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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
().2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 30
HANDBOOK
OF
AMERICAN INDIANS
NORTH OF MEXICO
EDITED BY
FREDERICK WEBB HODGE
TN DW: ORAL Rens
rAd ie
WASHINGTON
GOVERNME NK aeePRPLING OF FICK
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
BureEAu OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., July 1, 1905.
Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith the manuscript of Bulletin
30 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, entitled ‘‘ Handbook of
American Indians,” which has been in preparation for a number of
years and has been completed for publication under the editorship
of Mr F. W. Hodge. The Handbook contains a descriptive list of
the stocks, confederacies, tribes, tribal divisions, and settlements north
of Mexico, accompanied with the various names by which these have
been known, together with biographies of Indians of note, sketches of
their history, archeology, manners, arts, customs, and institutions, and
the aboriginal words incorporated into the English language.
Respectfully,
W. H. Houmegs, Chief.
The SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Washington, D. C.
III
PREFACE
During the early exploration and settlement of North America, a
multitude of Indian tribes were encountered, having diverse customs
and languages. Lack of knowledge of the aborigines and of their lan-
guages led to many curious errors on the part of the early explorers and
settlers: names were applied to the Indians that had no relation what-
ever to their aboriginal names; sometimes nicknames were bestowed,
owing perhaps to personal characteristics, fancied or real; sometimes
tribes came to be known by names given by other tribes, which were
often opprobrious; frequently the designation by which a tribal group
was known to itself was employed, and as such names are oftentimes
unpronounceable by alien tongues and unrepresentable by civilized
alphabets, the result was a sorry corruption, varying according as the
sounds were impressed on Spanish, English, French, Dutch, German,
Russian, or Swedish ears. Sometimes, again, bands of a single tribe
were given distinctive tribal names, while clans and gentes were often
regarded as independent autonomous groups to which separate tribal
designations likewise were applied. Consequently, in the literature
relating to the American Indians, which is practically coextensive with
the literature of the first three centuries of the New World, thousands
of such names are recorded, the significance and application of which
are to be understood only after much study.
The need of a comprehensive work on thé subject has been felt ever
since scientific interest in the Indians was first aroused. Many lists of
tribes have been published, but the scientific student, as well as the
general reader, until the present time has been practically without the
means of knowing any more about a given confederacy, tribe, clan, or
ettlement of Indians than was to be gleaned from casual references
to it.”
The work of which this Handbook is an outgrowth had its inception
as early as 1873, when Prof. Otis T. Mason, now of the United States
National Museum, began the preparation of a list of the tribal names
mentioned in the vast literature pertaining to the Indians, and in due
time several thousand names were recorded, with references to the
works in which they appear. The work was continued by him until
after the establishment of the Bureau, when other duties compelled its
suspension. Later the task was assigned to Col. Garrick Mallery, who,
however, soon abandoned it for investigations in a field which proved
Vv
¢
VI PREFACE
to be his life work, namely, the pictography and sign language
of the American Indians. Meanwhile Mr James Mooney was engaged
in compiling a similar list of tribes, with their synonymy, classified
chiefly on a geographic basis and covering the entire Western Hemi-
sphere—a work begun in 1873 and continued for twelve years before
either he or the members of the Bureau of American Ethnology knew
of the labors of each other in this field.
Soon after the organization of the Bureau in 1879, the work of record-
ing atribal synonymy was formally assigned to Mr Henry W. Henshaw.
Up to this time a complete linguistic classification of the tribes north
of Mexico, particularly in the West and Northwest, was not possible,
since sufficient data had not been gathered for determining their lin-
guistic affinities. Mr Henshaw soon perceived that a linguistic classi-
fication of the Indian tribes, a work long contemplated by Major
Powell, must precede and form the basis for a tribal synonymy, and to
him, therefore, as anecessary preliminary, was intrusted the supervision
of such a linguistic classification. By 1885 the Bureau’s researches in
this direction had reached a stage that warranted the grouping of prac-
tically all the known tribes by linguistic stocks. This classification
is published in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau, and on it is
based, with few exceptions, the present Handbook.
Immediately on the completion of the linguistic classification, the
entire force of the Bureau, under Mr Henshaw’s immediate direction,
was assigned to the work that had now grown into a Dictionary and
Synonymy of the Indian Tribes North of Mexico. As his special field
Mr Henshaw devoted attention to several of the Californian stocks,
and to those of the North Pacifi¢ coast, north of Oregon, including
the Eskimo. To Mr Mooney were given the great and. historically
important Algonquian and Iroquoian families, and through his wide
general knowledge of Indian history and customs he rendered aid in
many other directions. tioned as distinct from the Openagos). Aben-
a’kiss.—Boyd, Ind. Local Names, 1, 1885. Aben-
akkis.—Jefferys, French Dominions, pt. I, map,
118,1761. Abenaques.—Buchanan, N. Am. Inds.,
I, 139, 1824. Abenaquioicts.—Champlain (1632),
(Euvres, v, pt. 2, 214, 1870. Abenaquiois,—Cham-
plain (1632), Guvres, v, pt. 2, 233, 1870. Abena-
quioue.—Sagard (1636), Canada, Iv, 889, 1866.
Abenaquis.—French document (1651) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., 1x, 5, 1855 (the same form is used
for the Delawares by Maximilian, Travels, 35,
1843). Abenati.—Hennepin, Cont. of New Disc.,
95, 1698. Abenequas.—-Hoyt, Antiquarian Re-
searches, 90, 1824. Abenquois.—Hind, Labrador
Pen., I, 5,1863. Abernaquis.—Perkins and Peck,
Annals of the West, 680, 1850. Abinaqui.—School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, v1, 174, 1857. Abinohkie.—Dalton
(1783) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., Ist s., X, 123, 1809.
Abnakis.—Vetromile in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll.,
VI, 208, 1859. Abnaquies.—Willis in Maine Hist.
Soe. Coll., Iv, 95, 1856. Abnaquiois. —Jesuit Rela-
tion, 1639, 25, 1858. Abnaquis.—Historical Mag.,
2d s., I, 61, 1867. Abnaquois.—Vetromile in Maine
Hist. Soc. Coll., vi, 214, 1859. Abnaquotii.—!)u
Creux, map (1660) in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., v1,
210, 1859. Abnasque.—Vetromile, Abnakis, 26,
1866 (possible French form), -Abnekais.—Albany
conference (1754) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., v1,
886, 1855. Abonakies,—Croghan (1765) in Monthly
Am. Jour. Geol., 272, 1831. Abonnekee,—Allen
in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 515, 18381. Agua-
noxygi.—Gatschet, Cherokee MS., B. A. E., 1881
(Cherokee name for one Delaware; plural, Andé-
guanoxgi). Akotsakannha.—Cuoq in Brinton,
Lenape Leg., 255, 1885 (Iroquois name: ‘for-
eigner’). Ak8anake.—Le Jeune (1641) in Jes.
Rel., 1, 72, 1858 (Huron pronunciation of Waba-
naki or Abanaki, ‘east land’). Albenaquioue.—
Sagard (1636), Canada, Iv, 889, 1866. Albenaquis.—
Du Pratz in Drake, Book of Inds., bk. rv, 40, 1848.
Alnanbai.—Vassal in Can. Ind. Aff. 1884, 27, 1885
(own name: ‘Indians’ or ‘men’). Anagonges,—
Bayard (1689)in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 111, 621, 1853.
Anaguanoxgi.—Gatschet, Cherokee MS., B. A. E.,
._ 1881 (Cherokee name for the Delawares; see
Aguanoxgi above). Annogonges.—Bayard (1689)
in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 111, 611, 1853. Anogon-
gaars, —Livingston (1730) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
V, 912, 1855. A-pa-nay’-ke.—ten Kate, Synonymie,
11, 1884 (given as Choctaw name for the Pawnee,
but really for the Delawares). Aquannaque.—
Sagard (1626), Voyage du Hurons, pt. 2, Dict.,
“nations,’’ 1865 (Huron pronunciation; qu=b of
‘Abnaki’ or ‘ Wabanaki,’and applied by them to
ABNAKI 5
the ‘Algoumequin’ or Algonkin). Aubinaukee,—
Jones, Ojebway Inds., 178, 1861. Bashabas,—
Gorges (1658) in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., 11, 62, 1847
(plural form of the name or title of the ruling
chief about Pemaquid; used by Gorges as the
name of histribe). Bénaquis.—Gatschet, Caugh-
nawaga MS., B. A. E., 1882 (name used by
French Canadians). | Cannon-gageh-ronnons. —
Lamberville (1684) in Doe. Hist. N. Y., 1, 142,
1849 (Mohawk name). Eastlanders.—School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 353, 1853 (given as mean-
ing of ‘Wabanakis’). Moassones.—Popham (1607/
in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., Vv, 357, 1857 (Latin
form, from Moasson, Mawooshen, or Moasham,
used by early English writers for the Abnaki
country. Ballard, U. S. Coast Survey Rep. 252,
1871, thinks it is the Penobscot word Maweshe-
nook, ‘berry place’). Moassons.—Willis (?) in
Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., vy, 359, 1857 (from Pop-
ham’s form, Moassones). Narankamigdok epitsik
arenanbak.—Vetromile, Abnakis, 23, 1866 (‘men
living on the high shores of the river’: given
as collective term used by Abnaki to designate
all their villages; real meaning ‘villages of the
Narankamigdog’). Natio Euporum.—Du Creux,
map (1660) in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., vi, 211,
1859 (misprint of the following). Natio Lu-
porum.—Same in Vetromile, Abnakis, 21, 1866
(‘wolf nation’). Natsagana.—Gatschet, Caugh-
nawaga MS., B. A. E., 1882 (Caughnawaga name;
singular, Rutsigana). 0-bén-aki,—O. T. Mason,
oral information, 1903 (name as pronounced by
a native). Obenaquiouoit.—Champlain (1629),
(Euvres, v, pt. 2, 196, 1870. Obinacks.—Clinton
(1745) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., v1, 276, 1855.
Obunegos.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 196, 1855
(=Delawares). Olinacks.—Clinton (1745) in N.
Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vi, 281, 1855 (misprint). Ona-
gongues.—Bellomont (1701) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., rv, 834, 1854. Onagonque.—Schuyler (1693),
ibid., 64. Onagunga.—Colden (1727) quoted by
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v1, 174, 1857. Ona-
gungees.—Johnson (1750) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., V1, 592,1855. Onconntehocks,—La Montagne
(1664), ibid., XIII, 378, 1881 (same?). Ondiakes,—
Albany treaty (1664), ibid., 111, 68, 18538. One-
jages.—Document of 1664, ibid., XIII, 389, 1881
(same?). Onnagonges.—Bayard (1689), ibid., 11,
621, 1853. Onnagongues.x—Document of 1688,
ibid., 565, 1853. Onnagongwe.—Bellomont (1700),
ibid., 1v, 758, 1854 (used as the Iroquois name
of one of the Abnaki villages). Onnagonques.—
Schuyler (1687), ibid., 111, 482, 1853. Onnogonges, —
Ft Orange conference (1664), ibid., x11, 379,
1881. Onnogongwaes.—Schuyler (1701), ibid., Iv,
836, 1854. Onnongonges.—Bayard (1689), ibid., 11,
611, 18538. Onoconcquehagas,—Schelluyne (1663),
ibid., x11, 309, 1881. Onoganges.—Dareth (1664),
ibid., 381. Onogongoes.—Schuyler (1724) in Hist.
Mag., Ist s., X, 116, 1866. Onogonguas,—Stoddert
(1793); In. N. Y. Doe. Col. . Hist.; vi, 780, 1855.
Onogungos.—Governor of Canada (1695), ibid.,
Iv, 120, 1854. Onokonquehaga.—Ft Orange con-
ference (1663), ibid., x111, 298, 1881. Onongongues, —
Bayard (1689), ibid., 711, 621, 1853. Openadyo,—
Williamson in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 3d s., 1x, 92,
1846. Openagi.—Sanford, U. S., exxiy, 1819.
Openagos.—Du Lhut (1679) in Margry, Déc.,
VI, 22, 1886. Openangos.—La Hontan, New Voy.,
I, 230, 1703 (sometimes used specifically for the
Passamaquoddy). 0-po-nagh-ke.—H. R. Rep. 299,
44th Cong.. Ist sess., 1, 1876 (Delawares). Oppen-
ago.—Cadillae (1703) in Margry, Dée., v, 304,
1883 (‘Oppenago ou Loups,’ near Detroit, prob-
ably the Delawares). O-puh-nar’-ke.—Morgan,
Consanguinity and Affinity, 289, 1871 (‘ people
of the east’: the Delawares). Ouabenakiouek, —
Champlain (1629), Gfuvres, v, pt. 2, note, 196,
1870. S8abenakis,—Lusignan (1749) in N. Y. Doc,
Col. Hist., vi, 519, 1855. Ouabenaquis.—La Salle
(1683) in Margry, Déc., 1, 363, 1877. Ouabna-
quia.—Ibid., 11, 157, 1877 (used in collective
sense). Oubenakis.—Chauvignerie (1736) in
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, II, 553, 1853. 8bena-
kis,—Chauvignerie (1736) in N. Y. Doc. Col.
Hist., 1x, 1052, 1855. Owenagungas.—Colden (1727),
Five Nat., 95, 1747 (so called by Iroquois).
Owenagunges.—Boudinot, Star in the West, 99,
1816. Owenagungies.—Macauley, N. Y., Il, 174,
6 ABO——ABRA DING
1829. Owenungas,—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111,
518, 1853 (Iroquois name for the Abnaki, Mic
mac, ete.). Panayki,—Gatschet, Tonkawe and
Caddo MS. voeab., B. A. E., 1884 (Caddo name
for Delawares), Pén/ikis,—Hewitt, oral infor-
mation, 1886 (Tuscarora name for Abnaki
living with the Tuscarora). Skacewanilom,—
Vassal in Can. Ind. Aff., 28, 1885 (so called by
Troquois). Taranteens.—Shea, Mississippi Val.,
165,1852. Tarateens.—Barstow, Hist. New Hamp.,
13, 1853. Tarenteens.—Godfrey, in Maine Hist. Soe.
Coll., vil, 99, 1876. Tarentines.—Mourt (1622) in
Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll.,2ds.,1X,57, 1822. Tarentins, —
Bradford (1650?) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., 111,
104, 1856. Tarranteeris.—Hist. Mag., 1st s., x, 116,
1866 (misprint). Tarrantens.—Levett (1628) in
Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., 11, 98, 1847. Tarrantines.—
Smith (1616) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3ds., vr, 117,
1837. Tarrateens,—Smith(1631)in Maine Hist.Soc.
Coll., vit, 101,1876. Tarratines,—Wonder-working
Providence (1654) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 2d s., 11,
66,1814. Tarratins,—Keanein Stanford, Compen.,
537, 1878. Tarrenteenes.—Wood (1639) in Barton,
New Views, xix, 1798. Tarrenteens.—Richardson,
Arctic Exp., 11, 38, 1851. Tarrentens,—Levett
. (1628) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll.,3d s., vi11, 175, 1843.
Tarrentines, —Smith (1629) Virginia, 11, 192, reprint
1819. Terentines.—Smith (1631) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., 3d s., 111, 22, 1883. Terentynes,—Smith
(1616), ibid., vi, 131, 1887. Unagoungas,—Salis-
bury (1678) in N. Y. Doce. Col. Hist., x11, 519, 1881.
Vnnagoungos.—Brockhols (1678) in Maine Hist.
Soe. Coll., v, 31, 1857 (old style). Wabanackies, —
McKenney, Memoirs and Travels, I, 81, 1846.
Wabanakees.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 304, 1853
(used collectively). Wabanakis,—lIbid., 111, 353,
note, 1853. Wabanika.—Dorsey, MS. @egiha Dict.,
B. A. E., 1878 (Omaha and Ponka name for Dela-
wares). Wabanike.—Dorsey, MS. Kansas vocab.,
B. A. E., 1882 (Kansa name for Delawares).
Wabanoaks.—Maurault, Hist. des Aben., 2, 1866
(English form). Wabanocky.—McKenney (1827)
in McKenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 11, 134, 1854
(used for emigrant Oneida, Munsee, and Stock-
bridges at Green bay, Wis.). Wabenakies.—K en-
dall, Travels, 111, 61, 1809. Wabénaki senobe.—Gat-
schet, Penobscot MS., B. A. E., 1887 (Penobscot
name). Wabenauki,—McKenney and Hall, Ind.
Tribes, 111, 97, 1854 (applied by other Indians to
those of Hudson r.). Wab-na-ki.—Hist. Mag., 1st
s., Iv, 180.1860. Wampum-makers.—Gale, Upper
Miss., 166, 1867 (said to be the French name for
the Delawares in 1666; evidently a corruption of
Wapanachki). Wanbanaghi.—Vetromile, Abna-
kis, 19, 1866 (proper form). Wanbanaghi.—Ibid.,
27 (proper form, the first an being strongly nasal).
Wanbanaki,—Vetromile, ,Abnakis, 27-42, 1866
(proper form; an in first syllable strongly nasal).
Wanbanakkie.—Kidder in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll.,
VI, 231, 1859 (given as a correct form). Wanb-na-
ghi.—Vetromile in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., vt, 214,
1859. Wapanachk,—Heckewelder quoted by Vet-
romile, Abnakis, 23,1866 (given by Heckewelder
for Delawares). Wapanachki,—Barton, New Views,
XxXvii, 1798 (name given to Delawares by western
tribes). Wapanaki.—Vetromile, Abnakis, 27-42,
1866 (Delaware form). Wapa’/na‘kit.—Wm. Jones,
inf’n, 1905 (sing. anim. form of the name in Sauk,
Fox, and Kickapoo; Wdpana‘kihag?, pl. anim.
form). Wapanakihak.—Gatschet, Sac and Fox
MS., B. A. E., 1882 (Fox name for Delawares; sin-
gular, Wapandki). Wapanayki ha-akon.—Gat-
schet, Tonkawe and Caddo MS. voeab., B. A. E.,
1884 (Tonkawa name for Delaware man). Wapa-
nends.—Rafinesque, Am. Nations, 1, 147, 1836.
Wapaniy’kyu.—Dorsey, MS. Osage voeab., B. A.
E., 1883 (Osage name for Delawares). Wapen-
acki,—Ruttenber, Tribes Hudson R., 51, 1872
(applied to all the eastern tribes). Wappen-
ackie.—Ibid., 355 (used either for Delawares or
for Wappingers). Wappenos,—Ibid., 51 (applied
to all eastern tribes). Wa-pti-nah-ki’,—Grayson,
MS. Creek vocab., B. A. E., 1885 (Creek name ap-
plied to the Delawares). Wau-ba-na-kees,—Wis.
Hist. Soe. Coll., v, 182, 1868 (Stoekbridges and
Oneidas at Green bay, Wis.). Waub-un-uk-eeg,—
Warren (1852) in Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., vy, 32
1885 (Chippewa name for Delawares). Waw-,
bunukkeeg,—Tanner, Narrative, 315, 1830 (Ottawa
IMPLEMENTS [B. A. E.
name for Stockbridge Indians in Wisconsin).
W’Banankee,—Kidder in Maine Hist. Soc. Coll.,
VI, 244, 1859 (name used by themselves, as nearly
as can be represented in English, accenting last
syllable). 'Whippanaps.—Humphrey, Acct., 281,
1730 (after Johnson), Wippanaps.—Johnson (1654)
in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d s., 1, 66, 1814 (men-
tioned as part of the ‘‘Abarginny men’ and
distinct from the ‘‘Tarratines’’). Wo-a-pa-
nach-ki,—Macauley, N. Y., 1, 164, 1829 (used as
synonymous with Lenni Lenape for tribes of
eastern Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York,
Delaware, and Connecticut). Wobanaki,—Kid-
der in Maine Hist. Soc. Coll., v1, 248, 1859 (title of
spelling book of 1830). :
Abo (A-bo’). A former pueblo of the
Tompiros division of the Piros, on the Ar-
royo del Empedradillo, about 25 m. &. of
the Rio Grande and 20 m.s. of Manzano,
in Valencia co., N. Mex. Whether the
pueblo was built on both sides of the
arroyo, or whether there were two pue-
blos successively occupied, has not been
determined. It was first mentioned in
1598 by Juan de Ofate; it became the
seat of the mission of San Gregorio,
founded in 1629 by Fray Francisco de
Acevedo, who erected a large church and
monastery, the walls of which are still
standing, and died there Aug. 1, 1644.
Tenabo and Tabira were the visitas of
Abo mission. Considering the ruins now
on both banks of the arroyo as those of
a single pueblo, the population during
the early mission period was probably
2,000. Owing to Apache depredations
many of the inhabitants fled to El Paso
as early as 1671, and prior to the Pueblo
insurrection of 1680 the village was en-
tirely abandoned for the same cause. The
Piros of Senecu del Sur claim to be the
last descendants of the Abo people. See
Vetancurt (1697 ), Cronica, 325, repr. 1871;
Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, tv, 270,
1892; Abert in Emory, Recon., 488,
1848. (F. w. H.)
Abbo.—Ofnate (1598) in Doe. Inéd., xvyr, 114, 1871.
Abio.—Abert in Emory, Reconnoissanee, 490, 1848.
Abo.—Onate, op. cit., 123. Ako.—Simpson in
Smithson, Rep. 1869, map, 1872 (misprint). Avo,.—
Wislizenus, Memoir, 24, 1848. San Gregorio Abbo,—
Vetancurt, Cronica, 325, repr. 1871. §S. Gregoio de
Abo.—Senex, map, 1710 (misprint). §S. Gregoria,—
Giussefeld, Charte America, 1797 (wrongly located
on Rio Grande). §, Gregorio de Abo,—De I’Isle,
Carte Mexique et Floride, 1703. St Gregory.—
Kitchin, Map N. A., 1787.
Abon. See Pone.
Aboreachic. A small Tarahumare pueblo
not far from Norogachic, in Chihuahua,
Mexico. The name is apparently a cor-
ruption of avreachic ‘where there is moun-
tain cedar,’ but should not be con-
founded with that of the village of
Aoreachic.—Lumholtz, inf’n, 1894.
Abrading Implements. In shaping their
numerous implements, utensils, and orna-
ments of stone, wood, bone, shell, and
metal, the native tribes were largely de-
pendent on abrading implements, of
which there are many varieties. Of first
importance are grinding stones and whet-
stones of more or less gritty rock, while
BULL. 30]
less effectual are potsherds and rasp-like
surfaces, such as that of the skin of the
dogfish. Of the same general class are all
sawing, drilling, and scraping tools and
devices, which are described under sepa-
rate heads. The smoothing and polish-
ing implements into which the grinding
stones imperceptibly grade are also sepa-
rately treated. The small-
er grinding stones were
held in the hand, and were
usually unshaped frag-
ments, the arrowshaft rub-
AsrAoING Stone, New Her and the slender ne-
ea phrite whetstone of the
Eskimo being exceptions.
The larger ones were slabs, bowlders, or
fragments, which rested on ‘the ground or
were held in the lap
while in use. In many
localities exposed — sur- =
faces of rock in place ArrowsHart Russer,
were utilized, and these C*on"y. (Lencth,
as well as the movable
varieties are often covered with the
grooves produced by the grinding work.
These markings range from narrow, shal-
WHETSTONE OF NEPHRITE, ESKIMO. (LENGTH, 5 INCHES. )
low lines, produced by shaping pointed
objects, to broad channels made in shap-
ing large imple-
ments and uten-
sils. Reference
to the various
forms of abrad-
ing implements
is made in nu-
merous works
and articles
treating of the
technology of the native tribes. The
more important of these are cited under
Archeology, Bonework, Stonework, Shell-
work. (WwW. H. H.) :
Abraham, also called Little Abraham.
A Mohawk chief of considerable orator-
ical power who succeeded the so-called
King Hendrick after the battle of L.
George in 1755, in which the latter was
killed. He espoused the English cause
in the American Revolution, but was of a
pacific character. He was present at the
last meeting of the Mohawk with the
American commissioners at Albany in
Sept., 1775, after which he drops from no-
tice. He wassucceeded by Brant. (c. 7.)
Absayruc.
tioned as formerly connected with the
mission of San Juan Bautista, Cal.—
GRINDING STONE, TENNESSEE
(LENGTH, 21 INCHES )
ABRAHAM—ACCOMAC
A Costanoan village men-.
¢
Engelhardt, Franciscans in Cal., 398,
1897.
Absentee. A division of the Shawnee
who about 1845 left the rest of the tribe,
then in Kansas, and removed to Ind. T.
In 1904 they numbered 459, under the
Shawnee school superintendent in Okla-
homa. (J. M.)
Ginetéwi Sawandogi.—Gatschet, Shawnee MS.,
B. A. E., 1879 (so called sometimes by the other
Shawnee; Ginetéwi is derived from the name
of Canadian r., on which they live). Pépua-
hapitski Sawanogi.—Ibid. (‘ Away-from - here
Shawnee,’ commonly so called by the other
Shawnee).
Acacafui. Mentioned by Juan de Onate
(Doe. Inéd., xv1, 115, 1871), in connec-
tion with Puaray, apparently as a pueblo
of the Tigua of New Mexico in 1598.
Acacagua. An unidentified pueblo of
New Mexico in 1598.—Onate (1598) in
Doc. Inéd., xv1, 103, 187 :
Acachin. A Papago rancheria in s.
Arizona; pop. 47 in 1865.—Ind. Aff. Rep.,
135, 1865.
Acadialite. A reddish chabazite (Dana,
Text-book of Mineral. ,458, 1898), so called
from Acadia, an early and still a literary
name of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick:
a latinization, helped out by analogy with
the classical Arcadia, of a word formed
by the early French explorers on the
basis of a suffix of many place names,
which in the Miemac dialect of Algon-
quian signifies ‘where a thing is plenti-
ful.’ The lite represents the Greek Az4os,
stone. (A. F. c.)
Acapachiqui. An unidentified town in
s. Georgia, visited by De Soto in March,
1540.—Biedma in French, Hist. Coll. La.,
11, 99, 1850.
Capachiqui.—Gentleman of Elvas (1557) in French,
Opi Git 137;
Accohanoc. A tribe of the Powhatan
confederacy that formerly lived on the
river of the same name, in Accomac and
Northampton cos., Va. They had 40
warriors in 1608. Their principal village
bore the name of the tribe. They be-
came mixed with negroes in later times,
and the remnant was driven off at the
time of the Nat Turner insurrection,
about 1833. (3. mM.)
Accahanock,—Herrman, map (1670) in Maps to
Accompany the Rep’t of the Com’rs on the
Bnd’ry Line bet. Va. and Md., 1873. Acco-
hanock.—Strachey (ca. 1612), Virginia, 41, 1849.
Accotronacks.—Boudinot, Star in the West, 125,
1816. Acohanock.—Smith (1629), Virginia, 1, 120,
repr. 1819. Aquohanock,—Ibid., I, 61. Occa-
hanock.—Beverly, Virginia, 199, 1722. Ochahan-
nanke.—Strachey (ca. 1612), Virginia, 62, 1849.
Accomac. (According to Trumbull the
word means ‘the other-side place,’ or
‘on-the-other-side-of-water place.’ In
the Massachuset language ogkomé or
akawiné means ‘beyond’; and ac, aki,
or ahki in various Algonquian dialects
means ‘land.’ According to Dr Wm.
Jones (inf?n, 1905) the term is probably
akin to the Chippewa tigaming, ‘the other
8 ACCOMINTA—ACHILIGOUAN
shore,’ and to the Sauk, Fox, and Kicka-
poo igamiiheg *, ing in the one case and -gi
in the other being variations of the same
suffix expressing ‘place where’). A tribe
of the Powhatan confederacy of Virginia
that formerly lived in Accomac and
Northampton cos., &. of Chesapeake bay,
and according to Jefferson their principal
village, which bore the tribal name, was
about Cheriton, on Cherrystone inlet,
Northampton co. In 1608 they had 80
warriors. As they declined in numbers
and importance they lost their tribal
identity, and the name became applied to
all the Indians &. of Chesapeake bay. Up
to 1812 they held their lands in common
and were known under the names of Ac-
comacs, living chiefly in upper Accomac
co. vand Gingaskins (see Gangasco), living
near Eastville, Northampton co. They
had become much mixed with negroes,
and in the Nat Turner insurrection, about
1833, were treated as such and driven off.
(J. M.)
Accawmacke,—Smith (1629), Va., I, 133, repr.
1819. Accomack,—Ibid., 120. Accowmack,—Ibid.,
map. Acomack,—Ibid., 11, 61. Acomak.—Drake,
Book of Indians, v, 1848.
Accominta (possibly related to the Chip-
pewa d kuktimiga‘k, a locative expression
referring to the place where land and
water meet, hence, specifically, ‘shore,’
‘shore-line.—Wm. Jones. The name
was given by the Indians to York r.).
A small tribe or band of the Pennacook
confederacy, commonly called Agamen-
ticus or Accominticus, that occupied a
village of the same name at or near the
site of the present York, York co., Me.,
to which the name ‘‘ Boston’’ was given
on scme early maps. Capt. John Smith
(Virginia, 11, 183, repr. 1819) says that
the people of this place were allied to
those immediately n. of them, and were
subject to the bashabees of Penobscot,
which would seem to place them in the
Abnaki confederacy, though they are
now generally and apparently correctly
included in the Pennacook confederacy.
Schoolcraft (Ind. Tribes, v, 222, 1856)
includes this area in the Pennacook do-
minion. Under what name the Acco-
minta people were subsequently recog-
nized is not known. (J. M. Cc. T.)
Accomentas.—-Hoyt, Antiquarian Res., 90, 1824.
Accomintas.—Gookin (1674) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 1st s, 1, 149, 1806. Accominticus.—Smith
(1616), ibid., 3d s., vI, 97, 1837. Accomintycus.—
Smith (1629), Virginia, 11, 195, repr. 1819. Ac-
comynticus, i 188. Agamenticus—Ballard in
Coast Sury. Rep., 246, 1871. An-ghem-ak-ti-koos.—
Ibid. (given as proper name).
Acconoc. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy in 1608, situated between
Chickahominy and Pamunkey rs., New
Kent co., Va.—Smith (1629), Virginia,
I, map, repr. 1819.
Accoqueck ( probably cognate with Chip-
pewa &kukwig, ‘whirlpool,’ or ‘turn in
.1608 on Rappahannock r.,
[B. AE:
the bend’ of a river or road.—Wm.
Jones). A Powhatan village, situate in
above Seco-
bee, Caroline co., Va.—Smith (1629),
Virginia, I, map, repr. 1819. :
Accossuwinck (possibly cognate with
the Chippewa @ kosowing, ‘point where
the tail and body meet’; or with a kosink,
‘as far upasthe place rises. —Wm. Jones).
A Powhatan village, existing in 1608 on
Pamunkey r., King William co:,; Va.—=
Smith (1629), Vi irginia, I, map, repr. 1819.
Acela. (A. 8. G. He Wepeia)
Alachees.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 32, 1852.
A-lack-a-way-talofa.—Bell in Morse, Rep. to Sec.
War, 306, 1822. Alacua,—Romans, Florida, I, 280,
1775. Aulochawan Indians.—Hawkins (1812) in
Am. State Papers, Ind. Aff., 1, 818, 18382. Au-lot-
che-wau.—Hawkins (1799), Sketch, 25, 1848. Lach-
aways. —Seagrove (1793) in Am, State Pap., Ind.
Aff., 1, 378, 1832. Lackaway.—Brown (1793), ibid.,
374. Latchione.—Brinton, Florida Penin., 145,
1859. Latchivue.—Peniére in Morse, Rep. to Sec.
War, 311, 1822. Lotchnoay.—Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, v1, 360, 1857. Lotchway towns.—Flint, Ind.
Wars, 173, 1833. Sotchaway.—Seagroyve, op. Cit.,
380.
Alacranes (Span.: ‘scorpions’). A part
of the Apache formerly living in Sonora,
Mexico, but according to Taylor (Cal.
BULL. 30]
Farmer, June 13, 1862) roaming, with
other bands from Texas, to the Rio Colo-
rado and wn. of Gila r. in Ariz. and N.
Mex. They were apparently a part of
the Chiricahua.
Alacupusyuen. A former Chumashan
village near Purisima mission, Santa
Barbara co., Cal.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
Oct. 18, 1861.
Alafiers (ala=‘buckeyetree’). ASemi-
nole town near Alafia r., an affluent of
Tampa bay, Fla. Its inhabitants, few in
number, appear to have been led by Chief
Alligator, and the ‘Alligators’? may
have been the same people. They took
part in the Seminole war of 1835-42.
(H.W. H.)
Alafia.—Drake, Ind. Chron., 209, 1836.
Drake, Bk. of Inds., bk. 4, 77, 1848.
Alaganik. An Ahtena and Ugalakmiut
village near the mouth of Copper r.,
Alaska. Pop. in 1880, with Eyak, 117:
in 1890, 48. Serebrenikof visited the vil-
lage in 1848, but Allen in 1885 found it
on what he supposed to be a new site.
Alaganik.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, map,
1877. Alaganuk.—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, 29,
1884. Alagnak.—Serebrenikof quoted by Baker,
Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1901. Anahanuk,—Allen, ibid.
Lookta-ek.—l1th Census, Alaska, 161, 1893.
Alaho-ateuna (‘those of the southern-
most’). A phratry embracing the Tona-
shi (Badger) and Aiyaho (Red-topped-
shrub) clans of the Zuni. —Cushing, int’n,
1891.
Alahulapas. A former Chumashan vil-
lage near Santa Inez mission, Santa Bar-
bara co., Cal.—Gatschet in Chief Eng.
Rep., pt. 3, 553, 1876.
Ala-Lengya (‘horn-flute’). A phra-
tral group of the Hopi, consisting of the
Ala (Horn) and Lengya (Flute) clans.
Ala-Lenya.—Fewkesin 19th Rep. B. A. E.,583, 1901.
Alali. A former Chumashan village on
Santa Cruz id., off the coast of California.
A-la’-li.i—Henshaw, Buenaventura MS. vocab.,
B. A. E., 1884.
Alameda (Span.: ‘cottonwood grove’).
A ruined pueblo on the r&. side of the
Rio Grande, about 10 m. above Albu-
querque, Bernalillo co., N. Mex. It was
occupied by the Tigua until 1681, and was
formerly on the bank of the river, but is
now a mile from it, owing to changes in
the course of the stream (Bandelier in
Arch. Inst. Rep., v, 88, 1884). It was the
seat of a Spanish mission, with 300 inhab-
itants about 1660-68, and a church ded-
icated to Santa Ana which was doubt-
less destroyed in the Pueblo revolt of 1680-
96 (Vetancurt (1697), Teatro Mex., 11,
311, 1871). The settlement was afterward
reestablished as a mission visita of Albu-
querque. (F. W. H.)
Alamada.,—Abert in Emory, Recon., map, 1848.
Aiemeds de Mora,—Villa Senor, Theatro Am., pt.
2, 415, 1748. Alemada.—Abert in Emory Recon.,
464, 1848. Alemeda,.—Gallegas (1844) misquoted,
ibid., 479.
Alamillo. (Span.: ‘little cottonwood’ ).
A former pueblo of the Piros on the Rio
Grandeabout 12 m. n. of Socorro, N. Mex.,
Alafiers, —
ALACUPUSYUEN—ALAWAHKU 35
the seat of a Franciscan mission, estab-
lished early in the 17th century, which
contained a church dedicated to Santa
Ana. The inhabitants did not participate
in the Pueblo revolt of 1680, and most of
them joined the Spaniards in their flight
to El Paso, Chihuahua. In the following
year, however, on the return of Goy.
Otermin, the remaining inhabitants of
the pueblo fled, whereupon the village
was destroyed by the Spaniards. The
population in 1680 was 300. See Vetan-
curt (1697), Teatro Mex., 1, 310, repr.
1871; Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, tv,
239, 1892. (F. w. H.)
Alamingo. A village of hostile Dela-
wares(?) in 1754, probably on Susque-
hanna r., Pa.; possibly the people of Al-
lemoebi, the ‘‘king’’ of the Delawares,
who lived at Shamokin about 1750
(Drake Trag. Wild., 153, 1841). _
Alamo. See San Antonio de Valera.
Alamo Bonito (Span.: ‘beautiful cot-
tonwood’). A small settlement of Mis-
sion Indians on Torres res., 75 m. from
Mission Tule River agency, s. Cal.
Alimo Bonita.—Ind. Aff. “Rep. 170, 1904. Alimo
Bonito.—Ibid., 175, 1902.
Alamos (Span.: ‘cottonwoods’). A
pueblo of the Eudeve division of the
Opata, the seat of a Spanish mission estab-
lished in 1629; situated on a small tribu-
tary of the Rio Sonora, in Sonora, Mex-
ico. Pop. 165 in 1678, 45 in 1730 (Rivera
quoted by Bancroft, Mex. No. States, 1,
513, 1884).
Asuncion Alamos.—Zapata (1678) quoted by Ban-
croft, op. cit., 246. Los Alamos.—Orozco y Berra,
Geog., 344, 1864.
Alamos. A former rancheria, probably
of the Sobaipuri, on Rio Santa Cruz, s.
Ariz.; visited and so named by Father
Kino about 1697.—Bernal (1697) quoted
by Bancroft, Ariz. and N. Mex., 356, 1889.
Alamucha. A former Choctaw town in
Kemper co., Miss., 10 m. from Succar- °
nooche er., an affluent of Tombigbee r.
Allamutcha Old Town,—Gatschet, Creek Migr
Leg., I, 109, 1884.
Alapaha. A former Seminole town in
Hamilton co., Fla., on Allapaha r. It
was once under Chief Okmulgee, who
died before 1820. (H. w. H.)
A-la-pa-ha-tolafa.—Bell in Morse, Rep. to Sec.
War, 306, 1822.
Alaskaite. A mineral, according to
Dana (Text-book Mineral., 420, 1888), so
called from having been found in the
Alaska mine, Poughkeepsie gulch, Colo. ;
primarily from Alaska, the name of the
territory of the United States, and the
English suffix -ife. Alaska, according to
Dall, is derived from Aldkshak, or Ala-
yeksa, signifying ‘ mainland,’ the term by
which the Eskimo of Unalaska id. desig-
nated the continental land of xn. w. Amer-
WGI (NG 15 (Oh,
Alawahku. The Elk clan of the Pecos
tribe of New Mexico.—Hewett in Am.
Anthrop., v1, 431, 1904.
36
Alberdozia. A provinceof Florida, prob-
ably Timuquanan.—Linschoten, Deser.
de Am., 6, 1638.
Albivi. Given by Hervas in 1785 ( Va-
ter, Mith., pt. 3, sec. 3, 347, 1816) as a
division of the Illinois, but that is doubt-
ful.
Alcalde (Span.: a mayor of a town who
also administers justice). A Papago vyil-
lage, probably in Pima co., s. Ariz.; pop.
250 in 1860.—Poston in Ind. Aff. Rep.
1863, 385, 1864.
Alcash. A former Chumashan village
at La Goleta, or, as stated by a Santa
Barbara Indian, on Moore’s ranch, near
Santa Barbara, Cal.
Alcax.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 24, 1863.
Al-ka-a’c.—Henshaw, Buenaventura MS. yoeab.,
B. A. E., 1884.
Alchedoma. A former Yuman tribe
which, according to Father Garcés, spoke
the same language as the Yuma proper,
and hence belonged to the same closely
related Yuman division as the Yuma,
Maricopa, and Mohave. As early as
1604-05 Juan de Ofiate found them in 8
rancherias (the northernmost with 2,000
people in 160 houses) below the mouth
of the Gila on the Rio Colorado, but by
1762 (Rudo Ensayo, 130, 1894) they occu-
pied the left bank of the Colorado be-
tween the Gila and Bill Williams fork,
and by Garcés’ time (1776) their ran-
cherias were scattered along the Colorado
in Arizona and California, beginning
about 38 m. below Bill Williams fork and
extending the same distance downstream
(Gareés, Diary, 423-428, 450, 1900). At
the latter date they were said to number
2,500, and while well disposed toward
other surrounding tribes, regarded the
Yuma and Mohave as enemies.
says of them: ‘‘These Jalchedun [Alche-
doma] Indians are the least dressed, not
only in such goods as they themselves
possess, but also in such as they trade
with the Jamajabs [Mohave], Genigue-
ches [Serranos], Cocomaricopas [Mari-
copa], Yabipais [Yavapai], and Moquis
[ Hopi], obtaining from these last mantas,
girdles, and acoarse kind of cloth (saya),
in exchange for cotton.’? This statement
is doubtless an error, as the Alchedoma
raised no cotton, while the Hopi were
the chief cultivators of this plant in the
entire 8. W. According to Kroeber the
Alchedoma were absorbed by the Mari-
copa, whom they joined before fleeing
from the Rio Colorado before the Mohave.
Asumpcion, Lagrimas de San Pedro, San
Antonio, and Santa Coleta have been
mentioned ag rancherias. (Ff. Ww. H.)
Achedomas.—Venegas, Hist. Cal., U1, 185, 1759.
Alchedomes,—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Dec. 6, 1861.
Alchedum,—Gareés (1775-6), Diary, 488, 1900.
Alchedumas.—Consag (1746) quoted by Bancroft,
Nat. Races, 1,588,1882. Alchidomas,—Alcedo, Dic.
Geog., I, 48, 1786. Algodomes.—Heintzelman
(1853) in H. R., Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Cong., 42, 1857
(seems to be local name here). Algodones,—
Blake in Pac, R, R. Rep., v, 112, 1856, Algodon-
ALBERDOZIA—ALEUT
Gareés,
[B. A. B,
nes.—Derby, Colorado R., map, 1852. Chidumas.—
Garcés (after Escalante, 1775) , Diary (1775-76), 474,
1900. Halchedoma.—Zarate-Salmeron (ca. Bd!
Rel., in Land of Sunshine, 106, Jan., 1900. Ha
chedumas.—Bancroft, Ariz. and N. Mex., 156, 348,
1889. Halchidhoma,—A. L. Kroeber, inf’n, 1905
(Mohave name). Hudcoadamas.—Rudo Ensayo
(1762), 24,1863 (probably the same). Hudecoadan,—
Rudo Ensayo (1762), Guiteras transl., 130, 1894.
Hudecoadanes.—Orozco y Berra, Geog., 59, 358, 1864.
Jakechedunes.—Hinton, Handbook to Ariz., 28,
1878. Jalehedon,—Arricivita (1792) quoted by
Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, v, 100, 1890.
Jalchedum,—Orozco y Berra, Geog., 38, 1864, (mis-
quoting Garcés). Jalchedunes.—Garecés (1775-76),
Diary, 308, 1900. Talchedon.—Forbes, Hist. Cal.,
162, 18389 (misprint). Talechedums.—Domenech,
Deserts, I, 444, 1860. Yalchedunes.—Pac. R. R.
Rep., II, pt. 8, 124, 1856.
Alcoz. A former village of the Kalin-
daruk division of the Costanoan family
in California.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
Apr. 20, 1860.
Aleksashkina. A former Kaniagmiut
Eskimo settlement on Wood id. in St.
Paul harbor, Kodiak id., Alaska.
Aleksashkina,—Tebenkof quoted by Baker, Geog.
Dict. Alaska, 1901 (called a Chiniak settlement).
Tanignag-miut.—Russ. Am. Co. map quoted by
Baker, ibid. (called an Aleut settlement).
Aleta. A former village, presumably
Costanoan, connected with Dolores mis-
sion, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Aleytac,—Ibid. :
Aleut. A branch of the Esquimauan
family inhabiting the Aleutian ids. and
the n. side of Alaska pen., w. of Ugashik r.
The origin of the term is obscure. A
reasonable supposition is given by Engel
(quoted by Dall in Smithson. Contrib.,
xxl, 1878) that Aliut is identical with
the Chukchi word aliat, ‘island.’ The
early Russian explorers of Kamchatka
heard from the Chukchi of islanders,
aliwit, beyond the main Asian shore, by
which the Chukchi meant the Diomede
islanders; but when the Russians found
people on the Aleutian ids. they supposed
them to be those referred to by the
Chukchi and called them by the Chukehi
name, and the Chukchi often adopt the
Russian name, Aleut, for themselves,
though asserting that it is not their own.
According to Dall, Unting’tin, ‘people,’ is
the generic term which the Aleut apply
to themselves, it being probably a form
of the Eskimo Jnnuin, plural of Inung,
Tnuk.
It is stated by various authorities that
the Aleut differ markedly from the Es-
kimo in character and mental ability as
well as in many practices. According to
Dall the Aleut possess greater intellect-
ual capacity than the Eskimo, but are far
inferior in personal independence, and
while the Aleuts’ physiognomy differs
somewhat from that of the typical Es-
kimo, individuals are often seen who
can not be distinguished from ordinary
Innuit.. Notwithstanding the differences,
there is no doubt that the Aleut are
an aberrant offshoot from the great
Esquimauan stock, and that however
BULL. 30]
great their distinguishing traits these
have resulted in the lapse of time from
their insular position and peculiar en-
vironment. Dall considers the evidence
from the shell heaps conclusive as to
the identity with the continental Ks-
kimo of the early inhabitants of the
islands as regards implements and weap-
ons. Thetestimony afforded by language
seems to be equally conclusive, though
perhaps less evident. The Aleut lan-
guage, though differing greatly from the
dialects of the mainland, possesses many
words whose roots are common to the
Eskimo tongues. The Aleut are divided,
chiefly on dialectal grounds, into Un-
alaskans, who inhabit the Fox ids., the
w. part of Alaska pen., and the Shu-
magin ids., and Atkans who inhabit the
Andreanof, Rat, and Near ids. When
first visited by the Russians the Aleutian
ids. had a much larger population than
at present. As compared with the main-
land Eskimo and the Indians the Aleut
are now unwarlike and docile, though
they fought well when first discovered,
but had only darts against the Russian
firearms and were consequently soon
overpowered, and they speedily came
under the absolute power of the Russian
traders, who treated them with great
cruelty and brutality. This treatment
had the effect of reducing them, it is said,
to 10 per cent of their original number,
and the survivors were held in a condition
of slavery. Later, in 1794-1818, the Rus-
sian Government interfered to regulate
the relations between traders and natives
with the result of somewhat ameliorat-
ing their condition. In 1824 the mis-
sionary Veniaminoff began his labors, and
to hm is largely due most of the im-
provement, moral and mental. Through
his exertions and those of his colabor-
ers of the Greek church all the Aleut
were Christianized and to some extent
educated. ;
The population of the Aleutian ids.,
which before the arrival of the Russians
was by their own tradition 25,000 (which
estimate, judging by the great number of
their village sites, Dall does not think
excessive), in 1834, according to Veniami-
noff, was 2,247, of whom 1,497 belonged
to the 5. or Unalaskan division and 750
to the w. or Atkan division. Accord-
ing to Father Shaiesnekoy there were
about 1,400 on the Aleutian ids. in 1848.
After the epidemic of smallpox in that
year some 900 were left. In 1874 Dall
estimated the population at 2,005, includ-
ing mixed bloods. According to the cen-
sus of 1890 there were 968 Aleut and 734
mixed-bloods, total 1,702; in 1900 the
statistics of the previous decade were
repeated.
The following are Aleut villages: Aku-
ALEXANDROVSK—ALGIC
37
tan, Attu, Avatanak, Belkofski, Biorka,
Chernofski, Eider, Iliuliuk, Kasheega,
Korovinski, Makushin, Mashik, Mor-
zhovoi, Nateekin, Nazan, Nikolaief, Nik-
olski, Pavlot, Pogromni, Popoft, St George,
St Paul, Sannak, Unga, Vossnessenski.
The following villages no longer. exist:
Agulok, Akun, Alitak, Artelnof, Beaver,
Chaliuknak, Ikolga, Imagnee, Itchadak,
Kalekhta, Kutchlok, Riechesni, Seredka,
Sisaguk, Takamitka, Tigalda, Totchikala,
Tulik, Ugamitzi, Uknodok, Unalga, Ve-
selofski. The following ruined places
have been discovered on a single island,
Agattu, now uninhabited: Agonakagna,
Atkulik, Atkigyin, Hachimuk, Hamnu-
lik, Hanilik, Hapkug, Higtiguk, Hilk-
suk, Ibin, Imik, Iptugik, Isituchi, Ka-
kuguk, Kamuksusik, Kaslukug, Kig-
sitatok, Kikchik, Kikun, Kimituk, Ki-
tak, Kuptagok, Magtok, Mukugnuk,
Navisok, Siksatok, Sunik, Ugiatok, Ugti-
kun, Ugtumuk, Ukashik.
Aléouteans.—Drake, Bk. of Inds., bk. 1, 16, 1848.
Aleuten.—Holmberg, Ethnol. Skizz., 7, 1855.
Aleuts.—Dall in Proe. Cai. Acad. Sci., Iv, 35,
1873. Aleyut.—Coxe, Russ. Disc., 219, 1787. Alla-
yume,—Powell in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 11, 553, 1877
(Olamentke name). Cagatsky.—Mahoney (1869)
in Senate Ex. Doc. 68, 41st Cong., 2d sess., 19,
1870 (‘easterners’: Russianized form of Aleut
name). Kagataya-Koung’ns.—Humboldt, New
Spain, I, 346, 1822 (own name: ‘men of the east’;
refers only to the Aleut living ©. of Umnak
str. in contradistinction to the tribes w. of it.—
Dall, inf’n, 1905). Kataghayekiki,—Coxe, Russ.
Dise., 1, 219, 1787. Khagan’-taya-khun’-khin,—
Dall in Cont. N. A..Ethnol., 1, 22,1877 (sig. ‘ east-
ern people’). Kyagantaiahounhin,—Pinart in
Mém. Soe. Ethnol. Paris, x1, 157, 1872 (name of
natives of Shumagin ids. and of Aleut of Alaska
pen: ‘men of the east’). Oonangan.—Veniami-
noff quoted by Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, 146,
1884. Taiahounhins.—Pinart in Mém. Soc. Ethnol.
Paris, XI, 158, 1872 (Own name:‘men’). Takha-
yuna,—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, 146, 1884
(Knaiakhotana name). Taxeju-na.—Davidof in
Radloff, Wo6rterb., d. Kinai-Spr., 29, 1874. Tax-
émna.—Doroschin in Radloff, Worterb., d. Kinai-
Spr., 29, 1874 (Knaiakhotana name). Tiyakh’u-
nin.—Pinart, op. cit. Unangan.—Applegate in
1ith Census, Alaska, 85, 1893. U-ning’/in.—Dall
in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 22, 1877 (own national
name). gae : x
Alexandrovsk. A Kaniagmiut village
and trading post on Graham harbor,
Alaska; pop. 88 in 1880, 107 in 1890.
Alexandrousk.—Post route map, 1903. Alexan-
drovsk.—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, 29, 1884.
English Bay.—11th Census, Alaska, 168, 1893. Port
Graham, —Ihbid., 68.
Alexeief. A Chnagmiut village in the
Yukon delta, Alaska; pop. 16 in 1880.
Alexeief’s Odinotchka.—Petroff, 10th Census,
Alaska, 12, 1884 (‘Alexeief’s trading post’).
Algic. A termapplied by H. R. School-
craft to the Algonquian tribes and lan-
guages, and used occasionally by other
writers since his time. Algonkin-Lenape.—Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Antiq. Soc., I, 23, 3805, 1886. Berghaus (1845),
Physik. Atlas, map 17,1848. Ibid., 1852. >Algon-
quin. — Bancroft, Hist. U. S.,.111, 287, 1840. Prich-
ard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 381, 1847 (follows
Gallatin). >Algonkins.—Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Ethnol. Soe., 1, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Gallatin in
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 401, 1853. >Algon-
kin.—Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., U1, pt. 3, 55,
1856. Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val., 232,
1862 (treats only of Crees, Blackfeet, Shyennes).
Hale in Am. Antiq., 112, April, 1883 (treated with
reference to migration). Saskat-
schwainer.—Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848
(probably designates the Arapaho). >Arapa-
hoes,—Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.
ALGONQUINS OF PORTAGE DE PRAIRIE—ALIBAMU.
disheartened his followers and.
43
< Algonkin und Beothuk.—Berghaus, Physik. Atlas,
map 72, 1887.
Algonquins of Portage de Prairie. ) in 12th Rep. B. A. E., 1894,
(3 3) Introd. Study of N. Am. Arch., 1903:
Upham in Science, Aug., 1902; Whitney,
Auriferous Gravels of the Sierra Nevada,
1879; Williston in Science, Aug., 1902;
Winchell (1 )in Am. Geol., Sept., 1902,
(2) in Bull. Geol. Soe. Am., XIV, 1903:
ae (1) Man and the Glacial Period,
1895, (2) Ice Age, 1889, (3) in Pop. Sci.
Mo., May, 1893, (4) in Proc. Boston Soe.
Nat. Hist., xxr, 1888, (5) in Rec. of the
Past, 1, 1903; tv, 1905; Wyman in Mem.
Peabody Acad. Sci., 1, no. 4, 1878.
The progress of opinion and research
relating to the origin, antiquity, and early
history of the American tribes is recorded
in avast body of literature fully cited,
until within recent years, by Bancroft in
Native Races, rv, 1882, and Haynes in
Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History,
1, 1884. (w. H. H.)
Antler. See Bone-work.
Anu. The Red-ant clan of the Ala
(Horn ) phratry of the Hopi.
An- -namu.—Voth, Traditions of the Hopi, 37, 1905.
A’-nii wiih-wi.—Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., VII,
401, 1894 (wiifi-wii=‘elan’).
Anuenes (Anué/nes).
Nanaimo.—Boas in 5th
Tribes, 32, 1889. ;
Anvik. A Kaiyuhkhotana village at
the junction of Anvik and Yukon rs.,
Alaska. Pop. in 1844, 120; in 1880, 95;
A gens of the
Rep: Ne Se
BULL. 30]
in 1890, 100 natives and 91 whites; in
1900, 166. An Episcopal mission and
school were established there in 1887.
Anvic.—Whymper, Alaska, 265, 1869. Anvig.—
Zagoskin quoted by Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska,
37, 1884. Anvik.—Petroff, ibid., 12.
Anvils. Primitive workers in metal
were dependent on anvil stones in shap-
ing their implements, utensils, and orna-
ments. Anvils were probably not espe-
cially shaped for the purpose, but con-
sisted of bowlders or other natural masses
of stone, fixed or movable, selected ac-
cording to their fitness for the particular
purpose for which they were employed.
Few of these utensils have been identi-
fied, however, and the types most utilized
by the tribes are lett to conjecture. The
worker in stone also sometimes used a
solid rock body on which to break and
roughly shape masses of flint and other
stone. These are found on many sites
where stone was quarried and wholly or
partially worked into shape, the upper
surface showing the marks of rough usage,
while fragments of stone left by the work-
men are scattered about. (Ww. H. H.)
Anyukwinu. A ruined pueblo of the
Jemez, situated n. of the present Jemez
pueblo, nN. central N. Mex.
Anu-quil-i-gui.—Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers,
Iv, pt. 2, 207, 1892. Anyikwinu.—Hodge, field
notes, B. ‘A. E., 1895.
Aogitunai (*Ao-gitand’-i, ‘Masset inlet
gituns’). A Masset subdivision residing
in the town of Yaku, opposite North id.,
and deriving their name from Masset in-
let, Queen Charlotte ids., British Colum-
bia.—Swanton, Cont. Haida, 275, 1905.
Aogni. A former Chumashan village in
Ventura co., Cal. —Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
July 24, 1863.
Aokeawai (*Ao0-gé’/awa-i, ‘those born in
the inlet’). A division of the Raven
clan of the Skittagetan family which re-
ceived its name from Masset inlet, Queen
Charlotte ids., British Columbia, where
these people formerly lived. Part of
them, at least, were settled for a time at
Dadens, whence all finally went to Alaska.
There were two subdivisions: Hling-
wainaashadai and Hee oney —Swan-
ton, Cont. Haida, 272, 1905.
Kio-ké/-owai. —Boas, 12th Rep. N. W. Tribes, 22,
1898. Kéo Haadé.—Harrison in Trans. Roy. Soe.
Can., sec. II, 125, 1895.
Aondironon. A branch of the Neutrals
whose territory bordered on that of the
Huron in w. Ontario. In 1648, owing to
an alleged breach of neutrality, the chief
town of this tribe was sacked by 300 Iro-
quois, mainly Seneca, who killed a large
number of its inhabitants and carried
away many others in captivity.—Jes.
Rel. for 1640, 35, 1858.
Ahondihronnons,—Jes. Rel. for 1656, 34, 1858.
dironnons.—Jes. Rel. for 1648, 49, 1858.
ronon,—Ibid., 111, index, 1858.
Aopomue. A former Maricopa ranche-
ria on Rio Gila, s. w. Arizona.—Sedel-
Aon-
Ondi-
ANVILS—APACHE
63
mair (1744) quoted by Baneroft, Ariz.
and N. Mex., 366, 1889.
Aoreachic (‘where there is mountain
cedar’). A small rancheria of the Tara-
humare, not far from Norogachic, Chi-
huahua, Mexico. Also called Agorichic;
distinct from Aboreachie.—Lumholtz,
inf’n, 1894.
AostlanInagai (*Ao sz/an Inaga’i, ‘ Mas-
set inlet rear-town people’). A local
subdivision of the Raven clan of the
Skittagetan family. Masset inlet gave
them the separatename.—Swanton, Cont.
Haida, 271, 1905.
Stl’EngE la’ nas, —Boas, 12th Rep. N. W. Tribes,
22, 1898.
Aoyakulnagai (*Ao yd’ ku Inagd/i, ‘mid-
dle town people of Masset inlet’). A
branch of the Yakulanas division of the
Raven clan of the Skittagetan family,
which received the name from Masset
inlet, where its town stood.—Swanton,
Cont. Haida, 271, 1905.
G‘anyakoilnagai.—Boas, 12th Rep. N. W. Tribes,
23, 1898 (probably a misprint for G:auyakoilnagai,
its name in the Skidegate dialect). Ou yaku
Tee een in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., 125,
Apache (probably from dpachu, ‘en-
emy,’ the Zufii name for the Navaho,
who were designated ‘‘Apaches de Na-
baju’’ by the early Spaniards in New
Mexico). A number of tribes forming
the most southerly group of the Athapas-
can family. The name has been applied
also to some unrelated Yuman tribes, as
the Apache Mohave (Yavapai) and
Apache Yuma. The Apache call them-
selves N’ de, Diné, Tinde, or Inde, ‘people.’
(See Athapascan. )
They were evidently not so numerous
about the beginning of the 17th century
as in recent times, their numbers appar-
ently having been increased by captives
from other ‘tribes, particularly the Pue-
blos, Pima, Papago, and other peaceful
Indians, as well as from the settle-
ments of northern Mexico that were
gradually established within the territory
raided by them, although recent meas-
urements by Hrdlicka seem to indicate
unusual freedom from foreign admix-
ture. They were first mentioned as
Apaches by Onate in 1598, although Cor-
onado, in 1541, met the Querec hos (the
Vaqueros of Benav ides, and probably the
Jicarillas and Mescaleros of modern
times) on the plains of 5. N. Mex. and w.
Tex.; but there is no evidence that the
Apache reached so far w. as Arizona until
after the middle of the 16th century.
From the time of the Spanish colonization
of New Mexico until within twenty years
they have been noted for their warlike
disposition, raiding white and Indian
settlements alike, extending their dep-
redations as far southward as Jalisco,
Mexico, No group of tribes has caused
64
greater confusion to writers, from the fact
that the popular names of the tribes are
derived from some local or temporary hab-
itat, owing to their shifting propensities,
or were given by the Spaniards on ac-
count of some tribal characteristic; hence
some of the common names of apparently
different Apache tribes or bands are syn-
onymous, or practically so; again, as em-
ployed by some writers, a name may
include much more or much less than
when employed by others. Although
most of the Apache have been hostile
since they have been known to history,
the most serious modern outbreaks have
been attributed to mismanagement on the
part of civil authorities. The most im-
portant recent hostilities were those of the
Chiricahua under Cochise, and later Vic-
torio, who, together with 500 Mimbrefnos,
Mogollones, and Mescaleros, were as-
signed, about 1870, to the Ojo Caliente
reserve in w. N. Mex. Cochise, who had
repeatedly refused to be confined within
reservation limits, fled with his band, but
returned in 1871, at which time 1,200 to
1,900 Apache were on the reservation.
Complaints from neighboring settlers
caused their removal to Tularosa, 60 m.
to the nN. w., but 1,000 fled to the Mesea-
lero reserve on Pecos r., while Cochise
went out on another raid. Efforts of the
military agent in 1873 to compel the res-
toration of some stolen cattle caused the
rest, numbering 700, again to decamp,
but they were soon captured. In com-
pliance with the wishes of the Indians,
they were returned to Ojo Caliente in
1874. Soon afterward Cochise died, and
the Indians began to show such interest
in agriculture that by 1875 there were
1,700 Apache at Ojo Caliente, and no
depredations were reported. In the fol-
lowing year the Chiricahua res. in Arizona
was abolished, and 325 of the Indians
were removed to the San Carlos agency;
others joined their kindred at Ojo
Caliente, while some either remained
on the mountains of their old reserva-
tion or fled across the Mexiéan border.
This removal of Indians from their an-
cestral homes was in pursuance of a
policy of concentration, which was tested
in theChiricahua removal in Arizona. In
April, 1877, Geronimo and other chiefs,
with the remnant of the band left on the
old reservation, and evidently the Mexi-
can refugees, began depredations in s.
Arizona and n. Chihuahua, but in May
433 were captured and returned to San
Carlos. At the same time the policy was
applied to the Ojo Caliente Apache of
New Mexico, who were making good
progress in civilized pursuits; but when
the plan was put in action only 450 of
2,000 Indians were found, the remainder
forming into predatory bands under Vic-
APACHE
[B. A.B.
torio. In September 300 Chiricahua,
mainly of the Ojo Caliente band, escaped
from San Carlos, but surrendered after
many engagements. These were returned
to Ojo Caliente, but they soon ran off
again. In February, 1878, Victorio sur-
rendered in the hope that he and his
people might remain on their former
reservation, but another attempt was
made to force the Indians to go to San
Carlos, with the same result. In June
the fugitives again appeared at the Mes-
calero agency, and arrangements were at
last made for them to settle there; but, as
the local authorities found indictments
against Victorio and others, charging
them with murder and robbery, this
chief, with his few immediate followers
and some Mescaleros, fled from the reser-
vation and resumed marauding. ngs a 7, NotTcH; k, NECK; m, BARB OR
gram“ willex~ > aie)
plain the differ-
ent terms used with reference to the
completedarrowhead. A specimen which
has the end rounded or squared instead
of flattened is known as a ‘‘bunt.’”’? As
a rule both faces are worked off equally
so as to bring the edge opposite the middle
plane of the blade, though it is sometimes
a little on one side. For the greater
part these seem to be redressed ordinary
spearheads, knives, or arrowheads whose
points have been broken off, though some
appear to have been originally made in
BULL. 30]
this form. A feware smooth or polished
at the ends, as if used for knives or scrap-
ers; but most of them have no marks of
use except occasionally such as would re-
sult from being shot or struck against a
hard substance. It is probable that their
purpose was to stun birds or small game,
in order to secure the pelt or plumage free
from cuts or blood stain. They are rela-
tively few in number, though widely dis-
tributed in area. The Eskimo employ
arrowheads of stone of usual forms.
Consult Abbott (1) Prim. Indus., 1881,
(2) in Sury. W. 100th Merid., vu, 1879;
Beauchamp in Bull. N. Y. State Mus.,
no. 16, 1897, and no. 50, 1902; Fowke in
15th Rep. B. A. E., 1896; Moorehead, Pre-
hist. Impls., 1900; Morgan, League of the
Iroquois, 1904; Nordenskiéld, Cliff Dwell-
ers of Mesa Verde, 1893; Rau in Smithson.
Cont., xx, 1876; Wilson in Rep. Nat.
Mus. 1897, 1899; the Reports of the Smith-
sonian Inst. ; the Am. Anthropologist; the
Am. Antiquarian; the Archeologist; the
Antiquarian. (G.F. W.H.H.)
Arrows, Bows, and Quivers. The bow
and arrow was the most useful and uni-
Tas
Sree TS
ox SS
SaSth,
Sy ee
SFa~a
Se
35 eke
TYPICAL QUIVER; NAVAHO
versal weapon and implement of the
chase possessed by the Indians n. of
Mexico for striking or piercing distant
objects.
Arrows.—A complete Indian arrow is
made up ofsix parts: Head, shaft, foreshaft,
shaftment, feathering, and nock. These
differ in material, form, measurement,
ARROWS, BOWS, AND QUIVERS
91
decoration, and assemblage, according to
individuals, locality, and tribe. Arrow-
heads have three parts: Body, tang, and
barbs. There are two kinds of arrow-
heads, the blunt and the sharp. Blunt
heads are for stunning, being top-shaped.
The Ute, Paiute, and others tied short
sticks crosswise on the end of the shafts
of boys’ arrows for killing birds. Sharp
TYPES OF ARROWHEADS
arrowheads are of two classes, the lance-
olate, which can be withdrawn, and the
sagittate, intended for holding game or
for rankling in the wound. The former
are used on hunting, the latter on war or
retrieving arrows. In the 8S. W. asharp-
ened foreshaft of hard wood serves for the
head. Arctic and N. W. coast arrows
have heads of ivory, bone, wood, or cop-
per, as wellas of stone; elsewhere they are
more generally of stone, chipped or pol-
ished. Many of the arrowheads from
those two areas are either two-pronged,
three-pronged, or harpoon-shaped. The
headis attached to the shaft or foreshaft by
lashing with sinew, by riveting, or with
gum. Among the Eskimo the barbed
head of bone is stuck loosely into a socket
on the shaft, so that this will come out
and the head rankle in the wound. The
barbs of the ordinary chipped head are
usually alike on both sides, but in the
long examples from ivory, bone, or wood
the barbing is either bilateral or uni-
lateral, one-barbed or many-barbed, alike
on the two sides or different. In addition
to their use in hunting and in war, arrows
are commonly used in games and cere-
monies. Among certain Hopi priesthoods
arrowheads are tied to bandoleers as or-
naments, and among the Zuni they are
frequently attached to fetishes.
Arrowshafts of the simplest kind are
reeds, canes, or stems of wood. In the
Arctic region they are made of driftwood
or are bits of bone lashed together, and
are rather short, owing to the scarcity of
material. The foreshaft is a piece of
ivory, bone, or heavy wood. Among the
Eskimo foreshafts are of bone or ivory on
wooden shafts; in California, of hard
wood on shafts of pithy or other light
wood; from California across the conti-
nent to Florida, of hard wood on cane
92
shafts. The shaftments in most arrows
are plain; but on the W. coast they are
USE OF ARROWSHAFT STRAIGHTENER; SHOSHONI (ELtioTT)
painted with stripes for identification.
The Plains Indians and the Jicarillas cut
shallow grooves lengthwise down their
arrowshafts, called ‘‘ lightning marks,’’
or ‘‘ blood grooves,” and also are said by
Indians to keep the shaft from warping
(Fletcher) or to direct the flight. The
feathering is an important feature in the
Indian arrow, differing in the species of
birds, the kind and number of feathers
and in their form,
length, and manner
of setting. Astothe
number of feathers,
IvoRY ARROWSHAFT STRAIGHT- arrows are either
ae Eskimo. (LencrH, without feathering,
two-feathered, or
three-feathered. As to form, feathers are
whole, as among most of the Eskimo and
some 8. W. tribes, or halved or notched
on the edges. In length they vary from
the very short featheringon S. W. arrows,
with long reed shafts and heavy fore-
shafts, to the long feath-
ering on Plains arrows,
with their short shafts of
hard wood. The feath-
ers are set on the shaift-
ment either flat or radi-
ating; the endsare lashed
with sinew, straight or
doubled under, and the
middles are either free or glued down. In
some arrows there is a slight rifling, due
perhaps to the twist needed to make a tight
fit, though it is not said that this feature is
intentional. The nocks of arrows, the
part containing the notch for the string,
are, in the Arctic, flat; in the S., where
reed shafts were employed, cylindrical;
and in localities where the shafts were
cut, bulbous. Besides its use asa piercing
STONE ARROWSHAFT RUB-
BER; MASSACHUSETTS.
(LENGTH, 4 1-2 IN.)
ARROWS, BOWS, AND QUIVERS
[B. A. B.
or striking projectile, special forms of the
arrow were employed as a toy, in gaming,
in divining, in rain-
making, in ceremony,
in symbolism, and in
miniature forms with
prayer-sticks. The
modulus in arrow-
making was each
Man swarm. The
manufacture of ar-
rows was usually at-
tended with much
ceremony.
The utmost flight,
the certainty of aim,
and the piercing pow-
er of Indian arrows
are not known, and stories about them
are greatly exaggerated. The hunter or
warrior got as near to his victim as possi-
ble. In shooting he drew his right hand
to his ear. His bow register scarcely ex-
ceeded 60 pounds, yet arrows are said
to have gone quite through the
body of a buffalo (Wilson in Rep.
Nat. Mus. for 1897, 811-988).
Bows.—The bows of the
North Americans are quite
as interesting as their ar-
rows. The varied enyi-
ronments quickened the
inventive faculty and pro-
duced several varieties.
They are distinguished by
the materials and the
parts, which are known as
back, belly, wings, grip,
nocks, and string. The
varieties are as follow:
(1) Self-bow, made of one
piece; (2) compound bow,
of several pieces of wood,
bone, or horn lashed to-
gether; (8) sinew-backed
bow, a bow of driftwood or
other brittle wood, rein-
forced with cord of sinew
wrapped many times
about it lengthwise, from
wing to wing; (4) sinew-
lined bow, a self-bow, the
back of which is further
strengthened with sinew
glued on. In some cases
bows were decorated in
colors.
The varieties character-
izing the culture areas are
distinguished as follow:
Arctic.—Compound
bows in the E., very
clumsy, owing to scarcity of material;
the grip may be of wood, the wings
of whale’s ribs or bits of wood from
whalers. In the W. excellent sinew-
fi. tg
5
i,
i
4
i
SANDSTONE ARROWSHAFT RUB-
BER; INDIAN GRAVE, BRITISH
COLUMBIA, (H. I. SMITH)
TYPES OF Bows. a,
COMPOUND Bow,
EASTERN ESKIMO
Boas) ; b, SINEW-
LINED Bow, NAVAHO ie
(Mason
BULL. 30]
backed bows were made on bodies of
driftwood. Asiatic influence is apparent
inthem. (See Boasin 6th Rep. B. A. E.,
399-669, 1884; Murdoch in 9th Rep.
B. A. E., 133-617, 1887, and Rep. Nat.
Mus. for 1884, 307-316. )
2. Northern Athapascan.—Long, straight
bows of willow or birch, with wooden
wrist-guards projecting from the belly.
3. St Lawrence and Eastern United
States.—Self-bows of ash, second-growth
hickory, osage orange (bois d’arc), oak,
or other hard wood.
4. Gulf States.—Long bows, rectangu-
lar in section, of walnut or other hard
wood.
5. Rocky mts.—(1) Self-bow of osage
orange or other hard wood; (2) a com-
pound bow of several strips of buffalo
horn lashed together and strengthened.
6. North Pacific coast.—Bows with
rounded grip and flat wings, usually
made of yew or cedar.
7. Fraser-Columbia region.—Similar to
No. 6, but with wings much shorter and
the nocks curved sharply outward.
8. Interior basin.—A long slender stick
of rude form; many are strengthened by
means of a sinew lining on the back and
cross wrappings.
9. California.—Like No. 7, but neatly
lined with sinew and often prettily deco-
rated.
10. Southwest.—Like No. 8, but seldom
sinew-lined (Navaho). Small painted
bows are used much in ceremony, espe-
cially by the Pueblos, who deposit them
in shrines. In the s. part of this area
long cottonwood bows with cross lashing
are employed by Yuman and Piman
tribes. The Jicarillas make a cupid’s
bow, strengthened with bands of sinew
wrapping.
The bows rE. of the Rockies have little
distinction of parts, but the w. Eskimo
and Pacific slope varieties have flat wings,
and the former shows connection with
Asia. The nocksare in some tribes alike,
but among the Plains Indians the lower
nock is cut in at one side only. Bow-
strings are of sinew cord tied at one end
and looped at the other.
Wrist-GuARD.—When the bowman’s
left arm was exposed he wore a wrist-
guard of hide or other suitable material
to break the blow of the released string.
Wrist-guards were also decorated for cere-
monial purposes.
ARROW RELEASE.— Arrow release is the
way of holding the nock and letting loose
the arrow in shooting. Morse describes
four methods among the tribes y. of Mex-
ico, the first three being Indian: (1) Pri-
mary release, in which the nock is held
between the thumb and the first joint of
the forefinger; (2) secondary release, in
ARROWS, BOWS, AND QUIVERS
93
which the middle and the ring fingers
are laid inside of the string; (3) tertiary
release, in which the nock is held be-
tween the ends of the forefinger and the
middle finger, while the first three fin-
gers are hooked on the string; (4) the
Mediterranean method, contined to the
Eskimo, whose arrows have a flat nock,
in which the string is drawn with the
tips of the first, second, and third fingers,
the nock being lightly held between the
Morse finds
first and the second fingers.
PRIMARY ARROW RELEASE SECONDARY ARROW RELEASE
TERTIARY ARROW RELEASE EskiMO ARROW RELEASE
METHODS OF ARROW RELEASE
that among the North American tribes,
the Navaho, Chippewa, Micmac, and Pe-
nobscot used the primary release; the
Ottawa, Chippewa, and Zuni the second-
ary; the Omaha, Arapaho, Cheyenne,
Assiniboin, Comanche, Crows, Siksika,
and some Navaho, the tertiary.
(JuIvERS.—The form of the quiver de-
pended on the size of the bow and ar-
rows; the materials, determined by the
region, are skin or wood. Sealskin quiv-
ers are used in the Arctic region; beauti-
fully decorated examples of deerskin are
common in Canada, also kr. of the Rock-
ies and in the Interior basin. On the
Pacific coast cedar quivers are employed
by the canoe-using tribes, and others
make them of skins of the otter, moun-
tain lion, or coyote.
In addition to the works cited under
the subject Arrowheads, consult Cushing
(1))m Proe: A: ‘A. A..S2, xiv, 1896, (2)
in Am. Anthrop., vi, 1895; Culin, Am.
Indian Games, 24th Rep. B. A. E., 1905;
Mason, N. Am, Bows, Arrows, and Quiy-
94
ers, in Rep. Smithson. Inst. 1893, 1894;
Murdoch, Study of Eskimo Bows, Rep.
Nat. Mus. 1884, 1885; Morse, Arrow Re-
lease, in Bull. Essex Inst., 1885; Arrows
and Arrow-makers, in Am. Anthrop., 45-
74, 1891; also various Reports of the Bu-
reau of American Ethnology. (0. T. mM.)
Arroyo Grande. A Pima settlement in
s. Arizona with 110 inhabitants in 1858.
Del Arroyo Grande,—Bailey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 208,
1858.
Arseek. A tribe living in 1608 in the
vicinity of the Sarapinagh, Nause, and
Nanticoke (Smith, Hist. Va., 1, 175,
repr. 1819). They are not noted on
Smith’s map, but the Nause and Nanti-
coke are, by which their location is in-
dicated as on Nanticoke r., in Dorches-
ter or Wicomico co., Md. (J. M.)
Aroeck.—Bozman, Maryland, I, 12,1837 (misprint).
Arsek.—Purchas (1625), Pilgrimes, Iv, 1713.
Arsuk. An Eskimo villageins. Green-
land, w. of Cape Farewell, lat. 61°.—
Nansen, First Crossing of Greenland,
map, 1890.
Art. The term ‘‘art’’ is sometimes ap-
plied to the whole range of man’s cultural
activities, but as here employed it is in-
tended to refer only to those elements of
the arts which in the higher stages of cul-
ture come fully within the realm of taste
and culminate in the ornamental and
fine arts (see Ornament). Among primi-
tive peoples many of these esthetic ele-
ments originate in religious symbolism.
Among the tribes n. of Mexico such
elements are exceedingly varied and im-
portant, and extend in some degree to
all branches of the arts in which plastic,
graphic, sculptural, constructional, and
associative processes are applicable, as
well as to the embellishment of the hu-
man person. These symbolic elements
consist very largely of natural forms, es-
pecially of men and beasts, and of such
natural phenomena as the sun, stars,
lightning, and rain; and their introduc-
tion is probably due largely to the general
belief that symbols carry with them some-
thing of the essence, something of the
mystic influence of the beings and poten-
cies which they are assumed to represent.
In their introduction into art, however,
these symbo's are subject to esthetic in-
fluence and supervision, and are thus
properly classed as embellishments. In
use they are modified in form by the va-
rious conventionalizing agencies of tech-
nique, and a multitude of variants arise
which connect with and shade into the
great body of purely conventional deco-
ration. Not infrequently, it is believed,
the purely conventional designs originat-
ing in the esthetic impulse receive sym-
bolie interpretations, giving rise to still
greater complexity. Entering into the
arts and subject to similar influences are
also many ideographic signs and repre-
ARROYO GRANDE—ART
[B. A. B.
sentations which contribute to embellish-
ment and to the development of purely
esthetic phases of art. These elements,
largely pictographic, contribute not only
to the growth of the fine art, painting,
but equally to the development of the
recording art, writing. The place occu-
pied by the religious, ideographic, and
simply esthetic elements in the various
arts of the northern tribes may be briefly
reviewed:
(1) The building arts, employed in
constructing dwellings, places of worship,
etc., as practised nN. of Mexico, although
generally primitive, embody various re-
ligious and esthetic elements in their non-
essential elaborations. As a rule, these
are not evolved from the constructive fea-
tures of the art, nor are they expressed
in terms of construction. The primitive
builder of houses depends mainly on
the arts of the sculptor and the painter
for his embellishments. Among Pueblo
tribes, for example, conventional figures
and animals are painted on the walls of
the kivas, and on their floors elaborate
symbolic figures and religious personages
are represented in dry-painting (q. v.); at
the same time nonsignificant pictorial sub-
jects, as well as purely decorative designs,
occur now and then on the interior walls,
and the latter are worked out in crude pat-
terns in the stonework of the exterior.
Though the buildings themselves present
many interesting features of form and pro-
portion, construction has not been brought
toanyconsiderable degree under the super-
vision of taste. The dwellingsof primitive
tribes in various parts of the country, con-
structed of reeds, grass, sod, bark, mats,
and the like, are by no means devoid of
that comeliness which results from care-
ful construction, but they show few defi-
nite traces of the influence of either sym-
bolism or the estheticidea. The skin tipis
of the Plains tribes present tempting sur-
faces to the artist, and are frequently taste-
fully adorned with heraldic and religious
symbols and with graphic designs painted
in brilliant colors, while the grass lodge
is embellished by emphasizing certain
constructive features in rhythmic order,
after the manner of basketry. The
houses of the N. W. coast tribes, built
wholly of wood, are furnished within
with carved and painted pillars, whose
main function is practical, since they
serve to support the roof, while the to-
tem-poles and mortuary columns outside,
still more elaborately embellished, are
essentially emblematic. The walls both
within and without are often covered
with brilliantly colored designs embody-
ing mythologic conceptions. Although
these structures depend for their effect
largely on the work of the sculptor and
the painter, they show decided archi-
BULL. 30]
tectural promise, and suggest the possibil-
ities of higher development and final es-
thetic control, as in the great architectu-
ral styles of the Old World. (See Archi-
tecture, Dry-painting, Habitations. )
(2) Theartof sculpture, which includes
also carving, had its birth, no doubt, in
the fashioning of implements, utensils,
ornaments, and sacred objects; and em-
bellishments, symbolic and __ esthetic,
which were at first entirely subordinate,
were gradually introduced as culture ad-
vanced, and among some of the north-
ern tribes acquired great prominence.
The sculpture elaborations consist of life
elements, such as men and beasts, exe-
cuted in relief and in the round, and hay-
ing an esthetic as well as a religious func-
tion. This strong sculptural tendency is
well illustrated by the stone pipes, orna-
ments, and images of the mound-builders
of the Mississippi valley, the carvings of
the pile-dwellers of Florida, the masks,
utensils, and totem poles of the N. W.
coast tribes, and the spirited ivory cary-
ings of the Eskimo. Sculpture, the fine
art, is but a higher phase of these ele-
mentary manifestations of the esthetic.
(See Sculpture and Carving. )
(3) The plastic art was practised with
much skill by all’the more advanced
American tribes. North of Mexico the
potter’s art had made exceptional progress
in two great specialization areas—the
Pueblo country of the 8. W. and the
Mississippi valley—and symbolic ele-
ments, derived mainly from the animal
kingdom, were freely introduced, not
only as modifications of the fundamental
shapes of vases, but as embellishments
variously and tastefully applied. The
supervision of taste extended also to the
simple forms of vases, the outlines being
in many cases highly pleasing even to
persons of culture. (See Pottery. )
(4) Closely allied with the plastic art is
the metallurgic art, which had made
sufficient progress among the tribes Nn. of
Mexico to display traces of the strong
aboriginal bent for the esthetic. From
the mounds of Ohio, especially from the
Chillicothe district, many implements,
ornaments, and symbolic objects of cop-
per have been obtained, certain highly
conventional ornamental figures in sheet-
copper being especially noteworthy.
From mounds of the Etowah group, in
Georgia, numerous repoussé images exe-
cuted in sheet-copper have been recovered
which, as illustrations of artistic as well
as of mechanical achievement, take prece-
dence over most other aboriginal works
nN. of Mexico. (See Copper, Metal-work. )
(5) The textile art, which for present
purposes may be regarded as including,
besides weaving proper, the arts of bas-
ketry, needlework, beadwork, quillwork,
ART
95
featherwork, etc., as practised by the
northern tribes, abounds in both sym-
bolic and purely decorative elements of
embellishment. The former have their
origin, as in the other arts, in mythology,
and the latter arise mainly from the ecie
nical features of the art itself. No branch
of art practised by the primitive tribes
calls so constantly for the exercise of taste
as does this, and probably none has con-
tributed so greatly to the development of
the purely geometric phases of decorative
art. Illustrations may be found in the
weaving of the Pueblo and Navaho tribes
of the arid region and the Chilkat of the
N. W., in the basketry of numerous tribes
of the far W. and §. W., and in the bead-
work, quillwork, embroidery, and feather-
work of tribes of the great plains, the up-
per Mississippi valley, and the region of
the great lakes. (See Basketry, Beadwor k,
Featherwork, Needlework, Quillwork, Weav-
ing. )
(6) Primitive phases of the art of paint-
ing and other related branches, such as
engraving and tattooing, appear in the
handiwork of all of the northern tribes.
Colors were employed in decorating the
human body, in embellishing manufac-
tured articles of all kinds, and in ideo-
graphic delineations on bark, skins, rock
surtaces, etc. A branch of much impor-
tance was, and is, the decoration of earth-
enware, as among the Pueblo tribes; and
allied to this was the painting of masks and
other carvings, as among the Haida and
Kwakiutlof the N. W., and the painting of
skins, as among the Plains tribes. In only
a few cases had considerable progress been
madein pictorialart; perspective, lightand
shade, and portraiture were unknown.
Engraving and stamping were favorite
means of “decorating pottery among the
ancient tribes of §. United States, and
tattooing was common among many
tribes. (See Adornment, Dry-painting, En-
graving, Painting, Pictographs, Pottery,
Tattooing. )
Besides those branches of art in which
taste manifests itself in elaborations of
color, form, proportion, and arrangement
there are other arts coming less within
the range of the practical and Phaving a cor-
respondingly greater proportion ‘of the
symbolic and esthetic elements, namely,
music, poetry, and drama. All of these
have their root deep down in the substrata
of human culture, and they take a promi-
nent place in the ceremonial and esthetic
life of the primitive tribesmen. (See Dra-
matic representations, Music, Poetry.)
For papers dealing with the primitive
art of the northern tribes, see various re-
ports of the Bureau of American Ethnol-
ogy, the U.S. National Museum, and the
Smithsonian Institution; publications of
the Peabody Museum, the American Mu-
96
seum of Natural History, the Field Colum-
bian Museum, the University of California,
and the Annual Archeological Reports of
Ontario. Consult also the American An-
thropologist; the American Antiquarian;
the Journal of American Folk-lore; Bal-
four, Evolution of Decorative Art, 1893;
Boas in Pop. Sei. Month., Oct., 1903;
Haddon, Evolution of Art, 1895; Dellen-
baugh, North Americans of Yesterday,
1901; and the various works cited under
the articles above referred to. (Ww. H. H.)
Artelnof. A former Aleut village and
Russian post on Akun id., Alaska; pop.
32 in 1834.
Artaylnovskoi,—Elliott, Cond. Aff. Alaska, 225,
1875. Arteljnowskoje.—Holmberg, Ethnol. Skizz.,
map, 142, 1855. Artelnovskoe.—Veniaminoff, Zap-
iski, 11, 202, 1840.
Arthur, Mark. A full-blood Nez Percé,
born in 1873. His mother being captured
with Chief Joseph’s band in 1877, Mark
became a wanderer among strange tribes
until about 1880, when he found his way
back to the Nez Percé res., Idaho, where
he entered the mission school of Miss
McBeth and soon began to prepare for
the ministry. When the Nez Percé cap-
tives sent to the Indian Territory were
returned to their northern home, Mark
found his mother among them and cared
forheruntilherdeath. About 1900 he was
ordained by the Walla Walla presbytery
and became pastor, at Lapwai, Idaho, of
the oldest Presbyterian church w. of the
Rocky mts., in which charge he has met
with excellent success. In 1905 he was
elected delegate to represent both whites
and Indians at the general assembly of the
Presbyterian church. (A. ¢. F.)
Artificial Head Deformation. Deforma-
tions of the human head have been
known since the
writings of He-
rodotus. They
are divisible into
two main classes,
those of patho-
logical and those
of mechanical or
artificial origin.
The latter, with
which this ar-
ticle is alone con-
cerned, are again
divisible into un-
intentional and intentional deformations.
One or the other of these varieties of
mechanical deformation has been found
among numerous primitive peoples, as the
ancient Avars and Krimeans, some Tur-
komans, Malays, Africans, etc., as well
as among some civilized peoples, as the
Frenchand Wends, in different parts of the
Old World, and both varieties existed from
prehistoric through historic time to the
present among a number of Indian tribes
throughout the Western hemisphere. Un-
CHINOOK WOMAN WITH CHILD IN HEAD-
DEFORMING CRADLE. (CATLIN )
ARTELNOF—ARTIFICIAL HEAD DEFORMATION
[B. A. B.
intentional mechanical deformations of
the head present but oneimportant, widely
distributed form, that of occipital compres-
sion, which results from prolonged con-
tact of the occiput of the infant with a re-
sistant head support in the cradleboard.
CHINOOK CRADLE WITH WICKER HEAD~BOARD. (CATLIN)
Intentional deformations, in all parts of
the world and in all periods, present
two important formsonly. In the first of
these, the flat-head form, the forehead is
flattened by means of a board or a variety
of cushion, while the parietes of the head
undergo compensatory expansion. In
the second form, known as macrocepha-
lous, conical, Aymara, Toulousian, etc.,
the pressure of bandages, or of a series
of small cushions, applied about the
head, passing over the frontal region
and under the occiput, produces a more
or less conical, truncated, bag-like, or
irregular deformity, characterized by low
forehead, narrow parietes, often with a
depression just behind the frontal bone,
and a protruding occiput. All of these
forms present numerous individual varia-
tions, some of which are sometimes im-
properly described as separate types of
deformation.
Among the Indians n. of Mexico there
are numerous tribes in which no head
deformation exists and apparently has
never existed. Among these are included
many of the Athapascan and Californian
peoples, all of the Algonquian, Shosho-
nean (except the Hopi), and Eskimo
tribes, and most of the Indians of the
great plains. Unintentional occipital
compression is observable among nearly
all the southwestern tribes, and it once
extended over most of the United States
BULL. 30] ARTS AND
(excepting Florida) s. of the range of the
tribes above mentioned. It also exists
in ancient skulls found in some parts of
the N. W. coast.
Both forms of intentional deformation
are found in North America. Their geo-
graphical distribution is well defined and
limited, suggesting a comparatively late
introduction from more southerly peo-
ples. The flat-head variety existed in
two widely separated foci, one among the
Natchez and ina few other localities along
' the northeast coast of the Gulf of Mexico,
and the other on the N. W. coast from s.
Oregon as far N. as s. Vancouver id., but
chiefly w. of the Cascades, along Colum-
bia r. The Aymara variety existed, and
still exists, only on and near the n. w.
extremity of Vancouver id.
The motives of intentional deformation
among the Indians, so far as known, are
the same as those that lead to similar
practices elsewhere; the custom has be-
come fixed through long practice, hence
is considered one of propriety and duty,
and the result is regarded as a mark of
distinction and superiority.
The effects of the various deformations
on brain function and growth, as well as
on the health of the individual, are ap-
parently insignificant. The tribes that
practise it show no indication of greater
mortality at any age than those among
which it does not exist, nor do they show
a larger percentage of imobeciles, or of in-
sane or neuropathic individuals. The
deformation, once acquired, persists
throughout life, the skull and brain com-
pensating for the compression by aug-
mented extension in directions of least
resistance. No hereditary effect is per-
ceptible. The custom of head deforma-
tion among the Indians, on the whole, is
gradually decreasing, and the indications
are that in a few generations it will have
ceased to exist.
Consult Morton, Crania Americana,
1839; Gosse, Essai sur les déformations
artificielles du crine, 1855; Lunier, Dé-
formations artificielles du crane, Dict. de
Médie. et de Chirurg., x, 1869; Broca,
Sur la déformation Toulousaine du crane,
1872; Lenhossek, Die kiinstlichen Schi-
delverbildungen, 1881; Topinard, Elém.
@anthrop. génér., 739, 1885; Briss, Bei-
trige z. Kenntniss d. kinstlichen Schidel-
verbildungen, 1887; Porter, Notes on
Artificial Deformation of Children, Rep.
Nat. Mus., 1889; Bancroft, Native Races,
1, 180, 226, et seq., 1874; Hrdlicka, Head
deformation among the Klamath, Am.
Anthrop, vu, no. 2, 360, 1905; Catlin,
North American Indians, I-II, 1841,
Flatheads, (A. H.)
Arts and Industries. The arts and in-
dustries of the North American ee
ines, including all artificial methods
Bull. 30—05
INDUSTRIES
See:
97
making things or of doing work, were nu-
merous and diversified, since they were
not limited in purpose to the material con-
ditions of life; a technic was developed to
gratily the esthetic sense, and art was an-
cillary tosocialand ceremonial institutions
and was employed in inscribing speech on
hide, bark, or stone, in records of tribal
lore, and in the service of religion.
Many activities too, existed, not so much
in the service of these for their own sake
as for others. After the coming of the
whites, arts and industries in places were
greatly improved, multiplied in number,
and rendered more complex by the intro-
duction of metallurgy, domestic animals,
mechanical devices, and more eftcient
engineering. Great difficultiesembarrass
the student in deciding whether some of
the early crude inventions were aborigiual
or introduced.
The arts and industries of the Indians
were called forth and developed for utiliz-
ing the mineral, vegetal, and animal prod-
ucts of nature, and they were modified
by the enyironmental wants and _ re-
sources of every place. Gravity, buoy-
ancy, and elasticity were employed me-
chanically, and the production of fire
with the drill and by percussion was
also practised. The preservation of fire
and its utilization in many ways were
also known. Dogs were made beasts of
burden and of traction, but neither beast
nor wind nor water turned a wheel N. of
Mexico in pre-Columbian times. The
savages were just on the borders of ma-
chinery, having the reciprocating two-
hand drill, the ‘bow and strap drills, and
the continuous-motion spindle.
Industrial activities were of five kinds:
(1) Going to nature for her bounty, the
primary or exploiting arts and industries;
(2) working up materials for use, the sec-
ondary or intermediary arts and indus-
tries, called also shaping arts or manufac-
tures; (3) transporting or traveling de-
vices; (4) the mechanism of exchange;
(5) the using up or enjoyment of finished
products, the ultimate arts and industries,
orconsumption. The products of one art
or industry were often the material or
apparatus of another, and many tools
could be employed in more than one; for
example, the flint arrowhead or blade
could be used for both killing and skin-
ning a buffalo. Some arts or industries
were practised by men, some by women,
others by both sexes. They had their
seasons and their etiquette, their cere-
monies and their tabus.
Stone craft.—This embraces all the op-
erations, tools, and apparatus employed
in vathering and quarrying minerals and
working them into paints, tools, imple-
ments, and utensils, or into ornaments and
sculptures, from the rudest to such as ex-
98 ARTS AND
hibit the best expressions in fine art.
Another branch is the gathering of stone
for building.
Water industry.—This includes activi-
ties and inventions concerned in finding,
carrying, storing, and heating water, and
in irrigation, also, far more important
than any of these, the making of vessels
for plying on the water, which was the
motherof manyarts. Theabsence of the
larger beasts of burden and the accom-
modating waterways together stimulated
the perfecting of various boats to suit
particular regions.
Earth work. —To this belong gathering,
carrying, and using the soil for construc-
tion purposes, excavating cellars, build-
ing sod and snow houses, and digging
ditches. The Arctic permanent houses
were made of earth and sod, the tem-
porary ones of snow cut in blocks, which
were laid in spiral courses to form low
domes. The Eskimo were especially in-
genious in solving the mechanical prob-
lems presented by their environment of
ice. The St Lawrence, Atlantic, and
Canadian tribes undertook no earth-build-
ing that required skill; but those of the
Mississippi valley, the Gulf states, and
the far 8. W., in their mounds and earth-
works developed engineering and codper-
ative ability of no mean order. In some
cases millions of cubic feet of earth were
built up into geometric forms, the mate-
rial often having been borne long dis-
tances by men and women. The tribes
of the Pacific coast lived in partly subter-
ranean houses. The Pueblo tribes were
skilful in laying out and digging irrigat-
ing ditches and in the builder’s art, erect-
ing houses and walls of stones, pisé, or
adobe. Some remains of stone structures
show much taste in arrangement.
Ceramic art.—This industry includes all
operations in plastic materials. The Arc-
tic tribes in the extreme W., which lack
proper stone, kneaded with their fingers
lumps of clay mixed with blood and hair
into rude lamps and cooking vessels, but
in the zone of intense cold besides the
ruder form there was no pottery. The
tribes of Canada and of the n. tier of states
w. of L. Superior and those of the Pacific
slope worked little in clay; but the Indi-
ans of the Atlantic slope, of the Missis-
sippi valley, and especially of the 8S. W.
knew how to gather and mix clay and
form it into pottery, much of which has
great artistic merit. This industry was
quite generally woman’s work, and each
region shows separate types of form and
decoration.
Metal craft—This included mining,
grinding of ores and paint, rubbing, cold-
hammering, engraving, embOesne: and
overlaying with plates. The metals were
copper, hematite and meteoric iron, lead
INDUSTRIES .[B. A. B.
in the form of galena, and nugget gold
and mica. No smelting was done.
Wood craft—Here belongs the felling of
trees with stone axes and fire. The soft-
est woods, such as pine, cedar, poplar, and
cypress, were chosen for canoes, house
frames, totem poles, and other large ob-
jects. The stems of smaller trees were
used also for many purposes. Driftwood
was wrought into bows by the Eskimo.
As there were no saws, trunks were split
and hewn into single "planks on the N.
Pacific coast.. Immense communal dwell-
ings of cedar were there erected, the tim-
bers being moved by rude mechanical ap-
pliances and set in place with ropes and
skids. The carving on house posts, totem
poles, and household furniture was often
admirable. In the 8. W. underground
stems were carved into objects of use and
ceremony.
Root craft.—Practised for food, basketry,
textiles, dyes, fish-poisoning, medicine,
etc. Serving the purposes of wood, the
roots of plants developed a number of
special arts and industries.
Fiber craft.—Far more important than
roots for textile purposes, the stems,
leaves, and inner and outer bark of
plants and the tissues of animals, having
each its special qualities, engendered a
whole series of arts. Some of these mate-
rials were used for siding and roofing
houses; others yielded shredded fiber,
yarn, string, and rope; and some were
employed in furniture, clothing, food re-
ceptacles, and utensils. Cotton was ex-
tensively cultivated in the 8. W.
Seed craft.—The harvesting of berries,
acorns and other nuts, and grain and oth-
er seeds developed primitive methods of
gathering, carrying, milling, storing, cook-
ing, and serving, with innumerable ob-
servances of days and seasons, and multi-
farious ceremony and lore.
Not content with merely taking from
the hand of nature, the Indians were
primitive agriculturists. In gathering
roots they first unconsciously stirred the
soil and stimulated better growth. They
planted gourds in favored places, and re-
turned in autumn to harvest the crops.
Maize was regularly planted on ground
cleared with the help of fire and was
cultivated with sharpened sticks and hoes
of bone, shell, and stone. Tobacco was
cultivated by many tribes, some of which
planted nothing else.
Animal industries.—Arts and industries
depending on the animal kingdom in-
clude primarily hunting, fishing, trap-
ping, and domestication. (See Hunting. )
The secondary arts involve cooking and
otherwise preparing food; the butchering
and skinning of animals, skin-dressing in
all its forms; cutting garments, tents,
boats, and hundreds of smaller articles
BULL. 30] ARTS
and sewing them with sinew and other
thread; working claws, horn, bone, teeth,
and shell into things of use, ornaments,
and money; and work in feathers, quills,
and hair. These industries went far be-
yond the daily routine and drudgery
connected with dress, costume, recepta-
cles, and apparatus of travel and trans-
portation. Pictographs were drawn on
specially prepared hides; drums and other
musical instruments were made of skins
and membranes; for gorgeous headdresses
and robesof ceremony the rarest and finest
products of animals were requisite; em-
broiderers every where most skilfully used
quills and feathers, and sometimes grass
and roots.
Evolution of arts—Much was gathered
from nature for immediate use or con-
sumption, but the North Americans were
skilful in secondary arts, becoming man-
ufacturers when nature did not supply
their demands. They built a different
kind of house in each enyironment—in
one ‘place snow domes and underground
dwellings, in another houses of pun-
cheons hewn from the giant cedar, and
in other regions conical tents made of
hides of animals, pole arbors covered
with matting or with cane, and houses of
sods or grass laid on a framework of logs.
Theinvention of house furniture and uten-
sils, such as cooking vessels of stone, pot-
tery, or vegetal material, vessels of clay,
basketry, worked bark or hide for sery-
ing food, and bedding, developed the
tanner, the seamstress, the potter, the
wood-worker, the painter, the dyer, and
thestonecutter. Theneed of clothing the
body also offered employment to some of
these and gave rise to other industries.
The methods of preparing food were bak-
ing in pits, roasting, and boiling; little in-
vention was necessary therein, but utensils
and apparatus for getting and transport-
ing food materials had to be devised.
These demands developed the canoe-
maker and the sled-builder, the fabricator
of weapons, the stone-worker, the wood-
worker, the carvers of bone and ivory,
the skilful basket-maker, the weaver,
the netter, and the makers of rope and
babiche. These arts were not finely
specialized; one person would be skilful
in several. The workshop was under
the open sky, and the patterns of the
industrial workers were carried in their
minds. ’
The arts and industries associated with
the use and consumption of industrial
products were not specially differentiated.
Tools, utensils, and implements were
worn out in the using. There was also
some going about, traffic, and luxury,
and these developed demands for higher
grades of industry. The Eskimo had fur
suits that they would not wear in hunting;
AND INDUSTRIES—ASA
99
all the deer-chasing tribes had their gala
dress for festal occasions, ceremony, and
worship, upon which much time and skill
were expended; the southern and western
tribes wove marvelously fine and elegant
robes of hemp, goat’s hair, rabbit skin
in strips, and skins of birds. The artisans
of both sexes were instinct with the es-
thetic impulse; in one region they were
devoted to quillwork, those of the next
area to carving wood and slate; the ones
living across “the mountains produced
whole costumes adorned with beadw ork;
the tribes of the central area erected elab-
orate earthworks; workers on the Pacific
coast made matchless basketry; those of
the S. W. modeled and decorated pottery
in an endless variety of shapes and colored
designs. The Indians ny. of Mexico were
generally well advanced in the simpler
handicrafts, but had nowhere attempted
massive stone architecture.
Consult the Annual Reports and Bulle-
tins of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
which are replete with information re-
garding Indian arts and industries. See
also Bancroft, Native Races, I-v, pe
Boas in Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.,
1901; Dellenbaugh, North ee of
Yesterday, 1901; Goddard, Life anda Cul-
ture of the Hupa, 1903; Hoffman in Nat.
Mus. Rep, 1895, 739, 1897: Holmes (1) in
Smithson. Rep. 1901, 501, 1903; (2) in
Am. Anthrop., m1, 684, 1901; Hough (1)
in Nat. Mus. Rep. 1888, 531, 1890; (2)
ibid., 1889, 395, 1891; McGuire, ibid.,
1894, 623, 1896; Mason, (1) ibid., 1889,
553, 1891; (2) ibid., 1890, 411, 1891: (3)
ibid., 1894, 237, 1896; (4 ) ibid., 1897, 725,
1901; (5) ibid., 1902, fale 1904; (6) in
Am. Anthrop., 1, 45, 1899; Moore, Mc-
Guire, Willoughby, Moorehead, et al.,
ibid., v, 27, 1903; Niblack in Nat. Mus.
Rep. 1888, 1890; Powers in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., m1, 1877; Rau (1) in Smithson.
Rep. 1863; (2) in Smithson. Cont. Knowl.,
xxv, 1885; Willoughby in Am. Anthrop.,
vil, nos. 3, 4, 1905; Wilson in Nat. Mus.
Rep.1897,1899;Schooleraft, Indian Tribes,
I-vi, 1851-57; also the Memoirs and Bul-
letins of the American Museum of Nat-
ural History, and the Memoirs and Papers
of the Peabody Museum. See also the
articles on the subjects of the various in-
dividual arts and industries and the
works thereunder cited. (0. T. mM.)
Arukhwa (‘cow buffalo’). A gens ofthe
Oto and of the Iowa. The subgentes of
the latter are Chedtokhanye, Chedtoyine,
Cheposhkeyine, Cheyinye.
Ah’-ro-wha.—Morgan, Anc. Soc., 156, 1877 (Orgs
A-ri-qwa.—Dorsey in 15th Rep TB. AVE: ., 240, 1897
Oto). A’-ru-qwa.—Ibid., 239° (Iowa). Cow Buf-
alo.—Morgan, op. cit. (Oto) :
Asa (‘tansy mustard’). See
MENOMINEE BEADWORK.
vertebrate skeletons. When the wall of
the bone was thick the ends were ground
to give a spherical form. The milk teeth
of the elk, the canine teeth of the bear,
and the incisors of rodents were highly
valued, and in later times the incisors of
the horse were worn. The beaks of the
puftin, the talons of rapacious birds, and
bears’ claws were wrought into ceremonial
dress and paraphernalia. A great deal of
taste and manual skill were developed in
selecting the materials, and in cutting,
grinding, and rolling them into shape and
uniform size, as well as in polishing and
perforating substances, some of them very
hard, asjasper. Many ofthe cylinders are
several inches long. The tribes of N. w.
California wrap dentalia with snake skin
glued on in strips, while the Pomo and
their neighbors make large cylinders ofa
baked mineral (Kroeber).
(HOFFMAN)
BEADWORK
[B. A. BE.
The general uses to which beads were
put are legion. They were tied in the
hair, worn singly or in strings from the
ears, on the neck, arms, wrist, waist, and
lower limbs, or were attached to bark and
wooden vessels, matting, basketry, and
other textiles. They were woven into
fabrics or wrought into network, their
varied and bright colors not only enhanc-
ing beauty but lending themselves to her-
aldry. Glass beads thus woven produce
effects like those of cathedralglass. Again,
they were embroidered on every part of
ceremonial costume, sometimes entirely
covering headdress, coat, regalia, leggings,
or moccasins, and on all sorts of recep-
tacles. The old-time technic and de-
signs of quillwork are closely imitated.
They were largely employed as gifts and
as money, also as tokens and in records
of hunts or of important events, such as
treaties. They were conspicuous acces-
sories in the councils of war and peace, in
the conventional expression of tribal
symbolism, and in traditional story-tell-
ing, and were offered in worship. They
were regarded as insignia of functions,
and were buried, often in vast quantities,
with the dead.
In each of the ethnic areas of North
America nature provided tractable and
attractive material to the bead-maker.
In the Arctic region it was walrus ivory
and the glossy teeth of mammals. They
served not only for personal adornment,
but were hung to all sorts of skin recep-
tacles and inlaid upon the surfaces of
those made of wood and soft stone. The
Danes brought glass to the eastern Eski-
mo, the whalers to the central, and the
Russians to the western tribes. In the St
Lawrence-Atlantic area whole shells were
strung, and cylinders, disks, and spindles
were cut from the valves of the clam ( Ve-
nus mercenaria). In Virginiaacheap kind,
called roanoke, were made from oyster
shells. In the N. small white and pur-
ple cylinders, called wampum, served for
ornament and were used in elaborate
treaty belts and as a money standard, also
flat disks an inch or more in width being
bored through their long diameters. The
Cherokee name for beads and money is
the same. Subsequently imitated by the
colonists, these beads received a fixed
value. The mound-builders and other
tribes of the Mississippi valley and the
Gulf states used pearls and beads of shell,
seeds, and rolled copper. Canine teeth
of the elk were most highly esteemed,
recently being worth 50 cents to $1 each.
They were carefully saved, and a garment
covered with them was valued at as much
as $600 or $800. The modern tribes also
used the teeth of rodents, theclawsof bears
and carnivores, and the dewclaws of rumi-
nants. Nuts and berries were univer-
BULL. 30]
sally strung and worn, and the Mandan
and other Missouri r. tribes pounded and
melted glass and molded it into beads.
After the colonization cradles and articles
of skin were profusely covered with bead-
work replete with symbolism. The Yu-
kon-Mackenzie tribes were most skilful
in quillwork, but later decked their gar-
ments and other useful things with glass
beads. All along the Pacific slope den-
talium, abalone, and clam shells fur-
nish the most valuable materials. The
length of the wrought bead represented a
certain amount of work and established
the money value. The price of dentalium
shells increased rapidly after a certain
length was exceeded. These beads were
decorated with grass, skin, and feathers
to enhance their worth. The California
coast tribes and the ancient peoples of
Santa Barbara ids. were rich in the little
flat-shell disks as well as the stone drill,
and they knew how to reduce them to
uniform diameter by rolling long strings
of them between slabs or through grooves
in sandstone. The tribes of the wn. part
of the interior basin were not well sup-
plied with bead material, but early
made the acquaintance of the trader. A
series of Ute costumes made before the
advent of glass shows much pretty deco-
ration in dewclaws, bits of goat and sheep
horn, and perforated seeds. The Pueblo
Indians string the yellow capsules of Sola-
num, sections of woody stems of plants,
seashells, turquoise and other varieties
of bright-colored stones, of which they
have great store. The Hyde Expedition
found more than 30,000 turquoise beads in
a single room at Pueblo Bonito, N. Mex.
The Huichol, with colored beads of glass,
using wax as an adhesive, make pretty
mosaic figures on gourds, carved images
of wood, ete.
Consult Beauchamp in Bull. N. Y. State
Mus., no. 73, 1903; Catlin, N. A. Inds.,
1841; Hoffman in 14th Rep. B. A. E.,
1896; Mason in Rep. Nat. Mus. 1899, 485-
510, 1901; Matthews, Ethnog. and Philol.
Hidatsa, 18, 1877; Nelson in 18th Rep.
B. A. E., 1899; Holmes, Annals, 1, 271,
1829; Sumner, Hist. Am. Currency, 4, 8,
1874; Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1,
1877; Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, 1902;
Pepper in Am. Anthrop., vir, no. 2, 1905.
See Adornment, Art, Arts and Industries,
Basketry, Copper, Quillwork, Shellwork,
Turquoise, Wampum, and articles on the
various raw materials mentioned above
as having been used for beads. (0. T. M.)
Bear River. A tribe mentioned by
Lawson (N. C., 383, 1860) as living in
North Carolina in 1701, and having then
a single village, Raudauquaquank, with
50 warriors. According to Hawks (Hist.
N. C., 1858-59) they lived in Craven co.,
probably on a branch of the Neuse.
BEAR RIVER—BEJUITUUY
139
Beaubassin. A (Micmac?) mission es-
tablished by the French in the 17th cen-
tury.—Shea, Discov. Miss. Val., 86, 1852.
Beauport. A village established in 1650
in Quebec co., Canada, by fugitive Huron,
who removed in the next year to the
island of Orleans.—Shea, Cath. Miss.,
196, 1855.
Beaver. A former Aleut village on
Unalaska, Aleutian ids.; pop. 41 in 1834.
Bobrovo.—Sarichef (1792) quoted by Baker, Geog.
Dict. Alaska, 1901 (= ‘sea otter’). Bobrovskoe.—
Veniaminoff, Zapiski, 11, 202, 1840. Bobrovskoi.—
Elliott, Cond. Aff. Alaska, 225, 1875. Uguiug.—
Baker, op. cit. (native name). .
Beaver Island Indians. A Chippewa
band formerly residing on the Beaver
ids. of Michigan, at the outlet of L.
Michigan.—Washington treaty (1836) in
U.S. Ind. Treaties, 607, 1873.
Beaversville. A Delaware settlement
in 1856 near the junction of Boggy er.
and Canadian r. in Indian Territory.—
Whipple, Pac. R. R. Rep., m1, 18, 1856.
Beavertown. A village, probably be-
longing to the Delawares, situated in
1766 on the &. side of the extreme E.
head branch of Hocking r., at or near
the present Beavertown, in Morgan co.,
Ohio. Beaver, or King Beaver, was at
that time chief of the Unami tribe of
Delawares. (J. M.)
Beaver Town.—Hutchins map in Bouquet, Exped.,
1766. King Beaver’s Town.—Bouquet, ibid., 67.
Bécancour. A village on St Lawrence
r., in Quebec province, settled by Ab-
naki who removed from Maine in 1713
when that state was ceded to England
by the treaty of Utrecht. In 1736 they
were estimated at about 300; in 1858
they numbered 172, with French admix-
ture, and in 1884 they were reduced to
39, but in 1902 numbered 51. They are
members of the Roman Catholic church.
(J. M. )
Bacandee.—King, Jour. to Arctic Ocean, I, 11, 1836
(incorrectly given as an Iroquois village at Lake
of Two Mountains, but distinct from ‘‘ Kainésitar-
keé’’). Beauancourt.—Vaudreuil (1710) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., Ix, 849, 1855. Begancour.—Vau-
dreuil (1724) in Maine Hist. Soe. Coll., v1, 240, 1859.
Becancourians.—Rasles (1724) trans. in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 2d s., v1tr, 246,1819. Bécancourt,—
Vaudreuil (1721) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 1x, 904,
1855. Becquancourt.—La Tour, map, 1784. Bec-
quencourt,—Ibid., 1782. Becuncourt.—Clinton
(1745) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., vi, 281, 1855.
Bekancourt.—DeLancey (1754) in Ruttenber,
Tribes Hudson R., 216, 1872. Besangon.—Chau-
vignerie (1736) quoted by Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, II, 553, 1853.
Bece. An abandoned village of the
Koskimo, 6 m. £. of Koprino harbor, in
N. Quatsino sd., Vancouver id.
Béce.—Dawson in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.,7, 1888.
Beds. See Furniture.
Beech Creek. A former Seminole town
on Beech ecr., Fla., settled by Chiaha In-
dians from lower Chattahoochee r., Ga.;
exact location unknown.—Bell in Morse,
Rep. to See. War, 308, 1822.
Bejuituuy (‘village of the rainbow’).
A former pueblo of the Tigua near the s.
140
limit of their habitat, on the Rio Grande,
at the present Los Lunas, N. Mex.
Be-jui Tu-uy.—Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers,
111, 130, 1890. Be-juij Tu-aij.—Bandelier in Jour.
Am. Eth. and Are h., 111, 61,1892. Be-Jui Tu-ay.—
Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, Iv, 218, 1892.
Be-juy Tu-ay.—Bandelier in Jour, Am. Eth. and
Arch., op. cit. San Clemente.—Bandelierin Arch.
Inst. Papers, Iv, 219, 1892. Village of the Rain-
pei, andelier in Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch.,
op. cit.
Beku (Be’-ku). Given by Powers (Cont.
N. A. Ethnol., 111, 393,1877) as thename of
a tribe related to the Paiute, but identified
by Kroeber (inf’n, 1903) as a form of
Békiu, the Yokuts name of a locality on
Poso er., Cal., within the territory of the
Paleuyami Yokuts.
Beldom. A Missisauga village in On-
tario in 1855.—Jones, Ojebway Inds.,
229, 1861.
Belen. A village on the w. bank of the
Rio Grande in Valencia co., N. Mex.,
and the seat of the Spanish mission of
Nuestra Sefiora, with 107 inhabitants in
1805 and 133 in 1809. Like Abiquiu and
Tome it was apparently established as a
refuge for Genizaros, or redeemed captive
Indians, of whom a few were at Belen in
1766. Itisnowa ‘‘ Mexican” settlement.
The ruins of the old Spanish church may
still be traced. (¥F. w. H.)
Belem,—Alencaster (1805) quoted by Prince, N.
Mex., 231, 1883. Beélen.—Moise in Kan. Cy. Rev.,
481, Dec. 1881. Neustra Senora de Belem.—Alen-
caster (1805) quoted by Meline, Two Thousand
Miles, 212, 1867 (misprint). N, S. de Belem.—Ban-
croft, Nat. Races, I, 599, 1882 (after Meline). N.
S. de Belen.—Alencaster (1805) quoted by Prince,
N. Mex., 37, 1883. Nuestra Senora de la Belen.—
Ward in Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1867, 213, 1868. Belue,—
Ibid., 210 (misprint).
Belen. A settlement of the Yaqui, in-
cluding some members of the Seri and
Guayma tribes, on the x. bank of Yaqui
r., about 20 m. above its mouth, in s.
Sonora, Mexico. It was the seat of an
important mission founded about 1678,
and in 1849 its population was estimated
at 3,000.
Belem.—Velasco in Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad.,
VIII, 226, 1860. Belen.—Velasco, Noticias de So-
nora, 84, 1850. Nuestra Senora de Belem.—Orozco
y Berra, Geog., 355, 1864. Nuestra Senora de
ata (1678) in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th s.,
II, 879, 1857. ;
Belkofski (Russian: Bielkovuskoie, ‘ squir-
rel village’). An Aleut village near the
end of Alaska pen.; pop. 102 in 1833, 268
in 1880, 185 in 1890, 147 in 1900.
