepared the meals and did other household tasks (Beauchamp 1900: 81; Hale 1883: 65; Jackson 1830 a: 12, 29, 832; 1830 b: 17; Seaver 1824: 184-185; Shimony 1961 a: 154 n.). In the years following the American Revolution, the subsistence base of the Iroquois shifted to more intensive agricultural efforts and to plow agriculture, a shift brought about by the fact that hunting and trading were no longer as profitable as they had been and war was no longer feasible. This shift necessitated a change in the division of labor, the men taking up agricultural work (the various changes in the division of labor and in the settlement pattern during this period are well documented in Jackson 1830 a). In more recent times, wage work has become important to the Iroauois. 8 The Iroquois had a similar custom. As Mary Jemison said, “Each squaw cuts her own wood; but it is all brought to the house under the direction of the overseer [an old woman appointed for the task]—each bringing one back load’’ (Seaver 1824: 185; see also Beauchamp 1900: 81; Jackson 1830 b: 18). Waugh (1916: 54) remarks that wood is gathered very often by women and the older men, who sometimes use a pack basket or sled to transport it. Jackson (1830 b: 18) says that Iroquois women gathered wood in the summer or early fall. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 59 “a collar resting and supported on their forehead” [a tumpline] (S 92-93). The Huron had wooden and earthen vessels (JR 17: 49). The women made the pottery, particularly the round pots without handles or feet, in which the food was cooked (S 102). To make the pots, suitable earth was sifted and pulverized very thoroughly and mixed with a little sandstone. A lump of this was shaped into a ball and a hole put in it with a fist. The hole was enlarged and scraped in- side with a little wooden paddle. Then the earthenware pots [a pot or kettle was called anoo (S 106, 260)] were fired in an oven. Although the pots, without water in them, could withstand being set directly on the fire, they could not stand moisture and cold water for any length of time without becoming soft and easily broken. The pots did not have feet or handles and were quite round except for the mouth, which projected a little (S 109). The women also prepared the hemp and bark (S 101). In the proper season, the women gathered the plant named ononhasquara from which hemp was made (S 240). Apparently these hemp- gathering parties were large: on one occasion about 40 people gathered hemp for nets (JR 26: 203-205). During the winter, the hemp, beaten and twisted by the women and girls who rolled it on their thighs into twine, was made into snares and fishing nets by the men (S 98, 101, 240; C 136, 166-167). During the winter, the women made the mats of reeds (and of maize leaves) that were used both to hang in the doors and to sit on. They dressed and softened the skins of beaver, moose, and other animals and made cloaks and coverings of them, which they painted with various colors. They also made the leather game bag or tobacco pouch and decorated it with red, black, white, and blue porcupine quills. They made the sashes, collars, and bracelets worn by both men and women. They also made the baskets, both of reeds and of birchbark, to hold beans, corn, peas, meat, fish, and other foods, and the bark bowls used for drinking and eating (S 102).°° In their leisure time they played games, went to dances and feasts, and gossiped. They were not admitted to many of the men’s feasts, however, nor to any of their councils (S 101). In addition to hunting, fishing, warring, and trading, the men made the houses and canoes (C137; 101) .*? ® Troquois pottery making quickly lapsed after the introduction of metal kettles. Huron pottery is known, of course, from the archeological remains. 6 Barbeau (1912: 385) also says that women dressed and tanned the hides, made clothes, baskets, bark containers, and other articles for household use. See Parkér (1910 b: 82) for mention of a cornhusk lounging mat and Morgan (1850: 74; 1901(2) : 23-24) and Waugh (1916: 64) for descriptions of bark bowls. *1In later times, Iroquoian men also hunted, fished, went to war and to trade, and built houses and canoes (Barbeau 1912: 385; Hale 1883: 65; Jackson 1830 b: 21; Parker 1910 b: 22-23). They also, as Fenton remarks, “made fishnets, and all the gear that they used except burden straps and clothing’’ (see Quain 1961 : 536). 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 Two other items concerning material culture should be mentioned. To stick together broken pieces of their pipes or earthenware tobacco- burning tubes, the Huron used blood drawn from their arms after making a cut with a small sharp stone (S 197). From the atti tree [probably the basswood], the Indians tore off long strips of bark (otihara). These were boiled to extract hemp from which ropes and bags were made. If the bark was not boiled, it was used in place of moose sinews for sewing robes and other articles, for fastening together birchbark dishes and bowls, for tying and holding the planks and poles of the houses, and for bandaging sores and wounds (S 240). AGRICULTURE Corn, beans, and squash (pumpkins) were grown by the Huron (JR 11: 7; 15: 153; C 50) and also sunflowers (C 50). Corn was the basic food in the diet and, fortunately, the yield of corn was great; sometimes, 100 grains for 1 (JR 15: 157). Tobacco was also grown (JR 11: 7).°* As the soil of Huronia and nearby regions was sandy (JR 10: 35; C 51), frequent rain was needed to grow crops. If 8 days passed without rain, the crop began “to fade and hang its head” (JR 10:35; cf. JR10:41). All uncleared land was common property. An individual could clear and plant as much as he wished. This land then remained his for as long as he cultivated it. If, however, he did not use it, any- one else could plant it (S 103).% ®2 These crops, corn, beans, and squash (aptly termed ‘‘the Three Sisters’ by the Iroquois because they are found together in the fields), and sunflowers and tobacco were, of course, the cultivated plants of the Iroquois and other agricultural North American Indians (Mor- gan 1850: 78-79; 1901(1): 152-153; 1901(2): 32-34; Waugh 1916: 3-4). Tobacco, at least now, is seldom really cultivated. It is commonly sown by scattering tobacco seeds from the doorway of the house; it then seeds itself in subsequent years (Fenton 1953: 132). The seeds of the sunflower provided an oil which is now used principally for ceremonial purposes, as on False Face masks (Parker 1910 b: 102; Speck 1949: 78-79; Waugh 1916: 78). Lard is a more modern substitute (Shimony 1961 a: 149-150). Iroquois women used to oil their hair with sunflower seed oil (Shimony 1961 a: 154, 168; see also above under ‘‘Dress’”’ for a similar Huron custom). 83 Use ownership of land, ownership of land by the user for as long as he cultivates it, {is a common form of ownership of agricultural land among North American Indians. The effect of the practice is to distribute agricultural land in an equitable manner—each indi- vidual family having sufficient land for its needs. Among the Iroquois, the land used by the women was also owned by the women (the matrilineage). This included agricultural land and land on which berries, nuts, roots bark, and medicines were collected. They also owned the house and the burial grounds (Goldenweiser 1913: 467-469; Hewitt 1918: 533-534; 1932: 479-480; Parker 1916: 42; Quain 1961: 248 n.). Among the Wyandot also, the women owned the agricultural land and the houses (Powell 1881: 65). These principles of land ownership are illustrated in the manner of indicating the ownership of melons planted in patches in the woods which had been cleared by burning. The ownership of the patch was indicated by a pole painted with the clan totem and name sign of the owner. The clan totem indicated that the patch belonged to the clan and that, if necessary, any clansmen might take the fruit; the name sign indicated that the patch had been cleared, planted, and cultivated by that individual and he had, in practice, a prior right to the fruit (Parker 1910 b: 92; 1913; 39 n.). Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 61 Clearing of the land was done by cutting down the trees at a height of 2 or 8 feet above the ground. Then all the branches were stripped off and burned at the stump to kill the tree. In the course of time, the roots were removed. Then the women thoroughly cleared the ground between the trees. To plant the corn, round holes or pits were dug a pace apart by the women and into each of them was put 9 or 10 kernels (S 103; C 156). This seed first had been picked out, sorted, and soaked in water for a few days (S 103). They planted enough corn to last 2, 8, or 4 years in order to have enough for a bad year (S 103; C 156) or to trade it with other tribes for furs and other things. Each year, the corn was planted in the same places, which were hoed with a small wooden spade shaped like an ear with a handle at the end. The rest of the land was cleared of weeds.** As the fields appeared to be all paths, Sagard got lost in the cornfields more often than in the meadows and forests (S 103-104). Each cornstalk bore 2 or 3 ears, each ear containing one or two hundred grains and sometimes four hundred or more. The stalk grew as high as a man or higher and was very thick. The corn ripened in 4 months, and in some places in 3. After the corn was picked, the leaves were turned up, tied around the ears, and arranged in bundles. These bundles were hung in rows along the whole length of the house from top to bottom on poles which formed a kind of rack, coming down as low as the edge of the roof in front of the bench. When the grain was dry and fit for storing the women and girls shelled it, cleaned it, and put it into the large vats or casks made for the purpose. These were then placed in the porch or in some corner of the house (S 104). * If the crops failed, the Huron were faced with famine. During one such famine, they lived on acorns, pumpkins, and roots (JR 27: 65); during another, they relied on hunting (JR 26: 311-313). In the course of some famines, they bought corn from other groups (JR 8: 97; cf. JR 15: 157—a report of a famine in which Neutrals sold their children to get corn). Sometimes, it was necessary to sow the crops more than once. One spring, for example, white frosts and worms forced the Indians to sow three times (JR 8: 99). {In recent times, the digging stick was not used (Waugh 1916: 15; cf. Parker 1910 b: 24-25), but the foot was used to make a hole for the seeds and to cover them, or the seeds were planted in the hole left after the cornstalk had been pulled up (Waugh 1916: 17). Before planting, the corn is soaked in water which has some herbs added. This slightly germinates the corn (see Waugh 1916: 18-19; Parker 1910 b: 26-27; Shimony 1961 a: 153-154 for full descriptions). Formerly, all the cultivation given was to pull up or trample the weeds in the fields (Waugh 1916: 20). Various devices were used to protect the corn from animals and birds (see Waugh 1916: 86—87 for descriptions). % The Huron methods of harvesting and husking the corn were probably like those more recently described for the Iroquois, with the exception that corn is no lounger stored in pits (see Waugh 1916: 39-44 and Parker 1910 b: 31-36 for detailed descriptions). Iroquois bark barrels for storage are described by Morgan (1850: 74; 1852: 107; 1901(2) : 22-23). 671—292—64—_5 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 GATHERING Although agriculture was important in the economy of the Huron, it was not the only source of subsistence. Berries, particularly straw- berries, raspberries, and blackberries, were plentiful (JR 10: 103; C 50; S 72, 74, 238). Fruits were dried for winter use, to be used as preserves for the sick, to give taste to sagamité, and to put into the small cakes that were baked in the ashes (S 237). Cranberries (toca) were put into little cakes or eaten raw (S 238). Mulberries were also picked (JR 13: 13). Plums (téonestes) were rough and sharp to the taste until touched by frost. So, after being gathered by the women, they were buried in the ground to sweeten be- fore being eaten (S 238) .°° Grapes were also plentiful (JR 10: 103; S 83, 239). [But the Jesuits found the native grapes not as good as they were beautiful (JR 13:85).] Acorns were eaten after having been boiled several times to take away the bitter taste. Sometimes, a kind of tree bark, like willow bark, was eaten raw. But the Indians did not eat herbs, except some roots they called sondhratatte [perhaps ground nuts or cow parsnip | (S 108). Orasqueinta [Jerusalem-artichoke] was rare in Huronia; it was eaten raw or cooked as sondhratates. When ripe and full grown, onions [chives] (anonque) were baked in the ashes (S 239). Other wild foods are mentioned, including small cherries and black cherries (C 51), small wild apples, mayapples, walnuts (C 50), wild beans (S 70), wild pumpkins (S 72), and wild peas (S 90) .% FISHING Fishing was also a significant part of the Huron economy.®® The Indians knew in what season, as autumn or summer, particular kinds of fish were plentiful in what places. For example, some weeks after 8 Various berries, including strawberries, raspberries, blackberries, cranberries, and mulberries, were also eaten by the Iroquois (Parker 1910 b: 95-96; Waugh 1916: 127- 128). The importance of this type of food to the Iroquois is indicated by their important “first-fruits’ ceremony, the Strawberry Ceremony and, in some longhouses, a Raspberry Ceremony. The strawberry is among the earliest berries to ripen and is followed shortly after by the raspberry and others (Waugh 1916: 125; see also note 37, p. 79; see also Shimony 1961 a: 158 ff. for descriptions of these Iroquois ceremonials and the use of berry juice in them). The earliest of the wild strawberries are thought to have great medicinal value (Parker 1913: 25 and 25 n.; see below under ‘‘Curing Ceremonies’ for an example of dried strawberries being used as part of a cure). % The Iroquoians gathered more varieties of wild foods than the 17th-century observers noted (an indication of the number of different plants utilized is to be found in Waugh 1916: 117-129; Parker 1910 b: 93-109). The reasons for this neglect are obvious: gathering was probably not as important as hunting and fishing and, as it was done by the women, the French writers, being men, probably overlooked much of this activity. Wishing was also a Significant part of the Iroquois economy and many kinds of fish were eaten (Waugh 1916: 1386). Spears, nets, and weirs were used to take them (Beau- champ 1905: 130-131, 147-148). Among the Iroquois, spring was the fishing season (Morgan 1901 (1): 3837), but great fish drives were also held in the summer before the new crop was ripe (Menton 1942 a: 48). Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 63 the catch of big fish (assihendo), they went to catch another kind of fish (eénchataon). It was used to flavor sagamité during the winter and much was made of it. The viscera of this fish were not removed; the fish were stored by hanging them in bunches on the poles of their houses (S 230). During another season of the year, a fish similar to a herring but smaller (awhaitsiq) was caught with a seine net. People cooperated in catching this fish, and divided the catch by large bowlfuls. It was eaten fresh or smoked. Many other kinds of fish were caught (S 251). The fish that were caught might be dried or smoked (JR 10: 101; 34: 215) to preserve them (C 56). The fall was the season for fishing; at this time of the year numbers of people were engaged in it (JR 13: 115; 15: 57-59, 113, 125; cf. IR 8: 87-89). But fishing was also important in the early spring (JR 14: 57; 17: 197) and in the summer (JR 17: 51; C 166-167). One method of fishing was to set the nets by canoe (JR 23: 95). Another was to place the nets at some small openings in a number of weirs that almost closed the straits (C 56-57). Some fishing was done while the ice was on the lake (JR 19: 173) by means of lines or a seine net put through holes cut in several places (C 167; S 98). If using the latter method, the Indians made several round holes in the ice; the one through which they drew the seine, some 5 feet long and 3 wide. They then set the net at this opening and, fastening to the net a wooden pole 6 to 7 feet long, passed the pole from one hole to another under the ice. The one or two men at each hole, putting their hands through it, took hold of the pole to which was attached one end of thenet. This process was repeated until the pole came back to the large hole. Then the net was dropped to the bottom; it sank because of the small stones attached to the end. When it was drawn up at its two ends, the fish were captured in the net (C 167-168). ‘Sagard’s account of a fishing expedition to catch a large fish called assthendo [probably the whitefish] describes a procedure probably often followed. Sagard with four others left in a small canoe during the month of October and went north on Lake Huron (S 185). This lake contained many islands on which the Indians camped when going to fish or when journeying to tribes bordering on the lake (S 189). After a long sail, they stopped at an island suitable for fishing and put up a house near several others that had already been built there for the same purpose. On the evening of their arrival, they had a feast of two large fish which had been given them by a friend of one of the Indians as they had passed an island where he was‘fishing: it was their custom to give presents of a few fish when visiting friends during the fishing season. After the house had been erected in the Algonquin fashion, they chose their places in it, the four chief men 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 in the four corners and the others side by side. There were two fires in the house (S185). Every evening the Indians took the nets a half league or a league onto the lake. At daybreak, they drew in the nets and always brought back many fish, such as assihendo, trout, and sturgeon. ‘These they gutted, cutting them open as one did cod, and spread them out on racks made of poles to dry in the sun (S 185-186). The squirrels were chased away from the drying fish by the Indians’ shouting, clapping their hands, and shooting arrows at them (S 190). If it rained so that the weather was unfavorable for the drying of meat or fish, they smoked it on frames or poles and packed it into casks to protect it from dogs and mice. This they used for feasts and as a relish for their soup, especially in the winter. Sometimes they boiled the biggest and fattest assthendos to extract the oil from them, skimming it from the top of the boiling mass with a spoon, and then put it into bottles (of the rind of a fruit that comes from a distant country) (S 186). When there was a strong wind, the Indians did not put their nets in the water, although they did if the winds were moderate (S 190). In the stomachs of many fish were found hooks made of a bit of wood, with a bone attached for a barb and tied with hemp cord. As the line was too weak, the fish had been lost (S 189). When the fishing was good and there were a number of houses, many feasts were given (S 186). In each house, there was usually a fish-preacher who preached a sermon to the fish. Such men were in great demand, for the Indians believed that they had great power to attract the fish into the nets. One such man preached every day after supper. After first ordering silence and telling everyone to lie flat on their backs as he did, he spoke, saying that the Huron did not burn fishbones and begged the fish to allow themselves to be caught and so be of service to their friends who respected them and did not burn their bones (S 188). In order to have good fishing, the Indians sometimes burned tobacco and offered an invocation. They also threw tobacco into the water for certain spirits that controlled the water, or rather to the soul of the water, to allow them to catch many fish (S 189). After a month or more had passed, the big fish changed their feeding grounds and the Indians returned to their villages (S 190). Fishing was important enough to the Huron to warrant other ritual attention: in one ceremony, two virgin girls were married to a net to insure an abundant catch of fish for the season (JR 17: 197-201; 10: 167 ; “Ceremony of The Marriage of Two Virgins to The Seine,” p. 79). (ooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 65 HUNTING Hunting was important to the Huron. Although occasionally the priests write of the scarcity of game and fresh fish in Huronia (cf. JR 7: 223; 17:17; S 82), they do so usually when stressing the hard- ships of life among the Indians. In other places, they mention an abundance of game and fish (JR 11: 7; 15: 153), perhaps in an attempt to advertise the country. Hunting probably varied with area and season. Game was scarce except during the autumn (JR 13: 109, 118, 255; cf. JR 8: 149) when some hunted deer, bear, and beaver (C 81). There is mention of an Indian hunting beaver about the end of the autumn (JR 26: 249). In another report, the Jesuits speak of the difficulty the Huron had in observing Lent, for this was the time when the hunters returned and the only time they had a little meat (JR 17: 141-148; cf. JR 21: 197— the supply of meat was great among the Neutral for one year because of heavy snows that facilitated hunting). They also speak of game as being scarce during Lent, that the hunters had to travel 200 to 800 leagues in order to find bears, deer, and “cows” [JR 15: 183; perhaps “wild cows” were deer (cf. JR 29: 221)]. In another place the Jesuits speak of hunting as being no longer successful, for the mild weather had ceased early in February and it was not the season for game (JR 18: 263). These apparent contradictions indicate that hunting took place in the late fall and early winter.*® They also indicate that game was scarce near the villages and that the Indians had to travel considerable distances to obtain it. This interpretation explains why the missionaries often went without meat; their servants could not travel on long hunting expeditions, although occa- sionally they could take game and birds nearby. Bears and deer were hunted (JR 15: 99, 183; 23: 63; 30: 53) with bow and arrow (JR 26:318) or traps (JR 30:53; C 85). ‘Animal drives were probably important. In one place where deer and bears were abundant, four or five hundred Indians formed a line in the woods extending between points which jutted into the river. With bow and arrow in hand, they marched, shouting and making much noise in order to frighten the animals, until they reached the end of the point. There the animals were forced either to pass through the line and be shot by the hunters or to go into the water. Indians in their canoes easily approached the animals swimming along the *9 Fall was also the Iroquois hunting season, the Indians returning to the village before the Midwinter Ceremonial (Jackson 1830 a: 34; Morgan 1901(1): 337; De. C. Smith 1889 b: 282). 1Troquois deer drives also have been described (Jackson 1830 b: 26; Morgan 1901(1) : 336). Jesse Cornplanter said that communal hunts were held only in preparation for ceremonials (Quain 1961: 252 n.). 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 shore and killed them with a sword blade attached to a stick like a half-pike. Similar drives took place on the islands where there were large quantities of game (C 60-61). On another deer hunt, 25 Indians built 2 or 3 houses out of pieces of wood fitted together, chinked with moss, and covered with bark. Then they built a triangular enclosure, closed on 2 sides and open on 1, of large wooden stakes joined closely together. The enclosure was from 8 to 9 feet high and each of the sides was nearly 1,500 paces long. At the end of this triangle was a small enclosure that narrowed the farther it went and was covered in part with branches. It had only one opening 5 feet wide which the deer were to enter. This struc- ture took less than 10 days to build. In the meanwhile, some Indians had gone to catch trout and pike of great size. After the enclosure was ready, the hunters went to the woods a half-hour before daybreak. From there, about a half-league from the enclosure and separated from each other by some 80 paces, the men marched slowly toward the enclosure, striking 2 sticks together, and driving the deer before them. When they reached the end of the triangle, they began to shout and imitate wolves. The deer, frightened by this noise, entered the small enclosure where they were easily captured. This procedure was repeated every 2 days. In 38 days, the Indians captured 120 deer. They kept the fat, which they used as the French did butter, for the winter and took home some meat for their feasts. The trip back was made after the frost when travel was easier over this very marshy country (C 82-85). A bear, after having been captured, might be fattened for 2 or 3 years and then killed for a feast (C 130). The bear was shut up in the middle of the house in a little round enclosure made of stakes driven into the ground. He was given the remains of sagamité to eat (S 220). Perhaps other wild animals also were kept: one Indian raised in his house a bustard which the Jesuits bought for a deer skin (JR 138: 97). Other animals were taken. Rabbits were snared (S 223). Cranes [great blue heron] and geese were hunted with a bow and arrow or caught in snares (S 220-221). Crows were not eaten (S 221) but eagles were (S 259). Wild turkeys were found in some regions, es- pecially near the Tobacco League (S 220). Turtles were eaten after they were cooked alive in the hot ashes or boiled with their flippers sticking up (S 235, 251)? Dogs were eaten as meat (JR 7: 223; C 129; S 226) and for this purpose were raised as sheep were in France (JR 7: 228; cf. S 226). 2 Wor kinds of birds and animals taken, see Waugh 1916 ; 134-136. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 67 Often the killing of a dog was part of a religious ceremony (JR9:111; 17: 195; 21: 161-163; 23: 173, and passim below).* Dogs also were used in hunting, at least in hunting bear (JR 14: 33-85). The special relationship between men, animals, and dogs is indi- cated in the Huron belief that while hunting, the bones of deer, moose, and other animals or, while fishing, fishbones, should not be thrown to the dogs or into the fire and that the fat of the animals should not drop into the fire. If this happened, the other animals [of the same species] would hear of it and would not let themselves be taken (JR 10: 167; S 186-187; C 91-92). Animals taken when the hunter was lost were not eaten (C 91-92). The Canadian beaver was “the main inducement for many mer- chants of France to cross the great Ocean. . . . Such a quantity of them is brought every year that I cannot think but that the end is in sight” (S 232). Beavers were usually hunted in the winter as during that season they stayed in their houses and their fur was better. When the Indians wished to catch a beaver, they first blocked up all the passages by which it could escape. A hole was then broken through the ice of the lake and one Indian put his arm into it waiting for the beaver to come up, while another walked over the ice striking it with a stick to frighten the beaver back to its lair. When the animal came up, it was seized by the back of the neck, a skillful operation, as it could bite. The Indians also took beaver in the summer: nets with poles were sunk into the water and as the beaver came out of their houses they were caught and killed. Beaver was eaten fresh or smoked. The skin was carefully dressed and bartered to the French or used for clothing. The four large teeth were used to scrape the bowls made out of tree knots (S 233-234). MEALS AND THEIR PREPARATION Usually the Huron had two meals a day, one in the morning (at 9 o’clock) and the other in the evening (at 5 o’clock), although they would eat at other times (JR 8: 1138; 15: 183; C 130).4 Corn pounded in a wooden mortar (JR 8:111) or ground between two stones (JR 19: 235), figured prominently in the dishes eaten, as did beans 3The custom of eating dogs as food is well known among North American Indians. The killing of a dog as a religious sacrifice lasted well into the 19th century as part of the Midwinter Ceremonial, although in these latter years it was not eaten. 