5 meer ae Fis Be Dotartn bo peta ~ re As tateteliel ne = hamlet Fan gn tm tng atin pb ania es FA aia. se Te COMERS) | < | uy ‘ei re | | aoe: © Sa BF / “ad r f * = wf) | ; | ; V SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 40 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES BY FRANZ BOAS PARE 1 WITH ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCHES By ROLAND B. DIXON, P. E. GODDARD, WILLIAM JONES AND TRUMAN MICHELSON, JOHN R. SWANTON, AND WILLIAM THALBITZER 2\10\* WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE gS es N LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BurEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., March 11, 1908. Srr: I have the honor to submit herewith for publication, subject to your approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 1, of this Bureau, the manu- script of a portion of the Handbook of American Indian Languages, prepared under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas. Yours, respectfully, W. H. Hotmes, Chief. Dr. Cuartes D. Watcort, Secretary of the Sap eereaa Institution, Washington, D. C. IIL » Ce a Veet PREFACE The Handbook of American Indian Languages, the first Part of which is here presented, had its inception in an attempt to pre- pare a revised edition of the ‘‘Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages,” by Major J. W. Powell. During the first twenty years of the existence of the Bureau of American Ethnology much linguistic material had been accumulated by filling in the schedules contained in Major Powell’s Introduction, and in this manner many vocabularies had been collected, while the essential features of the morphology of American languages remained unknown. It seemed particularly desirable to call attention, in a new edition of the Introduction, to the essential features of the morphology and phonetics of American languages, and to emphasize the necessity of an analytical study of grammar. The object next to be attained by linguistic studies of American languages is a knowledge of their pho- netic processes and of the psychological foundation of their structure. The former of these objects has hardly been attempted; knowledge of the latter has been obscured by the innumerable attempts to represent the grammars of Indian languages in a form analogous to that of the European grammars. It was originally intended to give a somewhat elaborate intro- duction, setting forth the essential psychological characteristics of American languages; but with the development of the plan of work it was found necessary to relegate this discussion to the endof the whole work, because without a somewhat detailed discussion of the various languages the essential points can not be substantiated by reliable evidence. I have not attempted to give either exhaustive grammars or exhaustive discussions of phonetics, because the object of the whole work has been to describe as clearly as possible those psychological principles of each language which may be isolated by an analysis of grammatical forms. A detailed discussion of phonetics and of the probable historical development of grammatical forms belongs rather to detailed studies of linguistic stocks, which should be the next step in the progress of our knowledge of American languages. In the collection of the material embodied in the present volume, I have been liberally assisted by investigators employed by a number Vv VI PREFACE of institutions, particularly the American Museum of Natural History and the University of California. Most of the material contained in the first Part, except that contaimed in the sketches of the Athapascan, by Dr. P. E. Goddard, and of the Eskimo, by Dr. Wil- liam Thalbitzer, was collected in connection with extended ethno- logical research conducted under the joint auspices of these institu- tions and the Bureau of American Ethnology; and the grammatical sketches are based on the discussion of texts published by the Bureau of American Ethnology and by other institutions, and which are referred to in the various sketches. . The work of collecting and of revision has extended over the period from 1897 to 1908. Lack of funds prevented a more rapid completion of the work. I desire to express my sincere thanks to the collaborators who have contributed to the volume, and who have willingly adopted the gen- eral plan of presentation of grammar outlined by the editor. Franz Boas. New York, February 26, 1910. CONTENTS ; Page Pm itet My Peay, Mates ss hot. SQ & edz sce 2 ne ona Sa onnes 1 Athapascan. (Hupa), by Pliny Earle Goddard..-....../.........-.-2..-2200- 85 uann Me Ore tus SWatltGh. 2 22, ~ 5. ck Sc = = nie see oe es bs owe eee 159 AE Ss a 205 eran Poy MERE EOE. 28d HOS ac te eciest asda ks ase weticces dud 283 nS: Henny IsOAH: 2222200 L BS ot Sion ck sane de ac eeec ech wae 423 EE ICME ae ese ook ibd cae hoe chee oan dens eee eee 559 Ea DESCEEME TAVC IRM EIB ty <7 el 679 Algonquian (Fox), by William Jones (fevised by Truman Michelson)... .... 735 Siouan (Dakota), by Franz Boas and John R. Swanton..................---- 875 merece dustin Naalbitzer.. 2290255. dee .c2 sass isa es oes euasclcacsse 967 5 ia ‘ LAs wee A Pia INTRODUCTION Bite, a: FRANZ BOAS - = 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —1 neeiee eee « wie x “er “ ; d i A * ft? i u ¥ ’ AY “t) oes * Ss nt i i ‘ - at > a , a) re an *¢ nf “I Doha CONTENTS Ree AR OUR A Os Aes ro. ote eas an Sade aek Cac ae Ceca a Early attempts to determine the position of the American race.....-. Classifications based on physical type, language, and customs......-. Relations between physical type, language, and customs............ Permanence of physical type; changes in language and culture. . Permanence of language; changes of physical type..............- Chanaos.of langeuape and) type... =<.5 25 <2. .e rs anew. Jas ee coe Permanence of typeand language; change of culture............-.. Hypothesis of original correlation of type, language, and culture...... Artificial character of all classifications of mankind.................. ue enaracteristics oi language... ... <2 Ses sawed eon ce ec oee Su ceass Peer td OL At OMNOOYs ect nt can J whe weme a aid rad we sin seate eee cee Se ueaSTe CE MON OMOR. at Sara's ss. Sec Dock mee cece Unconsciousness of phonetic elements....................------- Ree erR INEM ner CCCI CRE oe e055 Sc yeh ae oe Mice soe CCH ER Differences in categories of different languages................-. Limitation of the number of phonetic groups expressing ideas. ..... Ceamaniatitcallpraeerseac see hol. 6 toe oS ead ese ae ree NN MRRSIE Se ben OMe oi Mac. tele Se tio cous Oe Nut ew oe SUPE TACT E155, Ca aa Oe Le ee a ee Mee Pol ee aL oF cc Aap Hiecussion of grammatical, categories 22.22.52... 6.fo< Le es Pe Nawal: cateroriess.. 2... usin 2Al lac dudsS.cee cote. wee aeons EVELICG (21 UR See Na Rl ced ee aap | Ee eae See De eee aE alana pana Settee he ree See Nae cs cy eee Personal pronouns: ......-.2..-., A eae Set A ete ee Memonstreative pronguns..20.0 loge 2 Le Bec bh les eee ek TUNE Aa Coe eR yc 2 RUE a no Interpretation of grammatical categories.....................-..----- mee assiiea tion Of languages... ..........---.2.¢+-+2--5----<00- cee ET OC PIG SOL, Re gee Syl maviparison,.of distiner languages.) 520 oe IP. omc ce wn nies a cine Pinfaloamiuences of laneiaged.... 2. ocs oc... 2-2 a bee Poco see ene oa VEL EE CORE SUHOTSV EY 6.2) laa Sp aR AL Ge Pe am ed Cae ace he micoerap nie dmiMOnCes: 2. 2. eee qe ss Boones ohana ee wnhes ed Origin of similarities; by dissemination or by parallel development. . 3 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. III. Classification of languages—Continued. Influence of environment on language ............-.....-.-----.-%.- Influence of common psychic tratiee te ees cee eee ee eee seen Uncertainty of definition of linguistic families..............-.------- Dy. angiistics and ethnology. ...-; .s.aaiee nese om elem eee ere Practical need of linguistic studies for ethnological purposes. .......-- Theoretical importance of linguistic studies................--.--.--- Language a part of ethnological phenomena in general........--- Language and thought.....5. 20222022. se i2. one. ce ewe Unconscious character of linguistic phenomena.......- Lc We Characteristics of Americam-taneuares: 2 oe aicce oe sine eins ie eee INTRODUCTION By Franz Boas I. RACE AND LANGUAGE Early Attempts to Determine the Position of the American Race When Columbus started on his journey to reach the Indies, sailing westward, and discovered the shores of America, he beheld a new race of man, different in type, different in culture, different in lan- guage, from any known before that time. This race resembled neither the European types, nor the negroes, nor the better-known races of southern Asia. As the Spanish conquest of America pro- gressed, other peoples of our continent became known to the invaders, and all showed a certain degree of outer resemblance, which led the Spaniards to designate them by the term ‘‘Indios’’ (Indians), the inhabitants of the country which was believed to be part of India. Thus the mistaken geographical term came to be applied to the inhabitants of the New World; and owing to the contrast of their appearance to that of other races, and the peculiarities of their cultures and their languages, they came to be in time considered as a racial unit. The same point of view still prevailed when the discoveries included more extended parts of the New World. The people with whom the Spaniards and Portuguese came into contact in South America, as well as the inhabitants of the northern parts of North America, all seemed to partake so much of the same characteristics, that they were readily classed with the natives first discovered, and were considered as a single race of mankind. 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 It was only when our knowledge of the Indian tribes increased, that differences between the various types of man inhabiting our continent became known. Differences in degree of culture, as well as differences in language, were recognized at an early time. Much later came a recognition of the fact that the Indians of our conti- nent differ in type as much among themselves as do the members of other races. . As soon as investigators began to concern themselves with these questions, the problem of the position of the natives of America among the races of mankind came to be of considerable interest, and speculations in regard to their origin and relationships occur even in the early descriptions of the New World. Among the earlier attempts we find particularly endeavors to prove that certain parts of the beliefs and customs of the Indians agree with those of the Old World. Such agreements were consid- ered proof that the Indians belong to one of the races enumerated in biblical history; and the theory that they represent the lost tribes of Israel was propounded frequently, and has held its own for a long time. In a similar way were traced analogies between the languages of the New World and those of the Old World, and many investigators believe even now that they have established such relationships. Attempts were also made to prove similarities in appearance between the American races and other races, and thus to determine their position among the races of the Old World. Classifications based on Physical Type, Language, and Customs The problems involved in the determination of the relations of the various races have been approached from two different poimts of view—either the attempt has been made to assign a definite posi- tion to a race in a classificatory system of the races of man, or the history of the race has been traced as far back as available data may permit. The attempts to classify mankind are numerous. Setting aside the classifications based on biblical tradition, and considering only those that are based on scientific discussion, we find a number of attempts based on comparisons of the anatomical characteristics of mankind, combined with geographical considerations; others are based on the discussion of a combination of anatomical and cultural character- BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 7 istics—traits which are considered as characteristic of certain groups of mankind; while still others are based primarily on the study of the languages spoken by people representing a certain anatomical type. The attempts that have thus been made have led to entirely differ- ~ent results. Blumenbach, one of the first scientists who attempted to classify mankind, first distinguished five races—the Caucasian, Mongolian, Ethiopian, American, and Malay. It is fairly clear that this classification is based as much on geographical as on anatomical considerations, although the description of each race is primarily an anatomical one. Cuvier distinguished three races—the white, yellow, and black. Huxley proceeds more strictly on a biological basis. He combines part of the Mongolian and American races of Blumen- bach into one, assigns part of the South Asiatic peoples to the Austra- lian type, and subdivides the European races into a dark and a light division. The numerical preponderance of the European types has evidently led him to make finer distinctions in this race, which he divides into the xanthochroic and melanochroic races. It would be easy to make subdivisions of equal value in other races. Still clearer is the influence of cultural points of view in classifica- tions like those of Gobineau and Klemm (who distinguishes the active and passive races), according to the cultural achievements of the various types of man. The most typical attempt to classify mankind from a consider- ation of both anatomical and linguistic points of view is that of Friederich Miller, who takes as the basis of his primary divisions the form of hair, while all the minor divisions are based on linguistic considerations. Relations between Physical Type, Language, and Customs An attempt to correlate the numerous classifications that have been proposed shows clearly a condition of utter confusion and con- tradiction. If it were true that anatomical form, language, and cul- ture are all closely associated, and that each subdivision of mankind is characterized by a certain bodily form, a certain culture, and a cer- tain language, which can never become separated, we might expect that the results of the various investigations would show better agreement. If, on the other hand, the various phenomena which were made the leading points in the attempt at classification are not 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 closely associated, then we may naturally expect such contradic- tions and lack of agreement as are actually found. It is therefore necessary, first of all, to be clear in regard to the significance of anatomical characteristics, language, and culture, as characteristic of any subdivision of mankind. It seems desirable to consider the actual development of these - various traits among the existing races. Permanence of Physical Type; Changes in Language and Culture At the present period we may observe many cases in which a com- plete change of language and culture takes place without a corre- sponding change in physical type. This is true, for instance, among the North American negroes, a people by descent largely African; in culture and language, however, essentially European. While it is true that certain survivals of African culture and language are found among our American negroes, their culture is essentially that of the uneducated classes of the people among whom they live, and their language is on the whole identical with that of their neigh- bors—English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese, according to the prevalent language in various parts of the continent. It might be objected that the transportation of the African race to America was an artificial one, and that in earlier times extended migrations and transplantations of this kind have not taken place. The history of medieval Europe, however, shows clearly that extended changes in language and culture have taken place many times without corresponding changes in blood. Recent investigations of the physical types of Europe have shown with great clearness that the distribution of types has remained the same for a long period. Without considering details, it may be said that an Alpine type can easily be distinguished from a north- European type on the one hand, and a south-European type on the other. The Alpine type appears fairly uniform over a large territory, no matter what language may be spoken and what national culture may prevail in the particular district. The central-European French- men, Germans, Italians, and Slavs are so nearly of the same type that we may safely assume a considerable degree of blood relation- ship, notwithstanding their linguistic differences. BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 9 Instances of similar kind, in which we find permanence of blood with far-reaching modifications of language and culture, are found in other parts of the world. As an example may be mentioned the Veddah of Ceylon, a people fundamentally different in type from the neighboring Singhalese, whose language they seem to have adopted, and from whom they have also evidently borrowed a number of cultural traits. Still other examples are the Japanese of the northern part of Japan, who are undoubtedly, to a consider- able extent, Ainu in blood; and the Yukaghir of Siberia, who, while retaining to a great extent the old blood, have been assimilated in culture and language by the neighboring Tungus. Permanence of Language; Changes of Physical Type While it is therefore evident that in many cases a people, without undergoing a considerable change in type by mixture, have changed completely their language and culture, still other cases may be adduced in which it can be shown that a people have retained their language while undergoing material changes in blood and culture, or in both. As an example of this may be mentioned the Magyar of Europe, who have retained their old language, but have become mixed with people speaking Indo-European languages, and who have, to all intents and purposes, adopted European culture. Similar conditions must have prevailed among the Athapascans, one of the great linguistic families of North America. The great body of people speaking languages belonging to this linguistic stock live in the northwestern part of America, while other dialects are spoken by small tribes in California, and still others by a large body of people in Arizona and New Mexico. The relationship between all these dialects is so close that they must be considered as branches of one large group, and it must be assumed that all of them have sprung from a language once spoken over a continuous area. At the present time the people speaking these languages differ funda- mentally in type, the inhabitants of the Mackenzie river region being quite different from the tribes of California, and these, again, differing from the tribes of New Mexico. The forms of culture in these different regions are also quite distinct; the culture of the Cali- fornia Athapascans resembles that of other Californian tribes, while the culture® of the Athapascans of New Mexico and Arizona is influenced by that of other peoples of that area. It seems most 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 plausible to assume in this case that branches of this stock migrated from one part of this large area to another, where they intermingled with the neighboring people, and thus changed their physical char- acteristics, while at the same time they retained their speech. With- out historical evidence this process can not, of course, be proved. I shall refer to this example later on. Changes of Language and Type These two phenomena—a retention of type with a change of language, and a retention of language with a change of type— apparently opposed to each other, are still very closely related, and in many cases go hand in hand. An example of this is, for instance, the distribution of the Arabs along the north coast of Africa. On the whole, the Arab element has retained its language; but at the same time intermarriages with the native races were common, so that the descendants of the Arabs have often retained the old language and have changed their type. On the other hand, the natives have to a certain extent given up their own languages, but have continued to intermarry among themselves and have thus preserved their type. So far as any change of this kind is connected with intermixture, both types of changes must always occur at the same time, and will be classed as a change of type or a change of language, as our attention is directed to the one people or the other, or, in some cases, as the one or the other change is more pronounced. Cases of complete assimilation without any mixture of the people involved seem to be rare, if not, entirely absent. Permanence of Type and Language; Change of Culture Cases of permanence of type and language and of change of culture are much more numerous. As a matter of fact, the whole historical development of Europe, from prehistoric times on, is one endless series of examples of this process, which seems to be much easier, since assimilation of cultures occurs everywhere without actual blood mixture, as an effect of imitation. Proof of diffusion of cultural elements may be found in every single cultural area which covers a district in which many languages are spoken. In North America, California offers a good example of this kind; for here many lan- guages are spoken, and there is a certain degree of differentiation of type, but at the same time a considerable uniformity of culture pre- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 11 vails. Another case in point is the coast of New Guinea, where, notwithstanding strong local differentiations, a certain fairly char- acteristic type of culture prevails, which goes hand in hand with a strong differentiation of languages. Among more highly civilized peoples, the whole area which is under the influence of Chinese cul- ture might be given as an example. These considerations make it fairly clear that, at least at the present time, anatomical type, language, and culture have not necessarily the same fates; that a people may remain constant in type and language and change in culture; that they may remain constant in type, but ehange in language; or that they may remain constant in language and change in type and culture. If this is true, then it is obvious that attempts to classify mankind, based on the present distribution of type, language, and culture, must lead to different results, accord- ing to the point of view taken; that a classification based primarily on type alone will lead to a system which represents, more or less accurately, the blood relationships of the people, which do not need to coincide with their cultural relationships; and that, in the same way, Classifications based on language and culture do not need at all to coincide with a biological classification. If this be true, then a problem like the much discussed Aryan problem really does not exist, because the problem is primarily a linguistic one, relating to the history of the Aryan languages; and the assumption that a certain definite people whose members have always been related by blood must have been the carriers of this language throughout history; and the other assumption, that a cer- tain cultural type must have always belonged to this people—are purely arbitrary ones and not in accord with the observed facts. Hypothesis of Original Correlation of Type, Language, and Culture Nevertheless, it must be granted, that in a theoretical considera- tion of the history of the types of mankind, of languages, and of cultures, we are led back to the assumption of early conditions during which each type was much more isolated from the rest of mankind than it is at the present time. For this reason, the culture and the language belonging to a single type must have been much more sharply separated from those of other types than we find them to be at the present period. It is true that such a condition has nowhere ee BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 been observed; but the knowledge of historical developments almost compels us to assume its existence at a very early period in the devel- opment of mankind. If this is true, the question would arise, whether an isolated group, at an early period, was necessarily char- acterized by a single type, a single language, and a single culture, or whether in such a group different types, different languages, and different cultures may have been represented. The historical development of mankind would afford a simpler and clearer picture, if we were justified in assuming that in primitive communities the three phenomena had been intimately associated. No proof, however, of such an assumption can be given. On the contrary, the present distribution of languages, as compared with the distribution of types, makes it plausible that even at the earliest times the biological units may have been wider than the linguistic units, and presumably also wider than the cultural units. I believe that it may be safely said that all over the world the biological unit is much larger than the linguistic unit: in other words, that groups of men who are so closely related in bodily appearance that we must consider them as representatives of the same variety of mankind, embrace a much larger number of individuals than the number of men speaking languages which we know to be genetically related. Examples of this kind may be given from many parts of the world. Thus, the European race—including under this term roughly all those individuals who are without hesitation classed by us as mem- bers of the white race—would include peoples speaking Indo-Euro- pean, Basque, and Ural-Altaic languages. West African negroes would represent individuals of a certain negro type, but speaking the most diverse languages; and the same would be true, among Asiatic types, of Siberians; among American types, of part of the Californian Indians. So far as our historical evidence goes, there is no reason to believe that the number of distinct languages has at any time been less than it is now. On the contrary, all our evidence goes to show that the number of apparently unrelated languages has been much greater in earlier times than at present. On the other hand, the number of types that have presumably become extinct seems to be rather small, so that there is no reason to suppose that at an early period there should have been a nearer correspondence between the number of distinct linguistic and anatomical types; and we are thus led to BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 13 the conclusion that presumably, at an early time, each human type may have existed in a number of small isolated groups, each of which may have possessed a language and culture of its own. However this may be, the probabilities are decidedly in favor of the assumption that there is no necessity to assume that originally each language and culture were confined to a single type, or that each type and culture were confined to one language: in short, that there has been at any time a close correlation between these three phe- nomena. The assumption that type, language, and culture were originally closely correlated would entail the further assumption that these three traits developed approximately at the same period, and that they developed conjointly for a considerable length of time. This assumption does not seem by any means plausible. The fundamen- tal types of man which are represented in the negroid race and in the mongoloid race must have been differentiated long before the formation of those forms of speech that are now recognized in the linguistic families of the world. I think that even the differentia- tion of the more important subdivisions of the great races antedates the formation of the existing linguistic families. At any rate, the biological differentiation and the formation of speech were, at this early period, subject to the same causes that are acting upon them now, and our whole experience shows that these causes act much more rapidly on language than on the human body. In this consideration lies the principal reason for the theory of lack of corre- lation of type and language, even during the period of formation of types and of linguistic families. What is true of language is obviously even more true of culture. In other words, if a certain type of man migrated over a considerable area before its language assumed the form which can now be traced in related linguistic groups, and before its culture assumed the definite type the further development of which can now be recognized, there would be no possibility of ever discovering a correlation of type, language, and culture, even if it had ever existed; but it is quite possible that such correlation has really never occurred. It is quite conceivable that a certain racial type may have scat- tered over a considerable area during a formative period of speech, and that the languages which developed among the various groups 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 of this racial type came to be so different that it is now impossible to prove them to be genetically related. In the same way, new developments of culture may have taken place which are so entirely disconnected with older types that the older genetic relationships, even if they existed, can no longer be discovered. If we adopt this point of view, and thus eliminate the hypothetical assumption of correlation between primitive type, primitive language, and primitive culture, we recognize that any attempt at classification which includes more than one of these traits can not be consistent. It may be added that the general term ‘“‘culture” which has been used here may be subdivided from a considerable number of points of view, and different results again might be expected when we consider the inventions, the types of social organization, or beliefs, as leading points of view in our classification. Artificial Character of All Classifications of Mankind We recognize thus that every classification of mankind must be more or less artificial, according to the point of view selected, and here, even more than in the domain of biology, we find that classifi- cation can only be a substitute for the genesis and history of the now existing types. Thus we recognize that the essential object in comparing different types of man must be the reconstruction of the history of the develop- ment of their types, their languages, and their cultures. The history of each of these various traits is subject to a distinct set of modifying causes, and the investigation of each may be expected to contribute data toward the solution of our problem. The biological investiga- tion may reveal the blood-relationships of types and their modifica- tions under social and geographical environment. The linguistic investigation may disclose the history of languages, the contact of the people speaking them with other people, and the causes that led to linguistic differentiation and integration; while the history of civili- zation deals with the contact of a people with neighboring peoples, as well as with the history of its own achievements. Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 15 Il. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF LANGUAGE Definition of Language The discussions of the preceding chapter have shown that a con- sideration of the human languages alone must not be understood to yield a history of the blood-relationships of races and of their com- ponent elements, but that all that we can hope to obtain is a clear understanding of the relationship of the languages, no matter by whom they may be spoken. Before discussing the extent to which we may reconstruct the history of languages, it seems necessary to describe briefly the essential traits of human speech. In our present discussion we do not deal with gesture-language or musical means of communication, but confine ourselves to the discussion of articulate speech; that is, to communication by means of groups of sounds produced by the articulating organs—the larynx, oral cavity, tongue, lips, and nose. Character of Phonetics Speech consists of groups of sounds produced by the articulating organs, partly noises made by opening and closing certain places in the larynx, pharynx, mouth, or nose, or by restricting certain parts of the passage of the breath; partly resonant sounds pro- duced: by the vocal. chords. Number of Sounds Unlimited The number of sounds that may be produced in this manner is unlimited. In our own language we select only a limited number of all possible sounds; for instance, some sounds, like p, are pro- duced by the closing and a sudden opening of the lips; others, like t, by bringing the tip of the tongue into contact with the anterior portion of the palate, by producing a closure at this point, and by suddenly expelling the air. On the other hand, a sound might be produced by placing the tip of the tongue between the lips, making a closure in this manner, and by expelling the air suddenly. This sound would to our ear partake of the character of both our ¢ and our p, while it would correspond to neither of these. A comparison of the sounds of the well-known European languages—like English, French, and German; or even of the different dialects of the same 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 languages, like those of Scotch and of thé various English dialects— reveals the fact that considerable variation occurs in the manner of producing sounds, and that each dialect has its own characteristic phonetic system, in which each sound is nearly fixed, although sub- ject to slight modifications which are due to accident or to the effects of surrounding sounds. Hach Language Uses a Limited Number of Sounds One of the most important facts relating to the phonetics of human speech is, that every single language has a definite and limited group of sounds, and that the number of those used in any particular dialect is never excessively large. It would seem that this limitation in the use of sounds is neces- sary in order to make possible rapid communication. If the num- ber of sounds that are used in any particular language were unlim- ited, the accuracy with which the movements of the complicated mechanism required for producing the sounds are performed would presumably be lacking, and consequently rapidity and accuracy of pronunciation, and with them the possibility of accurate interpre- tation of the sounds heard, would be difficult, or even impossible. On the other hand, limitation of the number of sounds brings it about that the movements required in the production of each become automatic, that the association between the sound heard and the muscular movements, and that between the auditory impression and the muscular sensation of the articulation, become firmly fixed. Thus it would seem that limited phonetic resources are necessary for easy communication. Alleged Lack, of Differentiation of Sounds in Primitive Languages It has been maintained that this is not a characteristic found in more primitive types of languages, and particularly, examples of American languages have often been brought forward to show that the accuracy of their pronunciation is much less than that found m the languages of the civilized world. It would seem that this view is based largely on the fact that cer- tain sounds that occur in American languages are interpreted by observers sometimes as one European sound, sometimes as another. Thus the Pawnee language contains a sound which may be heard BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ue more or less distinctly sometimes as an /, sometimes an 7, sometimes as n, and again as d, which, however, without any doubt, is through- out the same sound, although modified to a certain extent by its position in the word and by surrounding sounds. It is an exceed- ingly weak r, made by trilling with the tip of the tongue at a point a little behind the roots of the incisors, and in which the tongue hardly leaves the palate, the trill being produced by the lateral part of the tongue adjoining the tip. As soon as the trill is heard more strongly, we receive the impression of an r. When the lateral movement prevails and the tip of the tongue does not seem to leave the palate, the impression of an / is strongest, while when the trill is almost suppressed and a sudden release of the tongue from the palate takes place, the impression of the d is given. The impression of an n is produced because the sound is often accompanied by an audible breathing through the nose. This peculiar sound ‘is, of course, entirely foreign to our phonetic system; but its variations are not ereater than those of the English r in various combinations, as in broth, mother, where. The different impression is brought about by the fact that the sound, according to its prevailing character, associates itself either with our J, or our 7, n, or d. Other examples are quite common. Thus, the lower Chinook has a sound which is readily perceived as ab, m, or w. As a matter of fact, it is a b sound, produced by a very weak closure of the lips and with open nose, the breath passing weakly both through the mouth and through the nose, and accompanied by a faint intonation of the vocal chords. This sound associates itself with our 6, which is produced by a moderately weak release of the lips; with our m, which is a free breath through the nose with closed lips; and with our w, which is a breath through the lips, which are almost closed, all accompanied by a faint intonation of the vocal chords. The association of this sound with w, is particularly marked when it appears in combina- tion with a uw vowel, which imitates the characteristic wu tinge of our w. Still another example is the 6 sound, which is produced with half-closed nose by the Indians of the Strait of Fuca, in the State of Washington. In this case the characteristic trait of the sound is a semiclosure of the nose, similar to the effect produced by a cold in the head. Not less common are sounds intermediate between our vowels. Thus we seem to find in a number of Indian languages 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —2 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 a vowel which is sometimes perceived as 0, sometimes as wu (con- tinental pronunciation), and which is in reality pronounced in a posi- tion intermediate between these two sounds. The correctness of this interpretation of Indian phonetics is per- haps best proved by the fact that observers belonging to different nationalities readily perceive the sounds in accordance with the sys- tem of sounds with which they are familiar. Often it is not diffi- cult to recognize the nationality of a recorder from the system selected by him for the rendering of sounds. Still another proof of the correctness of this view of Indian pho- netics is given by the fact that, wherever there is a greater number of Indian sounds of a class represented by a single sound in English, our own sounds are misinterpreted in similar manner. Thus, for instance, the Indians of the North Pacific coast have a series of 1 sounds, which may be roughly compared to our sounds Zl, cel, gl. Consequently, a word like close is heard by the Indians sometimes one way, sometimes another; our cl is for them an intermediate sound, in the same way as some Indian sounds are intermediate sounds to our ears. The alternation of the sounds is clearly an effect of perception through the medium of a foreign system of phonetics, not that of a greater variability of pronunciation than the one that is characteristic of our own sounds. . While the phonetic system of each language is limited and fixed, the sounds selected in different types of languages show great differ- ences, and it seems necessary to compare groups of languages from the point of view of their constituent phonetic elements. Brief Description of Phonetics A complete discussion of this subject can not be given at this place; but a brief statement of the characteristics of articulate sounds, and the manner of rendering them by means of symbols, seems necessary. All articulate sounds are produced by the vibrations of the articu- lating organs, which are set in motion by breathing. In the vast majority of cases it is the outgoing breath which causes the vibra- tions; while in a few languages, as in those of South Africa, the breath, while being drawn in, is used for producing the sound. One group of sounds is produced by the vibration of the vocal chords, and is characterized by the form given to the cavities of BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 19 mouth and nose. These are the vowels. When the nose is closed, we have pure vowels; when the posterior part of the nose is more or less open, more or less nasalized vowels. The character of the vowel depends upon the form given to the oral cavity. The timbre of the vowels changes according to the degree to which the larynx is raised; the epiglottis lowered or raised; the tongue retracted or brought forward and its back rounded or flattened; and the lips rounded and brought forward, or an elongated opening of the mouth produced by retracting the corners of the mouth. With open lips and the tongue and pharynx at rest, but the soft palate (velum) raised, we have the pure vowel a, similar to the a in father. From this sound the vowels vary in two principal directions. The one extreme is wu (like oo in English fool), with small round opening of the protruding lips, tongue retracted, and round opening between tongue and palate, and large opening between larynx and pharynx, the larynx still being almost at rest. The transitional sounds pass through @ (aw in English law) and o (as in most), but the range of intermediate positions is continuous. In another direction the vowels pass from a through e (@ in English mane) to 7 (ee in fleet). The 7 is pronounced with extreme retraction of the corners of the mouth and elongated opening of the lips, with very narrow flat open- ing between tongue and palate, and the posterior part of the tongue brought forward, so that there is a wide opening in the back part of the mouth, the larynx being raised at the same time. Variations of vowels may be produced by a different grouping of the movements of the articulating organs. Thus, when the lips are in 7 position, the tongue and pharynx and larynx in wu position, we have the sound ii, which is connected with the a by a series passing through 6. These sounds are similar to the German umlaut. Other combinations of positions of the tongue and of the lips occur, although the ones here described seem to be the most fre- quent vowel-sounds. All vowels may become very much weakened in strength of articulation, and dwindle down to a slight intona- tion of the vocal chords, although retaining the peculiar vowel timbre, which depends upon the position of mouth, nose, and lips. When this articulation becomes very weak, all the vowels tend to become quite similar in character, or may be influenced in their timbre by neighboring consonants, as will be described later. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 All sounds produced by vibrations in any part of the articulating organs other than the vocal chords are consonants. These vibra- tions may be produced either by closing the air-passages com- pletely and then suddenly opening the closure, or by producing a narrowing or stricture at any point. The former series of sounds are called ‘‘stops’’ (like our p, t, k). In all of these there is a com- plete closure before the air is expelled. The latter are called “‘spi- rants’”’ or ‘‘continued”’ (like our s and f), in which there is a continu- ous escape of breath. When a stop is made and is followed by a breathing through a stricture at the same place, sounds develop like our ts. These are called “ affricatives.’? When the mouth is com- pletely stopped, and the air escapes through the nose, the sound is called a ‘‘nasal consonant”’ (like our m and n). There may also be stricture and nasal opening. 9... 2) Dorsal: Anterior palatal k- Medial k Velar q Glottal (a stop produced » “i the sagas shone ‘ Nasal ae tine. : a N Almost all these stops may be modified by giving to the closure a different degree of stress. In English we have two principal de- ‘grees of stress, represented, for instance, by our 6 and p or d and #. In many languages, as, for instance, in Sioux and in the languages of the Pacific coast, there are three degrees of stress that may be BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES | readily differentiated. The strongest of these we call the “fortis,”’ and indicate it by following the consonant by an ! (p/, t/). When these stops are not accompanied by any kind of vibra- tion of the vocal chords, they are called “‘surds.”’ It is, of course, also possible that more than one stop may be made at one time. Thus it might be possible to close at the same time the lips and the posterior part of the mouth with the tongue. This type of combination is, however, rare; but we find very frequently articulation of the vocal chords with stops. This results in the voiced consonants, or sonants. In English we find that almost always the stress of articulation of the voiced sound is less than the stress of articulation of the unvoiced sound, or surd; but this cor- relation is not necessary. In American languages particularly, we find very commonly the same degree of stress used with voicing and without voicing, which brings it about that to the European ear the surd and sonant are difficult to distinguish. A third modification of the consonants is brought about by the strength of breathing accompanying the release of the closure. Ina sound like ¢, for instance, the sound may be simply produced by closing the mouth, by laying the tip of the tongue firmly against the palate, producing a slightly increased amount of air-pressure behind the tongue, and then releasing the closure. On the other hand, the sound may be produced by bringing about the closure and combining the release with the expiration of a full breath. Sounds which are accompanied by this full breathing may be called ‘aspirates,’ and we will designate the aspiration by ‘, the symbol of the Greek spiritus asper. This full breathing may follow the stop, or may begin even before the completion of the closure. With the increased stress of closure of the fortis is connected a closure of the glottis or of the posterior part of the tongue, so that only the air that has been poured into the vocal cavity is expelled. In the case of voiced consonants, the voicing may either be en- tirely synchronous with the consonant, or it may slightly precede or follow it. In both of these cases we may get the impression of a preceding or following exceedingly weak vowel, the timbre of which will depend essentially upon the accompanying consonant. When the timbre is very indefinite, we write this vowel £; when it is more definite, A, Z, 0, U, etc. In other cases, where the release at the 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 40 closure is made without a full breath going out, and simply by com- pressing the air slightly in the space behind the closure, a break is very liable to originate between the stop and the following sound of the word. Such a hiatus in the word is indicated by an apos- trophe (’). It seems likely that, where such a hiatus occurs fol- lowing a vowel, it is generally due to a closing of the glottis. Most of the phenomena here described may also occur with the spirants and nasals, which, however, do not seem to differ so much in regard to strength; while the character of the outgoing breath, the voicing and the breaking-off, show traits similar to those observed among the stops. All the stops may be changed into nasals by letting the air escape through the nose while the closure is continued. In this manner originate our n and m.. The nasal opening may also differ in width, and the stricture of the upper nares may produce semi-nasalized consonants. In the spirant sounds before described, the escape of the air is along the middle line of the palate. There are a number of other sounds in which the air escapes laterally. These are represented by our 1. They also may vary considerably, according to the place and form of the opening through which the air escapes and the form of closure of the mouth. It seems that the peculiar timbre of some of the consonants depends also upon the resonance of the oral opening. This seems to be particularly the case in regard to thet and k sounds. In pronouncing the ¢ sounds, one of the essential characteristics seems to be that the posterior part of the mouth is open, while the anterior portion of the mouth is filled by the tongue. In the k series, on the other hand, the posterior portion of the mouth is filled by the tongue, while the anterior portion remains open. Sounds produced with both the posterior and anterior portion of the mouth open partake of the character of both the k and ¢ series.* Two of the vowels show a close affiliation to consonants of the continuant series. These are 7 and wu, owing largely to the fact that in 7 the position of the tongue is very nearly a stricture in the anterior portion of the mouth, while in u the position of the lips is quite near to a stricture. Thus originate the semi-vowels y and w. The last sound that must be mentioned is the free breathing h, which, in its 1 See P. W. Schmidt, Anthropos, II, 834. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 23 most characteristic form, is produced by the expiration of the breath with all the articulating organs at rest. In tabular form we obtain thus the following series of the most important consonantic sounds: Stops. Spirants. Nasals. Trill. Sonant. | Surd. | Fortis. | Sonant. | Surd. | Sonant. | Surd. | Sonant. | Surd. Bulabial-....<-..-. b p p! Vv f m I neice jaacee sae AP Otiimbeeine «lee cmace ese |canc se dellancces ccs Vv ‘el a eho | ae ee et ee oe Linguo-labial -... d t t! ¢ ¢ n TE ares a ae al eee Linguo-dental. .. .. d t t! ¢ ¢ n VS Sacra cose| Eades s5e LHS eos te Bceeds PosGSeE eel Smeiare | Sear meee j Coy ERS eee s-|nis sae an | creme eee nee patie Lingual— pean d t t! ZL s n n r r Cerebral....... 2 Dorsal— Medial g k k! Y x n n r Velar..... g q q! >. n nt r R Pateral J -...=. i L 1! l Wy Ves teesicssiclamss sees |ie wesc cece sees eee Gloutale oe ic. cee Ean lista tae [ees rene se aetecitaee sta) eae Hl Seaeeae caclted ae ee taraa © alae as eee INBSAMS Eo a.~ hi Nie ese sleet ste sat |e ome aey aad. tasleosee goad clas sans ee eee en le aoe Semi-vowels y, w. Breath, ‘h. Hiatus ’. The vocalic tinge of consonants is expressed by superior vowels following them: * °°." The series of affricatives which begin with a stop and end with a continued sound have been omitted from this table. It will be noticed that in the preceding table the same symbols are used in several columns. This is done, because, ordinarily, only one, or at most two, series of these groups occur in one language, so that these differences can be expressed in each special case by diacritical marks. Attempts have been made by other authors to give a general system of sound representation. For any particular language, these are liable to become cumbersome, and are therefore not used in the sketches contained in this volume. Unconsciousness of Phonetic Elements In the preceding pages we have briefly discussed the results of an analysis of the phonetic elements of human speech. It must, how- ever, be remembered that the single sound as such has no independent existence, that it never enters into the consciousness of the speaker, but that it exists only as a part of a sound-complex which conveys a definite meaning. This will be easily recognized, if we consider for a moment grammatical forms in the English language in which the modification of the idea is expressed by a single sound. In the word 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 hills, the terminal s does not enter our consciousness as a separate element with separate significance, expressing the idea of plurality,— except, perhaps, in so far as our grammatical training has taught us the fact that plurals may be formed by the use of a terminal s,—but the word forms a firm unit, which conveys a meaning only as a whole. The variety of uses of the terminal s as a plural, pos- sessive, and third person singular of the verb, and the strong effort required to recognize the phonetic identity of these terminal elements, may be adduced as a further proof of the fact that. the single phonetic elements become conscious to us only as a result of analysis. A comparison of words that differ only in a single sound, like mail and nail, snake and stake, makes it also clear that the isolation of sounds is a result of secondary analysis. Grammatical Categories Differences in Categories of Different Languages In all articulate speech the groups of sounds which are uttered serve to convey ideas, and each group of sounds has a fixed meaning. Languages differ not only in the character of their constituent phonetic elements and sound-clusters, but also in the groups of ideas that find expression in fixed phonetic groups. Limitation of the Number of Phonetic Groups Express- ing Ideas The total number of possible combinations of phonetic elements is also unlimited; but only a limited number are used to express ideas. This implies that the total number of ideas that are expressed by distinct phonetic groups is limited in number. — Since the total range of personal experience which language serves to express is infinitely varied, and its whole scope must be expressed by a limited number of phonetic groups, it is obvious that an extended classification of experiences must underlie all articulate speech. This coincides with a fundamental trait of human thought. In our actual experience no two sense-impressions or emotional states are identical. Nevertheless we classify them, according to their simi- larities, in wider or narrower groups the limits of which may be determined from a variety of points of view. Notwithstanding their individual differences, we recognize in our experiences common ele- ments, and consider them as related or even as the same, provided a BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 25 sufficient number of characteristic traits belong to them in common. Thus the limitation of the number of phonetic groups expressing distinct ideas is an expression of the psychological fact that many different individual experiences appear to us as representatives of the same category of thought. This trait of human thought and speech may be compared in a certain manner to the limitation of the whole series of possible articulating movements by selection of a limited number of habitual movements. If the whole mass of concepts, with all their variants, were expressed in language by entirely heterogeneous and unrelated sound-complexes, a condition would arise in which closely related ideas would not show their relationship by the corresponding rela- tionship of their phonetic symbols, and an infinitely large number of distinct phonetic groups would be required for expression. If this were the case, the association between an idea and its representative sound-complex would not become sufficiently stable to be reproduced automatically without reflection at any given moment. As the automatic and rapid use of articulations has brought it about that a limited number of articulations only, each with limited variability, and a limited number of sound-clusters, have been selected from the infinitely large range of possible articulations and clusters of articu- lations, so the infinitely large number of ideas have been reduced by classification to a lesser number, which by constant use have estab- lished firm associations, and which can be used automatically. It seems important at this point of our considerations to emphasize the fact that the groups of ideas expressed by specific phonetic groups show very material differences in different languages, and do not conform by any means to the same principles of classification. To take again the example of English, we find that the idea of WATER is expressed in a great variety of forms: one term serves to express water as a LIQUID; another one, water in the form of a large expanse (LAKE); others, water as running in a large body or in a small body (RIVER and BROOK); still other terms express water in the form of RAIN, DEW, WAVE, and Foam. It is perfectly conceivable that this variety of ideas, each of which is expressed by a single independent term in English, might be expressed in other languages by derivations from the same term. Another example of the same kind, the words for snow in Eskimo, may be given. Here we find one word, aput, expressing SNOW ON 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 THE GROUND; another one, ganda, FALLING SNow; a third one, pigq- sirpog, DRIFTING SNOW; and a fourth one, gumuqsug, A SNOWDRIFT. In the same language the sEALin different conditions is expressed by a variety of terms. One word is the general term for SEAL; another one signifies the SEAL BASKING IN THE SUN; a third one, a SEAL FLOATING ON A PIECE OF ICE; not to mention the many names. for the seals of different ages and for male and female. As an example of the manner in which terms that we express by independent words are grouped together under one concept, the Dakota language may be selected. The terms nazta’ka TO KICK, paxta’ka TO BIND IN BUNDLES, yazta’ka TO BITE, ic’a'xtaka TO BE NEAR TO, boxta'ka TO POUND, are all derived from the common ele- ment ztaka To eRip, which holds them together, while we use distinct words for expressing the various ideas. It seems fairly evident that the selection of such simple terms must to a certain extent depend upon the chief interests of a people; and where it is necessary to distinguish a certain phenomenon in many aspects, which in the life of the people play each an entirely inde- pendent réle, many independent words may develop, while in other cases modifications of a single term may suffice. Thus it happens that each language, from the point of view of another language, may be arbitrary in its classifications; that what appears as a single simple idea in one language may be characterized by a series of distinct phonetic groups in another. The tendency of a language to express a complex idea by a single term has been styled “‘holophrasis,”’ and it appears therefore that every language may be holophrastic from the point of view of another language. Holophrasis can hardly be taken as a fundamental char- acteristic of primitive languages. We have seen before that some kind of classification of expression must be found in every language. This classification of ideas into groups, each of which is expressed by an independent phonetic group, makes it necessary that concepts which are not readily rendered by a single one among the available sound-complexes should be ex- pressed by combinations or by modifications of what might be called the elementary phonetic groups, in accordance with the elementary ideas to which the particular idea is reduced. This classification, and the necessity of expressing certain experi- ences by means of other related ones, which by limiting one another BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 27 define the special idea to be expressed, entail the presence of certain formal elements which determine the relations of the single phonetic groups. If each idea could be expressed by a single phonetic group, languages without form would be possible. Since, however, ideas must be expressed by being reduced to a number of related ideas, the kinds of relation become important elements in articulate speech; and it follows that all languages must contain formal elements, and that their number must be the greater, the fewer the elementary phonetic groups that define special ideas. In a language which com- mands a very large, fixed vocabulary, the number of formal elements may become quite small. Grammatical Processes It is important to note that, in the languages of the world, the num- ber of processes which are utilized to express the relations of terms is limited. Presumably this is due to the general characteristics of articulate speech. The only methods that are available for express- ing the relations between definite phonetic groups are their composi- tion in definite order, which may be combined with a mutual phonetic influence of the component elements upon one another, and inner modification of the phonetic groups themselves. Both these meth- ods are found in a great many languages, but sometimes only the method of composition occurs. ‘ord and Sentence In order to understand the significance of the ideas expressed by independent phonetic groups and of the elements expressing their mutual relations, we have to discuss here the question, What forms the unit of speech? It has been pointed out before that the phonetic elements as such can be isolated only by analysis, and that they occur in speech only in combinations which are the equivalents of definite concepts. Since all speech is intended to serve for the communication of ideas, the natural unit of expression is the sentence; that is to say, a group of articulate sounds which convey a complete idea. It might seem that speech can readily be further subdivided, and that the word also forms a natural unit from which the sentence is built up. In most cases, however, it is easy to show that such is not the case, and that the word as such is known only by analysis. This is particularly 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 clear in the case of words like prepositions, conjunctions, or verbal forms which belong to subordinate clauses. Thus it would be ex- ceedingly difficult to imagine the use of words like and, for, to, were, expressed in such a way that they would convey a clear idea, except perhaps in forms like the Laconic Jf, in which all the rest of the sentence is implied, and sufficiently indicated by the if In the same way, however, we who are grammatically trained may use a simple ending to correct an idea previously expressed. Thus the statement He sings beautifully might elicit a reply, sang; or a laconically inclined person might even remark, in reply to the state- ment He plays well, -ed, which by his friends might be well under- stood. It is clear that in all these cases the single elements are isolated by a secondary process from the complete unit of the sentence. Less clear appears the artificiality of the word as a unit in those cases in which the word seems to designate a concept that stands out clearly from others. Such is the case, for instance, with nouns; and it might seem that a word like stone is a natural unit. Nevertheless it will be recognized that the word stone alone conveys at most an objective picture, not a complete idea. Thus we are led to the important question of the relation of the word to the sentence. Basing our considerations on languages differ- ing fundamentally in form, it would seem that we may define the word as a phonetic group which, owing to its permanence of form, clearness of significance, and phonetic independence, is readily sepa- rated from the whole sentence. 