Bailkovskoe.—Veniaminof, Zapiski, 11, 203, 1840.
Belkovsky.—Schwatka, Mil. Recon. Alaska, 116,
188. Bellkovskoi.—Elliott, Cond. Aff., Alaska,
225, 1875. Bjelkowskoje. -Holmberg, Ethnol.
Skizz., map, 142, 1855.
Bellabella (an Indian corruption of Mil-
bank taken back into English).
ular name of an important Kwakiutl
tribe living on Milbank sd., Brit. Col.
Their septs or subtribes are Kokaitk,
Oethtk, and Oealitk. The following clans
are given: Wikoktenok (Eagle), Koete-
nok (Raven), Halhaiktenok (Killer-
whale). Pop. 330 in 1901.
BEKU——-BELLABELLA
The pop- -
[B. A. B.
The language spoken by this tribe and
shared also by the Kitamat, Kitlope,
China Hat, and Wikeno Indians is a pe-
culiar dialect of Kwakiutl, called Heil-
tsuk from the native name of the Bella-
BELLABELLA MAN. (Am. Mus. NAT. HIST. )
bella. These tribes resemble each other
furthermore in haying a system of clans
with descent through the mother—de-
rived probably from theirnorthern neigh-
(am. Mus. Nat Hist. )
BELLABELLA WOMAN.
bors—while the Bellacoola and Kwakiutl
to the s. have paternal descent. An-
ciently the Bellabella were very warlike,
a character largely attributable to the
fact that they were flanked on one side
BULL. 30]
by the Tsimshian of Kittizoo and on the
other by the Bellacoola, while war par-
ties of Haida from the Queen Charlotte
ids. were constantly raiding their coasts.
For this reason, perbaps, the peculiar se-
cret societies of the N. w. coast, the most
important of which evidently had their
origin in war customs, first arose among
them. When voyagers first began fre-
quenting the n. Pacitic coast, Milbank KO lon
which offers one of the few good open-
ings into the inner ship channel to
Alaska, was often visited, and its inhab-
itants were therefore among the first to
be modified by European contact. To-
gether with the other Heiltsuk tribes
they have now been Christianized by
Protestant missionaries, and most of their
ancient culture and ritual have been
abandoned. (J. R. s.)
Belbellahs,—Dunn, Oregon Ter., 183, 1845. Bella-
Bella,—Can. Ind. Aff., 361, 1897. . Elk‘la’sumH, —
Boas in 5th Rep. N. W. Tribes Can., 9, 1889 (Bel-
lacoola name). Haeeltruk,—Scouler in Jour.
Geog. Soe. Lond., I, 224, 1841. Haeeltsuk,—
Scouler in Jour. Ethnol. Soe. Lond., I, 2383,
1848. Haeeltz.—Latham, ibid., 164. Haeeltzuk,—
Secouler in Jour. Geog. Soe. Lond., I, 2238, 1841.
Haeetsuk,—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soc. Lond.,
64, 1856. Haeltzuk.—Latham in Jour. Ethnol.
Soe. Lond., 1, 155, 1848. Hailtsa.—Hale in U. S.
Expl. Expd., VI, 221,1846. Hailtzuk,—Tolmie and
Dawson, Vocabs. Brit. Col., 117B, 1884. Ha-ilt-
zukh, —Gibbs in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 145, 1877.
Hé’iltsuk.—Boas in Petermanns Mitt., pt. 5, 130,
1887. He/iltsuq.—Boas in Rep. Nat. Mus. for 1895,
328 (Ownname). Hiletsuck,—Can. Ind. Aff., 252,
1891. Hiletsuk.—Ibid., 191,1883. Iletsuck.—Powell,
ibid., 122,1880. TIlet Suck,—lIbid., 315. Millbank
Indians.—Dunn, Hist. Oreg., 271, 1844. Millbank
Sound Indians,—Ibid., 358. Witsta.—Tolmie and
Dawson, op. cit. (Chimmesyan name). Wut-
sta’,—Boas in 5th Rep. N. W. Tribes Can., 9, 1889.
Bellacoola (Bi/lxula). A coast Salish
tribe, or rather aggregation of tribes, on N
and s. Bentinck arm, Dean inlet, and Bel-
lacoola r., Brit. Col. This name is that
given them by the Kwakiutl, there being
no native designation for the entire peo-
ple. They form the northernmost divi-
sion of the Salishan stock, from the re-
maining tribes of which they are sepa-
rated by the Tsilkotin and the Kwakiutl.
In the Canadian reports on Indian af-
fairs the name is restricted by the separa-
tion of the Tallion (see Talio) and the
Kinisquit (people of Dean inlet), the
whole being called the Tallion nation.
The population in 1902 was 311. The
chief divisions mentioned are the Kinis-
quit, Noothlakimish, and Nuhalk. The
gentes of the Bellacoola without reference
to the tribal divisions are: Hamtsit, Ialos-
timot, Koodkotlane, Smoen, Spatsatlt,
Tlakaumoot, Tumkoaakyas. The follow-
ing are mentioned as gentes of the Nuhalk
division: Keltakkaua, Potlas, Siatlhelaak,
Spukpukolemk, and Tokoais. The Bel-
lacoola villages (chiefly after Boas) are:
Aseik, Asenane, Atlklaktl, Koapk, Koatl-
na, Komkutis, Noutchaoff, Nuiku, Nuka-
akmats, Nukits, Nusatsem, Nuskek, Nus-
BELLACOOLA—BEOTHUKAN FAMILY
141
kelst, Nutltleik, Osmakmiketlp, Peisela,
Sakta, Satsk, Selkuta, Senktl, Setlia,
Slaaktl, Snutele, Snutlelatl, Sotstl,
Stskeitl, Stuik, Talio, Tkeiktskune,
Tskoakkane, Tsomootl. (J. R. s.)
Belhoola,—Gibbsin Cont. N. A. Ethnol., I, 267, 1877.
Bellacoola.—Can. Ind. Aff., 315, 1880. Bellagh-
choolas.—Dunn, Hist. Oregon, 267, 1844. Bella-
hoola,—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 488, 1855.
Bell-houla,—Mayne, Brit. Col., 146, 1862. Belli-
choola.—Scouler in Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond., 1,
234, 1848. Bilhoola,—Tolmie and Dawson, Vocabs.
Brit. Col., 1228, 1884. Billechoola.—Scouler in
Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., 1, 224, 1841. Billikula,—
Gibbs quoted by Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1
241, 1877. Bilqula.—7th Rep. N. W. Tribes of
Can., 2, 1891. Bi/lxula.—Boas in Rep. Nat. Mus.
for 1895, 320. Ilghi’mi.—Tolmie and Dawson,
Vocabs. Brit. Col., 122B, 1884. Tallion Nation.—
Can. Ind. Aff., 417, 1898.
Bells. Metal bells were in common use
in middle America in pre-Columbian
times, but they are rarely found n. of the
Rio Grande, either in possession of the
tribes or on ancient sites; but bells were
certainly known to the Pueblos and pos-
sibly to the mound-builders before the
arrival of the whites. The
rattle made of shells of vari-
ous kinds or modeled in clay
passed naturally into the bell
as soon as metal or other par-
ticularly resonant materials
wereayailable for their manu-
facture. Occasionally copper
bells with stone tinklers are
found on ancient sites in New
Mexico and Arizona, where
examples in baked clay are also found;
these are usually quite smal] and are of the
hawk-bell or sleigh-bell type, and doubt-
less served as pendant ornaments. Rare
examples of copper bells have been col-
lected in the southern states, but it is not
certain that they were of local origin, since
many specimens must have reached Flor-
ida from Mexico and Central America in
early Columbian times; and it is well
known that bells of copper or bronze
were employed in trade with the tribes
by the English colonists, numerous ex-
amples of which have been obtained from
mounds and burial places.
Consult Fewkes (1) in 17th Rep. B. A.
E., 1898, (2) in 22d Rep. B. A. E., 1903;
Hough in Rep. Nat. Mus. 1901, 1903;
Moore in Jour. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila.,
1894-1905; Thomas in 12th Rep. B. A. E.,
1894. See Copper. (w. H. H.)
Beothukan Family (from the tribal or
group name Béothuk, which probably
signifies ‘man,’ or ‘human being,’ but
was employed by Europeans to mean ‘In-
dian,’ or ‘Red Indian’; in the latter case
because the Beothuk colored themselves
and tinted their utensils and arms with
redocher). Sofaras knownonlya single
tribe, called Beothuk, which inhabited
the island of Newfoundland when first dis-
covered, constituted this family, although
COPPER BELL FROM
A TENNESSEE
MOUND, 1-2
(THomas )
142
existing vocabularies indicate marked dia-
lectic differences. At first the Beothuk
were classified either as Eskimauan or as
Algonquian, but now, largely through the
researches of Gatschet, it is deemed best
to regard them as constituting a distinct
linguisticstock. Itisprobablethatin 1497
Beothukan people were met by Sebastian
Cabot when hediscovered Newfoundland,
as he states that he met people ‘‘ painted
with red ocher,’’ which is a marked char-
acteristic of the Beothuk of later obsery-
ers. Whitbourne (Chappell, Voy. to New-
foundland, 1818), who visited Newfound-
landin 1622, stated that thed welling places
of these Indians were inthe n. and w. parts
of the island, adding that ‘‘in war they use
bows and arrows, spears, darts, clubs, and
slings.’’ The extinction of the Beothuk
was due chiefly to the bitter hostility of
the French and to Micmac invasion from
Nova Scotia at the beginning of the
18th century, the. Micmac settling in
w. Newfoundland as hunters and fish-
ermen. Fora time these dwelt in am-
ity with the Beothuk, but in 1770, quar-
rels having arisen, a destructive bat-
tle was fought between the two peoples
at the x. end of Grand Pond. The Beo-
thuk, however, lived on friendly terms
with the Naskapi, or Labrador Montag-
nais, and the two peoples visited and
traded with each other. Exasperated by
the petty depredations of these tribes, the
French, in the middle of the 18th cen-
tury, offered a reward for every head of
a Beothuk Indian. To gain this reward
and to obtain the valuable furs they
possessed, the more numerous Micmac
hunted and gradually exterminated them
as an independent people. The English
treated the Beothuk with much less
rigor; indeed, in 1810 Sir Thomas Duck-
worth issued a proclamation for their pro-
tection. The banks of the River of Ex-
ploits and its tributuaries appear to have
been their last inhabited territory.
De Laet ( Novus Orbis, 34, 1633) describes
these Newfoundland Indians as follows:
‘“The height of the body is medium, the
hair black, the face broad, the nose flat,
and the eyes large; all the males are
beardless, and both sexes tint not only
their skin but also their garments with a
kind of red color. And they dwell in
certain conical lodges and low huts of
sticks set in a circle and joined together
in the roof. Being nomadic, they fre-
quently change their habitations. They
had a kind of cake made with eggs and
baked in the sun, and a sort of pudding,
stuffed in gut, and composed of seal’s fat,
livers, eggs, and other ingredients.’’ He
describes also their peculiar crescent-
shaped birch-bark canoes, which had
sharp keels, requiring much _ ballast to
keep them from overturning; these were
not more than 20 feet in length and they
BEOTHUKAN FAMILY——BERLIN TABLET
[B. A. BE.
could bear at most 5 persons. Remains
of their lodges, 30 to 40 feet in circumfer-
ence and constructed by forming aslender
frame of polesoverspread with birch bark,
are still traceable. They had both sum-
mer and winter dwellings, the latter often
accommodating about 20 people each.
Jukes (Excursions, 1842) describes their
deer fences or deer stockades of trees,
which often extended for 30 miles along
a river. They employed pits or caches
for storing food, and used the steam bath
in huts covered with skins and heated
with hot stones. Some of the charac-
teristics in which the Beothuk differed
from most other Indians were a marked
lightness of skin color, the use of trenches
in their lodges for sleeping berths, the
peculiar form of their canoes, the non-
domestication of the dog, and the dearth
of evidence of pottery making. Bonny-
castle (Newfoundland in 1842) states that
the Beothuk used the inner bark of Pinus
balsamifera as food, while Lloyd (Jour.
Anthrop. Inst., rv, 1875) mentions the fact
that they obtained fire by igniting the
down of the bluejay from sparks produced
by striking together two pieces of iron
pyrites. Peyton, cited by Lloyd, declares
that the sun was the chief object of their
worship. Carmack’s expedition, conduct-
ed in behalf of the Beothic Society for the
Civilization of the Native Savages, in 1827,
failed to find a single individual of this
once prominent tribe, although the island
was crossed centrally in the search. As
they were on good terms with the Nas-
kapi of Labrador, they perhaps crossed
the strait of Belle Isle and became incor-
porated with them. (J.N.B.H. A.8.G.)
Beathook.—Leigh quoted by Lloyd in Jour.
Anthrop. Inst., Iv,38, 1875. Béhathook.—Gatschet
in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 410, 1885 (quoting older
form). Beothics.—Lloyd in Jour. Anthrop. Inst.,
IV, 33, 1875. Beothik.—Gatschet, op. cit. (quoting
old form). Beoths,—Vetromile, Abnakis, 47, 1866.
Beothucs.—Lloyd in Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Iv, 21,
1875. Beothues,—Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Iv, pl. facing
p. 26, 1875. Beothugs.—Ibid., v, pl. facing p. 228,
1876. Beothuk.—Gatschetin Proc. Am. Philos. Soc.,
408, 1885. Bethuck.—Latham in Trans. Philol.
Soc. Lond., 58, 1856. Boeothick.—Mac Dougall in
Trans. Canad. Inst., 11, 98, 1890-91. Boeothuk,—
Gatschet in Proc. Aim. Philos. Soc., 410, 1885 ( quot-
ing older form). Good-night Indians,—Lloyd,
following blunder of Latham, in Jour. Anthrop.
Inst., V, 229, 1876. Macquaejeet.—Gatschet in Proc.
Am. Philos. Soe., 410, Oct., 1885 (Micmae name:
‘red man,’ evidently a transl. of the European
‘Red Indian’). Red Indians of Newfoundland,—
Cartwright (1768) quoted by Lloyd in Jour.
Anthrop. Inst., Iv, 22,1875. Shawatharott.—King
quoted by Gatschet in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 410,
1885 (= ‘Red Indian man’). Shawdtharut.—Ibid.
Ulnobah,—Latham quoted by Gatschet, ibid., 411
(Abnaki name). Ulno mequaegit.—Ibid. (said to
bethe Micmac name, sig. ‘red man,’ but evidently
a trader’s or fisherman’s rendering of the Euro-
pean ‘ Red Indians’).
Beowawa. Incorrectly given as the
name of a Hopi village; it seems to be
the name of a man.
Beowawa.—Beadle, Western Wilds, 227, 1878.
Beowawe.—Beadle, Undeveloped West, 576, 1873.
Berlin tablet. See Notched plates.
BULL. 30]
Bersiamite. One of the small Algon-
quian tribes composing the eastern group
of the Montagnais, inhabiting the banks
of Bersimis r., which enters St Lawrence
r. near the gulf. These Indians became
known to the French at an early date,
and being of a peaceable and tractable
disposition, were soon brought under the
influence of the missionaries. They were
accustomed to assemble once a year with
cognate tribes at Tadoussac for the pur-
pose of trade, but these have melted away
under the influence of civilization. ) Tiglabu,
8 Wacheunpa, 9 Waglukhe, 10 Isanyati,
11 Wagmezayuha, 12 (a) Waleghaonwo-
han, (b) Wakhna, 13 Oglalaichichagha, 14
Tiyochesli, 15 Wazhazha, 16 Ieskachin-
cha, 17 Ohenonpa, 18 Okaghawichasha.
The Brulés of the Platte, not included
in the above lists, area part of the Brulés
(Stanley in Poole, Among the Sioux, 252,
1881) formerly connected with Whetstone
agency, S. Dak. (Gis OL Dy Gy Ds)
Babarole.—Gass, Jour., 49, 1807. Bois brule’,—
Lewis and Clark, Discoy., 21, 1806 (name applied
by the French and commonly used by the whites;
sig. ‘burnt wood’). bois Ruley.—Clark, MS. co-
dex, quoted by Coues, Lewis and Clark Exped., I,
101, note, 1893. Broulé Sioux.—Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, v, 494, 1855. Brucellares.—Ind. Aff. Rep.,
296, 1846 (probably the Brulés). Brulé Dakotas.—
Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val., map, 1862.
Brulees.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1854, 295, 1855. Brulé-
Sioux.—Smithson. Mise. Col., XIv, 19, 1878. Brul-
ies.—Hoffman (1854) in H. R. Doc. 36, 33d Cong.,
2d sess., 3, 1855. Burned.—Smet, Letters, 37, 1843.
Burnt Hip Brulé.—Robinson, Letter to Dorsey,
B. A. E., 1879. Burnt Thighs.—Hayden, Ethnog.
and Philol. Mo. Val., 290, 1862. Burnt-woods.—
Ruxton, Life in Far West, 111, 1849. Ceet-
shongos,—Corliss, Dak. yocab., 106, 1874. Checher
Ree,—Clark, MS. codex, quoted by Coues, Lewis
and Clark Exped., I, 101, note, 1893. Ishango,—
Brackett in Smithson. Rep., 466, 1876. Se-éang’-
éos.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val., 371,
1862. Siéangu.—Riggs, Dakota Gram. and Dict.,
xvi, 1852 (‘burnt thighs’: ownname). Sicaugu.—
Hind, Red River Exped., If, 154, 1860. .Sichan-
gus.—Warren, Dacota Country, 16, 1856. Si-chan-
koo. —Jackson (1877) quoted by Donaldson in
Nat. Mus. Rep. 1885, 62, 1886. Sitcan-xu.—Coues,
Lewis and Clark Exped., I, 130, 1898. Tetans
of the Burnt Woods.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep.
1849, 85, 1850. Teton (Bois briale).—Lewis and
Clark, Discov., 34,1806. Teton (Bois ralé),—Amer.
St. Paps., Iv, 714, 1832. Tetons (Bois brile’),—Lewis
and Clark, Discoy., 21,1806. Tetons Brulés,—Farn-
ham, Trav., 32, 1848. Tetons of the Boise Brule.—
Lewis and Clark, Exped., 1, 146,1814. Tetons of
the Burnedwood.—M’ Vickar, Hist. Exped. Lewis
and Clark, I, 148,1842. Tetons of the Burnt-Wood.—
Lewisand Clark, Exped.,I, map, 1814. Wo-ni-to/-
na-his.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val.,
290, 1862 (Cheyenne name). Yankton,—Clark,
MS. codex, quoted by Coues, Lewis and Clark
Exped., I, 101, note, 1893.
Brulés of the Platte. A part of the Brulé
Sioux formerly connected with Whet-
stone agency, 8. Dak. Stanley in Poole,
Among the Sioux, app., 232, 1881.
Bruneau Shoshoni. A band of Wihi-
nasht Shoshoni formerly living on Bru-
neau cr., s. E. Idaho; pop. 300 in 1868.—
Powell in Ind. Aff. Rep., 201, 1868.
Bruno’s Village. A former village in San
Diego co., Cal., said to be Luisefio, but
possibly Dieguefio or Agua Caliente.—
Hayes quoted by Bancroft, Nat. Races,
1, 460, 1882.
BRULES OF THE PLATTE—BUENA VISTA
[B. A. E.
Brushes. See Painting.
Buckaloon. A former Seneca village on
the n. side of Allegheny r., Warren co.,
Pa., above the mouth of Oil er., near the
site of the present town of Irvine. It
was destroyed by Col. Broadhead of the
Continental troops in 1781.
Baccaloons,—Giissefeld, map, 1784. Baccatoons,—
Esnauts and Rapilly, map, 1777. Baccatous.—
Lattré, U.S. map, 1784. Buckaloon.—Day, Penn.,
653, 1843. Buckaloons,—Butterfield, Washington-
Irvine Corr., 43, 1882. Buffaloons.—Lotter, map,
ca.1770. Buffler’s Town.—Homann Heirs’ map,1756.
Gachimantiagon.—Bellin, map, 1755. Kachuida-
gon.— Marshall in Mag. Am. Hist., 11, 1389 (= ‘ cut
or broken reed’). Kachiriodagon, —Joncaire
(1749) in Margry, Déc., v1, 675, 1886. Paille Cou-
pée,—Ibid.
Bucker Woman’s Town. A former Semi-
nole settlement 5. of Big Hammock town,
near Long swamp, central Fla.—Bell in
Morse, Rep. to Sec. War, 307, 1822.
Buckongahelas (‘breaker in pieces’). A
Delaware chief who lived during the Rey-
olutionary period; born in the first half of
the 18th century. He was the son of We-
wandochwalend, apparently a chief of a
Delaware band in Ohio. Buckongahelas
became the head warrior of all the Dela-
ware Indians then residing on Miami and
White rs. Although he took part with
the English against the colonists, he does
not appear to have been cruel to non-
combatants; and Drake (Biog. and Hist.
Inds., 63, 1837) says he was not only a
great, but a noble warrior, who took
no delight in shedding blood. The
conduct of the English at the battle of
Presque Isle, Ohio, in 1794, so disgusted
him that his sympathies were diverted to
the United States. He was present at Ft
McIntosh, where Beaver, Pa., now stands,
when the treaty of 1785 was made, but
his name is not among the signers. He
was a signer, however, of the treaty of
Greenville, Ohio, Aug. 3, 1795; of Ft.
Wayne, Ind., June 7, 1803, and of Vin-
cennes, Ind., Aug. 18, 1804. Soon after
signing the last his death occurred, proba-
bly in the same year. His name appears
in print in various forms. (cans)
Buckskin. See Skin-dressing.
Buckstown. A Delaware (?) village
marked on Royce’s map (1st Rep. B. A. E.,
1881) as on thes. £. side of White r., about
3 m. B. of Anderson, Madison co., Ind.,
on land sold in 1818.
Buena Vista (Span.: ‘pleasant view’).
A descriptive name applied to one or more
Shoshonean or Mariposan tribes living on
Buena Vista lake, in the lower Kern r.
drainage, California. By treaty of June 10,
1851, these tribes reserved a tract between
Tejon pass and Kern r. and ceded the re-
mainder of their land to the United
States. See Barbour (1852) in Sen. Ex.
Doe. 4, 32d Cong., spec. sess., 256, 1853.
Buena Vista. A prehistoric pueblo ruin
ona high bluff near Solomonsville, on
Gila r., afew miles nN. £. of San José, Gra-
ee a
BULL. 30]
ham co.,s. 5. Ariz. Itis probably the ruin
which gave the name Pueblo Viejo (q. v. )
to this part of Gila valley.—Fewkes in
22d Rep. B. A. E., 172, 1904.
Pueblo Viejo.—Bandelier quoted in Arch. Inst.
Rep., v, 44, 1884.
Buena Vista. A pueblo of the Nevome
on the Rio Yaqui, about lat. 28°, in So-
nora, Mexico.—Orozco y Berra, Geog.,
301, 1864.
Buesanet. Mentioned in connection
with Choinée (Choinok) as a rancheria
n. of Kern r., Cal., in 1775-76. It evi-
dently belonged to the Mariposan family
and lay in the vicinity of Visalia, Tulare
co. See Garcés, Diary, 289, 1900.
Buffalo. Remains of the early species
of the bison are found from Alaska to
Georgia, but the range of the present type
(Bison americanus) was chiefly between
the Rocky and Allegheny mts. While
traces of the buffalo have been found as
far 5. as Cavetown, Md., and there is doc-
umentary evi-
dence that the
animal ranged
almost if not
quite to the
Georgia coast,
the lack of re-
mains in the
shell-heaps of
the Atlantic
shore seems to
indicate its ab-
sence gener-
ally from that
region, al-
though it was
not unknown
to some of the
tribes living
on the rivers.
The first au-
thentic knowledge of the bison or buf-
falo by a European was that gained
about 1530 by Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de
Vaca, who described the animal living
in freedom on the plains of Texas. At
that time the herds ranged from below
the Rio Grande in Mexico nw. w. through
what is now gE. New Mexico, Utah, Ore-
gon, Washington, and British Columbia;
thence crossing the mountains to Great
Slave lake they roamed the valleys
of Saskatchewan and Red rs., keeping
tothe w. of L. Winnipeg and L. Superior
and s. of L. Michigan and L. Erie to the
Vicinity of Niagara; there turning south-
ward to w. Pennsylvania and cross-
ing the Alleghenies they spread over the
w. portion of Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and
N. Mississippi and Louisiana. All the
tribes within this range depended largely
on the buffalo for food and clothing, and
this dependence, with the influence of
BUENA VISTA——BUFFALO
THE BUFFALO OF GOMARA, 1554
169
the habits of the animal, profoundly af-
fected tribal customs and religious rites.
This is more clearly seen in the tribes w. of
the Mississippi, where the people were in
constant contact with the buffalo during
the summer and winter migrations of the
great northern and southern herds. These
great herds were composed of innumera-
ble smaller ones of a few thousand each,
for the buffalo was never solitary except
by accident. This habit affected the
manner of hunting and led to the organ-
ization of hunting parties under a leader
and to the establishment of rules to insure
an equal chance to every member of the
party.
Early writers say that among the tribes
gE. of the Missouri the hunting party,
dividing into four parts, closed the se-
lected herd in a square, then, firing the
prairie grass, pressed in upon the herd,
which, being hedged by flame, was
slaughtered. The accuracy of this state-
ment is ques-
tioned by Indi-
ans, for, they
say, the only
time the grass
would burn
well was in the
autumn, and at
that time the
animal was
hunted for the
pelt as much
as for food, and
fire would in-
jure the fur.
Fire was some-
times used in
the autumn to
drive the deer
fromtheprairie
into the woods.
In the N. pens were built of tree
trunks lashed together and braced on the
outside, into which the herds were driven
and there killed. Sometimes, as on the
upper Mississippi, a hunter disguised in a
buffalo skin acted as a decoy, leading the
herd to a precipice where many were
killed by the headlong plunge. Upon
the plains of Kansas and Nebraska the
hunters formed a circle around the herd
and then, rushing in, shot the animals
with arrows.
The annual summer hunting party gen-
erally consisted of the entire tribe. As the
main supply of meat and pelts was to be
obtained, religious rites were observed
throughout the time. ‘‘Still hunting”’
was forbidden under penalty of flogging,
and if a man slipped away to hunt for
himself, thereby scattering a herd and
causing loss to the tribe, he was punished,
sometimes even to death. These severe
regulations were in force during the tribal
170
orceremonial hunt. This hunt occurred
in June, July, and August, when the ani-
mals were fat and the hair thin, the flesh
being then in the best condition for food
and the pelts easiest to dress on both sides
for the making of clothing, shields, packs,
bags, ropes, snowshoes, tent and boat
covers. The meat was cut into thin sheets
and strips and hung upona framework of
poles to dry in the sun. When fully
‘jerked’? it was folded up and put into
parfleche packs to keep for winter use.
A cow was estimated to yield about 45
pounds of dried meat and 50 pounds of
pemmican, besides the marrow, which
was preserved in bladder skins, and the
tallow, which was poured into skin bags.
The sinew of the animal furnished bow-
strings, thread for sewing, and fiber for
ropes. The horns were made into spoons
and drinking vessels, and the tips were
used for cupping purposes; the buffalo
horn was also worn as insignia of office.
The hair of the buffalo was woven into
reatas, belts, and personal ornaments.
The dried droppings of the animal, known
among plainsmen as ‘‘buffalo chips,”’
were valuable as fuel.
Tribal regulations controlled the cut-
ting up of the animal and the distribution
of the parts. The skin and certain parts
of the carcass belonged to the man who
had slain the buffalo; the remainder was
divided according to fixed rules among
the helpers, which afforded an opportu-
nity to the poor and disabled to procure
food. Butchering was generally done by
men on the field, each man’s portion be-
ing taken to his tent and given to the
women as their property.
The buffalo was hunted in the winter
by small, independent but organized par-
ties, not subject to the ceremonial exac-
tions of the tribal hunt. The pelts se-
cured at this time were for bedding and
for garments of extra weight and warmth.
The texture of the buffalo hide did not
admit of fine dressing, hence was used for
coarse clothing, moccasins, tent covers,
partleche cases, and other articles. The
hide of the heifer killed in the fall or
early winter made the finest robe.
The buffalo was supposed to be the
instructor of doctors who dealt with
the treatment of wounds, teaching them
in dreams where to find healing plants
and the manner of their use. The mul-
tifarious benefits derived from the animal
brought the buffalo into close touch with
the people: It figured as a gentile totem,
its appearance and movements were re-
ferred to in gentile names, its habits gave
designations to the months, and it be-
came the symbol of the leader and the
type of long life and plenty; ceremonies
were held in itshonor, myths recounted its
creation, and itsfolktalesdelighted oldand
.
a&
BUKONGEHELAS—BULLROARER
[B. A. E.
young. The practical extinction of the
buffalo with the last quarter of the 19th
century gave a deathblow to the ancient
culture of the tribes living within its range.
Consult Allen in Mem. Geol. Survey of
Kentucky, 1, pt. 1, 1876; Chittenden, Fur
Trade, 1902; Hornaday in Rep. Nat. Mus.
1887, 1889; Relation of Alvar Nufiez Ca-
beca de Vaca, B. Smith trans., 1871; Win-
ship, Coronado Expedition, 14th Rep. B.
A. E., 1896. (AGAR)
Bukongehelas. See Buckongahelas.
Buldam. A former Pomo village on
the n. bank of Big r. and 5. of Mendocino,
Mendocino co., Cal. (s. A. B.)
Bul’-dam Po’-mo.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol.,
II, 155, 1877.
Buli. The Butterfly clan of the Hopi.
Boli.—Bourke, Snake Dance, 117, 1884. Buli win-
wi.—Fewkes in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 584, 1900 (wii-
wa=‘elan’). Bu/-li wun-wu.—Fewkes in Am.
Anthrop., vil, 405, 1894. Pévolii—Voth, Hopi
Proper Names, 102, 1905.
Buli. The Butterfly phratry of the Hopi.
Bu-li/-nya-mti,—Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., VI, 367,
1893 (nya-mi=‘ people’).
Buliso. The Evening Primrose clan of
the Honani (Badger) phratry of the
Hopi.
Bu-li/-so.—Stephen in 8th Rep. B. A. E., 39, 1891,
Bulitzequa. A former pueblo of the
Jemez, in New Mexico, the exact site of
which is not known.—Bandelier in Arch.
Inst. Papers, tv, 207, 1892.
Bull Dog Sioux. A Teton Dakota divi-
sion on Rosebud res., S. Dak.—Donaldson
in Nat. Mus. Rep. 1885, 63, 1886.
Bullets Town. Marked on Hutchin’s
map in Bouquet’s Exped., 1766, as in
Coshocton co., Ohio, on both sides of
Muskingum r., about half way between
Walhondingr. and Tomstown. Probably
a Delaware village.
Bullroarer. An instrument for pro-
ducing rhythmic sound, consisting of a
narrow, usually rectangular slat of wood,
from about 6 in. to 2 ft. long and in. to 2
in. wide, suspended by one end to a cord,
the latter often being provided with a
wooden handle. The bullroarer, which
is often painted with symbolic designs, is
whirled rapidly with a uniform motion
about the head, and the pulsation of the
air against the slat gives a characteristic
whizzing or roaring sound. The instru-
ment has also been called whizzer, whiz-
zing stick, lightning stick, and rhombus,
and its use was quite general. In North
America it has been found among the
Eskimo, Kwakiutl, Arapaho, and most
western tribes, including the Navaho,
Apache, Ute, the central Californian
tribes (where, among the Pomo, it is
nearly 2 ft. long), Pueblos, and in the an-
cient cliff-dwellings. The Hopi, who re-
gard the bullroarer as a prayer-stick of
the thunder and its whizzing noise as
representing the wind that accompanies
thunderstorms, make the tablet portion
BULL. 30] BULLS—BUREAU
from a piece of lightning-riven wood and
measure the length of the string from the
heart to the tips of the fingers of the out-
stretched right hand (Fewkes). The
Navaho make the bullroarer of the same
material, but regard
itas representing the
voice of the thunder-
bird, whose figure
they often paint upon
it, the eyes being in-
dicated by inset
pieces of turquoise
(Culin). Bourke was
led to believe that
the rhombus of the
Apache was made by
the medicine men
from the wood of pine
or fir that had been
struck by lightning
onthe mountain tops.
Apache, Hopi, and
Zuni bullroarers bear
lightning symbols,
and while in the
semi-arid region the
implement is used to invoke clouds,
lightning, and rain, and to warn the initi-
ated that rites are being performed, in
the humid area it is used to implore the
wind to bring fair weather. The bull-
roarer is a sacred implement, associated
with rain, wind, and lightning, and among
. the Kwakiutl, according to Boas, with
ghosts. By some tribes it retains this
sacred character, but among others it has
degenerated into a child’s toy, for which
use its European antitype also survives
among civilized nations.
Consult Bourke, Medicine-men of the
Apache, 9th Rep. B. A. E., 1892; Fewkes,
Tusayan Snake Ceremonies, 16th Rep.
B. A. E., 1897; Haddon, Study of Man,
219, 1898; Lang, Custom and Myth, 39,
1885; Mooney, Ghost Dance Religion, 14th
Rep. B. A. E., 1896; Murdoch in 9th Rep.
B. A. E., 1892; Schmeltz in Verh. d. Ve-
reins f. naturw. Unterhaltung zu Ham-
burg, 1x, 92, 1896. (Ww. H.)
Bulls. A Hidatsa band or society;
mentioned by Culbertson (Smithson. Rep.
1850, 143, 1851) asaclan. Fora similar
society among the Piegan, see Stumiks.
Bulltown. A Shawnee or Mingo vil-
lage of 5 families on Little Kanawha r.,
W. Va.; destroyed by whites in 1772.—
Kaufmann, W. Penn., 180, 1851.
Buokongahelas. See Buckongahelas.
Buquibava. A former Pima rancheria
of Sonora, Mexico, visited by Kino about
1697-99; situated on San Ignacio r., below
San Ignacio (of which mission it was sub-
sequently a visita), at the site of the
present town of Magdalena. Pop. 63 in
1730, probably including some Tepoca.
(=: Ww. H.)
APACHE BULLROARER;
LENGTH
7 INcHES. (Bourke)
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
cal
Magdalena,—Doc. of 1730 quoted by Bancroft, No.
Mex. States, 1, 494, 514, 1884. Magdalena de Buvuiba-
va,—Bancroit, Ariz, and N. M., 358, 1889 (quoting
Mange, 1699). Santa Madaléna.—Hardy, Travels,
422, 1829. Santa Magdalena de Buquibava.—Kino
(1694) in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser., 1, 248, 1856.
S{anta] M{aria] Magdalen.—Venegas, Hist. Cal.,
I, map, 1759. 8. Magdalena.—Kino, map (1701)
in Bancroft, Ariz. and N. M., 360, 1889.
Bureau of American Ethnology. The
Bureau of (American) Ethnology was
organized in 1879 and was placed by Con-
gress under the supervision of the Smith-
sonian Institution. It was directed that
all the archives, records, and materials
relating to the Indian tribes collected by
the Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region
under the auspices of the Interior Depart-
ment should be transferred to the Insti-
tution for use by the Bureau. Prof.
Spencer F. Baird, Secretary of the Insti-
tution, recognizing the great value of Maj.
J. W. Powell’s services in initiating re-
searches among the western tribes,
selected him as the person best qualified
to organize and conduct the work.
The National Government had already
recognized the importance of researches
among the tribes. As early as 1795 the
Secretary of War appointed Leonard S.
Shaw deputy agent to the Cherokee with
instructions to study their language and
home life and to collect materials for
an Indian history. President Jefferson,
who planned the Lewis and Clark expedi-
tion of 1804-06, ‘‘for the purpose of ex-
tending the internal commerce of the
United States,’”’ especially stipulated, in
his instructions to Lewis, the observa-
tions on the native tribes that should be
made by the expedition for the use of
the Government. These were to include
their namesand numbers; the extent and
limits of their possessions; their relations
with other tribes or nations; their lan-
guage, traditions, and monuments; their
ordinary occupations in agriculture, fish-
ing, hunting, war, arts, and the imple-
ments for these; their food, clothing, and
domestic accommodations; the diseases
prevalent among them and the remedies
they use; moral and physical circum-
stances which distinguish them from
known tribes; peculiarities in their laws,
customs, and dispositions; and articles of
commerce they may need or furnish, and
to whatextent; ‘‘and considering the in-
terest which every nation has in extend-
ing and strengthening the authority of
reason and justice among the people
around them, it will be useful to acquire
what knowledge you can of the state of
morality, religion, and _ information
among them, as it may better enable
those who endeavor to civilize and in-
struct them to adapt their measures to
the existing notions and practices of those
on whom they are to operate.’’ During
much of his life Jefferson, like Albert
172
Gallatin later on, manifested his deep in-
terest in the ethnology of the American
tribes by publishing accounts of his ob-
servations that are of extreme value
to-day. In 1820 Rey. Jedidiah Morse
was commissioned by the President to
make a tour for the purpose of ‘‘ascer-
taining, for the use of the Government,
the actual state of the Indian tribes
of our country.’? The Government also
aided the publication of Schoolcraft’s
voluminous work on the Indians. The
various War Department expeditions
and surveys had reported on the tribes
and monuments
encountered in
the W.;: the
Hayden Survey
of the Territo-
ries had exam-
ined and de-
scribed many of
the cliff-dwell-
ings and pue-
blos, and had
published pa-
personthe tribes
of the Missis-
sippi valley, and
Maj. Powell, as
chief of the Sur-
vey of the Rocky
Mountain Re-
gion, had ac-
complished im-
portant work
among thetribes
of the Rio Colo-
rado drainage in
connection with
his geological
and geographic-
al researches,
and had com-
menced a series
of publications
known as Con-
tributions to
North American
Ethnology. The
Smithsonian In-
stitution hadal- +
so taken an ac-
tive part in the publication of the results
of researches undertaken by private stu-
dents. The first volume of its Contribu-
tions to Knowledge is The Ancient Monu-
ments of the Mississippi Valley, by Squier
and Davis, and up to the founding of the
Bureau of Ethnology the Institution had
issued upward of 600 papers on ethnology
and archeology. These early researches
had taken a wide range, but in a some-
what unsystematic way, and Maj. Powell,
on taking charge of the Bureau, began
the task of classifying the subject-matter
of the entire aboriginal field and the
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
W. POWELL, FOUNDER AND DIRECTOR OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN
ETHNOLOGY
[B. A. B.
selection of those subjects that seemed to
require immediate attention. There were
numerous problems of a practical nature
to be dealt with, and at the same time
many less strictly practical but none the
less important problems to be considered.
Some of the practical questions were
readily approached, but in the main they
were so inyolved with the more strictly
scientific questions that the two could not
be considered separately.
From its inception the Government has
had before it problems arising from the
presence within its domain, as dependent
wards, of more
than 300,000 ab-
origines. In the
main the difli-
culties encoun-
tered in solving
these problems
arose froma lack
of knowledge of
the distribution,
numbers, rela-
tionships, and
languages of the
tribes, anda real
appreciation of
their character,
culture status,
needs, and possi-
bilities. It was
recognized that
a knowledge of
these elements
lies at the very
foundation of in-
telligent admin-
istration, and
thus one of the
important ob-
jects in organiz-
ing the Bureau of
Ethnology was-
that of obtaining
such knowledge
of the tribes as
would enable
the several
branches of the
Government to
know and ap-
preciate the aboriginal population, and
that at the same time would enable the
people generally to give intelligent ad-
ministration sympathetic support. An
essential step in this great work was that
of locating the tribes and classifying them
in such manner as to make it possible to
assemble them in harmonious groups,
based on relationship of blood, language,
customs, beliefs, and grades of culture. It
was found that within the area with which
the nation has to deal there are spoken
some 500 Indian languages, as om from
one anotheras French is from English, and
BULL. 30]
that these languages are grouped in more
than 50 linguistic families. It was found,
further, that in connection with the dif-
ferences in language there are many other
distinctions requiring attention. Tribes
allied in language are often allied also in
capacity, habits, tastes, social organiza-
tion, religion, arts, and industries, and it
was plain that a satisfactory investigation
of the tribes required a systematic study
of all of these conditions. It was not
attempted, however, to cover the whole
field in detail. When sufficient progress
had been made in the classification of the
tribes, certain groups were selected as
types, and investigations among them
were so pursued as to yield results appli-
cable in large measure to all. Up to the
present time much progress has been
made and a deeper insight has been gained
into the inner life and character of the
native people, and thus, in a large sense,
of primitive peoples generally, than had
been reached before in the world’s his-
tory. Many of the results of these re-
searches have already been published
and are in the hands of all civilized
nations.
Some of the more directly practical re-
sults accomplished may be briefly men-
tioned: (1) A study of the relations,
location, and numbers of the tribes, and
their classification into groups or families,
based on affinity in language—a necessary
basis for dealing with the tribes practi-
cally or scientifically; (2) a study of the
numerous sociologic, religious, and in-
dustrial problems involved, an acquaint-
ance with which is essential to the
intelligent management of the tribes in
adjusting them to the requirements of
civilization; (3) a history of the relations
of the Indian and white races embodied
in a volume on land cessions; (4) investi-
gations into the physiology, medical
practices, and sanitation of a people who
suffer keenly from imperfect adaptation
to the new conditions imposed on them;
(5) the preparation of bibliographies em-
bodying all works relating to the tribes;
(6) a study of their industrial and eco-
nomic resources; (7) a study of the an-
tiquities of the country with a view to
their record and preservation; and (8) a
handbook of the tribes, embodying, in
condensed form, the accumulated infor-
mation of many years.
The more strictly scientific results re-
late to every department of anthropologic
research—physical, psychological, lin-
guistic, sociologic, religious, technic, and
esthetic—and are embodied in numerous
papers published in the reports, contribu-
tions, and bulletins; and the general re-
sults in each of these departments, com-
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
173
piled and collated by the highest available
authorities, have now begun to appear in
the form of handbooks.
Maj. Powell, director, died Sept. 23,
1902, and on Oct. 11 W. H. Holmes was
appointed to succeed him, with the title
of chief.’ In addition to the chief the
scientific staff of the Bureau comprises
(1906) 7 ethnologists, an illustrator, an
editor, a librarian, and 7 other employees.
Besides the regular scientific members
of the Bureau there are numerous asso-
ciates or collaborators, including many
of the best-known ethnologists of the
country, who contribute papers or who
engage at intervals in research work
under the Bureau’s auspices. The li-
brary contains about 12,000 volumes
and 7,000 pamphlets, accumulated largely
through exchange of publications. There
are about 1,600 linguistic manuscripts,
and 15,000 photographic negatives illus-
trating the aborigines and their activities.
The publications consist of Contribu-
tions to North American Ethnology, An-
nual Reports, Bulletins, Introductions,
and Miscellaneous Publications. The
series of contributions was begun by the
Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region
before the organization of the Bureau, 3
volumes having been completed, and
was discontinued after 8 volumes had
been issued. Twenty-three annual re-
ports, comprising 28 volumes, 30 bulle-
tins (including the present Handbook), 4
introductions, and 6 miscellaneous pub-
lications have appeared. The present
edition of the annual reports and bulle-
tins is 9,850 copies, of which the Senate
receives 1,500, the House of Representa-
tives 3,000, and the Bureau 3,500 copies.
Of the Bureau edition 500 are distributed
by the Smithsonian Institution. From
the remaining 1,850 copies are drawn the
personal copies of members of Congress,
and 500 for distribution to Government
libraries and other libraries throughout
the country, as designated by Congress;
the remainder are sold by the Superin-
tendent of Documents, Government Print-
ing Office. With the exception of the few
disposed of by the Superintendent of
Documents, the publications are distrib-
uted free of charge; the popular demand
for them is so great, however, that the
editions are soon exhausted. The quota
allowed the Bureau is distributed to
libraries, to institutions of learning, and
to collaborators and others engaged in
anthropologic research or in teaching.
The publications are as follows:
CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN ETH-
NOLOGY.—Published in part under the auspices
of the Department of the Interior, U. S. Geo-
graphical and Geological Survey of the Rocky
Mountain Region, J. W. Powellinecharge. Vols.
I-VI and Ix, ;
174
Vol. I, 1877:
Part 1.—Tribes of the extreme Northwest, by
W. H. Dall.
On the distribution and nomenclature of
the native tribes of Alaska and the adja-
cent territory.
On succession in the shell-heaps of the
Aleutian islands.
On the origin of the Innuit.
Appendix to part 1. Linguistics.
Notes on the natives of Alaska, by J. Furu-
helm.
Terms of relationship used by the Innuit: a
series obtained from natives of Cumber-
land inlet, by W. H. Dall.
VOCs alanis by George Gibbs and W. H.
Dall.
Note on the use of numerals among the
T’sim si-an’, by George Gibbs.
Part u. Tribes of western Washington and
northwestern Oregon, by George Gibbs.
Appendix to part 11. Linguistics.
Vocabularies, by George Gibbs, Wm. F.
Tolmie, and G. Mengarini.
Dictionary of the Niskwalli,
Gibbs.
Vol. 11, 1890:
The Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon,
by Albert Samuel Gatschet. Two parts.
Vol. 11, 1877:
Tribes of California, by Stephen Powers.
Appendix. Linguistics, edited by J. W.
Powell.
Vol. Iv, 1881:
Houses and house-life of the American aborig-
ines, by Lewis H. Morgan.
Vol. v, 1882:
Observations on cup-shaped and other lapida-
rian sculptures in the Old World and in
America, by Charles Rau.
On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets,
by Robert Fletcher.
A study of the manuscript Troano, by Cyrus
Thomas, with an introduction by D. G,
Brinton.
Vol. vi, 1890:
The Cegiha language, by J. Owen Dorsey.
Vol. vu, 1890:
A Dakota-English dictionary, by Stephen R.
Riggs, edited by J. Owen Dorsey.
Vol. Vii:
[Not issued].
Vol. 1x, 18938:
Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, by
Stephen R. Riggs, edited by J. Owen Dorsey.
ANNUAL REPORTS OF THE BUREAU OF (AMERI-
CAN) ETHNOLOGY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. 23 vols. roy. 8°.
First Report (1879-80), 1881.
Report of the Director.
On the evolution of language, as exhibited
in the specialization of the grammatic processes;
the differentiation of the parts of speech, and
the integration of the sentence; from a study of
Indian languages, by J. W. Powell.
Sketch of the mythology of the North American
Indians, by J. W. Powell.
Wyandot government: A short study of tribal
society, by J. W. Powell.
On limitations to the use of some anthropologic
data, by J. W. Powell.
A further contribution to the study of the mor-
tuary customs of the North American Indians, by
H.C. Yarrow.
Studies in Central American picture-writing,
by Edward S. Holden.
Cessions of land by Indian tribes to the United
States: Illustrated by those in the State of In-
diana, by C. C. Royce.
Sign language among North American Indians,
compared with that among other peoples and
deaf-mutes, by Garrick Mallery.
Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the
library of the Bureau of Ethnology, by J. C.
Pilling.
Illustration of the method of recording Indian
languages. From the manuscripts of J. Owen
Dorsey, A. S. Gatschet, and §. R. Riggs.
BUREAU
by George
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[B. A. BE.
Second Report (1880-81), 1883.
Report of the Director.
Zuni fetiches, by F. H. Cushing.
Myths of the Iroquois, by Erminnie A. Smith.
Animal carvings from mounds of the Mississippi
valley, by H. W. Henshaw.
Navajo silversmiths, by Washington Matthews.
Art in shell of the ancient Americans, by W.
H. Holmes.
Tllustrated catalogue of the collections obtained
from the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona in
1879, by James Stevenson.
Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained
from the Indians of New Mexico in 1880, by James
Stevenson.
Third Report (1881-82), 1884.
Report of the Director (including On activital
similarities).
Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manu-
scripts, by Cyrus Thomas.
On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal cus-
toms, by W. H. Dall.
Omaha sociology, by J. Owen Dorsey.
_Nayajo weavers, by Washington Matthews.
Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States,
derived from impressions on pottery, by W. H.
Holmes.
Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collec-
tions made by the Bureau of Ethnology during
the field season of 1881, by W. H. Holmes.
Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained
from the pueblos of Zuni, N. Mex., and Wolpi,
Ariz., in 1881, by James Stevenson.
Fourth Report (1882-83), 1886.
Report of the Director.
Pictographs of the North American Indians.
A preliminary paper, by Garrick Mallery.
Pottery of the ancient Pueblos, by W. H.
Holmes.
Ancient pottery of the Mississippi valley, by
W. H. Holmes.
Origin and development of form and ornament
in ceramic art, by W. H. Holmes.
A study of Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuni
culture growth, by F. H. Cushing.
Fifth Report (1883-84), 1887.
Report of the Director.
Burial mounds of the northern sections of the
United States, by Cyrus Thomas.
The Cherokee Nation of Indians: A narrative
of their official relations with the Colonial and
Federal Governments, by C. C. Royce.
The mountain chant: A Navajo ceremony, by
Washington Matthews.
The Seminole Indians of Florida, by Clay
MacCauley.
The religious life of the Zuni child, by Matilda
C. Stevenson.
Sixth Report (1884-85), 1888.
Report of the Director.
Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colom-
bia, by W. H. Holmes.
A study of the textile art in its relation to the
development of form and ornament, by W. H.
Holmes.
Aids to the study of the Maya codices, by Cyrus
Thomas.
Osage traditions, by J. Owen Dorsey.
The central Eskimo, by Franz Boas.
Seventh Report (1885-86), 1891.
Report of the Director.
Indian linguistic families of America north of
Mexico, by J. W. Powell.
The Midé’wiwin or ‘‘grand medicine society ”’
of the Ojibwa, by W. J. Hoffman.
The sacred formulas of the Cherokees, by James
Mooney.
Eighth Report (1886-87), 1891.
Report of the Director.
A study of Pueblo architecture: Tusayan and
Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff.
Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical
sand painting of the Navajo Indians, by James
Stevenson.
Ninth Report (1887-88) 1892.
Report of the Director.
Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expe-
dition, by John Murdoch.
BULL. 30]
The medicine-men of the Apache, by John G.
Bourke.
Tenth Report (1888-89), 1893.
Report of the Director.
Picture writing of the American Indians, by
Garrick Mallery.
Eleventh Report (1889-90), 1894.
Report of the Director.
The Sia, by Matilda C. Stevenson.
Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson bay
territory, by Lucien M. Turner.
A study of Siouan cults, by J. Owen Dorsey.
Twelfth Report (1890-91), 1894.
Report of the Director.
Reporton the mound explorations of the Bureau
of Ethnology, by Cyrus Thomas.
Thirteenth Report (1891-92), 1896.
Report of the Director.
Prehistoric textile art of eastern United States,
by W. H. Holmes.
Stone art, by Gerard Fowke.
Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona,
by Cosmos Mindeleff.
Omaha dwellings, furniture, and implements,
by J. Owen Dorsey.
Casa Grande ruin, by Cosmos Mindeleff.
Outlines of Zuni creation myths, by F. H.
Cushing.
Eaarteanthi Report (1892-93), 1896.
Report of the Director.
The Menomini Indians, by Walter J. Hoffman.
The Coronado expedition, 1540-42, by G. P.
Winship.
The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux out-
break of 1890, by James Mooney.
Fifteenth Report (1893-94), 1897.
Report of the Director (including On regimen-
tation).
Stone implements of the Potomac- -Chesapeake
tidewater province, by W. H. Holmes.
The Siouan Indians: A preliminary sketch, by
W J McGee.
Siouan sociology:
J. Owen Dorsey.
Tusayan katcinas, by J. Walter Fewkes.
The repair of Casa Grande ruin, Arizona, in
1891, by Cosmos Mindeleff. :
Sixteenth Report (1894-95), 1897.
Report of the Director, and list of publications
of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Primitive trephining in Peru, by M. A. Muniz
and W J McGee.
The cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly,
by Cosmos Mindeleff.
Day symbols of the Maya year,
Thomas.
Tusayan snake ceremonies, by J. Walter Fewkes.
Seventeenth Report (1895-96) , 1898.
Report of the Director, and list of publications
of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
The Seri Indians, by W J McGee, with Com-
parative lexicology, by J. N. B. Hewitt.
Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians, by
James Mooney.
Navaho houses, by Cosmos Mindeleff.
Archeological expedition to Arizona in 1895, by
J. Walter Fewkes.
Eighteenth Report (1896-97), 1899.
Report of the Director.
The Eskimo about Bering strait, by E. W.
Nelson.
Indian land cessions in the United States, com-
piled by C. C. Royce, with an introduction by
Cyrus Thomas.
Nineteenth Report (1897-98), 1900.
Report of the Director (including Esthetology,
or the science of activities designed to give
pleasure).
Myths of the Cherokee, by James Mooney.
Tusayan migration traditions, by J. Walter
A posthumous paper, by
Arizona,
by Cyrus
Fewkes.
Localization of Tusayan clans, by Cosmos
Mindeleff.
Mounds in northern Honduras, by ‘Thomas
ann.
Mayan calendar systems, by Cyrus Thomas.
Primitive numbers, by W J McGee.
Numeral systems of Mexico and Central Amer-
ica, by Cyrus Thomas.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
175
Tusayan flute and snake ceremonies, by J.
Walter Fewkes.
The wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes, a
study in American primitive economics, by A. E.
Jenks.
Twentieth Report (1898-99) 1903.
Report of the Director (including Technology,
or the science of industries; Sociology, or the
science of institutions; Philology, or the science
of activities designed for expression; Sophiology,
or the science of activities designed to give in-
struction; List of publications of the Bureau of
American Ethnology).
Aboriginal pottery of the eastern United States,
by W. H. Holmes.
Twenty-first Report (1899-1900), 1903.
Report of the Director.
Hopi katcinas, drawn by
J. Walter Fewkes.
Troquois cosmogony, by J. N. B. Hewitt.
Twenty-second Report (1900-01), 1903.
Report of the Acting Director.
Two summers’ work in pueblo ruins, by J.
Walter Fewkes.
Mayan calendar systems—II, by Cyrus Thomas.
The Hako, a Pawnee ceremony, by Alice C.
Fletcher.
Twenty-third Report (1901-02), 1904.
Report of the Acting Director.
The Zuni Indians, by Matilda C. Stevenson.
Twenty-fourth Report (1902-03), 1905.
Report of the Chief.
American Indian games, by Stewart Culin.
BULLETINS.—Thirty volumes, 8°.
(1) Bibliography of the Eskimo language, by
J.C. Pilling, 1887.
(2) Perforated stones a California, by H. W.
Henshaw, 1887.
(3) The use of gold and other metals among
the ancient inhabitants of Chiriqui, Isthmus of
Darien, by W. H. Holmes, 1887.
(4) Work in mound exploration of the Bureau
of Ethnology, by Cyrus Thomas, 1887.
(5) Bibliography of the Siouan languages, by
J. C. Pilling, 1887.
(6) Bibliography of the Iroquoian languages,
by J. C. Pilling, 1888.
(7) Textile fabrics of ancient Peru, by W. H.
Hes 1889.
(8) The problem of the Ohio mounds, by Cyrus
Thomas, 1889.
(9) Bibliography of the Muskhogean languages,
by J. C. Pilling, 1889.
(10) The cireular, square, and octagonal earth-
works of Ohio, by Cyrus Thomas, 1889.
(11) Omaha and Ponka letters, by J. Owen
Dorsey, 1891.
(12) Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the
Rocky mountains, by Cyrus Thomas, 1891.
(18) Bibliography of the Algonquian languages,
by J. C. Pilling, 1891.
(14) Bibliography of the Athapascan languages,
by J. C. Pilling, 1892.
(15) Bibliography of the Chinookan languages
(including the Chinook jargon), by J. C. Pilling,
1893.
(16) Bibliography of the Salishan languages,
by J. C. Pilling, 1893.
(17) The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia, by
J. G. Pollard, 1894.
(18) The Maya year, by Cyrus Thomas, 1894.
(19) Bibliography of the Wakashan languages,
by J. C. Pilling, 1894.
(20) Chinook texts, by Franz Boas, 1894.
(21) An ancient quarry in Indian Territory, by
W. H. Holmes, 1894.
(22) The Siouan tribes of the East, by James
Mooney, 1894.
(23) Archeologie investigations in James and
Potomae valleys, by Gerard Fowke, 1894.
(24) List of the publications of the Bureau of
Ethnology with index to authors and subjects,
by F. W. Hodge, 1894.
(25) Natick dictionary, by J. H. Trumbull,
1903. P
(26) Kathlamet texts, by Franz Boas, 1901.
(27) Tsimshian texts, by Franz Boas, 1902.
(28) Mexican and Central American antiquities
and calendar systems, twenty-nine papers, by
native artists, by
176 BUREAU
Eduard Seler, E. Férstemann, Paul Schellhas,
Carl Sapper, and E. P. Dieseldorff, translated
from the German under the supervision of Charles
P. Bowditch.
(29) Haida texts and myths, Skidegate dialect,
by J. R. Swanton.
(80) Handbook of the Indians north of Mexico,
Parts Tand I.
INTRODUCTIONS.—Four volumes, 4°.
(1) Introduction to the study of Indian lan-
guages, by J. W. Powell, 1877.
(2) Introduction to the study of Indian lan-
guages, 2d edition, by J. W. Powell, 1880.
(3) Introduction to the study of sign language
among the North American Indians, by Garrick
Mallery, 1880.
(4) Introduction to the study of mortuary cus-
toms among the North American Indians, by
H. C. Yarrow, 1880.
MISCELLANEOUS PUBLICATIONS:
(1) A collection of gesture-signs and signals
of the North American Indians, by Garrick Mal-
lery, 1880.
(2) Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the lan-
guages of the North American Indians, by J. C.
Pilling, 1885.
(3) Linguistic families of the Indian tribes
north of Mexico [by James Mooney, 1885].
(4) Map of linguistic stocks of American In-
dians north of Mexico, by J. W. Powell, 1891.
(5) Tribes of North America, with synonomy:
Skittagetan family [by Henry W. Henshaw,
1890].
(6) Dictionary of American Indians north of
Mexico [advance pages], 1903.
(Ww. H. H.)
Bureau of Indian Affairs.—See Office of
Indian Affairs.
Burges’ Town. A Seminole town, the
exact location of which is unknown, but
it was probably on or near Flint or St
Marys r., s. w. Ga.—Connell (1793) in
Am. State Papers, Ind. Aff., 1, 384, 1832.
Burial. See Mortuary customs, Urn
burial.
Burnt WoodsChippewa. A former Chip-
pewa band on Bois Brulé r., near the w.
end of L. Superior, x. Wis.
Chippeways of the Burnt Woods.—Schoolcrait,
Travels, 321, 1821.
Burrard Inlet No. 3 Reserve. The name
given by the Canadian Department of
Indian Affairs to one of 6 divisions of
the Squawmish, q. v.; pop. 30 in 1902.
Burrard Saw Mills Indians. The local
name for a body of Squawmish of Fraser
River agency, Brit. Col.; noted only in
1884, when their number was given as
232.—Can. Ind. Aff., 187, 1884. a
Busac. A former rancheria, probably
of the Sobaipuri, visited by Kino about
1697; situated, apparently, on Arivaipa
cr., a tributary of the San Pedro, EF. of
old Camp Grant, s. Ariz., although Bernal
(Bancroft, Ariz. and N. Mex., 356, 1889)
states that the settlement was on a creek
flowing E.
Busanic. A Pima settlement s. w. of
Gueyavi, near the Arizona-Sonora bound-
ary, in lat. 31° 10’, long. 111° 107, visited
by Kino in 1694 and by Kino and Mange
in 1699. It was made a visita of Guevavi
mission at an early date; pop. 253 in 1730,
41 in 1764. See Kino (1694) in Doe.
Hist. Mex., 4th s., 1, 252, 1856; Rudo
Ensayo (1763), 150, 1863; Mange quoted
OF INDIAN AFFAIRS—BUSK
[B. A. E.
by Bancroft, Ariz. and N. Mex., 358,
1889.
Bisanig.—Bancroft, No. Mex. States, I, 524, 1884.
Busani,—Villa-Senor, Theatro Am., pt. 2, 408, 1748.
Busanic.—Kino, op. cit. Busnio.—Venegas, Hist.
Cal., I, map, 1759. Busona.—Box, Adventures,
270, 1869. Bussani.—Orozco y Berra, Geog., 347,
1864. Cinco Senores Busanic.—Sonora materiales
(1730) quoted by Bancroft, No. Mex. States, I, 514,
1884. Ruzany.—Land Office map, U.S., 1881. S.
Ambrosio Busanic.—Kino (1699) quoted by Ban-
croft, No. Mex. States, I, 270, 1884. San Ambrosio
de Busanio.—Venegas, Hist. Cal., I, 300, 1759.
Susanna,—Kino, map (1702) in Stécklein, Neue
Welt-Bott, 74, 1726 (misprint).
Bushamul. A Nishinam village for-
merly existing in the valley of Bear r.,
Cal.
Bashonees,—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.
Booshamool.—Powers in Overland Mo., XII, 22,
1874. Bu’-sha-mul.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Eth-
nol., 111, 316, 1877. Bushones.—Bancroft, Nat.
Races, I, 450, 1874. Bushumnes.—Hale, Ethnog.
and Philol., 631, 1846.
Bushy Head. See Unaduti.
Businausee (‘echo maker,’ from biswa-
wag, ‘echo,’ referring to the achichak,
crane). A phratry of the Chippewa.
Bus-in-as-see.—Warren in Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll.,
v, 46,1885. Bus-in-aus-e,—Ibid., 44. Bus-in-aus-e-
wug.—Ibid., 88 (plural).
A fes-
Busk (Creek: pviskita, ‘a fast’).
tival of the Creeks, by some early writers
termed the green-corn dance. According
to Gatschet (Creek Migr. Leg., 1, 177,
1884) the solemn annual festival held by
the Creek people of ancient and modern
days. As this authority points out, the
celebration of the puiskita was an occasion
of amnesty, forgiveness, and absolution
of crime, injury, and hatred, a season of
change of mind, symbolized in various
ways.
The day of beginning of the celebra-
tion of the pzskita, which took place
chiefly in the ‘‘town square,’’ was de-
termined by the miko, or chief, and his
council; and the ceremony itself, which
had local variations, lasted for 4 days in
the towns of less note and for 8 days in
the more important. Hawkins (Sketch,
75, 1848) has left a description of the
busk, or ‘‘ boos-ke-tau,’’ as it was carried
out in the white or peace town of Kasihta
in 1798-99. The chief points are as
follows:
First day: The yard of the square is
cleaned in the morning and sprinkled
with white sand, while the black drink
is being prepared. The fire maker, spe-
cially appointed, kindles new fire by
friction, the 4 logs for the fire being ar-
ranged crosswise with reference to the
cardinal points. The women of the Tur-
key clan dance the turkey dance, while
the very strong emetic called passa is
being brewed; this is drunk from about
noon to the middle of the afternoon.
Then comes the tadpole dance, performed
by 4 men and 4 women known as ‘‘tad-
poles.’”’?’ From evening until dawn the
dance of the hiniha is performed by the
See
BULL. 30]
men. The ‘‘old men’s tobacco” is also
prepared on the first day.
Second day: At about 10 o’clock the
women perform the gun dance, so called
from the men firing guns during its con-
tinuance. At noon the men approach
the new fire, rub some of its ashes on the
chin, neck, and belly, and jump head-
foremost into the river, and then return
to the square. Meantime the women
busy themselves with the preparation of
new maize for the feast. Before the
feast begins, the men as they arrive rub
some of the maize between their hands
and then on the face and chest.
Third day: The men sit in the square.
Fourth day: The women, who have
risen early for this purpose, obtain some
of the new fire, with which they kindle
a similarly constructed pile of logs on
their own hearths, which have previously
been cleaned and sprinkled with sand.
A ceremony of ash rubbing, plunging
into water, etc., is then performed by
them, after which they taste some salt
and dance the ‘‘long dance.”’
Fifth day: The 4 logs of the fire, which
last only 4 days, having been consumed,
4 other logs are similarly arranged, and
the fire kindled as before, after which
the men drink the black drink.
Sixth and seventh days: During this
period the men remain in the town square.
’ Kighth day: In the square and outside
of it impressive ceremonies are carried
on. A medical mixture concocted by
stirring and beating in water 14 kinds of
plants (the modern Creeks use 15), sup-
posed to have virtue as physic, is used by
the men to drink, to rub over their joints,
etc., after the priests have blown into it
through a small reed. Another curious
mixture, composed chiefly of the ashes
of old corncobs and pine boughs, mixed
with water, and stirred by 4 girls who
have not reached puberty, is prepared
in a pot, and 2 pans of a mixture of white
clay and water are likewise prepared after-
ward by the men. The chief and the
warriors rub themselves with some of
both these mixtures. After this 2 men,
who are specially appointed, bring flow-
ers of old men’s tobacco to the chief’s
house, and each person present receives
aportion. Then the chief and his coun-
selors walk 4 times around the burning
logs, throwing some of the old men’s
tobacco into the fire each time they face
the z, and then stop while facing the w.
When this is concluded the warriors do
the same. The next ceremony is as
follows:
At the miko’s cabin a cane having 2
white feathers on its end is stuck out.
At the moment when the sun sets a
man of the Fish clan takes it down and
walks, followed by all spectators, toward
Bull. 30—05 12
BUSK
LTT
the river. Having gone half way, he
utters the death-whoop, and repeats it 4
times before reaching the water’s edge.
After the crowd has thickly congregated
at the bank each person places a grain
of old men’s tobacco on the head and
others in each ear. Then ata signal re-
peated four times they throw some of it
into the river, and every man at a like
signal plunges into the water to pick up
4stones from the bottom. With these
they cross themselves on their breasts
4 times, each time throwing 1 of the stones
back into the river and uttering the death
whoop. They then wash themselves,
take up the cane with the feathers, return
to the square, where they stick it up,
then walk through the town visiting.
After nightfall comes the mad dance,
which concludes the piskita.
The 4 days’ busk, as performed at Od-
shiapofa (Little Talasse), as witnessed
by Swan, whose account seems to have
been really made up by McGillivray
(Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., 1, 181, 1884),
adds some details concerning the dress of
the fire maker, the throwing of maize and
the black drink into the fire, the prepa-
ration and use of the black drink, and the
interesting addition that any provisions
left over are given to the fire maker.
Other travelers and historians, as Adair,
Bartram, and Milfort, furnish other items
concerningthe ceremony. Bartram says:
‘““When atown celebrates the busk, hay-
ing previously provided themselves with
new clothes, new pots, pans, and other
household utensils and furniture, they
collect all their worn-out clothes and
other despicable things, sweep and cleanse
their houses, squares, and the whole town,
of their filth, which with all the remain-
ing grain and other old provisions, they
cast together into one common heap and
consume it with fire. After having taken
medicine, and fasted for 3 days, all the
fire in the town is extinguished. Dur-
ing this fast they abstain from the grati-
fication of every appetite and passion
whatever. A general amnesty is pro-
claimed, all malefactors may return to
their town, and they are absolved from
their crimes, which are now forgotten,
and they are restored to favor.’”’ Ac-
cording to Gatschet (op. cit., 182) it
appears that the busk is not a solstitial
celebration, but a rejoicing over the first
fruits of the year. The new year begins
with the busk, which is celebrated in
August, or late in July. Every town cel-
ebrated its busk at a period independent
from that of the other towns, whenever
their crops had come to maturity. In
connection with the busk the women
broke to pieces all the household utensils
of the previous year and replaced them
with new ones; the men refitted all their
178
property so as to look new. Indeed the
new fire meant the new life, physical and
moral, which had to begin with the new
year. Everything had to be new or re-
newed—even the garments hitherto worn.
Taken altogether, the busk was one of the
most remarkable ceremonial institutions
of the American Indians. (GEe*)
Butterfly-stones. See Banner stones.
Buzzard Roost. A Creek town ‘‘ where
Tom’s path crosses Flint r.,’’ Ga.; exact
locality not known. There was another
Creek town of this name on upper Chat-
tahoochee r., w. of Atlanta. See Ur-
quhart (1793) in Am. State Papers, Ind.
Aff.; 1, 370, 1832.
Byainswa. See Biauswah.
Byengeahtein. A Nanticoke village in
1707, probably in Dauphin or Lancaster
co., Pa.—Evans (1707) in Day, Penn.,
361, 1843.
Caacat. A Chumashan village between
Goleta and Pt Concepcion, Cal., in 1542.
Caacac.—Cabrillo, Narr., in Smith, Coll. Doc., 189,
1857. Caacat.—Ibid. Cacat.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Apr. 17, 1863. Cuncaae.—Ibid.
Caamancijup (‘narrows of the arro-
yos’). A rancheria, probably Cochimi,
connected with Purisima (Cadegomo)
mission, Lower California, in the 18th cen-
tury.—Doe. Hist. Mex., 4ths.,v, 189, 1857.
Cabbasagunti. A small body of Indians
dwelling in 1807 in the village of ‘‘ Saint-
Francais,’? on St Francis r., Quebec, in
which they were named Cabbassaguntiac,
i.e., ‘people of Cabassaguntiquoke,’ signi-
fying ‘the place where sturgeon abound.’
The form Cobbisseconteag has been re-
placed by the modern Cobbosseecontee
as the name of what formerly was Win-
throp pond and outlet which flows into
Kennebec r., in Kennebec co., Me. These
Indians, it is reported by Kendall, re-
garded themselves not only as inhab-
itants of Cabbassaguntiquoke, but also as
true cabassas, or sturgeons, because one of
their ancestors, haying declared that he
was a sturgeon, leaped into this stream
and never returned in humanform. They
related a tale that below the falls of
Cobbosseecontee r. the rock was hewn by
the ax of a mighty manito. (J. N. B. H.)
Cabbassaguntiac.—Kendall, Travels, 111, 124, 1809.
Cabbassaguntiquoke,—Ibid. (their former place of
settlement).
Cabea Hoola. Given by Romans as a
former Choctaw village on the headwaters
of Chickasawhay cr., probably in Lau-
derdale co., Miss.
Cabea Hoala.—West Florida map., ca 1775.
Hoola.—Romans, Florida, 1772.
Caborca. A rancheria of the Soba divi-
sion of the Papagoand the seat of amission
established by Kino about 1687; situated
on the s. bank of the Rio Asuncion, lat.
30° 30’, long. 112°, Sonora, Mexico. It
had 4 subordinate villages in 1721 ( Ven-
mM
egas, 11, 177, 285, 1759) and a population of
Cabea
BUTTEREFLY-STONES—CACHE DISKS AND BLADES
[B. A. B.
223 in 1730, but it was totally destroyed in
the Pima rebellion of 1751. It is nowa
white Mexican village. (F. W. Hi.)
Cabetka.—Kino, map (1702) in Stécklein, Neiie
Welt-Bott, 76,1726. Cabona.—Box, Adventures, 267,
1869. Caborea,—Kino (1696) in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th
8.,1, 267,1856. Catoérea.—Hardy, Travels, 422, 1829.
Concepcion Caborea.—Rivera (1730) quoted by Ban-
croft, No. Mex. States, 1,514, 1884. Concepcion de Ca-
borca,—Venegas, Hist. Cal.,1,285,1759. Concepcion
del Cabetca,—Kino, map (1701) in Bancroft, Ariz.
and N. Mex., 3860, 1889 (misprint). Concepcion del
Caborca.—Kino (1694) in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th s.,
I, 243, 1856. Concepcion del Cabotea.—Writer of
1702?, ibid., Vv, 139, 1857.
Caborh. A former Maricopa rancheria
on the Rio Gila, s. Ariz. (Sedelmair, 1744,
quoted by Bancroft, Ariz. and N. Mex.,
366, 1889). Mentioned as distinct from the
following.
Caborica. A former Maricopa rancheria
on the Rio Gila, s. Ariz.—Sedelmair
(1744) quoted by Bancroft, Ariz. and N.
Mex., 366, 1889.
Cabusto (possibly from oka ‘ water,’ ish-
to ‘great.’-—Halbert). A town, probably
of the Chickasaw, in N. 5. Mississippi, vis-
ited by De Soto in 1540; situated between
Taliepatava and Chicac¢a, and 5 days’
march from the latter, near a great river,
possibly the Tombigbee.—Gentleman of
Elvas (1557) in French, Hist. Coll. La., 11,
160, 1850; Halbert in Trans. Ala. Hist.
Soc., 11, 67, 1899.
CacaChimir. A Papago village, probably
in Pima co., s. Ariz., with a population of
70 in 1858, and 90 in 1865.
Caca Chimir.—Davidson in Ind. Aff. Rep., 185,
1865. Del Caca.—Baileyin Ind. Aff. Rep., 208, 1858.
Cacaria. A former Tepehuane pueblo
on the upper waters of the Rio San Pedro,
central Durango, Mexico.—Orozco’ y
Berra, Geog., 319, 1864.
Cachanegtac. A former village, pre-
sumably Costanoan, connected with Dolo-
res mission, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor
in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Cachanila. A village, probably Pima,
on the Pima and Maricopa res., Gila r.,
Ariz.; pop. 503 in 1860 (Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, June 19, 1863), 4388 in 1869
(Browne).
Cachunilla,—Browne, Apache Country, 290, 1869.
Cachaymon, A village or tribe, possibly
Caddoan, mentioned by Iberville (Mar-
ery, Déc., tv, 178, 1880), in the account of
his voyage up the Mississippi in 1699, as
being on or near Red r. of Louisiana.
Possibly identical with Cahinnio.
Cache disks and blades. The term cache
is applied to certain forms of storage of
property (see Storage), and in archeol-
ogy it is employed to designate more
especially certain deposits of implements
and other objects, mainly of stone and
metal, the most noteworthy consisting
of flaked flint blades and disks. These
caches occur in the mound region of the
Mississippi valley and generally through-
out the Atlantic states. Very often they
BULL. 30]
are associated with burials in mounds, but
in some cases they seem merely to have
been buried in the ground or hidden
among rocks. The largest deposit re-
corded contained upward of 8,000 flint
disks (Moorehead), a few exceed 5,000,
-while those containing
a smaller number are
very numerous. It is
probable that many of
these caches of flaked
stones are accumula-
tions of incipient im-
plements roughed out
at the quarries and car-
ried away for further
specialization and use.
But their occurrence
with burials, the uni-
formity of their shape, and the absence of
more than the most meager traces of their
utilization asimplements or for the making
of implements, give rise to the conjecture
thatthey were assembled and deposited for
reasons dictated by superstition, that they
were intended as memorials of important
events, as monuments to departed chief-
tains, as provision for requirements in the
future w orld, or as offerings to the mys-
terious powers or gods requiring this par-
ticular kind of sacrifice. If in the nature
of a sacrifice they certainly fulfilled all re-
DISCOIDAL FLINT BLADE FROM
A CACHE OF 110 SPECIMENS;
Ivuinois. (1-6)
CACHE OF LANCEOLATE FLINT BLADES
quirements, for only those familar with
such work can know the vast labor in-
volved in quarrying the stone from the
massive strata, in shaping the refractory
material, and in transporting the prod-
uct to far distant points. In the Hope-
well mound in Ohio large numbers
of beautiful blades of obsidian, ob-
tained probably from Mexico, had been
cast upon a sacrificial altar and partially
destroyed by the great heat; usually,
however, the deposits do not seem to
have been subjected to the altar fires.
See Mines and Quarries, Problematical ob-
jects, Stone-work.
Consult Holmes in 15th Rep. B. A. E.,
1897; Moorehead (1) Primitive Man in
Ohio, pp. 190, 192, 1892, (2) in The Anti-
quarian, 1, 158, 1897; Seever, ibid., 142;
Smith, ibid., 30; Snyder (1) in Smithson.
Rep 1876, 1877, (2) in Proc. A.A. A.S&.,
CACHES—CADDO
£¢9
xu, 1894, (3) in The Archeeologist, 1, no.
10, 1893, (4) ibid., 11, pp. 109-113, 1895;
Squier and Davis in Smithson. Cont., 1,
1848; Wilson in Nat. Mus. Rep. 1897,
1899; and various brief notices in the
archeological journals. (w. H. H.)
Caches.—See Receptacles, Storage and
Caches.
Cachopostales. Mentioned by Orozco y
Berra (Geog., 304, 1864), from a manu-
script source, as a tribe living near the
Pampopa who resided on Nueces r., Tex.
They were possibly Coahuiltecan.
Cachapostate.—Powell in 7th Rep. B. A. E., 69, 1891.
Caddehi (‘head of the reedy place’).
A rancheria, probably Cochimi, connected
with Purfsima (Cadegomo) mission,
Lower California, in the 18th century.—
Doe. Hist. Mex., 4th s., v, 190, 1857.
Caddo (contracted from Kii/dohidi/cho,
‘Caddo proper,’ ‘real Caddo,’ a leading
tribe in the Caddo confederac We extended
by the whites to include the confederac y)-
A confederacy of tribes belonging to the
southern group of the Caddoan linguistic
family. Their own name is Hasinai,
‘our own folk.’ See Kadohadacho.
History.—According to tribal traditions
the lower Red r. of Louisiana was the
early home of the peu’ from which
they spread to the n., w., and s. Several
of the lakes and dreanie connected with
this river bear Caddo names, as do
some of the counties and some of the
towns which cover ancient village sites.
Cabeza de Vaca and his companions in
1535-36 traversed a portion of the terri-
tory occupied by the Caddo, and De
Soto’s expedition encountered some of
the tribes of the confederacy in 1540-41,
but the people did not become known
until they were met by La Salle and his
followers in 1687. At that time the
Caddo villages were scattered along Red
r. and its tributaries in what are now
Louisiana and Arkansas, and also on the
banks of the Sabine, Neches, Trinity,
Brazos, and Colorado rs. in rE. Texas.
The Caddo were not the only occupants
of this wide territory; other confederacies
belonging to the same linguistic family
also resided there. There were also frag-
ments of still older confederacies of the
same family, some of which still main-
tained their separate existence, while
others had joined the then powerful
Hasinai. These various tribes and con-
federacies were alternately allies and
enemies of the Caddo. The native pop-
ulation was so divided that at no time
could it successfully resist the intruding
white race. Atan early date the C addo
obtained horses from the Spaniards
through intermediate tribes; they learned
to rear these animals, and traded with
them as far N. as Illinois r. (Shea, Cath.
Ch. in Col. Days, 559, 1855).
180
During the 18th century wars in Europe
led to contention between the Spaniards
and the French for the territory occupied
by the Caddo. The brunt of these con-
tentions fell upon the Indians; the trails
between their villages became routes for
armed forces, while the villages were
transformed into garrisoned posts. The
Caddo were friendly to the French and
rendered valuable service, but they suf-
fered greatly from contact with the white
race. Tribal wars were fomented, villages
were abandoned, new diseases spread
hayocamong the people, and by the close
of the century the welcoming attitude of
the Indians during its early years had
changed to one of defense and distrust.
Several tribes were practically extinct,
others seriously reduced in numbers, and
ANTELOPE, A CADDO
a once thrifty and numerous people had
become demoralized and were more or
less wanderers in their native land.
Franciscan missions had been established
among some of the tribes early in the
century, those designed for the Caddo,
or Asinais, as they were called by the
Spaniards, being Purfsima Concepcién de
los Asinais and (for the Hainai) San
Francisco de los Tejas (q. v.). The segre-
gation policy of the missionaries tended
to weaken tribal relations and unfitted
the people to cope with the new difficul-
ties which confronted them. These
missions were transferred to the Rio San
Antonio in 1731. With the acquisition of
Louisiana by the United States immigra-
tion increased and the Caddo were pushed
from their old haunts. Under their first
CADDO
[B. A. B.
treaty, in 1835, they ceded all their land
and agreed to move at their own expense
beyond the boundaries of the United
States, never to return and settle as a tribe.
The tribes living in Louisiana, being thus
forced to leave their old home, moyed
s. w. toward their kindred living in Texas.
At that time the people of Texas were
contending for independence, and no
tribe could live at peace with both op-
posing forces. Public opinion was di-
vided as to the treatment of the Indians;
one party demanded a policy of extermina-
tion, the other advocated conciliatory
methods. In 18438 the governor of the
Republic of Texas sent a commission to
the tribes of its N. part to fix a line be-
tween them and the white settlers and
to establish three trading posts; but, as
the land laws of the republic did not
recognize the Indian’s right of occupancy,
there was no power which could preventa
settler from taking land that had been cul-
tivated by an Indian. This condition led
to continual difficulties, and these did not
diminish after the annexation of Texas
to the United States, as Texas retained
control and jurisdiction over all its public
domain. Much suffering ensued; the
fields of peaceable Indians were taken and
thenatives were hunteddown. The more
warlike tribes made reprisals, and bitter
feelings were engendered. Immigration
increased, and the inroads on the buffalo
herds by the newcomers made scarce the
food of the Indians. Appeals were sent
to the Federal Government, and in 1855
a tract near Brazos r. was secured and a
number of Caddo and other Indians
were induced to colonize under the
supervision of Agent Robert S. Neigh-
bours. The Indians built houses, tilled
fields, raised cattle, sent their chil-
dren to school—lived quiet and orderly
lives. The Comanche to the w. con-
tinued to raid upon the settlers, some of
whom turned indiscriminately upon all
Indians. The Caddo were the chief suf-
. ferers, although they helped the state
troops to bring the raiders to justice. In
1859 a company of white settlers fixed a
date for the massacre of all the reserva-
tion Indians. The Federal Government
was again appealed to, and through the
strenuous efforts of Neighbours the Caddo
made a forced march for 15 days in the
heat of July; men, women, and children,
with the loss of more than half of their
stock and possessions, reached safely the
banks of Washita r. in Oklahoma, where
a reservation was set apart for them.
Neighbours, their friend and agent, was
killed shortly afterward as a penalty for
his unswerving friendship to the Indians
(Ind. Aff. Rep. 1859, 333, 1860). Dur-
ing the civil war the Caddo remained
loyal to the Government, taking refuge
BULL. 30]
in Kansas, while some went even as far
w.as Colorado. In 1872 the boundaries of
their reservation were defined, and in
1902 every man, woman, and child re-
ceived an allotment of land under the
provisions of the severalty act of 1887, by
which they became citizens of the United
States and subject to the laws of Okla-
homa. In 1904 they numbered 535.
Missions were started by the Baptists
soon after the reservation was established,
and are still maintained. Thomas C.
Battey, a Quaker, performed missionary
work among them in 1872. The Episco-
palians opened a mission in 1881, the
Roman Catholics in 1894.
Customs and beliefs.—In the legend which
recounts the coming of the Caddo from
the underworld it is related: ‘First an
old man climbed up, carrying in one hand
fire and a pipe, and in the other a drum;
next came his wife with corn and pump-
kin seeds.’’ The traditions of the people
do not go back to a time when they were
not cultivators of the soil; their fields
surrounded their villages and furnished
theirstaplefood; they weresemisedentary
in their habits and lived in fixed habita-
tions. Their dwellings were conical in
shape, made of a framework of poles
covered with a thatch of grass, and were
grouped about an open space which
served for social and ceremonial gather-
ings. Couches covered with mats were
ranged around the walls inside the house
to serve as seats by day and beds by
night. The fire was built in the center.
Food was cooked in vessels of pottery, and
baskets of varying sizes were skilfully
made. Vegetal fibers were woven, and
the cloth was made into garments; their
mantles, when adorned with feathers,
were very attractive to the early French
visitors. Living in thecountry of the buf-
falo, that animal and others were hunted
and the pelts dressed and made into
clothing for winter use. Besides having
the usual ornaments for the arms, neck,
and ears, the Caddo bored thenasal septum
and inserted a ring as a face decoration—
a custom noted in the name, meaning
‘“pierced nose,’’ given the Caddo by the
Kiowa and other unrelated tribes, and
designated in the sign language of the
plains. Tattooing was practised. De-
scent was traced through the mother.
Chieftainship was hereditary, as was the
custody of certain sacred articles used in
religious ceremonies. These ceremonies
were connected with the cultivation of
maize, the seeking of game, and the de-
sire for long life, health, peace, and pros-
perity, and were conducted by priests
who were versed in the rites and who led
the accompanying rituals and songs.
According to Caddo belief all natural
forms were animate and capable of ren-
CADDO
181
dering assistance to man. _ Fasting,
prayer, and occasional sacrifices were ob-
served; life was thought to continue after
death, and kinship groups were supposed
to be reunited in the spirit world. Truth-
fulness, honesty, and hospitality were
inculcated, and just dealing was esteemed
a virtue. There is evidence that canni-
balism was ceremonially practised in con-
nection with captives.
Divisions and totems.—How many tribes
were formerly included in the Caddo
confederacy can not now be determined.
Owing to the vicissitudes of the last 3
centuries only a remnant of the Caddo
survive, and the memory of much of their
organization is lost. In 1699 Iberville
obtained from his Taensa Indian guide a
list of 8 divisions; Linares in 1716 gave the
names of 11; Gatschet (Creek Migr. Leg.,
1, 48, 1884) proc ured froma Caddo Indian
in 1882 the names of 12 divi isions, and the
list was revised in 1896, by Mooney, as
follows: (1) Kadohadacho, (2) Hainai,
(3) Anadarko, (4) Nabedache, (5) Nacog-
doches, (6) Natchitoches, (7) Yatasi, (8)
Adai, (9) Eyeish, (10) Nakanawan, (11)
Imaha, a small band of Kwapa, (12)
Yowani, a band of Choctaw (Mooney in
14th Rep. B. A. E., 1092, 1896). Of these
names the first 9 are found under varying
forms in the lists of 1699 and 1716. The
native name of the confederacy, Hasinai,
E said to belong more properly to the first
3 divisions, which may be significant of
their prominenceat the time when the con-
federacy was overlapping and absorbing
members of older organizations, and as
these divisions speak similar dialects, the
name may be that which designated a
still older organization. The following
tribes, now extinct, probably belonged to
the Caddo confederacy: Doustionis, Na-
caniche, Nanatsoho, and Nasoni(?). The
villages of Campti, Choye, and Natasi were
probably occupied by subdivisions of the
contederated tribes.
Each division of the confederacy was
subdivided, and each of these subtribes
had its totem, its village, its hereditary
chieftain, its priests and ceremonies, and
its part in the ceremonies common to the
confederacy. The present clans, accord-
ing to Mooney, are recognized as belong-
ing equally to the whole Caddo people and
in old times were probably the chief bond
that held the confederacy together. See
Nasoni. (CARTGE))
Acinay,—Tex. St. Arch., Noy. 17, 1763. Ascanis. —
La Harpe (1719) in Margry, Déc., VI, 289, 1886.
Asenys.—Iberville (1699), ibid., Iv, 316, 1880.
A-Simaes.—French, Hist. Coll., 11, 11, note, 1875.
Asimais.—Kennedy, Repub. Texas, I, 217, 1841.
A-Simais.— Yoakum, Hist. Texas, I, 28, note, 1855.
Asinaes.—Kennedy, Repub. Texas, I, 217, 1841.
Asinais.—Meziéres (1778) quoted by Bancroft, No.
Mex. States, I, 661, 1886. Asinay.—Teran (1691),
ibid., 391. Asoni.—Barcia, Ensayo, 278, 1723. As-
seni,—Charlevoix, New France, IV, 78, 1870. Assi-
182
nais.—Pénicaut (1712) in Margry, Déc., v, 499,
1883. Assinay.—La Harpe (ca. 1717) in French,
Hist. Coll. La., 111, 48, 1851. Assine.—Gatschet,
Creek Migr. Leg., 1,43, 1884. Assinnis.—Boudinot,
Star in the West, 125, 1816. Assoni.—Joutel (1687)
in Margry, Déc., 111, 311, 1878. Assony.—Joutel,
ibid., 1, 147, 1846. Assynais.—Pénicaut (1716) in
Margry, Déc., Vv, 539, 1883. Ceneseans.—Boudinot,
Starin the West, 126, 1816. Cenesians.—Hennepin,
New Discoy., pt. 2, 25, 1698. Cenis.—Joutel (1687)
in French, Hist. Coll. La.,1,148,1851. Cenys.—Jou-
tel (1687) in Margry, Déc., I, 266, 1878. Ceries
Assonys.—French, Hist. Coll. La., 11, 11, note,
1875. Cneis.—Drake, Bk. Inds., vii, 1848. Coeni, —
Hennepin, New Discoy., map, 1698. Ccenis.—
De I’Isle, map, 1700. Couis.—Morse, N. Am., map,
1776 (misprint). Hasinai.—ten Kate, Reizen in
N. Am., 374, 1885 (own name). Iscanis,—Bull.
Soc. Geog. Mex., 504, 1869. Nasoni,—For forms of
this name, see .Vasoni. Senis.—Cavelier (1687)
quoted by Shea, Early Voy., 31, 1861. Tiddoes.—
Keane in Stanford, Compend., Cent.and So. Am.,
539, 1878 (same?). Yscanes.—Tex. State Arch.,
Noy. 15, 1785. Yscanis.x—Census of Nacogdoches
_urisdiction, ibid., 1790.
Caddoan Family. A linguistic family,
first classified by Gallatin (Trans. and
Coll. Am. Antiq. Soce., 1, 116, 1836), who
regarded the Caddo and Pawnee lan-
guages as distinct, hence both names ap-
pear in his treatise as family designations.
Although now regarded as belonging to
the same linguistic stock, there is a pos-
sibility that future investigation may
prove their distinctness. The Caddoans
may be treated in three geographic groups:
The Northern, represented by the Arikara
in North Dakota; the Middle, comprising
the Pawnee confederacy formerly living
on Platte r., Neb., and to the w. and s. w.
thereof; and the Southern group, includ-
ing among others the Caddo, Kichai, and
Wichita (Powell in 7th Rep. B. A. E., 58,
1891). Thetribesincluded inthe Southern
group were scattered throughout the re-
gion of the Red r. of Louisiana and its trib-
utaries, in Arkansas and s. Oklahoma,
where their names survive in the Washita
r., the Wichita mountains and river,
Waco city, Kichai hills, ete.; they also
spread along the Sabine, Neches, Trinity,
and Brazos rs. of Texas, and in part con-
trolled the territory as far as the Colorado
r. of Texas and the Gulf of Mexico.
From cultural and other evidence the
Caddoan tribes seem to have moved
eastward from the 8. W. The advance
guard was probably the Caddo proper,
who, when first met by the white race,
had dwelt so long in the region of the Red
r. of Louisiana as to regard it as their
original home or birthplace. | Other
branches of the Caddoan family followed,
settling along the rivers of N. E. Texas.
Whether they drove earlier occupants of
the region to the Gulf or at a later day
were forced back from the coast by intru-
sive tribes is not clear, but that some dis-
placement had occurred seems probable,
as early Spanish and French travelers
found tribes of different families on the
Gulf coast, while the Caddoans held the
rivers but were acquainted with the coast
CADDOAN
FAMILY [B. A. E.
and visited the bays of Galveston and
Matagorda. The last group to migrate
was probably the Pawnee, who kept to
the nN. and n. 5. and settled in a part of
what is now Kansas and Nebraska.
The tribes of N. E. Texas being in the
territory over which the Spaniards,
French, and English contended for su-
premacy, were the first to succumb to
contact with the white race and the in-
roads of wars and new diseases. Those
dwelling farther inland escaped for a
time, but all suffered great diminution
in numbers; the thousands of 2 centuries
ago are now represented by only a few
hundreds. The survivors to-day live on
allotted lands in Oklahoma and North
Dakota, as citizens of the United States,
and their children are being educated in
the language and the industries of the
country.
From the earliest records and from tra-
ditions the Caddoan tribes seem to have
been cultivators of the soil as well as
hunters, and practised the arts of pottery
making, weaving, skin dressing, ete.
Tattooing the face and body was common
among those of the Southern group.
Two distinct types of dwellings were
used—the conical straw house among
the Southern group and the earth lodge
among the Pawnee and Arikara. Their
elaborate religious ceremonies pertained
to the quest of long life, health, and
food supply, and embodied a recogni-
tion of cosmic forces and the heavenly
bodies. By their supernatural and social
power these ceremonies bound the people
together. The tribes were generally
loosely confederated; a few stood alone.
The tribe was subdivided, and each one
of these subdivisions had its own village,
bearing a distinctive name and sometimes
occupying a definite relative position to
each of the other villages of the tribe. A
village could be spoken of in three ways:
(1) By its proper name, which was gen-
erally mythic in its significance or re-
ferred to the share or part taken by it in
the religious rites, wherein all the vil-
lages of the tribe had a place; (2) by its
secular name, which was often descrip-
tive of its locality; (8) by the name of
its chief. The people sometimes spoke
of themselves by one of the names of
their village, or by that of their tribe, or
by the name of the confederacy to which
they belonged. This custom led to the
recording, by the early travelers, of a mul-
tiplicity of names, several of which might
represent one community. Thisconfusion
was augmented when not all the tribes of
a confederacy spoke the same language;
in such cases a mispronunciation or a
translation caused anew name to be record-
ed. Forinstance, the native name of the
Caddo confederacy, Hasinai, ‘our own
es
\
BULL. 30] CADECHA—CAGNAGUET 183
- 7 i Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc., I, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (see
people,’ was translated by the Yatasi,and T eae , U, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (s
‘Texas’? is a modification of the word ee eis ear mee abn eo week
they gave. Owing to the fact thata large
proportion of the tribes mentioned by the
writers of the last 3 centuries, together
with their languages, are now extinct,
a correct classification of the recorded
names is no longer possible. The fol-
lowing list of confederacies, tribes, and vil-
lages is divided into 4 groups: (1) Those
undoubtedly Caddoan; (2) those proba-
bly so; (3) those possibly so; (4) those
which appear to have been within the
Caddoan country.
(1) Arikara, Bidai, Caddo, Campti,
Choye, Kichai, Nacaniche, Nacici, Nana-
tsoho, Nasoni (—Asinai=Caddo?), Na-
tasi, Pawnee, Wichita.
(2) Aguacay, Akasquy, Amediche,
Anoixi, Ardeco, Avoyelles, Cahinnio,
Capiche, Chacacants, Chaguate, Chaquan-
tie, Chavite, Chilano, Coligoa, Colima,
Doustioni, Dulchanio, Harahey, Palla-
quesson, Penoy, Tareque.
(3) Analao, Autiamque, Avayares,
Cachaymon, Guaycones, Haquis, Irru-
piens, Kannehouan, Naansi, Nabiri, Toxo.
(4) Acubadoas, Anamis, Andacaminos,
Arkokisa, Bocherete, Coyabegux, Judosa,
Kuasse, Mallopeme, Mulatos, Onapiem,
Orean, Palomas, Panequo, Peinhoum,
Peissaquo. Petao, Piechar, Pehir, Sala-
paque, Serecoutcha, Taraha, Teao, To-
haka, Tohau, Tsepeoen, Tsera, Tutel-
pinco, Tyacappan. (GQScyR)
>Caddoes.—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1,
116, 306, 1886 (based on Caddo alone); Prichard,
Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847; Gallatin in
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 [gives as
languages Caddo, Red River (Nandakoes, Tachies,
Nabedaches)]. >Caddokies.—Gallatin in Trans.
Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 116, 1836 (same as his Cad-
does); Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406, 1847.
>Caddo.—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond., rr,
31, 1846 (indicates affinity with Iroquois, Muskoge,
Catawba, Pawnee); Gallatinin Trans. Am. Ethnol.
Soe., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77,1848 (Caddo only); Berghaus
(1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (Caddo, ete.);
ibid., 1852; Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (be-
tween the Mississippi and Sabine); Latham in
Trans. Philol. Soc., Lond., 101, 1856; Turner in Pac.
R.R. Rep., 111, pt. 3, 55, 70, 1856 (finds resemblances
to Pawnee, but keeps them separate}; Buschmann,
Spuren deraztek. Sprache, 426, 448, 1859; Latham,
Opuscula, 290, 366, 1860. >Caddo.—Latham, Elem.
Comp. Philol., 470, 1862 (includes Pawni and Ric-
cari). >Pawnees.—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq.
Soe., 11, 128, 306, 1836 (two nations: Pawnees proper
and Ricaras or Black Paw nees); Prichard, Phys.
Hist. Mankind, v, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin); Gal-
latin in Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc:, 30, pt. 1, -xcix,
1848; Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (or Panis:
includes Loup and Republican Pawnees); Galla-
tin in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 (gives
as languages: Pawnees, Ricaras, Tawakeroes,
Towekas, Wachos?); Hayden, Ethnog. and Philo}.
Mo. Val., 232, 345, 1862 (includes Pawnee and Ari-
kara). SPanis,—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq.
Soce., 11, 117, 128, 1836 (of Red river of Texas; men-
tion of v illages; doubtfully indicated as of Pawnee
family); richard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 407,
1847 (supposed from name to be of samerace with
Pawnee ofthe Arkansa); Latham, Nat. Hist. Man,
344, 1850 (Pawnees or); Gallatin in Schooleraft,
Ind. Tribes, tm, 402, 1853 (here kept separate
from Pawnee family). >Pawnies.—Gallatin in
nee(?).—Turner in Pac. R.R. Rep., 111, pt. 3, 55, 65,
1856 (Kichai and Hueco yocabularies). =Paw-
nee.—Keane in Stanford, Compend., Cent. and So.
Am., 478, 1878 (gives four groups: Pawnees proper;
Arickarees; Wichitas; Caddoes). =Pani,—Gat-
schet, Creek Migr. Leg., 1, 42, 1884; Berghaus,
Physik. Atlas, map 72,1887. >Towiaches.—Galla-
tin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 128, 1836
(sameas Panisabove); Prichard, Phys. Hist. Man-
kind, v, 407, 1847. >Towiachs.—Latham, Nat.
Hist. Man, 349,1850 (includes Towiach, Tawake-
noes, Towecas?, Wacos). >Towiacks,—Gallatin in
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 402,1853. >Natchito-
ches.—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1,116,
1836 (stated by Sibley to speak a language differ-
ent from any other); Latham, Nat. Hist. Man,
342, 1850; Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 406,
1847 (after Gallatin); Gallatin in Schooleraift,
Ind. Tribes, 11, 402, 1853 (a single tribe only).
>Aliche,—Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (near
Nacogdoches; not classified). >Yatassees.—Gal-
latin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 116, 1886 (the
single tribe; said by Sibley to be different from
any other; referred toasafamily). >Riccarees,—
Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (kept distinct
from Pawnee family). ->Washita.—Latham in
Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond., 103, 1856; Buschmann,
Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 441, 1859 (revokes pre-
vious opinion of its distinctness and refers it to
Pawneefamily). >Witchitas.—Buschmann, ibid.
(same as his Washita). =Caddoan.—Powellin 7th
Rep. B. A. E., 58, 1891. ;
Cadecha. A former Timuquanan tribe
in the Utina confederacy of middle Flor-
ee ra eee -(1564) in French,
Hist. Coll. La., n. s., pe 1869.
Cadica.—De Bry, ae _Nar., map, 1591. Car-
decha,—Fontaneda in erench! op. cit., 2d ser.,
264, 1875. Chadeca,—Barcia, Ensayo, 48, 1723.
Cadecuijtnipa (‘over the lava mesas’).
A rancheria, probably Cochimi, con-
nected with Purfsima (C adegomo) mis-
sion, Lower California, in the 18th cen-
tury.—Doe. Hist. Mex., 4th s., v, 188,
1857. :
Cadegomo (‘reedy arroyo’). A Co-
chimi settlement in lat. 26° 10’, not far
from the Pacific coast of Lower California,
at which the Jesuit mission of La Pu-
risima Concepcion was established by
Father Tamaral in 1718. It contained
130 neophytes in 1767, and in 1745 had
6 dependent villages within 8 leagues.
oe astatement by Venegas ( Hist. C alee
23, 1759) that he “hoped at La Pu-
risima to find greater conveniences both
for corn and pasture than at Cadigomo,”’’
it would seem that the Indian village and
the mission did not occupy the same
site.
Cadegomo,—Clavigero (1789), Hist. Baja Cal., 63
1852. Cadigomo.—Venegas, Hist. Cal., I, at a, 23,
1759. La Purissima Conception. —Ibid., _ 198.
Purisima Concepcion.—Clavigero, op. eit 400
Cadeudebet (‘reeds, or the reedy coun-
try, ends here’). A rancheria, probably
of the Cochimi, under Purfsima (Cade-
gomo) mission, from which it lay about
10 leagues distant, in central Lower Cali-
fornia, in ke 18th century.—Doc. Hist.
Mex., 4th s., v, 188, 1857.
Cadeudobet. Bee Hist. Mex , Op. cit.
Cagnaguet. A Laimon tribe which,
184
with the Adac and Kadakaman, formerly
lived between San Fernando and Muleje,
near San Francisco Borja, w. side of
Lower California, lat. 29°.
Cagnaguet.—Taylor in Browne, Res. Pac. Slope,
app., 54,1869. Cagnajuet.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
Jan. 17, 1862.
Cahawba Old Towns. A former group
of Choctaw settlements in Perry co., Ala.,
probably on Cahawba r.—Pickett, Ala.,
i, 326, 1851; Halbert in Ala. Hist. Soe.
Trans., 111, 66, 1899.
Cahelea (‘deep pool’). A rancheria,
probably Cochimi, connected with Pu-
risima (Cadegomo) mission, Lower Cali-
fornia, in the 18th century.—Doc. Hist.
Mex., 4th s., v, 189, 1857.
Cahelejyu (‘brackish water’).
(w. H. H.)
Catoking. A village, probably belong-
ing to the Chowanoc, situated about
Gatesville, Gates ¢o., N. C., in 1585.—
Smith (1629), Va., 1, map, repr. 1819.
CATOKING—CAUCUS
219
Catouinayos. An unidentified village or
tribe mentioned to Joutel in 1687 (Mar-
gry, Déc., m1, 409, 1878), while he was
staying with the Kadohadacho on Red r.
of Louisiana, by the chief of that tribe as
being among his enemies.
Catrdo. Mentioned in 1598 as a pueblo
of the Jemez (q.v.) Not identified with
the present native name of any of the
ruined pueblos in the vicinity of Jemez.
Caatri,—Onate (1598) in Doe. Inéd., xv1, 102, 1871.
Catroo.—Ibid., 114.
Catskill. A division of the Munsee
formerly living on Catskill cr., w. of the
Hudson, in Greene co., N. Y. They
were one of the Esopus tribes, and were
known to the French as Mahingans (or
Loups) of Taracton, but this name may
have included other bands in that region.
The name Catskillis Dutch, and was first
applied to the stream as descriptive of the
totem of the band, which was really the
wolf.
Catkils.—Salisbury (1678) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
XI, 524, 1881. Catskil.—Document of 1659(?),
ibid., 119. Catskills.—Smith (1660), ibid., 161.
Cattskill.—Cregier (1663), ibid., 325. Katskil,—
Lease of 1650, ibid., 26. Katskill.—Schuyler (1691),
ibid., 111, 801, 18538. Taracton.—Frontenac (1674),
ibid., Ix, 117, 1855. ‘Taractou.—Ibid., 793. Tarak-
tons.—-Bruyas (1678), ibid., XIII, 523, 1881. Tar-
raktons,—Brockholst (1678), ibid., 527.
Cattachiptico. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy on Pamunkey r., in King
William co., Va., in 1608.—Smith (1629),
Va., I, map, repr. 1819.
Cattahecassa. See Catahecassa.
Cattaraugus ( (i -dii-gii”s’-geo”’ ,‘ where
oozed mud roils.’—Hewitt). A Seneca
settlement on a branch of Cattaraugus cr.,
Cattaraugus co., N. Y. In 1903 there
were 1,272 Seneca and 182 Cayuga and
Onondaga on the reserve, which contains
21,680 acres, 14,800 of which are under
cultivation.
Cataraugos.—Genesee treaty (1797) in Hall, N. W.
States, 74, 1849. Cattaragus.—Procter (1791) in
Am, St. Pap., Iv, 155, 1832. Cattaraugus.—Buffalo
Creek treaty (1802) in Hall, N. W. States, 76, 1849.
Catteranga.—Keane in Stanford, Compend., 535,
1878. Ga’-di-gans’-geo’,—Hewitt,
(Seneca form). Gada’gesgao.—Morgan, League
Troq., 466, 1851. Ka-‘ta-ra’-krac.—Hewitt, inf’n,
1886 (Tuscarora form).
Caucus. This word, defined by Bart-
lett (Dict. of Americanisms, 106, 1877) as
‘‘a private meeting of the leading politi-
cians of a party, to agree upon the plans
to be pursued in an approaching elec-
tion,’’? and by Norton (Polit. American-
isms, 28, 1890) as ‘‘a meeting of partisans,
congressional or otherwise, to decideupon
the action to be taken by the party,”’ has
now a legal signification. In Massachu-
setts it is defined as ‘‘any public meeting
of the voters of a ward of a city, or of a
town, or of a representative district, held
for the nomination of a candidate for elec-
tion, forthe election of a political commit-
tee, or of delegates to a political conven-
tion.’’? The origin of the word is not clear.
Trumbull (Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc.,
infn, 1886
220 :
30, 1872) suggested a derivation from caw-
cawaassough, a word in the Virginian dia-
lect of Algonquian, perhaps identical with
cockarouse. It signifies ‘one who advises,
urges, encourages, pushes on.’ Related
words in other Algonquian dialects are the
Abnaki kakesoman, ‘to encourage, incite,
arouse, speak to,’ and the Chippewa
gagansoma. From caucus, which is used
both as a noun and a yerb, are derived
caucuser, caucusing, ete. (CACSEIC3)
Caughnawaga ( Gd-hnd-wi’’-ge, ‘at the
rapids’). An Iroquois settlement on the
Sault St Louison St Lawrence r., Quebec.
When the hostility of the pagan Iroquois
to the missions established in their terri-
tory frustrated the object of the French
to attach the former to their interests, the
Jesuits determined to draw their converts
from the confederacy and to establish
them in a new mission village near the
French settlements on the St Lawrence,
in accordance with which plan these
Indians were finally induced to settle at
La Prairie, near Montreal, in 1668. These
converts were usually called ‘‘ French
Praying Indians”’ or ‘‘ French Mohawks”’
by the English settlers, in contradistinc-
tion to the Iroquois who adhered to their
own customs and to the English interests.
In 1676 they were removed from this place
to Sault St Louis, where Caughnawaga and
the Jesuit mission of St Francois du Sault
were founded. The village has been re-
moved several times within a limited
area. The majority of the emigrants
came from the Oneida and Mohawk, and
the Mohawk tongue, somewhat modified,
became the speech of the whole body of
this village. The Iroquois made several
unsuccessful efforts to induce the converts
to return to the confederacy, and finally
renounced them in 1684, from which time
Caughnawaga became an important aux-
iliary of the French in their wars with
the English and the Iroquois. After the
peace of Paris, in 1763, many of them left
their village on the Sault St Louis and
took up their residence in the valley of
Ohio r., principally about Sandusky and
Scioto rs., where they numbered 200 at
the outbreak of the American Revolution.
From their contact with the wilder tribes
of that region many of them relapsed into
paganism, although they still retained
their French allegiance and maintained
connection with their brethren on the St
Lawrence. About 1755 a colony from
Caughnawaga formed a new settlement at
St Regis, some distance farther up the St
Lawrence. As the fur traders pushed
their way westward from the great lakes
they were accompanied by Caughnawaga
hunters. As early as 1820 a considerable
number of this tribe was incorporated
with the Salish, while others found their
' CAUGHNAWAGA
[B. A. B.
way about the same period down to
the mouth of Columbia r. in Oregon, and
N. even as far as Peace r. in Athabasca.
In the W. they are commonly known as
Iroquois. Some of the Indians from St
Regis also undertook these distant wan-
derings. In 1884 Caughnawaga had a
population of 1,485, while St Regis (in
Canada and New York) had about 2,075,
and there were besides a considerable
number from the 2 towns who were scat-
tered throughout the W. In 1902 there
were 2,017 on the Caughnawaga res. and
1,386 at St Regis, besides 1,208 on the St
Regis reserve, N. Y. (a3. Ne Baa)
Cagnawage,—Doc. of 1695 in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
Iv, 120, 1854. Cagnawagees.—Johnson (1750), ibid.,
VI, 592, 1855. Cagnawauga,—Hawley (1794) in Mass,
Hist. Soe. Coll., 1st s., Iv, 51, 1795. Cagnawaugen.—
Stevens (1749) in N. H. Hist. Soe. Coll., v, 204, 1837.
Cagnawaugon,—Stevens (1749), ibid., 200. Cagne-
wage,—Doc. of 1695 in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., Iv,
120, 1854. Cagnowages.—Schuyler (1724) quoted
in Hist. Mag., Ist s., X, 115, 1866. Cagnuagas.—
Oneida letter (1776) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., v111,
689,1857. Cahgnawaga.—N. H. Hist. Soc. Coll., 111,
104, 1882. Cahnawaas.—Colden (1727), Five Nat.,
55, 1747. Cahnawaga.—Hoyt, Ant. Res.,194, 1824.
Cahnuaga.—Barton, New Views, xl, 1798. Cakna-
wage.—Lydius (1750) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., v1,
569, 1855. Canawahrunas.—French trader (1764)
quoted by Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 553, 1853.
Caughnawaga.—Johnson Hallconf. (1763) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., vit, 553, 1856. Caughnawageys,—
Doc. of 1763, ibid., 544. Caughnawanga,— io
in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. G. B., Iv, 44,1875. Caugh-
newaga,—Schuyler (1689) quoted by Drake, Bk.
Inds., I, 382, 1848. Caughnewago.—Smith (1799)
quoted by Drake, Trag. Wild., 186, 1841. Cay-
nawagas.—Knox (1792) in Am. St. Pap., Iv, 239,
1832. Cochenawagoes.—Keane in Stanford, Com-
pend., 509, 1878. Cochnawagah.—Stoddert (1750)
in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vi, 582, 1855. Cochne-
wagos.—Bouquet (1764) quoted by Kauffman,
W. Penn., app., 156, 1851. Cochnewakee,—Bar-
ton, New Views, 8, app., 1798. Cochnowagoes,—
Vater, Mith., pt. 3, sec. 3, 319, 1816. Cocknawa-
gas.—Lindesay (1749) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., v1,
538, 1855. Cocknawagees.—Johnson (1749), ibid.,
525. Cocknewagos.—Clarke (1741), ibid., 207.
Coehnawaghas.—Doc. of 1747, ibid., 620. Coghnawa-
gees. Johnson (1747), ibid.,359. Coghnawages,—
Johnson (1755), ibid., 946. Coghnawagoes.—
Johnson (1747), ibid.,362. Coghnawayees.—John-
son (1747), ibid., 359. Coghnewagoes.—Croghan
(1765) quoted in Am. Jour. Geol., 272, 1831. Cog-
nahwaghah,.—Doc. of 1798 in Williams, Vt., IT, 283,
1809. Cognawagees,—Johnson (1747) in N. Y. Doc.
Col. Hist., VI, 359, 1855. Cognawago.—Peters (1760)
in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., 1x, 270, 1871. Cohna-
waga,—Washington (1796) in Am. St. Pap., IV, 585,
1832. Cohnawagey.—Johnson (1763) in N. Y. Doe.
Col. Hist., vir, 542, 1856. Cohnawahgans,—Car-
ver, Tray., 173, 1778. Cohnewago.—Eastburn (1758)
quoted by Drake, Trag. Wild., 272, 1841. Cohune-
wagus.—Imlay, W. Ter., 291, 1797. Cohunnaw-
goes.—Macauley,- N. Y., It, 187, 1829. Cohunne-
gagoes.—Thompson quoted by Jefferson, Notes,
282, 1825. Cohunnewagoes.—Bouquet (1764)
quoted, ibid., 141. Conawaghrunas, —French
trader quoted by Smith, Bouquet’s Exped., 69,
1766. Conaway Crunas,—Buchanan, N. Am. Inds.,
156, 1824. Conwahago.—Mercer (1759) quoted by
Kauffman, W. Penn., 129, 1851. Coughnawagas.—
Goldthwait (1766) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1st s.,
xX, 121, 1809. Cunniwagoes,—Croghan (1757) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vit, 285, 1856. French Mo-
hawks.—Penhallow (1726) in N. H. Hist. Soc.
Coll., I, 57, 1824. Iroquois du Sault.—Bacqueville
de la Potherie, 11, 67,1753. Iroquois of the Sault, —
La Barre (1684) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., Ix,
241, 1855. Jernaistes.—Doc. of 1694, ibid., Iv, 92,
1854. Kachanuage,—Schuyler (1700), ibid., 747.
a ia a i a
BULL. 30]
Kachanuge.—Livingston (1700), ibid., 695. Kach-
nauage. —Schuyler (1700), ibid., 747. Kach-
nuage, — Livingston (1700), ibid., 696. Kagna-
wage.—Freerman (1704), ibid., 1163. Ka’ hnra-
wage linuak.—Gatschet, Penobscot MS., B. A.
E., 1887 (Penobscot name Kahnuages, -_Doug-
lass, Summ., I, 186, 1755. Hydahs.—Keane in Stanford, Compend.,
473, 1a76 Gecludesomhertdbes): >Naas. —Gallatin
in Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc., 1, pt. 1, ¢, 1848 (in-
cludes other tribes). > Naass.—Ibid.,77. >Nass,—
Bancroft, Nat. Races, 111, 564, 1882 (includes other
tribes). =Nasse.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., I,
36,1877. xNorthern.—Scoulerin Jour. Roy. Geog.
Soc., XI, 220, 1841 (includes many other tribes).
=Tshimsian,—Tolmie and Dawson, Vocabs. B. C.,
1148, 1884. =Tsimpsi-an’.—Dall in Proc. A. A. A.
S., 379, 1885.
Chimnapum. A small Shahaptian tribe
located by Lewis and Clark in 1805 on the
N. w. side of Columbia r. near the mouth
of the Snake, and on lower Yakima r.,
Wash. They speak a dialect closely
allied to the Paloos. By Lewis and Clark
their population was estimated at 1,860, in
42 lodges. A remnant of the tribe is still
living on the w. side of Columbia r., op-
poe Pasco, Wash. (ao)
hamna’pim. —'Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 739,
1896. Chim-nah-pan.—Stevens in Ind. Aff. Rep.,
252, 1854. Chim-nah-pum.—Orig. Jour. Lewis and
Clark, vi, 115, 1905. Chim-nah-pun.—Lewis and
Clark, Exped., I, map, 1814. Chimnapoos,—Ibid.,
Il 257, 1814. Chimnapum. —Ibid., 11, 12. Chim-
na-pum.—Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark, III,
123, 1905. Chimnapuns.—Wilkes, Hist. Oregon,
44, 1845. Chinnahpum.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes,
Ti, 570, 18538. Chin-na-pum,—Orig. Jour., op. cit.,
Ti, 184, 1905. Chunnapuns.—Nicolay, Oregon, 143,
1846. Chym-nah’-pos.—Lewis and Clark, Exped.,
Coues ed., 973, note, 18938. Chymnapoms.—Orig.