4The early writers on the Iroquoians say that they had two meals a day (Jackson 1830 b: 17); the later writers say that the Iroquois had only one regular meal (in the morning), although food was eaten at other times during the day (Morgan 1852: 115: 1901(1) : 318-319; Parker 1910 b: 61; Waugh 1916: 46-47). The preparations for this morning meal are still remembered—older informants in this century saying that women used to get up early in the morning to pound corn for this meal. 68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 (C 125).5 Pounded corn was called ottet (S 71). The number of different ways of preparing corn, over 20 (JR 10: 103),° attests to its importance. The ordinary meal frequently consisted of corn roasted in the embers or ground into meal and mixed with water (JR 15: 161-163; 23: 187). Corn might be roasted whole before the fire or the kernels stripped off and roasted like peas in the ashes (S 72). Roasted young corn was highly esteemed (C 129). Most commonly, the corn was not roasted, but mixed with water and boiled. The boiled corn was sometimes flavored by the addition of ashes, little waterflies, or some rotten, powdered, or boiled fish (JR 15: 163; 17: 17; S 71, 80) or some small things called avhaitsi- que (S 71). Leindohy, corn that had rotted in mud or stagnant and marshy water for 3 or 4 months, might also be added (S 71-72). The ordinary sagamité (S 107) or migan (C 126) [an Algonquian word], called ottet¢ (S 107), was made in the following manner: Two or three handfuls of raw pounded (ground) meal which had not had the hull removed was put into an earthen pot full of water. This was boiled very clear and stirred from time to time with the estoqua [paddle] to prevent the meal from sticking to the bottom of the pot or burning. If available, a small quantity of fish, fresh or dried, or meat was added (C 126-127; S 107). If pumpkin was in season, it was sometimes added after having been cut up into small pieces. But often nothing was added (S 107).7. Two kinds of mzgan were made. If made of venison, it smelled badly [to Champlain], but if it were made of fish, it did not. If fish had been added, it was taken out and pounded very fine, without removing the bones, scales, or entrails, and put back into the pot (C 127). Meat or fish might be divided and eaten before the soup (S 107). Another method of preparing migan was to cook whole, with fish or meat when they had it, young corn that had been roasted before it was ripe and preserved (C 127-128) 5 These are the well-known Indian methods of preparing corn, the more important method in eastern North America being that using the wooden mortar and pestle. It is that method which is still used among the Iroquois. |The method of grinding corn between two stones was also used until quite recent times (Morgan 1850: 75-78; 1901(2): 28-30; Parker 1910 b: 46-48, 54; Waugh 1916: 58-60, 185). This change is probably a result of changing dietary habits; the Iroquois now usually prepare old Indian dishes only for ceremonials. 6A similar variety of methods of preparing corn is indicated in the various studies of food preparation (Harrington 1908 ; Parker 1910 b; Waugh 1916). 7 According to more recent Iroquois recipes for making hominy (sagamité), the flour is made of flint corn, pounded with ashes to make the pounding easier, sifted and pounded again, and then winnowed by tossing in a bowl or basket. Meat, beans, sunflower oil, pounded and sifted dried pumpkin, or rotten salmon may be added to the soup (Harrington 1908: 586—587 ; Parker 1910 b: 78-74; Waugh 1916: 91-94; Shimony 1961 a: 147 n.). 8 Wor recent descriptions of early hominy see Harrington 1908: 589; Parker 1910 b: 69; Waugh 1916: 93-94. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 69 Neintahouy was made in the following manner: The women roasted a number of ears of green corn, either by propping them up before the fire, leaning them against a stick resting on two stones and turning them until they were roasted, or by putting them into a heap of well-heated sand. After the roasting, the grains were stripped off and spread out on a bark to dry further. When sufficiently dry, the corn was mixed with a third to a quarter as much beans (ogaressa) and stored in a cask. When they wished to eat it, it was boiled whole, with a little meat or fish, if they had any (S 106).° To make eschionque (S 106) [cornmeal], a quantity of dried corn was roasted in the ashes and sand of a fire, as for peas, and pounded very fine. Then, with a little fan of tree bark, the fine flour was taken away and this was called eschionque (S 106; C 128) and stored for use on journeys (C 128).2° The cornmeal might be eaten dry, cooked in a pot, or steeped in warm or cold water (S 106-107). If cooked, some fish or meat was first cut up and boiled in a large kettle with some pumpkin, if they liked (C 128;S 107). The fat from the meat and fish was skimmed from the surface with a spoon (C 128). Then enough meal was added to make the soup sufficiently thick and the soup stirred constantly with a spatula [estoqua (S 107) ] to pre- vent it from sticking together in lumps. When served, it was put into bowls with a spoonful of the fat, or a little oil or melted fat, if they had any, on top (C 128; 8 107). This was often done for feasts, but not ordinarily (C 129). The hull of this flour, called acointa, that is, “peas” (cf. S 102), was boiled separately in water with fish, if there was any, and eaten. Corn that had not been pounded was similarly prepared, but it was very hard to cook (S 107). To make leténdohy, or stinking corn (S 107), the women put a large number of ears of corn, not dry and ripe, into the mud of a pool of stagnant water for 2 or 3 months. Then it was taken out and cooked like netntahouy, boiled with meat or fish, for important feasts. It might also be roasted under hot ashes. Corn prepared in this fashion was considered good; the Indians sucked it and licked their fingers as * For similar Iroquois recipes see Harrington 1908 : 589-590; Parker 1910 b: 77; Waugh 1916 : 96-97. 10 The Iroquois similarly made a parched corn traveling food by shelling the corn, parch- ing it, and pounding it to a fine meal with a little maple sugar (sugar was not added if intended for hunters or athletes). Sometimes dried fruit was pounded with it (Jackson 1830 b: 18; Harrington 1908: 587; Morgan 1850: 77; 1901(2): 81; Parker 1910 b: 75-77 ; Waugh 1916: 88-89, 149). 1 The Iroquois also make a mush of parched and pounded corn ‘which is served with melted fat ladled on top. While cooking, the mush is stirred constantly with a wooden spatula by the Iroquois as the French said the Huron did. This dish is*now made jn connection with the False Face rites (Harrington 1908: 587; Parker 1910 b: 79; Shimony 1961 a: 145 n.; Waugh 1916: 103). The stirrer is described in Harrington 1908: 580; Morgan 1852: 78-79; 1901(2):.: 44-45; Parker 1910 b: 52-53; Waugh 1916: 70. 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 they handled these ears, as if it were sugarcane (S 107-108; C 129-130) 2 The ordinary meal of soup was sometimes supplemented with un- leavened cornbread baked under the ashes (JR 17: 17; 21: 223; 28: 123). This bread occasionally had beans or wild fruits added to it (JR 17: 17). To make bread, corn was first pounded into flour in a wooden mortar and the hull removed by fans made of tree bark (C 125). The corn was boiled for a short time in water and wiped and dried a little (S 104), then crushed and kneaded with warm water, shaped like cakes or tarts (an inch long), and baked in the ashes (S 105-106; C 126). To the dough might be added beans that had been boiled separately. Sometimes dried or fresh fruits, such as raspberries, blueberries, strawberries, and blackberries, were added (S 105; C 125-126). Sometimes, although not often as it was scarce, pieces of deer fat were added (C 126). The cakes might be wrapped in corn leaves (S 105). If baked under the ashes without being wrapped in corn leaves, the bread was washed before it was eaten (S 105; C 126). All bread was called andataroni, except that called coinkia, bread shaped like two balls joined together (S 105) and boiled (several times) in water after having been wrapped in corn leaves (S 105; C 126) .14 Another kind of bread * was made from corn before it was thor- oughly dry and ripe. To make this, the women, girls, and children bit off the grains of corn and spit them into large pots placed near them. It was then pounded in a large mortar. The paste, as it was very soft, was wrapped in leaves before baking under the ashes in the usual manner. This “chewed bread” was the most highly prized (S 105). The deer and fish they obtained were set aside for the feasts (C 129) at which time smoked fish or meat or both were added to the corn (JR 10: 179-181; 14:95). An ordinary feast consisted of 2 or 3 smoked fish cooked with corn (JR 14: 95). The food eaten while on a trip was also corn; corn coarsely ground between 2 stones and then boiled in water (JR 8: 77-79; 10: 89; 15: 153). Corn [honneha?] stalks were also sucked (S 70, 72) .*° 12 This method of preparing corn is not remembered by the Iroquois (Parker 1910 b: 79-80; Waugh 1916: 101). 13 As in the descriptions of Iroquois methods of preparing bread (Harrington 1908 : 585— 588; Parker 1910 b: 69-73; Waugh 1916: 80-87), boiled cornbread, early bread, and dumplings are mentioned in addition to baked corn bread, it seems likely the Huron had a similar variety of cornbreads. 4 This is one recipe for Iroquois wedding cakes (Harrington 1908: 587-588; Parker 1910 b: 71-72; Waugh 1916: 86-87). % For Iroquois green corn leaf bread or tamales, see Harrington 1908: 589; Parker 1910 b: 66; Waugh 1916: 99-100. 16 The older people at the time of Waugh’s (1916: 101, 146). study of Iroquois foods remembered chewing cornstalks. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON "al Squashes (pumpkins) were prepared by cooking them under the ashes (JR 10: 103; 15: 163; S 72; C 131) or by boiling them (S 72; C131)" No salt was used (S 80, 112). SEASONAL CYCLE The various economic activities of the Huron took them away from the village for much of the year. In the spring, the people left the village to engage in various summer occupations; trading, hunting, fishing, warfare, and agriculture (JR 8: 143; 10: 51-53; 14: 57; 16: 249; 17: 99, 103, 115). The men spent the spring and summer trad- ing; the women spent these months in the fields (JR 13: 11) and at least some of them lived in houses near these fields (JR 8: 148; 14: 49; 20:39; ef. JR 20: 45—house occupied when snowing). Fishing, most important in the fall, was followed by a hunting season. The people returned to the village about December (JR 8: 148; cf. JR 15: 113— return from fishing in December; JR 19: 125—about All Saints’ the people returned from trading expeditions to live in the houses until spring).?® [There isan example in the Jesuit Relations of a man going to trade in the fall (JR 17: 79-81).] Perhaps it was this sea- sonal movement that led the Jesuits to say that the Huron regulated “the seasons of the year by the wild beasts, the fish, the birds, and the vegetation.” Years, days, and months were counted by the moon (JR 15:157) 29 The dispersal of the Huron from spring until summer hampered the work of the Jesuit missionaries. In the summer, they could not do their proselytizing, as the people were not in the villages (JR 8: 143; 10: 53; 18: 11) and so spent their time in spiritual exercises and in compiling a dictionary and grammar of the Huron language (JR 10: 55; ef. JR 14: 9—from the 20th of February to Passion week of 1638 the chief occupation of the Jesuits was the study of the Huron language). In the winter, the missionaries’ difficulties were of a different type. There were many people in the villages, but with supplies for the winter gathered in and with much leisure, the Huron 17The Iroquois also prepared squashes by boiling or baking them (Jackson 1830 b: 18; Parker 1910 b: 92; Waugh 1916: 114). 18 Beauchamp (1895: 214) says that it is well known that the Iroquois did not orig- inally use salt. Even today, at least at Tonawanda, dishes made according to old Iroquois recipes do not contain salt, although the Indians liberally salt them before eating (See also Speck 1949: 41; Waugh 1916: 150; Shimony 1961 a: 188 says that food now is salted on the Six Nations Reserve). Waugh (1916: 152) suggests the ashes added to boiled corn by the Huron was a substitute for salt. k 19 The seasonal cycle of the Iroquois was probably similar. From harvest to Midwinter, the Iroquois participated in the fall hunt, returning to the village in time for Midwinter. They stayed in the village until early spring. Then they left to go to sugar-brush Sites, for a longer period in March and April to hunt pigeon at pigeon roosts, and to fish at nearby fishing sites (Fenton 1951 b: 42; see notes 98, p. 62, and 99, p. 65). 20 The Iroquois count months by the moon (Waugh 1916: 32-36). 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 spent their time feasting, dancing, and playing games (cf. C 129, 137, 164; S 98).2t. The Indians were so occupied that they had no time for the priests. RELIGION ” FEASTS * In general, Huron feasts for one’s friends and the leading men of the village [sometimes the number of guests totaled as many as 200 to 400 (JR 23: 161) or 500 (C 164) people] were to announce a great joy or great sorrow (JR 23: 161). A feast giver was an honored man; one of the most respected men in the country was so, the Huron said, “because he was a peaceable man, who did no harm to anyone and who greatly delighted in merrymaking and in giving feasts” (JR 17: 153). At these feasts, there was an abundance of good food (JR 17: 163). Strangers were given the best of what had been prepared (JR 8: 127). The whole head of the animal that provided the feast was always given as a present to the head chief or to some other brave 21Winley (1840: 49) says that there were many feasts among the Wyandot if the harvest was good and game plentiful. The winter is still the time of great Iroquois ritual activity. Not only is the longest and most complex ceremonial, Midwinter (New Year’s) held in the winter, but also there are almost nightly winter meetings of the medicine societies in private houses (Fenton 1953: 76). These meetings are to effect new cures and to renew old ones, for the ritual that effected the initial cure ought to be repeated every year or so in order to maintain health (see Fenton 1953: passim; Shimony 1961 a: passim). Several factors probably contribute to this great ritual activity concerned with individual health and wel- fare in the winter: leisure time, with some attendant boredom and anxiety, and perhaps also an increase in the actual incidence of illness in the winter months. 