'This definition obviously contains a considerable number of arbitrary elements, which may induce us, according to the general point of view taken, sometimes to designate a certain unit as a word, sometimes to deny its independent exist- ence. We shall see later on, in the discussion of American languages, that this practical difficulty confronts us many times, and that it is not possible to decide with objective certainty whether it is justifiable to consider a certain phonetic group as an independent word or as a subordinate part of a word. Nevertheless there are certain elements contained in our definition which seem to be essential for the interpretation of a sound-complex as an independent word. From the point of view of grammatical form, the least important; from the point of view of phonetics, how- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 29 ever, the most fundamental, is the phonetic independence of the ele- ment in question. It has been pointed out before how difficult it is to conceive the independence of the English s, which expresses the plural, the possessive, and the third person singular of the verb. This is largely due to the phonetic weakness of this grammatical element. If the idea of plurality were expressed by an element as strong pho- netically as the word many; the possessive part of the word, by an element as strong as the preposition of; and the third person singu- lar, by an element like he—we might, perhaps, be much more ready to recognize the character of these elements as independent words, and we actually do so. For example, stones, John’s, loves, are single words; while many sheep, of stone, he went, are each considered as two words. Difficulties of this kind are met with constantly in American languages. Thus we find in a language like the Chinook that modify- ing elements are expressed by single sounds which phonetically enter into clusters which are pronounced without any break. To give an example: The word anida'lot I GIVE HIM TO HER may be analyzed into the following elements: a (tense), n I, 7 HIM, a HER, TO, 6 (direction away),? To Give. Here, again, the weakness of the component ele- ments and their close phonetic association forbid us to consider them independent words; while the whole expression appears to us as a firm unit. Whenever we are guided by this principle alone, the limitation of the word unit appears naturally exceedingly uncertain, on account of the difference in impression of the phonetic strength of the com- ponent elements. . It also happens that certain elements appear sometimes with such phonetic weakness that they can not possibly be considered as inde- pendent units of the sentence, while closely related forms, or even the same forms in other combinations, may gain the strength which they are lacking in other cases. As an example of this kind may be given the Kwakiutl, in which many of the pronominal forms appear as exceed- ingly weak phonetic elements. Thus the expression Hr sTRIKES HIM WITH Ir is rendered by miz‘*?’dzqs, in which the two terminal ele- ments mean: g HIM, s wiTH IT. When, however, substantives are introduced in this expression for object and instrument, the g assumes the fuller form aa, and the s the fuller form sa, which we might quite readily write as independent words analogous to our articles. 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 I doubt very much whether an investigator who would record French in the same way as we do the unwritten American languages would be inclined to write the pronominal elements which enter into the transitive verb as independent words, at least not when record- - ing the indicative forms of a positive verb. He might be induced to do so on discovering their freedom of position which appears in the negative and in some interrogative forms. The determining influence of the freedom of position of a phonetic- ally fixed part of the sentence makes it necessary to include it in our definition of the word. Whenever a certain phonetic group appears in a variety of posi- tions in a sentence, and always in the same form, without any, or at least without material, modifications, we readily recognize its indi- viduality, and in an analysis of the language we are inclined to con- sider it as a separate word. These conditions are fully realized only in cases in which the sound-complex in question shows no modifica- tions at all. It may, however, happen that minor .modifications occur, par- ticularly at the beginning and at the end, which we may be ready to disregard on account of their slight significance as compared to the permanence of the whole word. Such is the case, for instance, in the Dakota language, in which the terminal sound of a permanent word-complex which has a clearly defined significance will auto- matically modify the first sound of the following word-complex which has the same characteristics of permanence. The reverse may also occur. Strictly speaking, the line of demarcation between what we should commonly call two words is lost in this case; but the mutual influence of the two words in connection is, comparatively speak- ing, so slight that the concept of the individuality of the word out- weighs their organic connection. In other cases, where the organic connection becomes so firm that either both or one of the component elements may never occur without signs marking their close coupling, they will appear to us as a single unit. Asan example of this condition may be mentioned the Eskimo. This language contains a great many elements which are quite clear in their significance and strong in phonetic character, but which in their position are so limited that they always follow other definite parts of the sentence, that they can never form the beginning of a complete phonetic group, and BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 31 that the preceding phonetic group loses its more permanent phonetic form whenever they appear added to it. To give an example: takuvog means HE sEES; takulerpoq means HE BEGINS TO SEE. In the second form the idea of seeing is contained in the element taku-, which by itself is incomplete. The following element, -ler, can never begin a sentence, and attains the significance of BEGINNING only in connection with a preceding phonetic group, the terminal sound of which is to a certain extent determined by it. In its turn, it requires an ending, which expresses, in the example here selected, the third person singular, -pog; while the word expressing the idea of SEEING requires the ending -vog for the same person. These also can not possibly begin a sentence, and their initial sounds, v and p, are determined solely by the terminal sounds of the preceding ele- ments. Thus it will be seen that this group of sound-complexes forms a firm unit, held together by the formal incompleteness of each part and their far-reaching phonetic influences upon one another. It would seem that, in a language in which the elements are so firmly knit together as in Eskimo, there could not be the slightest doubt as to what constitutes the word in our ordinary sense of the term. The same is true in many cases in Iroquois, a language in which conditions quite similar to those in the Eskimo prevail. Here an example may be given from the Oneida dialect. Watgajijanegale THE FLOWER BREAKS OPEN consists of the formal elements wa-, -t-, and -g-, which are temporal, modal, and pronominal in character; the vowel -a-, which is the character of the stem-jija FLOWER, which never occurs alone; and the stem -negale TO BREAK OPEN, which also has no independent existence. In all these cases the elements possess great clearness of signifi- cance, but the lack of permanence of form compels us to consider them as parts of a longer word. While in some languages this gives us the impression of an adequate criterion for the separation of words, there are other cases in which certain parts of the sentence may be thus isolated, while the others retain their independent form. In American languages this is par- ticularly the case when nouns enter the verbal complex without any modification of their component elements. This is the case, for instance, in Pawnee: ¢a/tuk¥t 1 HAVE CUT IT FOR THEE, and rzks ARROW, combine into tata’/riksk“t 1 cur THy ARROW. The closeness of connection of these forms is even clearer in cases in which far-reach- 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 ing phonetic modifications occur. Thusthe elements ta-t-ru’n combine into ta’hu®n 1 MAKE (because tr in a word changes toh); and ta-t-riks- ru’n becomes tahikstu’n I MAKE AN ARROW (because 7 after s changes to t). At the same time r7ks ARROW occurs as an independ- ent word. . If we follow the principle laid down in the preceding remarks, it will readily be seen that the same element may appear at one time as an independent noun, then again as a part of a word, the rest of which has all the characteristics before described, and which for this reason we are not inclined to consider as a complex of independ- ent elements. Ambiguity in regard to the independence of parts of the sentence may also arise either when in their significance they become depend- ent upon other parts of the sentence, or when their meaning is so vague and weak as compared to the other parts of the sentence that we are led to regard them as subordinate parts. Words of this kind, when phonetically strong, will generally be considered as inde- pendent particles;.when, on the other hand, they are phonetically weak, they will generally be considered as modifying parts of other words. A good example of this kind is contained in the Ponca texts by the Rev. James Owen Dorsey,! in which the same elements are often treated as independent particles, while in other cases they appear as subordinate parts of words. Thus we find ¢éama THESE (p. 23, line 17), but 7a@be amd THE BEAVER (p. 553, line 7). The same is true in regard to the treatment of the grammar of the Sioux by the Rev. S. R. Riggs. We find in this case, for instance, the element pi always treated as the ending of a word, probably owing to the fact that it represents the plural, which in the Indo- European languages is almost always expressed by a modification of the word to which it applies. On the other hand, elements like kta and éni, signifying the future and negation respectively, are treated as independent words, although they appear in exactly the same form as the pz mentioned before. Other examples of this kind are the modifying elements in Tsim- shian, a language in which innumerable adverbial elements are expressed by fairly weak phonetic groups which have a definite position. Here, also, it seems entirely arbitrary whether these phonetic groups are considered as separate words, or whether they 1Contributions to North American Ethnology, vI. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 33 are combined with the verbal expressions into a single word. In these cases the independent existence of the word to which such particles are jomed without any modification will generally deter- mine us to consider these elements as independent particles, pro- vided they are phonetically strong enough; while whenever the verbal expression to which they are joined is modified either by the insertion of these elements between its component parts, or in some other way, we are inclined to consider them as parts of the word. It seemed important to discuss somewhat fully the concept of the word in its relation to the whole sentence, because in the morpho- logical treatment of American languages this question plays an important role. Stem and Affix The analytic treatment of languages results in the separation of a number of different groups of the elements of speech. When we arrange these according to their functions, it appears that certain elements recur in every single sentence. These are, for instance, the forms indicating subject and predicate, or, in modern European languages, forms indicating number, tense, and person. Others, like terms expressing demonstrative ideas, may or may not occur in a sentence. These and many others are treated in our grammars. According to the character of these elements, they seem to modify the material contents of the sentence; as, for instance, in the Eng- lish sentences he strikes him, and I struck thee, where the idea of strik- ing somebody appears as the content of the communication; while the ideas he, present, him, and I, past, thee, appear as modifications. It is of fundamental importance to note that this separation of the ideas contained in a sentence into material contents and formal modifications is an arbitrary one, brought about, presumably, first of of all, by the great variety of ideas which may be expressed in the same formal manner by the same pronominal and tense elements. In other words, the material contents of the sentence may be repre- sented by subjects and predicates expressing an unlimited number of ideas, while the modifying elements—here the pronouns and tenses—comprise, comparatively speaking, a very small number of ideas. In the discussion of a language, the parts expressing the mate- rial contents of sentences appear to us as the subject-matter of lexi- 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—3 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 cography; parts expressing the modifying relations, as the subject- matter of grammar. In modern Indo-European languages the num- ber of ideas which are expressed by subordinate elements is, on the whole, limited, and for this reason the dividing-line between grammar and dictionary appears perfectly clear and well drawn. In a wider sense, however, all etymological processes and word compositions must be considered as parts of the grammar; and, if we include those, we find that, even in Indo-European languages, the number of classi- fying ideas is quite large. In American languages the distinction between grammar and lexicography often becomes quite obscure, owing to the fact that the number of elements which enter into formal compositions becomes very large. It seems necessary to explain this somewhat more fully by examples. In the Tsimshian language we find a very great number of adverbial elements which can not be considered as entirely inde- pendent, and which, without doubt, must be considered as elements modifying verbal ideas. On account of the very large number of these elements, the total number of verbs of motion seems to be somewhat restricted, although the total number of verbs that may be com- bined with these adverbial ideas is much larger than the total number of the adverbial ideas themselves. Thus, the number of adverbs appears to be fixed, while the number of verbs appears unlimited; and consequently we have the impression that the former are modi- fying elements, and that their discussion belongs to the grammar of the language, while the latter are words, and their discussion belongs to the lexicography of the language. The number of such modifying elements in Eskimo is even larger; and here the impres- sion that the discussion of these elements belongs to the grammar of the language is increased by the fact that they can never take an initial position, and that they are not placed following a complete word, but are added to an element which, if pronounced by itself, would not give any sense. Now, it is important to note that, in a number of languages, the number of the modifying elements may increase so much that it may become doubtful which element represents a series of ideas limited in number, and which represents an almost unlimited series of words belonging to the vocabulary. This is true, for instance, in Algonquian, where in almost all verbs several elements appear in conjunction, each in a definite position, but each group so numerous Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 35 that it would be entirely arbitrary to designate the one group as words modified by the other group, or vice versa. The importance of this consideration for our purposes lies in the fact that it illustrates the lack of definiteness of the terms stem and affix. According to the ordinary terminology, affixes are elements attached to stems or words, and modifying them. This definition is perfectly acceptable as long as the number of modifying ideas is limited. When, however, the number of modifying elements becomes exceedingly large, we may well doubt which of the two is the modifier and which the modified, and the determination finally becomes entirely arbitrary. In the following discussions the attempt has been made to confine the terms prefix, suffix, and affix entirely to those cases where the number of ideas expressed by these elements is strictly limited. Wherever the number of combined elements becomes so large that they can not be properly classified, these terms have not been used, but the elements have been treated as co-ordinate. Discussion of Grammatical Categories From what has been said it appears that, in an objective discus- sion of languages, three points have to be considered: first, the con- stituent phonetic elements of the language; second, the groups of ideas expressed by phonetic groups; third, the methods of combining and modifying phonetic groups. It seems desirable to discuss the second of these points somewhat more fully before taking up the description of the characteristics of American languages. Grammarians who have studied the languages of Europe and western Asia have developed a system of categories which we are inclined to look for in every language. It seems desirable to show here in how far the system with which we are familiar is character- istic only of certain groups of languages, and in how far other systems may be substituted for it. It seems easiest to illustrate this matter by discussing first some of the characteristics of the Indo-European noun, pronoun, and verb, and then by taking up the wider aspects of this subject. 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Nominal Categories In the treatment of our noun we are accustomed to look for a number of fundamental categories. In most Indo-European lan- guages, nouns are classified according to gender, they are modified by forms expressing singular and plural, and they also appear in syntactic combinations as cases. None of these apparently funda- mental aspects of the noun are necessary elements of articulate speech. GENDER The history of the English language shows clearly that the gender of a noun may practically be suppressed without interfering with the clearness of expression. While we still find traces of gender in English, practically all inanimate objects have come to belong to one single gender. It is interesting to note that, in the languages of the world, gender is not by any means a fundamental category, and that nouns may not be divided into classes at all, or the point of view of classification may be an entirely different one. Thus the Bantu languages of Africa classify words into a great many distinct groups the significance of most of which is not by any means clear. The Algonquian of North America classify nouns as animate and inanimate, without, however, adhering strictly to the natural classi- fication implied in these terms. Thus the small animals may be classified as inanimate, while certain plants may appear as animate. Some of the Siouan languages classify nouns by means of articles, and strict distinctions are made between animate moving and ani- mate at rest, inanimate long, inanimate round, inanimate high, and inanimate collective objects. The Iroquois distinguish strictly be- tween nouns designating men and other nouns. The latter may again be subdivided into a definite and indefinite group. The Uchee distinguish between members of the tribe and other human beings. In America, true gender is on the whole rare; it is found, perhaps, among a few of the languages of the lower Mississippi; it occurs in the same way as in most Indo-European languages in the Chinook of Columbia river, and to a more limited extent among some of the languages of the state of Washington and of British Columbia. Among North American languages, the Eskimo and Athapascan have no trace of a classification of nouns. The examples here given BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES. al show clearly that the sex principle, which underlies the classification of nouns in European languages, is merely one of a great many pos- sible classifications of this kind. PLURAL Of a somewhat different character is the plural of Indo-European nouns. Because, for the purpose of clear expression, each noun must be expressed either as a singular or as a plural, it might seem that this classification is almost indispensable; but it is not difficult to show, by means of sentences, that, even in English, the distinction is not always made. For instance, in the sentence The wolf has devoured the sheep, it is not clear whether a single sheep is meant, or a plurality of sheep are referred to. Nevertheless, this would not, on the whole, be felt as an inconvenience, since either the context would show whether singular or plural is meant, or an added adjec- tive would give the desired information. While, according to the structure of our European languages, we always tend to look for the expression of singularity or plurality for the sake of clearness of expression, there are other languages that are entirely indifferent towards this distinction. A good example of this kind is the Kwakiutl. It is entirely immaterial to the Kwakiutl whether he says, There is a@ house or There are houses. The same form is used for expressing both ideas, and the idea of singularity and plurality must be understood either by the context or by the addition of a special adjective. Similar conditions prevail in the Athapascan languages and in Haida. In Siouan, also, a dis- tinction between singularity and plurality is made only in the case of animate objects. It would seem that, on the whole, American languages are rather indifferent in regard to the clear expression of plurality, but that they tend to express much more rigidly the ideas of collectivity or distribution. Thus the Kwakiutl, who are rather indifferent to the expression of plurality, are very particular in denoting whether the objects spoken of are distributed here or there. When this is the case, the distribution is carefully expressed. In the same way, when speaking of fish, they express by the same term a single fish and a quantity of fish. When, however, they desire to say that these fish belong to different species, a distributive 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 form expressing this idea is made use of. A similar indifference to the idea of singular and plural may be observed in the pronouns of several languages, and will be noted later on. ; On the other hand, the idea of number may be much more strongly emphasized than it is in the modern languages of Europe. The dual, as in Greek, is of common occurrence the world over; but it happens also that a trialis and paucalis—expressions for three and a few—are distinguished. CASE What is true of number is no less true of case. Psychologically, the substitution of prepositional expressions for cases would hardly represent a complete absence of the concept of cases. This is rather found in those languages in which the whole group of relations of the nouns of a sentence is expressed in the verb. When, for instance, in Chinook, we find expressions like he her it with cut, man, woman, knife, meaning The man cut the woman with the knife, we may safely say that the nouns themselves appear without any trace of case- relationship, merely as appositions to a number of pronouns. It is true that in this case a distinction is made in the pronoun between subject and object, and that, in this sense, cases are found, although not as nominal cases, but still as pronominal cases. The case- relation, however, is confined to the two forms of subject and object, since the oblique cases are expressed by pronominal objects, while the characteristic of each particular oblique relation is expressed by adverbial elements. In the same language, the genitive relation is eliminated by substituting for it possessive expressions, like, for instance, the man, his house, instead of the man’s house. While, therefore, case-expressions are not entirely eliminated, their number, which in some European languages is considerable, may be largely reduced. Thus we find that some of our nominal categories either do not occur at all, or occur only in very much reduced forms. On the other hand, we must recognize that other new categories may occur which are entirely foreign to our European languages. Classifications like those referred to before—such as animate and inanimate, or of nouns designating men, and other nouns; and, further, of nouns according to form—are rather foreign to us, although, in the connection of verb Boas] - HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 89 and noun, form-classifications occur. Thus we do not say, @ tree is somewhere, but a tree stands; not, the river 1s in New York, but the river flows through New York. TENSE Tense classes of nouns are not rare in American languages. As we may speak of a future husband or of our late friend, thus many Indian languages express in every noun its existence in presence, past, or future, which they require as much for clearness of expression as we require the distinction of singular and plural. Personal Pronouns The same lack of conformity in the principles of classification may be found in the pronouns. We are accustomed to speak of three persons of the pronoun, which occur both in the singular and in the plural. Although we make a distinction of gender for the third per- son of the pronoun, we do not carry out this principle of classification consistently in the other persons. The first and second persons and the third person plural have the same form for masculine, feminine, and neuter. A more rigid application of the sex system is made, for instance, in the language of the Hottentots of South Africa, in which sex is distinguished, not only in the third person, but also in the first and second persons. Logically, our three persons of the pronoun are based on the two concepts of self and not-self, the second of which is subdivided, according to the needs of speech, into the two concepts of person addressed and person spcken of. When, therefore, we speak of a first person plural, we mean logically either self and person addressed, or self and person or persons spoken of, or, finally, self, person or per- sons addressed, and person or persons spoken of. A true first person plural is impossible, because there can never be more than one self. This logical laxity is avoided by many languages, in which a sharp distinction is made between the two combinations self and person or persons spoken to, or self and person or persons spoken of. I do not know of any language expressing in a separate form the com- bination of the three persons, probably because this idea readily coalesces with the idea of self and persons spoken to. These two forms are generally designated by the rather inaccurate term of 40 . BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 “inclusive” and ‘‘exclusive first person plural,’ by which is meant the first person plural, including or excluding the person addressed. The second and third persons form true plurals. Thus the principle of division of the pronouns is carried through in many languages more rigidly than we find it in the European group. On the other hand, the lack of clear distinction between singular and plural may be observed also in the pronominal forms of a num- ber of languages. Thus the Sioux do not know any pronominal dis- tinction between the singular and plural of the second person, and only a very imperfect distinction between the third person singular and plural; while the first person singular and plural, according to the fundamental difference in their significance, are sharply distin- guished. In some Siouan dialects we may well say that the pro- nominal object has only a first person singular, first person plural, and a second person, and that no other pronoun for the object occurs. Thus the system of pronouns may be reduced to a mere fragment of what we are accustomed to find. Demonstrative Pronouns In many cases, the analogy’ of the personal pronouns and of the demonstrative pronouns is rigid, the demonstrative pronoun having three persons in the same way as the personal pronoun. Thus the Kwakiutl will say, the house near me (this house), the house near thee (that house), the house near him (that house). But other points of view are added to the principle of division corresponding to the personal pronoun. Thus, the Kwakiutl, and many other American languages, add to the pronominal concept just discussed that of visibility and invisibility, while the Chinook add the concepts of present and past. Perhaps the most exuberant development of the demonstrative idea is found among the Eskimo, where not only the ideas corresponding to the three personal pro- nouns occur, but also those of position in space in relation to the speaker,—which are specified in seven directions; as, center, above, below, in front, behind, right, left,—and expressing points of the com- pass in relation to the position of the speaker. It must be borne in mind that the divisions which are mentioned here are all necessary parts of clear expression in the languages men- tioned. For instance, in Kwakiutl it would be inconceivable to use an expression like our that house, which means in English the single _ BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 41 house away from the speaker. The Kwakiutl must express this idea in ene of the following six forms: The (singular or plural) house visible near me invisible near me visible near thee invisible near thee visible near him invisible near him while the Eskimo would express a term like this man as This man near me near thee near him behind me in front of me to the right of me to the left of me above me below me, ete. ferbal Categories We can follow out similar differences in the verb. In our Indo- European languages we have expressions signifying persons, tenses, moods, and voices. The ideas represented by these groups are quite unevenly developed in various languages. In a great many cases the forms expressing the persons are expressed simply by a combina- tion of the personal pronoun and the verb; while in other cases the phonetic complexes expressing personal relations are developed in an astonishing manner. Thus the Algonquian and the Eskimo possess special phonetic groups expressing definite relations between the subject and object which occur in transitive verbs. For example, in sentences like J strike thee, or They strike me, the combination of the pronouns J — thee, and they — me, are expressed by special phonetic equivalents. There are even cases in which the indirect objects (as in the sentence, J send him to you) may be expressed by a single form. The characteristic trait of the forms here referred to is, that the combined pronoun can not be reduced to its constituent elements, although historically it may have originated from combinations of separate forms. It is obvious that in cases in which the development 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pun. 40 of the pronoun is as weak as in the Siouan languages, to which I have referred before, the definiteness of the pronominal forms of the verb, to which we are accustomed, is entirely lost. Thus it happens that in the Sioux the verb alone may be used as well for the more or less abstract idea of verbal action as for the third person of the indicative. Much more fundamental are the existing differences in regard to the occurrence of tenses and modes. We are accustomed to verbal forms in which the tense is always expressed with perfect definite- ness. In the sentence The man is sick we really express the idea, The single definite man is sick at the present tvme. ‘This strict expres- sion of the time relation of the occurrence is missing in many languages. The Eskimo, for instance, in expressing the same idea, will simply say, single man sick, leaving the question entirely open whether the man was sick at a previous time, is sick at the present time, or is going to be sick in the future. The condition here is similar to the one described before in relation to plurality. The Eskimo can, of course, express whether the man is sick at the present time, was sick, or is going to be sick, but the grammatical form of his sentences does not require the expression of the tense relation. In other cases the temporal ideas may be expressed with much greater nicety than we find in our familiar grammars. Generally, languages in which a multiplicity of tenses are found include in their form of expression certain modifications of the tense concept which might be called ‘‘semi-temporal,”’ like inchoatives, which express the beginning of an action; duratives, which express the extent of time during which the action lasts; transitionals, which express the change of one state of being into another; etc. There is very little agreement in regard to the occurrence of such tenses, and the characteristics of many languages show that tenses are not by any means required for clear expression. What is true of tenses is also true of modes. The number of languages which get along with a single mode, or at most with the indicative and imperative, is considerable; although, in this case also, the idea of subordination may be expressed if it seems desirable to do so. The few examples that I have given here illustrate that many of the categories which we are inclined to consider as essential may be absent in foreign languages, and that other categories may occur as substitutes. - BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 43 Interpretation of Grammatical Categories When we consider for a moment what this implies, it will be recog- nized that in each language only a part of the complete concept that we have in mind is expressed, and that each language has a peculiar tendency to select this or that aspect of the mental image which is . conveyed by the expression of the thought. To use again the example which I mentioned before, The man is sick. We express by this sentence, in English, the idea, a definite single man at present sick. In Kwakiutl this sentence would have to be rendered by an expres- sion which would mean, in the vaguest possible form that could be given to it, definite man near him invisible sick near him invisible. Visibility and nearness to the first or second person might, of course, have been selected in our example in place of invisibility and nearness to the third person. An idiomatic expression of ‘the sentence in this language would, however, be much more definite, and would require an expression somewhat like the following, That invisible man lies sick on his back on the floor of the absent house. In Eskimo, on the other hand, the same idea would be expressed by a form like (single) man sick, leaving place and time entirely indefi- nite. In Ponca, one of the Siouan dialects, the same idea would require a decision of the question whether the man is at rest or mov- ing, and we might have a form like the moving single man sick. If we take into consideration further traits of idiomatic expression, this example might be further expanded by adding modalities of the verb; thus the Kwakiutl, whose language I have used several times as an example, would require a form indicating whether this is a new subject introduced_in conversation or not; and, in case the speaker had not seen the sick person himself, he would have to express whether he knows by hearsay or by evidence that the person is sick, or whether he has dreamed it. It seems, however, better not to com- plicate our present discussion by taking into consideration the pos- sibilities of exact expression that may be required in idiomatic forms of speech, but rather to consider only those parts of the sentence which, according to the morphology of the language, must be expressed. We conclude from the examples here given that in a discussion of the characteristics of various languages different fundamental cate- gories will be found, and that in a comparison of different languages it will be necessary to compare as well the phonetic characteristics as the characteristics of the vocabulary and those of the grammatical concepts in order to give each language its proper place. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 III. CLASSIFICATION OF LANGUAGES Origin of Dialects In many cases the determination of the genetic relationship of languages is perfectly simple. Wherever we find close similarities in phonetics, in vocabularies, and in details of grammar, there can not be the slightest doubt that the languages that are being studied are varieties of the same ancestral form. To a certain extent the differentiation of a single language into a number of dialects is spontaneous. When communication between peoples speaking the same tongue ceases, peculiarities of pronuncia- tion will readily manifest themselves in one region or the other and may become permanent. In some cases these modifications of pro- nunciation may gradually increase and may become so radical that several quite different forms of the original language develop. At the same time words readily assume a new significance, and if the separation of the people should be accompanied by a differentiation of culture, these changes may proceed at a very rapid rate. In cases of such phonetic changes and of modifications in the sig- nificance of words, a certain degree of regularity may always be observed, and for this reason the historical relationship between the new dialects and the older forms can always be readily estab- lished and may be compared to the modifications that take place in a series of generations of living beings. Another form of modification may occur that is also analogous to biological transformations. We must recognize that the origin of language must not be looked for in human faculties that have once been active, but which have disappeared. As a matter of fact, new additions to linguistic devices and to linguistic material are con- stantly being made. Such spontaneous additions to a language may occur in one of the new dialects, while they do not occur in the other. These, although related to the structure of the older language, will be so entirely new in their character that they can not be directly related to the ancestral language. It must also be considered that each of these dialects may incor- porate new material. Nevertheless in all cases where the older mate- rial constitutes the bulk of the material of the language, its close relationship to the ancestral tongue will readily be recognized. In BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 45 all these cases, phonetics, details of grammatical structure, and vocabulary will show far-reaching similarities. Comparison of Distinct Languages The problem becomes much more difficult when the similarities in any of these traits become less pronounced. With the extension of our knowledge of primitive languages, it has been found that cases are not rare in which languages spoken in certain continuous areas show radical differences in vocabulary and in grammatical form, but close similarity in their phonetic elements. In other cases the similarity of phonetic elements may. be less pronounced, but there may exist a close similarity in structural details. Again, many investigators have pointed out peculiar analogies in certain words without being able to show that grammatical form and general phonetic character coincide. Many examples of such conditions may be given. In America, for instance, the phonetic similarity of the languages spoken between the coast of Oregon and Mount St. Elias is quite striking.* All these languages are characterized by the occur- rence of a great many peculiar k sounds and peculiar 7 sounds, and by their tendency towards great stress of articulation, and, in most cases, towards‘\a clustering of consonants. Consequently to our ear these languages sound rough and harsh. Notwithstanding these similarities, the grammatical forms and the vocabularies are so utterly distinct that a common origin of the languages of this area seems entirely out of the question. A similar example may be given from South Africa, where the Bantu negroes, Bushmen, and Hotten- tots utilize some peculiar sounds which are produced by inspiration— by drawing in the breath, not by expelling it—and which are ordi- _narily called ‘‘clicks.””. Notwithstanding this very peculiar common trait in their languages, there is no similarity in grammar and hardly any in vocabulary. We might also give the example of the Siouan and the Iroquois languages of North America, two stocks that have been in proximity, and which are characterized by the occurrence of numerous nasal- ized vowels; or the phonetic characteristics of Californian languages, which sound to our ear euphonious, and are in strong contrast to the languages of the North Pacific coast. It must be said that, on the whole, such phonetic characteristics of a limited area appear in their most pronounced form when we 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 compare the whole region with the neighboring districts. They form a unit rather by contrast with foreign phonetics than when compared among themselves, each language having its own peculiar characteristics in a group of this kind. Thus, the Tlingit of the North Pacific coast differs very much from the Chinook of Columbia river. Nevertheless, when both languages are compared to a lan- guage of southern California, the Sioux or the Algonquian, traits _ that are common to both of them appear to quite a marked degree. What is true of phonetics is also true of grammatical form, and this is evidently a characteristic trait of the languages of the whole world. In North America particularly such groups of languages can be readily recognized. A more detailed discussion of this prob- lem will be given in another place, and it will be sufficient to state here, that languages—like, for instance, the Athapascan, Tlingit, and Haida—which are spoken in one continuous area on the north- west coast of our continent show certain common characteristics when compared with neighboring languages like the Eskimo, Algon- quian, and Tsimshian. In a similar way, a number of Californian languages, or languages of southern British Columbia, and languages like the Pawnee and Iroquois, each form a group characterized by certain traits which are not found in other languages. In cases where such morphological similarities occur without a corresponding similarity of vocabulary, it becomes exceedingly diffi- cult to determine whether these languages may be considered as descendants of one parent language; and there are numerous cases in which our judgment must be suspended, because, on the one hand, these similarities are far-reaching, while, on the other hand, such radical differences are found that we can not account for them with- out assuming the introduction of an entirely foreign element. Similar phenomena have recently induced P. W. Schmidt to con- sider the languages of Farther India and of Malaysia as related; and the same problem has been discussed by Lepsius, and again by Mein- hoff, in reference to the relation of the languages of the Hottentot to a number of east African languages and to the languages of the Hamitic peoples of North Africa. Difficulties also arise in cases where a considerable number of similar words are found without a corresponding similarity of gram- matical forms, so that we may be reluctant to combine two such languages, notwithstanding their similarities of vocabulary. BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 47 : The comparison of vocabularies offers peculiar difficulties in American languages. Unfortunately, our knowledge of American languages is very limited, and in many cases we are confined to col- lections of a few hundred words, without any information in regard to grammatical forms. Owing to the strong tendency of many American languages to form compound words or derivatives of various kinds, it is very difficult in vocabularies of this kind to recognize the component elements of words, and often accidental similarities may obtrude themselves which a thorough knowledge of the languages would prove to be of no significance whatever. Setting aside this practical difficulty, it may happen quite often that in neighboring languages the same term is used to designate the same object, owing, not to the relationship of the languages, but to the fact that the word may be a loan word in several of them. Since the vocabularies which are ordinarily collected embrace terms for objects found in most common use, it seems most likely that among these a number of loan words may occur. Even when the available material is fuller and more thoroughly analyzed, doubt may arise regarding the significance of the apparent similarities of vocabulary. Mutual Influences of Languages In all these cases the final decision will depend upon the answer to the questions in how far distinct languages may influence one another, and in how far a language without being subject to foreign influ- ences may deviate from the parental type. While it seems that the time has hardly come when it is possible to answer these questions in a definite manner, the evidence seems to be in favor of the existence of far-reaching influences of this kind. Phonetic Influences This is perhaps most clearly evident in the case of phonetics. It is hardly conceivable why languages spoken in continuous areas, and entirely distinct in vocabulary and in grammatical structure, should partake of the same phonetic characteristics, unless, by imitation, certain phonetic traits may be carried beyond a single linguistic stock. While I do not know that historical evidence of such occur- rences has been definitely given, the phenomenon as it occurs in South Africa, among the Bantu and Hottentot, admits of hardly 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 any other explanation. And the same is true, to a more or less pronounced extent, among other distinct but neighboring languages. The possibility of such a transfer of sounds can not be denied. Among the American Indians, for instance—where intermarriages between individuals belonging to different tribes are frequent; where slave women raise their own and their masters’ children; and where, owing to the small number of individuals constituting the tribe, indi- viduals who have mastered several distinct languages are not by any means rare—ample opportunity is given for one language to exert its phonetic influence over another. Whether this explanation is adequate, is a question that remains to be decided by further his- torical studies.’ Grammatical Influences Influence of the syntax of one language upon another, and even, to a certain extent, of the morphology of one language upon another, is also probable. The study of the languages of Europe has proved clearly the deep influence exerted by Latin upon the syntax of all the modern European languages. We can also recognize how certain syntactic forms of expression occur in neighboring languages on our American continent. To give an instance of this kind, we find that, in the most diverse languages of the North Pacific coast, commands are given in the periphrastic form, Jt would be good vf you did so and so; and in many cases this periphrastic form has been substi- tuted entirely for the ordinary imperative. Thus it may well be that groups of psychological concepts which are expressed by means of grammatical forms have developed in one language under the influence of another; and it is difficult to say, if we once admit such influence, where the limit may be to the modifications caused by such processes. On the other hand, it seems exceedingly difficult to understand why the most fundamental morphological traits of a language should disappear under the influence of another form of thought as exhibited in another language. This would mean that the greater number of grammatical forms would disappear, and entirely new categories develop. It certainly can not be denied that far-reaching modifica- tions of this kind are possible, but it will require the most cautious proof in every single case before their existence can be accepted. 1See also p. 53. 