Jour., op. cit., IV, 339, 1905. Chymnapums.—Ibid.,
73. Cuimnapum.—Lewis and Clark, Exped., 1, 17,
1814.
Chimuksaich.
Siuslaw r., Oreg.
Tcim’/-muk-saite’.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-lore,
III, 230, 1890.
China Hat (seemingly a corruption of
X@/exaes, their own name). A Kwakiutl
tribe speaking the Heiltsuk dialect and
residing on Tolmie channel and ee
inlet, Brit. Col.; pop. 114 in 1901, 77
1904.
Haihaish.—Tolmie and Dawson, Vocabs. B. C.,
117B, 1884. Qe’qaes.—Boas, 6th Rep. N. W. Tribes
Can., 52,1890. Xa’exaes.—Boas in Rep. Nat. Mus.
1895, 328 (own name).
Chinakbi. A former Choctaw town on
the site of the present Garlandsville, Jas-
per co., Miss. It was one of the villages
constituting the so-called Sixtowns, and
gave its name to a small district along
the wn. side of Sooenlovie cr., partly in
Newton co. and partly in Jasper co.—
Halbert in Publ. Ala. Hist. Soec., Mise.
Coll., 1, 881-382, 1901.
Chinokabi,—Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg.,
Chinapa. An Opata pueblo, and the
seat of a Spanish mission founded in
1648, on the Rio Sonora, lat. 30° 307,
Sonora, Mexico; pop. 393 in 1678, and
204 in 1730. It was burned by the
Apache in 1836.
Chinapa.—Kino, map (1702) in St6ecklein, Neue
Welt-Bott, 74, 1726. Chinapi.—Bartlett, Personal
Narr., I, 279, 1854. San José Chinapa. —Zapata
(1678) in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th s., 11, 370, 1857.
Chinatu (Ch i-na-tu’, ‘the hidden back of
a mountain.’—Lumholtz). A pueblo, in-
habited by both Tepehuane and Tara-
A Siuslaw village on
I, 109,
272
humare, in the Sierra Madre, w. Chi-
huahua, Mexico.
Chinatu.—Orozco y Berra, Geog., 322, 1864. Chis-
mal, —Ibid., 324.
Chincapin. See Chinquapin.
Chinchal. A Yamel band that formerly
lived on Dallas er., a w. tributary of Wil-
lamette r., Oreg.
Tch’intchal.—Gatschet, Lakmiut MS., B. A.E., 1877.
Chincomen. See Chinquapin.
Chincoteague (Chingua-tegwe, ‘large
stream,’ ‘inlet.’-—Hewitt). A village,
probably belonging to the Accohanoc
tribe of the Powhatan confederacy,
formerly about Chincoteague inlet in Ac-
comack co., Va. In 1722 the few re-
maining inhabitants had joined a Mary-
land tribe. Cf. Cinquaeteck, Cinquoteck.
Chingoteacq.—Herrman, map (1670) in Maps to
Accompany Rept. of Comrs. on the Bdy. bet. Va.
and Md., 1873. Chingo-teagues.—Bozman, Md., I,
102, 1837 (the villagers). Gingo-teque.—Beverly,
Virginia, 199, 1722.
Chingigmiut. An Eskimo tribe inhab-
iting the region of C. Newenham and
C. Peirce, Alaska. Their women wear
birdskin parkas; the kaiaks have no hole
through the bow like those of the Kusk-
wogmiut. The villages are Aziavik and
Tzavahak.
Chingigmut,—Nelson in 18th Rep., B. A. E., map,
1899. Tschinjagmjut.—Holmberg, Ethnol. Skizz.,
map, 142, 1855. } ; ?
Chiniak, A Kaniagmiut village at the
gE. end of Kodiak id., Alaska; pop. 24 in
1880.—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, map,
1884.
Chinik. A Kaviagmiut village and mis-
sion on Golofnin bay, Alaska; pop. 38
in 1890, 140 in 1900.
Cheenik. — Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1901. Chilli-
miut.—1llth Census, Alaska, 162, 1893. Chinigmut.—
Zagoskin, Deser. Russ. Poss. in Am., pt. I, 73,
1847. Dexter.—Baker, op. cit. Ikaligvigmiut.—
Tikhmenief quoted by Baker, op. cit. Ikalig-
wigmjut.—Holmberg, Ethnol. Skizz., map, 1855.
Tchinimuth,. — Zagoskin in Nouy. Ann. Voy., 5ths.,
XXI, map, 1850. ; :
Chinik. A Kaiyuhkhotana village on
the r. bank of Yukon r., at the junction
of Talbiksok.
Tchinik.—Zagoskin in Nouy. Ann. Voy., 5th s.,
XXI, map, 1850.
Chinila, A Knaiakhotana village of 15
persons in 1880, on the £. side of Cook
inlet, Alaska, near the mouth of Kaknu r.
Chernila.—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, 29, 1884.
Chernilof.—Ibid., map. Chinila.—Ibid., 29.
Chinipa. A term used in different
senses by early Spanish authors; by
some, as Ribas, the Chinipa are men-
tioned as a nation distinct from the Var-
ohio, and by others it is applied to a group
of villages. It isalso used to designate a
particular village on an upper affluent of
the Rio del Fuerte, in Varohio territory,
lat. 27° 30’, long. 108° 30’, in w. Chihua-
hua, Mexico, and by Hervas as that of a
dialect of the Tarahumare. Curepo was
a Chinipa rancheria in 1601.
Chinipa.—Hervas, Cat., I, 319, 1800. Chinipas.—
Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 255, 1645. San Andres
CHINCAPIN—CHINOOK
[B. A. B.
Chinipas.—-Orozco y Berra, Geog., 324, 1864 (the
settlement).
Chinits. A Karok village on thes. bank
of Klamath r., just below Tsofkara, Hum-
boldt co., Cal.
Chee-nitch.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Mar. 23,
1860. T’cheh-nits.—Gibbs, MS. Misc., B. A. E.,
Chinkapin. See Chinquapin.
Chinklacamoose (possibly Chingua-kla-
kamoos, ‘large laughing moose.’ —Hewitt).
A village, perhaps belonging to the Dela-
wares, on the site of Clearfield, Clearfield
co., Pa., before 1805. It probably took
its name from a chief. The Seneca of
Cornplanter’s village also frequented the
neighborhood.
Chingleclamouche.—Royce in 18th Rep. B. A. E.,
pl. elx, 1900. Chingleolamolik.—La Tour, map,
1784. Chingleolamuk.—Gussefeld, map, 1784.
Chinklacamoose.—Day, Hist. Coll. Pa., 231, 1843.
Chinklacamoose's Oldtown.—Ibid.
Chinko. A former division of the Illi-
nois tribe.
Chinko.—Allouez (1680) in Margry, Déc., 1, 96,
1877. Chinkoa,—La Salle (1681), ibid., 134.
Chinkopin. See Chinquapin.
Chinlak. A former village of the Tan-
otenne at the confluence of Nechaco and
Stuart rs., Brit. Col., which had a flour-
ishing population that the Tsilkotin
practically annihilated in one night.
Tcinlak.—Morice, Notes on W. Dénés, 25, 1893.
Chinnaby’s Fort. In 1813, at the time
of the Creek rebellion, Chinnaby, aCreek
chief friendly to the United States, had a
“kind of fort’? at Ten ids, on Coosa
Tee Alas
Chinnaby’s Fort.—Drake, Bk. Inds. Iv, 55, 1848.
Ft Chinnabie.—Royce in 18th Rep. B. A. E., Ala.
map, 1900.
Chinook (from Tsinvik, their Chehalis
name). The best-known tribe of the Chi-
nookan family. They claimed the territory
on the n. side of Columbia r., Wash., from
the mouth to Grays bay, a distance of
about 15 m., and n. along the seacoast as
far as then. part of Shoalwater bay, where
they were met by the Chehalis, a Salish
tribe. The Chinook were first described
by Lewis and Clark, who visited them
in 1805, though they had been known to
traders for at least 12 years previously.
Lewis and Clark estimated their number
at 400, but referred only to those living
on Columbia r. Swan placed their num-
ber at 112 in 1855, at which time they
were much mixed with the Chehalis, with
whom they have since completely fused,
their language being now extinct. From
their proximity to Astoria and their in-
timate relations with the early traders,
the Chinook soon became well known,
and their language formed the basis for
the widely spread Chinook jargon, which
was first used as a trade language and is
now a medium of communication from
California to Alaska. The portion of the
tribe living around Shoalwater bay was
called Atsmitl. The following divisions
BULL. 30]
been recorded:
Nemah,
and villages have
Chinook, Gitlapshoi, Nisal, Pa-
lux, Wharhoots.. (Eee)
Ala/dshush.—Gatschet, Nestuecca MS. vocab., B.
A. E. (Nestucca name), Cheenook,—Scouler in
Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond., I, 236, 1848. Cheenooks,—
Scouler in Jour. Geog. Soc. Lond., I, 224, 1841.
Chenooks.—Parker, Jour., 142, 1842. Chenoux.—
Meek in H.R. Ex. Doc. 76, 30th Cong., 1st sess.,
10, 1848. Chenukes.—Hastings, Emigr. Guide to
Oregon, 59, 1845. Chimook,—Emmons in School-
craft, Ind, Tribes, 11, 224, 1853. Chin-hook,—Gass,
Jour., 238, 1808. Chin- nooks. —Lewis and Clark,
Exped., Coues ed., 755, 1893. Chinock.—Fitzpat:
rick in Ind. Aff. Rep., app., 245, 1847, Chin ook, —
Gass, Jour., 176, 1807, Chinouks.—Smet, Oregon
Miss., 38, 1847. Chinucs. —Rafinesque, introd.
Marshall, Ky., I, 32, 1824. Chiniks.—Latham, Nat.
Hist. Man., 317, 1850. Chonukes.—Hastings, Emigr.
Guide to Oregon, 59, 1845. Flatheads.—Parker,
Jour., 142, 1842. Nez Percés.—Ibid. Schinouks.—
Smet, Letters, 220, 1843. Tchinooks.—Smet, Ore-
gon Miss., 72,1847. Tchinouks.—Duflot de Mofras,
Explor. de Porcon! II, 125, 1844. Tchinoux,—
Smet, Letters, 230, 1843. Teinak. —Hale in U.S
Expl. Exped., vi, 562, 1846. Tehenooks.—Smet,
Letters, 152, 1843.' Tetes-Plates.—Duflot de Mo-
fras, Explor. del’ Oregon, 11, 108, 1844. Thldla’h.—
Gatschet, MS., B. A. E. (Clackama name). Tschi-
nuk.—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond., 73,
1856. Tshinuk.—Hale in U.S. Expl. Exped., v1,
214,1846. Tsinuk.—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soc.
Lond., 57, 1856. T’sinuk.—Gibbs in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., 1, 241, 1877. Tsniuk.—Wickersham in Am,
Antiq., XXI, 374, 1899.
(am. Mus. NAT. Hist. )
CHINOOK MAN.
Chinook. The principal village of the
Chinook, situated on Baker bay, Pacific
£O., Wash. , hear the mouth of Columbia r.
Chinookan Family. An important lin-
guistic family, including those tribes for-
merly living on Columbia r., from The
Dalles to its mouth (except a small strip
occupied by the Athapascan Tlatskanai),
and on the lower Willamette as far as the
present site of Oregon City, Oreg. The
family also extended a short distance
along the coast on each side of the mouth
of the Columbia, from Shoalwater bay on
Bull. 30—05——18
CHINOOK——-CHINOOKAN
FAMILY 2738
the n. to Tillamook Head on thes. The
family is named from the Chinook, the
most important tribe. With the excep-
tion of a few traders near the mouth of
the Columbia, Lewis and Clark were the
first whites to visit these tribes, and their
description still constitutes the main au-
thority as to their early condition. The
Chinookan villages were situated along
the banks of the Columbia, near the
mouths of its tributaries, and for the
greater part on the wn. side. . The houses
were of wood and very large, being occu-
pied on the communal principle Dy 3 or
4 families and often containing 20 or more
individuals. Their villages were thus
fairly permanent, though there was much
moving about in summer, owing to the
nature of the food supply, which con-
sisted chiefly of salmon, with the roots
and berries indigenous to the region.
The falls and Cascades of the Columbia
and the falls of the Willamette were the
chief points of gathering in the salmon
season. The people were also noted
traders, not only among themselves, but
with the surrounding tribes of other
stocks, and trips from the mouth of the
Columbia to the Cascades for the purpose
of barter were of frequent occurrence
They were extremely skilful in handling
their canoes, which were well made,
hollowed out of single logs, and often of
great size. In disposition they are de-
scribed as treacherous and deceitful, es-
pecially when their cupidity was aroused,
and the making of portages at the Cas-
cades and The Dalles by the early traders
and settlers was always accompanied with
much trouble and danger. Slaves were
common among them and were usually
obtained by barter from surrounding
tribes, though occasionally in successful
raids made for that purpose. Little is
known of their particular social customs
and beliefs, but there was no clan or
gentile organization, and the village was
the chief social unit. These villages
varied greatly in size, but often consisted
of only a few houses. There was always
a headman or chief, who, by reason of
personal qualities, might extend his influ-
ence over several neighboring villages,
but in general each settlement was inde-
pendent. Their most noteworthy histor-
ical character was Comcomly, q. v.
Physically the Chinookan people dif-
fered somewhat from the other coast
tribes. They were taller, their faces
wider and characterized by narrow and
high noses; in this respect they resembled
the Kwakiutl of Vancouver id. The cus-
tom of artificially deforming the head by
fronto-occipital pressure was universal
among them, a skull of natural form being
regarded as a disgrace and permitted only
274
to slaves. This custom later lost its force
to some extent among the tribes of the
upper Columbia.
Linguistically they were divided into
2 groups: (1) Lower Chinook, comprising
twoslightly different dialects, the Chinook
proper and the Clatsop; (2) Upper Chi-
nook, which included all the rest of the
tribes, though with numerous slight dia-
lectic differences. As a stock language
the Chinookan is sharply differentiated
from that of surrounding families. Its
most striking feature is the high degree
of pronominal incorporation, the pho-
netic slightness of verbal and pronominal
stems, the occurrence of 3 genders, and
the pr dominance of onomatopoetic proc-
esses. The dialects of Lower Chinook are
now practically extinct. Upper Chinook
is still spoken by considerable numbers.
The region occupied by Chinookan
tribes seems to have been well populated
in early times, Lewis and Ciark estimat-
ing the total number at somewhat more
than 16,000. In 1829, however, there
occurred an epidemic of what was called
ague fever, of unknown nature, which in
a single summer swept away four-fifths
of the entire native population. Whole
villages disappeared, and others were so
reduced that in some instances several
were consolidated. The epidemic was
most disastrous below the Cascades. In
1846 Hale estimated the number below
the Cascades at 500, and between the Cas-
cades and The Dalles at 800. In 1854
Gibbs gave the population of the former
region as 120 and of the latter as 236.
These were scattered along the river in
several bands, all more or less mixed with
neighboring stocks. In 1885 Powell esti-
mated the total number at from 500 to
600, for the greater part on Warm Springs,
Yakima, and Grande Ronde reservations,
Oreg. The fusion on the reservations has
been so great that no accurate estimate is
now possible, but it is probable that 300
would cover all those who could properly
be assigned to this family.
Most of the original Chinookan bands
and divisions had no special tribal names,
being designated simply as ‘‘ those living
at such a place.’”’? This fact, especially
after the general disturbance caused by
the epidemic of 1829, makes it impossible
to identify all the tribes and villages
mentioned by writers. The following list
includes the different tribes, divisions,
and the villages not listed under the
separate tribes: Cathlacomatup, Cathla-
cumup, Cathlakaheckit, Cathlamet,
Cathlanahquiah, Cathlapotle, Cathlath-
lalas, Chakwayalham, Charcowa, Chil-
luckittequaw, Chinook, Chippanchick-
chick(?), Clackama, Clahclellah, Clahna-
quah, Claninnatas, Clatacut, Clatsop,
Clowwewalla, Cooniac, Cushook, Dalles
CHINOOK JARGON
[B.-A.cHs
Indians, Ithkyemamits, Kasenos, Katla-
gulak, Katlaminimin, Killaxthokle, Kle-
miaksac, Knowilamowan, Ktlaeshatlkik,
Kwulkwul, Lakstak, Lower Chinook,
Multnomah, Namoit, Nayakaukaue, Ne-
chacokee, Necootimeigh, Neerchokioon,
Nemalquinner, Nenoothlect, Scaltalpe,
Shahala, Shoto, Skilloot, Smackshop,
Teiakhochoe, Thlakalama, Tlakatlala,
Tlakluit, Tlalegak, Tlashgenemaki, Tlegu-
lak, Upper Chinook, Wahe, Wahkiacum,
W akanasisi, Wappatoo, Wasco, Watlala,
Willopah, Wiltkwilluk, Yehuh. (1. Pr.)
>Cheenook.—Latham in Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond.,
I, 236, 1848. =Chinook.—Gatschet in Mag. Am.
Hist., 167, 1877 (names and gives habitat of
tribes). > Chinook.—Bancroft, Nat. Races, II,
565, 626-628, 1882 (enumerates Chinook, Wakia-
kum, Cathlamet, Clatsop, Multnomah, Skilloot,
Watlaia\. =Chinookan.—Powell in 7th Rep. B.
A. E., 65, 1891. >Chinooks.—Gallatin in Trans.
Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 184, 306, 1836 (a single tribe at
mouth of Columbia). =Chinooks,—Hale in U.S.
Expl. Exped., vi, 198, 1846. < Chinooks,—Keane
in Stanford, Compend., Cent. and So. Am., 474,
1878 (includes Skilloots, Watlalas, Lower Chi-
nooks, Wakiakums, Cathlamets, Clatsops, Cala-
pooyas, Clackamas, Killamooks, Yamkally, Chi-
mook Jargon; of these Calapooyas and Yam-
kally are Kalapooian, Killamooks are Salishan).
>Chinuk.—Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 317, 1850
(same as Tshintik; includes Chiniks proper,
Klatsops, Kathlamut, Wakéikam, Watlala, Niha-
loitih). x Nootka-Columbian.—Scouler in Jour.
Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224, 1841 (ineludes
Cheenooks and Cathlascons of present family).
Tshinuk.—Buschmann, Spuren der
aztek. Sprache, 616, 1859 (same as his Chinuk).
=Tsinuk.—Gallatin, after Hale, in Trans. Am.
Ethnol. Soc., 1, pt. 1, 15, 1848. =T’sinuk,—Dall,
after Gibbs, in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 241, 1877
(mere mention of family).
Chinook jargon. The Indian trade lan-
guage of the Columbia r. region and the
adjacent Pacific coast from California
far up into Alaska. It was first brought
to public notice in the early days of the
Oregon fur trade, about 1810. In addi-
tion to the Indian elements it has now
incorporated numerous words from va-
rious European languages, but there can
be no doubt that the jargon existed as an
intertribal medium of communication long
before the advent of the whites, having
its parallel in the so-called ‘‘Mobilian
language’’ of the Gulf tribes and the sign
language of the plains, all three being the
outgrowth of an extensive aboriginal sys-
tem of intertribal trade and travel. The
Indian foundation of the jargon is the
Chinook proper, with Nootka, Salish, and
other languages, to which were added,
after contact with the fur companies, cor-
rupted English, French, and possibly
Russian terms. Hale, in 1841, estimated
the number of words in the j jargon at 250;
Gibbs, in 1863, recorded about 500; Eells,
ss
BULL. 30]
in 1894, counted 740 words actually in
use, although his dictionary cites 1,402,
662 being obsolete, and 1,552 phrases,
combinations of mamook (‘do’), yielding
209. The following table shows the
share of certain languages in the jargon
as recorded at various periods of its ex-
istence, although there are great differ-
ences in the constituent elements of the
jargon as spoken in different parts of the
country:
|
Words contributed | 1841 | 1863 | 1894
|
RY go Ea | 18| 24| 93
SER OG enews aah |) pi) aes
BRATS I eo as kt se (wees Mare 7alee 1570
REO Geen ese calc. 94} 153
Other languages............... | 48] 79 138
There is much local variation in the
way Chinook is spoken on the Pacific
coasc. While it tends to disappear in the
country of its origin, it is taking on new
life farther N., where it is evidently des-
tined to live for many years; but ins. EF.
Alaska it is little used, being displaced by
English or Tlingit. Thisjargon has been
of great service to both the Indian and
the white man, and its rdle in the deyel-
opment of intertribal and interracial rela-
tions on the n. Pacific coast has been
important. For works bearing on the
subject see Pilling, Bibliography of the
Chinookan Languages, Bull. B. A. E.,
1893. (Al REGS)
Chee-Chinook.—Bulmer, MS., cited by Pilling, op:
eit. Chinook Jargon.—Cox, Columbia R., 1, 134,
1831. Oregon jargon.—McKee (1851) in Sen. Ex.
Doe. 4, 32d Cong., spec. sess., 169, 1553. Oregon
Trade Language.—Hale, Manual of Oregon Trade
Lang., 1890.
Chinook olives. The name given by
whites to an article of food of the Chinook
in earlier days (Kane, Wanderings, 187,
1859), consisting of acorns ripened in a
urine-soaked pit. (ACESS)
Chinook salmon. A name of the Colum-
bia r. salmon (Oncorhynchus chouicha),
more commonly known as the quinnat,
and also called the tyeesalmon. (A. F.¢.)
Chinook wind. A name applied to cer-
tain winds of n. w. United States and
British Columbia. According to Bur-
rows (Yearbook Dept. Agric., 555, 1901)
there are three different winds, each es-
sentially a warm wind whose effect is
most noticeable in winter, that are called
chinooks. There is a wet chinook, a
dry chinook, and a third wind of an in-
termediate sort. The term was first ap-
plied to a warm s. w. wind which blew
from over the Chinook camp to the trad-
ing post established by the Hudson Bay
Company at Astoria, Oreg. Under the in-
fluence of these chinook winds snow is
melted with astonishing rapidity, and the
weather soon becomes balmy and spring-
like. The name is derived from Chinook,
CHINOOK OLIVES——-CHIPEWYAN 275
the appellation of one of the Indian
tribes of this region. (A. FG)
Chinoshahgeh (‘at the bower’ [?]). A
Seneca village near Victor, N. Y., on or
near the site of the earlier settlement
called Kanagaroo, that was broken up
by the Denonyille expedition.—Shea in
Charlevoix, New Fr., 11, 289, note, 1864.
Ga-o-sa-eh-ga-aah,—Marshall quoted by Conover,
Kanadega and Geneya MS., B. A. E.(=‘ the bass-
wood bark lies there’). Gaésagdéo.—Morgan,
League Iroq., 19, 1851 (=‘in the basswood coun-
try’). Ga-o-us-a-gé-or.—Hewitt, inf’n (Seneca
form).
Chinquapin. A _ species of chestnut
( Castanea pumila) common in the Middle
and Southern states; spelled also chinka-
pin, chincapin, chinquepin, chinkopin.
Castanopsis chrysophylla is called western
chinquapin, and in California and Oregon
chinquap... Twospecies of oak ( Quercus
acuminata and Q. prinoides) are named
chinquapin oak and dwarf chinquapin
oak, respectively. A species of perch
( Pomoxys annularis) , known also as crap-
pie, is called chinquapin or chinkapin
perch. Such forms as chincomen and
chechinquamin, found in early writings,
make plausible the supposition that a p
was later substituted for an m in the
last syllable of the word, which would
then represent the widespread Algon-
quian radical min, ‘fruit,’ ‘seed.’ The
first component of the word, according to
Hewitt, is probably cognate with the Dela-
ware chinqua, ‘large,’ ‘great.’ (A. F. Cc.)
Chintagottine (‘people of the woods’ ).
A division of the Kawehodinneh, dwell-
ing on Mackenzie r., Mackenzie Ter.,
Canada, Nn. of Ft Good Hope and between
the river and Great Bear lake. Petitot
often uses the term synonymously with
Kawchodinneh.
Gah-tau’-go ten’-ni.—Ross, MS. notes on Tinne, B.
A. E. Gah-tow-go tin’-ni,—Kennicott, Hare Ind.
MS. vocab., B.A. E. Gens du Poil,—Petitot, Expl.
du grand lae des Ours, 349, 1893. Ta-laottine.—
Petitot, MS., B. A. E., 1865 (‘dwellersat the end
of the pine trees’). Tchin-t’a-gottiné.—Petitot
in Bull. Soe. Géog. Paris, chart, 1875. Tehin-tpa-
gottine.—Petitot, Autour du lae des Esclayes,
362, 1891. Tcin-tat’ téne’,—Everette, MS. Tutu
vocab., B. A. E., 1883.
Chinunga. The extinct Thistle clan of
the Chua (Snake) phratry of the Hopi.
Tci-nuna wun-wu.—Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., VII,
403, 1894 (wwnh-wi=‘ clan’).
Chioro. A village of 35 Papago, prob-
ably in Pima co., s. Ariz., in 1865 ( David-
son in Ind. Aff. Rep., 135, 1865). Possi-
bly identical with Charco.
Chipewyan (‘pointed skins,’ Cree Chip-
wayanawok, from chipwa ‘pointed,’
weyanaw ‘skin,’ ok plural sign: Cree name
for the parkas, or shirts, of many north-
ern Athapascan tribes, pointed and orna-
mented with tails before and behind;
hence, the people who wear them). An
Athapasean linguistic group, embracing
the Desnedekenade and Athabasca, called
the Chipewyan proper, the Thilanottine,
Etheneldeli, and Tatsanottine. The term
was originally applied to the Chipewyan
who assailed the Cree about L. Atha-
basea; subsequently the Cree and, follow-
ing their example, the whites, extended
it to include all Athapascan tribes known
to them, the whites using it as a syn-
onym of Tinneh, but it is now confined
to the linguistic group above referred to,
although the Tatsanottine, or Yellow-
knives, are generally separated in pop-
ular usage. The deerskin shirts worn by
these people sometimes had the queue
behind only, like a poncho, and the tales
told by the early travelers of a race of
people living in the far N., having a tail
and being in a transition stage between
animal and man, had their foundation in
the misrepresentation of the descriptions
given by other Indians of these people
with the pointed shirts. Petitot (La Mer
Glaciale, 303, 1887) characterized these
people as innocent and natural in their
lives and manners, imbued witha sense of
justice, endowed with sound sense and
judgment, and not devoid of originality.
Ross (Notes on the Tinné, MS., B. A. E.)
gave the habitat of the Chipewyan as
Churchill r.. and Athabasca and Great
Slavelakes. Kennicot(MS., B.A. E.)said
their territory extended as far nN. as Ft
Resolution on the s. shore of Great Slave
lake, Brit. Col., and Drake (Bk. Inds., vii,
1848) noted that they claimed from lat.
60° to 65° and from long. 100° to 110°, and
numbered 7,500 in 1812. In 1718, accord-
ing to Petitot, the Chipewyan were living
on Peace r., which they called Tsades, the
river of beavers, the shores of L. Atha-
basca and the forests between it and Great
Slave lake being then the domain of the
Etchareottine. The Cree, after they had
obtained guns from the French, attacked
these latter and drove them from their
hunting grounds, but were forced back
again by the Chipewyan tribes. As a
result of this contest the Thilanottine
obtained for themselves the upper waters
of Churchill r. about La Crosse lake, the
Chipewyan proper the former domain of
the Etchareottine, while a part went to
live in the neighborhood of the English
post of Ft Prince of Wales, newly estab-
lished on Hudson bay at the mouth of
Churchill r. for trade with the Eskimo,
Maskegon, and Cree. These last be-
came known as the Etheneldeli, ‘eaters
of reindeer meat,’ or Theyeottine, ‘stone-
house people,’ the latter being the name
that they gave their protectors, the
English. In 1779 the French Canadians
brought smallpox to the shores of La
Crosse and Athabasca lakes. Cree and
Chipewyan were decimated by the mal-
ady, and the former, already driven back
to the s. shore of L. Athabasca by the
martial attitude of the Chipewyan, were
CHIPIINUINGE
[B. A. B.
‘now willing to conclude a lasting peace ~
(Petitot, La Mer Glaciale, 297, 1887).
There were 230 Cree at La Crosse lake in
1873, and 600 Thilanottine Chipewyan,
many of whom were half-breeds bearing
French names. The report of Canadian
Indian Affairs for 1904 enumerates nearly
1,800 Indians as Chipewyan, including
219 Yellowknives (Tatsanottine).
Athabasca.—Bancroft, Nat. Races, I, 114, 1874.
Athapasca,—Gallatinin Drake, Tecumseh, 20, 1852.
Che-pa-wy-an.— Macauley, Hist. N. Y., 11, 244, 1829.
Chepayan.—Balbi, Atlas Ethnog., 58, 1826. Chepé-
ouyan.—Ibid. Chepewayan.— Ross, MS. Notes on
Tinne, B. A. E. Chepewyan.—Lewis, Travels, 143,
1809. Chepeyan.—Drake, Bk. Inds., vii, 1848.
Cheppewyan.—Balbi, Atlas Ethnog., 58, 1826.
Cheppeyans,—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soce.,
II, 18, 1836. Chipeouaian.—Duflot de Mofras, Ore-
gon, II, 337, 1844. Chipewan.—Keane in Stanford,
Compend.,508, 1878. Chipeway.— Harmon, Journal,
264, 1820. Chipewayan.—Kennicott, MS. vocab.,
B. A. E. Chipewyan.—Morse, System of Mod.
Geog., I, 55, 1814. Chipewyan Tinneys.—Petitot in
Can. Rec. Sci., 1, 47,1884. Chipiouan,—Balhbi, Atlas -
Ethnog., 58, 1826. Chippewayan.—Howe, Hist.
Coll., 380, 1851. Chippewayanawok.—Ibid. (Cree
name). Chippewayeen.—Kane, Wanderings in
N. A., 130, 1859. Chippeweyan.—McLean, Hud-
son’s Bay, I, 224, 1849. Chip-pe-wi-yan.—Tanner,
Nar., 390, 1880. Chippewyan.—Schermerhorn
(1812) in Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d 's., 11, 42,1814. Chip-
powyen.—Mackenzie misquoted by. Bracken-
ridge, Mexican Letters, 85, 1850. Chipwayan.—
Can. Ind. Rep., 171, 1877. Chipwayanawok,—
Kingsley, Stand. Nat. Hist., pt. 6, 148, 1883. Chip-
weyan,—Latham, Essays, 275, 1860. Chip-wyan.—
Anderson, MS., B. A. E. Chyppewan.—Snelling,
Tales of N. W., 195, 1830. Dene Tchippewayans.—
Petitot, Autour du lac des Esclayes, 289, 1891.
Gens des Montagnes. McLean, Hudson’s Bay, I,
243,1849. Highlander.—Petitot in Jour. Roy. Geog.
Soc., 649, 1883. Montagnais.—Petitot, Dict. Déné
Dindjié, xx, 1876. Montagnees.—Smet, Oregon
Miss., 193, 1847. Montagnes.—Belcourt in Minn.
Hist. Coll., 1, 227,1872. Montagnez.—Henry, Trav.
in Can., 173, note, 1809. Mountains.—Hooper, Tents
of Tuski, 408, 1853. Mountaineers.—Ross, MS.
notes on Tinne, B. A. E. Mountain Indians,—
Franklin, 2d Exped. Polar Sea, 152, 1828. Ooche-
payyan.—McKeevor, Hudson’s Bay, 738, 1819.
Ouachipuanes.—Jefferys, French Dom. Am., Can.
map, 1741. Shepeweyan.—Engl. writer (1786) in
Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st s.,111,24,1794. Teckippewayan. —
Petitot, Expl. Grand lac des Ours, 363, 1893.
Tchipwayanawok.—Petitot, Dict. Déené-Dindjié,
xix, 1876. Wachipuanes.—Jefferys, Am. Atlas,
map 2,1776. Wetshipweyanah.—Belcourt in Minn.
Hist. Coll., I, 226, 1872. Yatcheé-thinyoowuc, —
Franklin, Jour. Polar Sea, I, 169, 1824 (‘strangers’:
Cree name).
Chipiinuinge (Tewa: ‘house at the
pointed peak’). A great ruined pueblo
and cliff village occupying a small but
high detached mesa between the Cafiones
and Polvadera cr., 4 m. s. of Rio Chama
and about 14 m. s. w. of Abiquiu, Rio
Arriba co., N. Mex. The site was doubt-
less selected on account of its defensible
character, the pueblo being situated at
least 800 ft. above the level of the creek
and its walls built continuous with the
edge of the precipice. The great Pedernal
peak, from which the village takes its
name, rises on the other side of the ean-
yon about 2 m. to the s. w. The pueblo
is inaccessible except by a single trail
which winds up from the Polvadera and
reaches the summit of the mesa at its s.
end, passing thence through two strongly
BULL. 30]
fortified gaps before the pueblo isreached.
The site was impregnable to any form of
attack possible to savage warfare. The
commanding position was at the gateway
to the Tewa country &. of the mountains,
and, according to tradition, it was the
function of Chipiinuinge to withstand
as far as possible the fierce Navaho and
Apache raids from the x. w. The pueblo
was built entirely of stone and was of 3
stories, in places possibly 4. Portions of
second-story walls are still standing and
many cedar timbers are well preserved.
The remains of 15 kivas, mostly circular, a
few rectangular, are still traceable in and
about the ruins; these were all mostly if
not wholly subterranean, having been
excavated in the rock surface on which
the pueblo stands. The cliff-dwellings
in the pk. face of the mesa are all of the
excavated type, and appear to have been
used for mortuary quite as much as for
domiciliary purposes. (B. L. H.)
Chipisclin. A former village, presuma-
bly Costanoan, connected with Dolores
mission, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Chipletac. A former village, presuma-
bly Costanoan, connected with Dolores
mission, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Chipmunk. The common name of the
striped ground squirrel ( Tamias striatus) ,
of which the variants chipmonk, chip-
muck, chitmunk, and others occur. The
word has been usually derived from the
“chipping”’ of the animal, but (Chamber-
lain in Am. Notes and Queries, m1, 155,
1889) it is clearly of Algonquian origin.
The word chipmunk is really identical with
the adjidaumo (‘tail-in-air’) of Longfel-
low’s Hiawatha, the Chippewa atchitamo”,
the name of the ordinary red squirrel (Sci-
urus hudsonicus). The Chippewa vocabu-
lary of Long (1791) gives for squirrel
chetamon, and Mrs Traill, in her Canadian
Crusoes, 1854, writes the English word
as chitmunk. By folk etymology, there-
fore, the Algonquian word represented
by the Chippewa atchitamo” has become,
by way of chitmunk, our familiar chip-
munk. The Chippewa word signifies
‘head first’, from atchit ‘headlong,’ am
‘mouth,’ from the animal’s habit of de-
scending trees. The Indian word applied
originally to the common red squirrel
and not to the chipmunk. (ASCs)
Chippanchickchick. A tribe or band of
doubtful linguistic affinity, either Chi-
nookan or Shahaptian, living in 1812 on
Columbia r., in Klickitat co., Wash.,
nearly opposite The Dalles. Their num-
ber was estimated at 600.
Chippanchickchicks.—Morse in Rep. to Sec. War, 368,
1822. Tchipan-Tchick-Tchick.—Stuart in Nouv.
Ann. Voy., XII, 26, 1821.
Chipped implements. See Stone-work.
CHIPISCLIN-——CHIPPEWA
bo
(7
Chippekawkay. A Piankishaw village,
in 1712, on the site of Vincennes, Knox
co., Ind. Hough translates the word
‘brushwood,’ and it may be identical
with Pepicokia. (J. M.)
Brushwood.—Baskin, Forster & Co.’s Hist. Atlas
Ind., 249, 1876. Chih-kah-we-kay.—Hough in Ind.
Geol. Rep., map, 1888. Chipeoke.—Baskin, Fors-
ter & Co., op. cit., 249, 1876. Chipkawkay.—Ibid.
Chip-pe-coke.—Hough, op. cit. Chippekawkay.—
Ibid.
Chippewa (popular adaptation of Ojib-
way, ‘to roast till puckered up,’ refer-
ring to the puckered seam on their moc-
casins; from ojib ‘to pucker up,’ wh-way
‘to roast’). One of the largest tribes n.
of Mexico, whose range was formerly
\"
ye
o
fa? 3 aoe oe a
CHIPPEWA MAN
along both shores of L. Huron and L.
Superior, extending across Minnesota to
Turtle mts., N. Dak. Although strong
in numbers and occupying an extensive
territory, the Chippewa were never
prominent in history, owing to their re-
moteness from the frontier during the
period of the colonial wars. According to
tradition they are part of an Algonquian
body, including the Ottawa and Pota-
watomi, which separated into divisions
when it reached Mackinaw in its west-
ward movement, having come from some
point N. or N. &. of Mackinaw. Warren
(Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., v, 1885) asserts
that they were settled in a large village
278
at La Pointe, Wis., about the time of the
discovery of America, and Verwyst (Mis-
sionary Labors, 1886) says that about
1612 they suddenly abandoned this local-
ity, many of them going back to the Sault,
while others settled at the w. end of L.
Superior, where Father Allouez found
them in 1665-67. There is nothing
found to sustain the statement of War-
ren and Verwyst in regard to the
early residence of the tribe at La Pointe.
They were first noticed in the Jesuit
Relation of 1640 under the name Baouich-
tigouin (probably Bawa'tigdwininiwig,
‘people of the Sault’), as residing at
the Sault, and it is possible that Ni-
collet met them in 1634 or 1639. In
1642 they were visited by Raymbaut
and Jogues, who found them at the
Sault and at war with a people to the w.,
doubtless the Sioux. A remnant or off-
shoot of the tribe resided n. of L. Superior
after the main body moved s. to Sault
Ste Marie, or when it had reached the
vicinity of the Sault. The Marameg, a
tribe closely related to if not an actual
division of the Chippewa, who dwelt
along the Nn. shore of the lake, were ap-
parently incorporated with the latter
while they were at the Sault, or at any
rate prior to 1670 (Jesuit Rel., 1670).
On the n. the Chippewa are so closely
connected with the Cree and Maskegon
that the three can be distinguished only
by those intimately acquainted with their
dialects and customs, while on thes. the
Chippewa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi have
always formed a sort of loose confederacy,
frequently designated in the last century
the Three Fires. It seems to be well
established that some of the Chippewa
have resided n. of L. Superior from time
immemorial. These and the Marameg
claimed the n. side of the lake as their
country. According to Perrot some of
the Chippewa living s. of L. Superior in
1670-99, although relying chiefly on the
chase, cultivated some maize, and were
then at peace with the neighboring
Sioux. It is singular that this author
omits to mention wild rice (Zizania
aquatica) among their food supplies, since
the possession of wild-rice fields was one
of the chief causes of their wars with
the Dakota, Foxes, and other nations,
and according to Jenks (19th Rep. B.
A. E., 1900) 10,000 Chippewa in the
United States use it at the present time.
About this period they first came into
possession of firearms, and were pushing
their way westward, alternately at peace
and at war with the Sioux and in almost
constant conflict with the Foxes. The
French, in 1692, reéstablished a trading
postat Shaugawaumikong, now La Pointe,
Ashland co., W's., which became an im-
portant Chippewa settlement. In the
CHIPPEWA
[B. Alm.
beginning of the 18th century the Chip-
pewa succeeded in driving the Foxes,
already reduced bya war with the French,
from n. Wisconsin, compelling them to
take refuge with the Sauk. They then
turned against the Sioux, driving them
across the Mississippi and s. to Minnesota
r., and continued their westward march
across Minnesota and North Dakota until
they occupied the headwaters of Red r.,
and established their westernmost band
in the Turtle mts. It was not until after
1736 that they obtained a foothold w. of
L. Superior. While the main divisions
of the tribe were thus extending their
possessions in the w., others overran the
peninsula between L. Huron and L. Erie,
which had long been claimed by the
Iroquois through conquest. The Iroquois
were forced to withdraw, and the whole
region was occupied by the Chippewa
bands, most of whom are now known as
Missisauga, although they still call them-
selves Ojibwa. The Chippewa took part
with the other tribes of the N. W. in
all the wars against the frontier settle-
ments to the close of the war of 1812.
Those living within the United States
made a treaty with the Government in
1815, and have since remained peaceful,
all residing on reservations or allotted
lands within their original territory in
Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and
North Dakota, with the exception of the
small band of Swan Creek and Black River
Chippewa, who sold their lands in s.
Michigan in 1836 and are now with the
Munsee in Franklin co., Kans.
Schoolcraft, who was personally ac-
quainted with the Chippewaand married
a woman of the tribe, describes the Chip-
pewa warriors as equaling in physical
appearance the best formed of the N. W.
Indians, with the possible exception of
the Foxes. Their long and successful
contest with the Sioux and Foxes exhib-
ited their bravery and determination, yet
they were uniformly friendly in their rela-
tions with the French. The Chippewa
area timber people. Although they have
long been in friendly relations with the
whites, Christianity has had but little
effect on them, owing largely to the con-
servatism of the native medicine-men.
It is affirmed by Warren, who is not dis-
posed to accept any statement that tends
to disparage the character of his people,
that, according to tradition, the division
of the tribe residing at La Pointe prac-
tised cannibalism, while Father Belcourt
affirms that, although the Chippewa of
Canada treated the vanquished with most
horrible barbarity and at these times ate
human flesh, they looked upon cannibal-
ism, except under such conditions, with
horror. According to Dr William Jones
(inf’n, 1905), the Pillagers of Bear id.
BULL. 30]
assert that cannibalism was occasionally
practised ceremonially by the Chippewa
of Leech lake, and that since 1902 the
eating of human flesh occurred on Rainy
Ts during stress of hunger. It was the
custom of the Pillager band to allow a
warrior who scalped an enemy to wear
on his head two eagle feathers, and the
act of capturing a wounded prisoner on
the battlefield earned the distinction of
wearing five. Like the Ottawa, they were
expert in the use of the canoe, and in
their early history depended largely on
fish for food. There is abundant evi-
dence that polygamy was common, and
indeed it still occurs among the more
wandering bands (Jones). Their wig-
wams were made of birch bark or of
grass mats; poles were first planted in
the ground in a circle, the tops bent
together and tied, and the bark or mats
thrown over them, leaving a smoke hole
at the top. They imagined that the shade,
after the death of the body, followed a
wide beaten path, leading toward the
w., finally arriving in a country abound-
ing in everything the Indian desires. It
is a general belief among the northern
Chippewa that the spirit often returns to
visit the grave, so long as the body is not
reduced to dust. Their creation myth is
that common among the northern Algon-
quians. Like most other tribes they be-
lieve that a mysterious power dwells in
all objects, animate and inanimate. Such
objects are manitus, which are ever
wakeful and quick to hear everything in
the summer, but in winter, after snow
falls, are ina torpid state. The Chippewa
regard dreams as revelations, and some
object which appears therein is often
chosen as a tutelary deity. The Mede-
wiwin, or grand medicine society (see
Hoffman, 7th Rep. B. A. E., 1891), was
formerly a powertul organization of the
Chippewa, which controlled the move-
ments of the tribe and was a formidable
obstacle to the introduction of Christian-
ity. When a Chippewa died it was cus-
tomary to place the body in a grave
facing w., often in a sitting posture, or
to scoop a shallow cavity in the earth
and deposit the body therein on its back
or side, covering it with earth so as to
form a small mound, over which boards,
poles, or birch bark were placed. Ac-
cording to McKenney (Tourto the Lakes,
1827), the Chippewa of Fond du Lac,
Wis., practised scaffold burial, the corpse
being inclosed in a box. Mourning fora
lost relative continued for a year, unless
shortened by the meda or by certain ex-
ploits in war.
Authors differ as to the names and
number of the Chippewa gentes, which
range all the way from 11 to 23. Warren
gives 21 gentes, of which the following are
CHIPPEW A 279
not included among those named by Mor-
gan: Manuamaig (Catfish), Nebaunaub-
ay (Merman), Besheu (Lynx), Mous
(Moose), Nekah (Goose), Udekumaig
(Whitefish), Gyaushk (Gull). Some of
them, Warren says, have but few mem-
bers and are not known to the tribe at
large. The Maskegon sprang from the
Reindeer, Lynx, and Pike (Pickerel)
gentes, which went to the wn. of L. Su-
perior when the tribe moved w. from
Sault Ste Marie. Among some of the
Chippewa these gentes are associated in
5 phratries: the Awausee, Businausee,
Ahahweh, Noka, and Mousonee. The
Awausee phratry includes the Catfish,
Merman, Sturgeon, Pike (Pickerel),
Whitefish, and Sucker gentes—all the
Fish gentes. The Businausee phratry
includes the Crane and Eagle gentes,
businausee, ‘echo-maker,’ being a name
for the crane. The Ahahweh phratry
includes the Loon, Goose, and Cormorant
gentes, ahahweh being a name for the
loon, though the Loon gens is called
Mong. Morgan makes Ahahweh distinct
and called them the ‘Duck’ gens. The
Noka (No-ke, Bear) phratry included
the Bear gentes, of which there were for-
merly several named from different parts
of the bear’s body; but these are now
consolidated and no differences are recog-
nized excepting between the common and
the grizzly bears. The Mousonee phratry
includes the Marten, Moose, and Reindeer
gentes. Mousonee seems to be the proper
name of the phratry, though it is also
called Waubishashe, from the important
Marten gens which is said to have sprung
from the incorporated remnant of the
Mundua. Morgan (Ane. Soc., 166, 1877)
names the following 23 gentes: Myeengun
(Wolf), Makwa (Bear), Ahmik ( Beaver),
Mesheka (Mud turtle), Mikonoh (Snap-
ping turtle), Meskwadare, (Little tur-
tle), Ahdik (Reindeer), Chueskweskewa
(Snipe), Ojeejok (Crane), Kakake ( Pig-
eon hawk) [=Kagagi, Raven], Omegee-
ze (Bald eagle), Mong (Loon), Ahahweh
(Duck), [=Witwa*, Swan], Sheshebe
(Duck), Kenabig (Snake), Wazhush
(Muskrat), Wabezhaze (Marten), Moosh-
kaooze (Heron), Ahwahsissa (Bullhead),
Namabin (Carp [Catfish]), Nama (Stur-
geon), Kenozhe (Pike) ) [=Kinoga, Pick-
erel]. Tanner gives also the Pepegewiz-
zains (Sparrow-hawk), Mussundummo
(Water snake), and the forked tree as
totems among the Ottawa and Chip-
pewa.
It is impossible to determine the past or
present numbers of the Chippewa, as in
former times only a small part of the
tribe came in contact with the whites at
any period, and they are now so mixed
with other tribes in many quarters that
no separate returns are given. The prin-
280
cipal estimates are as follow: In 1764,
about 25,000; 1783 and 1794, about 15,000;
18438, about 30,000; 1851, about 28,000.
It is probable that most of these estimates
take no account of more remote bands.
In 1884 there were in Dakota 914; in
Minnesota, 5,885; in Wisconsin, 3,656; in
Michigan, 3,500 returned separately, and
6,000 Chippewa and Ottawa, of whom
perhaps one-third are Chippewa; in Kan-
sas, 76 Chippewa and Munsee. The en-
tire number in the United States at this
time was therefore about 16,000. In
British America those of Ontario, includ-
ing the Nipissing, numbered at the same
time about 9,000, while in Manitoba and
the Northwest Territories there were
17,129 Chippewa and Cree on _ reserya-
tions under the same agencies. The Chip-
pewa now (1905) probably number 30,000
to 32,000—15,000 in British America and
14,144 in the United States, exclusive of
about 3,000 in Michigan.
As the Chippewa were scattered over a
region extending 1,000 m. from E. to w.,
they had a large number of villages,
bands, and local divisions. Some of the
bands bore the name of the village, lake,
or river near which they resided, but
these were grouped under larger divi-
sions or subtribes which occupied certain
fixed limits and were distinguished by
marked differences. According to War-
ren there were 10 of these principal divi-
sions: _ Kechegummewininewug, on thes.
shore of L. Superior; Betonukeengainube-
jig, in N. Wisconsin; Munominikasheen-
hug, on the headwaters of St Croix r.
in Wisconsin and Minnesota; Wahsuah-
gunewininewug, at the head of Wiscon-
sin r.; Ottawa Lake Men, on Lac Courte
Oreilles, Wis.; Kechesebewininewug, on
the upper Mississippi in Minnesota; Muk-
meduawininewug, or Pillagers, on Leech
lake, Minn.; Sugwaundugahwininewug,
n. of L. Superior; Kojejewininewug, on
Rainy lake and r. about the x. boundary
of Minnesota; and Omushkasug, on the
N. w. side of L. Superior at the Canadian ©
border. Besides these general divisions
the following collective or local names
are recognized as belonging to various
settlements, bands, or divisions of the
tribe: Angwassag, Big Rock, Little Forks,
Menitegow, Blackbird, Menoquet’s Vil-
lage, Ketchewaundaugenink, Kawkawl-
ing, Kishkawbawee, Saginaw, Thunder
Bay, Nagonabe, Ommunise, Shabwasing,
Beaver Islands, Nabobish, Cheboygan,
Otusson, Reaum’s Village, and Wapisiwi-
sibiwininiwak, in lower Michigan; Red
Cedar Lake, Sukaauguning, Knife Lake,
Kechepukwaiwah, Long Lake, Chetac
Lake, Turtle Portage, Rice Lake, Yellow
Lake, Trout Lake, Pawating, Ontonagon,
Wauswagiming, Lae Courte Oreilles,
Shaugwaumikong, Burnt Woods, Gata-
CHIPPEWA
[B. A. B.
getegauning, Bay du Noc, Wequadong,
Mekadewagamitigweyawininiwak, Mich-
ilimackinae, St Francis Xavier, and Wia-
quahhechegumeeng, in Wisconsin’ and
upper Michigan; Grand Portage, Pokega-
ma, Fond du Lac, Red Cliff, Crow Wing
River, Gull Lake, Onepowesepewenene-
wak, Miskwagamiwisagaigan, Wabasemo-
wenenewak(?), | Wanamakewajenenik,
Mikinak wadshiwininiwak, Misisagaikan-
iwininiwak, Gasakaskuatchimmekak, Os-
chekkamegawenenewak, Winnebegosh-
ishiwininiwak, Gamiskwakokawinini-
wak, Gawababiganikak, Anibiminanisi-
biwininiwak, Kahmetahwungaguma, and
Rabbit Lake, in Minnesota and the Dako-
tas; Oueschekgagamioulimy, Walpole Is-
land, Obidgewong, Michipicoten, Doki’s
Band, Bagoache, Epinette (1744), Ouas-
ouarini, Mishtawayawininiwak, Nope-
ming, and Nameuilni, in Ontario; Portage
de Prairie, Mattawan, and Pic River in
Manitoba; and Nibowisibiwininiwak in
Saskatchewan. (Ja Sens)
Achipoés.—Prise de Possession (1671) in Perrot,
Mém., 293, 1864. Achipoué.—Neill in Minn. Hist.
Soe. Coll., v, 398, 1885. Anchipawah.—Boudinot,
Star in the West, 126, 1816. An-ish-in-aub-ag.—
Warren in Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., v, 45, 1885
(‘spontaneous men’), A-wish-in-aub-ay.—Ibid.,
37. Axshissayé-rinu.—Gatschet, Wyandot MS., B.
A. E.,1881(Wyandotname). Baouichtigouin, —Jes.
Rel. 1640, 34, 1858. Bawichtigouek.—Ibid., index.
Bawichtigouin. — Ibid. Bedzagetcha. — Petitot,
Montagnais MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1869 (‘long
ears’: Tsattinename). Bedzietcho,—Petitot, Hare
MS. voecab., B. A. E., 1869 (Kawchodinne name).
Bungees.—Henry, MS. vocab. (Bell copy, B. A.
E.), 1812 (so called’ by Hudson Bay traders).
Cabellos realzados.—Duro, Don Diego de Pefialosa,
43, 1882 (the Raised-hair tribe of Shea’s Penalosa;
Cheveux-relevés of the French). Chebois,—
Gass, Jour., 47, note, 1807. Chepawas.—Croghan
(1759) quoted by Kauffman, West. Penn., 132, app.,
1851. Chepeways.—Croghan (1760) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., 4ths., 1X, 287, 1871. Chepowas.—Croghan
(1759) quoted by Proud, Penn., II, 296, 1798. Chep-
pewes.—Shirley (1755) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist. , v1,
1027, 1855. Chiappawaws.—Loudon, Coll. Int. Nar.,
1, 34,1808. Chibois.— Bouquet (1760) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., 4th s., 1x, 295, 1871. Chipawawas.—Gold-
thwait (1766) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll,, Ist s., x, 122,
1809. Chipaways,—Croghan (1760), ibid., 4ths., rx,
20,1871. Chipaweighs.—German Flats conf. (1770)
in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vii, 229, 1857. Chipewas,—
Lattré, map U.S., 1784. Chipéways.—Carver (1766)
Tray., 19, 1778. Chipeweghs.—Johnson (1763) in
N.Y. Doc. Col. Hist., vit, 526, 1856. Chipeweighs, —
Johnson (1763), ibid., 583, 1856. Chipiwa,—Treaty
of 1820, U.S. Ind. Treat., 369, 1873. Chipoés,—Prise
de Possession (1671) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., rx, 803,
1855. Chippawas,.—Croghan (1759) quoted by Jef-
ferson, Notes, 143, 1825. Chippawees.—Writer of
1756in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Ists., vir, 123, 1801.
Chippeouays.—Toussaint, map of Am., 1839. Chip-
pewaes.—Johnson (1763) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
VII, 525, 1856. Chippewais.—Perrot (ca. 1721) in
Minn. Hist.Soc.Coll., 11, pt.2,24,1864. Chippewas. —
Washington (1704) quoted by Kauffman, West.
Penn., 67, 1851. Chippewaus.—Edwards (1788) in
Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Ist s., 1x, 92,1804. Chippe-
ways.—Chauvignerie (1736) quoted by School-
craft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 556, 1853. Chippeweighs.—
Johnson (1767) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vit, 969,
1856. Chippewyse.—Ft Johnson conf. (1755), ibid.,
VI, 975, 1855. Chippoways.—Washington (1754)
in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 1st s., v1, 140, 1800.
Chippuwas,—Heckewelder quoted by Barton, New
Views, app. 1, 1798. Chipwaes.—Croghan (1765)
in N.Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vit,'782, 1856. Chipwas,—
Bouquet (1760) in Mass, Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s.,
asl
BULL. 30] CHIPPEWA OF
IX, 321, 1871. Chipways.—Croghan (1765), op. cit.-
Cypoways.—Beltrami quoted by Neill, Minn., 350,
1858. e-wa-ka-nha’.—Hewitt, Mohawk MS.
vocab., B. A. E. (Mohawk name). Dewoganna’s,—
Bellomont (1698) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., Iv,
407,1854. Douaganhas.—Cortland (1687), ibid.,
IIT, 434, 1853. Douwaganhas.—Ibid. Dovaganhaes, —
Livingston (1691), ibid., 778. Dowaganahs.—Doc.
of 1700, ibid., Iv, 701, 1854. Dowaganhas.—Cort-
land (1687), ibid, 111, 434,1855. Dowanganhaes,—
Doe. of 1691, ibid., 776. Dshipowé-haga,—Gat-
schet, Caughnawaga MS., B. A. E., 1882 (Caughna-
waga name). Dwa-ka-né«..—Hewitt, Onondaga
MS. voeab., B. A. E. (Onondaga name). Dwa-ka-
nha’.—Hewitt, Seneca and Onondaga vocab.,
B. A. E., 1880 (Seneca and Onondaga name).
Eskiaeronnon.—Jes. Rel. 1649, 27, 1858 (Huron
name; Hewitt says it signifies ‘people of
the falls’). Estiaghes.—Albany conf. (1726) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., v, 791, 1855. Estiaghicks.—
Colden (1727), ibid., Iv, 737, mote, 1854.
ibid., 899, 1854.
poe eon (1701),
Etchipoés, —Prise de possession (1671), ibid., 1x, 808,
1855. Gibbaways.—Imlay, West Ter., 363, 1797.
Hahatona.—Featherstonhaugh, Canoe Voy., 1,
300, 1847. Hahatonwan.—lIapi Oaye, XIII, no.
2, 6, Feb., 1884 (Sioux name). Hahatonwan.—
Riggs, Dakota Dict., 72, 1852 (Sioux name).
Hahatonway.—Matthews, Hidatsa Inds., 150, 1877
(Sioux mame). Ha-hat-tong.—Long, Exped.
Rocky Mts., 0, 1xxxiv, 1823 (Hidatsa name, in-
correctly rendered ‘leapers’). Ha-ha-tu-a.—Mat-
thews, Hidatsa Inds., 150, 1877 (Hidatsa name; h
guttural). Ha-ha-twawns,—Neill, Minn., 113,1858.
Hah-hah-ton-wah.—Gale, Upper Miss., 265, 1867.
Hrah-hrah-twauns.—Ramsey (ca. 1852) in Minn.
Hist. Soc. Coll., 1, 50, 1872. Icbewas.—Boudinot,
Star in the West, 126, 1816 (misprint). Jibewas.—
Smith (1799) quoted by Drake, Trag. Wild., 213,
1841. Jumpers.—Neill, Minn., 36, 1858 (incorrect
translation of Saulteurs). Khahkhahtons,—
Snelling, Tales of the Northwest, 137, 1830 (Sioux
name). Khakhatons,—Ibid., 144. Khakhaton-
wan,—Williamson, Minn. Geol. Rep. for 1884, 107.
Kiutaki.—Gatschet, Fox MS., B. A. E., 1882 (Fox
name). lLeapers.—Hennepin, New Discoy., 86,
1698 (ineorrect rendering of Saulteurs). Na-
tion du Sault,—Jogues and Raymbaut in Jes. Rel.
1642, 11, 95, 1858. Né-a-ya-og’,—Hayden, Ethnog.
and Philol. Mo. Val., 235, 1862 (‘those speaking the
same language’: Creename), Ne-ga-tcé.—St Cyr,
oral inf’n, 1886 (Winnebago name; plural,
Ne-gatc-hi-ja"). Ninniwas.—Rafinesque, Am.
Nations, I, 123, 1886. Nwa’-ka.—Hewitt, Tusca-
rora MS. voeab., B. A. E., 1880 (Tuscarora name).
Objibways.—Kingsley, Stand. Nat. Hist., pt. 6, 143,
1883. O/chepé’wag.—Long, Exped. St. Peter’s
R., U0, 151, 1824. Ochipawa.—Umfreville (1790) in
Me. Hist. Soe. Coll., v1,270,1859. Ochipewa.—Rich-
ardson, Arct. Exped., 71, 1851. Ochipoy.—York
(1700) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., rv, 749, 1854. Ochip-
pewais,—Foster in Sen. Misc. Doc. 39, 42d Cong.,
3d sess., 6, 1873. Odchipewa.—Hutchins (1770)
quoted by Richardson, Arct. Exped., 11, 38, 1851.
Odgiboweke.—Perrot, Mém.,193,1864. Odjibewais, —
Ibid. Od-jib-wag.—Schoolcraft quoted in Minn.
Hist. Soc. Coll., v, 35, 1885. Odjibwas.—School-
craft, Ind. Tribes, I, 307, 1851. Odjibwe.—Kelton,
Ft Mackinac, 158, 1884. Odjibwek.—Belcourt
(1850?) in Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1, 227, 1872. Ogi-
bois.—M’Léan Hudson Bay, II, 323, 1849. O-je-
bway.—Jones, Ojebway Inds., 164, 1861. Ojeebois, —
Henry, MS. vocab. (Bell copy, B. A. E.), 1812.
Ojibaway.—Lewis and Clark, Tray.. 53, 1806.
Ojibbewaig.—Tanner, Narr., 315, 1830 (Ottawa
name). Ojibbeways.—Ibid., 36. Ojibboai.—Hoff-
man, Winter in the Far West, II, 15, 1821. Ojibe-
ways.—Perkins and Peck, Annals of the West,
1850. Ojibois.—Gunn in Smithson. Rep., 400, 1868.
Ojibua.— Maximilian, Trav., 135, note, 1848.
0-jib-wage.—Morgan, Consang. and Affin., 287,
1871. Ojibwaig.—Hale, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo.
Val., 224, 1846. Ojibwas.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 454, 1838.
0-jib-wa-uk’,—Morgan, Consang. and Affin., 287,
1871. Ojibways.—Am. Pioneer, 11, 190, 1843.
Ojibway-ugs.—Foster in Sen. Misc. Doc. 39, 42d
Cong., 3d sess., 6, 1873. Ojibwe.—Burton, City of
the Saints, 117, 1861. Ontehibouse.—Raymbaut
LAKE NIPEGON 281
(1641) quoted in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1849, 70, 1850 (prob-
ably a misprint), Oshibwek.—Belcourt (1850?) in
Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 227, 1872. Ostiagaghroon-
es,—Canajoharie conf. (1759) in N. Y. Doc. Col.
Hist., vir, 384, 1856. Ostiagahoroones,—Neill in
Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., v, 397, 1885 (Iroquois
name). Otchepose.—Proces verbal (1682) in
French, Hist. Coll. La., 1, 19, 1875. Otchi-
poeses.—La Salle (1682) in Margry, Déc., 11, 187,
1877. Otchipois.—La Salle (1682) in French, Hist.
Coll. La., I, 46, 1846. Otchipoises.—Hildreth,
Pioneer Hist. ,9,1848. Otchipwe.—Baraga,Otchipwe
Gram., title, 1878. Otjibwek.—Perrot, Mém., 193,
1864. Ottapoas.—Buchanan, N. Am. Inds. ,156, 1824.
Oucahipoues.—La Hontan (1703), New Voy., II, 87,
1735. Ouchibois.—Writer of 1761 in Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll., 4th s., 1x, 428, 1871. Ouchipawah.—Pike
(1806) quoted by Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 563,
1853. Ouchipoe.—La Chesnaye (1697) in Margry,
Déc., VI, 6, 1886. Ouchipoves.—Coxe, Carolana,
map, 1741. Outachepas.x—McKenney and Hall,
Ind. Tribes, 111, 79, 1854. Outchibouec.—Jes. Rel.
1667, 24, 1858. Outchibous.—Ibid., 1670, 79, 1858.
Outchipoue.—Gallinée (1669) in Margry, Déc., 1,163,
1875. Outchipwais.—Bell in Can. Med. and Surg.
Jour., Mar. and Apr., 1886. Outehipoues,—La
Hontan, New Voy., I, 230, 1708. Paouichtigouin, —
Jes. Rel., 111, index, 1858. Paouitagoung.—Ibid.
Paouitigoueieuhak,—Ibid. Paouitingouach-irini,—
Ibid. Qa-qa-to"-wa",—Dorsey, oral inf’n, 1886
(Sioux name). Ra-ra-to-oans.—Warren (1852) in
Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., Vv, 96, 1885. Ra-ra-t’wans,—
Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1849, 72, 1850 (Sioux
name). Salteur.—Bacqueville de la Potherie, 11,
48, 1753. Santeaux.—Brown, West. Gaz... 265,
1817 (misprint). Santena.—Gunn in Smithson.
Rep. 1867, 400, 1868 (misprint). Santeurs,—Dobbs,
Hudson Bay, 26, 1744 (misprint). Saulteaux,—
Beauharnois (1745) in Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., v,
432, 1885. Saulteurs.—Jes. Rel. 1670, 79, 1858.
Saulteuse.—Belcourt (ca. 1850) in Minn. Hist. Soc.
Coll., 1, 228, 1872. Saulteux.—Gallinée (1669) in
Margry, Déc., 1, 163, 1875. Sault Indians,—Vau-
dreuil (1710) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 1x, 848, 1855.
Sauteaux.—Gamelin (1790) in Am. St. Papers,
Iv, 94, 1832. Sauters.x—Schermerhorn (1812) in
Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 2d s., 11,6, 1814. Sauteurs,—
Jes. Rel. 1667, 24, 1858. Sauteus.—Cox, Columbia
R., 11, 270, 18381. Sauteux.—Vaudreuil (1719) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., rx, 893, 1855. Sautor.—Carver
(1766), Tray., 97,1778. Sautous.—King, Journ. to
Arct. Ocean, I, 32, 1886. Sautoux.—Ibid. Schip-
uwe.—Heckewelder quoted by Barton, New
Views, app., 1, 1798 (German form). Shepa-
wees.—Lindesay (1749) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
VI, 538, 1855. Shepewas.—Bradstreet (ca. 1765),
ibid., vil, 694, 1856. Shepuway.—Heckewelder
quoted by Barton, New Views, app., 1, 1798.
Sothuze.—Dalton (1783) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll.,1st
s., X, 123,1890. Sotoes.—Cox, Columbia R., II, 270,
1831. Sotoos.—Franklin, Journ. Polar Sea, 96, 1824.
Sotto.—Kane, Wanderingsin N. A., 438, 1859. Soul-
teaux.—Henry, MS. vocab. (Bell copy, B. A. E.),
1812. Souteus.—Chauvignerie (1736) quoted by
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 56, 1853. Souties.—
Am. Pioneer, II, 192, 1843. Stiaggeghroano,—Post
(1758) quoted by Proud, Penn., I, app., 113, 1798.
Stiagigroone.—Livingston (1700) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., IV, 737, 1854. Tcipu’.—Dorsey, Kansas MS.
vocab., B.A. E.,1882(Kansaname). Tschipeway.—
Wrangell, Ethnol. Nachr., 100, 1839. Tschippi-
weer.—Walch,map,1805 (German form), Tsipu’,—
Dorsey, Osage MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1883 (Osage
name). Twa-’ka’/-nha’,—Smith, Cayuga and
Oneida MS. vocabs., B. A. E., 1884 (Cayuga and
Oneida name). Uchipweys.—Dalton (1783) in
Mags. Hist. Soe. Coll., Ist s., X, 123, 1809. Wah-
kah-towah.—Tanner, Narr., 150, 1830 (Assiniboin
name). :
Chippewa of Lake Nipegon. A Chippewa
band officially known by this name re-
siding in the vicinity of L. Nipegon, n.
of L. Superior, in Ontario. The ‘‘Chris-
tians,’? composing nearly one-half the en-
tire band, occupy a village at the head of
the lake near the Hudson Bay Company’s
post; the remainder live about 100 m.
282
fartherinland. The aggregate number in
1884 was 426, and in 1901, 518. They are
connected with the band at Red Rock on
Nipegon bay. (J. M.)
Allenemipigons.—Denonville (1687), in Margry,
Déc., VI, 52, 1886.
Chippoy. A former Potawatomi vil-
lage on Big Shawnee cr., in Fountain
co., Ind. It was settled after 1795, and
the site was included in a tract sold in
1818 by the Miami. (J. M. )
Chipaille.—St Mary’s treaty with Miamis (1818) in
U. S. Ind. Treat., 493, 1873. Chippoy.—Harrison
(1814) quoted by Drake, Tecumseh, 161, 1852.
Chiputea. A former village, presumably
Costanoan, connected with Dolores mis-
sion, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Chiricahua ( Apache: ‘great mountain’ ).
An important division of the Apache,
BEDAZ-ISHU—CHIRICAHUA APACHE
so called from their former mountain
home in s. £. Arizona. Their own
name is Aidha. The Chiricahua were
the most warlike of the Arizona In-
dians, their raids extending into New
Mexico, s. Arizona, and nN. Sonora, among
their most noted leaders being Cochise,
Victorio, Loco, Chato, Nachi, Bonito
and Geronimo. Physically they do not
differ materially from the other Apache.
The men are well built, muscular, with
well-developed chests, sound and regular
teeth, and abundant hair. The women
are even more vigorous and _ strongly
built, with broad shoulders and hips
and a tendency to corpulency in old
age. They habitually wear a. pleasant
open expression of countenance, exhibit-
ing uniform good nature, save when in
CHIPPOY—CHIRICAHUA
[B. A. E.
‘anger their face takes on a savage cast.
White thought their manner of life, gen-
eral physique, and mental disposition
seemed conducive to long life. Their
characteristic long-legged moccasins of
deerskin have a_ stout sole turning
up at the toes, and the legs of the moc-
casins, long enough to reach the thigh,
are folded back below the knee, form-
ing a pocket in which are carried paints
and a knife. The women wore short
skirts of buckskin, and the men used to
display surplus skins folded about the
waist. Their arrows were made of
reed tipped with obsidian or iron, the
shaft winged with three strips of feathers.
They used in battle a long spear and a
slung-shot made by inserting a stone into
the green hide of a cow’s tail, leaving a
portion of the hair attached. They pos-
sessed no knowledge of weaving blankets.
White (MS., B. A. E.) supposed that
they had immigrated into Arizona from
New Mexico three or four generations
back. Their camps were located on the
highlands in winter that they might catch
the warm rays of the sun, and in summer
near the water among stunted trees that
sheltered them from its scorching glare.
Their bands or clans were named from the
nature of the ground about their chosen
territory. Both men and women were
fond of wearing necklaces and ear pend-
ants of beads. The hair was worn long
and flowing, with a turban, to which was
attached a flap hanging down behind;
they plucked out the hairs of the beard
with tweezers of tin, and wore suspended
from their necks a small round mirror
which they used in painting their faces
with stripes of brilliant colors. Strings of
pieces of shell were highly prized. Their
customary dwelling wasa rude brush hut,
circular or oval, with the earth scooped
out to enlarge its capacity. In winter
they huddled together for warmth and,
if the hut was large, built a fire in the
center. When they changed camp they
burned their huts, which were always
built close together. They subsisted on
berries, nuts, and the fruit of various trees,
mesquite beans, and acorns, of which
they were particularly fond, and they
ground the seeds of different grasses on
a large flat stone and made a paste with
water, drying it afterward in the sun.
They relished the fruit of cacti and of
the yucca, and made mescal from the
root of the agave. Fish they would not
eat, nor pork, but an unborn calf and the
entrails of animals they regarded as deli-
cacies, and horse and mule flesh was con-
sidered the best meat. Though selfish in
most things, they were hospitable with
food, which was free to anyone who
was hungry. They were scrupulous in
keeping accounts and paying debts.
ad
BULL. 30]
Like many other Indians they would
never speak their own names nor
on any account speak of a dead member
of the tribe. They tilled the ground a
LOCO—CHIRICAHUA CHIEF
little with wooden implements, obtaining
corn and melon seeds from the Mexicans.
In their clans all were equal. Bands,
according to White, were formed of
clans, and chiefs were chosen for their
ability and courage, although there is
evidence that chiefship was sometimes
hereditary, as in the case of Cochise, son
and successor of Nachi. Chiefs and old
men were usually deferred to in council.
They used the brain of the deer in dress-
ing buckskin. Itissaid that they charged
their arrows with a quick deadly poison,
obtained by irritating a rattlesnake with
a forked stick, causing it to bite into a
deer’s liver, which, when saturated with
the venom, was allowed to putrefy. They
stalked the deer and the antelope by
covering their heads with the skull of
the animal and imitating with their
crouching body the movements of one
grazing; and it was their custom to ap-
proach an enemy’s camp at night in a
similar manner, covering their heads with
brush. They signaled war or peace by
a great blaze or smoke made by burning
cedar boughs or the inflammable spines
on the giant cactus. Of their social or-
ganization very little is definitely known,
and the statements of the two chief au-
thorities are widely at variance. Accord-
ing to White, the children belong to the
gens of the father, while Bourke as-
serts that the true clan system prevails.
They married usually outside of the gens,
")
CHIRICAHUA 283
according to White, and never relatives
nearer than a second cousin. A young
warrior seeking a wife would first bargain
with her parents and then take a horse
to her dwelling. If she viewed his suit
with favor she would feed and water the
animal, and, seeing that, he would come
and fetch his bride, and after going on a
hunt for the honeymoon they would re-
turn to his people. When he took two
horses to the camp of the bride and killed
one of them it signified that her parents
had given her over to him without re-
gard to her consent. Youth was the
quality most desired in a bride. After
she became a mother the husband might
take a second wife, and some had as many
as five, two or more of them often being
sisters. Married women were usually
faithful and terribly jealous, so that sin-
gle girls did not care to incur their rage.
A woman in confinement went off to a
hut by herself, attended by her women
relatives. Children received their earli-
est names from something particularly
noticeable at the time of their birth. As
among the Navaho, a man never spoke to
his mother-in-law, and treated his wife’s
father with distant respect; and his broth-
ers were never familiar with his wife
nor he with her sisters and brothers.
Faithless wives were punished by whip-
ping and cutting off a portion of the nose,
after which _they were cast off. Little
TSHAI-KLOGE—CHIRICAHUA WOMAN
girls were often purchased or adopted by
men who kept them until they were old
enough for them to marry. Often girls
were married when only 10 or 11 years of
age. Children of both sexes had perfect
freedom, were not required to obey, and
284
never were punished. The men engaged
in pastimes every day, and boys in mock
combats, hurling stones at each other
with slings. Young wives and maidens
did only light work, the heavy tasks be-
ing performed by the older women.
People met and parted without any form
of salute. Kissing was unknown. Ex-
cept mineral vermilion, the colors with
which they painted their faces and dyed
grasses for baskets were of vegetal ori-
gin—yellow from beech and willow bark,
red from the cactus. They would not
kill the golden eagle, but would pluck
its feathers, which they prized, and for
the hawk and the bear they had a super-
stitious regard in a lesser degree. They
made tizwin, an intoxicating drink, from
corn, burying it until it sprouted, grind-
ing it, and then allowing the mash
diluted with water to ferment. The
women carried heavy burdens on their
backs, held by a strap passed over the -
forehead. Their basket work was imper-
vious to water and ornamented with
designs similar to those of the Pima,
except that human figures frequently
entered into the decorative motive.
Baskets 25 4#t. in length and 18 in.
wide at the mouth were used in collect-
ing food, which was frequently brought
from a great distance. When one of
the tribe died, men carried the corpse,
wrapped in the blankets of the deceased,
with other trifling personal effects, to an
obscure place in low ground and there
buried it at once, piling stones over the
grave to protect it from coyotes or other
prowling beasts. No women were al-
lowed to follow, and no Apache ever
revisited the spot. Female relatives kept
up their lamentations for a month, utter-
ing loud wails at sunset. The hut in
which a person died was always burned
and often the camp was removed.
Widows used to cut off their hair and
paint their faces black for a year, during
which time the mourner lived in the fam-
ily of the husband’s brother, whose wife
she became at the expiry of the mourn-
ing. They had a number of dances,
notably the ‘‘devil dance,’’ with clowns,
masks, headdresses, etc., in which the
participants jumped oyer fire, and a
spirited war dance, with weapons and
shooting in time to a song. When any-
body fell sick several fires were built in
the camp, and while the rest lay around
on the ground with solemn visages, the
young men, their faces covered with
paint, seized firebrands and ran around
and through the fires and about the lodge
of the sick person, whooping continually
and flourishing the brands to drive away
the evil spirit. They had acustom, when
a girl arrived at puberty, of having the
other young girls lightly tread on her
CHIRICAHUA
[B. AB.
back as she lay face downward, the cere-
mony being followed by a dance.
In 1872 the Chiricahua were visited by
a special commissioner, who concluded
an agreement with Cochise, their chief,
to cease hostilities and to use his influence
with the other Apache to this end. By
the autumn of this year more than 1,000
of the tribe were settled on the newly
established Chiricahua res., s. E. Ariz.
Cochise died in 1874, and was succeeded
as chief by his son Taza, who remained
friendly to the Government; but the
killing of some settlers who had. sold
whisky to the Indians caused an inter-
tribal broil, which, in connection with
the proximity of the Chiricahua to the
international boundary, resulted in the
abolishment of the reservation against
their will. Camp Apache agency was es-
tablished in 1872, and in the year follow-
ing 1,675 Indians were placed thereunder;.
but in 1875 this agency was discontinued
and the Indians, much to their discontent,
were transferred to San Carlos, where
their enemies, the Yavapai, had also been
removed. For further information re-
garding the dealings of the Chiricahua
with the Government, see Apache.
The members of Geéronimo’s band,
which was captured in 1886 and sent by
the War Department in turn to Florida,
Alabama, and Oklahoma, are now at Ft
Sill, Okla., where they number 298.
The remaining Chiricahua are included
among the Apache under Ft Apache and
San Carlos agencies, Ariz. The Pinalefio
are that part of the Chiricahua formerly
residing in the Pinal mts.
Ai-aha.—ten Kate, Reizen in N. A., 197, 1885.
Aiha.—Ibid. Apaches Broncos.—Steck in Cal.
Farmer, June 5, 1863 (Span.: ‘wild Apaches’).
Apaches Chiricaguis.—Mayer, Mexico, II, 38, 1853.
Broncos.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 14, 1862.
Cherecaquis.—Simpson in Rep. Sec. War, 57, 1850.
Chericahui.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1869, 94, 1870. Chica-
raguis,—Bonnycastle, Span. Am., 68,1819. Chigui-
cagui.—Anza (1769) in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th s.,
II, 114, 1856. Chileow.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1871, 3, 1872.
Chilecago. —Ind. Aff. Rep., 122,1861. Chile Cowes.—
Tbid., 506, 1865. Chilicagua.—Ibid., 1859, 336, 1860.
Chiricaguis.—Garcés (1769) in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th
s., I, 875, 1856. Chiricahni.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1869,
223, 1870. Chiricahua.—White, MS. Hist. of Apa-
ches, B. A. E., 1875. Chir-i-ca-huans.—Hodge,
Arizona, 163, 1877. Chiricahues.—Escudero, Not.
Estad. de Chihuahua, 212, 1834. Chi-ri-ca-hui,—
Cremony, Life Among Apaches, 33,1868. Chirica-
quis.—Ruxton, Adventures, 194, 1848. Chiri-
cuagi.—Stone in Hist. Mag., v, 166, 1861. Chiri-
guais.—Kingsley, Stand. Nat. Hist., pt. 6, 180, 1883.
Chirikahwa.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 246, 1877. Chiri-
quans.,—Smet, Letters, 135, 1848. Chirocahue.—
Garcia in Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, v, 314, 1861.
Cohila Apache.—Graves in Ind. Aff. Rep., 439, 1853.
Hayda-a.—Gatschet, MS.,B. A. E. Hayaha,—Ibid.
(‘live in the east’: so called by the White Moun-
tain Apache, because they formerly lived at Hot
Springs, N. Mex.). Heya,—Gatschet, Yuma-Spr.,
I, 370, 18838 (Apache name: ‘below’). Hi-ar.—
White, MS. Hist. of Apaches, B. A. E., 1875 (so
called by other Apache; trans., ‘lived away off’).
Pa ‘lizen ab ponin.—Gatschet, MS. Isleta vocab.,
B. A. E., 1885 (Isletaname). Segatajenne.—Orozco
y Berra, Geog., 59,1864. Sagetaen-né.—Escudero,
Not. Estad. de Chihuahua, 212, 1884. Southern
oe
Ce ys”
BULL. 30]
Chiricahua.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 175, 1875. Tehishi
dinné,—Gatschet, Apache MS., B. A. E., 1883 (Nav-
aho name). :
Chisca (possibly from Cherokee tsi’skwa
‘bird,’ tsiskwa’hi ‘bird place.’—Mooney ).
The mountainous northern region of the
Cherokee in nN. w. Georgia or nN. E. Ala-
bama, in search of which men were sent
by De Soto in 1541 from the province of
Chiaha to look for copper and gold. — It
seemingly received its name from ay illage
of the same name on an island in the
river of St Esprit (Coosa r.?), the inhab-
itants of which made a great deal of oil
from nuts. De Soto’s troops remained
here 26 or 27 days. The Chisca of Gar-
cilasso de la Vega (Florida, 175, 1723) is
the Quizquiz of the other chroniclers of
De Soto’s expedition, situated in N. w.
Mississippi, on Mississippi r. See Garci-
lasso de la Vega, Florida, 175, 1723;
Biedma in French, Hist. Coll. loae.) ote ui
101, 1850; Mooney in 19th Rep. B. A. E.,
1900; Bourne, Narr. De Soto, 1, 79, 1,
110, 1904.
Cheesca. —Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 47, 1853.
Chisca.—Bourne, Narr. of De Soto, I, 79, 117; 11
110, 1904. Cisca.—La Salle (ca. 1680) in Margry,
Déc., 11, 196 et seq., 1877.
Chisedec. A Montagnais tribe, band,
or settlement about the Bay of Seven
Islands on the n. shore of St Lawrence r.
where it enters the gulf. The name
appears to have been applied to a locality
and the people of that locality, as it is
stated in the Jesuit Relation of 1645 that
certain savages boasted of their warlike
actions ‘‘at Chichedek, country of the
Bersiamites, where they had killed 7 say-
ages,’’ probably Eskimo. Inthe Relation
of 1640 it is stated that in ascending the St
Lawrence, after passing the Eskimo, ‘‘ we
meet with the people of Chisedech and the
Bersiamites, two small nations of which
we have but slight knowledge.’’? Lesecar-
bot says that in his time ( (1609) the name
of the river which enters into or near
the Bay of Seven Islands was changed
to Chi-sche-dec, an Indian appellation
(Hind). A Dutch map of 1621 names
the bay or locality Chichedec. It is pos-
sible, therefore, that the name applied
to the Indians, ‘who seem to have been
closely connected with and possibly were
a part of the Bersiamite tribe, was that
of the river and referred only to a settle-
ment. The name Ouakouiechidek, used
in 1660 as that of a tribe in connection
with the Outabitibek (Abittibi), if in-
tended for the Chisedec would indicate a
locality in the distant N. As the designa-
tion of a people the name dropped from
history at an early date. ae)
Chichedec.—Dutch map (1621) in N. Y. Doc. Col.
Hist., 1, 1856. Chichedek.—Jes. Rel. 1645, 37, 1858.
Chisedech. —Ibid., 1640, 34, 1858. Quak8iechidek.—
Ibid., 1660, 12, 1858, (same?), Wakouiechiwek.—
Ibid., Ill, index, 1858.
Chisels. Long, slender, celt-like imple-
ments of stone or hard varieties of bone,
CHISCA——CHISKELIKBATCHA
285
with narrow cutting edge, and round,
rectangular, elliptical, or half-elliptical
in section. Those of stone, mainly pre-
historic, are rarely more than a few
inches in length. Some specimens are
largest at the top, gradually tapering to
the edge, but most of them decrease in
size in each direction from near the mid-
dle. Some have hammer marks on the
blunt end, others are polished at the top,
while a few are sharp at both ends. It is
probable that their primary intent was
for woodworking, though they are nu-
merous wherever steatite vessels were
made, and the marks of their
use are seen on the unfinished
product and on the worked sur-
faces of the quarry face. These
soapstone cutting tools have
usually been flaked into the
desired form, the edge only
being carefully ground. Inthe
lower Ohio valley and in the
Southern states chisels are gen- stone cniset;
erally made of chert; toward 4%‘)
the n., where glacial material is easily
proct ured, they are of diorite, syenite,
or other tough rock. Chisels of stone
were in common use among the wood-
working tribes of the N. W. coast, but
these are now almost wholly superseded
by chisels of metal. While not so abun-
dant as celts (q. v.), from which they
can not always be distinguished, they
have practically the same distribution.
See Fowke in 13th Rep. B. A. E., 1896;
Holmes in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 1897:
Rau in Smithson. Cont., xx1, 1876.
(w. H.H. G. F.)
Chiserhonon. A former Canadian tribe
subordinate totheOttawa.—Sagard (1632),
Canada, Iv, 1866.
Chishafoka (‘among the post oaks’). A
former Choctaw town on the site of the
present city of Jackson, Miss.—Brown in
Miss. Hist. Soe. Publ., rv, 445, 1902.
Chishucks. One of the 8 Tillamook vil-
lages at the mouth of Tillamook r. Mabie ;
in 1805.—Lewis and Clark, Exped.,
117, 1814.
Chisi. A town in 1540 onasmall river,
between Toalli and Altamaca, in §. Geor-
gia. The name seems to be intended for
Ochisi, but not the town of that name on
Chattahoochee r. It was entered by De
Soto’s army in Mar., 1540.
Achese.—Gentleman of Elvas (1557) in French,
Hist. Coll. La., 11, 138, 1850. Chisi—Biedma (1544)
in French, op. cit., 100.
Chiskatalofa (chiski ‘post oak,’ talofa
‘town’). A former Creek town on the w.
side of Chattahoochee r., 4 m. below
Wikaihlako, in Henry co., "Ala.
Cheskitalowas. ” “Morse, Rep. to See. War, 364, 1822.
Chuskee Tallafau.—U. S. Ind. Treat. (1814), 163,
1837.
Chiskelikbatcha. A former Choctaw
town belonging to the Sixtowns dis-
trict, near Chicasawhay r., probably in
286
Jasper co., Miss. (West Fla. map, ca.
1775).
Chiskiac. A tribe of the Powhatan
confederacy formerly living in York co.,
Va. They numbered about 200 in 1608.
At that time their principal village, of the
same name, was onthe s. side of York
r., about 10 m. below the junction of the
Mattapony and Pamunkey. (J. M.)
Chickiaes.—Boudinot, Star in the West, 126, 1816.
Chiskact.—Smith (1629), Virginia, 11, 77, repr. 1819.
Chiskiack.—Ibid., 1,117. Kiskiack.—Ibid.,1, map.
Kiskiak.—Strachey (ca. 1612), Virginia, 36, 1849.
Chisnedinadinaye (‘walnut’) Aclanor
band of the Pinal Coyoteros (Bourke in
Jour. Am. Folk-lore, 111, 112, 1890), coér-
dinate with the Chiltneyadnaye clan of
the White Mountain Apache.
Chisro. The Snow-bunting clan of the
Hopi of Arizona.
Tcisro winwi.—Fewkes in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 584,
1900 (winwi=‘clan’). Tei’-sro wun-wi.—Fewkes
in Am. Anthrop., VII, 405, 1894.
Chitchakos. See Chechawkose.
Chithut. Mentioned as a band associ-
ated with the Squaksin and Puyallup of
Puget sd., Wash.; not to be confounded
with Chitwout, a synonym of Similka-
meen.
Chit-hut,—Simmons in Ind. Aff. Rep., 226, 1858.
Chitimacha( Choctaw: chiiti‘cooking pot,’
mdsha ‘they possess’: ‘they have cook-
ing vessels’). A tribe, forming the Chit-
imachan linguistic family, whose earliest
known habitat was the shores of Grand
lake, formerly Lake of theShetimasha,and
the banks of Grand r., La. Somel6or18
of the tribe were livingon Grand r. in 1881,
but the majority, about 35, lived at Charen-
ton, on the s. side of Bayou Téche, in St
Mary’s parish, about 10 m. from the gulf.
The remnant resides in the same district,
but the present population is not known.
The name of these Indians for themselves
is Paintch-pinunkansh, ‘men altogether
red,’ a designation apparently applied
after the advent of the whites. The
Chitimacha came into notice soon after
the French settled Louisiana, through
the murder by one of their men of the
missionary St Cosme on the Mississippi
in 1706. This was followed by protracted
war withthe French, whocompelled them
to sue for peace, which was granted by
Bienyille on condition that the head of
the murderer be brought to him; this
done, peace was concluded. The tribe
then must have been reduced to a small
number of warriors, though Le Page du
Pratz, who was present at the final cere-
mony, says they arrived at the meeting
place in many pirogues. Little is known
in regard to their customs. Fish and the
roots of native plants constituted their
food, but later they planted maize and
sweet potatoes. They were strict monoga-
mists, and though the women appear to
have had considerable authority in their
government, there were no indications of
CHISKIAC—CHITSA
[B. A. E-
totems or the gentile system among them.
The men wore their hair long, with a piece
of lead at the end of the queue, and tat-
tooed their arms, legs, and faces. The
noonday sun is said to have been their
principal deity. The dead were buried
in graves, and after the flesh had decayed
the bones were taken up and reinterred.
Their villages or former settlements so far
as known were: Amatpan, Grosse Tete
Tchetin, Hipinimtch, Kamenakshtchat,
Kushuh, Namukatsup, Nekunsisnis, Net-
pinunsh, Shoktangihanehetchinsh, Tcha-
tikutingi, Tchatkasitunshki, Tsakhtsin-
shup. Chitimacha villages were situated
also on the site of Donaldsonville, As-
cension parish, on the w. bank of the
Mississippi (here St Cosme was murdered
in 1706), and at the mouth of Bayou La-
fourche. See Trans. Anthrop. Soc. Wash.,
u, 148, 1883. (A. 8. G.)
Chetemachas.—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Ethnol.
Soe., 11, pt. 1, 77, 1848. Chetimachas,—Gallatin in
Trans. Am. Antiq. Soe., 11,306, 1836. Chitimachas., —
Ibid., 114. Pa/ntch pinunkansh.—Gatschet in
Trans. Anthrop. Soc. Wash., I1, 150, 1883, Sheti-
masha,—Ibid., 148. Shyoutémacha.—Ibid., 150
(early French form). Tchikémaha,—Ibid. (Ali-
bamu pame). Tchitimachas, —Le Page du Pratz,
Hist. de la Louisiane, I, 88,1758. Tchoutymacha,—
Gatschet, op. cit., 150 (early French form).
Yachimichas,—Martin, Hist. La., I, 167, 1827 (men-
tioned with Chitimacha, but probably the same).
Chitimachan Family. A linguistic fam-
ily consisting solely of the Chitimacha
tribe (q. v.), from which it takes its name.
See Powell in 7th Rep. B. A. E., 66, 1891.
Chititiknewas (Yokuts name). A for-
mer division of the Bankalachi that lived
on upper Deer cr., s. E. of Tulare lake,
Cal. (Asan AE)
Cheticnewash.—Wessells (1853) in H.R. Ex. Doe.
76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 32, 1857.
Chitklin’s Village. A summer camp of
one of the Taku chiefs ( Koluschan family )
named Telittén (‘big te/it,’ a bird). 113
people were there in 1880.—Petroff in
10th Census, Alaska, 32, 1884.
Chitlatamus. A Kuitsh village on lower
Umpqua r., Oreg.
Te1’-tla-ta’-mus.— Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-lore,
III, 231, 1890.
Chitmunk. See Chipmunk.
Chitnak. A Yuit Eskimo village on the
s. shore of St Lawrence id., Bering sea.
Shetnak.—Elliott, Our Arct. Proy., map, 1886.
Shitnak.—Nelson in18th Rep. B. A. E., map, 1899.
Chito (‘large’ [people]). A Choctaw
gens of the Watakihulata phratry.—Mor-
gan, Anc. Soc., 162, 1878.
Chitola. The nearly extinct Rattle-
snake clan of the Zufi.
Chitola-kwe.—Cushing in 13th Rep. B. A. E.,
368, 1896 (kwe=‘ people’).
Chitsa (refers to anything ofa pale color;
specifically, ‘fair people’). One of the
three classes or castes into which the
Kutchakutchin are divided, the others
being the Natesa and the Tangesatsa,
faintly representing, respectively, ‘‘the
aristocracy, the middle classes, and the
poorer orders of civilized nations.’? Mar-
ee
BULL. 30]
riage was not allowed within the class or
caste, however, and descent was in the
female line.—Kirby in Smithson. Rep.
1864, 418, 1865; Hardisty, ibid., 1866, 315,
1872.
Chit-che-ah.—Jones in Smithson. Rep. 1866, 326,
1872. Chit-sa,—Kirby in Smithson. Rep. 1864,
418, 1865. Chitsah. —Hardisty in Smithson. Rep.
1866, 315,1872. Chit-sangh.—Ibid. Etchian-Kpét.—
Petitot, Trad. Ind. du Can. Nord-ouest, 14, 15, 1886.
Tchit-che-ah.—J ones, ibid., 326.
Chitto-Fanna-Chula. See Neamathla.
Chiuchin. A former Chumashan yil-
lage near Santa Barbara, Cal.—Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, Apr. 24, 1863.
Chiukak (‘pike village’).. A Kaviag-
miut village on the peninsula inclosing
Golofnin bay, Alaska; pop. 15 in 1880.
Chiokuk.—Jackson, Reindeer i in Alaska, map, 145,
1894. Chiookuk.—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska,
11, 1884. Knecktakimut,—W. U. Tel. Exp., 1867,
quoted by Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1901 (appa-
rently the same). Scookuk.—Coast Surv. chart
cited by Baker, ibid. Tchioukakmioute.—Zagos-
kin in Nouy. Ann. Voy., 5th s., XXI, map, 1850.
Chiutaiina (Chiu-taiina). The Eagle
clan of Taos pueblo, N. Mex. (F. w. H.)
Chiwere (‘belonging to this place,’ the
home people). A term employed by J.
O. Dorsey to designate a group of Siouan
tribes, including the Oto, Iowa, and Mis-
souri, for information regarding which,
see under their respective names. Con-
sult also Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E.,
1897; McGee, ibid., and the writings by
Dorsey cited below.
‘Ce‘kiwere.—Dorsey in Bull. Philos. Soc. Wash.,
128, 1880. ‘Ciwere.—Ibid. Ockiwere.—Dorsey in
Am. Antiq., 313, 1883 (misprint). Olwere.—Ibid.
(misprint). Tcekiwere.—Dorsey in Am. Natur.,
829, 1882. yoexiwere.—Dorsey in 3d Rep. B. A.
E., 211,1884. Teciwere.k—Am. Natur., 829, 1882.
Ti-re’-wi.—Dorsey in Am. Antiq., 168, 1879.
Chizhu. The 1st Ponka half-tribe, com-
posed of 4 gentes.
Tcitju.—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 228, 1897.
Chizhuwashtage ( ‘chizhu peacemaker’ ).
The 15th Kansa gens, the 7th on the
Yata side of the tribal circle.
Peacemaker.—Dorsey in Am. Natur.,
1885. Tciju Wactage.—Ibid.
‘Chkungen. A Songish band at McNeill
bay, s. end of Vancouver id.
Toe nips". —Boas in 6th Rep. N. W. Tribes Can.,
17, 1890.
Chlachaik. Given by Krause asa Ko-
luschan town occupied by the Tukden-
tan. Actually a summer camp on an
island called ba’xa, near Chichagof id.,
Alaska.
Chlacha-ik.—Krause, Tlinkit Ind., 118, 1885.
Chlorite.—A soft, greenish, often black-
ish, mineral, related to the micas, much
used by the aborigines for ornaments,
ceremonial objects, and pipes. When
polished it is in many cases not readily
distinguished from steatite or soapstone
save by its somewhat greater hardness.
It occurs as a secondary mineral result-
ing from alteration of other species, as
biotite, pyroxene, amphibolite, ete. See
Stone-work. (w. H. H.)
671, July,
CHITTO-FANN A-CHULA——CHOCORUA 28
7
Chnagmiut (‘coast people’). An Alas-
kan Eskimo tribe occupying the shore of
Pastol bay, the Yukon delta, and both
banks of Yukon r. as far as Razboinski,
Alaska. They hunt the seal and beluga,
trap mink and muskrat, have fish in
abundance, eggs, and berries, and no lack
of driftwood; yet they often suffer priva-
tions, and their carelessly built villages
are sometimes demolished by freshets.
Subtribes are Ankachagmiut, Chukchage-
miut, Koshkogemiut, Teletagmiut, and
Ukagemiut. Their Vv illages are Aiachag-
iuk, “Aimgua, Alexief, Andreafski, Anka-
chak, Apoon, Arisw aniski, Avynulik, Chat-
inak, Chefoklak, Chukchuk, Claikehak,
Fetkina, Ikuak, Ingichuk, Kanig, Kasha-
tuk, Khaik, Kochkok, Komarof, Kotlik,
Kusilvak, Kwiahok, Kwikak, Nigiklik,
Ninvok, Nokrot, Nunapithlugak, Onu-
ganuk, Pastoliak, Pastolik, Razboinski,
Ribnaia, Staria, Selenie, Starik, Takshak,
Tiatiuk, Tlatek, and Uglovia. The tribe
numbered 621 in 1890.
Agulmiut.—Worman quoted by Dallin Cont. N
Ethnol., 1, 17,1877. Kangjulit.—Erman acta =
Dall, ibid. Kaniulit. —Zagoskin quoted by Dall,
ibid. Premorska.—Dall in Proc. A. A. A. S., 267,
1869 ensuane ‘people by the sea’). Premorski.—
Dallin Cont. N. A. Ethnol. ,1,17, 1877. Primoske.—
Whymper, Trav. in Alaska, 235,1868. Prinoski,—
Raymond in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1869, 593, 1870.
Tschnagmeuten,—Richardson, Arct. Exped., I,
370, 1851. Tschnagmjuten. —Holmberg, Ethnol.
Skizz., 5,1885. Tschnagmuten,—Wrangell, Ethnol.
Nach., 122,1839. Tsnagmyut.—Turner, MS. Unalit
vocab., B. A. E. (=‘people of the outer edge,
dwelling farthest seaward’).
Chobaabish. A small band of Salish,
subordinate to Skagit, on Swinomish res.,
Wash. ; mentioned i in Pt Elliott treaty of
1855; pop. 38 in 1870.
Che-baah-ah-bish.—Ross in Ind. Aff. Rep., 17,1870.
Cho-ba-abish.—Mallet in ibid., 198, 1877. Cho-
bah-ah-bish.—U. S. Ind. Treat., 378, 1873.
Chockrelatan ( 7Thlcharghilii-tunne, ‘peo-
ple away from the forks’ of the stream).
A former village of the Mishikhwutme-
tunne near the forks of Coquille r., Oreg.
Their lands were drained by the waters
of that stream, and the villagers were
separated by mountain barriers from all
neighbors except the Kusan, living on
the coast.
Chak-re-le-a-ton.—Kautz, MS. Toutouten census,
B. A. E., 1855. Chockrelatan.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, June 8,1860. Chockreletan.—Schooleraft,
Ind. Tribes, v1, 702, 1857. Choc-re-le-a-tan, —Par-
rish in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1854, 495, 1855. @lte’a-rxi’-
li-i’ yGnné’.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, 111,
232, 1890 (= ‘people away from the forks’). Okre-
letan.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, vr, 702, 1857.
Choconikla. A Seminole town, of about
60 warriors in 1820, on the w. side of
Apalachicola r., contiguous to Ataphulga,
on Little r., Decatur co., Ga. (A.s.G.)
Cho-co-nickla.—Bell in Morse, Rep. to Sec. War,
307, 1822.
Chocorua. The legendary last survivor
of a small tribe of Indians who, previous
to 1766, inhabited the region about the
town of Burton, N. H. He was pur-
288
sued by a white hunter to the mountain
which bears his name and driven over
the cliffs or shot to death. Before dying
heis reported to have cursed the English
and their cattle, and to this is attributed
the fact that none of these animals thrive
in Burton (Drake, Aboriginal Races, 285,
1880). It is possible that the chief has
been conjured up to account for the name
of the mountain. (Geis)
Choctaw (possibly a corruption of the
Spanish chato, ‘flat’ or ‘flattened,’ al-
luding to the custom of these Indians of
flattening the head). Animportant tribe
of the Muskhogean stock, formerly occu-
pying middle and s. Mississippi, their ter-
ritory extending, in their most flourishing
days, for some “distance . of Tombigbee
Te probably as far as Dallas co., Sa.
ALLEN WRIGHT—CHOCTAW
Ethnically they belong to the Choctaw
branch of the Muskhogean family, which
included the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Huma,
and their allies, and some small tribes
which formerly lived along Yazoo r.
The dialects of the members of this
branch are so closely related that they
may be considered as practically identical
(Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., 1, 53, 1884).
The earliest notice of these Indians is
found in the De Soto narratives for 1540.
The giant Tascalusa, whom he met in his
march down Coosa valley and carried to
Mauyila, was a Choctaw chieftain; and
the natives who fought the Spaniards so
fiercely at this town belonged to a closely
related tribe. When the French, about
the beginning of the 18th century, began
to settle colonies at Mobile, Biloxi, and
CHOCTAW
[B. A. B.
New Orleans, the Choctaw came early into
friendly relations with them and were
their allies in their wars against other
Indian tribes. In the French war on the
Natchez, in 1730, a large body of Choctaw
warriors served under a French officer.
They continued this friendship until the
English traders succeeded in drawing over
to the English interest some of the Ef.
Choctaw towns. This brought on a war
between them and the main body, who
still adhered to the French, which contin-
ued until 1763. The tribe was constantly
at war with the Creeks and Chickasaw.
After the French had surrendered their
American possessions to Great Britain,
in 1763, and to some extent previously
thereto, members of the tribe began to
move across the Mississippi, where, in
1780, Milfort (Mémoire, 95, 1802) met
some of their bands who were then
at war with the Caddo. About 1809 a
Choctaw village existed on Wichita r.,
and another on Bayou Chicot, Opelousas
parish, La. Morse (1820) says there were
1,200 of them on 'the Sabine and Neches
rs., and about 140 on Red r., near Pecan
point (Rep. to Sec. War, 373, 1822). It
is stated by some historians that this
tribe, or parties of it, participated in the
Creek war; this, however, is emphatic-
ally denied by Halbert (Creek War of
18138 and 1814, 124, 1895), who was
informed in 1877 by some of the oldest
members of the tribe that the Choc-
taw manifested no hostility toward the
Americans during this conflict. A small
band of perhaps 30 were probably the
only Choctaw with the Creeks. The
larger part of those in Mississippi began
to migrate to Indian Ter. in 1832, hay-
ing ceded most of their lands to the
United States in various treaties (Royce,
Indian Land Cessions, 18th Rep. B. A. E.,
1899).
The Choctaw were preeminently the
agriculturists of the southern Indians.
Though brave, their wars in most in-
stances were defensive. No mention is
made of the ‘‘great house,’ or ‘‘the
square,’’ in Choctaw towns, as they ex-
isted in the Creek communities, nor of
the busk (q. v.). The game of chunkey
(q. v.), as well as the ball play (q. v.), was
extensively practised by them. It was
their custom to clean the bones of the
dead before depositing them in boxes or
baskets in the bone-houses, the work be-
ing performed by “certain old gentle-
men with very long nails,’’? who allowed
their nails to grow ‘long for this purpose.
The people of this tribe also followed the
custom of setting up poles around the
new graves, on which they hung hoops,
wreaths, ete., to aid the spirit in its ascent.
As their name seems to imply, they
practised artificial head flattening.
BULL. 30] CHOCTA W
The population of the tribe when it
first came into relations with the French,
about the year 1700, has been estimated
at from 15,000 to 20,000. Their number
in 1904 was 17,805, exclusive of 4,722
Choctaw freedmen (negroes). These are
all under the Union agency, Ind. Ter.
To these must be added a small number
in Mississippi and Louisiana.
There are, or at least were formerly,
several dialects spoken in different sec-
tions; these, however, differed so little
that they have not been considered
worthy of special mention. The small
Muskhogean tribes known as Mobilian,
Tohome or Tomez, Tawasa, Mugulasha,
Acolapissa, Huma, and Conshac (q. v.),
on the gulf coast of Mississippi and Ala-
bama, are sometimes called Choctaw, but
the Choctaw proper had their villages
inland, on the upper courses of the Chicka-
sawhay, Pearl, and Big Black rs. and the
w. affluents of the Tombigbee. At least
in later times they were distinguished
into three sections, each under its mingo
or chief. The western division was called
Oklafalaya, ‘the long people,’ and con-
sisted of small, scattered villages; the
northeastern, Ahepatokla (Oypatukla),
‘ potato-eating people,’ and the southeast-
ern district came to be called Oklahannali,
‘Sixtowns,’ from the name of the domi-
nant subdivision. The people of these
two latter districts lived in large towns for
mutual defense against their constant
enemies the Creeks. Gatschet gives Cobb
Indians as the name of those Choctaw
settled w. of Pearl r.
According to Morgan (Ancient Society,
99, 162, 1877) the Choctaw were divided
into two phratries, each including 4
gentes, as follows: A, Kushapokla (Di-
vided people): 1, Kushiksa (Reed); 2,
Lawokla; 3, Lulakiksa; 4, Linoklusha;
B, Watakihulata (Beloved people):
Chufaniksa (Beloved people); 2, Isku-
lani (Small people); 3, Chito (Large peo-
ple); 4, Shakchukla (Crayfish people).
Besides these, mention is made of a gens
named Urihesahe (Wright in Ind. Aff.
Rep. 1848, 348), which has not been
identified. Morgan’s list is probably far
from complete.
Following are names of Choctaw vil-
lages: Alamucha, Alloou Loanshaw, Aya-
nabi, Bayou Chicot, Bishkon, Bissasha,
Bogue Toocola Chitto, Booctolooee, Bouc-
fouca, Boutté Station, Cabea Hoola, Ca-
hawba Old Towns, Cheponta’s Village,
Chicasaw hay, Chinakbi, Chishafoka, Chis-
kelikbatcha, Chomontokali, Chooca Hoo-
la, Chunkey, Chunkey Chitto, Coatraw,
Coila, Concha, Conchachitou, Concha
Consapa, Conchatikpi, Coosha, Coue-
chitou, Cushtusha, Cutha Aimethaw,
Cuthi Uckehaca, East Abeika, Ebita Poo-
colo Chitto, Ebita Poocolo Skatane, Es-
Bull. 30—05——19
CAPITALE 289
cooba, Etuck Chukke, Faluktabunnee,
Fuketcheepoonta, Haanka Ullah, Heito-
towa, Hoola-tassa, Hyukkeni, Ikatchi-
ocata, Imongalasha, Imongalasha Ska-
tane, Katffetalaya, Lukfa, Lushapa, Mahe-
Ww ala, Nashwaiya, Oka Altakala, Oka
Chippo, Oka Coopoly, Oka Hullo, Oka
Kapassa, Okalusa, Okapoolo, Oka Talaya,
Okhata Talaya, ’Olitassa, Oony, Oske-
lagna, Osuktalaya, Otakshanabe, Panthe,
Pineshuk, Pooscoostekale, Pooshapuka-
nuk, Sapa Chitto, Sapeessa, Schekaha,
Shanhaw , Shukhata, Shuqualak, Skanapa,
Sukinatchi, Tala, Taliepataua, Talpahoka,
Teeakhaily Ekutapa, Tombigbee, Toni-
cahaw, West Abeika, Wia Takali, Yagna
Shoogawa, Yanatoe, Yazoo, Yazoo Ska-
tane, “Y owani. (dinnlts fb) Coat
Ani’-Tsa‘ta. Mooney in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 509,
1900 (Cherokee name; sing. Tsa‘ta). ga’-ta.—Dor-
sey, Osage MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1888 (Osage name).
Chacatos,—Barcia, Ensayo, 313, 1723. Chacktaws. —
Jefferson (1781), Notes, 144, 1825. Chactah.—
Rafinesque, Am. Nations, I, 241, 1836. Chac-
tanys.—Ann. Fropagation de la Foi, 11, 380, 1841.
Chactas.—Parraud, Hist. Kentucke, 111, 1785.
Chactaws. —Jefferys, French Dom., I, 153, 1761.
Cha’hta,—Gatschet in American Antiq., Iv, 76,
1881-82. Chaktaws.—N. Y. Stat. at Large, Treaty
of 1808, VII, 98, 1846. Chaltas.x—Coxe, Caro-
lana, map, 1741 (misprint). Chaqueta.—Iberville
(1700) in Margry, Déc., Iv, 463, 1880. Cha-
quitas. —Ibid., 419. Chataw.— Rogers, North
America, 204, 1765. Chat-Kas,—Du Pratz, Hist.
La., II, 216, 1758. Chatkaws.—Jefferys, French
Dom., I, 165, 1761. Chattaes.—Coxe, Carolana,
map, 1741. Chattas.—Ibid., 25. Chattoes,—Ibid.,
22. Chawetas.—Perrin du Lac, Voy., 368, 1805.
Chectaws.—Morse, N. Am., 218,1776. Chicktaws.—
Rogers, North America, 203,1765. Chictaws.—Ibid.,
238. Chocataus.—Disturnell, map Méjico, 1846.
Chocktaws.—Ellicott, Jour., 35, 1797. Chocta,—
Latham (1844) in Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond., 1
160, 1848. Choctaughs.—Catesby, Nat. Hist. Car.,
II, xi, 1748. Choctaw.—French writer (ca. 1727)
in Shea, Cath. Missions, 429, 1855. Choctos.—
Domenech, Deserts, 11, 193, 1860. Choktah,—Bar-
ton, New Views, 1, 1798. Choktaus.—Am. Pioneer,
I, 408, 1842. Choktaw.—Boudinot, Star in the
West, 184, 1816. Chouactas.—Martin, Hist. of La.,
I, 249, 1827. Chukaws.—Boudinot, op. cit., 126.
Flat Heads.—Jefferys, French Dom., 135, map,
1761. Flats.—Bartram, Travels, 515, 1791. Hen-
née’sh.—Gatschet, inf’n (Arapaho name). Nabug-
gindebaig. —Tanner, Narrative, 316, 1830, (‘flat
heads’: the name given by the Ottawa to a tribe
“said to have lived below the Illinois r.’ ’; proba-
bly Choctaw). Sanakiwa,—Gatschet, inf’ n (Chey-
enne name: ‘feathers sticking up above the
ears’). Shacktaus.—Penhallow (1726) in N. H.
Hist. Coll., 1sts., 79, 1824. Shocktaus,—Niles (1760)
in Mass. Hist. Coll., 4th s., 332, 1861. Ta-qta,—
Dorsey, Kwapa MS. Yocab., BAe E., 1891 (Kwapa
name). Tca-qta at-ya-di,—Dorsey, Biloxi MS.
Dict., B. A. E., 1892 (one of the Biloxi names).
Tca- -qta ha‘-ya.—Ibid. (another Biloxi name).
Tca-ta.—Ibid., Kansa MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1882
(Kansa name). Tchactas, —Charlevoix, Voy. to
N. A., 11, 210, 1766. Tchatakes.—Margry, Dec 1.
197, 1877. _Tchiactas.—Bienville (1708) in N. Y.
Doc. Col. Hist , 1X, 925, 1855. Tétes Plates, —Pic-
quet letter (1752) in Parkman, Montcalm and
Wolfe, 11, 417, 1884. Tsah- ta.—Gray son, Creek MS.
vocab., B. A. E.,-1885 (Creek name). Tsaxta,—
Miiller, Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, II, pt.
1, 232, 1882, Tschaktaer. —Ally (1712), Historie der
Reisen, xvi, 1758. Tubbiess—Am. Notes and
Queries, VIII, 281, Apr. 16, 1892.
Choctaw Capitale. Ona French map of
1777 this name appears on an affluent of
Pascagoula r., Miss., 5. of Yowani and
Chicasawhay. On Philippeaux’s map
290
of the English colonies in 1781 it is loca-
ted w. of Yowani. Possibly identifiable
with Inkillis, q. v.
Chaetaw Capitaleo.—Bartram, Voy., I, map, 1799
(misprint).
Chogset. A New England name of the
cunner, blue perch, or burgall ( Ctenola-
brus ceruleus). Gerard (Sun, N. Y., July
30, 1895) says the word means ‘it is
flabby’, in Chippewa shagosi. Trumbull
(Natick Dict., 30, 1903) derives chogset,
in Pequot cachauxet, from chohchohkesit
in the Massachuset dialect, signifying
‘spotted’ or ‘striped,’ which is a much
preferable etymology. (A. C.)
Chohalaboohhulka. A former Seminole
town on the w. side of Suwanee r., above
its junction with the Alapaha, in Hamil-
ton co., Fla.n—H. R. Ex. Doc. 74 (1823),
19th Cong., 27, 1826.
Choinimni (pl. Chuyenmani). A Mari-
posan tribe on Kings r., at or near the
mouth of Mill er., Cal. Powers calls
them Chainimaini and says they lived
downstream from the Tisechu and above
the Iticha. Only a few families are left.
Chai-nim’-ai-ni.— Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol.,
111, 370, 1877. Chewenee.—Gatschet in Mag. Am.
Hist., 158, 1877. Choemimnees.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, June 8, 1860. Cho-e-nem-nee, —Royce in
18th Rep. B. A. E., 782, 1899. Choe-nim-ne, — Mer-
riam in Science, XIx, 915, June 17, 1904. Cho-e-
nim-nees.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 228, 1851. Choe-wem-
nes.—Johnston (1851) in Sen. Ex. Doe. 61, 32d
Cong., 1st sess., 23, 1852. Choo-nemnes,—Ibid., 22.
Chow-e-nim-ne,—Wessells (1853) in H. R. Ex. Doc.
76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 31, 1857. Chunemmes.—
Henley in Ind. Aff. Rep., 511, 1854.
Choinok. A small Mariposan tribe,
nearly extinct, which formerly inhabited
the locality just s. of where the town of
Visalia now stands, in Tulare co., Cal.
Cho-e-nees.—Barbour (1852) in Sen. Ex. Doe. 4,
32d Cong., spec. sess., 2538, 1853. Cho-e-nuco,—
Ibid., 254. Choindc.—Garcés (1775-76), Diary, 289,
1900. Choinook.—Wessells (1853) in H. R. Ex.
Doce. 76, 34th Cong., 8d sess , 32,1857. Choi-nuck,—
Royce in 18th Rep. B. A. E., 782, 1899. Choi-
nucks.—Johnston (1851) in Sen. Ex. Doe. 61, 32d
Cong., Ist sess., 22, 1852.
Chokatowela (‘ blue spot inthe middle’ ).
A band of the Brulé Teton Sioux.
Choke-tar-to-womb.—Lewis and Clark, Discoy., 34,
1806 (probably synonymous). Coka-towela,—Dor-
sey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 218,1897. Tcoka-towela,—
Ibid.
Chokishgna. A former Gabrielefo ran-
cheria in Los Angeles co., Cal., at a local-
ity later called Jaboneria.
Chokisgna,—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.
Chokishgna,—Ibid., June 11, 1861.
Chokoukla. A former Seminole town
on the w. side of Apalachicola r., 4 m.
below the forks, in Florida. Mulatto
King was chief in 1823.—H. R. Ex. Doe.
74, 19th Cong., 27, 1826.
Chokuyem. Thename probably applied
originally to a single village somewhere
in Petaluma valley, Sonoma co., Cal. It
gained a wider significance, being used by
Gibbs to designate all the Indians in the
region from San Rafael mission N. to
Santa Rosa and x. to Suscol, and by others
CHOGSET—-CHOM AATH
[B. A. E.
in a still broader sense as the name of a
division of what they termed the Ola-
mentke, and comprising all the Indians
in Petaluma and Sonoma yalleys. This
latter broad significance is probably due
to the association at Sonoma mission of
the original Chokuyem people with those
from various other villages. (s. A. B.)