22 The 17th-century French descriptions of Huron religion emphasize the ceremonies given by an individual in order to cure his illness or, in general, to obtain good fortune in his endeavors or to prevent illness or other ill fortune and virtually ignore the communal calendric ceremonials. In the 19th- and 20th-century descriptions of Iroquois religion, the emphasis is exactly reversed: the rituals concerned with individual crises have been most often ignored and the calendric ceremonials described at length. Although this change probably reflects some actual change in TIroquoian religion, it should not be taken to mean that Iroquoian religion has been completely transformed. Rather, it seems likely that both types of ceremonials existed among the Iroquoians of the 17th century, as both types exist among the Iroquois today. The early observers of the Huron probably neglected the com- munal ecalendrie rituals—they are not as striking, or as ‘‘colorful,’’ as the individual erises rites. That the religious tradition concerned with individual crises is still a strong one is evidenced in such publications as those of Fenton (1953), Shimony (1961 a; 1961 b), and Speck (1949). Part of this shift in religious emphasis is probably also the result of the teachings of Handsome Lake, the Seneca prophet who successfully introduced his ‘New Religion” to the Iroquois at the beginning of the 19th century. This religion is a compound of old Iroquois and Christian religions with some unique elements added. It quickly supplanted the older form of Iroquois religion. Although Handsome Lake condemned the medicine societies, one of the mainstays of the individual crises rites, his attempt was not successful and they still flourish. Handsome Lake did confirm the “Four Sacred Ceremonies” (Feather Dance, Thanksgiving Dance, Adénwe’, and Bowl Game), rituals of the calendric ceremonials, and at least some of the ceremonials themselves. This explicit approval may have contributed to the emphasis of these rituals in present Iroquois religion. 23 Although the French called these events ‘‘feasts,’”? the word should not be construed to mean secular affairs. On the contrary, the feast probably marked the occasion as being one of religious import. Today, feasting is important in the medicinal complex (Shimony 1961 a: 276), as well as in the communal calendrie ceremonials. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 73 man by the master of the feast.** If the animal was a large one, as a bear, moose, sturgeon, or one of their human enemies, everyone re- ceived a piece of meat and the remainder was cut into small pieces and put into the soup. Customarily, the man who gave the feast ate nothing, but smoked, sang, or entertained his guests with talk. Con- trary to custom, some did eat, but not often (S 113; cf. S 259). A dog might be eaten at these feasts (JR 17: 165; 23: 159). Sometimes the Indians held festivals at which nothing was con- sumed except the tobacco smoked in their pipes, which they called anondahoin. At other festivals, they ate nothing but bread or bran cakes. Usually these festivals were prompted by the dreams of the giver or by those of the medicine man (S 112). When a Huron wished to give a feast for his friends, he sent the invitations early. 7° Those invited came, for it was an insult to refuse except for a really valid reason (and if it was a feast at which every- thing must be eaten). For this reason, a man would leave one feast and go on to another (in which case they bought themselves off if they could not eat). For the feast a kettle, large or small depending on the number of persons attending, was put on the fire. When the food was cooked, messengers went to tell the people to come, saying to them, saconcheta, saconcheta, ‘Come to the feast, come to the feast.’ The guests came immediately, each carrying with him his dish and spoon.?° If the feast was given by the Algonquin, the Huron would take a little meal in their bowls as the Aquanaque [Abnaki] were poor and hunger-bitten. After entering the house, they seated themselves on the mats on either side of the house (or on little twigs or cedar 24'The role of the animal head in past and present Iroquois ritual has been summarized by Fenton (1953 : 106-107) as follows: Feasts on an animal head echo an earlier ceremonial cannibalism. The Huron, Mohawk, and Oneida tribes held feasts where the head, frequently the head of an enemy captive after torture, went into the kettle and then as a choice morsel went first to the chiefs. In the war feast the head, often a dog’s head cooked in the soup, was presented to the captain who carried it in his hands inciting others to enlist. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the accounts refer to whole hogs being boiled in the corn soup and warriors successively danced with the hog’s head in their hands. Thus, pork replaced the dog as the war feast food, and later it sup- planted the bear and venison in all feasts, until today the pig’s head is the ceremonial head, the piéce de résistance. .. . On certain occasions, an individual may pick up the head and march toward the women’s end of the longhouse, chanting a personal song, praising the exploits of his ancestors, or ridiculing his father’s clansman’s daughter. In all the medicine feasts, requiring the use of a head, except at Tona- wanda and Onondaga where chicken is cooked for Eagle Dance, the head man or woman passes the head first to the ritual sponsor, who occupies the position of the ancient war leader, and after him among the singers, dancers, speakers, and other functionaries. [See also above, ‘‘Torture of Prisoners.’’] 25 Similarly, if an Iroquois gives a ceremony, he invites, often by messenger, people to come and participate. When the people have assembled, the speaker gives the Thanksgiving Address, explains why the people have been assembled, mentions the participants, explains the ritual, and thanks the people. The ritual is then performed. After this the speaker thanks the participants again and briefly repeats the Thanksgiving Address. The feast food is then distributed (Shimony 1961 a: 274-275). The form of the calendric cere- monials is similar (see Shimony 1961 a: passim; Fenton 1936: passim). Fenton (1953: 153) suggests that this custom of bringing dishes and spoons to a feast survives in the present Iroquois practice of bringing to a feast pails in which to carry food home. 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 boughs), the men at the upper end and the women and children next to them lower down. When all had gathered, words were spoken. After this no one, whether invited or not, could enter, as by so doing he would bring misfortune or prevent the effect of the feast, which was always celebrated for some purpose. The words announcing the feast were spoken loudly and distinctly by the master of the feast or by a person chosen by him. He said nequarré, ‘the kettle has boiled’ and all replied ho and struck the ground with their fists; he then named the contents of the kettle: gagnenon youry, ‘there is a dog cooked,’ sconoton youry, ‘there is a deer cooked,’ etc., naming all the contents of the kettle, and all replied ho after each thing was named and struck the ground with their fists. This done, the servers went from row to row taking each person’s bow] and filling it with broth with their large spoons (S 110-111). Thus, each person present was given a bow! filled with food from the kettle. When each had eaten all in his bowl, it was refilled until the kettle was empty. Everyone had to eat all that was given him (if it was a feast at which all must be eaten). If he failed to eat it all, he tried to get someone else to finish it for him in return for a gift. If he found such a person, he also had to give a small present to the master of the feast (JR 10: 179; S 111). If he failed to find someone, he was left in a little enclosure for 24 hours to finish it himself (JR 10: 179). At the end of one feast for a sick man, there remained two or three persons, to each of whom the sick man had given enough food for four. They ate a very long time, encouraging one another. Finally, they had to disgorge, and did so at intervals, not ending their eating for this reason. Mean- while, the sick man thanked them, assured them that they were doing well, and said that he was under great obligation to them (JR 138: 1 8) el 27 The “eat-all’ feast may not have been as common as this section suggests ; it probably was only one type of feast. In any case, it has become much less frequently given. Shimony (1961 a: 287) mentions such a feast being given to “feed” a hunting charm. In this recent ritual, the food not eaten is thrown into the fire—probably an instance of culture change. Old custom was, of course, to eat everything. Hewitt (Curtin and Hewitt 1918: 811 n. 418) says that if any food was not eaten, the purpose of the feast would be defeated by hostile sorcerers. This mention of witchcraft is interesting, for Shimony (1961 a: 285— 288) also emphasizes the witchcraft associations of the hunting charms, at least in present Iroquois thought. This tends to confirm the possibility that the eat-all feasts were asso- ciated with the hunting charms—although witchcraft may be practiced by other means and although this emphasis on witchcraft simply may be the result of the fact that as the hunting charms are no longer useful in hunting because hunting is no longer important to the Iroquois, but still having power, this power has been perverted and is used for witch- eraft. The association of the eat-all feasts with the hunting charms is also suggested by the legend for which Hewitt appends the footnote on the eat-all feast ; this feast was given after a hunter returned with the game he had killed (Curtin and Hewitt 1918: 515). It also would help explain the greater prevalence of such feasts in the 17th century (hunting and therefore hunting charms were more important then than in the 19th and 20th cen- turies) and would help explain the present witchcraft associations (both hunting and witchcraft are occupations that rely on individual skill and power, a power that can be enhanced by the use of charms owned by the individual rather than by the collective group). It may be that the war feasts were also eat-ali feasts, for Finley (1840: 51-52) mentions such a feast in connection with the Wyandot war feast. To get out of eating all, a man could give a present of tobacco to the giver of the feast and if no one in the company would eat for him, someone else was called in. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 75 The Huron had four types of feasts: the athataion (JR 10: 61, 177) [atsataion (JR 15:67), astataion (JR 13:55) ], or farewell feast; the atouront aochien (or atouronta ochien), or singing feast; the enditeuhwa, or thanksgiving feast, and the awataerohi, a type of cur- ing ceremony (JR 10: 177-179).28 [The farewell feast is discussed under the section dealing with death customs and the awataerohi, under “Curing Ceremonies.” ] It is not clear from the Relations what the enditeuhwa feasts were. The word may refer to the custom of giving a feast to rejoice for good fortune—as in the case of a Christian Huron who gave a feast after he had been cured (JR 15: 85). The products obtained from the summer’s activity, from fishing, hunting, and trading, were exchanged as gifts when the Huron returned to their villages, and if what they had obtained was unusually good, a feast for the whole village or for their friends was given (JR 8: 127; 10: 213; 15: 118; 33: 209; cf. JR 23: 63). The word may also refer to this type of feast. The atouronta ochien, singing feast, was held on three occasions: when a man wished to become renowned; when taking a new name, particularly that of a deceased chief [see above under “Chiefs”]; and before going to war (JR 10: 181). At the feast, the invited warriors might incite each other by their songs to perform some deed of valor (JR 23: 63; cf. JR 23: 159)? When the people arrived for the ceremony, they sometimes began the singing before eating and sometimes after. If the ceremony lasted an entire day, as it often did, food was served both in the morn- °8 This classification of the Huron ceremonials is not entirely clear. The farewell feast was given when a man felt that he was about to die and was a farewell to the friends of this world (see note 46, p. 39, and also ‘‘Death” below). The singing feasts include what is now called the Condolence Ceremony (see note 58, p. 45) and the war ceremony. The awataeroht was one type of curing ceremony, but one wonders why the Jesuits did not include all curing ceremonies under this category and mention only that ceremony which perhaps most impressed them. ‘The real problem concerns the enditeuhwa, Thanksgiving feast. On the basis of the Relations, it would seem that this feast was given to announce and rejoice in good fortune. As the calendriec ceremonials among the Iroquois today have as their stated function the giving of thanks, it is tempting to interpret this reference as one to the communal calendric rituals that the Jesuits ignore. However, much Iroquois ritual centers on the giving of thanks. The Thanksgiving Speech, for example, “is the most ubiquitous of all Seneca rituals, for it opens and closes nearly every ceremony” (Chafe 1961 b: 2). * The comparable Iroquois ceremony is perhaps the War Dance (Wasdse’), which Morgan (1901(1) : 257-258) says was performed before going to war and on the return of the war party, as well as at the ceremony for raising up chiefs and for the entertainment of a guest (see Morgan 1901(1) : 258-268 for a description of this dance). Although accord- ing to informants this dance is of Sioux origin (Morgan 1901(1) : 258), its general pattern is similar to that of other rituals associated with war, including the Adénwe’ rite, the Thanksgiving Dance, and Hagle (medicine society) Dance (Fenton 1953: 102-109 and passim). The War Dance (Wasdse’) is now given in the late spring or summer to honor the Thunder and to bring rain (Converse 1908: 40 n.; Fenton 1936: 8-9; 1941 c: 160; Parker 1913: 104; Shimony 1961 a: 162-165; Speck 1949: 117-118; cf. Morgan 1901(1): 188-189). 