5 P BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 49 Cases of the introduction of new suffixes in European languages are not by any means rare. Thus, the ending -able of French words has been adopted so frequently into English that the ending itself has attained a certain independence, and we can form words like eatable, or even get-at-able, in which the ending, which was originally French, is added to an English word. In a similar way the French verbal ending -ir7, combined with the German infinitive ending in -en, is used in a large number of German words as though it were a purely German ending. I do not know, however, of any observations which would point to a radical modification of the morphological traits of a language through the influence of another language. Lexicographice Influences While the phonetic influence of distinct languages upon one another and the modification of morphological traits in different languages are still obscure, the borrowing of words is very common, and sometimes reaches to an enormous extent. The vocabulary of English is an excellent example of such extensive amalgamation of the vocabularies of quite distinct languages, and the manner by which it has been attained is instructive. It is not only that Anglo - Saxon adopted large parts of the vocabulary of the Norman conquerors, that it took over a few terms of the older Celtic language, and adopted some words from the Norse invaders; but we find also, later, introductions from Latin and Greek, which were introduced through the progress of the arts and sciences, and which filtered down from the educated to the uneducated classes. Furthermore, numerous terms were adopted from the less civilized peoples with whom the English-speaking people came into contact in different parts of the world. Thus, the Australian and the Indian-English have each adopted a great many native terms, quite a number of which have found their way into colloquial and written modern English. This phenomenon is so common, and the processes by which new words enter into a language are so obvious, that a full discussion is not required. Another example that may be mentioned here is that of the Turkish language, which has adopted a very large number of Arab words. In such a transfer of the vocabulary of one language into another, words undergo, of course, far-reaching changes. These may be 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —4 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 partly due to phonetic difficulties, and consist in the adaptation of an unfamiliar group of sounds to the familiar similar sounds of the language by which the word has been adopted. There may be assimilations by which the grammatical form of a word is made similar to more familiar forms. Furthermore, changes in the sig- nificance of the word are common, and new derivations may be formed from the word after it has once become entirely familiar, like other native words. In this respect a number of American languages seem to be- have curiously when compared with European languages. Bor- rowing of words in Europe is particularly common.when a new object is first introduced. In almost all these cases the foreign designation is taken over with more or less fundamental phonetic modifications. Examples of this kind are the words tobacco, canoe, maize, chocolate—to take as illustration a few words borrowed from American languages. American natives, on the other hand, do not commonly adopt words in this manner, but much more frequently invent descriptive words by which the new object is des- ignated. Thus the Tsimshian of British Columbia designate rice by a term meaning looking like maggots. The Kwakiutl call a steamboat fire on its back moving on the water. The Eskimo call cut tobacco being blown upon. Words of this type are in wide use; nevertheless, loan words taken from English are not by any means rare. The terms biscuit, dollar, coffee, tea, are found in a great many Indian languages. The probable reason why descrip- tive words are more common in American languages than in Euro- pean languages lies in the frequent occurrence of descriptive nouns. We find, therefore, that there are two sets of phenomena which must be considered in the classification of languages: (1) differences which can easily be proved to be derived from modifications of a single ancestral language; and (2) similarities which can not be thus explained, and some of which may be due to the effects of mixture. Origin of Similarities; by Dissemination or by Parallel Development Before we proceed with this consideration, we have to discuss the two logical possibilities for such similarities. [Hither they may be due to dissemination from a common source, so that they origi- BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 51 nated only a single time, and were diffused by the influence of one people upon another; or it may be that they are due to an independent origin in many parts of the world. This alternative is present in the explanation of all ethnic phe- nomena, and is one of the fundamental questions in regard to which the ethnologist, as well as the investigator of languages, must be clear. In the older considerations of the position of the American race among the races of man, for instance, it has always been assumed that occurrence of similar phenomena among the peoples of the Old World and of the New proved genetic relationship. It is obvious that this method of proving relationship assumes that, wherever similarities occur, they must have been carried by the same people over different parts of the world, and that therefore they may be considered as proof of common descent. The method thus applied does not take into consideration the possibility of a grad- ual diffusion of cultural elements from one people to another, and the other more fundamental one of a parallel but independent development of similar phenomena among different races in remote parts of the world. Since such development is a logical possibil- ity, proofs of genetic relationship must not be based on the occur- rence of sporadic resemblances alone. A final decision of this vexed problem can be given only by historical evidence, which is hardly ever available, and for this reason the systematic treatment of the question must always proceed with the greatest caution. The cases in which isolated similarities of ethnic phenomena in re- mote parts of the world have been recorded are numerous, and many of these are of such a character that transmission cannot be proved at all. If, for instance, the Indians of South America use sacred musical instruments, which must not be seen by women, and if apparently the same custom prevails among the Australian aborigines, it is inadmissible to assume the occurrence of what seems to be the same custom in these two remote districts as due to transmission. It is perfectly intelligible that the custom may have developed inde- pendently in each continent. On the other hand, there are many cases in which certain peculiar and complex customs are distributed over large continuous areas, and where transmission over large portions of this area is plausible. In this case, even if independent origin had taken place in different parts of the district in question, the present 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 distribution is fully explained by the assumption of extended dissem- ination. It is true, for instance, in the case of similar traditions which are found distributed over large districts. An example of this is the story of two girls who noticed two stars, a bright one and a small one, and wished these stars for their husbands. The following morning they found themselves in the sky, married to the stars, and later on tried to return to the earth by letting themselves down through a hole in the sky. This rather complex tale is found distributed over the American continent in an area extending from Nova Scotia to the mouth of the Mississippi river and westward to the Rocky mountains, and in places even on the Pacific ocean, for instance, in Alaska and in the state of Washington. It would seem difficult to assume, in a case of this kind, the possibility of an independent invention of the tale at a number of distinct points; but it must be assumed that, after the tale had once attained its present form, it spread by dissemination over that part of the continent where it is now found. In extreme cases the conclusions drawn from these two types of ex- planation seem quite unassailable; but there are naturally a very large number of others in which the phenomenon in question is neither sufficiently complex, nor distributed over a sufficiently large contin- uous area, to lead with certainty to the conclusion of an origin by dis- semination; and there are others where the sporadic distributions seem curiously arranged, and where vague possibilities of contact occur. Thus it happens often that a satisfactory conclusion cannot be reached. We must also bear in mind that in many cases a continuous distri- bution may once have existed, but may have become discontinuous, owing to the disappearance of the phenomena in question in inter- mediate regions. If, however, we want to follow a safe method, we must not admit such causes for sporadic distribution, unless they can be definitely proved by other evidence; otherwise, the way is open to attempts to bring into contact practically every part of the world with all others. The general occurrence of similar ethnic phenomena in remote parts of the world admits also of the explanation of the existence of a certain number of customs and habits that were common to large parts of mankind at a very early period, and which have main- tained. themselves here and there up to the present time. It can Z BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 53 not be denied that this point of view has certain elements in its favor; but-in the present state of our knowledge we can hardly say that it would be possible to prove or to disprove it. We meet the same fundamental problem in connection with simi- larities of languages which are too vague to be considered as proofs of genetic relationship. That these exist is obvious. Here we have not only the common characteristics of all human language, which have been discussed in the preceding chapter, but also certain other similarities which must here be considered. Influence of Environment on Language It has often been suggested that similarities of neighboring lan- . guages and customs may be explained by the influence of environ- ment. The leading thought in this theory is, that the human mind, under the stress of similar conditions, will produce the same results; that consequently, if the members of the same race live in the same surroundings, they will produce, for instance, in their articulate speech, - the same kind of phonetics, differing perhaps in detail according to the variations of environment, but the same in their essential traits. Thus it has been claimed that the moist and stormy climate of the North Pacific coast caused a chronic catarrhal condition among the- inhabitants, and that to this condition is due the guttural pronuncia- tion and harshness of their languages; while, on the other hand, the mildness of the California climate has been made responsible for the euphonious character of the languages of that district. I do not believe that detailed investigations in any part of the world would sustain this theory. We might demand proof that the same language, when distributed over different climates, should pro- duce the same kind of modifications as those here exemplified; and we might further demand that, wherever similar climates are found, at least a certain approach to similarity in the phonetics of the lan- guages should occur. It would be difficult to prove that this is the case, even if we should admit the excuse that modifying influences have obscured the original similarity of phonetic character. Taking, for instance, the arctic people of the Old and New Worlds as a unit, we find fundamentally different traits in the phonetics of the Eskimo, of the Chukchee of eastern Siberia, and of other arctic Asiatic and European peoples. The phonetics of the deserts of Asia and South 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puuy. 40 Africa and of southwestern North America are not by any means the same. The prairie tribes of North America, although living in nearly the same climate, over a considerable area, show remarkable differences in the phonetics of their languages; and, on the other hand, the tribes belonging to the Salish family who live east of the | Rocky mountains, in the interior of British Columbia, speak a lan- guage that is not less harsh than that of their congeners on the north- ern coast of the state of Washington. In any attempt at arranging phonetics in accordance with climate, the discrepancies would be so numerous, that an attempt to carry out the theory would lead to the necessity of explaining exceptions rather than examples corroborat- ing its correctness. What is true in regard to phonetics is no less true in regard to mor- phology and vocabulary. I do not think that it has ever been claimed that similar words must necessarily originate under the stress of the same conditions, although, if we admit the correctness of the principle, there is no reason for making an exception in regard to the vocabulary. I think this theory can be sustained even less in the field of lin- guistics than in the field of ethnology. It is certainly true that each people accommodates itself to a certain extent to its surroundings, and that it even may make the best possible use of its surroundings in accordance with the fundamental traits of its culture, but I do not believe that in any single case it will be possible to explain the culture of a people as due to the influence of its surroundings. It is self-evi- dent that the Eskimo of northern arctic America do not make extended use of wood, a substance which is very rare in those parts of the world, and that the Indians of the woodlands of Brazil are not familiar with the uses to which snow may be put. We may even go further, and acknowledge that, after the usefulness of certain sub- stances, plants, and animals—like bamboo in the tropics, or the cedar on the North Pacific coast of America, or ivory in the arctic regions, or the buffalo on the plains of North America—has once been recognized, they will find the most extended use, and that numerous inventions will be made to expand their usefulness. We may also recognize that the distribution of the produce of a country, the difficulties and ease of travel, the necessity of reaching certain points, may deeply influ- ence the habits of the people. But with all this, to geographical conditions cannot be ascribed more than a modifying influence upon Boas ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 56 the fundamental traits of culture. If this were not true, the peculiar facts of distribution of inventions, of beliefs, of habits, and of other ethnological phenomena, would be unintelligible. For instance, the use of the underground house is distributed, in America and Asia, over the northern parts of the plateaus to parts of the Great Plains, northward into the arctic region; and crossing Bering strait we find it in use along the Pacific coast of Asia and as far south as northern Japan, not to speak of the subterranean ‘dwellings of Europe and North Africa. The climate of this district shows very considerable differences, and the climatic necessity for underground habitations does not exist by any means in many parts of the area where they occur. In a similar area we find the custom of increasing the elasticity of the bow by overlaying it with sinew. While this procedure may be quite necessary in the arctic regions, where no elastic wood is avail- able, it is certainly not necessary in the more southern parts of the Rocky mountains, or along the east coast of Asia, where a great many varieties of strong elastic wood are available. Nevertheless the use- fulness of the invention seems to have led to its general application over an extended district. We might also give numerous examples which would illustrate that the adaptation of a people to their surroundings is not by any means perfect. How, for instance, can we explain the fact that the Eskimo, notwithstanding their inventiveness, have never thought of domesticating the caribou, while the Chukchee have acquired large reindeer-herds? Why, on the other hand, should the Chukchee, who are compelled to travel about with their reindeer-herds, use a tent which is so cumbersome that a train of many sledges is required to move it, while the Eskimo have reduced the frame of their tents to such a degree that a single sledge can be used for conveying it from place to place? Other examples of a similar kind are the difference in the habita- tions of the arctic Athapascan tribes and those of the Eskimo. Not- withstanding the rigor of the climate, the former live in light skin tents, while the Eskimo have succeeded in protecting themselves efficiently against the gales and the snows of winter. What actually seems to take place in the movements of peoples is, that a people who settle in a new environment will first of all cling to their old habits and only modify them as much as is abso- 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 lutely necessary in order to live fairly comfortably, the comfort of life being generally of secondary importance to the inertia or con- servatism which prevents a people from changing their settled habits, that have become customary to such an extent that they are more or less automatic, and that a change would be felt as something -decidedly unusual. Even when a people remain located in the same place, it would seem that historical influences are much stronger than geographical influences. Jam inclined, for instance, to explain in this manner the differences between the cultures of the tribes of arctic Asia and of arctic America, and the difference in the habits of the tribes of the southern plateaus of North America when compared with those of the northern plateaus of North America. In the southern regions the influence of the Pueblos has made itself felt, while farther to the north the simpler culture of the Mackenzie basin gives the essential tone to the culture of the people. While fully acknowledging the importance of geographical con- ditions upon life, I do not believe that they can be given a place at all comparable to that of culture as handed down, and to that of the historical influence exerted by the cultures of surrounding tribes; and it seems likely that the less direct the influence of the surroundings is, the less also can it be used for accounting for peculiar ethnological. traits. So far as language is concerned, the influence of geographical sur- roundings and of climate seems to be exceedingly remote; and as long as we are not even.able to prove that the whole organism of man, and with it the articulating organs, are directly influenced by geographical environment, I do not think we are justified in con- sidering this element as an essential trait in the formation or modi- fication of human speech, much less as a cause which can be used to account for the similarities of human speech in neighboring areas. Influence of Common Psychic Traits Equally uncertain seems to be the resort to the assumption of pecu- liar psychic traits that are common to geographical divisions of the same race. It may be claimed, for instance, that the languages of the Athapascan, Tlingit, and Haida, which were referred to before as similar in certain fundamental morphological traits, are alike, BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES sits for the reason that these three peoples have certain psychical traits in common which are not shared in by other American tribes. It seems certainly admissible to assume slight differences in the psychical make-up among groups of a race which are different in re- gard to their physical type. If we can prove by means of anatom- ical investigations that the bodily form, and with it the nervous system and the brain of one part of a race show differences from the analogous traits of another part of the race, it seems justifiable to conclude that the physical differentiation may be accompanied by psychic differences. It must, however, be borne in mind that the extent of physical difference is always exceedingly slight, and that, within the limits of each geographical type, variations are found which are great as compared to the total differences between the averages of the types. To use a diagram: b a c i a/ ef If a represents the middle point of one type and 6 and ¢ its extremes, a’ the average of another type and 0’ and c’ its extremes, and if these types are so placed, one over the other, that types in the second series correspond to those in the first series vertically over them, then it will be seen that the bulk of the population of the two types will very well coincide, while only the extremes will be more frequent in the one group than in the other. That is to say, the physical difference is not a difference in kind, but a difference more or less in degree, and a considerable overlapping of the types necessarily takes place. If this is true in regard to the physical type, and if, furthermore, the difference in psychical types is inferred only from the observed differences of the physical types, then we must assume that the same kind of overlapping will take place in the psychical types. The differences with which we are dealing can, therefore, be only very slight, and it seems hardly likely that these slight differences could lead to radically diverse results. As a matter of fact, the proof which has been given before,’ that the same languages may be spoken by entirely distinct types, shows clearly how slight the effect of difference in anatomical type upon Seep. 9: 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 language is at the present time, and there is no reason to presume that it has ever been greater. Viewing the matter from this stand- point, the hereditary mental differences of various groups of man- kind, particularly within the same race, seem to be so slight that it would be very difficult to believe that they account in any way for the fundamental differences in the traits of distinct languages. Uncertainty of Definition of Linguistic Families The problem thus remains unsolved how to interpret the similari- ties of distinct languages in cases where the similarities are no longer sufficient to prove genetic relationship. From what has been said we may conclude that, even in languages which can easily be proved to be genetically related, independent elements may be found in vari- ous divisions. Such independent elements may be due partly to new tendencies which develop in one or the other of the dialects, or to foreign influence. It is quite conceivable that such new tendencies and foreign influences may attain such importance that the new language may still be considered as historically related to the ances- tral family, but that its deviations, due to elements that are not found in the ancestral language, have become so important that it can no longer be considered as a branch of the older family. Thus it will be seen that the concept of a linguistic family can not be sharply defined; that even among the dialects of one linguistic family, more or less foreign material may be present, and that in this sense the languages, as has been pointed out by Paul,’ are not, in the strict sense of the term, descendants of a single ancestral family. Thus the whole problem of the final classification of languages in linguistic families that are without doubt related, seems destined to remain open until our knowledge of the processes by which distinct languages are developed shall have become much more thorough than it is at the present time. Under these circumstances we must confine ourselves to classifying American languages in those linguistic families for which we can give a proof-of relationship that can not possibly be challenged. Beyond this point we can do no more than give certain definite classifications in which the traits common to certain groups of languages are pointed out, while the decision as to the significance of these common traits must be left to later times. 1 Paul, Principien der Sprachgeschichte. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 59 IV. LINGUISTICS AND ETHNOLOGY It seems desirable to say a few words on the function of linguistic researches in the study of the ethnography of the Indians. Practical Need of Linguistic Studies for Ethnological Purposes First of all, the purely practical aspect of this question may be considered. Ordinarily, the investigator who visits an Indian tribe is not able to converse with the natives themselves and to obtain his information first-hand, but he is obliged to rely more or less on data transmitted by interpreters, or at least by the help of interpreters. He may ask his question through an interpreter, and receive again through his mouth the answer given by the Indians. It is obvious that this is an unsatisfactory method, even when the inter- preters are good; but, as a rule, the available men are either not sufficiently familiar with the English language, or they are so entirely out of sympathy with the Indian point of view, and understand the need of accuracy on the part of the investigator so little, that infor- mation furnished by them can be used only with a considerable degree of caution. At the present time it is possible to get along in many parts of America without interpreters, by means of the trade- jargons that have developed everywhere in the intercourse between the whites and the Indians. These, however, are also a very unsatis- factory means of inquiring into the customs of the natives, because, in some cases, the vocabulary of the trade-languages is extremely limited, and it is almost impossible to convey information relating to the religious and philosophic ideas or to the higher aspects of native art, all of which play so important a part in Indian life. Another difficulty which often develops whenever the investigator works with a particularly intelligent interpreter is, that the inter- preter imbibes too readily the views of the investigator, and that his information, for this reason, is strongly biased, because he is not so well able to withstand the influence of formative theories as the trained investigator ought to be. Anyone who has carried on work with intelligent Indians will recall instances of this kind, where the interpreter may have formulated a theory based on the questions that have been put through him, and has interpreted his answers 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 under the guidance of his preconceived notions. All this is so ob- vious that it hardly requires a full discussion. Our needs become particularly apparent when we compare the methods that we expect from any investigator of cultures of the Old World with those of the ethnologist who is studying primitive tribes. Nobody would expect authoritative accounts of the civilization of China or of Japan from a man who does not speak the languages readily, and who has not mastered their literatures. The student of antiquity is expected to have a thorough mastery of the ancient languages. A student of Mohammedan life in Arabia or Turkey would hardly be considered a serious investigator if all his knowledge had to be derived from second-hand accounts. The ethnologist, on the other hand, under- takes in the majority of cases to elucidate the innermost thoughts and feelings of a people without so much as a smattering of knowledge of their language. It is true that the American ethnologist is confronted with a serious practical difficulty, for, in the present state of American society, by far the greater number of customs and practices have gone out of existence, and the investigator is compelled to rely upon accounts of customs of former times recorded from the mouths of the old gen- eration who, when young, still took part in these performances. Added to this he is confronted with the difficulty that the number of trained investigators is very small, and the number of American languages that are mutually unintelligible exceedingly large, probably exceeding three hundred in number. Our investigating ethnologists are also denied opportunity to spend long continuous periods with any particular tribe, so that the practical difficulties in the way of acquiring languages are almost insuperable. Nevertheless, we must insist that a command of the language is an indispensable means of obtaining accurate and thorough knowledge, because much informa- tion can be gained by listening to conversations of the natives and by taking part in their daily life, which, to the observer who has no command of the language, will remain entirely inaccessible. It must be admitted that this ideal aim is, under present condi- tions, entirely beyond our reach. It is, however, quite possible for the ethnographer to obtain a theoretical knowledge of native lan- guages that will enable him to collect at least part of the information that could be best obtained by a practical knowledge of the language. Fortunately, the Indian is easily misled, by the ability of the observer a Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 61 to read his language, into thinking that he is also able to understand what he reads. Thus, in taking down tales or other records in the native language, and reading them to the Indians, the Indian always believes that the reader also understands what he pronounces, because it is quite inconceivable to him that a person can freely utter the sen- tences in his language without clearly grasping their meaning. This fact facilitates the initial stages of ethnographic information in the native languages, because, on the whole, the northern Indians are eager to be put on record in regard to questions that are of supreme interest to them. If the observer is capable of grasping by a rapid - analysis the significance of what is dictated to him, even without being able to express himself freely in the native language, he is in a position to obtain much information that otherwise would be entirely unob- tainable. Although this is wholly a makeshift, still it puts the observer in an infinitely better position than that in which he would be without any knowledge whatever of the language. First of all, he can get the information from the Indians first-hand, without employing an interpreter, who may mislead him. Furthermore, the range of subjects on which he can get information is considerably increased, because the limitations of the linguistic knowledge of the interpreter, or those of the trade-language, are eliminated. It would seem, therefore, that under present conditions we are more or less compelled to rely upon an extended series of texts as the safest means of obtaining information from the Indians. . ’ uel - By) bin, ee Re alk Oe os ea i i Sate (Phas Dei teal ge a ste 0 fa a Pea es ee. ones Me med ii es eras ae : 4.5 “ = ; ‘ ‘ oe - e \ s ATHAPASCAN (HUPA) By Puiny Earte Gopparp § 1. DISTRIBUTION OF THE ATHAPASCAN FAMILY The Athapascan stock is one of the largest and most widely dis- tributed families of speech in North America. Geographically it consists of three divisions, the northern, the Pacific coast, and the southern. The northern division’ occupies much of the northwestern portion of the continent. East of the Rocky mountains the southern boundary is the Churchill river at the southeast, and the watershed between Athabasca and Peace rivers at the southwest. South of them are peoples of the Algonquian stock. The Eskimo hold a narrow strip of continuous coast-line along the Arctic ocean and Hudson bay to the north and east. West of the Rocky mountains the Athapascan ter- ritory begins at the fifty-first parallel of north latitude, and includes all of the country except the coast and islands. Only near the boundary of Alaska and British Columbia did they reach the coast. In the extreme north the coast is in the possession of the Eskimo. To the south the shore-lands are in the possession of the Haida, Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Wakashan. Their southern neighbors are members of the Salishan stock. 1The principal works which treat particularly of the Athapascans of the north are the following: Stk ALEXANDER MACKENZIE. Voyages from Montreal, on the River St. Laurence, through the Con- tinent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans: in the Years 1789 and 1793. London, 1801. Sir JOHN RICHARDSON. Arctic Searching Expedition: a Journal of a Boat Voyage through Ruperts Land to the Arctic Sea, in Search of the Discovery Ships under Command of Sir John Franklin. London, 1851. J.C. E. BUSCHMANN. Der Athapaskische Sprachstamm. Kdénigliche Akad. der Wiss. zu Berlin, Abhand- lungen aus dem Jahre 1855, 144-319. LER. P. E. Petiror. Dictionaire de la langue Déné-Dindjié. Paris, 1876. REY. FATHER A. G. Morice. The Western Déné, their Manners and Customs. Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, 3d ser., v1I, 109-174. ‘Toronto, 1890. ——. The Déné Languages. Transactions of the Canadian Institute, 1, 170-212. ‘Toronto, 1891. ——. The History of the Northern Interior of British Columbia. Toronto, 1904. 91 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The Pacific coast division’ formerly consisted of one band in the interior of British Columbia, two small bands in the state of Washing- ton, and many villages in a strip of nearly continuous territory about four hundred miles in length, beginning at the Umpqua river, Oregon, and extending south between the coast and coast range mountains to the head waters of Eel river in California. At the Klamath river their territory was cut through at one point by the Yurok who occu- pied the lower portion of that river and the coast southward nearly to the mouth of Mad river. From that point the non-Athapascan Wiyot extended along the coast a little south of the mouth of Eel river. These villages were separated in many cases from each other by low but rugged mountains. They were surrounded by the small stocks characteristic of the region. The southern division® occupies a very large area in the Southwest, including much of Arizona, New Mexico, and western Texas, and ex- tending to some distance into Mexico proper. The people form three groups, the Lipan in the East, the Navaho south of the San Juan river in eastern Arizona and western New Mexico, and the various tribes of Apache east and south of the Navaho. This division greatly exceeds in numbers all the other Athapascan people. Their principal neighbors were the Piman, Shoshonean, and Pueblo peoples. Wide differences in physical type and culture, and considerable changes in language, make it certain that these divisions have not been separated from each other recently. In the Pacific coast division, to which the Hupa belong, are at least four languages mutually unintelligible. The Umpqua at the north seems to differ widely from the dialects south of it, both in its pho- netic character and its vocabulary. From the Umpqua southward to the Yurok country on the Klamath river the dialects seem to shade into one another, those formerly spoken on the Coquille river and 1 Publications treating this division of the Athapascan are: J. OWEN DorsEy. Indians of the Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American Anthropologist, 11, 55-61. Washington, 1889.—The Gentile System of the Siletz Tribes. Journal of American Folk-Lore, III, 227-237. Boston, 1890. STEPHEN Powers. The Northern California Indians. Overland Monthly, v1II, IX. San Francisco, 1872-74. : PLINY EARLE GODDARD. Kato Texts. University of California Publications, American Archzxology and Ethnology, V, no. 3. 2The published material concerning this division is mostly restricted to the Navaho, and has been collected by one author, Dk. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS. The more important of his works are: The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony. Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1887. Navaho Legends. Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, V. Boston, 1897. The Night Chant. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, vi. New York, 1902. §1 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 93 Galice creek being the most distinct. In the southern portion of the area, on Eel river and the coast, are several dialects differing much more in vocabulary than in phonetics. That Indians from the ex- tremes of this territory can converse in their respective languages is not probable. On lower Mattole and Bear rivers and the adjacent coast a very distinct dialect was spoken. In the middle of this Pacific coast division are two dialects very closely connected. One of them was formerly spoken on upper Redwood creek and middle Mad river in Humboldt county, California; and the other, the Hupa of which this paper treats, on the lower (northern) portion of the Trinity river. The villages speaking the Hupa dialect have for neighbors, to the north the Yurok, to the northeast the Karok, to the east the Shasta, but with high mountains intervening, to the south the Chimariko and Wintun, and to the west the Athapascans of Redwood creek. Texts of myths, tales, and medicine formulas collected by the author were published by the University of California,’ upon which, as a basis, an analytical study of the morphology of the language has been made.” A preliminary paper describing in detail the individual sounds of the language and illustrating them by means of palatograms and tracings has been published.’ The examples given in the follow- ing grammatical sketch are taken from the collection of Hupa texts published by the University of California. The figures refer to pages and lines. PHONETICS (§§ 2-4) _. $2. Sounds Among the sounds composing the Hupa language, consonantal con- tinuants predominate. This takes from the speech the definiteness produced by a predominance of stops, and the musical character im- parted by full clear vowels standing alone or scantily attended by consonants in the syllable. The stops are entirely lacking in one of the most important series, the labial. Hupa has neither p nor}. The latter is often found in many of the other Athapascan dialects of the Pacific coast division. In Hupa the corresponding words have m in place of 4. The back 1¥For a general account of the Hupa villages and their surroundings, see P. E. Goddard, Life and Culture of the Hupa. University of California Publications, American Archxology and Ethnology, 1, no. 1.—Hupa Texts, idem, I, no. 2. *The Morphology of the Hupa Language, idem, II. 3The Phonology of the Hupa Language.—Part I, idem, v, no. 1 § 2 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 series are represented by stops, but mostly by surds only. In the dental series alone is the sonant frequent. There are two surds of this series, one quite strongly aspirated, about as much so as is English ¢ in a stressed syllable; the other, followed by suction, probably produced by glottal action, has the vowel following the explosion of the consonant in about half the time it does in the aspirated ¢. In this regard it lies between the aspirated ¢ and d. The unaccustomed ear usually hears it as d, but it may easily be distin- guished from that sound when the attention is directed toward its sonancy which begins in @ at the moment of release. On first acquaint- ance with the language the sonant has been written as ¢ by all who have attempted its notation. After more practice it may be distin- guished with precision, and its pronunciation only as a sonant meets with the approval of the native speaker. Of the palatal series, only the anterior palatals are employed before e and 7 sounds. When these occur before a, 0, and wu, a well-defined glide is heard, which has been written as y. The posterior palatal series is articulated just back of the line of the joining of the soft and hard palates. That there were originally three or more representatives of this series is probable. The full sonant seems to have become w. The aspirated surd has become a continuant spirant v.* | There remain two sounds, one (A) that has the sonancy closely following the release, and one (£) accom- panied or followed by suction giving it a sharp, harsh sound usually designated as fortis. The velar series is articulated very far back, giving the effect of a closure against a yielding surface, and resulting in a soft sound, rather difficult to distinguish as surd or sonant, but probably always the former. The glottal stop (¢) is most easily recognized when final, for then its release is often heard. Between vowels it must be detected by the silence enforced and by the change wrought in the close of the first vowel. The stops may be represented as follows: Glottal Velar Palatal Anterior palatal Dental Labial = Sopant 2 a <2. mo pneens = 3 9, 9Y d - SERIA | he Sa re, fore yare LSD q k k, ky t - Korbisvia! sh 4 Cee ~ k k t - The continuant consonants of Hupa comprise spirants, affricatives, nasals, and liquids. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 97 The vowels in Hupa are formed with much less movement of the lower jaw and lips than is employed in the corresponding sounds in English speech. The Hupa seem to talk with their mouths nearly closed. Asa result, the sounds are not open and clear, but muffled. These vowels may terminate in a sudden opening of the glottis, result- ing in an aspiration of the vowel; or inaclosure of the glottis,’ bringing the vowel to an abrupt close. When aspirated, the whole vowel has a breathy quality; and when closed by a glottal stop, it sounds hard and compact. § 3. Grouping of Sounds It is rarely the case that words or syllables begin with a vowel, and most of such cases occur in verb forms. Semi-vowels and single con- sonants are frequent initially. The only clusters which stand initially are the affricatives dz, ts, dj, tc, and tew, and the combinations jw, aw,and ky. Of the affricatives, cw seems to be a phonetic derivation from a simple sound, probably a palatal with aw tinge. The combi- nation Aw corresponds to the simple sound ¢ (sf) in the other Atha- pascan dialects; aw is due to the change of 6 to the semi-vowel w, and ky has for the second element a glide due toa back vowel following an anterior palatal consonant. Probably none of these initial sounds were therefore originally two distinct consonants in juxtaposition. Many syllables end in vowels. When final in the word, and bear- ing the accent, some vowels, under certain conditions, seem to develop semi-vowels after themselves, becoming diphthongs. This is especially true of the vowel a in the roots of verbs. In the past tense, which is more strongly accented on the ultima (the root syllable), a@ becomes az, or sometimes av. The awis due toa disappearing final gy. That a is due to a suffix is not unlikely. Syllables may end in simple conso- nants or in affricatives. The only prominent sonant stop which occurs in Hupa (d) is not frequent in the final position. When a dental stop occurs in the interior of a word, it is usually surd if at the end of a syllable, and sonant if at the beginning. In fact, it often happens that the same sound begins as a surd and is completed as a sonant, the occlusion belonging to the preceding syllable, and the explosion 1The opening of the glottis is of course brought about bya separation of the vocal processes. The pitch at the end of the vowel is lowered. The closure of the glottis is more probably brought about by the movement of the epiglottis so as to cover the glottis as in swallowing. A similar glottal action no doubt produces the fortis series. § 3 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10—_7 98 - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 to the succeeding syllable. Two consonants may stand together in the middle of a word, provided they belong to different syllables. § 4. Assimilation of Sounds Assimilation of consonants, mostly retrogressive, takes place in some cases when two consonants are brought together morphologically or syntactically. The most important are these: (1) Retrogressive. t before 7 becomes 7. tctihwitkinneen he nearly caught me (for tcewhwitkitneen) t before m becomes 72. yaitkimmin they intended to catch (for yaitkitmin) vt before L becomes 0. yawinéan he picked up a stone (but yarwillai he picked up several stones) t before ¢ becomes 0. notwitkillicte it will be foggy (for notwitkitlixte) vt before € or d becomes 2. neitim® 1am looking at it (but ne/zénte I am going to look at it) vt before m becomes 22. ; yawinéean he picked it up (but yawimmas he rolled over) (2) Progressive. h after l becomes @. tctikgallit as he walked along (for tctikgalhit) w after 7 becomes 7. tcuwinnas he scraped bark off (but wewas I seraped bark off ) When morphological causes bring two consonants at the end of a syllable, one of them is dropped. ‘This is evidently the case in the formation of the conjugation where the modal prefix (Z) would be expected after the sign of the first person singular (w). In this case the modal prefix is not found. In the second person singular of the verb the modal prefix remains, but the sign of the second person (7) has been dropped. Also, in the third person singular s would be expected before the same modal prefix, but it does not occur in Hupa. In Tolowa all of these combinations do occur, and in the very places where one would expect them in Hupa but fails to find them. § 4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 99 There are in Hupa several morphological elements which seem to have only the initial consonant fixed. Tho remainder of the syllable depends upen the sounds which follow it. For example, the sign of the third person singular (¢c) has the following forms: tceilwil he is always lying down tciweswaL he remained lying down teissilwaL he is lying down tcillové he tied it tcimmitc he is breaking it off tcinnesten he lay down tcittesyar he went tctkgal he walked GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (S§ 5-8) § 5. Enumeration of Grammatical Processes Grammatical processes and syntactical relations are expressed by means of the following methods: (1) Composition. (2) Changes in the phonetic character of the root. (3) Position in the sentence. § 6. Composition The verbs of Hupa, and some of the nouns, consist of two or more syllables, each of which has some rather definite meaning or points out some particular relation. These elements do not express ideas of equal rank and of like kind. Each may be replaced in turn by another giving to the thought expressed a different character. The element which by its displacement most completely alters the meaning may be called the root. The word-parts which precede this root may be con- sidered prefixes, and those which follow it suffixes. These prefixes and suffixes fall into classes rather well marked as regards their office in the expression of thought, and have a definite order in the word- structure. These sound-complexes expressing complete thoughts might be looked upon as sentences, which they often are, and their constituent parts as monosyllabic words, but for the following reasons: First, the individual parts, expressing definite ideas or relations, are not always phonetic wholes capable of independent production. These may be thought once to have had a more complete form, and to have §§ 5, 6 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 united with other elements of the word with which they came in contact through the disappearance of one of the vowels or by their contraction. It is, however, possible that from the beginning of the language they have had this meager form. Second, some of these elements, while existing as independent syllables, express relations or subordinate ideas which do not seem to arise in the mind of the Hupa when these syllables by themselves are uttered, but which readily arise when the syllables are uttered in their accustomed con- nection. Both of these statements are true of some of the monosyl- labic elements of speken English. The difference is not one of kind, but of degree. Besides these older and largely conjectural phonetic changes which join together the parts of the word, there are other more simple and apparent modifications of the root by the suffix, or of the suffix by the root, bringing the whole into greater phonetic harmony. These changes are quite infrequent, and never great enough to obscure the root or suffix. § 7. Changes in the Phonetic Character of the Root There are definite and regular changes in the phonetic character of the roots which cannot be explained as being due to the influence of morphological additions. These are of two kinds: (1) Changes in the terminal consonant. (2) Changes in the character and length of the vowel. CHANGES IN THE TERMINAL CoNSONANT.-—One of the most common changes of the terminal consonant of the root is that of n to 7. This is a change of series, the nature of the sound remaining the same. The roots in which this change occurs have 7 in the forms expressing past definite, customary, and negative future action, and 7% elsewhere. A modification of the character of the sound, not in the place of its formation, is found in the case of / and z. The first sound is found in the forms expressing past definite, customary, and negative future action. The change in this case is from surd to sonant. Of a similar nature is the series of three sounds, /, 1, and Z. The first (7) is found in forms expressing customary and negative future action; the second (z) is employed with the forms of the present and imperative; and the third (Z) with forms expressing definite action, whether past, present, or future. A few verbs have roots ending in s or the corre- §7 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES LOD sponding affricative, ts. The latter occurs in the forms expressing definite action. .16¢ is evident that ¢ and ¢c formerly had a similar rela- tion, but the former has since become w. Finally there are a number of roots which lose a final ¢. The past definite, customary, and nega- tive future have the form with ¢; and the present of both definite and indefinite action and the imperative do not have it. CHANGES IN THE CHARACTER AND LENGTH OF THE VowEL.—Certain vowel-changes occur in connection with the change of terminal conso- nants, and are perhaps tied up with them. ‘These are a change of a to a, and of eto?z. The stronger vowels, a and e, occur with 2, and @ and 7, the weaker ones, with 7. The threefold consonant-change, /, 1, and Z, hase before Z, and7 before /andz. Other changes take place in cases where there are now no final consonants. These are 7% to e, au.to a,and ai toa.’ Inall the pairs given above, the first-named is consid- erably longer in its duration than is the second. Probably these changes, the direction of which is not known, came about by a change in the position or force of the accent, whether of stress or pitch. § 8. Position Upon the order of the words in the sentence often depends their relation to each other. This is especially true of the subject and object when expressed as nouns. ‘The first in order is the subject, and the second the object. Both of them may precede the verb. Possession and other relations are expressed by syntactical particles, which are joined to the limited word, and fix its place in the sentence after the word which limits it. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES ($§ 9-19) § 9. Enumeration of Categories The following ideas have grammatical devices for their expression in Hupa: (1) Denominating concepts. (6) Distribution. (2) Predicating concepts. (7) Time. (3) Syntactic relations. (8) Mode. (4) Classification. (9) Place and direction. (5) Number. (10) Person. 1The pairs 7, e, and au, a, are represented in Kato and other Eel river dialects by ey, ¢, and ag, a’. §§ 8,9 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 10. Denominating Concepts Most nouns are clearly separated from verbs, both in form and meaning. Many nouns are monosyllabic, entirely lacking in descrip- tive power, and having meaning because they have become associated in the mind with the object for which they stand. Of essentially the same character are the names of the parts of the body and terms of relationship, which are always found with a prefixed possessive pro- noun, the purely nominal part being a single syllable. There area few compound nouns, either co-ordinate and in juxtaposition, or one modifying the other. Certain nouns are formed by suffixes which - are strictly limited to a nominal use. Of such character are the aug- mentative and diminutive suffixes -/yd and -z7tc. Other suffixes have the meaning of DWELLING IN, FREQUENTING, Or BEING FOUND IN the place named by the stem to which they are attached; for example, xonteLtaw PLACE BROAD HE FREQUENTS (coyote). While nouns of this class do describe and predicate certain things, that is not their chief purpose. The description is for the purpose of pointing out definitely an object by discriminating between it and other related objects. A number of nouns have a verbal form, and describe the object referred to by giving some characteristic position, form, or action. For this purpose the verb may appear alone in the active or passive voice, or a noun may be placed before it to serve as its object or limit of motion. It 1s probable that some such verbal forms, having lost their verbal force, have furnished a number of polysyllabic nouns which have now no descriptive meaning in the mind of the Hupa, and do not yield to attempts at analysis. These complexes which serve the office of nouns, indicating an object or animal by means of a characterization of it, are really substantive clauses. There are a few suflixes which are employed with both nouns and verbs. They are temporal, indicating that the thing or act belongs to the past or future rather than the present. § 11. Predicating Concepts The verbs differ from the nouns in that they are almost invariably polysyllabic, and have the meaning of a complete sentence. The more essential part or root of the verb is usually not associated in the mind with a certain object or animal, but with some particular act or motion: as -f0, which means TO INSERT OR EXSERT AN OBJECT INTO A TUBULAR §§ 10, 11 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 103 OPENING. There are a number of roots which are connected with objects; not, however, naming them specifically, but indicating the class to which they belong as regards size, shape, or physical char- acter. The few roots which do agree in form with monosyllabic nouns seem to name the object by means of which the act is done. The form of the complete verb differs from the ordinary noun in that it has prefixes as well as suffixes, and in the character of these formative elements, which, with the exceptions noted above, differ from those employed in nouns. They differ in function in that they invariably have predicative force, while nouns either lack predicative force or have it incidentally. § 12. Syntactic Relations The syntactic relation of subject and object to the predicate, when both are expressed by nouns, is shown by their order in the sentence. When only one is expressed by a noun, it may be determined, in most cases, whether it is intended as subject or object by the form of the incorporated pronoun, which is employed in the verb regardless of the employment or non-employment of nouns. However, in the case of a subject and object which are both of the third person and both other than adult Hupa, only one of them being expressed as a noun, it is impossible to tell, except from the context, whether such a noun is the subject or object. The relation of possession is distinctly and regularly expressed by the prefixing of the possessive pronoun to the limited word and the placing of this compound after the word which limits it. Parts of the body and terms of relationship do not occur without prefixed possess- ive pronouns. Other syntactic relations are expressed by means of post-positions, having the appropriate force, placed after the weaker form of the pronoun. These post-positions, with their accompanying pronouns, stand after the nouns which they limit. § 13. Classification In the third person of the pronoun, personal and possessive, adult Hupa are distinguished from young and old members of the tribe, from animals and inanimate objects, by a special form. There are no grammatical forms by which objects are classified. Classification is sometimes indicated, however, in the verb, the stem expressing the character of the object to which the predicate refers, §§ 12, 13 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 the objects being characterized as long, round, flat plural in number, etc. In the intransitive verb this classification relates to the subject; in the transitive verb, to the object. § 14. Number Only a few nouns have forms for the plural. These are those denot- ing age and station in life, and relationship. The independent as well as the incorporated and prefixed pronouns are capable of expressing the plural in the first and second persons by means of additional forms. The plural of the first person includes, or may include, the third person as well as the second. In the third person, -ya- is placed before the root for a plural sub- ject and also for a plural object. One must judge from the context which is intended to be plural. ya- is also prefixed to the possessive form. In the singular, HIs FATHER is expressed by haz wotae. Some- times for THEIR FATHER hai yaxotaé is found, haz being the article. In certain intransitive verbs a dual is indicated by using the root, indicating a plural subject, without -ya-, while for the plural -ya- is inserted. In many cases Hupa employs the singular, as is shown by the verb, where the plural would be required in English. When a number of individuals do anything as a unit, as in a dance, the singular is used. § 15. Distribution The distributives in Hupa are carefully distinguished from the plu- rals. For the expression of distribution the prefix ¢e- is employed: for example, tceninyar he went out tcenindeL two went out tceyanindeL they went out tcetedeL one by one they went out The same element expresses distribution as to the object. For example, yawinean he picked up a stone yawillac he picked up stones yateéan he picked up a stone here and there Distinct from this is the intermittence of the act itself. That a thing is done now and again, or habitually, is indicated by a syllable, probably e, inserted before the pronominal subjective elements. The §§ 14, 15 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF. AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ALOR presence of this syllable, together with a certain form of the root, constitutes a customary tense or mode. By the use of na- an iterative force is given to the verb, express- ing the fact that the act is done a second time or that it is undone. § 16. Time Time is expressed by means of suffixes, a change of root, inde- pendent adverbs, and temporal clauses. For past time -ncen may be suffixed to a noun or verb. A house in ruins is called «wontaneen HOUSE USED TO BE. Habitual acts which have ceased are expressed by the same suffix, as auwwtinneen | USED TO po Ir. A single definite act completed in time already past is differentiated from such acts in present time by a change in the form and length of the root, and a change of the accent: for example, tcinnt' riya he has just arrived tcinnijiyar' he arrived some time ago The future is expressed by the suffixes -¢e and -tez. The former seems to be employed of the more remote future. These are gen- . erally employed only with verbs, but are sometimes found with nouns and adverbs: for example, havyate HERE WILL BE THE PLACE. § 17. Mode Closely connected with the time of the act is the degree of cer- tainty with which it is asserted. For past acts, suffixes which indi- cate the source of the authority for the statement are often employed. That which is perceived by the sense of hearing has -¢sv or -tsée suffixed; the former for the past, and the latter for the present. When the transaction is in sight, -e is suffixed. Things which are conjectured from circumstantial evidence, as the building of a fire from the remains of one, have -vd/an added to the verb: teyanillat they built a fire Leyanillaxolan they must have built a fire [here are the ashes] Future acts which are contingent on human will or outward cir- cumstance are rendered by the suffix -deé. When the future is expressed with an absolute negative force, the impossibility of its being brought to pass being implied, a special form of the verb with an auxiliary verb prefixed is used. §§ 16, 17 106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Acts attempted, but not succeeded in, have «dw, an adverb, inserted before the verb; while the successful attempt after several vain or insufficient ones has -e? suffixed to the verb. . § 18. Place and Direction Direction and place, both relative and absolute, are expressed in Hupa with much exactness. A number of prefixes, occupying the first place in the verb, indicate the direction of the movement expressed or implied by the verb. The place, initial and ultimate, is also indicated by prefixes as being on the surface of the earth, on some surface higher than the earth, in the fire, on or in the water, or in the air. By means of demonstratives, and adverbs formed from demonstrative elements, added exactness as to location is expressed. For that which is in sight and can be pointed to, the demonstratives ded and haided, and the adverb of place, dikkyin, are employed; for the first-mentioned or more remote of two, hacya or hai is used; while that which is still more remote is referred to by yd and hazyo, and the most remote of all by yew. § 19. Person The distinction between the person speaking, the person spoken to, and the person or thing spoken of, is made by means of the personal pronouns. The signs of the subject incorporated in the verb are not all to be connected with certainty with the independent pronouns. The pronouns for the first two persons seem to be different in some particulars from those of the third person, which also classify the objects or persons to which they refer. Taking with this fact the fre- quent absence of any sign for the subject or the object in the third person of the verb, it seems probable that originally there were per- sonal pronouns only for the first and second persons, and that demon- stratives were used for the third person. DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§ 20-88) Nouns (§§ 20-27) § 20. Structure The nouns of the Hupa language, when classified according to their formation, fall into five classes: (1) There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part the names of common material objects and elements. These words are §§ 18-20 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 107 mostly common to all the cognate languages, and clearly point to the monosyllable as the probable form of the Athapascan noun. (2) Closely connected with these are the names of the parts of the body, terms of relationship and intimate possession, which have a single syllable for their substantive part, but always occur with a possessive prefix. (3) There are a considerable number of nouns, consisting of two or more syllables, which are not easily analyzed and do not seem to have a descriptive meaning at present. They seem originally to have been derived from verbs, or formed by composition. (4) A large and increasing number of nouns, formed by means of suffixes and by compounding, have a descriptive force which is ever present in the Hupa mind. (5) Verbs in the third person singular of the active or passive voice, with or without an object or limit of motion, are employed as nouns. § 21. Formative Klements As far as is known, the only prefixes employed in noun-formation are the possessive prefixes, which are proclitic forms related to inde- pendent pronouns. They may be employed with any noun to denote possession, but must be employed with the names of the parts of the body and terms of relationship. That words of this class require such prefixes is not necessarily due to a lack of mental abstraction, as has been sometimes assumed, but to a habit of speech. The necessity for their use without a possessive seldom occurs. The suffixes employed in noun-building are not numerous. For the most part, they are used to distinguish one thing from another which it resembles by mentioning its size, color, or other physical character, or by indicating the place where the plant grows or which the animal frequents. The principal suffixes are the following: 1. -x0¢ INHABITING; added to the name of a place. Lomittaxoi glades among people (the New River people) 2. -tdu FREQUENTS. Used of plants or animals. waslintau rifles he frequents (the crane) 3. ~ky0 LARGE, an augmentative. koskyo bulb large (Chlorogalum vomeridanum, the soap-root) § 21 108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 4, -ite, -te SMALL, the diminutive suffix. medilite canoe small (from medil canoe) 102.9 djelote small storage-basket 158.13 5. -yauw sMALL, rounc. Used of trees. nittikyauw young black oaks (from néztik black oak) 6. -newan RESEMBLING. This has furnished many new names. gonewan worms like (rice, from its resemblance to white grubs) xonnewan fire like 329.10 7. -diit PLACE. tsedin brush-place (a grave) 8. -€a° PLACES. millatkinta’ its hands bases places (its wrists) 9. -kvit on. miskit a landslide on (the name of a village) denokit the sky (this us on) 286.12 § 22. Compounds There are five classes of compound nouns: (1) A few nouns stand in juxtaposition without a subordinating possessive prefix. Ina few cases the second noun seems to qualify the first: for example, riiran SNAKE RIVER (an eel). If these compounds are introduced by a possessive prefix, the first noun qualifies the second: for example, kivwakkin 1TS NET POLE. (2) When the second of two nouns forming a compound has a pos- sessive prefix, the first qualifies the second and is subordinate to it: for example, dindai® mitctcwd FLINT ITS GRANDMOTHER (a bird). (8) A few compounds which are true substantives have the first element a noun, and the second an adjective qualifying it. An ex- ample of such is yaéitkai LOUSE WHITE (a grayback). (4) Compounds of nouns and qualifying adjectives are sometimes - introduced by possessive prefixes. While they serve as substantives, they really qualify a subject understood: as in mdssa*nexttewih ITS MOUTH sTINKs, the bird having a stinking mouth (a buzzard). (5) Compounds similar to the last have for their last element words indicating abundance or lack of the quality named by the first part of the compound. Examples are: mixxaiwadlen 1TS CHILDREN HAVING (doe), mztcdjeédin Y¥S8 MIND LACKING (an infant). § 22 we BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 109 § 23. Verbs as Nouns Many verbs in the third person present of the active or passive voice are used as nouns. Examples of the active voice so used are: nanya it comes down (rain) nillin it flows (a creek) nindil they come down (snow) For the passive voice the following may be cited: willozé it has been tied (a bundle) naxowilloé it is tied around him (a belt) tenawilla they have been laid together (a fire) talkait over the water it has been pushed (a fishing-board) Sometimes a substantive is formed by a verb with a noun preceding it as its object or limit of motion: for example: nax-kekos-naduwil two its necks waving about (nav two: ke its; kds neck; waZ to strike [a monster]) sa&cauw in the mouth a liquid is put (acorn-soup) Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and manner make substantives of verbs. Of this sort are the following: mittcoLwil with he chops (an axe) kitnadil with them they travel (wolves) Suffixes of location added to verbs, furnish names of places: nanatitdii stepping-down place (the name of the place in the sweat-house at the foot of the ladder) § 24. Plural of Nouns Only a few Hupa nouns change their form to indicate the plural. They are those which classify human beings according to their sex and state of life, and a few terms of relationship. The following are all that have been found: Singular Plural kettsan hettstin virgin, maiden tstimimesLon tstimmesLon a fully grown woman xurar viva a child hwittsor hwittsoinar my grandchild nokkal nikkilear your younger brother woLtistce woLtistcerat his sister § 25. Possession Possession is indicated by prefixes which are shortened forms of pronouns. These vary according to the person and number of the §§ 23-25 110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BoLL. 40 limiting noun or pronoun. Many nouns, upon taking the prefixes, add a syllable to the end, which seems to have no other office than the preservation of the symmetry of the word in some way. This added syllable has e for its vowel, but is preceded by various consonants, apparently suggested by the final sound of the original word. millitde its smoke (from 17¢ smoke) nolinke our pets (from 177% a pet, a dog) xodhwinne her song (from Awin, a song) It will be noticed that in some of the examples given, z, the surd lateral consonant, becomes the sonant /. §$ 26. Locative Suffixes There are several suffixes employed in Hupa which might be looked upon as case-endings, since they are not permanent parts of the nouns to which they are attached, but indicate varying relations of position or direction. Some of these suffixes are also post-positions; but when so used they follow a pronominal prefix. Examples of suffixes show- ing place-relations are the following: 1. -e£ IN. Lihwinmet glade only in (a prominent hill) tseyeme in (under) a rock 2. -din at. mikkindii its base at (the name of the place by the back of the house) 3. -tciit TOWARD. Lihwinkittcia glade only on toward 4, -keai ALONG. xottselkat his forearm along 5. -kitt on. Lihwinkit glade only on 27. Tense By the use of suffixes the time of the noun’s existence may be indi- cated. This process practically gives tenses to nouns. For the past, -neen is employed: for example, zoiéitneen HIS WIFE USED TO BE (she is now dead). The same form might mean only that the possession of her had ceased. The future, as in verbs, is indicated by -te: for example, métLowete THEIR MEDICINE IT WILL BE (Indians who are to possess it have not yet come into existence). §§ 26, 27 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Bait Verbs (§§ 28-75) § 28. Structure The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, presents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of the sentence. For example, vanaisdiyadet IF SHE COMES BACK UP has, first an adverbial prefix xa-, denoting that the motion is up the side of a hill; next is found the particle -na-, having an iterative force, showing that the act is done a second time (in this case it is only intended to show that the path from the river is passed over a second time); the syllable -7s-, by the consonant it contains, shows that the act is thought of as pro- gressive over the surface of the ground. The fact that s following 7 forms a syllable by itself, indicates that the act is thought of as per- formed by an adult Hupa, otherwise s would have been joined to the preceding na-. The lack of a sign of person or number at this point in the verb allows no other conclusion than that the third person singu- lar is intended. The syllable -d7-, of which d seems to be the essen- tial part, usually follows the iterative prefix -na-, the two being equivalent, perhaps, to English Back aGaIn. The next syllable, -ya-, may be called the root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion of a single human being on his feet at a walk, and also of the coming of non-material things. Had this verb been in the plural, the root would have been -deZ. Had the pace been more rapid, -ta@ would have been employed. Had some animal been the subject, the root would probably have characterized the gait of the animal. The final suffix -deé indicates a future contingency. Formative Elements (§§ 29-50) § 29. GENERAL REMARKS The more extended forms of the verb have one or more prefixes preceding the root, and one or more suffixes following it. By means of the prefixes, the direction of the motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or completed, are expressed. By changes in a single syllable, that which usually directly precedes the root, the person and number of the subject are indicated. These changes almost amount to inflection. By variations in the form of the root, the number of the subject in intransitive verbs, and of the object in $§ 28, 29 112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 transitive verbs, is shown; and also whether the act or state is one and — definite in time, or repeated and continuous. By the suffixes which follow the root, the action is further limited as to its time, continu- ance, or likelihood. PREFIXES (§§ 30-37) § 30. Classification of Prefixes according to their Position and Significance The prefixes employed in the verb have a fixed order, in accordance with the class of ideas they express. They may be classified as— (1) Adverbial prefixes, first position. (2) Adverbial prefix, second position. (3) Deictic prefixes, third position. (4) First modal prefixes, fourth position. (5) Second modal prefixes, fifth position. (6) Pronominal prefixes, sixth position. (7) Third modal prefixes, seventh position. § 31. Adverbial Prefixes, First Position These are adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion. The most important of these follow: 1. ya- (1) is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The primary meaning seems to be 1N THE ATR, above the surface of the ground. yawinéa he was sitting 162.11 (definite, class I, conjugation 1 3; § 54; &€a to be in a position) yawintan he picked up a stone 342.1 (definite, class I, conjuga- tion 1 4, § 54; éan to transport several round things) yawitkas he threw up 96.3 (definite, class Il, conjugation 1 3; § 64; kas to throw) yawinen he carried it (wen to carry) 2. ya- (2) seems to have the meaning of the object being reduced to many pieces. yanakisdimmillet she smashed it 152.16 (na- again, § 32; k-, § 34; s-, § 85; -d, 3d modal, after na- § 32, p. 116; ml- to throw several things; -e7 suffix, § 40) yanaiskil he split 142.3 (na- again, § 32; s-, § 35; £2- to split) §§ 30, 31 A Bl -BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES L113 3. ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and spaces however slightly enclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes and baskets. . yenawityat he went into (a house) 98.15 yenawitmen he made it swim into (a river from the ocean) 266.2 yeintitnee you must step into (a canoe) 209.2 (¢a/ to step) yetceitkas he threw into (a basket) 288.7 4. wa- (1) seems to mean THROUGH with verbs of cutting and burning. wakinnillitxolan they were burned through 119.3 (/¢¢ to burn) wakinninkats he cut through 5. wa- (2) is employed with verbs of handing or giving something to a man or an animal. xowaitda he handed it to him 181.13 (#6 him) waimmil he always distributes them 195.8. 6. Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of ob- jects. 1t has the special meaning of building a fire from the placing-together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a circle, or a circuit in travelling. tenaislovié he tied together 210.5 tenanillat he built a fire Lenanitten he took it all the way around (the world) 7. me- (1) seems to have the meaning of position at, or motion to, against, or along the surface of, something. menaisdiyat he climbed (a tree) 103.12 'menemen he landed him (against the shore) 162.9 meittan he stuck to it 202.3 mewitwaL he beat on 8. me- (2) is similar to ye-, except that it usually refers to position in ; something, while ye- is employed of motion into. metsisyen she stands in (the body of her husband) 195.11 9. naé- (1) is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the ground or water, and of position on the earth’s surface. The primary meaning may be HORIZONTAL. naitits it is running about 294.4 (zs to run) naiwimmee he swam natvuiwii I paint (my body) 247.12 1 The glottal stop probably belongs with the prefix. It appears in some forms and is absent in others. } § 31 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —_8 114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 10. na- (2) or nana expresses motion downward or toward the earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since whatever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up. nainatt it dropped down 115.14 nanawityai he came down 138.15 11. na- (3) is used of horizontal motion or position, as a line stretched, or in crossing a stream. nananindeL they went over (the river) 267.6 nandwiledt it was hung for a door 171.1 12. n6- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing some- thing in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of something, or of completing a task. noyanindeL they sat down 280.5 nonauwnee you must put it down 210.7 (aww to handle round ob- jects noininyanne that far they ate 347.17 13. wa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of movement up a hillside when the speaker’s standpoint is at the top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and of motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses. xaislat she brought up 98.16 xawillat she dug it out 242.5 wawitgot he jumped out (of the smoke-hole) 829.13 14. awee- in the sense of AWAY FROM, as in blowing and pushing. weeiLyol he blows away 296.15 xeenailkis she pushed it away 185.3. 15. wotda-, with the general meaning of DowN, expresses motion down a hill or stream. avotdaitkas he threw down (from a tree) 138.8 xotdaixen they floated down 216.5 16. x6tde- is used of one person’s meeting another where the move- ment of only one person is of interest. When one wishes to say they came toward each other, ze- is employed. xotdeisyar he met him 105.14 wvotdeyaisdeL they met them 110.8. 17. saé- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating, drinking; - or biting. saéwinxan he put it into her mouth 278.10 sa §willat he put in his mouth 119.6. § 31 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 115 18. 19. 20. bo D 20. da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than the ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to rest. danintsa be seated (on a chair) 107.12 datifivis fly upon a tree 114.2 de-d- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire. The second syllable, which is completed according to the sound which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable. denadeitiwmil I put in the fire 247.9 dediwimmeL he threw into the fire 165.10 dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as in splitting wood. djewittseL he pounded it open 108.11 21. du- signifies oFF, AWAY FROM. duwirxtts it came off (the umbilical stump) 157.7 2. ta- (1) is employed of motion toward or away from a body of water with special regard to its surface. tanaistan he took it out of the water 325.4 taweséa a mountain will project into the water 255.2 taidinnin let us drink water 179.3 . ta- (2) is used with verbs meaning TO DESERT, TO LEAVE A PLACE PERMANENTLY. tasyahwin one ought to go away 215.8 (ya to go) . te- refers to motion into water and under its surface (see no. 22). tewiltsit a canoe sank 153.17 tetciwintan he put it into the water 101.14 . tsi7i- means AWAY FROM in expressions of fleeing. tsintetesdildeL we ran away 198.10 . tee- has the meaning of out oF, and is employed of motion out of a house or small receptacle, but also of less definitely enclosed spaces, as brushy places or the bed of a stream (see no. 8). tcenamit throw them out (of the house) 301.13 teeninéan he took out (from his quiver) 119.15 tceiltat he jumped out (of ambush) 106.2 tcewillindin where it flows out-175.10 ke- seems to refer to motion or position against or along a ver- tical surface. keisyat he climbed up 137.17 kenaninita it was leaning up 99.5 § 31 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search for a person or thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to do a thing. 28. win- (wa + n 7) is used of looking for a thing the position of which is unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to at- tempt something by persistent effort. winnaisya he started to make 319.3 wtinnaditte they will hunt 311.14 29. na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is likely connected with the iterative particle na- AGAIN, since the mean- ing may be that of going over the trail again. nayaxoteLve® they tracked him 170.3 30. #a- implies the going-after with the intention of getting the thing sought and bringing it back. . vanetete | am going to look for it 336.10 31. a- is used to introduce verbs of SAYING, THINKING, DOING, and APPEARING. It seems to have no definite meaning; but, since it is omitted when a direct object precedes a verb of thinking or saying, it may be an indefinite object for the verb. adenne he said 97.15 aleneé you must do it 100.18 § 82. Adverbial Prefixes, Second Position 1. na-, the prefix of iteration, expresses the undoing of anything or the retracing of one’s steps, as well as the repeating of an act. It is often employed where in English the repetition is taken for granted, as in the customary acts of daily life, eating, drinking, sleeping, etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or ¢ preceding the root, and in other cases it is used without either. menanittcwit he pushed it back 163.1 ee nanaitwiw he used to carry it back 237.8 nanodiya \et it come back 233.5 ~ anatcillau he did it again 106.8 2. xa-, the prefix of identity, refers to any act previously described that is repeated by the same or a different person. xaatcillau he did the same thing 211.1 xadiyate it will do that 254.10 xatlle do that 165.19 waatcityau he did that 280.12 § 32 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES DEY § 33. Deictic Prefixes, Third Position For the third person, in Hupa, two forms occur. The first form is that used when speaking of adult Hupa. The second form is used when speaking of Hupa children and sometimes of very aged people, of members of others tribes and races, and of animals. The first form begins with ¢c-, and is completed according to the sound which fol- lows. The second form has y- for its beginning, and is also com- pleted according to the following sounds. After many of the pre- fixes, these signs do not appear; but a hiatus’ marks the absence of the first form; and contraction or lengthening, often involving diph- thongization, the second. There are no pronouns with which these may be connected, and demonstrative sources are to be expected. The third person has a dual whenever the root by its displacement has the power of showing plurality. In that case the same signs—or their absence—indicate the dual as the singular, the forms differing only in the root. The plural is invariably indicated by the syllable -ya-, which has the hiatus after it, for the first class of persons, and lengthening or contraction for the second. yetcitda he is carrying a large object yeyitda he (not an adult Hupa) is carrying a large object § 34. First Modal Prefixes, Fourth Position Several elements appear as prefixes in many verbs for which no definite and satisfactory meaning has been found. 1. k-, ky-, is phonetically weak, the remainder of the syllable being supplied from the sound which follows. Only occasionally has a meaning been found for it, and the meanings which do appear are not reconcilable. It is probable that it supplies an indefi- nite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others.” Ina few cases it has the meaning of LEAVING AS A GIFT rather than LEAVING FOR A TIME. In many cases a sense of indefinite- ness is present in the verb as regards the time occupied and the number of acts required for the complete operation. nakinyin eat again(without mentioning what is to be eaten) 153.9 yakinwiw carry it 105.18 yekytwestce the wind blew in 270.4 1The hiatus in this case does not seem to be due to a full glottal stop, but to a lessening of the force of the breath. It is very likely brought about by the disappearance of tc-. The lengthening and diphthongization which take place in the case of the second form are probably due to the coalescing of y with the preceding vowel. 2In other dialects a sound (tc) which almost certainly corresponds to this is regularly used when the object has not been mentioned or is unknown. §§ 33, 34 118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 2. te-, the prefix of distribution, means either that the act took place here and there in space, or continuously over space; or that one person after another did the act. natelos she dragged it back 190.1 tettewen it grew 96.3 tcrttetcwaz she buried in several places 192.12 tcetedeL they went out one by one 138.5 3. d- occurs, for instance, with the adverbial prefix de- (§ 31.19), sig- nifying INTO FIRE. dexoditwaL he threw him into the fire 4, 6- a verbal prefix, the meaning of which has not been ascertained. dotcowilan she will leave(dd not; tc- deictic; 6- first modal; -2- second modal; an stem) Or .-e- customMARY. ‘This prefix is not used throughout all the tenses or modes, as are the preceding, but has the office in itself of mak- ing a tense, as the suffixes generally have. Before vowels it generally appears as e, and that is probably its true form. In many cases it is connected with a consonant suggested by the following sound or another word-element, when it appears as 7. Its use marks the act or condition as customary or habitual, or at least as occurring more than once. tceecauw he is accustomed to catch with a net (¢e- deictic; -e cus- tomary; vaww stem) tcoewait he is accustomed to buy (¢c- deictic; d- first modal; -e cus- tomary; -zazt to buy, customary tense) 6. In the same group stand all pronominal objects. tc(u)hwow(?)twil(t)tte she will ask me for it (¢c- deictic; Aw- me; 0- first modal; -w- second modal; -z- third modal; w#/ to ask, definite tense; -z continuously; -¢e future; the letters in paren- theses represent glides) tanaiwosdower it cut him all to pieces (¢a- adverbial prefix of unknown significance; na- iterative; -2 deictic; -vd him; -s- sec- ond modal; dé to cut; -e2 emphatic) 7. n-. The use of this prefix is mostly confined to adjectives (see § 76). § 35. Second Modal Prefixes, Fifth Position There are three simple sounds which by their presence indicate whether the act is viewed as beginning, ending, or progressing. These sounds are not found in all forms of the same verb, but only in those tenses which refer to the act or state as one and definite. While it § 35 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 119 seems certain that these sounds do have the force mentioned above, it is found, by making comparisons, that they follow certain prefixes. In many cases the nature of the prefix requires the act to be thought of as beginning, ending, or progressing. The sound which is of most frequent occurrence is w. It stands at the beginning of a syllable, usually the one immediately preceding the root. The remainder of this syllable contains the subjective personal elements. Its initiatory force can be seen in the verbs wifiyat COME ON and wifiva WATER LIES THERE. This last verb can not be applied to a natural body of water, like the ocean, which has had no beginning. The following prefixes require w in the definite tenses: ya-, ye-, wa-, saé-, da-, de-d-, dis-. In a precisely parallel manner, 7 occurs as the initial of the inflected syllable under circumstances which point to the completion of the act. With wittyat (above) compare nifiyad IT ARRIVED. Most of the pre- fixes which require » to follow in the definite tenses require the act to be viewed as ending. They are the following: wa-, Le-, me-, na- (3), nd-, -tce-. Without the same exact parallelism of forms which obtains with the two mentioned above, a large number of verbs have s as the charac- teristic of the inflected syllable of the definite tenses. Most of these verbs clearly contain the idea of progression, or are used of acts which require considerable time for their accomplishment. The distributive prefix ¢e- is always followed by s, never by either of the other signs, and some of the prefixes listed above are used with s with a distine- tion in meaning: for example, xawinan he took a stone out of a hole (but watsyaz he came up a hill)" Excluding all the verbs which require one of these three sounds in the definite tenses, there remain a considerable number which have no definite tenses, and therefore no such sounds characterizing them. For the sake of convenience, the Hupa verbs have been divided into conjugations, according as they have one or the other of these sounds in the definite tenses or lack definite tenses entirely. There are, accord- ing to this arrangement, four conjugations: the first characterized by w, the second, by n; the third, by s; and the fourth lacking definite tenses. 1JIn one of the Eel river dialects the bringing home of a deer is narrated as follows: yigifigin he started carrying; yitesgin he carried along; yiningin he arrived carrying. Here we have g (corre- sponding to Hupa w), s, and m used with the same stem, expressing the exact shades one would expect in Hupa. § 35 120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 36. Pronominal Prefixes, Sixth Position Next in order are the sounds which indicate the person and number of the subject. These are sometimes changed and sometimes disap- pear, because of phonetic influences. First Person For tenses other than the definite, the sign of the first person sin- gular is w or -iw, which is in all cases appended to the preceding syl- lable. ‘This sound is related to the initial sound of the independent pronoun of the first person singular, hae, and is no doubt derived from it. In the definite tenses this form does not occur, but -e is found instead. The first person plural has @- for its sign. The remain- der of the syllable of which this is the initial is completed from the sound which follows it. . Second Person In the singular the form is -% or -77. The former is found when there is a sound preceding with which it can join, and the latter when no sound precedes, or when, for some reason, it can not unite with it. The sign seems to be dropped before 1 and / following in the same syllable, of which there are many cases. It is reasonable to suppose that this sign is connected with the independent pronoun of the sec- ond person singular, 227%. In nearly all cases, in the second person plural 0° is found as the vowel of the inflected syllable. This @ is strongly aspirated. The cases in which 3° is not found seem to be due to contraction, which always results in an aspirated vowel. An 0 of similar quality and with an aspiration occurs in the pronoun for the second person plural, ndhin. § 37. Third Modal Prefixes, Seventh Position Certain prefixes are found in many verbs immediately preceding the root, and suggest transitiveness or intransitiveness in the verb, or in some way point out the relation between the subject, predicate, and object. As the second modal prefixes are required in most cases by the adverbial prefix which precedes them, so these are necessitated by certain roots which follow them. When, however, a root is found with different prefixes preceding it, their force becomes apparent. Com- pare tcittetaL HE STEPPED ALONG with ¢ecttertal HE KICKED SOME- THING ALONG. The absence of a modal prefix in the first is connected §§ 36,37 ==” Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 121 with the intransitive meaning; and zis connected with a transitive force. Compare also kewintan ir stuck Fast (said of a bird alighting on pitch) and kewittan HE PUT PITCH ON SOMETHING. The 7 which in the first of these examples precedes the root, seems to be a vestige of a prefix of this order occurring in certain forms of the third person in a class of verbs where usually none is present. In nearly every case in which z is present, required by the root or not, a transitive force can be conceived for the verb, which is always active. No prefix, or 2 shown above, is found with intransitive verbs; but this is also true of a large number of transitive verbs. It is noticeable, however, that the transitive verbs which do not require a preceding z belong to those which, by the nature of the root, indicate the character of the object. Certain roots are always preceded by ¢ or d@ (the third class), and certain others by / (the fourth class). But it is found that those without a sign, or with the sign » of doubtful character, when changed to the passive, also take ¢ or d. In the same manner, verbs with z the surd, on becoming passive, change z to / the sonant. On the basis of these prefixes the verbs have been arranged in four classes: Class I has all intransitive and a certain class of transitive verbs, and has no characteristic prefix, unless it be x. Class II is composed entirely of transitive verbs, and has 1 as its characteristic. Class III contains the passives of Class I, and certain verbs not pas- sive, but possibly with passive leanings. Class IV is composed of the passives of Class II and certain other verbs which show the influence of some power outside of the apparent agent. SUFFIXES (§§ 38-44) § 38. Classification of Suffixes The suffixes employed with verbs differ from the prefixes in that their use is only occasional, while the prefixes are for the most part essential to the meaning of the verb, and are employed with all its forms. The suffixes are appended mostly to the present definite and present indefinite tense-forms. Most of them have a temporal, modal, or conjunctional force. § 38 122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 40 ey) § 39. Temporal Suffixes . ~a. This suffix is used with the forms of the present indefinite, and indicates that the act or condition was persistent through a lim- ited and definitely stated length of time. wilweL tsisdaux until night he stayed naiLits*’ he ran around (until morning) . ~winte. The suffixing of -winte to the forms of the present indefi- nite gives a meaning to the verb but little different from the customary tense, which has a prefix ¢-. It indicates that the act or condition is continuous, or at least takes place whenever cause arises. The customary may mean that the act has been done several times without regard to the regularity of the intervals. tcitwaLwinte they always dance -neen. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It states that the thing, act, or condition has ceased, or is about to cease, its existence. When used with verbs, it is usually appended to the forms of the present indefinite, and means that the act or condition was habitual or continual in the past, but has now ceased. auwtinneen I used to do that wessilyoneen you used to like (him) . -te. This is the suffix most commonly employed. It predicts a future act or condition, either as the result of the impulse of the agent, or the compelling force of some person or event. It takes the place, therefore, of English wit and sHaLu. It is appended, for the most part, to the forms of the definite present. meluwte Lam going to watch it dediwillate he will put it into the fire This suffix is sometimes preceded by a syllable containing the vowel ¢ standing between the root and -te. The prediction is said to be made with less assurance when it has this form. tcesdiyannete she may live to be old . -teL. This suffix seems to denote events in a nearer future than those expressed by -te. diwitlete. a party is coming to kill minesgitteL it will be afraid 295.7 § 39 noas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES #23 § 40. Temporal and Modal Suffixes Certain suffixes are temporal, but also have a modal force. 6. -et. In myths and tales the definite past occurs very frequently with an ending -e?, which regularly takes over the semi-vowels and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The younger Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any change in meaning that may be made by its addition. A comparison of the instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild emphasis, that the act, which has several times been ineffectually ttempted, has been successfully accomplished, or that something which has been several times done is now done for the last time. yawittennet she picked him up (after several attempts) 7. -él, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous over space by adding -z or -7z for the present, and -/ or -d/ for the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a syllable, often taking over the consonant which precedes. yaxowiLeaiL going along they track him tcdhweitte they will call (continually) tcuwittel he was bringing kytiwinytiil you ate along § 41. Modal Suffixes 8. -min. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurrence, indicates that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of some act yaitkimmin that they might catch it 9. -nee. The more positive and more frequent form of the impera- tive seems to have -neé suflixed to the regular form, implying the duty or mild necessity one is under to do the act. ottsainee dry them yeintitnee you must step in 10. -hwtn. To express a moral responsibility or necessity, -hwit% is suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present. donéyahwii I can not stay © tasyahwit one ought to go away 11. -sillen. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occurrence was imminent, but did not result. yawinettssillen he nearly flew §§ 40, 41 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 12. -newan. The suflix -newan indicates that the act is done, but with difficulty. datciwonnetintenewan one can hardly look at 13. -dee. For the expression of a future condition, -deé is employed. adendeé if he sings axoladeé if it happens 308.1 14. -detc. This suffix, which occurs but rarely, seems to indicate a less probable and more general future condition. teissetwindete if he kills 15. -mifviinne. For the expression of the result of supposed condi- tions contrary to fact, -mzfiznne is employed. dodaxoatinmininne (people) would never have died § 42. Suffixes Indicating Source of Information Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the fact stated was observed, or whether it was inferred from evidence. 16. -e. The vowel -e, standing by itself or preceded by the consonant or semi-vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates that the object or act is within the view of the speaker. mewintanne he stuck to it (he saw) 17. -tsu, -tse. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing or feeling, -¢se is appended to the present definite, and -tsz to the past definite. neitwgittse I feel afraid adentsté’ he heard it say 18. -wolan. A fact inferred from evidence is expressed by the suffix -zolan. Since the act is viewed as already completed, the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. , Lenanillaxolan he had built a fire (he saw) 19. -xdliin. This suffix is said to differ from the preceding only in the fact that the evidence is more certain. vilaxolin grass has grown up (the fact is certain, for the grass is there, although the growing of it was not seen) § 43. Conjunctional Suffixes A few suffixes are conjunctional. Their union with the verb seems to be rather loose. §§ 42, 43 . 4 ; ; a BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 125 20. -hit. The suffixing of -Ac¢ to the verb has the effect of making it part of a subordinate temporal clause. yexontnhit when they ran in tceinsithit when he woke up 21. -méiL. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -Azt. yitsin ecetamiL west (the sun) used to be then 22. -tsit. This suffix, which occurs seldom, means that the act expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before some other contemplated act. kitiytntsit eat first § 44. Adverbial Suffixes There are two suflixes which appear to be adverbial. 23. -he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or a condi- tional statement. It is comparable to English in THE LKasvT, or French pas, in negative clauses. doadiiwinnehe don’t say that tciwiytnilhe even if he eat it 94. -ka, -Qk. These suffixes signify LIKE, IN THE MANNER OF. atenka the way they do nesedaitik the way I sat VERBAL ROOTS (§§ 45-50) § 45. Variation of Verbal Roots The greater number of verbal roots undergo a change of form or length, for the most part connected with the changes of mode or tense. In a few cases there is also a change within the mode or tense for the persons. For number, the change, when present, is not an alteration of the root, due to phonetic or morphological causes, but a substitu- tion, in the dual and plural, of a root altogether different from that in the singular. Sometimes the changes in the root mark off the definite tenses from the indefinite; in other cases the customary and impotential are differ- ent also in the form of the root from the present indefinite and imper- ative; and in a few cases, the impotential alone has a form longer than or different from that found elsewhere in the verb. The indefinite pres- ent and imperative are the weakest of all in the form of their roots. Of the definite tenses, the past is usually longer than the present, and §§ 44, 45 126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 is characterized by stronger vowels: for example, @ is found in the past instead of @, and e instead of z; and the diphthong a and au appear for a Some roots which end in ¢ in the past do not have that ending in the present. A number of roots, many of them containing the vowel 2, do not change in form or length. It is extremely difficult to trace these variations of the root to their causes. It is altogether probable that -w, which is the final sound in many roots of the indefinite tenses, is to be connected with -c (sh) or -s (which occurs in the same roots and the same tenses in Tolowa and other Athapascan dialects). It is therefore, in all likelihood, the remains of a former suffix. It is most likely that -x and -%, which are so characteristic of the definite tenses, are not original parts of the root. In fact, what seems to be the same root often occurs with- out the nasals. The difference between the past and present definite is almost certainly due to the accent, which is on the root in the past and on the syllable preceding the root in the present. This in turn may be due to the fact that the latter is often used with suffixes. The most important verbal roots are given below with their varia- tions and what is deemed the most characteristic meaning of each. § 46. Roots with Four Forms The following roots have the past detinite in -en; the present defi- nite, in -27,; the impotential, customary, and present indefinite and unexcepted forms of the imperative, in -i#w, and the third person imperative, in -e. -Wen, -wih, -wiiw, -we (3d imp.) to carry on the back -Wen, -wih, -wiiw, -we (3d imp.) to move or to wave fire -ten, -tin, -tiiw, -te (1st and 3d imp.) to lie down Two roots have -% for the impotential and customary, with -e for present indefinite and imperative. -len, -litt, -lii, -le to become, to be, to be transformed -lau, -la, -lii, -le to do something, to arrange according to a plan § 47. Roots with Three Forms The following have the first form for the past definite, the second form for the present definite; and the third form for the indefinite tenses. Some exceptions are noted. -Ean, -®0h, -eaww to transport round objects -an, -G7%, -auw to run, to jump (with plural subject only) §§ 46, 47 2 Se) eee BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 127 -yan, -ytn, -yauw. to eat -ran, -vtih, -rauw to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net -tan, -tin, tiw to handle or move a long object -tan, -tin, -tiiw to split -wen, -win, -we to kill -ten, tii, tiw to move or to carry in any way a person or animal -tewen, -tewii, -tcwe to make, to arrange, to grow, to become -yat, -yd, -yauw to go, to come, to travel about (1st and 3d imp. in -y@) -lai, -la, -ltiw to move or transfer a number of objects -lai, -la, -liiw to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe -hwai, -hwa, -hwauw to walk, to go, to come (imp. has -/Azwa) The following have the definite tenses with -Z, the customary impo- tential with -/, and the present indefinite and imperative with -z :'— -wal, -wil, -wit to strike, to throw, to scatter -weL, -wil, -wit relating to the passing of night -meL, -mil, -mit to strike, to throw, to drop -deL, -dil, -dit to go, to come, to travel (plural only) -deL, -dil, -dit to strike -taL, -til, -ttit to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot -tseL, -tsil, -tsit to pound, as with a hammer or maul §48. Roots with Two Forms These roots, with a few exceptions, have the past definite, impoten- tial, and customary with the first form, and the remaining tenses with the other. A ~ First Type, -an, -u7 -yan, -yam% to live, to pass through life -yan, -yai to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion -wan, -wtii to sleep -lan, -liw to quit, to leave, to desist -lan, -lai7i to be born -nan, -nim to drink -xan, -wii to be sweet or pleasant to the taste -tan, -tivi to eat (3d person singular only) -tan, -tivi relating to any wax or waxlike substance -tsan, -tsti7i to find, to see -tewan, -tcwtii relating to the eating of a meal in company -han, -kivi to put on edge, to lean up 1 That the form with z is due to a final aspiration and that with L to glottal action seems reason- able. The cause of this, if not due to vanished suffixes, must be looked for in accent. § 48 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40° Second Type, -en, -i% -en, -t7 to look -en, -% to do, to act, to deport one’s self -yen, -yi to stand on one’s feet -len, -lii to flow, to run (said of any liquid) -men, -min to fill up, to make full -hwen, -hwit to melt -sen, -sii to think, to know (1st and 2d persons only) -den, -din to travel in company -den, -din to be light, to blaze -ten, -tim to do, to perform an act -tewen, -tcwinm to smell, to stink, to defecate -tewen, -tewiti to want food or sexual gratification, to desire Third Type, -ai, -a -€qai (impoten. and past), -é@ to be in position -yai (impoten.), -ya to move about, to undertake -wai (impoten.), -wa to go, to go about (3d person only) -dai (impoten. and past def.), -da to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish -tewat (impoten. and past def.), -tcwa to handle or move many small pieces, to dig, to bury, to paw the ground kai (impoten. and cust.), -ka to get up from a reclining or sitting position E Fourth Type, -au, -a' -au, -a to sing -yau, -ya to do, to follow a line of action, to be in a plight -dau, -da to melt away, to disappear -tau, -ta to hover, to settle, to fly around Fifth Type, -i, -e! — -li, -le to make an attack, to form a war-party -li, -le to dive, to swim under water -Li, -Le to handle or to do anything with asemi-liquid, dough- like substance -nii, -ne to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way -xu, -xe to finish, to track, to overtake -djeu, -dje to fly in a flock -tu, -te to sing in a ceremony -tsii, -tse to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble -tewt, -tcewe to cry, to weep § 48 10riginally -ag -a‘, and -eg -e’; therefore similar to the following -at -a. BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 129 Sixth Type, -at, -a -wat, -wa to shake itself (said of a dog) -lat, -la to float -Lat, -La to run, to jump -xait, -xai to buy -teat, -tca to be sick, to become ill -kait, -kai to cause to project, to push, to pole a canoe, to shoot, to fall forward from weakness (i. e., to starve) -kyot, -kyo to flee, to run away -tsut, -tsa to sit down Seventh Type, -l, -L -2l, -iL to swim, to dive (plural only) -yol, -you to blow with the breath -wal, -wat to shake a stick, to dance -lal, -lat to dream, to sleep -nel, -next to play -nol, -noL to blaze -hwal, -hwat to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook -hwil, -hwit to call by name, to name -xal, -vaL to dawn -dil, -dit to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow -tsel, -tset to be or to become warm -kil, -kit to split with the hands -gol, -goL to crawl, to creep Eighth Type, -ts, -s -mats, -mas to roll, to coil -xtits, -xtis to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw -tats, -tiis to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open. to dress eels Ninth type, -te, -w -atc, -auw to move in an undulating line -gotc, -gow to throw, like a spear -gotc, gow to run like a wolf § 49. Roots with One Form A few of these vary in length, but those having the vowels i and #% and some others do not. -eL to have position (plural only) -viw to drop -its to shoot an arrow -its to wander about -ait to move flat flexible objects -ya to stand on one’s feet (plural only) § 49 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—_9 130 § 49 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 -ye to dance -yeuw to rest -yeuw to rub, to knead -yits to entangle -yo to like -yow to flow, to scatter -yot to chase, to bark after -wauw to talk, to make a noise (plural only) -was to shave off -wis to twist, to rotate -wite to rock sidewise -le to feel with the hands -lel to carry more than one animal or child in the hands © -lel to bother -lit to burn -lite to urinate -lik to relate, to tell acennane -loié to tie, to wrap around — -los to drag, to pull along -liiw to watch, to stand guard over -Lit to cause to burn -meé to swim -men to cause to swim -medj to cook by boiling -mit to turn over, to place one’s self belly up or down -mit to break out (as a spring of water), to break open -na to cook by placing before the fire -na to move -ne to gather nuts ‘from the ground) -niw to hear -hwet to dig -xa to have position (said of water or a liquid) -xtit to hang -xtit to tear down -xiits to bite, to chew -sit to wake -daé to be poor in flesh -daé to carry, to move (said of a person or animal) -daié to bloom -dik to peck -dits to twist into a rope -do to cut, to slash -d6o to dodge, to draw back -djim to mind, to be bothered by something -teé to look for, to search after -teé to carry around 3 | BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES -te to remain in a recumbent position -tetc to lie down (plural only) -tits to use a cane -to& referring to the movement or-position of water -tot to drink -tu to beg -tiw to split -tik to count -teé to have some particular form, appearance, or nature -tikh to tie with a string 131 -to relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of which one is inserted into or withdrawn from the other -tsai to be or to make dry -tsas to swing a stick about, to whip -tseé to open or shut a sliding door -tseé to stay, to live (plural only) -tsis to be hanging -tsis to find, to know -tsit to know a person or some fact or legend -tsit to fall, to sink -tsit to soak acorn-meal -tsit to pull out a knot -tsit to wait -tceé to blow (said of the wind) -tcit to die -tctit to strip off, to take bark from a tree -tewit to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one’s self -tewog to sweep -tewiw to smell of -git to be afraid of, to be frightened -git to travel in company -kas to throw -ket to creak -kis to put one’s hand on, to stab, to spear -kit to catch with the hands, to take away -kit to hang, to spread,- to settle (said of fog) -kit to feed, to give food to any one -kaite to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny -kyaé to wear a dress -kya to perceive by any of the senses -kyas to break, to cause to break -kyos to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible -gal to walk (3d person only) -got to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke -got to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly § 49 Loe -BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 50. Meaning of Roots In regard to meaning, roots fall into at least three classes. (1) A few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed; while the gen- | eral nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which pre- cedes the root. For example, -¢c¢s (a verbal root identical with the ~ noun ¢2¢s A CANE) occurs in the verb tct¢tertits HE WALKED WITH A CANE. (2) A rather large number of roots, while not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it belongs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. The most important of these are the following: -Ean, -®t, -eauw round objects -tt flat and flexible -wen, -win,-wiw fire -lat, -la, -liiw several of any kind -lel several children or animals -Lti, -Le dough -ran, -xtin, -wauw liquid -da a person or animal -tan, -tini, -tuw a long object -ten, -tin, -tiiw person, animal, or animal product -tan, tii wax or waxlike -tcewat the soil -kyos, flat and flexible object These verbal roots are rigidly restricted in their applicability to objects of definite form, including in this category number. This classification has reference to the appearance of objects as ROUND, FLAT AND FLEXIBLE, LONG AND SLIM, ANIMATE, PLURAL. In the intransitive verb this has reference to the form of the subject; in the transitive verb, to the form of the object. (3) Most if not all the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible, with no knowl- edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little access to the related languages, to define exactly the meaning of many of the roots. § 51. Analysis of Verbal Forms A few of the more complex forms are analyzed in the following table in accordance with the general discussion of the formative ele- ments contained in the preceding sections. §§ 50, 51 in ee ee he Ee ie ee 133 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES rl 1a *8°022 TINOILD oy} poye[dutos oy whi p Tl ae i fee i aie DU aT °O? "ST'91G 9B HOOT [ITAL OAL ayT up i Pp m u Du ‘EL ZhZ 99S plnood ouo ua 3 A D CLT PLTLT ABMB YOO} AOYY up> u n p Dh\n. aa eee OD. “6 OTT pooy HoT AOU ups U u PY pi| Dvwou "SLPS IE OABOT T minx m a Du ow “LV'L9% ULBSB YOYVAL [TA | ay mn} m Du ‘aut ‘9'GTE O10YS 0} YORBG poyvoy If WILY YPLM i) 70) pu Du ‘aut “Tox "ST'08% OUI 0} UY} Sutaq 4,u0p ay qn) 1=3 mn” u wn ‘my ‘op ~ “Z'Shs possed yy stu oy} 4yq3ru oq) pueds [[rM ] a4 Tan 2 =: ae ey "L'e0% wry ydoys y1=doojs 0} JuoM oY UDN=UudY u nm oy ox “LT 901 no wiry pornd oy Ton 1 a} Ox 29} ‘OP TST 1043030) oF [[pM Loyd aq sph 1 u y a “EL'GST MBS OF ‘SUOTR SULY[BA SBA OT wojox ‘ati vh $ aq oy } "1908 9ULOd 0} pasn oy wa au phi u u y “PLS MOA YUL O38 T [LA T 4 ph a 8 ey TU "EL'ZOL ULBS¥ JNO OUIBO OY wh p w Du a0} "p'O1g 107BA\ UT puvys Loy} phi 1 Pp Du ‘ap “ST'91Z 9B HOOT [ILA oar ay “TL Ww 7 10J ] P m au Du °C'LPG OSTMSSOLO TOY} ABT T Ta m u x DU Dp ‘9 IST WoRG uvs AoYY uD u nm D Ox ‘Du “Dp °8°G1Z If OABOT PMOYS ou 4 une u u 4 a wan Deniow 9°01Z 41 poovyd oy up wu nm 27 Dp ap ‘2 ‘7 ‘u s‘u‘m | ‘up Ja‘o 'y ‘yootqns ‘s[BpouL ‘yoalqo “xing : 1048 ae PALL panenee pugaey aoe SILA “onored AAEDY. ‘SWHO,, IVAUTA AO SISATVNY 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBULL. 40 § 52. Tenses and Modes While the time, reality, and definiteness of the act or condition may be expressed by means of suffixes and variations in the root, the same distinctions of meaning are drawn from the form of the complete verb. Without taking into account the suffixes, the following tense or mode forms exist: present indefinite, imperative, impotential, customary, present definite, and past definite. The first four of these are clearly marked off from the last two, in meaning, by the fact that they do not refer to a single definite act. They differ in form, in most cases, in the root and in the sign of the first person singular. The name of present indefinite has been chosen to distinguish the present of wider use and of less discrimination as to the time of the action, from the present definite, which affirms a single actas just com- pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed, when such acts consume appreciable time, or of acts desired or intended. The real imperative forms, the second person singular and plural, are identical with those of the indefinite present, while the forms of the third person, expressing the wish that some person be compelled to perform the act, are different from those of the indefinite present. The impotential deals with future negative acts in a sweeping way, implying that it is impossible that they should take place. Part of this force is given the form by déxoli7, which precedes the verb, mean- ing ir 1s Nor. The form of the verb itself in this mode-tense is not different from the present indefinite, except that it often has a longer or stronger form of the root. The customary differs from the present indefinite in the presence of an element (consisting of a single vowel, probably -e-) which stands before the signs of person and number, and sometimes in form of the root. Its meaning, as the name implies, is that the act is habitual, or at least several times performed. It is used almost entirely of past acts. The definite present and past differ from each other only in the form and length of the root. The past has the longer and stronger form of the root, if it be variable at all. The accent seems to rest on the root in the past, and on the syllable before the root in the present. They refer to individual, completed acts,—the present as just com- pleted; and the past, of more remote time. On the forms of the present definite by means of suffixes, the future, future conditional, and other tenses and modes are built. § 52 BOAS] co bo ke wb HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Conjugations (§§ 53-75) § 58. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1A tcexauw HE IS CATCHING Singular TUWLAUW UNLAUW CcexrauUw Yrxxauw Singular tCOLAUW YOLAUD Singular CLUWLAUW CENLAUW CCECELHAUW YeeLAUW Singular WeELUN WiRLUT teuwinxin yuwinxun Present Indefinite Imperative Customary Definite Plural itdexauw 0 eau YALauUw YUxauw Plural yatcorauw Yyaryouauw Plural eitdexauw €0 LAUW Yyaexauw Yarexauw, Plural witdextin wo xtiin yawinxin yarwinacan § 54. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1B yamas HE IS ROLLING OVER Singular YAUWMAS yammas yamas yamas Singular yaiummas yatmmas Yyatmmas yaimmas Singular yarmas yawimmas yawimmas yawimmas Present Indefinite Customary Definite Plural yadimmas ya mas yayamas yayamas Plural yaitdimmas yao Mas yayaimmas yayaimmas Plural yawitdimmas yawo mas yayawimnmas yayawimmas. §§ 53, 54 136 In this division of the conjugation there is a contraction in the 2d BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY § 55. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1C person singular of the definite tenses. naLit HE IS CHARRING (BULL. 40 Definite ; Singular Plural 1. natiit nawitdiLitit 2. nantit nawo Lit 3. nawinrit nayawiniit 3a. naiwintit nayarwinLit § 56. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1D kitttis HE CUTS OPEN Present Indefinite Singular Plural 1. kyuwtiis hitdittis 2. kintiis kyo tis 3. kittis yakittiis 3a. yrkittis yarkittiis Imperative Singular Plural 3. kyotiis yakyotis : 3a. yikyotis yaikyotis | Customary Singular Plural 1. kettiwtis, ete. keitditis, ete. Definite Singular Plural 1. hetats kytwitdittats 2. kytwintats kytiawo tats 3. kintats yakintats 3a. yikintats yatkintats § 57. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 1E tcowat HE IS BUYING Present Indefinite Singular Plural 1. duwaai odexai 2. onwar 0 war 3. tcouae tcoyaxar 3a. youar yoyaxar Customary Singular Plural 1. d¢tiwaart ditdexart, ete. §§ 55-57 BOAS] Singular ovxar OnxaL teonxar 3a. yorRuar ait county Definite HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 187 Plural Owitdexat Owo wat tcoyanuar yoyanaar § 58. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 2 The several conjugations differ from one another in regard to the definite tenses only. noninit HE PUT A BLANKET DOWN Singular nonaut noninit noninit Ba. noininit Sa § 59. Definite Plural nondait nono tt noyaniiit noyaininiat CLASS I, CONJUGATION 2, WITH A CHANGED ROOT tcenthya HB IS COMING OUT Singular tcenéya tcentiiyd tcenitiya 8a. tciniya ee Definite Dual tcenedeL tcend deL teentiideL teindeL Plural tcenedeL tcend deL tceyanindeL tceytindeL § 60. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 3A teislové HE IS TYING Singular selové sallové teislové 3a. yisloré eee Definite Plural sitdillove so love yaislove yarislovt § 61. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 3B tceittetal HE IS STEPPING ALONG Singular teseta.L tesintaL teittetaL 8a. yrttetaL Peee ee Definite Plural tesdittaL teso tal yatetaL yartetaL §§ 58-61 138 oder & BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY § 62. CLASS I, CONJUGATION 4 nata HE HAS IT Singular ~ NAUWER NUTEA NAEA . naita Singular . natceoea nays oem Singular NAIUWED NANEA NAAED nNaiaea Present Imperative Customary Plural nadata e na €a NAYAta nayarea Plural nayatceotea nayay ora Plural naitdata NAO Ea nayaaea nayaraea § 63. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 1A yetciLdaé' HE IS CARRYING IN A LARGE OBJECT Singular yeitwda yeitda . yetcitda yeytLda Singular yetcoLda yeyoLda Singular . yeeitiwda yeeitda yetceitda yeyeiLda Singular yeweLda yewiLda yetciwitda yeyuwitda Present Indefinite Imperative Customary Definite Plural yeitdilda yeoLda yeyaiLda yeyaritda Plural yeyatcoLda yeyaryoLda Plural yeeitdilda yeeoLda yeyaiLda yeyauLtda Plural yewrtdilda yewoLda yeyawiLda yeyaiwiLtda - [BULL. 40 1It is probable but not quite certain that the glottal stop occurs finally in the root in all forms of the verb. §§ 62, 63 BOAS] er ac HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES § 64. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 1C yaiLwiL HE THREW INTO THE AIR Singular yauwweaL yaLwaL YAtLwaL YALwaL Singular yatcoLwaL YyaloLwaL Singular yaitiwwtl yairweal yairwil yariLwil Singular yaiLwal yatwaLl yawiLwaLl yaiwitwal Present Indefinite Imperative Customary Definite Plural yadilwtt YaLwaL yayaiLwaL yayarLwuL Plural yayatcoLwaL yayaroLwat Plural yaitdiulwal yaoLwtl yayaiLwal yayariLwil Plural yawitdilwaL yawoLwaLl yayawiLwa Ll yayaiwitwaL § 65. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 2 meiLve’ HE IS FINISHING Singular muwnret miLxet metLxete mariLaxet Singular metcoLwete meyoLxeée Singular MEVUWLU MELLLU MELLUU MULLEN Present Indefinite Imperative Customary Plural medilxet MeELXLEE mayarLxet meyarLxe Plural meyatcoLxe® meyayoLaxee Plural meitdilat MeOLXU meyaiLeu meyariLet 139 §§ 64, 65 140 oo bo 3 = BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Definite Singular meneLvee meneLvete MeENULXEE mini Lee Plural mindilxet MeENOLxEE mMeyaniLxee meyaini Lee § 66. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 3A The indefinite tenses do not differ from Conjugation 1. . go bo pt 3a. Se ge 3a. SS es I es 3a. $$ 66-68 naiseit HE IS TEARING DOWN Definite Singular Plural naseLxat nasdilxtt nasiLent - NASOLxAt naisxit nayaisxit naisxtt nayarsxat § 67. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 3B tcisseLwift HE IS KILLING Definite Singular Plural SeSELWtit sesdilwin SESTLWIN SeSOLWih tcisseLwin YyaseLwin YisseLwin yaiseLwin § 68. CLASS II, CONJUGATION 4 naiLttsifi HE IS FINDING Present Singular Plural nauwtsiin nadiltsan NALtSON naLtsan naiLtsan nayacLtsan narLtsair nayarLtstin Imperative Singular Plural natcoLtsin nayatcoLtsun naoLtstin nayaoLtstn Customary Singular Plural naitwtsan naitdiltsan NALLtsan naoLtsan naiLtsan nayaiLtsan naiiLtsan nayariLtsan BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES oleh 3a. Seer es. olay eva oa. § 69. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 1 yadeqot HE IS DODGING Present Indefinite Singular yauwdegot . ytindegot yadeqot . yadikgot Imperative Singular yatcodegot . yaodeqgot Customary Singular yaiuwdegot yaindegot yaitgot yaitqgot Singular yauwdegot yandegot yawitgot yatgot Definite Plural yadiikgot ya deqot yayadeqot yayadiikgot Plural yayatcodeqot yayaodeqot Plural yaitdegot yao deqot yayaitgot yayaitgot Plural yawrtdeqot yawo deqot yayawitgot yayatqgot § 70. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 2 naniteauw HE IS BRINGING IT BACK Present Indefinite Singular nauwdetauw nandetauw nanittauw . nainittauw Imperative Singular nanodetauw . nainodetauw Customary Singular naneitwdetauw naneindetauw naneiteauw naineittauw Plural nanedeeauw nano deeauw nayaniteauw nayainiteauw Plural nayano detauw nayainodetauw Plural naneedetauw SSG nanoo detauw nayaneiteauw nayarneiteauw 141 §§ 69,70 142 i 9 al 3 3a The forms for the definite tenses are like those given for Class ITI, Conjugation 1 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Definite Singular nauwdeenn . nandettin . naindeetrn . nainindethii § 71. CLASS III, CONJUGATION 3 naisdeqgot HE IS TUMBLING ABOUT Definite [BULL. 40 Plural nanedetanin nano‘ deetn nayaindet tin nayainindee hic Re Singular Plural 1. nasdakgot nasedeqot 2. nasindegot naso deqgot 3. naisdeqot nayaisdegot 3a. nasdikgot nayasdikgot § 72. CLASS IV, CONJUGATION 1 nailyetw HE RESTS Present Indefinite Singular Plural 1. nauwyeuw nadilyeiw 2. niilyenw NALYCUw 3. nailyeuw naydailyeiw 3a. nalyeuw nayalyctiw Imperative Singular Plural 3. natcolyeiw nayatcolyetw 8a. nayolyeiw nayayolyeiw Customary Singular Plural 1. naitiwyeiw naitdilyetiw 2. nailyeiw NAOLYCUW 3. nailyetiw nayailyeuw 3a. noilyenw nayailyenw Definite Singular Plural 1. nauwyeiw nawitdilyetiw 2. nalyeuw NAWOLYCUW 3. nawilyeiw nayawilyekw 3a. nalyeiw nayalyeiw §§ T1, 72 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1 2. 3 § 73. CLASS IV, CONJUGATION 3 nadilii HE IS WATCHING FOR IT Present Indefinite Singular naduwin nadilin nadilin nacdilin Singular nadolin naidolin Singular nadetuwen nadeilen nadeilen naideilen Singular nadiwesti nadiuwesilin nadiiwesin naidiiwesin Imperative Customary Definite Plural naditdilin nadoLin nayadilin nayardilin Plural nayadolin nayardolin Plural nadeitdilen nadooLen nayadeilen nayaideilen Plural nadiwesdilin nadiwesoLin nayadiiwesini nayardiwesth § 73 143 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 §74. OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION yahwitttiw HE IS PICKING ME UP Present Indefinite First person singular Second person singular Third person singular (object) (object) (object) Subject: ne yinniiwtiw yaxowtiw Singular. . 