Chocouyem.—Latham (1853) in Proc. Philol. Soc.
Lond., VI, 83,1854. Cho-ki-yen.—Powers in Cont.
N. A. Ethnol., 111, 195, 1877. Petaluma.—Taylor
in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. Petlenum,—Ibid.
Tcho-ko-yem.—Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes,
Ill, 421, 1853. Tshokoyem.—Latham in Trans.
Philol. Soe. Lond., 1856.
Cholicus. A former Chumashan village
near Santa Inez mission, Cal.—Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Cholocco Litabixee (Chu-‘lako ili-tapikst
‘horse’s flat foot..—A. 8. G.). A former
Upper Creek village on a bend of Talla-
poosar., Ala., inthe river bottom, where,
on Mar. 27, 1814, the defeat of the Red-
stick party took place at the battle of the
Horseshoe.—Pickett, Hist. Ala., 1, 341,
1851.
Cholosoc. A former Chumashan village
near Santa Barbara, Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Apr. 24, 1863.
Cholovone. A tribe or group of tribes
constituting a portion of the Mariposan
family, inhabiting San Joaquin valley,
Cal., and occupying a strip of territory
along the 5. bank of San Joaquin r. in the
vicinity of Stockton, from the Tuolumne
to about Calaveras r. They were thus
separated by Moquelumnan tribes from
the main body of the family farther s.
Little is known about them, and they are
probably extinct. A Yokuts vocabulary
(Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., mm, 571,
1877), from Takin or Dents Ferry on
Stanislaus r., at the foot of the Sierra,
may be from Choloyone territory. The
following divisions or subtribes of the
Cholovone are mentioned: Chupcan, Sa-
wani, Yachikamni, Yachimese, and
Yukolumni. The following are men-
tioned as Cholovone villages: Bantas,
Heluta, Hosmite, Khulpuni, Mitutra,
Pashashe, Takin, Tammakan, and Tawi.
Somewhat doubtful are Lakisumne and
Tuolumne, which may have been Mo-
quelumnan.
Cholobone.—Pinart, Yokuts MS., B. A. E., 1880.
Cholovone.—Ibid. Tchalabones.—Chamisso in
Kotzebue Voy., 111, 51, 1821. Techoloones,—Ban-
croft, Nat. Races, I, 453, 1874 (misquoted from
Chamisso). Tcholovones.—Chamisso, op. Cit.
Cholupaha. A Timuquanan town in nN.
Florida, visited by De Soto’s troops in
Aug., 1539, before reaching Aquacalecuen.
They spoke of it as a villa farta, a town of
plenty, because they found an abundance
of Indian corn there.—Gentl. of Elvas
(1557) in French, Hist. Coll. La., 1, 131,
1850.
Chomaath (7cd’maath). A sept of the
Toquart, a Nootka tribe.—Boas in 6th
Rep. N. W. Tribes Can., 32,’ 1890.
‘
BULL. 30]
Chomchadila (‘pitch-pine’—Powers; or
‘white-pine ridge ’—Kroeber). A former
Pomo village on the mesas. w. of Calpella,
Mendocino co., Cal.
Choam-Cha-di’-la Pomo.—Powers in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., 111, 155, 1877.
Chomonchouaniste. A name given on
several maps as that of a tribe formerly
living n. w. of L. St John, Quebec. Prob-
ably a Montagnais band or settlement.
Chemonchovanistes.—Esnauts and Rapilly map,
1777. Chomonchouanistes.—Bellin map, 1755.
Chomoncouanistes.—Lotter map, ca.1755. Chomo-
nehouanistes.—Lattré map, 1784.
Chomontokali (shomo-takali, ‘hanging
moss’). A former town of the Oypatukla
or northeastern division of the Choctaw,
consisting of 8 hamlets, with garden
patches intervening, extending E. and
w. about 2 m. and about 4 m. in width;
situated between two head-streams of
Black Water cr., in Kemper co., Miss.
In 1830 the residence of Nita Homma,
‘Red Bear,’ was in the third hamlet from
the w., and about 1,200 yds. s. of the site
of his house isa mound about 12 ft. high.
The town was on the trail that extended
E. and w. from Imongolasha to Haan-
kaulla.—Halbert in Miss. Hist. Soe.
Publ., v1, 418, 1902.
Chomontakali.—Romans, Fla., map, 1775. Chomon-
tokali.—West Fla. map, ca.1775. Shomo Takali,—
Halbert, op. cit.
Chonacate.—A Huichol settlement at the
g. border of their territory, in the Sierra
de los Huicholes, Jalisco, Mexico.—Lum-
holtz, Unknown Mex., 11, 16, map, 1902.
Chonakera. The Black Bear gens of
the Winnebago.
Bear.—Morgan, Anc. Soe., 157, 1877. Black bear.—
Dorsey, MS. Winnebago vocab., B. A. E., 1878.
Hone/-cha/-da.—Morgan, Ane. Soc., 157, 1877.
Hote’ i-ki’-ka-ra/-tca-da.—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B.
A. E., 240, 1897 (‘they who call themselves after
the black bear’). Tco’-na-ke-ra,—Ibid. (archaic
name).
Chongasketon. A division of the Sisse-
ton Sioux, identified by Riggs as the Lac
Traverse band; possibly the same as the
Sisseton proper of Pike; applied by early
writers to the whole tribe and interpreted
Wolf or Dog nation, though now recog-
nized as a form of the word Sisseton.
Chongaskabes.—Barcia, Ensayo, 238, 1723. Chon-
gaskabion.—Hennepin quoted by Neill in Minn.
Hist. Coll., 1, 257, 1872. Chongaskethon.—Hennepin
quoted by Shea, Early Voy. Miss., 111, 1861. Chon-
gasketon.—Hennepin, New Discoy., 185, 1698.
Chongonsceton.—Neill, op. cit., 260 (misprint).
Chongousceton.—Carver, Tray., 80,1778. Chonkas-
ketonwan.—Williamson quoted by Neill, op. cit.,
260 (interpreted ‘dwellers in a fort’ and applied
to the Sisseton of L. Traverse). Chonsgaskaby.—
Hennepin, New Discov., map, 1698. Chougaska-
bees.—McKenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 11, 80,
1854. Chougasketon, —La Salle (1679-81)in Margry,
Déc., 1, 481, 1876. Cnongasgaba.—Coxe, Carolana,
map, 1741 (misprint). Conkasketonwan.—Riggs,
Dakota Gram. and Dict., introd., ix, 1852.
Chongyo. The Pipe clan of the Piba
(Tobacco) phratry of the Hopi.
Tcon-o,—Stephen in 8th Rep. B. A. E., 39, 1891.
Tecon wun-wu.—Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., VII,
405, 1894 (wiifi-wii=‘ clan’).
CHOMCHA DILA——-CHORRUCO
291
Chonodote (perhaps tyohnodote,’ ‘where
a spring issues.—Hewitt). A former
Cayuga settlement located on Machin’s
map of Sullivan’s expedition (Conover,
MS., B. A. E.) on the £. side of Cayuga
lake, a few miless. of the present Cayuga,
N. Y. It was probably destroyed by
Sullivan in 1779.
Chonque. Probably a Choctaw band on
Yazoo r., Miss., below the Tioux, in the
17th century. See Chunkey.
Chenkus.—McKenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 111,
80, 1854. Chongue.—Coxe, Carolana, 12, 1741.
Chonque,—Tonti (1690) in French, Hist. Coll. La.,
82, 1846.
Chooahlitsh. .A former Samish settle-
ment in the canoe passage rk. of Hidalgo
id., N. w. Wash.
Choo-ah-litsh.—Gibbs, MS. no. 248, B. A. E.
Chooca Hoola (chika ‘house,’ ‘lodge,’
hullo ‘beloved’). A former Choctaw set-
tlement on the n. side of Sukenatcha cr.,
between the mouths of Running Tiger
and Straight ers., in the n. part of Kemper
Co., Miss.—Halbert in Miss. Hist. Soe.
Publ., vr, 425, 1902.
Chooca Hoola.—Romans,
Chooka-hoola,—Ibid, 310.
Choppatee’s Village. A former Miami
village on the w. bank of St Joseph r., a
few miles from Ft Wayne, Allen co., Ind.
Named after a chief who resided there.
The tract was granted to J. B. Boure, an
interpreter, by treaty of Oct. 23, 1826.
Choptank. Apparently a tribe consist-
ing of 3 subtribes—the Ababco, Hutsa-
wap, and Tequassimo—formerly living
on Choptank r. in Maryland. In 1741
they were given a reserve near Secretary
cr., on the s. side of Choptank r., in Dor-
chester co., on the Eastern shore, where
a few of mixed Indian and negro blood
still remained in 1837. See Bozman,
Maryland, 1, 115, 1837.
Chorofa (‘bird’). A clan of the Apo-
hola phratry of the ancient Timucua of
Florida.—Pareja (1614) quoted by Gat-
schet in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., xvi1, 492,
1878.
Choromi. A Costanoan village formerly
situated near Santa Cruz mission, Cal.—
Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 5, 1860.
Chorruco. A tribe, formerly on the
Texas coast, to whom Cabeza de Vaca
fled from the Coaque with whom he had
lived nearly a year after shipwreck on
Malhado id. in 1528. The people, he
said, took their name from the woods in
which they lived. He stayed with this
tribe about 6 years, traveling and trading
with others in the vicinity and inland.
The region was probably the home of the
Karankawan family at that time. The
Chorruco are now extinct. See Gatschet,
Karankawa Indians, Peabody Museum
Papers, 1, 46, 1891. (CAS CH RS)
Carruco.—Harris, Voy. and Tray., I, 802, 1705.
Charruco,—Cabeza de Vaca, Smith trans., 53, 1851.
Florida, map, 1775.
292
Chorruco.—Ibid., 84. Chorucco,—Smith, Cabeza de
Vaca, index, 1871. Choruico.—Latham, Elem.
Comp. Philol., 466, 1862. ‘
Chosho. A Chumashan village formerly
on Santa Cruz id., Cal., probably &. ot
Prisoner’s harbor.
Tco-co.—_Henshaw, Buenaventura MS. vocab., B.
A. E., 1884.
Chosro. The Bluebird clan of the Hopi.
Choro.—Dorsey and Voth, Mishongnovi Ceremo-
nies, 175, 1902. Chorzh.—Voth, Oraibi Summer
Snake Ceremony, 283, 1903. Chérzh-namu.—Voth,
Trad. of the Hopi, 37, 1905. Teo’-ro wun-wu.—
Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., VII, 404, 1894 (wtin-wii
=‘clan’). Tcosro winwi.—Fewkes in 19th Rep.
B. A. E., 584, 1900. Teo’-zir.—Stephen in 8th Rep.
B, A. E., 38, 1891 (given as the Jay clan). q
Chotanksofkee (tchat aksofka ‘preci-
pice’). A town situated 1 m. s. w. of
Eufaula, in the Creek Nation, Ind. Ter.
(H.R. Doc. 80, 27th Cong., 3d sess., 8,
1843). In the old Creek country there
was formerly a settlement of the same
name, probably near Abikudshi, £. of
upper Coosa r., Ala. (A. 8. G.)
Choupetoulas. A village formerly on
the left bank of the Mississippi, 2 or 3
leagues above New Orleans; spoken of’
by Pénicaut in 1718 as old and apparently
abandoned. The name of the people,
who were possibly of Choctaw affinity, is
perpetuated in that of a street in New
Orleans. (ASG)
Chapitoulas.x—Dumont, La., I, 13, 1753. Choupi-
toulas.—Pénicaut (1718) in French, Hist. Coll.
La., 141, 1869. Tchoupitoulas.—French, Hist. Coll.
La., I11, 59, note, 1851.
Choutikwuchik (Pima: Tcdtitik Wi/tcik,
‘charcoal laying’). A former village of
the Maricopa, in s. Arizona, which was
abandoned by its inhabitants on their
removal down the Gila to their present
location below. Gila crossing. It was
then occupied by the Pima, who in turn
abandoned it.—Russell, MS., B. A. E.,
16, 1902.
Chowanoc ( Algonquian: shawitni ‘south’ ;
shawtinog? ‘they of the south,’ ‘southern-
ers.’ —W.J.). A tribe formerly living on
Chowan r.,Nn. E. N. C., about the junc-
tion of Meherrin and Nottoway rs. In
1584-85, when first known, they were the
leading tribe in that region. Two of
their villages at that time were Ohanoak
and Maraton, and they probably occupied
also Catoking and Metocaum. Ohanoak
alone was said to have 700 warriors. They
gradually dwindled away before the
whites, and in 1701 were reduced to a sin-
gle village on Bennettscr. They joined in
the Tuscarora war against the whites in
1711-12, and at its close the remnant, esti-
mated at about 240, were assigned a small
reservation on Bennetts and Catherine
crs. In 1820 they were supposed to be
extinct. In addition to the settlements
named, the Chowanoc also occupied Ra-
mushonok. (J. M. )
Chawanock.—Barlow (1584) in Smith (1629), Vir-
ginia, I, 84, repr. 1819. Chawanook.—Greenville
CHOSRO—CHOWCHILLA
[B. A. B.
(1585) in Hawks, N. C., 1, 112, 1859. Chawon-
acks.—Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th s., 1x, 15, 1871.
Chawonests.—Lane (1586) in Smith (1629), Vir-
ginia, I, 88, repr. 1819. Chawonoack,—Ibid., 87,
90. Chawonock.—Ibid. Chawonoks,—Ibid. Cha-
wons.—Dutch map (1621) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
I, 1856. Chawoon.—Horne, map (1666) in Hawks,
N. C., 11, 1858. Chawwonocks.—Smith (1629), op.
cit., I, 75, repr. 1819. Chawwonoke.—Pots, ibid.,
230. Choan,—Doc of 1653 in N. C. Ree., 1, 17, 1886.
Choanists.—Lane (1586) in Hakluyt, Voy., 111, 314,
repr.1810. Chowah.—Latham, Elem.Comp.Philol.,
466, 1862. Chowan.—Doc. of 1663 in N. C. Rece., 1, 64,
1886. Chowane.—Ibid., 55. Chowanoake.—Doc. of
1707, ibid., 657. Chowanocs.—Jefferson, Notes,
129, 1825. Chowanok.—Drake, Bk. Inds., vii, 1848.
Chowanooke,—Strachey (ca. 1612), Virginia, 143,
1849. Chowou.—Lawson (1710), Hist. Car., 353,
repr. 1860 (misprint for Chuwon). Chuwon.—Ibid.,
388. Shawan,—Lederer (1670) in Hawks, N.C., II,
45, 1858 (used as a synonym for Roanoke r.)
Chowchilla. A name applied in various
forms to two distinct divisions of Cali-
fornia, one belonging to the Miwok (Mo-
quelumnan family), the other to the
Yokuts (Mariposan family), The former
lived on the upper waters of Fresno and
Chowchilla rs., and the latter, properly
called Chaushila (q.v.), probably on lower
Chowchilla r., in the plains and lowest
foothills. Recorded under many forms
of the same name from the time of the
gold excitement, the two divisions have
been inextricably confused. A treaty was
made with them and numerous other
tribes Apr. 29, 1851, by which a tract be-
tween Chowchilla and Kaweah rs. was
reserved for their use. At this time the
Yokuts Chowchilla, or Chaushila, to-
gether with the Howeches, Chukchansi,
Pohoniche, and Nukchu were said to be
under a single chief called Naiyakqua.
The Miwok division, apparently, were
considered the most powerful and warlike
people of that region, and to them was
attributed the greater part of the hos-
tilities, murders, and robberies that had
occurred, although this arraignment is
probably due to nothing more than the
defense by the Indians of themselves and
their homes against the depredations of
lawless whites. These numbered only 85
in 1857. The reservation was abandoned
by 1859, and asmaller one, w. of Madera,
was set aside; this, however, was seem-
ingly never confirmed. There are some
survivors of the Miwok Chowchilla living
along the upper waters of the stream that
bears their name.
Chau-chil’-la,—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., It,
349, 1877. Chouchillas,—Barbour et al, (1851) in
Sen. Ex. Doc. 4, 32d Cong., spec. sess., 61, 1853. Chou-
chille.—Johnston (1851),ibid., 65. Chou-chillies, —
McKee et al. (1851), ibid., 74. Chow-chi-la,—Wes-
sells (1853) in H. R. Ex. Doe. 76, 34th Cong., 3d
sess., 30, 1857. Chow-chi-liers.—Jolinston in Sen.
Ex. Doc. 61, 32d Cong., Ist sess., 22, 1852. Chow-
chillas.—Lewis in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1857, 399, 1858.
Chowchille.—Johnston (1851) in Sen. Ex. Doc. 4,
32d Cong., spec. sess., 64, 1853. Chow-chill-ies,—
McKee et al. in Ind. Aff. Rep., 223, 1851. Chow-
clas.—Henley in Ind. Aff. Rep., 512, 1854. Cow-
chillas.—Beale (1852) in Sen. Ex. Doc. 4, 32d Cong.,
spec. sess., 378, 1853.
BULL. 30]
Chowigna. A Gabrieleno rancheria for-
merly at Palos Verdes, Los Angeles co.,
Cal.—Ried (1852) quoted by Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.
Unaungna.—Kroeber, inf’n, 1905 (Luiseno name).
Choye. A village, mentioned by Tonti
(French, Hist. Coll. La., 1, 72, 1846) in
1690, as near the settlements of the Yatasi
on Red r., in the n. w. part of what is
now Louisiana. The people were said to
be hostile to the Kadohadacho, perhaps
some passing quarrel. From its associa-
tion with the Yatasi and Natasi, the vil-
lage was probably inhabited by a sub-
division of one of the Caddo tribes. The
subsequent history of the settlement is not
known; its inhabitants were probably
scattered among their kindred during the
contentions of the 18th century, later
becoming extinct. Geich Es)
Chaye.—Margry, Déc., 111, 409, 1878. Choye.—
aoe (1690) in French, Hist. Coll. La., I, 72,
Choyopan (‘moving the eyelids or eye-
brows’). Santa Barbara.—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soc.
Lond., 85,1856 (includes Santa Barbara, Santa Inez,
san Luis Obispo languages); Buschmann, Spuren
der aztek. Sprache, 531, 535, 538, 602, 1859; Latham,
Opuscula, 351,1860; Powell in Cont. N. A. Ethnol.,
III, 550, 567, 1877 (Kasud, Santa Inez, id. of Santa
Cruz, Santa Barbara); Gatschetin U.S.Geog. Sury.
W. 100th Mer., vir, 419, 1879 (cites La Purisima,
Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Kasudé, Mugu, Santa
Cruzid.). xSanta Barbara,—Gatschetin Mag. Am.
Hist., 156, 1877 (Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Santa
Cruz id., San Luis Obispo, San Antonio). =Chu-
mashan.—Powell in 7th Rep. B. A. E., 67, 1891.
Chumawi. A former Shastan band or
village in Big valley, Modoc co, Cal.
Chu-ma’-wa.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., III,
267, 1877.
Chumidok. A term used by Powers as
a tribal name similar to Chumteya, q. v.
298
Chimedocs.—Powers in Overland Mo., x, 324, 1873.
Chim/-i-dok.—Powe:s in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1,
349, 1877. Choomedocs.—Powers in Overland Mo.,
X, 324, 1873. Chu/-mi-dok.—Powers in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., 111, 349, 1877.
Chumpache. A former Chumashan vil-
lage in Ventura co., Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, July 24, 1865.
Chumteya. A name meaning ‘southern-
ers,’ and applied with dialectic variations
by most Miwok (Moquelumnan) divi-
sions to the divisions s. of them. Insome
cases the name or a form of it may have
been the proper appellation of particular
divisions, but on the whole it remained
geographical rather than national or
tribal; as explained by the Indians
themselves, divisions called Chumteya
by those n. of themselves applied the
same term in turn to their southern
neighbors, and soon. See also Chumidok,
Chumuch, Chumwit. (A. L. K.)
Chimteya.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111, 353,
1877. Choomtéyas.—Powers in Overland Mo., x,
324, 1873. Chiméto.—Gatschet in Am, Antiq.,
v, 71, 1883. Chtim-te’-ya.—Powers in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., 11, 349, 1877.
Chumuch. A term used by Powers as a
tribal name similar to Chumteya, q. v.
Choomuch.—Powers in Overland Mo., x, 324, 1873.
Chu’-much.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111,
349, 1877.
Chumuchu. Apparently 2 distinct Chu-
mashan villages formerly near Santa Inez
mission, Santa Barbara co., Cal.—Taylor
in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Chumwit. A term used by Powers as a
tribal name similar to Chumteya, q. v.
Choomwits.—Powers in Overland Mo., X, 324, 1873.
Sean in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 11, 349,
Ol.
Chunacansti. Mentioned by Alcedo
(Dic. Geog., 1, 565, 1786) as a pueblo of
the province of South Carolina, on a swift
river of the same name which flows s. E.
to the sea. Unidentified.
Chunaneets. A Tuscarora village in
North Carolina in 1701.—Lawson (1709),
N. C., 383, 1860.
Chunarghuttunne. A former village of
the Chastacosta on the n. side of Rogue
r., E. of its junction with Applegate cr.,
Oreg.
To’ i-na/-rxit yin/né.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-
lore, III, 234, 1890.
Chunkey. The name commonly used
by the early traders to designate a man’s
game formerly popular among the Gulf
tribes and probably generalin theS., FE. of
the Mississippi. Itwasplayed withastone
disk and a pole which had a crook at one
end. The disk was rolled ahead, and the
object was to slide the pole after it in
such a way that the disk would rest in
the curve of the crook when both came
toa stop. It was usually played in the
larger towns upon a piece of ground regu-
larly prepared for the purpose, called
by the traders the ‘‘chunkey yard,”
or ‘‘chunk yard,” adjoining the town
CHUMPACHE—CHUPCAN
-of Tulare lake, Cal.
[B. A. B.
square, or central plaza, in which the most
important public ceremonies were per-
formed. In the W. a somewhat similar
game was played with a netted wheel and
a pair of throwing sticks. The name ap-
pears to come from the Catawba or some
other language of Carolina, where Lawson,
in 1701, mentions it under the name
chenco. For diagrams of the Creek town
square, with chunkey yard, see Gatschet,
Creek Migr. Leg., 11, 186, 1888, and Swan
in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 264, 1855.
See Games, Discoidal stones. (3. M.)
Chunkey. A former Choctaw town on
the site of the modern village of Union,
Newton co., Miss.—Brown in Miss. Hist.
Soe. Publ., v1, 448, 1902.
Chanki.—Romans, Florida, map, 1775. Chunky.—
Brown, op. cit.
Chunkey Chitto (‘big Chunkey,’ so
called to distinguish it from Chunkey).
A former Choctaw town on the w. bank
of Chunky cr., about } m. below its con-
fluence with Talasha cr., in Newton co.,
Miss. It was the southernmost town
visited by Tecumseh in the fall of 1811.—
Brown in Miss. Hist. Soc. Publ., v1, 443-
444, 1902; Halbert and Ball, Creek War,
46, 1895.
Chunky.—Brown, op. cit.
Chunsetunneta. A former village of the
Chastacosta on the Nn. side of Rogue r.,
Oreg.
Tctin-se/-tiin-ne’/-ta.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-
lore, III, 2384, 1890.
Chunsetunnetun. A former village of the
Chastacosta on the n. side of Rogue r.,
Oreg.
Tctin-se’-tiin-ne’-tiin.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-
lore, III, 234, 1890.
Chuntshataatunne (‘people of the large
fallen tree’). A former village of the
Mishikhwutmetunne on Coquille r., oe
Tciin-tca/-ta-a’ yanné.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Fol
lore, 111, 232, 1890.
Chunut (pl. Chunotachi). A former
important Yokuts tribe in the plains E.
They were enemies
of the Tadji at the n. end of the lake, but
on friendly terms with the hill tribes.
They lived in long communal houses of
tule. Their dialect formed a group with
the Tadji and Choinok. (Aji)
Cho-ho-nuts.—Barbour (1852) in Sen. Ex. Doc. 4,
32d Cong., spec. sess., 256, 1853. Choo-noot,—Wes-
sells (1853) in H. R. Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Cong., 3d sess.,
32,1857. Chu’-nut.—Powersin Cont. N. A. Ethnol.,
11, 370, 1877. Chunute.—Royce in 18th Rep. B. A.
E., 782, 1899. Chu-su-te.—Barbour, op. cit. (men-
tioned as on Paint cr.).
Chupatak (7viipatik, ‘mortar stone’).
A former Pima village in s. Arizona.—
Russell, Pima MS., B. A. E., 16, 1902.
Chupcan. Mentioned asa village of the
Choloyone on the E. bank of San Joaquin
r., N. of the Tuolumne, Cal. The name
may be another form of Chapposan, ap-
parently a tribe on the San Joaquin, and
also of the otherwise unidentifiable
Chopee mentioned as on Fresno res. in
1861. (A. L. K.)
BULL. 50]
Chap-pah-seins, —Johnston (1851) in Sen. Ex. Doe.
61, 32d Cong., Ist sess., 20, 1852. Chap-po-sans.—
Ryer (1851), ibid., 21. Chopees.—Ind. Aff. Rep.,
219, 1861. Chupean.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Oct.
18, 1861. Tchupukanes.—Kotzebue, New Voy., II
146, 1830.
Chupichnushkuch. A former Kuitsh vil-
lage near lower Umpqua r., Oreg.
Tc'a/-pite n‘u’ ckutec.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-
lore, III, 231, 1890. , ; }
Chupumni. A former Miwok village
not far s. of Cosumnes r., Cal.
Chupumnes.—Hale, Ethnog. and Philol.,
1846.
Churamuk. A former considerable vil-
lage on the n. side of Susquehanna r., 18
m. above Oswego, N. Y.; destroyed by
Sullivan in 1779.—Livermore (1779) in
N. H. Hist. Soc. Coll., v1, 322, 1850.
Churan (‘red-eye people’). One of the
two divisions or fraternities of Isleta pueb-
lo, N. Mex. See Shifwnin.
Chu-ran’,—Hodge, field notes, B. A. E., 1895.
Shuiren.—Gatschet, Isleta MS. vocab., B. A. E.,
1885 (given asa clan).
Churchcates.—A small unidentified tribe
mentioned by Goy. Archdale, of South
Carolina, in the latter part of the 18th
century, in a complaint that the Appa-
lachicoloes, or English Indians, had at-
tacked and killed 3 of them. —Carroll,
Hist. Coll. S. C., 11, 107, 1836.
Churchers. A body of Indians living
gE. and N. E. of the white settlements in
New England in 1634 (Wood, 1634,
quoted by Barton, New Views, xviii,
1798). Not the Praying Indians, as the
period is too early
Churehu. The
pueblo, N. Mex.
Chiréhu-t’ainin.—Lummis quoted by Hodge in
Am. Anthrop., Lx, 351, 1896 (?’ainin=‘ people’).
Churmutce. A former village, presum-
ably Costanoan, connected with Dolores
mission, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Churuptoy. A tribe of the Patwin di-
vision of the Copehan family, formerly
living in Yolo and perhaps i in Napa co.,
Cal. It was one of the 7 which made
peace with Goy. Vallejo in 1836.—Ban-
croft, Hist. Cal., 1v, 71, 1886.
Chusca. The name (Tszs-kai, Ts6-is-
kai) given by the Navaho to a_ promi-
nent hill on the Navaho res., n. w. N.
Mex. Geographers extend the name
(Choiska) to the whole mountain mass
from which the knoll rises. Cortez in
taioncrac, i. R:*Rep.; a, pt. 3; 119,
1856) recorded it, w ith doubtful pro-
priety, as the name of a Navaho settle-
ment. In these mountains are the re-
mains of breastworks and other evidences
of a disastrous fight that took place before
1850, according to Navaho informants, be-
tween their warriors and Mexican troops.
(Ww. M.)
Chusean. A former village, presumably
Costanoan, connected w ith Dolores mis-
VI, 630,
Mole clan of Isleta
CHU PICHNUSHKUCH—CIENEGA
299
sion, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Chushtarghasuttun. A former village
of the Chastacosta on the Nn. side of Rogue
r., Oreg.
Te’uc’-ta- -rxa-siit/-tiin, —Dorsey in Jour, Am. Folk-
lore, III, 234, 1890.
Chusterghutmunnetun. A former vil-
lage of the Chastacosta, the highest on
Rogue r., Oreg.
Tc’us-té’ _rxut-miin-ne/-tin, —Dc yrsey in Jour. Am.
Folk-lore, 111, 234, 1890.
Chutchin. A former village, presumably
Costanoan, connected with Dolores mis-
sion, San Francise o, Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Chutil (named from a slough on which
it was situated). A former village or
camp of the Pilalt, a Cowichan tribe of
lower Chilliwack r., Brit. Col.
hana .—Hill-Tout in Ethnol. Surv. Can., 48,
Chuttusgelis. The reputed site of Sole-
dad mission, Cal.—Engelhardt, Francis-
cans in Cal., 380, 1897.
Chuttushshunche. A former village of
the Chastacosta on the Nn. side of Rogue
r., Oreg.
Tcit/-tic-ctin-tcé.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-lore,
III, 234, 1890.
Chuwutukawutuk ( Tei’ wiittiikawiitik,
‘earth hill’). A former Pima village in
s. Arizona.—Russell, Pima MS., B. A. E.,
16, 1902.
Chuyachiec (‘the point of a ridge’). A
small rancheria of the Tarahumare, not
far from Norogachic, Chihuahua, Mex-
ico.—Lumholtz, inf’n, 1894.
Chwaiyok. A former Chumashan yil-
lage &. of San Buenaventura, Ventura co.,
Cal., a locality now called Los Pitos.
Tc’-wai-yok.—Henshaw, Buenaventura MS. yo-
cab., B. A. E., 1884.
Chynau. ‘A former village, presumably
Costanoan, connected with Dolores mis-
sion, San Francise 0, Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Cibolas (Mexican Span.: ‘ buffaloes’).
A term applied by early Spanish writers
to any buffalo-hunting Indians. The
name Vaqueros (see Querecho) was simi-
larly applied to the Apache of the Texas
plains in the 16th century.
Cicacut. A Chumashan village at Go-
leta, w. of Santa Barbara, Cal., in 1542.—
Cabrillo in Smith, Colec. Doc., 181, 1857.
Cicauit.—Taylor’in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 17, 1863.
Pueblo de las Sardinas.—Cabrillo, op. cit.
Cienega (Span.: ‘marsh,’ ‘moor,’ and
in s. w. U. S., ‘meadow’; Tewa name,
Tziguma, ‘lone cottonwood tree’). A
pueblo formerly occupied by the Tano,
but apparently containing also some
Queres, situated in the valley of Rio
Santa Fe, 12 m. s. w. of Santa Fe, N.
Mex. In the 17th century it was a
visita of San Marcos mission. Of this
pueblo Bandelier says: ‘‘It was aban-
doned at a time when the Pueblos were
300
independent [between 1680 and 1692],
and an effort to repeople it was made by
Diego de Vargas alter the pacification of
New Mexico in 1695, but with little suc-
cess. Tziguma was therefore a historic
pueblo. Nevertheless, Iam in doubt as
to which stock its inhabitants belonged.
They are mentioned as being Queres, .
but the people of Cochiti do not regard
them as having been of their own stock,
but as belonging to the Puya-tye or Ta-
nos. Until the question is decided by
further researches among the Tanos of
Santo Domingo, I shall hold that the
pueblo was a Tanos village.’’? It con-
tained no Indians in 1782, and at no time
did its population reach 1,000.—Arch.
Inst. Papers, 11, 125, 1890; 1v, 91-92,
1892.
Alamo Solo.—Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, IV,
pt. 2, 92, 1892 (Spanish name of present village:
‘Lone cottonwood tree’). Chi-mu-a.—Bandelier
in Ritch, N. Mex., 201, 1885. Chiu-ma.—Ritch,
ibid., 166. Ciénega de Carabajal.—Ofate (1598) in
Doe. Inéd., xvi, 114, 1871. Cieneguilla.—Davis,
Span. Conq.N. Mex.,333,1869. Cinega.—D’ Anville,
mapN.A.,Bolton’sed.,1752. La Cienega.—Bande-
lier in Arch. Inst. Papers, Iv, 91, 1892. La Ciene-
gia.—Davis, Span. Cong. N. Mex., 3383, 1869. La
Cienguilla,—Ibid., 350. Sienaguilla.—Ibid., map.
Sienega.—Gallegas (1844) in Emory, Recon., 478,
1848. Tzi-gu-ma.—Bandelierin Arch. Inst. Papers,
III, 125, 1890 (aboriginal name). Tzi-gu-may.—
Tbid., rv, 91, 1892. Ziguma.—Ladd, N. Mex., 199,
1891.
Cienega. A large Cora rancheria in the
Sierra de Nayarit, in the n. part of the
territory of Tepic, Mexico.
Cienega.—Lumholtz, Unknown Mex., I, map, 16,
1902. La Cienega,—Ibid., I, 498.
Cieneguilla (Span.: ‘little marsh’). A
former village on the Potrero Viejo, above
the present Cochiti pueblo, N. Mex., oc-
cupied almost continuously by the Cochiti
between 1681 and 1694. It was burned in
the latter year by Goy. Vargas during his
reconquest of the country.—Bandelier in
Arch. Inst. Papers, 1v, 169, 1892.
Cienegui.—Escalante (1693?) quoted by Bandelier,
ibid., 173, 1892. Cieneguillaa—Mendoza (1681),
ibid., 169.
Cincinnati Tablet. See Not hed plates.
Cinco Llagas (Span.: ‘five wounds,’ re-
ferring to the wounds of Christ). A
Tepehuane village near the Cerro de
Muinora, in the Sierra Madre, on the head-
waters of the Rio del Fuerte, in the ex-
treme s. w. part of Chihuahua, Mexico,
the inhabitants of which are of pure blood,
but speak Spanish.—Doe. Hist. Mex., 4th
s., Iv, 93, 1857; Lumholtz, Unknown
Mexico, 1, 429, 1902.
Cinihuay. A former Chumashan vil-
lage at Los Gatos, near Santa Barbara,
Cal.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 24,
1863.
Cinnabar. The sulphide of mercury,
which supplies a brilliant red pigment
used to a considerable extent by the na-
tive tribes. It is somewhat more bril-
liant in hue than the hematites, being
CIENEGA—CITIZEN POTAWATOMI
[B. A. B.
the basis of the vermilion of commerce.
It occurs in pulverulent earthy forms and
as a compact ore largely in connection
with serpentines. It is found in Cali-
fornia and Texas, and to a limited ex-
tent in Idaho, Utah, and Nevada. Yar-
row found it associated with burials in
s. California, and remarks that, used as
a paint for the person, it might be ex-
pected to cause ‘‘constitutional derange-
ments of a serious nature’? (Surv. W.
100th Merid., vu, 1879), and Meredith
(Moorehead, Prehist. Impls., 1900) even
attributes the diseased bones so often ob-
tained from native graves to the excessive
use of this pigment. (w. H. H.)
Cinquack. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy near Smiths Pt on the Poto-
mac, in Northumberland co., Va., in 1608.
Chinquack.—Doc. of 1638 in Bozman, M4d., IU, 73,
1837. Cinquack.—Smith (1629), Virginia, I, map,
repr. 1819. %
Cinquaeteck. A village on the Poto-
mac, in the present Prince George co.,
Md., in 1608.—Smith (1629), Virginia, 1,
map,repr.1819. Cf. Chincoteague, Cinquo-
teck.
Cinguoteck. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy, probably of the Pamunkey
tribe, in the fork of Mattapony and
Pamunkey rs., King William co., Va., in
1608.—Smith (1629), Virginia,1,map, repr.
1819. Cf. Chincoteague, Cinquaeteck.
Cisco. A name applied to various spe-
cies of fish found in the region of the
great lakes, particularly the lake herring
(Coregonus artedi) and the lake noon-eye
(C. hoyi). The word is said to be taken
from one of the Algonquian dialects of
the region, but its origin is not clear.
Perhaps it is a reduction of ciscoette or
siskownt. (A. F.C.)
Cisco (Si’ska, ‘uncle’). A village of
the Lytton band of Ntlakyapamuk on
Fraser r., 8 m. below Lytton, Brit. Col.;
pop. 82 in 1902.
Si’ska.—Teit in Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 11, 171,
1900. Siska Flat.—Can. Ind. Aff. for 1880, 317.
Ciscoette. A name of the lake herring
(Coregonus artedi), seemingly a French
diminutive in efte from cisco, but proba-
bly a French corruption of siskowitt, q. v.
(Aan Cs)
Ciscoquett, Ciscowet. See Siskowit.
Citisans. One of the five tribes of which
Badin, in 1830 (Ann. de la Prop. de la
Foi, 1v, 536, 1843), believed the Sioux na-
tion to be composed. Possibly intended
for Sisseton.
Citizen Potawatomi. A part of the
Potawatomi who, while living in Kansas,
withdrew from the rest of the tribe about
1861, took lands in severalty and became
citizens, but afterward removed to In-
dian Ter. (now Oklahoma). They num-
bered 1,036 in 1890, but by 1900 had in-
BULL. 30]
creased to 1,722, and in 1904 the number
was given as 1,686. é
Ciucut. A Chumashan village between
Goleta and Pt Conception, Cal., in 1542.
Ciucut.—Cabrillo, Narr. (1542), in Smith, Colec.
Doe. Fla.,183,1857. Cuicut.,—Taylorin Cal. Farmer,
Apr. 17, 1863.
Civilization. To the aboriginal inhab-
itant of this continent civilization entails
the overturning of his ancient form of
government, the abolition of many of his
social usages, the readjustment of his
ideas of property and personal rights, and
change of occupation. No community
of natives was devoid of asocial organiza-
tion and a form of government. These
varied, some tribes being much more
highly organized than others (see Clan
and Gens), but all possessed rules of con-
duct which must be obeyed, else punish-
ment would follow. Native organization
was based on kinship, which carried with
it the obligation of mutual protection.
The tribe, wherever it chanced to be,
whether resting at home in the village,
wandering on the plains in pursuit of
game, or scattered in quest of fish on the
rivers or sea, always preserved its organ-
ization and authority intact, whereas the
organization which civilization imposes
on the native is based on locality, those
living within certain limits being, regard-
less of relationship, subject to common
laws and having equal responsibilities;
mere kinship warrants no claim, and the
family is differently constituted. In the
tribal family husband and wife very often
must belong to different units. According
to the custom of the particular tribe the
children trace descent through their
father and belong to his gens, or through
their motherand are members of her clan.
Modern civilization demands the abroga-
tion of the clan or gens, and children
must inherit from both parents and be
subject to their authority, not that of a
clan or gens.
Most of the common occupations of
tribal life are wiped out by civilization.
Intertribal wars have ceased, and war
honors are no longer possible; the herds
of buffalo and other animals are gone,
and with them the hunter, and the makers
of bows, arrows, spears, and other im-
plements of the chase. The results of
generations of training are of little avail
to the civilized male Indian.
Under tribal conditions woman held,
in many cases, a place in the management
of tribal affairs. Upon her devolved
partly the cultivation of the fields, the
dressing of skins, the making of clothing,
the production of pottery and baskets,
the preparing of food, and all that went
to conserve the home. Civilization puts
an end to her outdoor work and consigns
CIUCUT—CIVILIZATION
301
her to the kitchen and the washtub,
while the white man’s factories supply
cloth, clothing, pots, pans, and baskets,
for none of the native industries can sur-
vive in competition with machinery.
Woman, moreover, loses her importance
in public affairs and the independent
ownership of property that was her right
by tribal law. No group of peoples on
the continent were destitute of religious
beliefs or of rites and ceremonies express-
ive of them. These beliefs were based
on the idea that man, in common with
all created things, was endowed with life
by some power that pervaded the uni-
verse. The methods of appealing to this
power varied with the environment of
the peoples, but the incentive was the
desire for food, health, and long life,
while the rites and ceremonies inculcated
certain ethical relations between man
and man. As among all races, priest-
crait overlaid many of the higher
thoughts and teachings of native religion
and led to unworthy practices. Never-
theless the breaking down of the ancient
forms of worship through the many
changes and restrictions incident to the
settlement of the country has caused the
natives much distress and mental confu-
sion. It is not surprising that it has
been a slow and difficult process for the
aborigines to accept and conform to such
radical changes of organization, customs,
and beliefs as are required by civilization.
Yet many have done so, showing a grasp
of mind, a power to apprehend the value
of new ideals, and a willingness to accept
the inevitable, and evincing a degree of
courage, self-restraint, and strength of
character that can not fail to win the ad-
miration of thinking men. The younger
generation, born under the new condi-
tions, are spared the abrupt change
through which their fathers had to
struggle. Wherever the environment
permits, the employments of the white
race are now those of the Indian. In one
branch of the Eskimo change has come
through the introduction of the reindeer.
Already the Indian is to be found tilling
his farm, plying the trades, employed
on the railroads, working in mines and
logging camps, and holding positions of
trust in banks and mercantile houses.
Indians, of pure race or of mixed blood,
are practising as lawyers, physicians, and
clergymen; they have made their way in
literature and art, and are serving the pub-
lic in national and state offices, from that
of road master to that of legislator. The
school, the missionary, and the altered
conditions of life are slowly but surely
changing the Indian’s mode of thought as
well as his mode of living, and the old life
of his tribe and race is becoming more
302
and more a memory and a tradition. See
Agency system, Education, Government pol-
icy, Missions. (GAs eh 155)
Ciyuktun. A former Chumashan yil-
lage near Santa Barbara, Cal.—Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, May 4, 1860.
Cizentetpi. Mentioned by Ofate (Doe.
Inéd., xy, 114, 1871) as a pueblo of New
Mexicoin 1598. Doubtless situated in the
Salinas, in the vicinity of Abo, ©. of the
Rio Grande, and in all probability for-
merly occupied by the Tigua or the Piros.
Clackama. A Chinookan tribe formerly
occupying several villages on Clackamas
Io; sim (G; lackamas co. , Oree. In 1806
Lewis and Clark estimated their num-
ber at 1,800; in 1851 their number was
placed at 88, and at that time they claimed
the country on the gr. side of Willamette
r. from a few miles above its mouth
nearly to Oregon City and rf. as far as the
Cascade mts. This territory they ceded
to the United States by the Dayton treaty
of 1855, and later they were removed to
the Grande Ronde res., Oreg., where they
are said to number about 60. (cars)
A’/kimmash.—Gatschet, Kalapuya MS., B. A. E.
(Atfalati name.) Clackamas.—Dart in Ind. Aff.
Rep., 214, 1851. Clackamis.— Palmer, Tray. Rocky
Mts., 84, 1845. Clackamos.—Lewis and Clark, Ex-
ped., 11, 219, 1814. Clackamurs.—Wilkes, Hist.
Oregon, 44, 1845. Clack-a-mus.—Lewis and Clark,
Exped., I, map, 1814. Clackanurs.—Robertson,
Oregon, 129, 1846. Clackarners.—Robertson in H.
R. Ex. Doc. 76, 380th Cong., Ist sess., 9, 1848.
Clakamus.—Warre and Vayasour (1835) in Martin,
Hudson Bay Ter., 80, 1849. Clakemas.—Duflot de
Mofras, Explor. de]’ Oregon, 11, 335, 1844. Clarka-
mees.—Morse, Rep, to Sec. War, 372, 1822. Clark-
ames.—Drake, Bk. Inds., vii, 1848. Clarkamos.—
Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark (1806), IV, 255, 1905.
Clarkamus.—Lewis and Clark, Exped., II, 474, 1814.
Clukemus.—Coues, Henry-Thompson’ Jour., 811,
1897. Gita’q;émas.—Boas, Kathlamet Texts, 237,
1901 (Clatsop name), Guithla/kimas.,—Gatschet,
MS., B. A. E. (own name). Klackamas.,—Hines,
Oregon, 144, 1850. Klackamus.—Wilkes in U. 8.
Expl. Exped., Iv, 368, 1845. Klackamuss.—Kane,
Wand, in N. A., 196, 1859. Klakamat.—Gatschet
in Beach, Ind. Miscel., 448, 1877. Klaki’mass,—
Gairdner (1835) in Jour. Geog. Soc. Lond., xt,
256, 1841. Nsekau’s.—Gatschet, Nestucca MS.
vocab., B. A. E. (Nestucca name). Ns tiwat.—
Ibid. (Nestucca name). Sehalatak,—Framboise
quoted by Gairdner (1835) in Jour. Geog. Soe.
Lond., XI, 256, 1841. Thlakeimas.—Tolmie and
Dawson, Comp. Voeabs. Brit. Col., 11, 1884. Tla-
kimish, —Mooney, inf’n,1904(own name), Tlaki-
mish-pim,—Ibid. Twa tane.—Gatschet, Umpqua
MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1877 (Umpqua name).
Clahclellah ( probably a variation of
Watlala). A Chinookan tribe living in
a single village of 7 houses near the foot
of the Cascades of Columbia r., Oreg.,
in 1806.
Clahclallah.—Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark, rv,
275, 1905. Clahelellah.—Ibid., 273. Clahclellars,—
Tbid., 258.
Clahnaquah. A Chinookan tribe or di-
vision living in 1806 on Sauvies id., Mult-
nomah co., Oreg., on Columbia r. below
the upper mouth of the Willamette.
Their estimated number was 130, in 4
houses.
Clahnahquah,—Lewis and Clark, Exped., 11, 268,
1817. Clan-nah-quah.—Orig. Jour. Lewis and
Clark, Iv, 218, 1905. Clan-nah-queh’s Tribe of
Moltnomah’s,—Ibid., vi, 116, 1905.
CLYUKTUN—CLALLAM
[B. A. EB.
Clahoose. A Salish tribe on Toba inlet,
Brit. Col., speaking the Comox dialect;
pop. 73 in 1904.
Clahoose.—Mayne, Brit. Col., 243, 1862. Clay-
hoosh.—Whymper, Alaska, 49, 1869. Cle-Hure,—
Kane, Wand. in N. A., app., 1859. Cle-Huse.—
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, Vv; 488, 1855. Klahoose,—
Can. Ind. ’Aff. for 1874, 142. Klahose.—Ibid.,
1891, map. Klahous, —Downie in Mayne, Brit.
Col., app., 449, 1862 (name of inlet). Klashoose.—
Can. Ind. Aff. ‘for 1874, 144. Tlahoos.—Tolmie and
Dawson, Vocabs. Brit. Col., 1198, 1884. Tlaht’s,—
Boas, MS., B. A. E., 1887.
Claikahak. A Chnagmiut village on
the right bank of Yukon r., near Ukak,
Alaska; perhaps identical with Khaik.
Gisikaneramer —Post-route map, 1903.
Claikehak. A Chnagmiut Eskimo vil-
lage on the nN. bank of Yukon r., above
Tlatek, Alaska.
Claikehakamut.—Post route map, 1903.
Clallam (‘strong people’). A Salish
tribe living on the s. side of Puget sd.,
Wash., formerly extending from Port
Discovery to Hoko r., being bounded at
each end by the Chimakum and Makah.
Subsequently they occupied Chimakum
territory and established a village at Port
Townsend. A comparatively small num-
ber found their way across to the s. end of
Vancouver id., and, according to Kane,
there was a large village on Victoria har-
bor. They are ‘said to be more closely re-
lated to the Songish than to any other
tribe. Their villages were: Elwha, Hoko,
Huiauulch, Hunnint, Kahtai, Kaquaith,
Klatlawas (extinct), Pistchin (extinct),
Sequim, Stehtlum, Tsako, Tsewhitzen,
Tsitsukwich, and Yennis. Eleven villages
were enumerated by Eells in 1886, but
only 8—Elwha, Pistchin, and Sequim—
are spoken of under their native names.
Pop. 800 in 1854, according to Gibbs.
There were 336 on Puyallup res., Wash.,
in 1904—248 at Jamestown and 88 at Port
Gamble. (iB sy)
Chalam.—Farnham, Travels, 111, 1843. Clalams,—
Nicolay, Oregon, 143, 1846. Clallams.—Stevens in
Ind. Aft. Rep., 450, 1854. Clallems,—Gallatin in
Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soe., 11, 19, 1848. Clal-lums
Indians.—Kane, Wand. in N. A., 209, 1859 (refer-
ring to their village in Victoria harbor). Hue-
yang-uh.—Mackay quoted by Dawson in Trans.
Roy. Soe. Can. for 1891, see. 11, 7 (own name:
‘the people’). Khalams.—Smet, Letters, 231, 1848.
Klalams.—Smet, Oregon Miss., 58, 1847. Kla-
lanes,—Ibid.; 56. Klallam,—Ind. Aff. Rep., 254,
1877. Noosdalum.—Scouler in Jour. Geog. Soe.
Lond., 1, 224, 1841 (Noos is a preficum gentilicium).
Nooselalum,—Lane (1849) in Sen. Ex. Doe. 52, 31st
Cong., Ist sess., 3. 1850. Noostlalums,—School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 700, 1855. MNostlalaim.,—Tol-
mie and Dawson, Vocabs. Brit. Col., 120B, 1884.
Nusdalum,—Latham in Trans.. Philol. Soe. Lond.,
71, 1856. Nu-sklaim.—FEells in letter, Feb., 1886
(own name: ‘strong people’). Nus-klai’-yum,—
Gibbs, Clallum MS. voecab., B. A. E. S’calam,—
Keane in Stanford, Compend., 534, 1878. Sclal-
lum,—Jones (1853) in H. R. Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Cong.,
3d _sess., 5, 1857. Skal-lum.—Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, Iv, 598, 1854. S’Klallams.—U. S. Ind.
Treat., 800, 1873. S’Klallan.—Stevens in Ind. Aff.
Rep., 450, 1854. SKlal-lum,—Starling, ibid., 170,
1852. Thwspa’-lib.—McCaw, Puyallup MS. vocab.,
B.A.E., 1885. Tlalams,—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes,
III, 96, map, 18538. Tla‘1lEm.—Boas in 5th Rep.
N. W. Tribes Can., 10,1889. Tlalum,—Tolmie and
Dawson, Vocabs. Brit. Col., 120B, 1884. Tselal-
BULL. 30]
lums.—Grant in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., 293, 1857.
Wooselalim.—Lane in Ind. Aff. Rep., 162, 1850.
Clan and Gens. An American Indian
clan or gens is an intratribal exogamic
group of persons either actually or theo-
retically consanguine, organized to pro-
mote their social and political welfare, the
members being usually denoted by a com-
mon class name derived generally from
some fact relating to the habitat of the
group orto its usual tutelary being. Inthe
clan lineal descent, inheritance of per-
sonal and common property, and the
hereditary right to public office and trust
are traced through the female line, while
in the gens they devolve through the
maleline. Clan and gentile organizations
are by no means universal among the
North American tribes; and totemism,
the possession or even the worship of per-
sonal or communal totems by individuals
or groups of persons, is not an essential
feature of clan and gentile organizations.
The terms clan and gens as defined and
employed by Powell denote useful dis-
criminations insocial and political organi-
zation, and, no better names having ‘been
proposed, they are used here practically
as defined by Powell.
Consanguine kinship among the
Troquoian rand Muskhogeantribesis s traced
through the blood of “the woman only,
and membership in a clan constitutes
citizenship in the tribe, conferring certain
social, political, and religious privileges,
duties, and rights that are denied toaliens.
By the legal fiction of adoption the blood
of the alien might be changed into one of
the strains of Iroquoian blood, and thus
citizenship in the tribe could be conferred
ona person of alien lineage. The primary
unit of the social and political organiza-
tion of Iroquoian and Muskhogean tribes
is the ohwachira, a Mohawk term signify-
ing the family, comprising all the male
and female progeny of a woman and of
all her female descendants in the female
line and of such other persons as may be
adopted into the ohwachira. Anohwachira
never bears the name ofa tutelary or other
deity. Its head is usually the eldest
woman init. Itmay be composed of one
or more firesides, and one or more ohwa-
chiras may constitute a clan. The mem-
bers of an ohwachira have (1) the right to
the name of the clan of which their ohwa-
chiraisamember; (2) the right of inherit-
ing property from deceased members; and
(3) the right to take part in councils cf the
ohwachira. The titles of chief and sub-
chief were the heritage of particular
ohwachiras. In the development of a
clan by the coalescence of two or more
actually or theoretically related ohwachiras
only certain ohwachiras obtained the in-
heritance and custody of the titles of and
consequently the right to choose chief
CLAN AND GENS
303
and subchief. Very rarely were the off-
spring of an adopted alien constituted an
ohwachira having chiefship or subchief-
ship titles. The married women of child-
bearing age of such an ohwachira had the
right to hold a council for the purpose of
choosing candidates for chief and sub-
chief of the clan, the chief matron of one
of the ohwachiras being the trustee of the
titles, and the initial step in the deposition
of a chief or subchief was taken by the
women’s council of the ohwachira to
whom the title belongs. There were
clans in which several ohwachiras pos-
sessed titles to chiefships. The Mohawk
and Oneida tribes have only 3 clans, each
of which, however, has 3 chiefships and
3 subchiefships. Every ohwachira of the
Iroquois possessed and worshiped, in ad-
dition to those owned by individuals, one
or more tutelary deities, called oiaron or
ochinagenda, which were customarily the
charge of wise women. An alien could
be taken into the clan and into the tribe
only through adoption into one of the
ohwachiras. All the land of an ohwachira
was the exclusive property of its women.
The ohwachira was bound to purchase
the life of a member who had forfeited
it by the killing of a member of the
tribe or of an allied tribe, and it pos-
sessed the right to spare or to take the
life of prisoners made in its behalf or
offered to it for adoption.
The clan among the Iroquoian and the
Muskhogean peoples is generally consti-
tuted of one or more ohwachiras. It was
developed apparently through the coa-
lescence of two or more ohwachiras hay-
ingacommonabode. Amalgamation natu-
rally resulted in a higher organization and
an enlargement and multiplication of
rights, privileges, and obligations. Where
a single ohwachira represents a clan it was
almost always due to the extinction of
sister ohwachiras. In the event of the
extinction of an ohwachira through death,
one of the fundamental rules of the con-
stitution of the League of the Iroquois
provides for the preservation of the titles
of chief and subchief of the ohwachira, by
placing these titles in trust with a sister
ohwachira of the same clan, if there be
such, during the pleasure of the League
council. The following are some of the
characteristic rights and privileges of the
approximately identical Iroquoian and
Muskhogean clans: (1) The right to a
common clan name, which is usually that
of an animal, bird, reptile, or natural ob-
ject that may formerly have been regarded
as a guardiandeity. (2) Representation
in the councilof the tribe. (3) Its share
in the communal property of the tribe.
(4) The right to have its elected chief
and subchief of the clan confirmed and
installed by the tribal council, among the
304
Iroquois in later times by the League
council. (5) The rightto the protection
of the tribe. (6) The right to the titles
of thechiefshipsand subchiefships heredi-
tary in its ohwachiras. (7) The right to
certain songs, chants, and religious ob-
servances. (8) The right of its men or
women, or both together, to hold councils.
(9) The right to certain personal names,
to be bestowed upon its members.
(10) The right to adopt aliens through
the action of a constituent ohwachira.
(11) The right to a common _ burial
ground. (12) The right of the child-
bearing women of the ohwachiras in
which such titles are hereditary to elect
the chief and subchief. (13) The right
of such women to impeach and thus in-
stitute proceedings for the deposition of
chiefs and subchiefs. (14) The right to
share in the religious rites, ceremonies,
and public festivals of the tribe. The
duties incident to clan membership were
the following: (1) The obligation not to
marry within the clan, formerly not even
within the phratry to which the clan be-
longed; the phratry being a brotherhood
of clans, the male members of it mutu-
ally regarded themselves as brothers and
the female members as sisters. (2) The
joint obligation to purchase the life of a
member of the clan which has been for-
feited by the homicide of a member of
the tribe or of an allied tribe. (3) The
obligation to aid and defend fellow-
members by supplying their needs, re-
dressing their wrongs and injuries, and
avenging their death. (4) The joint obli-
gation to obtain prisoners or other persons
to replace members lost or killed of any -
ohwachira of a clan to which they are
related as father’s clansmen, the matron
of such ohwachira having the right to ask
that this obligation be fulfilled. All these
rights and obligations, however, are not
always found together.
The clan or gentile name is not usually
the common name of the animal or ob-
ject after which the clan may be called,
but denotes some salient feature or char-
acteristic or the favorite haunt of it, or
may be an archaic name ofit. One of the
Seneca clans is named from the deer,
commonly called neogé”, ‘cloven foot’,
while the clan name is hadiniofigwaiiw’,
‘those whose nostrils are large and fine-
looking.’ Another Seneca clan is named
from the sandpiper, which has the ono-
matopoetic name dowisdowi’, but the clan
name is hodi/nesiio’, ‘those who come
from the clean sand,’ referring to the
sandpiper’s habit of running along the
water’s edge where the sand is washed
by the waves. Still another clan is called
after the turtle, commonly named ha’n-
owa from its carapace, but the clan desig-
sm 6
nation is hadiniadén‘, ‘they have upright
CLAN AND GENS
[B. A. B.
necks.’ The number of clans in the dif-
ferent Iroquois tribes varies. The small-
est number is 3, found in the Mohawk
and Oneida, while the Seneca have 9, the
Onondaga 8, and the Wyandot 12.
Clans and gentesare generally organized
into phratries and phratries into tribes.
Usually only 2 phratries are found in
the modern organization of tribes. The
Huron and the Cayuga appear formerly
to have had 4, but the Cayuga to-day
assemble in 2 phratries. One or more
clans may compose a phratry. The clans
of the phratries are regarded as brothers
one to another and cousins to the mem-
bers of the other phratry, and are so
addressed. The phratry has a certain
allotted place in every assembly, usually
the side of the fire opposite to that held
by the other phratry. ) Hunkpatina or
Lower—held the middle territory be-
tween L. Traverse and Missouri r. in E. »
Dakota, and together spoke one dialect,
from which the Assiniboin was an off-
shoot. The great Teton division, with
its subdivisions, Upper and Lower Brulé,
Oglala, Sans Ares, Sihasapa or Blackfoot,
Miniconjou, Oohenonpa or Two Kettle,
Hunkpapa, ete., and comprising together
more than half the nation, held the whole
DAKOTA
[B. A. BE.
tribal territory w. of the Missouri and
spoke one dialect.
The following are. names of divisions,
groups, or bands that are spoken of as per-
taining to the Dakota. Someofthese have
not been identified; others are mere tem-
porary geographical or local bands: Black
Tiger, Broken Arrows, Cascarba, Cazazh-
ita, Chanshushka, Chasmuna, Cheokhba,
Cheyenne Sioux, Congewichacha, Farm-
er’s band, Fire Lodge, Flandreau Indians,
Gens du Large, Grand Saux, Grey Eagle,
Horheton, Late Comedu, Lean Bear, Long
Sioux, Menostamenton, Micacoupsiba,
Minisha, Neecoweegee, Nehogatawonahs,
Newastarton, Northern Sioux, Ocatame-
netons, Ohahkaskatohyante, Oughetgeo-
datons, Oujatespouitons, Pehiptecila,
Pineshow, Psinchaton, Psinoumanitons,
Psinoutanhinhintons, Rattling Moccasin,
Red Leg’s band, Redwood, Shahsweento-
wahs, Sioux of the Broad Leaf, Sioux of
the Des Moyan, Sioux of the East, Sioux
of the Meadows, Sioux of the West, Sioux
of the Woods, Sioux of the Lakes, Sioux
of the River St Peter’s, Souon, Star band,
Talonapi, Tashunkeeota, Tateibombu’s
band, Tatkannai, Ticicitan, Touchoua-
sintons, Traverse de Sioux, Upper Sioux,
Waktonila, White Cap Indians, White
Eagle band, Wiattachechah.
In 1904 the Dakota were distributed
among the following agencies and school
superintendencies: Cheyenne River ( Min-
iconjou, Sans Ares, and Two Kettle),
2,477; Crow Creek (Lower Yanktonai),
1,025; Ft Totten school (Sisseton, Wah-
peton, and Pabaksa), 1,013; Riggs Insti-
tute (Santee), 279; Ft Peck (Yankton),
1,116; Lower Brulé (Lower Brulé), 470;
Pine Ridge (Oglala), 6,690; Rosebud
(Brulé, Waglukhe, Lower Brulé, North-
ern, Two Kettle, and Wazhazha), 4,977;
Santee (Santee), 1,075; Sisseton (Sisseton
and Wahpeton), 1,908; Standing Rock
(Sihasapa, Hunkpapa, and Yanktonai),
3,514; Yankton (Yankton), 1,702; under
no agency (Mdewakanton in Minnesota),
929; total, 26,175. Including the Assini-
boin the total for those speaking the
Dakota language is 28,780. A comparison
of these figures with those taken in pre-
vious years indicates a gradual decline in
numbers, but not so rapid a decrease as
among most North American tribes.
Ab-boin-ee Sioux.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 83,
1850. Ab-boin-ug.—Warren in Minn. Hist. Coll., v,
36, 1885 (Chippewa name: ‘roasters,’ from their
custom of torturing foes). Abbwoi-nug.—Tan-
ner, Narr., 57, 1830. Ab-oin.—Warren in Minn.
Hist. Coll., v, 162, 1885. Aboinug.—Schoolcratt,
Ind. Tribes, U, 141, 1852. Abwoinug.—School-
craft, Ind. Tribes, v, 39, 1855. Ba-akush’.—Gat-
schet, Caddo and Yatassi MS. vocab., B. A. E.,
82 (Caddo name). Ba-ra-shiip’-gi-o.—Hayden,
Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val., 402, 1862 (Crow
name). Bevan-acs.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 70,
1849 (usual Chippewa name; ev misprint for w).
Bewanacs.—Lapham, Blossomand Dousman, Inds.
of Wis., 15, 1870. Boin-acs.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff.
BULL. 30]
Rep., 70, 1849 (French notation of Bwanacs).
Boines.—Long, Exped. St Peter’s R., 1, 389, 1824.
Bwa".—Trumbull, MS. letter to Dorsey, Aug. 25,
1876. Bwan-acs.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 74,
1849. Bwoinug.—Tanner, Narr., 316, 1880. Bwoir-
nug.—Ipid.,144. Caa»’.—Dorsey in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., vi, pt. 1, 339, 1890 (Omaha and Ponea,
and Pawnee hame). Caa»’qti.—Dorsey, Dhegiha
MS. Dict., B. A. E., 1878 (Omaha name: ‘real
Dakota’). Ca’hat.—Dorsey, Tciwere MS. vocab.,
B. A. E., 1879 (so called by Iowa, Oto, Mis-
souri, Kansa, and Osage). Ca-ha.—David St
Cyr in Dorsey, Winn. MS., B. A. E., 1886 (Win-
nebago name). Chah’-ra-rat.—Grinnell, Pawnee
Hero Tales, 92, 1889 (Pawnee name). Chi8.—
Charlevoix, New France, ed. Shea, 11, 31, 1868.
Ciou.—Doc. of 1695 in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 1x, 611,
1855. Cioux.—Doc. of 1693, ibid., 570. Coupe-
gorge.—Blackmore in Jour. Ethnol. Soe. Lond.,
T, 301, 1869 (‘ cutthroats’: so called by the French
from their gesture). Coupes-gorges.—Burton, City
of Saints, 95,1862. Cruel.—Shea, Cath. Miss., 348,
1855. Cuouex.—Lewis and Clark, Exped., 1, 70,
note, 1893. Cutthroats.—Marey, Army Life on
Border, 33, 1866 (given erroneously as the trans-
lation of Dakota). Dacorta.—Lewis and Clark,
Exped., I, 61, 1814. Dacota.—Long, Exped. St
Peter’s R., 11, 245, 1824. Dacotah.—Howe, Hist.
Coll., 357, 1851 (translated ‘allied tribes’). Dah-
ecotah.—Tanner, Narr., 18, 1830. Dahcotas.—Gal-
latin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 121, 1836.
Dahkota.—Parker, Minn. Handbk., 13, 1857. Dah-
ko-tah.—Tanner, Narr., 146, 1880. Dakoias.—Shea,
Early Voy., 120, note, 1861 (misprint for Dakotas).
Dakotah.—Neill, Hist. Minn., xlivy, note, 1858.
Dakotas.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 69, 1849.
Dakotha.—_Smet, Mission de |’ Oregon, 264, 1848.
Darcota.—Lewis and Clark, Exped., I, 183, 1817.
Darcotar.—Lewis and Clark, Discoy., 30, 1806.
Dareotas.—Rafinesque in Marshall, Hist. Ky., 1,
28, 1824. Dawta.—Domenech, Deserts of N.
Am., II, 28, 1860. Docota.—Drake, Bk. Inds., vii,
1848. Guerriers.—Jes. Rel. 1658, 21,1858. Hadove-
saves.—Alcedo, Dict. Geog., 111, 213, 1788 (mis-
print). Hadovessians.—Harris, Coll. Voy. and
Tray., II, 919, 1705 (misprinted from Lahontan).
Hand Cutters.—Burton, City of Saints, 124, 1862
(Ute name). Ita hé tskiMatthews, Ethnog.
Hidatsa, 159, 1877 (Hidatsa name: ‘long ar-
TOWS’). it-ans-ké.—Long, Exped. Rocky Mts.,
II, 1xxxiv, 1823. Kaispa.—Wilson in Rep. N. W.
Tribes Can., 11, 1888 (Sarsi name). Kious.—La
Metairie (1682) in French, Hist. Coll. La., 11, 25,
1875. K‘odalpa-K‘inago.—Mooney in 14th Rep.
B. A. E., 1057, 1896 (‘necklace people’: Kiowa
name). Lacota.—Morgan in Beach, Ind. Misc., 220,
1877. La-cotahs.—Ruxton, Life in Far West, 112,
1849, La-ko’-ta.—Riggs, Dakota Gram. and Dict.,
135, 1851. La Sues.—Croghan (1765), Jour., 38,
1831, Madowesians.—Lewis and Clark, Exped.,
I, 61, 1814. Ma-ko’-ta.——Hayden, Ethnog. and
Philol. Mo. Val., 402, 1862 (Crow name).
mar-an-sho-bish-kd.—Long, Exped. Rocky Mts.,
II, Ixxix, 1823 (Crow name: ‘cutthroats’).
Mattaugwessawacks.—Sproat, Scenes Say. Life,
188, 1868. Maudowessies.—McIntosh, Orig. N. Am.
Inds., 103, 1853. Minishipsko.—Col. H. L. Scott.
inf’n, 1906 (Crow name, of opprobrious mean-
ing). Nacotah.—Featherstonhaugh, Canoe Voy.,
I, 168, 1847. NadawessiRamsey in Ind. Aff.
Rep., 71, 1849. Na-da-wessy.—Ibid., 70. Nad-
douwessioux.—Brackenridge, Views of La., 77,
1815. Nadesis.—Gussefeld, Charte yon Nord Am.,
1797. Nadiousioux.—Long, Exped. St Peter’s R.,
II, 328, 1824. Nadissioux.—N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
index, 304,1861. Nadoeses.—Barcia, Ensayo, 291,
1723. Nadoessi.—Coues and Kingsley, Stand. Nat.
Hist., pt. 6, 167, 1883. Nadoessians.—Salverte, Hist.
Men, Nat., and Places, I, 66, 1864. Nadoessious.—
La Chesnaye (1697) in Margry, Déc., vi, 6, 1886.
Nadonaisi.—Burton, City of Saints, 96, 1862 (Chip-
pewa name: ‘enemies’). Nadonaisioug.—Dome-
nech, Deserts N. Am., II, 26,1860. Nadonechiouk.—
Ibid. Nadonessioux.—Blackmore in Jour. Ethnol.
Soc. Lond., 1, 301, 1869 (misprint). Nadonessis.—
Lahontan, New Voy., I, 115, 1703. Nadooessis.—
Jefferys, Am, Atlas, map 8, 1776. Nadouags.—
Bacqueyille de la Potherie, Hist. Am., 1,
DAKOTA
379
49, 1758. Nadouagssioux.—Ibid., 147. Nadouais-
sious.—Ibid., 179. Nadouaissioux.—Ibid., 62.
Nadouayssioux.—Ibid., 56. Nad8echi8ec.—Charle-
voix, New France, II, 31, 1868. Nadouechiouec.—
Rel. of 1660 in Margry, Déc., 1, 54,1876. Nadoue-
chiouek.—Jes. Rel. 1658, 21, 1858. Nadotiechio8ec.—
Ibid., 1660, 27. Nadotiecious.—Ibid., 1670, 98.
Nadouecis.—Ibid., 1670, 97. Nad8e8is.—Shea,
Discoy. Miss. Val., xxi, 1852. Nadouesans.—Hen-
nepin, New Discoy., map, 1698. Nadouesciouz.—
Domenech, Deserts N. Am., I, 26, 1860. Nadoue-
siouack.—Neill, Hist. Minn., 102, 1858. Nadoue-
siouek.—Jes. Rel. 1656, 39, 1858. Nadouesioux.—
Perrot (1689) in Margry, Déc., v, 33, 1883. Nadoue-
siouz.— Williamson in Minn. Hist. Coll., 1, 297, 1872.
Nadouessans.—La Salle’s Exped.(1679-81), in Mar-
gry, Déc., I, 481, 1876. Nadouesse.—French map
(1710) in Minn. Hist. Coll., 11, 256,1872. Nadoues-
sians.—Niles (1760) in Mass. Hist. Col., 4th s., v,
541, 1861. Nadouessies.—Hayden, Ethnog. and
Philol. Mo. Val., 380, 1862. Nadouessions. —La
Metairie (1682) in French, Hist. Coll. La., 11, 25,
1875. Nadouessiou.—Hennepin (1683) quoted by
Shea, Discoy., 131, 1852. Nadotiessiouak.—Jes. Rel.
1665, 7, 1858. Nadouessiouek.—Ibid. 1667, 23. Na-
douessious.—Ibid. 1670, 99. Nadouessioux.—Doc.
of 1681 in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 1x, 161, 1855. Na-
douessis.—Jes. Rel. 1642, 97, 1858. Nadouessons.—
Coxe, Carolana, 42, 1741. Nadouessoueronons.—
Sanson, map of Can. (1657) in Am. Antiq., I, 233,
1879. Nadoussians.—Hennepin, New Discov., 1,
178, 1698 (made equivalent to Issati). Nadous-
sieux.—Du Chesneau(1681)in N.Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
TX, 1538, 1855. Nadoussioux.—Doc. (1679), ibid, 795.
Nadouwesis.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo.
Val., 380, 1862. Nadovesaves.—Barcia, Ensayo, 238,
1723. Nadovessians.—Hennepin (1680) in French,
Hist. Coll. La., I, 211, 1846. Na-do-wa-see-wug.—
Morgan in N. Am. Rey., 53, 1870. Nadowasis.—
Mackenzie, Voy., 1x, 1802. Nadowassis.—Maxi-
milian, Tray., 148, 1848. Nadowaysioux.—School-
craft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 51, 1853. Nadowesee.—
Schiller quoted by Neill, Hist. Minn., 89, 1858.
Nadowesi.—Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1057,
1896 (‘little snakes,’ or ‘little enemies’ : common
Algonquian name). Nadowesioux.—Kingsley,
Stand. Nat. Hist., v1, 167,1885. Nadowessi.—Rati-
nesque in Marshall, Hist. Ky., I, 28, 1824. Nado-
wessiern.—Adelung, Mithridates, 111, 244, 1816.
Nadowessies.—Henry, Tray., 46, 1809. Nado-wes-
siouex.—Shea, Cath. Miss., 348, 1855. Nadowes-
sioux.—Henry, Tray., 197, 1809. Nadowesteaus.—
McKenney aud Hall, Ind. Tribes, 11, 80, 1854.
Nadsnessiouck.—Domenech, Deserts N. Am., 1, 26,
1860. Nadussians.—Jefferys, Am. Atlas, map 5, 1776.
Naduwessi.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 70, 1849.
Nadvesiv._Le Jeune in Jes. Rel. 1640, 35, 1858.
Nahcotah.—Featherstonhaugh, Canoe Voy., 1,
223, 1847. Nahdawessy.—Ramsey in Minn. Hist.
Coll., 1, 45, 1872. Nahdowaseh.—Jones, Ojibway
Inds., 129, 1861. Nahtooessies.—Snelling, Tales of
Northwest, 137, 1880. Nakota.—Burton, City of
Saints, 95,1862. Nandawissees.—Umfreville (1790)
in Me. Hist. Coll., 6th s., 270, 1859. Nandoesi.—
Maximilian, Tray., 148, 1843. Nandoessies.—
Lahontan quoted by Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep.,
72, 1849. Nandowese.—Drake,. Ind. Chron., 186,
1836. Nandowessies.—Prichard, Phys. Hist. Man-
kind, v, 410, 1847. Nandswesseis.—Harmon, Jour.,
165, 1820 (misprint). Naoudoouessis.—B. de Lozi-
éres, Voy. 4 la Louisiane, 348, 1802. Narcotah.—
Schooleraft, Trav., 291, 1821. Natenéhima.—Mal-
lery in Proc. A. A. A.S., XX VI, 352, note, 1877. Nat-
e-ne/-hin-a.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo.
Val., 326, 1862 (Arapaho name: ‘cutthroats’).
Natni.—Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A, E., 1057,
1896 (Arapahoname). Natnihina.—Ibid. Na/-to-
wo-na.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val.,
290, 1862 (Cheyenne name, applied to Mde-
wakanton, Sisseton, Wahpekute, and Wah-
peton). Natuesse.—Gatschet, MS., B. A. E., 1878
(Potawatomi name: ‘small snake,’ because
farther w., therefore less tobedreaded). Ndatues-
suag.—Gatschet in Am. Antiq., II, 78,1879 (Pota-
watomi name). Naudawissees.—Umifrevyille
quoted by Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val.,
380, 1862. Naudewessioux.—Trumbull in Johnson
Cyclop., 1, 1156, 1877. Naudoessi.—Ramsey in Ind.
Aff, Rep., 72,1849. Naudouescioux.—Morgan in N,
380
Am. Rey., 53, 1870. Naudotiessi.—Ramsey in Ind.
Aff. Rep., 69, 1849. _Naudouisioux.—Raymbault
(1642) quoted by Brackett in Smithson. Rep. 1876,
466, 1877. Naudouisses.—Ibid. Naudouwessies.—
Brown, West. Gaz.,360,1817. Naud-o-wa-se.—War-
renin Minn. Hist. Coll., v, 280, 1885. Naud-o-wa-se-
wug.—Ibid., 72. (Chippewa name: ‘like unto ad-
ders’). Naudowasses.—Schuyler et al. (1702) in N.
Y. Doc. Col. Hist., rv, 979, 1854. Naudowesies.—
Carver, Tray., ix, 1778. Naudowesse.— Lewis,
Trav., 233, 1809. Naudowesseeg.—Tanner, Narr.,
316, 1830 (Ottawa name: ‘roasters’). Naudowes-
sies.—Carver, Tray., 56, 1778. Naudowissies.—
Morgan in N. Am. Rey., 53, 1870. _Naudussi.—Jef-
ferys, Am. Atlas, map, 2, 1776. Nauduwassies.—
Schermerhorn (1812) in Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d s.,
II, 12, 1814. Nawdowessie.—Carver, Tray., 59, 1778.
Nawdowissnees.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V1, 34,
1857 (Algonquian nickname: ‘our enemies’).
Ndakotahs.—Nicollet, Rep. on Upper Mississippi,
10, 1843. Nedouessaus.—Hennepin quoted by Neill
in Minn. Hist. Coll., 1, 256, 1872. Noddouwessces.—
Brackenridge, Views of La., 77, 1815, Nod-o-way-
se-wug.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 139, 1852.
Nodoweisa.—Linn (1839) in Sen. Ex. Doc. 204, 26th
Cong., Ist sess., I, 1840. Nodowessies.—Bradbury,
Tray., 41, 1817. Nord owests.—Bradford quoted
by Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 70, 1849 (evident cor-
ruption of Nadouessiou). Nottawessie.—Adelung,
Mithridates, 111, 264,1816. Nottoweasses.—Croghan
(1759), Hist. West. Penn., 146, note, 1851. Nukta-
sém.—Gatschet. MS., 1884 (Salish name: ‘ cut-
throats’). Nuqtu’.—Hoffman in Proc. Am. Philos.
Soe., 371, 1886 (Salish name). Nytisum.—Gatschet
MS., B. A. E., 1884 (Okinagan name). O-bwah-
nug.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 193, 1855 (Chip-
pewa name). Oceti sakowin.—Riggs, Dakota
Gram. and Dict., xy, 1851 (own name: ‘seven
council fires’). Ochente Shakoan.—Long, Exped.
St Peters R., I, 877, 1824. Ochente Shakons.—
Coues and Kingsley, Stand. Nat. Hist., pt. 6, 169,
1883. Ocheti Shaowni.—Warren, Dacota Country,
15, 1855. Oho-homo.—ten Kate, Synonymie, 8, 1884
(‘those on the outside’). Oho-omo-yo.—Mallery in
Proc. A. A. A. §., XXVI, 352, note, 1877. O-o0/-ho-
mo-i/-o.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo.
Val., 290, 1862 (Cheyenne name). Oshahak.—
Gatschet, MS., 1883 (Fox name). Osheti Sha-
kowin.—Burton, City of Saints, 95, 1862. Otehenti-
Chakoang.—Balbi, Atlas Ethnog., 55, 1826. Pain-
pe-tse-menay. —Gebow, Sho-sho-nay Vocab., 18,
1868 (Shoshoniname). Pakota.—U.S. Stat., x, 71,
18538 (misprint). Pambizimina.—Mooney in 14th
Rep. B. A. E., 1057, 1896 (*‘ beheaders’: Shoshoni
name). Pampe Chyimina.—Burton, City of Saints,
124, 1862 (Ute name: ‘hand-cutters’). Pani.—
Schuyler et al (1702) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
Iv, 979, 1854 (given as French name; confused
with Pawnee). Papitsinima.—Mooney in 14th
Rep. B. A. E., 1057, 1896 (‘beheaders’: Co-
manche name). Pishakulk.—Mooney, int’n, 1892
(Yakima name: ‘beheaders’). Ponarak.—Jes.
Rel. 1656, 39, 1858 (misprint). Poualac.—Mallery
in Proce. A. A. A. S., XXVI, 352, note, 1877. Poua-
lak.—Jes. Rel. 1658, 21, 1858 (Chippewa name;
incorrectly transl. ‘ warriors’). Poualakes.—Mc-
Kenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 11, 81,1854. Poua-
laks.—Boucher (1660) in Margry, Dée., I, 55, 1875.
Pouanak.—Tailhan, Perrot Mém., 232, note, 1864.
Roasters.—Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 838, 1850
(Ab-boin-ee Sioux, or). Sahagi.—Gatschet, MS.,
B. A. E., 1879 (Shawnee name). Saoux.—Scher-
merhorn (1812) in Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d s., 11, 12,
1814. Saux.—Hurlbert in Jones, Ojebway Inds.,
178, 1861. Sceouex.—Lewis and Clark, Exped., I,
70, note, 1898. Sceoux.—Clark, MS., Codex B,
quoted in Lewis and Clark Exped., I, 101, note,
1893. Scieux.— Henry (1801) quoted by Neill
in Minn. Hist. Coll., v, 453, 1885. Sciou.—Neill,
Hist. Minn., 149, 1858. Scioux.—Doc. (1693) in N.
Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 1x, 570, 1855. Scouex.—Lewis
and Clark, Exped., I, 70, note, 1893. Seauex.—
Clark, Codex B, quoted in Lewis and Clark
Exped., I, 128, note, 1893. Seaux.—Lewis and
Clark, Exped., I, 70, note, 1893. Shahan.—Dorsey
quoted by Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1057, 1896
(Osage, Kansa, and Oto name). Shanana.—Gat-
DAKOTA TURNIP—DALLES INDIANS
[B. A. B.
schet, MS., B. A. E., 1884 (Kiowa Apache name)-
Sicouex.—Lewisand Clark, Exped., 1,70, note, 1893.
‘Sieouex.—Ibid. Sieux.—Coxe, Carolana, 20, 1741.
Siooz.—Jefferys, Am. Atlas, map 8, 1776. Sios.—
Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, I, 336, 1841. Siou.—La-
mothe Cadillae (1703) in Margry, Déc., v, 329,
1883. Siouse.—Perrot, Mém., 232, 1864. Sioust.—
Doe. (1767) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vit, 989, 1856.
Sioux.— Morel (1687) in Margry, Déc., v, 32, 1883.
Siouxes.—Bacqueville de la Potherie, Hist. Am.,
IV, 33,1753. Siouxs.—Lewis and Clark, Discoy., 7,
1806. Sioxes.—Poole, Among the Sioux, 153, 1881.
Siroux.—Perrot, Mém., 55, 1864. Sivux.—Boudi-
not, Star in the West, 128, 1816 (misprint).
Siwer.—Balbi, Atlas Ethnog., 55, 1826. Soo.—
Lewis and Clark, Discoy., 30,1806. Soues.—Lewis
and Clark, Exped., I, 70, note, 1893. Souex.—
Ibid. Souix.—Ibid. Sous.—Gorrell (1761) in Wis.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 26, 1855. Soux.—Lewis and
Clark, Exped., I, 70, note, 1893. Su.—Gatschet,
Kaw vocab., B. A. E., 27, 1878(Kansaform). Sue.—
Croghan (1765), Jour., 38, 1881. Suil.—Ibid., 37.
Sun-nun’/-at.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo.
Val., 357, 1862 (Arikara name). Suouex.—Lewis
and Clark, Exped., 1,70, note, 1893. Tsaba’kosh.—
Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1057, 1896 (‘ cut-
throats’: Caddo name). Ttyétchiské.—ten Kate,
Synonymie, 9, 1884 (Comanche name: ‘cut-
throats’). Wadoiiissians.—Hennepin quoted by
Ramsey in Ind. Aff. Rep., 72, 1849. Wanak.—Bel-
court (1850-56) in Minn. Hist. Coll., 1, 235, 1872
(Chippewa name). Wa-sd-sa-o-no.—Morgan in
N. Am. Rey., 52, note, 1870 (Iroquois name). Wa-
sa/-seh-o-no.—Morgan, League of Iroquois, 268,
1851 (Senecaname). Yu"ssaha.—Gatschet, Wyan-
dot MS., B. A. E., 1879 (Wyandot name: ‘ birds’).
Zue.—Croghan (1759), Hist. West. Penn., 146, note,
1851 (given as French form).
Dakota turnip. See Tipsinah.
Daktlawedi. A Tlingit clan belonging
to the Wolf phratry. It is found at Ton-
gas, Killisnoo, and among the Chilkat,
while the Tsaguedi of Kake is a branch.
Dakla-weti. — Krause, Tlinkit Ind., 118, 1885.
Daq! lawe’di.—Swanton, field notes, B. A. E., 1904.
Takla-uéedi.—Krause, op. cit., 116. Taktla-uédi.—
Tbid., 120.
Dakubetede. A group of Athapascan
villages formerly on Applegate er., Oreg.
The inhabitants spoke a dialect practi-
cally identical with that employed by the
Taltushtuntede who lived on Gallice cr.
not far from them. They were inter-
married with the Shasta, who, with the
Takilman, were their neighbors. With
other insurgent bands they were removed
to the Siletz res. in 1856.
Applegate Creek.—Palmer in Ind. Aff. Rep.,
464, 1854. Da/-ku-be te’-de-——Dorsey in Jour.
Am. Folk-lore, 111, 235, 1890 (own name).
Do-dah-ho.—Gibbs, letter to Hazen, B. A. E., 1856.
Etch-kah-taw-wah.—Palmer in Ind. Aff. Rep., 464,
1854. Ni/ckite hiteltim.—Dorsey, Alsea MS. vo-
cab., B. A. E., 1884 (Alsea name: ‘ people far up
the stream’). Spena.—Gibbs, letter to Hazen,
1856, B. A. E. Ts'ti-qis-li’-qwit-me’ jinné.—
Dorsey in Jour. Am. Foik-lore, It, 235, 1890
(NaltGnnetfinné name).
Dalles Indians. The Chinookan tribes
formerly living at The Dalles, Oreg., and
on the opposite side of Columbia r.
While tribes of other stocks, notably
Shahaptian, frequently visited The Dalles
during the summer, they were not per-
manent residents. Of the Chinookan
tribes the Wasco were important, and
the term is sometimes limited to that
tribe. (L. F.)
BULL. 30]
Dalles.—U. S. Ind. Treat. (1855), 622, 1873. Dalles
Indians.—White in Ind. Aff. Rep., 204, 1844. Dalls
Indians. — Lee and Frost, Oregon, 96, 1844. La
Dalle Indians.—M’Vickar, Hist. Exped. Lewis
and Clark, 11, 386, note, 1842. La Dalles Indians.—
Parker, Jour., 140, 1846.
Dance. Nature is prodigal of life and
energy. The dance is universal and in-
stinctive. Primarily the dance expresses
the joy of biotic exaltation, the exuber-
ance of life and energy; it is the ready
physical means of manifesting the emo-
tions of joy and of expressing ‘the exulta-
tion of conscious strength and the ecstasy
of successful achievement—the fruitage
of well-directed energy. Like modern
music, through long development and
divergent growth the dance has been
adapted to the environment of many and
diverse planes of culture and thought;
hence it is found among both savage and
enlightened peoples in many complex
and differing forms and kinds. But the
dance of the older time was fraught with
symbolism and mystic meaning which it
has lost in civilization and enlightenment.
It is confined to no one country of the
world, to no period of ancient or modern
time, and to no plane of human culture.
Strictly interpreted, therefore, the dance
seems to constitute an important adjunct
rather than the basis of the social, mili-
tary, religious, and other activities de-
signed to avoid evil and to secure welfare.
A contrary view renders a general defini-
tion and interpretation of the dance com-
plex and difficult, apparently requiring a
detailed description of the various activi-
ties of which it became a part. For if the
dance is to be regarded as the basis of
these activities, then these ceremonies
and observances must be defined strictly
as normal developments of the dance, a
procedure which is plainly erroneous.
The truth appears to be that the dance is
only an element, not the basis, of the
several festivals, rites, and ceremonies
performed in accordance with well-defined
rules and usages, of which it has become
a part. The dance was a powerful im-
pulse to their performance, not the mo-
tive of their observance.
Among the Indians n. of Mexico the
dance usually consists of rhythmic and
not always graceful gestures, attitudes,
and movements of the body and limbs,
accompanied by steps usually made to
accord with the time of some form of
music, produced either by the dancer or
dancers or by one or more attendant
singers. Drums, rattles, and sometimes
bone or reed flutes are used to aid the
singers. Every kind and class of dance
has its own peculiar steps, attitudes,
rhythm, figures, song or songs with
words and accompanying music, and
costumes.
DANCE
381
The word or logos of the song or chant
in savage and barbaric planes of thought
and culture expressed the action of the
orenda, or esoteric magic power, regarded
as immanent in the rite or ceremony of
which the dance was a dominant adjunct
and impulse. In the lower planes of
thought the dance was inseparable from
the song or chant, which not only started
and accompanied but also embodied it.
Some dances are peculiar to men and
others to women. Some dances are per-
formed by a single dancer, others belong
respectively to individuals, like those of
the Onithonrontha (‘one chants’) among
the Iroquois; other dances are for all who
may wish to take part, the number then
being limited only by the space available;
still others are for specified classes of per-
sons, members of certain orders, societies,
or fraternities. There are, therefore, per-
sonal, fraternal, clan or gentile, tribal,and
inter-tribal dances; there are also social,
erotic, comic, mimic, patriotic, military or
warlike, invocative, offertory, and mourn-
ing dances, as well as those expressive of
gratitude and thanksgiving. Morgan
(League of the Iroquois, 1, 278, 1904) gives
a list of 82 leading dane es of the Seneca
Troquois, of which 6 are costume dances,
14 are for both men and women, 11 for
men only, and 7 for women only. Three
of the costume dances occur in those
exclusively tor men, and the other 3 in
those for both men and women.
In general among the American Indians
the heel and the ball of the foot are lifted
and then brought down with great force
and swiftness in such wise as to produce
a resounding concussion. Usually the
changes of position of the dancer are slow,
but the changes of attitude are so ometimes
rapid and violent. The women employ
several steps, sometimes employed also
by the men, among which are the shuflle,
the glide, and the hop or leap. Holding
both feet together and usually facing the
song altar, the women generally take a
leap or hop sidewise in advance and then
a shorter one in recoil, so that after every
two hops the position is slightly advanced.
They do not employ the violent steps and
forceful attitudes in vogue among the
men. They keep the body quite erect,
alternately advancing either shoulder
slightly, which gives them a_ peculiar
swaying or rocking motion, resembling the
waving of a wind- rocked stalk of corn.
Indeed, among the Onondaga, Cayuga,
and other Iroquois tribes, one of the
names for ‘‘woman”’ (wathonwisas, ‘she
sways or rocks’) is a term taken from
this rocking or swaying motion.
Among some tribes, when the warriors
were absent on a hunting or war expe-
dition, the women performed appropriate
382
dances to insure their safety and success.
Among the same people in the dances in
which women may take part, these,
under the conduct of a leader with one
or more aids, form a circle around the
song altar (the mat or bench provided
for the singer or singers), maintaining an
interval of from 2 to 5 feet. Then, out-
side of this circle the men, under like
leadership, form another circle at a suit-
able distance from that of the women.
Then the two circles, which are usually
not closed between the leaders and the
ends of the circles, move around the song
altar from the right to the left in such
manner that at all times the heads of the
circles of dancers move along a course
meeting the advancing sun (their elder
brother), whose apparent motion is con-
versely from the lett to the right of the
observer. In the Santee Dakota dance a
similar movement around the center of
the circle from right to left is also ob-
served. Among the Muskhogean tribes,
however, the two circles move in opposite
directions, the men with the course of the
sun and the women contrary to it (Bar-
tram). AmongtheSantee the women may
dance only at the meeting of the ‘‘medi-
cine’”’ society of which they are members;
they alone dance the scalp dance while
the warriors sing. Rey. John Eastman
says thatin dancing the Santee form 3 cir-
cles, the innermost composed of men, the
middle of children, and the outermost of
women. According to Le Page Du Pratz,
these circles, among the Natchez, moved
in opposite directions, the women turn-
ing from left to right, and the men from
right to left. This movement of the cir-
cles from right to left seems designed to
prevent the dancer in the entire course
around the song altar from turning his
back to the sun.
The Mandan and other Siouan tribes
dance in an elaborate ceremony, called
the Buffalo dance, to bring game when
food is scarce, in accordance with a well-
defined ritual. In like manner the In-
dians of the arid region of the 8. W. per-
form long and intricate ceremonies with
the accompaniment of the dance ceremo-
nies which, in the main, are invocations
or prayers for rain and bountiful harvests
and the creation of life. Among the
Troquois, in the so-called green-corn
dance, the shamans urge the people to
participate in order to show gratitude for
bountiful harvests, the preservation of
their lives, and appreciation of the
blessings of the expiring year. The ghost
dance, the snake dance, the sun dance,
the scalp dance, and the calumet dance
(q. v.), each performed for one or more
purposes, are not developments from the
dance, but rather the dance has become
only a part of the ritual of each of these
DANOKHA—DAVIS
ably the same).
[B. A. B.
important observances, which by me-
tonymy have been called by the name of
only a small but conspicuous part or ele-
ment of the entire ceremony.
Consult Bartram, Travels, 1792; Jesuit
Relations, Thwaites ed., -Lxx11, 1896-
1901; Margry, Dée., -v1, 1875-86; Mor-
gan, League of the Iroquois, 1857, 1904;
Lafitau, Mceurs des Sauvages, 1724; Le
Page Du Pratz, Hist. de la Louisiane, 1758.
(J. N. B. H.)
Danokha (Danoya). A former Pomo
village on the n. shore of Clear lake, Cal.
(a. AseB:)
Dapishul (Déd-pi-shiil, ‘high sun’). A
former Pomo village in Redwood valley,
Mendocino co., Cal.—Powers in Cont.
N. A. Ethnol., m1, 155, 1877.
Daquinatinno (Caddo: atino red’). A
tribe of N. E. Texas in 1687, said to be
allies of the Caddo, and probably related
to them.—Joutel (1687) in Margry, Déc.,
ur, 410, 1878. Cf. Daquio, Daycao.
Daquio. One of the bands, mostly
Caddoan, who were allies of the Caddo
in Texas in 1687 (Margry, Déc., 11, 410,
1878). Possibly the same as the Daycao
of the narratives of De Soto’s expedition
of 1542 (Gentl. of Elvas (1557) in Bourne,
Narr. De Soto, 1, 182, 1904).
Darby’s Village. A former Huron vil-
lage on upper Darby cr., about midway
between the present Columbus and
Marysville, Ohio.—Royce in 18th Rep. B.
ING Wig Toll, Gaya IEE).
Dart sling. See Throwing-stick.
Dasamonquepeuc. An Algonquian vil-
lage on the coast of Dare co., N. C., op-
posite Roanoke id., in 1587.
Dasamanquepeio.—Strachey (ca. 1612), Virginia,
147, 1849. Dasamanquepeuk.—Ibid., 152. Dasa-
monpeack.—Lane (1586) in Smith (1629), Virginia,
I, 91, repr. 1819. Dasamonquepeio.—Hakluyt (1600),
Voy., I11, 344-345, repr. 1810. Dasamonquepeuk.—
Strachey, op. cit., 151. Dasamoquepeuk.—Ibid., 150.
Dasamotiquepere. — Dutch map (1621) in N. Y.
Doc. Col. Hist., I, 1856 (misprint). Dassamon-
peack.—Lane, op. cit., 92. Dassamopoque.—Smith
(1629), Virginia, I, map, repr. 1819. Dessamon-
peake.—Morse, N. Am., 159, 1776. Dessamopeak.—
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, V1, 98, 1857.
Dasoak (‘flying’). A clan of the
Huron.
Datcho. An unidentified Texan tribe or
division hostile to the Caddo in 1687.—
Joutel (1687) in Margry, Déc., m1, 409,
1878. Cf. Kadohadacho.
Daupom Wintun (‘sloping-ground Win-
tun’). A Wintun tribe formerly living
in Cottonwood valley, Shasta co., Cal.
Cottonwoods.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., m1,
230, 1877. Dat-pum Wintun.—Ibid. Valley In-
dians.—Ibid. Waikemi.—Kroeber, inf’n, 1903
(Yuki name of Cottonwood Creek Wintun; prob-
Davis, John. A full-blood Creek, born
in the ‘‘Old Nation.”? In the War of
1812, when a boy, he was taken prisoner,
and was reared by a white man. He
emigrated from Alabama in 1829, and
was educated at the Union Mission after
BULL. 30]
reaching Indian Territory. He had good
talents, and in early manhood became a
valuable helper to the missionaries as in-
terpreter and speaker in public meetings.
He was an active worker in 1830, and
died about 10 years later. Two daugh-
ters survive him, who were educated in
the Presbyterian boarding school, one of
whom, Susan, wife of John McIntosh,
rendered important service to Mrs A. E.
W. Robertson in her Creek translations.
Davis was joint author with J. Lykensin
_translating the Gospel of John into Creek,
published at the Shawanoe Baptist Mis-
sion, Ind. Ter., in 1835, and was also a
collaborator with R. M. Loughridge, D.
Winslett, and W. S. Robertson in the
translation into Creek of two volumes of
hymns.—Pilling, Bibliog. Muskhogean
Lang., Bull. B. A. E., 1889.
Dawes Commission. See Commission to
the Five Civilized Tribes.
Daycao. A territory that lay 10 days’
journey beyond the extreme westerly
point reached by Moscoso, of De Soto’s
expedition, in 1542. The name was
strictly that of a stream, possibly Trinity
r., Texas, and isspoken of also as if desig-
nating an Indian ‘‘province.’’ See
Gentl. of Elvas in Hakluyt Soc. Publ., rx,
138-140, 1851.
Dayoitgao (‘there where it issues’). A
former Seneca village situated at Squakie
hill, on Genesee r., near Mt Morris, N. Y.
It received the name Squawkiehah from
the fact that 700 Fox (Muskwaki) cap-
tives were settled there by the Iroquois
in 1681-83. The site was sold by the
Seneca in 1825 and relinquished by them
in 1827. (J. N. B. H.)
Da-yo-it-ga-o.— Morgan, League Iroq., 435, 1851.
Squakie Hill village.—Ibid., 468. Squawkie Hill.—
Conover, Kanadesaga and Geneva MS., B. A. E.
(=Squawkiehah Ganadahah, ‘Squawkiehah
village lying high’). Squawkihows.—Cusick,
Sketches Six Nations, 20, 1828. Squawky Hill.—
Morris treaty (1797) in U. S. Ind. Treat., 820,
1873.
De. The Coyote clans of the Tewa
pueblos of San Juan, Tesuque, and San
Ildefonso, N. Mex. Those of Tesuque
and San Ildefonso are extinct.
Dé-tdoa.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., Ix, 350, 1896
(tdé6a=‘ people’).
Deadoses. A small Texan tribe which
in the 18th century lived with other
tribes on San Xavier r., probably the
‘San Miguel, which joins Little r. and
flows into the Brazos about 150 m. from
the gulf. In 1767-68 they were said to
reside between Navasota and Trinity rs.,
and in 1771 were mentioned with the
Tonkawa, Comanche, Towash ( Wichita),
and others as northern Texas tribes in
contradistinction to the Cocos (Coaque),
Karankawa, and others of the coast re-
gion. .If the Mayeyes were really related
to the Tonkawa, as has been asserted, the
DAWES COMMISSION—-DEKANAWIDA
383
fact that this tribe is mentioned with
them may indicate that the language of
the Deadoses resembled that of the Ton-
kawa. They may have been swept
away by the epidemic that raged among
the Indians of Texas in 1777-78.
(Hoes) - Ie RSs. )
Decoration. See Adornment, Art, Cloth-
ing, Ornament.
Deep Creek Spokan. A former Spokan
colony that lived 17 m. s. w. of Spokane
falls, now Spokane, Wash. The colony
was established for farming purposes;
pop. about 30 in 1880.—Warner in Ind.
Aff. Rep., 67, 1880.
Deer Skins. Apparently a division of
the northern Athapascans, as they are
mentioned as belonging to a group in-
cluding the Beaver Hunters, Flatside
Dogs (Thlingchadinne), and Slaves.—
Smet, Oregon Missions, 164, 1847. *
Defense. See Fortification.
Deformation. See Artificial head defor-
mation.
Degataga. See Stand Watie.
Dekanawida (‘two river-currents flow-
ing together.’—Hewitt). An Iroquois
prophet, statesman, and lawgiver, who
lived probably during the second and
third quarters of the 15th century, and
who, conjointly with Hiawatha, planned
and founded the historical confederation
of the five Iroquois tribes. According to
a circumstantial tradition, he was born in
the vicinity of Kingston, Ontario, Canada,
in what then was probably Huron terri-
tory. He was reputed to have been one
of 7 brothers. Definite tradition gives
him rank with the demigods, owing to the
masterful orenda or magic power with
which he worked tirelessly to overcome
the obstacles and difficulties of his task,
the astuteness he displayed in negotia-
tion, and the wisdom he exhibited in
framing the laws and in establishing the
fundamental principles on which they
were based and on which rested the en-
tire structure of the Iroquois confedera-
tion. Omens foreshadowed his birth,
and portents accompanying this event
revealed the fact to his virgin mother
that Dekanawida would be the source
of evil to her people, referring to the
destruction of the Huron confederation
by that of the Iroquois. Hence at his
birth his mother and grandmother, with
true womanly patriotism, sought to
spare their country woes by attempting
to drown the new-born infant by thrust-
ing it through a hole made in the ice
covering a neighboring river. Three at-
tempts were made, but in the morning
after each attempt the young Dekanawida
was found unharmed in the arms of the
astonished mother. Thereupon the two
women decided that it was decreed that
384
he should live, and so resolved to rear
him. Rapidly he grew to man’s estate,
and then, saying that he must take up
his foreordained work, departed south-
ward, first assuring his mother that in
the event of his death by violence or
sorcery, the otter skin flayed entire
which, with the head downward, he had
hung in a corner of the lodge, would
vomit blood. Dekanawida was probably
a Huron by blood, but perhaps an Iro-
quois by adoption. In the long and
tedious negotiations preceding the final
establishment of the historical confed-
eration of the five Iroquois tribes, he
endeavored to persuade the Erie and the
Neuter tribes also to join the confedera-
tion; these tribes, so far as known, were
always friendly with the Huron people,
and their representatives probably knew
of *Dekanawida’s Huron — extraction.
Many of the constitutional princi-
ples, laws, and regulations of the con-
federation are attributed to him. His
chiefship did not belong to the hereditary
class, but to the merit class, commonly
styled the ‘ pine-tree chiefs.’ Hence, he
could forbid the appointment of a suc-
cessor to his office, and could exclaim,
“To others let there be successors, for
like them they can advise you. I have
established your commonwealth, and
none has done what I have.’’ But it is
probable that prohibition was attributed
to him in later times when the true nature
of the merit chiefs had become obscured.
Hence it is the peculiar honor of the
merit chiefs of to-day not to be condoled
officially after death, nor to have suc-
cessors to their chieftaincies. For these
reasons the title Dekanawida does not
belong to the roll of 50 federal league
chiefships. (J. N. B: H.)
Dekanisora. An Onondaga chief who
came into prominence in the latter part
of the i7th century, chiefly through
his oratorical powers and his efforts to
maintain peace with both the French and
the English. He was first mentioned by
Charlevoix in 1682 as a member of an
embassy from the Iroquois to the ‘French
at Montreal. He was also one of the em-
bassy to the French in 1688, which was
captured by Adario (Le Rat), and then
released by the wily captor under the
plea that there had been a mistake, blam-
ing the French for the purpose of widen-
ing the breach between them and the
Troquois. Colden (Hist. Five Nat., 1, 165,
1755) says Dekanisora was tall and well
made, and that he ‘‘had for many years
the greatest reputation among the Five
Nations for speaking, and was generally
employed as their speaker in their nego-
tiations with both French and English.”’
His death is supposed to have occurred
about 1730, as he was a very old man
DEKANISORA—DEKAURY
[B. A. E.
when he was a member of an embassy at
Albany in 1726. (cars)
Dekanoagah (‘between the rapids.’—
Hewitt). A village, inhabited by Seneca,
Nanticoke, Conoy, and remnants of other
tribes, placed by Goy. Evans (Day, Penn.,
391, 1843) in 1707 on Susquehanna r.,
about 9 m. from Pequehan, the Shawnee
village on the £. side of the Susquehanna,
just below Conestoga cr., in Lancaster
COmmbae
Dekaury, Choukeka. A chief, eldest of
the Winnebago, born about 1730. He
was the son of Sabrevoir De Carrie, an
officer of the French army in 1699, and
Hopoekaw, daughter of a principal Win-
nebago chief, whom he married in 1729,
spoken of by Carver (Travels, 20, 1796)
as the queen of the Winnebago. Their
son, Choukeka (‘Spoon’), was known
to the whites as Spoon Dekaury. After
haying been made chief he became the
leader of attacks on the Chippewa during
a war with the Winnebago, but he main-
tained friendly relations with the whites.
It was principally through his influence
that the treaty of June 3, 1816, at St
Louis, Mo., was brought about. He died
at Portage, Wis., in the same year, leay-
ing 6 sons and 5 daughters.
Dekaury, Konoka. The eldest son and
successor of Choukeka Dekaury, born in
1747. He was named Konoka ( ‘Eldest’ )
Dekaury, and is often mentioned as ‘‘Old
Dekaury,’’ but is equally well known as
Schachipkaka. Before his father’s death,
in 1816, Konoka had joined a band of
Winnebago who took part, in 1813, in
the attack led by Proctor on Ft Stephen-
son, on lower Sandusky r., Ohio, which
was gallantly defended by Maj. George
Croghan. He fought also in the battle
of the Thames, in Canada. He was held
for a time, in 1827, as a hostage at Prairie
du Chien for the delivery of Red Bird.
His band usually encamped at the port-
age of Wisconsin r., the site of the present
Portage, Wis. Mrs Kinzie (Wau-Bun,
89, 1856) describes him as ‘‘the most
noble, dignified, and venerable of his
own or indeed of any other tribe,’’ hay-
ing a fine Roman countenance, his head
bald except for a solitary tuft of long,
silvery hair neatly tied and falling back
on his shoulders, and exhibiting a de-
meanor always courteous, while his dress
was always neat and unostentatious. An
unpleasant peculiarity of his face was an
immense hanging under lip. He signed
the treaty of Prairie du Chien Aug. 19,
1825, on behalf of the Winnebago, and
died on Wisconsin r. Apr. 20, 1836.
Other members of the family, whose
name hasbeen variously written DeKaury,
DeKauray, DayKauray, Day Korah, Da-
corah, and DeCorrah, were noted. From
Choukeka’s daughters, who married white
BULL. 30]
men, are descended several well-known
families of Wisconsin and Minnesota.
(coupes)
Delaware. A confederacy, formerly the
most important of the Algonquian stock,
occupying the entire basin of Delaware
r. in §. Pennsylvania and s. 5. New
York, together with most of New Jersey
and Delaware. They called themselves
Lenipe or Leni-lendpe, equivalent to ‘real
men,’ or ‘native, genuine men’; the Eng-
lish knew them as Delawares, from the
name of their principal river; the French
called them Loups, ‘wolves,’ a term
probably applied originally to the Ma-
hican on Hudson r., afterward extended
to the Munsee division and to the whole
group. _To the more remote Algonquian
JACK HARRY (WAIAWAKWAKUMAU, TRAMPING EVERYWHERE) —
DELAWARE
tribes they, together with all their cog-
nate tribes along the coast far up into
New England, were known as Wapa-
nachki, ‘easterners,’ or ‘eastern’ land
people,’ a term which appears also as a
specific tribal designation in the form of
Abnaki. By virtue of admitted priority
of political rank and of occupying the
central home territory, from which most
of the cognate tribes had diverged, they
were accorded by all the Algonquian
tribes the respectful title of ‘‘grand-
father,’’ a recognition accorded by cour-
tesy also by the Huron. The Nanti-
coke, Conoy, Shawnee, and Mahican
claimed close connection with the Dela-
wares and preserved the tradition of a
common origin.
The Lenape, or Delawares proper, were
composed of 3 principal tribes, treated by
Bull. 830—05 25
DELAW ARE
385
Morgan as phratries, viz: Munsee, Unami,
and Unalachtigo (q. v.), besides which
some of the New Jersey bands may have
constituted a fourth. Each of these had
its own territory and dialect, with more
or less separate identity, the Munsee par-
ticularly being so far differentiated as fre-
quently to be considered an independent
people.
The early traditional history of the
Lenape is contained in their national
legend, the Walam Olum (q. v.).. When
they made their first treaty with Penn,
in 1682, the Delawares had their council
fire at Shackamaxon, about the present
Germantown, suburb of Philadelphia,
and under various local names occupied
the whole country along the river. To
this early period belongs their great chief,
Tamenend, from whom the Tammany
Society takes its name. The different
bands frequently acted separately but re-
garded themselves as part of one great
body. About the year 1720 the Iroquois
assumed dominion over them, forbidding
them to make war or sales of lands, a
condition which lasted until about the
opening of the French and Indian war.
As the whites, under the sanction of the
Iroquois, crowded them out of their
ancient homes, the Delawares removed
to the Susquehanna, settling at Wyoming
and other points about 1742. They soon
crossed the mountains to the headwaters
of the Allegheny, the first of them havy-
ing settled upon that stream in 1724. In
1751, by invitation of the Huron, they
began to form settlements in ©. Ohio, and
in a few years the greater part of the
Delawares were fixed upon the Mus-
kingum and other streams in &. Ohio,
together with the Munsee and Mahican,
who had accompanied them from the E.,
being driven out by the same pressure
and afterward consolidating with them.
The Delawares, being now within reach
of the French and backed by the western
tribes, asserted their independence of the
Iroquois, and in the subsequent wars up
to the treaty of Greenville in 1795 showed
themselves the most determined op-
ponents of the advancing whites. The
work of the devoted Moravian mission-
aries in the 17th and 18th centuries forms
an important part of the history of these
tribes (see Gnadenhuetten, Missions).
About the year 1770 the Delawares re-
ceived permission from the Miami and
Piankishaw to occupy the country be-
tween the Ohio and White rs., in Indiana,
where at one time they had 6 villages.
In 1789, by permission of the Spanish
government, a part of them removed to
Missouri, and afterward to Arkansas, to-
gether with a band of Shawnee. By 1820
the two bands had found their way to
Texas, where the Delawares numbered at
386
that time probably at least 700. By the
year 1835 most of the tribe had been gath-
ered on a reservation in Kansas, from
which they removed, in 1867, to Indian
Ter. and incorporated with the Cherokee
Nation. Another band is affiliated with
the Caddo and Wichita in w. Oklahoma,
besides which there are a few scattered
remnants in the United States, with sev-
eral hundred in Canada, under the va-
rious names of Delawares, Munsee, and
Moravyians.
It is impossible to get a definite idea of
the numbers of the Delawares at any
given period, owing to the fact that they
have always been closely connected with
other tribes, and have hardly formed
one compact body since leaving the At-
lantic coast. All the estimates of the
last century give them and their con-
nected tribes from about 2,400 to 3,000,
while the estimates within the present
century are much lower. Their present
population, including the Munsee, is
about 1,900, distributed as follows: In-
corporated with Cherokee Nation, Ind.T.,
870; Wichita res., Oklahoma, 95; Munsee,
with Stockbridges, in Wisconsin, perhaps
260; Munsee, with Chippewa, in Kansas,
perhaps 45; ‘‘ Moravians of the Thames,”’
Ontario, 347; ‘‘ Munsees of the Thames,”’
Ontario, 122, with Six Nations on Grand
r., Ontario, 150.
According to Morgan (Ane. Soc., 171,
1877) the Delawares have 3 clans (called
by him gentes), or phratries, divided
into 34 subelans, not including 2 sub-
clans now extinct. These clans, which
are the same among the Munsee and Ma-
hican, are: (1) Took-seat (‘round paw,’
‘wolf’?). (2) Pokekooungo (‘crawling,’
‘turtle’). (3) Pullaook (‘non-chewing,’
‘turkey’). These clans—Wolf, Turtle,
and Turkey—are commonly given as syn-
onymous with Munsee, Unami, and Una-
lachtigo, the 3 divisions of the Delawares,
exclusive of the New Jersey branch. Ac-
cording to Brinton tney are not clans, but
mere totemic emblems of the 3 geographic
divisions above named. Of these the
Unami held the hereditary chieftainship.
The New Jersey branch probably formed
a fourth division, but those bands broke
up at an early period and became incor-
porated with the others. Many of them
had originally removed from the w. bank
of Delaware r. to escape the inroads of
the Conestoga. The 3 clans as given by
Morgan are treated under the better
known geographic names.
The Took-seat, or Wolf clan, has the
following 12 subdivisions: (1) Maangreet
(big feet) ; (2) Weesowhetko (yellow tree) ;
(3) Pasakunamon (pulling corn); (4)
Weyarnihkato (care enterer, i. e. cave en-
terer?); (5) Tooshwarkama (across the
river); (6) Olumane (vermilion); (7)
DELAWARE
[B. A. B.
Punaryou (dog standing by fireside) ;
(8) Kwineekcha (long body); (9) Moon-
hartarne (digging); (10) Nonharmin
(pulling up stream); (11) Longushhar-
karto (brush log); (12) Mawsootoh
(bringing along).
The Pokekooungo, or Turtle clan, has
the following 10 subdivisions, 2 others be-
ing extinct: (1) Okahoki (ruler); (2) Ta-
koongoto (high bank shore); (3) Seehar-
ongoto (drawing down hill); (4) Olehar-
karmekarto (elector); (5)° Maharolukti
(brave); (6) Tooshkipakwisi (green
leaves); (7) Tungulungsi (smallest turtle) ;
(8) Welunungsi (little turtle); (9) Lee-
kwinai (snapping turtle); (10) Kwisaese-
keesto (deer).
The Pullaook, or Turkey clan, has the
following 12 subdivisions: (1) Moharala
(big bird); (2) Lelewayou (bird’s ery) ;(3)
Mookwungwahoki (eye pain); (4) Moo-
harmowikarnu (scratch the path); (5)
Opinghoki (opossum ground); (6) Muh-
howekaken (old shin); (7) Tongonaoto
(drift log); (8) Noolamarlarmo (living in
water); (9) Muhkrentharne (root digger) ;
(10) Muhkarmhukse (red face); (11)
Koowahoke (pine region); (12) Ooechuk-
ham (ground scratcher).
The divisions of the Munsee, according
to Ruttenber, were the Minisink, Waor-
anec, Waranawonkong, Mamekoting,
Wawarsink, and Catskill. He names
among the Unami divisions the Navasink,
Raritan, Hackensack, Aquackanonk, Tap-
pan, and Haverstraw, all in x. New Jersey,
but there were others in Pennsylvania.
Among the Unalachtigo divisions in Penn-
sylvania and Delaware were probably the
Neshamini, Shackamaxon, Passayonk,
Okahoki, Hickory Indians (?), and Nan-
tuxets. The Gachwechnagechga, or Le-
high Indians, were probably of the Unami
division. Among the New Jersey bands
not classified are the Yacomanshaghking,
Kahansuk, Konekotay, Meletecunk, Ma-
tanakons, Eriwonec, Asomoche, Pomp-
ton (probably a Munsee division), Ran-
cocas, Tirans, Siconesses (Chiconessex ),
Sewapoo (perhaps in Delaware), Keche-
meche, Mosilian, Axion, Calcefar, As-
sunpink, Naraticon, and Manta (perhaps
a Munsee division). The Nyack band, or
village, in Rockland co., N. Y., may have
belonged to the Unami. The Papagonk
band and the Wysox probably belonged
to the Munsee. See also Munsee, Unami,
Unalachtigo.