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 ing and in the afternoon. The food was plentiful. Sometimes in the “singing feasts,” the most magnificent of the feasts, as many as 30 or 40 kettles of food containing as many as 30 deer were eaten. At one such feast there were 25 kettles in which there were 50 very large fish and 120 smaller fish. At another, there were 30 kettles containing 20 deer and 4 bears (JR 10: 179-181). A large number of people came to such feasts. For example, eight or nine villages might be invited or even the entire country. The man in charge of the feast sent to each village as many sticks as the num- ber of people from that village who were invited (JR 10: 181). At the feast, there was also singing and dancing, during which some knocked down their enemies, as if in sport. They usually eried, hen, hen or hééééé or wiiititi (JR 10: 181-183).°° At these war feasts and those to honor a victory, the young men, following the example of the old men, one after the other held a tomahawk or other weapon in his hand and fenced and fought from one end of the place where the feast was being held to the other, as if they were actu- ally fighting the enemy. And to show that they would not lack courage while fighting the enemy, they chanted abuses, curses, and threats against the enemy and promised themselves victory over them. If the feast was one to rejoice in a victory, after they had chanted praises for the chiefs who had killed the enemy, they sat down and others took their place until the feast ended (S 115-114). The origin of this rite was ascribed to a certain giant. When they lived on the shore of the sea, one of the Huron wounded the giant in the forehead because he had not replied Awaz, the usual response to a greeting [cf. chay in Appendix 3]. In punishment for this, the monster sowed the seeds of discord among them and, after recom- mending to them the war feasts, the Ononharoia [see below, “Curing (JR 10: 183) DANCING The Huron danced for one of four reasons: (1) to propitiate the spirits who they thought conferred benefits on them, (2) to welcome someone, (3) to rejoice for some victory, or (4) to prevent or cure disease. When they were to dance either naked or covered by a breechcloth, in accordance with the dream of a sick person or by order of the medicine man or the chiefs, a summons was given 30 William N. Fenton has pointed out to me that these are the usual responses to the individual adénwe’ chants (see note 46, p. 39). %1Jroquois ceremonials also have such myths to account for their origin, but it is not clear what the corresponding Iroquois myth is, if any. The myth is in the Iroquois pattern. Tooker] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE HURON 77 through all the streets of the village to notify and invite the young people. They were told the day and time of the feast, the reason for having the dance, and that they should come painted and wearing the finest things they had or else dressed as specifically directed.” The people in the surrounding villages received the same notice and were also invited to be present; they came, if they so wished, Meanwhile, one of the largest houses in the village was made ready (S 115). When the spectators, the old men and old women and children, arrived, they sat down along the entire length of the house on the mats laid against the benches or sat on top of the benches. Then, two chiefs rose, each holding a tortoise shell in his hand (as was used in curing the sick). While standing in the midst of the dancers, they sang a song accompanied with the sound of the tortoise-shell rattle.2? When they finished, all shouted loudly he ééé. Then they began another song or repeated the same one as many times as they had been ordered. Only the two chiefs sang; the others said only hé, hé, hé, like a man drawing in his breath violently, and at the end of each song giving a loud, long shout, he ééé. All the dances were round dances, or at least danced in an oval, according to the length and width of the house. The dancers did not hold hands, but kept their fists closed; the girls held their fists, one on the other, straight out from the body, and the men held their closed fists up in the air or in another way, like a man threatening a blow. While dancing they moved the body and legs, lifting one leg and then the other, stamping their feet on the ground in time with the song and raising them as if half leaping. The girls shook their whole body and their feet, turning around at the end of four or five short steps toward the man or woman next to them and making a bow by inclining the head. 'Those dancers, men or women, who danced most vigorously and made all the most ap- propriate facial gestures were considered to be the best dancers (S 115- 116) #4 The dances usually lasted for 1, 2, or 3 afternoons. They wore nothing more than breechcloths, if it was so authorized, as it usually was. But, for some special reason they might be ordered to take these off. The girls always wore their collars, earrings, and brace- lets and sometimes painted themselves. The men wore their neck- laces, feathers, painting, and such. Sometimes, they wore a bearskin covering the whole body, the ears erect on top of their head, and the 32 See note 25, p. 73. *3'The turtle rattle still is used by the Iroquois in certain dances (Fenton 1942 b: 9; Speck 1949: 42-44). 34 There is greater variety in mode of dancing than Sagard indicates (for recent descrip- tions, see especially Kurath 1951; Morgan 1901(1) : 249-279; Speck 1949: 149-158 and passim), The dance described by Sagard may be the Feather Dance. 671—292—64—_6 73 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190 face covered except for the eyes; those so dressed acted only as door- keepers or jesters and took part in the dance only at intervals, being there for a different purpose [see below for other such masking ].*° On one occasion, while a dance was going on, one of these jesters entered the house carrying on his shoulders a big dog which had its legs tied and was muzzled. In the middle of the house, he took it by the 2 hind legs and dashed it on the ground several times until it was dead. Then he handed it to another person who took it to another house to prepare it for the feast at the end of the dance (S117). When the dance was ordered on behalf of a sick woman, she was brought to it on the third or last afternoon, if it was so ordered by the oki2° During the first verses or repetitions of the song, they carried her; during the second, they made her walk and dance a little, holding her up under the arms; during the third, if she was able, they made her dance a little by herself (S 117). Throughout this they cried loudly etsagon outsahonne, achieteg anatetsence, ‘Take courage, woman, and you will be cured tomorrow.’ After the dances were over, those who were asked to the feast went to it and the others returned home (S 118). *®TIt is difficult to know what the comparable custom is, if any, in present Iroquois culture. Certain of the False Faces act as “doorkeepers,” preventing people from freely coming and going during certain of their rituals, but now, at least, the False Faces do not wear bearskins. (It is possible, of course, that they did in the past when bearskins were more easily obtainable). Some False Faces also are clowns, and the more serious Faces may on oceasion engage in clowning, as when performing the serious rite of blowing ashes on the patient (see note 1, p. 108, for masks). For such reasons, Fenton (1937: 218; 1940 b: 418) thinks this passage refers to the False Faces and Husk Faces. Tinley (1840: 57) mentions a doorkeeper in connection with the Wyandot spring ceremonial devoted to the recitations of the traditions of the people. 86 On the basis of the material in the Jesuit Relations alone, the best translation of oki would seem to be spirit, with the secondary meaning of medicine man or a person or thing endowed with more than usual talents or power (see passim below). In Wyandot, this word, transcribed as wki, has been defined as essentially supernatural beings who are endowed with power that may be either harmful or useful to man. They are the super- natural guardians of individuals (they may appear during the puberty seclusion) and of clans and societies. Rivers, rocks, and other natural objects possess similar personal spirits (Barbeau 1915: 9-10). Hewitt, however, equates the Huron word oki, and its variants with the Iroquois word otkon and says that this ‘‘name is applied to any object or being which performs its functions and exercises its assumed magic power or orenda in such a manner as to be not only inimical to human welfare, but hostile to and destruc- tive of human life’ (Hewitt 1910 b; see also Hewitt 1902: 37 n.). The Iroquois eall witches, for example, agotkon or hovnatkon, ‘They are otkons’ (Hewitt 1910 ec: 180). Hewitt contrasts otkon with oyaron, individual, clan, and tribal guardian spirits. * ' ‘TD mA, y 4 rr ‘ 1 ; ai * a" 7 ~~ — Fate S okt 7 ft aa © * . + i ; - ” te r ? “~e i ‘ ; 4 Ff ei ; 4 ’ " +h } c . ‘ a ‘ f \ é wi J , * - ” + ' : Tv eitect | 3 ul ° a aod - .Y f : " ,) 9 * h " Ne } y ( " eS beta » ' . ‘ ¥ v i” : mn,’ INDEX Aaskouandy, charms, 120 Aaskwandiks, charms, 120 Aataentsic (mythical grandmother), 140, 144, 145, 146, 147, 151, 153, 154 Achirigouans, Algonquin tribe, 19 Acointa (corn hulls), 69 Aconite, used for suicide, 56 Acorns, 61, 62 Acwentonch (manner of speech at meetings), 50 Adonwe’ Ceremony, 72, 75 Adoption into a nation, 11 Aescara (straw game), 115 Agnée, see Mohawk Indians. Agneronons, see Mohawk Indians. Agnieeronons, see Mohawk Indians. Agniehenon, see Mohawk Indians. Agnierhonon, see Mohawk Indians. Agnierrhonons, see Mohawk Indians. Agnierronons, see Mohawk Indians. Agnietironons, see Mohawk Indians. Agnonra (snowshoes), 23 Agochin atiskein (feast of souls), 129 Agosayé (cemetery), 130 Agriculture, 58, 60-62, 71 knowledge of, 25 land owned by women, 60 taken up by men, 124 use of plow in, 58 work done by women, 58, 71 Ahareti onaskenonteta (place of the dead), 140 Ahouenrochrhonons, see Wenrdhronon Indians. Ahrendaronons, see Arendahronon. Aiheonde (caretakers of the graves), 136 Aireskouy soutanditenr (spirit), 82 Akhiataendista (rich present), 54 Akhrendoiaen (ceremony), 98 Akwanake (strangers), 13 Algonquian tribes, 3, 7, 8; 9, 12, 17, 19, 2d, D2), DS eastern, 3 language of, 8, 12, 14 Algonquin Indians, 18, 19, 23, 25, 27, 28, 52, 73, 80, 84, 94, 122, 135, 141, 150 Allies of the Huron, 19 All Souls’ Day, Catholic observance, 135 American Revolution, results of, 58 Amikouek, Algonquin tribe, 19 Amulet, 91 Amusements, 83, 124 See also Games. Anastohé, people of, rhonon Indians. Andachienrra (poisonous root), 56 Andacwander (curing ceremony), 101, 106-107, 113 see Andastoer- Andastoé, see Andastoerrhonon Indians. Andastoerhonons, see Andastoerrhonon Indians. Andastoeronnons, see Andastoerrhonon Indians. Andastoéronnons, see Andastoerrhonon Indians. Andastoerrhonon Indians, Iroquoian- speaking group, 16, 147 Andataroni (breads), 70, 87 Andiataé, Huron village, 150 Andichons (benches), 41 Anenkhiondic, principal chief of Bear Nation, 44 Angont (monstrous serpent), 117 Angoutenc, Huron village, 149 Angwiens, village, 98 Aniencuny (logs), 41 Animals: bones of, used in witchcraft, 117 bones of, not to be burned, 67 claws of, used in witchcraft, 117, 118 drives of, 65 fur-bearing, 9 guts used for bow strings, 30 heads given as presents, 72 skins of, 25, 49 souls of, 140 Annieronnons, see Mohawk Indians. Annierronnons, see Mohawk Indians. Anonatea, Huron village, 149 Anondahoin (tobacco), 73 Aondironnon, Neutral tribe, 14 Aouasanik, Algonquin tribe, 19 Apothecary, assistant to medicine man, 84, 91 Apples, wild, 15, 62, 155 Apricots, 116 Aquientor (armor), 30 Arendaenronnons, see Arendahronon. Arendahronon (Rock People), Huron tribe, 3, 9, 10, 11, 26, 34, 44, 150 Arendaonatia, Huron village, 149 Arendarhonos, see Arendahronon. Ardendaronnons, see Arendahronon. Arendarrhonons, see Arendahronon. Arendiwane (medicine man), 92-97, 114, 117 Arenté, Huron village, 149 Arethsi, Huron village, 150 Aretsan, see Ontetsans. Armor (aquwientor), 30, 89 Armorial bearings, 109, 128 Arms, coat of, village, 24 Arocha (sledge) . 