2 papas: e ye yaso Lei 3. yahwirtiw ytinnetci rtiw yaxd Ltiw 3a. yaihwirtiw yinnirtiw yaixd Ltiw at yannitdiltiw yaxotdiltiw Biwi. 2; yahwo Ltt 3 ta yoro Tatas 3. yayahwilliw yaytinnetciLtiw yayaxoLltiw 3a. yayathwirtiw yaiytinniltiw yayaixd Ltiw Imperative Singular... 3. yahwortiw ytiinnetc Ltiiw yaxd Ltiw 3a. yathwoLtiw yanno Ltiw yaixotiztiw Plaral 3. yayahwo Ltiw yaytnnetcd Ltiw yayaxd Ltiw 3a. yayathwo rtiw yaiyinnd Lttiw yayaixd tiw Customary He yinneiiwtiw yaxotinwtiw 2. yahweiltiw axoti Ltt, Singular... ot i . ima “ as a 3. yahweirtiw ytinnetcei Ltiw yaxotiLtiw 3a. yaihweirtiw yinneizttuw yaixdtittiuw ile yanneitdiltiw yaxoitdiltiw 2. yahwoo Ltiiw yaxoo Ltuw Ploralie ns a ree ae ee 3. yayahweirtiw yayunneiLtiw yayaxotiztuw 3a. yayaihweirtiw yaytnnei Ltiw yayaixotirtiw Definite iF yunne tin yaxweltin 3 2. yahwiwirtin yaxowiLtin Singular... rae Seine =e 3. yahwirtin yinnetciltin yaxo tin 3a. yathwirtin yunnistin yaixd Ltin yonniwitdiltin yaxowitdiltin 2. yahwiwoltin yaxdwo tin Plurall=.-: aye : = oe 3. yayahwirtin yaytunnetciLtin yayaxd 1tin 8a. yayathwirtin yatyainnixtin yayaixo Ltin BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 145 OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION—Continued. yahwittiw HE IS PICKING ME UP Present Indefinite First person plural Second person plural Third person plural (object) (object) (object) Subject: : - ale yunnohwiwliw yayaxowliw , 2. yinnohalliw yayaxolliw Singular..; . ita sai a PN ae 3. yunnoteilliiw yunnotcilliw yayaxolliw 3a. yunnohilliw yunnohilliw yayaixolliw 1 yinnohitidilliw yayaxotdilliw ») . 4 A Adar ry ‘y andar 2. yunnoho'liw yayaxo' liw Plime 4S Pe ee See sae 3. yaytnnoteilliw yayunnoteilliw yayaxolliw 3a, yaiytinnohilliw yaiyinnohillaw yayaixolliw Imperative 5 ( 3. yannotcdliw yannotcoliw yayaxolliw Singular. -{ eye Sre ds PSOE es ees \3a. yunnoholiw yinnoholiw yayataolliw Plural 3. yaytnnotcoliiw yayunnotcoliw yayaxdlliw “""|Ba. yaiytinnoholiw yaiytnnoholiw yayatxolliw Customary ts yunnoheiiwliw yayaxotiinwliw ; 2. yinnoheilliw ayaxotilliw Singular... de jh ioeles Saat Fe LA sible Pata 3. yannotceillaw yunnotceilliw yayaxotilliw 38a. yannoheilliw yunnoheilliw yayaixotilliw ile, yannoheitdilliw yayaxotitdilliw 2. ytinnohed' liw yayaxdo liiw iam 4) Boge id: me yaya Vian 3. yaytinnotceilliw yayunnotceilliw yayaxotilliw 3a. yatyinnoheilliw yaiyunnoheilliw yayatxotilliw Definite alk yinnohela yayaxwella e 2. yinnowilla yayaxo willa Singular...) . Sy Pe % 3. yunnotcilla yunnotcilla yayaxolla 3a. yunnohilla yunnohilla yayatxolla iF yannowitdilla yayaxowitdilla 2. ytinnowd'la ayaxdowd' la hora... : . Sy ry. nen: de 2 | 3. yaytinnotcilla yaytinnotcilla yayaxolla 3a. yatytinnohilla yaiyunnohilla yayatxolla The past definite has —lai for its root. § T4 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —10 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 75. PASSIVE VOICE yaxowitii HE IS CARRIED OFF The present indefinite seems to have no forms for the passive voice. Impotential Singular Plural 1. doxolin yahweldittiw doxolin yinnohitliw 2. yinneldittiw yinnohitliw 3. yaxoldittum yayaxotliw 3a. yildittuw yayatliw Customary Singular Plural 1. yahweildittiw yinnoheitliw 2. ytneildittiw yinnoheitliw 3. yaxorildittiw _ yayaxotitliw 3a. yaeildittuw yayaitliw Singular Plural 1. yahwiwiltin ytnnowitla 2. ydnniwiltin yannowitla 3. yaxowiltin yayaxowitla Ba. yaltrn yayatla Adjectives (§§ 76-78) The qualifying adjectives in Hupa are very closely linked with the verbs. They are fully conjugated, indicating by internal changes the person and number of the subject qualified, and by changes of tense whether the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. § 76. Prefixes of Adjectives The prefixes of the adjectives consist of a single sound, and are found only in the present. They seem to classify the adjectives according to the degree of connection of the quality with the noun. The principal prefixes are the two following: ‘ 1. n- used mostly of inherent qualities, such as dimensions. nuwnes I am tall niwhwor lam good niwdas | am heavy nuwtet | am broad nuwtewin I am dirty nuwkyaod I am large 2. L- used for the more accidental qualities, such as color, and condi- tion of flesh. Ltiiwkat I am white tiwkau I am fat §§ 75, 76 tittso it is blue, yellow, or green Lihwin it is black BOAS | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES § 77. Comparison of Adjectives 147 The superlative, the only form employed, is expressed by pre- fixing dad-, the second syllable being completed in harmony with the following sound : hai dadinnes the longest hai dadittriikkau the fattest Singular 1. niiwdas 2. nindas 3. teindas 3a. netdas Singular 1. cuwdas? 2. indas 3. tcodas 3a. yodas Singular 1. evtiwdas* 2. eindas 3. tceitdas 3a. eitdas Singular i 2. windas 3. tetwindas 3a. windas . hat dadittsit the shortest Present Definite Imperative Customary Past wiwdas (or wedas) § 78. Conjugation of Adjectives nitdas IT IS HEAVY Plural nitditdas no das yaindas yanitdas Plural itditdas 0 das yatcodas yayodas Plural eitditdas eo das yaitdas yaeitdas Plural witditdas wo das yawindas yandas Syntactic Particles (§§ 79-86) § 79. Personal Pronouns hai dadikkyao the largest, ete. The personal pronouns in their independent form are used chiefly for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incorporation of the object into the verb, and its inflection to show the subject, reduce to the minimum the need of pronouns as independent words. 1 Let me be heavy. 2I become heavy (each season). §§ 77-79 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The pronoun for the first person singular is Awe, which serves for both subject and object. All other Athapascan languages have a word phonetically related to this. In Tolowa the word is c@, in Car- rier, sz; and in Navaho, c2. The plural of the first person is nehe. It may be used of the speakers when more than one, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead of hwe and nehe, longer forms (hweem and neheen) often occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle e%, which points to a person, contrasting him with another. The second person singular is nz, and the plural ndhen. It is probable that originally there was no personal pronoun for the third person, its place being taken by the demonstratives and by incor- poratedand prefixed forms. In speaking of adult Hupa, when emphasis is required #07 occurs. This appears to be wd-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and em mentioned above. For the plural, yaxwen is sometimes heard. § 80. Possessive Pronouns Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the qualified noun to express possession. For the first and second person, Awe and nif are represented by Aw- and n-, which are completed according to the sounds which follow them. The first and second persons plural - are represented by one and the same syllable, 7d-, which may be pre- fixed without changing its form to any noun. The third person sin- gular has #d- prefixed when an adult Hupa is referred to, but m- (receiv- ing the same treatment as /w- and n- above), when the reference is to a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things, m- is also sometimes used, but for the former £- seems to be more frequent. When the pos- sessor of the object is not known, #- is also employed. A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity exists. The form is ad- of which d is the initial sound of a syllable completed according to the sound which follows it. § 81. Demonstrative Pronouns The demonstrative pronouns for the nearer person or object, which must be in sight, are ded, hatded, and haide, which do not differ in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight or not, is referred to by yd or hatyd. Still more remote is you, which is employed of places rather than of persons. §§ 80, 81 eee BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 149 The Hupa employ ia? referring to persons or things, singular or plural, in a manner that falls between our use of ¢hat (the demonstra- tive) and the (the definite article). It is employed before the third person of the possessive where our idiom does not require an article. § 82. Adjective Pronouns There are a number of words, equivalent in meaning to ALL, EVERY, SEVERAL, ete., which stand alone, the person or thing limited by them being understood from the context. The most important of these are the following: atin all dittihwee nobody a tinne all people diitihwoe somebody a tinxotinte everything dihwoé something a tinkatinte every kind dihwee nothing a tindii every place dintiihwon several people xvodaidehe anything diririnhwoé several things § 83. Numerals The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan languages, most of which have cognate words for five also. From five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily analyzed. Ten (mnzii) means ENOUGH FoR It. The numerals above ten are made by expressing addition for the numbers lying between the decimal terms and by multiplication for those terms. The meaning of zaé¢tdikkin, one hun- dred, is not evident. No higher numbers exist, but the hundreds may be enumerated to a thousand or more. A special termination is used when enumerating people. This seems to be an old suffix, -n? or -ne, meaning PEOPLE. Compare zaé and Liwin, nae and nanin, tak and takin, ditik and dirikin, and tewdlaé and t¢cwolane, the numerals from one to five, for things and people respectively. §S4. Adverbs Notwithstanding that place and time relations are freely expressed by means of verbal prefixes, a large number of adverbs are employed. These are for the most part closely connected with demonstrative pronouns in their meaning and the elements from which they are formed. Of the formative elements which do not also occur in demon- stratives are those employed in expressing directions. These have a §§ 82-84 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 common initial, y7-, which may after all be connected with the pro- noun yd. ‘The final elements are: -niik south or up stream -tsivi west or down a hill -deé north or down stream -man the opposite side of a -dik east or up a hill stream or the ocean Besides the demonstrative source already mentioned, many adverbs are formed from nouns, adjectives, and verbs by means of suffixes indicating place, time, and manner. Some of these suffixes are the following: -div and -tci7% (place) -ka and -x0, -tw (manner) -dit and -divi (time) § 85. Post-positions The post-positions not only follow the nouns which they limit, but they are joined to pronominal prefixes which stand for the limited noun whether it be expressed or not. The most important post- positions follow: -a for, for the benefit of -nat around -e€ in -ra atter -édin without, lacking -xiits beside -an out of -ta’ among -% under, near -tis over -ye at the foot of -tak between -winna around, encircling -ka, -kat along -win toward or from -tcii: toward -lan with the help of ' -tetfia in front of -laié on top -ka, -kai after, following -L with -kya away from -na atter -kit on -nat in the presence of § 86. Conjunctions The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstratives, or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end with the syllable -77%. For examples compare the following: haiti haiyahitdjitin é 4 : and then haiyat hatyadete haiyarin and haiyamit haiyamiLin §§ 85, 86 ’ ' ( ; BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 151 § 87. Character of Sentence The Hupa sentence expresses place and direction with very great minuteness and care. This is done both by the prefixes of the verb and by independent adverbs and adverbial phrases. In actual use these sentences are also accompanied by many gestures which might in themselves indicate all that is needful. That the act is repeated, is always stated, and frequently with redundancy, an adverb being employed in addition to the iterative prefix which the verb contains. Usually great care is taken, in making quotations, to state definitely who said or thought the matter quoted. Sequence of time is amply expressed, but other relations are often left to be inferred. One hesitates to say whether the sentences are all very short or that there are none, but paragraphs instead. One short statement follows another, usually co-ordinate with it but still closely connected in the temporal sequence which carries with it purpose, cause, and result. The synthetic, holophrastic verb is often complete in itself, the other words in the sentence being employed to add distinctness or emphasis. The greater burden in a Hupa discourse is on the speaker, who expresses with great exactness most of the concepts and their rela- tions, leaving little to be inferred by the listener. Some of the younger generation, who are nearly or quite bilingual, employ Hupa in giving directions about work to be done, or in relating events in which they wish place-relations to be plain, but English for ordinary social discourse. § 88. Character of Vocabulary The vocabulary of Hupa, although it contains words of. consider- able length, is not far from monosyllabism. It contains many mono- syllabic nouns and particles, but a much larger number of polysyIlabic verbs, and nouns and other parts of speech derived from verbs. These long words, however, are made up of elements possessed for the most part of great clearness of form and meaning. On the other hand, some of the monosyllables other than nouns and pronouns lack distinctness of meaning, and in some cases of form. In writing the language there is difficulty, therefore, to know just what should con- stitute a word, and whether certain elements are to be taken with the word before them or the one after them. In a language in which the accent is strong, words are set off from each other by it. In Hupa §§ 87, 88 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 the accent is not strong, and in most cases does not belong to the word, but to the sentence. | Nouns and pronouns are clear cut. They are capable of calling up definite and complete mental visions without the aid of associated words and word-elements. The large number of monosyllabic nouns in Hupa, and the still larger number in related languages, which do not occur in Hupa, points to the fact that the original form of Atha- pascan nouns was monosyllabic. Monosyllabic nouns have given place to polysyllabic ones in Hupa constantly for years, perhaps for centuries. This may have been due to the pleasure which the Hupa find in poetical descriptive names, but it was certainly due, in part, to the dropping of nouns out of the language at the death of persons who had had them for names. These dropped words were replaced by longer descriptive words coined for the purpose. Only one word has been found in the language which appears to be reduplicated. The aboriginal flute is called melimil or milmil in- Hupa, and in related dialects di/diéil. It is possible that some etymology will appear to explain this apparent exception. Very few words or word-parts seem to be onomatopoetic in their origin. There isa verb, kywwindil iv RANG, the root of which, -d7d, no doubt represents the sound of striking metals. Another verb closely resembling this is kywwifiket, which is used of the creaking of trees. The sounds of nature which occur may be represented, but they have no other meaning. They do not stand for the thing or animal which makes them: for example, dl diiwenne (dil 1r SOUNDED) is said of an arrow striking the sky; dil diiwenne (dil 1 SOUNDED), of a ball of wood striking a wall of obsidian; and ka ka diiwenne (ka ka iv sarp), of the cawing of a crow. For the most part, both the monosyllabic words and the elements of the longer words are to all appearances the ultimate facts of the lan- guage. They express fundamental concepts and relations, which are no more resolvable into parts than are the syllables which express them. These elements, simple words, roots, prefixes, and suffixes, are not very numerous (probably less than a thousand), but the combina- tions of which they are capable are very great. Many combinations theoretically possible are not logically possible, and of these only those for which there was a frequent need in the life of the people really existed as words. § 88 TEXT THE MrépitpInN Poor Man Meedildifi! dedin® tceittertewené* haiti’ kittékin® nikkyao® Medildii poor he grew. And * spoon large teinéan’ haidifi‘t takeimmil® haififit taaiix’ hai’? xdkittekin™ he had. And she used to And at once the his spoon make soup. } Ser ; se mit” yaaqot'® haiyo' takeimmil*’ min” yaaxauw™ haiti * with he used to that She used to then he used to And poke up, one. make soup dip it up. aiwe!? xowtni'’ wakinnintats’® haiyan’’ yauwxauw” tcondesne” away from him he cut a hole And, “Let me dip he thought. through. it up,” — ty ee . . = . ee al ck Laaiix® xd” wanifqdts** tcinneren” hai xokittekin Laaiix® And in vain it ran through. He looked at the his spoon. At once 1meecdil CANOE; -dif locative suffix, PLACE OF or PLACE AT ( §§ 21, 84). 2dedin PooR, not having possessions. 3tci- sign of 3d per. sing. (§ 33); -te- prefix, distributive as regards time or place (§ 34); -Z, 3d modal in verbs, mostly transitives (§ 37); -tewen verbal root, TO MAKE, TO DO, TO GROW; Class IT, con. 3, 3d per. sing. 4hai- probably the article; -i% termination common to temporal adverbs and conjunctions. 5 kit- possessive prefix used of animals (§ 80); -fé HORN, the spoon was of horn. 6nik- one of the prefixes of adjectives (§ 76); -kyad root of adjective LARGE; compare towinkyau (note 125). T tei-, -L, see note 3; “an verbal root meaning TO HAVE POSITION, hence the notion of possession. 8ta-, prefix employed of soup-making, drinking, probably connected with £6 WATER (§ 31); -ke- prefix, weak in form and of little force in meaning, it is connected with verbs requiring repeated motions for a single act (§ 34); -i- sign of customary tense (§ 34); -mil verbal root meaning TO LET FALL OR TO THROW SEVERAL SMALL OBJECTS OF THE SAME OR DIFFERENT KINDS, probably the cook- ing-stones in this case; class IT, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing. 97ra-, the numeral oNE. There is an element of surprise at the quickness of the act. 10 hai, the article is always employed with the possessive third person. 11 g6- possessive prefix of 3d per. sing. or pl., employed only of adult Hupa; see also note 5. 12 mi- pronominal prefix of 3d per. sing. when adult Hupa are not meant; -Z post-position WITH. 18 ya- prefix used of motion up into, or horizontally through, the air (§ 31); -a- sign of customary tense, a is due to the preceding a of ya; -qdt a verbal root used of pushing something into a yielding mass; class I, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing. 14 hai- the article; -yo a demonstrative used of the more remote. 15 mil probably the same as in note 12, above; it is often used of time. 16 ya—, -a see noté 13; -waww verbal root referring to water or a liquid; class I, con. 1, cust., 3d per. sing. : Waiwe AWAY, AT A DISTANCE, NOT IN THE PRESENCE OF; no connection with other words has been found. 18 79- pronominal prefix of 3d per.; -wif post-position used of motion toward or away from, accord- ing to the context. 19 wa- prefix meaning THROUGH (§ 31); -kin- 1st modal prefix of uncertain meaning (§ 34); -nin- 2d modal of completed action (§ 35); -tats verbal root To cuT; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 20 hai- probably the article; -ya- with hai- it forms an adverb there; -Z£ perhaps the post-position (see note 12). ¢ 21 ya- see note 13; -iw sign of Ist per. sing.; class II, con. 1, pres. indef., 1st per. sing. 22 tc- deictic 3d per. sing.; -s- 2d modal indicating progressive action; -ne verbal root, TO THINK; irregular verb, past def., 3d per. sing. 23 90° indicates that whatever was attempted failed; it is to be construed with yauwxauw (see note 16). 24 wa-, -nifi see note 19; -gdts verbal root. % te- deictic 3d per. sing.; nez- contraction of -nawit of which -nd- isa 1st modal prefix of uncer- tain meaning and -wiZ- has w, 2d modal of inceptive action, and Z, 3d modal of transitive force; -en verbal root meaning TO LOOK; class II, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing. 153 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 yoneyidtika*® min xeekittseL*’ tLaaitix innaisdikkai*® tLaaiix back of the from he threw it At once he got up. At once fire up away. mitdaié*’ tcenifiyai*® haiifi hai x6ta‘*' haiyO xd~diwenne * outside he went out. Then the his father that one said of him, yeu’ na tcenifyai®® mdfkttnikkyao* haiti wii® xoikyfin*® “Way across he has gone Mankitnikkyao.” And about it his mind out nanya* hai axoutcitdenne® taistse**? mixxa*’ tcittesyai*’ haiti studied that he had said of him. Sweathouse after it he went. And .: wood xOLtelit *? xdt~ndnillit*® min yisxtnhit** xtiLedifi adenne xa‘* with him With him it finished then the next day in the morning he said, “Well it burned. s burning f ene. i: F : hwa*® mini wifyau*’~ hai daiditdifi** haidaid tceitauw* haiti me for it come along.” The (explanation there it always came Then was) out. °6 yon- the seat of honor back of the fire, CORNER; yi- a prefix common to names of direction; -daik together with yi-, has the meaning of UP HILL and the derived meaning of EAST. The word as a whole applies to the bank back of the fire, where the belongings of the men are kept. 27 vee- prefix meaning AWAY FROM, used with verbs of throwing; -k- first modal; -iz- third modal; -tser verbal root, TO THROW, TO POUND; Class II, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing. 28 jn- prefix of uncertain meaning, but employed of the act of rising from a reclining position: -na- prefix of iteration; -is- 2d modal of durative force; -dik-, d 3d modal; -kai verbal root of acts per- formed with the legs (or other long instrument); class ITI, con. 3, past def., 83d per. sing. 29 mitdaie the space in front of the house; mit- is probably the possessive prefix; compare mittsitda (see note 131). 30 tee- prefix meaning OUT OF; -yaz verbal root TO GO, used only in singular; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 31 -taf FATHER, not used without a possessive prefix. 82 wOz- indirect object 3d per. sing.; -ne verbal root TO SAY, TO SING, TO MAKE A NOISE; irreg. past def., 3a per. sing. 33 ye, adverb, probably from a demonstrative stem, employed of the most remote. 34 minkit LAKE; -nikkyad compare note 6. This is the name given to Trinity Summit, a mountain of 6,500 feet elevation east of Hupa valley. 35 win post-position which does not have a pronominal prefix for 3d per. sing., except when an adult Hupa is referred to. 36 -kyim HEART or VITALS, the organ of cogitation. 37 na- perhaps meaning DOWN, FROM ABOVE, is employed of things coming into existence; -ya verbal root TO GO, TO COME; Class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per. sing. 38 q- prefix found with verbs of thinking, saying, and doing. 39 tais- probably connected with tai- of taikyiw; -tsé* BRUSH, SMALL SHRUBS. 40 mix- pronominal prefix of which only m- is constant, the remainder of the syllable depending on the sound which follows; -xa post-position, AFTER. 41 tcit- deictic, 3d per. sing.; -te- distributive prefix; -s- 2d modal of durative action; -yai To Go; class I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. sing. 42 -lit verbal root TO BURN, in an intransitive sense only; class I, con. 3, past def., 3a per. sing. 43 -no- prefix indicating the coming to a stop or end; -nil- for -nin-; class I, con. 2, past def., 3a per. sing. 44 yisvtii- apparently a verb, of which yi- deictic 3d per. sing. (not an adult Hupa), -s- 2d modal, and -xtih the root; compare yistan DAY ; -hit conjunctional suffix WHEN. 45 vaf seems to terminate a discussion and attract attention to some proposition. It is also used to give assent to a proposition. 46 fw- pronominal prefix of Ist per. sing.; -a@ post-position meaning IN THE INTEREST OF, FOR THE BENEFIT OF. 47 w- prefix found in a few presents where the inception of the act is in the mind of the speaker (compare § 28); -if- sign of 2d per. sing.; -ya- verbal root To GO; -Z suffix indicating the continuation ot the act over space; class I, con. 1, imp. 2d per. sing. 48 daiditdin, the meaning of this word as a whole is more apparent than that of its parts. It is employed to introduce the explanation of a mystery. The first syllable, dai- or daid-, is apparently the element which gives the indefiniteness to interrogative and indefinite pronouns. 49 tce- the prefix mentioned in tcenifiyai (see note 30), but here it is used of coming out of the sur. rounding forest into a glade; -aww verbal root connected with -ate UNDULATING MOVEMENT, as of & herd. BOAS] hai HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 155 xOLin aLtcitdenne” xa‘ hwa mif wifiyaL xatehe”' xdsdLwe™ the his brother he told, “Well me forit comealong.’’ ‘Well let it kill then, him hai dihwo®* nif en“ neskif nax tak ittcii® kisxan™ the something. You itis firs two three together stand mittik*®’ yeiltanee** haiti tcittesdeL°®? mdnikitnikkyad xaisdeL® between you must Then they started. Mankttnikkyao they went them run in.”’ up. Lomatckittcii®' tcenindeL® haiya mikkyagédttse® naLtauw Lomatckitteii they came There elks were out. about hai Lokit® haiti axo.rtcitdenne nif’ dikkyfii® minna™ the glade on. Then he said to him, “You here around sindai®’ hwe yet kai winnaiwedate® haififi yaixoLtcwen™ you stay. I distant along I will sit for Then they smelled them.” him. xOkyatcii" terate™ xokit danakindiyan™ haiti tak tceseuwen™ From him they ran, on him they ran. Then three he killed 50 ateitdenne the form used in speaking to children or non-Hupa adults. Compare axdLtcitdenne (see note 38), which is the form ordinarily employed in speaking to adults. 5lga- probably the same as wa discussed in note 45; -fe- is unknown; -he is used of concessions and negations which are sweeping. 52 70- the object; -s- a prefix found in this verb only; -6- regularly indicates 3d per. of imp.; -z-3d modal; -we verbal root TO KILL (this form of it occurs in pres. indef. and imp.), compare -wen in tceseLwen (see note 74). 53 di- probably connected with the demonstrative stem de; -hwd® suffix often employed to give indefiniteness. This word is often used to avoid a word of ill omen. 5te7 is employed to point a contrast. 59 7L has a reciprocal force; -tcifi post-position, TOWARD. 56 -yan verbal root employed of the standing position of trees. 37 mit- pronominal prefix; -tik post-position BETWEEN. 58 ye- prefix INTO, the correlative of tce-; -1 3d modal (-7- sign of 2d per. sing. is dropped before it); -La verbal root TO RUN (the past has -Lat); -ne® suffix, often found in the imperative, having the force of duty or necessity; class IV, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 59-deL verbal root To Go, used only of the dual or plural. Compare tcittesyai (see note 41); class I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. dual. 60 xa- prefix UP, here UP A HILLSIDE; the deictic (fcit-, is not used after wa-); class I, con. 3, past def., 3d per. dual. 61 [6 monosyllabic noun GRASS, LEAF; -ma- probably BORDER; -tc- diminutive suffix; -kiéit- UPON; -tcif locative suffix TOWARD. a 6 Compare tceninyai (see note 30), the singular. This is the dual. 63 mik- possessive prefix; -kya- ANTLERS; -qdttse SHARP, POINTED (?). 64nqa- prefix used of indefinite motion over the ground. Compare tceizauw (see note 49). 65 L0- GRASS; -kit ON. 66 The position of the speaker. Compare haiya, the more remote position. 6 min- pronominal prefix; -na post-position AROUND, ABOUT. 68 s- prefix found in the present of a few verbs (compare -s- 2d modal prefix); -da verbal root To SIT, TO REMAIN; -f suffix, perhaps from -ne® (see note 58). °° win- prefix used of pursuit or attempted action; -w- 2d modal of inceptive force; -e- sign of 1st per. sing., found only in the definite tenses; -da- verbal root To s17; -te suffix used to express the future. 7 yai- sign of plural, employed of animals, ete. (for adult Hupa -ya-is used); -xd- object; -tewen verbal root TO SMELL, it has Z preceding it when the verb is transitive, but does not have it when it is intransitive; class II, con. 1, past def., 3a per. pl. 71 “6- pronominal prefix; -kya- post-position AWAY FROM; -tcif# locative suffix. ™-ate verbal root TO MOVE IN AN UNDULATING LINE. It is employed of the motion of a pack-train. The verb is singular, since the band as a whole is the subject. Class II, con. 8, past def., 3a per. sing. 3 da- prefix which literally means ON SOMETHING HIGHER THAN THE GROUND, perhaps figurative here; -kin- of uncertain force; -di- 3d modal; -yan verbal root used of the movements of deer and elk; class III, con. 1d, past def., 3a per. sing. _ *tee- sign of 3d per., a variant for fsis- and tcis- found in tsisserwen, teisserwen (below); -seL-, se- isthe prefix mentioned in note 68; -s- 2d modal, is dropped before 2 3d modal; -wen verbal root TO KILL; class II, con, 3, past def., 3d per. sing. 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 mikkyaqottse haiti tLenaiyanillai’” haiya xokut yalweL” haiti elks. Then they built a fire. There onthem “it became Then night. xOLiN axOdLtcitdenne dikkyffi tcin™ ' doi dodxdlwil™ xa‘ naidin”™ his he said to him, “Here they say itis mnoonespends Come let us go brother the night. home. meneseit *® hai dikkyaifi nehelweLte* haiti dtinitifihwodin ” Tam afraid.” “The here we will spend Then several times the night.”’ axoLtcitdenne yitdifhit® xdtcin tciwintewi“ axdrtcinne® miL he said it to him. Finally on his he cried. He kept telling him with account naidit haidift kit wilweL xotesdihwen* haiifi kittewestce‘ * “Tet us Then already it was night. It grew dark. Then the wind blew. go home.” yudifhit axortcitdenne xaé tewite tLekilla** kfit aintwinsen * Finally he said to him, “Well, firewood gather. Already you have decided, hwelweLte* haifift kat tLeyakillau®* tLenayanillai xdohwow ” ‘IT will spend Then already they gathered it. They built a fire. Some way the night.’”’ akitdiwenne* xdwintit®™ haiyahitdjit haiyO adenne xaé naidit dau” it sounded. It thundered. And then that one said, ‘‘ Well, letusgo ‘‘No,” home.” 75 Le- prefix employed of motion mutually toward or position near each other; -nai- (ma) iterative prefix often employed of habitual acts; -ya- sign of plural; -nil-for -nin- because of the following 7; lai verbal root employed of moving or handling more than one object; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. pl. The fire may have been ceremonial for the dressing of the elk. 76 ya- sign of plural; -J- 3d modal, often of passive force; -weL form of a verbal root indicating the passing of the night. The verb may be considered as an active form with the object prefixed, the subject being some natural element or supernatural being, or asa passive form of which the subject is the young men in question. 77 Of uncertain derivation, but probably connected with the root -ne -n TO SPEAK. 78 do- negative prefix; -wil form of the verbal root discussed above. 79 na- iterative prefix used here with the meaning of returning whence they had set out; -dizZ ver- bal root To Go, other forms of it are -dil and -deL (see note 59); class I, con. 3, pres. indef., Ist per. dual. 80 me- object; -nes-, of Which n- isa prefix of uncertain meaning, and -s-,2d modal (some sign for the first person singular would be expected, but a number of yerbs have the first and third persons alike in form); -git verbal root TO FEAR; class IV, con. 3, pres. def., Ist per. sing. 81 nehe- object US, or subject of passive WE. 8 din- stem or prefix found in expressions meaning SEVERAL OR NONE; -Lifi MANY, MUCH; -hwo£ expresses uncertainty or indefiniteness; -di? locative suffix, but in numbers means TIMES. 83 yi- probably connected with the demonstrative stem yd; -din locative suffix common with adverbs of time and place; -hit conjunctional suffix THEN, 84 -fewi verbal root TO CRY, TO WEEP. 85 -tein-, teein- would be expected, but the verb is quite irregular; -ne verbal root TO SAY; irreg., eust., 3d per. sing. 86 xO- prefix giving absolute and impersonal force to the ‘verb, used especially of weather condi- tions; -fe- distribution; -s- 2d modal; -d- 83d modal; -Awen verbal root, no doubt connected with -hwin in Lihwin BLACK. 87 kit- prefix always found with the blowing of the wind, it may give the idea of continuousness to the act; -we- formative element which gives a durative force to verbs, especially in the passive; -tce verbal root indicating the action of the wind. 88 Te- see note 75; -ki- perhaps giving the force of local distribution; -/- for 7 on account of the fol- lowing J; -Ja shorter form of the verbal root -/aw (see note 91); class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 89 ai- appparently the same prefix which occurs in axdLtcitdenne (below); -ni- prefix of unknown force; -sen verbal root TO THINK, other forms of it are -sifi, -ne; irreg. class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 90 hAwe- object or subject ME orl. 9 -kil- contraction for -kawil-; -lau, verbal root; class I, con. 1, past def., 3d per. sing. 82 4O- WAY OR MANNER; -hwodw, compare dihwoés (see note 53). %3 -kit- employed in the place of -tcit- when the subject is some unknown agent. %4 wo- see note 92; -Lit verbal root employed of noises such asa footfall. This verb in its imper- sonal form is used for the noise of the earthquake as well as of thunder, % Evidently connected with do- the negative prefix. i) BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 157 a = —¢ : Rais SS = nee tcitdenne*® kit daft xO dnnitdenne” naidit domikkainasiifi‘fa"’ he said, “already some invain_ [said to you, ‘Let us go You did not want to.” time ago home.’ haidfi kiye anakitdenne’’ x0djox xfindifii haiyahitdjit xowti Then again it sounded still closer. And then for him xodje’” tconda*’” axoxtcitdenne nax hai neskin mittik yeilianee his mind was sorry. He said to him, “Two the firs between you must run in hai dikkytii nonifxtts’® min haifif kat ndltd*n'* min hai the here it lights when.”’ And already it dropped. Then the neskin mitttik yexdfan'” haiyo nolto*n Laaitix yikyiwifyan'” firs between they ran in. That one lit. Immediately it began to eat . . = — ° . . ee Ol ft hai mikkyaqodttse Laaiix yinneLtyan’”’ haiyahitdjit tLaaiix xd the elks. Really it ate them up. And then at once in vain xaitefen’’’ yixortsan’” xokittcif yaltd*n Laaiix hai neskifi it looked for It found them. On them it jumped. Really the firs them. 4 arals * ORES =e = = = ean Cee minnaikitdelait” haiti xo mikktt danadiiwivéal' yidifhit a tif it embraced. Then in vain at it he shot. Finally all teekinnifits'’ haiyan hai xdLif atrtcitdenne nittsitdikana*we ' he shot out. And the his brother he told, “Your quiver % Note the omission of the prefix a- when the object stands directly before a verb of saying or thinking. % dn- the form a- takes when followed by n; -niL- indirect object of 2d per. sing. Compare -«6L- in axdLtcitdenne (below). These indirect objects are really adverbial phrases containing a post- position rendered in full by wiTH you. %8 do- negative prefix; -muik- pronominal prefix; -kai- post-position AFTER; -na- prefix OVER THE SURFACE OF THE GROUND; -s- 2d modal; -if- sign of 2d per. sing.; --a@ verbal root TO HAVE IN ONE’S POSSESSION. The literal meaning of this phrase is said to be, YoU DID NOT CARRY AFTER IT IN YOUR HAND. %-na- iterative prefix. Compare akitdenne (see note 93), employed of the first occurrence. 100 z6dj- probably for xdte RIGHT, EXACT, tc haying become dj because of their change from final to initial position. 101 O- possessive prefix; -dje MIND. 102 -dae verbal root TO WASTE AWAY. 103 n6- prefix denoting a position of rest on the surface of the ground; -nifi- 2d modal required by -no-; -xtits verbal root TO PASS THROUGH THE AIR. 104 -t6&n verbal root TO JUMP, TO ALIGHT. As is usual with Hupa verbs, the root defines the kind of act without reference to the fact of its beginning or ending, which is expressed by prefixes. Class IV con, 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 105 -¢6- prefix of unknown meaning; -an verbal root To RUN, used of dual and plural only; com- pare yeilLane® (p. 155); class I, con. 1, past def., 3d per. dual. 106 y7- deictic of the third person when not a Hupa adult; -kyi- 1st modal prefix used when the object isnot known or not definitely named; -yan verbal root To EAT; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per. sing. 107 -neL- contraction for -niwit-, of which the prefix evidently has reference to the completion of the act; class II, con. 1, past def., 3a per. sing. 108 ya- prefix indicating PURSUIT or SEARCH (the form zai- is due to the subject not being an adult Hupa); ten- probably a contraction for -tiwif-; -en verbal root To LooK; class I, con. 1, past def., 3a per sing. , 1 -70- object; -L- 3d modal; -tsan verbal root TO SEE, TO FIND; class II, con. 4, past, 3a per. sing. 10 min- pronominal prefix; -nai- post-position AROUND; -lai verbal root apparently connected with la HAND. It was explained that the wings had teeth on them; these the bird drove into the tree with great force. ll da- prefix POSITION HIGHER THAN THE EARTH; -nada- indicating a position perpendicular as regards some plane; -a- verbal root TO HAVE POsITION; -2 suffix denoting repeated acts. 2 tce- prefix OUT OF; -kin- prefix used of acts completed, the means being exhausted; -its verbal root TO SHOOT; class I, con. 2, past def., 3d per. sing. U8 nit- possessive prefix; -tsitdt@kana*we THE QUIVER OF FISHER-SKIN; -nd- prefix OVER THE SURFACE OF THE GROUND; -we verbal root TO CARRY. 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 hwtawttLwtit'* haiyat xowaitwaL’” yudifhit xdLfikai'® tesyayei! throw to me.” And he meee it to Finally dawn came im. a a std mae coals . aad aA . . ee xoa tindin yidifihit naxaits' naétses nondiyan'’ haiyahitdjit everywhere. At last two only arrows were left. And then missa‘kifits’® haiyahitdjit naltsit’’’ tsisseLwen haiyan tcenaindeL, he shot in its And then it fell. He killed it. And they came out. mouth. natesdeL kit tcisseLwen haiya medildifi naindeL a‘tinka¢finte!” aed started Already he killed it. There Medildii they arrived. All kinds ome. ada'*’ tcitteséan’* haiifi La towifikyai’”’ yaxo.tcitdenne medil for he came to own. Then once the river was They said to him, ‘*Canoe himself high. taintiw’’® hai dohexdtcoyawenne *” xO = wtinnayaisdeL ** take out of The he did not do it. In vain they tried. the water.’’ dohetayaistan’’ haiya xanaisdeL haiti Liwtnnifi'’ tcenifiyai They did not take There they came up Then alone he went out. it out. again. hai medil xaistan taikyaiw mittsitdae’*' datciwintan haiyftika The canoe he brought up. Sweat-house its roof he put it on. This way kitteseOx aniweste '” smart his nature was. 114 hwi- indirect object; -wiL- from the prefix -wa- (used of handing an object to any one) and Z 3d modal, a becomes “@ in 2d per. sing., probably because of the accent; -wiL, verbal root To THROW A LONG OBJECT; Class II, con. 2, 2d per. sing. imp. 115 ¢6- indirect object; -iz, -ni~L would be expected; -waZ another form of the root in hwiwtiLwiL; class II, con, 2, past def., 3d per. sing. 116 7G- see note 86 above; -L-, prefix found with many adjectives; -kazi root of adjective WHITE. The “Dawn maiden” is meant by 2oLikat. 117 -yet suffix giving emphasis to verb indicating the accomplishment of acts which are gradual, or which require several attempts. 118 nax- TWO; -aits limiting suffix ONLY. 119-q?- 3d modal; -yan verbal root used of the position of certain objects, such as baskets, etc. 120 mis- possessive prefix; -saf- MOUTH. 121 na- prefix DOWN; -/- 8d modal; -tsit verbal root TO FALL. 122 q‘tif- ALL; -ka- suffix with adjectives and adverbs, KIND, WAy; -te verbal root TO APPEAR, TO HAVE A CERTAIN NATURE. 123 qd- reflexive pronoun; -@ post-position FOR. Compare hwa (see note 46). 124 Compare tciLfan, note 7, p. 153. 125 {6- the more common word for water in Athapascan dialects (in Hupa it is found in compounds and is applied to the ocean); -kyau adjectival root TO BECOME LARGE, 126 tq- prefix OUT OF THE WATER; -in- sign of 2d per. sing.; -tiw- verbal root employed of long objects only; this form is confined to the indefinite tenses; class I, con. 1, 2d per. sing. imp. 127 do- negative prefix; -he- adds emphasis to the negation (see note 51, p. 155); -~d- not know deictic; -ne verbal root TO DO A SPECIFIED ACT; irreg. past def., 3d per. sing. 128 win- see note 35. 129-tan verbal root, another form of -tiw (see note 126). 130 Lij- probably from Laf ONE. 131 #2vit- possessive prefix; -tsitdaS ROOF (?). 182 -wes- see note 87; -te (see note 122). i camila st TLINGIT BY JOHN R. SWANTON CONTENTS Page MEME MEE EON gansta tee oa Ln ohn we oclvin ds vOecebccdadescu-ce 163 SGT Sag ERIS SE 2 ns SR ES Ns ae 164 SPLINES 2 Se ett a a OTE AME A ee cate is 164 SNE MSMEN EC TITERS isco fo eee Fo ORS el oe ce oe 165 RMnrcLiGdl yTiCesdcGd= 480.2000 skh Ne Pees otek ess cacesecsteces 166 Bd.) Hiieas expressed by grammatical processes. .........:-.......-.+--ee-- 166 Be erinetOn OF prammar. .- 2... 0S eS eco el oe 167 rie eeCU LO TAH ea en et ek et ee me vac dee ee 167 CUPS LASS GTIN ca et Aa 2g en nace a 167 PRM ROEREVO PIR nese. oo Som uch cei od Cas s cex dae oe een 168 ie enUtiVe SUMEROSE Ce Lae Lt ee 168 oa DUNE St Tag ES Be got ey 8 SER Ae ee ee ne ee 169 ne OSEAN 2 Pe ok ten Ae eh i ee Shoe ed ele a swig 169 PM Datrotla Pronoun ...e...22 22. ee eh 170 Pieris vemonstrative Pronoun...) ..cess ee ees ae ees el ele N72 pee IPN On et A oe 2 tole ids eh ee Se) 2k Ulta cae gb ace 173 NplossSHUChUPES so: 2c)c cus 5 AREF LA RPCE ST OE MON ERS oT REA tS pene aE Nis ee eR. kee Seen ee tl. tog te Mele NL h otOes 173 pee Are OR A. du du hu AC 3d per. sing. reflexive — c AC = istper. ple 2. May ha ha uha'n 7S MRE 22 ey ©) RT OS Bak ya ya yrwd'n ee : ; sdpers pln e.\: ~ (hAs) hasdu has hasdu § 11 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Lia In composition the objective pronoun always precedes the sub- jective; and both may be separated by verbal prefixes. The use of the independent pronoun in a sentence does not affect the verbal com- pound, and the pronominal prefixes must be repeated. The subjective pronoun appears as the subject of all active verbs, . no matter whether they have an object or not. Some verbs that have no object take an indefinite object, 4¢ SOMETHING; for instance, At xa xa 1 eat something At wa coq I laugh Has is freer in its position than the pronouns described before. It seems probable that it was not originally a pronoun. Examples of the use of the pronoun are the following: wate q/Aaxdwi's/in I questioned him (va I, independent; -¢e inten- sive suffix [§ 7]; 9/4 mouth [§ 14.1]; va 1, subjective, wu- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; -s/2n stem) hu wate y/awi's!in he questioned me (Au independent pronoun; wAtc emphatic form of objective) iq/Aaxawi's/in I questioned thee (¢ thee; g/4 mouth; «a I) wae'te wat g/ewi's/in thou questionedst me (wae'tc emphatic form of independent pronoun; w4¢ me; g/a-? contracted to ¢/e mouth thou) uhi'nte q/Atuwii's/in we questioned him (wAd’ntc emphatic form of independent pronoun; tw we, subjective) wae'te haglewi's/in thou questionedst us (Aa us) uha'nte yiq! Atuwii's/in we questioned you (yi you; ¢/4 mouth; tu we, subjective) wagax 1 am erying uhd'n gax ti'sati’ we are crying (tu we; sa- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ti to be) ye yawaqgd' she said thus (ye adverbial, thus; ya- verbal pretix [§ 15. 3]; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; ga to say) | ye ya xoaga I said thus (w 1; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.21) twasiti'n I saw thee (7 thee; wa 1; s7- prefix [§ 18.1]; ¢7n to see) yoxasiti'n 1 saw you (yz you) wousiti'n I saw him («- 1; the use of oa here is not explained) wAtyisiti'n ye saw me (wat me; yz ye) hayisiti'n ye saw us (haus) hasyisiti‘n ye saw them (has them) Gaya kade' has awai'x they heard it on Gaya’ (kade’ on; has they; a- indefinite pronoun referring to ci? song; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; aa to hear) §11 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 aka't has qgox ayw has aositi’n when they paddled toward it they saw it (a- indefinite pronoun; at toward; has they; gox to go by canoe; a-yu indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; a; indefi- nite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; sz- [§ 18.1]; #2 to see; here ais used three times; first, replacing g?ztc/ FRoG as object of the post- position /at; second, in combination with yu, performing the function of a conjunction, WHEN; and, third, in the principal verb, again taking the place of x7xtc/) The pronoun is contracted with a few verbal prefixes. The ¢ com- bines with the terminal vowel of preceding elements, as in aat q/ewi's/in THOU QUESTIONEST ME (g/4-¢ = q/e mouth thou; aa and the prefix wa- form xoa, although voa may perhaps originate in other ways also. Contractions are particularly characteristic of the future, which has a prefix gu-. This combines with the first person to gwa (for gua), with the second person to ge (for gu-¢). These forms will be discussed later on (§ 15.5). § 12. The Demonstrative Pronoun The demonstrative pronouns are used with nouns, with verbs when changed into nouns, in the formation of connectives, and with certain elements which transform them into independent demonstratives. 1. he indicates an object very near and always present. 2. ya indicates an object very near and present, but a little farther away than the preceding. 3. yu indicates an object more remote, but it has now come to per- form almost the function of an article. 4. we indicates an object far remote and usually entirely invisible. It has come to be used almost with the freedom of yu. Following are examples of their use: he'tingtt he'do this place here ya'tingit | ya't/a this place, this person yu tingit the person yu do ive a@nié there is thy father’s town we'ting?t that person ayw, awe’, when, that being done this person Some of them are also employed with post-positions; as, A@¢ HITHER. Sometimes, particularly in songs, another demonstrative, yadz, is heard, which is evidently compounded from ya. It differs from ya in being used to refer to a person who has just been spoken of, but is not actually present. § 12 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Lis The Verb (§§ 13-21) § 13. Structure Verbal stems are, on the whole, monosyllablic. They take a con- siderable number of prefixes and a few suffixes. Most of the pretixes have a very weak meaning, and appear in many cases as purely formal elements, while in other cases the underlying meaning may be detected. It seems easiest to classify these prefixes according to their position. In the transitive verb the object precedes the whole verbal complex. Then follow prefixes, stem, and suffixes in the following order: Prefixes (§§ 14-18) (1) Nominal prefixes (2) First modal pretixes. (3) Pronominal subject. (4) Second modal prefixes. (5) Third modal prefixes. (6) Stem. (7) Suffixes. § 14. NOMINAL PREFIXES A few monosyllabic nouns are prefixed to the verb. I have found the following: 1. g/@ MOUTH or LIPs. geqg/é di ayu’ ye g/ayaqa toward morning she spoke thus (ayw' indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; ye thus; qg/a mouth; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; ga to say) yuxd'nas! ada'e q/aodisa’ he blew upon the raft (yw demon- strative; ad’nas/ raft; a indefinite pronoun; daa on; g/a mouth; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; d?- verbal prefix [§ 18.3]; sa to blow) 2. tu MIND. Atcaweé' tuwutitsi'n therefore (the Kiksa’di) are brave (éu mind; wu- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; 2- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; és strong) Lax wa'sa tuwuni’k he felt very sad (sax very; wa'sa how; tu mind; ww- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; nwk sad) 3. €U& POINT. dag atunago'goawe when they were running ashore in a crowd (dag ashore; a demonstrative; %u point, i. e. crowd; na- at the same time when [§ 17.5]; go’goawe they run) §§ 13, 14 174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 4. da- is employed sometimes with words meaning TO SAY OY TELL, when it seems to indicate an indirect object. dukia'niyen ye aya’ duqa, his brothers-in-law spoke to him thus _(du- his; kai niyen brothers-in-law; ye thus; da- indirect object; ya- [§ 15.3); du- [§ 17.3]; ga to cee § 15. FIRST MODAL PREFIXES 1. cu- usually stands before all other prefixes, and indicates that the action of the verb is total, applying to all of the people or objects involved. got cui'waxie they had been all killed off yadé'x-tak" cunazi'zawe when these two years were over (ya- these; déx two; tak” year; cu- totally; na- at the same time when [$ 17.5]; 22x to finish; awe when) axodé yaq@' cunagi't he was leading all these men among them (a indefinite pronoun; vodé@ among; ya demonstrative; ga man; cu- totally; na- at the same time when [§ 17.5]; gu- to go; -¢ pur- pose [§ 20.1]) ye yen ha'sdu cug! a@wadja thus there them all he told (ye thus; yen there; hasdu them; cu- totally; ¢g/a@ with mouth [§ 14.1]; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; dja to tell) Kiksa'dé qot cu'waxiz the Kiksa’di were all lost (got wholly; cu- totally; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; x7 to finish) This prefix appears to be used also as a post position. Awci di yago'e come over to me (av me; cv entirely; -d? to; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; ¢ gox to go by water) 2. ka- indicates causation, and performs the functions of a causative auxiliary. ax dag qoka'odziha’ she caused a hole to be in it by digging (ax literally, from it; dag shoreward, or into the earth; go- indefinite verbal prefix [§ 15.6]; 4a- causative; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; dzi- verbal prefix [§ 18.6]; Aa stem) hasdudaka'q! kaodu'tiya nu Ltén a large fort was caused to be lowered down on them (/asdu them; daka'g! out on; ka- to cause; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; Zz- verbal prefix [$18.5]; nw fort; zén large) yeda'tsqoe'te yrwackag!o'kote ka'osinéw when did your cheek-flesh cause a man to be saved? (yed4'tsyoete when; ye your; wac cheek: kaq/okote flesh, with intensive suffix; a- to cause; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; te verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; néx to save) § 15 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 75 At ka'otiga they caused (the canoe) to be loaded up (47 indefinite object [things]; /a- to cause; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; 7z- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; ga to load) adé’ aka’ wana dowanga'wu then he caused his clothes-man to go out (a demonstrative; dé to; a indefinite pronoun; /a- to cause; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; xa to send; do his; van clothes; ga man; -ww possessive [see § 10]) a ya- seems to indicate the continuation of an action or state. yiya'etc are you hearing it? (yi ye; ya- verbal prefix; a to hear; ' -te emphatic suffix) ' Kiksadi'te a'tcayu vixte! has ayahé'n therefore the Kiksa’di claim the frog (a indefinite pronoun; tca adverb; a indefinite pronoun; yu demonstrative; ziztc/ frog; has they; a indefinite pronoun; ya- verbal prefix; Aén stem) h'tq!t tie gal owagut yucawa't the woman was going through the houses (A7¢ house; -¢/? collective suffix; tz through; ya- 0- wa- verbal prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.2]; gu to go; -t purpose [§ 20.1}) ya ha'sduga'nax yagatsa'g when he was chasing them (ya demon- strative; ha’sdu them; g@'nau after; ga- verbal prefix [§17.4]; tsag to run) yuyanagu'té when (he was) traveling (yw demonstrative; ga-, na- [§ 17.4, 5], verbal prefixes; gu to go; -t -7 suffixes [§ 20.1, 2]) This prefix ya- seems to be identical with the suffix referred to in § 20.4. 4. wu- often indicates the passive, but seems to have a very much wider function. Citlka'dé an has wugqo'x they went with him to Baranoff island (C7 Baranoff island; ¢/ behind; /a on; dé to; @ demonstrative; -n with; Aas they; wu- prefix; gow to go by canoe) yeayu xixte! glaci'yt wudw'dziku that is how the frog’s song came to be known (ye- adverb; a- indefinite pronoun; yw demon- strative; zéztc/ frog; g/a mouth; c? song; -y/ possessive [§ 10]; wu- du- dzi- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.6]; #u to know) wucti'n At wudutik/é peace was made between them (ww- verbal prefix; c- reflexive [§ 11]; tn with; [vwuwcti’n together]; 4¢ indefinite object; wu- du- Lé- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.5]; k/é to be good) The last of these examples shows a curious use of wu- before the reflexive prefix c-, the latter standing independent of the verb, and being followed by a post-position. This employment of wu- with the reflexive is very common. § 15 176 - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 5. gu- or gA-. Future time is denoted by a prefix gu- or ga-, which § is sometimes used much as if it were an independent particle. — Besides its strictly future function, it is employed in speak- ing of any event about to take place as well in the past as the future. In the following simple examples it is often accom- panied by the affix a- TO BECOME, which will be treated in § 15.7. wasa’ At gugoney?’ whatever is going to happen (wasa’ whatever; at indefinite object; gu- future; gona stem; -y? suffix [§ 20.2]) an guyagu't when he was going to go with them (a indefinite pronoun; -n with; gu- future; ga- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; gu to go; -¢ purpose [§ 20.1]) de da'gdé ye guadusni’ yuhi't daided?’ they were going to take up the house-timbers (de now; da’gdé up to; ye thus; gu- future; x- to become; du- s- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.1]; nz to take; yu demonstrative; 47¢ house; daidedi’ timbers) hit a quatayé'x gone't gAanay?’ the opposite side (clan) was going to build a house (A7¢ house; a indefinite pronoun; gu- future; x- to become; ¢a- verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; yéx to build [x possibly a suffix ]) yd dog loa gavduta'ge they were going to make a hole in this one’s mouth (ya demonstrative; do- his; ¢/a mouth [see § 3]; ga- future; a- to become; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; tak to bore [4%]; -e suffix) More often the future occurs in conjunction with an indefinite pre- fix goork”. The following examples illustrate this use, and also show the peculiar manner in which it combines with the personal pronominal prefixes. It will be seen that, instead of guxa in the first person, we find gwa, instead of gu-2, in the second person, ge. It would also seem that contractions of g and g to g, and ¢ and g to g, take place in the first and second persons plural. Future tense of the verb Geir TO DO Singular Plural Ist per. yegqwasgi't ye gaatusgit 2d per. yeqge'sgit ye gaxysg? t 3d per. yeggwa'sgit has qo’ a yésgugasg?t Future tense of the verb Gée: TO THROW DOWN Singular Plural Ist per. wd'tc yé'nde gqwagé'q! uha'nte yé'nde qaxtugé gq! 2d per. wae'te yé'nde ggege'g! yiha'nte yé'nde gaxyigé'g! 3d per. hutc yé'nde a'ggwagé gq! haste yé'nde saqquwagé'q! 15 aa Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 177 The s which appears in the third person plural is probably a con- traction of jas, although the full word Aas may not have been heard when recording. To cry takes the prefix or modifier fe, and its plural is formed by the use of the verb ¢ TO BE. Future tense of the verb ¢4* ro ory Singular Plural Ist per. ke k"qwagi'x (whd'n) ke gaw qaxti' sati 9d per. (wae') ke k"gega'x (ysha'n) ke gax gaxyisati! 3d per. (Au) ke ktqwaga'« ke has ga galasati 6. go-, k’-, is used when the event recorded happened at a time or place that is ill defined. Lét Let! ga a'tt gost?’ there were no white men’s things in those days (zé not; zét/ white; gaman; a’¢? their things; go- s- verbal prefixes [§ 18.1]; ¢z to be) yugo'tit/i'tk” those who used to leave the others behind (yu demonstrative; go- ¢7- verbal prefixes [§ 18.4]; 2/2¢ stem; -/” suf- fix [§ 20.3]) k*duct'qgte they always laughed at him (4%- du- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3]; cug to laugh; -te always [§ 19.1]) gusu’ yén yugrué' tcg? where is it that they never broke it off (gusw’ where; yén there; yu- demonstrative; g’- verbal prefix; «étc stem; g? probably should be k” [§ 20.3]) At k"gédi'x a sign or parable (4¢ something; £”- prefix; ge proba- bly stem; -z suffix [§ 19.4) Lét su gosti’ there was no rain (zéé not; sw rain; go- s- verbal pre- fixes [§ 18.1]; ¢ to be) Since future events are by their nature indeterminate, thiseprefix is constantly used with the future prefix gu-; as, a g’gwatig when will he break it off? (@ indefinite pronoun; 9?- indefinite prefix; g(w)- future prefix; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; tig! to break off) 7. =0 expresses the alteration of a person or thing from one condi- tion to another. It is suftixed to the name of the thing altered, the adjective indicating the altered state, or to the future particle, but is placed among verbal prefixes because its connection with the following verb is extremely close, as is shown by its inser- tion after the future particle. tsé'sk/ux @'nastt you can become an owl (tsesk/“ owl; -w verbal affix; 7 thou; na- s- verbal prefixes [§ 17.5; § 18.1]; ¢2 stem) 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—12 § 15 178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 g/anackité'x siti he had become poor (¢/anackitz poor; -« transitive affix; s¢- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ¢z to be) duxong/éx siti it had come to belong to his friends (du his; won friend; -g/e collective suffix [§ 9]; -7 transitive affix; s/- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ¢z to be) te/a an go'a ga'yaga'g/uwane siti but yet they became men such as one can trade with (¢c/a yet; an with them; go'a however; ga men; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; gaq/uwwan such as one can trade with [7]; -~ [as before]; s/- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; 42 to be) gux tust't we will make it become cooked (gu- future sign; -v transi- tive aflix; ¢ we; sit to cook) ayw de yeg?gau dui'q! T!a4'q/dentan they were going to invite the “T!a’q!dentin (a indefinite pronoun; yi-de post-position [dé to]; ye adverbial prefix; g?- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; ga- future prefix [§ 15.5]; -« transitive affix: du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; 7¢. to invite) § 16. PRONOMINAL SUBJECT The subjective pronoun follows the first modalelements. Examples illustrating the position of the subjective pronoun have been given before (§ 11). The following example contains also first modals: Let wuaasago'k yaindat!/a'te 1 can not swim (zé not; ewu- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; wa I; sa- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; gok can; yan- dat/ ate to swim) § 17. SECOND MODAL PREFIXES 1. Ajt- QUICKLY. ha'sdu dat xa djia'digut enemies came upon them quickly; (ha’sdu them; dat upon; z@ enemies; d77- quickly; u- verbal prefix [§. 