The following were Delaware villages:
Achsinnink, Ahasimus (Unami?), Ala-
mingo, Allaquippa, Alleghany, Anderson’s
Town, Aquackanonk, Au Glaize, Bald
Eagle’s Nest, Beaversville, Beavertown,
Bethlehem (Moravian), Black Hawk,
Black Leg’s Village, Buckstown, Bullets
Town (?), Cashiehtunk (Munsee ?), Cata-
waweshink(?), Chikohoki (Unalachtigo),
BULL. 30]
Chilohocki (?), Chinklacamoose (?), Clis-
towacka, Communipaw (Hackensack),
Conemaugh (?), Coshocton, Crossweek-
sung, Custaloga’s Town, Edgpiiliik, Eri-
wonec, Frankstown (?), Friedenshuetten
(Moravian), Friedensstadt (Moravian),
Gekelemukpechuenk, Gnadenhuetten
(Moravian), Goshgoshunk, Grapevine
Town (?), Greentown (?), Gweghkongh
(Unami?), Hespatingh (Unami ?), Hick-
orytown, Hockhocken, Hogstown (?),
Hopocan, Jacob’sCabins (?), Jeromestown
(?), Kalbauvane(?), Kanestio, Kanhangh-
ton, Katamoonchink (?) , Kickenapawling
(?), Kiktheswemud (?), Killbuck’s Town,
Kishakoquilla, Kiskemeneco, Kiskomini-
toes (?), Kittaning, Kohhokking, Kus-
kuski, Languntennenk (Moravian), La-
wunkhannek (Moravian), Lichtenau
(Moravian), Little Munsee Town, Macha-
rienkonck (Minisink), Macock, Mahon-
ing, Mechgachkamic (Unami ?), Meg-
geckessou (?), Meniolagomeka, Meoch-
konek (Minisink), Minisink (Minisink),
Mohickon John’s Town (Mahican ?),
Munceytown (Munsee), Murdering
Town (?), Muskingum, Nain (Moravian),
Newcomerstown, New Town, Nyack
(Unami), Ostonwackin, Outaunink (Mun-
see), Owl’s Town, Pakadasank (Mun-
see ?), Papagonk (?), Passayonk, Passy-
cotcung (Munsee ?), Peck wes (?), Peixtan
(Nanticoke ?), Pematuning (?), Pequot-
tink (Moravian), Playwickey, Pohkopop-
hunk, Queenashawakee, Rancocas, Rays-
_ town (?), Remahenone (Unami ?), Roy-
mount, Salen (Moravian), Salt Lick,
Saweunk (with Shawnee and Mingo),
Sawkin (?), Schepinaikonck (Munsee),
Schipston (?), Schoenbrunn (Moravian),
Seven Houses, Shackamaxon, Shamokin
(with Seneca and Tutelo), Shannopin,
Shenango (with others), Sheshequin,
Shingiss, Skehandowa (with Mahicans
and Shawnee), Snakestown (?), Soup-
napka (?), Three Legs (?), Tioga (with
Munsee and others), Tom’s Town, Tulli-
has, Tuscarawas, Venango (?), Waka-
tomica (with Mingo), Wechquetank
(Moravian), Wekeeponall, Welagamika,
White Eyes, White Woman, Will’s
Town (?), Woapikamikunk, Wyalusing,
Wyoming, Wysox (?). (J. M.)
Abnaki.—For various forms applied to the Dela-
wares, see under Abnaki. A-ko-tced-ki/ név’.—
Hewitt, Mohawk MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1882 (‘one
who stammers in his speech’: Mohawk name
used in derision of the strange tongue. See
other formsunder Mahican). A-ko-tca-ka-nha’.—
Hewitt, Oneida MS. vocab., B. A. E. (Oneida
A-kots-ha-ka-nen.—Hewitt, Mohawk MS.
vocab., B. A. E. (Mohawk form). A-ku-tca-ka‘/-
nha’.—Hewitt, inf’n, 1886 (Tuscaroraform). Ana-
kwan‘ki.—Mooney in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 508,
1900 (Cherokee name; an attempt at the Algon-
quian Wapanaqti, ‘easterners’). Auquitsaukon.—
Stiles (1756) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., Ists., vit, 74,
1801. Delawar.—Lords of Trade (1756) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., vit, 120, 1856. Delawaras.—Mt
Johnson Conference (1755), ibid., VI, 977, 1855.
name).
DELUGE MYTHS—DES CHUTES
387
Delawares.—Lords of Trade (1721), ibid., v, 623,
1855. De Lawarrs.—Watts (1764) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., 4th s., X, 524,1871. Delaways.—Cowley
(1775) in Arch. of Md., Jour. of Md. Convention,
94, 1892. Delewares.—Glen (1750) in N. Y. Doc.
Col. Hist., vi, 588, 1855. Delewars.—Campbell
(1761) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th s., 1x, 423, 1871.
Deleways.—Croghan (1760), ibid., 248. Deluas.—
Soc. Geog. Mex., 268,1870. Dillewars.—Lewis and
Clark, Tray., 12, 1806. Lenais.—Boudinot, Star in
the West,127,1816. Lenalenape.—Am. Pion., 1, 408,
1842. Lenalinepies.—Jefferson (1785?), quoted by
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 669,1855. Lenap.—Raf-
inesque, introd. to Marshall, Ky., 1, 31, 1824. Le-
nape.—Heckewelderin Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.,2ds.,
X, 98, 1823. Lenapegi.—Gatschet, Shawnee MS.
yocab., B. A. E., 1879 (Shawnee name). Lenappe.—
Boyd, Ind. Local Names, 44,1885. Lenappys.—Gor-
don (1728) quoted by Brinton, Lenape Leg., 33,1885.
Lenawpes.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, I, 65, 1851.
Lenelenape.—Am. Pion., 11, 189, 1843. Lenele-
noppes.—Proud, Penn., If, 295, 1798. Lenepee.—
Gale, Upper Miss., map, 1867. Leni-Lenape.—
Nuttall, Jour., 250, 1821. Lenna-lenape.—Drake,
Bk. Inds., vii, 1848. Lennape.—Ibid., bk. 5,
179. _Lennapewi.—Squier quoted in Beach,
Ind. Miscel., 28,1877. Lenni-lappe.—Maximilian,
Trav., 39, note, 1848. Lenni-Lenape.—Loskiel
(1794) quoted by Barton, New Views, app. 1, 1798.
Lenni-Lennadpe.—Barton, ibid., x. Lenno Lena-
pees.—Schoolcraft in N. Y. Hist. Soe. Proc., 80,
1844. Lenno Lenapi.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v1,
573, 1857. Lenno-Lennape.—Gallatinin Trans. Am.
Antiq. Soe., 11, 44,1836. Lenopi.—Easton treaty
(1757) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vit, 294, 1856. Lenop-
pea.—Vater, Mith., pt. 3, sec. 3, 366, 1816. Leo-
nopi.—Thompson in Jefferson, Notes, 283, 1825.
Leonopy.—Conference of 1759 quoted by Brinton,
Lenape Leg., 34, 1885. Linapis.—Rafinesque, Am.
Nations, I, 121, 1836. Linapiwi.—Squier quoted
in Beach, Ind. Miscel., 28, 1877. Linnelinopies.—
Croghan (1759) quoted by Jefferson, Notes, 142,
1825. Linni linapi.—Rafinesque (1833) quoted by
Brinton, Lenape Leg., 162, 1885. Linnilinopes.—
Boudinot, Starin the West, 127, 1816. Linnope.—
McCoy, Ann. Reg. Ind. Aff., 27, 1836. Lleni-
lenapés.—Nuttall, Jour., 283, 1821. Loup.—
‘Wolf,’ the name applied by the French to the
Delawares, Munsee, and Mahican; for forms see
under Mahican. Mochomes.—Yates and Moulton
in Ruttenber, Tribes Hudson R., 47, 1872 (‘Grand-
father’: title given to the Delawares by those
Algonquian tribes claiming descent from them).
Nar-wah-ro.— Marcy, Red River, 278, 1854 (Wichita
name). Renapi.—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq.
Soc., 11, 44, 1836 (given as Swedish form, but prop-
erly the form used by the New Jersey branch of
the tribe). Renni Renape.—Duponceau in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 2d s., vir, note, 1822 (form used in
New Jersey and Delaware). Sag-a-na/-ga.—Mor-
gan, League Iroq., 338, 1851 (Iroquois name).
Tca-ka/-néx.—Smith and Hewitt, Mohawk and
Onondaga MS. vocabs., B. A. E.,1881 (Mohawk
and Onondaga name). Tca-ka/-nha’.—Smith and
Hewitt, Tuscarora, Cayuga, Seneca, Oneida, and
Onondaga MS. vocabs., B. A. E., 1884 (Cayuga,
Oneida, and Onondaga name). Tsa-ka-nha’-o-
na".—Ibid. (Seneca name). Wapanachki.—For
various forms applied to the Delawares see under
Abnaki.
Deluge myths. See Mythology.
Descent. See Clan and Gens, Family.
Kinship, Social organization.
Des Chutes. A loosely defined Shahap-
tian group living formerly on and about
Deschutes r., Oreg. The term probably
included remnants of several tribes. The
name has passed out of use, and the In-
dians, if any survive, are probably on the
Warm Springs res., Oreg., under other
names. (Gig 95)
De Chentes.—Meek in H. R. Ex. Doc. 76, 30th
Cong., Ist sess., 10, 1848 (misprint). De Chute
river.—Farnham, Tray., 112, 18438. De Chutes.—
388
Lane in Ind. Aff. Rep., 160, 1850. Des Chutes.—
Wilkes in Pac. R. R. Rep., I, 417, 1855. Des Chute’s
River.—Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1, 417, 1855.
Deshoot.—Palmer in Ind. Aff. Rep., 194, 1855.
Deshoots.—Palmerin H. R. Ex. Doe. 93,34th Cong.,
Ist sess..23,1856. Fall Indians.—Parker,Jour., 137,
1842. Falls Indians.—M’Vickar, Hist. Exped.
Lewis and Clark, 11, 386, note, 1842.
Deshu. A former Chilkat town at the
head of Lynn canal, Alaska.
Dashu.—Emmons in Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.,
I1I, pl. v, 1908. Decu’.—Swanton, field notes, B.
A. E., 1904.
Deshuhittan (‘people of the house at the
end of the road’). A Tlingit clan at Kil-
lisnoo, Alaska, belonging to the Raven
phratry. Formerly they lived at Angun.
Dashiton.—Emmons in Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.,
II, pl. xiii, 1908. De’citan.—Swanton, field notes,
. A. E.,. 1904 (contracted form of name).
Decu’hit tan.—Ibid. Déschitan.—Krause, Tlinkit
Ind., 118, 1885.
Desnedekenade (‘people of the great
river’). A tribe of the Chipewyan group
of the Athapascan family living along the
banks of Great Slave r., Athabasca, Can-
ada. There were 122 enumerated at Ft
Resolution and 256 at Smith Landing in
1904.
Des-nedhé-kke-nade.—Petitot, Autour du lac des
Esclaves, 363, 1891.
Desnedeyarelottine (‘people of the great
river below’). An Etchareottine divi-
sion living on the banks of upper Mac-
kenzie r. , British America.
Des-nédheé- ~yape- -l’Ottine.—Petitot, Autour du lac
des Esclaves, 363, 1891. Gens du Fort Norman.—
Petitot, Dict. ‘Dend-Dindjié, Xx, 1876. Tess-cho tin-
neh.—Ross quoted by Gibbs, MS., B.A. E., 1866,
Tpi-kka-Gottine.—Petitot, Autour, op. cit. (‘peo-
ple on the water’).
Dest. A former village, probably Tim-
uquanan, in Florida, lat. 28° 30’, near
a small lake.—Bartram, Voy., 1, map,
1799:
Destcaraguetaga. Named by La Salle
(Margry, Déc., 1, 149, 1877) with the
Mahican, Manhattan, Minisink, and oth-
ers as a New England tribe in 1681.
Unidentified.
Destchetinaye (‘tree in a spring of wa-
ter’). A Coyotero band or clan at San
Carlos agency, Ariz., in 1881; consid-
ered by Bourke (Jour. Am. Folk-lore,
m1, 112, 1890) to be an offshoot of a
former clan of which the Titsessenaye
also formed part.
Destchin (‘red paint’). An Apache band
or clan at San Carlos agency and Ft
Apache, Ariz., in 1881 (Bourke in Jour.
Am. Folk-lore, 1, 111, 1890); coordinate
with the Chie of the Chiricahua and the
Theshchini of the Navaho.
Deshtchin.—Gatschet, Apache MS., B. A. E., 18838.
Dis-cheiné.—White, Apache Names of Ind. Tribes,
MS., B. A. E.
Detsanayuka (Detsanayuka, ‘bad camp-
ers’). A division of the Comanche, for-
merly called Nokoni (‘wanderers’), but
on the death of a chief bearing the latter
name their designation waschanged. In
1847 they were said to number 1,750, in
250 lodges, evidently a gross exaggeration;
DESHU—DHATADA
[B. A. Ee
in 1869 their number was 312, and in 1872
they were reported at 250. Their present
population is unknown, as no official ac-
count is now taken of the various Coman-
che divisions. (3. M.)
Detsindyuka.—Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1044,
1896. Go-about band.—Sen. Ex. Doc. O, 39th Cong.,
Ist sess.,4,1866. Nacanes.—Pénicaut (1712) in Mar-
gry, Déc., v, 504, 1883. Nacanne.—Jefferys (1763),
Am. Atlas, map 5, 1776. Naconomes. —Rivera, Di-
ario, leg. 2, 602, 1736. Nacunes.—Boudinot, Star in
the West, 127, 1816. Na-ko-nies. —Neighbors i in Ind.
Aff. Rep., 577, 1848. No-co-me.—Leavenworth
(1868) in H. R. Mise. Doc. 139, 41st Cong., 2d sess.,
6, 1870. Noconee.—Neighbors in Ind, Aff. Rep.
1856, 175, 1857. Noconi.— Pimentel, Cuadro Desc.,
II, 347, 1865 (or Yiuhta, confused with Ute). Noconi
Comanches.— Leavenworth in Sen, Ex. Doe. 60,
40th Cong., 2d sess., 3, 1869. No-coo-nees. —Butler
in H. R. Doe. 76, 99th Cong., 2d sess., 6, 1847.
No/koni.—Hoffman in Proc. Am. Philos. Soe.,
XXIII, 300, 1886 (trans. ‘movers’). No-ko-nies.—
Neighborsin Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 127, 1852.
People in a Circle. —Butler in H. R. Doe. 76, 29th
Cong., 2d sess., 6, 1847. Tist’shinoie’ka. —Hoft-
man in Proe, Am. Philos. Soc., XXIII, 299, 1886
(trans. ‘bad movers’). Tistshnoie/ka. —Ibid., 300.
Tiiytchéndyika. —Gatschet, Comanche M&., B. A.
E., 1893 (trans. ‘people removing from place to
place’). Wanderers.—Alvord in H. R. Ex. Doe.
240, 41st Cong., 2d sess., 151, 1870.
Devil. See Religion.
Devil’s Medicine-man Band. A Sihasapa
band; not identified.—Culbertson in
Smithson. Rep. 1850, 141, 1851.
Deyodeshot (‘there is a spring,’ from
the neighboring Avon Springs.—Hewitt).
A modern Seneca settlement that formerly
stood about 2m. s. 5. of the present site
of East Avon, on the site of the ore
Seneca settlement of Keinthe. (Js. Mm.
De-o’-de-sote.—Morgan, League. Iroq., 468, Ae
Déyodeé’s’hot.—Hewitt, inf’n, 1886 (correct Seneca
form). Dyudoosot. —Shea, note in Charlevoix,
New France, I1I, 289, 1868. Gandachioragon.—
Jes. Rel. 1672, 34, 1858. Gandachiragou. — Jes.
Rel. 1670, 69, 1858. Gannondata. — Denonyille
(1687) quoted by Morgan, League Iroq., 316, 1851.
Gannounata.—Denonville (1687) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., 1X, 367, 1855, Ganochiaragon.—La Salle (1682)
in Margry, Déc., 11, 217,1877. Keint-he.—Green-
halgh (1677) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 11, 251, 1853.
Onnenatu.—Belmont (1687) quoted by "Conover,
Kanadesaga and Geneva M6S., Ounne-
natu.—Ibid. Saint Jean.—Mission name about
1670. Saint John.—The same, Tanochioragon.—
Writer of 1686 in Margery, Déc., I, 99, 1877.
Deyohnegano (‘at the cold spring’).
(1) A former Seneca village near Caledo-
nia, N. Y.; (2) A former Seneca village
on Allegany res., Cattaraugus co., N. Y.,
near a eenony, yr.
Allegany Village.—Morgan, League Iroq., 466,
1851. Cananouagan.—La Tour, map, 1779. Cold
Spring Village.—Brown, West. Gaz., 355, 1817.
Deonagino. —Morgan, League a 466, 1851.
Déyo-hne-ga’/-no.— Hewitt, inf’n, 1886. Dune-
wangua.—Procter (1791) in Am. State Papers,
Ind. Aff., 1, 152, 1832. : :
Deyonongdadagana ( ‘two little hills close
together.’—Hewitt). Animportant Sen-
eca village formerly on the w. bank of
Genesee r. near Cuylerville, N. Y. The
tract was sold by the Indians in 1803.
De-o-nun’-da-ga-a.—Morgan, League Iroq., 426,
1851. _ De-yo-non-da-da-ga»/-a.—Hewitt, inf’n
1886. Little Beard’s Town.—Morris deed (1797) in
Am. State Papers, Ind. Aff., I, 627, 1882.
Dhatada. One of the four gentes of the
Hangashenu subdivision of the Omaha.
BULL. 30]
The meaning is lost, although Dorsey
translates it ‘bird.’
Gatada.—Dorsey in 31 Rep. B. A. E., 219, 1885;
15th Rep. B. A. E., 226, 1897. La’-ta-da.—Morgan,
Ane. Soce., 155,1877. :
Dhegiha (‘on this side.’—Fletcher). A
term employed by J. O. Dorsey to distin-
guish a group of the Siouan family com-
prising the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa,
and Quapaw tribes. Dorsey arranged the
group in two subdivisions: the Quapaw
or Lower Dhegiha, consisting of the Qua-
paw only; and the Omaha, or Upper
Dhegiha, including with the Omaha, the
Osage, Kansa, and Ponca. See Chiwere.
Gegiha.—Dorsey in 3d Rep. B. A. E., 211, 1885
(Ponea and Omaha name for thems.lves).
¢eyaha.—Dorsey, Osage MS., B. A. E., 1883 (name
of Osage for themselves). Dée-ta’.—Dorsey,
Kwapa MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1891 (used by the Qua-
paw in speaking of themselves). Dhegiha.—Dor-
sey in Am. Antiq., 168, 1879. Yegaha.—Dor-
sey, Kansas MS., B. A. E., 1883 (name of Kansa
for themselves on their own land).
Dhighida. A Ponca gens, divided into
the subgentes Sindeagdhe and Wamii-
tazhi, according to Dorsey. The mean-
ing of the name is lost.
Gixida.—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 228, 1897
(trans. ‘bird’), De-a-ghe’-ta.—Morgan, Anc. Soc.,
155, 1877 (trans. ‘many people’).
Dhiu. Mentioned by Ofate (Doc.
Inéd., xv1, 114, 1871) as a pueblo of New
Mexicoin 1598. Doubtlesssituated in the
Salinas, in the vicinity of Abo, 5. of the
Rio Grande, and in all probability a vil-
lage of the Piros or the Tigua.
Dictionaries. Dictionaries have been
made of at least 63 different North Ameri-
can Indian languages belonging to 19 lin-
guistic families, besides many vocabu-
laries of other languages. Of 122 diction-
aries mentioned below more than half are
still in manuscript.
Beginning with the Eskimauan family,
vocabularies of Greenland Eskimo have
been supplied by the labors of Egede
(1750), Fabricius (1804), Kleinschmidt
(1871), Rink (1877), and Kjer and Ras-
mussen (1893); of Labrador Eskimo, by
Erdmann (1864); of Chiglit (Kopag-
miut), by Petitot (1876); and there are
collections by Pinart of the Aleutian Fox
(Unalaskan Aleut) dialect (1871, MS.),
aoe . that of the Kaniagmiut (1871-72,
In the Athapascan languages there are
the dictionaries of Végréville for the
Chipewyan (1853-90, MS.), the three-
fold dictionary of Petitot for the Mon-
tagnais (Chipewyan), Peau de Liévre
(Kawchodinne), and Loucheux (Kut-
chin) (1876); of Radloff for the Kenai
(Knaiakhotana) (1874); of Garrioch
(1885) for the Beaver (Tsattine); of
Morice for the Tsilkotin (1884, MS.);
of Matthews (1890, MS.) and Weber
(1905, MS.) for the Navaho; and of God-
dard for the Hupa (1904, MS.).
DHEGIHA—DICTION ARIES
389
Of the languages of the Algonquian
family, the Cree has dictionaries by Wat-
kins (1865), Lacombe (1874), and Végré-
ville (ca. 1800, MS.); the Montagnais, by
Silvy (ca. 1678, MS.), Favre (1696, MS.),
Laure (1726, MS.), and Lemoine (1901);
the Algonkin, 3 by anonymous Jesuit
fathers (1661, 1662, 1667, all MS.) and
leach by André (ca. 1688, MS.), Tha-
venet (ca. 1815, MS.), and Cuoqg (1886);
the Micmac, by Rand (Micmac-English,
1854, MS., and English-Micmac, 1888);
the Malecite-Passamaquoddy, by Demil-
lier (ca. 1840, MS.); the Abnaki, by
Rasles (1691, first printed in 1833), Au-
béry (1712-15, MS.), Lesueur (ca. 1750,
MS.), Nudénans (1760, Ms.), Mathevet
(ca. 1780, MS.), and Vetromile (1855-75,
MS. ); the Natick Massachuset, by Trum-
bull (1903); the Delaware, by Ettwein
(ca. 1788, MS.), Dencke (ca. 1820, MS.),
Henry (1860, MS.), Zeisberger (1887),
and Brinton and Anthony (1888); the
Ojibwa (Chippewa), by Belcourt (ca.
1840, MS.), Baraga (1853, new ed. 1878-
80), Wilson (1874), and Férard (1890,
MS. ); the Potawatomi, by Bourassa (ca.
1840, MS.) and Gailland (ca. 1870, MS. );
the Ottawa, by Jaunay (ca. 1740, MS.);
the Shawnee, by Gatschet (1894, MS.);
the Peoria Illinois, by Gravier (ca. 1710,
MS.) and Gatschet (1893, MS.); the
Miami Illinois, by Le Boulanger (ca.
1720, MS.); the Menominee, by Krake
(1882-89, MS.) and Hoffman (1892); the
Blackfoot(Siksika) , by Lacombe (1882-83,
MS.), Tims (1889), and McLean (1890,
MS.).
In the Jroquoian languages there are
dictionaries of the Huron (Wyandot), by
Le Caron (1616-25, MS.), Sagard (1632,
repr. 1865), Brebceuf (ca. 1640, MS.),
Chaumonot (ca. 1680, MS.), and Carheil
(1744, MS.); of the Iroquois Mohawk,
by Bruyas (1862), Marcoux (1844, MS.),
and Cuoq (1882); of the Iroquois Seneca,
by Jesuit fathers (MS.); the Iroquois
Onondaga, by Jesuit fathers (printed in
1860); of the Iroquois Tuscarora, by Mrs
E. A. Smith (1880-82, MS.) and Hewitt
(1886, MS.); besides extended glossaries
of the Cherokee, by Gatschet (1881, MS.)
and Mooney (1885, MS.; and 1900, 19th
Rep. B. A. E.).
In the Muskhogean languages there are
the dictionaries of the Choctaw by Bying-
ton (ca. 1865, MS.), Wright (1880), and
Rouquette (ca. 1880, MS.); of the Mas-
koki (Creek), by Robertson (1860-89,
MS.) and Loughridge (1882, MS.).
The Siouan family is provided with
dictionaries of the Santee Dakota by
Riggs (1852, 1890) and Williamson (1871,
1886); of the Yankton Dakota, by Wil-
liamson (1871); of the Quapaw, the Bi-
loxi, the Winnebago, and the Dhegiha
390
(Omaha), by Dorsey (1891-95, MS.); of
the Hidatsa, by Matthews (1873-74); and
of the Kansa, by Bourassa (ca. 1850, MS.).
Other linguistic families are represent-
ed by dictionaries or extended glossaries
as follows: Natchesan, Natchez lexicon,
by Gatschet (1893, MS.); Chitimachan,
Shetimasha (Chitimacha), by Gatschet
(ca. 1880, MS.); Caddoan, Pawnee, by
Dunbar (1880, MS.); Tonkawan, Ton-
kawa, by Gatschet (ca. 1877, MS.); Kio-
wan, Kiowa, by Mooney (1900, MS.);
Shoshonean, Snake (Shoshoni), by Ge-
bow (1864, 1868), and Comanche, by
Rejon (1866); Koluschan, Chilkat, by
Everette (ca. 1880, MS.); Chimmesyan,
Tsimshian, by Boas (1898, MS. ); Salishan,
Kalispel by Giorda (1877-79), Twana by
Eells (ca. 1880, MS.), and Nisqualli by
Gibbs (1877); Chinookan, Chinook by
Gibbs (1863) and Boas (1900, MS.), and
Chinook jargon by Blanchet (1856),
Gibbs (1863), Demers (1871), Gill (1882),
Prosch (1888), Tate (1889), Coones (1891),
Bulmer (1891, MS.) , St Onge (1892, MS.),
and Eells (1893, MS.); Kitunahan, Ku-
tenai, by Chamberlain (1891-1905, MS. );
Shahaptian, Nez Percé by McBeth (1893,
MS.) and Gatschet (1896, MS.); Lutua-
mian, Klamath by Gatschet (1890); Shas-
tan, Shasta, by Gatschet (1877, MS.);
Piman, Cora by Ortega (1732, repr.1888),
Opata by Pimentel (1863), and Tarahu-
mare by Steffel (1791) and Lumboltz
(1894, MS. ). (w. E.)
Dieguetios. A collective name, prob-
ably in part synonymous with Comeya,
applied by the Spaniards to Indians of
the Yuman stock who formerly lived in
and around San Diego, Cal., whence the
term; it included representatives of many
tribes and has no proper ethnic sig-
nificance; nevertheless it is a firmly es-
tablished name and is here accepted to
include the tribes formerly living about
San Diego and extending s. to about lat.
31° 30’. A few Dieguenos still live in the
neighborhood of San Diego. There are
about 400 Indians included under this
name as attached to the Mission agency of
California, but they are now officially rec-
ognized as part of the ‘‘ Mission Indians.”’
The rancherias formerly occupied by the
Dieguefios, so far as known, are: Abascal,
Awhut, Cajon, Camajal, Campo, Capitan
Grande, Cenyowpreskel(?), Cojuat, Co-
quilt, Corral, Cosoy, Cuyamaca, Ekquall,
Focomae, Gueymura, Hasoomale, Has-
sasei, Hataam, Hawai, Honwee Val-
lecito, Iceayme, Inomassi, Inyaha, Kwal-
whut, Laguna, La Punta, Lorenzo, Mac-
tati, Maramoydos, Mataguay, Matamo,
Matironn, Mattawottis, Melejo, Mesa
Chiquita, Mesa Grande, Meti, Nellmole,
Nipaguay, Otai, Otat, Pocol, Prickaway,
San Felipe, San José, San Luis, Santa Is-
abel, Sequan, Suahpi, Tacahlay, Tahwie,
DIEGUENOS—DIGHTON ROCK
[B. A. B.
Tapanque, Toowed, Valle de las Viejas,
Wahti, Xamacha, Xana, and Yacum.
The Conejos, the Kiliwi, and the Coy-
otes are mentioned as former Dieguefo
bands. (H. W. H.)
Daigano.—Palmer in Am. Nat., XI, 736, 1877. Dia-
gano.—Ibid., 743. Diegana.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 361,
1859. Diegeenos.—Whipple, Exp’n from San Di-
ego to the Colorado, 2, 1851. Diegenes.—Sleigh
(1873) in H. R. Ex. Doe. 91, 48d Cong., 1st sess., 6,
1874. Diegino.—Burton (1856) in H. R. Ex. Doe.
76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 115, 1857. Diegmons.—
Jackson and Kinney, Rep. Miss. Ind., 20, 1883.
Dieguinos.—Wozencraft (1852) in Sen. Ex, Doe. 4,
32a ong., spec. sess., 288, 1853. Diegunos.—Whip-
ple (1849) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 100, 1852.
Digenes.—ind. Aff. Rep., 13, 1879. Diogenes.—Ind.
Aff. Rep. 1902, 595, 1903. Disguino.—Burton (1856)
in H. R. Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 127,
1857. Kamia.—A. L. Kroeber, inf’n, 1905 (Mohave
name; ef. Comeya). Llégeenos.—Whipple, Exp’n
from San Diego to the Colorado, 2, 1851 (misprint).
Lligunos.—Whipple (1849) in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, 1, 100, 1852 (misprint).
Digger. Said by Powell to be the Eng-
lish translation of Nuanuints, the name of
asmall tribe near St George, s. w. Utah.
It was the only Paiute tribe practising
agriculture, hence the original significa-
tion of the name, ‘‘digger.’’ Intime the
name was applied to every tribe known
to use roots extensively for food and hence
to be ‘‘diggers.’’ It thus included very
many of the tribes of California, Oregon,
Idaho, Utah, Nevada, and Arizona,
tribes speaking widely different languages
and embracing perhaps a dozen distinct
linguistic stocks. As the root-eaters were
supposed to represent a low type of In-
dian, the term speedily became one of
opprobium. (H. W. H.)
Digging sticks. See Agriculture, Per-
forated stones.
Dighton Rock. A mass of silicious con-
glomerate lying in the margin of Taunton
r., Bristol co., Mass.,on which isan ancient,
probably prehistoric, inscription. The
length of the face measured at the base is
113 ft. and the height.a little more than
5 ft. The whole face, to within a few
inches of the ground, is covered with the
inscription, which consists of irregular
LENGTH ABOUT 12 FT)
"
— *
DIGHTON ROCK, MASS.
lines and outline figures, a few having a
slight resemblance to runes; others tri-
angular and circular, among which can
be distinguished 3 outline faces. The ear-
liest copy was that of Danforth in 1680.
Cotton Mather copied a part as early as
1690 and sent a rude woodcut of the entire
inscription to the Royal Society of Great
Britain in 1712. Copies were also made
BULL. 30]
by Isaac Greenwood in 1730; by Stephen
Sewell, of Cambridge, in 1768; by Prof.
Winthrop in 1788; by Joseph Gooding in
1790; by Edward A. Kendall in 1807; by
Job Gardner in 1812, and one for the
Rhode Island Historical Society in 1830.
Soon after this the suggestion was made
that it was a runic inscription of the
Norsemen, and the interest excited by
this caused it to be frequently copied and
published. The subject, with accompa-
nying figures, was thoroughly discussed
by Danish antiquaries, especially by Rafn,
in Antiquitates Americane (1837). The
earlier drawings mentioned above are re-
produced by Mallery (10th Rep. B. A. E.,
pl. xi, 1893). The annexed illustration
from a photograph is perhaps the most
nearly correct of any published. The
opinions advanced in regard to the origin
and signification of the inscription vary
widely. The members of the French
Academy, towhomacopy wassent, judged
it to be Punic; Lort, in a paper in
Archeeologia (London, 1786), expressed
the opinion that it was the work of a peo-
ple from Siberia; Gen. Washington, who
saw Winthrop’s drawings at Cambridge
in 1789, pronounced the inscription simi-
lar to those made by the Indians; Davis
and Kendallalso ascribed it to the Indians,
the former thinking it represented an In-
dian deer hunt. The Danish antiquaries
decided that it was the work of the North-
men; Prof. Finn Magnusen interpreted
the central portion, assuming it to consist
of runes, as meaning that Thorfinn with
151 men took possession of the country;
and even Dr De Costa was persuaded that
the central part is runic. Buckingham
Smith, according to Haven (Proc. Am.
Antiq. Soc., Apr. 29, 1863), was inclined
to believe it to consist of ciphers used by
the Roman Catholic Church. Schoolcraft,
although charged with wavering in his
opinion, decided without reservation in
1853 that it wasentirely Indian. Thelatter
author submitted several drawings of the
inscription to an Algonquian chief, who,
rejecting a few of the figures near the cen-
ter, interpreted the remainder as the me-
morial of a battle between two native
tribes. Although this Indian’s explana-
tion is considered doubtful, the general
conclusion of students in later years,
especially after Mallery’s discussion, is
that the inscription is the work of Tn-
dians and belongs to a type found in
Pennsylvania and at points in the W.
Following are the more important
writings on the subject of Dighton Rock:
Antiquitates Americanee, 1837; Archzeolo-
gia, vit, 1786; T. Ewbank, N. Am. Rock-
writing, 1866; Gravier in Compte-rendu
Cong. Internat. des Américanistes, 1, 1875;
Haven in Proc. Am. Antiq. Soc., Apr.
29, 1863, Oct. 21, 1864, Oct., 1867; Ken-
DIPPERS AND LADLES—DISCOIDAL STONES
Dol
dall, Trav., 11, 1809; Mallery in 10th
Rep. B. A. E., 1893; Mem. Am. Acad. Arts
and Sci., 1, pt. 2, 1804, mm, pt. 1, 1809;
Philos. Trans. Roy. Soe. Lond., XXVIII,
1714; Rau (+) in Am. Antiq., 1, 1878; (2)
in Mag. Am. Hist., Feb., 1878, Apr., 1879;
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 1851, rv, 1854;
Trans. Soe. Antiquaries, Lond., 1732;
Winsor, Hist. Am., 1, 1884. (Cea)
Dippers and Ladles. See Receptacles.
Discoidal stones. Prehistoric objects of
unknown use (see Problematical objects)
whose most typical form is that of a
double-conyex or double-concave lens.
The perimeter is a circle and the sides
range from considerably convex through
plane to deeply concave. The diameter
varies from 1 in. to 8 in., the thickness
from one-fourth of an inch to 6in., very
rarely passing these limits; the two di-
mensions have no definite relation to
each other. Some specimens are convex
on one face and plane on the other; but
when one face is concaye the other is
also. Of the latter form many have a
secondary depression at the center; others
have a perforation which is sometimes
enlarged until the disk becomes a ring.
They : are made principally of very hard
rock, as quartz, flint, jasper, novaculite,
quartzite, porphyry, syenite, and the like,
though stone as
soft as marble,
sandstone, barite,
and even steatite |
was sometimes
chosen. No type
of relics is more
difficult to classify
than these disks.
The name first given them, and by which
they are still commonly known, is ‘‘chun-
key stones,’’ from the native name of the
game played with analogous disks by
southern Indians. But the description of
the game, considered in connection with
the great variation in size and material of
the specimens, shows that only a small
percentage of them could have been thus
utilized. Culin believes that a limited
number may be definitely regarded as
chunkey stones. He recognizes three
DISK OF GRANITE; VIRGINIA. (- )
types: (1) perforated (least common); (2)
symmetrical, unperforated; (3) asym-
metrical, unperforated. A similar diver-
sity is observed in the stones used in the
analogous Hawaiian game of maika (24th
Rep. B. A. E., 1906). From the smooth,
symmetrical, highly polished chunkey
stone they merge by insensible grada-
tions into mullers, pestles, mortars, pitted
stones, polishing and g er indingstones, ham-
mers, sinkers, club heads, and ornaments,
for all of which purposes except the last
they may have been used in some of
their stages, so that no dividing line is
possible. They present various styles
392
and degrees of finish. Many retain their
natural surface on both sides with the
edge worked off by grinding or pecking,
the latter marks possibly resulting from
use as hammers. The skles may be
ground down while the edge remains un-
touched; or, when made from a thick
pebble, the sides may be pecked and the
edge ground. Some specimens which are
entirely unworked require very close ex-
amination to distinguish them from oth-
ers whose whole surface has been artifi-
cially produced. It is possible, however,
to arrange a large number of specimens
from one locality in a regular series from
a roughly chipped disk to a finished
product of the highest polish and sym-
metry. The finest specimens, in greatest
numbers, come from the states s. of the
Ohio r., and from Arkansas eastward to
the Atlantic. The territory within a
radius of 100 m. around Chattanooga,
Tenn., and for about the same distance
around Memphis, is especially rich in
them. From s. £. Ohio to central Mis-
souri a considerable number has been
found, though few of them are as well
wrought as those from the 8. Rather
rough ones occur along the Delaware r.
Beyond the limits indicated the type
practically disappears. Discoidal stones
corresponding closely with eastern types,
save that the faces are rarely concave,
are found in the Pueblo country and in
the Pacific states. See Chunkey.
Objects of the class here described are
referred to by numerous authors, includ-
ing Fowke (1) Archzeol. Hist. Ohio, 1902,
(2) in 13th Rep. B. A. E., 1896; Jones,
Antiq. So. Inds., 1873; Moorehead, Pre-
hist. Impls., 1900; Squier and Davis, An-
cient Monuments, 1848; Rau, Archeeol.
Coll. Nat. Mus., 1876; Thruston, Antiq.
Tenn., 1897. (G. F.)
Disease. See Health.
Dishes. Vessels for the preparation and
serving of food and other purposes were
manufactured by all Indian tribes. While
their use as receptacles prescribes a con-
cavity of circular, oval, or oblong outline,
there is a great variety of shape, decora-
tion, etc., according to individual taste
or tribal custom, and a wide range of
material, as stone, shell, bone, ivory,
horn, rawhide, bark, wood, gourd, pot-
tery, and basketry.
The vessels for serving food were not
used to hold individual portions, for the
Indians ate in common; but the little
dishes held salt and other condiments,
small quantities of delicate foods, ete.
The larger dishes contained preparations
of corn or other soft vegetables, and the
trays and platters were for game, bread,
etc., or for mixing or preparing food.
In many cases the cooking pot held the
common mcal, and portions were taken
DISHES
[B. A. HB.
out by means of small dishes and ladles,
in which they were cooled and eaten.
Some dishes had special uses, as platters,
mats, and trays for drying fruits, roasting
seeds, etc., and as ceremonial bowls, bas-
kets, ete.
From archeological sites have been col-
lected many examples of dishes. Some
made of soapstone were found in several
Eastern and Southern states, and in
Wyoming and California. Vessels formed
of seashells, cut principally from Busy-
con, and also from Cassis, Strombus, and
Fasciolaria, were found in Ohio, Indiana,
Illinois, Iowa, Arkansas, Georgia, and
Florida. Dishes of pottery come from
many parts of the United States and some
made of wood from Florida.
The Indians in general used dishes of
wood, and even where pottery, basketry,
and bark were common, wooden vessels
were made. Each region supplied suit-
able woods: A predilection for burl wood
and knots was general. The majority of
existing wooden vessels were fashioned
with iron tools, but before metal was
introduced they were excavated by means
of fire and stone tools. Eskimo wooden
dishes were sometimes cut from a single
piece, but they usually had a rim of bent
wood fastened to the excavated bottom
and were oval in shape. Those of the
N. W. coast tribes were boxes of rectangu-
lar shape, with scarfed and bent sides
attached to the bottom; but the Indians
also had excavated dishes carved to rep-
resent animal forms in great variety, and
small bowls of horn occur. The Salishan
tribes made dishes of wood and horn
which were elaborately carved. The
northern Athapascans as a rule used
dishes, platters, and trays of birch bark
folded and sewed, but among some tribes
the dishes were like those of the Eskimo.
The Chippewa had well-finished wooden
dishes of rectangular, oval, or circular ©
shape. The Iroquois made excellent
dishes, cups, bowls, ete., of burl wood,
and sometimes furnished them with han-
dles. The Plains Indians also used in
preference burl or knot wood, and while
as a rule their dishes were simple in out-
line and homely, some specimens were
well carved and finished. The Virginia
and other Southern Indians cut dishes,
often of large size, from soft wood; of these
the Cherokee and Choctaw bowls and
platters made of tupelo are noteworthy.
The Ute made rude oval bowls with pro-
jections at the ends, and oblong platters
and knot bowls with handles. The
Paiute used for dishes the carapace of the
box turtle. The Pueblos, while relying
mainly on pottery and basketry, had
dishes wrought from knots and mountain-
sheep horn. The Pima and Papago made
oblong trays and shallow platters from
BULL. 30]
mesquite wood. The Hupa of n. Califor-
nia cut large, flat trays from redwood.
The tribes of the Santa Barbara region,
California, inlaid wooden vessels with
mother-of-pearl.
Bark dishes were extensively used by
tribes within the birch area and to some
extent by all the forest Indians. Those
of the S. made great use of gourds.
The Pueblo Indians employed pottery
and to some extent basketry for dishes,
and the same is true in a lesser degree of
some of the Plains and Eastern tribes.
Southwestern and Californian Indians
made use of basketry almost exclusively.
See Bark, Basketry, Bowls, Implements,
Pottery, Receptacles, Woodwork.
Consult Goddard in Univ. Cal. Publ.,
Am. Archzeol. and Ethnol., 1, no. 1, 1903;
Holmes in 20th Rep. B. A. E., 1903;
Moore in Jour. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila.,
x-xl, 1894-1903; Murdoch in 9th Rep. B.
A. E., 1892; Nelson in 18th Rep. B.A. E.,
1899; Niblack in Rep. Nat. Mus. 1888,
1890; Swanton in Mem. Am. Mus. Nat.
Hist., v, 1905; Turner in 11th Rep. B. A.
E., 1894. (w. H.)
Distancia. One of the villages of the
Opata.—Hrdlicka in Am. Anthrop., VI,
72, 1904.
Ditsakana ( Ditsii/ kana,‘ sewers’). ACo-
manche division, the name of which was
formerly Widyu (‘awl’), but on the death
of a chief bearing the same name it was
changed to Ditsakana. They were also
popularly known as Yamparika, from
their habit of eating yampa root. They
were estimated to number 356 in 1869,
and 200 in 1872, but their present popu-
lation is unknown, as the Comanche divi-
sions are not officially recognized. (J. M.)
Ditsa’kana.—Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1044,
1896. Etsiti/biwat.—Ibid. (‘northerners’). Gui-
yus.—Butcher and Lyendecher, MS. Comanche
vocab., B. A. E., 1867. It-chit-a-bud-ah.—Neigh-
bors in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tr., 11, 128, 1852. Jupes.—
Bol. Soc. Mex., v, 318, 1857. Lamparacks.—Bol-
laert in Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond., 1, 265, 1850.
Lemparack.—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond.,
1856. Llamparicas.—Escudero, Noticias Nuevo
Mex., 83, 1849. Root Diggers.—Butler in H. R.
Doe. 76, 29th Cong., 2d sess.,6,1847. Root-Eaters.—
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 522, 1851. Sampa-
ricka.—Maximilian, Trav., 510, 1843. Tapparies
Comanches.—Alvord in Sen. Ex. Doe. 18, 40th
Cong., 3d sess., 23, 1869 (misprint). Teachatz-
kennas.—Ibid., 36. Teckat Kenna.—McKusker in
Sen. Ex. Doc. 40, 40th Cong., 3d sess., 14, 1869.
Ted-Chath-Kennas.—Ibid. Tedchat-kenna.—Ibid.
Titsakanai.—Hoffman in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc.,
XXIII, 300, 1886 (‘the sewing people’). Tupes.—
Domenech, Deserts, IT, 21, 1860. Wi/dyu.—Mooney
in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1044, 1896 (‘awl’). Wiui-
ni’em.—Hoffman in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., XXIII,
300, 1886. Yachakeenees.—Penney in Ind. Aff.
Rep. 1869, 101, 1870 (probably the same; Yampa-
rakas also given). Yamhareek.—Ruxton, Life in
Far West, 201, 1846. Yamparack.—Burnet in
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 230, 1851. Yampara-
kas.—Penney in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1869, 101, 1870.
Yamparecks.—Keane in Stanford, Compend., 544,
1878. Yampareekas.—Hazen in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1869,
388, 1870. Yamparicas.—Mayer, Mexico, HU, 123,
1853. Yam/pari’/ka.—Hoffman in Proc. Am.
Philos. Soe., XXIII, 299, 1886 (‘yampa eaters’).
Yam-pa-se-cas,—Neighbors in Ind. Aff. Rep., 574,
DISTANCIA—DJIGUAAHL-LANAS
398
1848. Yampatéka.—ten Kate, Reizen in N. Am.,
384, 1885. Yampaxicas.—Domenech, Deserts, 11,
21,1860. Yamperack.—Drake, Bk. Inds., xii, 1848.
Yamperethka.—Battey, Advent., 90, 1875. Yam-
per-rikeu.—Leavenworth in H. R. Mise. Doc. 139,
dist Cong., 2d sess., 6, 1870. Yam-pe-uc-coes.—
Butler in H. R. Doc. 76, 29th Cong., 2d sess., 6,
1847. Yampirica.—Sen. Ex. Doc. O, 39th Cong.,
ist sess.,4, 1866. Yam-pi-ric-coes.—Butler in H. R.
Doc. 76, 29th Cong., 2d sess., 8, 1847. Yapa.—
Mooney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1044, 1896. Yapa-
iné.—Pimentel, Cuadro Deser., 1, 347, 1865. Ya-
parehca.—Ibid. Ya-pa-rés-ka.—Butcher and Ly-
endecher, Comanche MS. yoecab., B. A. E., 1867.
Ya’pa-re’xka.—Gatschet, MS. vocab., B. A. E.,
1884. Yapparickoes.—McKusker in Sen. Ex. Doc.
40, 40th Cong., 3d sess., 13, 1869. Yappariko.—Al]-
vordin Sen. Ex. Doe. 18, 40th Cong..3d sess., 6, 1868.
Diwdli. See Bowl.
Djahui-gitinai (Djarui’ gitind’i, ‘sea-
ward Eagles’). A division of the Eagle
clan of the Haida. They considered
themselves a part of the Gitins of Skide-
gate, being simply those who lived far-
thest outward down Skidegate inlet,
Queen Charlotte ids., Brit. Col. They
formed the main part of the Eagle popu-
lation at Naikun and C. Ball.—Swanton,
Cont. Haida, 274, 1905.
Dj’aaquig’it ’ena’/i.—Boas, 5th Rep. N. W. Tribes
Can., 26, 1889; ibid., 12th Rep., 25, 1898. Tsaagwi’
gyit’inai’.—Ibid.
Djahui-hlgahet-kegawai (Djagui/lga’-
xet gé’gawa-i, ‘those born on the seaward
side of Pebble town’).
BULL. 30]
Enesher.—Lewis (1806) in Orig. Jour. Lewis and
Clark, 111, 164 1905. E-nee-shur.—Clark (1895),
ibid., 164. E-neé-Shur.—Ibid., 183. E-ne-show.—
Gibbs in Pace. R. R. Rep.,1, 417, 1855. E-ne-shur,—
Lewisand Clark, op. cit.,1,map. Eneshure.—Ibid.,
11,472. Enesteurs.—Wilkes, Hist. Oregon, 44. 1845.
Enekelkawa. A former Luisefio village
near the site of San Luis Rey mission,
s. Cal.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, May 11,
1860.
Enempa. A Calusa village on thes. w.
coast of Florida, about 1570.—Fontaneda
Memoir (ca. 1575), Smith trans., 19, 1854.
Enfrenado (Span.: ‘bridled’). An In-
dian village about 40 leagues from C. Santa
Helena, ins. South Carolina, visited by
Juan Pardo in 1565.—Vandera (1567) in
Smith, Colec. Doc. Fla., 1, 16, 1857.
English influence. The first English
visitors to the coast of Virginia-Carolina
were well received by the Indians, whom
the early chroniclers, as Hariot, for ex-
ample, describe as peaceful and amiable
people. So, too, were in the beginning
the natives of the New England coast,
but in 1605 Capt. Weymouth forcibly
carried off five Indians, and he soon had
many imitators. The good character
ascribed by Pastor Cushman in 1620 tothe
Indians of Plymouth colony was forgot-
ten when theological zeal saw in the abo-
rigines of the New World ‘‘ the accursed
seed of Canaan,’’ which it was the duty of
good Christians to exterminate (see Lost
Ten Tribes). When the political ambi-
tions of the English colonists were aroused
conflicts with the Indians soon occurred,
and the former came to regard the latter
as the natural enemies of the whites in
the onward march of civilization. Un-
like the French, they paid little attention
to the pride of the Indians, despising the
heathen ways and institutions more and
more as their power grew and their land
hunger increased. With a few noble ex-
ceptions, ike Roger Williams and John
Eliot, the clergy of the English col-
onies were not nearly so sympathetic to-
ward the natives as were the French mis-
sionaries in Acadia and New France.
Scotchmen, however, in the S., in the
W., in the old provinces of Canada, and
in the territories handed over to the
Hudson’s Bay Company have played a
conspicuous part as associates and leaders
of the Indians. Even men like Canonicus
were always suspicious of their English
friends, and never really opened their
heartstothem. The introduction of rum
and brandy among the Indians worked
infinite damage. Some of the New Eng-
land tribes, such as the Pequot, for ex-
ample, foreseeing perhaps the result of
their advent, were inimical to the English
from the first, and the extermination of
these Indians ensued when the whites
were strong enough to accomplish it.
It appears, however, that the English
ENEKELKAWA—ENGLISH INFLUENCE
423
colonists paid for most of the land that
they took from the Indians (Thomas in
18th Rep. B. A. E., 549, 1899). English
influence on tribal government and land
tenure was perceptible as early as 1641.
The success of deliberately planned edu-
cational institutions for the benefit of
the Indian during the early periods of
American history does not seem to have
been proportionate to the hopes and
ideals of their founders. Harvard, Dart-
mouth, and the College of William and
Mary all began, in whole or in part, as
colleges for Indian youth, but their grad-
uates of aboriginal blood have been few
indeed, while they are now all high-class
institutions far white men (see Hduca-
tion). The royal charter of Dartmouth
College (1769) specifically states that it is
to be ‘‘for the education and instruction
of youths of the Indian tribes in this
land,”’ and “for civilizing and Christian-
izing the children of pagans.’’? That of
Harvard looked to ‘‘the education of the
English and Indian youth in knowledge
and godliness.’”’ Harvard had during
the colonial period one Indian graduate,
Caleb Cheeshateaumuck, of whom hardly
more than his name is known (see James,
English Institutions and the American
Indian, 1894). The aim of the English.
has ever been to transform the aborigines
and lift them at once to their own plane.
Whencommissioners visited the Cherokee
they induced these to elect an ‘‘em-
peror,’’ with whom treaties could be made.
The Friends, from the time of William
Penn (1682) down to the present (see
Mooney in 17th Rep. B. A. E., 193, 1898),
seem to have furnished many individuals
capable, like the Baptist Roger Williams
(1636), of exercising great personal influ-
ence over the Indians. The Quakers still
continue their work, e. g., arnong the east-
ern Cherokee (Mooney in 19th Rep. B.
A. E., 176, 1900) and the Tlingit of Alaska.
The New England Company established
for the propagation of the gospel in Amer-
ica (1649), whose operations were trans-
ferred to Canada in 1822, carries on at
the present time work on the Brantford
Iroquois reserve and in other parts of
Ontario, at Kuper id., Brit. Col., and
elsewhere. Its Mohawk institute, near
Brantford, has had a powerful influence
among the Iroquois of Ontario. The
pagan members of these Indians have
recently been investigated by Boyle (Jour.
Anthrop. Inst. G. B., n. s., 111, 263-273,
1900), who tells us that ‘‘all for which
Iroquois paganism is indebted to European
culture’’ is the possession of some ideas
about God or the Great Spirit and ‘“‘a few
suggestions respecting conduct, based on
the Christian code of morals.’’ The con-
stant mingling of the young men with
their white neighbors and the going of
424
the young women out to serviceare never-
theless weakening more and more the old
ideas which are doomed ‘‘ to disappear as
a system long before the people die out.”’
That they have survived so long is re-
markable.
English influence made itself felt in
colonial days in the introduction of im-
proved weapons, tools, ete., which facili-
tated hunting and fishing and made pos-
sible the manufacture with less labor and
in greater abundance of ornaments, trin-
kets, and other articles of trade. The
supplying of the Indians with domestic
animals also took place at an early period.
Spinning wheels and looms were intro-
duced among the Cherokee shortly before
the Revolution, and in 1801 the agent re-
ported that at the Cherokee agency the
wheel, the loom, and the plow were in
pretty general use. The intermarriage of
Englishmen and Indians has been greater
all over the country than is commonly be-
lieved, and importance must consequently
be attached to the effects of such inter-
mingling in modifying Indian customsand
institutions. Clothing and certain orna-
ments, and, after these, English beds and
other furniture were adopted by many
Indians in colonial days, as is now being
done by the tribes of the n. Pacific coast.
English influence on the languages of
some of the aborigines has been consider-
able. The word Kinjames, ‘King James,’
in use among the Canadian Abnaki, testi-
fies to the power of English ideas in the
17th century. The vocabularies of the
eastern Algonquian tribes who have come
in contact with the English contain other
loan-words. Rand’s —English-Micmac
Dictionary (1888) contains, among oth-
ers, the following: Jak-ass; cheesawa,
‘cheese’; koppee, ‘coffee’; mulugech,
‘milk’; gubulnol, ‘governor.’ Brinton
and Anthony’s Lenape-English Diction-
ary (1889), representing the language of
about 1825, has amel, ‘hammer’; apel,
‘apple’; mbil, ‘beer’; mellik, ‘milk’;
skulin, ‘to keep school,’ which may be
partly from English and partly from Ger-
man. A Shawnee vocabulary of 1819
has for ‘sugar’ melassa, which seems to
be English ‘molasses’; and a Micmac
vocabulary of 1800 has blaakeet, ‘blanket.’
The English ‘cheese’ has passed into the
Nipissing dialect of Algonquian as tchis.
The Chinook jargon (q. v.) contained 41
words of English origin in 1804, and 57 in
1863, while in 1894, out of 1,082 words
(the total number is 1,402) whose origin
is known, Eells cites 570 as English. Of
recent years “‘many words of Indian ori-
gin have been dropped, English words
haying taken their places.’’ In colonial
days English doubtless had some influ-
ence on the grammatical form and sen-
tence-construction of Indian languages,
ENGLISHMA N—_ENGRAVING
[B. A. EB.
and this influence still continues: the
recent studies by Prince and Speck of the
Pequot-Mohegan (Am. Anthrop., n. s.,
vi, 18-45, 469-476, 1904) contain evidence
of this. - English influence has made
itself felt also in the languages of the
N. W. Hill-Tout (Rep. Ethnol. Surv.
Can., 18, 1902) observes, concerning cer-
tain Salishan tribes, that ‘‘the spread and
use of English among the Indians is very
seriously affecting the purity of the native
speech.’”’ Even the Athapascan Nahane
of n. British Columbia have, according to
Morice (Trans. Canad. Inst., 529, 1903),
added a few English words to their vocab-
ulary. See also Friederici, Indianer und
Anglo-Amerikaner, 1900; MacMahon,
The Anglo-Saxon and the North Ameri-
can Indian, 1876; Manypenny, Our In-
dian®W ards, 1880. (Ao Fes)
Englishman. See Sagaunash.
Engraved tablets. See Notched plates.
Engraving. Although extensively em-
ployed in pi¢tographic work and in dec-
oration, the engraver’s art did not rise to
a high degree of artistic excellence among
the tribes N. of Mexico. As no definite
line can be drawn between the lower
forms of relief sculpture and engraving,
all ordinary petroglyphs may be classed
as engravings, since the work is executed
in shallow lines upon smooth rock sur-
faces (see Pictography). Point work is
common on wood, bone, horn, shell, bark,
metal, clay, and other surfaces. Each
material has its own particular technique,
and the designs run the entire gamut of
style from graphic to purely conventional
representations, and the full range of sig-
nificance from purely symbolic through
esthetic to simply trivial motives.
Perhaps the most artistic and technic-
ally perfect examples of engraving are
those of the N. W. coast tribes of the
present
day, exe-
cuted on
slate uten-
sils and on
ornaments
of metal
(Niblack),
re t t h e ANIMAL FIGURES ENGRAVED ON SILVER
25 ; h : BRACELETS; HAIDA
)
productions of the Eskimo on ivory, bone,
and antler have sometimes a considerable
degree of merit (Boas, Hoffman, Murdoch,
Nelson, Turner). With both of these peo-
ples the processes employed and the style
of representation have probably under-
gone muchchange in recent times through
contact with white people. The steel
point is superior to the point of stone,
and this alone would havea marked effect
on the execution. The picture writings
on bark of many of the northern tribes,
executed with bone or other hard points,
BULL. 30]
are good examples of the native engraver’s -
art, although these are not designed
either for simply pictorial or for decora-
tive effect. The ancient mound builders
were clever
engravers,
the technical
excellence of
their work be-
ing well illus-
trated by ex-
amples from
the mounds
and dwelling
sites of Ross
co., Ohio
(Putnam and
W illough-
by), and by
others from
the Turner
mounds in
Hamiltonco.,
Ohio. Shell
also was a fa-
vorite material for the graver’s point, as
is illustrated by numerous ornaments re-
covered from mounds in the middle Mis-
sissippi valley.
In decorating their earthenware the
native tribes often used the stylus with
excellent effect. The yielding clay af-
forded a tempting surface, and in some
cases considera-
ble skill was
shown, especially
by the ancient
potters of the
lower Gulfstates,
who executed
elaborate — scroll
designs with
great precision
(Moore, Holmes).
The point was
used for incising,
trailing, and in-
denting,and among ancient Pueblo potters
was sometimes used upon dark-painted
surfaces to develop delicate figures in the
light color of the underlying paste. Ex-
amples of engraving are given by Boas in
6th Rep. B. A. E.,1888; Fewkesin 17th Rep.
B. A. E., 1898; Hoffman in Nat. Mus. Rep.
1895, 1897; Holmes (1) in 2d Rep. B. A.
E., 1883, (2) in 20th Rep. B. A. E., 1903;
Hough in Nat. Mus. Rep., 1901; Moore,
various memoirs in Jour. Acad. Nat. Sci.
Phila., x—x1, 1894-1903; Murdoch in 9th
Rep. B. A. E., 1892; Nelson in 18th Rep.
B. A. E., 1899; Niblack in Rep. Nat.
Mus. 1888, 1890; Putnam and Willoughby
in Proc. A. A. A. S., xxiv, 1896; Turner
in 11th Rep. B. A. E., 1894. See Art,
Ornament. (w. H. H.)
Enias. Eskimaux.—Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am.
Antiq. Soc., 11, 9,305, 18386; Gallatin in Trans. Am.
Ethnol. Soce., 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848; Gallatin in
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes;111, 401, 1853. =Eskimo.—
Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848; ibid.,
1852; Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 288, 1850 (general
remarks on origin and habitat); Buschmann,
Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 689, 1859; Latham,
Elem. Comp. Philol., 385, 1862; Bancroft, Nat.
Races, III, 562, 574, 1882. S Esquimaux.—Prichard,
Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 367-371, 1847 (follows Gal-
latin); Latham in Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond., I,
182-191, 1848; Latham, Opuscula, 266-274, 1860.
>Eskimo.—Dallin Proc. A. A. A.S., 266, 1869( treats
of Alaskan Eskimo and Tuski oniy); Berghaus,
Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the Aleu-
tian). >Eskimos.— Keane, app. to Stanford’s
Compend., Cent. and So. Am., 460, 1878 (excludes
Aleutian). >Oundngan.—V eniaminoff, Zapiski,
11, 1, 1840 (Aleutians oy). >Tniigiin.—Dall in
Cont. N. A. Ethnol., I, 22, 1877 (Aleuts a division
of his Orarian group). ea _—Berghaus,
Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887. x Northern.—Sc ouler
in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 218, 1841 (includes
Ugalentzes of present faaity). Haidah.—Scou-
ler, ibid., 224, 1841 (same as his Northern family).
>Ugaljachmutzi.—Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, 111, 402, 1853 (lat. 60°, between Prince
Williams sd. and Mt St Elias, perhaps Athapas-
ean). >Aleuten.—Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizzen,
1855. >Aleutians.—Dallin Proc. A.A. A. S., 266,
1869; Dall, Alaska, 374, 1870 (in both places a di-
vision of his Orarian family). >Aleuts.—Keane,
app. to Stanford’s Compend., Cent. and So. Am.,
460, 1878 (consist of Unalaskans of mainland and
of Fox and Shumagin ids., with Akkhas of rest
of Aleutian arch.). >Aleut.—Bancroft, Nat.
Races, II, 562, 1882 (two dialects, Unalaska and
Atkha). Konjagen. —Holmberg, Ethnog. Skiz-
zen, 1855 (Island of Koniag or Kadiak). =Ora-
rians.—Dall in Proc. A. A. A.S., 265, 1869 (group
name; includes Innuit, Aleutians, Tuski); Dall,
Alaska, 374, 1870; Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., I,
8,9, 1877. %Tinneh.—Dall in Proc. A. A..A.S.,
269, 1869 (includes ‘‘ Ugalensé’’). >Innwuit.—Dall
in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 9, 1877 (‘* Major group”
of Orarians: treats of ‘Alaska Innuit only); Berg-
haus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the
Aleutians).
Eskimo. Agroupof American aborigines,
forming part of the Eskimauan linguistic
stock, which formerly occupied nearly all
the coasts and islands of Arctic America
from £. Greenland and the n. end of New-
foundland to the westernmost Aleutian
ids., even extending to the £. coast of Sibe-
ria, adistanceof more than5,000m. From
remains found in Smith sd. it is evident
that bands formerly wintered as far N.
as lat. 79° and had summer camps up to
82°. At the present time they have re-
ceded from this extreme range and in
the S. have abandoned the n. shore of the
Gulf of St Lawrence, the n. end of New-
foundland, James bay, and the s. shores
of Hudson bay, while in Alaska one Es-
434
kimo tribe, the Ugalakmiut, has prac-
tically become Tlingit through intermar-
riage. The name Eskimo (in the form
(NELSON)
SUKUUK, A KINUGUMIUT ESKIMO OF ALASKA.
Excomminquois) seems to have been first
given by Biardin 1611. Itis said to come
from the Abnaki Esquimantsic, or from
Ashkimeg, the Chippewa equivalent, sig-
nifying ‘eaters of raw flesh.’ They call
themselves Inuit, meaning ‘people.’ The
Eskimo constitute physically a distinct
type. They are of medium stature, but
possess uncommon strength and endur-
ance; their skin is light brownish yel-
low with aruddy tinton theexposed parts;
their hands and feet are small and well
formed; their eyes, like those of other
American tribes, have a Mongoloid char-
acter, which circumstance has induced
many ethnographers to class them with
the Asiatic peoples. They are character-
ized by very broad faces and narrow, high
noses; their heads are also exceptionally
high. This type is most marked among
the tribes p. of Mackenzie r. In disposi-
tion the Eskimo may be described as peace-
able, cheerful, truthful, and honest, but
exceptionally ‘loose i in sexual morality.
The Eskimo have permanent settle-
ments, conveniently situated for marking
certain hunting and fishing grounds. In
summer they hunt caribou, musk-oxen,
and various birds; in winterthey live prin-
cipally on sea mammals, particularly the
seal. Although their houses differ with
the region, they conform in the main to
three types: In summer, when they
ESKIMO
travel, they occupy tents of deer or seal
skins stretched on poles. Their winter
dwellings are made either in shallow ex-
cavations covered with turf and earth laid
upon aframework of wood or whale ribs,
or they are built of snow. Their clothing
is of skins, and their personal adorn-
mentsare few. Among most tribes, how-
ever, the women tattoo their faces, and
some Alaskan tribes wear studs in open-
ings through their cheeks. Considering
their degree of culture, the Eskimo are
excellent draftsmen and carvers, their de-
signs usually consisting either of simple
linear incisions or of animal forms exe-
cuted with much life and freedom. The
people about Bering strait make some use
of paints.
There has always been extensive inter-
tribal communication. The Eskimo have
an exceptional knowledge of the geogra-
phy of their country. Poetry and music
play an important part in their life, espe-
cially in connection with their religious
observances.
The Eskimauan social organization is
exceedingly loose. In general the village
is the largest unit, although persons in-
habiting a certain geographical area have
sometimes taken the name of that area as
a more general designation, and it is often
convenient for the ethnographer to make
KERLUNGNER, A KINUGUMIUT ESKIMO WOMAN OF ALASKA.
(NELSON
a more extended use of this native cus-
tom. In matters of government each set-
tlement is entirely independent, and the
[B. A. B. -
—— ae
BULL. 30]
same might almost besaid for each family,
although there are customs and prece-
dents, especially with regard to hunting
and fishing, which define the relations ex-
isting between them. Although hardly
deserving the name of chief, there is
usually some advisory head in each settle-
ment whose dictum in certain matters,
particularly as to the change of village
sites, has much weight, but he has no
power to enforce his opinions.
The men engage in hunting and fish-
ing, while all the household duties fall to
the lot of the women—they must cook,
make and mend clothes, and repair the
kaiaks and boat covers, pitch the tents,
and dry the fish and meat and stow them
away for the winter. In some tribes
skin-dressing is done by the men, in
others by the women. Monogamy, po-
lygamy, and polyandry are all practised,
their occurrence being governed some-
what by the relative proportion of the
sexes; but a second marriage is unusual
where a man’s first wife has borne him
children. The execution of law is largely
left to the individual, and blood-revenge
is universally exacted.
The Eskimo believe in spirits inhabit-
_ inganimalsand inanimate objects. Their
chief deity, however, is an old woman
who resides in the ocean and may cause
storms or withholdseals and other marine
animals if any of her tabus are infringed.
Her power over these animals arises from
the fact that they are sections of her fin-
gers cut off by her father at the time when
she first took up her abode in the sea.
The chief duty of angakoks, or shamans,
is to find who has infringed the tabus and
thus brought down the wrath of the
supernatural beings and to compel the
offender to make atonement by public
confession or confession to the angakok.
The central Eskimo suppose two spirits to
reside in a man’s body, one of which stays
with it when it dies and may temporarily
enter the body of some child, whois then
named after the departed, while the other
goes to one of several lands of the souls.
Some of the lands of souls lie above the
earth’s surface, some beneath, and the
latter are generally more desirable.
Although the theory of Asiatic origin
of the Eskimo was long popular, many of
their ethnic peculiarities are opposed to
such a notion, and recent researches
seem to indicate that their movements
have rather been from E.toW. They are
peculiar as being the only race of American
aborigines who certainly had contact
with white people before the days of Co-
lumbus, for Greenland was occupied dur-
ing the 10th and 11th centuries by
Norwegians, whose expeditions extended
even as fax as the American mainland.
ESKIMO
435
Later Frobisher and other European nay-
igators encountered Eskimo along the
E. coasts, while the Russians discoy-
ered and annexed the w. part of their
domain. This occupancy in its earlier
period proved disastrous to the Aleut
(q. v.) in particular, who were harshly
dealt with and whose number was greatly
reduced during the Russian domination
(see Russian influence). The larger por-
tion of the Greenland and Labrador Es-
kimo haye been Christianized by Mo-
ravian and Danish missionaries, while
the Alaskan representatives of the family
have had Russian missionaries among
them for more than a century. Those
of the central groups, however, owing
to the remoteness of their situation,
have always been much less affected by
outside influences. The Eskimo have
proved almost indispensable assistants to
Arctic explorers.
The Eskimauan stock embraces two
well-marked divisions, the Eskimo proper
and the inhabitants of the Aleutian ids.,
the Aleut. Other divisions are rather
geographical than political or dialectic,
there being great similarity in language
and customs from one end of the Eskimo
domain to the other. They can be sepa-
rated, however, into the following fairly
well marked ethnological groups (based
on information furnished by Dr Franz
Boas):
I. The Greenland Eskimo, subdivided
into the East Greenlanders, West Green-
landers, and Ita Eskimo, the last transi-
tional between the Greenland Eskimo
proper and the next group.
Il. The Eskimo of s. Baffin land and
Labrador, embracing the following divi-
sions: Akudnirmiut, Akuliarmiut, Itivi-
miut, Kaumauangmiut, Kigiktagmiut,
Nugumiut, Okomiut, Padlimiut, Sikosui-
larmiut, Suhinimiut, Tahagmiut.
III. The Eskimo of Melville penin.,
North Devon, n. Baffin land, and then. w.
shore of Hudson bay, embracing the Ago-
miut, Aivilirmiut, Amitormiut, Iglulir-
miut, Inuissuitmiut, Kinipetu, Koung-
miut, Pilingmiut, Sauniktumiut.
IV. The Sagdlirmiut of Southampton
id., now extinct.
V. The Eskimo of Boothia Felix, King
William land, and the neighboring main-
land. These include the Netchilirmiut,
Sinimiut, Ugjulirmiut, Ukusiksalirmiut.
VI. The Eskimo of Victoria land and
Coronation gulf, including the Kangor-
miut and Kidnelik, which may, perhaps,
be one tribe.
VII. The Eskimo between C. Bath-
urstand Herschelid., including the mouth
of Mackenzie r. Provisionally they may
be divided into the Kitegareut at C. Bath-
urst and on Anderson r., the Nageuktor-
436
miut at the mouth of Coppermine r., and
the Kopagmiut of Mackenzie r. This
group approximates the next very closely.
VIII. The Alaskan Eskimo, embrac-
ing all those within the American terri-
tory. This group includes the Aglemiut,
Chingigmiut, Chnagmiut, Chugachig-
miut, Ikogmiut, Imaklimiut, Ingukli-
miut, Kaialgmiut, Kangmaligmiut, Kani-
agmiut, Kaviagmiut, Kevalingamiut, Kia-
tagmiut,
Kinugu-
miut, Ko-
wagmiut,
Kukpau-
rungmiut,
Kunmiut,
Kuskwog-
miut, Mage-
miut, Male-
miut, Nu-
natogmiut,
Nunivag-
miut, Nu-
wukmiut,
Nushagag-
miut, Sela-
wigmiut,
Sidarumiut,
Tikeramiut,
Togiagmiut,
U galak-
miut,; Una-
ligmiut,
Utukamiut,
and Utkia-
vimiut.
IX. The
Yuit of Si-
beria.
Jal @ Ih ian
( 1884-85.)
placed the
number of
Hast Green-
land Eskimo at 550. The w. coast Green-
landers were given as 10,122 by the
Royal Greenland Co. in 1888, and the Ita
Eskimo numbered 234 in 1897, giving
a total for this group of 10,906. The
Eskimo of Labrador were estimated at
1,300 in a recent report by the Govern-
ment of Newfoundland, and Boas in 1888
gave the number of Eskimo in the central
groups as1,100. According to the census
of 1890, there were on the Arctic coast of
Alaska from the British border to Norton
sd., 2,729 Eskimo; on the s. shore of Nor-
ton sd. and in the Yukon valley, 1,439;
in Kuskokwim valley, 5,254; in the val-
ley of Nushagak r., 1,952; on the s. coast,
1,670. The Ugalakmiut of Prince Wil-
liam sd., numbering 154, are reckoned
with the Tlingit, but they were originally
Eskimo, and for our present purposes
are best placed in that category. Adding
these, therefore, the total for this group,
( Murvocn)
WESTERN ESKIMO COSTUME.
ESKIMO
[B. A. BE.
exclusive of the 968 Aleut, is 13,298.
The Yuit of Siberia are estimated by Bo-
goras at 1,200. ‘The Eskimo proper there-
fore number about 27,700, and the stock
about 28,670. (H.W.H. J.R.8.)
Aguskemaig.—Tanner, Narr., 316, 1830. A/lva-
yé’lilit.—Bogoras, Chukchee, 11, 1904 (Chukchi:
‘those of alien language’). Anda-kpen.—Petitot,
Dict. Dené Dindjié, 169, 1876 (Loucheux name:
trans. ‘ennemis-pieds’). Ara-k’é.—Ibid. (Bas-
tard Loucheux name, same meaning). Enna-k’é.—
Ibid. (Peaux de Liévre name, same meaning).
En-na-k’ié.—Ibid. (Slave name: trans. ‘steppes-
ennemis’). Escoumins.—Jes. Rel., 111, index, 1858.
Eshkibod.—Baraga, Otchipwe-Eng. Dict., 114, 1880
(Ojibwa; ‘those who eat their food raw’). Eskee-
moes.—Gordon, Hist. Mem. of N. Am., 117, 1820.
Eskima.—Dobbs, Hudson Bay, 203, 1744. Eski-
mantsik.—Hervas, Idea dell’ Universo, xvii, 87,
1784. Eskima/ntzik,—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol.,1,
9, 1877 (Abnaki name). Eskimauk.—Morse, N.
Am., map, 1776. Eskimaux.—Lahontan, New
Voy., I, 208, 1703. Eskimeaux.—Jefireys, French
Dom. Am., pt.1, map, 1760. Eskimesi.—Hervas,
Idea dell’ Universo, xviI, 86, 1784. Eskimo,—
Buschmann, Spuren d. Aztek. Spr., 669, 1859.
Eskimos,—Hutchins (1770) quoted by Richard-
son, Arct. Exped., 11, 38, 1851. Esquimantsic,—
Prichard, Phys. Hist., v, 367,1847. Esquimau.—
Petitot, Dict. Déné Dindjié, 169, 1876. Esqui-
maux,—Morse, Hist. Am., 126, 1798. Esquimeaux
Indians.—McKeevor, Voy. Hudson’s Bay, 27, 1819.
Esquimones.—Hennepin, Cont. of New Discov.,
95, 1698. Eusquemays.—Potts (1754) quoted by
Boyle, Archezol. Rep. Ont., 1905. Excommingui.—
Jes. Rel. 1612-14, Thwaites ed., I1, 67, 1896 (=‘ex-
communicated’), Excomminquois.—Biard in Jes.
Rel. 1611, 7, 1858. Huskemaw.—Packard in Am.
Natural., x1x, 555, 1885 (name given by a mission-
ary in Labrador). Hus’ky.—Dall in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., 1, 9, 1877 (Hudson bay jargon). Innoit,—
Petitot in Bib. Ling. et Ethnol. Am., 111, pt. 2, 29,
1876 (sing. Innok). In-nu,—Lyon, Repulse Bay,
40, 1825. Innuees.—Parry, Sec. Voy., 414, 1824.
In’/nuit.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 9, 1877
(Own name). Inuin.—Murdoch in 9th Rep. B. A.
E., 42,1892. Inuit.—Besselsin Archiv f. Anna
vill, 107, 1875. Kaladlit.—Nansen, Eskimo Life,
13, 1893 (name which the Greenland Eskimo give
themselves, said to be a corruption of Danish
Skraeling). Kalalik.—Richardson, Polar Regions,
300, 1861. Kalalit.—Keane in Stanford’s Com-
pend., 517, 1878. Karaler.—Crantz, Greenland, I,
291, 1820. Karalit.—Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 2d s.,
IX, 2338, 1822. Keralite.—Heriot, Travels, 34, 1813.
Ki/mmilit.—Bogoras, Chukchee, 21, 1904 (from
kv’xmi, an inhabitant of C. Prince of Wales: Yuit
name). Nochways.—Dobbs, Hudson Bay, 12, 1744
(Algonkin: ‘snakes,’ ‘enemies,’ applied to people
of alien race regarded as natural enemies). Nod-
ways.—Dobbs, Hudson Bay, 12, 1744 (‘snakes’:
Siksika name). Cnné.—Petitot, Dict. Déné Dind-
jié, 169, 1876 (Loucheux name: ‘enemies’). Ora-
rians.—Dall in Proc. A. A. A. §., XVIII, 265, 1870.
Ot’el’nna,—Petitot, Dict. Déné Dindjié, 169, 1876
(Montagnais name: trans. ‘steppes-ennemis’).
Pa-erks,—Hooper, Tents of Tuski, 137, 1853 (Chuk-
chi name for Eskimo of American coast). Paya-
irkets.—Ibid., 108. Ro/é’hilit.—Bogoras, Chuk-
chee, 21, 1904 (‘opposite shore people’: Yuit
name). Seymos.—Richardson, Arct. Exped., 1,340,
1851 (used by sailors of Hudson’s Bay Co.’s
ships: derived from the Eskimo ery of greeting:
Seymo or Teymo). Skraelings.—Schultz in Trans.
Roy. Soe. Can., XIII, pt. 2,114, 1895. Skrellingar.—
Richardson, Polar Regions, 298, 1861 (Scandina-
vian name: ‘small people’). S Krellings,—
Crantz, Greenland, I, 123, 1820 (applied by the
Norwegians). Skrellings.x—Amer. Hist. Soc., 2d
ser., 1, Portland, 1869. Skroelingues.—Morse, Hist.
Am., 126, 1778. Stckémos.—Richardson, Arct.
Exped., I, 340, 1851 (same derivation as Seymos).
Ta-Kutchi.—Ibid. (Kutchin name: ‘ocean peo-
ple’). Tchiechrone.—Pyrleus (ca. 1748) quoted
in Am. Antiq., IV, 75, 1881 (German form of Seneca
name: ‘seal people’). Tciéck-rinér.—Hewitt,
inf’fn (Seneca name), Ultsehaga,—Richardson,
res oe
BULL. 30]
Arct. Exped., I, 408, 1851 (Kenai name: ‘slaves’).
Ultsehna.—Ibid. Uskee-més.—Ibid., 55. Uskee’-
mi,— Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., I, 9, 1877
(Athapascan name). Uskees.—O’Reilly, Green-
land, 59, 1818. Uskimay.—Middleton in’ Dobbs,
Hudson Bay, 189,1744. Usquemows.—Coats, Geog.
of Hudson Bay, 15, 1852. Weashkimek.—Belcourt
(before 1853) in Minn. Hist. Coll., 1, 226, 1872
(Saulteur name: ‘eaters of raw flesh’). Y1kirga’-
ulit.—Bogoras, Chukchee, 21, 1904 (Yuit name).
Eskini. A Maidu village formerly sit-
uated on the site of Durham, Butte co.,
Cal., the people of which are extinct ex-
cept for a few survivors at Chico. The
Maidu creation myth centers about this
spot. (R. B. D. )
Erskins.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 124, 1850. Es’-kin.—Pow-
ers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111, 282, 1877, Eskini,—
Curtin, MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1885.
Esksinaitupiks (‘worm people’). )
BULL. 30]
5th Rep. B. A. E., 1887, (2) Catalogue of
Prehistoric Works, Bull. B. A. E., 45, 1891;
Holmes in Science, 11, 437, 1884. (c. 7.)
Etsekin. A winter village of the Kwa-
kiutl proper on Havannah channel, w.
coast of British Columbia.
Et-se-kin.—Boas in Bull. Am. Geog. Soc., 229, 1887.
Etsi-kin.—Dawson in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., sec. I,
65, 1887.
Etskainah (Hts-kai/-nah, ‘horns’). ) a spike
set ohliquely in the end of a pliant shaft;
(c) the plain hook; (d) the barbed hook;
(e) the barbed hook combined withsinker
and lure. This series does not exactly
represent stages in invention; the evolu-
tion may have been effected by the habits
of the different species of fish and their
al
BULL. 30]
increasing wariness. The material used
for hooks by the Indians was wood, bone,
shell, stone, and copper. The Mohave
employed the recurved spines of certain
species of cactus, which are natural hooks.
Dataon thearche-
ology. of the fish-
hook have been
gathered from the
Ohio mounds and
the shell-heaps of
Santa Barbara, Cal.,
unbarbed hooks of
bone having been
found on a number
of Ohio sites and
gorge hooksatSanta
Barbara. The fish-
hook ofrecent times
may be best-studied
among the n. Pa-
cific tribes and the
Eskimo of Alaska. The Makah of Wash-
ington have a modified form of the gorge
hook, consisting of a sharpened spine of
bone attached with a pine-root lash to a
whalebone. British Columbian and s.
Alaskan tribes used either
a simple hook of bent
wood havinga barb lashed
to a point, ora compound
hook consisting of ashank
of wood, a splint of pine-
root lashed at an angle of
45° to its lower end, and
a simple or barbed spike
of bone, wood, iron, or
copper lashed or set on
the outer end of the splint.
Eskimo hooks consisted
frequently of a shank of
bone with a curved, sharpened spike of
metal set in the lower end, or several
spikes were set in, forming a gig. Usu-
ally, however, the Eskimo hook had the
upper half of its shank made of stone and
the lower half of ivory, in
which the unbarbed curved
spike of metal was
set, the parts being
fastened together
by lashings of split
quill. A leader of
quill was attached
to the hook and a
bait of crab carapace
was hung above the
spike. This is the
most complex hook
known in aboriginal
America.
Lines and poles
_ varied like the hook
with the customs of the fishermen, the
habits of the fish, and the environment.
The Eskimo used lines of knotted lengths
of whalebone quill, hair, or sinew; the n.
FISHHOOK AND
BAY ESKIMO.
LINE; HUDSON
(TurNeR)
FISHHOOKS OF WEST-
ERN ESKIMO. (mur-
DOCH
BONE FISH-
HOOK; ARKAN-
SAS; ACTUAL
COPPER FISH-
HOOK; WISCON-
SIN; ACTUAL
size. (Rau) size. (Rau)
FISHING
461
Pacific tribes, lines of twisted bark, pine
root, and kelp; and other tribes lines
of twisted fiber. Short poles or none
were used by the Eskimo and yn. Pacific
tribes. In other regions it is probable
that long poles of cane or saplings were
used. In some regions, as on the N.
W. coast, a trawl, consisting of a series of
hooks attached by leaders to a line, was
used for taking certain species of fish.
The Haida, according to Swanton, made
asnap hook, consisting of a hoop of wood,
the ends of which were held apart by a
wooden peg. This peg was displaced by
the fish on taking the bait, and the ends
of the hoop snapped together, holding
the fish by the jaw. (See Fishing. )
Consult Boas in 6th Rep. B. A. E., 1888;
Goddard in Uniy. Cal. Publ., Am.
Archeol. and Ethrol., 1, 1903; Hoffman
in 14th Rep. B. A. E. pt 2, 1896; Holmes
in 2d Rep. B. A. E., 1883; Mills (1) in
Ohio Archeeol. and Hist. Quar., 1x, no. 4,
1901, (2) ibid., xv, no. 1, 1906; Moore (1)
in Jour. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., x1, 1899,
(2) ibid., x1, 1903, (3) ibid., xi, 1905;
Murdoch in 9th Rep. B. A. E., 1892;
Nelson in 18th Rep. B. A. E., pt 1, 1899;
Niblack in Rep. Nat. Mus. 1888, 1890;
Palmer in Am. Nat., xt, no. 6, 1878; Put-
namin Wheeler Sury. Rep., vu, 1879; Rau
in Smithson. Cont., xxv, 1884; Teit in
Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 11, Anthrop.
r, (900; Burner in Lith Rep. B.A. E.,
1894. : (w. H.)
Fishing. At the first coming of the
Europeans the waters of this continent
were found teeming with food fish, the
great abundance of which quickly attract-
ed fleets of fishermen from all civilized
parts of the Old World. The list of spe-
cies living in American waters utilized by
the Indians would fill a volume. The
abundance or scarcity of this food on the
Atlantic coast varied with the season. In
spring the fish made their appearance in
vast shoals in the spawning beds of the
coast and in the bays and rivers. Capt.
John Smith relates, in his History of
Virginia, early in the 17th century, that
on one occasion fish were encountered in
such numbers in the Potomac as to im-
pede landing from his boat. The annual
_ Spring run of herring above Washington
is still almost great enough to warrant the
assertion. Fish life varied with locality
and season. On the northern and east-
ern coasts the fish disappeared to a great
extent when the waters became cold at the
approach of winter, and many northern
fishes went to more southerly waters.
Among the better known food products
furnished by the waters of the country
may be mentioned the whale, sea lion,
seal, otter, swordfish, sturgeon, porpoise,
cod, haddock, halibut, pollock, salmon,
trout, herring, shad, perch, bass, mack-
462
—_~
erel, flounder, eel, plaice, turbot, white-
fish, catfish, smelt, pike, dogfish, and all
varieties of shellfish. By some tribes, as
the Apache, Navaho, and Zufi, fish were
tabu as food; but where fish was used at
WATTLE-WORK FISH TRAP OF THE VIRGINIA INDIANS.
(HARIOT, 1585)
all by the Indians, practically everything
edible that came from the water was con-
sumed. The salmon of the Pacific coast
are still found in enormous schools, and
in the canning industry hundreds of per-
sons are employed. Lobsters and crabs
furnished no incon-
siderable food sup-
ply, while the vast
deposits of shells
along all tidewater
regions, as well as
many of the interior
rivers, testify to the
use made of shellfish
by the aborigines;
they not only sup-
plied a large part of
the daily food of the
people but were dried
for time of need.
Shellfish were dug or
taken by hand in wading and by diving.
Salmon and herring eggs formed one of
the staple articles of diet of the tribes of
the n. Pacific coast. To collect herring
eggs these tribes laid down under water at
low tide a row of hemlock branches, which
were held in position
with weights; then
branches were fast-
ened together, and a
float was fixed at one
end, bearing the own-
er’s mark. When
these boughs were
found to be covered
with eggs they were
taken into a canoe, carried ashore, and
elevated on branches of a tree stripped of
its smaller limbs, where they were left to
dry. When first placed in position the
eggs adhered firmly to the boughs, but
on taking them down great care had to
CARRYING FISH IN A BASKET;
VIRGINIA INDIANS. (Hariort)
ESKIMO
ALASKAN HARPOON;
FORESHAFT AND HEAD.
(murvocn )
FISHING
[B. A. EB.
be exercised, because they were very
brittle and were easily knocked off.
Those not immediately consumed were
put up in the intestines of animals and
laid aside for winter use. It is recorded in
the Jesuit Relations that many eels came
to the mouth of St Lawrence r. and were
trapped by the Indians, who made long
journeys to get the season’s supply.
On the middle ands. Atlantic coast fish
are found during the greater portion of, if
not throughout, the year, while farther Nn.
fishing is confined more to the spawning
seasons and to the months when the
waters are free of ice. Experience taught
the natives when to expect the coming
of the fish and the time when they would
depart. In methods of capturing seafood
the native had little to learn from the
white man, even in killing the whale
(which was treated as royal game on the
ALASKAN ESKIMO BOX FOR CONTAINING HARPOON HEADS,
(muRDOCH )
coast of Vancouver id. ), the sealion, or the
seal, or in taking shellfish in the waters
of the ocean and in the smallest streams.
Large fish and marine mammals were
captured by means of the harpoon, while
thesmalleroneswere taken
bytheaid of bow andarrow,
gigs, net, dull, trap, or weir.
Fires or torches were used
along the shore or on boats,
the gleam of which at-
tracted the game or fish to
the surface, when they
were easily taken by hand
or withanet. Among the
Cherokee, Iroquois, and
other tribes, fish were
drugged with poisonous
bark or other parts of
plants; in parts of Cali-
fornia extensive use was
made of soap root and
other plants for this pur-
pose. Carved fishhooks
(q. v.) of shell and bone .
have been found in shell- acaskan Eskimo
heaps.and graves in the #70") Simeni T&
(Rau)
interior. In shape these
resemble the hooks of metal from Europe,
though the natives of the Pacific coast used
fishhooks of wood and bone combined,
BULL. 30]
made in so primitive a manner as to indi-
cate aboriginal origin. Another ingenious
device employed along the n. Pacific coast
for catching fish consisted of a straight
pin, sharp at both ends and fastened to a
line by the middle; this pin was run
through a dead minnow, and, _ being
gorged by another fish, a jerk of the
string caused the points to pierce the
mouth of the fish, which was then easily
taken from the water. Artificial bait,
made of stone and bone combined, was
used as
a lure,
and was
the artificial bait of
the civilized fisherman.
Still another ingeni-
ous way of catching fish
was by ‘‘pinching,’’ by
means of a split stick,
which, like the gig, held
the fish fast.
In shallow rivers low
walls were built from one
side of the stream to the
other, having a central DIPNET OF THE HAIDA.
opening through which (Nieack)
fish were forced into a trap. Brushwood
mats were also made, which were moved
along like seines, so as to drive the fish
into shallow ornarrow places, where they
were readily taken by the hand or with
dipnets. Along the shores cf rapid
streams men stationed themselves on
rocks or staging and speared fish as they
passed up or downstream. During winter,
when the northern waters were frozen,
holes were cut in the ice, and through
these fish were shot, speared, or netted.
Probably the most primi-
tive of all methods of fish-
ing, however, by which
many salmon were and
doubtless are still cap-
tured, was that of knock-
ing them on the head
withaclub. Afteragreat
run of fish had subsided,
single ones were caught
in shallow water by any of the above
methods. There are still indications that
from an early period a trade existed be-
tween the fishing Indians and those of
the interior who gained their livelihood
by other means. Great supplies of fish
were cured by drying in the sun or over
fires, and sometimes the product was
finely ground and packed in skins or bas-
kets for future use. See Mood.
Consult Adair, Hist. Am. Inds., 1775;
Boas (1) in 6th Rep. B. A. E., 1888, (2)
in Bull. Am. Mus. Nat..Hist., xv, pt. 1,
1901; Dawson, Queen Charlotte Ids., 1880;
Dixon in Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvu,
ALASKAN
SiNKER.
Eskimo NET
(NeELson)
FISKERNAES—FIVE OIVILIZED TRIBES
463
pt. 3, 1905; Gatschet in Am. Anthrop., vy,
361, 1892; Goddard in Uniy. Cal. Publ.,
Am. Archeol. and Ethnol., 1, 1903;
Jesuit Relations, Thwaites ed., I-LX XIII,
1896-1901; Lawson, Hist. Caro-
lina, 340, 1714, repr. 1860; Lewis
and Clark, Orig. Jour., I-vu1,
1904-05; Margry, Découvertes,
v, 81, 1883; Morice in Trans.
Can. Inst., 1893; Murdoch in 9th
Rep. B. A. E., 1892; Nelson in
18th Rep. B. A. E., pt. 1, 1889;
Rau, Prehistoric Fishing, 1884;
Smith, Hist. Va., repr. 1819.
Turner in llth Rep. B. A. E.,
1894. (a. D. M. )
Fiskernaes. An Eskimo settle-
mentand Danish trading post, 90
miles s. of, Godthaab, w. Green-
land.—Kane, Arct. Explor.,1, 21,
1856.
Five Civilized Tribes, A term
used both officially and unoffi-
cially in modern times to desig-
nate collectively the Cherokee,
Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and
Seminole tribes in Indian Ter.,
applied on account of theadvance
made by these tribes toward ciyi-
lized life and customs. The term
appears in the reports of the In-
dian Office as early as 1876, when
the agent reported (p. 61) that
each tribe ‘‘had a constitutional
government, with legislative,
judicial, and executive depart-
ments, conducted upon the same
plan as our State governments,
the entire expenses of which are
paid out of their own funds.”’
There was, however, at that date no court
with jurisdiction to try cases where an
Indian was one party and a citizen of the
United States or a corporation was the
other, but this lack has since been sup-
plied. Some of the tribes, notably the
Cherokee, have had their laws and the
acts of their councils printed.
These five tribes differed from most
others in the fact that their lands were
held not on the same basis as reservations
but by patents or deeds in fee simple,
with certain restrictions as to aliena-
tion and reyersion—those conveyed to
the Cherokee Nation, Dec. 31, 1838, for-
ever upon condition that they ‘‘shall
revert to the United States if the said
Cherokee Nation becomes extinct oraban-
dons the same’’; those to the Choctaw
Nation, Mar. 23, 1842, in fee simpletothem
and their descendants, ‘‘to inure to them
while they shall exist as a nation, and live
on it, liable to no transfer or alienation,
except to the United States or with their
consent’’; those to the Creek tribe, Aug.
11, 1852, ‘‘so long as they shall exist as a
nation and continue to occupy the coun-
ALASKAN ES-
KIMO FISH
SPEAR; 1-8.
(murvocu )
464
try hereby conveyed tothem.’’ Although
the lands were held in fee simple, the
right to alienate them except to the
United States or with its consent does
not appear to have passed to the grantees.
The title is defined as a ‘‘ base, qualified, or
determinable fee, with only a possibility
of reversion to the United States (U.S. 2.
Reese, 5 Dill., 405). The right of these
tribes to cut, sell, and dispose of their tim-
ber, and to permit mining and grazing
within the limits of their respective tracts
was for a time limited to their own citi-
zens, but this right has been somewhat
extended, though the exercise of it is still
subject to approval by the proper United
States authorities. The title of the Chick-
asaw Nation to their lands in Indian Ter.
was obtained from the Choctaw in ac-
cordance with treaties with the United
States, while that of the Seminole was ob-
tained from the Creeks, these two tribes
being granted their lands on the same
basis and with the same title and privi-
leges as the United States granted the
lands to the Choctaw and the Creeks. The
territory thus assigned to these five tribes
within the limitsof Indian Ter. amounted
to 19,475,614 acres, or about 30,431 sq. m.,
an: area equal to that of South Carolina,
and equivalent to 230 acres for each man,
woman, and child of the entire population
(84,507) of the five tribes.
The treaties of 1866 with the several
tribes all provided forthe holding of a gen-
eral council to be composed of delegates
from each tribe in Indian Ter., and the
Choctaw and Chickasaw treaty also pro-
vides that this general council shall elect
a delegate to Congress whenever Congress
shall authorize the admission intoits body
of an official who shall represent Indian
Ter. Although some of the tribes have
made an effort to. bring about the results
contemplated in these treaty stipulations,
nothing effectual in this direction has been
accomplished. Byactof Congress Feb. 8,
1887, every Indian born in the United
States who receives land in allotment and
takes up ‘‘his residence separate and apart
from any tribes of Indians therein and has
adopted the habits of civilized life,’’ isde-
clared a citizen of the United States; but
the Five Civilized Tribes were excepted
from the provisions of this act. By act
of Mar. 3, 1901, however, this section was
amended by insertingafter the words ‘‘civ-
ilized life’’ the words ‘‘and every Indian
in Indian Territory,’’ thusdeclaring every
Indian of that territory to be a citizen of
the United States. By act of May 2, 1890,
the laws of Arkansas, so far as applicable,
were extended over Indian Ter. until Con-
gress should otherwise provide. United
States courts and courts of special juris-
diction have also been established in the
Territory. Bysec. 16 of the act of Mar. 3,
FLAKES
[B. A. E.
1893, the President was authorized to ap-
point three commissioners (subsequently
changed to five), to negotiate with the five
tribes forthe allotmentin severalty of their
lands, thus extinguishing the tribal title
thereto. (See Commission to the Five Civil-
ized Tribes. )
On the abolition of slavery the problem
of determining the status and relations
of the freedmen in the Five Civilized
Tribes became a difficult one, though by
treaties of 1866 it was agreed that they
should be subject to the same lawsas the
Indians and be entitled to a portion of
the land (the rights in this respect differ-
ing in the different tribes); but questions
respecting other matters, as school privi-
leges, have proved troublesome factors.
Insome of the tribes negroes have separate
schools, and by the act of Congress of
June 28, 1898, the freedmen were ex-
cluded from participating in the royalties
on coal and asphalt, or in the school
funds arising therefrom. By the same
act and the acts of Mar. 1, 1901, and July
1, 1902, the tribal governments of these
tribes were to cease Mar. 4, 1906, but by
resolution of Feb. 27, 1906, the time was
extended one year. Freedmen are, how-
ever, citizens in all the tribes. Consult
the articles on the tribes composing the
Five Civilized Tribes. (ce)
Flakes. The term flake is often used
by archeologists synonymously with chip
and spall, but it is most commonly applied
to the long, thin slivers of
flint or other brittle stone
designed for use as cutting
implements or produced
without particular design
in the ordinary course of
implement making. When
systematically made in
numbers for use as knives
or scrapers or for other pur-
poses, aroughly cylindrical
or somewhat conical piece
of fine-grained material was
selected or made, and the
flakes were removed by strokes with a
hammer delivered on one of the ends near
the margin, the fracture extending the
entire length or most of the length of the
core and producing a flake, flat or slightly
convex on the inside, sharp on the edges,
and having an outer surface or back with
one or more angles or facets according to
the previous contour of the particular part
of the original surface of the core removed.
The manufacture of flakes for knives,
extensively carried on by the ancient
Mexicans, is described as being accom-
plished by abrupt pressure with a wooden
implement, one end placed against the
shoulder of the operator and the other
set upon the core at the proper point.
The exact manner of utilizing the flake
FLINT
Use AS KNIVES.
FLAKES FOR
BULL. 30] FLAKING
blades by the northern tribes is not
known, but they were probably set in
suitable handles as knives, or employed
in making small arrowheads, scrapers,
and the like. Flakes and chips are pro-
duced by identical implements, the lat-
ter term being generally applied to the
shorter, more abrupt flakes or bits pro-
duced in the ordinary work of shaping
implements by both percussion and pres-
sure processes. The expression ‘‘chipped
implements’’ is however very generally
applied to all forms shaped by fracture
processes. See Cores, Flaking implements,
Hammers, Stonework. (Ww: H. H.)
Flaking implements. The shaping of
stone by fracture processes is one of the
earliest as well as one of the most impor-
tant arts of primitive men. Two distinct
classes of processes as well as two widely
differing classes of implements are em-
ployed. Fracture by percussion is ac-
complished by means of hammers of
stone or other hard material (see Ham-
mers, Stonework), and fracture by pressure
FLAKER; ALASKAN ESKIMO. THE FLAKING POINT OF HARD
BONE IS AT THE LEFT. (MURDOCH)
employs a number of devices, perhaps
the most usual among the northern
tribes being bits of hard bone, antler, or
ivory, somewhat resembling an awl in
shape and often set in handles of wood or
other suitable material. These are em-
ployed where the edges of the stone un-
der treatment are sharp and rather thin.
In using them the edge is firmly placed
crosswise on the sharp edge of the brittle
stone, or the point is set near the edge,
and by a quick movement accompanied
with strong pressure the flake is driven
off. This operation is rapidly repeated,
passing along the outline of the imple-
ment, alternating the sides, until the de-
sired form is produced. The pieces un-
der treatment may be held in various
ways; for deep notching, which requires
strong force, they are often laid flat on a
pad of buckskin or other yielding material
supported on a stable surface, and the
bone point is made to remove the chips
by a quick downward movement. Im-
plements of metal are effectual in this
particular form of the chipping work.
Other devices mentioned by some writers
are notched bones and pincers of bone,
by means of which the sharp edge of the
flint was chipped. For heavier work va-
rious contrivances enabling the operator
Bull. 30—05——30
IMPLEMENTS—FELINT
to apply greater force were employed, but
these are not well understood. It ap-
pears that a punch-like tool of bone or
antler was sometimes used, the point be-
ing set, at the proper point, on the stene
to be fractured, while the other end was
struck with a hammer or mallet to re-
move the flake. For writings on the sub-
ject, see Stonework. (w: H. H.)
Flandreau Indians. A part of the Santee
who separated from the Mdewakanton
and Wahpekute of the Santee agency,
Nebr., in 1870, and settled in 1876 at
Flandreau, 8. Dak.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 27,
1876.
Flandreau Sioux,—Barber in Am. Nat., XVII, 750,
1885.
Flathead. A name applied to several
different tribes usually owing to the fact
that they were accustomed to flatten
the heads of their children artificially.
Ins. £. United States the Catawba and
Choctaw were sometimes designated by
the term Flatheads, and the custom ex-
tended to nearly all Muskhogean tribes
as well as to the Natchez and the Tonika.
In the N. W. the Chinook of Columbia r.,
many of the Vancouver id. Indians, and
most of the Salish of Puget sd. and Brit-
ish Columbia were addicted to the prac-
tice, and the term has been applied to all
as a body and to some of the separate
divisions. Curiously enough, the people
now known in official reports as Flat-
heads—the Salish proper (q. v.)—never
flattened the head. Dawson implies
(Trans. Roy. Soc. Can. for 1891, sec. nu,
6) that they were so named (Tétes-Plates )
by the first Canadian voyageurs because
slaves from the coast with deformed heads
were among them. For the names of the
tribes to which the term has been applied,
see Flatheads in the index; consult also
Artificial head deformation. (Gigate Sh)
Flat-mouth. See Eshkebugecoshe.
Flechazos (Span: ‘arrow ordart blows’ ).
A name applied by the Spaniards in the
latter part of the 18th century to the
upper village of the Tawakoni settlement
on the w. side of Brazos r., near Waco,
Tex. The one below it was called Quis-
cat. One or the other of these villages
was the Waco village. (H. E. B.)
Flint. Until recently the use of the
term flint was restricted to nodular con-
cretions found in chalk beds of Creta-
ceous age mainly in England, France,
and other European countries, but re-
cently obtained from Cretaceous strata
in Arkansas and Texas. Although flint
is classed as a variety of chalcedony, the
name has been extended in popular usage
to include yarious forms of chalcedonic
minerals, as chert, hornstone, basanite,
jasper, agate, and the like. The princi-
pal constituent of all these minerals is
silica, and notwithstanding their great
466
dissimilarity the distinctions are due al-
most entirely to manner of formation
and included foreign substances. Such
impurities, though they make up a very
small percentage of the stone, produce
upon exposure to atmospheric influences
an infinite variety of coloring and great
diversity of texture. The flints as thus
defined were extensively employed by
the aborigines in the manufacture of
chipped implements, and the implements
themselves are sometimes referred to as
‘“*flints.”? See Chalcedony, Chert, Quartz,
Mines and Quarries. (G.¥F. W. H. H.)
Flint disks. Flattish objects of circu-
lar, elliptical, or almond-like outline pro-
duced by chipping away the outer por-
tions of nodules having these approximate
forms. The question has been earnestly
debated whether these and kindred forms
were for any practical or economic use, or
whether they had some occult significance
as votive offerings.
They areveryseldom
found in graves and
infrequently on vil-
lage sites or about
shops where imple-
ments were made.
Many of them are
of the blue nodular
hornstone found ins.
Illinois, in the vicini-
ty of Wyandotte cave
FLINT DISK; TENNESSEE. in §. Indiana, and
BEE aN in w. Kentucky and
Tennessee, but no record has yet been
made of the discovery in large numbers
of such disks in any of these localities
except the first. The range in size is
generally from 3 to 8 in. in length or
diameter, though a few exceed the latter
dimension. The finest specimen known
is from Tennessee; it is almost exactly
circular, made of the Stewart co. flint,
about 1 in. thick and 9 in. across. Flint
disks as well as the more leaf-like blades
are usually found in deposits or caches
containing numerous nearly identical
specimens. See Cache disks and blades,
Storage and Caches. (Ww. H. H.)
Florida Indians. A term almost as
vague as the ancient geographic concep-
tion of Florida itself, used (Doc. Col.
Hist. N. Y., vi, 248, 1855) to designate
Indians who robbed a vessel stranded
on the Florida keys in 1741-42. School-
craft (Ind. Tribes, v1, 47, 1857) refers to
it as a term vaguely applied to the ‘‘Apa-
lachian group of tribes.’’ (AL{8: G.)
Flowpahhoultin. As small body of Sal-
ish of Fraser superintendency, Brit. Col.,
in 1878.—Can. Ind. Aff., 79, 1878.
Flunmuda. e
BULL. 30] GRAY
yault had been sunk. This vault con-
tained two human skeletons, the upper
vault but one. Accompanying the skele-
tons were 3,000 to 4,000 shell beads, orna-
ments of mica, several copper bracelets,
and various articles of stone, including
the inscribed stone mentioned, the in-
scription on which has received various
interpretations. An illustration of this
inscription was first published in the Cin-
cinnati Chronicle, Feb. 2, 1839; another
in the American Pioneer, 11, no. 5, 1843.
Rain, whose tendency was to give a for-
eign interpretation to Indian inscriptions,
inclined to the opinion that the inscribed
characters were Anglo-Saxon runes, while
Schooleraft concluded that they belonged
to some 8 or 9 different alphabets, as old
Greek, Etruscan, etc. A committee of
the Ohio Archeological and Historical
Society in 1877 reached the following con-
clusions: ‘‘1. The inscription is not nec-
essarily to be regarded as alphabetical.
2. If it is assumed to be alphabetical, it
can not be referred to any known lan-
guage. 3. It is precisely of such a char-
acter as would be the result of an ordinary
attempt to manufacture an inscription.
4. Its manufacture is within the capacity
of any laborer of ordinary intelligence
who may have been employed in the work
of exploring the mound. 5. At the time
of its discovery there was no proper
scrutiny of the inscription to determine
whether it was of recent manufacture or
not. 6. The evidence that it came from
the mound is by no means conclusive.
7. Its history is such that the subsequent
discovery of unquestioned ancient inscrip-
tions with similar characters would war-
rant us in concluding that this also is
ancient. 8. Until its authenticity is thus
fully established, it ought not to be re-
garded as any evidence of the character,
ethnical relationship, or intellectual cul-
ture of the builders of the mounds.’’
Whittlesey, in 1872, expressed the belief
that the inscription was a forgery.
Consult Clemens in Morton, Crania
Americana, 221, 1839; Schoolcraft in
Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc., 1, 369-420, 1846;
Squier and Davis, Anc. Monuments, 168-
170, 1848; Thomas (1) in 5th Rep. B. A.
E., 51, 1887; (2) Cat. Prehistoric Works,
222, 1891, with bibliographic references;
Whittlesey in Tracts West. Res. Hist.
Soe., 1, nos. 9 and 33, 1877, and 11, no. 44,
1888. (C275)
Gray Village. A former Natchez vil-
lage.
Grays.—Dumont in French, Hist. Coll. La., v, 49,
1853. Gray Village.—Ibid., 48.
Greasy Faces. A band of the Arapaho,
q. Vv.
Great Island Village. A former settle-
ment, probably of the Delawares, on the
Susquehanna opposite the present Lock
VILLAGE—GRIGRAS
507
Haven, Clinton co., Pa.—Royce in 18th
Rep. B. A. E., Pa. map, 1899.
Great Mortar (Yayatustenuggee). A
Creek chief; an ally of the French in
the Seven Years’ war. When the Eng-
lish superintendent of Indian affairs called
a council of the Creeks with the object of
winning them over, he refused the pipe of
peace to Great Mortar because the chief
had favored the French, and the latter
withdrew with his followers, confirmed in
his hostility to the British. He received
a commission from the French, and after
killing or driving out the English traders
and settlers took up a position on the
border, where he could raid the Georgia
settlements, obtaining his arms and sup-
plies from the French fort on Alabama r.
Many Creeks and Cherokee joined him
there until the Chickasaw surprised the
camp and put his warriors to flight. He
settled at another place whence he could
resume his depredations and continued to
rayage the scattered settlements, includ-
ing Augusta, Ga. In 1761 Col. James
Grant, at the head of 2,600 Americans and
friendly Indians, brought all the hostiles
to terms, and a peace was made which
fixed the watershed of the Allegheny
mts. as the boundary between the British
colonies and the lands of the natives.—
Drake, Aborig. Races, 384, 1880.
Great Spirit. See Popular fallacies, Re-
ligion.
Great Sun. See Grand Soleil.
Green-corn dance. See Busk.
Greentown. A former Delaware village
on the Black fork of Mohican r., near the
boundary of Richland and Ashland cos.,
Ohio. See Treaty of Maumee Rapids (1819)
in U.S. Ind. Treat., 204, 1873; Royce in
18th Rep. B. A. E., Ohio map, 1899.
Greeting. See Salutation.
Grenadier Squaw’s Town. A Shawnee
village situated in 1774 on Scippo er., Pick-
away co., Ohio. The name was derived
from Grenadier Squaw, a sister of Corn-
stalk, the Shawnee chief, who made this
her home. (J. M.)
Grenadier Squaws T.—Howe, Hist. Coll. Ohio,
II, 402, 1896. Squaw Town.—Royce in 18th Rep.
B. A. E., Ohio map, 1899.
Grey Eagle Band. One of the Dakota
bands below L. Traverse, Minn. (Ind. Aff.
Rep. 1859, 102, 1860), evidently taking
its name from the chief; not identified.
Grigras. A French nickname and the
only known name of a small tribe already
incorporated with the Natchez confed-
eracy in 1720; it was applied because of the
frequent occurrence of grigra in their lan-
guage. There is uncertainty in regard to
the language and ethnic relations, but
unless affiliated with the Tonica, the tribe
was evidently distinct from every other,
since, as indicated by the sound grigra,
their language possessed an r.
508
Grigas.—Richebourg (1713) in French, Hist. Coll.
La., III, ot 1851. Grigras.—Le Page du Pratz,
Hist. Wea I, 222, 1758. F
Grinaiches. Mentioned by Baudry de
Loziéres (Voy. Louisiane, 242, 1802) ina
list of tribes with no indication of habitat.
Probably a mis»rint of some well-known
tribal name.
Grinding stones.
ments.
Grizzly Bear Erect.
megee-iushin.
Gros (Les). A Wea village on the Wa-
bash in 1718 (Memoir of 1718 in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., 1x, 891, 1855); perhaps in
Tippecanoe co., Ind.
Grosse Téte (Fr.: ‘big head’). A for-
mer Chitimacha village in Louisiana.
Grosse Téte namu.—Gatschet in Trans. Anthrop.
Soe. Wash., If, 152, 1888 (ndmu = ‘ village’).
Gros Ventres (French, ‘big bellies’) Bea)
Homna (//o-mna, ‘smelling like fish’).
A division of the Brulé Teton Sioux.—
Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 218, 1897.
Homnipa. Given asa Karok village on
Klamath r., n. w. Cal., inhabited in 1860.
pomeoniy pal Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Mar. 23,
Homolobi (H06-mdl/-obi, ‘place of the
breast-like elevation’). A group of ru-
ined pueblos near Winslow, Ariz., which
were occupied by the ancestors of various
Hopi clans. See Fewkes in 22d Rep. B.
A. E., 23, et seq., 1904; Mindeleff in 8th
Reps. A7Hs29, 808,
Homolua. A former Timucua village,
situated, according to Laudonniére, on
the s. side of St Johns r., Fla., at_ its
mouth, in 1564. De Gourgues placed a
town of similar name about 60 leagues
inland on the same river.
Emola.—Laudonniére (1564) in French, Hist. Coll.
La., n. s., 306, 1869. Homoloa.—Ibid., 331. Homo-
loua.—De Bry, Brey. Nar., map, 1590. Molloua.—
Laudonniére, op. cit., 242. Moloa.—Fontaneda
(1575), ibid., 2d s., 264, 1875. Molona.—Laudon-
niére, op. cit., 245. Monloua.—Gourges, ibid., 2d
s., 275, 1875, Omoloa.—Laudonniére, op, Cit., 253.
HOMHOABIT—HONANI
[B. A. E.
Homosassa (‘abundanceof pepper’). A
Seminole town in Hernando co., Fla., in
1837. There are now ariver and a town
of the same name in that locality.
Homa Susa.—Drake, Ind. Chron., 215, 1836.
Homuarup. A former Karok village on
Klamath r., Cal.
Borneman reer — Layier in Cal. Farmer, Mar. 23,
1860.
Homulchison. A Squawmish village
community at Capilano ecr., Burrard inlet,
Brit. Col.; the former headquarters of the
supreme chief of the tribe. Pop. 45 in
1904.
Capalino.—Can. Ind. Aff., 276, 1894. Capitano
Creek.—Can. Ind. Aff., 308, 1879. Homu/ltcison.—
Hill-Tout in Rep. Brit. A. A. S., 475, 1900. Kapi-
lano.—Can. Ind. Aff., 357, 1897.
Honabanou. Coxe (Carolana, 14, 1741)
says that ‘‘fifteen leagues above the Ho-
hio .. . to the w. is the river Hona-
banou, upon which dwellsa nation of the
same name, and another called Amicoa.”’
On the map accompanying his work this
river is represented as in s. E. Missouri,
entering the Mississippi immediately
above or nearly opposite the mouth of
the Ohio. As there is no stream on the
w. side between the mouth of the Ohio
and St Genevieve co. that can be called
a river, and no Indians of the names
mentioned are known to have resided in
that section, both must be rejected as un-
authentic, and indeed mythical so far as
the locality is concerned. This river has
evidently been laid down from Henne-
pin’s map of 1697, relating to the ‘‘ New
Discovery,’’? which is admitted to be un-
authentic so far as it relates to the region
s. ofthe mouth of Illinoisr. Itis evident,
however, that Coxe has attempted to give
the name Ouabano (q. v.), which La Salle
applied to some Indians who visited Ft St
Louis, on Matagorda bay, Texas, from a
westerly section. (us: M.. C.D)
Honani. The Badger phratry of the
Hopi, comprising the Honani (Badger),
Muinyan (Porcupine) , Wishoko (Turkey-
buzzard), Buli ( Butterfly), Buliso (Even-
ing Primrose), and Kachina (Sacred Dan-
cer) clans. According to Fewkes this
people settled at Kishyuba, a_ spring
sacred to the Kachinas, before going to
Tusayan. The Honani and Kachina
phratries are intimately associated. The
former settled Walpi when the village
was on the old site, and some of them
wentonto Awatobi, whence they returned
after the fall of that pueblo. The arrival
of the Honani in Tusayan was probably
not earlier than the latter part of the 17th
century.
Ho-na-ni-nyi-mi.—Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., VII,
405, 1894 (nyti-mui=‘ phratry’).
Honani. The Badger clan of the Hopi.
Honani.—Bourke, Snake Dance, 117, 1884. Honani
winwi.—Fewkes in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 584, 1900
(wifwi=‘clan’). Ho-na’/-ni wun-wu.—Fewkes in
am. Anthrop., Vi, 405, 1894. Hon’-wiun-wii,—Ibid.,
Sy ee? 2 et Oa ee ee F
BULL. 30]
Honanki (Hopi: ‘bear house’). A pre-
historic cliff-village, attributed to the
Hopi, in the valley of Oak cr., in the
“‘red-rock”’ country s. of Flagstaff, Ariz.—
Fewkes in 17th Rep. B. A. E., 558-569,
1898.
Honau (Ho’-na-u). The Bear phratry
of the Hopi, comprising the Honau
(Bear), Tokochi (Wild-cat) , Chosro (Bird
[blue]), Kokyan (Spider), and Hekpa
(Fir) clans. According to Fewkes these
people are traditionally said to have been
the first to arrive in Tusayan. Although
reputed to be the oldest people in Walpi
they are now almost extinct in that pue-
blo, and are not represented in Sicho-
movi. They exist however at Mishong-
novi.
Honau.—Fewkes in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 584, 1900.
Ho/-nau-uh.—Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., vu, 404,
1894. Hénin nyumu. —Stephenin 8th Rep. Bone E.,
38, 1891 (nywmu=‘phratry’). Hon-namu. —Voth,
Traditions of the Hopi, 36, 1905. é
Honau. The Bear clan of the Hopi.
Honan.—Bourke, Snake Dance, 117, 1884 fis:
print). Ho’-nau.—Stephen in 8th Rep. iB. AS EB,
39, 1891. Honau winwi.—Fewkes in 19th Rep.
B. A. E., 584, 1900. Honawuu.—Dorsey and Voth,
Mishongnovi Ceremonies, 175, 1902.
Honayawus. See Farmer’s Brother.