23 Arrows, 29, 30, 79, 86, 95, 122, 124, 140 points of iron, 26, 30 points of stone or bone, 30 169 170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190] Ascwandics, see Ascwandies. Ascwandies (charms), 120 Ash bark, 40, 108 Askikwanehronons, see Nipissirinien In- Awls, 26, 110, 123 used in tattooing, 15 Axes, 19, 27, 51, 110, 180, 187, 141, 145 dians. Bags, 186 Asqua (companions, not wives), 127 basswood bark, 60 Ass, wild, 93 birchbark, 24 Assemblies, general, 49 Assihendo (large fish), 63, 64, 108 Assitagueronon, see Nation of Fire. Astataion, see Athataion. Ataconchronons, see Ataronchronon. Ataentsic, see Aataentsic. Ataronchronon (People of the Fens), 10, 37, 150 Atchougue, Algonquin tribe, 19 Aténonha (wives), 127 Bailey, Alfred Goldsworthy, 3 Balls, wooden, used in games, 124 Baptism, 88, 126 Barbeau, Charles M., 3, 21, 45, 55, 59, 78, 79, 100, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155 Bark, 60, 103, 104, 107, 109, 113, 119, 129, 130, 137, 188, 139 medicinal use of, 84, 104, 108 prepared by women, 59 Barrels, bark, 61 Athataion, farewell feast, 36, 75 Baskets, 68 Athistaéronnon, see Nation of Fire. birechbark, 59 Atigagnongueha, see Attigneenongna- pack, 58, 127 hac. reed, 59 Atignaouantan, see Attignawantan. Atignenonahac, see Attigneenongnahac. Atignenongach, see Attigneenongnahac. Atingueennonniahak, see Attigneenon- gnahac. Atingyahointan, see Attignawantan. Atinniawentan, see Attignawantan. Atiouandaronks, 13 Atiouendaronk, see Neutral Indians. Atirenda (brethren), 99 Atironta, Chief of Arendahronons, 44 Atiskein andahatey (path of souls), 140 Atisken (souls), 140 Atiwanens, see Atiwarontas. Atiwarontas (elders) , 44 Atouront aochien (singing feast) , 75 Atsataion, see Athataion. Atsatonewei (council sticks) , 47 Atsihiendo, see Assihendo. Atsirond, chief of the Montagnet, 51 Atsistaehronons, 14 Attignaouentan, see Attignawantan. Attignawantan (Bear Nation), Huron tribe, 9, 10, 11, 34, 44, 50, 51, 99, 141, 150 Attigneenongnahac (Cord People), Huron tribe, 9, 10, 11, 34, 150 Attigouautan, see Attignawantan. Attigueenongnahac, see Attigneenon- Basswood, 60 Bathing, 86, 133 of hands, 57 Beads, 116 glass, 26, 51, 112, 113, 1386, 138 wampum, 26, 35, 53, 54, 55, 57, 116, 121, 123, 132, 137 Beans (ogaressa), 15, 58, 59, 60, 68, 69, 70, 121 as game tallies, 115 wild, 62 Bear, 39, 65, 66, 73, 76, 101, 120, 126, 145 bites of, treatment for, 85 claws, 99 fat, 21, 100, 101 fattening of, 66 hunting of, use of dogs, 67 spirit, 100 Bear elan, 100 Bear Nation, see Aftignawantan. Bearskins, 78, 110 covering of, 77, 107 moccasins of, 20 Bear Society, 107 Bear tribe, see Attignawantan. Beauchamp, William M., 4, 16, 18, 21, 23, 24, 30, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 54, 58, 62, 71, 82, 87, 91, 102, 108, 119, 114, 115, 117, 120, 131, 133, 137, gnahac. 140, 141 Attingueenongnahak, see Attigneenon-| Beaver, 9, 15, 25, 65, 83, 87 gnahac. catching, 67 Attinguenongnahac, see Attigneenon- eating of, 67 gnahac. mythical being, 146 Attiouandarons, see Neutral Indians. Attiouendaronk, see Neutral Indians. Attiuoindaron, see Neutral Indians. Attiwandaeons, see Neutral Indians. Attiwandaronk, Huron name for Neu- tral Indians, 13 Auhaitsique, boiled with corn, 68 Auoindaon (principal chief of Bear Nation), 26, 44 Awataerohi (curing ceremony), 75, 97, 103, 104, 105, 106 Awenrehronon, see Wenrédhronon In- dians. nets, 67 tooth, used as knife, 24, 67 Beaver skins, 59, 67, 110, 121, 136, 139 clothing of, 20, 99 moccasins of, 20 robe of, 26, 35, 51, 57, 114, 121, 126, 130, 136, 137, 188 trade in, 21, 57, 67, 116 Beds, tree bark, 40 Beeches, 12, 23 Belts, 54, 113, 128 poreupine quill, 21, 111 Benches, tree bark, 41, 77 INDEX Berries, 60, 62 juice of, 62 Betting, see Gambling. Biggar, H. P., editor, 8 Birchbark, bags of, 24 bowls, 238, 59 canoes, 22 shelters, 23 Bird, supernatural (ohguwione), 121 Birds, 109, 129, 140 Biscuits, 87 Bissiriniens, 19, 28 Blackberries, 62, 70 Blackberry Feast, 79 Blankets, 26, 27, 89, 112, 113, 116 of skin, 16 Blood, used as glue, 60 Bloodroot, 84 Blueberries, 70 Boars, 22 Body paint, 21, 98 Bowl Game, 72, 109, 114, 115-116 played to cure sick, 115 players, 115 Bowls, 68, 69, 74 bark, 59 birchbark, 23, 59 tree knot, 67 wooden, used for bowl game, 115 Bows, 238, 103, 124, 137, 140, 144, 145 Bows and arrows, 30, 65, 66, 142, 154 Bowstrings, from animal guts, 30 Boys, 122, 124 Bracelets, 59, 77, 186, 142 wampum, 20, 21, 126, 138, 147 Bread, 70, 73, 87 buried with dead, 1380, 142 chewed, 70 green corn leaf, 70 Brébeuf, Jean de, 5, 6, 160 martyrdom of, 39 Relation of, 5, 6 Breechcloth, 15, 20, 76, 77, 111 Bressani, Francesco Gioseppe, 55, 160 Buffalo Society, 107 Burial, 130-132 ceremony, 132 customs, 15, 130-132 ground, 15, 60, 180 house, 131 ossuary, 134, 135 seaffold, 131 Bustard, 66 Butternut bark, used for canoes, 23 Cache pits, 24, 41, 42, 61 Cahiagué, Huron village, 150 Cakes, 62, 131 bran, 73 Canoes, 22, 23, 26, 56, 59, 68, 65, 86, 87, 93, 110, 112 birchbark, 22 descriptions of, 22 dugout, 23 slippery elm or butternut, 23 171 Captives, eaten by Indians, 29, 90 killing of, 31 Carantouans, Iroquoian-speaking tribe, 16 Carhagouha, Huron village, 149 Carmaron, Huron village, 149 Cartier, Jacques, 3, 16 Casks, storage, 61 Cat, present of, 87 Catarrh, treatment for, 85 Catholicism, Roman, 88 Cat Nation (Hrie Indians), 10, 14, 16, 17 Cattail, 155 down, 152 Cattaraugus Reservation, 79, 122 Cayuga Indians, 10, 17, 18, 121 See also Iroquois Indians. Cedar, 12, 40 bark, 40 ribs of, used in canoes, 22 shields of, 30 white, 23 Cemetery (agosayé), 130, 131, 132, 185, 136, 144 Ceremonies : Adénwe’, 72, 75 Akhrendoiaen, 98 Awataerohi, 75, 97, 104, 105, 106 burial, 48, 130-132, 133 calendrie, 12, 13, 79, 87 curing, 75, 93, 101-102, 106, 107, 108 death, 139 Four Sacred, 39, 72 Green Corn, 133 Iroquois Condolence, 45, 46, 54, 75, 134, 137 marriage, 47, 126-127 mating, 101, 106-107, 113 Midewiwin, 99 Midwinter, 39, 65, 67, 72, 80, 103, 109, 110, 1383 moon, 79 Raspberry, 62 resuscitation, 45 Strawberry, 62 Thunder, 103, 115 War, 36, 43, 75 See also Dances; False Faces. Chafe, Wallace L., 1, 75, 81, 91 Champlain, Samuel de, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 18, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 29, 40, 41, 42, 47, 48, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 69, 70, 71, 72, 91, 92, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 123, 124, or 127, 128, 129, 131, 1384, 136, 14 Chant, personal, 39 Charcoal, used in making fire, 24 powdered, used in tattooing, 15 Charms, 91, 92, 99, 115, 116, 120-122, 136 change in shape of, 121 extraction of, 117-118 hunting, 74, 121 inheritance of, 121 love, 121 trade in, 122 witchcraft, 121 172 Chaumonot, Joseph-Marie, 160 Cherries, 62, 105 Chestnuts, 15 Chickens, 73 Chiefs, 8, 38, 42-48, 49, 76, 77, 87, 89, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 109, 112, 114, 119, 129, 180, 131, 184, 135, 187, 188, 139, 142, 152 appointed by clan mother, 18 as country treasurers, 51 assistant to, 44 authority of, 29, 35, 47 corruption of, 48 duties of, during war, 31 federal, 46 qualities for being, 43, 44 raising up of, 45 speeches of, 48, 50 titles of, 44 tribal, 45, 111, 115 Chieftainship, election to, 46 inheritance of, 48, 46, 47 refusal of, 47 succession to, 47 tribal, 43 Children, 77 adoption of, 31 attitudes toward, 124 captive, 31 dances forbidden to, 109 division of, in divorce, 125-126 selling of, 61 sleeping places for, 41 suicide of, 57 trade rights of, 25 training of, 57, 124 treatment of, 124 Chives, see Onions. Christian converts, 10, 11 Christian cross, belief regarding, 95 Christian God, 151 Christians, 88, 89, 90, 119 Citation explanations, 8 Clans, 12, 43, 44, 45, 55, 126, 128 councils of, 52, 56 exogamous, 126 matrilineal, 44 mothers of, new chiefs appointed by, 18, 46 possessions of, 51 symbols of, 21, 109 totems of, 60 Clarke, Peter Dooyentate, 10 Cloaks, 113 skin, 59 Clothing, decorations for, 20, 59, 111 effect of European contact on, 20, 21 for death, 128 fur, 20 mourning, 133 Plains type, 30 Clowns, 78 Clubs, 37 wooden war, 30, 32 Coals, hot, used in medicine rites, 194, 106 Coffin, adopted by Iroquois, 131 Coinkia (boiled bread), 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 190] Coldspring, 97 Colic, 120 Collars, 59, 77, 111, 116, 141 wampum, 28, 32, 50, 57, 86, 98, 114, 116, 121, 126, 130, 137, 138, 189 Combs, 130, 183 Condolence Ceremony, Iroquois, 45, 46, 54, 75, 184, 187 Conestoga Indians, 16 Conkhandeenrhonons, Iroquoian-speak- ing tribe, 16 Connelley, William E., 3, 10, 28, 43, 45, 55, 79, 81, 91, 147, 151, 153, 154, 155 Contarrea, Huron village, 150 Contraception, 123 Controller (Great Spirit), 81 Converse, Harriet Maxwell, 75, 79, 100, 122, 151, 154, 155 Converts, Indian, 20, 26, 27, 48, 89, 126 Cord, hemp, 64 Cord Nation, see Attigneenongnahac. Corn, 3, 9, 12-15, 23, 25, 27, 31, 51, 58, 59, 60, 95, 110, 1138, 118, 121, 123, 147, 151, 154 boiled (sagamité), 28, 88, 62, 63, 68, 70 cached along trails, 24 carried on trips, 70 cooking of, 67-68 dried, 41, 61, 69 flint, 68 grinding of, 68 harvested by souls, 141 offered to dead, 139 parched, 69 planting of, 61 pounded (ottet), 68, 70 prepared by women, 58, 67 protection of, 61 roasted, 68, 69 rotten (leindohy), 68, 69 soup, 70 stored, 61 trade in, 61 Cornbread, 70, 127 Cornmeal (eschionque), 27, 30, 51, 58, 68, 69 Cornplanter, Indian chief, 42 Cornplanter, Jesse, 65, 100, 152 Cornstalks, 61, 70 Corpses, treatment of, 186, 138 See also Dead. Councils, 48-51, 101, 105, 138 assistants to chief of, 31, 43, 44 calling of, 49-50, 89, 90, 94, 111, 113, 115, 120, 181 decisions of, announced by chief, 49 fires for, 48 members of, 49 peace (endionraondaoné), 43 place of, 49 secret, 48 speech at (acwentonch) , 50-51 Council sticks, 47, 138 Cousin, 128 Cow parsnips, 62 Cows, 15, 65 INDEX Crabapple tree, 155 Cradleboards, 123 description of, 123-124 Cranberries (toca), 62 Cranes, 66 Creator, 81, 141 Cross-cousin, 128 Crows, 66, 109, 128, 140 Cuirass, 30 Culin, Stewart, 114, 115 Curing Ceremony, 75, 93, 101-102, 106, 107, 108 example of, 111-118, 118 preparation for, 110 Curtin, Jeremiah, and Hewitt, J. N. B., 74, 81, 131, 1383 d’Aillon, Joseph de Ja Roche, Recollet missionary, 5, 6 Dancers, 73, 77, 97, 98, 102 costumes of, 98, 107 nakedness of, 77, 98, 107 Dances, 43, 49, 59, 86, 87, 91, 93, 101, 103, 185 before death, 36 body-paint for, 77, 98 costumes in, 30 Feather, 72, 77, 79 forbidden to children, 109 invitations to, 98-99 Medicine Society, 106 position of hands in, 77 reasons for, 76 round, 77 spectators at, 77 sponsor of, 73 Thanksgiving, 30 War, 30, 75, 79, 115 ancing, 72, 76-78, 95, 103, 107 positions of bodies in, 77 Dead, the, distribution of property of, 131 disposal of bones of, 15, 132, 135 flesh removed from body of, 132 guarded by friends, 129, 132 habits of, 134 myths about, 142 painting of, 129 resurrections of, enacted by Hurons, Neutrals, 16 scaffold used for, 15, 54, 131, 136, 137, 1388, 139 Deardorff, Merle H., 141 Death, 39, 128-143 causes of, 12, 132 ceremony of, 189 cold as cause of, 12 customs, 44-45, 46, 128-143 dreams, 129 feasts, 45, 46, 80, 129-133 freezing as cause of, 132 preparation for, 129 restitution for, 28 shipwreck as cause of, 132 sign, 129 smallpox as cause of, 12, 120 671—292—64—_12 173 Death—Continued speech, 129, 130 starvation as cause of, 12 unusual modes of, 132 Deer, 15, 23, 25, 39, 65, 66, 67, 74, 76, 101, 109, 121, 128, 140, 145 drives, 65, 66 fat used as butter, 66, 70 horns, magic use of, 155 meat, used for feasts, 66, 70 skin, 66, 110 clothing from, 20 Deer clan, 12 Delaware Bay, 17 de Noué, Anne, Jesuit missionary, 5, 6 Deputies, 111, 112 Descent, 128 inheritance through, 48, 47, 128 matrilineal, 126, 127, 128, 154 Deserontyon, John, 45 Desires of the soul, 86, 87, 88, 92, 93, 101 See also Sick, desires of the. Devil, see Evil Spirit. Dew Eagle, 82 Diagnosticians, consulted in sickness, 91, 92, 104, 106, 114, 117 Diapers, substitute for, 124 Digging stick, 61 Diseases, 82, 109 HKuropean-introduced, 3 Jesuit-introduced, 11, 119-120 Dish game, see Bowl game. Divorce, 125, 126 Dockstader, Frederick J., 99 Dogs, 64, 79, 86, 89, 101, 110, 112, 118, 181, 140, 145 eaten by Indians, 35, 39, 66, 67, 73, 74, 90, 114, 126 feast of, 90, 93, 94, 96, 104, 105, 114 killing of, 67, 78, 90, 114 pet, 40, 89 quivers from skin of, 30 raising of, 66, 67 sinews of, 99 supernatural, 141 used in hunting, 66, 67 Dolls, used in rituals, 99 Doorkeepers, 78 Dream-guessing, 87, 110, 112, 113 Dreams, 76, 88, 86, 87, 90, 106, 115, 117, 152, 153 and the desires, 86-91, 92, 114 death, 129 influence of, 90-91, 92 reenactment of, 90, 107 visitation, 90 Dress of the Huron, 20-22 Drought, 95 Drowning, 12, 132 Drugs, 84 Drums, 79 Dutch, trade, 9, 16, 17, 27 Hagle Dance, 73, 75 Wagles, 66 talons of, 99, 121 wing and tail feathers of, used for arrows, 30 174 Hagle Society, 83 Earrings, 26, 77, 116, 126 Ears, bead ornaments for, 20 piercing of, 123 sticks passed through, 37 Earthquakes, beliefs about, 79 Eataentsic, see Aataentsic. Ecaregniondi (supernatural rock), 141 Eclipse, 79 beliefs regarding, 79 Hel, 108 skin bands, worn on hair, 22 Ehonkeronons (islanders), 111 Ehwae, Tobacco Nation village, 12 Eindichaguet (benches), 41 Ekhiondaltsaan, Huron village, 150 Elder trees, 85 Blk, 25 Elm trees, 12 bark of, 40 used for canoes, 23 Emetics, to extract charms, 117 used for poison, 56, 83, 84, 85 Endahiacone, chief of Teanaostahé, Huron village, 44 Endicha (benches), 41 Endionrra ondaon (house of the coun- cil), 43 Enditeuhwa (feast), 75 English, Quebec conquered by, 6 trade, 16, 17, 27 Ensign or flag, 30, 89 tree bark, 30 Entauaque, see Endahiacone. Entrails, removed from body and burned, 1382 Epicerinys Indians, 19, 25 Epidemics, treatment for, 93, 94, 105, 108, 114, 119, 147 Erie Indians, 10, 14, 16, 17 Eschionque (cornmeal), 69 Eskanane (land of the souls), 140 Esken (soul), 140 Estoqua (stirring paddle), 68, 69 Etiquette, 57 Eulogy of the dead chiefs, 134 Evil Spirit, governor of Hell, 141, 151 Explorers, professional, information from, 5 Face painting, 126, 129 Faithkeepers (deacons of longhouse), 45 False Faces, 78, 80, 94, 97, 103, 108, 109 masks, 60, 87, 97 rites, 69 sickness, 80 Familiars (ascwandies), 120 Familiar spirit, influence of, 92 Famine, prediction of, 147 Fans, tree bark, 70 Farewell Feast, 36, 75 Fasting, 100, 101 preparation of medicine man for, 97, 98 Feast of the Dead, 51, 129-132, 134-140 reburial of dead at, 15, 132, 134, 185 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull, 190] Feasts, 39, 43, 47, 49, 59, 64, 72-76, 83, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 95, 97, 98, 102, 108, 111, 115, 121, 183, 144 customs of feast givers, 73, 74 “eat-all,” 74 for we sick, 57, 74, 87, 101, 107, 108, 11 honoring the dead, 134, 137 invitations to, 73, 109, 114, 115 reasons for, 72, 74, 121 regard for feast givers, 72 10-day, 133, 140 Feather Dance, 72, 77, 79 Feathers, eagle, 30 used in hair, 22 worn for dance, 77, 98 Fenton, William N., 2, 3, 4, 10, 16, 18, 21, 24, 39, 42, 45, 46, 48, 56, 57, 60, 62, 72, 78, 75, 78, 79, 80, 82, 88, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97, 99, 102, 107, 108, 109, 110, 117, 124, 126. 