17.2]; di- inchoative [§ 18.3]; gu to go; -t suffix [§ 20.1]) adé’ dak wudjizi’x he ran down to it (a- indefinite pronoun; dé to; dak down or out; wu- verbal prefix [§ 15.4]; dji- quickly; xix to get) yu has djiudea’t they started to rush out (yux out; has they; dji- quickly; u-de- [§ 17.2; § 18.3]; a to go) req! ts!uta’t ayu’ at nate’ has dji/usiha one morning they started out quickly to hunt along shore (zéq! ts!/uta’t [see p. 200, note 11]; a-yu indefinite demonstrative pronoun; at indefinite object; nate’ to hunt [%]; has they; dji- u-st verbal prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.1]; ha to start) hasdutd’k!" adji't has adji’watan they gave their sister to him quickly; (hasdwu their; rak!” sister; adj(7)- indefinite pronoun with intensive suffix; -t to; has they; a- demonstrative; dji-wa- [§ 18.2]; tan to give) §§ 16, 17 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 179 2. u- (0-) often accompanies simple statements of past actions. This prefix is never used with the future gu-, or with wu-, nor apparently with the first and second persons singular and plural, and occurs only in the principal verb. It may be an element expressing the active, but may equally well be regarded as a past-temporal prefix. yén ugo’xtc he always came there (yén there; u- prefix; gox to go by canoe; -te always [$-19.1]) Léq! ts!uta’t dn ke udzigi’t dutci’nt one morning he awoke with his dream (zéq! one; ts/uta’t morning [see p. 200, note 11]; an with it; ke up; u- prefix; dzi- prefix [$18.6]; git to awake; du his; tcin dream; -7 possessive suffix) Lax qlin has uxe’ many nights they stayed out (x4ax very; q!/uin many (nights); has they; u- prefix; ze to camp) ayw’ has aositi’n there they saw it (a- indefinite pronoun; o- verbal prefix; s?- indicative prefix [§ 18.1]; tin to see) te duti’tx got kaoduk!i’t it all got out of his head (ze out; dw his; tu into; -t at; -x from; got all; ka- causative [§ 15.2]; o- verbal prefix; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; k/7t to get) > 3. du- is very nearly identical in meaning with the English perfect tense, conveying the idea of something already accomplished. It resembles wa- [§ 18.2] in some respects, and is often used conjointly with it; but while wa- seems to express finality, du- expresses previous accomplishment. te dutu’tx got kaoduk !7’t it got all out of his head (see above no. 2, ex. 5) ckle a’ gitahan yu’ yaodudzigqa ‘‘get up!” they said to him (ck/e up; a@’gitahan get [%]; yi- demonstrative; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; o-du-dzi- [§ 17.2; § 18.6]; ga to aS age’di has ga'dustin when ne saw them already inside (a- indefinite pronoun; gé inside; di to; has they; ga- when [§ 17.4]; du-s- [§ 18.1]; tin to oe) koduci’ duiga’ they hunted for him (ko- [§ 15.6]; du-; ci to hunt; du he; 7 euphonic [7]; ga for) _ Let ideasku! oe knew not (zéé not; wu- [§ 15.4]; du-; s- [§ 18.1]; ku to know) ts!uta’t hin wa'tdi akayé’k wud’ waax ate@’te the next morning (it) was to be heard at the mouth of the creek (ts!uta’t [see p- 200, note 11]; hin water; wat mouth; di to; a- indefinite pronoun; kayé’k at; wu- [§ 15.4]; du-; wa- [§ 18.2]; az to hear; at indefinite object; xé to go on; -t¢ always [§ 19.1]) §17 180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 daneé't ayidé’ ye wududzt’nt a box of grease was put inside of the canoe (dané’t box of grease; a- indefinite pronoun; -yidé inside; ye thus [?]; wu- [§ 15.4]; du-; dzi- [§ 18.6]; nz to put aboard) tét has duti’n they could not see him (zéé not; has oes ; du- perfect suffix; tin to see) 4, ga- is a prefix which indicates usually that the action was per- formed just before some other action, and may be translated by our conjunction WHEN. This may be identical with the ga in aga or agaawe'tsa AS SOON AS, IMMEDIATELY UPON. tax a’tate gadja’ginawe daq ugu’tte when he became very cold, he always came out (zaz very; at cold; -tc intensive suffix; ga-; djaq to die of [hyperbolically]; -in suffix [§ 19.3]; awe when; daq out; u- [§ 17.2]; gu to go; -¢ suffix [§ 20.1]; - aves [§ 19.1]) agé'di has ga'dustin ha'sdudat xa djiudigu’t when they saw them ‘inside, the enemy started to come upon them (see p. 179, no. 3, third example) dui'c ant akinad’ wugari'zin yu'gagan ye yé'ndusgete when the sun got straight up over her father’s town, they always said to her as follows (du- her; ic father; Gn town; -7 possessive suffix; a- indefinite pronoun; kind’ above; wu- [§ 15.4]; ga-; vix to reach; -tn suffix [§ 19.3]; yu- demonstrative; gAagan sun; ye thus; yén possibly there; du- [§ 17.3]; s- [§ 18.1]; ga to say; -tc intensive suffix) 5. na- is employed when the action with which it is associated is represented as accompanied by or accompanying some other action. Just as ga- may often be translated WHEN, this prefix may be translated WHILE, yet the two may be used together. It is so similar to the suffix -n [§ 19.3] that it is not unlikely that the two are identical. aya’ ade yanagu ‘diayu aosoti’n cawa't yii'adigiga’ cwu’ Lizae while he was going around the lake, he saw a woman floating aes (a- mdeniee pronoun; yx noted de at; ya- [§ 15.3]; na- gu to go; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; ayu indefinite pronoun sal demonstrative; a- indefinite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; s7- [§ 18.1]; tin to see; ca’wat woman; yi demonstrative; adigiga in it [exact meaning uncertain]; c- reflexive; wu- Z- verbal prefixes [ 15.4; § 18.5) dag has nago’x a’ayu yuhunxo'a ye'g!ayaqa while they were going shoreward, the eldest brother said as follows (daq shoreward; a Ie BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 181 hAs they; na-; gox to go by canoe; a’a-yu indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; yu- demonstrative; hunzo’ elder brother; a indefinite pronoun; qg/a- mouth [§ 14.1]; ya- [§ 15.3]; ga to say) ~ téq! kluda's! ati’x nagu’tte ya ha’sdu yagatsa’q yu’ awe ke ick !é'nte having gotten inside of his red-snapper coat, when he was pursuing them, that is the way he jumped (léq! red snapper; k!uda’s! coat; a- indefinite pronominal prefix; tux inside; na-; gu to go; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; -te always [§ 19.1]; ya [2]; ha’sdu them; ya- [§ 15.3]; ga- [§ 17.4]; tséq to pursue . yu- demon- strative; awe indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; ke up; 4,2]; c- reflexive; k/en to jump; -tc always [§ 19.1]) nara’c gA’xtusit having cut it, we will cook it (na-; zac to cut; ga- future prefix [§ 15.5]; -« transitional affix [§ 15.7]; tu we; sit to cook) wat ga’naadi naa’tte yuxt’ts! goa'nt the bear people, when they go hunting, always go after salmon (at salmon; ga- [$17.4]; na-; at to go; -4 part. suffix [§ 20.2];.na-; 4t¢ to go; -tc intensive suffix ; yu- demonstrative ; zits! bear; goan people; -7 possessive) telak” yanagu'tiawe qox aki'dadjite after it had walked a long time, it would stop suddenly (te/ak” a long time; ya- [§ 15.3]; na-; gu to go; -t purpose; -4 suffix [§ 20.2]; awe when; gox completely; a- indefinite pronoun; ku- future prefix [§ 15.5]; da- [?]; dji stem; -tc always [§ 19.1]) § 18. THIRD MODAL PREFIXES 1. S- or s?- is used in a simple statement of an action or condition, whether past, present, or future, but not usually of one which is incomplete. telak” alti’nt a’ya aositi’n looking for a while, he saw her (tc/ak¥ a long time; a- indefinite pronoun; #- [§ 18.4]; tin to see; -4 [§ 20.2]; a’ya indefinite pronoun and demonstrative; a- indefi- nite pronoun; o- [§ 17.2]; s2-; tin to see) dutuwu’sigu she felt happy (du her; tu- mind; wu- [§ 15.4]; si-; gu to go [%]) daqané’x wusite! quarrelsome he was (dagane quarrelsome; -x [§ 15.7]; wu- [§ 15.4]; te, stem) Let ye awuskw’ duyi't sati’yt he did not know it was his son (ze? not; ye thus; a- indefinite pronoun; wu- [$15.4]; s- kw to know; du his; yit son; s4-; ti to be; yt participial suffix [§ 20.2]) A'teget dusgo’qte what they throw it with (du-[§ 17.3]; s-; goq to throw; -te always [§ 19.1]) ; § 18 182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 For examples of the use of this prefix with the future, see in § 15.6. It is important to note the evident identity of this prefix with the particle as or 4st. dis kawuki’s!i asiyu’ eq! tat yi’awasa it was a whole month which he thought a night (dis month; kawuki’s!i whole; asi particle; yu demonstrative; 1éq! one; tat night; ya demon- strative; a- indefinite pronoun; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; sa to say [ =think]) aate yetsi’net ta asiyu’ it was the mother of the bears (wate this; ta mother) zatec te asvyw’ it was a stone 2. wa- indicating completed action. tsluta’t ayu’ dak has wwago’x in the morning, at that time out they got (u- [§ 17.2]; wa-; gor stem) Atla@’x has wwaze’ behind on they camped has Cq!at qoan ca’oduwaxéte they conquered the Stikine Indians (Cq!at Stikine; qoan people; ca- [%]; 0- [§. 17.2]; du- [§ 17.3]) gut tax Léq! dis hasduka’ cuwaxzi'x probably entirely one month on them passed (cu-[§ 15.1]) axe’, zat @’waha mother, I am hungry (a wa- verbal prefixes [$ 17.2]; ha stem) 3. di- denotes the beginning of an action. ada'cawe xa& djiudigu’t after that to war they started (#@ war; dji-u- [§ 17.1, 2]) gegé'de gonaha’ re cit’yaq!a’oditan toward morning the woman began to change her manner of talking (cu- completely [§ 15.1]; ya [4%]; q/a- mouth; o- [§ 17.2]; tan stem) acé’nya wudira’x it had begun to mold at the corner (a- indefi- nite pronoun; cé’nya corner of; wu- [§ 15.4]) wucka't caodite’ they started to rush around (wu- [§ 15.4]; ¢ reflexive prefix; kat post-position; ca- i [2%]; o- di- verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; te stem) yura'nas! Aada'x q!aodisa’ he began blowing on the raft (yu- demonstrative; 2@’nas! raft; g/a- mouth [§ 14.1]; 0- [§ 17.2]) kaodit!4’q! it began to be hot eee (ka- o- di- verbal ees [§ 15.2; § 17.2]; t/aq/ stem) TO START TO GO TO A CERTAIN PLACE is expressed by means of an adverb. gona yeq gwagagu't when he was going to start (gona starting ; ye thus; qo- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; gu- future prefix [§ 15.5]; ga- verbal prefix [$ 17.4]; gut to go) § 18 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 1838 4. €- or &@- indicates repetition of an action or a plurality of objects acted upon. yax has aya’ olidjaq yuta’n thus they killed off the sea-lions (a- indefinite pronoun; ya- [§ 15.3]; o- [§ 17.2]; djaq to kill; yu- demonstrative; tan sea-lion) ayu’ aotiza’c then he let it float along (ayw’ there; a- indefinite prefix ; o- fi- verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; zac stem) xatc qawage’ asiyu’ aca’otihik it was full of eyes (xate this; ga- man; wage’ eye; asiyw’ [§ 18.1]; a- demonstrative; ca- = cu- [§ 15.1]; o- [§ 17.2]; h2k stem) an qadji’n aotité’k” he shook hands with those things in his hands (an with it; gadjin man’s hand; a- indefinite pronoun; o- verbal ees ae 2) aa’ yt yakg!" aya’x aotigla’ng! he made the enemy’s canoes upset by quarreling (x@ enemy; -yi possessive suflix; yak" canoe; - -q!" collective; G@yax like that; a indefinite pronoun; o- t- verbal prefixes [§ 17.2]; g/an stem; -q! suffix [§ 19.5]) 5. E- or L?- is used in contradistinction to the above when the action takes place once, or is thought of at one particular moment. aositl’n cawa't yuadigi'ga cwu'Lizac (when he was going around the lake), he saw one woman floating there (a- inasouine pro- noun; 0-s?-[ § 17.2; § 18.1]; tin to see; cawa’t woman; yuadigi' ga there; c- reflexive; wu- [§ 15.4]; zac to float) deki’na hi’ni qo’a wurid’k far out its water, however, boiled (deki’na far out; hin water; -7 possessive suffix; go’a however; wu- Li- verbal prefixes [§ 15.4]; wk stem) yén caoLitsi’s there he stopped 6. dzt- conveys the idea of the attainment of a state not hitherto enjoyed, and is best translated by the words To COME TO BE. aya’ xawe duya’tq!t qgodzitr’ this is why his children came to be ‘born (a- that; yar like; awe it is; du- his; yat child; -g!t collective; go- indefinite [§ 15. 61; ti to be) cka a todztleu! 7 yura’'t qoa’nite wusné’xe afterward he came to know that the salmon people had saved him; a- indefinite pronoun; o- verbal prefix [§ 17.2]; kw to know; yu- demonstrative; zat salmon; qgoan people; -tc intensive; wu-s- [§ 15.4; § 18.1]) telu telak” lingi’t tin ka’ odjite yué'q a long time ago there came to be copper among the Indians (¢ing?’t Indians; tin with; ka-o- [§ 15.2; § 17.2]; yu- demonstrative; éqg copper) wa'sa cya’ odudziqa’, axyi’t? what did hey come to say to you, my son? (wa’sa what; i you; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; o-du- [§ 17.2,3]; qa to say; az my; yit son) § 18 184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 7. cti- expresses desire or wish, and may be used equally well as a stem. dusiv’ gok!i't! ak“cita’n his daughter liked to pick berries (du- his; goki't! berries; a- indefinite pronoun; k¥- [$15.6]; tan stem) Suffixes (§§ 19, 20) § 19. SUFFIXES OF TEMPORAL CHARACTER These suffixes, which are not to he confounded with true temporal suffixes, are -tc, -nutc, -n, -x, and perhaps -q! and s!. 1. -¢e indicates invariability in the action, and may best be trans- lated by aLways. It is perhaps identical with the intensive suffix (§ 7). duwa'qde yagaci’tc her eyes to he always pointed is!u yén ugo'xte again there he always went by canoe gaga'n Kané'sdica caki’/nax ke xizxte the sun always rises over the ' brow of Cross Mountain (gaga’n sun; caki/nax over the head of; ke up) gandawe’ utd’ite duda’q!anax towards the fire he always sleeps with his back (gan what burns; ta to sleep; du- his) 2. -nute marks what is habitual or customary. hu qo’a ts!as zik ari’qlanute she, however, only dry wood would get (ts!4s only; vuk dry wood; zig! to fetch) dugé’tenute they would throw off their coats Acu'tenute duyé’tk!™ she was in the habit of bathing her child (4= aindefinite pronoun; cute stem; du- possessive; yet child; -k« diminutive) ux udutcu’gqnute they would laugh at him (u- du- ¢- verbal prefixes [§ 17.2, 3; § 18.4]; cug to laugh) idaka’t a’dawe at!o’gtlinute all kinds of things he would shoot (idakat all; ad thing; a-we indefinite pronoun and demon- strative; a- indefinite pronoun; t/ogt! stem) a’t!aq!anutc he would pound 3. =n (after consonants -% or -62). This suffix marks a sta- tionary condition of the action, and is usually employed in conjunction with another verb, when it indicates the state of things when the action contained in the principal verb took place. The action it accompanies may be conceived of as past, present, or future, and from its character it approaches at different times in meaning a perfect, continuative, and usi- tative. This suffix is perhaps related to the prefix na- treated im $17.0. § 19 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 185 Lagu yén yax dutnigi’n ye qoyanage’te when a person is through with a story, he always says this (za’gu story; yén there; yax thus; du- ¢- verbal prefixes [§ 17.3; § 18.4]; ni[k] to say); ye thus; go- yarn [§ 15.6, 3; § 17.5]; ga to say; -tc[§ 19. 1)) wa'nin cwurixa’e edge tarned up, he floated (wan edge; in [4]; c- reflexive prefix; wu- Li- verbal prefixes [§ 15.4; § 18.5]; rac stem) dug!é naz ci tela yt qlanacxé’nte dui’ yeq gagaa’tin when his spirits came to him, blood would flow out of his mouth (du- his; q/a mouth; -nar from; ci blood; tc/a that; yiut out of it; qa mouth; na- [§ 17.5]; c- [2%]; zén stem; -tc always [§ 19.1]; du- his; yeg spirit; ga [4]; oe [§ 17.4]; at to go[pl.]; -in suffix) itu’ qiwan catli’g Nixa’ net gu’tni be courageous when Nixa’ comes in (i- thy; tw mind; -ww possessive suflix; g/wan exhor- tative [§ 22.3]; c4- reflexive; t/iq/ stem [?]; néf into house; gut to go; -n -i suffixes [§ 20.2]) tclaye’ dag gaci'te acgadja’gén when it almost killed him, he would run up (¢e/aye’ almost; daq up; ga- verbal prefix; cite to run; 4c for c- reflexive [that is, he allowed himself to be killed, Phoned by something else]; ga- verbal prefix [§ 17.4]; djaq to Tall. -én verbal suffix) tan a aka’wati anax gaduski’t hu ana’x yén wugoxd’n he pounded out a figure of a sea-lion, so that people would know he had come ashore there (tén sea-lion; a indefinite pronoun; ka- wa- [§ 15.2; § 18.2]; a indefinite pronoun; naz around; ga- du- s- [§ 17.4, 3; § 18.1]; ku to know; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; hu he; yen there; wu- [§ 15.4]; gox to go by canoe) has agaca’n when they marry (a- ga- verbal prefixes) 4. -x% may perhaps be regarded as a distributive; at any rate, it indi- cates that the action takes place many times, or continues for some period. Lél at udja’qu ts!u yén ugo’xte he kept coming in without having killed anything (zé/ not; at indefinite objective; dja4qg to kill; ts/u there) hu ay awe’ et ute’x he, however, did not sleep (u- [S 17.2]; -x) Let ga gt ugu'tz he never showed himself (zéé not; ga’gi was [7%]; u- verbal prefix [$ 17.2]; gu stem; -t purpose [§ 20.1]; -x) teut ac uté’nx ac wudjiyv’ayu aci't ae watan before he thought of it, his nephew saw him and spoke to him (teut before; 4c him; tén to see; ac his own; -yi possessive; ayu demonstrative; 4ci't to him; g/a- mouth [§ 14.1]; wa- verbal suffix [§ 18.2]; tan stem) aga’ tsa axé’x then only he ate (a- indefinite pronoun; za to eat; -2) xel utge’x ké’tadi not ever got big the sea-gull (u- t verbal pre- fixes [§ 17.2; § 18.4]; gé stem; 4) § 19 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 5. -q/ Although the meaning of this suffix has not been satisfac- torily determined, it may be included in this list, because it seems to be used in describing events that have taken place at some particular time, and to present a marked contrast to the suffix last considered. | tdaka’t yetx duca’q! people from all places tried to marry her (fdaka’t all, everywhere; yétx from into; du- verbal prefix [$ 17.3]; ca stem) ckaax ke djiti’niyeq! you can not see anything (tin to see; tye par- ticipial suffix lengthened [§ 20.2]; rest uncertain) cAkusti’q!tc those are (my people) there (s- verbal prefix [§ 18.1]; ti stem, to be; -tc always [§ 19.1]; rest uncertain) aya’ xawe aosi’ne aci’'n gAnatta’diciz tit! tu’di ac wuge’q! as he had ‘told him to do when he ran into the fire with him he threw him into the basket (aya’xawe as; a indefinite pronoun; 0-si [§ 17.2; § 18.1]; ac him, reflexive; -n with; gan fire; alta into [4%]; dé to start to; cia to run; Zit! basket; ta’di into; ac he; wu- [§ 15.4]; gé to throw) aa’ yt yak! aya’x a’oliq!a'ng! he made the enemy’s canoes upset by quarreling (see p. 183, no. 4) 6. -s! occurs after a few verbs, but its significance is obscure. atxawe’ gota’as! from there he listened (qgo- indefinite prefix [S 15.6]; & verbal prefix [§ 18.4]; 4x stem) aga’ keqgeti’s! wek!wa'tx you will look out for the green fern- roots (aga’ for that; ke particle; g- indefinite prefix [§ 15.6]; ge=gu-i future prefix and personal pronoun [§ 15.5]; t% to be; we- demonstrative; k/wata fern-roots) has goti’s! they were looking for him (qo- indefinite prefix; ti to be) § 20. SYNTACTIC SUFFIXES 1. -¢ is suffixed to a verb to indicate that it contains a statement of the purpose for which some other action was performed. duka’kte ade’ qoka'waqa duiga’ qagé’x dusga’ndayu his uncle sent some one after him to burn [his body] (du his; kak uncle; -te— intensive [§ 7]; ade’ to it; qo- indefinite prefix |§ 15. 6]; ka- wa- verbal prefixes [§ 15.2; § 18.2]; ga to say; du he; aga’ for; du- s- [§ 17.3; $18.1]; gan ee. to burn; -d for -F bates vowel; -ayu damouaiiatiye®) qa naa'di kiidé'n yén wudu'dzini ati’t qonga’nadayu and they put on good clothing because they wanted to die wearing it (g@ man; na- verbal prefix [§ 17.5]; at to go [pl.]; -¢ verbal § 20 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 187 suffix; [$ 20.2]; klidé’n good; yén there; wu- du- dzi- [§ 15.4; § 17.3; § 18.6]; atu’t into it; gonga [uncertain]; na to die; -t purpose; ayu demonstrative) | duiga’ at nagasi’t something to help him (duiga’ for him; at indefinite; na-[?] ga- verbal prefixes [§ 17.4]; su to help; -t purpose) ada’x awaxd'x aci’n ckangatni’git then he invited him to tell him (something he did not know) (ada’x after it; ac- he; -n with; c- reflexive; kanga[? compare gonga second example; t- ver- bal prefix [§ 18.4]; nik stem; -t purpose) Ak !“qlayu ye’ yati qa akade’ wugu’t ga’nga a man stopping at Auk went to (the lake) to get wood (ak!”, Auk; -q! at; ayu demon- stratives; yé- adverb, thus; ya- [§ 15.3]; t2 to be; g@ man; -kade’ on; wu- [§ 15.4]; gu- to go; -t purpose; gan wood, fire; ga for). : The use of -¢ with gu TO Go, as in the last example, has become very common, and in that connection it appears to have lost some- thing of its original function. 2. -é, -0 after consonants; yt-,-ewe after vowels. The subordina- tion of one clause to another is effected more often than in any other manner by suflixing -2 or -o after consonants, or -yi or -wu after vowels (see §§ 3 and 10). This seems to have the effect of transforming the entire clause into a par- ticiple or infinitive. yugd go’a ka'deq!aka’x dagt wudjizi’xi the man who jumped out from (the raft was very much ashamed) (yu demonstrative; ga man; go’a however; ha’deq!aka’x from on it; dagt out; wu- dji- [§ 15.4; § 17.1]; viz to jump or move quickly) dudji'q! ye yuti’yt s!aq gata’ ake’ asé’wati he set up a bone trap he had (du he; djiq! to; ye thus; yu- demonstrative; ti to be; s!aq bone; gata’ trap; a- indefinite pronoun; ke up; @ indefi- nite pronoun; se- verbal prefix; wad[i] to set up) hade’ wat at ci’yi this way! those who can sing (c2 to sing) él ye wua' rte yucd' wat atxayt’ axa’ yudjé/nwu she never got full eating sheep-fat (zé? not; ye thus; ax to eat; yu- indefinite pronoun; c@’wat woman; a indefinite pronoun; af things; za to eat; -yt suffix; axa’ fat; yu- demonstrative; djé’nwu moun- tain sheep) wuctaca’ yi married to each other (that is, married couple) aya’xde yanagu' diayu aositi’n while he was going around it, he saw (a- it; ya’ade around; ya-na- [§ 15.3; § 17.5]; -ayu demon- strative) § 20 188 - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40 tclak” alti’nt aya’ aositi’n looking for a while, he saw her (a- demonstrative; ¢ [§ 18.4]; aya’ it is this) : godziti’yi at big animals or things; apparently signifies THINGS BEING OR EXISTING (qgo- indefinite [§ 15.6]; dzi- verbal prefix [§ 18.6]; t% to be; -yt suffix; at things) 3. -k“. A verb is frequently changed into a noun by taking a suffix -k”, and this is also usually indicated by the demonstra- tive prefix; but it would seem, from the manner in which it is used with certain verbs, especially with the verb To CALL or NAME (sa), that it should be regarded as a perfect participial a suffix as much as a noun-forming suffix. yiyuglata’ngite your well speaking of them (yz you [pl.]; yu- de- ' monstrative; g/a mouth; tan stem; -tc intensive; -g7- stands here for k”) ye'duwasak” their names being these (ye thus; du- wa- verbal pre- fixes; sa stem) tit yudjisita'nk” waves rise up on it; or waves, the rising up of them upon it (#/ wave; yu- demonstrative; dj?- s7- prefixes; tan stem) ye yuwagutk” that was why he had traveled that way; or, more strictly, thus the traveling of him (yé thus; yu- demonstra- tive; wa- verbal prefix; gut stem) yika’-at-xack” the ones having split tongues for you (y7- you; ka post-position; at thing; zac stem) yug!tayata’nk” the one that could talk (yu- demonstrative; g/a mouth; ya- verbal prefix; tan stem) yuqoyatis!é’ zk% when he was playing with the children, he would hurt them; or, the hurt he would do to them (yu- demonstra- tive; go- ya- ti- verbal prefixes; s/éz stem) yu ‘ayatig tk“ he would break the knife he got hold of (ya#- demon- strative; a- indefinite; ya- verbal prefix; t/q! stem) Lax YALa te “he was a very great eater; or, the great eater that he was (ax very; ya- verbal prefix; rag stem) dunda’ at li’tclé’quk" he was a dirty little fellow; or, the dirty little fellow that he was (dund [?] at thing; ti- verbal prefix; tcléq” stem) ada’ yuq!4'duria’tk® about it they were all talking; or, the talk- ing that went on about it (a- indefinite; da post-position; yu- demonstrative; g/4 mouth; du- 1i- verbal prefixes; at stem) tela akani’k telure’ ayé’x yu'yatik” whatever he told them took : place (tc/a whatever; tc/ule’ then; ayé’x like it; yu- demon- strative; ya- prefix [§ 15.3]) gaye’ gok*qwané'xe telure’ yuahantkk" ayéx yu'yatikY when a § 20 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 189 person was going to get well, he told them, and so it was (qa person; go- [§ 15.6]; néx to be well; for the rest see last exam- ple). The end of this sentence might be rendered As was THE TELLING OF THIS BY HIM, SO WAS THE FACT da’sa ga’xdudja’q gon yuaka'yanikk" what they were going to kill was what they got (d@’sa what; ga- future [§ 15.5]; -x transi- tional [§ 15.7]; du- verbal prefix [§ 17.3]; djaq to kill; gon [ 2]; yu- demonstrative; 4- indefinite pronoun; ka- ya- verbal pre- fixes [§ 15.2, 3]; nik stem) 4. -ya. Another suffix similar to this is -ya, which is perhaps identical with the continuative ya- treated of in $15.3. This is mainly used in clauses which in English would be subordi- nated by means of a relative pronoun or adverb, and often the participial suffix -2 [§ 20.2] is employed in conjunction with it. It would seem that the entire clause is turned into a noun in this manner, and becomes the object of the principal verb. Examples are as follows: yar gate’ yug!as adé’ uduwagq!a'siya far is the distance which the cascade comes down (7 YAL like ; gate’ far; yu- demonstrative ; q/ads cascade; ade’ to it; u- du- wa-[§ 17.2, a §1b2p te!lu ade’ xaq!ii'ya awe’ aya’x got ci’/waziz just the way they were sleeping they were destroyed (te/u just; ade’ at it; aq” to sleep; aya’z like it; got completely; cu-[§ 15.1]) dudji'txawe yidadund' ya from him they knew how to fix [a trap] (du him; -dj intensive [§ 7]; t to; 2 from; awe demonstrative; yidadunda’ya they learned to fix) ade’ has kaq!adi’ nuteya ade’ akaotixé’s! he put them in the place where they were in the habit of hooking fish (ade’ at it; has they; ka to cause [?]; g/at to catch [?]; -nutc hebieaalls [§ 19.2]; a- indefinite fa ka- o- H@-[§ 15.2; § 17.2; § 18.4]) até’xya aosiku’ when she slept, he knew (a- indefinite prefix; te to sleep; -x -ya suffixes [§ 19.4]; a- indefinite prefix; o- st- verbal vee [§17.2; $18.1]; ku to know) kaodit!4’q! @ xo gudiya’ it was hot weather from where he started (ka- o- di- verbal prefixes [§15.2; § 17.2; § 18.3]; t/aq! stem; a- indefinite prefix; zo among; gu to go; -¢ purpose [§ 20.1]) tét has @ wusku ade’ yuyané giya they did not know what to make of it (zé? not; a- indefinite pronoun; wu- s- [§ 15.4; §18.1]; ade’ at it; yu- demonstrative; ya- verbal prefix [§ 15.3]; nek to say) has @wawus! “guda’x sa yé'daduna'taya’”’ they inquired, “From where do they get this?’ (gu where; daz from; sa interrogative particle; ye adverb; da- du-na- verbal prefixes [§ 14.4; §17.3,5]; At to go[pl.]) § 20 [BuULL. 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 190 “4s0] [[@ 010M AOL Lt pn no (70b) *(UI9Y}) SUT]]O} SBAL OTT yy 1 Dy a “aq 0} OUTRO IT a4 18 n z “yreods 0} (JNO) 9UO BUIOS JUS OFT DU Dn DY pjb ‘qno sBury} poaout Loy, 22D DM npn Dy (2¥) “qnd aq 04 gu103 SI 41 uaY M 1 opi np x-nb “FT 1000 []TM OA 1s U7) a-nb *(UOS SIt,) SUIOg uh 1} ¥Ss “qnoqe JlesunIy SuIBVOy SABM]S SLA oH 24 apy y nm 2 -poureu w2e0q ZUIAR ET ny DS pn np D *paaes oq 0} pasnvo 4] p: rau 1s n DY “poqieys pey Aoy Unt pm np nn (Gia) “peay SI JO JNO AToza]dUIOD 403 4] ui np-n DY (70b) -ayods pu yno yuo OTT un} pn vib *(wzp= 0} oUIBd) NOA 07 Avs 07 OUIBD AOL, ob 1zp np-n oh 4 “poaes Sued a T2U s nn “41 MOU OF oreo oH ny vzp n D “WOdS SBAL OFT uy s np nn “ApP{oD 4107 UMOP 403 oF Tit up nn “al 0} Pres OTT pb 4s n phi D “Apjour oq 03 uNnseq pel 4 IDT up nn “xing “uals *xgeid *xygoid “qoafqns *xyoid *xgoid “40a[qo [epowl pay, | Tepoul puoosesg} yeurmouorg | jepoul 4ysi1q [BUTULO NT [euro u01g ‘SNUOY IVAUAA AO SISATVNY Oo N won 191 LANGUAGES HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN “OU 07 SUTATS O18 NOL ob tz phi Dp wet “SUIARY ov NOK oh Ww DU 2 pli “ULIBM OC [IM OAL Dj} DM nb-ny DY “aasop (pyey Jo) ynd no x mu 18 wh *(pjoo Jo) SuiAp aie nox bylp DU 1 oii “sn porno oavy Aoyy, raw as n DY “uLIY, day 07 (SuryyouI0g ) ; ns pb-DU ED (Q¥) “41 oyUT payary AOU, r¥8} ” n Dyno D *(nz) Apoq B ut (s00p 94 07) poysna AoYy, bnb pn ny *(opotqred oATyeIodUL ap) OUT YA oD ap WW DU Dx *parvoy SABMIC YT 2} IV pa ; ob “403 41 UO A ur dit vb nn ‘nod poars Aoyy, raU as n 2 ‘ung SABATS PINOA IT 4 unb ob D “Ul OULOD pnoA AoYy UOT AA ur Vv vb D , “uoUl]es 10,78 03 AOTY UOT AA L qo pu-vb “QUIY] OP UYOpUY WE OJ LOY 10 pony AOL rh) Dn np-n pii-ob “UMOP OF 0} pojaeys AOL, va p pli D “SulAp sem oy way A, DU Db ph *(s1v0f poipuny ® UeYy O1OUL) Joy POAT] SUIARY OT] art same eae: ee Baan CS i eee on a eae oe ob “419n0 oy Us, AA t opr nn D CRUMP aM) ot MOONE GEE ee hoe | i tam le ime ia ones eae \c > cael Ree nib “YO 4nd 09 ZuI03 svar oT ae ie ae ae Se a nb-ob D > \ “(eawaq “9 "y) puyur uy 3 § 20 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 21. Composition of Verb-Stems A real composition of two verb-stems in one word seems to be entirely wanting. It sometimes happens, however, that the stem which contains the principal idea is placed before another verb-stem of very general meaning, such as ¢t? TO BE, ziz TO GET, or nuk” To BECOME, and is there treated as if it were a prefix or an adverbial modifier, all of the other verbal prefixes being attached to the general auxiliary stem. Thus we have— ytha’n ke gax gaxyisate’ YOU (pl.) WILL oRyY, where gaz is the regular stem of the verb meaning To cRy, Ane ti, the stem of she verb To BE, taking the future, pronominal, sand all other prefixes. Similar to this is k/dnt has wwanu'k” THEY BECAME ANGRY, where k/dn signifies ANGER, and nuk” TO BECOME. | Of this same type is got cu/wariz THEY WERE ALL DESTROYED, although it is uncertain whether got is ever employed as a regular stem in the place of giz. The list on pages 190 and 191 contains the analysis of a number of verbal forms in accordance with the groups of prefixes and suf- fixes described in §§ 14-20. Adverbs (§§ 22, 23) 22, Modal Adverbs 1. agi is an interrogative adverb which is used in interrogative e o sentences in which no interrogative pronoun occurs. It is placed after the verb, or near the beginning of the clause. wyaa’ ate agi’? do you hear it? uha'n agi’ yeka’ at tura'ck® tea ki’cta qoan qleca’nt? are we the ones splitting land-otter (tongues) to see people? (aha’n we; yeka’ the ones; 4t indefinite object, namely, tongues; tu we; vac split; -k¥ Shae [§ 20.3]; tea thus; ku’cta land-otter; goan people; q/eca’nit to see [uncertain ee vat yi siti’n agi? do you see me? (zat me; yi you; si- prefix [§ 18.1]; tin to see) 2. dé following the verb indicates the imperative. Adjv't gut dé! come up to me! (4x me; -d7 intensive [§ 7]; -é to; gu to come; -t purpose [§ 20.1]) G@nax asaqo’x ‘da! go with it around it! (@ indefinite pronoun; naz around; a indefinite pronoun; sa- prefix ; gox to go by canoe) ga'nga naa't dé! for firewood go! (gan firewood; ga for; na- "prefix [§ 17.5]; at to go) §§ 21, 22 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 193 3. glwAn expresses a mild imperative and resembles our own PRAY, or SUPPOSE. deki’ q!wan dagqict’q out, pray, run to him! (déki’ out; da- to [§ 14.4]; gi-[%]; cig to run) hing! qlwan yén «at cat into the water, pray, then put me! (hin water; g/ at; yén then; zat me; cat put) ituwu’ q!wan catli’q! Nixd’ net gu’tné be courageous when Nixa’ comes in (see § 19.3; 7 you; tu mind; -ww possessive; c4- reflex- ive; t/ig!, stem [?]; net into the house; gu to go; -t -n -7 suf- fixes [§ 20.1; § 19.3; .§ 20.2]) ‘ 4. £ expresses the negation. Generally this element appears com- bined with the connective re THEN. The emphatic negative is Hit, apparently a doubled negation. lit kinigi’q ya axhi’ti never tell about my house (id never; ki=ka [%; nik to tell; -q suffix; ya about; ax my; hit house; -7 possessive) tit rax ye vat kuga’ndjig never let me burn up! (14x very; ye thus; vat I; ku future; gan to burn; -tc always; -7q a suffix) In negative questions the negation is contracted with the interrog- ative particle. Lé'git cat wuneku? am I not sick? (zé adverb; gi interrogative particle; / not (with 22); vat 1; wu- verbal prefix; nék” sick) 5. gué expresses probability, and is generally initial. gut tax Léq! dis hasduka’ cuwaxi’z very probably they passed all of one month (zaz very; zéq! one; dis moon; hasduka’ on them; cu- entirely [§ 15.1]; wa- verbal prefix [§ 18.2]; ziz stem) gut de djyinka’t ayu’ q!a’owaxe for probably ten days he went [without food] (de already; djinkat ten; ayu’ demonstrative; q/a mouth [§ 14.1]; o- wa- prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.2]; xe stem) § 25. Locative Adverbs Locative adverbs are difficult to distinguish from post-positions, but the following may be mentioned as of constant occurrence: 1. dak outward, out to sea 7. néf into the house 2. daq shoreward 8. yu or yux out of doors 3. ke upward 9. yén there 4. de now, right away, al- 10. deki’ far outward ready 11. zxkt’ down below, spe- 5. ye thus or as follows cifically southward 6. yéx or yax like 12. yik inside 44877—Bull. 40, pt 110 —13 § 23 194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 46 Bearing a closer resemblance to post-positions are: 13. 14. . « from - g! at . yi down in . yi’nadé down toward . yes for . goe back to, backward . «An to a person . tu into . ta’yi under . tla behind . dAx from . da around . £O among . ki toward nN © H OO en i Do Ww bk bw “Io O1 o/0) t or dé to n with 29. 30. ol. o2. 30. o4. 30. 36. a7. 38. 39. 40). 4]. 42. 45. ka on ga for qaq! for gé inside of tin with ha’yi down underneath qlés for gayv down in front of wat at the mouth of tak in the middle of nax through, on account of, in association with gan outside of datcu’n straight for ya in the neighborhood of sak” for The last of these is always used after the verb. Even nouns and verbs are used exactly as if they were conceived of as post-positions: as, hi’tq!t tux ya'wagut yucd’ wat adja’q dax the woman went through the houses after she had killed it (Ait house; -q/4 collective; tux through; ya- wa- verbal prefixes [$ 15.3; §18.2]; gu to go; -t [§ 20.1]; yu- demonstrative; ca’w4t woman; a it; djag to kill; dax from) aqli’ts cantt’dé kax a’odigeq! he put (his coat) on to go down into the midst of its tentacles (a- it; qlits tentacles; can-tu’dé into the midst of; kaz adverbial; a- indefinite pronoun; o0- di- prefixes [§ 17.2; § 18.3]; geg! to do quickly) ayAtané’s!awe awa'n when he had sharpened the edges of it. (a- indefinite pronoun; ya- ¢4- verbal prefixes [§ 15.3; § 18.4]; nés! to sharpen; awe when; a it; wan edges) As, on account of their phonetic weakness, the post-positions t, n, x, and qg/ must always be agglutinated to some other word, they sometimes have the appearance of cases, but the first of these is sim- ply a contraction of dé; and the distinction in use between all of them and the syllabic post-positions is not marked enough to justify a separate classification. The adverbs de, ke, and ye are essential to certain verbs, and the same may be said of at SOMETHING with the verbs za TO EAT and zUun TO START. § 23 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 195 § 24. Conjunctions The conjunction used between nouns and coordinate clauses is qa AND; while antithesis is expressed by go’a, which more closely approaches English HOWEVER in its use than BuT. Conjunctions employed to introduce sentences are, for the most part, compounded of post-positions and demonstratives: ada’xayu or ada’xawe and then (compounded of a; daz from; a, and yu or we) Atxawe’ afterwards (from a; ¢t to; x from; a; and we) aya’zawe on account of which (from a; yaz like; a; and we) tc!uxe’, evidently THEN, consists of two adverbial particles, te/u and ze! wanani'sawe by and by (probably compounded from some verb) Atcawe’ contains the intensive suffix te. Subordinate clauses, when not turned into participles or infinitives, are connected to the principal verb by awe’ or ayu’, which also occur in conjunction with the participial suffix -2, and often with ga-, na-, or -n. ' VOCABULARY (§§ 25-28) Stems are almost invariably monosyllabic, and consist usually of a consonant followed by a vowel; or a consonant, vowel, and conso- nant. Occasionally, however, we find single vowels; a vowel fol- lowed by a consonant; or a vowel, consonant, and vowel. Two con- sonants never occur together in the same syllable unless one is an agglutinated affix. § 25. Nominal Stems Following is a list of several simple nominal stems: a lake ta stone an town tan sea-lion as! tree tat night aza’ paddle nu fort ie father naa’t clothing yak” canoe nuk!” shells yak mussel tcuné’t bow yao herring isa seal yarte sea-otter tsésk!” owl yek supernatural helper sldx" hat yit son sit spruce da’s!a snare cat wife dis moon can old person $§ 24, 25 196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY cayi’na anchor ct blood ci song gaga’n sun gote wolf ga man gaha’k” salmon-eggs gou people gia point q!an fire q!un fur-seal q/at! island za enemy [BULL. 40 zao log or dead tree zat root xon friend xox husband kat fish-basket kant brother-in-law ké’ radi sea-gull ra’na evening zits! grizzly-bear xixtc! frog hin fresh water hit house hu’nx elder brother Onomatopoétic words are surprisingly rare. The followmg are the terms of blood-relationship: titk! grandparent tc father La mother tak! mother’s sister (literally, little mother) kak mother’s brother at father’s sister, and father’s sister’s daughter sa’/ni father’s brother and father’s sister’s son hunx man’s elder brother catx woman’s elder sister kik! man’s younger brother, and woman’s younger sister Ldk! man’s sister ik! woman’s brother katk! mother’s brother’s children cxAnk! grandchild yit son, and son of mother’s sister si daughter, and daughter of mother’s sister kétk! sister’s child, and child of woman’s brother Terms of relationship through marriage are the following: xox husband cat wife wu father-in-law tcan mother-in-law ka’ni brother-in-law of man, and sister-in-law of woman The other relationships are indicated by terms purely descriptive. Most of the above are also used in a broad sense to cover those per- sons of the same sex, clan, and generation, as the one to whom it more particularly belongs. A sister’s husband was called husband; and a wife’s sister, wife, because, in case of the wife’s death, the widower had a right to marry her sister. § 25 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 197 § 26. Verbal Stems One or two nominal stems, such as sa NAMB, tctin DREAM, and giz! HERRING-RAKE, are also found as the stems of verbs, but usually the two sets of stems are quite distinct. of verb-stems: u to use ha to dig s!u to cut off na to do ni to put xe to stay, remain gu to go (one person) at to go (pl.) dja to tell, explain tu to be ku to know ta to sleep ga to say su to help (a supernatural being acting) ca to marry xa to eat ya to carry, bear k!é to be good dji to have ge to sit nex to save nik to tell yex to make xox to invite tan to put nuk” to become djaq to kill tin to see gAs! to strike gén to look at, examine aix to get gan to burn The following is a partial list git to do na to die ka to be lazy tla to slap tla to be hot ci to hunt for hik to be full of djét to set, place tsin to be strong giq! to throw qou to go by canoe Lléx to dance cat to take, seize xac to drift zot! to sharpen az to hear — hén to stand zéq! to sleep or to go to sleep slit to cover tit to drift gax to cry k!an to hate ts!4q to smoke uk to boil tluk to shoot t!aq! to pound wis! to ask xin to fly into k!ak! to cut q!ak” to forget qlak to swim Ak to weave tsis to swim It is possible that the final consonant of one or another of these stems is really a suffix, and such may have been the origin of some terminal consonants which are now inseparable. § 26 198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 27. Numerals Numerals precede the nouns with which they occur. The cardinal numbers are: Léq! one na’ts!kuducu’ eight déx two guct’k nine nats!k three dji'nkat ten daq!u'n four dji’nkat qa Leg! eleven keé’djin five Lé'ga twenty Lé’ducu six nats!ga d7ji’nkat thirty daxa’ducu seven ké’djin qa one hundred Ke'djin is formed from ke up and djin HAND; dji’nkat contains the suflix kat AcRoss or UPON and djin HAND; 1é’qa is from 1éq! ONE and gd MAN. When human beings are referred to, slaves usually excepted, the numeral takes the post-position naz. na’s!ginax ga three men reduct’nax duké’tk!i has his six nephews déx gux two slaves The numeral onk, however, is sometimes unchanged. yuLe gq! yat’ yiga wuckik yé'n bring one of the brothers Leq! ati’yva bring one man nax is also used to form distributive numerals. Ordinals are formed from cardinals by means of a final -a. daza’ the second nats!gia’ the third THE FIRST is expressed by cug!wa’naz. Numeral adverbs are formed by suffixing -dahén. daxdahe'n yé'yanaga when he said thus twice dardahé’na gu’dawe after she had been twice § 28. Interrogative Pronouns The chief interrogative pronouns, also used as relatives, are adii’sa wo, da’sa WHat, and wda’sa wHat or How. The final syllable sa is separable, however, although never omitted, and ought rather to be regarded as an interrogative particle, though it is perhaps identical with the particle st or ast referred to in § 18.1. Examples of the use of these pronouns are: §§ 27, 28 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 199 adw’sa wut!i’q! who broke it off? adu'sgi qasv’ gaca’ 1 wonder who will marry my daughter da’ saya ye dji’wani what has done this? dasayw’, axe’ what is that, mother? ha da'tin sa what with? (that is, what can you do?) wasa’yu hade’ ye'doga what to us do they say thus? teluxe’ tél wuduskw’ wa'sa waniye’ then they did not know what had been done wa'sa vya’odudzigqa’ axyi’t what did they say to you, my son? With these should be connected gu’si WHERE. “iad yen yugoxe’tegt where is, then, the breaking off of it? gusu’ tiwunw' ¢ au yryt where is it that he had felt bad? a guda’aqa’x sayw’ U'wadji Let ye’awusku’ from whence he came, she did not know The last of these examples shows the locative character of gusu’ (in this case contracted to gu); and the first two, the curious manner of its employment. § 28 TEXT QaQ!aroet’kK (Told by interpreter, Don Cameron, at Sitka, January, 1904) Cit!ka’q!ayu! yé’yati?. wu'ckik!tyé’n* ye’duwasak"* hunxo’® a° At Sitka it was that there.were brothers ~ named thus the eldest thatis Qaq!ategi’k.? Axli’nayu® has ak’cita’n.® tLeq!? tsluta’tayu™ Qaq!Ategi’k. Hunting it was they liked. One morning it was on that q!a’tiq!t xodé’"* dak has uwaqo’x.* él at udja’ qx. 15: To islands to among out they went by canoe. Not things he a illed. Again yén ugo’xte.%© Ts!u dak uwago’x.* Ada’xayu™ yuq!i’n™® xo’dé there he alwayscame Again out he went by canoe. And then the fur seals to in by canoe. among wuduwasa’.® “Hu at naqo’xtctya” aya’. Cilk!a’L!” isa* his name was called. ‘‘He things always going in canoe is here. Keep quiet your voices after gaa’x.”** Daq has nago’x* a/ayu® yuhunxd’a” yée’qlayaqa:” “lesthe Shoreward they were going by at that time the eldest brother it said thus: hear.” canoe was 1 Cit/kd@’ (Sitka) compounded of Ci the native name of Baranoff island, the post-position t/a BEHIND or BACK OF, and the post-position ka on; q/ locative post-position aT; ayw compounded of yu the demonstra- tive and probably a- indefinite pronoun, used to call particular attention to the place. 2 ye an adverpial particle referring to BROTHERS, which may here be translated AS FOLLOWS, although it sometimes refers to what precedes; ya- continuative prefix § 15.3; ¢istem of the verb TO BE. 3 wu- § 15.4; c- the reflexive prefix § 11; kik! YOUNGER BROTHER; -yén suffix which seems to take the place of hAs to indicate plurality. ; 4 ye AS FOLLOWS; du- § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; sa TO NAME or CALL; -kunoun-forming or perfect participial suffix § 20.3. 5 hunz ELDER BROTHER; 0 probably possessive; kik! YOUNGER BROTHER. 6a stands for yé’duwasaku, 7 Object of yé’duwasaku, 8 a- indefinite pronoun indieating the things hunted for; L/in HUNTING FoR, employed as a post-posi- tion; -ayu (see note 1). 9 hAs personal pronoun subject third person plural; a- object referring to az/i/n; ku- indefinite prefix; ci- desire § 18.7; tan TO PUT, verb-stem of many uses. 10 ,@q/ ONE, numeral modifying és/uia’t. Very often the noun modified is omitted in connections like this. ll ts/u AGAIN; tat NIGHT; ayw demonstrative. The meaning seems to be, ANOTHER NIGHT BEING PAST. 12 g/at! ISLAND; -q/i plural; 10 AMONG; dé motion to. 13 Adverb; SEAWARD or TO AN OPEN PLACE. M4 u- § 17.2; wa- § 18.2; gox TO GO BY CANOE. 16 y- § 17.2; djAq TO KILL; -x distributive suffix § 19.4. 16 y- § 17.2; gox TO GO BY CANOE; -tc intensive suffix § 7. 17 a- indefinite pronoun; -dAr FROM; ayu demonstrative. 18 yu- demonstrative; g/uim FUR-SEAL. 19 wu- § 15.4; du- § 17.3; wa- § 18.2; sa TO NAME, TO CALL,. also VOICE. 20 na- action accompanied by another action § 17.5; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -tc intensive suffix § 7; -7 participial suffix; -ya noun-forming suffix § 20.2, 4. 21 a indefinite pronoun, and ya demonstrative. 22 c- reflexive § 11; ¢- frequentative § 18.4; k/AL! TO BE QUIET. 237- THY; sa VOICE (see note 19). *4 ga- subordinating prefix § 17.4; dz TO HEAR. 2% a and ayu. 26 yu- demonstrative; hunxo’ ELDER BROTHER; a indefinite pronoun. 27 yé- AS FOLLOWS; g/a@ MOUTH; ya- § 15.3; ga stem. 200 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 201 *¢rak" axa’, yandunu’k’.”* we k!int*” has uwanu’k".” Caqaha’di# “Quick paddles it has become windy.’’ Then angry they became. The bowman yak"t * awago’q"* duaxa’yi.** daka’t yé’s® wudzigi't.*° Ada’xayu into the pushed his paddle. All did the same. And then canoe cana’ has wu’'distit.% Yi’yak"'* qo’a Lé wu'lixac.” Deki'dé* heads they covered. The canoe, however, then drifted. Outward teduct’** ya’kaye qa tat’ has wu'lixac.*® Yadji’nkat-qa-déx ” six days ° and nights they drifted. The twelth day aka’tayu“® ke a/odzigit* yén yu'lititk®*® yuya’k*. Aositi’n* on that up he woke there the drifting against * the canoe. He saw the shore q!atika’q!*7 astyu’*® tan, tsa, q!iin, yax"te! ga tan-q!adadza’yi.” on the island it was sea-lions, hair- fur- sea-otters, and _ sea- bristles. " seals, seals, lion- Hdaka’t ada’*® aolita’q!*' yuq!a't!daq!.* Has at ka’wadjél.* All around it drifted the island around on. They things got up. Léq! tak"™ aye’s® wuti’.*® Ka’ndak!e’ti®” yure’q! tak" ga acuwv’. One-year they were there. It was completed the one year and a half. Wute’x® yuqa’ tcucsta’t.°° wéq! tsluta’‘t an® ke udztoi’t® “ Pa) Slept regularly the man tosleep about himself. One morning with it up he woke dutei’ni.” Yée’atcun® qox® agia’qtc.” Ada’xayu” req! ts!uta’t” his dream. He dreamed thus back healwaysgot. And then one morning 28 ya- § 15.3; n- action accompanied by another action § 17.5; du- § 17.3; nuku To BLOow. 2 k/@n ANGER; -t attainment of a state § 20.1. 30 w- § 17.2; wa- § 18.2; nuku TO BECOME. 31 Perhaps containing ca HEAD, ga MAN. 32 yaku CANOE; -t motion into. 3 q@ indefinite pronoun; wa- § 18.2; gogu TO PUSH. % du- HIS; ata’ PADDLE; -yi’ possessive suffix § 10. 3% yé refers to action preceding; -s probably stands for has THEY. 36 wu- § 15.4; dzi- TO COME TO § 18.6; git TO DO. 37 cd HEAD; -na probably AROUND, NEAR. 38 wu- § 15.4; di- inchoative § 18.3; s/it TO COVER. 39 wu- § 15.4; 7- frequentative § 18.4; rac TO DRIFT. 40 dck’ FAR OFF; -dé motion thither. 41 Léq/ one; six = one counted upon five. . : ® ya- demonstrative; djin HAND; -kat UPON or ACROSS, probably the two hands lying upon each other; ga AND; déx TWO. Probably a indefinite pronoun; ka on; t motion to; ayw demonstrative compound. a indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; dzi- TO COME TO BE § 18.6; git. 4 yu demonstrative; 2- frequentative § 18.4; tif TO DRIFT ASHORE; -ku verbal noun § 20.3. 46 q- indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; -si simple statement of an action § 18.1; tin TO SER. 47 glat! ISLAND; kA ON; q! AT. 48 Probably a indefinite pronoun; si simple statement of fact (see note 46); yw demonstrative. © q!a probably MOUTH; -yi possessive suflix § 10. 60 @ indefinite pronoun; da AROUND. 51 q indefinite pronoun; o- § 17.2; ?- frequentative § 18.4; tag! TO DRIFT. 52 yw demonstrative; g/at/ ISLAND; da AROUND; q! AT. 58 ka- TO CAUSE TO DO § 15.2; wa-§ 18.2; djéf TO ARISE. 54 Strictly WINTER. 5 @ indefinite pronoun; y@s ON ACCOUNT oF, or yé plus s for has THEY. 56 wu- § 15.4; ti TO BE. 37 Tam unable to analyze this word. 4 may be the prefixed auxiliary. 8 wu- § 15.4; ta TO SLEEP; -r distributive § 19.4. 59 teuc- perhaps reflexive § 11; s- single statement of action § 18.1; t@ TO SLEEP; -t suffix indicating purpose § 20.1. % @ indefinite pronoun; -n WITH. 61 u- active prefix § 17.2; dzi- T0 COME TO BE § 18.6; git To Do. ® du- HIS; tciin DREAM; ~Z possessive suflix after a consonant §§ 3, 10. 63 ye- demonstrative; a indefinite pronoun; tein TO DREAM. 64 gox occurs both as adverb and as post-position. % @ indefinite pronoun; g@q TO REACH; -tc intensive suffix § 7. 202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 duki’k!-has® ye’ayaosiqa,” ‘*Ca’yidagé’dé. Yak"yi® at kaytlaga’.” his younger brothers he said to as follows, “Sit up. Into the things you load. canoe Tcikugé’yi yé’nde™ hayak"ewata’n.” Gaga’n Kané’sdi-ca 7 Anywhere i thither * we will go. sun Cross-mountain (Verstovaia) caki/nax™ ke xixte.”™ Ada’xayu yén has ya’watan.” Qo’ka near the up alwaysgets.” And then there they “were heading. It was top of dark wucgée’di” hasducayi’nayi® hing!” has anati’te® gaga’n ana’x* into “itseli their anchor in the they lowered sun from water near it ke xi’xtciya.’ wax q!in*® has uxe’* sayu’* has aositi’n ke’Ladi up where it gets. Very many they camped when they saw a sea-gull it was yadji’ndahén.® Xatc%® uilix asiyu’ has aositi’n. Axa’nga* standing suddenly It was Mount it was they saw. Near it (on the water). Edgecumbe that yasgagoxayu’®§ has aositi’n wlax klidé’n. ‘‘ Yi’ca® adatei’n,” when they were they saw Mount plainly. “The straight towards coming Edgecumbe mountain it;? yu'yawaga™ Qaq!ategi’k, “adatct’n®” yén yayi'satan.”° Ada’xayu was what said Qaq!ategi’k, ‘straight towards there you be steering.” And then it xa/nadé* ana’x yén has uwaqo’x. Ye has a’wasa Yak"kalsiga’k".™ towards near there they came by Thus they namedit Canoe-resting-place. evening canoe. Tan a akawati’® ana’x gadusku’t® hu ana’x yén wuq6x0d’n.” Sea it he caused ashore so they might he near it there had come by lion was to be at it know canoe. 66 du- HIS; kik! YOUNGER BROTHER; -AAsS plural for terms of relationship. 67 ye demonstrative; a indefinite pronoun; ya- § 15.3; 0- § 17.2; si- simple statement § 18.1; ga TO SAY. 68 Probably c- reflexive; i- you; da- inchoative § 18.3; gé To sit; -dé imperative suffix or particle § 22.2. 69 yaku CANOE; yi probably DOWN INTO. 70 ka- TO CAUSE § 15.2; yt- YE; l- frequentative § 18.4; ga TO LOAD. 71 yén THERE; dé motion toward. 2 ha us; ya- § 15.3; ku- indefinite § 15.6; gwa- (for gu-) future § 15.5; tan TO Go. 73 Kané’st is the modern Tlingit word for cross (Lieut. G. T. Emmons believes it to be a corruption of Curist. The consonant cluster st does not sound like Tlingit); ca MOUNTAIN. 74¢@ HEAD; ki? TOWARDS; nAZ NEAR, OF FROM NEAR BY. 7 giz TO GET; -tc intensive suffix § 7. 76 ya- § 15.3; wa- § 18.2; tan TO HEAD. 71 wu- § 15.4; c- reflexive; gé 1NT0; di motion to. 78 hAsdu- THEIR; cayt/nd ANCHOR; -yi possessive suffix. 79 hin WATER; -q! INTO. 80 @ indefinite pronoun; na- action accompanied. by another § 17.5; ti stem; -tc intensive suffix. 81 a indefinite pronoun; nAx NEAR, Or FROM NEAR BY. ® rir TO GET; -tc intensive suflix § 7; -2 participle; -ya verbal noun § 20.2, 4. 8 After LAx g/un, the word ‘at WINTER should be understood. 84 y- § 17.2; re TO CAMP. 85 ya- § 15.3; dji- RAPIDLY § 17.1; na- AT THE SAME TIME AS $17.5; da-inchoative § 18.3; hén TO STAND. 86 -f¢ emphatic suffix (?). 87 a indefinite pronoun; x4n post-position indicating motion to the neighborhood of some person; -ga PURPOSE. 88 ya- § 15.3; s- probably stands for has; ga- WHEN § 17.4; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -ayu demonstrative. 89 yw demonstrative; ca MOUNTAIN. ® a indefinite pronoun; datcin post-position, perhaps containing da AROUND. 91 yu demonstrative; ya- § 15.3; wa- § 18.2; ga TO SAY. % ya § 15.3; yi- second person plural; sa- indicative § 18.1; t4n TO STEER. 93 dé motion toward. 9 yaku CANOE; kal (?); si- indicative §18.1; ga or gAku (?). : % a indefinite pronoun; ka- TO CAUSE § 15.2; wa- § 18.2; ti TO BE. % ga subordinating prefix § 17.4; du- § 17.3; s- indicative § 18.1; ku TO KNOW; -t purpose § 20.1. % wu- § 15.4; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -n conjunctival suffix preceded by 6in harmony with the o before z § 3; § 19.3. cF BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 203 Ada’xawe yaCi't!kadé® has wugqo’x. ~— Ya/ani® gaya’qdé And then here to Sitka they came by This town ashore in front of canoe. ya'sgaqo’xayu’'™ tcla’guayl’*” duca’t**® gant aga’x. Tclaye’ su when they were coming the old one his wife outside wept. At that very in by canoe time gaxe’ayu’™ aositi’n yi’yak" an egaya’dé*® yanaqo’x.'* Aositi’n when'shewas shesaw thecanoe town to in frontof Was coming. She saw erying awu Aage’’” xat-slax".1°® Wudtha’n'’® nélde’% wugu't.tt Hat? she had the root-hat. She started up into the to go Here woven house - (she went). has uwago’x. Dutuwu'!* sigu’ yuca’wat-can.“* Duxd’x duxa’nq! '% they came. Her mind was happy the old woman’s, Her husband to her dig gu’dayu Idaka’t at qadjidé’™® ye aosi’ni'” tan-q!adadza’yt, up came when all things to the men these he gave sea-lion bristles, © ya'x"te digu’, q!in digu’. An gadji’n™® aoliré’k".49 Duka’ni- sea-otter skins, fur-seal skins. fare hands he shook. His brothers- these yen” yée'dayaduga,™! ‘* Detc!a’k"’” iiti’q!**3 yén yu-at-ka’wati.' in-law they said thus to him, “Long since in your there the feast has been place given. Yuyi's-qa’® de® udii’waca.” #7 Are’n?® tuwunu’k" ” awat!é’. 1 The young is already married.’’ It was trouble she felt. woman much %8 ya THIS, employed because ne story was told in Sitka; dé TOWARD. 9% ya THIS; @n TOWN; -7 possessive suffix. The reason for the use of this suffix is not clear. 100 ga’ya post-position, IN FRONT OF; -g probably indicates motion SHOREWARD; -dé TOWARD. 101 ya- § 15.3; s- for hAs THEY (?); ga-subordinating prefix § 17.4; gor TO GO BY CANOE; -ayu demonstrative. 102 te/aku OLD, OLD TIMES, OLD THINGS; -(@)yi possessive suffix referring to duca’t. 103 dy- HIS. 10 gar TO CRY; -é participle § 20.2; -ayu demonstrative. 10 ¢- occurs a few times before post-positions beginning with g, such as ga and gé; ga’ya IN FRONT OF; dé TOWARD. 106 ya- § 15.3; na- action done at the same time as another § 17.5. 1077 a indefinite pronoun; wu- § 15.4; Ak TO WEAVE, with terminal sound voiced before vowel; -é participle § 20.2. 2 108 yat ROOT; s/aru HAT. 109 wu- § 15.4; di- inchoative § 18.3; han TO MOVE. (?) ll0 nét INTO THE HOUSE; dé TOWARD. Ml wu- § 15.4; gu TO GO; -t purposive suffix § 20.1. 12 he demonstrative; -t post-position. 113 dy HER; tu MIND; wu possessive suffix after wu § 10. lt yw demonstrative; cd@’/wAt WOMAN; can OLD. 15 dy HE; -rAn TO THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF a person; -g/ AT. 116 ga MAN; -tc voiced before vowel; emphatic suffix § 7; dé TOWARD. 117 See note 46; ni TO GIVE. 18 ga MAN; djin HAND. 9 p@ku TO SHAKE. 120 du uts; yén plural for terms of relationship (see note 3). 1 yé demonstrative; da sign of indirect object § 14.4; ya- § 15.3; du- § 17.3; ga TO SAY. 12 de NOW; tc/aku A LONG TIME AGO. 123 j- THY; -q/ post-position. 124 yu demonstrative; At SOMETHING; ka- causative § 15.2; wa- § 18.2; ti TO BE. 1% yu demonstrative; yis YOUNG PERSON; ga HUMAN BEING. 126 de NOW. W7 y- § 17.2; du- § 17.8; wa- § 18.2; ca TO MARRY (= WOMAN). 123 q indefinite pronoun; Lén BIG. 29 ty MIND; wu- § 15.4; nuku TO BECOME. 180 q indefinite pronoun; wa- § 18.2; t/é TO FEEL. 204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 [Translation] Brothers lived at Sitka of whom the eldest was named Qiagq !atcgi’k. They were fond of hunting. One morning they went out among the islands. He (that is Qaq!atcgi’k) kept coming back without having killed anything. He went out again. Then his name was mentioned among the fur-seals. ‘The one who always hunts is here. Keep quiet, lest he hear your voices.’’ When they were going towards the shore, the eldest brother said, ‘‘Use your paddles quickly, for it has become windy.” Now they became angry. The bow-man pushed his paddle down into the canoe. All did the same thing. Then they covered their heads. - The canoe, however, drifted on. They drifted out for six days and nights. The twelfth day he (Qaq! atcgi’k) awoke and found the canoe drifting against the shore. He saw sea-lions, hair-seals, fur-seals, sea-otters, and sea-lion bristles on the island. All had drifted ashore around the island. They took their things up. They were there for one year. A year and a half was completed. The man kept sleeping, thinking about his condition. One morning he woke up with his dream. He kept dreaming that he had gotten home. And one morning he said to his younger brothers, ‘Sit up. Put the things into the canoe. The sun always rises from the neigh- borhood of Mount Verstovaia.”’ Then they headed in that direction. When it became dark, they lowered their anchor into the water in the direction from which the sun comes up. After they had spent very many nights, they saw a sea-gull upon the water. What they saw was Mount Edgecumbe. When they got nearer it, they saw plainly that it was Mount Edgecumbe. ‘Straight for the mountain,” said Qagq !atcgt’k, “steer straight towards it.’”’ So towards evening they came near it. They named that place Canoe-resting-place. He pounded out the figure of a sea-lion there so that they might know he had come ashore at that place. When they came ashore in front of the town, his old wife was outside weeping. While she was crying, she saw the canoe coming in front of the town. She saw the root-hat she had woven. She got up to go into the house. They came thither. The old woman’s mind was glad. When her husband came up to her, he gave all these things to the people—sea-lion bristles, sea- otter skins, fur-seal skins. He shook hands with these in his hands. His brother-in-law said to him, ‘‘ The feast was given for you some time ago (that is, the mortuary feast). The young woman is already mar- ried.”’ She (the younger woman) was very much troubled on account of it (because her former husband was now a man of wealth). HAIDA Bx JOHN R. SWANTON CONTENTS RMEIRDO OMe Aa emer oie See eee oc oe se ee eed ae MOneNCH et Seo a eee thoes oo oe Mot WotemI GE GOUNUS.....- 5. is. ---.-c- oes. far arom pine OF SOUNGS .. ~~. 02... .2¢---------: Nees Dialectic: diflerencesa...-.< se0 Jo. e ob a awe OF euphony 2.22522. 32..2.2-2------ ee tataninaivcal processes. .:.....2..5...-..--...: §§ 7-12. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes. . SMe NOUMuANGsVErD<. 5 S22 42 SS eo. sec ose os SEPP ERMONPOGUAOM coos ges p an soap nee ss Were inenicaion Of BOUMS. 2.02... tds 2k. Sos. Seek, fersonal Promguns.. oo. 0. 5-52... =<.’ - § 11. Demonstrative pronouns................-- Ee IRICCLEVER = 8/5 Seo. 2 Sos eho. 2 Sse. - §§ 13-34. Discussion of grammar...................- § 13. Formation of word complexes...........-- § 14. First group: Instrumental verbal prefixes. ...................-.--- § 15. Second group: Classifying nominal prefixes §§ 16-21. Third group: Principal predicative terms...................