Honeoye (‘his finger lies.’—Hewitt).
former Seneca settlement on Honeoye cr.,
near Honeoye lake, N. Y.; destroyed by
Sullivan in 1779.
Anagangaw.—Livermore (1779) in N. H. Hist. Soe.
Coll., VI, 327-329, 1850. Anjageen.—Pouchot, map
(1758) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., x, 694, 1858. An-
nagaugaw.—Livermore,op.cit. Anyayea.—Hubley
(1779) quoted by Conover, Kanadega and Geneva
MS.,B.A.E. Hannayaye.—Sullivan (1779) quoted
by Conover, ibid. Hanneyaye.—Nukerck (1779),
ibid. Haunyauya.—Grant (1779),ibid. Honeyoye.—
Dearborn (1779), ibid. Honneyayea.— Fellows
(1779), ibid. Onnayayou.—McKendry (1779) , ibid.
Onyauyah.—Barton (1779), ibid.
Honest John. See Tedyuskung.
Honetaparteenwaz. Givenas a division
of the Yankton of the North under chief
Tattunggarweeteco in 1804, but probably
intended for the Hunkpatina.
Hone-ta-par-teen-waz.—Lewis and Clark, Discov.,
34, 1806; Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark, vi, 99, 1905.
Honkut. A division of Maidu living
near the mouth of Honcut er., Yuba co.,
Cal.
Hoancuts.—Powers in Overland Mo., xt, 420, 1874.
Hoan’/-kut.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1,
282, 1877. Honcut.—Bancroft, Nat. Races, 1, 450,
1874.
Honmoyaushu (Hon-mo-yau/-cu). eo 4-aa ? ae
<
.
t
7
BULL. 30]
31, 1884. Humros.—Scott in Ind. Aff. Rep., 314,
1868. Huna.—Pfeiffer, Second Journ. Around
World, 314, 1856. Huna cow.—Schooleraft, Ind.
Tribes, v, 489, 1855 (after Kane; misprint).
Huna-kon.— Krause, Tlinkit Ind., 118, 1885. Hun-
nas.—Halleck in Rep. See. War, pt. I, 39, 1868
Veena-caw.—Kane, Wand in N. A., app., 1859.
Whinega.—Mahony (1869) in Sen. Ex. Doc. 68,
4ist Cong., 2d sess., 19, 1870.
Hunawurp (Mu-na-wirp). One of the
Chumashan villages formerly near Santa
Inez mission, Santa Barbara co., Cal.—
Henshaw, Santa Inez MS. vocab., B. A. E.,
1884.
Hunctu. A former village, presumably
Costanoan, connected with Dolores mis-
sion, San Francisco, Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Hungopavi (Navaho: ‘crooked nose’).
An important pueblo ruin 2 m. above
Pueblo Bonito, on the n. side of Chaco
canyon, at the base of the canyon wall,
in N. w. New Mexico. It is built around
3 sides of a court, the extremities of the
wings being connected by a semicircular
double wall and the space between these
walls divided into rooms. The length of
the main building is 309 ft; of the 2
wings, 136 ft each. The building was 4
stories high. There is a circular kiva in
the court and another inclosed within the
walls of the main building. The one in-
closed is 23 ft in diameter. The masonry
of Hungopavi is exceptionally good; the
material is fine-grained, grayish-yellow
sandstone, compactly laid in thin mud
mortar. The exterior walls of the first
story are 3 ft thick. Walls still stand to
a height of 30 ft, and deterioration has
proceeded very slowly since the ruin was
first described. See Hardacre in Scrib-
ner’s Mag., Dec. 1878; Jackson in 10th
Rep. Hayden Sury., 488, 1879, and the
writers mentioned below. Goa)
Hungo Parie.—Domenech, Deserts, I, 200, 1860
(misprint). Hungo Pavia.—Morgan in Rep. Pea-
body Mus., X11, 549,1880. Hungo Pavie.—Simpson,
Exped. Navaho Country, 79, 1850. Hunyo Pavie.—
Cope in Rep. Wheeler Sury., app. LL, 173, 1875.
Huningruin. A large, rectangular, pre-
historic ruin on the ranch of Henry Hun-
ing at Showlow, Navajo co., Ariz., on a
rock table above Showlow cr. The pot-
tery found on the siteis of red and gray
ware, not of very fine quality. The ma-
sonry of the walls is good, but the remains
of the pueblo do not indicate very long
occupancy.—Hough in Rep. Nat. Mus.
1901, 301, 1903.
Hunkkhwitik ( Hin-kqwi’-tik). A former
Yaquina village on the nN. side of Yaquina
r., Oreg. —Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-lore,
111, 229, 1890.
Hunkpapa ( variously interpreted ‘at the
entrance,’ ‘at the head end of the circle,’
‘those who camp by themselves,’ and
“wanderers’). )
Husky. According toJulian Ralph (Sun,
N. Y., July 14, 1895), ‘‘the common and
only name of the wolf-like dogs of both
the white and red men of our northern
frontier and of western Canada.’’ Husky
was originally one of the names by which
the English settlers in Labrador have long
known-the Eskimo (q. v.). The word,
which seems to be a corruption of one of
the names of this people, identical with
our ‘ Eskimo’ in the northern Algonquian
dialects, has been transferred from man to
the dog. (AGES c)
Husoron. A former division or pueblo
of the Varohio, probably in the Chinipas
valley, inw. Chihuahua, Mexico.—Orozeo
y Berra, Geog., 58, 1864.
Huspah. A Yamasi band living in
South Carolina under a chief of the same
name about the year 1700. (A. 8. 4G.)
Hussliakatna. A Koyukukhotana vil-
lage, of 14 people in 1885, on the right
bank of Koyukuk r., Alaska, 2m. above
the s. end of Dall id.
Hussleakatna.—Allen, Rep. on Alaska, 122, 1887,
Hussliakatna,—Ibid., 141.
pa (hitali ‘wind’,
ple A principal Creek clan.
ya ’-lee.—Morgan, Ane. Soc., 161, 1877. Hotul-
gee.—Pickett, Hist. Ala., I, 96, 1851, Hitalgalgi.—
Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., 1, 155, 1884. Wind
Family. —Woodwara, Reminiscences, 19, 20, 1859.
Hutatchl (Hut- tat-ch’1).. A former
Lummi village at the s. &. end of Orcas id.,
algi ‘peo-
HUSISTAIC—HU W ANIKIKARACHADA
[B. A. B.
of the San Juan group, Wash.—Gibbs,
Clallam and Lummi, 38, 1863.
Huthutkawedl (XW tatkawét, ‘holes
by or near the trail’). A village of the
Nicola band of the Ntlakyapamuk, near
Nicola r., 23 m. above Spences Bridge,
Brit. Col.
N’hothotko’as.—Hill-Tout in Rep. Ethnol. Sury.
Can.,4, 1899. X-‘a/tx itkawé1.—Teit in Mem. Am.
Mus. Nat. Hist., 11, 174, 1900.
Hutsawap. One of the divisions or sub-
tribes of the Choptank, formerly in Dor-
chester co., Md.—Bozman, Maryland, 1,
115, 1837.
Hutsnuwu (‘grizzly bear fort’). A Tlin-
git tribe on the w. and s. coasts of Admi-
ralty id., Alaska; pop. estimated at 300
in 1840, and given as 666 in 1880 and 420
in 1890. Their former towns were Angun
and Nahltushkan, but they now live at
Killisnoo. Their social divisions are An-
kakehittan, Daktlawedi, Deshuhittan,
Tekoedi, and Wushketan. (Tt Sae)
Chuts- ta-kén. —Krause, Tlinkit Ind., 118, 1885.
Chiutznou. —Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizz. ymap ‘facing
142, 1855. Contznoos.—Borrows in H. ’R, Ex. Doe.
197, 42d Cong., 2d sess., 4, 1872. Hoidxnous.—
Scott in Ind. Aff. Rep., 313, 1868. Hoochenoos.—
Ball in Sen. Ex. Doe. 105, 46th Cong., Ist sess., 30,
1880. Hoochinoo. —Wright, Among the Alaskans,
151, 1883. Hoodchenoo.—George in Sen. Ex. Doe.
105, 46th Cong., 1st sess., 29, 1880. Hoodsinoo.—
Colyer, ibid., 1869, 575, 1870. Hoodsna.—Hallock
in Rep. Sec. War, pt. I, 39, 1868. Hoods-Nahoos.—
Scott in Ind. Aff. Rep., 309, 1868. Hookchenoo.—
Ball in Sen. Ex. Doc. 105, 46th Cong., 1st sess., 30,
1880. _Hoonchenoo.—George, ibid., 29. Hootsi-
noo.—Kane, Wand. N. A., app., 1859. Hootz-ah-
tar-qwan.—Emmonsin Mem. Am. Mus, Nat. Hist.,
III, 232,19038. Khootznahoo.—Petroff in Tenth Cen-
sus, Alaska, 32, 1884. Khutsno.—Tikhmenief,
Russ. Am. Co., II, 341, 1863. Khutsnu.—Ibid.
Koo-tche-noos.—Beardslee in Sen. Ex. Doc. 105,
46th Cong., 1st sess., 29, 1880. Kootsenoos.—Ma-
honey in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1869, 576, 1870. Koots-
novskie.—Elliott, Cond. Aff. Alaska, 227, 1875
(transliterated ‘from Veniaminoff). Kootzna-
hoo.—Niblack, Coast Indians of S. Alaska, chart
T, 1890. Kootznoos. —Seward, Speecheson Alaska,
5, 1869. Kootznov.—Colyer in Ind. Aff. Rep., 587,
1870. Koushnous.—Halleck in Rep. Sec. War, I,
38, 1868. Koutzenoos.—Beardslee in Sen. Ex. Doc,
105, 46th Cong., Ist sess., 31, 1880. Koutznous.—
Halleck in Rep. Sec. War, pt. 1, 38,1868. Kutsnov-
skoe.—Veniaminoff, Zapiski, 11, pt. 3, 30, 1840.
Xu’adji-nao. —Swanton, field notes, 1900-01 (ac-
cording to the Haida). Xuts!nuwn’.—Ibid., 1904,
B. A. E. (own name). ,
Hutucgna. A former Gabrielefio ran-
cheria in Los Angeles co., Cal., at a place
later called Santa Ana ( Yorbas).
Hutucgna.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860.
Hutuk.—Kroeber, inf’n, 1905 (Luisefio name).
Huvaguere. A Nevome division, de-
scribed as adjoining the Hio, who were
settled 8 leagues rE. of Tepahue, in Sonora,
Mexico (Orozeo y Berra, Geog., 58, 1864).
The name doubtless properly belongs to
their village.
Huwaka. The Sky clan of Acoma
ueblo, N. Mex., which, with the Osach
(Sun) ¢ clan, forms a phratry.
uwdka-hanog*, —Hodge in Am. Anthrop.,
852, 1896 (hanogeh=‘ people’).
Huwanikikarachada (
themselves aftertheelk’).
ens.
1k.—Morgan, Anc. Soc.,157,1877. Hoo-wun’-na.—
‘those who a
A Winnebago
—-
BULL. 30]
Ibid. Hu-wa®-i-ki’-ka-ra’/-tca-da.—Dorsey in 15th
Rep. B. A. E., 240, 1897.
Huwi. The Dove clan of the Chua
(Rattlesnake) phratry of the Hopi.
He-wi. —Stephen in 8th Rep. B.A.E.,38, 109, Huwi
winwi.—Fewkes in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 582, 1901
(wittwi=‘ clan’ Hii/-wi wui-wii.—Fewkes in
Am. Anthrop., VI, 402, 1894.
Hwades (Xudés, s, ‘cut beach’). The
principal village of ‘the Koskimo and Ko-
ee at Quatsino narrows, Vancouver id.
wat-es’.—Dawson in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can. for
1887, sec. 11, 65, 1888. Hwot-es.—Dawson in Can.
Geol.Surv., map, 1887. Xude’s.—Boas, inf’n, 1906.
Hwahwatl (Qwa’qwall). A Salish tribe
on Englishman r., Vancouver id., speak-
ing the Puntlatsh dialect. —Boas, MS.
B. A. E., 1887.
Hwotat. A Hwotsotenne village on the
E. side of Babine lake, near its outlet,
in British Columbia.
Hwo’-tat.—Morice in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., x, 109,
1893. Whalatt.—Downie in Mayne, Brit. Col., 453,
1861 (misprint). Whatatt.—Downie in Jour. Roy.
Geog. Soce., XX XI, 253, 1861. Wut-at.—Dawson in
Geol. Sury. Can., 26B, 1881.
Hwotsotenne (‘people of Spider river’ ).
A Takulli tribe, belonging to the Babine
branch, living on Bulkley r. and hunting
as far as Francois lake, Brit. Col. . They
are somewhat mixed with their imme-
diate neighbors, the Kitksan (Morice in
Trans. Can. Inst., 27, 1893). Their vil-
lages are Hagwilget, Hwotat, Keyerhwot-
ket, Lachalsap, Tsechah, and Tselkazkwo.
Akwilgét. —Morice, Notes on W. Dénés, 27, 1893
(‘ well dressed’: Kitksan name). Hwotso’tenne.—
Morice in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., map, 1892. Out-
sotin.—British Columbia map, 1872.
Hykehah. A former Chickasaw town,
one of a settlement of five, probably in or
near Pontotoc co., Miss.
Hikihaw.—Romans, Florida, 63,1775. Hikkihaw.—
W. Florida map, ca. 1775. Hykehah,—Adair, Am.
Ind., 352, 1775.
Hykwa. See Hiakwa.
Hyperboreans(Greek). Applied by Ban-
croft (Nat. Races, 1, 37, 1882) to the tribes
of extreme n. w. America, N. of lat. 55°,
including western and southern Eskimo,
Aleut, Tlingit, and Athapasean tribes; by
others the name is employed to designate
all the cireumpolar tribes of both the Old
. and the New World.
Hyukkeni. A former Choctaw settle-
ment, noted by Romans in 1775, but not
located on his map unless it be an unnum-
bered town on the e. side of Buckatunna
er., N. E. of Yowani, in the present Mis-
sissippi.—Halbert in Miss. Hist. Soc. Pub.,
vi, 432, 1902.
Iahenhouton (‘at the caves.’—Hewitt).
A Huron village in Ontario in 1637.—Jes.
Rel. for 1637, 159, 1858.
Ialamma. A former Chumashan vil-
lage subordinate to Purisima mission,
Santa Barbara co., Cal.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861.
Ialamne. A former Chumashan village
subordinate to Santa Inez mission, Santa
Barbara co., Cal. (Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
Bull. 30—05——38
HU WI—ICHENTA
5938
Oct. 18, 1861).
Talamma.
Ialmuk (Ta/imugq). A Squawmish vil-
lage community at Jericho, Burrard in-
let, Brit. Col.—Hill-Tout in Rep. B. A.
A. 'S., 475, 1900.
Talostimot (Jalo’stimét, ‘making good
fire’). A Talio division among the Bel-
lacoola of British Columbia; named from
a reputed ancestor.
Ialo’stimot.—Boas in 7th Rep. N. W. Tribes Can-
ada, 3, 1891. T’ a’t’Entsait, —Ibid. (‘a cave pro-
tecting from rain’: secret society name),
Tana (Ja’na). The Corn clan of the
ee of Taos, N. Mex.
ana-taiina.—Hodge, field notes, B. A. E.,
(taiina = ‘ people’).
Ibache (‘holds the firebrand to sacred
Possibly the same as
1895
pipes’). A Kansa gens. Its subgentes
are Khuyeguzhinga and Mikaunika-
shinga.
Hanga jinga.—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 231,
1897 (‘small Hanga’). Ibate‘é.—Ibid.
Ibin. A former Aleut village on Agattu
id., Alaska, one of the Near ‘id. group of
the Aleutians, now uninhabited.
Ibitoupa. A small tribe of unknown
affinity, but the theory that they were
connected with the Chickasaw has more
arguments in its favor than any other.
In 1699 they formed one of the villages
mentioned by Iberville (Margry, Déc.,
Iv, 180, 1880) as situated on Yazoo r.,
Ibitoupa being near the upper end of the
group between the Chaquesauma (Chak-
chiuma) and the Thysia (Tioux) , accord-
ing to the order named, which appears
to be substantially correct, although Coxe
(Carolana, 10, 1741) who, omits Thysia,
makes the Ibitoupa settlement expressly
the uppermostoftheseries. Thelbitoupa
and Chakchiuma, together with the Ta-
poucha (Taposa), were united in one
village on the upper Yazoo by 1798.
What eventually became of them is not
known, but it is probable that they were
absorbed by theChickasaw. See /tomapa.
ROSaG:
Bitoupas.—Pénicaut (1700) in oe Hist. aint
La.,n.s, I, 61, 1869. Epitoupa.—Coxe, Carolana,
10, map, 1741. Ouitoupas, —Penicaut (1700) in
Margry, Déc., Vv, 401, 1883. Outapa.—Iberville
(1699), ibid., Iv, 180, 1880. Outaypes.—Martin,
Hist. La., I, 249, 1827. Witoupo.—Alcedo, Dic.
Geog., V, 343, 1789 (misprint). Witowpa.—Esnauts
et Rapilly, map, 1777. Witowpo.—Philippeaux,
map of English Col., 1781. Ybitoopas.—Romans,
Fla., I, 101, 1775. Ybitoupas.—Baudry des Lo-
ziéres, Voy. a Ja Louisiane, 245, 1802.
Icayme. Given as the native name of
the site on which San Luis Rey mission,
s. California, was founded; perhaps also
the name of a neighboring Dieguefno vil-
lage.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22,
1860.
Ichenta. A village of the Chalone divi-
sion of the Costanoan family, formerly
near Soledad mission, Cal.
Ichenta.—Taylor in Cal. ’ Farmer, Apr. 20, 1860.
San José.—Ibid.
594
Ichuarumpats ( /’-chu-ar’-rum-pats, ‘ peo-
ple of cactus plains’). A Paiute tribe
formerly in or near Moapa valley, s. E.
Ney., numbering 35 in 1873.—Powell in
Ind. Aff. Rep. 18738, 50, 1874.
Icosans. Mentioned by Bartram
(Tray., 54, 1792) in connection with the
Ogeeche, Santee, Utina, Wapoo, Yamasi,
etc., as having been attacked by the
Creeks, and ‘‘ who then surrounded and
cramped the English possessions.’’ The
reference is to the early colonial period
of South Carolina and Georgia.
Idakariuke. Mentioned as a Shasta
band of Shasta valley, n. Cal., in 1851,
but it is really only a man’s personal
name. (R. B. D.)
Ida-kara-wak-a-ha.—McKee (1851) in Sen. Ex.
Doe. 4, 32d Cong., spec. sess., 221, 1853 (seemingly
identical). Ida-ka-riike.—Gibbs (1851) in School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 171, 1853. I-do-ka-rai-uke.—
McKee, ibid., 171.
Idelabut (‘mesas of the mountains’).
A rancheria, probably Cochimi, con-
nected with Purfsima (Cadegomo) mis-
sion, Lower California, in the 18th cen-
tury.—Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th s., v, 189,
1857.
Idelibinagd (‘high mountains’). A
rancheria, probably Cochimi, connected
with Purisima mission, Lower Califor-
nia, in the 18th century.—Doc. Hist.
Mex., 4th s., v, 189, 1857.
Idiuteling. An Eskimo settlement on
the n. shore of Home bay, Baffin land,
where the Akudnirmiut Eskimo gather
to hunt bear in the spring.
Ipiutelling.—Boas in 6th Rep. B. A. E., 441, 1888
(misprint). Ipnitelling.—Ibid., map (misprint).
Idjorituaktuin (‘with grass’). A_ vyil-
lage of the Talirpingmiut division of the
Okomiut Eskimo on the w. shore of
Cumberland sd.; pop. 11 in 1883.
Ejujuajuin.—Kumlien in Bull. Nat. Mus., no. 15,
15, 1879. Idjorituaktuin.—Boas in Deutsche Geog.
Blatt., Vi, 33, 1885. Idjorituaqtuin.—Boas in 6th
Rep. B. A. E., 426, 1888. Idjorituaytuin.—Boas in
Petermanns Mitt., no. 80, 70, 1885.
Idjuniving. A spring settlement of
Padlimiut Eskimo nearthes. end of Home
bay, Baffin land —Boas in 6th Rep. B. A.
E., map, 1888.
Iebathu. The White-corn clan of the
Tigua pueblo of Isleta, N. Mex.
fébathi-t’ainin.— Lummis quoted by Hodge in
Am. Anthrop., 1X, 349, 1896 (?ainin=‘ people’).
Iechur. The Yellow-corn clan of the
Tigua pueblo of Isleta, N. Mex.
échur-t’ainin.—Lummis quoted by Hodgein Am.
Anthrop., Ix, 349, 1896 (?ainin=‘ people’).
Iefeu. The Red-corn clan of the Tigua
pueblo of Isleta, N. Mex.
féfé’u-t’ainin.—_ Lummis quoted by Hodge in Am.
Anthrop., 1X, 349, 1896 (#ainin=‘ people’).
Iekidhe (/Jekif?, ‘criers’). A gens of
the Inkesabe division of the Omaha.—
Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 227, 1897.
Ieshur. The Blue-corn clan of the
Tigua pueble of Isleta, N. Mex.
éshur-t’ainin.—Lummis quoted by Hodge in Am.
Anthrop., IX, 349, 1896 (tainin=‘ people’).
Ieskachincha (‘child of one who speaks
ICHUARUMPATS—IETAN
{B. A. B.
Dakota’). The ordinary name for the
mixed-blood element among the western
Sioux. Given by J. O. Dorsey as a Brulé
gens composed of half-breeds.
Teskacinéa.—Dorsey (after Cleveland) in 15th
Rep. B. A. E., 219, 1897. Ieska-teitea.—Ibid.
Ieskachincha. A modern Oglala Da-
kota band, composed of half-breeds.
Ieska cinca.—Cleveland, letter to Dorsey, 1884.
Teska-tci"tca.—Dorsey (after Cleveland) in 15th
Rep. B. A. E., 221, 1897. :
Ietan. A term which, with ‘‘Tetau”’
and other forms of the name, was applied
by writers of the early part of the 19th
century to several
Mooney (17th Rep. B. A. E., 167, 1898)
explains its application as follows: ‘‘ The
Ute of the mountain region at the head-
waters of the Platte and the Arkansas,
being a powerful and aggressive tribe,
were well known to all the Indians of
the plains, who usually called them by
some form of their proper name, Yiitawdts,
or, in its root form, Yuta, whence we get
Eutaw, Utah, and Ute., Among the
Kiowa the name becomes Jatii(-go), while
the Siouan tribes seem to have nasalized
it so that the early French traders wrote it
as Ayutan, Iatan, orIetan. By prefixing
the French article it became L’ Iatan, and
afterward Aliatan, while by misreading of
the manuscript word we get Jatan, Jetan,
and finally Tetau. Moreover, as the early
traders and explorers knew but little of
the mountain tribes, they frequently con-
founded those of the same generic stock,
so that almost any of these forms may
mean Shoshoni, Ute, or Comanche, ac-
cording to the general context of the
description.’? By reason of the varied
applications of Ietan and its equivalents,
the name is here treated separately.
Aliata.—Lewis and Clark, Discoy., 60, 1806 (so
called by the French). Aliatan.—Drake, Bk.
Inds., vi, 1848. Aliatans, of La Playes.—iewis,
Travels, 181, 1809. Aliatans, of the West.—Lewis
and Clark, Discov., 63, 1806. Aliatons.—Lewis
and Clark, Jour., 139,1810. Aliatons of the West.—
Brown, West. Gaz., 213, 1817. Alitan.—Lewis and
Clark, Discov., 23, 1806. Aliton.—Am. State Pa-
pers, Ind. Aff., 1, 710, 1832. Alliatan.—Lewis and
Clark, Exped., 11, 131, 1814. Alliatans of the
west.—Brown, West. Gaz., 215, 1817. Ayutan.—
Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, 80, 1814 (also
called ‘Camanches’). Halisanes.—Du Lac, Voy.
Louisianes, 261, 1805. Halitanes.—Ibid., 309. Hi-
etanes.—Orozco y Berra, Geog.,40, 1864. Hietans.—
Pénicaut (1720) in French, Hist. Coll. La., 1, 156,
1869. I-a/-kar.—Lewis and Clark, Discoy., 60,
1806. Iatan.—Gregg, Comm. Prairies, I, 21, 1844.
I-a-tans.—Bonner, Life of Beckwourth, 34, 1856.
Ictans.—Boudinot, Star in West, 126, 1816 (mis-
print). Ielan.—Morse, Rep. to Sec. War, 374, 1622
(misprint). Ietam.—Cass in H. R. Ex. Doe. 117,
20th Cong., 2d sess., 102, 1829. Ietan.—Pike, Tray-
els, Xiv, 1811. Ietanes.—Orozco y Berra, Geog.,
40, 1864. Ietans.—Pike, Exped., 3d map, 1810.
Iotan.—Pattie, Pers, Narr., 36, 18383. Itean.—
M’Kenney, Memoirs, II, 94, 1846 (misprint).
Jetam.—Cacs quoted by Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes,
tI, 609, 1858 (misprint). Jetans.—Pénicaut (1720)
in French, Hist. Coll. La., 1, 156, note, 1869 (mis-
print). Jetans.—Mayer, Mexico, HU, 39, 1853
(misprint). Jotans.—Pattie, Pers. Narr., 37, 1833
(misprint.) Laitanes.—Mallet (1740) in Margry,
Déc., VI, 457, 1886 (French form). La Kar, —
Fisher, New Trav., 175, 1812. La Litanes.—Ibid.
western tribes.
ye
ah ae alee
BULL. 30]
Lee-ha-taus.—Hunter, Captivity, 68, 1823. Liahtan
Band.—Morse, Rep. to Sec. War, map, 1822.
L’'Iatan.—Moohney in 14th Rep. B. A. E., 1043, 1896
(French form of Jatan above). Tetaus.—Pike,
Exped., 109, 1810 (misprint). Yetans.—Keane in
Stanford, Compend., 545, 1878 (misprint).
Iewatse (J-e-wat-se’, ‘mouth men’).
The Crow name for some unidentified
tribe.—Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo.
Val., 402, 1862.
Ift. A Karok village on Klamath r.,
Cal., inhabited in 1860.
If-terram.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Mar. 23, 1860.
Igagik. An Aglemiut Eskimo settle-
ment at the mouth of Ugaguk r., Alaska;
pop. 120 in 1880, 60 in 1890, 203 in 1900.
gagik.—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, 17, 1884.
Ugaguk.—Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1902.
Igak. A former Kaniagmiut Eskimo
village on Afognak id., Alaska, rE. of
Afognak, whither it seems to have been
moved.
Igagmjut.—Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizz., map, 1855.
Kaljukischwigmjut.—Ibid. ;
Igamansabe ( Jgama”sabé, ‘black paint,’
Kansa name for Big Bluer., Kans.). One
of the villages occupied by the Kansa,
probably before 1820.—Dorsey, MS. Kan-
sas vocab., B. A. E., 1882.
Igdlorpait. A Danish post and Eskimo
village in s. w. Greenland, lat. 60° 287.
Igdlopait—_Koldewey, German Arct. Exped., 182,
1870. Igdlorpait.—Meddelelser om Groénland, xVI,
map, 1896. ;
Igdluluarsuk. A village of thesouthern
group of East Greenland Eskimo, on the
coast between lat. 63° and 64°.—Nansen,
First Crossing, 383, 1890. _
Igiak. A Magemiut Eskimo village in-
- land from Seammon bay, Alaska; pop. 10
in 1880.
Igiagagamute.—Petroff, Rep. on Alaska, 1884.
Igiogagamut.—Nelson in 18th Rep. B. A. E., map,
1899. Igragamiut.—Nelson cited by Baker, Geog.
Dict. Alaska, 212, 1901,
Igiakchak. A village of the Kuskwog-
miut Eskimo in the Kuskokwim district,
Alaska; pop. 81 in 1890.
Ighiakchaghamiut,—l1th Census, Alaska, 6, 1893.
Igiakchak. —Ibid. ; :
Igivachok. A Nushagagmiut Eskimo
village in the Nushagak district, Alaska;
ag 31 in 1890.
givachochamiut.—llth Census, Alaska, 164, 1893.
Iglakatekhila (‘refuses to move camp’ ).
A division of the Oglala Teton Sioux.
Iglaka tehila.—Dorsey (after Cleveland) in 15th
Rep. B. A. E., 220, 1897. Iglaka-teqila.—Ibid.
Iglu. A snow house of the Eskimo:
from igdlu, its name in the 5. Eskimo
dialects. See Habitations. (CAG HEC)
Igludahoming. An Ita Eskimo settle-
ment on Smith sd., Greenland.
Igloodahominy.—Mrs Peary, My Arct. Jour., 81,
1893. Igludahoming.—Heilprin, Peary Relief Ex-
ped., 133, 1893.
Igluduasuin (Jg/udud/hsuin, ‘place of
houses’). An Ita Eskimo village in wn.
Greenland, lat. 77° 50’.—Stein in Peter-
manns Mitt., no. 9, map, 1902.
Iglulik. A winter settlement of the
Aivilirmiut Eskimo at the head of Lyon
inlet, Hudson bay.
Igdlulik.—Rink in Jour. Anthrop. Inst., xv, 240,
1886. Igdlumiut.—Boas in 6th Rep. B. A. E., map,
1888 (the inhabitants). Igloolik.—Parry, Sec. Voy.,
IEW ATSE—IHANKTONWAN
595
ne jee Igloolip.—Gilder, Schwatka’s Search,
2538, 1881.
Iglulik, A town of the Iglulirmiut Es-
kimo, on an island of the same name, near
the EB. end of Fury and Hecla straits.—
Boas in Zeitschr. Ges. f. Erdk., 226, 1883.
Iglulirmiut (‘people of the place with
houses’). A tribe of central Eskimo liy-
ing on bothsidesof Furyand Heclastraits.
They kill walrus in winter on Iglulik and
other islands, harpoon seal in the fjords
in early spring, and throughout the sum-.
mer hunt deer in Baffin land or Melville
peninsula. Their settlements are Akuli,
Arlagnuk, Iglulik, Kangertluk, Krimerk-
sumalek, Pilig, and Uglirn.—Boas in 6th
Rep. B. A. E., 444, 1888.
Iglulingmiut.—Boas in Trans. Anthrop. Soc. Wash.,
IIT, 96, 1885.
Ignok. An Ikogmiut Eskimo village
on the right bank of the lower Yukon,
Alaska; pop. 175 in 1880.
Ignokhatskomute.—Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska,
57, 1884. Ingekasagmi.—Raymond (1869), quoted
by Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1902.
Ignokhatskamut. A village on lower
Yukon r., adjacent to the Bering coast
Eskimo, the inhabitants of which are
probably of Athapascan and Eskimo mix-
ture.—Nelson in 18th Rep. B. A. E., pl.
ii, 1900.
Igpirto. A fall settlement of Talirping-
miut Eskimo of the Okomiut tribe at the
head of Nettilling fjord, Cumberland sd.—
Boas in 6th Rep. B. A. E., map, 1888.
Igualali (/g-wa’-la-li,‘a hole’). A small
rancheria of the Tarahumare, not far from
Norogachic, Chihuahua, Mexico.—Lum-
holtz, inf’?n, 1894.
Iguanes. A tribe of whom Father Kino
heard, in 1699, while near the mouth of
the Rio Gila in s. w. Arizona. As they
are mentioned in connection with the Al-
chedoma and Yuma, they were probably
a Yuman tribe.
Iguanas.—Venegas, Hist. Cal., 1, 57, 1759.
Iguanes.—Kino (1699) quoted by Coues, Gar-
cés Diary, 544, 1900. Yuanes.—Orozco y Berra,
Geog., 59, 1864. ; : : ,
Iguik. An Unaligmiut Eskimo village
on Norton sd., Alaska; pop. 8 in 1880, 51
in 1890.
Agowik.—llth Census, Alaska, 165, 1893. Ego-
wik.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, map, 1877.
Igauik.—Nelson in 18th Rep. B. A. E., map, 1899.
Igawik.—Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska, 59, 1884.
Iguik.—Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 165, 1893. f
Igushik. A Nushagagmiut Eskimo vil-
lage on Igushik r., Alaska; pop. 74 in
1880.
Igushek.—Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska, 17, 1884.
Igushik.—Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1901.
Ihaisdaye (J/ha-isdaye, ‘mouth-greas-
ers’). A band of the Yankton Sioux.—
Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 217, 1897.
Thamba (J/’ha-mba). An ancient pue-
blo of the Tewa on thes. side of Pojoa-
que r., between Pojoaque and San Ilde-
fonso pueblos, nx. New Mex.—Bandelier
in Arch. Inst. Papers, Iv} 85, 1892.
Thanktonwan (‘Yankton’).
&
..
|
BULL.-30]
Ikogmiut proper. Holmberg divided
the natives of the delta into the Kwik-
pagmiut and the Kwikluagmiut, living
respectively on the Kwikpak and Kwik-
luak passes. The villages are Asko,
- Bazhi, Ignok, Ikatlek, Ikogmiut, Inga-
hame, Ingrakak, Katagkag, Kenunimik,
Kikhkat, Koko, Koseretfski, Kuyikanuik-
pul, Kvikak, Makak, Nukluak, Nunaikak,
Nunaktak, Paimute, Pogoreshapka, and
Uglovaia.
Ek5g’miit.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 17, 1877.
Ekogmuts.—Dall, Alaska, 407, 1870. Hekinx-
tana.—Doroschin in Radloff, Wo6rterbuch 4d.
Kinai-Spr., 29, 1874 (Kinai name). Ikogmjut.—
Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizz., map, 142, 1855. Ikvog-
mutes.—Schwatka, Milit. Recon., Explor. in
Alaska, 353, 1900. Kahvichpaks.—Elliott, Cond.
Aff.in Alaska, 29,1874. Koikhpagamute.—Petroft
in Am. Nat., XVI, 570, 1882 (Eskimo: ‘ people of the
Kwikpak, the big river’). Kuwichpackmuten.—
Wrangell, Ethnog. Nachr., 122, 1839. Kvikhpag-
mute.—Zagoskin quoted by Petroff in 10th Census,
Alaska, 37, 1884. ewachbaseminten—Holmbere,
Ethnog. Skizz., 5, 1855. wichpacker.—Wrangell,
Ethnog. Nachr., 122, 1839. Kwichpagmjuten.—
Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizz., 5, 1855. Kwichpak.—
Whymper, Trav. in Alaska, map, 1868. Kwikh-
pag-mut.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., I, 17, 1877.
Ikogmiut. An Ikogmiut Eskimo vil-
lage on the lower Yukon, Alaska, where
the Russians established a mission about
1843. Pop. 148 in 1880, 140 in 1890, 166
in 1900.
Icogmute.—Bruce, Alaska, map, 1885. Ikogh-
miout.—Zagoskine in Nouy. Ann. Voy., 5th s.,
XXI, map, 1850. Ikogmut.—Nelson in 18th Rep.
B. A. E., pl. ii, 1899. Ikogmute.—Petroff, Rep.
on Alaska, map, 1884. Ikuagmjut.—Holmberg,
Ethnog. Skizz., map, 1855. q
Ikolga. A former Aleut village on Un-
alaska, Aleutian ids., Alaska.—Coxe,
Russian Discov., 164, 1787.
Iktigalik, A Kaiyuhkhotana village
on Unalaklik r., Ataska, having 10 houses
in 1866.
Igtigalik.—_Whymper in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc.,
225, 1868. Iktigalix.—Dall, Alaska, 26, 1870.
New Ulukuk.—Whymper, Tray. in Alaska, 175,
1869. Nove Ulukuk.—Ibid. (Russian name).
Ikuak, A Chnagmiut village on the
lower Yukon, Alaska, nearthe head of the
delta; pop. 65 in 1890.
Iko-agmiut.—11th Census, Alaska, 165, 1893. Iku-
agmiut.—Tikhmenief (1861) quoted by Baker,
Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1901. Ikuak.—Baker, ibid.
Yukagamut.—Raymond (1869), quoted by Baker,
ibid.
Ikwopsum. A Squawmish village com-
munity on the left bank of Squawmisht
te brit. Col.
Eukwhatsum.—Survey map, U.S. Hydrog. Office.
Ikwo’psum.—Hill-Tout in Rep. Brit. A. A. S., 475,
1900. Yik’oa’psan.—Boas, MS., B. A. E., 1887.
Ilamatech. A formerTepehuane pueblo
in Durango, Mexico, and the seat of a
mis-ion.
§. Antonio Ilamatech.—Orozco y Berra, Geog., 319,
1864. ;
Ildjunai-hadai (J’/ldjuna-i xa/da-i, ‘val-
uable-house people’). A subdivision of
the Yadus, a family of the Eagle clan of
the Ha da in w. British Columbia. The
name is derived from that of a house.—
Swanton, Cont. Haida, 276, 1905.
Ile Percée. A French mission, proba-
bly among the Micmac, on the Gulf of
IKOGMIUT—ILLINOIS
597
St Lawrence in the 17th century.—Shea,
Miss. Val., 85, 1852.
Tlex cassine. See Black drink.
Iliamna. A Kaniagmiut Eskimo village
on the s. shore of Iliamna lake, Alaska;
pop. 49 in 1880, 76 in 1890.
fliamna.—llth Census, Alaska, 95, 1893. Ilyam-
na.—Petroff, 10th Census, Alaska, 17, 1884.
Tlis (‘spread-legs beach’). A Nimkish
Kwakiutl village on Cormorant id., Alert
bay, Brit. Col., opposite Vancouver id.
Some Kwakiutl proper come here during *
the salmon season.—Boas in Bull. Am.
Geog. Soc., 227, 1887.
ee Dewan in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., sec. 11, 65,
Tlisees. Mentioned by Ker ( Travels, 98,
1816) as the native name of a tribe, num-
bering about 2,000, which he says he met
on upper Red r. of Louisiana, apparently
in the nN. EB. corner of Texas. Their chief
village was said to be Wascoo. Both the
tribe and the village are seemingly imag-
inary.
Nliuliuk (Aleut: ‘harmony’). Chelekees.—Keane in Stanford, Compend.,
Cent. and So. Am., app., 472, 1878 (or Cherokees).
>Cherokees.—Gallatin in Am. Antiq. Soc., I, 89,
306, 1836 (kept apart from Iroquois, though prob-
able affnity asserted); Bancroft, Hist. U. S., 11,
246, 1840; Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v, 401,
1847; Gallatin in Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc., 00, pt.
TROQUOIS
617
1, xcix, 77, 1848; Lathan. in Trans. Philol. Soc.
Lond., 58, 1856 (a separate group, perhaps to be
classed with Iroquois and Sioux); Gallatin in
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 401, 1853; Latham,
Opuscula,327,1860; Keane in Stanford, Compend.,
Cent. and So. Am., app., 460, 472, 1878 (same as
Chelekees or Tsalagi—‘‘apparently entirely dis-
tinct from all other American tongues’’).
> Cheroki.—Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., I, 24,
1884; Gatschet in Science, 413, Apr. 29, 1887.
=Huron-Cherokee.—Hale in Am. Antiq., 20, Jan.,
1883 (proposed asa family name instead of Huron-
Iroquois; relationship to Iroquois affirmed).
<‘Huron-Iroquois.—Bancroft, Hi t. U.S., U1, 243,
1840. >Irokesen.—Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas,
map 17, 1848; ibid., 1852. xIrokesen.—Berghaus,
Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (includes Kataba and
said to be derived from Dakota). =Iroquoian.—
Powellin 7th Rep. B. A. E., 77, 1891. >Iroquois.—
Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 21, 23,
305, 1886 (excludes Cherokee); Prichard, Phys.
Hist. Mankind, v, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin);
Gallatin in Trans, Am. Ethnol. Soc., 11, pt. 1,
xeix, 77, 1848 (as in 18386); Gallatin in School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 401,1853 Lathamin Trans.
Philol. Soe. Lond., 58, 1856; Latham, Opuscula,
327, 1860; Latham Elements Comp. Philol., 463,
1862. >Tschirokies.—Berghaus (1845), Physik.
Atlas,map 17, 1848. >Wyandct-Iroquois.—Keane
in Stanford, Compend., Cent. and So. Am., app.,
460, 468, 1878. ; j ;
Iroquois (Algonkin: Iri”akhoiw, ‘real
adders’, with the French suffix -ois).
The confederation of Iroquoian tribes
known in history, among other names,
by that of the Five Nations, comprising
the Cayuga, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga,
and Seneca. Their name for themselves
as a political body was Ofgwano"sionini’ ,
“we are of the extended lodge.’ Among
the Iroquoian tribes kinship is traced
through the blood of the woman only;
kinship means membership in a family,
and this‘in turn constitutes citizenship
in the tribe, conferring certain social,
political, and religious privileges, duties,
and rights which are denied to persons
of alien blood; but, by a legal fiction
embodied in the right of adoption, the
blood of the alien may be figuratively
changed into one of the strains of the
Troquoian blood, and thus citizenshipmay
be conferred on a person of alien lineage.
In an IJroquoian tribe the legislative,
judicial, and executive functions are
usually exercised by one and the same
class of persons, commonly called chiefs
in English, who are organized into coun-
cils. There are three grades of chiefs.
The chiefship is hereditary in certain of
the simplest political units in the gov-
ernment of the tribe; a chief is nomi-
nated by the suffrages of the matrons of
this unit, and the nomination is con-
firmed by the tribal and the federal coun-
cils. The functions of the three grades
of chiefs are defined in the rules of pro-
cedure. When the five Iroquoian tribes
were organized into a confederation, its
government was only a development of
that of the separate tribes, just as the
government of each of the constituent
tribes was a development of that of the
several clans of which it was composed,
The government of the clan was a de-
618
velopment of that of the several brood
families of which it was composed, and
the brood family, strictly speaking, was
composed of the progeny of a woman
and her female descendants, counting
through the female line only; hence the
clan may be described as a permanent
body of kindred, socially and politically
organized, who trace actual and theoret-
ical descent through the female line only.
The simpler units surrendered part of
their autonomy to the next higher units
in such wise that the whole was closely
interdependent and cohesive. The estab-
lishment of the higher unit created new
rights, privileges, and duties. This was
the principle of organization of the con-
federation of the five Iroquoian tribes.
The date of the formation of this con/ed-
eration (probably not the first, but the
last of a series of attempts to unite the
several tribes in a federal union) was not
earlier than about the year 1570, which
is some 30 years anterior to that of the
Huron tribes.
The Delawares gave them the name
Mingwe. The northern and western
Algonquians called them Nadowa, ‘ad-
ders’. The Powhatan called them Mas-
sawomekes. The English knew them as
the Confederation of the Five Nations,
and after the admission of the Tuscarora
in 1722, as the Six Nations. Moreover,
the names Maqua, Mohawk, Seneca, and
Tsonnontowan, by which their leading
tribes were called, were also applied to
them collectively. The League of the
Iroquois, when first known to Europeans,
was composed of the five tribes, and oc-
cupied the territory extending from the
E, watershed of L. Champlain to the w.
watershed of Genesee r., and from the
Adirondacks southward to theterritory of
the Conestoga. Thedateofthe formation
of the league is not certain, but there is
evidence that it took place about 1570, oc-
casioned by wars with Algonquian and
Huron tribes.
immediately began to make their united
power felt. After the coming of the
Dutch, from whom they procured fire-
arms, they were able to extend their con-
quests over all the neighboring tribes
until their dominion was acknowledged
from Ottawa r. to the Tennessee and from
the Kennebec to Illinois r. and L. Michi-
gan. Their westward advance was
checked by the Chippewa; the Cherokee
and the Catawba proved an effectual bar-
rier in the S., while in the N. they were
hampered by the operations of the
French in Canada. Champlain on one of
his early expeditions joined a party of
Canadian Indians against the Iroquois.
This made them bitter enemies of the
French, whom they afterward opposed at
every step to the close of the French
TROQUOIS
Theconfederated Iroquois ,
[B. A. B.
régime in Canada in 1763, while they
were firm allies of the English. The
French made several attempts through
their missionaries to win over the lro-
quois, and were so far successful that a
considerable number of individuals from
the different tribes, most of them Mo-
hawk and Onondaga, withdrew from the
several tribes and formed Catholic set-
tlements at Caughnawaga, St Regis, and
Oka, on the St Lawrence. The t:ibes of
the league repeatedly tried, but without
success, to induce them to return, and
‘finally, in 1684, declared them to be
traitors. In later wars the Catholic Iro-
quois took part with the French against
their former brethren. On the breaking
out of the American Revolution the
League of the Iroquois decided not to
take part in the conflict, but to allow
each tribe to decide for it-elf what action
to take. All the tribes, with the excep-
tion of the Oneida and about half of the
Tuscarora, join-d the English. After the
revolution the Mohawk and Cayuga, with
other Iroquoian tribes that were in the
English interest, after several temporary
a-signments, were finally settled by the
Canadian government on a reservation
on Grand r., Ontario, where they still
reside, although a few individuals emi-
grated to Gibson, Bay of Quinté, Caugh-
nawaga, and St Thomas, Ontario. All
the Iroquois in the United States are on
reservations in New York with the ex-
ception of the Oneida, who are settled
near Green Bay, Wis. The so-called
Seneca of Oklahoma are composed of the
remnants of many tribes, among which
may be mentioned the Conestoga and
Hurons, and of emigrants from all the
tribes of the Iroquoian confederation. It
is very probable that the nucleus of
these Seneca was the remnant of the
ancient Erie. The Catholic Iroquois of
Caughnawaga, St Regis, and Oka, al-
though having no connection with the
confederation, supplied many recruits to
the fur trade, and a large number of
them have become permanently resident
among the northwestern tribes of the
United States and Canada.
The number of the Iroquois villages
varied greatly at different periods and
from decade to decade. In 1657 there
were about 24, but after the conquest of
the Erie the entire country from the
Genesee to the w. watershed of L. Erie
came into possession of the Iroquoian
tribes, which afterward settled colonies
on the upper waters of the Allegheny
and Susquehanna and on the n. shore of
L. Ontario, so that by 1750 their villages
may have numbered about 50. The
population of the Iroquois also varied
much at different periods. Their con-
stant wars greatly weakened them. In
BULL. 30]
1689 it was estimated that they had 2,250
warriors, who were reduced by war,
disease, and defections to Canada, to
1,230 in 1698. Their losses were largely
made up by their system of wholesale
adoption, which was carried on to such
an extent that at one time their adopted
aliens were reported to equal or exceed
the number of native Iroquois. Disre-
garding the extraordinary estimates of
some early writers, it is evident that the
modern Iroquois, instead of decreasing
in population, have increased, and num-
ber more at present than at any former
period. On account of the defection of
the Catholic Iroquois and the omission
of the Tuscarora from the estimates it
“was impossible to get a statement of the
full strength of the Iroquois until within
recent times. About the middle of the
17th century the Five Nations were sup-
posed to have reached their highest
point, and in 1677 and 1685 they were
estimated at about 16,000. In 1689 they
were estimated at about 12,850, but in
the next 9 years they lost more than half
by war and by desertions to Canada. The
most accurate estimates for the 18th cen-
tury gave to the Six Nations and their
colonies about 10,000 or 12,000 souls. In
1774 they were estimated at 10,000 to
12,500. In 1904 they numbered about
16,100, including more than 3,000 mixed-
bloods, as follows:
In Ontario: Iroquois and Algonkin at
Watha (Gibson), 139 (about one-half
Iroquois); Mohawk of the Bay of f Quinteé,
1271; Oneida of the Thames, 770; Six
Nations on Grand r., 4,195 Gacinaine
about 150 Delawares). In Quebee: Iro-
quois of Caughnawaga, 2,074; of St Re-
gis, 1,426; of Lake of Two Mountains,
393. Total in Canada, about 10,418.
The Iroquois of New York in 1904
were distributed as follows: Onondaga
and S neca on Allegany res., 1,041;
Cayuga, Onondaga, and Seneca on Catta-
raugus res., 1,456; Oneida on Oneida res.,
150; Oneida and Onondaga on Onondaga
res., 513; St Regis res., 1,208; oye and
Seneca on Tonawanda res., 512; Onon-
daga and Tuscarora on Tuscarora res.,
410. Total, 5,290.
In 1905 there were also 366 Indians
classed as Seneca under the Seneca
School, Okla.
The Algonquian and other Indians in-
cluded with the Iroquois are probably
outnumbered by the Caughnawaga and
others in the Canadian N. W. who are
not separately enumerated.
The following villages were Iroquois,
but the particular tribes to which they
belonged are either unknown or are col-
lective: Adjouquay, Allaquippa, Anpua-
qun, Aquatsagana, Aratumquat, Awegen,
Blackleg’s Village, Buckaloon, Cahun-
TROQUOIS
619
ghage, Canowdowsa, Caughnawaga, Char-
tierstown, Chemegaide, Chenango, Chin-
klacamoose, Chugnut, Churamuk, Codo-
coraren, Cokanuck, Conaquanosshan,
Conejoholo, Conemaugh, Conihunta, Con-
nosomothdian, Conoytown (mixed Conoy
and Iroquois), Coreorgonel (mixed),
Cowawago, Cussewago, Ganadoga, Gana-
garabhare, Ganasarage, Ganeraske, Gan-
neious, Gannentaha, Glasswanoge, Gosh-
goshunk (mixed), Grand River Indians,
Hickorytown (mixed), Janundat, Jed-
akne, Johnstown, Jonondes, Juniata,
Juraken (2), Kahendohon, Kanaghsaws,
Kannawalohalla, Kanesadageh, Kara-
ken, Karhationni, Karhawenradon,
Kayehkwarageh, Kaygen, Kenté, Kick-
enapawling, Kiskiminetas, Kittaning,
Kuskuski (mixed), Lawunkhannek,
Logstown, Loyalhannon (?), Mahusque-
chikoken, Mahican, Mahoning, Manck-
atawangum, Matchasaung, Middletown,
Mingo Town, Mohanet, Nescopeck,
Newtown (4 settlements), Newtychan-
ing, Octageron, Ohrekionni, Onaweron,
Onkwe Iyede, Opolopong, Oquaga, Ose-
wipgo, Oskawaserenhon, Ostonwackin,
Oswegatchie, Otiahanague, Otsiningo,
Otskwirakeron, Ousagwentera, Owego,
Paille Coupée, Pluggy’s Town, Punx-
atawney, Runonyea, Saint Regis, Saw-
cunk, Schoharie, Schohorage, Sconassi,
Scoutash’s Town, Seneca Town, Sevegé,
Sewickly’s Old Town, Shamokin, Shan-
nopin, Shenango, Sheshequin, Sheo-
quage, Sittawingo, Skannayutenate, Ske-
handowa, Solocka, Swahadowri, Taiaia-
gon, Tewanondadon, Tioga, Tohoguses
Cabins, Tonihata, Tullihas. Tuscarora,
Tuskokogie, Tutelo, Unadilla, Venango,
Wakatomica, Wakerhon, Wauteghe,
Yoghroonwago, Youcham. Catholic mis-
sions among the Iroquois were: Caughna-
waga, Indian Point, La Montagne, La
Prairie, Oka, Oswegatchie, St Regis, and
Sault au Recollet. For the other Troquois
settlements, see under the several tribal
names. (J. N. B. H. )
Acquinoshionee.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 517,
18°3. Acquinushionee.—Schoolcraft in Proc. N. Y.
Hist. Soc., 80, 1844. Aganuschioni.—Macauley, N.
Y., II, 185, 1829. Agoneaseah.—Ibid. Agonnon-
sionni.—Charlevoix (1744) quoted by Drake, Bk.
Inds., bk. v, 3, 1848. Agonnousioni.—McKenney
and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 111, 79, 1854. Agonn-
sionni.—Clark, Onondaga, I, 19, 1849. Akonon-
sionni.—Brinton, Lenape Leg., 255, 1885. Akwi-
noshioni.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v1, 138, 1857.
Aquanoschioni.—Barton, New Views, app., 7, 1798.
Aquanuschioni.—Drake, Bk. Inds., bk. v, 4, 1848.
Aquanuschionig.—Vater, Mith., pt. 3, sec. 3, 309,
1816. Aquinoshioni.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v1,
188, 1857. Aquinushionee.—Ibid., 11, 632, 1853.
Caenoestoery.—Schuyler (1699) in N. Y. Doc. Col.
Hist., 1v, 568, 1854. Canaghkonje.—Dellius(1697),
ibid., 280. Canaghkouse. ST hid Ganvaseesnee
Doe. of 1695, ibid., 122, Cannissoone.—Ibid.,
120. Cannossoene.—Gov. of Can. (1695), ibid.
122, note. Canossoené.—Doc. of 1695, ibid., 120.
Canossoone.—Ibid. Canton Indians.—Fletcher
(1693), ibid., 33. Coenossoeny.—Ibid., 563, note.
Confederat? Indians.—Johnson (1760), ibid., v1,
432. Confederate Nations—Mt Johnson conf.
620
(1755), ibid., vr, 983, 1855. Confederates.—Johnson
(1763), ibid., v11, 582, 1856. Erocoise.—Morton (ca.
1650) in Me. Hist. soc. Coll., 117, 34, 1853. Five
Canton Nations.—Jamison (1696) in N. Y. Doc. Col.
Hist., 1v, 235,1854. Five Indian Cantons.—Hunter
(1711), ibid., v, 252,1855. Five Mohawk Nations.—
Carver, Tray., 173, 1778. Five Nations.—Andros
(1690)in R.I. Col. Rec., 111, 284, 1858. Gwhunnugh-
shonee.—Macauley, N. Y., 11, 185, 1829. Haugh-
goghnuchshionee.—Ibid., 185. Hirocoi.—Shea, Cath.
Miss.,215,1855. Hiroquais.—Ibid., 205 (first applied
by French to both Hurons and _ Iroquois).
Hiroquois.—Jes. Rel. for 1632, 14, 1858. Ho-de’-
no-sau-nee.—Morgan, League Iroq., 51, 1851.
Ho-di-no"‘syo"/ni’.—Hewitt, inf’n, 1886 (‘they are
of the house’: own name, Senecaform). Honon-
tonchionni.— Millet (1693) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
IV, 78, 1854. Hotinnonchiendi.—Jes. Rel. for 1654,
11, 1858. Hotinnonsionni.—Shea, Cath. Miss., 205,
1855. Hotinonsionni.—Bruyas (ca.1700) quoted in
Charlevoix, New France, I1, 189, note, 1866 (Mo-
hawk form). Hyroquoise.—Sagard (1636) in note
to Champlain, Guv., 111, 220, 1870. Hyroquoyse.—
Ibid. Inquoi.—Boyd, Ind. Local Names, 1885 (mis-
print). Irecoies.—Lovelace (1670) in N. Y. Doc.
Col. Hist., 11, 190,1853. Irequois.—Brickell, N.C.,
288, 1737. Iriquoi.—Boyd, Ind. Local Names, 30,
1885. Iriquois.—Thornton in Me. Hist. Soc. Coll.,
v, 175, 1857. Irocois.—Champlain (1603), Geuv., I,
9,1870. Iroequois.—Doe. of 1666 in N. Y. Doc. Col.
Hist., 111, 184, 1853. Irognas.—Rasle (1724) in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 2d s., vii1, 246, 1819. Irokesen.—
Vater, Mith., pt. 3, sec. 3, 303, 1816 (German form).
Ironois.—Hennepin, Cont. of New Discov., map,
1698. Iroquaes.—Bayard (1698) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., 1v, 353, i854. Iroque.—Smith (1799) quoted
by Drake, Trag. Wild., 254, 1841. Iroquese.-—Hen-
nepin (1683) quoted by Harris, Voy. and Trav., IT,
906, 1705. Iroqueze.—Harris, ibid., I, 811, 1705.
Iroquiese.—Hennepin, New Discoy., 19, 1698.
Iroquoi.—Baraga, Eng.-Otch. Dict., 147, 1878.
Troquois.—Jes. Rel. for 1645, 2, 1858. Iroquos.—
Drake; Bk. Inds., bk. v, 41,1848. Irriquois.—Pike,
Trav., 130,1811. Irroquois.—Talon (1671) in Mar-
gry, Déc., I, 100, 1875. Irroquoys.—La Montagne
(1658) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., XIII, 89, 1881.
Ke-nunctioni.—Macauley, N. Y., 11, 174, 1829... Kon-
oshioni.—Gale, Upper Miss., 159, 1867. Konos-
sioni.—Dellius (1694) in N. Y. Doe, Col. Hist., 1v,
78,1854. Konungzi Oniga.—Vater, Mith., pt3, sec.3,
309, 1816. Let-e-nugh-shonee.—Macauley, N. Y., 1,
185, 1829. Mahongwis.—Rafinesque, Am. Nations,
I, 157, 1836. Masawomekes.—Smith (1629), Va., I,
120, 1819. Massawamacs.—Keane in Stanford,
Compend., 521, 1878. Massawomacs.—Jefferson,
Notes, 279, 1825. Massawomecks.—Strachey (ca.
1612), Va., 40, 1849. Massawomees.—Rafinesque,
introd. to Marshall, Ky., I, 33, 1824. Massawo-
mekes.—Smith (1629), Va., 1, 74, 1819. Massawo-
nacks.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, VI, 130, 1857.
Massawonaes.—Boudinot, Star in the West, 127,
1816. Massowomeks.—Smith (1629), Va.,1,119, 1819.
Mat-che-naw-to-waig.—Tanner, Narr., 316, 1830
(‘bad snakes’: Ottawa name for the Iroquois,
in contradistinction to the Hurons, called the
‘good snakes’). Matchinadoaek.—La Hontan
(1703) quoted by Vater, Mith., pt 3, sec. 3, 264, 1816
(‘bad people’: Algonquian name). Mengua.—
Heckewelder (1819) quoted by Thompson, Long
Id., 1, 767, 1843. Mengues.—Bozman, M4d., II, 481,
1837. Menguy.—Rafinesque, introd. to Marshall,
Ky., I, 31, 1824. Mengwe.—Heckewelder (1819) in
Me. Hist. Soe. Coll., vr, 216, 1859. Mengwee.—Ma-
eauley, N. Y., 11, 185, 1829. Mengwi.—Rafinesque,
Am. Nations, 1,157,1836. Messawomes.—Am. Pion.,
11, 189, 1843. Minckquas.—Smitt (1660) in N. Y. Doc.
Col. Hist., X11, 164, 1881. Mincquaas.—Doc. of 1660,
ibid.,184. Mingaes.—Doc. of 1659, ibid., 106. Min-
goe.—Conestoga council (1721) quoted by Proud,
Penn., 11,132,1797.
1756. Mingwee.—Macauley, N. Y., It, 185, 1829.
Minquaas.—Doc. of 1660 in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
XIII, 181, 1881 (also applied to the Mingo on Ohio
r., on map in Mandrillon, Spectateur Américain,
1785). Minquaes.—Doc. of 1658, ibid. 95. Min-
quas.—Van der Donck (1656) quoted by Ruttenber,
Tribes Hudson R., 51, 1872. Mungwas.—School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 147, 1855 (Chippewa mame,
and may mean the Mundua). Na-do-wage’.—
IROQUOISE CHIPPEWAYS—IRRIGATION
Mingos.—Homann Heirs map, .
[B. A. E.
Morgan in N. Am. Rey., 52, 1870.
Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v, 39, 1855. Nadowas,—
Schooleraft, Pers. Mem., 446, 1851. Nadowé.—
Baraga, Engl.-Otch. Dict., 147, 1878 (Chippewa
name). Nah-dah-waig.—Schoolcraft, Ind Tribes,
V, 193, 1855. Nahdooways.—Jones, Ojebway Inds.,
32, 1861. Nahdoways.—Ibid., 111. Natuagi.—Gat-
schet, Creek Migr. Leg., 1, 61, 1884 (Creek name).
Naud-o-waig.—Warren (1852) in Minn. Hist. Soe.
Coll., v, 83, 1885. Naudoways.—Tanner, Narr., 88,
1830. Nautowaig.—Ibid., 316 (Ottawa name).
Nautowas.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1, 304, 1853.
Nautoway.—Tanner, Narr., 310, 1830. Nod-o-
waig.—Ind. Aff.. Rep., 90, 1850. Nodoways.—
Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, 11, 149,1852. Nodswaig.—
Ind, Aff. Rep., 83, 1850. Notinnonchioni.—Millet
(1693) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., Iv, 79, 1854. Notta-
Nadowaig.—
wagees.—Glen (1750), ibid., VI, 588, 1855. Notta- _
wegas.—Mitchel in Hist. Mag., Ist s., TV, 358, 1860.
Notteweges.—McCall, Hist. Ga., I, 248, 1811.
On-gwa-no"’syo"’ni’.—Hewitt, inf’n, 1886 (Seneca
form). Rodinunchsiouni.—Colden (1727) quoted
in Charlevoix, New France, II, 189, note, 1866.
Sechs Nationen.—Giissefeld, map, 1784 (German:
‘Six Nations’). Six Allied Nations.—Sharpe (1754)
in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d s., v, 16, 1886. Six
Nations.—Albany conf. (1724) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist. v, 713, 1855. Trokesen.—Heckewelder (1819)
quoted by Thompson, Long Id., I, 76, 1842 (Dutch
form; misprint). Troquois.—Gorges (1658) in Me.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 66, 1847 (misprint). Tuda-
manes.—Barcia, Ensayo, 16,1723. Wassawomees.—
Rafinesque, introd. to Marshall, Ky., 1, 33, 1824.
Yaokwa-na"-‘syan-ni’.—Hewitt, ini’n, 1886 (Tus-
caroraform). Yrocois.—Champlain (1632), GZuv.,
Vv, pt, 2, 46, 1870.. Yrokoise.—Vaudreuil (1760) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., x, 1092, 1858. Yroquois.—
Champlain (1682), Buy., v, pt 2, 47,1870. —
Iroquoise Chippeways. The Catholic
Iroquois and Nipissing settled at Oka,
Quebec.—Schermerhorn (1812) in Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d s., 1m, 11, 1814.
Iroquois Supérieurs ( French: ‘upper Iro-
quois’). A geographical group of Iro-
quois, embracing the Oneida, Onondaga,
Cayuga, and Seneca, occupying, in the
17th century, an inland country farther
from St Lawrence r. than the Mohawk,
who were called Iroquois Inférieurs.—
Jes. Rel. for 1656, 7, 1858.
Irrigation. It was once assumed that
irrigation was not practised by the Indians
of the arid region, except toa very limited
extent, until after they came under the
influence of Spanish missionaries; but
recent systematic study of the archeologic
remains in theS. W. hasremovedall doubt
that agriculture was conducted in prehis-
toric times with the aid of extensive irri-
gation canals, reservoirs, and dams. The
most important ef these works are in the
valleys of the Gila and its tributaries, in
s. Arizona, wherescoresof milesof ditches
are still traceable, in instances extending
more than 10 m. from the stream from
which the water was diverted; according
to some observers there are individual
canals that traverse a total distance of 25
m. In the Salt River valley alone it is
estimated that from 200,000 to 250,000
acres were made available for cultivation
by means of irrigation before the arrival
of whitemen. Some of the ancient canals
were about 7 ft deep and 4 ft wide at
the bottom, but the sides sloped grad-
ually, rising in steps, giving the acequia
a
ze
BULL. 30]
a width of about 30 ft at the surface.
Both the bed and the sides were care-
fully tamped and plastered with clay to
prevent waste through seepage. Re-
mains of what are believed to have been
wooden head gates have been exposed
by excavation. Where canal depressions
have disappeared, owing to cultivation
or to sand drift, the canals are still trace-
able by the innumerable bowlders and
water-worn concretions that line the
banks; these, according to Cushing, hav-
ing been placed there by the natives
as ‘‘ water-tamers’’ to direct the streams
to the thirsty fields. The irrigation
works in the valleys mentioned probably
indicate greater engineering skill than
any aboriginal remains that have been
discovered n. of Mexico. Several of the
old canal beds have been utilized for
miles by modern ditch builders; in one
instance a saving of $20,000 to $25,000
was effected at the Mormon settlement of
_Mesa, Maricopa co., Ariz., by employing
an ancient acequia that traversed a vol-
eanie knoll for 3 m. and which at one
point was excavated to a depth of 20 to
25 ft in the rock for several hundred feet.
The remains of ditches the building of
which necessitated overcoming similar
though less serious obstacles exist in the
valley of the Rio Verde; and on the Has-
sayampa, N. w. of Phoenix, a canal from
that stream traverses a lava mesa for sey-
eral miles and falls abruptly into a valley
40 or 50 ft. below, the water in its descent
having cut away the rocky mesa walls for
several feet.
Even where the water supply of a
pueblo settlement situated several miles
from a stream was obtained by means
of canals, each house cluster was pro-
vided with a reservoir; and in many
instances through the S. W., reservoirs,
sometimes covering an area measuring 1
m. by $m., designed for the storage of
rain water, were the sole means of water
supply both for domestic purposes and
for irrigation. In the valleys of the Rio
Grande and its tributaries, in New Mex-
ico, $mall reservoirs were the chief means
of supplying water to the ancient villages;
and even to-day only the rudest methods
of irrigation are employed by the Pueblo
tribes. The ancient occupants of Pefias-
co Blanco, one of the Chaco canyon
group of ancient ruins in the Navaho
desert in nN. w. New Mexico, diverted
water from the Chaco by means of a
ditch which supplied a reservoir built in
sand, and partially prevented seepage by
lining its bed with slabs of stonesand clay.
The neighboring pueblos of Una Vida,
Pueblo Bonito, Kinklazhin, Kinbineola,
and Kinyaah, also were artificially pro-
vided with water for irrigation. Kinbi-
nevla, however, exhibits the best example
IRRUPIENS—IRUW AITSU
621
of irrigation works of any of the Chaco
group of villages, water having been
diverted from the sandy wash to a large
natural depression and thence conducted
to the fields, 2m. away, by a ditch dug
around a mesa and. along a series of sand
hills on a fairly uniform grade. This
ditch was mainly earthwork, but where
necessary the lower border was reenforced
with retaining walls of stone. Kinyaah
is said to have been provided with two
large reservoirs and a canal 25 to 30 ft
wide and in places 3 to 4 ft deep.
Hand irrigation is still practised by the
Pueblo Indians. The Zufi women, in
order to raise their small crops of onions,
chile, etc., are obliged to carry water in
jars on their heads, sometimes for several
hundred yards; it is then poured on the
individual plants with a gourd ladle. At
the Middle Mesa villages of the Hopi,
garden patches are watered in much the
same way, except that here the gardens
are within easier reach of the springs and
are irrigated by means of a gourd vessel
fastened to the end of a long pole. Both
the Hopi of to-day and the ancient inhab-
itants of the vicinity of the present Solo-
monville, on the Gila, constructed reser-
voirs on the mesa sides from which ter-
raced gardens below were readilyirrigated,
the reservoirs being supplied by impound-
ing storm water. Throughout the S. W.
where pueblos occupied the summits of
mesas, reservoirs were provided, and
according to tradition some of these were
filled in winter by rolling into them im-
mense snowballs. For hundred of years
the pueblo of Acoma (q. v.) has derived
its entire water supply for domestic pur-
poses from a natural depression in the
rock which receives the rainfall from the
mesa summit. ;
Consult Cushing (1), Zuni Breadstuff,
1884-85, (2) in Compte-rendu Internat.
Cong. Amér., vir, 163, 1890; Fewkes in
22d Rep. B. A. E., 1904; Hewettin Records
of the Past, 1v, no. 9, 1905; Hodge in Am.
Anthrop., v1, 323, 1893; Mindeleff in 13th
Rep. B. A. E., 1896; Wilson in 13th Rep.
U.S. Geol. Surv., 133, 1898. (F. w. H.)
Irrupiens. A village on a river of the
same name, an affluent of Trinity r., Tex.,
at which St Denis and his party stopped
in 1717. Herds of buffalo were encoun-
tered there. The region was in the main
occupied by tribes of the Caddoan family,
but bordered the country occupied by
intrusive tribes of other stocks. Con-
sult Derbanne in Margry, Déc., v1, 204,
1886; La Harpe in French, Hist. Coll.
La., m1, 48, 1851. Cf. Hrvipiames.
(QAScer)
Iruwaitsu (Jruai’tsu, ‘Scott valley peo-
ple’). One of the 4 divisions of the main
body of Shasta, living in Scott valley, Sis-
kiyou co., Cal. In 1851 the entire Indian
622
population of Scott valley occupied 7 vil-
lages and was estimated by Gibbs (School-
craft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 171, 1853) to num-
ber 420. One of these settlements was
apparently Watsaghika.
Iruai’tsu.—R. B. Dixon, inf’n, 1903 (correct name).
V/ruwai.—Curtin, MS. vocab., B. A. ¥., 1885. Scott's
Valley Indians.—McKee (1851) in Sen. Ex. Doe. 4,
32d Cong., spec. sess., 170, 1853. Scott Valley In-
dians.—Steele in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1864, 120, 1865.
Isalwakten. A body of Salish of Fraser
superintendency, Brit. Col.
Isalwakten.—Can. ind. Aff., 79,1878. Isalwalken.—
Tbid., 138, 1879. : f
Isamis. A body of Salish of Fraser
superintendency, Brit. Col.—Can. Ind.
Aff., 78, 1878.
Isamuck. A body of Salish of Fraser
superintendency, Brit. Col.
Isammuck.—Can. Ind. Aff., 138, 1879. Isamuck.—
Ibid., 78, 1878. ;
Isanthcogna. A former Gabrielefio
rancheria in Los Angeles co., Cal., at a
locality later called Mission Vieja.—Ried
(1852) Res, by Hoffman in Bull. Essex
INSt ov els oo.
Isanyati (‘Santee’). A Brulé Sioux
band, probably originally Santee.
Isanyati.—Cleveland quoted by Dorsey in 15th
Rep. B. A. E.; 219, 1897. Isa*yati.—Ibid.
Isfanalgi. An extinct clan oftheCreeks,
said by Gatschet to be seemingly analo-
gous to the Jshpani phratry and clan of
the Chickasaw.
Is-fa-nul/-ke.—Morgan, Anc. Soc., 161, 1877. Ish-
fanalgi.—Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., I, 156, 1884.
Isha. A former populous Chumashan
village near San Pedro, Ventura co., Cal.
I-ca’-—Henshaw, Buenaventura MS. vyocab.,
B. A. E., 1884. :
Ishauu. The Coyote clan of the Hopi.
I’-sau-uh win-wu.—Fewkes in Am. Anthrop., VII,
403, 1894 (wiif-wii=‘elan’). Isaua winwi.—
Fewkes in 19th Rep. B. A. E., 584, 1900. Ish.—
Voth, Oraibi Summer Snake Ceremony, 282, 1903.
I-sha-hue.—Bourke, Snake Dance, 171, 1884. Ish-
awu.—Dorsey and Voth, Oraibi Soyal, 12, 1901.
I’shawuu.—Voth,
Shahue.—Donaldson, Moqui Pueblo Inds., 65, 1893
(misquoting Bourke). :
Ishgua. A former Chumashan village
located by Taylor near the mouth of
Saticoy r., Ventura co., Cal. Perhaps
the same as Isha.
Ishgua.—Taylor in Cal.
Ishguaget.—Ibid. f
Ishipishi. A Karok village on the w.
bank of Klamath r., nN. w. Cal., a mile
above the mouth of the Salmon, opposite
Katimin, and, like it, burned by the
whites in 1852.
Ish-e-pish-e.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Mar. 23,
1860. Ishipishi.—A. L. Kroeber, inf’n, 1904 (Karok
Farmer, July 24, 1863.
name). Isshe-pishe-rah.—Gibbs, MS. Mise., B. A.
E., 1852. Kepar.—Kroeber, inf’n, 1904 (Yurok
name). : ;
Ishpani (‘Spanish’). A Chickasaw
phratry and clan.
Ish-pan-ee.—Morgan, Anc. Soc., 163, 1877. Ish-
I, 96, 1884.
pant .—Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg.,
spani,—Ibid., 156.
Ishtakhechiduba (Icta’ge tei diba, ‘four
white men’s houses’). One of the later
villages occupied by the Kansa in their
migration up Kansas r.—Dorsey, Kansa
MS. vocab., B, A. E., 1885.
ISALWAKTEN—ISLETA
Hopi Proper Names, 81, 1905. -
>
[B. A. DB.
Ishtowa. The extinct Arrow clans of
Sia and San Felipe pueblos, N. Mex.
Ish’to-hano.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., Ix, 348,
1896 (San Felipe form; hdno = ‘people’). tshtéwa-
hano.—Ibid. (Sia form).
Ishtua Yene (Keresan: ishtoa, ‘arrow’).
A place above Santo Domingo, N. Mex.,
whence fled the Cochiti inhabitants of
Kuapa when pursued in prehistoric times
by the mythical Pinini (q. v.), or pyg-
mies, according to San Felipe tradition.
The ‘place isso called on account of nu-
merousarrowpoints found there.—Bande-
lier in Arch. Inst. Papers, tv, 166, 1892.
Isht-ua Yen-e.—Bandelier, op. cit.
Ishtunga (‘right side? ). The name ap-
plied to those divisions of the Kansa
that camped on the right side of the
tribal circle.
Ictunga.—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 230, 1897.
Ishwidip. A Karok village on Klamath
r., Cal., inhabited in 1860.
E- -swhedip. —Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Mar. 23, 1860.
Ishwidip.—A. L. Kroeber, inf’n, 1905.
Isi (a red and white flower). A clan
of San Felipe pueblo, N. Mex., of which
there was but a single survivor in 1895.
V’si-hano. —Hodge in Am. Anthrop., Ix, 350, 1896
(hdno = ‘people’).
Isisokasimiks ( I-sis’-o-kas-im-iks, ‘hair
shirts’). A division of the Kainah.
Hair Shirts.—Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales,
209, 1892. I-sis’-o- kas-im-iks.—Ibid. The Robes
with Hair on the outside.—Culbertson in Smithson.
Rep. 1850, 144, 1851.
Isituchi. A former Aleut village on
Agattu id., Alaska, one of the Near id.
group of the Aleutians, now uninhabited.
Iskulani (‘small’ [people]). A Choc-
taw clan of the Midetes e phratry.—
Morgan, Ane. Soc., , 1878.
Isle aux Tourtes ao ‘turtle-dove
island’). A French Sulpitian mission
station, probably on Ottawa r., Quebec,
begun for the Algonkin and ‘Nipissing
about 1720, butshortly afterward removed.
to Oka, q. v.—Shea, Cath. Miss., 333, 1855.
Isle of St John’s. A village or resort of
a band of Micmac, probably in Nova
Scotia, in 1760.—Frye (1760) in Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., 1st s., x, 115, 1809.
Isleta (Span: ‘islet’, so named from the
location of the old village on a delta or
island between the bed of a mountain
torrent and the Rio Grande. The native
name of the pueblo is Shiewhibak, ‘ knife
laid on the ground to play whib,’ whib be-
ing a native foot race. The name was
perhaps suggested by the knife-like shape
of the lava ridge on which the pueblo is
built.—Lummis). Calapooya.—Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 629,
1882. Yamkally.—Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565,
630, 1882 (bears a certain relationship to Cala-
pooya). ;
Kalashiauu (Ka-lu’-ci-au-u). The Rac-
coon clan of the Chua (Snake) phratry
of the Hopi.—Stephen in 8th Rep. B. A.
IDS, ates WIE
Kalawashuk (Ka-la-wa/-ciik). One of
the Chumashan villages connected with
the former Santa Inez mission, Santa
Barbara co., Cal.—Henshaw, Santa Inez
MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1884.
Kalawatset. A geographical group of
tribes of different families in w. Oregon,
embracing particularly the Coos, Kuitsh,
and Siuslaw.
Kala-Walset.—Mannypenny in H.R. Ex. Doc. 37,
34th Cong., 3d sess., 9,1857. Kalawatset.—Milhau,
MS. vocab. Coast Inds., B.A. E. Kalawatshet.—
Gibbs, MS., B.A.E. Kiliwatsal.—Framboise, quot-
ed by Gairdner (1835) in Jour. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI,
255, 1841. Kiliwatshat.—Hale, Ethnol.and Philol.,
221, 1846. Killawat.—Drake, Bk. Inds., viii, 1848.
Killewatsis.—Armstrong, Oreg., 116, 1857. _ Killi-
washat.—Latham (1853) in Proc. Philol.Soc. Lond.,
VI, 82, 1854. Killiwatshat.—Hamilton quoted by
Gibbs, MS., B.A.E. K’qlo-qwee’yinné.—Dorsey,
MS. Chasta Costa vocab., B. A. E., 1884 (Chasta-
costa name). Ral-la-wat-sets.—Drew in H. R.
Ex. Doc. 93, 34th Cong., 1st sess., 127, 1556.
Kalbauvane. A former Delaware (?)
village on the headwaters of the w.
branch of Susquehanna r., Pa.—Pouchot
map (1758) in N. Y. Doce. Col. Hist., x,
694, 1858.
Kalbusht (‘where the water rolls’).
A former Alsea village on the s. side of
Alsea r., Oreg.
yal/-bict’.—Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, 11,
230, 1890. i ;
Kalekhta. A former Aleut village on
Unalaska, Aleutian ids., Alaska, contain-
ing 14 persons about 1825. }
Kahlechtenskoi.—Elliott, Cond. Aff. Alaska, 225,
1875. Kalaktak.—Coxe, Russian Discov., 167,
1787. Kalechtinskoje.-—Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizz.,
map, 1885. Kalekhtinskoe.—Veniaminofi, Zapis-
ki, 11, 202, 1840.
KALASHIAUU—KALISPEL
[B. A.B.
Kalelk (Ka/-lelk). A former Modoc
settlement on the n. shore of Tule or
Rhett lake, s. w. Oregon.—Gatschet in
Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 11, pt. 1, xx xii, 180.
Kali (‘fishermen’). A Knaiakhotana
clan living on Cook inlet, Alaska.—Rich-
ardson, Arct. Exped., 1, 407, 1851.
Kalignak. A Nushagagmiut village on
a tributary of Nushagak r., Alaska; pop.
91 in 1880.—Petroff, Rep. on Alaska, 47,
1880.
Kaliko. A Yuit Eskimo village on the
Siberian coast £. of Iskagan bay.—Krause
in Deutsche Geog. Blatt.,v, 80, map, 1882.
Kalindaruk (kalin ‘ocean’, ta ‘at’, ruk
‘houses.’—Kroeber). A village near the
mouth of Salinas r., Cal. The name has
been used, whether or not with justifica-
tion, to designate the group of Indians
inhabiting the villageson lower Pajaro r.,
and between it and the Salinas, near the
coast. Indians from this area were takei
both to San Carlos and to San Juan Bau-
tista missions Among the villages at-
tributed to this region are Alcoz, Anim pa-
yamo, Kapanai, Kulul, Lukaiasta, Mus-
tak, Nutnur, Paisin, Poitokwis, Tiubta,
and Ymunakam.
Calendaruc.—Engelhardt, Franciscans in Cal., 398,
1897. Kalindaruk.—A. L. Kroeber, inf’n, 1906
(proper form). Kathlendarue.—Taylor in Cal.
Farmer, Noy. 25, 1860. Katlendarukas.—Ibid.,
Apr. 20, 1860.
Kalispel (popularly known as Pend
d’Oreilles, ‘ear drops’). xi-yuha.—Ibid. Thosethateatcrows.—
Culbertson in Smithson. Rep. 1850, 141, 1851.
652
Kangiartsoak. An Eskimo village and
Danish settlement in w. Greenland, lat.
72° 47’.-—Kane, Arctic Exped., 472, 1854.
Kangidli. An Ita Eskimo village at C.
York, Nn. Greenland.—Stein in Peter-
manns Mitt., rx, map, 1! 02.
Kangigdlek. An Angmagsalingmiut
Eskimo village on Angmagsalik fjord, E.
Greenland, lat. 65° 40’.—Meddelelser om
Gronland, xv1, map, 1896.
Kangikhlukhmut (Kang-ig-alu-q’ mit,
‘head-of-the-rapid-river people’: Kani-
agmiut name). A division of the Ah-
tena at the head of Copper r., Alaska.—
Hotiman, MS. vocab. B. A. E., 1882.
Kangisunka. See Crow Dog.
Kangivamiut (‘people at the head’).
A subtribe of the Sukinimiut Eskimo,
living in the region of George r., N. Lab-
rador.
Kangivamiut.—Boas in 6th Rep. B. A. E., map,
1888. Kan’gikdlua/luksoagmyut.—Turner in 11th
Rep. B. A. E., 176, 1894 (= ‘people of the great bay’ ).
Kiniktlualuksoa*myut.—Turner in Trans. Roy.
Soe. Can., Vv, 99, 1888. ;
Kangmaligmiut (‘distant ones’). An
Arctic Eskimo tribe between Manning pt
and Herschel id. The name has been
attached to different local groups all the
way from Pt Hope to Mackenzie r.
Kadjakians.—Rink in Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Xv, 240,
1886. Kakr a’ kg.—Zagoskin, Descr. Russ. Poss.
Am., pt. I, 74, 1847. Kangiugdlit.—Rink, op. cit.,
240. Kangmuli-enyui .—Richardson, Polar Re-
gions, 300, 1861. Kangmaligmeut.—Murdoch in
Ninth Rep. B. A. E., 46, 1892. Kangmali’gmut,—
Dallin Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 10,1877. Kangmali-
innuin.—Simpson quoted by Dall, ibid. Ka gma-
lik,—Woolfe in 11th Census, Alaska, 130, 18938.
K ngnialis.—Keane in Stanford, Compend., 517,
1878. Kanmali-enyuin.—Murdoch in 9th Rep. B.
A. E., 46,1892. Kanmi/d’lin.—Ibid., 43,46. W stern
Mackenzie Innuit.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol.,
T, 12, 1877 (collective term including Kopagmiut
and Kangmaligmiut). :
Kangormiut (‘goose people’). A tribe
of Central Eskimo living in Victoria land.
Kang-orr-Meoot.—Franklin, Journ. to Polar Sea,
II, 43, 1824. Kang-or-mi-ut.—Richardson, Arct.
Exped., I, 362, 1851. Kanp-meut.—Petitot in Bib.
Ling. et .hnol. Am., 11, 11, 1876 (Chiglit name).
White-Goose Eskimos.—Franklin, op. cit., 42.
Kanhada (G‘anhdda, meaning obscure).
One of the 4 clans or phratries into which
all Indians of the Chimmesyan stock are
divided. It is also applied specifically
to various local subdivisions of the clan.
One such is found in the Niska town of
Lakku'zap and one in each of the Kitk-
san towns—Kitwingach, Kitzegukla, and
Kishpiyeoux.—Boas in 10th Rep. N. W.
Tribes Can., 49-50, 1895.
Kanhanghton. A former Delaware vil-
lage about the mouth of Chemung r., in
the n. part of Bradford co., Pa. It was
destroved by the Iroquois in 1764 on
account of the hostility of its inhabitants
to the whites.—Johnson (1764) in N. Y.
Doc. Col. Hist., vi, 625, 1856.
Kaniagmiut (‘people of Kodiak’). The
largest and most powerful Eskimo tribe
on the Alaskan coast, inhabiting Kodiak
id. and the mainland from Iliamna lake
KANGIARTSOAK—KANNEHOUAN
[B. A. E.
to Ugashik r., the s. coast to lon. 159° w.
The tribe numbered 1,154in 1890. Their
villages are Afognak, Aiaktalik, Akhiok,
Aleksashkina, Alexandrovsk, Ashivak,
Chiniak, Fugitive, Igak, Iliamna, Kagu-
yak, Kaluiak, Kanatak, Karluk, Katmai,
Kattak, Kiliuda, Kodiak, Kuiukuk,
Kukak, Liesnoi, Mitrofania, Nauklak,
Nunamiut, Nuniliak, Orlova, Ostrovki,
Seldovia, Sutkum, Three Saints, Uganik,
Uhaiak, Uhaskek, Ukshivikak, Uyak,
Uzinki, Yalik, and Yelovoi.
Achkugmjuten.—Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizz., 4, 1855
(applied to Aglemiut and Kaniagmiut by the
people of Norton sd.;=‘ inhabitants of the warm
country’). Kadiagmuts.—Am. Nat., XV, 156, 1881.
Kadjacken.—Wrangell, Ethnol. Nach., 117, 1839.
Kanagist.—Coxe, Russ. Disc., 185, 1787. Kaniag’-
mut.—Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 20, 1877.
Kaniagmut.—Rink, Eskimo Tribes, 32, 1887.
Kinaghi.— Morse, Syst. of Mod. Geog., I, 74, 1814.
Konagens.—Drake, Bk. of Inds., viii, 1848.
Konagis.—Latham in Jour. Ethnol. Soc. Lond.,
I, 183, 1848. Konasgi.—Prichard, Phys. Hist.,
Man, 371, 1847. Koniagi.—Humboldt, New Spain,
II, 392. 1811. Koniagmutes.—Dall in Proc. Am. A.
A. S., XvitI, 267, 1870. Konjagen.—Holmberg,
Ethnog. Skizz.,4, 1855. Southern Eskimos.—Form
used by various English writers.
Kanig. A former Chnagmiut village on
the n. bank of Yukon r., Alaska, near its
mouth.
Kanig-miout.—Zagoskin in Nouy. Ann. Voy.,
5th s., XXI, map, 1850. Kanygmjut.—Holmberg,
Ethnog. Skizz., map, 1855.
Kanikaligamut (Ka/ni-qa-li-ga-mut,
‘people close to the river’: Chugachig-
miut name). Anunidentified division of
the Knaiakhotana living on Cook inlet,
Alaska.—Hoffman, MS., B. A. E., 1882.
Kanikluk, A Chugachigmiut village on
the n. shore of Prince William sd., Alaska;
pop. 54 in 1880, 73 in 1890.
Kanikhluk.—Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska, 29,
1884. Kanikluk.—Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 229,
1902.
Kanlax (Nxd’isten, ‘the point’). An
Upper Lillooet town at the junction of
Bridge and Fraser rs., interior of British
Columbia; pop. 104 in 1904.
Bridge river.—Can. Ind. Aff. Rep. 1904, pt. 2, 72,
1905. Kan-lax’.—Dawson in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.
for 1891, sec. 11, 44. Nx0/isten.—Boas, ini’n, 1906.
Kanna (‘eel’). Aclanof the Tuscarora.
According to Morgan (League Iroq., 70,
1877) an Kel clan is found among the Tus-
carora, the Onondaga, and the Cayuga.
Eel.—Morgan, op. cit. Ka’»/-né.—Hewitt, inf’n,
1886 (Tuscarora lonay
Kannawalohalla (‘a head fastened to the
end of an object.’—Hewitt). An Iroquois
village on the site of Elmira, N. Y.,
which was destroyed by Sullivan in Aug.,
1779.—Jour. Mil. Exped. Gen. Sullivan
(1779), 232, 1887.
Kannehouan. Anunidentified tribe, pos-
sibly of Caddoan affinity, heard of by La
Salle’s party in 1687 as living to the w.
or N. w. of Matigne (Colorado) r., Tex.
Cf. Cahinnio, Kanohatino.
Caniouis —Alcedo, Dic. Geog., 1, 341, 1786 (possibly
identical). Cannaha.—Joutel (1687)in Margry, Déc.,
11, 409, 1878. Cannahios.—Ibid. Cannehovanes.—
Bareia, Ensayo, 271, 1723. Kannehonan.—Joutel
(1687), Jour. Voy., 90, 1719. Kannehouan.—Joutel
——
BULL. 30]
(1687) in Margry, Déc., 111, 288, 1878. Kaouanoua.—
17th cent. Doc.in Margry, ibid.,602. Ouanahinan.—
De l’Isle, map (1703) in Winsor, Hist. Am., 1,
294, 1886 (possibly identical; misprint O for C).
Quayneos.—Jefferys, Am. Atlas, map 5, 1776. Ta-
hiannihoug.—Joutel (1687) in Margry, Déc., 111, 409,
1878.
Kanohatino (‘red river’). The Caddo
name for the Red r. of Louisiana, and,
according to Gatschet, for the Colorado r.
of Texas. It was supposed by the com-
panions of La Salle to be the name of a
tribe encountered by them in the neigh-
borhood of the Colorado or the Brazos.
From the alternative name given, ‘‘Ay-
ano,’”’ or ‘‘Ayona,”’ it has been errone-
ously assumed that this tribe was the
Hainai. ‘‘Ayano,’’ however, is evidently
the general Caddo word for ‘‘man.’’ Al-
though a Caddo tribe may have been liy-
ing or camping in the region indicated
when La Salle passed, the fact that they
were not mentioned when Leén advanced
to the Caddo country a few years later
would seem to discredit the theory. The
only alternative supposition is that the
Wichita or one of their branches, the
Tawakoni or the Waco, were camping
considerably to the s. of their customary
habitat at thattime. This would explain
the warfare that was found to exist be-
tween the Caddo and the Kanohatino in
which some of La Salle’s former compan-
ions took part. (aes SE)
Aiano.—Barcia, Ensayo, 271,1723. Ayano.—Joutel
(1687) in Margry, Déc., 11, 299, 1878. Ayona.—
Joutel in French, Hist. Coll. La., 1, 188, 1846. Can-
atino.—Anville, map N. Am., 1752. Cannohatin-
no.—Joutel (1687) in Margry, Déc., 111, 299, 1878.
Cannohatino.—Barcia, Ensayo, 271, 17238. Canno-
kantimo,—Joutel (1687) in French, Hist. Coll. La.,
TI, 148, 1846. Canoatinno,—Joutel (1687) in Margry,
Déc., 111, 409, 1878. Canoatinos.—Iberville (1700),
ibid., 1v, 374, 1880. Canohatinno,—Shea, Early
Voy., 36, note, 1861. Canchatino,—Joutel, Jour.
Voy., 90,1719. Canouhanans,—Baudry desLoziéres,
Voy. a la Le., 212, 1802. Conoatinos.—Bienville
(1700) in Margry, Déc., Iv, 442, 1880. Kanaatino,—
Brion de la Tour, Carte Gen. des Col. Angl., 1781.
Kanoatinas.—Boudinot, Star in the West, 127, 1816.
Kanoatinnos.—Hennepin, New Discov., pt. 2, 32,
1698. Kanoatino,—Le Page du Pratz (1757), Hist.
La., map, 1774. Kano Hatino.—Mooney, inf’n
(Caddo: ‘red river’). Kanoutinoa.—Cavelier
(1688) in Shea, Early Voy., 36, 186]. Konatines.—
Coxe, Carolana, map, 1741. Konoatinnos.—Ibid.,
38. Quanoatinno.—Douay (ca. 1688) in Shea, Dis-
cov., 211, 1852. Quanoatinos.—McKenney and
Hall, Ind, Tribes, 111, 81, 1854. Quanoouatinos.—
Tonti (1690) in French, Hist. Coll. La., 1, 76, 1846.
Quanouatins.—Ibid., 74. Quoanantino.—Barcia,
Ensayo, 302, 1723. Quonantino.—McKenney and
Hall, Ind. Tribes, 111, 87, 1854. Quonoatinnos.—
Coxe, Carolana, 33, 1741.
Kansa. A southwestern Siouan tribe;
one of the five, according to Dorsey’s
arrangement, of the Dhegiha group.
Their linguistic relations are closest with
the Osage, and are close with the Quapaw.
In the traditional migration of the group,
after the Quapaw had first separated
therefrom, the main body divided at the
mouth of Osage r., the Osage moving up
that stream and the Omaha and Ponca
crossing Missouri r. and proceeding
northward, while the Kansa ascended
KANOHATINO—KANSA
653
the Missouri on the s. side to the mouth
of Kansasr. Here a brief halt was made,
after which they ascended the Missouri
on thes. side until they reached the pres-
ent N. boundary of Kansas, where they
were attacked by the Cheyenne and com-
pelled to retrace their steps. They set-
tled again at the mouth of Kansas r.,
where the Big Knives, as they called the
whites, came with gifts and induced them
to go farther w. The native narrators of
this tradition give an account of about
20 villages occupied successively along
Kansas r. before the settlement at Council
~
(KAKEBASHA)
Grove, Kans., whence they were finally
removed to their reservation in Indian
Ter. Marquette’s autograph map, drawn
probably as early as 1674, places the
Kansa a considerable distance directly
w. of the Osage and some distance s. of
the Omaha, indicating that they were
then on Kansas r. The earliest recorded
notice of the Kansai; by Juan de Ofnate,
who went from San Gabriel, N. Mex., in
1601, till he met the ‘‘ Escansaques,’’ who
lived 100 leagues to the n. E., near the
“*Panana,’”’ or Pawnee. It is known that
the Kansa moved up Kansas r. in historic
KANSA.
654
times as far as Big Blue r., and thence
went to Council Grove in 1847. The
move to the Big Blue must have taken
place after 1723, for at that date Bourg-
mont speaks of the large village of the
Quans (Kanga) as on a small river flow-
ing from the n. 30 leagues above Kansas
r.and near the Missouri. The village of
the Missouri tribe was then 30 leagues
below Kansas r. and 60 leagues from the
Quans village. Iberville estimated them
at 1,500 families in 1702. A treaty of
peace and friendship was made with
them by the United States, Oct. 28, 1815.
They were then on Kansas r. at the
mouth of Saline r., having been forced
back from the Missouri by the Dakota.
They occupied 130 earth lodges, and their
number was estimated at 1,500. Accord-
ing to Lewis and Clark, they resided in
1804 on Kansas r., in two villages, one
about 20 and the other 40 leagues from its
mouth, with a population of 300 men.
These explorers say that they formerly
lived on the s. bank of Missouri r. about
24 leagnes above the mouth of the Kan-
sas, and were more numerous, but were
reduced by the attacks of the Sauk and
the Iowa. O’ Fallon estimated their num-
ber in 1822 at 1,850. By the treaty of St
Louis, June 3, 1825, they ceded to the
United States their lands in n. Kansas
and s. ©. Nebraska, and relinquished all
claims they might have to lands in Mis-
souri, but reserving for their use a tract
on Kansas r. Here they were subject to
attacks by the Pawnee, and on their hunts
by other tribes, whereby their number
was considerably reduced. Porter esti-
mated their number in 1829 at 1,200; ac-
cording to the Report of the Indian Office
for 1843 the population was 1,588. By
treaty at Methodist Mission, Kans., Jan.
14, 1846, they ceded to the United States
2,000,000 acres of the &. portion of their
reservation, and a new reservation was
assigned them at Council Grove, on Neo-
sho r., Morris co., Kans., where they
remained until 1873. As this tract was
overrun by settlers, it was sold, and with
the funds another reservation was bought
for them in Indian Ter. next to the
Osage; with the exception of 160 acres,
reserved for school purposes, all their
lands have now been allotted in severalty.
The population diminished from about
1,700 in 1850 to 209 in 1905, of whom
only about 90 were full-bloods. Much of
this decrease has been due to epidemics.
In the winter of 1852-53 smallpox alone
carried off more than 400 of the tribe at
Council Grove.
The Kansa figured but slightly in the
history of the country until after the
beginning of the 19th century, and
they never played an important part in
frontier affairs. During the 26 years
KANSA
[B. A. E.
which the Kansa spent at Council Grove,
efforts were made to civilize them, but
with little success. Mission schools were
conducted by the Methodists in 1850-54,
and by the Quakers in 1869-73, but
the conservatism of the tribesmen pre-
vented the attendance of the children,
believing it to be degrading and ruinous
to Indian character to adopt the white
man’s ways. According to T. S. Huff-
aker, who lived among them, chiefly as
teacher, from 1850 to 1873, only one In-
dian of the tribe was converted to Chris-
tianity during .that period, while the
influence of frontier settlers and traders,
with the introduction of liquor, stood in
the way of the good that the schools
might otherwise have accomplished.
While at Council Grove they subsisted
largely by hunting the buffalo, until the
extinction of the herds, when they took
up desultory farming under the instruc-
tion of Government teachers, because
driven to it by necessity; but the houses
erected by the Government for their use
they refused to occupy, regarding their
own lodges as more healthful and com-
fortable (G. P. Morehouse, inf’n, 1906).
Say’s account, perhaps the most accu-
rate of the earlier notices (Long, Exped.
Rocky Mts., 1823), describes the ordi-
nary dress of the men as consisting of a
breech-clout of blue or red cloth secured
in its place by a girdle, leggings and
moccasins without ornamentation, and a
blanket thrown over the shoulders. The
hair of the chiefs and warriors, except a
small lock at the back, was scrupulously
removed. The dress of the females con-
sisted of a piece of cloth secured at the
waist by a girdle, the sides meeting on
the outside of the right thigh, the whole
extending downward to the knee. In
cold weather or for full dress a similar
piece of cloth was thrown over the left
shoulder, and leggings of cloth, with a
broad protecting border on the outside,
and moccasins were worn. They were
cultivators of the soil. Tattooing was
formerly practised to a limited extent.
The chastity of the females was guard-
ed to a greater extent than was usual
among the western tribes. The mode of
constructing their principal permanent
dwellings is described by Say as follows:
‘‘The roof is supported by two series of
pillars, or rough vertical posts, forked at
top for the reception of the transverse
connecting pieces of each series; 12 of
these posts form the outer series, placed
in a circle; and 8 longer ones, the inner
series, also describing a circle; the outer
wall, of rude frame-work, placed a proper
distance from the exterior series of pil-
lars, is 5 or 6 ft high. Poles as thick
as the leg at base rest with their butts
upon the wall, extending on the cross-
?
BULL. 30]
pieces, which are upheld by the pillars
of the two series, and are of sufficient
length to reach nearly to the summit.
These poles are very numerous, and,
agreeably to the position which we have
indicated, they are placed ali round in
a radiating manner, and support the roof
like rafters. Across these are laid long
and slender sticks or twigs, attached par-
allel to each other by means of bark cord;
these are covered by mats made of long
grass, or reeds, or with the bark of trees;
the whole is then covered completely
over with earth, which, near the ground,
is banked up to the eaves. A hole is
permitted to remain in the middle of the
roof to give exit to the smoke [see Earth
lodge]. Around the walls of the interior a
continuous series of mats are suspended;
these are of neat workmanship, composed
ofasoftreed united by bark cord instraight
or undulated lines, between which lines
of black paint sometimes occur. The
bedsteads are elevated to the height of a
common seat from the ground, and are
about 6 ft wide; they extend in an un-
interrupted line around three-fourths of
the circumference of the apartment, and
are formed in the simplest manner of
numerous sticks or slender pieces of
wood, resting at their ends on cross-
pieces, which are supported by short
notched or forked posts driven into the
ground; bison skins supply them with a
comfortable bedding.’’ Restriction of
marriage according to gentes has always
been strictly observed by the Kansa.
When the eldest daughter of a family
married, she controlled the lodge, her
mother, and all her sisters, the latter be-
ing always the wives of the same man.
On the death of the husband the widow
became the wife of his eldest brother with-
out ceremony; if there was no brother the
widow was left free to select her next hus-
band.
The Kansa gentes as given by Dorsey
(15th Rep. B. A. E., 230, 1897) are: 1,
Manyinka (earth lodge); 2, Ta (deer); 3,
Panka/( Ponca); 4, Kanze(Kansa); 5, Wa-
sabe (black bear); 6, Wanaghe (ghost);
7, Kekin (carries a turtle on his back); 8,
Minkin (carries the sun on his back); 9,
Upan (elk); 10, Khuya (white eagle);
11, Han (night); 12, Ibache (holds the
firebrand to sacred pipes); 18, Hanga-
tanga (large Hanga); 14, Chedunga (buf-
falo bull); 15, Chizhuwashtage (Chizhu
peacemaker); 16, Lunikashinga(thunder-
being people). These gentes constitute
7 phratries.
The following were some of the Kansa
villages, their names having been gained
chiefly through the investigations of Rev.
J. O. Dorsey. but in only a few cases are
their locations known: Bahekhube, Che-
ghulin (2), Djestyedje, Gakhulin, Gakhu-
KANSA
655
linulinbe, Igamansabe, Inchi, Ishtakhe-
chiduba, Manhazitanman, Manhazulin,
Manhazulintanman, Manyinkatuhuudje,
Neblazhetama, Niudje, Padjegadjin, Pa-
sulin, Tanmangile, Waheheyingetseyabe,
Wazhazhepa, Yuzhemakancheubukhpa-
ye, Zandjezhinga, Zandjulin, and Zha-
nichi.
Alaho.—Mooney, inf’n (Kiowa name). Ansaus.—
Trumbull, Ind. Wars, 185, 1851 (misprint). Can-
ceze.—Coues; Lewis and Clark Exped., I, xxv,
note, 1893. Cancezs.—Lewis (1806) in Orig. Jour.
Lewis and Clark, vil, 336, 1905. Can hez.—Le
Page Du Pratz, Hist. La., 11, 251, 1758. Canips.—
Lewis, Trav., 3, 1809. Cans.—Maximilian, Trav.,
119, 1843 (so called by the French). C nsa.—Har-
ris, Vo... and Trav., I, map, 685, 1705. Canses.—
Smith, Bouquet Exped., 70, 1766. Cansés.—Iber-
ville (1702) in Margry, Déc., Iv, 601, 1880. Can-
sez.—Charlevoix, Voy. N. Am., Il, 168, 1766.
Canzas.—Le Page Du Pratz, Hist. La., 301, 1774.
Canzés.—Bienville (1722) in Margry, Déc., VI, 387,
1886. Canzez.—Le Page Du Pratz, Hist. La., I, 324,
1758. Caugh.—Whitehouse (1804) in Orig. Jour.
Lewis and Clark, vil, 40, 1905. Cauzes.—Trum-
bull, Ind. Wars, 185, 1851. Caw.—Farnham, Tray.
West. Prairies, 14, 1843. Ercansaques.—Salmeron
quoted by Dunbarin Mag. Am. Hist., rv, 280, 1880.
Escanjaques.— Vetancurt (1693), Teatro Mex., II,
303, repr. 1871. Escansaques.—Zarate-Salmeron
(ca. 1629), Relacion, in Land of Sunshine, 45, Dec.
1899 (the original form of thisname; possibly the
Kansa). E canxaques.—Shea (1662), Penalosa, 29,
1882 (supposed by Shea to be Comanche). Es-
quansaques.—Ladd, Story of N. Mex., 109, 1891.
Estanxaques.—Shea, Penalosa, 83, 1882. Excan-
jaque.—Zarate-Salmeron quoted by Bancroit,
Nat. Races, I, 599, 1882 Excausaquex.—Colum-
bus Memor., 157, 1893 (misprint). Hutanga.—
Dorsey, Kansa MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1882 (own
name). Ka Anjou.—Bowen, Am. Discoy. by the
Welsh, 92, 1876. Ka Anzou.—Ibid. (called Chick-
asaw name; trans. ‘first men’). Kah.—Orig.
Jour. Lewis and Clark, vi, 81, 1905 (given as
French traders’ name). Kah.—Lewis and Clark,
Discoy., 18, 1806. Kamse.—N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
1X, 1057, 1855. Kancas.—La Potherie, Hist. Am.,
II, 271, 1753. Kancés.—Du Lac, Voy. dans les
Louisianes, vi, 1805. Kans.—Pike, Exped., 123,
1810. Kansa.—Ex. Doc. 56, 18th Cong., 1st sess, 9,
1824. Kanse.—Coxe, Carolana, 11, 1741. Kan-
sas.—Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark (1804), 1, 60, 1904.
Kansé.—La Harpe (1722) in Margry, Déc., v1, 365,
1886. Katsé.—Dorsey, Osage MS. vocab., B. A. E.,
1883 (Osage and Quapaw name). Kanses.—Iber-
ville(1702)in Margry, Déc., Iv, 599, 1880. Kansez.—
Anville,mapN.Am.,1752. Kansies.—Schoolcraft,
Ind. Tribes, 111, 557, 1853. Kantha.—Hamilton in
Trans. Nebr. Hist. Soc., I, 73, 1885 (lowa name).
Kants.—Smet, Oregon Miss., 161, 1847. Kanzas.—
Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark (1804), I, 67, 1904.
Kanzeis.— Whitehouse (1805), ibid., v11, 189, 1905.
Kanzes.—Lewisand Clark, ibid., v1, 84. Kar’-sa.—
Lewisand' lark, Discoy., 13, 1806. Karsea.—Orig.
Jour. Lewis and Clark, v1, 84, 1905 (given as their
own name). Kasas.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1,
37,1853. Kathagi—Gatschet, MS., B. A. E. (Shaw-
neename). Kausas.—Dorsey in Am. Antiq., I, 186,
1879 (misprint). Ka: zau.—M’Coy, Ann. Reg., no.
2, 4, 1836. Kaws.—Gregg, Commerce of Prairies,
I, 41, 1844.. Kaw’-sé.—Huffaker (1878), inf’n com-
municated by G. P. Morehouse, 1906 (own name).
Kaw’/-za.— Morgan, Ane. Soc., 156, 1877. Konaz—.
Latham, Philol. and Ethnol. Essays, 296, 1860
(misprint). Konsa.—Gatschet, Kaw vocab., 27,
B. A. E., 1878. Kon-ses.—Hunter, Captiv. among
Inds., 18, 123. Konza.—Maximilian Tray., 119,
1843. Korzas.—Long, Exped. Rocky Mts., I, 111,
1823. Les pancaké.—Shea, Pefialosa, 21, note, 1882
(=Les kanvaké=Escanxaques). Mohtawas.—ten
Kate, Reizen in N. Am., 388, 1885 (Comanche
name). Motawas.—ten Kate, Synonymie, 9, 1884
(Comanche name: ‘ without a lock of hair on the
forehead’). Okames.—MorganinN. Am. Rev., 45,
1870. Okams.—N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 1X, 1057, 1855.
Okanis.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, I, 557, 1853.
656
Quans.—Bourgmont (1723) in Margry, Dée., v1,
393, 1886. Ukasa.—Gatschet, MS., B. A. E. (Fox
name). Ukasak.—Ibid.
The
Kansaki (Gdnsd/gi, Gdnsd/giyi) .
name of several distinct Cherokee settle-
ments: (1) on Tuckasegee r., a short dis-
tance above the present Webster, in
Jackson co., N. C.; (2) on the lower part
of Canasauga cr., in McMinn co., Tenn.;
(3) at the junction of Conasauga and
Coosawatee rs., where afterward was situ-
ated the Cherokee capital, New Echota,
in Gordon co., Ga.; (4) mentioned in the
De Soto narratives as Canasoga or Cana-
sagua, in 1540, on Chattahoochee r., pos-
sibly in the neighborhood of Kenesaw
mtn., Ga. (J. M.)
Canasagua.—Gentl. of Elvas (1557) in HakInytSoe.
Pub., 1X, 61,1851. Canasauga.—Royce in 5th Rep.
B. A. E., map, 1887. Gansa’gi,—Mooney in 19th
Rep. B. A. E.,518, 1900. Gansagiyi.—Ibid.
Kanse (‘Kansa’). The 14th Hangka
Osage gens and 7th on the right side of
the tribal circle. See Kanze.
A’k'a iniyak ‘aci»’a.—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E.,
234, 1797 (‘south wind people’). I/dats‘é.—Ibid.
(‘holds a firebrand to the sacred pipes to light
them’). Kansa.—Ibid. Ka»’se.—Ibid. Pe’4se
i/niyk‘aci"’a.—Ibid. (‘fire people’). Taqse/ i/n-
igqk'‘ac »’a.—Ibid. (‘wind people’).
Kantico, Kanticoy. See Cantico.
Kanulik, A Nushagagmiut Eskimo vil-
lage on the left bank of Nushagak r., near
its mouth, in Alaska; pop. 142 in 1880, 54
in 1890.
Kanoolik.—Petroff, Rep. on Alaska, 47, 1880. Ka-
nulik.—Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska, 17, 1884.
Karulik.—Elliott, Our Arct. Proy., map, 1886.
Kanutaluhi (Kanwtdli/hi, ‘dogwood
place’). A Cherokee settlement in Nn.
Georgia about the period of the removal
of the tribe in 1839. (J. M.)
Kanuti. A Koyukukhotana village on
Koyukuk r., Alaska, lat. 66° 18’, with 13
inhabitants in 1885.
Kanuti.—Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1902.
nodtena.—Allen, Rep. Alaska, 97, 1887.
Kanwaiakaku (Kan-wai/-a-ka-ku). ape tata in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 234, 1897.
a’xe.—Ibid. (‘upper-world people’). Niy’ka
mL (‘mysterious male being’).
Thunder People.—Dorsey in Am. Nat., 114, 1584.
ct aap 4 in 15th Rep., op cit. (‘camp
ast’). .
Ke. The Bear clan of the Tewa pueblo
of Nambe, N. Mex., and of Hano, Ariz.
Cac.—Stephen in 8th Rep. B. A. E., 39, 1891 (Navaho
name). Ho/-nau.—Ibid.(Hopiname). Ke.—Ibid.
(Tewaname). Ke-tdéa.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop.,
Ix, 349, 1896 (Nambe form; tdéa=‘ people’).
Ke’-to-wa.—Fewkesin Am. Anthrop., VII, 166, 1894.
Kechayi. A divisionof the Yokuts, for-
merly livingon San Joaquin r., Cal.
Kechayi.—A. L. Kroeber, int’n, 1906. Kech-eel,—
Ind. Aff. Rep., 223, 1851 (same?).
Kechemeches. A division of the New
Jersey Delawares mentioned by Evelin
(Proud, Pa., 1, 113, 1797; Smith, Hist.
N. J., 29, 1765, rep. 1890) as living in
1648 in the s. part of the state, at the
mouth of Delaware r., and numbering 50
men. Some old authorities locate here
the Naraticon.
Kechemudluk. A Kevalingamiut vil-
lage at C. Seppings on the Arctic coast of
Alaska; pop. 50 in 1880.
Cape Sepping.—Petroff, Rep. on Alaska, 59, 1900.
Cape Seppings.—Nelson in 18th Rep. B. A. E., map,
1899. Kechemudluk.—Hydrog. chart cited by
Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 115, 1902. Kivalinge.—
Eleventh Census, Alaska, 162, 1893.
KAYGEN—KEGI
[B. A. B.
Kechepukwaiwah. A former Chippewa
village on a lake of the same name, near
Chippewa r., Wis.—Warren (1852) in
Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll., v, 314, 1885.
Kechipauan (‘town of the spread-out
grit’; evidently referring to the sandstone
mesa). A former pueblo of the Zufi on
a mesa E. of Ojo Caliente, or Kyapkwaina-
kwin, 15m. s. w. of Zuri pueblo, N. Mex.
According to Cushing it was called also
Kyanawe, which Bandelier identifies with
the Canahki of Ofiate in 1598, and therefore
regards it as one of the Seven Cities of
Cibola of Marcos de Niza and Coronado in
1539-42. Spanish Franciscans evidently
began the establishment of a mission at
this pueblo, probably in 1629, when the
first missionaries resided among the Zuiii,
but judging from the character of the
church building, the walls of which are
still standing, it was never finished. See
Mindeleff in 8th Rep. B. A. E., 81, 1891,
and authorities cited below. (F. W. H.)
Canabe.—Cushing in Compte-rendu Internat.
Cong. Am., VIT, 156, 1890 (misprint of early Span-
ish form). Canabi.—Ofiate (1598) in Doc. Inéd.,
XVI, 133, 1871. Chaa-a-hue.—Bandelier in Arch.
Inst. Papers, IT, 183, 1890. Cayanahue.—Ibid., v,
171, 1891; Iv, 338, 1.92. Chyanaue.—Ibid., III, 133,
note, 1890. Chek-e-pa-wha.—Fowkesin Jour. Am,
Eth. and Arch.,1,101,1891. Eé tehi-na.—Cushing
in Millstone, 1x, 55, Apr. 1884. Ketchip-2-huan.—
Bandelic rin 10th Rep. Arch. Inst. Am., 197, 1889.
Ketchip-a-uan.—Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers,
III, 133, 1890; Iv, 329, 1892; v, 171, 1591 (recored as
distinct from Kyanawe). Kia’anaan.—ten Kate,
Reizen in N. A., 291, 1885. Kida-na-wa.—Cushing
in Millstone, rx, 55, Apr. 1884. K’; a-na-wo.—
Cushing in Compte-rendu Internat. Cong. Am.,
vil, 156, 1890. Viliage of Odd Waters.—Cushing,
Zuni Folk-tales, 104, 1901 (possibly identical).
Kecoughtan. A small tribe of the Pow-
hatan confederacy residing in 1607 at the
mouth of James r., in what is now Eliz-
abeth City co., Va. According to Capt.
John Smith their fighting men did not
exceed 20.—Smith (1629), Hist. Va., 1,
116, map, repr. 1819.
Keda-lanas (Q/é/da la/nas, ‘strait peo-
ple’). A subdivision of the Hagi-lanas,
a family of Ninstints belonging to the
Raven clan of the Haida. They re-
ceived their name from a narrow strait in
frontof the town.—Swanton, Cont. Haida,
268, 1905.
Kedlamik (Qé/ramix, ‘broad patch of
bushes’). An Okinagan village near Ni-
cola lake, Brit. Col.
Lkatamix.—Teit in Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 11,
174, 1900. Gé/tarix,—Ibid.
Keeches. Mentioned by Barbour (Sen.
Ex. Doe. 4, 32d Cong., spec. sess., 61, 1853)
as a hostile tribe living N. and ©. of San
Joaquin r., among the foot-hills of the
Sierra Nevada, on the headwaters of the
Tuolumne, Merced, and Mariposa rs.,
Cal., in 1851. It was probably of Moque-
lumnan stock.
Kegi. The House clan of the Tewa of
Hano pueblo, n. E. Ariz.
Ke’gi.—Stephen in 8th Rep. B. A. E., 39, 1391.
Ki-a/-ni.—Ibid. (Navaho name). Ki/-hu.—lbid.
(Hopi name).
BULL. 30]
Kegiktowrigemiut (Kégiktowrig/emit).
A subdivision of the Unaligmiut Eskimo
whose chief village is Kiktaguk.—Dall in
Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 17, 1877.
Keguayo. A pueblo built, occupied,
and abandoned by the Nambe tribe prior
to the Spanish advent in the 16th cen-
tury. Situated in the vicinity of the
Chupaderos, a cluster of springs in a
mountain gorge, about 4 m. &. of Nambe
pueblo, n. N. Mex.—Bandelier in Arch.
Inst. Papers, 1v, 84, 1892.
Kehsidatsoos ( Keh-sid-ats-oos). A for-
mersummer village of the Makah of Wash-
ington.—Gibbs, MS. 248, B. A. E.
Kein (‘turtle carriers,’ because they
have the ceremonies connected with the
turtle.—Fletcher). A subgens of the
Dhatada gens of the Omaha.