127, 131, 135, 149) 150 epee a N., and Dodge, Ernest S., 23 Fenton, William N., and Kurath, Ger- trude P., 91, 131, 134, 135, 140 Festivals, 73 Fetishes, see Charms. Finley, James B., 46, 52, 54, 56, 72, 74, 78, 99, 103, 108, 117, 118, 121, 125, 133, 134 Firearms, 17, 79 not traded by French, 27 obtained from the Dutch, 9, 27 Firebrands, 82, 33, 36, 37, 90, 148 Fire-dragon, 79 Fire-making, 24 Fires, 94, 96, 112, 181 built at graves, 133, 138 built in longhouse, 49 community, 40 extinguished during epidemics, 94 jugglers of, 103, 109 walking through, 112 Firs, 12, 40 Fish, 39, 56, 59, 69, 76, 87, 103, 107, 108, 110, 111, 113, 126, 140 ‘armored, 122 assihendo, 68, 64 atsihiendo, 108 aubaitsiq, 63 eatching of, 24 cooked with corn, 68 dried, 25, 29, 41, 64 drives, held in summer, 62 einchataon, 63 glue, 30 leinchataon, 41, 63 nets, 24, 25, 56, 59, 62, 64, 136 oil, making of, 64 rituals, 64 searcity of, 65 smoked, 64, 70 spears, 62, 124 storage of, 63 taboos connected with, 133 trade in, 25 17, 49, 76, INDEX Fishbones, not burned, 64, 67 uses of, 123 Fishhooks, 24, 26, 64 Fishing, 15, 58, 59, 62-64, 71, 75, 90, 91, 121, 127, 138, 141, 148 through ice, 63 Fish-preacher, 64 Five Nations, see Iroquois League. Flint, origin of, 146 Younger Twin Brother, 151, 153, 155 Flour, 27, 101 Food, buried with dead, 142 carried to war, 30 presented to sick person, 107 served at death feast, 130, 136 trade for, 26 uneaten, 74 Fortunetellers, 83, 84, 85, 89, 91, 92, 94, Four Beings, supernatural, 81 Four Sacred Ceremonies, 39, 72 Fox (tessandion) , 145 Frames for drying fish, 64 France, Canada ceded to, 6 French, 1, 3, 7, 9, 10, 13, 27, 40, 52, 54, oe DOGr. Men GO) MIO 115. 117, 1195120) 135, 14257143), 151 merchants, 57, 67 priests, behavior toward, 7, 95 trade, effect of, 5 ErAGeTS 4 LO} deel Ss lis Do. 20. 21s 40, 57, 67 Freshwater Sea (Lake Huron), 12 Freud, Sigmund, 86, 90 Friendships, dictated by dreams, 89 ritual, 89 Frog, supernatural, 147, 155 skin of, used as fish bait, 24 Frontlets, snakeskin, 20 Frosts, control of, 94, 95 Fruits, dried, 62, 70 stones of, used for bowl game, 115-116 wild, 15 Funeral ceremonies, 43, 130-132, 133 . Furs, 51, 129, 133, 137 trade in, 9, 25, 27, 28, 61 Gagnenon andahatey (path of the dogs), 140 Gambling, results of, 56, 57, 116, 117 Game, leather bags for, 59 searcity of, 65 Games, 43, 57, 59, 72, 109, 114-117, 124 dice, 116 football, 114 lacrosse, 48, 114, 115 peach stone, 79, 115 played by men and boys, 116, 124 played by women and girls, 116 players, 116 snowsnake, 87, 114 See aiso Amusements. Gandougarse, Huron village, 10 Ganonchia (houses), 40, 66 Garihagueu (benches), 41 Garithotia doutagueta (warrior), 44 175 Garments, skin, 15 See also Clothing. Garnier, Charles, 160 Geese, 66 Georgian Bay, Ontario, Canada, 1 Gérin, Léon, 10 Ghost spirits, see Souls. Giant, fictional, 76 Gibson, Simeon, 134 Gifts, 45, 46, 52, 53, 110, 130, 131 distribution of, 180-131, 187, 139 substitute, 87 Girdle, leather, worn by girls, 20 Girls, 125, 131 dress for dance, 77 newly married, 58 part in curing ceremonies, 106, 107, 108 positions in dancing, 77 preferred to boys, 122 pursuit of lovers by, 125 training of, 125 God, Christian Creator, 81 God of dreams, 91 Gods of war, ceremonials for, 36 Goldenweiser, Alexander A., 10, 21, 45, 47, 60, 85, 100, 102 Granaries, 14 Grapes, native, 62 Graves, 130, 133, 136, 138 common, skeletons buried in, 135, 136 covering of, 139 sand from, 138 Great Hunter, mythical person, 102 Great Lakes, home of spirits, 81 Great Spirit, 80, 81, 141 Green Corn Ceremony, 133 Ground nuts, 62 Guardian spirits, 90, 92 Guns, see Firearms. Haau (expression of approval), 51 Haiti hai, 135, 137 Hair, 116-118, 133 dyeing of, men and women, 22 oil, sunflower seed, 21 ornaments, bead, 20, 21 styles of dressing, 22 trimmings, feather, 20 Hale, Horatio, 3, 10, 18, 45, 52, 58, 134, 135, 151, 153, 154, 155 Half-pike, 66 Handsome Lake, 39, 42, 72, 81, 133, 141 Harrington, Mark R., 68, 69, 70, 87, 114 Hatchets, 26, 33, 37, 38, 52, 54, 110, 119, Bal metal, 58 stone, 58 war, 88 . Hd-wen-né-yu (Great Spirit), 80, 81 Headbands, leather, 30 Heads, taken as trophies, 29, 31, 34, 38 Heaven, belief in, 141, 143 Hell, belief in, 141, 155 Hemlock bark, 108 176 Hemp, 9, 59, 95, 108 gathering of, 59 Henarhonon, see Arendahronon. Herbalists, 84 Herbs, not eaten by Indians, 62 as remedies, 83, 84 Heron, great blue, 66 Herring (auwbaitsiq), 63 Hewitt, John N. B., 3, 9, 10, 17, 28, 43, 44, 45, 46, 51, 52, 58, 54, 55, 60, 74, 78, 79, 83, 87, 91, 94, 100, 109, 110, 114, 182, 137, 140, 141, 151, 152, 154, 155 Hewitt, John N. B., and Fenton, Wil- liam N., 10, 14, 16, 45, 46 Hickerson, Harold, 135 Hochelaga, 16 Hogs, boiled in soup, 73 Hominy (sagamité), 68 Honneha (cornstalks), 70 Honqueronons, Algonquin band, 27 Hooks, pruning, 110 Houses (ganonchia), 40, 66 assigned to aliens, 28-29 bark, 41, 42 built in time of war, 31 cabin, 8, 15 community built, 42 for fishing, 63 log, 41 made by men, 59 occupied when snowing, 71 ornaments for, 21 owned by women, 60 shape of, 40 single-family, 41 sweat, 86, 88, 98, 96, 105, 145 trade for, 26 used for ceremonies, 77 Hudson, Henry, 4 Hunt, George T., 9, 18, 27 Hunter, Andrew F., 135 Hunting, 15, 58, 59, 61, 65-67, 71, 90, 91, IPA Ae 141, 145 charm, 74, 121 season for, 65, 71 Huronia, 3, 5, 6, 12, 18, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 22, 25, 27, 34, 60, 62, 65, 80, 114, 122 lo, dee Huron League, 3, 9-12, 13, 44, 45, 49 Huron of Lorette, 10 Husk Faces, 78 impersonators, 97 masks of the, 97 rituals of the, 109 » 0D, Iahenhouton, Huron village, 149 Tannaoa (spirit), 81 Idos Society, 97, 99 Thonatiria, Indian village, 11, 149 Infants, artificial feeding of, 123 burial of, 132 naming of, 123 nursing of, 123 transportation of, 124 treatment of, 123 weaning of, 123 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 190] Initiations, 99 Injuries, treatment for, 85 Insanity, 120 cause of, 114 Insects, 155. Invisible Aids, supernatural beings, 80 Iouskeha (Hilder Twin Brother), 81, 119, 140, 146, 147, 148, 151, 154, 155 Tron, 117 Troquoian-speaking peoples, 3, 7, 13, 16, aly confederacies of, 4, 11, 17 culture of, 1, 5, 80, 84, 86, 92, 100, 108, 141, 153 language of, 14, 83 religion of, 81 Troquois Condolence Ceremony, 45, 46, 54, 75, 134, 137 Iroquois Indians, 3-4, 5-6, 9-10, 12-15, 17-19, 21, 23-24, 27-32, 34, 39, 41— 43, 45-47, 51-52, 54-56, 58-61, 65, 67, 69, 70-75, 77-94, 96, 97, 99, 106, 108, 110, 114-117, 120-126, 128-132, 134-135, 1387-1388, 140- 141, 148, 147, 158-155 agriculture of, 3 ceremonials, origin of, 76 ceremonies, dress for, 76 dress, similar to Huron, 20 Huron defeated by, 9, 10 mythology, 102 territory, invaded by Hurons, 29 tribes, 8 Iroquois League, 3, 4, 17-18, 28, 43, 46, 49, 52, 53 Island Indians, 26, 28, 111 Jack-in-the-pulpit, 85 Jackson, Halliday, 20, 24, 41, 42, 43, 56, 58, 65, 67, 69, 71, 84, 90, 94, 121, 123, 124 125, 126; 827 belemiocs: 134, 141 Jaundice, 84 Javelins, 85 Jemison, Mary, 58, 125, 126, 127, 133 Jerusalem-artichoke (orasqueinta) , 62 Jesters, 78 Jesuit Missionaries, 5, 6, 7, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 22, 25, 26, 89, 40, 42, 49, 50, 51, 52, ’ 62, 65, 66, 71, 75, 79, 84, 85, 88, 91, 95, 97, 98, 99, 101, ‘1086, 110, 119, 120, 122, 128, 131, 135, 1646 ies 142, 148, 153, 154, 155 Jesus Christ, identification with Indian God, 120 Johnson, Sir William, 54 Jones, Arthur Edward, 10, 149, 150 Jouskeha, see Iouskeha. Kenton, Edna, 5 Keppler, Joseph, 87, 108 Kettles, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 52, 79, 103, 104, 110, 112, 113, 127, 130, 134, 135, 136, 1387, 139, 142 iron, 59 INDEX Khinonascarant, Huron village, 149 Khionontateronons, see Khionontater- rhonon. Khionontaterons, see Khionontater- rhonon. Khionontaterrhonon, see Tobacco League. Kichesperini, see Honqueronon. Kichkagoneiak, allies of Huron, 19 Kinietz, W. Vernon, 5, 10, 36, 99 Kinship terms, 128 Kionontatehronon, rhonon. Kirkland, Samuel, 141 Knives, 24, 26, 30, 32, 38, 51, 110, 117, 137 see Khionontater- Knowles, Nathaniel, 32 Kurath, Gertrude P., 77, 1385 Lacrosse, game, 114, 115 matches, 48 sticks, 87 Ladders, 138 to ascend palisades, 40 Lake, supernatural spirit of, 132 Lake Huron, 12, 19, 25, 68 Lake of the Iroquois, see Lake Ontario. Lake Ontario, 14, 34, 96 Lake St. Louys, see Lake Ontario. Lalemant, Charles, 39, 160 Lalemant, Hierosme, 39, 160 Land, clearing of, 61 name signs on, 60 use ownership of, 60 Land of the dead, tales of, 142, 143-145 Language of the Huron, written by mis- sionaries, 71 Lard, uses of, 60 Laurentian Iroquois, 3, 16 Leather, 110, 117, 118 girdle worn by women, 20 Le Caron, Joseph, 5 Leggings, 111, 113, 116, 128 skin, 20 with shoes attached, 19 Leindohy (stinking corn), 68, 69 ‘Lent, observance of, 65 Lice, 22 Lighthall, W. D., 3 Lightning, 82 Little People (Pygmies), 121 Little Water Medicine, 122 Lizards, giant, 82 Longhouses, 40, 41, 42, 73, 122, 127 members of, 85 use of as ceremonial places, 42, 48, 152 Longnose masks, 97 Lorette Huron, 10 Love charms, 121 Lynx skins, 110 Magical treatments, 84 Magic power (orenda), 78, 91 Maize, see Corn. Maples, 12 Maple sugar, 69 Marriage, 125-127, 148 announcement of, 127 arranged by mothers, 126 ceremonies, 126 children not impediment to, 125 feast, 126, 127 matrilocal, 127 patrilateral cross-cousin, 47 rules on, 126 thoughts regarding, 125, 126 Martenlike animal (tsouhenda@ia), 145 Mascot, 91 Maskers, 109 Masks, hung in doorways, 105, 109 worn by dancers, 103, 108 Masqueraders, 120 Match, cotton, 24 Mating, ceremonial 101, 106-107, 118 Mats, 73, 77, 130, 132, 138, 138, 1389 maize leaf, 59 reed, 23, 41, 48, 49, 59 sleeping, 41, 99, 129 Mayapples, 62 Meat, 51, 59, 68, 69, 107, 117, 126, 127 Medicine, 60, 83, 92, 116, 120, 122 bundle, 84, 99, 121 complex of, 72 (andacwander), French, 84 herbs used in, 80, 84 Indian, 84 water, 120 Medicine man, 7, 19, 76, 78, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 91-97, 99, 102, 103, 115, 118, 122, 152 powers of, 97-101, 109, 117, 118 rules laid down by, 87, 107, 108, 114 Medicine societies, 39, 72, 75, 80, 88, 91, 99, 102, 106, 107, 109 membership in, 109 dances of, 106 Melons, 60 Men, dreams of, 91 dress for dance, 77 feasts of, women not admitted to, 59 grieving of, 180 ground cleared by, 58 head, 48 old, 36, 42, 47, 48, 49, 57, 76, 77, 101, 112, 115-116, 119, 136, 139 positions of, in dancing, 77 price for murder of, 52 young, 36, 48, 76, 116, 120, 125, 131, 137 Menstrual periods, rules regarding, 125 Mercier, Francois Joseph le, 160 Messengers, volunteer, 50 Metal, 116 Mice, 64 M ichisaguek, Algonquin Gide, 19 Midé Society, $9 Midewiwin ceremonies, 99 Midwinter ceremonial, 39, 65, 67, 72, 80, 1038, 109, 110, 133 Midwives, 123 Migan (boiled corn), 68, 108 Milky Way, beliefs regarding, 140 178 Miniatures, made as gifts, 87 Missionaries, information from, 5, 65 Moceasins, skin, 20, 128 Mohawk Indians, 4, 10, 17, 18, 27, 73, 89, 116, 147 See also Iroquois Indians. Monogamy, practice of, 125 Montagnais Indians, 8, 17, 25, 27, 51 Moon, Aataentsic as, 146, 154 ceremony, 79 supernatural being, 79 used to count time, 71 Mooney, James, 12 Moose, 67, 73, 126, 145 sinews used as thread, 60 skins, 59 Morgan, Lewis H., 3, 10, 20, 21, 23, 28, 30, 39, 41, 43, 44, 45, 49, 52, 55, 56, 60, 61, 62, 65, 67, 68, 69, 75, 77, 80, 81, 90, 91, 94, 110, 114, 116, 118, 125) 126) 127, 128; 20, dotedtss. 135, 140, 141, 142 Mortar and pestle, wooden, 68, 70 Mosquitoes, 82 Mourning, 133-134 customs, 129, 133 duration of, 133 of matrilineal relative, 133 Moyne, Simon le, 160 Mulberries, 62 Mummers, 109 Murder, as cause for war, 52 punishment for, 52-56, 96, 128 Names, changing of, 44-45, 184 giving of, 123, 134 Nanticoke Indians, 99 Nation of Fire, 14, 15, 19 Nation of the Bear, see Attignawantan. Nation of the Cat (Erie Indians), 14, (oy 7h Nation of the Deer (Tobacco confed- eracy), 12 Nation of the Puants, 19 Nation of the Wolves (Tobacco con- federacy), 12 Necklaces, 77, 113, 137 bead, 20, 21 wampum, 20, 32, 136, 147 Needles, 26 used in tattooing, 15 Neintahouy (roasted corn and beans), 69 Nets, hemp, 95, 106 made by men, 59 Neutral Indians, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 23, 61, 65, 134, 185 Neutral Nation, 9-10, 13-17, 28, 61, 65, 111, 184-135 New France, 5 New Sweden, 16 Niagara Falls, 17 Niagara River, 14, 17 Nigouaouichirinik, Huron allies, 19 Nikikouek, Algonquin tribe, 19 Nipissing Indians, 8 Nipissirinien Indians, 19, 25 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190] North American Indians, 124 cultures of, 5, 7 Northern Iroquoian cultures, 1 Nuts, 60, 62 Oaks, 12 Oatarra (small idol), 99 Ocata (diagnostician) , 91 Ochelaga village (minitik outen enta- gougiban), Montreal, 16 Oé€nrio, Huron village, 149 *Ohgiwe Society (Singers for the Dead), 91, 1338, 134, 185 Ohguione (bird), 121 Ohwachira (matrilocal extended fam- ily), 43 Oil, gourd of, 130, 142 Oki (spirit or medicine man), 78, 80, 81, 82, 92, 98, 99, 100, 120 Oklahoma Iroquois, 79 Oky, see Oki. Oky ontatechiata (sorcerers), 118 Ondachienra (poisonous root), 56 Ondakhienha, see Atiwarontas. Ondatouatandy, part of Nation of Puants, 19 Onderha (the ground), 114 Ondessone, Indian tribe, 37 Ondinnock (desires of sick person), 82, 92,112 Onditachiaé (Thunderbird), 82 Ondoutaehte (god of war), 89 Oneida Indians, 10, 17, 18, 73 government of, 18 village of the, 18 See also Iroquois Indians. Oneiochronons, see Oneida Indians. Oneiouchronons, see Oneida Indians. Onguiaahra (Niagara River), 14, 17 Onions (anonque), 62 Oniontcheronons, see Cayuga Indians. Onneiochronnons, see Oneida Indians. Onnentisati, Huron village, 149 Onnieoute, see Ononjoteé. Onniont (Algonquin charm), 122 Onnontaé, see Onondaga Indians. Onnontaeronnons, see Onondaga In- dians. Onoiochrhonons, see Cayuga Indians. Onondaga Indians, 4, 10, 17, 18, 28, 42, 73, 110, 155 See also Iroquois Indians. Ononharoia (war feasts), 76, 110, 111 Ononjoté, Mohawk village, 18 Onontaé, see Onondaga Indians. Onontaerrhonons, see Onondaga In- dians. Onontagueronons, dians. Onontsira (scalps), 29 Onorotandi, brother of Auoindaon, 26 Ontaanak, allies of Huron, 19 Ontarraoura, mythical animal, 102 Ontetsans (curers), 117 Oowrat (Indian turnip), 85 Oracles, received by medicine men, 19 Orenda (magic power), 78, 91 Orleans Island, 10 see Onondaga In- INDEX Ornaments, 116, 126 silver, 20 Oscotarach (head-opener), 141 Ossosané, Huron village, 44, 