--- § 16. Characterization of predicative terms. - OL) Re SUCS ge Tc) WES 0 hs: nh a oe a § 18. Stems in terminal position, first group. § 19. Stems in terminal position, second group...........--..------- § 20. Stems in terminal position, third group § 21. Stems in terminal position, fourth group..........-......------ § 22. Fourth group: Locative suffixes........... §§ 23-26. Syntactic treatment of the verbal theme.....................- = 20, Lemporal sitffixes......5-225.2-622... § 24. Semi-temporal suffixes..............- RecoeaModal:sutimess. 2 25 2 Gon eee aos se ee Uneluseiied suffixes. ...-..2:1..--... peedee t erponal pronoun :: 2.2.02 ..--36s-+----- 0 BEDS ES oe Sie eburlaty and distfibution..-..............- § 30. Demonstrative and interrogative pronouns..............------------ Oe sos Modtuyineg stems 2. :..-.-5..-..---.-. EL Re cee Sey USPS NG 2) 0}: en ee SS gets eal ee Se eels Soo i nterechionss 4-5. e aS262. enakoals: MaRS i eB Bo ono wish catenin ds Ut Saad Es a Ss) BESS) OW CLCEY aN Wee ee aerate Tirta toro SS. 2's = 2 =o Ss Sh eee Seah oes SEEM CENA CP terre ery 596. So clen Seta ask eeres tenes aoe oa = RESUME Mera we fee oe) Ss eee eel Se Ene LOL eee ae ee Nia See GMM MUS eM ten cee acces ss as wnt yaa sremn aee Meete Sears Bonn ote ee R ere eos a2 foe 1a SR Os So Sa: ee SS ee eo ree RAM CRANS CUCL). 5c cces os ea cie swectess vis saeeutece suvdess HAIDA By Joon R. SWANTON §1. LOCATION The Haida language, called Skittagetan by Powell, was anciently spoken only on the Queen Charlotte islands, off the coast of British Columbia. About a hundred and fifty or two hundred years ago, however, a large body of Haida moved from their old towns in the northwestern part of the islands, and settled around Cordova and Kasaan bays, Alaska. As originally situated the Haida consisted of six fairly well-marked geographical groups, each of which probably possessed certain dialectic peculiarities; but only two or three well- established dialects can now be said to exist. The two most impor- tant of these are that spoken at Skidegate, in the central portion of the Queen Charlotte islands, and that spoken at Masset (on the northern end of the islands) and in Howkan, Klinkwan, and Kasaan, Alaska. The first I shall call the Skidegate dialect, and the second the Masset dialect. The speech of the people around the southern extremity of the group differed so far from these that it may also have been entitled to dialectic rank, but so few of those who used to speak it now survive that we have no absolute knowledge on this point. From the name given by whites to their principal town, I shall call this hypothetical dialect the dialect of Ninstints. The nearest neighbors of the Skidegate Haida were the Tsimshian of the mainland of British Columbia; and the nearest neighbors of the Masset Haida the Alaskan Tlingit. There is evidence, however, that at one time the Tlingit were neighbors of the southern Haida as well; and the speech of both shows morphological and even lexical similarities such as lead to a suspicion of genetic relationship. Although Tsimshian influence has been very strong among the Haida in recent years, the Tsimshian language is quite distinct, and the only other language in this region which shows any morphological similarity to Haida is the Athapascan spoken in the interior of the continent. 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 14 209 210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The examples given in the following sketch have been taken from my collection of Haida texts. Those in the Masset dialect will be found in the publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Volume X; those in the Skidegate dialect in Bulletin 29 of the Bu- reau of American Ethnology. References preceded by B refer to Bulletin 29. PHONETICS (§§ 2-5) §2. System of Sounds Like most other languages of the north Pacific coast of America, Haida makes an extended use of sounds of the k, 7, and s series. It is peculiarly remarkable, however, for the great extent to which it employs n and 7% (ng) and the frequent juxtaposition of two or even three vowel-sounds. Following is a list of all those sounds which the Haida themselves appear to recognize: Consonants Vowels Semi- Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant Nasal weve é £ : Breathing. Affricatives . . dj te te! .- ~ - Demtais.s Vesa, ees be aed s n — Maletales oo to gue eas eae i y : ry - _ A A Welatare s)he target (a eae mney i (or é) @ (or é) TIBDIAISC hi. Gare ate wen ee rh eae vee a (or a) A Literals.) fre ee a a a (or 6) w (oro) An anterior palatal series might be added to these, but the sounds to be so characterized seem only palatals followed by a close vowel. The fortis sounds are accompanied by a slight explosion, which results from urging more breath against the articulating organs than can at once pass through. Some speakers bring these out very for- cibly, while others pass over them with considerable smoothness. In the latter case it is very easy to mistake them for corresponding so- nants. It is doubtful whether d and ¢ and dj and tc really exist as recognizedly separate sounds; te is sometimes heard in the Masset dialect, and dj in Skidegate in corresponding situations. ¢ is pro- nounced intermediately between the ch in German “ach” and in Ger- man “ich,’’ with which latter sound it agrees entirely when placed before a close vowel. In the /-series 4 is much like dl, and 1 much like tl; but the tongue is extended farther forward along the palate, and there is a greater flow of breath around it. In ? the outflow of breath becomes extreme. m and p are usually final sounds in certain §2 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES S01 syllables where they appear to convey a kind of onomatopoetic sense. In both cases there is a little longer pause with lips closed after the enunciation than is usual in English. 6, which occurs in barely half a dozen words, seems to be of the same nature. In the Masset dialect g and z are articulated so feebly that it is best to represent them by independent signs, * and *; but this alteration seems to be only an accompaniment of the shorter form of speech which Masset people affect. In the present sketch all of the examples not marked ““Masset’’ are taken from the Skidegate dialect. Among vowels we have to distinguish clearly between those proper to the language and those which seem to be purely accidental, a sort of by-product of speech. In the former class are @ (or 0), wu (or 0), 7 (or @), 2 (or e), a, and 4. The sounds in the pairs @ and 6, wand 0, 7 and @, 7 and e, are not distinguished from each other, and in each case the two probably stand for a single sound. 7 and e pass very easily into 4 and é; and the latter may be described as accidental sounds, although which pair is really accidental it would be hard to say. Under the accent, a is lengthened into @. Sometimes d is heard instead of @ (kid’/lu, kid’lu); and sometimes the doubling of a sound gives the effect of d, as in Masset gén, equivalent to ga’an, and qd’nan, which is the same as gea’fan. a following wa, as in wa’ Lu, resembles ad; and @ is heard in a few exclamations, but it is not proper to the language. The semi-vowels, y and w, are etymologically related to 7 and a, and must be considered modifications of these sounds. A notable feature of Haida is the doubling and juxtaposition of . vowels, accompanying the general vocalic character of the speech. Any two vowels may thus be used together, but, although generally treated as equivalent to a single vowel, they do not seem to be pronounced as closely together as the vowel-sounds which compose our diphthongs. Examples of this phenomenon are: dja’ada woman lal kina’ gan wansi'ga he told her the news, they say P sii’us he said gua towards ta’olan friends gui toward V gea'lagan he became lnaga’i the town A weak i may be followed by two vowels, as in gia/og? AT THE END. § 2 212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 §3. Grouping of Sounds Syllables may consist of a single vowel; a consonant with following vowel, or with vowel-combination like the above; two consonants with following vowel; two consonants, a vowel, and a terminal consonant; or of two consonants by themselves. While all classes of consonants may stand at the beginning of words, k sounds are not admitted as terminal sounds. Two groups of consonantic clusters may be distinguished—those with initial s and 7, and those with other initial consonants. J, Z, 1, and 1! belong in part to the former group. Only s and ?7, and to a certain extent J, zr, 1, and 2! may form initial clusters, and the first two are found with considerable fre- quency in monosyllabic stem. In these clusters s and ¢ are followed by other consonants; but s is not followed by another s or an affric- ative. Following are examples, taken from the Masset dialect: stah two 280.10 ita’ nu to eat (collective) 278.7 st/é sick 300.28 igut to move about sgat to chop 275.10 tkwid disturbed, in haste 719.5 skit- to club tk! 4’mal needle of coniferous tree skliin but 296.32 303.11 sfoan (s*wan) one 275.7 tnéid to begin to split 711.23 sq!ao salmon-berry bush 319.23 ¢ianq!ale’ pit 703.25 staqa’m butterfly 296.26 tgam kelp sila hand Initial clusters with initial z, 1, 2! or J are not rare, but are formed probably in all cases by composition. Inagav’ town 704.9 (from na to live) tia’nda a whole one 707.11; 419.15 U rrfalanan she cooked it 731.41 (fal to cook 295.7) tnot 710.26 t!'tgadatiidan to split quickly 711.26 t!idjigia’ga-i standing 725.26 tsku’naganan they dress up 717.34 All other consonantic clusters do not admit surd stops in second position, and no k sound occurs in first position. The only cluster beginning with an affricative that I have found is djz. Presumably all these clusters are due to composition of stems which terminate and begin with consonants respectively. This would account for the §3 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES otS absence of k sounds as first sounds of clusters, since these do not occur as terminal sounds. § 4. Dialectic Differences Compared with the Skidegate dialect, Masset appears to have undergone a shortening process throughout. I have already men- tioned the change of g and z to © and *; and this shortening is also conspicuously noticeable among vowel-sounds, a appearing as 4, hao as i, sta or sta as st’, while the w and a sounds generally, especially when terminal, are reduced to very light breathings. The vowel- combination ai becomes almost @. Sometimes, however, one vowel is changed into another, as in sti Two (Masset stan) or u’ngu ON TOP oF (Masset 7@’igw). In conformity with a euphonic tendency to be noted below, “i, as in ?’sin, often changes to n in Masset. Occasion- ally, too, whole syllables are dropped, and so we have qaod for ga’odi; t!al and dal for t!ala’i% and dala’n; vt!adé for v1! xagidasgai. Another difference between these two dialects, related to the ques- tion of euphony, is the change of g into z in certain situations in the Skidegate dialect, and its retention in Masset. Thus @djgua OVER THERE in Masset becomes @’djrua in Skidegate, and / q@’gals HE WENT OUT becomes la qda’riils. This is interesting as seeming to show that-the euphonic tendencies have acted differently in the two branches of the Haida tribe. All that is known of the peculiarities of the Ninstints dialect is that it tended to substitute k for g, and that in the manner of its enunciation it was esteemed by the other Haida to resemble Atha- pascan. §5. Laws of Euphony The most important euphonic change in Haida is related to that spoken of above. Within the Skidegate dialect itself the g and g of the connective particle ga-i (see p. 262), the possessive suffix -gai (see § 28.4), and the past-temporal suffixes before the quotative wansil’ga (see § 23.1), are dropped in certain situations, generally having to do with the preceding sound. It is not possible to make rules that will cover all the cases which occur, but it generally happens that g is retained after a and dropped after wu. After the consonants and the remaining vowels it is more often dropped than retained; but exceptions are numerous, especially after 7, 7, the /-sounds, and s §§ 4,5 914 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 contracted from dji. In the cases of infinitives and participles, exceptions are more numerous than with nouns. Examples of the use and disuse of this g are the following: za’gai the dog B 37.4 na'nah his grandmother B 59.14 zrua’i the canoe B 29.21 na’igar the play dja’gai his wife B 29.30 gladv gai the slumber awu’'n his mother B 7.1 a'sgai this thing B 33.28 goda’s the box B 71.32 U gea'lgat when he came (to be) In the Masset dialect the g of -agan, the Skidegate past-inexperienced temporal suffix (see § 23.2, p. 248),is dropped in most situations, but retained as g after a, conformably with the above rule la x! isdagi’gaiian they L! *a’sgadani they landed always took him xed idja’ni they were ashore But— gat yi’ An qlédju’tlagan a big VL ta’gani he ate reef stood out of the water nan v’x/agidagan one was chief The final consonant of certain stems is sometimes J, sometimes #. Of these, / usually appears before a vowel, ¢ before a consonant: la sta x! stits they went back a@’astfi gut La qazitgia’lasi he for him ran over this way upon it But accent seems to have something to do with the phenomenon; for, when two vowels precede this consonant and the accent falls upon the second, / is commonly employed; thus— Gei la’ ga La teli’tlagea'lgat tu when he got through breaking his paddles tis also sometimes introduced where it has no grammatical signifi- cance, and thus we find yakutsi’a IN THE MIDDLE instead of yakusi’a. n and 7 seem to bear much the same relation to each other as do 1 and Z, only in this case 7 is plainly the original sound. Thus the terminal phonetic combination -fas often contracts to ns; for example, nd’tga hao ta’oatuqgwanganas HIS NEPHEW SAT AROUND WHITTLING or nd’tga hao ta’/oatigqwaiigans. This phenomenon may be due as much to rapid pronunciation as to any other cause. Before s the terminal 7 of the imperative future suffix disappears, as also from gafia’i LIKE before xan, as in gana’xan; while in gi’igan TO HIMSELF it appears to be inserted. s becomes dj before most vowels; for example, tds SAND, ta’djat THE SAND; @’dji Tuts, @’sgai THIS THING; hawa’/n dai xé’nanaudja DO YOU STILL LivE? and gam gu ‘ang da’iéa tlala’n vnatnanus §5 BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Paws MAY WE NOT LEAVE WATER WITH You? (Masset)—have the same inter- rogative suffix -ddja, -us. Labials are of small consequence in Haida. Still it is worth noting that stp SEA-ANEMONE changes the p to 6 when followed by the connective particle, namely, si’ba. § 6. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES Grammatical categories and syntactical relations are expressed almost solely by composition, affixing, and position. There is a sporadic case of duplication presented by the continuative suffix -gAii; as, la qi’figAi HE IS LOOKING, la qi’igangan HE LOOKS MANY TIMES; but it is not extensively used. The perfect tense is expressed by a form which may possibly represent dieresis, but which is more plausibly explained as a suffix, -y; as, la suda’yagani Wla isda’si, HE DID DIFFERENTLY FROM THE WAY HE HAD SAID HE WOULD DO. Verbal and nominal stems may be combined into stem-complexes by juxtaposition. These complexes are treated syntactically like single stems, each element in the complex receiving its significance by its position. Besides compositions of such independent stems, a number of others occur in which the component elements do not seem to be independent, but occur as prefixes or suffixes. There is, how-- ever, no sharp dividing-line between composition and affixing; and some of the elements that appear at present as subordinate may prove to be independent stems. Notwithstanding the phonetic independence of the elements of the stem-complexes, their relation is So intimate that it»seems best to consider them as single words because they enter as units into syntactic construction. A number of sound changes which have been referred to seem to be of a purely phonetic character, and not to have any morphological significance. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES ($$ 7-12) §'7. Noun and Verb In general, the distinction between nominal and verbal stems is very sharp. It is true that certain stems are used in a manner that leaves a doubt as to which category they belong, but their use is quite limited. Such are wa’/igal porLarcn and To porLatcn, siat DANCE and TO DANCE, nd HOUSE and TO LIVE; while gida CHIEF’S §§6,7 216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 SON, yd’nAh CLOUDS, ta’7i@ SEA-WATER, have or may present verbal forms. Generally, however, a noun which is used as a predicate is followed by a verbal stem, or appears incorporated, as, l’ gidaga’ gan HE WAS A CHIEF’S SON, l’ tca@’azndas HE HAD A SPEAR (from tea’ ax SPEAR). Verbs that change into nouns usually become abstract, their origin being thus easily recognized. The names for instruments, store-articles, and some other things, are generally descriptive terms and thus verbal, but they have dropped their verbal suffixes and taken on a noun-forming suffix. Rarely a verb is turned into a passive and then into a noun by prefixing ta and suffixing gai (see § 17.4, p. 236). These are the only cases in which we find verbal prefixes in nouns. § 8. Composition Although there is much freedom in the composition of stem- complexes, a number of types may readily be distinguished. The more fully developed complexes of this kind generally express by an initial element an idea of modality, most commonly instrumentality ; by a second element, the nominal object; by a third element, the peculiar kind of action; and by a fourth element, the local relations of the action. In those cases in which the various elements are best developed, the first element appears as an instrumental prefix; the second, as a term expressing a group of nouns characterized by a a certain shape; the third is a verbal stem; and the fourth expresses direction and location. These word-complexes are followed by suffixes expressing tense, mood, and related concepts. § 9. Classification of Nouns The classification of nouns, referred to before, is one of the charac- teristic traits of the language. The groups characterize objects as ‘long,’ ‘‘slender,”’ ‘‘round,” ‘‘flat,”’ ‘‘angular,”’ ‘‘thread-like,”’ ‘‘animate,”’ etc. On account of the extended use of these classifiers, incorporation of the noun itself is comparatively speaking rare. It is here represented by the use of the classifiers which express the subject of the intransitive verb, or the object of the transitive verb as a mem- ber of a certain class of things, the principle of classification being form. On the other hand, the same verbal stems—like ‘‘to carry,’ ‘‘nush,”’ ‘‘move,’’ ‘‘be’’—are used, on the whole, in relation to all §§ 8,9 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Aa ty | kinds of objects, regardless of their form; consequently there are also only a few cases in which the verbal stem differs in the singular and plural. This agrees also with the fact that in the noun the idea of plurality is only weakly developed. It occurs only in terms of relationship and a few other terms designating human beings. § 10. Personal Pronouns Verbs are strictly distinguished as active and neutral. Neutral verbs are, on the whole, those designating states of the body and qualities, while all other verbs are considered as active. The subject of the latter is expressed by the subjective pronoun, while the pro- nominal relations of the neutral verb are expressed by the objective pronouns. In the pronoun the speaker, person spoken to, and person spoken of, are distinguished. The distinction between sub- jective and objective forms is confined to the first and second persons singular and to the first person plural. Besides these forms, an indefinite singular and plural occurs. The indefinite personal pro- nouns are also commonly used before nouns to perform the functions covered by our definite and indefinite articles. The personal pronoun of the third person plural is also frequently used as an equivalent to our passive. It is also employed as an equivalent to the form for the third person singular, when the person referred to is especially venerated or respected. The speaker may refer to himself in the same way. § 11. Demonstrative Pronouns The demonstratives are limited in number, the most general spatial relations only being indicated. The demonstrative employed to mark nearness occurs very often, and corresponds to a similar demonstra- tive in the Tlingit language. There are certain other particles of a demonstrative character, but they more often indicate grammatical connection than spatial relations. § 12. Connectives Special local relations are expressed by a long series of connectives which are in intimate relation with the verb, but also with the noun and pronoun. They characterize the special relation of the indirect object to the verb. They are placed preceding the direct object and following the indirect object, if there is one. They seem to be adverbial in character. §§ 10-12 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY _ [BULL 40 DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§$§ 13-34) § 18. Formation of Word-Complexes As already stated, Haida words are very loosely put together and many of their elements may also be used independently. The type of the word-complex which may be isolated as the predicative term of the sentence embraces four groups of elements: _ A First Group, describing an incidental state or activity, particu- larly instrumentality. , A SECOND GROUP, indicating the nominal object of transitive, the subject of intransitive, verbs. A THIRD GROUP, expressing the principal predicative term. A FOURTH GROUP, expressing local relations and modalities. Although there is hardly any phonetic influence between these groups of elements, their connection is so intimate that the combi- nation is best considered as a single word, even though the component elements may occur in other combinations quite independently. An example of such a combination is the word dafgidalz!aasga CANOE BEING HAULED SEAWARD, which is constituted as follows First group: dan by pulling. Second group: gi canoe-shaped object. Third group: dal to move. t!xa toward something. Fourth group: sga seaward. Several complexes of this kind may enter into combinations. It would seem that when this is the case each complex expresses modality or instrumentality in relation to the following ones in the same way as the first group expresses modality in the single term. An example of this kind is the word gidjigitdatskit TO PLACE AN ANIMATE OBJECT BY CAUSING IT TO BECOME (one that) HOLDS ON WITH THE HANDS: First complex, third group: gid7i to hold with hands. Second complex, third group: gif to become. Third complex, third group: da to cause. Fourth complex, third group: skit to bring into contact. These combinations may be illustrated by the following examples: La la tagiaga’ igwanas he ate it as he stood around (la la objective and subjective pronouns; ta to eat; -gia to stand; -g4n contin- uative; -gwan about; -4s participle) oa BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 219 gvtgalan stin é’sin la génq!a’oxaiias he also saw his two children sitting there (git child; -ga possessive suffix; -lai plural suffix with terms of relationship; sti7 two; é’si7i also; la subjective pronoun; gém stem TO SEE; q/a to sit; -o suflixed auxiliary; van perhaps a form of gan continuative [§ 24.1, p. 250]; - Peceple [$ 25.7, p. 254]) aga’? la sgalga’tdagan he went stealthily (aga’7 reflexive; 4 sub- jective pronoun; sgal to hide; gato go; -d Eee -agAn past inexperienced) la gu la qagea’tanagan he went and looked at her (la objective pronoun; gu post-position aT; la subjective pronoun; ga to go; gea to look; tana to go by sea [?]; -agan past inexperienced) U qa'dji la ging!a'idj uaeloes he saw his head go by (I possessive prefix 3d person singular; q@’dji head; la subjective pronoun; gin [same as gén] TO SEE; q/a-i- classifier [$ 15.18, p. 232]; dju of that sort or kind; dal to go; -asi participle) gam dala’i Lt! qineitea’ iga'ngasga they will not see you flying about all the time (gam negative particle; dalai object 2d per- son plural; z/ subject 3d person plural; giv to see; vit to fly; wan [%]; -gan continuative; ga [%]; -sga future) While many verbs and nouns may enter into compositions like those described, others occur, at least at present, only in such com- positions, and therefore appear as prefixes or suffixes, according to their position, preceding or following the third group, which contains the principal verbal stems. This is particularly true of the second group, which contains a large group of nominal terms of very general significance, each representing nouns conceived as possessing a cer- tainform. Therefore the second group appears essentially as a group of nominal classifiers, although special nouns occur occasionally in the same position. The local relations which belong to the fourth group never occur independently. § 14. First Group: Instrumental Verbal Prefixes! 1. @WnN= BY MEANS OF THE BACK. la ga u’ntctidant he carried some on his back (la he; ga some; tc? stem [?]; -id inchoative [?]; -an past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; ~7 suffix [§ 25.6]) za’nagi L!na di la u’nzidas tu | wish he would carry me on his back face up (zav% face; 1/na I wish; di me; la he; zit to pick up; -s participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]; tu when) 1See also § 17.1, p. 235. All references in § § 14-27 refer to the Skidegate Texts, Bulletin 29, ete. § 14 220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 la la w'nsttclavas he came in with him and took him off from his back (la him; da he; wn- with back; sz to place; te/a into; -y perfect [§ 23.7, p. 249]; -s participle [§ 25.7, p. 254]) 2. teltt- BY SHOOTING OR BY HAMMERING; also independent verb, TO SHOOT. L gvigalan sti’nxan telitga’igadanaga’iagan wansi’ga her sons knew well how to shoot stones by means of a ee (’ her; git child; -ga possessive [§ 28.1, p. 257]; -lan pl.; sti’iaxan boule te !it- by shooting; gaia to he how to) la telitquega’ndi qa’ odihao after he had shot for a while (la he; gue stem; -gan continuative; -di [§ 20.7, p.241]; ga’odi connective AFTER A WHILE; hao general neeenses ative) la la te!i’gas he shot it (la it; la he; te!t to shoot; -ga auxiliary to be [§ 18.5, p. 237]; -s participle [§ 25.7]) 3. da- BY PUSHING OR BY AN OUTWARD MOTION OF THE HANDS. la x! dat’stgawas they pushed him down (la him; z! they; z- [§ 15.20, p. 232] shaped like a human being; sz to put or place; gawa |%]; -s participle [§ 25.7]) ga la gan la da’gitst she put it in for him (ga in; la him; gan for: la she; da- prefix; git [2]; -st participle [$ 25. 7) ‘Ks get’ ga i dasq!a’skitgoast they put it in front of it (? it; ged’ga in front of; la they [with -go § 20.1, p. 240]; da- shee sqla- [§ 15: 11); skit stem; -st participle) la gut gia'gat la dag!a’inanafigoas he rubbed tallow on them (Ja them [with -go § 20.1]; gut upon; gia’gai the tallow; la he; da- prefix; q/a [§ 15.18]; nan to rub; -4% eontinneahen [s 24.1); < participle) Lt! dadjit!atdar’yagani they pushed down 45.15 (dji stem; -t/at down; da to cause; -y perfect) 4. dafi- BY PULLING; also an independent verb(?). This is one of the most frequent instrumentals. la dania'ndjit!zas he pulled [him] out head first 29.26 (la he; dai- by pulling; andji erect; -z!xa toward; -s participle) gu’tsta La da’ndaias he pulled him apart (gut together; sta from; la he; dan- by pulling; da to cause; 1=y perfect; -s participle) swan l’ da’iantc!itas Lu when he pulled one out of the sea (Masset) swan one; l’ he; dan- by pulling; ante!1 = andji erect; La per- haps z/za toward; -s participle; zw when) A’ja U da’judani he pulled his property out (ana his own; 1’ he; dai- by pulling; -da to cause; -an past inexperienced; -@ [§ 25.6, p. 253) la dafig!a’-itas he pulled out (head) 10.4. (q/a-2- §15.18) la da’iisqlastas he pulled out a long one 57.9 (sqgla- § 15.11) § 14 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES rh 5. dal- BY MEANS OF A CURRENT OF WATER (dal RAIN). l da'ittas he floated (living one) down 97.19 na/lgaa'nda yu'dala da'ligatdar!aaagan much seaweed came drifting 33.22 (fa’lgaa'nda seaweed; yi =yi’an much; -dala pl. adj. [§ 39, p. 276]; dal- by means of a current; gad to turn; da to cause [§ 18.2]; -1/xa toward; -t perfect; -agan past inexperienced [§ 23.2]) 6. tfa- BY STAMPING OR TREADING UPON. Perhaps related to st/a. la x! tlasé’lgavianm they tickled her by treading 31.26 (la her; 1! they ; t/a- by treading; sé/ to tickle; -ganan continuative dupli- cated [§ 24.1; § 6]) qala’ v inagwa’r get la t!anana’ nasi he stamped half of the alder to pieces (gal alder; -ai the; tmagwat the half; ger into; la he; tla- by treading ; nan to roll about; -a7v continuative: -asi participle) l’ tlax!sada@’ igasgas she washed it by treading upon it in the sea ( she; 1!sadan [?]; ga to go [4]; “sg seaw ard; -s participle) ger la arama! ngawasi they broke in pieces w ith their feet (get ' into [pieces]; la they [with -gaw]; t!a- with feet; nan to grind; -af continuative; -asi participle) 7. Stla- BY KICKING; stunitieal with the word for root. La la st!a’sgidas he kicked it (la it; la he; sgid stem; -4s participle) la st!aza’ostagiasi he kicked it into the water (la he; zao quickly ; sta stem; -gia suffix [?]; -st participle) la’ga la la stlagadai'yagan he kicked his own 89.33 8. nanN- BY GRINDING, being the stem of the verb TO GRIND. aga’ la nanha’iliiwus he destroyed himself by grinding (aga’ni himself; la he; haila to destroy; -s participle) 9. sktit- BY CHOPPING or BY CLUBBING. la get la skitnana’igidaias he began to chop them up (/a it [pieces]; get into; la he; nanavi stem; -xzid inchoative; -2 per- fect; -s ee la la peeiainds qa’odi after he had chopped it for a while (la it; la he; skid to chop; -an probably continuative; di [§ 20.7] a6 ‘od after a while) na'wai la skitnana’iigawasi they clubbed the devil-fish (nawat the devil-fish; la he [with -gaw § 20.1]; nana stem; -asi participle) gi la skidju’usi he tried to club them (gz to [post-position with omitted object]; la he; skit] by clubbing; dju to try, to do that sort of thing; -ws? participle) aga’ii la skitk!o’tutdas he let himself be clubbed to death 12.13 (aga’h self; klotut dead; da to cause) Uskitqa’ gonast he went around while they were beating time 13.16 § 14 2292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 10. at: 13. skitii- BY MEANS OF THE SHOULDER. V inagwa’d la skit’gqueidas he carried half of it on his shoulder (inagwa’t the half; gu stem [?]; -zid inchoative [§ 18.6]; -as participle) la skit’ sk !agi’niwasi he sat with it on his shoulder (sk/a- [§ 15.8]; gin thing [?]; w=w to continue to be [§ 18.1]; -asi participle) la skiu’djitst being on shoulder 37.32 ; SL!- WITH THE FINGERS, this being the word for HAND. V va’né ge'ista ga’itgan la sx!gista’ias he pulled out a blood-clot from his eye with his fingers (a4’7é the eye; gei into; sta from; ga’'itgan blood-clot; gi- shape [$15.13]; sta to move from; -i per- fect; -s participle) la st!sta’ya he moved the fire with his hands (sz stem; ya [%]) ~ . gth- CAUSE in general, of which the special variety has just been given; possibly related to gi’na THING. Am~=- ga'thao UV gitidja’i wansi’ga that made him feel that way, they say (ga’-i that; hao way; is to be; -am past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; wa’nsii’ga quotative) kuna’i sqao UV ginttlaéedaged’lan wansi’gahi what he got in exchange for the whales made him rich (kuna’i the whales; sqgao in exchange for; iz/xzéda rich or a chief; geal to become [$ 18.10]; -a% past inexperienced [§ 23.2]; wansu’ga quotative) vA gitig!a’adias he (accomplished something) by pretending to be asleep (q/a to sleep; -di[§ 20.7]; -as participle) la x! gingi’ sigaian all that time they made him speak (gust to speak [from stem su]; -gan continuative; -an past inexperienced) ginklotut to cause to die 81.43 aga’'h ginstlé’ gitdaiyan . . . she made herself sick 73.34 kit- BY MEANS OF A STICK (compare ki’tao SPEAR). l’ inagwa’i la kitdjivida’ i wansi’ga he carried half of it off on a stick, they say (tnagwa’i the half of it; dji stem; -xid inchoa- tive [§ 18.6]; -ai past inexperienced; wansi’ga quotative) Lala kitga@’tatc!as he threw it in with a stick (gata to throw; -tela inside; -s participle) la V kida@’*wan they struck at him with a stick (Masset) (la him; they [with ‘w § 20.1]; -an past inexperienced) la lv kiglatrigan he took it into the canoe with a stick (ki#]- with stick; g/at stem; -£7 into canoe; -gan past inexperienced) la rua’-i kitgida’last he pushed the canoe with a pole 41.3 (zu canoe; -d-2 the; gi- flat object) kitg!a'idjilgwagagan put out (a copper) with a stick 87.24 (q/a’1- round thing [§ 15.18, p. 232]) §14 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 998 14. 15. 16. kil- or ki#- BY MEANS OF THE VOICE, for which word this is the stem. ga la gi kitgadd’ni . . . those shouted .out to him (gai those; gi to; gad stem [?]; -am past inexperienced) gia'ganar qa’dji kilga’txatrasi the house-pole heads shouted (gia’ganai the house-pole [‘‘standing thing’’]; g@’djt heads; gat stem [?]; -ra [?]; za [?]; -st participle) Llua’r la’ga la ki'Igotgaiagan he told him to use his wedge 33.13 (z!ua’i the wedge; la’gahis [§ 28.1]; gotga to make; -i per- fect; -gan past inexperienced) fe) la x! kilq!a’wan they told him to sit (g/a to sit; w= to continue in one place [§ 18.1]; -an past inexperienced) kwa- BY A STREAM OF WATER POURING OUT; also an independent verb(?). tcelaanua’t ger ga'niai tlala’i kwatgi’ stasgadaasan we will let the water run into the fire (te/aanua’i the fire; ger into; ga’nLar the water; tlala’m we; lgi- [§ 15.25]; sta to move from; -sga into fire; de to cause; -asan future) tcv’war kwaga’ LizaLaganagan the current flowed out quickly (tci/wai the current; ga stem; -z/xa toward; -Lagan first or at once [§ 21.3]; -gan past ened tet/war Ria a tagat the current made cracks by the rapidity of its flowing (¢c?/wai the current; q/@’mat to crack; -1/ra toward; -si participle) gAnL kwa'tcitc!lawas water flowed down (ganz fresh water: -s " participle) gAnL koa’t!4’mdagasi a stream flows narrow 8.10 (t/4m- narrow) klut- with THE LIPS, a nominal stem. UV klutzu’ stata he spits water upward (zusta stem [?]; -t4 upward) klutzi’ ida to make noise with lips 91.37 qlaal la k!utna’jiasi he wet the arrow-point with his lips (q/aal arrow-point; nam stem; -asi participle) 17. 7 Al- BY MEANS OF FIRE ACTING FROM WITHOUT (compare Ai SUNSHINE). V valta’igwegasga it will fall away under the sunshine (tai- prone object [§ 15.3]; gwe stem [?]; ga to be [7]; -sga future) nah xAlLzta’s one of them was burned up (nam some one; L- [§ 15.20]; za stem [?]; -s participle) klwa'iagalan xa'ltgaias his elder brothers were burned off (k!wai elder brother; -ga possessive suffix; -lan plural; z- animate object [§ 15.20, p. 232]; ga to be [§ 18.5]; -i perfect; -s participle) § 14 224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY — (BULL. 40 raiya’s LUT xa’lztiaz!a'diaot!algatias when the sun shone, the heat made it lengthen out (zai to shine; -as participle; zw when; -t/4l downward [?]; -gav continuative; -4s participle) gAlha’-iluasi destroyed by fire 37.13 ratga’mdaxide’s beginning to be shriveled up by fire 37.15 (igam- [§ 15.24]) 18. go- (Masset £0) BY MEANS OF FIRE ACTING WITHIN THE BODY ITSELF. qlAl taat k!a’tdala q!as goxagodiés small persons with black skin held burning pitchwood (qg/al skin; daa? black; klat short or small; -dala plural suffix for adjectives [$ 39]; qg/as pitch- wood; -ra inanimate plural [§ 15.26]; go to be somewhere; -da determinate; -és participle) geista gould mide ae flames came out of it (ger into; sta from; z/amul stem [?]; da causative; -am continuative) LY qa’'li gut goxa’plaganas: it passed quickly down, burning through the inside of him aon inside; gut upon; zap quickly; fa stem [?]; -gav continuative; -asi participle) a’asin goha'iluési at once they were destroyed by burning (a/asin at once; ha’ilu to destroy; -ési participle); see also 37.8 19. auit- or xHM- BY THE WIND or THE BREATH; also independent verb, TO BLOW. L xd’sxsgasi it blew out strongly (-sga seaward; -si participle) gam igu sta zitskitganga’nsga no breeze mit blow from any- where 31.6 (gam negative; zrgu where; sta from; skit stem; -gan negative suffix [§ 25.3]; -gan Deere oe -sga future) la xitskitcla’si he blew it in (ski[t] stem; tc/a inward; -si par- ticiple) Gda'sqgo ya 6 xii/ A Rap ON THE BELLA CooLA BY THE PEOPLE OF NINSTINTS AND KAISUN Qa’isun gu Ga’fixét xa/idagai' Li gasta’nsifi*? gu gada’ii® Kaisun at Ninstints people canoes ~ four at in company with themselves Lt! «6qa’/iddxalgafi* Lii’st!xagan.® Gié’nhao® Li gasta’nsifi gu they to ask to go to fight came by canoe. And then canoes four at tla’ogafi? x! i'djfni.® Ga’ituhao® ! Liida/ogani”® sta Lilgi’mi™ together they went At that time they went across after Bentinck arm ~ (lit., were). gei wt! Lifsda’Itc!igan.” Gié/nhao ga'lxua™ tla’odjigai 1a’xa® into they . wentin by canoe. And then during the the fort opposite nig L! wiuisda’ltc!igani. Gié’nhao siiii'® ga ga naxanda’yagan” they went in by canoe. And then the inlet in some had been camping xa’‘fgusta’® x! telitxi’dani.! Gi’hao* Amai’kuns_ k!0’dageidan.”* from in front them started to fire on. Right there Amaikuns was killed. Gayi’ns ‘sii L! telitu!’dagan.” Qoya’ isi wu! telitr!’dagan. Floating too they wounded. Beloved too they wounded. La’hao” .! siga sqa’djigan. Galion? ra" stine “Ti! He them among _ Was a brave man. There some two they 1G4’nzét was the name of a cape close to the southern end of the Queen Charlotte islands, though, accord- ing to Dr. C. F. Newcombe, it is not identical with the Cape St. James of the charts. The Haida on this part of the islands received their name from it. -gai is the connective. 2ga- prefix indicating shape; stA’nsii FOUR. 3gad0’ AROUND + the possessive suffix -47 (§ 28.4) (literally, AROUND THEMSELVES). 4qa’ido TO GO TO WAR; -rai the auxiliary TO ASK (§ 18.7); -gAv the continuative suffix (§ 24.1). 5 Li CANOE, and sO MOTION BY CANOE; is stem of verb TO BE; -L/za@ MOTION TOWARD any object men- tioned (§ 22.10); -gAn suffix indicating past event experienced by the person speaking (§ 23.1). 6gién AND + hao. 7-ga7 is the suffix denoting intimate possession (§ 28.4). 8 Although the story-teller himself went along, he speaks of his party in the third person throughout much of the narrative. -in is the same suffix as -gAn, spoken of above (§ 23.1). The -i is a suffix of doubtful significance, probably giving a very vague impression of the completion of an action (§ 25.6). 9gai + Lu + hao. 10 Lii- BY CANOE; dao stem; -gAn past-temporal suffix experienced (§ 23.1); -7 see note 8. 1 Lilgi’ mi is applied to interior Indians generally by the Bella Bella at the mouth of Bentinck arm and Dean canal. 12 L%- BY CANOE; is stem; dal SEVERAL GOING; -tc/i MOTION INTO A SHUT-IN PLACE, such as a harbor or inlet (§ 22.1); -gan temporal suffix (§ 23.1). 13 gal NIGHT; rua (gua) TOWARD, without motion, and thus derivatively DURING (§ 31). 14¢/a’odji FORT; gai THE or THAT. 15 L@ IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF or OPPOSITE something on shore; -ra distributive suffix (§ 29.3). 16 si /i7 means anything that is WELL BACK, such as the rear row of several lines of houses, and thus it is applied to an inlet running back into the land. 1’ na TO LIVE, temporarily or permanently; -ran =-ga7v the continuative suffix (§ 24.1); -da auxiliary indicating cause (§ 18.2); -ya perfect time (§ 23.7); -gan past-experienced-temporal suffix (§ 23.1). 18 7A7 FACE; gU AT OF THERE; StA FROM (§ 31). 19 tc/it TO SHOOT WITH GUNS; -zid the inchoative auxiliary (§ 18.6); -an the past-experienced-temporal suffix, which drops g after d; -i as above. 20gu AT or THERE + hao. 21k/0’da DEAD BODY; -geit TO BE IN THAT CONDITION; -An temporal suffix. 277 278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 xalda'figatda’gani.” Ga’ista* ! Lui’sdaxitgoa’ganf.* Gién 1! enslaved. After that they started out. And them ku’ngasta*® ga qaitia’gafigan® ga xitguigi’figan” ga ‘iatsgagan.”* before those started first some coming sailing went out to. Djigwa’i® sq!a/stii®° wa gu*! qlada/ogagani.” Sta tua/i qial Guns two it at was the noise of. After- the empty ward canoe xitginda’lgani** gién ga dja’ada_ stif xalda’figadayagan.™ drifted along and some women two were enslaved. Gién ga’nsta® ! Liiist!xa’gani*® gién wa gu_ tagi’djigidai* And to they came and it at persons captured at tga seu’ngi® aga’i L! xa’faletigandi® xan® L! q!d/ga nafi with land close tothe they rejoiced that having while them near a kundji’gan‘* gado’ ga xitei'dji-L!xagai*! L!a gei qé’xagai*® Lu point was around some came sailing them (into) saw when qlau!t!algani.“* Gié’nhao gd’Laga*! L! daot!a’lgani.“ Gié’nhao jumped off. And then after [them] they landed. And then aga’h 1 L’gdlgagifi * qa’odfhao * | qat!a’lgan.*” Gié’nhao ga’yawai* self I prepared after a while I got off. And then the sea La’xa nAfi Lxiénda’‘|si*® ta xitxi/dani.°° Lk!i’nxet® la J xitoi’ndal near one was running I started to pursue. Apart: ae the him I chased about 22 tc /it- instrumental prefix meaning BY SHOOTING (§ 14.2); L/da stem of verb TO KILL when used with plural objects, probably used here because two are spoken of in close connection (§ 39). 23 gai THE + StA FROM, both being connectives. 24 Li-BY CANOE; is stem; -da contraction of -dal (§ 14.5); zit TO BEGIN TO (§ 18.6); -goa MOTION OUT OF DOORS (§ 22.2). 25 Probably means literally FROM IN A POINT (kun POINT; ga IN; StA FROM). 26 ga TO GO; -it(probably originally contracted from zit) TO START (§ 18.6);-Ldgaii FIRST, FIRST TIME (§ 21.3). 27 yut- instrumental prefix meaning WITH THE WIND (§ 14.19); -gui stem; -gin ON THE SEA (§ 19.2). 23 gai FLOATING; -8g@ MOTION SEAWARD (§ 22.8). 29 dji'gu + gai, the g being dropped after w. 30 sq/a- classifier indicating objects like sticks (§ 15.11). 31waA demonstrative pronoun + gu AT. 32 ga probably auxiliary meaning TO BE. 33 r7it- WITH THE WIND (§ 14.19); -gin DRIFTING ON THE SEA; -dal, auxiliary indicating motion (§ 14.5). 347 4ldda’ngat SLAVE; -ya perfect time (§ 23.7). 35 Probably from gAn FOR + stA FROM, the idea being motion FROM acertain place with a definite object in view, and thus To something else. 36 Li-BY CANOE; is stem; -L/za MOTION TOWARD; -gAn temporal suffix. 37 fa- a noun-forming prefix; g?’dji stem of verb TO SEIZE. 38 gi the connective meaning TO or FOR. 39ag4’n the reflexive pronoun; L/ pronominal subject; ranat TO REJOICE; -giii ON THE SEA; -gAn = -gAhh the continuative; -di suffix indicating that the action is held suspended in acertain position pending some further developments; ran the adverb STILL or YET. 40kun POINT; dju sort of thing; -gAn past-experienced-temporal suffix. 41ga plural indefinite pronoun; ruit- MOTION BY MEANS OF THE WIND; gidji TO SEIZE or CARRY ALONG, SEIZED; -L/rad- MOTION TOWARD; gai THE or THOSE. 42 @@’xa TO SEE; gai connective turning the verb into an infinitive. 43-t/41 MOTION DOWNWARD; -gAn temporal suffix. 44 0 is evidently from go’da or got POSTERIORS, and secondarily AFTERWARDS; -Lagais thesame as -Lga. 4 dao is probably the stem TO GO AND GET; -t/A4l MOTION DOWNWARD, out of the canoe. 46aga’n the reflexive pronoun; ? subjective pronoun of the first person singular; z- toaccomplish by touching with the hands; golga stem of verb meaning TO MAKE; -gifi UPON THE OCEAN; qa’odihao the con- nective before which a verb loses its temporal suffix, and which is itself compounded of ga’odi + hao. 47 ga singular stem meaning TO GO; -t/Al MOTION DOWNWARD. 48 ga’yao SEA+(g)ai the connective. 49- shape of a human being; dal auxiliary; -s7 the infinitive suffix. 50xit. This stem is perhaps identical with the stem meaning To FLY, and so indicates rapid motion; -zid TO BEGIN TO DO a thing; -An the past-experienced-temporal suffix. 612k/in WOODS; -za distributive suffix; -t MOTION in that place. Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 279 qa’odihao” ga’yawai gei la ga’tgigani.°’ Gién I’ qa’dji* da’fat® P after a while * thesea into he jumped. And_ his hair with his a’xinai®® la’ sta Ja giteflgani.” Gién q!a’da lV L’tclit!xaga’n® yellowcecar him from I took. And toward he came up bark blanket the sea gién di xafa’ga®® Ja talagilda/figan.” Gié’nhao di ga la and my face he held up his hands at. Andthen me _ to he Lgigi lgan.* Di gan | 4@’xanagea'lgai® Lu® i’sifi P ga’'igiagan® swam shoreward. Me for he came to benear when again he dove gién q!a’da l tdjit!xaga’n™ gién la gi® | telidjaxi’dan. Gién I and seaward he came to the surface and him at I began to shoot. And he Leiel lean gién naf stala’ xa’igi™ aga’ 1a gidjigi’}datski’dan.® swam landward and a cliff on the face himself he held tight against. Gaigu Wsin la la te!i’gastia’‘igai® Lu® ran la 1a gée'itdagani.” There too him I shot twice when ended him I caused to become. Gié’nhao sta’lai xa’‘fgi qait™ giaga’fagani” eut 1A qgaxia’leani.” Andthen thecliff onthe face tree was standing upon he climbed up. Gién | ga’dji_ stala’i sta dji’fagant.™ Sklii’xan” wa’gui™ 1a And its top the cliff from was some distance. But still toward it he tlaskitgaoga’ndi” qa’odi stala’i xa’igi aga’ la gidjigi'Idalgaski’danf.” bent it after thecliff onthe himself he got hold of. a while face Gién gu ga xé'lgani”™ gei la qa’tcligan.® Gam sta L’gut® xé’tet® And therein wasa hole into he went in. Not from either downward 52 rit = stem above referred to (50); -gin probably the continuative -gan; -dal the auxiliary. 53 gat TO MOVE RAPIDLY; g? MOTION DOWN into the water; -gan temporal suffix. 54 ga’dji is used both for HAIR and for HEAD. 55 dA’nat contains the connective at. It means very much the same thing as at, but is a stronger form. 56 ai is the contracted form of gai. 57 gi- classifier indicating shape of blanket; -gil MOTION LANDWARD. 58 2- shape of human being; -L/ra MOTION TOWARD. 59 di objective personal pronoun of the first person, used as the possessive; rA7i FACE; -ga possessive suffix. 60 7/- action with HANDS; -gil TOWARD THE LAND; -da auxiliary TO CAUSE; -an continuative suffix. 61 7- shape of MAN; g? SWIMMING ON WATER; -gil MOTION LANDWARD. §q@’rAnd NEAR, is also used independently as a connective; -geal the auxiliary meaning TO BECOME or TO COME TO BE; gai the infinitive-forming connective. 63 gai- FLOATING ON the water; -gi4 MOTION DOWN INTO the water. 647- HUMAN SHAPE; -L/ra@ MOTION TOWARD. 7A personal pronoun of the third person singular; gi the connective To. 86 tc/it TO SHOOT; -xit TO BEGIN TO do. 67 TAM FACE; gi TO or AT. 68 gidji TO GRASP, SEIZE; -git TO BECOME; -da the auxiliary TO CAUSE; L- HUMAN SHAPE; skit CONTACT, -An temporal suffix. tc /7 = tc/it TO SHOOT; -ga the auxiliary TO BE; -stid’n = stin TWO; gai the connective. 7014 objective pronoun of the third person singular; 7a subjective pronoun of the first person singular géit TO BECOME; -da TO CAUSE. 71 Also the word for SPRUCE. 2 gia TO STAND; -gdi the continuative suffix. 73 ga TO GO (one person); -ria QUICKLY; -? MOTION UPWARD. 74 djv’na also an adjective meaning a long distance, FAR. 7 An = the adverb STILL, YET. 7%6wa the demonstrative pronoun THAT; gui TOWARD (with motion). 7 tla- shape of CURVING TREE; skit TO PUT; -gAn = -gAn the continuative suffix. 18 gV’dji TO SEIZE; -git TO BECOME; -da TO CAUSE; ?ga- shape assumed by a branching object, referring here, either to the top of the tree or to the shape assumed by the man as he climbs off from it. #9gu connective THERE, referring to the cliff which is understood; ga connective IN; xél HOLE; -gAn past- experienced-temporal suffix. 80 ga TO GO (singular); -tc/i MOTION INSIDE of something. 81 2 an indefinite pronoun or adverb; gut the connective WITH or TOGETHER. 827ét DOWN; gi TO. 280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 at si’gi® qala’linai® gaoga’figanf.* Ga xa’nhao® VT k!otuli’i * or upward (he) could go was wanting. In right he _-would die tlala’i xunt!a’gant.* we said to each other. Gié’nhao ga/ista L! Liisdaxi’/dani. Li’hao 1! te!a/anugadaga’n ® And then sic that they started by canoe. When _ they had a fire place gién gut at L! da’yifxidan.” Gién ga/ista L! L!daxidai Li’hao™ and each to. they started to give to eat. And from that they started by when other canoe tla’odji-gai f’sin u! xitgida’iganf.” Li’hao gu iL! gétgadage’dani.® the fort too they _ started to fight. Then there we could not get away from. Ga'ituhao in! gétgada’gédan gién ga’ista i! L! gétgar’dagan.™ Atthe time we could not getaway when from that us they got back in. Gién nagai® u'neu® nai L’xuqa’gdndigan,” la’hao tu! 5 . : > ) And the house on top of one crept around, him they telitqat!a’lgan.® Gién q!a’da L! ga/inei/ieti®” qa’od? nafi iia” q A made fall by shooting. And seaward they lay aftera while a man gandjilga’giada ™ — Ita’nigia-qa‘Idada*” Li dangida’IL!xasgagan,™ dancing-blanket cedar-bark rings canoe dragged down, nani dja’da i’sii VP god’Laga qf’Lixasgagan’ gién IL! ga a woman also him after came and to; aan qaxia’sgagani. Gién Ldd’gwaf gi’ga tila ga kiletlgan.¥” came out. And Ldégwait therein them to talked. 83 5? (from sa) UP; gi TO. ga TO GO (singular); -Z4 MOTION UPWARD; -lin potential suffix; ai the connective gai, which turns this all into an infinitive. 8 ga0 TO BE WANTING; -gAit negative modal suffix after the adverb gam NoT which stands at the very beginning of the sentence. 86 ga IN; rAn the adverb meaning RIGHT THERE; hao, the connective. 87 ’=1a the personal pronoun of the third person singular, subject of the verb; k/o’tul To pig; -tim poten- tial suffix. 88 ¢/alA’n subjective personal pronoun of the first person plural; -g4n the temporal suffix. 89tc/d’anu FIRE Or FIREWOOD; -ga auxiliary TO BE; -da auxiliary TO CAUSE; -gan temporal suffix. 9 dai TO GIVE FOOD; -i7 the continuative suffix; -rid TO START TO GIVE. %1 L/- used of TRAVEL BY CANOE, several going together; da=dal TO GO; -rid TO START TO GO; ai the con- nective gai. 2-47 the continuative suffix; -gan temporal suffix. %7L! personal pronoun of the first person plural; gétga TO BE UNABLE (perhaps compounded of gét To BE LIKE or in that condition + ga To BE); -da probably the auxiliary TO CAUSE; géd TO BE IN THAT CONDI- TION; -An past-inexperienced-temporal suffix. 9 gé’tga TO BE IN SUCH AND SUCH A CONDITION; -L£ motion of boarding a canoe; -da the auxiliary meaning TO CAUSE. % ma HOUSE; gai the connective. % u/ngu contains gu AT, THERE. 7 Lyu- BY CREEPING; ga TO GO (singular); -gom rather aimless motion on land; -di presents the action as just taking place; -gan temporal suffix. 8 hao is aconnective placed after la for emphasis; tc/it- BY SHOOTING; ga MOTION; -t/41 MOTION DOWNWARD. 99 gai FLOATING; -gi7i ON THE SEA; qga’odi the connective before which temporal suffixes are dropped. 1007/2i7a A MALE BEING. 101 gAndjitga’gi DANCING-BLANKET; -da the auxiliary meaning TO CAUSE, and here to have been put on by somebody else. 102 2¢4’nigia the RING itself; gAl ALDER; -da the auxiliary TO CAUSE, the whole evidently meaning CEDAR- BARK RING DYED WITH ALDER or upon which alder has been placed. The last-da means that it had been put upon this man by somebody else. 108 [% CANOE is object of following verb; da7- to accomplish by PULLING; gi- shape of canoe; dal MOTION; -L!Z@ MOTION TOWARD; -sg@ MOTION TOWARD THE SEA; -gAn temporal suffix. 10 ga motion of one person; -L/zra MOTION TOWARD; -8g@ MOTION TOWARD THE SEA; -gAn temporal suffix. 171! objective pronoun of first person plural; -ga connective TO. ~ 106 ga MOTION (singular); -sga MOTION TOWARD THE SEA. 107 kil- action with the voIcE; fgul verb-stem indicating an action lasting some time, covering consider able ground, different phases of a question, etc. ; ; Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 281 Gié/nhao ha/Ilgunani'® la wu! ga’yifixalgan,’® gié/nhao nafi I’}ifas And then closer her they told to come, and then the man L! tclitga’tgisi’figan.'" Ldo’gwaf gi gwa/ogan’” gién L!a sta“ they wished to make him fall into Ldo’gwat to refused and them from the water by shooting. qa’idani."* Li’hao sta uL! gaitgwa’giagan.’* Lila’hao 4a’nigai1® started. Then from they fled in terror. They ammunition wa’ga haila’wagani.7 Gié/nhao tlala’i sii sta Liiisdaxi’dani. in it was gone. And then we too from _ started by canoe. Gié’nhao Dji’dao-kun sta w! wifsdaxi’dan gién gal sta’nsifi And then Dji’dao-Point from they started by canoe and nights four si gai’® out L! Leaga’i™® Lu Ga’fxet-kun’ ga L! Liisi!xagi’lgan.”° the ocean upon they’ spent when Cape St. James to they came shoreward by canoe. Ga'ista gal stii wt! viitsdala’i Li’hao Qa’isun gu L! Lii’si!xagan. From that nights two they traveled by when Kaisun at they came by canoe. canoe Hayi'i * djih’?” hao tga dji’fia’® sta L! i’djin.* Hao Lan a’sgai at Instead really country far from they were. Here end this’ of gialgala’ndagai'® gé’da. the story comes to an. : [Translation} The Ninstints people came to Kaisun in four canoes to ask the people to go to war in company with them. Then they went along in four canoes. After they had crossed (to the mainland), they entered Bentinck arm. And they went in opposite the fort during the night. Then some people who had been camping in the inlet began firing from in front. There Amai’kuns was killed. They also wounded Floating. They also wounded Beloved. He was a brave man among them. There they also enslaved two persons. After that they started out. And those who started first went out to some people who were coming along under sail. The noise of two guns was heard there. Afterwards the canoe drifted away empty, and 108 The stem of this is probably hala’, which is also used as an interjection. 109 gai FLOATING; -i7 = -gi7i ON THE SEA; -rAl the auxiliary TO TELL. 10 Compare with nA ?’tina in the fourth line from the bottom on p. 280. The suffix -s makes the indefinite form definite. 11 te /it- BY SHOOTING; gat TO MOVE QUICKLY; gi MOTION UNDER WATER; -si7 the auxiliary TO WISH. 12 gwao verb-stem. 13 7 Ja the objective personal pronoun of the third person plural; sta the connective FROM. ll4ga TO GO (singular); -id is probably contracted from the auxiliary -zid TO BEGIN. 1s -gia probably the suffix indicating motion straight through to the object; -gan temporal suffix. 6 gai the connective THE. 17 hailaw = hailai TO DESTROY; perhaps related to the name for the being that brings pestilence, Haiti’las. 18 s?s means the open expanse of sea; in taking the connective gai the final s is dropped. 19 gai the connective THE. 120 LU- BY CANOE; is stem; -L/ra MOTION TOWARD anything; -gil MOTION LANDWARD. 121 hayi’i an adverb always used when something falls out differently from what was expected. In this case the rest of the clause, which naturally belongs with it, is omitted and its sense left to the hearer. 122 djilv/ REALLY, ACTUALLY; is strengthened and emphasis placed upon it by the connective hao. 133 dj7/ia FAR, an adjective depending upon the preceding noun Lga COUNTRY. 124~jn the past-experienced-temporal suffix. 1% Hao refers to all of the story preceding, which it connects with this sentence; Lan an adverb depend- ing upon gé’da; a’sgai (= Gs or a’dji + gai) a demonstrative referring also to the preceding story; at con- nective WITH, OF, etc. GzatgalA’ndagai probably has the same stem as the verb treated of under note 107; gai the connective. 282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 40 they enslaved two women. (The others) came thither, and while they lay close to the land, rejoicing over the persons captured, some people came sailing around a point in a canoe, saw them and jumped off. Then (we) landed in pursuit of them. And after I had spent some little time preparing myself, I got off. And I started to pursue one person who was running about near the sea. After I had chased him about in the woods for a while, he jumped into the ocean. And I took his hair, along with his yellow-cedar bark blanket, away from him. And he came up out at sea and held up his hands in front of my face (in token of surrender). Then he swam shoreward toward me. When he got near me, he dove again and came to the surface out at sea, and I began to shoot at him. Then he swam landward and held himself tightly against the face of a certain cliff. After I had shot at him twice there, I stopped. Then he climbed up upon a tree standing upon the face of the cliff. And although its top was some distance from the cliff, he bent it toward it, and after a while got hold of the face of the cliff. And he went into a hole init. He could not go from it either downward or upward. We said to one another that he would die right in it. Then they started from that place in their canoes. Then they had a fire and began to give each other food. And after they again started off, they again began fighting with the fort. Then we got into a position from which we could not get away. Then, although we could not get away at first, they finally got us into (the canoes). And a certain person crept around on top of the house. They shot him so that he fell down. And after they had lain out to sea for some time, a man wearing a dancing-blanket and cedar-bark rings dragged down a canoe and came out tous, accompanied by a woman. And those in Ld6’gwafi’s canoe talked to them. Then they told the woman to come closer, and said that they should shoot the man so that he would fall into the water. Ld6’gwai refused and started away from them. Then they fled away in terror. Their ammu- nition was all gone. Then we also started off. Then they started from Point-Dji’dao, and, after they had spent four nights upon the sea, they came to Cape St. James. After they had traveled two more nights, they came to Kaisun. Instead of accomplishing what they had hoped, they returned from a far country almost empty-handed. Here this story comes to an end. ae 283 TSIMSHIAN FRANZ BOAS ‘ 7 he . ‘ a ( r - ni a 4 he : chi a “oe P > Toe “ * ni ae ni a a : a CONTENTS ot. Distribution of language and dialects..........-...2.2....22.0..-20---- MEIGS coe ns Fine Se Se se Re . ate ether, AOS en erate MOM 2) cho oe teat saith. .atesee dtl’ _2o.$. § 3. Grouping of sounds and laws of euphony -................-..-.-.-- § 4. The phonetic systems of Nass and Tsimshian. ..---.-. manuniimation) processes 5.52.2 icck~ cen ocd eet ke Se § 6. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes ..--.--.-.----- eee inion. Of prammar ... 0S sooce2).o lice te 2a 52s eke bs eel. nt eerie parucled 22 4600 8. 2s 2a eae ce ee LL Se EMPIRE cSt ios ol os ee RU EES RGGI ee oe tdbe bs § 8. Local particles appearing in pairs (nos. 1-22) .................- $9. Local particles—continued (nos. 23-62). :.-.-.-..-2..22..0--5- § 10. etn § 12. 15. § 14. 815. § 16. §§ 17-32. § 17. § 18. § 19. § 20. Modal particles (mos.G2-195) 2 16. Wao Ob aes oe dee ok Nomindt particles (ros. 1362406). ooc6 sec dee set.ce. Particles transforming verbs into nouns (nos. 157-163) ......-- Particles transforming nouns into verbs (nos. 164-166) ......-- Prannitive pronominal subject-..-.---. --.--<.2-s esse. 422 Particles that may precede the transitive subject (nos. 167-180) . . papnavetes! dist of particless 2. oce 20 seus le eck Ale fate. Riise ree emet a ee oe 2 te PA eRe oe eine oes Lies pHmies followimmihe phems slot level si iee.o: do. . -1ed. EPomomN HEROS Cs Hee ee Se PAA reel es at Bee 8S Modal suffixes following the pronominal suffixes............-. Demonia ve Muted. ot c= 3 PU IS eh sch see et ie e IORI OR ee ea oe ee ee eee GE. Det Se § 21. General remarks......