Kaetage.—balbi, Atlas Ethnog., 56, 1826. Ka-e-
ta-je.—Long, Exped. Rocky Mts., Ty, 02%, 1823
(‘those who do not touch turtles’). ’Ka’-ih.—-Mor-
gan, Anc. Soc., 155, 1877. yge‘i.—Dorsey in 15th
Rep. B. A. E,, 226, 1897.
Keinouche ( K indzhii”, ‘pickerel’). One
of the divisions or chief bands of the
Ottawa, q. v.. The Jesuit Relation of 1640
locates them at that time, under the name
Kinounchepirini, s. of the Isle of the
Algonquins (Allumette id.) in Ottawa r.
This would place them, if taken literally,
some distance EF. of L. Huron: but as the
knowledge then possessed by ‘the French
was very impertect, it is probable that
the Relation of 1643, which places them
on L. Huron, is more nearly correct. In
1658 they appear to have lived along then.
shore of the lake. Between 1660-70 they,
with the Kiskakon and Sinago, were
attached to the mission at Shaugawaumi-
kong (now Bayfield), on the s. shore of
L. Superior. It is probable, however, that
at the time of Father Menard’s visit, in
1660, they were at Keweenaw bay, Mich.
In 1670-71 they returned to Mackinaw,
some passing on to Manitoulin id.; but it
is probable that the latter, or a part of
them, were included in the Sable band,
q. Vv. (Geena ACD)
Keinouché.—Jes. Rel. 1670, 87, 1858. Kinonche-
jirinik.—Ibid., 1658, 22, 1858. ’Kinonchepirinik.—
bid., 1643, 61, 1558. Kinouché.— Marquette ( (1670)
quoted by ‘Shea, Miss. Val., xlix, 1852. Kinouche-
biiriniouek.—Jes. Rel. 1646, 34, 1858. | Kinounche-
pirini.—Ibid., 1640, 34, 18:8. Quenongebin. —Cham-
plain (1613), (Euvres, IIT, 298, 1870.
Kekayeken (Kk eka /yék'cn). ASongish
division residing between Esquimalt and
Beecher bay, s. end of Vancouver id.—
Boas in 6th Rep. N. W. Tribes Can., 17,
1890.
Kekelun (A‘é’kelun). A Squawmish
village community on the w. side of Howe
sd., Brit. Col.—Hill-Tout in Rep. Brit.
Bed. 8. , 474, 1900.
Kekertakdjuin (Qegertagdjuin, ‘big
island’). A spring settlement of Padli-
miut Iskimo at the end of Howe bay,
Baffin land.—Boas in 6th Rep. B. A. E.,
map, 1888.
KEGIKTOW RIGEMIUT—KELE
671
Kekertarsuarak. An Eskimo village on
an islet off the s. w. coast of Greenland,
lat. 60° 50’.—Meddelelser om Gronland,
XVI, map, 1896.
Kekertaujang (Qegeriawjang, ‘like an
island’). A winter village of the Sau-
mingmiut, a subtribe of the Okomiut
Eskimo, on Cumberland penin., Baffin
land.—Boas in 6th Rep. B. A. E., map,
1888.
Kekerten (‘islands’). The winter vil-
lage of the Kingnaitmiut Eskimo on the
E. side of Cumberland id., Baffin land;
poe 82 in 1883.
’exerten.— Boas in Petermanns Mitt., no. 80, 70,
1885. Kikkerton—Kumlien in Bull. U. 8. Nat.
Mus., no. 15, 15,1879. Qeqerten.—Boas in 6th Rep.
B. A. E., 425, 1888.
Kekertukjuak (Qegertuqdjuaq, ‘big
island’). A spring settlement of Nugu-
miut Eskimo on an island in Frobisher
bay, s. E. Baffin land.—Boas in 6th Rep.
B. A. E., map, 1888.
Kekin ( Ke k’in’, ‘turtle carriers’). Mendocino(?).—Lathamin Trans. Philol.
Soe. Lond., 77, 1856 (name suggested for Chowe-
shak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai,and Khwak-
lamayu languages): Latham, Opuscula, 348, 1860;
Latham, Elem. Comp. Philol., 410, 1862 (as above).
>Pomo.—Powers in Overland Monthly, rx, 498,
Dec. 1872 (general description of habitat and of
family); Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 11, 146,
1877; Powell, ibid., 491 (vocabularies of Gal-li-no-
mé-ro, Yo-kai’-a, Ba-tem-da-kaii, Chau-i-shek,
Yu-kai, Ku-la-na-po, H’hana, Venaambakaiia,
Ka/-bi-na-pek, Chwachamaju); Gatschet in Mag.
Am. Hist., 16, 1877 (gives habitat and enumerates
tribes of family); Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscel.,
436, 1877; Keane, in Stanford, Compend., Cent. and
So. Am., app., 476, 1878 (includes Castel Pomos,
Ki, Cahto, Choam, Chadela, Matomey Ki, Usal or
Calamet, Shebalne Pomos, Gallinomeros, Sanels,
Socoas, Lamas, Comachos):
Kumkwu (A’tim-kwi’). A former Sius-
law village on Siuslaw r., Oreg.—Dorsey
in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, 111, 230, 1890.
Kumsukwum (K’iiin’-sti-k’wiim). A
former Yaquina village on the s. side of
Yaquina r., Oreg.—Dorsey in Jour. Am.
Folk-lore, 11, 229, 1890.
Kun. The Corn clans of the Tewa
pueblos of San Juan and Santa Clara, N.
Mex. See Konglo.
Khi-td6a.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., 1x, 349, 1896
Se Clara form; tdéa = ‘people’). Kun-tdoa.—
id. (San Juan form).
Kuna-lanas ( Ku/na ld/nas, ‘town people
of the point’). An important family of
the Raven clan of the Haida. According
to one story it was so named because its
people lived on a point in the legendary
town of Skena (see Tadji-lanas); but more
probably it refers to the point at Naikun
where these people were at one time
settled. The Teeskun-Inagai, Hlielung-
kun-Inagai, Saguikun-Inagai, and Yagun-
kun-Inagai were subdivisions. (J. R.s.)
Ku’na lanas.—Swanton, Cont. Haida, 270, 1905.
Kun 1la’nas.—Boas, 12th Rep. N. W. Tribes Canada,
23,1898. Kwun Lennas.—Harrison in Proc. and
Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, sec. IT, 125, 1895.
Kundji (Ku/ndji). A legendary Haida
town on the s. shore of Copper bay,
Moresby id., Queen Charlotte group,
Brit. Col. The family living there is said
to have been the Daiyuahl-lanas. An-
other town of this name formerly stood on
the w. side of Prevost 1d., in the Ninstints
country.—Swanton, Cont. Haida, 279,
1905.
Kunechin( Quné’tcin). A Seechelt sept
which formerly lived at the head of
Queen’s reach, Jervis inlet, Brit. Col.
The founder of this division is said to
have come from .*t Rupert.—Hill-Tout in
Jour. Anthr. Inst., 23, 1904.
Kuneste (Wailaki: ‘Indian’). The
southernmost Athapascan group on the
KUMARMIUT—KUNGTSOA
735
Pacific coast, consisting of several tribes
loosely or not at all connected politically,
but speaking closely related dialects and
possessing nearly the same culture. They
occupied the greater part of Eel r. basin,
including the whole of Van Duzen fork,
the main Eel to within a few miles of
Round valley, the s. fork and its tributa-
ries to Long and Cahto valleys, and the
coast from Bear River range s. to Usal.
Their neighbors were the Wishosk on the
n., the Wintun on the w., and on the s.
the Yuki, whose territory they bisect at
Cahto, where they penetrate to the Pomo
country. The Kuneste subdivisions are
Lassik, Wailaki, Sinkine, Kato, and Mat-
tole. (P. F. G.)
Ken’-es-tii—Powers in Cont. N, A. Ethnol., 111,
114, 1877 (own name). Kool.—A. L. Kroeber,
inffn, 1903 (Yuki name). Kuneste.—P. E. God-
dard, inf’n, 1904 (Wailaki name).
Kung (Qan). A former Haida town,
owned by the Sakua-lanas, at the mouth
of Naden harbor, Graham id., Queen
Charlotte group, Brit. Col. Possibly this
is the place referred to by John Work as
Nigh-tasis (q. v-), where there were said
to be 15 houses and 280 inhabitants in
1836-41. Old people remember 12 houses
there. The inhabitants have all moved
to Masset. (eRe Sh)
K-ang.—Boas, Twelfth Rep. N. W. Tribes Can.,
23,1898. Nigh-tasis.—Work (1836-41) in Dawson,
Q. Charlotte Ids., 1738, 1880. QAn.—Swanton,
Cont. Haida, 281, 1905.
Kungaii. The Sweet-corn clan of San
Ildefonso pueblo, N. Mex.
Kuwaii-tdéa.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., Ix, 349,
1896 (td6a=‘ people’).
Kungfetdi. The Black-corn
San Ildefonso pueblo, N. Mex.
Kutfetdi-tdéa.—Hodge in Am, Anthrop., Ix, 349,
1896 (fdéa=‘ people’).
Kungga (Q/a4’nga, ‘help received unex-
pectedly’). A former Haida town, oc-
cupied by the Kona-kegawai, on the s.
shore of Dog id., Queen Charlotte group,
Brit. Col. The inhabitants moved to
Kloo.—Swanton, Cont. Haida, 278, 1905.
Kungielung (K/u/ngielan). A former
Haida town on the w. side of the en-
trance to Masset inlet, Queen Charlotte
ids., Brit. Col.—Swanton, Cont. Haida,
281, 1905.
Kungpi. The Red-corn
Ildefonso pueblo, N. Mex.
Kw p1-tdéa.—Hodg? in Am. Anthrop., 1X, 349, 1896
(tdéa=‘ people’).
Kungtsa. The White-corn clan of San
Ildefonso pueblo, N. Mex.
Kw tsd-tdéa.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., Ix, 349,
1896 (tdéa=* people’).
Kungtsei. The Yellow-corn
San Ildefonso pueblo, N. Mex.
Ku"tsei-tdéa.-Hodge in Am. Anthrop., IX, 349,
1896 (tdéa=' people’).
Kungtsoa. The Blue-corn clan of San
Ildefonso pueblo, N: Mex.
Ku"tsoa-td6a.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop.,
1896 (td6a=‘ people’).
clan of
clan of San
clan of
Ix, 349,
736
Kungugemiut. A division of the Male-
miut Eskimo on Buckland r., Alaska.
Kangoot Mutes.—Kelly, Arctic Eskimo, chart,
1890. Kanikgmut. —Zagoskin, Dese. Russ. Poss.
inpAm®*, pt. 1, 73, 1847. Kongigamut. —Nelson in
18th Rep. B. A. E., map, 1899. Kongigamute.—
Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska, 4, 1884. Kotso-
khotana.—Zagoskin, Desc. Russ. Poss. in Am., pt. 1,
73, 1847 (Tinneh name). Kungeeg-ameuts.—Ho0o-
per, Cruise of Corwin, 26, ae Kungugemut.—
Dall in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 16, 1877.
Kungya. The Turquoise clans of the
Tewa pueblos of San Juan, Santa Clara,
San Ildefonso, and Tesuque, N. Mex. See
Kuyanwe.
Konya-td6a.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., TX, 352, 1896
(Tesuque form; tdéa=‘ people’). Kunyi-tdéa.—
Tbid. (San Juan and Santa Clara form). Kuye-
tdéa.—I bid. (San Ildefonso form).
Kungyi. The Antclanof Nambe pueblo,
N. Mex.
Kunyi-tdéa. —Hodge i in Am. Anthrop., 1X, 348, 1896
(tdéa=‘ people’).
Kunhalas (Ku/naxalas). A former Haida
town or camp just inside of Cumshewa pt.,
Queen Charlotte ids., Brit. Col. It be-
longed to the Kona- kegawai. —Swanton,
Cont. Haida, 278, 1905.
Kunhittan (Kiin-hittan,
flicker house’). Given by Krause (Tlin-
kit Ind., 120, 1885) asa Tlingit division,
but in reality it is merely a name for the
inhabitants of a house at Kuiu belonging
to the Nastedi, q. v.
‘people — of
Kunipalgi (k’uno, k’ono, ‘skunk’; algi,
‘people’). A Creek clan.
Ku’/-mu.—Morgan, Ane. Soc., 161, 1877. Kuni-
palgi.—Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., 1, 155, 1884.
Kunjeskie. A Tlingit settlement in
Alaska; location not given; pop. 150 in
1835, according to Veniaminoff.
Koonjeskie. —Elliott, Cond. Aff. Alaska, 227, 1875
(transl. from Veniaminoff).
Kunkhogliak. A Kaiyuhkhotana vil-
lage on Yukon r., Alaska, containing 11
people in 1844. ~ Yagoskin ee by
Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska, 37, 1884.
Kunkia (Q/4/nkia).
\ BuLL. 30]
Lawrence, observed large fields of grow-
ing maize, at Hochelaga (now Montreal)
in "1534, and Champlain i in 1604 found it in
cultivation at almost ev ery point visited
from Nova Scotia to upper. Ottawa r.
The supplies of maize obtained from the
Indians by the New England and Vir-
ginia colonists are well known. Henne-
pin, Marquette, Joliet, LaSalle, and other
early French explorers of the Mississippi
valley found all the tribes they visited,
from the Minnesota r. to the Gulf, and
even into Texas, cultivating maize; and
the same was true of the tribes between
Nn. w. Mexico and the plains of Kansas
when visited by Coronado in 1540-42.
Even the Mandan and Arikara on the
upper Missouri had their maize patches
when first seen by the whites. How far
northward on the Pacific slope the culti-
vation of maize had extended at the time
of the discovery is not known. Evidence
that itor anything else was cultivated in
California w. of the Rio Colorado valley
is still lacking. Brinton (Am. Race, 50,
1891) expresses the opinion that maize
‘‘was cultivated both north and south to
the geographical extent of its productive
culture.’”’ Such at least appears to have
been true in regard to its extent north-
ward on the Atlantic slope, except in the
region of the upper Mississippi and the
Red r. of the North.
The ease with which maize can be cul-
tivated and conserved, and its bountiful
yield, caused its rapid extension among
the Indians after it first came into use.
With the exception of better tillage the
method of cultivation is much the same
to-day among civilized men as among the
natives. Thomas Hariot, who visited
' Virginia in 1586, says the Indians put
four grains in a hill ow ith care that they
touch not one another.’? The extent to
which the cereal was cultivated in pre-
historic times by the Indians may be
inferred from these facts and from the
observations of early explorers. It seems
evident from the history of the expedi-
tions of De Soto and Coronado (1540-42)
that the Indians of the Gulf states and of
the Pueblo region relied chiefly on maize
for food. Itis also probable that a moiety
of the food supply of the Indians of Vir-
ginia and the Carolinas, and of the Iro-
quois and Huron tribes, was from the
cultivation of corn. Du Pratz says the
Indians ‘‘from the sea [Gulf] as far as
the Illinois’? make maize their principal
subsistence. The amount of corn of the
Iroquois destroyed by Denonville in 1687
has been estimated at more than a million
bushels (Charlevoix, Hist. Nouv. France,
11, 355, 1744) , but this estimate is probably
excessive. According to Tonti (French,
Hist. Coll. La., 1, 70, 1846), who took part
in the expedition, the army was engaged
MAJALAYGHUA—MAKAH
oil
seven days in cutting up the corn of four
villages. Thaumer a la Source (Shea,
Early Voy. Miss., 81, 1861) says, ‘‘the
Tounicas [Tonika] fie entirely on In-
dian corn.’”’ Gen. Wayne, writing in
1794 of the Indian settlements, asserts
that ‘‘the margins of these beautiful riv-
ers, the Miamis of the Lake and the Au
Glaize, appear like one continued village
for a number of miles, both above and
below this place, Grand Glaize, nor have
I ever before beheld such immense fields
of corn in any part of America from
Canada to Florida’’ (Manypenny, Ind.
Wards, 84, 1880). From the Indians are
derived ash-cake, hoe-cake, succotash,
samp, hominy, the hominy mortar, etc.,
and even the cribs elevated on posts are
patterned after those of the Indians of
the Southern states. Corn was used in
various ways by the natives in their cere-
monies, and among some tribes the time
of planting, ripening, and harvesting was
made the occasion for festivities. See
Agriculture, Food.
Consult Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi
Historically Considered, 1883; Cushing,
Zuni Breadstuffs; Harshberger, Maize: a
Botanical and Economic Study, 1893;
Payne, Hist. New World, 1, 1892; § Stick-
ney in Parkman Club Pub., mow 135 U897-
Thomas in 12th Rep. B. A. E., 614 622,
1894. (Conta)
Majalayghua. A formerChuimashan vil-
lage near Los Prietos, adjacent to Santa
Barbara, Cal.
Inajalayehua. ——Bancroft, Nat. Races, I, 459, 1874
(misquoted from Taylor). Majalayghua. —Tay lor
in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 24, 1863. _
Makache (‘owl’). An Oto gens.
Ma-ka’-tce.—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 240, 1897.
Ma’-kotch.— Morgan, Anc. Soc., 156, 1877.
Makah (‘cape people’). Thesouthern-
most tribe of the Wakashan stock, the
only one within the United States.
They belong to the Nootka branch.
According to Swan the Makah claimed
the territory between Flattery rocks, 15
m.s., and Hokor., 15 m. &. of C. Flat-
tery, Wash., also Tatoosh id., near the
cape. Their winter towns were Baada,
Neah, Ozette, Tzues, and Waatch; their
summer villages, Ahchawat, Kiddekub-
but, and Tatooche. Gibbs(MS., B. A. E.)
mentions another, called Kehsidatsoos.
They now have two reservations, Makah
and Ozette, Wash., on which, in 1905,
there were respectively 399 and 36, a
total of 435 for the tribe. In 1806 they
were estimated by Lewis and Clark to
number 2,000. By treaty of Neah bay,
Wash., Jan. 31, 1855, the Makah ceded
all their lands at the mouth of the Strait
of Juan de Fuca except the immediate
area including C. Flattery. This reser-
vation was enlarged by Executive order
of Oct. 26, 18 S72, superseded by Executive
order ‘of Jan. | 2, 1873, and in turn revoked
192
by Executive order of Oct. 12 of the
same year, by which the Makah res. was
definitely defined. The Ozette res. was
established by order of Apr. 12, 1893.
Ba-qa-6.—McCaw, Puyallup MS. vocab., B. A. E.,
1885 (Puyallup name). Cape Flattery.—Lane in
Ind. Aff. Rep., 162,1850. Classet.—Farnham, Travy.,
tr, 310, 1843 (Nootka name: ‘outsiders’). Clat-
set.—Dunn, Hist. Oregon, 231, 1844. Clossets.—
Starling in Ind. Aff. Rep., 171, 1852. Flattery.—
Ibid., 170. Klaizarts.—Armstrong, Oregon, 136,
1857. Kla-iz-zarts.—Jewitt, Narr., 75, 1849. Klas-
set.—Swan in Smithson. Cont., Xv1,1,1870. Kwe-
nét-che-chat.—Ibid. (own name: ‘cape people’).
Kwe-nét-sat’h.—Ibid. (Salish name). Macau.—
Lane in Ind. Aff. Rep., 162, 1850. Ma-caw.—Star-
ling in Ind. Aff. Rep.,170,1852. Maccaws.—Hanna
in Ind. Aff. Rep. 1857, 337, 1858. Mackahs.—Taylor
in Cal. Farmer, Aug. 1, 1862. Makahs.—Gibbs, Clal-
lam and Lummi, y, 1863. Makans.—Stevens in
Ind. Aff. Rep., 448, 1854. Makas.—Simmons in
Ind. Aff. Rep., 335, 1857. Makaw.—Lane in Sen.
Ex. Doe. 52, 31st Cong., 1st sess., 173, 1850. Makha.—
U.S. Ind. Treat. (1855), 461, 1873. Mak-kah.—Swan
in Smithson. Cont., Xv1,1,1870. Mi-caws.—Jones
(1853) in H.R. Ex. Doe. 76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 7,
1857. Quenait chechat.—Swan, inf’n, Feb. 1886.
Que-nait’-sath.—Swan, N.W. Coast, 211, 1857. Quine-
chart.—Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark (1806), v1, 70,
1905. Quin-na-chart.—Ibid., Iv,169,1905. Quinne-
chant.—Lewis and Clark, Exped., 11, 120, 1814.
Quinnechart.—Ibid., 474. Tatouche.—Nicolet, Ore-
gon, 143,1846. Tla’asath.—Boas in 6th Rep. N. W.
Tribes Can., 31, 1890 (‘outside people’: Nootka
name). Yacaws.—Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, V1,
689, 1857. :
Makak. An Ikogmiut Eskimo village
on the right bank of the Yukon below
Anvik, Alaska; pop. 121 in 1880, 50 in
1890.
Akka.—Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 226,1902. Ma-
kagamute.—Raymond in Sen. Ex. Doe. 12, 42d
Cong., Ist sess., 25, 1871. Makag’mut.—Dall in
Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, 17, 1877. Makeymut.—Nel-
son in 18th Rep. B. A. E., map, 1899. Makey-
mute.—Petroff, Rep.on Alaska, 57, 1881. Makki.—
Zagoskin in*Nouy. Ann, Voy., 5th s., XXI, map,
1850. Manki.—Raymond, op. cit., 31 (so called
by whites).
Makak. See Mocuck.
Makan (‘medicine’). A Ponca gens,
in two subgentes: Real Ponka and Gray
Ponka.
Maya".—Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 228, 1897.
Noh’-ga,.—Morgan, Anc. Soc., 155, 1877. _e-sinde-
it‘aji.—Dorsey, op. cit. (‘does not touch buffalo
tails’).
Makataimeshekiakia. See Black Hawk.
Makatananamaki. See black Thunder.
Makatapi (‘black men.’—Hewitt). ys ue) ; :
Ss : sea : Y
(Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.)
825
Mayo, Sinaloa, Mexico. Their language
differs only dialectically from that of the
Yaquiandthe Tehueco. The first notice
of the tribe is probably that in the ‘‘Se-
(am. Mus. Nat. Hist.)
MAYO MEN.
gunda Relacion Anonima’’ of the jour-
ney of Nuno de Guzman, about 1530 (in
Icazbaleeta, Coleccion de Documentos,
11, 300, 1866), where it is stated that
after passing over
= | the Rio de Tam-
| achola (Fuerte)
| and traveling 30
leagues (north-
ward) they came
to a river called
Mayo on which
lived a people of
the same name.
Ribas ( p. 237 ) de-
clares that in his
day it was the
most populous of
all the tribes of
Sinaloa, estimat-
ing their number
at 30,000, some
8,000 or 10,000 of
whom were war-
riors. Hedidnot
consider them so
warlike as the surrounding tribes, but
in their customs, dwellings, and other
respects the Mayo resembled them.
Hardy (Travels in Mexico, 424, 1829)
states that at the time of his visit there
were 10 towns on the Rio Mayo, with an
estimated population of 10,000. Accord-
ing to Davila (Sonora, 315, 1894) their
industries were reduced to the cultivation
of the soil, the raising of sheep and do-
mestic birds, and the manufacture of
woolen shawls. He says the Mayo
pueblos are larger than those of the Yaqui,
but the number of people of the latter is
now greater than that of the former. The
826
Mayo settlements, so far as known, are
Baca, Batacosa, Camoa, Conicari, Cui-
rimpo, Echojoa, Huatabampo, Maco-
yahui, Masiaca, Navahoa, San Pedro,
Santa Cruz de Mayo, Tepahue, Tesia,
and Toro, See Cuhita. (F. W. H. )
Mago.—ten Kate in Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop. de
Paris, 375, 1883 (misprint). Maya.—Ribas, Hist.
Triumphos, 237, 1645. Mayo,—Rel. Anonima
(1530), op. cit.
Maypop. The fruit of the passion-flower
( Passiflora incarnata). Capt. John Smith
(Va., 123, repr. 1819) and Strachey
(Trav. Va., 72) speak of this fruit as mara-
cock and state that the Indians cultivated
it before the coming of the whites.
Trumbull (Sci. Pap. Asa Gray, 342, 1889)
considers that maracock is the Brazilian
Tupi mburucuia, related to the Carib
merécoya (Breton, 1665), the fruit of a
vine, the name and the thing having both
come from South America. Maypop
would thus ultimately represent, through
maracock, this Tupi loan-word. (A. F. c. )
Maysonec. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy, in 1608, on the n. bank of the
Chickahominy, in New Kent co., Va.—
Smith (1629), Va., 1, map, repr. 1819.
Mazakutemani (‘shoots the gun [iron]
as he walks’). A chief of the Sisseton
Sioux, noted for his friendship for the
whites; born in 1826 or 1827. In his
early manhood he followed strictly the
customs of his tribe; in 1850 he was a
member of the Sisseton and Wahpeton
delegation to Washington, and a signer
of the Traverse des Sioux treaty of July
23, 1851. When about 29 years of age
(about 1855) he became a convert to
Christianity and thenceforward was an
ardent supporter of the missionary work
of Rey. Stephen R. Riggs. It was in the
spring of 1857, when the massacre at
Spirit Lake, Iowa, by Inkpaduta’s band
occurred, that Mazakutemani particularly
manifested his friendship for the whites
by following the murderous band and
rescuing Miss Gardener, the only sur-
viving white captive. Again, in 1862, on
receiving word of the Sioux outbreak, he
employed every effort to stay the mas-
sacre and to rescue the white captives,
going boldly into the hostile camps and
using his oratorical powers to accomplish
his purpose. The final escape of the
captives from death on this occasion was
due largely to Mazakutemani’s efforts
and his cooperation with Gen. Sibley.
He was the chief speaker for the Sisseton
in their tribal deliberations as well as in
their treaty negotiations with the United
States commissioners. In addition to the
treaty of Traverse des Sioux he signed
the treaties of Washington, June 19, 1858;
Sisseton agency, Dak., Sept. 20, 1872, and
Lac Traverse agency, Dak., May 2, 1873.
His death occurred probably before 1880.
Consult 8. R. Riggs (1) in Minn. Hist.
MAY POP—-MDEW AKANTON
{B. A. B.
Soc. Coll., 11, 82, 90, 1880; (2) Mary and
I, 141, 1880; Heard, Hist. Sioux War,
156, 1863. (c.203)
Mazapes. Natchez of
the upper class to those of the lowest
social grade. This was composed princi-
pally of people of the same blood but also
included some small alien tribes. Cf.
Stinkards. (Ge Rass)
Miche-Miche-Quipy.—Du Pratz, Hist. La., 11, 393,
1758. Miché Michéquipi. —Bossu (1751), Travels
La., 65, 1771 (sig. ‘stinking fellow’). Puants.—
Tbid., 394 (applied also to the Winnebago). Stin-
cards.—Latham, Essays, 408, 1860. Stinkards.—
Pénicaut (1704) in French, Hist. Coll. La., n.s.,
94, 1869.
Metstoasath ( Metstd’/asath). A sept of
the Toquart, a Nootka tribe. —Boas in 6th
Rep. N. W. Tribes of Canada, 31, 1890.
Metukatoak. A Kay jagmiut village at
Port Clarence, Alaska. —Eleventh Cen-
sus, Alaska, 162, 1895.
Metutahanke (‘lower village’). One of
two Mandan villages in 1804; situated on
Missouri r., about 4 m. below Knife r.,
N. Dak. It was almost exterminated by
smallpox in 1837.
Matoolonha,—Thwaites, Orig. Jour. Lewis and
Clark, vil, index, 1905. Matootonha.—Lewis and
Clark, Exped.,1,120,1814. Ma-too-ton’-ka.—Lewis
and Clark, Discoy., 24, 1806. Métutahanke.—Mat-
thews, Ethnog. and Philol. Hidatsa, 14, 1877.
Mih-tutta-hang-kusch.—Maximilian as quoted by
Matthews, op. cit. Mih-Tutta-Hang-Kush,—Maxi-
852
milian, Tray., 335, 1843. Mitutahankish.—Mat-
thews, Ethnog. and Philol. Hidatsa, 14, 1877.
ae utah DOTSCY. in Am. Natur., 829, Oct.
1882.
Mexam. See Mriksah.
Meyascosic. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy, in 1608, on the n. side of
James r., in Charles City co., Va.—Smith
(1629), Vv a., I, map, repr. 1819.
Meyemma. Mentioned by Gibbs
(Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, m1, 139, 1853)
as a Hupa village i in Hupa valley, Cal., in
1851. Not identified. The name is per-
haps of Yurok origin.
Meyo. The Lizard clan of the pueblo
of Laguna, N. Mex. Although Laguna
was not founded until 1699, the origin of
the clan is unknown to the natives. It
forms a phratry with the Skurshka
(Water-snake), Sqowi ( Rattlesnake), and
Hatsi (Earth) clans, which came from
Sia, Oraibi (probably), and Jemez, re-
spectiy ely. (F. W. H.)
Méyo-hanots,—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., IX, 351,
1896 (hdnoch=‘ people’).
Mezquital (Span: ‘mesquite grove’). A
former pueblo of the Tepehuane on the
upper waters of Rio de San Pedro, s
Durango, Mexico, and the seat of a Span-
ish mission. It is now a Mexican town.
S. Francisco del Mezquital.—Orozco y Berra, Geog.,
318, 1864.
Mgezewa (for Me’gezi, ‘bald eagle’).
A gens of the Potawatomi, q. V.
Mégezi.—Wm. Jones, inf’n, 1906. MW -ge-ze’-wa.—
Morgan, Ane. Soc., 167, 1877.
Miacomit.
BULL. 30]
Shea, Rel. M. Miss., 36, 1861. Michigamea.—Mar-
quette (ca. 1673), Discoy., 344, 1698. Michigamias.—
Boudinot, Star in the West, 127, 1816. Michi-
gamis.—Kingsley, Stand. Nat. Hist., pt.6, 151, 1888.
Michigania.—Nourse (1820) in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, 11, 588, 1852. Michiganians.—Harrison
(1814) in Drake, Tecumseh, 160, 1852. Michigans.—
Sanford, U.S., clii, 1819. Michigourras.—Martin,
La., I, 262, 1827. Mitchigamas.—Hutchins (1778)
in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vi, 714, 1857. Mitchi-
gamea.—Marquette (ca. 1673), Discoy., 346, 1698.
Mitchigamias.—Jefferys, Fr. Doms., pt. 1, 165, 1761.
Michikinikwa. See Little Turtle.
Michilimackinac (Mishinima‘kinung,
‘place of the big wounded person,’ or
‘place of the big lame _ person.’—W.
J). A name applied at various times to
Mackinac id. in Mackinac co., Mich.;
to the village on this island; to the village
and fort at Pt St Ignace on the opposite
mainland, and at an early period to acon-
siderable extent of territory in the upper
part of the lower peninsula of Michigan.
Itis derived from the name of a supposed
extinct Algonquian tribe, the Mishini-
maki or Mishinimakinagog.
According to Indian tradition and the
Jesuit Relations, the Mishinimaki for-
merly had their headquarters at Mackinac
id. and occupied all the adjacent territory
in Michigan. They are said to have been
at one time numerous and to have had 30
villages, but in retaliation for an invasion
of the Mohawk country they were de-
stroyed by the Iroquois. This must have
occurred previous to the occupancy of the
country by the Chippewa on their first
appearance in this region. A few were
still there in 1671, but in Charlevoix’s
time (1744) none of them remained.
When the Chippewa appeared in this
section they made Michilimackinac id.
one of their chief centers, and it retained
its importance fora long period. In1761
their village was said to contain 100 war-
riors. In 1827 the Catholic part of the
inhabitants, to the number of 150, sepa-
rated from the others and formed a new
village near the old one. When the
Hurons were driven w. by the Iroquois
they settled on Mackinac id., where they
built a village some time after 1650. Soon
thereafter they removed to the Noquet
ids. in Green bay, but returned about
1670 and settled in a new village on the
adjacent mainland, where the Jesuits had
just established the mission of St Ignace.
After this the Hurons settled near the
mission; the fugitive Ottawa also settled
in a village on the island where Nouvel
established the mission of St Francis Bor-
gia among them in 1677, and when the
Hurons removed to Detroit, about 1702,
the Ottawa and Chippewa continued to
live at Michilimackinac. (J.M. c.T.)
Machilimachinack.—Watts (1763) in Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll., 4th s., 1X, 483, 1871. Machillimakina.—Bou-
quet (1760), ibid., 345. Mackanaw.—Drake, Bk.
Inds., bk. 5, 134, 1848. Mackelimakanac.—Camp-
bell (1760) in Mass, Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., rx, 358,
MICHIKINIK W A—MICHILIMACKINAC
857
1871. Mackilemackinac.—Ibid., 383. Mackinae.—
Jefferson (1808) in Am. St. Pap., Ind. Aff.,1,746,1832.
Mackinaw.—Hall, N. W. States, 131, 1849. Macki-
nang.—Baraga, Eng.-Otch. Dict., 165, 1878 (Chip-
pewa form, abbreviated). Massillimacinac.—
Map of 1755 in Howe, Hist. Coll., 35, 1851. Mesh
e ne mah ke noong.—Jones, Ojebway Inds., 45, 1861
(Chippewa name). Mesilimakinac.—Hennepin,
New Discoy.,map, 1698. Michelimakina.—Writer of
1756 in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., x, 482, 1858. Mich-
ellimakinae.—Campbell (1761) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 4th s., 1x, 417, 1871. Michihimaquinac.—Ho-
mann Heirs Map U. S., 1784 (misprint). Michi-
lemackinah.—Campbell (1761) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 4th s., 1x, 426, 1871. Michilimackinae.—
Johnson (1763) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., v1, 533,
1856. Michilimacquina.—Doe. of 1691, ibid., 1x,
511, 1855. Michilimakenac.—Albany conf. (1726),
ibid., v, 791, 1855, Michilimakina.—Vaudreuil
(1710), ibid., Ix, 848, 1855. Michilimakinac.—
Du Chesneau (1681), ibid., 153. Michilimaki-
nais.—Jefferys, French Doms., pt. 1, 19-20, 1761
(tribe). Michilimakinong.—Marquette (ca. 1673)
in Kelton, Annals Ft Mackinac, 121, 1884. Mich-
ilimaquina.—Denonville (1686) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., 111, 461, 18538. Michilimicanack.—Bradstreet
(ca. 1765), ibid., vir, 690, 1856. Michilimickinac.—
Peters (1760) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll.,4th s., rx, 319,
1871. Michillemackinack.—Ambherst (1760), ibid.,
348. Michillemakinack.—Malartic (1758) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., X, 853, 1858. Michillimacinae.—
Johnstown conf. (1774), ibid., vit, 506, 1857.
Michillimackinacks.—Lords of Trade (1721), ibid.,
V, 622, 1855 (used as synonymous with Ottawas).
Michillimakenac.—Bouquet (1761) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., 4ths., 1x, 392, 1871. Michillimakinak.—
Cadillae (1703) in Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., v, 407,
1885. Michillimaquina.—Denonville (1687) in N.
Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 1x, 336, 1855. Michillmiacki-
nock.—Domenech, Deserts, II, 452, 1860. Michi
Mackina.—Brown, West. Gaz., 161, 1817 (Indian
form). Michimmakina.—M’ Lean, Hudson Bay, I,
51, 1849. Michinimackinac.—Henry, Travels, 107,
1809(Chippewaform). Michlimakinak.—Montreal
conf. (1700) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., rx, 709, 1855.
Micilimaquinay.—Joutel (ca. 1690) in Kelton,
Annals Ft Mackinac, 121, 1884. Micinima‘ki-
nunk,—Wm. Jones, inf’n., 1905 (proper form).
Mikinac.—La Chesnaye (1697) in Margry, Déc., V1,
6, 1886 (same ?; mentioned with Ojibwas, Ottawa
Sinagos, ete., as then at Shaugawaumikong on L.
Superior). Miscelemackena.—Croghan (1764) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vir, 603, 1856. Misclimaki-
nack.—Colden (1727), ibid., m1, 489, note, 1853.
Mishinimaki.—Kelton, Annals Ft Mackinac, 9, 10,
1884 (tribe). Mishinimakina.—Ibid., 151 (correct
Indian name), Mishinimakinago.—Baraga, Otchip-
we-Eng. Dict., 248, 1580 (Chippewa name of the
mythic(?) tribe, whence comes Michilimackinae;
the plural takesg). Mishini-makinak.—K elton, An-
nals Ft Mackinac, 135,1884, Mishinimakinang,—Ba-
raga, Eng.-Otch. Dict., 165, 1878 (Chippewa form).
Mishinimakinank,—Gatschet, Ojibwa MS., B.A.E.
1882. Misilimakenak.—Burnet (1723) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., v, 684, 1855. Misillimakinac,—
Vaudreuil conf. (1703), ibid., 1x, 751, 1855. Mis-
limakinac.—Memoir of 1687, ibid., 319. Missele-
machinack.—Croghan (1760) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 4th s., 1X, 377, 1871. Misselemakinach.—
Ibid. Misselemaknach, —Ibid.,372. Missilikinac.—
Hennepin, New Discoy., 308, 1698. Missilimachi-
nac.—Hennepin (1683) in Harris, Voy. and Tray.,
II, 918, 1705. Missilimackinak.—De la Barre (1687)
in Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., v, 418,1885. Missilimak-
enak,—Colden (ca. 1723) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
Vv, 687, 1855. Missilimakinaec.—Jes. Rel. 1671, 37,
1858. Missilimakinak.—Cadillac (1694) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., 1X, 587, 1855. Missilimaquina,—
Denonville (1687), ibid., 111, 466, 1853. Missilina-
okinak,—Hennepin, New Discov., 316, 1698. Mis-
silinianac.—Mt Johnson conf. (1755) in N. Y. Doce.
Col. Hist., v1, 975, 1855. Missillimackinac.—John-
son (1763), ibid., vir, 573, 1856. Missillimakina,—
Denonville (1686), ibid., Ix, 287, 1855. Missilmak-
ina.—Denonville (1687), ibid., 325. Mitchinimack-
enucks, —Lindsey (1749), ibid., v1, 538, 1855 (here
intended for the Ottawa). Monsiemakenack.—
Albany conf. (1723), ibid., v, 693, 1855. St. Francis
858
Borgia.—Shea, Cath. Miss., 370, 1855 (Ottawa mis-
sion on Mackinaw id. in 1677). Teljpondeep hs. —
Albany conf. (1726) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
791, 1855 (Iroquois name).
Michipicoten (Mishibigwadunk, : io
?
of bold promontories,’ or ‘region of big
places.,—W. J.). The designation of
the Algonquian Indians living on Michi-
picoten r., Ontario, N. of L. Superior,
and extending into Ruperts Land. In
Canada they are officially classed as
‘‘Michipicoten and Big Heads,’’ consist-
ing of two bands belonging to different
tribes. Thesmaller band consists of Chip-
pewa and are settled on a reservation
known as Gros Cap, on the w. side of the
river, near its mouth; the other band be-
longs to the Maskegon and resides mainly
near the Hudgson’s Bay Co.’s post on
Brunswick lake, on the Nn. side of the
dividing ridge. The two bands together
numbered 283 in 1884, and 358 in 1906.
See Tétes de Boule. (J. M.)
Michirache. An lJowa phratry. Its
gentes are Shuntanthka, Shuntanthewe,
Shuntankhoche, and Manyikalchthi.
Me-je’-ra-ja. —Morgan, Anc. Soe., 156, 1877. _Mintei-
ratce.—Dorsey, Tciwere MS. vocab., B.A. E., 1879.
Mi-tci’-ra-tce. Dorsey in 15th Rep. B.A.E., 238,
1897. Wolf.—Morgan, op. cit. ;
Michiyu (Mitc-hi-yu). A former Chu-
mashan village between Pt Conception
and Santa Barbara, Cal., at the place now
called San Onofre. —Henshaw, Buenaven-
tura MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1884.
Michopdo. A former Maidu village near
Chico, at the edge of the foothills, about
5m.s. of the junction of Little and Big
Butte ers., in Butte co., Cal.; pop. 90 in
1850. (R. B. D.)
Ma-chuck-nas.—Johnston (1850) in Sen. Ex. Doce.
4, 32d Cong., spec. sess., 45, 1853. Ma-chue-na.—
Day (1850), ibid., 39. Michoapdos. —Powers in
Overland Mo., x11, 420, 1874. Mich-op’-do.—Powers
in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111, 282, i877, Michopdo.—
Dixon in Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xv, pl.
Xxxviii, 1905. Mitshopda.—Curtin, MS. vocab.,
B. A. E., 1885. Wachuknas.—Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, vi, 710, 1857.
Mickkesawbee. A former Potawatomi
village at the site of the present Cold-
water, Mich., onareseryation sold in 1827.
Mickesawbe.—Treaty of 1827 in U.S. Ind. Treat.,
675, 1873. Mick-ke-saw-be.—Chicago treaty (1821),
ibid., 152. ‘
Micksucksealton. Said by Lewis and
Clark to be a tribe of the Tushepaw (q.v. )
living on Clarke a above the falls, and
numbering 300, in 25 lodges, in 1805.
Micksicksealtom. —Clark and Voorhis (1805) in
Orig. Jour. Lewis and Clark, vi, 114, 1905. Mick-
suck-seal-tom,—Lewis and Clark, Exped., I, map,
1814. Micksucksealton.—lIbid., 11, 475, 1814. Mik:
suksealton.—Drake, Bk. Inds., ix, 1848.
Micmae ( Migimak, ‘allies’ ; Nigmak, ‘our
allies..—Hewitt). The French called
them Souriquois. An important Algon-
quian tribe that occupied Nova Scotia,
a Breton and Prince Edward ids., the
Nn. part of New Brunswick, and probably
points in s. and w. Newfoundland.
While their neighbors the Abnaki have
close linguistic relations with the Algon-
MICHIPICOTEN—MICMACG
{B. A. wi
quian tribes of thegreat lakes, the Micmac
seem to have almost as distant a relation
to the group as the Algonquians of the
plains (W. Jones). If Schoolcraft’s sup-
position be correct, the Micmac must
have been among the first Indians of the
N. E. coast encountered by Europeans, as
he thinks they were visited by Sebastian
Cabot in 1497, and that the 3 natives he
took to England were of this tribe.
Kohl believes that those captured by
Cortereal in 1501 and taken to Europe
were Miemac. Most of the early voy-
agers to this region speak of the great
numbers of Indians on the N. coast of
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and
of their fierce and warlike character.
They early became friends of the French,
a friendship which was lasting and which
the English—after the treaty of Utrecht
in 1713, by which Acadia was ceded to
them—found impossible to have trans-
ferred to themselves for nearly half a
century. Their hostility to the English
prevented for a long time any serious
attempts at establishing British settle-
ments on the n. coasts of Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick, for although a treaty of
peace was concluded with them in 1760,
it was not until 1779 that disputes and
difficulties with the Micmac ceased. ~ In
the early wars on the New England fron-
tier the Cape Sable Micmac were especially
noted.
The missionary Biard, who, in his Rela-
tion of 1616, giv es a somewhat full account
of the habits and characteristics of the
Micmac and adjacent tribes, speaks in
perhaps rather too favorable terms of
them. He says: ‘‘ You could not dis-
tinguish the young men from the girls,
exc cept in their way of wearing their belts.
For the women are girdled both above
and below the stomach and are less nude
than the men. Their clothes are
trimmed with leather lace, which the
women curry on the side that is not hairy.
They often curry both sides of elk skin,
like our buff skin, then variegate it very
prettily with paint put on inalace pattern,
and make gowns of it; from the same
leather they make their shoes and strings.
The men do not wear trousers :
they wear onlyacloth tocovertheirnaked-
ness.’’ Their dwellings were usually the
ordinary conical wigwams covered with
bark, skins, or matting. Biard says that
‘in summer the shape of their houses is
changed; for they are broad and long
that they may have more air.’’ There
is an evident attempt to show these
summer bowers in the map of Jacomo di
Gastaldi,
vol. 111 of some of the editions of Ramusio.
Their government was similar to that of
the New England Indians; polygamy was
not common, though practised to some
made about 1550, given in-
ee
BULL. 30]
extent by the chiefs; they were expert
canoemen, and drew much of their sub-
sistence from the waters. Cultivation of
the soil was very limited, if practised at
all by them, when first encountered by
the whites. Biard says they did not till
the soil in his day.
According to Rand ( Miemac First Read-
ing Book, 1875), they divided their coun-
try, which they catied Megumage, into 7
districts, the head-chief ‘living in the
Cape Breton district. The other six were
Pictou, Memramcook, Restigouche, Es-
kegawaage, Shubenacadie, and Annapo-
lis. The first three of these formed a
group known as Sigunikt; the other three
formed another group known as Kes-
poogwit. In 1760the Micmac bandsor vil-
lages were given as Le Have, Miramichi,
Tabogimkik, Pohomoosh, Gediak (She-
diac), Pictou, Kashpugowitk (Kespoog-
wit), Chignecto, Isle of St Johns,
Nalkitgoniash, Cape Breton, Minas, Chi-
gabennakadik (Shubenacadie), Keshpu-
gowitk (Kespoogwit, duplicated), and
Rishebouctou (Richibucto). The Gas-
pesians are a band of Micmac differing
somewhat in dialect from the rest of the
tribe.
In 1611 Biard estimated the Miemac at
3,000 to 3,500. In 1760 they were re-
ported at nearly 3,000, but had been lately
much wasted by sickness. In 1766 they
were again estimated at 3,500; in 1880
they were officially reported at 2. 892, and
in 1884 at 4,037. Of these, 2.197 Ww ere in
Nova Scotia, 933 in New Brunswick, 615
in Quebec, and 292 0n Prince Edward id.
In 1904, according to the Report of Cana-
dian Indian Affairs, they numbered 3,861,
of whoni 579 were in Quebec province, 992
in New Brunswick, 1,998 in Nova Scotia,
and 292 on Prince Edward id. The num-
ber in Newfoundland is not known.
The Micmac villages are as follows:
Antigonishe (?), Beaubassin (mission),
Boat Harbor, Chignecto, Eskusone, Indian
Village, Isle of St Johns, Kespooewit,
Kigicapigiak, Le Have, Maria, Minas,
Miramichi, Nalkitgoniash, Nipigiguit,
Pictou, Pohomoosh, Restigouche, Richi-
bucto, "Rocky Point, Shediac, Shubenac-
adie, and Tabogimkik. (s.M. c. 7.)
Acadcan,—Latham in Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond., 59,
1856 (misprint). Acadian Indians. —Jefferys,
French Doms., pt. 1, 66, 1761 (Dawson in Hind,
Lab. Penin., 11, 44, 1863, says Acadia isa Micmac
word used in composition to denote the local
abundance of objects referred to). Bark Indians,—
Buchanan, N. Am. Inds., 156, 1824. Kincke-
moeks, —Rasle (1724) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll.,
2d s., VIII, 248, 1819 (misreading of MS. or mis-
print). Matu-és’-wi skitchi-ni-ak. —C hamberlain,
Malesit MS., B. A. E., 1882 (Malecite name, mean-
ing ‘ porcupine Indians’; so called on account of
their using poreupine quills in ornamentation).
Mechimacks, —Boudinot, Starin the West, 127,1816.
Megum,—Rand, Micmac First Reading Book, 81,
1875(a Micmac socalls himself). Megitmawaach. —
Rand, Eng.-Micmae Dict., 169, 1888. Michmacs.—
Trader in Smith, Bouquet’s Exped., 69, 1766.
Mickemac,—Lahontan (1703) quoted by Richard-
MICOMA—MIGICHIHILINIOU
859
son, Aretie Exped., 1, 38, 1851. Mickmacks.—
Longueuil (1726) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., rx, 956,
1855. Mickmaks,—Quotation in Drake, Bk. Inds..
bk. 3, 137, 1848. Micmacks.—Longueuil (1726) in
ING: Ye Doe. Col. Hist., 1x, 956, 1855. Micmaks, —
Begon (1725), ibid., 943. Mic Macs.—Potter in Me.
Hist. Soe. Coll., Iv, 192, 1856. Micmaes.—Doc. of
1696 in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 1X, 648, 1855. Miggaa-
macks.—Kouillard, Noms Géographiques, 63, 1906.
Mikemak.—Lahontan, New Voy.,I, 223,1703 (given
also by Gatschet, Penobscot MS., 1887, as their
Penobscot name, ‘ Mikémak’; singular, Mikéma).
Mikmacs,—Vaudreuil (1757) in N. Y. Doe.Col. Hist.,
X,658,1858. Mikmak.—Cocquard (1757), ibid., 529.
Mukmacks.—Buchanan, N. Am. Inds., 1, 139, 1824.
Shannok,—Gatschet in Proe. Am. Philos. Soc., 409,
1885. Shanung.—Gatschet, quoting Latham, ibid.
Shawnuk.—Gatschet, ibid. Shonack.—Lloyd,
quoting Payton, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Iv, 29,
1875 (‘bad Indians’: Beothuk name). Soricoi,—
DuCreux map of Canada (1660) cited by Vetro-
mile, Abnakis, 21, 1866(Latin form). Sorriquois.—
Vetromile in Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., vi, 210, 1859.
Souricois.—Champlain (1603), Guvres, 11, 58, 1870.
Sourikois.—Jes. Rel. 1652, 26, 1858. | Sourikwosi-
orum.—De Laet (1633) quoted by Tanner, Narr.,
329, 1830. Souriquois.—Jes. Rel. 1611, 8, 1858. Souri-
quosii.—De Laet (1633) quoted by Barton, New
Views, Xxxv, 1798. Sourriquois.—Vetromile in
Me. Hist. Soc.Coll., v1, 208, 1859. Suriquois,—Lords
of Trade (1721) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., v, 592, 1855.
Micoma. A Chumashan village between
Goleta ee Pt Conception, Cal., in 1542.—
Colec.
Cabrillo, Narr. (1542) in Smith,
Doe. Fla., 183, 1857.
Miconope. See Mikanopy.
Middle Creeks. A term used by some
English writers to designate the Creeks
on lower Tallapoosa r., Ala., Spanish and
French writers sometimes using the name
Talipuct, or Talepuse. (A. s. G.)
Middle-settlement Indians. The Chero-
kee formerly living in upper Georgia and
w. North Carolina, as distinguished from
those in South Carolina and Tennessee.— -
Imlay, W. Ter., 363, 1797.
Middle Town. A former Seneca village,
3m. above the site of Chemung, N. Y.,
destroyed by Sullivan in 1779. —Jones
(1780) in N. "Y. Doe. Col. Hist., vir, 785,
1857.
Miduuski. An Ahtena village on the &.
bank of Copper r., Alaska, below the
mouth of Tonsina er.
Miemissouks. Given as the name of a
tribe somewhere between Bellingham bay
and Fraser r., in Washington or British
Columbia. Probably Salishan, otherwise
unidentifiable.
Mie-mis-souks.—Starling in Ind. Aff. Rep.,
1852, Misonk.—Ibid., 171.
Mienikashika (‘those who became hu-
man beings by means of the sun’). A
Quapaw gens.
Mi e’nikaci’ya.—Dorsey in 15th Rep! IB: AsE:, 229,
1897. Sun gens.—Ibid.
Migichihiliniou (Migiziwininiwig, * peo-,
ple of the Eagle clan’; or perhaps Migisi-
wininiwig, ‘people with wampum’, or
‘people with the cowrie shells.’—W.
J.). Given by Dobbs as the name of a
band of (Algonquian?) Indians residing
on the ‘‘Lake of Eagles,’’ between iy
Winnipeg and Lake of the Woods—prob-
ably Eagle lake, some distance Nn. BE. of
Lake of the Woods. He thinks they were
170,
860
related to the Assiniboin, “because of the
great affinity of their language.’ As this
statement is in contradiction to his sub-
sequent assertion, known from other eyi-
dence to be correct, that the Assiniboin
dwelt w. of L. Winnipeg, it may be in-
ferred that these ‘‘ Kagle-men’’ belong to
the Chippewa, who have among their
gentes one named Omegeeze, ‘‘Bald
Kagle.’’ (Sika oe CREE)
Eagle ey’d Indians.—Dobbs, Hudson Bay, 24, 1744.
Eagle Eyed Indians,—Ibid., map. Migichihilini-
ous.—Ibid., 24.
Miguihui. A Chumashan yillage, one
of the two popularly known as Dos Pue-
blos, in Santa Barbara co., Cal.; also a
village in Ventura co.
Migiu.—Henshaw, Buenaventura MS. vocab., B.
A. E., 1884. Miguiguii—Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
July 24, 1863 (Ventura co). Miguihui.—Ibid., Apr.
24, 1863.
Mihtukmechakick. A name, signifying
‘tree eaters,’ which, according to Roger
Williams’ Key (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.,
Ist s., 11, 209, 1794), referred to ‘‘a peo-
ple so called (living between three or
four hundred m. w. into the land) from
their eating mih-tuck-quash, ‘trees.’ They
are men-eaters; they set no corn, but live
on the bark of chestnut and walnut and
other fine trees. They dry and eat this
bark with the fat of beasts and sometimes
of men. This people are the terrour of
the neighboring natives.’? The name Ad-
irondack (Gave ae applied by the kroquois
to certain Algonquian tribes of Canada,
signifies ‘they eat trees Gani Cn
“Miitsr. The Hamming, bd clan of
San Felipe pueblo, N. Mex., of which there
were only one or two survivors in 1895.
Miitsr-hano.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., 1X, 351, 1896
(hdno=‘ people’).
Mikakhenikashika (‘those who made or
adopted the stars as their mark or means
of identity as a people.’—La Flesche). A
Quapaw gens.
Mika’q‘e ni’/kaci’ya.—Dorsey in L5th Rep.
229,1897. Star gens,—Ibid.
Mikanopy (‘head chief’). A Seminole
chief. On May 9, 1832, a treaty was
B.A.E.,
signed purporting to cede the country of .
the Seminole to the United States in ex-
change for lands w. of the Mississippi.
The Seminole had already relinquished
their desirable lands near the coast and
retired to the pine barrens and swamps
of the interior. Mikanopy, the heredi-
tary chief, who possessed large herds of
cattle and horses and a hundred negro
slaves, stood by young Osceola and the
majority of the tribe in the determination
to remain. Neither of them signed the
agreement to emigrate given on ‘behalf of
the tribe by certain pretended chiefs on
Apr. 23, 1835. In the summer of that
year the Indians made preparations to
resist if the Government attempted to
remove them. When the agent notified
them on Dec. 1 to deliver their horses
MIGUIHUI—MIKASUKI
[B. A. Bm.
and cattle and assemble for the long
journey they sent their women and
children into the interior, while the
warriors were seen going about in armed
parties. The white people had con-
temned the Seminole as a degenerate
tribe, enervated through long contact
with the whites. Although Mikanopy,
who was advanced in years, was the
direct successor of King Payne, the chief
who united the tribe, ‘the agent said he
would no longer recognize him as a chief
when he absented himself from the
council where the treaty was signed.
When the whites saw that the Seminole
intended to fight, they abandoned their
plantations on the border, which the
Indians sacked and burned.
( MCKENNEY AND HALL )
MIKANOPY,
then ordered to the Seminole country,
and a seven-years’ war began. In the
massacre of Dade’s command, Dec. 28,
1836, it is said that Mikanopy shot the
commander with his ownhand. Hetook
no further active part in the hostilities.
He was short and gross in person, indo-
lent, and self-indulgent in his habits,
having none of the qualities of a leader.—
McKenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 1, 271,
1858.
Mikasi (‘coyote and wolf people’). , a 1" °
a
BULL. 30]
the chief part. The campaign was then
pushed with vigor, the Modoc were finally
dispersed and captured, and Kintpuash
and 5 other leaders were hanged at Ft
Klaniath in Oct., 1873. The tribe was
then divided, a part being sent to Indian
Ter. and placed on the Quapaw res., where
they had diminished to 56 by 1905. The
remainder are on Klamath res., where
they are apparently thriving, and num-
bered 223 in 1905.
The following were the Modoc settle-
ments so faras known: Agawesh, Chaka-
wech, Kalelk, Kawa, Keshlakchuish,
Keuchishkeni, Kumbatuash, Leush, Na-
koshkeni, Nushaltkagakni, — Pashka,
Plaikni, Shapashkeni, Sputuishkeni, Stu-
ikishkeni, Waisha, Wachamshwash, Wel-
washkeni, Wukakeni, Yaneks, and Yula-
lona. (L. F.)
Aigspaluma.—Gatschet in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1,
pt. 1, x xxiii, 1890 (Sahaptin name for all Indians on
Klamath res.and vicinity). La-la-cas.—Meacham,
Wigwam and War-path, 291, 1875 (original name).
Lutmawi.—Gatschet, op. cit., xxxiv (name given
by a part of the Pit River Indians). Lutuam.—
Gatschetin Mag. Am. Hist.,1,165,1877. Lutuami.—
Curtin, Ilmawi MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1889 (Ilmawi
name). Madoc.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1867, 71,1868. Ma»/-
ya.—Dorsey, Kwapa MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1891(Qua-
pawname). Moadoc.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1864, 11, 1865.
Moahtockna.—Taylorin Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860.
Moéatakish.—Gatschet in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1,
pt. 11, 216, 1890 (variation of M6’dokish). Méatok-
gish.—Ibid. Méatokni.—Ibid. (own name). Mo-
danks.—Wright (1853) in H. R. Ex. Doce. 76, 34th
Cong., 3d sess., 28, 1857. Modoc.—Palmer in Ind.
Aff. Rep., 471, 1854. Mo-docks.—Ibid., 470. Mo-
does.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860 (mis-
print). Modok.—Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol.,
III, 252,1877. Mo’dokish.—Gatschet in Cont. N. A.
Ethnol., 1, pt. 1, 216, 1890. Mo’dokni.—Ibid. (own
name). Modook.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 221,1861. Mowa-
tak.—Gatschet in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, pt. 1,
XXxiy, 1890(Sahaptin name). Mi/atokni.—Ibid.,
pt. 2, 216. Platkni.—Ibid., pt. 1, xxxy (collective
for Modoc, Klamath, and Snakes on Sprague r.).
Pyanai.—Ibid. (Yreka Shasta name). Saidoka.—
Ibid. (Shoshoni name). }
Moenkapi (‘place of the running
water’). A small settlement about 40
m. nN. w. of Oraibi, N. ©. Ariz., occupied
during the farming season by the Hopi.
The present village, which consists of two
irregular rows of one-story houses, was
built over the remains of an older settle-
ment—apparently the Rancheria de los
Gandules seen by Ofiate in 1604. Moen-
kapi is said to have been founded within
the memory of some of the Mormon pio-
eers at the neighboring town of Tuba
City, named after an old Oraibi chief.
It was the headquarters of a large milling
enterprise of the Mormons a number of
years ago. (F. WwW. H.)
Concabe.—Garcés (1775-76) quoted by Bancroft,
Ariz.and N. Mex., 137,395,1889. Moencapi.—Coues,
Garcés Diary, 393, 1900. Moen-kopi.—Mindeleff in
8th Rep. B. A. E., 14,1891. Moqui concave.—Ibid.
Moyencopi.—Bourke, Moquis of Arizona, 229, 1884.
Muabe.—Ibid. Muenkapi.—Voth, Trad. of the
Hopi, 22, 1905 (correct Hopi form). Munqui-con-
cabe.—Garcés (1776), Diary, 393, 1900. Muqui con-
eabe.—Ibid., 394-395 (Yavapai form). Rancheria
de los Gandules.—Ojfate (1604) in Doe. Inéd., xv1,
276, 1871 (apparently identical).
MOENKAPI—MOHAVE 919
Mogg. AnAbnakichief. He had long
been sachem of the Norridgewock and had
been converted to Christianity by Pére
Rale when the English settlers in Maine,
in order to make good their title to terri-
tory which the Abnaki declared they had
not parted with, began a series of attacks
in 1722. Col. Westbrook in the first ex-
pedition found the village deserted and
burned it. In 1724 the English surprised
the Indians. The killing of Rale and
many of the Indians, the desecration of
the church, ete., left a blot on the honor
of the colonists (Drake, Bk. Inds., 312,
1880). In the fight fell Mogg and other
noted warriors. Whittier’s poem ‘‘ Mogg
Megone”’ recounts the story. See Mis-
sions. (A. F. GC. )
Mogollon (from the mesa and mountains
of the same name in New Mexico and
Arizona, which in turn were named in
honor of Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon,
governor of New Mexico in 1712-15). A
subdivision of the Apache that formerly
ranged over the Mogollon mesa and mts.
in w. New Mexico and zr. Arizona (Ind.
Aff. Rep., 380, 1854). They were asso-
ciated with the Mimbrefiosat the Southern
Apache agency, N. Mex., in 1868, and at
Hot Springs agency in 1875, and are now
under the Ft Apache and San Carlos res.,
Ariz. They are no longer officially recog-
nized as Mogollones, and their number is
not separately reported. (®. w. H.)
Be-ga/-kol-kizjn.—ten Kate, Synonymie, 5, 1884.
Mogall.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1867, 12, 1868. Mogal-
lones.—Browne, Apache Country, 290, 1869. Mo-
gogones.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 380, 1854. Mogoll.—Ibid.,
1867, 193, 1868. Mogollon.—Ibid., 1857, 289, 1858.
Mogollone.—Ibid., 1858, 206. Mogoyones.—Ibid.,
1856, 181, 1857.
Mohanet. An Indian settlement of the
colony of Pennsylvania, on the rz. branch
of the Susquehanna, probably Iroquois. —
Alcedo, Dic. Geog., 111, 225, 1788.
Moharala ( Mo-har-d/-ld, ‘big bird’). A
subdivision or clan of the Delawares.—
Morgan, Ane. Soc., 172, 1877.
Mohave (from hamok ‘three’, avi ‘moun-
tain’). The most populous and war-
like of the Yuman tribes. Since known
to history they appear to have lived
on both sides of the Rio Colorado,
though chiefly on the &. side, between
the Needles (whence their name is de-
rived) and the entrance to Black canyon.
Ives, in 1857, found only a few scattered
families in Cottonwood valley, the bulk
of their number being below Hardyville.
In recent times a body of Chemehuevi
have held the river between them and
their kinsmen the Yuma. The Mohave
are strong, athletic, and well developed,
their women attractive; in fact, Ives
characterized them as fine a people phy-
sically as any he had ever seen. They
are famed for the artistic painting of their
bodies. Tattooing was universal, but
4
920
confined to small areas on the skin.
According to Kroeber (Am. Anthrop., Iv,
284, 1902) their art in recent times con-
sists chiefly of crude painted decorations
(am. Mus. Nat. Hist.)
MOHAVE MAN.
on their pottery. Though a river tribe,
the Mohave made no canoes, but when
necessary had recourse to rafts, or balsas,
made of bundles of reeds. They had no
large settlements, their dwellings being
scattered. These were four-sided and
low, with four supporting posts at the
center. The walls, which were only 2
or 3 ft high, and the almost flat roof were
formed of brush covered with sand.
Their granaries were upright cylindrical
structures with flat roofs. The Mo-
have hunted but little, their chief reli-
ance for food being on the cultivated
products of the soil, as corn, pumpkins,
melons, beans, and a small amount of
wheat, to which they added mesquite
beans, mescrew, pifion nuts, and fish to
a limited extent. They did not practise
irrigation, but relied on the inundation
of the bottom lands to supply the needed
moisture, hence when there was no over-
flow their crops failed. Articles of skin
and bone were very little used, materials
such as the inner bark of the willow,
vegetable fiber, etc., taking their place.
Pottery was manufactured. Baskets were
in common use, but were obtained from
other tribes.
According to Kroeber, ‘‘there is no full
gentile system, but something closely akin
to it, which may be called either an in-
cipient or a decadent clan system. Cer-
tain men, and all their ancestors and
MOHAVE
[B. A. B.
descendants in the male line, have only
one name for all their female relatives.
Thus, if the female name hereditary in
my family be Maha, my father’s sister,
my own sisters, my daughters (no matter
how great their number), and my son’s
daughters, willall be called Maha. There
are about twenty such women’s names,
or virtual gentes, among the Mohave.
None of these names seems to have any
signification. Butaccording to the myths
of the tribe, certain numbers of men
originally had, or were given, such names
as Sun, Moon, Tobacco, Fire, Cloud, Coy-
ote, Deer, Wind, Beaver, Owl, and others,
which correspond exactly to totemic clan
names; then these men were instructed
by Mastamho, the chief mythological
being, to call all their daughters and
female descendants in the male line by
certain names, corresponding to these
clan names. Thus the male ancestors of
all the women who at present bear the
name Hipa, are believed to have been
originally named Coyote. It is also said
that all those with one name formerly
lived in one area, and were all considered
related. This, however, is not the case
now, nor does it seem to have been so
within recent historic times.’? Bourke
(Jour. Am. Folk-lore, m, 181, 1889) has
recorded some of these names, called by
him gentes, and the totemic name to
which each corresponds, as follows: Hual-
ga (Moon), O-cha (Rain-cloud), Ma-ha
(Caterpillar), Nol-cha (Sun), Hipa (Coy-
ates ae
MOHAVE WOMAN. (Am. mus. NAT. Hist.)
ote), Va-had-ha (Tobacco), Shul-ya
(Beaver), Kot-ta (Mescal or Tobacco),
Ti-hil-ya (Mescal), Vi-ma-ga (a green
plant, not identified), Ku-mad-ha (Oca-
:
BULL. 30]
tilla or Iron Cactus), Ma-li-ka (unknown),
Mus (Mesquite), Ma-si-pa (Coyote).
The tribal organization was loose,
though, as a whole, the Mohave remained
quite distinct from other tribes. The
chieftainship was hereditary in the male
line. Their dead were cremated. The
population of the tribe in 1775-76 was con-
servatively estimated by Garcés (Diary,
443, 1900) at 3,000, and by Leroux, about
1834 (Whipple, Pac. R. R. Rep., 1m, 1856),
to be 4,000; but the latter is probably
an overestimate. Their number in 1905
was officially given as 1,589, of whom 508
were under the Colorado River school
superintendent, 856 under the Ft Mohave
MOHAVE FAMILY GROUP
school superintendent, 50 under the San
Carios agency, and about 175 at Camp
McDowell, on the Rio Verde. Those
at the latter two points, however, are
apparently Yavapai, commonly known
as Apache Mohave.
No treaty was made with the Mohave
respecting their original territory, the
United States assuming title thereto. By
act of Mar. 3, 1865, supplemented by Ex-
ecutive orders of Nov. 22, 1873, Nov. 16,
1874, and May 15, 1876, the present Col-
orado River res., Ariz., occupied by Mo-
have, Chemehuevi, and Kawia, was
established.
Pasion, San Pedro, and Santa Isabel
have been mentioned as rancherias of the
Mohave. (H. W. H. F. W. H.)
MOHAVE—MOHAWK
921
Amacabos.—Zarate-Salmeron (ca. 1629), Relavion,
in Land of Sunshine, 105, Jan. 1900. Amacava.—
Ibid., 48, Dec. 1899. A-mac-ha-vés.—Whipple in
Pac. R. R. Rep., 11, pt. 3, 16, map, 1856. Ama-
guaguas.—Duflot de Motras, Voyages, I, 338,
1844. Amahuayas.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Mar.
21,1862. Amajabas.—Bancroft, Ariz. and N. Mex.,
545, 1889. Amajavas.—Bancroft, Hist. Cal., 11, 332,
1885. A-moc-ha-ve.—Whipple in Pac. R. R. Rep.,
In, pt. 3, 102, 1856 (own name). Amohah.—Zeit-
schrift f. Ethnologie, 378, 1877 (after 18th cen-
tury source). Amojaves.—Cremony, Life Among
the Apaches, 148, 1868. Amoyami.—Hoffman in
Bull. Essex Inst., Xvi, 33, 1885. Amoyawi.—Ibid.
Amu-chaba.—Smith (1827) in Zeitschr. f. Ethnol-
ogie, 378, 1877. Dil-zhay’.—White, Apache Names
of Ind. Tribes, MS., B. A. E., 1, n.d. (‘Red soil
with red ants’: Apache name). Hamockhaves.—
Ind Aff. Rep. 1857, 302, 1858. Hamoekhavé.—ten
Kate, Reizen in N. A., 180, 1885. Hamokaba.—
Corbusier, MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1885. Hamokavi.—
Thomas, Yuma MS. vocab., B. A. E., 1868. Ham-
oke-avi, —Ibid. Hamukahava.—Ibid. Har-dil-
zhay.—White, Apache Names of Ind. Tribes.
MS., B. A. E., 1, n. d. (‘Red soil with red ants’:
Apache name). Hatilshe.—White in Zeitschr. f.
Ethnologie, 370, 1877 (Apache name for Mohave,
Yuma, and Tonto). Hukwats.—Ibid. (‘weay-
ers’: Ute and Paiute name). I-at.—Simpson,
Exped. Great Basin, 474, 1859 (‘elegant fellows’:
Paiute name). Jamajabas.—Font, MS. Diary, 56,
Dee. 7, 1775 (or Soyopas). Jamajabs.—Garcés
(1775-76), Diary, passim, 1900. Jamajas.—Kern
in Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes, rv, 38, 1854. Jamalas,—
Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, 28, 1878. Mac-ha-
ves.—Whipplein Pac. R. R. Rep., 11, pt. 3,16, map,
1856. Mac-ha-vis.—Ibid., pt. 1, 110. Macjave.—
Froebel, Seven Years’ Travels, 511, 1859. Ma ha
os.—Whipple, Exped. from San Diego, 17, 1851.
Majabos.—Soc. Geogr. Mex., 504, 1869. Majave.—
Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 128, 1884.
Mohahve.—Brenchley, Journ. to Great Salt Lake,
11, 441, 1841. Mohave.—Ibid. Mohavi.—Bartlett,
Pers. Narr., II, 178, 1854. Mohawa,—Pattie, Pers.
Narr., 93, 1883. Mohawe.—MO6llhausen, Journ. to
Pacific, I, 46, 1858. Mojaoes.—Bourke, Moquis of
Ariz., 118, 1884. Mojaris.—Ind. Aff. Rep., 109, 1866.
Mojaur.—Ibid., 94. Mojave.—Brenchley, Journ.
to Great Salt Lake, 1, 441, 1841. Mokhabas,—Cor-
busier in Am. Antiq., viT, 276, 1886 (Mohayes,
or). Molxaves,—Burton (1856) in H. R. Ex. Doc.
76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 116, 1857. Moyave,—
Haines, Am. Indian, 153, 1888. Naks/-at.—ten
Kate, Synonymie, 4, 1884 (Pima and Papago.
name). Soyopas.—Font, MS. Diary, 56, Dee. 7,
1775 (Jamajabas, or). Tamajabs.—Schoolecraft,
Ind. Tribes, 1, 298, 1853 (misprint of Garcés’
‘Jamajabs’). Tamasabes,—Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
May 11, 1860 (misprintfrom Gareés). Tamasabs,—
Forbes, Hist. Cal., 162, 1839. Tzi-na-ma-a.—Bourke
in Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, 11, 185, 1889 (own name
‘‘ before they came to the Colorado river’’). Wah
muk a-hah’-ve.—Ewing in Great Divide, 204, Dec.
1892 (trans.‘ dwelling near the water’). Wamak-
a/va.—Cushing, inf’n (Havasupai name). Wibu’-
kapa.—Gatschet, inf’n (Yavapai name). Wili
idahapa.—White in Zeitschr. f. Ethnol., 371, 1877
(Tulkepaya name). Yamagas,—Mayer, Mexico,
II, 38,1853. Yamajab.—Garcés (1776) misquoted by
Bancroft, Ariz. and N. Mex., 395, 1889. Yamaya.—
Pike, Expeditions, 83d map, 1810.
Mohawk (cognate with the Narraganset
Mohowaruck, ‘they eat (animate) things,’
hence ‘man-eaters’). The most easterly
tribe of the Iroquois confederation. They
called themselves Kaniengehaga, ‘people
of the place of the flint.’
In the federal council and in other
intertribal assemblies the Mohawk sit
with the tribal phratry, which is form-
ally called the ‘‘Three Elder Brothers’’
and of which the other members are the
Seneca and the Onondaga. Like the
Oneida, the Mohawk haye only 3 clans,
922
namely, the Bear, the Wolf, and the
Turtle. The tribe is represented in the
federal council by 9 chiefs of the rank of
roianer (see Chiefs), being 3 from every
clan. These chiefships were known by
specific names, which were conferred with
the office. These official titles are Tek-
arihoken, Haienhwatha, and Satekarih-
wate, of the first group; Orenrehkowa,
Deionhehkon, and Sharenhowanen, of
the second group; and Dehennakarine,
Rastawenserontha, and Shoskoharowa-
nen, of the third group. The first two
groups or clans formed an intratribal
phratry, while the last, or Bear clan
group, was the other phratry. The people
at all times assembled by phratries, and
each phratry occupied a side of the coun-
cil fire opposite that occupied by the other
phratry. The second title in the forego-
ing list has been Anglicized into Hiawatha
(Ok Way
From the Jesuit Relation for 1660 it is
learned that the Mohawk, during a period
of 60 years, had been many times both at
the top and the bottom of the ladder
of suecess; that, being insolent and war-
like, they had attacked the Abnaki and
their congeners at the E., the Conestoga
at the s., the Hurons at the w. and n.,
and the Algonquian tribes at the n.; that
at the close of the 16th century the Al-
gonkin had so reduced them that there
appeared to be none left, but that the re-
mainder increased so rapidly that in a
few years they in turn had overthrown
the Algonkin. This success did not last
long. The Conestoga waged war against
them so vigorously for 10 years that for
the second time the Mohawk were over-
thrown so completely that they appeared
to be extinct. About this time (?1614)
the Dutch arrived in their country, and,
being attracted by their beaver skins,
they furnished the Mohawk and ‘their
congeners with firearms, in order that
the pelts might be obtained in greater
abundance. The purpose of the Dutch
was admirably served, but the possession
of firearms by the Mohawk and their con-
federates rendered it easy for them to
conquer their adversaries, whom they
routed and filled with terror not alone
by the deadly effect but even by the
mere sound of these weapons, which
hitherto had been unknown. Thence-
forth the Monawk and their confederates
became formidable adversaries and were
victorious most everywhere, so that by
1660 the conquests of the Iroquois con-
federates, although they were not numer-
ous, extended over nearly 500 leagues of
territory. The Mohawk at that time num-
bered not more than 500 warriors and
dwelt in 4 or 5 wretched villages.
The accounts of Mohawk migrations
previous to the historical period are
MOHAWK
(B. A. BE.
largely conjectural. Some writers do not
clearly differentiate between the Mohawk
and the Huron tribes at the N. and w.
and from their own confederates as a
whole. Besides fragmentary and un-
trustworthy traditions little that is defi-
nite is known regarding the migratory
movements of the Mohawk.
In 1603, Champlain, while at Tadousace,
heard of the Mohawk and their country.
On July 30, 1609, he encountered on the
lake to which he gave his own name a
party of nearly 200 Iroquois warriors,
under 3 chiefs. In a skirmish in which
he shot two of the chiefs dead and
wounded the third, he defeated this
party, which was most probably largely
Mohawk. Dismayed by the firearms of
the Frenchman, whom they now met for
the first time, the Indians fled. The
Iroquois of this party wore arrow-proof
armor and had both stone and iron
hatchets, the latter having been obtained
in trade. The fact that in Capt. Hen-
dricksen’s report to the States General,
Aug. 18, 1616, he says that he had
“bought from the inhabitants, the Min-
quaes [Conestoga], 3 persons, being peo-
ple belonging to this company,’’? who
were ‘‘employed in the service of the
Mohawks and Machicans,”’ giving, he
says, for them, in exchange, ‘‘ kettles,
beads, and merchandise,’’ shows how
extensively the inland trade was carried
on between the Dutch and the Mohawk.
The latter were at war with the Mohe-
gan and other New England tribes with
only intermittent periods of peace. In
1623 a Mohegan fort stood opposite Cas-
tle id. in the Hudson and was: ‘‘ built
against their enemies, the Maquaes, a
powerful people.’? In 1626 the Dutch
commander of Ft Orange (Albany), and
6 of his men, joined the Mohegan in an
expedition to invade the Mohawk coun-
try. They were met a league from the
fort by a party of Mohawk armed only
with bowsand arrows, and were defeated,
the Dutch commander and 3 of his men
being killed, and of whom one, probably
the commander, was cooked and eaten
by the Mohawk. This intermittent war-
fare continued until the Mohegan were
finally forced to withdraw from the upper
waters of the Hudson. They did not
however relinquish their territorial rights
to their native adversaries, and so in 1630
they began to sell their lands to the
Dutch. The deed to the Manor of Rens-
salaerwyck, which extended w. of the
river two days’ journey, and was mainly
on the kg. side of the river, was dated in
the year named. In 1637 Kilian Van
Renssalaer bought more land on the FE.
side. Subsequently the Mohegan became
the friends and allies of the Mohawk,
their former adversaries.
—_ —
a
BULL. 30]
In 1641 Ahatsistari, a noted Huron
chief, with only 50 companions, attacked
and defeated 300 Iroquois, largely Mo-
hawk, takingsome prisoners. In the pre-
ceding summer he had attacked on L.
Ontario a number of large canoes manned
by Iroquois, probably chiefly Mohawk,
and defeated them, after sinking several
canoes and killinganumber of their crews.
In 1642, 11 Huron canoes were attacked
on Ottawa r. by Mohawk and Oneida
warriors about 100 m. above Montreal.
In the same year the Mohawk captured
Father Isaac Jogues, two French com-
panions, and some Huron allies. They
took the Frenchmen to their villages,
where they caused them to undergo the
most cruel tortures. Jogues, by the aid of
the Dutch, escaped in the following year;
but in 1646 he went to the Mohawk to
attempt to convert them and to confirm
the peace which had been made with them.
On May 16, 1646, Father Jogues went to
the Mohawk as an envoy and returned to
Three Rivers in July in good health. In
September he again started for the Mo-
hawk country to establish a mission there;
but, owing to the prevalence of an epidem-
ic among the Mohawk, and to the failure
of their crops, they accused Father Jogues
of ‘‘having concealed certain charms in
a small coffer, which he had left with his
host as a pledge of his return,’? which
caused them thus to be afflicted. So
upon his arrival in their village for the
third time, he and his companion, a
young Frenchman, were seized, stripped,
and threatened with death. Father
Jogues had been adopted by the Wolf
clan of the Mohawk, hence this clan,
with that of the Turtle, which with the
Wolf formed a phratry or brotherhood,
tried to save the lives of the Frenchmen.
But the Bear clan, which formed a phra-
try by itself, and being only cousins to
the others, of one of which Father Jogues
was a member, had determined on his
death as a sorcerer. On Oct. 17, 1646,
the unfortunates were told that they
would be killed, but not burned, the
next day. On the evening of the 18th
Father Jogues was invited to a supper in
a Bear lodge. Having accepted the in-
vitation, he went there, and while enter-
ing the lodge a man concealed behind
the door struck him down with an ax.
He was beheaded, his head elevated on the
palisade, and his body thrown into the
river. The next morning Jogues’ com-
panion suffered a similar fate. Father
Jogues left an account of a Mohawk
sacrifice to the god Aireskoi (i. e:, Are-
guwens’ gua’, ‘the Master or God of War’).
While speaking of the cruelties exercised
by the Mohawk toward their prisoners,
and specifically toward 3 women, he said:
‘One of them (a thing not hitherto done)
MOHAWK
923
was burned all over her body, and after-
wards thrown into a huge pyre.’’ And
that ‘‘at every burn which they caused,
by applying hghted torches to her body,
an old man, in a loud voice, exclaimed,
‘Daimon, Aireskoi, we offer thee this
victim, whom we burn for thee, that thou
mayest be filled with her flesh and ren-
der us ever anew victorious over our ene-
mies.” Her body was cut up, sent to the
various villages, and devoured.’”’ Mega-
polensis (1644),a contemporary of Father
Jogues, says that when the Mohawk were
unfortunate in war they would kill, cut
up, and roast a bear, and then make an
offering of it to this war god with the ac-
companying prayer: ‘‘Oh, great and
mighty Aireskuoni, we know that we have
offended against thee, inasmuch as we
have not killed and eaten our captive
enemies—forgive us this. We promise
that we will kill and eat all the captives
we shall hereafter take as certainly as we
have killed and now eat this bear.’”’ He
adds: ‘‘Finally, they roast their prison-
ers dead before a slow fire for some days
and then eat them up. The common
people eat the arms, buttocks, and trunk,
but the chiefs eat the head and the
heart.”’
The Jesuit Relation for 1646 says that,
properly speaking, the French had at
that time peace with only the Mohawk,
who were their near neighbors and who
gave them the most trouble, and that
the Mohegan (Mahingans or Mahinga-
nak), who had had firm alliances with
the Algonkin allies of the French, were
then already conquered by the Mohawk,
with whom they formed a defensive
and offensive alliance; that during this
year some Sokoki ( Assok8ekik ) murdered
some Algonkin, whereupon the latter de-
termined, under a misapprehension, to
massacre some Mohawk, who were then
among them and the French. But, for-
tunately, it was discovered from the tes-
timony of two wounded persons, who
had escaped, that the murderers spoke a
language quite different from that of the
Iroquois tongues, and suspicion was at
onee removed from the Mohawk, who
then hunted freely in the immediate vi-
cinity of the Algonkin n. of the St Law-
rence, where these hitherto implacable
enemies frequently met on the best of
terms. At this time the Mohawk refused
Sokoki ambassadors a new compact to
wage war on the Algonkin.
The introduction of firearms by the
Dutch among the Mohawk, who were
among the first of their region to procure -
them, marked an important era in their
history, for it enabled them and the cog-
nate Iroquois tribes to subjugate the Del-
awares and Munsee, and thus to begin a
career of conquest that carried their war
924
parties to the Mississippi and to the shores
of Hudson bay. The Mohawk villages
were in the valley of Mohawk r., N. Y.,
from the vicinity of Schenectady nearly to
Utica, and their territory extended n. to
the St Lawrence and s. to the watershed
of Schoharie er. and the &. branch of the
Susquehanna. On the ks. their territories
adjoined those of the Mahican, who held
Hudson r. From their position on the E.
frontier of the Iroquois confederation the
Mohawk were among the most prominent
of the Iroquoian tribes in the early Indian
wars and in official negotiations with the
colonies, so that their name was fre-
quently used by the tribes of New England
and by the whites as a synonym for thé
confederation. Owing to their position
they also suffered much more than their
confederates In some of the Indian and
French wars. Their 7 villages of 1644
were reduced to 5in 1677. At the begin-
ning of the Revolution the Mohawk took
the side of the British, and at its conclu-
sion the larger portion of them, under
Brant and Johnson, removed to Canada,
where they have since resided on lands
granted to them by the British govern-
ment. In 1777 the Oneida expelled the
remainder of the tribe and burned their
villages.
In 1650 the Mohawk had an estimated
population of 5,000, which was probably
more than their actual number; for 10
years later they were estimated at only
2,500. Thenceforward they underwent
a rapid decline, caused by their wars
with the Mahican, Conestoga, and other
tribes, and with the French, and also by
the removal of a large part of the tribe to
Caughnawaga and other mission villages.
The later estimates of their population
have been: 1,500 in 1677 (an alleged de-
crease of 3,500 in 27 years), 400 in 1736
(an alleged decrease of 1,100 in 36 years),
500 in 1741, 800 in 1765, 500 in 1778, 1,500
in 1783, and about 1,200 in 1851. These
estimates are evidently little better than
vague guesses. In 1884 they were on
three reservations in Ontario: 965 at the
Bay of Quinté near the BE. end of L. On-
tario, the settlement at Gibson, and the
reserve of the Six Nations on Grand r.
Besides these there are a few individuals
scattered among the different Iroquois
tribes in the United States. In 1906 the
Bay of Quinté settlement contained 1,320;
there were 140 (including ‘*‘ Algonquins’”’ )
at Watha, the former Gibson band which
was removed earlier from Oka; and the
Six Nations included an indeterminate
number.
The Mohawk participated in the follow-
ing treaties with the United States: Ft
Stanwix, N. Y., Oct. 22, 1784, being a
treaty of peace between the United States
and the Six Nations and defining their
MOHAWK
[B. A. B.
boundaries; supplemented by treaty of
Ft Harmar, O., Jan. 9, 1789. Konon-
daigua (Canandaigua), N. Y., Nov. 11,
1794, establishing peace relations with the
Six Nations and agreeing to certain reser-
vations and boundaries. Albany, N. Y.,
Mar. 29, 1797, by which the United States
sanctioned the cession by the Mohawk to
the state of New York of all their lands
therein. t
The names of the following Mohawk
villages have been preserved: Canajoha-
rie, Canastigaone, Canienga, Caughna-
waga, Chuchtononeda, Kanagaro, Kowo-
goconnughariegugharie, Nowadaga, Ono-
alagona, Osquake, Saratoga, Schaunac-
tada (Schenectady), Schoharie, and Tea-
tontaloga. (J. N. B. H.)
Agnechronons.—Jes. Rel. for 1652, 35, 1858. Ag-
née.—Jes. Rel. for 1642, 83, 1858. Agneehronon.—
Jes. Rel. for 1640, 35,
Rel. for 1648, 68, 1858.
1858. Agneronons.,—Jes.
Agnic.—Homann Heirs’
map, 1756 (misprint). Agniehronnons.—Jes.
Rel. for 1664, 34, 1858. Agniehroron.—Jes. Rel.
for 1637, 119, 1858. Agnierhonon.—Jes. Rel. for
1639, 70, 1858. Agnieronnons.—Jes. Rel. for 1656,
2, 1858. Agnieronons.—Dollier and Gallinée
(1669) in Margry, Déc., I, 141, 1875. Agnierrho-
nons.—Jes. Rel. for 1635, 34, 1858. Agniers.—Hen-
nepin, New Discov.,101, 1698. Agniez.—Frontenac
(1673) in Margry, Déc., I, 218, 1875. Agnizez.— —
Vaillant (1688) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 11, 527,
1853. Aguierhonon.—Sagard (1632), Hist. Can.,
Ivy, 1866 (Huron name). Améhak —Gatschet,
Penobscot MS., B. A. E., 1887 (Penobscot name).
A’muhak.—Gatschet, Caughnawaga MS.,B. A.E.,
1882 (Caughnawaga name). Anaguas.—Le Beau,
Avantures, II, 2, 1788. Anidka-haka.—Gatschet,
Caughnawaga MS., B. A. E., 1882 (Caughnawaga,
name), Anié.—Bacqueville de la Potherie, Hist.
del’Am, Sept., 111, 27,1753. Aniez.—Del Isle, map
(1718), quoted in N. Y. Doce. Col. Hist., Vv, 577, 1855.
Anniegué.—Jes. Rel. for 1665, 21, 1858. Anniehron-
nons.—Jes. Rel. for 1653, 5, 1858. Anniengehron-
nons.—Jes. Rel. for 1657, 58, 1858. Annienhron-
nons.—Ibid., 36. Annieronnons.—Ibid.,15. Annie-
ronons.—Jes. Rel. for 1656, 11, 1858. Annuierron-
nons.—Jes. Rel. for 1646, 3, 1858. Anniés.—Tracy
(1667) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 111, 152, 1853. _ An-
niez.— Frontenac (1673)in Margry, Déc., 1, 203, 1875.
Aquieeronons.—Jes. Rel. for 1641, 37, 1858. Aqui-
ers.—Charlevoix, Jour., I, 270, 1761 (misprint).
Auniers.—Chauvignerie (1736), quoted by School-
eraft, Ind. Tribes, 111, 555,1853. Aunies —McKen-
ney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 117, 80,1854. Canaon-
euska.—Montreal conf. (1756) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., x, 500, 1858. Caniengas.—Hale quoted in
Minn. Hist. Soe, Coll., v, 42, 1885. Canniungaes.—
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 1x, 262, note, 1855. Canun-
gas.—Mallery in Proc. A. A. A. S., XXVI, 352, 1877.
Cauneeyenkees.—Edwards (1751) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., Ist s., X, 143, 1809. Cayingahaugas.—
Macauley, N. Y., 11, 174, 1829. Conninggahaugh-
gaugh.—Ibid., 185. Da-ga-e-6-ga.—Morgan, League
Troq., 97, 1851 (name used in the Iroquois coun-
cils). GagnieguezicHennepin, New Discoy., 92,
1698. Ganeagaonhoh.—Mallery in Proc. A. A. A.
S., XXVI, 352, 1877. Ga-ne-a’-ga-o-no’. — Morgan,
League Iroq., 523, 1851 (Seneca name), Géa-ne-
ga-ha’/-ga.—Ibid., 523 (Mohawk form), Ganieguero-
nons.—Courcelles (1670) in Margry, Dée., 1,
178, 1875. Gani-inge-haga.—Pyrleus (ca. 1750)
quoted by Gatschet in Am. Antiq., Iv, 75,
1882. Ganingehage.—Barclay (1769) quoted by
Shea, Cath. Miss., 208,1855. Ganniag8ari.—Bruyas
quoted in Hist. Mag., 1, 153, 1858. Ganniagwari.—
Shea, note in Charlevoix, New Fr., 1, 145, 1872.
Ganniegéhaga.—Bruyas quoted by Shea, Cath.
Miss., 208, 1855. Ganniégeronon.—Ibid. Gannie-
gez.—Hennepin, New Discov. , 28,1698. Ganniegué.—
Shea, Cath. Miss., 258, 1855. Ganniekez.—Hennepin
(1683) quoted by Le Beau, Avantures, II, 2, 1738.
Ganningehage.—Barclay (1769) quoted in Hist.
BULL. 30]
Mag., II, 153, 1858. Guagenigronnons.—Doc. of 1706
in N.Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 1X, 786, 1855. Hatiniéye-
runu.—Gatschet, Tuscarora MS., B. A. E., 1883
Tuscarora name). Imgnerhonons.—Champlain,
uvV., III, 220, 1870. Ignierhonons.—Sagard (1636),
Can., I, 170, 1866. Iroquois d’enbas.—Jes. Rel. for
1656, 7,1858(Frenchname). Iroquois inferieurs. —
Jes. Rel. for 1656, 2,1858. Kajingahaga.—Megapo-
lensis (1644) quoted in Hist. Mag., 11, 153, 1858.
Kanawa.—Gatschet, Shawnee MS,, B. A. E., 1879
(Shawnee name, from Kanawaégi). Kanieke-haka.
Gatschet, Tuscarora MS., B. A. E. (‘flint tribe’:
Tuscaroraname). Kaniénge-ono".—Gatschet, Sen-
eca MS.,B. A. E. (Seneca name). Kayingehaga.—
Ruttenber, Tribes Hudson R., 35, 1872. Kwe-
déch’,—Rand, Micmae Dict., 172, 1888, (Micmac
name). Maaquas.—Jogues (1643) in N. Y. Doe.
Col. Hist., x11I, 577, 1881. Mackwaes.—De Laet
(i62>)hin N.Y. Hist, Soe; Coll-, 2d\s:, 1, 299)
1841. Mackwasii.—De Laet, Noy. Orb., 73, 1633.
Mackwes.—De Laet (1633) quoted in Jones,
Ind. Bull., 6, 1867. Macqs.—Maryland treaty
(1682) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 111, 323, 1853.
Macquaas.—Doc. of 1660, ibid., XIII, 183, 1881. Mac-
quaaus. —Penhallow (1726) in N. H, Hist. Soe. Coll.,
I, 41, 1824. Macquas.—Rawson (1678) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., X111, 521, 1881. Macquaus,—Pen-
hallow (1726) in N. H. Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 41,
1824. Macques.—Rawson (1678) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., X111, 522, 1881. Macquess.—Maryland treaty
(1682), ibid., 111, 326, 1853. Macquis.—Ibid., 325.
Macquiss.—Ibid., 321. Maechibaeys.—Michaelius
1628), ibid., 11, 769, 1858. Mahacks,—Schuyler
1699), ibid., Iv, 563, 1854. Mahaeqs.—Meadows
(1698), ibid., 395. Mahakas.—Megapolensis
(1644) in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d s., 11, pt. 1,
158, 1857. Mahakes.—Andros (1680) in Me. Hist.
Soe. Coll., v, 42, 1857. Mahakinbaas.—Hazard in
Am. State Pap., I, 520, 1792. Mahakinbas.—Mega-
polensis (1644) in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d s., 111,
pt. 1, 158, 1857. Mahakobaas.—Ibid. Mahaks.—
Wharton (1673) quoted in Hist. Mag., 2d s., 1, 300,
1867. Mahakuaas.—Hist. Mag., Ist s., 11, 153, 1858.
Mahakuase.—Megapolensis (1644) quoted inN. Y.
Doc. Col. Hist., 1, 496, 1856. Mahakuasse.—Mega-
polensis (1644) quoted by Vater, Mith., pt. 3, sec.
3, 330,1816. Mahakwa.—Shea,-Cath. Miss., 208,
1855 Mahaukes.—Doc. of 1666 in N. Y. Doe.
Col. Hist., 11, 118, 1853. Mahogs.—Church (1716)
quoted by Drake, Ind. Wars, 115, 1825. Makquas.—
Denonville (1687) in N.Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 111,
518, 1853. Makwaes,—Wassenaar (1632) quoted
by Ruttenber, Tribes Hudson R., 58, 1872. Ma-
qaise.—Bleeker (1701) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
Iv, 919, 1854. Maqas.—Doce. of 1676, ibid., x1,
500, 1881. Maquaas.—Map of 1614, ibid., I, 1856.
Maquaes.—Doc. of 1651, ibid., x11T, 28,1881. Ma-
quaese.—Bellomont (1698), ibid., Iv, 347, 1854.
Maquais.—Nicolls (1616), ibid., Itt, 117, 1853.
Maquaise.—Bleeker (1701), ibid., Iv, 920, 1854.
Maquas.—De Laet (1625) quoted by Ruttenber,
Tribes Hudson R., 34, 1872. Maquasas.—Doc. of
1655 in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., x11, 98, 1877. Ma-
quase.—Doc. of 1678, ibid., XIII, 528, 1881. Ma-
quases.—Lovelace (1669), ibid., XIII, 489, 1881.
Maquash.—Romer (1700), ibid., Iv, 800, 1854. Ma-
quass.—Taleott (1678), ibid., X11, 517, 1881. Ma-
quasse.—Doce. of 1687, ibid., II, 4382, 1853. Ma-
quees.—Bradstreet (1680) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll.,
3d s., VIII, 834, 1843. Maques.—Clobery (1633) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 1, 78, 1856. Maquese.—Liy-
ingston (1710), ibid., v, 227, 1855. Maqueses.—
Gardner (1662), ibid., x111, 227, 1881. Maquess.—
Harmetsen (1687), ibid., 111,487, 1853. Maquesyes.—
Lovelace (1669), ibid., XIII, 439, 1881. Maquez.—
Graham (1698), ibid.,1v, 430,1854. Maquis.—Davis
(ca. 1691) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d s., 1, 108, 1825.
Maquoas.—Doc. of 1697 in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., v,
75, 1855. Maquois.—Jes. Rel. for 1647, 34, 1858
(Dutch form). Mauguawogs.—Mallery in Proe.
A. A. A. S., XXVI, 352, 1877. Mauhauks.—Doc. of
1666in N.Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 111, 118, 1853. Mauk-
quogges.— Warner (1644) in R. I. Col. Rec., 1, 140,
1856. Mauquaoys.—Eliot (1680) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., Ist s., 111, 180, 1794. Mauquas.—Salis-
bury (1678) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., x111, 519,
1881. Mauquauogs.—Williams (ca. 1638) in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., v1, 238, 1863. Mauquaw.—
Williams (1648), ibid., 3d s., 1X, 272, 1846. Mau-
MOHAWK
925
quawogs.—Williams (1637), ibid., 4th s., vi, 201,
1863. Mauquawos.—Williams(1650),ibid.,284. Mau-
ques.—Andros (1675) inN. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., x11, 520,
1877, Mawhakes.—Rec. of 1644 quoted by Drake,
Bk. Inds., bk. 2, 90, 1848. Mawhauogs.—Williams
(1637) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., v1, 207, 1863.
Mawhawkes.—Haynes (1648) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 4th s., VI, 358, 1863. Mawques.—Hubbard
(1680), ibid., 2d's.,v1,629,1815, Meguak.—Gatschet,
Penobscot MS.,1887 (Penobscot name). Megual.—
Ibid. Megue.—Ibid. Megwe.—Ibid. Mequa.—Ve-
tromile in Me. Hist. Soe. Coll., v1, 215, 1859 (Ab-
naki name). Moacks.—Vaillant (1688) in N.Y.
Doc. Col. Hist., 111, 528, 1858. Moak.—Doc. of 1746,
ibid., X, 54,1858. Moawk.—Doc. of 1758, ibid., 679.
Mockways.— Wadsworth (1694) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 4th s., I, 102, 1852. Mocquages.—Sanford,
(1657), ibid,, 2.s., v1, 81, 1818. Mocquayes.—San-
ford (1657) in R. I. Col. Ree., 1, 362, 1856. Mo-
haakx —Clarkson (1694) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
Iv, 93, 1854. Mohacks.—Colve (1673), ibid., x111,
478,1881. Mohacqs.—Meadows (1698), ibid., Iv,
393, 1854. Mohacques.—Doe. of 1698, ibid., 337.
Mohacs — Miller (1696), ibid., 188. Mohaes.—Pou-
chot, map (1758), ibid., xX, 694, 1858. Mohaggs.—
Livingston (1691), ibid., 111, 781, 1853. Mohags.—
Livingstone (1702), ibid., rv, 988, 1854. Mohaks.—
Wessells (1692), ibid., 111, 817, 1858. Mohage.—
Doe. of 1695, ibid., rv, 120, 1854. Mohagqs.—Wes-
sells (1693), ibid., 59. Mohaques.—Winthrop
(1666), ibid., 111, 137, 1854. Mohaucks.—Mason
(1684) in N. H. Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 200, 1827. Mo-
haugs.—Quanapaug (1675) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 1st s., VI, 206, 1800. Mohaukes.—Doc. of 1666
in N. Y. Doce. Col. Hist., 111, 118, 1853. Mohauks.—
Gardener (1660) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 3d s., 111,
154, 1833. Mohawcks.—Owaneco’s rep. (1700) in N.
Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 1v, 614, 1854. Mohawkes.—Doc.
ca. 1642in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 3d s., 111, 162, 1833.
Mohawks.—Hendricksen (1616) in N. Y. Doc. Col,
Hist., 1, 14, 1856. Mohawques.—Schuyler (1691),
ibid., 111, 801, 1853. Mohaws.—Conf. of 1774 in
Rupp, W. Penn., app., 223, 1846. Mohegs.—Don-
gan (1688) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 111, 521, 1853.
Mohoakk.—Schnectady treaty (1672), ibid., x11,
464, 1881. Mohoakx.—Ibid., 465. Mohocks.—Vin-
cent (1638) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 3d s., v1, 29,
1837. Mohocs.—Boudinot, Star in the West, 127,
1816. Mohoges.—Schuyler (1694) in N. Y. Doe.
Col. Hist., Iv, 82, 1854. _Mohoggs.—Livingston
(1711), ibid., v, 272, 1855. Mohogs.—Hogkins(1685)
in N. H. Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 221, 1824. Mohokes.—
Gardner (1662) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., x111, 226,
1881. Mohoks.—Ibid., 225. Mohoukes.—Harmet-
sen (1687), ibid., 111, 436, 1853. Mohowaugsuck.—
Williams (1643) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Ist s., 111,
209,1794. Mohowawogs.—Williams (ca. 1638), ibid.,
4th s, VI, 239, 1863. _Mohowks.—Burnet (1720) in
N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., v, 578, 1855. Mohox.—
Vaillant (1688), ibid., 111, 527, 1853. Mohucks.—
Doc. of 1676 quoted by Drake, Ind. Chron., 88, 1836.
Mokaus.—Alcedo, Dic. Geog., Iv, 604, 1788. Mo-
kawkes.—Doc.ca.1684in N. H. Hist. Soe. Coll., 1, 220,
1824. Moohags.—Church (1716) quoted by Drake,
Ind. Wars, 50, 1825. Moquaes.—Wessells (1698) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., Iv, 372, 1854. Moquakues.—
Gardener (1660) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d s.,
TI, 154, 1833. Moquas.—Andros (1678) in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., 111, 271, 1853. Moquase.—Talcott:
(1678), ibid., XIII, 517, 1881. Moquauks.—Win-
throp (1645) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d s., v1,
460, 1815. Moquawes.—Hubbard (1680), ibid., v,
33. Moqui.—Doc. of 1690, ibid., 3d s., 1, 210, 1825.
Mosquaugsett.—Baily (1669) in R. I. Col. Rec., 11,
274,1857. Mouhaks.—Gardiner (1652) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., 4th s., vit, 62, 1865. Mowacks.—Treaty
of 1644, ibid., 111, 430, 1856. Mowakes.—Winthrop
(1637), ibid., 358. Mowaks.—Bradford (ca. 1650),
ibid., 431. Mowhakes.—Ibid., 361. Mowhaks.—
Bradford (1640), ibid., VI, 159, 1863. Mowhakues.—
Gardener (1660), ibid., 8d s., 111, 152, 1888. Mow-
haugs.—Williams (1637), ibid., Ix, 301, 1846.
Mowhauks.—Mason (1643), ibid., 4th s., vir, 411,
1865. Mowhauogs.—Williams (1637), ibid., 3d s.,
1x, 300, 1846. Mowhawkes.—Haynes (1643), ibid.,
I, 230, 1825. Mowhawks.—Clinton (1743) in N. Y.
Doc. Col. Hist., v1, 250, 1855. Mowhoake.—Pat-
rick (1637) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th s., vu,
323, 1865. Mowhoks.—Gardner (1662) in N. Y.
926
Doe. Col. Hist., XIII, 225, 1881. Mowquakes.—
Gardener (1660) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 3d s.,
III, 152, 1888. Oyanders.—Shea, Cath. Miss., 214,
1855 (probably a Dutch form of Agniers). Sank-
hicani.— Heckewelder quoted by Gallatin in
Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 46, 1886 (Delaware
name: ‘flint users’). Teakawreahogeh.—Mac-
auley, N. Y., 1, 174, 1829. Tehawrehogeh.—Ibid.,
185. Tehur-lehogugh.—Ibid. Tekau-terigtego-nes.
—Ibid., 174. Tgarihége.—Pyrleus MS. (ca. 1750)
quoted in Am. Antiq., Iv, 75, 1882. Yanieye-
rono.—Gatschet, Wyandot MS., B. A. E., 1881
(Huron name: ‘bear people’).
Mohawk. One of the Lakmiut bands
of the Kalapocian stock, on Mohawk r.,
an £. tributary of the Willamette, just Nn.
of Eugene City, Oreg.—U. 8. Ind. Treat.
(1855), 19, 1873; Sanders in Ind. Aff. Rep.
1863, 88, 1864.
Mohegan (from maingan, ‘wolf.’—
Trumbull). An Algonquian tribe whose
chief seat appears originally to have been
on Thames r., Conn., in the n. part of
New London co. They claimed as their
proper country all the territory watered
by the Thames and its branches Nn. to
within 8 or 10 m. of the Massachusetts
line, and by conquest a considerable
area extending N.and &. into Massachu-
setts and Rhode Island, occupied by the
Wabaquasset and Nipmuc. On the w.
their dominion extended along the coast
to East r., near Guilford, Conn. After
the destruction of the Pequot in 1637
the Mohegan laid claim to their country
and that of the western Nehantic in the
s. part of New London co. The tribes
w. of them on Connecticut r., whom they
sometimes claimed as subjects, were gen-
erally hostile to them, as were also the
Narraganset on their 5. border.
The Mohegan seem to have been the
eastern branch of that group of closely
connected tribes that spread from the vi-
cinity of Narragansett bay to the farther
side of the Hudson (see Mahican), but
since known to the whites the eastern and
western bodies have had no political con-
nection. At the first settlement of New
England the Mohegan and Pequot formed
but one tribe, under the rule of Sassacus,
afterward known as the Pequot chief.
Uncas, a subordinate chief connected by
marriage with the family of Sassacus, re-
belled against him and assumed a distinct
authority as the leader of asmall band on
the Thames, near Norwich, who were
afterward known in history as Mohegan.
On the fall of Sassacus in 1637 the greater
part of the survivors of his tribe fell
under the dominion of the Mohegan
chief, who thus obtained control of the
territory of the two tribes with all their
tributary bands. As the English favored
his: pretensions he also set up a claim
to extensive adjoining territories in the
possession of rival chiefs. He strength-
ened his position by an alliance with the
English against all other tribes, and after
the destruction of the Indian power in s.
MOHA W K—MOHEGAN
[B. A. B.
New England, by the death of King
Philip in 1676, the Mohegan were the
only important tribe remaining s. of the
Abnaki. As the white settlements ex-
tended the Mohegan sold most of their
lands and confined themselves to a res-
ervation on Thames r., in New London
co.,Conn. Their village, also called Mo-
hegan, was on the site of the present
town of that name on the w. bank of the
river. Their ancient village seems to
have been farther up, about the mouth
of the Yantic. Besides the village at
Mohegan, the villages of Groton and
Stonington, occupied mainly by the rem-
nant of the Pequot, were considered to
belong to the Mohegan. They rapidly
dwindled away when surrounded by the
whites. Many joined the Scaticook, but
in 1788 a still larger number, under the
leadership of Occom, joined the Brother-
ton Indians in New York, where they
formed the majority of the new settle-
ment. The rest of the tribe continue to
reside in the vicinity of Mohegan or Nor-
wich, Conn., but are now reduced to
about 100 individuals of mixed blood,
only one of whom, an old woman, re-
tained the language in 1904. They still
keep up a September festival, which ap-
pears to be a survival of the Green Corn
dance of the Eastern tribes. For inter-
esting notes on this remnant, see Prince
and Speck in Am. Anthrop., 1903 and
1904.
In 1643 the Mohegan were estimated to
number from 2,000 to 2,500, but this in-
cluded the Pequot living with them, and
probably other subordinate tribes. In
1705 they numbered 750, and in 1774
were reported at 206. Soon after they
lost a considerable number by removal
to New York, and in 1804 only 84 were
left, who were reduced to 69 five years
later. They were reported to number
300 in 1825, and about 350 in 1832, but
the increased numbers are probably due
to the enumeration of negroes and mixed-
bloods living with them, together with
recruits from the Narraganset and others
in the vicinity. The Mohegan villages
were Groton, Mohegan, Showtucket, and
Wabaquasset. For further information
and synonyms, see Mahican. (J. M.)
Manheken.—Brewster (1651) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 4ths., vil, 71,1865. Manhigan-euck.—Tooker,
Algonq. Ser., v, 28, 1901 (English form of tribal
name). Mawchiggin.—Johnson (1654) in Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d s., vit, 47, 1818. Mawhick-
on.—Easton. treaty (1757) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
vil, 294, 1856. Mawhiggins.—Johnson (1654) in
Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 2d s., Iv, 28,1816. Mogekin.—
Hopkins (1646), ibid., 4th s., v1, 334, 1863. Mogian-
eucks.—Williams (1637), ibid., 210, Mohagin.—
Adams (1738), ibid. 1,35, 1852 (Connecticut village),
Moheag.—Mather (ca. 1640) in Drake, Bk. Inds.,
bk. 2, 86,1848. Moheagan.—Horsmanden (1744) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., VI, 256, 1855. Moheaganders.—
Trumbull, Conn., 1, 350, 1818. Moheages.—Mason
(ca. 1670) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d's., vi, 146,
1819. Moheagues.—Peters (ca. 1644) in Drake, Bk,
BULL. 30]
Inds., bk. 2, 69, 1848. Moheegins.—Patrick (1637
in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th s., Vil, 325, 1865. Mo-
heegs. Wainwright (1735) in Me. Hist. Soc. Coll.,
IV, 123, 1856. Moheek,—Fitch (1674) in Mass. Hist.
Soe. Coll., 1st s., I, 208, 1806 (village in Connecti-
cut). Moheganicks.—Pynchon (1645), ibid,, 4ths.,
VI, 374, 1863. Mohegans.—Haynes (1643), ibid., 357
(used by Hubbard in 1680 for the New York tribe).
Mohegen.—Coddington (1640), ibid., 318 (Connec-
ticut village). Moheges.—Stiles (ca. 1770), ibid.,
ist s., X, 101, 1809. Mohegin.—Leete (1659), ibid.,
4th s., Vil, 543, 1865. Mohegs.—Hyde (1760) in
Drake, Bk. Inds., bk. 2,66, 1848. Moheken.—Brew-
ster (1656) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th s., v11, 76,
1265. Mohigan.—Mass. Records (1642) in Drake,
Bk. Inds., bk. 2, 63,1848. Mohiganeucks.—Williams
(1637) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3ds., I, 163, 1825.
Mohiganie.—Williams (1637), ibid., 4th s., v1, 207,
1863. Mohigens.—Vincent (1638), ibid., 3d s., VI,
35, 1837 (used by Harris in 1805 for the New York
tribe). Mohiggans.—N. Y. Hist. Soe. Coll., 2ds.,
1, 72,1841. Mohiggen.—Cushman (1622) in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th gs., 1m, 122, 1856 (Connecticut, ~
or; may mean Monhegan id.). Mohiggeners.—
Underhill (1638), ibid., 3d s., v1, 15,1837. Mohig-
hens.—Vincent (1638), ibid.,39. Mohigin.—Steph-
ens (1675), ibid., x, 117, 1849 (Connecticut village).
Mohigoners.—Higginson (1637), ibid., 4th s., vII,
396, 1865. Mohogin.—Writer of 1676 quoted by
Drake, Ind. Chron., 116, 1836. Monahegan.—Win-
throp (1638) quoted by Drake, Bk. Inds., bk. 2, 87,
1848. Monahiganeucks.—Williams (1637) in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., v1, 215, 1863. Monahiga-
nick.—Ibid., 215 (Connecticut village). Mona-
higgan. —Williams (1638) quoted by Trumbull,
Ind. Names Conn., 31, 1881 (Connecticut village).
Monahigganie.— Williams (1638) in Mass. Hist. Soe.
Coll., 4th s., VI, 231, 1863. Monahiggannick.—Wil-
liams (1639), ibid., 260. Monahiggens.—Williams
(1638), ibid., 3d s., I, 167, 1825. Monahiggon.—
Williams (1637), ibid., 4th s., v1, 215, 1863. Mona-
higon.—Williams (1638), ibid., 224. Monhagin.—
Adams (1788), ibid., I, 35, 1852. Monheagan.—
Mason (1648), ibid., vil, 416, 1865. Monheags.—
Tbid., 418. Monhegans.—Williams (1670), ibid.,
ist s., 1,277,1806. Monhege.—Mason (1643), ibid.,
4th s., vil, 411, 1865. Monhegen.—Treaty (1645),
ibid., 11, 437,1856. Monhiggin.—Williams (1637),
ibid., v1, 220, 1863. Monhiggons.—Williams (1675),
ibid.,302. Monhiggs.—Bradford (ca. 1650), ibid.,
II, 361, 1856. Monohegens.—Eliot (1650), ibid.,
8d s., Iv, 139, 1884. Morahtkans.—Opdyck (1640)
in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 11,141, 1858. Morhicans.—
Map of 1616, ibid., I, 1856. Mowheganneak.—Ma-
son (1648) in Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., 4ths., v1, 413,
1865. Muhhekaneuk.—Trumbull, Ind. Names
Conn., 31, 1881 (English form of tribal name).
Munhegan.—Pynchon (1643) in Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll., 4th s., vi, 373, 1863. Munhicke.—Brewster
(1636), ibid., viI, 67, 1865 (Connecticut village).
Nanhegans.—Sanford (1657) in R. I. Col. Ree., ¥,
362, 1856. River Heads.—Am. Pioneer, II, 191, 1843
(misprint, probably for ‘‘River Inds ’’). River
Indians.—See under this title. Sea-side People.—
Morgan, Consang. and Affin., 289, 1871. Unkus
Indians.—Salisbury (1678) in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
XIII, 526, 1881. Upland Indians.—Church (1716) in
Drake Ind. Wars, 67, 1825. Vpland Indianes.—
Brewster (1656) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4ths.,
VII, 75, 1865.
Mohemencho. A tribe of the Monacan
confederacy, formerly living on the upper
waterso{f Jamesr., Va. Jefferson locates
them in Powhatan co., on the s. side of
the river, a few miles above Richmond,
but Strachey seems to place them higher
up, in the mountains. (J. M.)
Mohemenchoes.—Jefierson, Notes, 179, 1801. Mohe-
menehoes.—Macauley, N. Y., II, 178, 1829 (mis-
print). Mohemonsoes.—Boudinot, Starin the West,
127, 1816. Mowhemeho.—Smith, Va., 1, map, 1819.
Mowhemenchouch —Pots, ibid., 196. Mowhemen-
chuges.—Strachey (ca. 1612), Va., 102, 1849. Mo-
whemenchughes.—Smith, op. cit., 134. Mowhem-
incke,—strachey (ca. 1612), Va., 131, 1849.
MOH EMENCHO—MOHONGO
927
Moheton. An unclassified tribe living
in 1671 in the mountains of s. w. Virginia,
or the adjacent part of West Virginia, on
the upper waters of ariver flowing N. w.—
perhaps New r. They had removed a
short time previously from the head-
waters of the Roanoke, in the mountains
farther to the kr. They were friends and
neighbors of the Tutelo, and were possi-
bly a cognate tribe, or they may have
been Shawnee. (J. M.)
Mohetan.—Batts (1671) in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist.,
TI, 197, 1853 (ef. Bushnell in Am. Anthrop., Ix,
no. 1,1907). Mohetons.—Ibid., 196.
Mohickon John’s Town. A village, prob-
ably occupied bya band of Mahican under
a chief known as Mohickon John, for-
merly on the upper waters of Mohican r.,
probably on Jerome fork, in the present
Ashland co., Ohio. It is probably the
Mohicken Village mentioned by Croghan
in 1760. (J. M.)
Mohican Johnstown, —Howe, Hist.Coll. Ohio, 11, 832,
1896. Mohicken Village.—Croghan (1760) in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., rx, 378, 1871. Mohickon
John’s Town.—Hutchins map in Smith, Bouquet’s
Exped., 1766. Ville de Jean.—La Tour, map, 1784
(‘*Mohickon ou Villede Jean”). —
Mohock. From the reputation of the
Mohawk, an Iroquoian people of central -
New York and parts of Canada, their
name was used by the colonists in the
sense of ‘fierce fellow,’ then ‘ruffian,’ or
‘tough’ in modern parlance. The word
was specially applied to one of the many
bands of ruffians who infested the streets
of London at the beginning of the 18th
century. As it appears in English litera-
ture itis spelled Mohock. Gay, the poet
and dramatist (1688-1732), asks
Who has not heard the Scowrer’s midnight fame?