137, 1388, 149 Otakrendoiae (curing dance), 99 Otinontsiskiaj ondaon (house of cut- off heads), 48 Otkon (bad power), 78 Ottawa Indians, 8 Otters, 103 Otter Society, 103 Ottet (pounded corn), 68 Ouachaskesouek, allies of Huron, 19 Ouchaouanag, part of Nation of Fire, 19 Ouinipegong, part of Nation of Puants, 19 Oiiioenrhonons, see Oneida Indians. Ouionenronnons, see Cayuga Indians. Outaouakamigouek (Algonquin tribe), 19 Outaouasinagouek, Algonquin tribe, 19 Outay robes, 111 Oven, for making pottery, 59 Overblouse, added to women’s dress, 20 Owl, 102, 147 claw of, 120 Oyaron (spirit), 78 Paddle, wooden, 59, 68 Paint, red or brown, 20, 21 Palisades, wooden, 39, 40, 41 Paouwitagoung, Algonquin tribe, 19 Parker, Arthur C., 43, 46, 58, 60, 61, 62, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 75, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 91, 97, 99, 102, 103, 108, 117, 124, 126, 133, 188, 140, 141, 151, 154 Partridge, supernatural, 155 Peace treaty, 28 between Huron and Seneca, 17 Peaches, 115 Peas, 59, 69 wild, 62 Pensioners, functions of, 28 Periwinkles, wampum made from, 21 Peron, Francois du, 160 Petun, see Tobacco League. Phratries, 52 Pigments, trade in, 25 Pig’s head, ceremonial food, 73 Pike, 66 Pine trees, 39 Pipes, 21, 50, 110, 118, 142 lighted, symbol of invitation, 57 Pit, see Cache pits; Graves. Plants, medicinal, 84 Plates, wampum, worn on braids, 21 Wampum, worn over stomachs, 21 wooden, 26 Plumes, moose hair, 30 red, 111 worn by Indians, 30 Plums (tonestes), 62 Plum stones, used for bowl game, 115, 179 Poison, administered by society mem- bers, 99 See also Death. Poisoner, 119 Poles (owaronta), 41, 53, 61, 63, 64, 138 with scalps attached, exposed in war, 29 Police chief, 44 Polygyny, 125 Porches, 41 Poreupine quill trimming, 20, 21, 59, 111 Portages, 26 Potawatomi Indians, 8 Pots, 113 earthenware, 112 firing of, 59 making of, 59 Pouches, 115, 118, 121 Poultices, 83 Powell, J. W., 21, 28, 48, 45, 46, 52, 55, 56, 60, 89, 109, 118, 125, 126, 127, 128 Presents, 63, 107, 111, 112, 113 exchange of, 49, 50, 57 meaning of, 53-55 presented at death, 132, 187, 138 presented at marriages, 127 presented for favors, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 47, 51, 52, 53, 74, 84, 94, 95, 96, 101, 106 reparation for murders, 53, 54, 88 Preserves, fruit, 62 Prisoners, burning of, 33, 37, 38 dress of, 34-85 eating of, 29, 31, 38, 39 escape of, 32, 34 fattening of, 32 female, 52 mutilation of, 338-39 platform used in torturing of, 34 songs sung by, 32, 35, 37 taunting of, 37-38 torture of, 32-39 treatment of, 15, 28, 29, 31 Proclamations, delivered by chiefs, 44 Procurers, 125 Protohistorie sites, 18 Puberty, fasting at, 100 seclusion during, 85, 100 Pumpkins, 60, 61, 62, 68, 69, 71, 144 wild, 62 Purgatives, 84 Purges, 86 Pygmies (Little People), 121 Pyrlaeus, —, 4 Quain, Buell H., 60, 65, 100 Quarrels, private, revenge for, 28 Quebec, 5, 6, 19, 25, 26, 27, 29, 81 surrender of, 6 Quieunonascaran, Indian town, 24, 26, 44 . Quivers, 23 dog skin, 30 Rabbits, 66 Ragueneau, Paul, 160 Rain, 82, 94, 95,115 180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 190] Randle, Martha Champion, 42, 122, 124, | Seine, supernatural spirit, 80 125, 126 Raspberries, 62, 70 Raspberry Ceremony, 62 Rattles, tortoise-shell, 77, 93, 98, 101, 102 Raven, 109 charm from beak of, 121 Recollets, 4, 5, 19, 87, 124 Residence, matrilocal, 127 patrilocal, 127 Resuscitation, ceremony of, 45 Rhiierrhonons (Nation of the Cat), 16 Riddles, guessed at ceremonies, 112 Rings, 26 River des Prairies, 26 Robes, 56, 86, 104, 111, 113, 116, 119, 128, 129, 131, 187, 138, 139, 141 beaver, 35, 51, 57, 114, 121, 126, 130, 136, 137, 188 outay (black squirrel?) , 111 skin, 16, 20 Rock, supernatural, 81, 82, 141 Rock Nation, see Arendahronon. Roll Call of the Founders of League, 134 Roots poisonous, 56 sondhratatte, 61, 62 Ropes, basswood bark, 60 Rosaries, worn by Indians, 26 Ruffs, down, worn around neck, 20 Ruptures, 99 Sacrifice, human, 32 white dog, 32, 67 Sagamité (boiled corn), 28, 62, 63, 66, 68 Saguenay, Indians of the, 25, 26 St. Denys, Huron village, 150 St. Francois-Xavier, Huron village, 150 St. Jean, Huron village, 150 St. Joachim, Huron village, 150 St. Joseph (Quieunonascaran), 24, 26, 44 St. Lawrence River, 3, 16 St. Lawrence Valley, 3 St. Louis, Huron village, 150 Ste. Anne, Huron village, 150 Ste. Marie I, Huron village, 10, 14, 150 Sakahiganiriouik, Algonquin tribe, 19 Salmon, 68 Salt, 71 Santweronons, see Seneca Indians. Sapling (Elder Twin Brother), 153, 154, 155 Sashes, 59 Saulteux Midé Society, 99 Scabs, treatment for, 84 Scahentoarrhonons, Iroquoian-speaking tribe, 16, 17 Scalps (onontsira), beliefs regarding, 34 exposed in war, 29 taken as trophies, 29, 31, 34 Scanonaerat, Huron village, 10, 11, 150 Searecrows, hung to seare spirits, 106, 108, 109 Scarification, as medicinal measure, 83 Seashells, wampum made from, 21 Seaver, James H., 58, 79, 125, 126, 127, 133 Seine nets, 638, 79 Seneca Indians, 4, 10, 14, 16, 17, 27, 43, 75, 79, 91, 131, 153, 154, 155 See also Iroquois Indians. Senontouerhonons, see Seneca Indians. Serpent (onniont) , 122 monstrous (angont), 117 skin of, 120 Sex relations, abstinence from, 97, 115, 123 premarital, 127 Shaman, 78, 84, 92 See also Medicine man. Shells, 55 See also Wampum. Shields, boiled leather, 30 cedar, 30 Shimony, Annemarie Anrod, 10, 45, 48, 58, 60, 61, 62, 68, 72, 73, 14, T&, 79, 80, 81,82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 97, 100, 102, 103, 109, 110, 114, 115, 196, 117, 12122 tes 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 184, 140, 141, 142 Shirts, 20 Shoes, 20, 110, 111, 118, 116 Sick, curing the, 77, 78, 82, 93, 101-102, 106-108, 110, 111-113 desires of the, 82, 83, 85, 87, 91, 93, 101, 102, 111, 112, 114 Sickness, hereditary, 109 Simples, 84 Singers, 73 for the dead, 91 Singing, 91, 93, 102, 103, 111, 117 feast, 75, 76 Sioux Indians, 75 Six Nations Reservation, 71, 79, 110, aipalp a4 Skeletons, buried in common grave, 135 See also Dead. Skenchiosronons, Indian tribe, 16 Skinner, Alanson, 80, 87, 108 Skins, 113, 186, 137, 142 dressing of, 15 garments of, 15 Sky, home of the gods, 145 home of Thunderbird, 82 spirit, 80, 81, 95, 182 Sled, 58 Sledge (arocha), 23 Slings and slingstones, 121 Smith, De C., 65, 87, 117, 121 Smith, Erminnie A., 117 Smoke holes, 40 Smoking, 24 Snakes, 109, 121, 128, 155 magic, 81, 82, 120 Snares, hemp, 59, 66 Sneezing, 57 Snowshoes (agnonra), 23, 98 Snyderman, George §., 117 Society of Mystic Animals, 97 Sondhratates (Jerusalem-artichoke) , 62 Songs, 91, 93, 115, 187 sung by prisoners, 34, 35 20, 69, INDEX Sonnontouan, see Seneca Indians. Sonnontoueronnions, see Seneca In- dians. Sonnontoueronnons, see Seneca Indians. Sonontoen, Seneca town, 17 Sonontoiian, see Seneca Indians. Sonontrerrhonons, see Seneca Indians. Sonontwaéronons, see Seneca Indians. Sonontwehronons, see Seneca Indians. Sorcerers, 19, 83, 85, 99, 111, 117, 118, 119 killing of, 118 oky ontatechiata, 118 Souls, 187 beliefs regarding, 1383-34, 140, 141 expelling of, 39, 132 migration of, 91, 140 of animals, 140 rebirth of, 132, 140 Spade, wooden, 61 Spatula (estoqua), 69 Spears, 30, 88 fish, 62 Speck, Frank G., 39, 60, 71, 72, 75, TT, %9, 81, 87, 91, 98, 108, 110, 114, 115, 117, IPA 140 Spells, 117, 118 Spirits, 78, 80-82, 88 guardian, 90 Spoons, 23, 74 Spring Festival, 78 Spruces, 12, 40, 108 Squash, 15, 58, 60, 71 Squirrels, 64 black, 111 robe from skin of, 93, 111 Steel, for firemaking, 23 Sticks, as mnemonic devices, 46 Stockades, 39 Stones, 110 red hot, juggled by medicine men, 104, 106 red hot, used for sweating, 86, 105 used as charms, 117, 120, 121 Storage, see Cache pits. Strawberries, 62, 70 dried, 62, 105 Strawberry Ceremony, 62 Straws, game, 57, 114, 115 Sturgeon, 64, 73 Sturtevant, William C., 2, 79 Sucking, as curing treatment, 84, 117 Suicide, 56-57 beliefs regarding, 141 Suitor, rejection of, 126 requirements of, 127 Sun, Jouskehaas, 146, 154 supernatural being, 36, 38, 79 Sun Dance, 79 Sunflowers, 60 Sunflower seed oil, 60, 68 used in tattooing, 21 used on hair, 21 Supernatural beings, see Spirits. Susquehanna Indians, 16, 17 Susquehanna River, 16 Sweat baths, 85, 86, 93, 104, 108, 118, 145 181 Sweat houses, 86, 88, 93, 96, 105, 145 Sword blades, 137 Sycamore bark, 84 Taenhatentaron, Huron village, 150 Taft, Grace Ellis, 94 Tahontaenrat, see Tohontaenrat. Tamales, 70 Tattooing, 15, 21 Tawiscaron (Younger Twin Brother), 146, 151, 154, 155 Teanaostahé, Indian village, 44 Teanaostaiaé, Huron village, 150 Teharonhiawagon, Iroquois name for Touskeha, 151 Thanksgiving Address, 73, 81 dance, 30, 72, 75 feast, 75 Thieves, 52 discovery of, 97 punishment of, 56 Thorn, used in tattooing, 15 Three Rivers, 5, 18, 27 Thunder, 128 supernatural being, 75, 80, 82, 95, 115 Thunderbird, 82, 109 Thunder Ceremony, 103, 115 Ticks, wood, 82 Time, counted by the moon, 71 Toad, supernatural, 155 Toanché I, Huron village, 149 Toanché I1, Huron village, 149 Tobacco, 9, 13, 15, 23, 26, 50, 60, 73, 80, 83, 86, 87, 98, 110, 111, 112, 139, 142, 143 Anondahoin, 73 burned as invocation, 64, 80, 93, 95, 109, 118 distribution of, 50 invocation, 79, 80 offering of, 64, 74, 80, 81, 82, 94 pouch, 20, 59, 116, 118 rituals, 80 Tobacco League, 5, 9, 10, 12-13, 15, 21, Die sOGn oon eel sle pe ai: Tobacco Nation. See Tobacco League. Tohontaenras, see Tohontaenrat. Tohontaenrat (White-eared or Deer People), 3, 10, 11, 36, 150 Tomahawk, 76, 116, 130, 186, 137, 142 red-hot, used in torture, 33 Tomb, bark, 130, 131 Tonawanda, 73 Tondakhra, Huron village, 149 Tools, Huropean, 21 Torch, 90, 143 Tortoise shells, 77, 84, 106, 107 Torture, beliefs regarding, 33 of prisoners, 31-39 religious ceremonial, 32, 36 Trade, 15, 59, 71, 75, 90, 91, 121, 143 and war, 25-31 done by men, 58 infringement of, 26 private rights in, 25-26 182 Traders: Dutch, 9, 16, 17, 27 effect of, on natives, 5, 115, 185 English, 16, 17, 27 European, 4, 17 Flemish, 27 French, 5, 10, 11, 18, 17, 25, 26, 27, 40, 57, 67 King of Sweden as protector of, 16 priests as, 26 Swedish, 17 Traitors, 52, 56 Traps, 65, 66 Travelers, treatment of, 57 Trelease, Allen W., 9 Trigger, Bruce Graham, 9 Trout, 64, 66 Tumpline, use of, 59 Turkeys, wild, 15, 66 wing of, 103 Turnip, Indian, 85 Turtle, 98 cooking of, 66 shells, 106 supernatural being, 79, 146, 147, 153, 154, 155 Turtledoves, 140 Twin Brothers, supernational spirits, see Iouskeha and Tawiscaron. Upper Algonquin, 18 Upper Great Lakes area, 10 Upper Great Lakes Indians, 99 Upper Iroquois, 18 Upper Sandusky, Ohio, 10 Urination, part of curing ceremony, 107 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 190] Wampum—Continued belt, 52 chains of, 21, 35, 46, 47, 51, 53, 126, iB Y/ collar of, 28, 32, 50, 57, 86, 98, 114, 116, 121, 126, 130, 137, 138, 139 made from periwinkles, 21 necklaces of, 20, 21, 32, 51, 126, 136, 137, 147 trade in, 25 War, as cause of death, 132 ceremonies, 43, 75 chief, 36, 37, 48, 44, 73, 120 council, 36, 43 dance, 30, 75, 79, 115 declaration of, 31, 52, 108 exercises, 29 feast, 29, 39, 73, 74, 76 god, 89, 90 lapse of, 58 preparations for, 29, 31 reasons for, 28, 91 song, 39, 93, 129 spoils, distributed by old men, 34 victim, avenging of, 1382 Warfare, 25-31, 71 Warriors, 11, 75, 78, 96, 97 garihoniia doutagueta, 44 scouts, 31 Wasdse’ (War Dance), 75 Watch towers (ondaqua), 31, 39 Water, fetched by boys, 124 myths relating to, 155 soul of, 64 stocked on palisades, 40 substitutes for, 23 Water hemlock (Cicuta maculata) , 56 Waugh, Frederick W., 24, 58, 60, 61, 62, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 82, 94, 97, 100, 127, 134 Weanohronons, see Wenrohronon In- dians. Weapons, 108, 137 See also Firearms. Weather, control of, 94 Webster, Ephraim, 4 Wedding bread, 127 Weirs, 62, 63 Wendat, native name for Huron, 9, 10 Wenrio, village, 98 Wenrohronon Indians, 14, 86 Wenroronon, see Wenréhronon Indians. Wheat, 12 White, Marian E., 1 Whitefish (assihendo), 63 Widows, mourning customs of, 133 Wildeats, 15, 16 robes made of skins of, 16 Willow, 24, 62 Wilson, Daniel, 3, 55 Wind, 82 Winter occupations, 71-72 Witchcraft, 74, 83, 84, 88, 90, 93, 117-120 Witches, 52, 84, 96, 120, 132 killing of, 118-119 torture of, 119 Wives (aténonha), 127 Wolf clan, 12 Vats, storage for corn, 61 Venison, cooked with corn, 68 Vessels, earthen, 59 wooden, 59 Viel, Father Nicolas, 5, 6 Villages, 89-42 defense of, 31 elders of, 44 fires in, as result of ceremonies, 112 fortified, 18, 31 moving of, 42 palisaded, 11, 15, 39 stationary, 16 stockaded, 39 unfortified, 40 Villages of the dead, 141, 142, 148, 145 Virginia, 16 Visions, 90, 97, 106 quests for, 100 Vomiting, 87, 99, 117 Voting, method of, 48-49 Wage work, importance of, 58 Wake, see Death. Walker, Louise J., 135 Wallace, Anthony F. C., 86 Walnuts, 62 Wampum (onocoirota), 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 107, 110, 116 beads (hassaendista), 26, 35, 538, 54, 5D nt, Gate deo leet on Wolves, 15, 102 muzzle of, as ensign of war, 89 supernatural, 147 teeth of, 99 Women, 125 as guards of clan supplies, 51 as pottery makers, 59 bones of dead cleaned by, 186 chief selected by, 46 dance of, 79 dreams of, 91 dress of, 15, 20 INDEX 183 Women—Continued remarriage of, 133 returned from dead, 142 torture of, 31 treatment of, 31 Wood, used in witchcraft, 117, 118 chopped by boys, 124 collected by women, 58 presented as gift, 89 trade for, 26 transportation of, 58 Worms, 82 household chores performed by, 49, | Wounds, inflicted, payment for, 54 58 in council meetings, 48, 59 treatment for, 85 Wrong, G. M., editor, 8 lamentations for dead by, 15-16, Wyandot Indians, 1, 10, 12, 13, 21, 43, 133 land owned by, 60 menstruating, 108, 125 mourning customs of, 133 old, 77, 107 45, 46, 52, 54, 55, 56, 60, 72, 74, 78, 79, 81, 89, 91, 99, 103, 108, 109, 117, 118, 121, 125, 126, 127, 128, 133, 134, 147, 151, 152, 153, 154, ae e . e ia participation in curing ceremonies 159 by, 103, 104, 106, 107 pastimes of, 59, 116 planting by, 31, 58 pregnant, 86, 122, 127 price for murder of, 52, 53 Yellow leaf cup (Polymnia uwedalia), 84 Yews, 12 Yoscaha, see Iouskeha. O . ty SPS ooh Veteyey, is i Lat a hd f ed ts oe " a \ : ¢ . ~ - - : i y ? Fa th 4 ” i ae id) ' - 6604 i a INSTITUTION LIBRAR 39 LN 088 01421 9406