Who has not trembled at the Mohock’'s name?
(NG a0 ce)
Mohominge. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy near the falls of James r., at
Richmond, Va., about 1610 (Strachey,
ca. 1612, Va., 25, 1849). Itis not marked
on Capt. John Smith’s map.
Mohongo (or Myhangah). The wife of
Kihegashugah, an Osage chief. These
two, with four other members of thetribe,
sailed from New Orleans in 1827, and on
July 27 arrived at Havre, France, under
the care of David Delaunay, a Frenchman
who had lived 25 years in St Louis, and
who is said to have been a colonel in the
service of the UnitedStates. The Indians
later went to Paris, and, as at Havre, were
the objects of marked attention, being
showered with gifts, entertained by peo-
ple of prominence, and received at court
by Charles X. The desire of Kihega-
shugah to visit France was inspired by a
journey to that country by his grand-
father in the time of Louis XIV. Kihe-
gashugah and two others of the party
died of smallpox on shipboard while re-
turning to America. It is said that the
expense of their return was borne by La-
928
fayette. Landing at Norfolk, Va., the sur-
vivors of the party proceeded to Wash-
ington, where the accompanying portrait
of Mohongo, from Kenney and Hall, was
painted. See Six Indiens rouges de la
tribu Osages (with portraits), 1827; His-
toire de la tribu Osages, par P. V., 1827;
McKenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 1, 29,
ee Fletcher in Am. Anthrop., 11, 395,
1900.
(MCKENNEY AND HALL)
MOHONGO
Mohonk Indian Conferences. A series of
annual meetings of friends of the Indians
intended to facilitate intelligent discus-
sion and conscientious agitation for desir-
able reforms. In these conferences a
novel and effective way of forming and
disseminating sound public opinion has
been devised and fora score of years suc-
cessfully employed, and through their in-
strumentality public speakers and those
who write for the press have been kept
in touch with the experts who know the
facts. The Mohonk conferences, in their
inception and their maintenance, are the
idea and the work of Albert K. Smiley,
member of the U. 8. Board of Indian
Commissioners, formerly professor of nat-
ural science at Haverford College, later
in charge of the Friends’ Boarding School
at Providence, R. I. Having purchased
the picturesque hotel overlooking beau-
tiful L. Mohonk, in the Catskill range,
w. of lower Hudson r., N. Y., Mr Smiley
made it a resort for people of education,
high principle, and philanthropic inter-
ests. Led by the wish to promote reform
in the management of Indian affairs, he
conceived the idea of inviting each year,
MOHONK INDIAN CONFERENCES
[B. A. BE.
as his personal guests for the greater part
of a week in October, the people who
knew most about Indian life, education,
and mission work, and the relations of
the Government to the Indians. Besides
these experts in Indian affairs, were in-
vited from 100 to 250 other people, lead-
ers in shaping public opinion, such as ed-
itors of the secular and religious press,
writers for reviews, clergymen of all de-
nominations, presidents of universities
and colleges, leading men and women
teaching in public schools, lawyers and
judges, Senators and Representatives in
Congress, members of the Cabinet and
heads of Departments, expert ethnolo-
gists, and, preeminently, such workers
from the field as Indian agents of charac-
ter and intelligence, teachers of Indian
schools, army officers with a personal
knowledge of Indians, and philanthropic
people who had studied the Indians on
the reservations. These meetings Mr
Smiley, as a member of the Board of
Indian Commissioners, called ‘‘ Confer-
ences with the Board,”’ and until 1902 a
member of the Board presided—Gen.
Clinton B. Fisk, from 1883 until his death
in 1890; Dr Merrill E. Gates, former pres-
ident of Amherst College, chairman (now
secretary) of the Board, from 1890 to
1902; in 1903, Hon. John D. Long, ex-
Secretary of the Navy, and in 1904, Hon.
Charles J. Bonaparte, present Secretary
of the Navy. The proceedings of the
conference for the first 20 years were
printed as an appendix in the Annual
Reports of the Board of Indian Commis-
sioners.
During the four days of the meeting, in
the mornings a three or four hours’ ses-
sion and in the evenings two to three
hours have been given to addresses, pa-
pers, reports, and the freest discussion, in
which the widest differences of opinion
have been welcomed and carefully con-
sidered and discussed. Sympathetic at-
tention to views the most divergent has
resulted in such conservatively sound ut-
terances in the annual Mohonk platform
as have generally commanded the support
of the great body of the best friends of the
Indians. In the afternoon, in drives and
walks about the lake and through the
forest, congenial groups of interested
friends often continued the discussions of
the morning sessions, shaped resolutions,
and devised plans for aiding reform.
At its first meeting in 1883 the con-
ference reported in favor of larger appro-
priations for Indian education and more
school buildings; the extension of laws
relating to crime, marriage, and inheri-
tance so as to cover Indians on reserva-
tions then ‘‘lawless’’; more of religious
education for Indians; the gradual with-
drawal of rations from the able-bodied
BULL. 30]
Indians because rations pauperized them;
the inexpediency of leasing Indian graz-
ing lands, and the need of greater care
in selecting men of character as Indian
agents. Still more progressive policies
have been advocated in subsequent years.
The conference early declared for land in
severalty, with inalienable homesteads
for Indian families; for educating Indians
industrially as well as intellectually for
citizenship, to be conferred as rapidly as
practicable; and for uniform insistance
upon monogamy, the sacredness of mar-
riage, and the preservation at’ each
agency of family records of marriages
and relationships. The abolition of the
system of appointing Indian agents asa
reward for partisan service with little
regard to fitness, was urgently advocated.
The advantages of the ‘‘outing system,”’
by which Indian children of school age
were placed in carefully chosen homes of
white people, to attend school with white
children, and learn to work on white
men’s farms, were discussed and demon-
strated. The breaking up of the tribal
system in Indian Territory was advocated
several years before the Commission to
the Five Civilized Tribes (q. v.) was ap-
pointed; and the conference hasadvocated
the division of the great tribal trust funds
into individual holdings, each Indian to
have control of his own share of that
money as soon as he shows himself able
to begin to use it wisely. The develop-
ment of native Indian industries, wher-
ever practicable, has been intelligently
favored. Sympathetic appreciation of all
that is fine, artistically suggestive, and
worthy of development in the nature, in-
stitutions, and arts of the Indian, has
been marked and constant. (M. E. G.)
Mohotlath (M6-hotl’ath). A sept of the
Opitchesaht, a Nootka tribe.—Boas in
6th Rep. N. W. Tribes Canada, 32, 1890.
Moicaqui. A former rancheria, proba-
bly of the Nevome, in Sonora, Mexico,
visited by Father Kino in 1694.—Doe.
Hist. Mex., 4th s., 1, 253, 1856.
Moingwena. The name (the etymology
of which is doubtful) of a small tribe of
the Illinois confederacy, closely affiliated
with the Peoria. The name was applied
also to the village in which they resided.
The firstrecorded notice of the tribe is by
Marquette in the account of his descent
of the Mississippi with Joliet in 1673,
when he found them residing in the vi-
cinity of the Peoria village on the w. side
of the Mississippi near the mouth of a
river supposed to have been the Des
Moines. Franquelin’s map of 1688 gives
the name of the river as ‘‘Moingana,”’
and marks the Indian village of ‘‘ Moin-
goana’’ onit. When Marquette returned
from the 8. in 1674, he passed up Illinois
r. and found the Peoria in the vicinity of
Buil. 30—05——59
MOHOTLATH—MOKASKEL é
929
L. Peoria, the tribe having removed hither
after his descent the previous year. He
does not mention the Moingwena in this
connection, but from the fact that Gravier
found them with the Peoria in this local-
ity in 1700, it is presumed that they
migrated thither with the latter tribe.
As no mention is made of them after this
time they probably were incorporated
with the Peoria, thus losing their tribal
distinction. (is, Bit eH)
Moeng8ena,—Joliet, maps in Coues, Pike’s Exped.,
I, 13, 1895, Moingoana,—La Salle (1681) in Mar-
gry, Déc.,11,134,1877. Moingona,—Pénicaut (1700),
ibid., V, 411, 1883. Moingwenas,—Shea, Cath. Miss.,
404, 1855. Moins.—Nuttall, Journal, 251, 1821.
Mouingouena.—Gravier (1701) in Jes. Rel., Lxv,
101, 1900.
Moiseyu (Moéiséyu, a word of uncertain
origin, sometimesrendered as aCheyenne
name meaning ‘many flies’ or ‘flint peo-
ple’, but probably of foreign derivation).
An Algonquian tribe which, according to
the tradition of the Cheyenne, adjoined
them on the Nn. £.in their old home in
Minnesota, and started with them on
their westward migration about the year
1700, but turned back before reaching the
Missourir. It is said that some of their
descendants are still with the Cheyenne.
They are possibly identical with the Mon-
soni. (g. M. )
Arrow Men.—Dorsey in Field Columb. Mus. Pub.
103, pl. xix, 1905. Mo wis si yu.—Grinnell, Social
Org. Cheyennes, 136, 1905.
Moisie. A summer village of Montagn-
ais and Nascapee at the mouth of Moisie
r., on the nN. shore of the Gulf of St
Lawrence, Quebec (Hind, Lab. Penin., 1,
290, 1863). In 1906 the Montagnais and
Nascapee at Moisie and Seven Islands
numbered 376.
Moiya. Given by Gibbs (Schoolcraft,
Ind. Tribes, mr, 112, 1853) as the name
of a Pomo village in the vicinity of Hop-
land, Mendocino co., Cal.
Mojualuna. A former Taos village in
the mountains above the present Taos
pueblo, N. Mex.
Mojual-ua.—Bandelier in Arch. Inst. Papers, rv,
32, 1892. Mojua-lu-na,—Ibid.
Mokaich. The Mountain Lion clan of
the Keresan pueblos of Laguna, Sia, San
Felipe, and Cochiti, N. Mex. The Moun-
tain Lion clan of Laguna went to that vil-
lage from the Rio Grande, dwelling first
at Mt Taylor, or Mt San Mateo. With the
Hapai (Oak) clan it formed a phratry, but
it is probably now extinct. The clans
of this name at Sia and San Felipe are
quite extinct. (F. W. H.)
Méhkach-hanuch.—_Hodge in Am. Anthrop., rx,
351, 1896 (Cochiti name; hdnuch = ‘people’).
Mékaich-hano,—Ibid. (Sia and San Felipe form).
Mokaiqch-hanoeh,—Ibid. (Laguna form). Mo/-
kaite,—Stevenson in 11th Rep. B. A. E., 19, 1894
(Sia form; te=ch). Mo-katsh.—Bandelierin Arch.
Inst. Papers, 111, 293, 1890. Mokatsh hanutsh.—
Bandelier, Delight Makers, 464, 1890 (hanwtsh =
‘people’).
Mokaskel. A former Luisefio village
in the neighborhood of San Luis Rey
930
mission, s. Cal.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
May 11, 1860.
Mokelumne. A division of the Miwok
in the country between Cosumne and
Mokelumne rs., in Eldorado, Amador,
and Sacramento cos., Cal. See Moquel-
umnan Family.
Locklomnee.—Bancroft, Nat. Races, I, 490, 1874.
Mokelemnés.—Duflot de Mofras, Expl., I, 388,
1844. Mo-kel-um-ne.—Frémont, Geog. Memoir, 16,
1848. Moquelumnes.—Bancroft, Hist. Cal., Iv, 73,
1886. Mukeemnes.—Bancroft, Nat. Races, I, 450,
1874. Mukelemnes.—Ibid. Muthelemnes.—Hale
in U.S. Expl. Exped., v1, 630, 1846. Socklumnes,—
Bancroft, Nat. Races, I, 450, 1874 (identical?).
Mokete. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy, in 1608, on Warrasqueoc cr.,
Isle of Wight co., Va.—Smith (1629),
Va., I, map, repr. 1819.
Mokohoko ( Mokohoko4, ‘he who floats vis-
ible near the surface of the water’). A
chief of the band ofSauk that took thelead
in supporting Black Hawk (q. v.) in the
Black Hawk war. He wasof the Sturgeon
clan, the ruling clan of the Sauk, and was
a bitter enemy of Keokuk (q. v.). The
band still retains itsidentity. It refused
to leave Kansas when the rest of the tribe
went to Indian Ter., and had to be re-
moved thither by the military. It isnow
known as the Black Hawk band, and its
members are the most conservative of all
the Sauk. (wes)
Mokumiks (‘red round robes’). A band
of the Piegan division of the Siksika.
Mo-kim’-iks.—Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales,
210, 1892. Red Round Robes.—Ibid., 225.
Molala. A Waiilatpuan tribe forming
the western division of that family. Lit-
tle is known of their history. When first
met with they resided in the Cascade
range between Mts Hood and Scott and
on the w. slope, in Washington and Ore-
gon. The Cayuse have a tradition that
the Molala formerly dwelt with them
s. of Columbia r. and became separated
and driven westward in their wars with
hostile tribes. Their dialect, while re-
lated, is quite distinct from that of the
Cayuse, and the separation probably took
place in remote times. The name Molala
is derived from that of a creek in Willa-
mette valley, Oreg., s. of Oregon City.
A band of these Indians droye out the
original inhabitants and occupied their
land. Subsequently the name was ex-
tended to all the bands. The present
status of the tribe is not certain. In 1849
it was estimated to number 100; in 1877
Gatschet found several families living on
the Grande Ronde res., Oreg., and in 1881
there were said to be about 20 individuals
living in the mountains w. of Klamath
lake. Those onthe Grande Ronde res. are
not officially enumerated, butare regarded
as absorbed by the other tribes with whom
they live. With regard to the rest noth-
ing is known. It is probable, however,
that there are a few scattered survivors.
The Molala joined with other bands of
MOKELUMNE—MONACAN
[B. A. Be
Willamette valley in the treaty of Day-
ton, Oreg., Jan. 22, 1855, and by treaty
at the same place, Dec. 21, 1855, they
ceded their lands and agreed to remove
toareservation. Chakankni, Chimbuiha,
and Mukanti are said to have been Molala
bands or settlements. (L. F.)
Amole’lish.—Gatschet, Calapooya MS., B. A. E., 31,
1877 (Calapooya name). Kuikni.—Gatschet’ in
Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 11, pt. 2, 157, 1890 (Klamath
name). Lati-u.—Gatschet, Molala MS., B. A. E.
(own name). La’/tiwé.—Ibid. Malala.—Sen. Ex.
Doc. 48, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 10,1857. Molala.—
Treaty of 1854 in U.S. Stat., X, 675, 1854. Molalal-
las.—Treaty of Dayton (1855) in U. S. Stat.,
XII, 981, 1863. Molale.—Gatschet, Umpqua MS.
vocab., B. A. E., 1877. Molalla.—Hedges in H. R.
Ex. Doc..37, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 130, 1857. Mo-
lallah.— White, Ten Years in Oregon, 266, 1850.
Molallalas.—Ind. Aff. Rep. 1856, 267, 1857. Molal-
lales.—Hedges in H. R. Ex. Doe. 37, 34th Cong.,
3d sess., 130, 1857. Molalle. —Armstrong, Oregon,
114, 185 57. Molallie—McClane in Ind. Aff. Rep.,
269, 1889. Mo-lay-less.—Lyman in Oregon Hist.
Soe. Quar., I, 323, 1900. Moleaaleys——Meek in
H. R. Ex. Doc. 76, 30th Cong., Ist sess., 10,
1848. Molealleg—Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, 11, 632, 1853. Mole Alley.—Lane in Sen.
Ex. Doe. 52, dlst Cong., Ist sess., 171, 1850. Mole-
allies.—Browne » (1857) In H. R. Ex. Doe. 38, 35th
Cong., Ist sess., 7, 1858. Molel.—Treaty of Dayton
(1855) in U. S. Stat., XII, 981, 1863. Molele.—Hale
in U. 8. Expl. Exped., VI, 214, 1846. Molelie.—
McClane in Ind. Aff. Rep., 203, 1888. Molell.—
Hedges in H. R. Ex. Doce. 37, 34th Cong., 3d sess.,
130, 1857. Mollallas——White in Ind. Aff. Rep.,
203; 1844. Moolal-le.—Ex. Doc. 39, 32d Cong., 1st
sess.,2,1852. Moolalles. —Schooleraft, Ind. Tribes,
III, 200, map, 1853. Mooleilis.—Tolmieand Dawson,
Comp. Vocabs., 11, 1884. Morlal-les.—Lea in Ind.
Aff. Rep., 8, 1851. Straight Molale.—Gatschet in
Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1, pt. 2, 157, 1890 (name for
those on Grande Ronde res. ) "Wrole Alley.—
Lane in Ind. Aff. Rep., 160, 1850. Ya/-ide’sta.—
Gatschet, Uimpadats woes B. A.E., 1877 (Ump-
qua name).
Molma. A Maidu village near Auburn,
Placer co., Cal.—Dixonin Bull. Am. Mus.
Nat. Hist., xvi, pl. xxxviii, 1905.
Momi ( Mo/’mi, ‘a people whoeat nosmall
birds which have been killed by larger
ones’). A subgens of the Missouri gens
Cheghita, formerly a distinct people.—
Dorsey in 15th Rep. B. A. E., 240, 1897.
Momobi ( J/o’-mo-bi, a species of lizard).
A clan of the Lizard (Earth or Sand)
phratry of the ED. —Stephen in 8th
Rep. B. A. E., 39, 1891.
Monacan (possibl y from an Meandaen
word signifying, a digging stick or spade).
A tribe and confederacy of Virginiain the
_17th century. The confederacy occupied
“the upper waters of James r. above the
falls at Richmond. Their chief village
was Rasawek. They were allies of the
Manahoac and enemies of the Powhatan,
and spoke a language different from
that of either. They were finally incor-
porated with other remnants under the
names of Saponi and Tutelo (q. v.). The
confederacy was composed of the Monacan
proper, Massinacac, Mohemencho, Mona-
hassano, Monasiccapano, and some other
tribes.
The Monacan proper had a chief settle-
ment, known to the whites as Monacan-
town, on James r. about 20 m. above the
BULL. 30]
fallsat Richmond. In 1669 they still had
30 bowmen, or perhaps about 100 souls.
Thirty years later, the Indian population
having died out or emigrated, a Hugue-
not colony took possession of the site.
Consult Mooney, Siouan Tribes of the
East, Bull. B. A. E., 1894. (gz. M. )
Manacans.—Smith, Va.,1, 136,1819. Manachees,—
Neill, Va. Carolorum, 325, 1886. Manakan.—Doc.
of 1701 in Va. Hist. Coll., n. s., V, 42,1886. Mana-
kins,—Stith (1747) quoted by Burk, Va., I, 128,
1804. Manikin.—Doc. of 1700 in Va. Hist. Coll.,
op. cit., 48. Mannacans.—Strachey (ca.1612), Va.,
41, 1849. Mannachin.—Doc. of 1701 in Va. Hist.
Coll., op. cit., 45. Mannakin.—Lawson (1714),
Hist. Carolina, 187, 1860. Manskin,—Herrman,
map (1670) in Rep. Bound. Com., 1873 (erroneously
located on Pamunkey r.). Manycan.—Doc. of
1700 in Va. Hist. Coll., op. cit., 51. Monacans,—
Smith, Va.,1, 116,1819. Monachans.—Yong (1634)
in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th s., 1x, 112, 1871.
Monakins.—Lederer, Discov., 9, 1672. Monanacah
Rahowacah,—Archer (1607) in Smith, Works,
Arber ed., xlvi, 1884. Monanacans.—Ibid., 1.
Monocans.—Strachey, op. cit., 27.
Monack. See Moonack.
Monahassano (a name of uncertain ety-
mology, but most probably connected
with Yesa”, the name which the Tutelo
applied to themselves). A tribe of the
Monacan confederacy, formerly living on
the s. side of James r., near the moun-
tains, in Bedford and Buckingham cos.,
Va. Lederer describes them as tall and
warlike, and says their totem was three
arrows. In 1671 they were 25 m. from the
Saponi, on Staunton r. They seem to
have been next in importance to the
Monacan in the coniederacy. See Tutelo.
Consult Mooney, Siouan Tribes of the
Fast, Bull. B. A. E., 1894. (J. M.)
Flanakaskies.—Batts (1671) quoted by Fernow,
Ohio Val., 221, 1890 (misprint). Hanahaskies.—
Batts (1671)in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., 111, 197, 1853.
Hanohaskies.—Batts, ibid.,194. Monahasanugh.—
Smith (ca. 1629), Va., I, map, 1819. Monahassan-
oes.—Jefferson, Notes, 1384, 1794. Monahassan-
ughes.—Strachey (ca. 1612), Va., 102, 1849. Nahys-
sans,—Lederer, Discov.,9, 1672. Nobissan.—Ibid.,
map (misprint). Yesah.—Hale in Proc. Am.
Philos. Soc., xxI, 11, 1883-4 (own name: see Tu-
telo). Yesa.—Hale, MS.,B.A.E., 1877. Yesang.—
Hale in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., op. cit.
Monakatuatha. See Half King.
Monanauk. A village, possibly Conoy,
on the Potomac in 1608, about Breton
bay, or Clements branch, St Marys co.,
Md.
Monashackotoog. A tribe which, with
the Wunnashowatuckoog, lived w. of
Boston, Mass., in 1637. They were
friends of the Pequot and enemies of the
Narraganset.—Williams (1637) in Mass.
Hist. Soc. Coll., 4th s., vr, 194, 1863.
Monasiccapano. A tribe of the Monacan
confederacy, formerly living in Louisa
and Fluvanna cos., Va., between the
James and the headwaters of the Pamun-
key. The derivation of the name is un-
known, but it may have some connection
with Saponi. See Mooney,Siouan Tribes
of the East, Bull. B. A. E., 1894. | (J. M.)
Massicapanoes.—Macauley, N. Y., I, 178, 1829. Mo-
nasiccapanoes.—Jefferson, Notes, 134, 1794. Mo-
nasiceapanoes.—Boudinot, Star in the West, 127,
MONACK—MONGWA
931
1816. Monasickapanoughs.—Smith (ca. 1629), Va.,
I, 184, 1819. Monasukapanough.—Ibid., map.
Monax. See Moonack.
Moncachtape (‘killer of pain and _ fa-
tigue’). A Yazoo Indian, noted chiefly
on account of his real or supposed tray-
els and his knowledge of various Indian
languages. Le Page du Pratz, during his
residence in Louisiana about the middle
of the 18th century, met Moncachtape
and obtained from him an account of his
wanderings, according to which ( DuPratz,
Hist. La., 1, 89-128, 1758), after the loss
of his wife and children, he had devoted
much of his time to traveling. One of
his journeys was to the N. E., in which
he passed up the Ohio, visited the Shaw-
nee and Iroquois, and wintered among
the Abnaki; thence he went up the St
Lawrence and returned to his home by
way of the Mississippi. His second
trip was to the N. W. coast by the
route subsequently traveled by Lewis
and Clark. He mentions the Tamaroa,
Kansa, and Amikwa, and although he
alludes to numerous tribes seen during his
passage down Columbia r., he mentions
no tribal names. He finally reached the
Pacific coast, where, in addition to In-
dians, he met with bearded white men,
who ‘‘ came from sun-setting, in search of
a yellow stinking wood which dyes a
fine yellow color.”” With other Indians
he ambushed and killed 11 of these
strangers, 2 of whom bore firearms. These
whites are described as small, but having
large heads and long hair in the middle
of the crown and wrapped in a great
many folds of stuff, while their clothes
were soft and of several colors. This
story, so far as it relates to the western
trip, is very doubtful on its face, and the
names of tribes which it gives extend
only as far as DuPratz’? own knowl-
edge of them; yet Quatrefages (Human
Species, 205, 1895) accepts the story as
credible, and that Moncachtape under-
stood a number of languages is clearly
proven. See also Clarke, Pion. Days in
Oreg., 1905. (GS 3)
Monemius. A village of the Mahican
tribe, known as Monemius’ Castle from
the name of the resident chief, situated in
the 17th century on Haver id., in Hudson
r., near Cohoes falls, Albany co., N. Y.
(J. M.)
Moenemines Castle.—Deed of 1630 in N. Y. Doe.
Col. Hist., XIV,1,1883. Moeneminnes Castle.—Pat-
ent of 1630, ibid., I, 44, 1856. Monemiu’s castle.—
Ruttenber, Tribes Hudson R., 85, 1872.
Mong (Mang, ‘loon’). A gens of the
Chippewa (q. v.). Cf. Maak.
Mahng.—Tanner, Narrative, 314, 1830. Mang.—
Wm. Jones, inf’n, 1906. Mank.—Gatschet, Ojibwa
MS., B. A. E., 1882. Mong.—Warren (1852) in
Minn. Hist. Soe. Coll., v, 44, 1885.
Mongwa (Mon-gwi’, ‘loon’). Agens of
the Miami (q. v.).—Morgan, Ane. Soc.,
168, 1877,
932
Monk’s Mound. See Cahokia Mound.
Monnato (Mon-nd/-to, ‘snow’). A gens
of the Miami (q.v. ).—Morgan, Ane. Soc.,
168, 1877.
Mono. A general term applied to the
Shoshonean tribes of s. &. California by
their neighbors on the w. The origin
and meaning of the name are obscure, its
identity with the Spanish mono, ‘monkey,’
and its similarity, at least in certain dia-
lects, to the Yokuts word for ‘fly’ (monai,
etc.), are probably only coincidences.
For subdivisions, see Mono-Paviotso.
Honachees.—Bunne!l quoted by Powers in Cont.
N. A. Ethnol., 111, 350, 1877. Manaché,—Purcell in
Ind. Aff. Rep., 87, 1870. Moan’-au-zi.—Powers in
Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111, 320, 1877 (Nishinam
name). Monache.—Belknap in Ind. Aff. Rep., 17,
1876 (‘‘theusualforin of thename as heard among
the southern Yokuts; cf. the Maidu (Nishinam)
name, preceding’’—A. L. K.). Mona’-chi.—Pow-
ersin Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111,350, 1877. Monas,—
Johnston in Sen. Ex. Doce. 61, 32d Cong., Ist sess.,
22, 1852. Monoes,—Johnston in Ind. Aff. Rep.,
251, 1851. Mono Pi-Utes.—Campbell in Ind. Aff.
Rep., 119, 1866. Monos.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer,
May 8, 1868. Noo-tah-ah.—Wessels (1853) in H. R.
Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 31,1857. Nutaa,.—
A.L. Kroeber, ini’n, 1905 (Chukchansi name; de-
notes that they are EF. or upstream). Nut’-ha,—
Powers in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111, 396, 1877.
Mono-Paviotso. One ofthethree great di-
alectic groups into which the Shoshoneans
of the great plateau are distinguished.
It includes the Mono of s. 5. California,
the Paviotso, or ‘‘ Paiute,’’ of w. Nevada,
and the ‘‘Snakes’’ and Saidyuka of kg.
Oregon. Part of the Bannock may be
related to these, but the eastern Bannock
have affinities with the Ute.
The bands which seem to have formed
the social unit of these people were each
under one chief,and several of these are
said to have been united into confedera-
cies, such as the ‘‘ Paviotso confederacy,”’
but it is doubtful whether the relations
existing between the constituent parts
should properly be so termed.
Thebands or divisions mentioned within
the area occupied by this group are the
following: Agaivanuna, Genega’s band,
Hadsapoke’s band, Holkoma, Hoone-
booey, Intimbich, Itsaatiaga, Kaidatoia-
bie, Kaivanungavidukw, Koeats, Koko-
heba, Kosipatuwiwagaiyu, Kotsava, Ko-
yuhow, Kuhpattikutteh, Kuyuidika,
Laidukatuwiwait, Lohim, Loko, Naha-
ego, Nim, Nogaie, Odukeo’s band, Olan-
che, Oualuck’s band, Pagantso, Pagwiho,
Pamitoy, Pavuwiwuyuai, Petenegowat,
Petodseka, Piattuiabbe, Poatsituhtikuteh,
Poskesa, San Joaquins’ band, Sawaga-
tiva, Shobarboobeer, Sunananahogwa,
Temoksee, Togwingani, Tohaktivi, Toi-
wait, Tonawitsowa, Tonoyiet’s band, To-
quimas, To Repe’s band, Tosarke’s band,
Tsapakah, Tubianwapu, Tupustikutteh,
Tuziyammos, Wahi’s band, Wahtatkin,
Walpapi, Warartika, Watsequeorda’s
band, Winnemuceca’s band, Woksachi,
Yahuskin, and Yammostuwiwagaiya.
MONK’S MOUND—MONSONI
[B. A. E
Numaltachi, given as a village on
Tuolomne r., Cal., may in reality be
another band.
From figures given in the report of the
Indian office for 1903 it would appear
that the total number in this division is
in the neighborhood of 5,400.
Monongahela. A variety of whisky.
Says Bartlett (Dict. of Americanisms, 401,
1877): ‘‘Ariverof Pennsylvania, so called,
gave its name to the rye whisky of which
large quantities were produced in its
neighborhood, and indeéd to American
whisky in general, as distinguished from
Usquebaugh and Inishowen, the Seotch
and Irish sorts.’? The name is of Algon-
quian origin, but its etymology is un-
certain. (AoE
Monsoni ( Mongsoaeythinyuwok, ‘moose
people.’—Franklin). An Algonquian
tribe in British America, often classed as
a part of the Cree, to whom they are
closely related, although they seem to be
almost as closely related to the northern
Chippewa. The first notice of them isin
the Jesuit Relation for 1671. In that of
1672 they are located on the shore of
James bay, about the mouth of Moose r.,
which, according to Richardson, received
its name from them. They are referred
to under the name Aumonssoniks in the
Proces verbal of the Prise de possession
(1671), but were not represented at the
ceremony, though Charlevoix asserts the
contrary. Although Dobbs (1744) speaks
of them as the Moose River Indians, he
locates a village or band on the w. bank
of Rainy r., near Rainy lake, and others
on the n. shore of this lake. Some con-
fusion has arisen in regard to the habitat
and linguistic connection of the tribe from
the fact that the geographic designation
‘*Mosonee’’ is frequently used to include
all that portion of Keewatin and adjacent
territory stretching along Hudson bay
‘from Moose r. northward to Nelson r., a
region occupied chiefly by the Maskegon.
The usual and most permanent home of
the Monsoni, however, has been the re-
gion of Mooser. According to Chauvign-
erie their totem was the moose. There
is no separate enumeration of them in
the recent Canadian official reports. See
Mousonee. (J. Meg Gan)
Aumonssoniks.—Prise de possession (1671) in Per-
rot, Mém., 293, 1864. Aumossomiks.—Verwyst,
Missionary Labors, 2382, 1886. Aumoussonnites.—
Prise de possession (1671)in Margry, Déc., 1,97, 1875.
Crees of Moose Factory.—Franklin, Journ. to Polar
Sea, I, 96,1824. Gens de marais.,—Bacqueville dela
Potherie, Hist. Am. Sept., I, 174, 1753. Mongsoa
Eithynyook.—Gallatinin Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc.,
II, 24, 1836. Mongsoa-eythinyoowue, — Franklin,
Journ. to Polar Sea, I, 96, 1824. Monsaunis.—
Bacqueville dela Potherie, Hist. Am. Sept., I, 174,
1753. Monsonics.—Keane in Stanford, Compend.,
523, 1878. Monsonies,—Franklin, Journ. to Polar
Sea, 56, 1824, Monsonis.—Chauvignerie (1736) in
N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., 1x, 1054, 1855. Monsounic.,—
Jes, Rel. 1671, 30, 1858. Monzoni.—Lahontan, New
Voy., 1, 231,1703. Moose-deer Indians.—Franklin,
BULL. 30]
Journ. to Polar Sea, I, 96, 1824. Moose Indians,—
Horden, Bk. of Common Prayerin Language of
Moose Indians, title-page, 1859. Moose River In-
dians.—Dobbs, Hudson Bay, 13, 1744. Morisons.—
Chauvignerie (1736) quoted by Schooleraft, Ind.
Tribes, TI, 556, 1853 (misprint). Mousonis.—Mc-
Kenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 11, 80, 1858. Na-
tion of the Marshes. ’—Dobbs, Hudson Bay, 24,1744.
Ou-Monssonis. —Tailhan, npte to Perrot, Mém., 293,
1864. Wamussonewug.—Tanner, Narr., 316, "1830
(Ottawa name).
Monswidishianun (M0"s wi/dishi/anum).
The Moose phratry of the Menominee,
also a subphratry or gens thereof.—Hoff-
man in 14th Rep. B. A. E., pt. 1, 42, 1896.
Montagnais (French ‘mountaineers’,
from the mountainous character of their
country). A group of closely related Al-
gonquian tribes in Canada, extending
from about St Maurice r. almost to the
Atlantic, and from the St Lawrence to the
watershed of Hudson bay. The tribes of
the group speak several well-marked dia-
lects. They are the Astouregamigoukh,
Attikiriniouetch, Bersiamite, Chisedec,
Escoumains, Espamichkon, Kakouchaki,
Mauthepi, Miskouaha, Mouchaoua-
ouastiirinioek, Nascapee, Nekoubaniste,
Otaguottouemin, Oukesestigouek, Ou-
mamiwek, Papinachois, Tadousac, and
Weperigweia. Their linguistic relation
appears to be closer with the Cree of
Athabasca lake, or Ayabaskawininiwug,
than with any other branch of the Algon-
quian family. Champlain met them at
the mouth of the Saguenay in 1603,
where they and other Indians were cele-
brating with bloody rites the capture of
Iroquois prisoners. Six years later he
united with them the Hurons and Algon-
kin in an expedition against the Iroquois.
In the first Jesuit Relation, written by
Biard (1611-16), they are spoken of as
friends of the French. From that time
their name has a place in Canadian his-
tory, though they exerted no decided in-
fluence on the settlement and growth of
the colony. The first missionary work
among them was begun in 1615, and mis-
sions were subsequently established on
the upper Saguenay and at L. St John.
These were continued, though with occa-
sional and long interruptions, until 1776.
The Montagnais fought the Micmac, and
often the Eskimo, but their chief and
inveterate foes were the Iroquois, who
drove them for a time from the banks of
the St Lawrence and from their strong-
holds about the upper Saguenay, com-
pelling them to seek safety at more
distant points. After peace was estab-
lished between the French and the Iro-
quois they returned to their usual haunts.
Lack of proper food, epidemics, and con-
tact with civilization are reducing their
numbers. Turner (11th Rep. B. A. E.,
1894) says they roam over the areas s. of
Hamilton inlet as far as the Gulf of St
Lawrence. Their western limits are im-
MONS WIDISHIANUN—MONTAGNAIS
933
perfectly known. They trade at all the
stations along the accessible coast, many of
them at Rigolet and Northwestr. Sagard,
in 1632, described them as Indians of the
lowest type in Canada. Though they
have occasionally fought with? bravery,
they are comparatively timid. They have
always been more less nomadie and,
although accepting the teachings of the
missionaries, seem incapable of resigning
the freedom of the forest for life in vyil-
lages, nor can they be induced to cultivate
the soil as a means of support. Mr
Chisholm describes them as honest, hos-
pitable, and benevolent, but very super-
stitious. Those who were induced to set-
tle on the lower St Lawrence appear to
be subject to sickness, which is thinning
their numbers. All who have not been
brought directly under religious influence
are licentious. °C onjuring was much prac-
tised by their medicine-men. Some of
the early missionaries speak highly of
their religious susceptibility. They bury
their dead in the earth, digging a hole 3
ft deep and occasionally lining it with
wood. The corpse is usually laid on its
side, though it is sometimes placed in a
sitting pe sition. Above the grave is built
a little birch-bark hut and through a win-
dow the relatives thrust bits of tobac co,
venison, and other morsels. No reliable
estimate can be given of theirformer num-
bers, but it is known that they have
greatly decreased from sickness and star-
vation consequent on the destruction of
game. In 1812 they were supposed to-
number about 1,500; in 1857 they were
estimated at 1,100, and in 1884 they were
officially reported at 1,395, living at
Betsiamits, (Bersimis), | Escoumains,
Godbout, Grand Romaine, Lake St John,
and Mingan, in Quebec. In 1906 they,
together with the Nascapee, numbered,
according to the Canadian official report,
2,183, distributed as follows: Bersimis,
499; Escoumains, 43; Natashquan, 76;
Godbout, 40; Grand Romaine, 176; Lake
St John, B51: ; Mingan, 241; St ‘Augustine,
181; Seven “Islands and Moisie, 376.
Consult Chamberlain in Ann. Arch:eol.
Rep. Ontario 1905, 122, 1906.
The bands and villages of the Mon-
tagnais are: Appeelatat, Assuapmushan,
Attikamegue, Bonne Espérance, Chicou-
timi, Esquimaux Point, Godbout, Ile
Percée (mission), Itamameou (mission),
Islets de Jeremie (mission), Kapimina-
kouetiik, Mautheepi, Mingan, Moisie,
Mushkoniatawee, Musquarro, Nabisippi,
Natashquan, Pashasheebo, Romaine, and
St Augustine. (GeMeGrs)
Algonkin Inférieures.—Hind, Lab. Penin., 11, 10,
1863. Algonquins Inférieurs. ” Jes. Rel., 111, index,
1858. Bergbewohner.—Walch, map of Am., 1805
(German: ‘Mountaineers’). Chauhaguéronon.—
Sagard (1632), Hist. Can., Iv, 1866 (Huron name).
Chauoironon.—Ibid. Kebiks.—Schoolcraft, Ind.
934
Tribes, v, 40, 1855 (on account of their warning
ery of ‘‘Kebik!’’ when approaching in canoes
the rapids of the St Lawrence near Quebec).
Lower Algonkins.—Jefferys, Fr. Doms., pt. 1, 46,
1761. Montagnais.—Jes. Rel. 1611, 8, 1858. Mon-
_ tagnaits.—Jes. Rel. 1633, 3, 1858. Montagnards.—
Jes. Rel. 1632, 5, 1858. Montagnars.—Champlain
(1609), G®uyres, 1, 194, 1870. Montagnés.—
Champlain (1603),ibid., 11, 9,1870. Montagnets.—
Jes. Rel. 1611, 15, 1858. Montagnez.—Champlain
(1603), GEuvres, 11, 8, 1870. _Montagnois.—Lahon-
tan, New Voy., I, 207,1703. Montagrets.—Me. Hist.
Soe. Coll., I, 288, 1865 (misprint). Montagues.—
McKenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes, 11, 81, 1854
(misprint). Montaignairs.—Champlain (1615),
(Buyres, Ivy, 22, 1870. Montaigners.—Champlain
(1618), ibid., 113. Montaignes.—Champlain (1603),
ibid., 11, 49,1870. Montaignets.—Ibid. (1609), v, pt.
1, 144. Montainiers.—Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, v,
40,1855. Montanaro.—Hervas (ca.1785) quoted by
Vater, Mith., pt. 3, sec. 3, 347, 1816. Montaniak.—
Gatschet, Penobscot MS., 1887 (Penobscot name).
Mountaineers.—Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Ist s., VI, 16,
1800. Mountain Indians.—Kingsley, Stand. Nat.
Hist., pt. 6, 149, 1885. Mountaneers.—Lahontan,
New Voy., I, 230, 1703. Mountanees.—Vater, Mith.,
pt. 3, sec. 8, 344, 1816. Neconbavistes.—Lattré,
map, 1784 (misprint). Ne-e-no-il-no.—Hind, Lab.
Penin., II, 10, 1863 (‘perfect people’, one of the
names used by themselves). Nehiroirini.—Kings-
ley, Stand. Nat. Hist., pt. 6, 149, 1885. Nekouban-
istes.—Bellin, map, 1755. Neloubanistes.—Esnauts
and Rapilly, map, 1777 (misprint). _Sheshata-
poosh.—Gallatin in Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc., 0,
cili, 1848. Sheshatapooshshoish.—Mass. Hist. Soc.
Coll., 1st s., VI, 16, 1800. Shoudamink.—Peyton
quoted by Lloydin Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Iv, 29,1875
(‘good Indians’: Beothuk name). Skatapusho-
ish.—Keane in Stanford, Compend., 536, 1878.
Sketapushoish.—Mass. Hist. Soe. Coll., Ist s., VI, 16,
1800. Tshe-tsi-uetin-euerno.—Hind, Lab. Penin.,
II, 101, 863 (‘people of the north-northeast’ ; name
used by themselves). Uskwawgomees.—Tanner,
Narr., 316, 1830. Ussagéne’wi.—Gatschet, Penob-
scot MS., 1887 (‘people of the outlet’ [Hewitt] :
Penobscot name). Ussaghenick.—Vetromile,
Abnakis, 50, 1866 (Etchimin name).
Montagnais. An Athapascan group,
comprising the Chipewyan, Athabasca,
Etheneldeli, and Tatsanottine tribes,
which, though now living on the plains
and in the valleys of British North Amer-
ica, migrated from the Rocky mts.—
Petitot, Dict. Déné-Dindjié, xx, 1876.
For synonymy, see Chipewyan.
Montagnard. Anethnicand geographic
Athapascan group comprising the Tsat-
tine, Sarsi, Sekani, and Nahane tribes liv-
ing in the Rocky mts. of British North
America. The name was also formerly
applied to the eastern Algonquian people
now known as Montagnais.
Montagnardes.—Kingsley, Stand. Nat. Hist., pt. 6,
143, 1885. Montagnards, — Petitot, Dict. Dene-
Dindjié, xx, 1876. Mountaineers;—Morgan in N.
Am, Rey., 58, 1870.
Montauk (meaning uncertain). A term
that has been used in different senses,
sometimes limited to the particular band
or tribe known by this name, but in a
broader sense including most of the
tribes of Long Island, excepting those
about the w. end. It is occasionally used
incorrectly as equivalent to Metoac, q. v.
The Indians of Long Island were closely
related to the Indians of Massachusetts
and Connecticut. Tooker (Cockenoe-de-
Long Island, 1896) says that the dialect of
the Montauk was more nearly related to
MONTAGN AIS—MONTAUK
{B. A.B.
the Natick of Massachusetts than was the
Narraganset.
The Montauk, in the limited sense,
formerly occupied Easthampton tp., Suf-
folk co., at the 5. end of Long Island,
and controlled all the other tribes of the
island, except those near the w. end.
That these so-called tribes were but parts
of one group or tribe, or the loosely
connected elements of what had been
an organized body, seems apparent.
Ruttenber, speaking of the Montauk
in the limited.sense, says: ‘‘This chief-
taincy was acknowledged both by the
Indians and the Europeans as the ruling
family of the island. They were indeed
the head of the tribe of Montauk, the
other divisions named being simply clans
DAVID PHARAOH, ‘‘ LAST KING OF THE MONTAUK’?
<¥}
_or groups, as in the case of other tribes.
, Wyandance, their sachem, was
also the grand sachem of Paumanacke,
or Sewanhackey, as the island was called.
Nearly all the deeds for lands were con-
firmed by him. His younger brothers,
Nowedonah and Poygratasuck [Poggata-
cut], were respectively sachems of the
Shinecock and the Manhasset.’’ The
Rockaway and Cannarsee at the w. end
were probably not included. It is doubt-
ful whether he is correct in including
the west-end Indians in the confederacy.
The principal Montauk village, which
probably bore the name of the tribe,
was about Ft Pond, near Montauk pt.
The Pequot made them and their sub-
ordinates tributary, and on the destruc-
tion of that tribe in 1637, the Narra-
ganset began a series of attacks which
finally, about 1659, forced the Montauk,
BULL. 30]
who had lost the greater part of their num-
ber by pestilence, to retire for protection
to the whites at Easthampton. Since 1641
they had been tributary to New England.
When first known they were numerous,
and even after the pestilence of 1658-59,
were estimated at about 500. Then began
arapid decline, and a century later only
162 remained, most of whom joined the
Brotherton Indians of New York, about
1788, so that in 1829 only about 30 were
left on Long Island, and 40 years later
these had dwindled to half a dozen indi-
viduals, who, with a few Shinnecock,
were the last representatives of the Long
Island tribes. They preserved a form of
tribal organization into the 19th century
and retained their hereditary chiefs until
the death of their last ‘‘king,’’? David
Pharaoh, about 1875. A few mixed-
bloods are still officially recognized by
the state of New York as constituting a
tribe under Wyandanch Pharaoh, son of
David. (gs. M.)
Mantacut.—Gardener (1660) in Mass, Hist. Soc.
Coll., 3d s., 111, 154, 1833. Mantaoke,—Deed of 1657
in Thompson, Long Id., 344, 1889. Mantauket,—
Gardener (1660) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d s., 111,
156, 1833. Meantacut.—Ibid., 153. Meantaukett.—
Doe. of 1671 in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist., XIv, 648,
1888. Meanticut.—Gardener (1660) as quoted by
Drake, Bik. Inds., bk. 2, 63, 1848. Melotaukes,—
Boudinot, Star in the West, 127, 1816 (misprint).
Menataukett.—Lovelace (1671) in N. Y. Doe. Col.
Hist., XIV, 652, 1883. Mentakett.—Deed (1661) in
Thompson, Long Id., 1, 299, 1843 (place). Men-
toake.—Deed of 1657, ibid., 344, 1839. Meontas-
kett.—Baily (1669) in R. I. Col. Rec., 11, 276, 1857.
Meontawket.—Clarke (1669), ibid., 285. Meun-
tacut.—Indian deed of 1648 cited by W. W. Tooker,
inf’n, 1906. Mirrachtauhacky.—Doc. of 1645 in
N.Y. Doce. Ccl. Hist., xtv, 60, 1883 (said by Tooker,
Algong. Ser., 11, 15, 1901, to be a Dutch form of
Montauk). Montacut.—James (ca. 1654) in Mass.
Hist. Soe. Coll., 4th s., vir, 482, 1865. Montake,—
Doe. of 1657 in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., x1v, 416, 1883.
Montaks. — Vater, Mith., pt. 3, sec. 3, 339, 1816.
Montank.—Smithson. Miscel. Coll., xtv, art. 6, 25,
1878 (misprint). Montauckett.—Doc.of1675in N. Y.
Doe. Col. Hist., x1v, 700, 1888. Montaug.—Latham
in Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond., 59, 1856. Montauk, —
Deed of 1666 in Thompson, Long Id., 1, 312, 1843.
Montaukett.—Deed (ca. 1655), ibid., 188, 1839.
Montaukut,—Doc. of 1675 in N. Y. Doe. Col. Hist.,
XIV, 699, 1888. Montauque.—Doc. of 1669, ibid.,
618. Montoake. — Doc. of 1657, ibid., 416. Mon-
tocks.—Tryon (1774), ibid., v1, 451, 1857. Mon-
tok. —Johnson (1777), ibid., 714. Montucks.—
Devotion (ca. 1761) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.,
Ist s., X, 106, 1809. Mountacutt.—Deed of 1648 in
Thompson, Long Id., 1, 294, 1848. Muntake.—Doc.
of 1677 in N. Y. Doc. Col. Hist., xtv, 729, 1883.
Muntauckett.—Doc. of 1675, ibid., 696. Muntau-
kett.—Doc. of 1668, ibid., 606. ”
Monterey Indians.
dians of Monterey co., Cal., numbering
more than 100 in 1856. A vocabulary
taken by Taylor (Cal. Farmer, Apr. 20,
1860) at that time is Rumsen. There are
probably also remnants of the Esselen
and other divisions of the Mutsun in the
region of Monterey.
Montezuma, Carlos. An educated full-
blood Apache, known among his people
in childhood as Wasajah (‘ Beckoning’ ),
born about 1866 in the neighborhood of
the Four Peaks of the Mazatzal mts., pres-
MONTEREY INDIANS—-MONTEZUMA CASTLE
The Costanoan In-—
935
ents. B. Arizona. In Oct., 1871, he was
taken captive, with 16 or 18 other chil-
dren including his two sisters, in a mid-
night raid by the Pima on his band,
during the absence of the men on a mis-
sion of peace, while encamped in the
Superstition mts., 40 or 50m. w. of Globe.
In this raid 30 or more of the Apache
were killed. The captives were taken
by the Pima to their rancherias on the
Gila, whence, after a week’s detention,
Wasajah was taken to Adamsville, below
Florence, and sold to Mr C. Gentile, a
native of Italy, who was then prospecting
in Arizona. Some months after the raid
Wasajah’s mother, who had escaped, was
informed by an Indian runner that her
boy had been seen at Camp Date Creek.
Determined to recover her child, she ap-
plied to the agent for permission to leave
the reservation, and being refused de-
parted without leave. Her body was
found later in a rugged pass in the moun-
tains, where she had been shot by a
native scout. Wasajah was taken by Mr.
Gentile to Chicago and was called by him
Carlos Montezuma—Carlos, from his own
name, Montezuma, from the _ so-called
Casa Montezuma (q. v.), near the Pima
villages. He entered the public schools
of Chicago in 1872, remaining until 1875,
from which time until 1884 his education
was continued in the public schools of
Galesburg, Ill., Brooklyn, N. Y., and
Urbana, IL, and in the University of
Illinois at the last-named place. In 1884
he entered the Chicago Medical School,
from which he was graduated in 1889,
receiving in the same year an appoint-
ment as physician in the U. 8. Indian
School at Stevenson, N. Dak. From 1890
until 1896 Dr Montezuma has served as
physician successively® at the Western
Shoshone agency in Nevada, the Colville
agency in Washington, and at the Car-
lisle Indian School. In the latter year
he resigned from the service of the Indian
department and settled in Chicago, where
he is now engaged in the practice of his
profession, in teaching in the College of
Physicians and Surgeons and in the Post-
graduate Medical School, and in arous-.
ing interest in his people through his
writings.
Montezuma Castle. A prehistoric cliff-
dwelling on the right bank of Beaver cr.,
a tributary of Rio Verde, 3m. from old
Camp Verde, central Arizona; popularly
so-called because supposed to have been
once occupied by the Aztecs, whereas
there is no ground whatever for the belief
that any Southwestern pueblo or cliff-
village is of Mexican origin. The build-
ing is constructed in a natural recess
in the side of a limestone cliff, the base
of which is 348 ft from the edge of the
stream and about 40 ft above it. The
936
building, which is accessible only by
means of ladders, consists of 5 stories, and
in the same cliff are several cave-dwell-
ings. The foundation of Montezuma
Castle rests on cedar timbers laid longi-
tudinally on flat stones on the ledge.
The front wall is about 2 ft thick at the
bottom and 13 in. at the top, and leans
slightly toward the cliff. The first story
consists of two small living rooms and a
storeroom. The second floor, access to
which is gained through a small opening
in the ceiling of the first story, is more
extensive, consisting of 4 apartments,
bounded behind by the most massive
wall of masonry in the entire structure,
and resting on a
ledge even with
the floor of the
second story. It
is 28 {ft in height,
rising to the fifth
story,aroundthe
front of which it
forms a_battle-
ment 43 ft high.
It leans slightly
toward the cliff,
and is strongly
but not symmet-
rically curved’
inward. The
chord of the are
described by the
top of the wall
measures 43 ft,
and the greatest
distance from
chord to circum-
ference 8 it.
The third floor
comprises the
most extensive
tier of rooms in
the structure,
extending across
the entire alcove
in the cliff in
which the house
MONTEZUMA WELL—MONTOUR
[B. A. EB.
tering bears finger-marks and impressions
of the thumb and hand. The rooms are
ceiled with willows laid horizontally
across rafters of .ash and black alder;
upon this is a thick layer of reeds placed
transversely, and the whole plastered on
top with mortar, forming a floor to the
chamber above. The ends of the rafters
exhibit hacking with stone implements.
The building, which threatened to col-
lapse, was repaired by the Arizona An-
tiquarian Association about 1895, and in
1906 it was declared a national monu-
ment by proclamation of the President of
the United States. Its origin isunknown.
See Mearns in Pop. Sci. Month., Oct. 1890
(from whose de-
scription the
above details
are extracted);
Hewett in Am.
Anthrop., vt,
637, 1904; Land
of Sunshine, Los
Angeles, x, 44,
1898.
Montezuma
Well. Moquelumne.—
Latham in Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond., 81, 1856
(includes Hale’s Talatui, Tuolumne from School-
craft, Mumaltachi, Mullateco, Apangasi, La-
pappu, Siyante or Typoxi, Hawhaw’s band of
Aplaches, San Rafael vocabulary, Tshokoyem
vocabulary, Cocouyem and Yonkiousme Pater-
nosters, Olamentke of Kostromitonoy, Pater-
942
nosters for Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee
de los Tulares of Mofras, Paternoster of the
Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco);
Latham, Opuscula, 347, 1860; Latham, Elem.Comp.
Philol., 414, 1862 (same as above). >Mutsun,—
Powell in Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 111, 535, 1877
(vocabs. of Mi/-wok, Tuolumne, Costano, Tcho-
ko-yem, Muatsiin, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, Chum-
te’/-ya, Kawéya, San Raphael Mission, Talatui,
Olamentke); Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157,
1877 (gives habitat and members of family);
Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscel., 430, 1877.
< Runsiens.—Keane in Stanford, Compend., Cent.
and So. Am., app., 476, 1878 (includes Olhones,
Eslenes, Santa Cruz, San Miguel, Lopillamillos,
Mipacmacs, Kulanapos, Yolos, Suisunes, Tal-
luches, Chowelas, Waches, Talches, Poowells).
It ap-
pears to have been a
custom in the N. W.,
as well as in the
E. and S.E., to re-
move the flesh by
previous burial or otherwise, and
then to bundle the bones and bury
them, sometimes in communal pits. It
was usual in
grave burials to
place the body
in a_ horizontal
position on its
back, although
the custom of
placing on the
side, often with
the knees drawn
up, was also
practised; burial
face downward,
however, wasrare. Inaddition to those
mentioned, modes of burialsin mounds va-
ried. Sometimes a single body and some-
times several were
placed in a wooden
vault of upright
timbers or of logs
laid horizontally to
forma pen. Dome-
shaped stone vaults
occur over a single (eae)
sitting skeleton.
Not infrequently the body was laid
on the ground, slightly covered with
earth, and over this a layer of plastic clay
STONE GRAVE, TOP VIEW; ILLINOIS.
(THomas
BS ¥
STONE GRAVE WITH OFFSET ARCH;
lowa. (THomas)
(THomas )
BURIAL UNDER HEAP OF STONES;
HUDSON BAY ESKIMC.
946
was spread on which was built a fire,
forming an earthen shield over the corpse
before additional earth was added. Cay-
erns, fissures in rocks, rock shelters, ete.,
were frequently used as depositories for
the dead. According to Yarrow, a cave
near the House mts., Utah, in which the
Gosiute Indians were in the habit of de-
positing their dead, was quite filled with
human remains in 1872.
Embalmment and mummification were
practised to a limited extent; the former
chiefly in Virginia, the Carolinas, and
CAE
Florida, and the latter in Alaska. Of the
modes of disposing of the dead, included
by Yarrow under ‘‘aerial sepulture,’’ the
following are examples: Burial in lodges,
observed among the
Sioux; these appear to
have been exceptional
and were merely an
abandonment of the
dead during an epi-
demic; a few cases of
burial in lodges, how-
MUMMY FROM AN ALASKAN CAVE.
ever, have been ob- 2
served in Alabama URN BURIAL ALABAMA MOUND;
= - = 5 1-22, (Moore)
Burial beneath the
floor of the house and then at once
burning the house were practised to some
extent in §. Arkansas. Seaffold and
tree burial was practised in Wiscon-
sin, Minnesota, the Dakotas, Montana,
Un
M0
A
oly iM ey,
etc., by the Chippewa, Sioux, Siksika,
Mandan, Grosventres, Arapaho, and other
Indians. The burial mounds of Wiscon-
sin indicate this mode of disposing of the
dead in former times, as the skeletons
were buried after the removal of the
flesh, and the bones frequently indicate
long exposure to theair. The Eskimo of
MORTUARY
CUSTOMS [B. A. E.
the w. coast of Alaska sometimes placed
the dead on a platform 2 or 3 ft above
ground and built over it.a double roofing,
or tent, of driftwood. It was also the
custom among the Indians of the Lake
rh
Tansee
. f a \\
diy lain
=
ea
DAKOTA TREE BURIAL. (Yarrow)
region to have at certain periods what
may be termed communal burials, in
which the bodies or skeletons of a dis-
‘trict were removed from their temporary
Ay
(Yarrow)
DAKOTA SCAFFOLD BURIAL.
burial places and deposited with much
ceremony in a single large pit (see Bre-
beuf in Jes, Rel. for 1636, 128-139, 1858).
On the N.W. coast, nN. of Columbiar., the
dead were usually placed in little cabin-
§
|
|
BULL. 30]
shaped mortuary houses, or box-shaped
wooden receptacles raised on posts, on the
ground, or occasionally in trees, and some-
timesin caves, though cremation, except of
BURIAL HOUSES, NORTHWEST COAST TRIBES. (Yarrow)
theshamans, was formerly common in this
section. The bodies of shamans were
-placed in small rectangular houses built
up of poles; the bones of children were
sometimes suspended in baskets. Another
method of disposing of the dead is that
known as canoe burial, the bodies being
deposited in canoes which were placed
on posts or in the forks of trees. This
(swan)
CANOE BURIAL, CHINOOK.
method was practised by the Clallam,
Twana, and other tribes of the N.W.
coast. Cremation was formerly practised
by a number of tribes of the Pacific slope.
The ancient inhabitants of s. Arizona
practised cremation in addition to house
burial, the ashes of the cremated dead be-
ing placed i in urns; but among the modern
Pueblos, especially those most affected by
Spanish missionaries, burials are made in
cemeteries in the villages.
The ceremonies attendingand following
burial were various. The use of fire was
common, and it was also a very general
custom to place food, articles especially
prized by or of interest to the dead,
and sometimes articles having a symbolic
signification, in or near the grave. Scari-
fying the body, cutting the hair, and
blackening the face by the mourners were
common customs, as, in some tribes, were
feasts and dancing at a death or funeral.
Asa rule the bereaved relatives observed
some kind of mourning for a certain
period; as cutting the hair, discarding or-
naments and neglecting the personal ap-
pearance, carrying a bundle representing
the husband (among the Chippewa, etc. ),
or the bones of the dead husband (among
some northern Athapascan tribes), and
wailing night and morning in solitary
places. It was a custom among some
MORZHOV OI—MOSAIC
947
tribes to change the name of the family
of the deceased, and to drop the name of
the dead in whatever connection.
Consult Bancroft, Native Races, 1874;
Dixon in Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvm,
pt. m1, 1905; Farrand, Basis of Am.
Hist., 1904; Holm, Deser. New Sweden,
1834; Jesuit Relations, Thwaites ed.,
I-Lx xi, 1896-1901; Kroeber in Bull. Am.
Mus. Nat. Hist., xvii, pt. 1, 1902; Owen,
Musquakie Folk-lore, 1904; and the vari-
ous reports of the Bb. A. E., especially
the Ist Report, containing Yarrow’s Mor-
tuary Costoms of the N. A. Indians, and
authorities therein cited. See Mourning,
Religion, Urn Burial. (G37)
Morzhovoi (Russian: ‘walrus’). An
Aleut village at the end of Alaska penin.,
Alaska, formerly at the head of Morzho-
‘voi bay, now on the n. shore, on Traders
cove, which opens into Isanotski bay.
Pop. 45in 1833 (according to Veniaminot),
68 in 1890.
Morshevoi.—Petroff in 10th Census, Alaska,19, 1884.
Morshewskoje.—Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizz., map,
142,1855. Morzaivskoi.—Elliott, Cond. Aff. Alaska,
225, 1875. Morzhevskoe.—Veniaminof, Zapiski, 1,
203, 1840. Morzovoi.—Post route map, 1903. New
Morzhovoi.—Baker, Geog. Dict. Alaska, 1902.
Old Morzhovoi.—Ibid. Protasso.—Petroff in 10th
Census, Alaska, map, 1884 (strictly the name of the
Greek church here), Protassof.—Ibid., 23. Pro-
tassov.—Petroff, Rep. on Alaska, 25, 1881.
Mosaic. An art carried to high perfec-
tion among the more cultured aborigines
of Mexico, where superb work was done,
several examples of which enrich Euro-
pean museums. The art was but little
in vogue N. of Mexico. Hopi women of
to-day wear pendants made of small
square or oblong wooden tablets upon
which rude turquoise mosaics are set in
black pifon gum. These are very inferior,
however, to. specimens recovered from
ancient ruins in the Gila and Little Colo-
rado valleys in Arizona, and in Chaco
eanyon, N. Mex., which consist of gor-
gets, ear pendants, and other objects,
some of which are well preserved while
others are represented only by the foun-
dation form surrounded by clusters of
settings loosened by decay of the matrix.
Turquoise was the favorite material, but
bits of shell and various bright-colored
stones were also employed. The foun-
dation form was of shell, wood, bone, and
jet and other stone, and the matrix of gum
or asphaltum. Although the work is
neatly executed, the forms are simple and
the designs not elaborate. One of the best
examples, from the Little Colorado drain-
age in Arizona, is a pendant rudely repre-
senting a frog, the foundation of which is
a bivalve shell, the matrix of pitch, and
the settings of turquoise are arranged in
lines conforming neatly to the shape of
the creature, a bit of red jasper being set
in the center of the back (Fewkes). Un-
fortunately the head of the frog has dis-
948
integrated. Among the specimens of in-
laying obtained by the Hyde Expedition
Museum
of -the American of Natural
History, from Pu-
eblo Bonito ruin,
N. Mex., are a jet
or lignite frog
with turquoise
eyes and neck-
band, a_ scraper-
like implement of
deer bone with
encircling orna-
mental bands in
turquoise and jet,
and a small bird
of hematite taste-
fully set with tur-
quoise and shell
(Pepper). iret
The ancient graves of s. California have
yielded a number of specimens of rude
mosaic work in which bits of abalone
shell are set in
asphaltum as
incrustations
for handles of
knives and for
other objects
(Abbott). In-
laying in other
sections of the
country con-
sists chiefly of
the insertion of
bits of shell,
bone, or stone
separately in
rows or in
simple figures
in the margins of utensils, implements,
masks, etc. (Niblack, Rust).
Consult Abbott in Sury. West of 100th
Merid., vu, 1879; Fewkes (1) in Am.
Anthrop., rx, no. 11,1896, (2) in Smithson.
Rep. 1896, 1898, (3) in 22d Rep. B. A. E.,
1903; Nelson in 18th Rep. B. A. E., 1899;
Niblack in Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus. 1888,
1890; Pepper in Am. Anthrop., n. s., Vi,
no. 2, 1905; Rust in Am. Anthrop., n. s.,
vil, no. 4, 1906. (w. H. H.)
Moshaich. The native name of the ex-
tinct Buffalo clans of Acoma and Sia pue-
blos, N. Mex.
Moshaich-hanog**.—Hodge in Am. Anthrop., 1x,
349, 1896 (Acoma form; hdnogeh=‘people’). Mu-
sha/ch-hano.—Ibid. (Sia form).
Moshoquen. A village or band appar-
ently on or near the s. coast of Maine in
1616, and probably connected with the
Abnaki confederacy. Mentioned by
Smith (1616) in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.,
3d s., v1, 107, 1837. (3. M.)
Moshulitubbee. See Mushalatubbee.
Mosilian. A division of the New Jersey
Delawares formerly on the rz. bank of
Sia,
ANCIENT MOSAIC FROG, ARIZONA;
(Fewkes
INCRUSTED OBJECTS FROM
Bonito, NEW MEXICO; 1-4. (Pepper)
PUEBLO
MOSH AICH— MOTAHTOSIKS
[B. A. B.
Delaware r. about the present Trenton.
In 1648 they were estimated at 200.
Masselans.—Sanford,U.S., exlvi, 1819. Mosilian,—
Evelin (1648) in Proud, Pa., 1, 113, 1797.
Mosookees. Mentioned only by Me-
Kenney and Hall (Ind. Tribes, m1, 82,
1854) in a list of tribes; unidentified, but
possibly the Muskwaki (Foxes), or the
Maskoki or Muskogee (Creeks).
Mosopelea. A problematic tribe, first
noted on Marquette’s map, where ‘‘ Mon-
soupelea,’’ or ‘‘ Monsouperea,”’ is marked
as an Indian village on the £. bank of
the Mississippi some distance below the
mouth of the Ohio. In 1682 La Salle
found a Mosopelea chief with 5 cabins of
his people living with the Taensa, by
whom they had been adopted after the
destruction of their former village by
some unknown enemy.
Mansoleas.—Barcia, Ensayo, 261, 1728. Mansope-
la.—Douay in Shea, Discovery, 222, 224 (note),
268, 1852. Mansopelea.—Hennepin, Cont. of New
Discoy., 48a, 1698. Mausalea.—McKenney and
Hall, Ind. Tribes, 111, 81, 1858 (possibly identical).
Medchipouria.—Iberville (1702) in Margry, Déc.,
IV, 601, 1880(same?). Monsopela.—Coxe, Carolana,
map, 1741. Mons8pelea.—Marquette’s map in
Shea, Discoy., 1852. Monsoupelea.—Thevenot,
ibid., 268. Mosopelea.—Allouez (1680) in Margry,
Déc., 1, 95, 1877. Mosopelleas.—Tonti (1683), ibid.,
1, 610, 1876. Mosopolea.—Hennepin, Cont. of New
Discoy., 310, 1698. Mosopolea.—LaSalle (1682) in
Margry, Déc., 11, 237, 1877.
Mosquito Indians. A tribe named from
its habitat on Mosquito lagoon, E. coast
of Florida, n. of C. Canaveral and behind
the sand bar that forms the coast line.
During the Seminole war of 1835-42 they
became notorious for their ferocity. The
Timucua remnant settled in this region
in 1706, and the Mosquito Indians may
have been their descendants or a mixture
of them and Seminole. See Bartram,
Travels, 142, note, 1791; Roberts, Florida,
23, 1763; J. F. D. Smyth, Tour, 1, 21, 1784.
Moss-bag. Some of the Athapascan
and Cree Indians of extreme Nn. w. Can-
ada never use cradles for their infants,
but employ instead a ‘‘moss-bag,’’ made
of leather or skin, lined in winter with
hare skins. Chahtahs.—Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, v,
408, 1847 (or, Choktahs or Flatheads). =Chahta-
Muskoki.—Trumbull in Johnson’s Cyclopedia,
II, 1156,1877. >Chahtas,—Gallatin in Trans. Am.
TS os 2k pee eh
he
av. ee es, eo
BULL. 30]
Antiq. Soc., 11, 100, 306, 1836. =Chata-Muskoki.—
Hale in Am. Antiq., 108, Apr. 1888. >Choctah,—
Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 337, 1850 (includes
Choctahs, Muscogulges, Muskohges); Latham in
Trans. Philol. Soe. Lond., 103, 1856; Latham,
Opuscula, 366, 1860. >Chocta-Muskhog.—Gallatin
in Trans Am. Ethnol. Soc., 11, pt. 1, xcix, 77,
1848. >Choctaw Muskhogee.—Gallatin in Trans.
Am. Antiq. Soc., I, 119, 1886. >Coshattas.—
Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (not classi-
fied). >Flat-heads.—Prichard, Phys. Hist. Man-
kind, v, 403, 1847. >Humas.—Latham, Nat.
Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (£. of Mississippi above New
Orleans). =Maskoki.—Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg.,
I, 50,1884. >Mobilian.—Bancroft, Hist. U. S., 249,
1840. >Muscogee.—Keanein Stanford, Compend.,
app., 460, 1878. >Muskhogee.—Gallatin in Trans.
Am. Antiq. Soc., 11, 94, 1836. Muskhogies.—Berg-
haus (1845), Physik, Atlas, map 17, 1848. >Tschah-
tas.—Ibid.; ibid., 1852.
Muskingum (‘moose eye or face.’—
Hewitt). A Delaware (?) village marked
on old maps as on the w. bank of Mus-
kingum r., Ohio.
Muskingom,—La Tour, map, 1779. Muskingum, —
Giissefeld, map, 1784. Muskingun.—Alcedo, Dic.
Geog., Ill, 274, 1788. Muskinkum,—Esnauts and
Rapilly, map, 1777.
Muskwawasepeotan (‘the town of the
old redwood creek’). A Potawatomi
village formerly near Cedarville, Allen co.,
nN. BE. Ind., on land sold in 1828, and com-
monly known as Metea’s Village from
the name of its chief. (J. M.)
Metea’s Village.—Mississinewa treaty (1826) in
U.S. Ind. Treat , 670, 1873. Muskwawasepeotan,—
Long cited by McKenney and Hall, Ind. Tribes,
1, 61, 1849.
Muskwoikakenut (Mus-kwoi-kd-ke-nut,
‘He shoots bears with arrows’). A Cree
band, so called after its chief, living in
1856 in the vicinity of Ft de Prairie,
Northwest Ter., Canada.—Hayden, Eth-
nog. and Philol. Mo. Val., 237, 1862.
Muskwoikauepawit ( Mus-kwoi-kdu-e-pa-
ait, ‘Standing bear’). A Cree band, so
called after its chief, living in 1856 about
Ft de Prairie, Northwest Ter., Canada. —
Hayden, Ethnog. and Philol. Mo. Val.,
237, 1862.
Musme ( Miéis-mé’). A former village of
the Chastacosta on Rogue r., Oreg.—
Dorsey in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, m1, 234,
~ 1890.
Muspa. A Calusa village on the s. w.
coast of Florida about 1570 (Fontaneda),
probably about the mouth of Caloosa-
hatchee r. The people of Muspa were
among the last of the Calusa to retain
their name and territory. C. Romano is
marked on old English maps as Punta de
Muspaand thecoaststrip extending thence
northward to the entrance of Caloosaha-
tchee r. is marked on some Spanish maps
as La Muspa (B. Smith). The Muspa
Indians, according to Brinton (Flor.
Penin., 114, 1859), occupied the shore
and islands of Boca Grande, the main
entrance of Charlotte harbor, until
toward the close of the 18th century,
when they were driven to the keys by
the Seminole; but according to Douglas
(Am. Antiq., vir, 281, 1885) they were
still in the vicinity of Pine id., in Char-
MUSKINGUM—MUSW ASIPI
9638
lotte harbor, as late as 1835. There is
even reason to believe that they took
part in some of the raiding in the Semi-
nole war as late as 1840. (3. Mz)
Muspa.—Fontaneda (ca. 1575), Memoir, Smith
trans., 19, 1854. :
Musquarro. A former Montagnais ren-
dezvous and mission station on the wn.
shore of the Gulf of St Lawrence, opposite
Anticosti id. The Indians deserted it in
recent years for Romaine.
Mashquaro.—McLean, Hudson Bay, 11, 53, 1849.
Maskouaro,—Hind, Lab. Penin., 11, 180, 1863. Mas-
quarro.—Ibid., 26. Musquahanos,—Can. Ind. Aff.
1880, 313, 1881 (applied to the band there; mis-
print?). Musquarro.—Hind, Lab. Penin., 1, 133,
1863.
Musquash. A name for the muskrat
( Fiber zibethicus), used in Canada and n.
and w. parts of the United States. In
early writings on Virginia the forms
mussascus and musquassus (Capt. John
Smith, 1616), muscassus (Hakluyt, 1609),
and others, occur. Cognate words in
other Algonquian dialects are the Abnaki
muskwessu, and the Chippewa miskwasi,
signifying ‘it is red,’ which was therefore
the original signification of the Virginian
name whereof Smith’s word is a corrup-
tion, and referred to the reddish color of
theanimal. See Mooskwasuh. (A.F.c.)
Musqueam. A Cowichan tribe occupy-
ing the N. part of the Fraser delta, Brit.
Col.; pop. 98 in 1906. Male is their vil-
lage.
Miskwiam.—Tolmie and Dawson, Vocabs., Brit.
Col., 119B, 1884. Misqueam.—Can. Ind. Aff. for
1880, 316, 1881. Musqueam,—Ibid., 1901, pt. 11, 158.
Musqueeam.—Ibid., 1877, LI. Musqueom.—Ibid.,
1902, 72. QmkE/ ¢koyim.—Boas in 64th Rep. Brit.
A. A. §S., 454, 1894. Qmuski’/Em.—Hill-Tout in
Etkhnol. Sury. Can., 54, 1902.
Mussauco. A former village, probably
near Hartford, Conn. Its chief, Arrha-
mamet, was conquered by Uncas, the
Mohegan chief, about 1654.—Trumbull,
Conn., 1, 129, 1818.
Mussundummo (‘water snake.’ —Tan-
ner, Narr., 314,.1830). Given as one
of the totems among the Ottawa and
Chippewa. It may be an Ottawa totem,
as it is not mentioned by Morgan or
Warren.
Mustak. A former village of the Kalin-
daruk division of the Costanoan family,
connected with San Carlos mission, Cal.
Mustac.—Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Apr. 20, 1860.
Mustoo. A name given by Dawson to a
supposed town on Hippa id., Queen Char-
lotte ids., Brit. Col., but in reality the
word is a corruption of Nasté, the Haida
name for Hippa id., on which there were
several towns. See Atanus, Gatga-inans,
Sulu-stins. (J. R. 8.)
Muswasipi (cognate with Chippewa
Moswa-sibi, ‘moose river.’—W. J.). The
name of one of the divisions of the
Upeshipow, an Algonquian tribe of Lab-
rador, living in 1770 on Moose r., Ruperts
Land, Brit. Am.—Richardson, Arctic
Exped., 1, 38, 1851,
964
Mutchut. A village of the Powhatan
confederacy, situated in 1608 on the n.
bank of Mattapony r., in King and Queen
co., Va.—Smith (1629), Va., 1, map, repr.
1819.
Mutistul. Ani impor tant Yukian Wappo
village in Knight’s valley, Sonoma co.,
Cal. (s. A. B.)
Mutistals.—Stearns in Am. Naturalist, xvi, 208,
1882. Mu-tistul. — Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind.
Tribes, 111, 110, 1858.
Mutsiks ( Miit’-siks, ‘ braves’). A society
of the Ikunuhkahtsi, or All Comrades, in
the Piegan tribe; it consists of tried war-
riors.—Grinnell, Blackfoot Lodge Tales,
221, 1892.
Mutsun. A Costanoan village near San
Juan Bautista mission, San Benito co.,
Cal. The name was used fora group and
dialect of the Costanoan family. The
Mutsun dialect being better known than
others allied to it, owing to a grammar
and a phrasebook written by Arroyo de la
Cuesta in 1815 (Shea, Lib. Am. Ling., 1, 0,
1861), the name came to be used for the
linguistic family of which it formed part
and which was held to extend northward
beyond the Golden Gate and southward
beyond Monterey, and from the sea to
the crest of the sierras. Gatschet and
Powell used it in this sense in 1877. Sub-
sequently Powell divided the Mutsun
family, establishing the Moquelumnan
family (q. v.) 5. of San Joaquin r. and the
Costanoan family (q. v.) w. thereof.
Motssum.—Engelhardt, Franciscans in Cal., 398,
1897. Mutseen —Taylor in Cal. Farmer, Nov 23,
1860. Mutsunes.—Ibid., Feb. 22. Mutzun.—Simeon,
Dict. Nahuatl, xviii, 1885, Mutzunes.—Taylor in
Cal. Farmer, Apr. 20, 1860. Nuthesum.—Ibid.
Muttamussinsack. A village of the Pow-
hatan confederacy in 1608, on the nN. bank
of the Rappahannock, in Caroline co.,
Va.—Smith (1629), Va.,1, map, repr. 1819.
Mututicachi. A former pueblo, appar-
ently of the Teguima division of the
Opata, on the upper Rio Sonora, Sonora,
Mexico. It is said to have been aban-
doned on the establishment of the mission
of Suamea in 1730.. According to the
Rudo Ensayo (ca. 1762) it was a Pima set-
tlement, but this is doubtless an error.
The present hamlet of Mututicachi con-
tained 27 persons in 1900.
Motuticatzii—Rudo Ensayo (ca. 1762), 160, 1868.
Mututicachi,—Bandelierin Arch. Inst. Papers, Iv,
483, 1892.
Muutzizti (from Cora muuti, ‘head’).
A subdivision of the Cora proper, inhab-
iting the central part of the Nayarit mts.,
Jalisco, Mexico.
Muutzicat. —Ortega, Vocab. en Lengua Castellana
y Cora, 1732, 7, 1888 (sing. form). Muutzizti.—
Orozco y Berra, Geog., 59, 1864.
Muvinabore. Mentioned by Pimentel
(Lenguas, 1, 347, 1865) as a division of
the Comanche, but no such division is
recognized in the tribe.
Muyi (Mi’yi). The Mole clan of the
Hopi of Arizona.—Voth, Traditions of
the Hopi, 37, 40, 1906.
MUTCHUT—MYTHOLOGY
[B. A. E.
Mwawa (Ma“hwiiw4,
of the Shawnee, q. v.
Ma"“hwaw:,—Wm. Jones, inf’n, 1906.
Morgan, Ane Soc., 168, 1877
Myeengun ( Ma‘i-ngtin, ‘ wolf’).
of the Chippewa, q. v.
Mah-een-gun,—Warren (1852) in Minn. Hist. Soe.
Coll., v, 44, 1885. Ma’ingan.—Gatschet, Ojibwa
MS., B.A. E., 1882. Maingan.—Wm. Jones, infin,
1906. My-een’-gun —Morgan, Anc. Soc., 166, 1877.
Myghtuckpassu. A village of the Pow-
hatan confederacy in 1608, on the s. bank
of Mattapony r., King William co., Va.—
Smith (1629), Va., 1, map, repr. 1819.
Myhangah. See Mohongo.
Mystic (from missi-tuk, ‘great tidal
river.,—Trumbull). The name of at
least two former villages in New Eng-
land, one on the river of the same name
at Medford, Middlesex co., Mass., which
was occupied in 1649 and was in the Mas-
sachuset country. The other was a Pe-
quot village on the w. side of Mystie r.,
not far from the present Mystic, New
London eo., Conn. It was burned by the
English in 1637. (J. M.)
Mestecke.—Brewster (1657) in Mass. Hist. Soc.
‘wolf’). A gens
M'-wa-wa,—
A gens
Coll., 4th s., vi1, 82, 1865. Mestick.—Eliot (1649),
ibid., 3d_s., Tv, 88, 1834. Mustick.—Dudley (ca.
1630), ibid., Ist s., vi1I, 39, 1802. Mystick.—Pike
(1698) in N. H. Hist. Soe. Coll.. 11, 49, 1870.
Mythology. The mythology of the
North American Indians embraces the
vast and complex body of their opinions
regarding the genesis, the functions, the
history, “and the destiny not only of
themselves but. also of every subjective
and of every objective phenomenon,
principle, or thing of their past or present
environment which in any marked man-
ner had affected their welfare.
Among savage tribal men a myth is
primar ily and essentially an account of the
genesis, the functions, the history, and
the destiny of a humanized fictitious male
or female personage or being who is a
personification of some body, principle,
or phenomenon of nature, or of a faculty -
or function of the mind, and who per-
forms his or her functions by imputed
inherent orenda (q. v.), or magic power,
and by whose being and. activities the
inchoate reasoning of such men sought to
explain the existence and the operations
of the bodies and the principles of nature.
Such a being or personage might and did
personify a rock, a tree, a river, a plant,
the earth, the night, the storm, the sum-
mer, the winter, a star, a dream, a
thought, an action or a series of actions,
or the ancient or prototype of an animal
or a bird. Later, such a being, always
humanized in form and mind, may, by
his assumed absolute and mysterious con-
trol of the thing or phenomenon person-
ified, become a hero or a god to men,
through his relations with them—rela-
tions which are in fact the action and
interaction of men with the things of
their environments. A mythology is
ak ae le aay
wee es oe
é
ee See ee eC ee
6 ites Ne el a
i
ee a OP.
BULL. 30]
composed of a body of such myths and
fragments thereof. But of course no
myth that has come down to the present
time is simple. Myths and parts of
myths have necessarily been employed to
define and explain other myths or other
and new phenomena, and the way from
the first to the last is long and often
broken. Vestigial myths, myths whose
meaning or symbolism has from any
cause whatsoever become obscured or
entirely lost, constitute a great part of
folklore, and such myths are also called
folktales.
A study of the lexic derivation of the
terms ‘‘myth”’ and ‘‘mythology’’ will not
_lead to a satisfactory definition and inter-
pretation of what is denoted by either
term, for the genesis of the things so
named was not understood when they re-
ceived theseappellations. In its broadest
sense, mythos in Greek denoted whatever
was uttered by the mouth of man—a say-
ing, a legend, a story of something as un-
derstood by the narrator,a word. Butin
Attic Greek it denoted also any prehis-
toric story of the Greeks, and these were
chiefly stories of gods and heroes, which
_ were, though this tact was unknown to the
Greeks themselves, phenomena of nature.
And when the term received this specific
meaning it fell into discredit, because the
origin and true character of myths not be-
ing understood, these prehistoric stories
by the advance in knowledge came into
disrepute among the Greeks themselves,
and after therise of Christianity they were
condemned as the wicked fables of a false
religion. Hence, in popular usage, and
quite apart from the study of mythology,
the term ‘‘myth’’ denotes what isin fact
nonexistent—a nothing with a name, a
story withouta basis of fact—‘‘a nonentity
ot which an entity is afirmed, a nothing
which is said to be something.’’ Besides
mythos in Greek, logos, signifying ‘word,’
was employed originally with approxi-
mately the same meaning in ordinary
speech at the time of Homer, who some-
times used them interchangeably. But,
strictly speaking, there was a difference
from the beginning which, by the need for
precision in diction, finally led to a wide
divergence in the signification of the two
terms. Logos, derived from legein, ‘to
gather,’ was seldom used by Homer to de-
note ‘a saying, a speaking, or a significa-
tion,’ but to denote usually ‘a gathering,’
or, strictly, ‘a telling, casting up or count-
ing.’ In time this term came to mean
not only the inward constitution but the
outward form of thought, and finally to
denote exact thinking or reason—not only
the reason in man, but the reason in the
universe—the Divine Logos, the Volition
of God, the Son of God, God Himself. It
is so employed in the opening lines of the
MYTHOLOGY
965
first chapter of the Gospel of St John.
Such is a brief outline of the uses of the
two terms which in their primal significa-
tion formed the term ‘‘mythology,’’ from
which but little can be gathered as to
what constitutes a myth.
Up to a certain point there is substan-
tial agreement among students in the use
of the term myth. But this means but
little. To the question, What is the
nature and origin of a myth? wholly dif-
ferent replies, perplexing in number, are
given, and for this reason the study of
mythology, of a definite body of myths,
has not yet become a science. By careful
study of adequate materials a clue to the
meaning and significance of myths may
be found in the apprehension—vague in
the beginning, increasingly definite as the
study progresses—that all these things,
these tales, these gods, although so di-
verse, arise from one simple though com-
mon basis or motive.
Every body, element, or phenomenon
of nature, whether subjective or objective,
has its myth or story to account for its
origin, history, and manner of action.
Portions of these myths, especially those
concerning the most striking objects of
an environment, are woven ‘together by
some master mind into a cycle of myths,
and a myth of the beginnings, a genesis,
or creation, story is thus developed. The
horns and the cloven feet of the deer, the
stripes of the chipmunk’s back, the tail
of the beaver, the flat nose of the otter,
the rattles of the snake, the tides of rivers,
the earthquake, the meteor, the aurora
borealis; in short, every phenomenon
that fixed the attention required and re-
ceived an explanation which, being con-
ventional, satisfied the commonsense of
the community, and which later,owing to
its imputation of apparently impossible
attributes to fictitious personages to ac-
count for the operations of nature, be-
came, by the growing knowledge of man,
a myth.
A myth is of interest from three view-
points, namely, (1) asa literary product
embodying a wondrous story of things
and personages; (2) for the character of
the matter it contains as expressive of
human thought and the interpretation of
human experience, and (3) for the pur-
pose of comparison with the myths of
alien or of cognate peoples and for the
data it contains relating to the customs,
arts, and archeology of the people among
whom it exists.
With the available data, it is as yet
impossible to define with satisfactory
clearness all the objective realities of the
personal agencies or men-beings of the
American Indian myths. In Indian
thought these personages are constantly
associated in function, and sometimes
966
they exercise derivative powers or are
joined in mysterious kinship groups, al-
ways combining the symbolism of per-
sonified objective phenomena with im-
‘puted life, mind, and volition, and with
the exercise of attributed orenda, or magic
power, of diverse function and potency.
Moreover, the size andthe muscular power
of the objective reality personified have
little, if any, relation to the strength of
the orenda exercised by the man-being.
To explain in part the multiform
phenomena of different and successive
environments, the philosophic ancestors
of the Indians of to-day subconsciously
imputed mind and immortal life to every
object and phenomenon in nature, and
to nearly every faculty and affection of
the human mind and body. Concomi-
tantly with this endowment of lifeless
things with hfe and mind was the addi-
tional endowment with orenda, which
differed in strength and function with
the individual. These dogmas underlie
the mythology and religion of all the
Indians, as they supplied to the latter’s
inchoate reasoning satisfactory explana-
tions of the phenomena of nature—life
and death, dreams and disease, floral and
faunal growth and reproduction, light
and darkness, cold and heat, winter and
summer, rain and snow, frost and ice,
wind and storm. The term ‘‘animism”’
has been applied by some to this doctrine
of the possession of immortal life and mind
by lifeless and mindless things, but with
an insufficient definition of the objective
for which itstands. The uses and defini-
tions of this term are now so numerous
and contradictory that the critical student
can not afford to employ it without an
exact objective definition. Primarily,
animism, or the imputation of life to life-
less things, was selected to express what
was considered the sole essential charac-
teristic basis of the complex institutions
called mythology and religion. But if
the ascription of life to lifeless things is
animism, then it becomes of fundamental
importance to know exactly what kind
of life is thus ascribed. If there is one
difference between things which should
be carefully distinguished, it is that be-
tween the alleged ghosts of dead human
beings and those other alleged spiritual
beings which never have been real hu-
man beings—the animal and the primal
spirits. Does animism denote the ascrip:
tion of only one or ofall these.three classes
of spirits? Definite explanation is here
lacking. So, asa key to the satisfactory
interpretation of what constitutes mythol-
ogy and religion, animism as heretofore
defined has failed to meet the criticism of
such scholars as Spencer, Max Miiller,
and Brinton, and so has fallen into that
long category of equivocal words of which
MYTHOLOGY
[B. A. B.
fetishism, shamanism, solarism, ancestor-
worship, personification, and totemism
are other members. Every one of these
terms, as commonly employed, denotes
some important phase or element in re-
ligion or mythology which, variously de-
fined by different students, does not, how-
ever, form the characteristic basis of
mythology and religion.
The great apostle of ancestor-worship,
Lippert, makes animism a mere sub-
division of the worship of ancestral spirits,
or ghosts. But Gruppe, adding to the
confusion of ideas, makes animism synony-
mous with fetishism, and describes a fetish
as the tenement of a disembodied human
spirit or ghost, and erroneously holds
that fetishism is the result of a widely ~
prevalent belief in the power of the human
ghost to take possession of any object
whatsoever, to leave its ordinary dwell-
ing, the remains of the human body, to
enter some other object, such as the sky,
the sun, the moon, the earth, a star, or
what not. Even the chief gods of Greece,
Rome, and India are by some regarded
as fetishes developed through the exalta-
tion of ancestral ghosts to this state.
Their cult is regarded as a development
of fetishism, which is an outgrowth of
animism, which is, in turn, a development
ofancestor-worship. Toadd to this array
of conflicting definitions, Max Miller de-
claresthat fetishism is really the ‘‘very last
stage in the downward course of religion.”’
Gruppe further holds that when a sky
fetish or a star fetish becomes a totem,
then the idea of ‘‘sons of heaven,” or
“children of the sun,’’ is developed in
the human mind, and so, according to
this doctrine, every religion, ancient and
modern, may be explained by animism,
fetishism, and totemism. Moved by this
array of conflicting definitions, Max Miil-
ler declares that, to secure clear thinking
and sober reasoning, these three terms
should be entirely discarded, or, if used,
then let animism be defined as a belief in
and worship of ancestral spirits, whence
arises in the mind the simplest and most
primitive ideas of immortality; let fetish-
ism be defined as a worship of chance
objects having miraculous powers; and,
finally, let totemism be defined as the
custom of choosing some emblem as the
family or tribal mark to which worship
is paid and which is regarded as the
human or superhuman ancestor. Muller
has failed to grasp the facts clearly, for
no one of these excludes the others.
Stahl (1737), adopting and developing
into, modern scientific form the classical
theory of the identity of life and soul,
employed the term ‘‘animism”’ to desig-
nate this doctine.
Tylor (1871), adopting the term
‘‘animism’”’ from Stahl, defines it as ‘‘the
y ree
a ee ee ae 8, a
eek nh ee,
8) Oe ere Oe
oe
Pe Ly ee
=o ee ee
BULL. 30]
belief in spiritual beings,’”’ and as ‘‘the
deep-lying doctrine of ae beings,
which embodies the very essence “of
spiritualistic as opposed to materialistic
philosophy”’; and, finally, he says,
“animism | is, in fact, the groundwork of
the philosophy of religion, from that of
savages up to that of civilized men.’
He further makes the belief in spiritual
beings “the minimum definition of
religion.’? Hence, with Tylor, animism
is broadly : synonymous with religion.
But, strict definition shows that a belief
in spiritual beings, as such, did not, does
not, and can not form the sole material
out of which primitive thought has
developed its gods and deities. To this
extent, therefore, animism does not fur-
nish the key to an accurate and valid
explanation of mythology and religion.
Brinton (1896) denies that there is any
special religious activ ity taking the form
of what Tylor calls ‘‘animism,’’? and
declares that the belief that inanimate
objects possess souls or spirits is common
to all religions and many philosophies,
and that it is not a trait characteristic of
primitive faiths, but merely a secondary
phenomenon of the religious sentiment.
Further, he insists that ‘‘the acceptance
of the doctrine of ‘animism’ asa sufficient
explanation of early cults has led to the
neglect, in English-speaking lands, of
their profounder analysis.”’
So far as is definitely known, no sup-
portis found in the mythologies of North
America for the doctrine of ancestor-
worship. This doctrine seeks to show
that savage men had evolved real gods
from the shades of their own dead chiefs
and great men. Itis more than doubt-
ful that such a thing has ever been done
by man. Competent data and trained
experience with the Indians of North
America show that the dominant ideas
of early savage thought precluded such a
thing. One of the most fundamental and
characteristic beliefs of savage thought is
the utter helplessness of man unaided by
the magic power of some favoring being
against “the bodies and elements of his
environment. The deities, the masters
and controllers—the gods of later times—
differed greatly in strength of body and
in the potency of the magic power exer-
cised by them, in knowledge and in
astuteness of mind; but each in his own
sphere and _ jurisdiction was generally
supreme and incomprehensible. Human
shades, or ghosts, did not or could not
attain to these godlike gifts. To change,
transform, create by metamorphosis, or
to govern, some body or element in
nature, is at once the prerogative and
the function of a master—a controller—
humanly speaking, a god.
MYTHOLOGY
967
‘
The attribution of power to do things
magically, that is, to perform a func-
tion in a mysterious and incomprehen-
sible manner, was the fundamental pos-
tulate of savage mind to account for the
ability of the gods, the fictitious person-
ages of its mythology, to perform the
acts which are in fact the operations of
the forces of nature. To define one such
man-being or personage, the explanation,
to be satisfactory, must be more than the
mere statement of the imputation of life,
mind, and the human form and attri-
butes to an objective thing. There must
also be stated the fact of the concomitant
possession along with these of orenda,
or magic power, differing from individual
to individual in efficacy, function, and
scope of action.
While linguistics may greatly aid in
comprehending myths, it is nevertheless
not always safe for determining the sub-
stance of the thought, the concept; and
the student must eschew the habit of giv-
ing only an etymology rather than a defi-
nition of the things having the names of
the mythic persons, which may be
the subject of investigation. Etymology
may aid, but without corroborative testi-
mony it may mislead.
Many are the causes which bring about
the decline and disintegration of a myth
or a cycle of myths of a definite people.
The migration or violent disruption of the
people, the attrition or the superposition
of diverse alien cultures, or the change or
reformation of the religion of the people
based on a recasting of opinions and like
causes, all tend to the decline and dis-
memberment and the final loss of a myth
or a mythology.
All tribes of common blood and speech
are bound together by a common my-
thology and by a religion founded on
the teachings of that mythology. These
doctrines deal with a vast body of all
kinds of knowledge, arts, institutions,
and customs. It is the creed of sucha
people that all their knowledge and wis-
dom, all their rites and ceremonies, and
all that they possess and all that they
are socially and politically, have come to
them through direct revelation from their
gods, through the beneficence of the rul-
ers of the bodies and elements of their
environment.
The social and political bonds of every
known tribe are founded essentially on
real or fictitious blood kinship, and the
religious bonds that hold a people to its
gods are founded on faith in the truth of
the teachings of their myths. Nostronger
bonds than these are known to savage
men. ‘The disruption of these, by what-
ever cause, results in the destruction of
the people.
968
The constant struggle of man with his
physical environment to secure welfare
was a warfare against elements ever defi-
nitely and vividly personified and hu-
manized by him, thus unconsciously
making his surroundings quite unreal,
though felt to be real; and his struggle
with his environment was a ceaseless
strife with animals and plants and trees
in like manner ever mythically personi-
fied and humanized by him; and, finally,
his tireless struggle with other men for
supremacy and welfare was therefore
typical, not only fundamentally and prac-
tically, but also mythically and ideally ;
and so this never-ceasing struggle was an
abiding, all-pervading, all-transforming
theme of his thoughts, and an ever-im-
pending, ever-absorbing business of his
life, suffered and impelled by his cease-
less yearning for welfare.
An environment would have been re-
garded by savage men very differently
from what it would be by the cultured
mind of to-day. To the former the
bodies and elements composing it were
regarded as beings, indeed as man-beings,
andthe operations of nature were ascribed
to the action of the diverse magic powers,
or orendas, exercised by these beings
rather than to the forces of nature; so
that the action and interaction of the
bodies and elemental principles of nature
were regarded as the result of the working
of numberless beings through their oren-
das. Among most known tribes in North
America the earth is regarded as a
humanized being in person and form,
every particle of whose body is living
substance and potent with the quick-
ening power of life, which is bestowed
on all who feed upon her. They that
feed upon her are the plants and the
trees, who are indeed beings living and
having a being because they receive life
substance from the earth, hence they are
like the primal beings endowed with mind
and volition, to whom prayer (q. v.) may
be offered, since they rule and dispose in
their several jurisdictions unless they are
overcome by some more powerful orenda.
Now, a prayer is psychologically the ex-
pression of the fact that the petitioner in
need is unable to secure what is required
for the welfare, or in distress to prevent
what will result in the ill-fare, of himself
or his kind. The substance of the prayer
merely tells in what direction or in what
respect this inability exists. In turn, the
animals and men live on the products of
the trees and plants, by which means they
renew life and gain-the quickening power
of life, indirectly from the earth-mother,
and thus by a metaphor they are said to
haye come up out of the earth. As the
giver of life, the earth is regarded affec-
tionately and is called Mother, butas the
MYTHOLOGY
[B. A. B.
taker of life and the devourer of their dead
bodies, she is regarded as wicked and a
cannibal.
In the science of opinions mythology
is found to be a fruitful field in which to
gather data regarding the origin and
growth of human concepts relating to
man and the world around him. A study
of the birth and evolution of the concepts
of the human mind indicates clearly that
the beginnings of conventional forms and
ideas and their variations along the lines
of their development are almost never
quite so simple, or rather quite so direct,
as they may seem—are seldom, even in
the beginning, the direct product of the
environmental resource and exigency act-
ing together so immediately and so ex-
clusively of mental agency as students are
apt toassume. Asa rule they are rather
the product of these things—these factors
and conditions of environment acting
very indirectly and sometimes very
subtly and complexly—through the con-
dition of mind wrought by long-continued
life and experience therein, or, again, act-’
ing through the state of mind borne
over from one environment to another.
It is the part of wisdom to be more cau-
tious in deriving ideas and concepts, arts,
or even technic forms of a people too in-
stantly, too directly, from the environ-
ing natural objects or elements they may
simulate or resemble. The motive, if
not for the choice, at least for the persist-
ency, of a given mode of a concept in re-
lation to any objective factor is always a
psychic reason, not a mere first-hand in-
fluence of environment or of accident in
the popular sense of this term. This dis-
position of the ‘‘mere accident’’ or
‘*chance’’ hypothesis of origins dispels
many perplexities in the formation of ex-
act judgment concerning comparative
data, in the identifications of cognate
forms and concepts among widely sepa-
rated peoples; for instance, in the drawing
of sound inferences particularly regard-
ing their common or generic, specific or
exceptional, origin and growth, as shown
by the data in question.
As it is evident that independent proc-
esses and diverse factors combined can
not be alike in every particular in widely —
separated parts of the world, there is
found a means for determining, through
minute differences in similarity, rather
than through general similarities alone,
howsoever striking they may appear,
whether such forms are related, whether
or not they havea common genesis whence
they have inherited aught in common.
Hence caution makes it incumbent on
students to beware of the alluring fallacy
lurking in the frequently repeated epigram
that ‘“human nature is everywhere the
same.’’ The nature of men differs widely
— ee yy ee ee ae em
VT
ae
BULL. 30]
from differences of origin, from differ-
ences of history, from differences of edu-
cation, and from differences of environ-
ment. Hence, to produce thesame human
nature everywhere, these factors must
everywhere be the same. The environ-
ments of no two peoples are ever precisely
the same, and so the two differ in their
character, in their activities, and in their
beliefs.
To the primitive inchoate thought of
the North American Indian all the bodies
and elements of his subjective and object-
ive environment were humanized _ be-
ings—man-beings, or beings that were
persons, that were man in form and at-
tributes and endowed with immortal life
(not souls in the modern acceptation of
this term), with omniscience, and with
potent magic power in their several juris-
dictions. These beings were formed in
the image of man, because man was the
highest type of being known to himself
and because of his subjective method of
thought, which imputed to outside things,
objective realities, his own form and at-
tributes. He could conceive of nature in
no other way. They sometimes, however,
had the power of instant change or trans-
migration into any desired object through
the exercise of peculiar magic power.
The world of the savage was indeed
of small extent, being confined by his’
boundless ignorance to the countries bor-
dering on his own, alittle, if any, beyond
his horizon. Beyond this, he knew noth-
ing of the world, nothing of its extent or
structure. This fact is important and
easily verified, and this knowledge aids
in fully appreciating the teachings of
the philosophy of savage men. Around
and through this limited region traveled
the sun, the moon, the stars, the winds,
the meteors and the fire dragons of the
night, and the fitful auroral cherubim of
the north. All these were to him man-
beings. All trees and plants—the sturdy
oak, the tall pine, and the wild parsnip—
were such beings rooted to the earth by
the mighty spell of some potent wizard,
and so, unlike the deer, they do not ordi-
narily travel from place to place. In like
manner, hills and mountains and the
waters of the earth may sometimes be
thus spellbound by the potency of some
enchantment. Earthquakes are some-
times caused by mountains which, held in
pitiless thralldom by the orenda of some
mighty sorcerer, struggle in agony to be
freed. And even the least of these are
reputed to be potent in the exercise of
magic power. But rivers run and rills
and brooks leap and bound over the land,
yet even these in the ripeness of time
may be gripped to silence by the mighty
magic power of the god of winter.
MYTHOLOGY
969
Among all peoples in all times and in
all planes of culture there were persons
whose opinions were orthodox, and there
were also persons whose opinions were
heterodox, and were therefore a constant
protest against the common opinions, the
commonsense of the community; these
were the agnostics of the ages, the prophets
of change and reformation.
Every ethnic body of myths of the
North American Indians forms a circum-
stantial narration of the origin of the
world of the myth-makers and of all
things and creatures therein. From these
narratives it is learned that a world,
earlier than the present, situated usually
above the visible sky, existed from the
beginning of time, in which dwelt the
first or prototypal personages who, hav-
ing the form and the attributes of man,
are herein called man-beings. Each of
these man-beings possessed a magic pow-
er peculiar to himself or herself, by which
he or she was later enabled to perform his
or her functions after the metamorphosis
of allthings. The life and manner of liy-
ing of the Indians to-day is patterned after
that of these man-beings in their first
estate. They were the prototypes of the
things which are now on this earth.
This elder world is introduced in a
state of peaceand harmony. In the ripe-
ness of time, unrest and discord arose
among these first beings, because the
minds of all, excepta very small number,
becoming abnormal, were changed, and
the former state of tranquillity was soon
succeeded by a complete metamorphosis
of all things and beings, or was followed
by commotion, collision, and strife. The
transformed things, the prototypes, were
banished from the sky-land to this world,
whereupon it acquired its present appear-
ance and became peopled by all that is
upon it—man, animals, trees, and plants,
who formerly were man-beings. Insome
cosmologies man is brought upon the
scene later and in a peculiar manner.
Each man-being became transformed into
whathis or her attributes required, what
his primal and unchangeable nature de-
manded, and then he or she became in
body what he had been, in a disguised
body, before the transformation. — But
those man-beings whose minds did not
change by becoming abnormal, remained
there in the skyland—separate, peculiar,
and immortal. Indeed they are but
shadowy figures passing into the shoreless
sea of oblivion.
Among the tribes of North American
Indians there is a striking similarity in
their cycles of genesis myths, in that
they treat of several regions or worlds.
Sometimes around and above the mid-
world, the habitat of the myth, are placed
970
a group of worlds—one at the east, one
at the south, one at the west, one at the
north, one above, and one below—which,
with the midworld, number seven in all.
Even each of the principal colors is as-
signed to its appropriate world (see Color
symbolism). Hence, tothe primitive mind,
the cosmos (if the term he allowed here)
was a universe of man-beings whose actiy-
ities constituted the operations of nature.
To it nothing was what it is to scientific
thought. Indeed, it was a world wholly
artificial andfanciful. Itwas the product
of the faney of savage and- inchoate
thinking, of the commonsense of savage
thought.
So far as is definitely known, the vari-
ous systems of mythology i in North Amer-
ica differ much in detail one from an-
other, superficially giving them the as-
pect of fundamental difference of origin
and growth; but a careful study of them
discloses the fact that they aceord with
all great bodies of mythology in a prin-
ciple which underlies all, namely, the
principle of change, transmigration, or
metamorphosis of things, through the
exercise of orenda, or magic power, from
one state, condition, or form, to another.
By this means things haye become what
they now are. Strictly, then, creation of
something from nothing has no place in
them. Inthesemy thologies, purporting to
be philosophies, of course, no knowledge
of the real changes which have affected
‘the environing world is to be sought; but
it is equally true that in them are em-
bedded, like rare fossils and precious
gems, many most important facts regard-
ing the history of the human mind.
For a definite people ina definite plane
of culture, the myths and the concomi-
tant beliefs resting on them, of their
neighbors, are not usually true, since the
personages and the events narrated in
them have an aspect and an expression
quite different from their own, although
they may in the last analysis express
fundamentally identical things—may in
fact spring from identical motives.
Among the Iroquois and the eastern
Algonquian tribes, the Thunder people,
human in form and mind and usually
four in number, are most important and
staunch friendsof man. But in the Lake
region, the N. W. coast to Alaska, and in
the northern drainage of the Mississippi
and Missouri valleys, this conception is
replaced by that of the Thunderbird.
Among the Algonquian and the I[ro-
quoian tribes the myths regarding the
so-called fire-dragon are at once striking
and important. Now, the fire-dragon is
in fact the personification of the meteor.
Flying through the air among the stars,
the larger meteors appear against some
MYTHOLOGY
- [B. ALB.
midnight sky like fiery reptiles sheathed
in lambent flames. It is believed of them
that they fly from one lake or deep river
to another, in the bottom of which they
are bound by enchantment to dwell, for
should they be permitted to remain on
the land they would set the world on fire.
The Troquois pepe their name for the
fire-dragon, ‘light-thrower,’ to the lion
when first seen, thus indicating their con-
ception of the tierceness of the fire- -dragon.
The Ottawa and Chippewa missibizi, or
nissibizhu, literally ‘great lynx,’ is their
name for this mythic being. The horned
serpent does not belong here, but the
misnamed tigers of the Peoria and other
Algonquian tribes do. Among the Iro-
quois it was the deeds of the fire-dragon
that hastened the occasion for the meta-
morphosis of the primal beings.
As early as 1868 Brinton called atten-
tion to the curious circumstance that in|
the mythology of those Eskimo who had
had no contact with European travelers,
there were no changes or transformations
of the world affecting the aspect and
character of the earth. In this state-
ment he is followed by Boas (1904), who
also claims that the animal myth proper
did not belong originally to Eskimo my-
thology, although there are now in this
mythology some animal myths and weird
tales and accounts regarding monsters and
vampire ghosts and the thaumaturgic
deeds of shamans and wizards. This is
in strong contrast with the content of the
mythologies of the Indian tribes that have
been studied.
In its general aspects the mythology of
the North American Indians has been in-
structively and profitably discussed by
several American anthropologists, who
have greatly advanced the study and
knowledge of the subject. Among these
are Powell, Brinton, Boas, Curtin,
Fletcher, Matthews, Cushing, Fewkes,
and Dixon.
Powell treated the subject from the
philosophicand evolutional point of view,
and sought to establish successive stages
in the development of the mythologie
thought or concept, making them imputa-
tion, “personification, and reification; and
the ‘product he divided into four stages
from the character of the dominant gods
ineach, namely, (1) hecastotheism, wherein
everything has life, personality, volition,
and design, and the wondrous attributes
of man; (2) zodtheism, wherein life is not
attributed indiscriminately to lifeless
things, the attributes of man are imputed
to the animals and no line of demarea-
tion is drawn between man and _ beast,
and all facts and phenomena of nature
are explained in the mythic history of
these zodmorphic gods; (3) physitheism,
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BULL. 30]
wherein a wide difference is recognized
between man and the animals, the powers
and phenomena of nature are personified,
and the gods are anthropomorphic; and
(4) psychotheism, wherein mental attri-
butes and moral and social characteristics
with which are associated the powers of
nature are personified and deified, and
there arise gods of war, of love, of rey-
elry, plenty, and fortune. This last stage,
by processes of mental integration, passes
into monotheism on the one hand and
into pantheism on the other. It is found
that these four stages are not thus succes-
sive, but that they may and do overlap,
and that it is best perhaps to call them
phases rather than stages of growth, in
that they may exist side by side.
Brinton learnedly calls attention to the
distinctively native American character
of the large body of myths and tales
rehearsed among the American aborig-
ines. His studies include also much
etymological analysis of mythic and
legendary names, which is unfortunately
largely inaccurate, analysis being appar-
ently made to accord with a preconceived
idea of what it should disclose. This
vitiates a large ,art of his otherwise
excellent identifications of the objective
realities of the agents found in the my-
thology. Healso treats in his instructive
style the various cults of the demiurge,
or the culture-hero or hero-god; but it
must be borne in mind that here the
so-called hero-god is not solely or even
chiefly such in character. In discussing
the hero-myths of the n. w. Pacifie coast
tribes, Boas points out the fact that the
culture-hero of that area was not always
prompted by altruistic motives in ‘‘yiv-
ing the world its present shape and man
his arts.’”’ The hero is credited with
failures as well as with successes, and
in character is an ‘‘egotist pure and
simple.’? On the other hand, Boas finds
in the life and character of the Algon-
quian Nanabozho (q. v. ) altruistic motives
dominant. This tendency to displace the
egotistic motives of the primitive trans-
former with preeminently altruistic ones
is strongly marked in the character of the
Iroquoian Tharonhiawagon (q. v.), a par-
allel if not a cognate conception with that
ot the Alonquian Nanabozho. As show-
ing a transitional stage on the way to al-
truism, Boas states that the transformer
among the Kwakiutl brings about the
changes for the benefit of a friend and not
for himself. While there are some Algon-
quian myths in which Nanabozho appears
as a trickster and teller of falsehoods,
among the Iroquois the trickster and buf-
foon has been developed alongside that
of the demiurge, and is sometimesreputed
to be the brother of Death. The mink,
MYTHOLOGY
971
the wolverene, tne bluejay, the raven-
and the coyote are represented as trick,
sters in the myths of many of the tribes
of the Pacific slope and the N. W. coast.
Matthews, in ‘‘The Night Chant, a
Ceremony of the Navaho” (Mem. Am.
Mus. Nat. Hist., v, 1902), introduces an
interesting account of the striking sym-
bolism and mythie philosophy of this
remarkable people.
Miss Fletcher, in her many excellent
and instructive writings on the customs
and symbolism of the Indians whom she
has studied, has placed the study of my-
thology on a scientific basis. In her
‘“‘Hako: A Pawnee Ceremony’? (22d
Rep. B. A. E., 1903), Miss Fletcher treats
in masterful manner this interesting
series of rites, which, with marked sym-
pathy and the skill of ripe experience,
she analyzes and interprets in such wise
that the delicately veiled symbolism and
mythic conceptions are clearly brought to
view.
In the Zuni record of the genesis of the
worlds, as recorded by Cushing (13th
Rep. B. A. E., 1896), Awonawilona, the
Maker and Container of all, alone and un-
perplexed awaiting fate, existed before the
beginning of time in the darkness which
knew no beginning. Then he conceived
within himself, and projecting his think-
ing into the void of night, around him
evolved fogs of increase—mists potent with
growth. Then, in like manner, the All-
container took upon himself the form and
person of the Sun, the Father of men, who
thus came to be, and by whose light and
brightening the cloud mists became thick-
ened into water, and thus was made the
world-holding sea. Then from ‘‘ his sub-
stance of flesh outdrawn from the surface
of his person,’’ he made the seed of two
worlds, fecundating therewith the sea.
By the heat of his rays there was formed
thereon green scums, which increasing
apace became ‘‘The Four-fold Containing:
Mother-earth’’ and the ‘‘All-covering
Father-sky.’? Then from the consorting
together of these twain on the great
world-waters, terrestrial life was gener-
ated, and therefrom sprang all beings of
earth—men and the ereatures, from the
‘*Four-fold womb of the World.’’ Then
the Earth-mother repulsed the Sky-
father, and growing heavy sank into the
embrace of the waters of the sea, and
thus she separated from the Sky-father,
leaving him in the embrace of the waters
above. Moreover, the Earth-mother
and the Sky-father, like all surpassing
beings, were changeable, metamorphic,
even like smoke in the wind, were
‘‘transmutable at thought, manifesting
themselves in any form at will, as
dancers may by mask-making.’’ Then
972
from the nethermost of the four caves
(wombs) of the world, the seed of men
and the creatures took-form and grew;
even as within eggs in warm places worms
quickly form and appear, and, growing,
soon burst their shellsand emerge, as may
happen, birds, tadpoles, or serpents; so
men and all creatures grew manifoldly
and multiplied in many kinds. Thus did
the lowermost world cave become over-
filled with living things, full of unfinished
creatures, crawling like reptiles one over
another in black darkness, thickly crowd-
ing together and treading one on another,
one spitting on another and doing other in-
decency,insuch manner that the murmur-
ings and the lamentations became loud,
and many amidst the growing confusion
sought to escape, growing wiser and more
manlike. Then Poshaiyankya, the fore-
most and wisest of men, arising from the
nethermost sea, came among men and the
living things, and, pitying them, obtained
egress from that first world cave through
such a dark and narrow path that some
seeing somewhat, crowding after, could
not follow him, so eager mightily did they
strive one with another. Alone then did
Poshaiyankya come from one cave to
another into this world, then, island-like,
lying amidst the world waters, vast, wet,
and unstable. He sought and found the
Sun-father and besought him to deliver
the men and the creatures from that neth-
ermost world. ;
Speaking of the Maidu myths, Dixon
(Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xvi, pt. 3,
1905) says that from present knowledge
of them, the facts of most interest are the
large measure of system and sequence
found in the mythology of the stock;
the prominence given to the ‘‘ creation
episode’’ and to the events connected
with it; the strongly contrasted charac-
ters of the ‘‘Creator’’ and the Coyote;
the apparent absence of a myth of migra-
tion, and the diversity shown within the
stock; that ‘‘ beginning with the cre-
ation, a rather systematic chain of events
leads up to the appearance of the ances-
tors of the present Indians, with whose
coming the mythic cycle came to a close.
This mythic era seems to fall into a
number of periods, with each of which
a group or set of myths has to deal.’
During the first era occurs the coming of
Kodoyanpé (Earth-namer) and Coyote,
the ‘‘discovery’’ of this world by them,
O
MYTHOLOGY
[B. A.B.
and the preparation of it for the ‘‘first —
people”’; next, the ‘‘creation’’ of the —
first people and the making and plant-
ing of the germs of human beings, the -
Indians (in the form of small’ wooden
figures), who were to follow; third, the —
long period in which the first people were ©
engaged in violence and conflict, and were —
finally transformed into the various ani- |
mals in the present world. During this
period Earth-maker (or Earth-namer) —
sought to destroy Coyote, whose evil
ways and desires antagonized his own. |
In this struggle Earth-namer was assisted
by the Conqueror, who destroyed many
monsters and evil beings who later
would have endangered the life of men
who should come on the scene. In the
final period comes the last struggle,
wherein Earth-maker strives in vain with
Coyote, his defeat and flight to the East .
synchronously with the coming of the
human race, the Indians, who sprang up
from the places where the original pairs
had long. before been buried as small
wooden figures. Dixon further says:
‘‘Nor is the creation here merely an epi-
sode—a re-creation after a deli ge brought
on by one cause or anothers it is in
some mythologies. Here the creation is
a real beginning; beyond it, behind it,
there is nothing. In the beginning was
only the great sea, calm and unlimited,
to which, down from the clear sky, the
Creator came, or on which he and Coyote
were floating in a canoe. Of the origin
or previous place of abode of either Crea-
tor or Coyote, the Maidu knew nothing.”’
But Dixon adds that the Achomawi,
northern neighbors of the Maidu, push
this history much farther back, saying
that at first there were but the shoreless
sea and the clear sky; that a tiny cloud
appeared in the sky, which, gradually
increasing in size, finally attained large
proportions, then condensed until it be-
came the Silver-Gray Fox, the Creator;
that immediately there arose a fog which
in turn condensed until it became Coyote.
See Calumet, Fetish, Orenda, Religion.
The bibliography of the mythology of
the Indians n. of Mexico is very exten-
sive. For an excellent summary of the
literature of the subject, consult Cham-
berlain in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, xvi, 111,
1905, and the continuous Record of Ameri-
ean Folk-lore published in the same
magazine. (J. N. B. H.)
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