-- Se See ek oe Be § 22. Attributive and adverbial connectives ...............-.--. § 23. Predicative and possessive connectives. ----. §§ 24-31 . Predicative and possessive connectives of the Tsimshian § 32. CALC Chie ate er ttn Mins Fee SO. oo ccc e Eee § 24. General characteristics of the connectives..........-.- Size, Pe rediataye commerctyers. sis cess ok asec ls Soke § 26. Connectives between subject and object....--....-..-- $27. SE OSSESSIVE |CONNECKIVES: sonic Soca sc cosas tcascesasaseeee § 26. Propositional ‘connectives 2c. =... << sence. seeks... § 29. Phonetic modification of the connectives...........-- § 30. Connectives of the conjunction AND.....----.....--..- Neilsen exconnechivGete. 5-5 op Sense este aee seme ciel ee DULG ecko len UmMeralse ts 5a eee Sea eae ee os 5 Ee CONE BRD STRATE le Pa Rage ee em rf ROE oR ie Reg RIMM EIE EMRE Eee oto ee els Eee BE ee oe oe ea a BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 286 Page §§ 35-38. Reduplication «< 2225. 2-2 fee een eee see ee oe eee eee 365 § 36. General remanksin_ 5.0 os Some eee oe er ae eee 365 § 36. Initial reduplication, including the first consonant following the first-vowel:. 2.200208 -c os deec cons seasteee (eae eee 365 § 37. Initial reduplication, including the first vowel........-...----- 371 § 38. Reduplication of words containing proclitic particles. .........- ate § 39. Modification of stem vowel ..--..-- > ds cekios comes: Soe nee 373 Ss 40-47. Formation of pluralees- 22s. + -cee ese e ce en ee eee 373 § 40, Methods:of formingthe plural... .-.-5...3.2..2-.22.5c5 eee 373 § 41. First group. Singular and plural the same. ................-- 374 § 42. Second and third groups. Plurals formed by reduplication and vowel change <....5.. 2.2222 het ee eee 375 § 43. Fourth group. Plurals formed by the prefix qa-............-- 377 § 44. Fifthgroup. Plurals formed by the prefix ga-and the suffix-(()k4_ 379 § 45. Sixth group. Plurals formed by the prefix /- ...............-- 380 § 46. Seventh group. Irregular plurals2. 24-3 223.2222 22522 oe eee 381 §'47.. Plurals of compounds. ... 3-24... 222... seeee sees ae 383 §§ 48-54. Personal. pronouns. =. .. 9222228: eeeesese eee eee 383 § 48. Subjective and objective pronouns........-..----.-.---.---.-- 383 §.49.. Use'of the:subjective ..-.-:cs2-.c588 , SOLS Shes 384 § 50. Use of the objective... 22... 22-052. Sas Jee 386 § 51.. The first person singular, objective pronoun.-........--.-.-.--- 387 § 52. Remarks on the subjective pronouns. ..-.........-/:-.------- 388 § 53. The personal pronoun in the Nass dialect.................--.- 389 § 54. Independent; personal pronoun)... 22_.!-s6J22c22 280 ee 391 § 55... Possession. 2.\. Sse soe eee bee oes Ss eee 392 $56... Demonstrative pronouns: = 222.2 sis S020 cee 3 eS eee 393 SS$'57=58. . Numerals. oo. 3.2 ace sco een ae ee eee 396 § 57.: Cardinal numbersious cee. ol eee. t 22k oe eS ee * 3896 § 58. Ordinal numbers, numeral adverbs, and distributive numbers.. 398 §§ 59-65... Syntactic use_of the. verb. .-.....:....~2.2-.0-2¢5ee eee 399 § 59. Use of subjunctive after temporal particles. ..-.......-.-..--.. 399 § 60. Use of subjunctive in the negative...:..-...--.-...2--22--c-n6 403 § 61.. The subjunctive after:conjunctions. -.. 2.222 J226-L0aee eee 403 § 62.. Use of. the-mdicative........2.....cmewee oe eee 404 § 63.. The negative... <...c..-.-c0is, -e 7-2 es ee ee 404 § 64. The interrogative.........2<.05< sou SSRs eee eee 405 §.65.. The Imperatives cc sues esi cee eee 406 §. 66. Subordinating. conjunctions... 2. s-ch...2028is ee ee eee 408 § (67; ae Ore MNS Glottal . Se ee en Sele at Lateral, continued, voiced. : : : : : L + oa eg SOELES. : ; : ; L! o oe voiceless, posterior . : : ‘ t Breathing. , ; : ; : : : h Semi-vowels ; ‘ ; i sir 8 ; 5 10/5. 40 a fortis : , 3 ; ; : - yf, wl The terminal surd is much weaker than in the Nass dialect, and 1 have recorded many cases in which the terminal stop is without doubt a sonant: walb house g°ad people Before g and /, terminal sonants become surds: wi-tslem-la'°pgeE great cave ES 96.30 nE-g@' itga? his hat ES 90.1 Before ¢ and vowels, the sound remains a sonant: gabe... todraw water... ES 96.10 heidet ... many... ES 96.14 The fact that some terminal sounds always remain surd shows that in the cases of alternation of surd and sonant the latter must be considered the stem consonant. Some of the sounds require fuller discussion. It has been stated before that the fortes, as pronounced by the present genera- tion, are not as strong as they used to be and as they are among more southern tribes. The ¢-series is alveolar, the tip of the tongue touching behind the teeth. The affricatives have a clear continued s-sound, the tip of the tongue touching the upper teeth; while s has a decided tinge of the English sh. It is pronounced with tip of tongue turned back (cerebral) and touching the palate. The teeth oS ee ee ee are closed. The sound is entirely surd. The nasals m and » are §4 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 long continued and sonant, even in terminal positions; m/ and n/ have great tension of oral closure with accompanying tension of glottis and epiglottis. The sound 7 has been described before. It is entirely absent in the Nass dialect. Bishop Ridley, who prepared the translation of the gospel on which Count von der Schulenburg’s grammar is based, has rendered this sound, which often follows a very obscure @ or £, by #@, but I hear distinctly 7. Thus, in place of Bishop Ridley’s nay (1), I hear n/z’ryu,; instead of gitel, ge’rel; instead of shgu, sgzer. In the Nass dialect, é or 7 takes the place of this sound: Tsimshian Nass English SGEr sg to lie nlz' PEN né En thou gE'rel g é Bl to pick se’ rel sé’ El middle k le’ rel ke’ el one gE'rEdax ke’ dax to ask gE retks g etks to reach gle’ rEng’*aas gLé' ng tas to crush with foot E'PEN2& Enx box E'remt émL bucket E'rla él seal The sound has, however, a close affinity to u, before which it tends to disappear. ptid'r to tell; pled’u tell. Itis suggestive that many w-sounds of Tsimshian are 7 or 2 in Nass. This may indicate that the wand 7 in Tsimshian are either a later differentiation of one sound or that a loss of 7 has occurred in many forms. On the whole, the latter theory appears more plausible. Examples of this substitution are the following: §4 Tsimshian Nass English dils déls to live t/ws t/és to push du'la dé lia tongue hives wis root auth te the to have around neck dulk der ke cedar-bark basket hith athe to call tin! °nti Linta* angry li'algat lé’ rlg at feast sans sins blind lit let wedge gp! al kv lb’ xl two BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 293 In terminal position Tsimshian -z7 corresponds to Nass -ax, and after long vowels 7 to z. Tsimshian Nass English der dax to die, plural _ kser ksax to go out, plural YEP yar to hide ts/Er ts/ax much SEP Sax mouth of river ter Lax under Examples of 7 following a long vowel are— lar lax trout ts!ir ts /dix inside dzir zt porpoise Combined with change of vowels are— Tsimshian Nass English ptia'r pLeyo £ to tell atir LLU to burst The sound 7, the continued sonant corresponding to g, is heard very often in the middle and at the end of words, as ganra’n TREES; but it disappears invariably when the word is pronounced slowly, and g takes its place. The sounds a and x of the Nass dialect do not occur in the Tsim- shian dialect. The ending x of the Nass dialect is generally replaced by 7 in Tsimshian. Tsimshian Nass English wila't hwuld' x: to know hot hax: to use ga gata: wing war wi to paddle This change is evidently related to the substitution of y for x before vowels. Terminal z of the Nass dialect tends to be displaced by a ter- minal a. Tsimshian Nass English dit'la dé’ lie tongue E'rla élx seal nia ta na La jejune gaina genx trail go’ ep! ep! light go epla gO ep lax ig! na? NU bait t/a @ wx lake § 4 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 Here belong also— Tsimshian Nass English me man sour bi boa to wait Vocalic changes, besides those referred to before in connection with the sound 7, occur. In place of aw in Tsimshian we find é in Nass. Tsimshian Nass English hau hé to say gil-hau' la g ile lin* inland g itrau' tk g itueé' tk some time ago t/em-ga'us t/em-gé's head ma'ulkst (malkst) melk st crab-apple Tsimshian dw is replaced in Nass by dé. Tsimshian Nass English yd uxk yd Cak* to eat, singular ya uk yaok to follow g/d’ watsa g/d btsw gills Initial wdé of Tsimshian is sometimes replaced by 6 in Nass. Tsimshian Nass English wipa Opa , forehead Another very frequent change is that from @ following w to @. Tsimshian Nass English walp hwilp house wal hwil to do watk hwitk" from ts/uwa'n ts/uwi'n top tgwa'lksetk tgu-w0' lksith™ prince was (haz) wi's rain The substitution is, however, not regular, for we find— Tsimshian Nass English war hwax’ to paddle wan hwan to sit, plural Related to this is probably— Tsimshian Nass English ha'yets héts to send ha’ yith™ heth* to stand gana genx trail sga'yiks sgeksk™ to wound Tsimshian p/ is replaced by Nass m. Tsimshian Nass English plalg as ma'lg%va heavy plas mas to grow ple'yan miya'n smoke plal * mal button gan-sp!a gan-sma baton § 4 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 295 § 5. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES The most characteristic trait of Tsimshian grammar is the use of a superabundance of particles that modify the following word. Pho- netically these particles are strong enough to form a syllabic unit, and they remain always separated by a hiatus from the following word. Most of them, however, have no accent, and must therefore be designated either as proclitics or as prefixes. These appear par- ticularly with verbal stems, but their use with nominal stems is not by any means rare. They do not undergo any modifications, except in a few cases, and for this reason a large part of the gram- matical processes relate to the use of these particles. On the whole, their position in the sentence or word-complex is fairly free. Suf- fixes are rather few in number. They differ fundamentally from the proclitic particles in being phonetically weaker and in forming with the preceding stem a firm unit. Some pronouns which belong to the proclitic series are also phonetically weak and share with the suffixes the inclination to amalgamate with the preceding elements. Thus the proclitic pronouns sometimes become apparently suffixes of the preceding words, whatever these may be. Incorporation of the nominal object occurs principally in terms expressing habitual activities. In these it is well developed. The Tsimshian uses stem modifications extensively for expressing grammatical processes. Most important among these is reduplica- tion, which is very frequent, and which follows, on the whole, fixed laws. Change of stem-vowel is not so common, and seems some- times to have developed from reduplication. It occurs also in com- pound words, which form a peculiar trait of the language. Not many instances of this type of composition have been observed, but they play undoubtedly an important part in the history of the language. Many elements used in word-composition have come to be so weak in meaning that they are at present more or less formal elements. This is true particularly of suffixes, but also, to a certain extent, of prefixes, though, on the whole, they have preserved a distinct meaning. The grammatical! processes of Tsimshian have assumed a much more formal character than those of many other Indian languages. It is not possible to lay down general rules of composition or reduplication, which would cover by far the greatest part of the field of grammar. §5 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 Instead of this, we find peculiar forms that belong to certain definite stems—peculiar plurals, passives, causatives, etc., that must be treated in the form of lists of types. In this respect Tsimshian resembles the Athapascan with its groups of verbal stems, the Salish and Takelma with their modes of reduplication, and the Iroquois with its classes of verbs. The freedom of the language lies particularly in the extended free use of proclitics. §6. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES The use of the same stems as nouns and as verbs is common in Tsim- shian, although the occurrence of nominalizing and verbalizing ele- ments shows that the distinction between the two classes is clearly felt. The proclitic particles mentioned in the last section may also be used with both verbs and nouns. While many of these particles, particu- larly the numerous class of local adverbs, always precede the stem from which they can not be separated, there are a considerable number of modal elements which have a greater freedom of position, and which merge into the group of independent adverbs. These elements are so numerous and diverse in meaning, that it is difficult to give a satisfactory classification. The group of local proclitics occupies a prominent place on account of its numbers and the nicety of local dis- tinctions. It is, however, impossible to separate it strictly from the group of moda! proclitics. The use of these proclitics is so general, that the total number of common verbal stems is rather restricted. The proclitics are used— (1) As local adverbial and adnominal terms; (2) As modal adverbial and adnominal terms; (3) To transform verbs into nouns; (4) To transform nouns into verbs. . Almost all the proclitics belonging to these groups form a syntactic unit with the following stem, so that in the sentence they can not be separated from it. The pronominal subject of the transitive verb precedes the whole complex. Another series of proclitics differs from the last, only in that they do not form so firma unit with the stem. The pronominal subject of the transitive verb may separate them from the following stem. To this group belong all strictly temporal particles. The transition from this class to true adverbs is quite gradual. § 6 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 297 In the group of inseparable modal proclitics must also be classed the plural prefixes ga- and /-, which will be discussed in §§ 45-45. The pronominal subjects of some forms of the transitive verb—and of some forms of the intransitive verb as well—are also proclitics. They consist each of a single consonant, and have the tendency to amalgamate with the preceding word. Suffixes are fewin number. They are partly modal in character, signifying ideas like passive, elimination of object of the transitive verb, causative. A second group expresses certainty and uncertainty and the source of information. By a peculiar treatment, consisting partly in the use of suflixes, the modes of the verb are differentiated. Still another group indicates presence and absence; these take the place to a great extent of demonstrative pronouns. The objective and pos- sessive pronouns are also formed by means of suffixes. Most remark- able among the suffixes are the connectives which express the relations between adjective and noun, adverb and verb, subject and object, predicate and object, preposition and object, and conjunction and the following word. There are only a few classes of these connectives, by means of which practically all syntactic relations are expressed that are not expressed by means of particles. Reduplication serves primarily the purpose of forming the plural. A number of particles require reduplicated forms of the following verb. Among these are the particles indicating IMITATION, GENUINE, ACTION DONE WHILE IN MOTION. The progressive is indicated by a different kind of reduplication. Nouns are classified from two points of view, according to form, and as special human individuals and common nouns. ‘The selection of verbal stems and of numerals accompanying the noun is determined by a classification according to form, while there is no grammatical differentiation in the noun itself. The classes of the numeral are formed partly by independent stems, but largely by suffixes or by contraction of the numeral and a classifying noun. In syntactic con- struction a sharp division is made between special human individuals— including personal and personal demonstrative pronouns, some terms of relationship, and proper names—and other nouns. Plurality is ordinarily expressed both in the noun and in the verb. It would seem that the primary idea of these forms is that of distri- bution, but at present this idea is clearly implied in only one of the many methods of forming the plural. The multiplicity of the methods $6 298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puny. 40 used for forming the plural is one of the striking characteristics of the Tsimshian language. It has been mentioned before that most forms of the transitive verb are treated differently from intransitive verbs. While the subject of these forms of the transitive verb precedes the verb, that of the intran- sitive verb, which is identical with the object of the transitive verb and with the possessive pronoun, followsthe verb. Thisrelation is obscured by a peculiar use of intransitive constructions that seem to have gained a wider application, and by the use of the transitive pronoun in some forms of the intransitive verb. The independent personal pronoun, both in its absolute case (subject and object) and in its oblique case, is derived from the intransitive pronoun. All oblique syntactic relations of noun and verb are expressed by a single preposition, a, which also serves frequently to introduce subor- dinate clauses which are nominalized by means of particles. DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (SS 7-67) Proclitic Particles (‘§ 7-16) 87%. General Remarks The Tsimshian language possesses a very large number of particles which qualify the verb or noun that follows them, each particle modi- fying the whole following complex, which consists of particles and a verbal or nominal stem. All these particles are closely connected with the following stem, which carries the accent. Nevertheless they retain their phonetic independence. When the terminal sound of the particle is a consonant, and the first sound of the following stem is a vowel, there always remains a hiatus between the two. Lack of cohesion is also shown in the formation of the plural. In a very few cases only is the stem with its particles treated as a unit. Usually the particles remain unmodified, while the stem takes its peculiar plural form; as though no particles were present. There are very few exceptions to this rule. The freedom of use of these particles is very great, and the ideas expressed by them are quite varied. _There is not even a rigid dis- tinction between adverbial and adnominal particles, and for this reason a satisfactory grouping is very difficult. Neither is the order of the particles sufficiently definitely fixed to afford a satisfactory basis for their classification. $7 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 299 As will be shown later (§ 22), nouns, verbs, and adverbs may be transformed into elements analogous to the particles here discussed by the addition of the suffix -zm. Since a number of particles have the same ending -zm (haldem- no. 77; prlem- no. 80; belxsem- no. 81; mzsem- no. 83; nddm- no. 96; tsagam- no. 9; ts’elem- no. 7; apilyim- no. 126; degum-no. 5; and the monosyllabic particles am- no. 136; ham- no. 156; ? em- no. 140; ?em- no. 13; ts’ em- no. 152; k'sem- no. 146; gam- no. 118; «zem- no. 56; Lem- no. 134; szm- no. 168; dem- no. 170), it seems justifiable to suggest that at least some of these may either have or have had an independent existence as stems that may take pronominal endings, and that their present form is due to contractions (see $33). At least one particle (g’a7- no. 122) seems to occur both with and without the connective -zm. The particles may be classified according to the fixity of their con- nection with the following stem. Ina large number the connection is so firm that the pronoun can not be placed between particle and stem, so that the two form a syntactic unit. A much smaller number may be so separated. Since only the subject of the transitive verb appears in this position (see § 48), it is impossible to tell definitely in every case to which group a particle belongs. Furthermore, the particles of the second group may in some cases be joined to the verb more firmly, so that the pronominal subject precedes them, while this freedom does not exist in the former group. The most distinct group among the particles is formed by the local adverbs. Many of these occur in pairs; as UP and pown, IN and out, etc. All of these express motion. In many cases in which we should use an adverb expressing position, the Tsimshian use adverbs express- ing motion, the position being indicated as a result of motion. For instance, instead of HE STANDS NEAR BY, the Tsimshian will say HE Is PLACED TOWARD A PLACE NEAR BY. These particles are generally adverbial. This seems to be due, however, more to their significance than to a prevalent adverbial character. We find instances of their use with nouns; as, gali-a’'k's river (gali- up river; aks water) A second group might be distinguished, consisting of local adverbs, which, however, show a gradual transition into modal adverbs. Here belong terms like IN, ON, OVER, LENGTHWISE, ALL OVER, SIDEWAYS, etc. In composition this group precedes the first group; but no fixed $7 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 rules can be given in regard to the order in which particles of this group are arranged among themselves. The use of some of these particles with nouns is quite frequent. The second series leads us to the extensive group of modal adverbs, many of which occur both with nouns and verbs. These gradually lead us to others, the prevailing function of which is a nominal one. I have combined in a small group those that have a decidedly denominative character. There is another small group that is used to transform nouns into verbs, and expresses ideas like TO MAKE, TO PARTAKE OF, TO SAY. It will be recognized from these remarks that a classification neces- sarily will be quite arbitrary and can serve only the purpose of a convenient grouping. $8. Local Particles appearing in Pairs 1. bax- up along the ground (Tsimshian: bas-). bax-ia' to go up, singular 142.8 bax-qa'd@ en to finish taking up 209.2 bax-sg’é' trail leads upward (literally, to lie up) bax-d6'g to take up several 208.8 We find also— bax-id'L ak*s water rises (literally, goes up) Tsimshian: bax-wa'les to go up hill bax-gr'°wa to haul up 2. ¢éaga- down along the ground (Tsimshian: y/aga-). caga-sg"é' trail leads downward (literally, to lie downward) iaga-vé' to go down 137.5 caga-sa’ksk" to go down (plural) 29.9 Tsimshian: y/aga-ga'° to go down to ylaga-do'x to take down 3. mEn- up through the air (Tsimshian: #a-). meEn-g'd'ask" to look up 214.2 men-da'utt he went up through the air 95.4 meEn-g'iba'yuk to tly up 126.9 meEn-L0'6 to go up, plural 42.8 l0-men-hwan to sit in something high up, plural 34.1 (20- in; hwan to sit, plural) meEn-dé'x to be piled up; (to lie up, plural) 164.13 men-g@’6d to finish taking up 95.10 §8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 301 Tsimshian: man-ia' to go up ZEt 790" di-man-hé'ksg to go up with some one merla-man-walxs both go up man-li' plume (literally, upward feather) 4. @Ep- down through the air (Tsimshian: tgé-). @rp-ié to go down (from a tree) 9.14 @ pp-hé' tk” to stand downward, a tree inclines downward 201.8 dé-qulik's-@ ep-ma’qs to throw one’s self down also (dé also; gulik's self [obj.]; mags to throw) l0-@’rp-gal to drop down inside (/d in; gal to drop) 181.138 l0-@’ rp-da'ut Logs the sun sets Tsimshian: tgi-nétsy to look down lu-tgi-té° to stretch down in something tgi-za’° to go straight down through the air 5. LEgEm-, logom- into, from the top (Tsimshian: logom-). logom-ba'x to go aboard (literally, to run into [canoe]) 111.11 legem-qa'ten to finish (putting) into 215.12 logém-d'x* to throw into from the top Tsimshian: sa-logdm-gés to jump into (canoe) suddenly lagom- ba’? to run in logom- -t/@ to sit on edge of water 6. #uks- out of, from top (Tsimshian: whs-, t’uks-). Cuks-10'6 to stretch down out of canoe 181.3 Puks-id'é to go out of (here, to boil over) 132.5 Cuks-ba'x to run out of dish (over the rim) Puks-6'x" to throw (meat out of skin of game 150.12 Tsimshian: uks-halho'lt they are full all the way out uks-dé'g to take out of (bucket) adat uks-sa'k!a n-ts/a'ltga? then he stretched out his face 7. ts’ELEm- into, from the side (Tsimshian: ts/ ElEm-). ts Elem-ba'e to run in 204.9 ts’ Elem-hé' th” to rush in (literally, to place one’s self into) 209.11 ts’Elem-a'qLk” to get into 129.12 ts/zlem-dé-ba'x to run in with something 140.15 Tsimshian: ts/elzm-wi-ha'utg to cry into (house) ts !nlem-t/a°t to put into ———————— 1 References preceded by ZE refer to the Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 1908. § 8 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 8. Kesé- out of, from the side (Tsimshian: As E-). k'si-go'u to take out 129.12 k'si-7 ots to cut out 121.6 k'si-ha'tk" to rush out (literally, to place one’s self outside) 30.7 Tsimshian: ksE-t6'° to shove out ksz-hi'°tk to call out sEm-kse-ya' dz to cut right out ZE 7847 ksz-gwa'ntg to rise (sun), (literally, to touch out) 9. tsagam- from on the water toward the shore (Tsimshian: dzagam-). tsagam-ha'k’s to scold from the water toward the shore 16.4 tsagam-ho'u to escape to the shore 51.14 tsagam-dé-g'iba'yuk to fly ashore with it (dé- with) 178.12 t lrp-tsagam-qaé'xqut he himself dragged it ashore (¢ he; lzp- self [subj.]; @’a@’érgz to drag; -¢ it) 175.14 tsagam-g'é'n to give food shoreward 175.3 Tsimshian: zagam-da'ut to go ashore dzagam-lu-ytlya'lig to return to the shore, plural 10. whs- from the land to a place on the water (T'simshian: wks-, Vuks). uks-ié' to go out to a place on the water near the shore 150.14 uks-a' gtk" to reach a point out on the water 74.13 dé-uks-ba'xt he also ran down to the beach 104.13 Sometimes this prefix is used apparently in place of zaga- (no. 2), signifying motion from inland down to the beach, although it seems to express properly the motion out to a point on the water. Tsimshian: uks-hé’°th to stand near the water uks-ha'u to say turned seaward uks-da'ut to go out to sea In Tsimshian this prefix occurs also with nouns: uks-a'pda-q/amé°tg one canoe after another being out seaward wagaut-uks- Gidegané'idzet the Tlingit way out at sea 11. galdix:- to the woods in rear of the houses; corresponding nouns, gilélia; qgagala'n 65.13 (Tsimshian: gatdik-; correspond- ing noun, g@/-haw'li). galdix’-ié' to go back into the woods 8.4 galdiz*-ma'ga to put behind the houses into the woods 65.13 §8 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 303 Tsimshian: qatdik-sgz'r to lie aside qgaldik-1a'° to go into woods 12. na- out of the woods in rear of the houses to the houses; cor- responding noun, g*du (Tsimshian: na-). na-ba'v to run out of woods 147.11 na-hé'ts to send out of woods 213.13 na-de-iad to go out of woods with something 214.8 Tsimshian: na-got to run out of woods, plural na-ba'? to run out of woods, singular 13. # Em- from rear to middle of house (Tsimshian: t/Em-). ?em-é' to go to the middle of the house 130.12 ?Eem-@a't to put into the middle of the house 193.14 Crem-ga'gt to drag into the middle of the house 62.11 Tsimshian: t/zm-stu’°l to accompany to the fire t/zm-di-ia’° to go also to the fire 14. asé- from the middle to the front of the house (Tsimshian: asdé-). asé-0'x* to throw from the middle of the house to the door Tsimshian: | asdi-ga@’° to take back from fire The same prefix is used in Tsimshian to express the idea of MISTAKE: | asdi-ha’u to make a mistake in speaking Tsimshian synonyms of ¢’?Em- (no. 13) and asdé- (no. 14) are— 15. lagauk- from the side of the house to the fire. lagank-ia’? to go to the fire lagauk-hi’ °tg to call to fire 16. ts! Ek: !/a€- from the fire to the side of the house. | ts/zh*/at-ma’g to put away from fire 17. gali- up river; corresponding noun, magdén 117.6 (Tsimshian: q/ala-). l0-gali-sg"z (trail) lies up in the river 146.10 gali-cé’ to go up river 117.6 This prefix occurs with nominal significance in gali-a'k's river (literally, up river water). Tsimshian: wi-q/ala-a'ks large river lu-q/ala-ya’°k to follow behind | § 8 304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 18. g*isi- down river; corresponding noun, saz 23.6 (Tsimshian: gisi-; corresponding noun, sz?). g tsi-ba'v to run down river 18.11 g isi-a'gLh" to arrive down river 23.6 kut-g‘isi-lik’s they float about down the river 16.10 In one case it seems to Mean DOWN AT THE BANK OF THE RIVER. g'isi-lo-wa'wog it was dug down in it down the river 197.8 Tsimshian: str-gisi-ia@’° to continue to go down river gisi-ksia'n down Skeena river 19. g:tdi- right there, just at the right place or in the right manner (Tsimshian: g°tdé-). . sem-g'tdi-lo-hé' th¥ exactly just there in it it stood 88.8 g idi-gak'sk¥t just there he was dragged 51.5 g'idi-go'u to catch (literally, to take in the right manner) 147.8 Tsimshian: g tdi-ga” to catch ZE 7871" g tdi-wa'l to stop sz-gtdi-hi'°tg to stand still suddenly g tdi-t/a’° to stop ZE 788° 20. légri- at some indefinite place, not in the right manner; i. e., almost (Tsimshian: légi-). ligi-k’ut-da’ to sit about somewhere 54.10 lig't-tsagam-de'lpk" it was a short distance to the shore some- where 104.8 lig:i-metmeé’ tk” full in some place (i. e., almost full) 159.10 This particle is often used with numerals in the sense of ABOUT: lig'i-tea'lpx about four 14.1 It is also used as a nominal prefix: lig:i-lax-t’a'L somewhere on the edge 104.8 lig’t-nda’ somewhere 87.1 lig*t-hwi'l goods (i. e., being something) 164.8 Tsimshian: | ligi-ndz’ somewhere ZE 782”° ligi-g@’° something | lig'i-la-ni' ndz to see bad luck coming lig't-ga'n any tree A few others appear probably in pairs like the preceding, but only one of the pair has been recorded. 21. spt- out of water. spi-ié’ to go out of water 52.2 spi-go'u to take out of water §8 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 305 92. wul’ame- out of water (Tsimshian: wel’ame-). Tsimshian: wulam-bax-do'g to take up from water wulam-a'alg to get ashore wulam-ia’ to go ashore § 9. Local Particles—Continued The following series of local particles do not appear clearly in pairs, or—according to their meaning—do not form pairs: 23. tsaga- across (Tsimshian: dzaga-). tsaga-sg‘? to lay across 40.12 lep-tsaga-york" he went across 40.13 tsaga-dé'éntk" to lead across 79.11 tsuga-ho'ksaan to fasten across an opening 217.5 tsaga-his’ia'ts to chop across 201.7 gun-tsaga-cé' to order to go across 40.13 Tsimshian: dzaga-ia'° to go across dzaga-di-la° staying also across (a name). g ap-k !a-dzaga-alu-ba’ to run really very openly across ZE 786"! 24. qallesi- through a hole (Tsimshian: galksE-). galk'si-yo'xk” to go’ through 149.12 galksi-g'a'ask” to look through 127.8 galksi-liba'yuk to fly through, plural 14.9 lo-qalk'si-ha'qoax to squeeze through inside 149.15 This prefix occurs also before nouns: qalk'si-n0'd a hole through 11.9 qalk'si-sqd’éxk" through the darkness Tsimshian: galhsz-né'°tsg to look through galksn-k/7'°ts/el to poke through galkse-a'atg to get through (literally, to finish through) 25. g°tme- probably far into, way in (Tsimshian: gami-). gime-vé to walk to the rear of the house, through the space between people sitting on the sides 132.14, 189.13 g ime-qa'ts to pour through a pipe, along the bottom of a canoe gime-yo'xk® to go through a pipe 183.1 Tsimshian: | Zu-gami-t/a’° it goes way in 26. l6gdl- under (corresponding noun, 172). l6gél-dep-@a, to sit under (a tree) 8.4 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——20 § 9 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 27. lukL- under (Tsimshian: luktéi-). lukt-g iba’ yuk to fly under Tsimshian: | tukti-da’ut to go under 28. lé-gan- over. (In Tsimshian g’an- occurs alone, but also U/7- ) q/an-, which is more frequent. This prefix is a compound of L/i- on, and g/an OVER.) lé-gan-6u* to throw over lée-gan-g'a’ask" to look over Tsimshian: L/i-q/an-bé't to be spread over L/i-q/an-si’ to swing over sa-qg/an-t/a'° to put over 29. lO- in; the corresponding noun has the prefix ¢s’zn- INSIDE; independent noun, ¢s’d@ou (Tsimshian: Jee-; the corresponding noun has the prefix ¢s/zm- INSIDE). l6-d’a to be in 118.10 dé-lo-a'lg‘txt g6’ot he also speaks in his mind (1. e., he thinks) 49,14 l6-@ rp-iax’ia'g to hang down inside 65.10 (d’zp- down [no. 4]) lo-sqga-ma'gsaan to put in sideways 150.3 (sga- sideways [no. 36) lo-wusen-mé tk” it is full inside all along 29.10 (wusen- along - [no. 51]) haspa-lo-yo'vh" to go in the same road 202.15 (hasp’a-, hasba- upside down [no. 74]) lé-lo-d’ep-yu'k to move on the surface in something downward 104.11 (2é- on [no. 30]; d@’zp- down [no. 4]) This prefix occurs in a few fixed compositions: lo-ya lth” to return lo-da'ltk” to meet It occurs also in a few cases as a nominal prefix: (0-ts'é' wu inside 102.10 lo-k's-g'é wit in the lowest one 53.11 (A’s- extreme [no. 143]) l0-ks-g'7'éks at the extreme outside 219.1 lo-Lipia'p deep inside 197.8 lo-sé'luk in the middle 184.13 Tsimshian: §9 lu-sgr'r to lie inside ZE 78277 lu-t/a’° to sit in sa-lu-haldnm-ba’? suddenly to rise in something lu-tgi-to’? to stretch down in lagazx-lu-da’ to put in on both sides (/agax- on both sides [no. 38]) BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 307 30. lé- on; the corresponding noun has the prefix daz-; independent noun, /ax’d’ (Tsimshian: //%-; the corresponding noun has the prefix /az-; independent noun, /az’d’). lé-d’a’ to sit on 202.4 le-men-pta'ltk” to rise up to the top of (see no. 3) lé-ia'g to hang on 89.10 txa-lé-bat to spread over entirely (see no. 93) lé-sga-sg't to put on sideways 184.13 (see no. 36) Tsimshian: sa-Lli-g'@’°ks to drift suddenly on something (see no. 98) L/i-bz'ts’ rn to put on sEm-l/7-Calb to cover well (see no. 168) L/i-sr-gu'lg to make fire on something (see no. 164) ha-l/i-gd@'°t to think (see no. 160) 31. tgo- around (Tsimshian: tgu-). lo-tgo-ba'x to run around inside 77.11 R’wa'ts ik's-tgo-ma'ga to turn over and over much 52.10 (see no. 176) tgo-ya ith" to turn around 47.9 kK’ ut-lo-tgo-lax-lé'lb’en to roll about around inside to and fro 13.14 (4’uxz- about [no. 331: do- inside [no. 29]; ¢go- around; lazr- to and fro Ino. 38}) Tsimshian: Rut-tgu-né'°tsg to look around (see no. 33) tgu-wa'n to sit around, plural tgu-7a@° to go around tgu-da'p to measure around ZE 784°? 32. k’utgo- around; corresponding noun, daz’ circumference. sa-k’utgo-da' ux to go suddenly around (the trunk of a tree) 211.9 kutgo-ié eth" to go around (the house) 218.1 33. k’wL- about (Tsimshian: h/eed-). keut-ba'x to run about 94.10 Kut-lé-10' 6th" he puts about on it 218.7 qasba-k’ut-hwa'ax’ he paddled about astray 17.2 Rut-lia'la'k* to scatter about Tsimshian: alu-k’ut-1a’? to go about plainly ZE 78348 k/ut-yu-haksg to carry bucket about (see no. 159) k/ut-da'msax to be downcast here and there (i. e., always) 34. k’tlq’al- round on the outside. kilgal-ma'n to rub over the outside 103.12 kV ilgal-aats'a xk" scabby all around §9 308 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 35. tq’al- against (Tsimshian: taal-). ty al-gwalk” to dry against (i. e., so that it can not come off) 104.2 tq’al-d@’at to put against (i.:e., on) face 195.12 tyal-da'k't to tie on 68.12 This prefix is often used to express the idea of MEETING: t7al-hwa’ to meet and find 31.6 hwagait-lo-tq al-go'usk” to reach up to inside against (i. e., meet- ing) (Awagait- up to [no. 71]; do- in [no. 29]}) tq’al-ga'd to go to meet (to go against) 158.11 Sometimes it expresses the idea of wITH: tg al-a’k's to drink something with water 21.9 ty’al-hu'ksaan to place with something 36.8 In still other cases it signifies FOREVER, in so far as the object remains fastened against something: lo-tq’al-gwd'tk® to be lost forever in something (/d- in; ¢g’al- against 166.1 It also may express the idea FOR A PURPOSE: tgal-a'm good for a purpose 80.14 sem-tyal-sizp En to like much for a purpose 45.1 tg al-wé' lemik” female servant Tsimshian: sa-twal-g'd'sg to float suddenly against (i. e., so that it reaches) taal-ho'ltg full all over tval-a'atg to arrive at 36. Sqa- across the way (Tsimshian: sga-). sga-d’a’ to be in the way 183.10 lo-sqa-hé't en to place inside in the way 129.10 sga-sg‘?’ to lie across 148.11 Tsimshian: li-sga-yédz to strike in and across the face lep-sga-dakt (he) himself ties across (see no. 129) sga-g'7'°tg to swell lying across sga-ba’° to run across (i. e., to assist) sga-na'k some time (literally, across long) ZE 791?" sga-ba' a few 87. grilwul- past, beyond (Tsimshian: g-tlwul-). g tlwul-dam to hold beyond a certain point 61.8 Tsimshian: g tlwul-ba’? to run past g tlwul-ax’a'atg to get ahead L/i-g/an-g ilwul-di'*lek not to be able to pass over (see no. 28) $9 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 309 88. laac- to and fro, at both ends (Tsimshian: lagax-), (a) to and fro: lax-ba'x to run to and fro 4 at both ends, on both sides: lax-g'itg'a'tk“s carved at both ends lax-lo-lid'xk® to move in it on both sides 34.4 lax-lé'tk* to watch both ends 136.10 laix-aa'lgix to talk both ways (i. e., to interpret) lix-hwa'nemitk" seated on both sides (two wives of the same man) 194.7 This prefix occurs also with nouns: Lia-wisr, Was (a monster) at each end 106.14 Léix-mak' sk" white at each end (name of a man) Tsimshian: lagax-lu-dd’® to put in on both sides lagau-nz-sta'® both sides 39. sa- off (Tsimshian: sa-). sa-6x* to throw off 145.2 sa-besbé's to tear off 25.4 sa-hé tk” to stand off 137.9 sa-V6'g to scratch off sa-uks-ts ens-' kick to escape going off, leaving out to sea (wks- toward water [no. 10]; ¢s’zns- leaving [no. 104]) Tsimshian: sa-g@'° to take off sa-ts/a'°t to pull off 40, g@ts- away to another place. gis-'a' (plural gés-hwa'n) to transplant (@a [plural hwan] to sit) gis-ié' to move away to another place gi's-hé' th"sen/ move away to another place! 41. wud En- away forward (Tsimshian: wud’ En-). wud’ En-ié' to step forward wud En-k'sla'gs to kick away Tsimshian: | wud’En-gwa'’ away here along the middle 42. liks- along a valley (Tsimshian). | luks-g*ig'@'°nit down along the river 43. wiL-away, probably insome special direction (Tsimshian: awul-). wit-go’ to take away Tsimshian: | awul-ma’g to put aside, to sidetrack $9 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 44. hagun- toward, near; corresponding noun, awa'a (Tsimshian: gun-,; corresponding noun, awa’). hagun-2é to go toward 129.14 agi-hagun-yo'rk" unable to get near 201.6 (see no. 137) hagun-hé' th* to stand near 125.4 hagun-dé lpk® a short distance near by 147.5 Tsimshian: gun-7a'° to go toward gun-ga'° to go toward something gun-t/a’? to sit near 45. héla- near by. héla-d’a’' to sit near by 46. lOsa- in front. losa-cé to walk in front of losa-d’a’ to sit in front of 47. taas- along the surface of a long thing (Tsimshian: taas-). txas-ié' to walk on a long thing tvas-la'agul to wrap up a long thing txas-ia'ts to chop along a long thing Tsimshian: | lu-txas-sgz'r to put in edgewise sa-lu-txas-ta'°t to shove in suddenly edgewise tras-k./a'%t through the year ZE 792°” 48. hadix:- lengthwise along the middle line (Tsimshian: hat/Ek-). hadix'-qo'ts to cut (a salmon) lengthwise 55.3 Tsimshian: | lu-hat/ek-ta°%t to push in endwise 49, stEa- lengthwise, on either side of middle line. stEa-C tsk” one side lengthwise is black stex-sgq’'7L gé'nEx lax-ts é'L aks the trail lies along (the water) on the beach-side; (sz to lie; gé’nzw trail; dax- on [no. 151]; ts’é't beach; aks water) 50. haL- along the edge, edgewise (Tsimshian: had-). (a) Along the edge: keut-hax-id' to walk about along the edge (of the water) 122.4 dét-hat-dé' qt he held it also along the edge (of the fire) 47.8 (dé also [no. 167]; ¢ he [subj.]; @éq to place; -¢ it) Not quite clear is the following: gam-lo-hat-tugt a k“det they only twisted off (their necks) inside along the edge 115.5 (g’am- only [no. 118]; dd- in [no. 29]; -det they) §9 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES art (6) Edgewise: hat-g'd'6t En to put (the paddle into the water) edgewise Tsimshian: h/ut-hat-hé'tg to stand about alongside of ZE 796%” hat-k' /a'n to go along beach in canoe hat-gwa’? along here 51. wusEn- along the inside (Tsimshian: wus En-). wusEn-hé' tk” to rush along inside (the canoe) 57.5 lo-wusen-mé th” full along inside (the canoe) 29.10 wusEn-bishé’s to tear lengthwise (to split) 99.13 (or wudzEn- see no. 41) wusEn-yis ia'ts to chop lengthwise (into wedges) 148.4 Tsimshian: lax-wusEn-ia’ on the flat top of a mountain (literally, on along going) 52. witsEn-, hiits’En- along through the middle (Tsimshian: wuts! En-). wits En-ii' to go back through the house 125.3 hits’ rn-d’ax to put from fire back to the rear of the house 207.2 Tsimshian: | wuts/En-ia'? to go along through the house 53. wLtp- at end (Tsimshian: x€Ep-). xLip-gu's to hit at end 88.11 aLip-Cést o'tsk” black at the ends 31.5 Tsimshian: atep-hé'ksen to put on at end sEm-atep-tsuwa'n the very end of the top 54, actsé- in the middle of a long thing (Tsimshian: xts/E-), atsé-ia'ts to chop across the middle 133.9 sa-xtse-o'ts to cut quickly across the middle 100.6 Tsimshian: | ats/n-gai’ to bite through in the middle 55. KY Lé- all over (Tsimshian: k“éé-). k“1é-hasha'ts to bite all over 84.15 h“xé-bishé's to tear to pieces 71.6 k“zé-ca'ts to hit all over 58.2 Tsimshian: k“ti-1a'°m laxha’ going across the sky ZE 783°° kti-gaigar' to bite all over kti-galgo'l split all over §9 812 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 40 56. #LEm- around an obstacle, making a curve around something (Tsimshian: x&E£m-). xLem vé' to go overland, cutting off a point xLEm-ma' gat to put a rope over something xLEm-hé'tst to send around something aLEm-da'ga to choke some one, hang some one Here belongs also— aLEm-galgai's’ét to kneel down This prefix occurs also with nouns. aLEem-gé nex trail going around in a circle Tsimshian: atem-ia'°k to embrace atem-da'kt to tie around 57. k’éd0- sideways. k’édo-g'a' ask to look sideways 58. h’aL- aside. gam-k”at-L0'6t she only pushes aside 191.11 kh at-hé'tgum 7ésemg labret standing on one side 191.13 59. gana- inclined against (Tsimshian) gana-ta’° to sit leaning against something gana-hétg to stand leaning against something gana-ba'tsg to stand leaning against something 60. maxtE- through a narrow channel (Tsimshian). maxtr-ba’ to go through a channel maate-ha'd@eks to swim through a channel maath-g’a’p a narrow channel Maxts-qa'ta Metlakahtla, narrow channel of sea (compare Git-qa'ta people of the sea) 61. gik«si- out of ; undoubtedly a compound of £#'sz. out of (no. 8). g'ik'si-hwi' tk® to come out of 10.1 62. liila- near the end; perhaps a compound of /0- in (no. 29), and héla- near (no. 45). liila-Wée'liks cut off smooth at end (name of a dog), from @é'lik's smooth li’ila-a'lg*tx to speak close to some one §10. Modal Particles There is no strict distinction between this group and the preceding one. Many of the particles classed here are used with equal frequency as.adverbial and as adnominal elements. Thus we find w?-, which means at the same time GREATLY, MUCH, and LARGE; Zgo0-, which sig- § 10 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Bs 3 es nifies both A LITTLE and sMALL. ‘The attempt has been made to rele- gate all elements which may be separated from the stem by a pronoun into a group by themselves (§ 15); but since such separation occurs only in transitive verbs, and not all particles have been found with transitive verbs, it seems likely that the grouping may have to be changed when the language comes to be better known. While in some cases the composition of particles and stems is quite firm, others convey the impression of being almost independent adverbs. 63. awus- ready to move; not free (Tsimshian). awus-t/a@'° ready to stand up, singular awus-wa'n ready to stand up, plural s awus-hé°th ready to move 63a. a- easily (Tsimshian). a-sona't easily tired a-k“ti' easily hungry a-ba'gask worried (literally, easily tasted) 64. anb’ El- in an unusual frame of mind. This prefix is not entirely free (Tsimshian: p/El-). anb’pl-hé' to say crying 220.5 an’ el-w'lgtx to speak while angry, to talk behind one’s back anl’ zl-va'atk to strike, break, in a state of anger anb’ el-qala'y to play Tsimshian: | p/el-ga-mi'lk to play with something 65. ank-s- opening up (Tsimshian: aks-). ank's-ksla'qst to kick apart 134.3 ank's-ié' to increase ank's-t pmé'st paint-pot we-anksi-sgan large rotten (open) tree 106.12 Tsimshian: _ sa-hagul-aks-ia’° to open suddenly slowly (see no. 76) aks-ia'°g to increase aks-t/u'°s to push open sz-aks-q/a'g to open up 66. agwé- outside, beyond (Tsimshian: agwié-). agwi-tgal-da' it is outside close against it agwi-an-da'x* the outside agwi-ma'l boat (literally, beyond a canoe) agwi-hugda' ek” en great-grandchild (lit., beyond grandchild) Tsimshian: | agwi-ba'tsg to stand outside § 10 814 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ({BuLL. 40 67. alo- (a- easily, /u- in?) plainly; alone (Tsimshian: alve-). (a) Plainly, real: alo-d’a' there was plainly 106.13 alo-ba'n run quickly ! 93.4 sem-k’a-ale-ba'z to run really exceedingly quick 107.10 As a nominal prefix we find it in— alo-gig'a't real persons (i. e., Indians) 170.13 Here belongs probably— sem-alo-gol to run quite suddenly, plurai 141.8 (6) Alone; always with reduplication: alo-hehé'th® to stand alone 44.15 alo-sisg7’ to lie alone alo-d’rd’a' to sit alone Tsimshian : adlu-kut-ia'? to go about plainly ZE 783% alu-t/a@ to be in evidence alu-ba'? to run really 68. a@Lax- in bad health (Tsimshian: €a-). aLax-hag'd' otk" having a crippled back Tsimshian : | ta-g'a'tk in bad health 69. aLda- in the dark. aLda-wa'«e to paddle in the night atda-ié’ to walk in the dark 70. é- with reduplication; action done while in motion. i-g'ig'rbd' yuk flying while being moved 2-aa' lg*iné I talk while moving, while at work i-haha' dék's swimming while carrying 71. hwagait- completing a motion entirely (Tsimshian: wagait-). This prefix belongs to the series bagait- (/xbagait-) (no. 82), sagait- (no. 99), spagart- (no. 103), gamgait- (no. 119); hwagart-qalk'si-da' ut to pass through entirely 143.14(see no. 24) hwagait-sq‘7' to lie way over 134.3 hwagait-ma'g to put away This is also a nominal prefix: hwagait-gviks way off shore 146.14 hwagait-go'st over there 134.4 Tsimshian: sem-sa-wagait-uks-da' ut to go right out to sea very suddenly (see nos. 168, 98, 10) wagait-yia'ks way off shore § 10 _ = BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 815 72. waLEn- former. waLEen-ga'n an old (rotten) tree 25.4 waLEn-na k'st his former wife 135.14 watEn-g'ig'a't the people of former times 191.1 waLEn-wi-gesgd ot the same size as before 23.4 73. wit- great, greatly; singular (Tsimshian: aw7@-). This prefix is commonly used as an attribute, but also as an adverb, expressing, however, rather a auality of the subject. See also_ztgo- no. 135. (a) Adverbial: wi-sE-mé'L to make burn much 89.8 wi-sa’ gat it splits much 148.8 It is also found in fixed combinations: wi-yé th” to cry 90.3 wi-am-hé't to shout 89.12. Here it is apparently connected with the adverbial -zm (§ 22) (6) Adjectival: wi-g:'a’t big (awkward) man 196.9 wi-lig’é Ensk great grizzly bear 118.4 W7-wba'la Great West-wind (a name) Tsimshian: (a) Adverbial: wi-ha'utk to ery (2) Adjectival: wi-go ep.'a great light ZE 785° wi-meEd? Ek great grizzly bear gap-kla-wi-narnd'g really exceedingly great supernatural being (see nos. 117, 106) wi-sEenvagit great chief 73a. wud’ax- great, plural (Tsimshian: ewet/a-). wud ax-qa-we'n large teeth 84.3 wud ax-anx-qa-gd' ddet great fools 33.10 74. hasba- upside down (Tsimshian: hasba-). This prefix is re- lated to gasba- no. 121. haspa-bé's to tear out so that it is upside down 127.13 sEm-hasba-sq’v' to lay exactly face up 214.11 hasba'-sg°t to lay upside down (a hat) 17.2 Peculiar is— hasba-lo-yd'xk" to go in the same trail 202.15 Tsimshian: | hasba-p/é'xgal to tear out so that it is upside down § 10 316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 75. hats’ Eks- terribly, causing feeling of uneasiness. hats’ rks-hwi'l to act so that people get afraid hats’ rks-a'lg‘tx to talk roughly 76. hagul- slowly (Tsimshian: hagul-). hagul-hiwi'l to do slowly 54.4 hagul-gwa' 6tk® to disappear slowly Tsimshian: hagul-ba’° to run slowly ZE 7864 hagul-dzaga-ia"° to go slowly across ZL 787% hagul-k“da'xs to leave slowly hagul-ia@'°x to go slowly [BULL. 40 77. haldEm- (Tsimshian: haldEm-) occurs only with the verbs bax, plural gél, ro RUN, with the meaning TO RISE 124.9, 114.7. In Tsimshian the same composition with 6a@°, plural géf, TO RUN, occurs with the same meaning; but the prefix seems to be a little freer with the meaning RISING FROM THE GROUND. haldzm-ni°dz to look up 78. hit- to begin (Tsimshian: h7-). hé'-yuk to begin 138.14 q¢ ai-hée-lé'duadet they just began to shoot 20.4 This prefix is much more common with nouns: hi-mesa'«’ beginning of day hé'-tuk morning Tsimshian: hi-se-t/a/°t it just began to be ZE 781° hi-ts/7’°n just to enter hi-set/a-demt p/a'egant he began to break it down 79. hts- to do apparently, to pretend to (Tsimshian: s@s-); always with medial suffix (see § 17.3-5). his’-a'k'sk® to pretend to drink 18.7 his-huwd'qs to pretend to sleep 219.10 his-huwi'ltk"s to pretend to do 23.1 his-né' oth” to pretend to be dead 65.11 -hés-wiyé tks to pretend to cry 217.10 his-ti'ntk's to pretend to be angry his-xda' k's to pretend to be hungry Tsimshian: | sts-k"t7/°nu | pretend to be hungry sés-@/xs to laugh (literally, to play with the mouth) sés-yu-ha-kda'ks to play having (i. e., with) a bow (see nos. 159» 160) § 10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Bas 80. pELEm- to act as though one was performing an action (Tsim- shian: DEnEm-). peElem-go’ to act as though taking 38.8 prlem-vé to go and turn back again at once ptlem-g'a'p to act as though eating something Tsimshian: benrm-axs?’°tk to act as though vomiting benem-t/u’°s to act as though about to strike 81. bElasEm- in front of body, forward; similar in meaning to 3 axina- no. 127 (Tsimshian: «bDEsEm-). t lo-beluvsem-qgaqga' gant he opened it in front of his body 26.14 Tsimshian: | abrsem-sger to lie prone ZE 789!" 82. bagait- just in the right place or manner (Tsimshian: lEba- gait-). Compare hwagart- (no. 71), sagact- (no. 99), spa- gait- (no. 103), g’amgart- (no. 119). bagait-kwa’st it is cracked right in the middle bagait-go’ to hit just in the right place gam-bagait-brbrsba'tsk" only to be lifted just in the right way 62.13 Like the other prefixes ending in -gazt, this prefix is also nominal: sem-bagait-sé luk just right in the middle 73.4. Tsimshian: lebagait-sga-ba'tsg to stand across just there ZE 793" lebagait-det/a’ sitting alone Lnbagait-ba’° to be lost 83. MESEMm- separate. mEsEm-hwa'n to sit separately meEsEm-LO' to walk separately 84. ma- like (Tsimshian: 0E-). ma-wa tsa crazy (literally; like a land-otter) ma-o'l having epileptic fits (literally, like a bear) Tsimshian: | mn-wa'ts/a crazy (literally, like a land-otter) 85. wadi- like (Tsimshian). wadi-hats/ia'°n innumerable (literally, like fly- blows) wadi-kse-te' atx like fluid slime wadi-wii' lb like a house 86. maz- only, entirely, all. maa-hana’'g (they are) all women 184.5 maax-é' uxt a woman having only sons; (they are) all men max-hé'x* it is only fat 42.3 § 10 318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 87. mEL(a)- to each, distributive (Tsimshian: mEta-). meELa-guld nt three to each meELi-k’4'l one man in each (corner) 33.12 Tsimshian: | muta-k/n'rel one to each 88. mEta- both (Tsimshian). 89. me'la-mEn-wa' las both go up (see no. 3) meéla-l/7-dd’® to put on both (see no, 30) meBla-hakhéldrm gat both (villages had) many people SEn- firmly (Tsimshian). sen-na’ to bait sen-dd'vs to hold fast sen-wo'x to admonish 90. dka-, dtx:- firmly; not free (Tsimshian: dax-), 91 92 dix'-yu'k" to hold fast Tsimshian: | dax-ya'°gwa to hold fast . AE-, dé- with (Tsimshian: dE-). dz-da’ut to carry away (literally, to go away with) tswum-de-g'*iba’ yuk to fly ashore with something 178.12 Tsimshian: dr-ba'? to run away with bax-dn-go' it/xks to come up with t dn-ts’i°nt he entered with it . diila- improperly. dula-a'lg‘tx to talk improperly, to grumble dula-@'a' det agt to put mouth on one side dila-yé étk"s to walk improperly, to wabble wi-dula-g'a' tk" being a great improper man (i. e., cowardly) 195.3 93. taxa- entirely, all (Tsimshian: taca-). twa-q0'lisngat he carried all on his shoulder 116.4 trva-wo'd to invite all 186.15 twxa-lo-ts’d’ 6t to skin inside entirely 150.10 tva-bela' da it was all abalone 45.3 This prefix is contained also in— twané th” all Tsimshian: tva-ga' ntg stiff (literally, woody) all over twa-wa'°ntg to have teeth to the end (of life) twa-yelg all slippery txa-l/i-gad’nat all fall on § 10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 319 94. 2a@- to complete an action (Tsimshian: a-). na-da'qu to strike with a hammer so that it breaks na-ha'ts to bite through 127.8 na-o'x* to hit so that it breaks 48.8 na-gapga' bret they fastened it so that it staid 178.3 na-disd’é's to knock with the hand 8.12 Tsimshian: | na-g'a'th to punch through 95. na- each other, one another (Tsimshian: na-). kh’ ax-na-ala'lg iadet they talked to each other for a while 19.8 (see no. 107) na-«sée'ngdet they disbelieved each other 28.2 ut-na-gag é det they howled about to one another 96.4 Tsimshian: | lu-na-té’l to put into each other ALA AIA 96. n0’6m- to desire. This may possibly be the verb 7é’6 To DIE. nd'dm-zé' to desire to go no'dm-a'k's to desire to drink 21.8 If this element is an adverbial form of 76'é, it corresponds to Tsimshian: | dza'gem asta’ ganu I am dead asleep 97. sEl- fellow, companion (Tsimshian: s£1-). silhana’g fellow-woman 208.12 sil-~aima'ysit fellow-youths 195.13 This prefix is also used with verbs: sil-hwa’'n to sit together sil-qas-q@' 6 En to be of the same size 89.7 Tsimshian: | nz -sel-wa'lt his companions 98. sd- suddenly (Tsimshian: sa-). sa-hé'th” to stand suddenly 99.14 si-gé' sk" to stop crying suddenly 22.5 Tsimshian: sa-ha'u to say suddenly sa-l/i-g'@ks to float suddenly on something sa-lu-haldem-ba'’° to arise suddenly on something sa-lu-nd'°’k to lie on something suddenly 99. sagatt- together (Tsimshian: sagatt-) (see nos. 71, 82, 103, 119). sagait-da' kt to fasten together 68.10 sagaii-ié to go together 51.8 sagait-wi'lgat to carry all together 70.10 § 10 320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Tsimshian: sugait-wa'n to sit together ZE 786118 sagait-htg to stand together sagait- lu-am’a'm gaga'’d they were all glad (literally, good in their hearts) sagait-wa'lzsem we walk together 100. sag’ap- without purpose (Tsimshian: sag’ap-). ke ut-sagap-2é to walk about without purpose 96.10 sag ap-lé'méx* to sing without purpose Tsimshian: | k/ut-sag’ap-a’° to go about without purpose ZE 796% 101. st%- new (Tsimshian: see-). si-na'k'st his new wife 135.15 si-hwil new Tsimshian: su-p/a's young, singular (literally, newly grown) su-ma'xs young, plural (literally, newly standing) su-sa’'m? fresh meat su-sE-n-dz0'g to make a new village (see no. 164) 102. stx*- steadily (Tsimshian: sta-). six’-g'a'a to look steadily, to watch 156.1 sta’-ié to walk steadily sia’-wa'«’ to paddle steadily Tsimshian: sta-ia’°nw 1 walk steadily sta-gisi-ia@’° to go down river steadily 103. spagait- among (Tsimshian: spagait-). This prefix belongs to the series hwagatt., bugait-, sagait-, Pamgait- (nos. 71, 82, 99, 119); -spa seems to belong to haspa- INVERTED, q’aspd- astRAY, which have spa in common with spagazt.. dé-lo-spagait-hoksk" also to be inside among 42.4 This prefix occurs also with nouns: spagait- ganga n among trees 31.14 spagait-s¢'@' nxk" in the darkness 11.9 spagait-loga 1o'lng [among] in a rotten corpse 217.9 Tsimshian: spagait-sgé'tg in the darkness ZE 782” | spagait-g'a't among people | spagait- ganga’ nm among trees 104.. ts’ Ens- to desert, deserted (Tsimshian: ts/Ens-). ts’ ens-lu'k to desert by moving 159.15 ts’ Ens-dza' k” widow (literally, deserted by dying) § 10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 321 Tsimshian: ts/ens-ld'yik to desert by moving | ts/Ens-dza'k: widow (literally, deserted by dying) 105. ts’End- a short way (Tsimshian). ts/ent-dzo’x to move canoe back a short way ts/Ent-ca'° to go a short way off 106. k*’a- to a higher degree, exceedingly (Tsimshian: k/a-). sEm-k”a-ale-ba’x to run really exceedingly fast 107.10 Bee nos. 168, 67) kva-wi-hé'ldex élx there were exceedingly many seals 107.6 (see no 73; ex seal) kva-wi-té'st hwilpt as née his house is larger than mine (literally, his house is exceedingly large to me) (see no. 73; hwilp house; as to; née me) kv’a-wi-t’é'st hwilp (this) house is the largest Lgo-k"’d-wi-té’st he was a little larger 103.15 (see no. 135) Tsimshian: g ap-k!a-dzaga-alu-ba’? to run pais very openly across ZE " 786@ 121 g ap-k/a-wi-nawnd’g really a greater supernatural being kla-na'g exceedingly long ZE 786 "°° 107. k*’aa- for a while (Tsimshian: k/a-). kax-ha' dt it stops for a while 218.3 hk? ax-héx’ to use for a while 34.6 hk ax-gun-g'a'a to show for a while 26.6 (gun- to cause; g‘a’a to see) kh? ax-na-ala'lg‘tx to talk to each other for a while 19.8 k’ax-sa-gé't to make a string for a while 117.6 Here belongs also— g° ax hao'n later on Tsimshian: | ada’ h’a-?a'°t then he sat for a while 108. g*tn- seems to occur only in gtn-hé th” TO RISE 151.14. Tsimshian: | g‘ina-hétg to rise 109. g°tna- (left) behind (Tsimshian g-ina-). g ina-hé th” to stand behind 141.2 g ina-g'a'6 to be there, being left behind 67.2 g ina-@a' to remain, being left behind 194.13 k’ut-g'ina-dé'x to be (plural) about being left behind 70.8 (see no. 33) Lgo-gam-g'ina-@a@' only a little one was left 95.14 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10——21 § LO ooe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Tsimshian: g ina-t/a@ to stay behind g'ina-ia’° to go slower than oe: to leave going) g ina-ts’7’°k left dry 110. k*/tna- to go todo something; the action to be done is expressed by a noun (Tsimshian).? k: Lina-xsa'n to go to gamble k: /ina-dé’’sta to go across (to see) k: lina-su-p/a’s to go after a young gir! 111. g°@v’ld Ep- underneath (?), upside down (7?) g wdzp-da'lbik'sk” to cling to the under side (of the canoe) 57.6 kut-g tldep-qaxd' tk" to drift about capsized, upside down 24.3 g ildep-qalu'ks I turn dishes over upside down 112. k*sax- only, just (Tsimshian: Asa-, often with g’am- or am- ONLY). ksax-d’0'q just to take (i. e., without implements for taking) 41.7 k-sax-k’ut-daxdo' x they just lay about 162.5 ksax-g'ind' mt tsd'dsk't hé'x* he only gave a little fat 163.6 (tsddsk: little; héx: fat) This may really belong to the particles given in § 15. k-sax- is often used with nouns: ksax-ts’é'p only bones 214.12 k-sax-Ltgo-nts é éts only the little grandmother 152.10 Tsimshian: gam-ksa-taalpa only four gam-ksa-k/z'rel only one am-ksa hand'nga only the women ksa-hé°tgrt he just stood still 113. k’OpE- little, plural; a little (Tsimshian: K/abE-). This is commonly used as an attributive prefix for the plural only. The idea of A LITTLE, SLIGHTLY, is generally expressed by this prefix; while zgo-, which is the singular of the attributive prefix, seems to imply that a small one performs the action expressed in the verb. See no. 135. (a) Adverbial: k’ope-aba' gask" to be troubled a little 74.15 kopr-ama-g'a'adesem, look out a little well for her 192.1 k’dpsE-lo-qabu'z to splash in something a little (b) Adjectival: kK ope-huwi'lp little houses 185.8 Rk ope-th’é' tk” children 102.1 'This particle is classed more properly with those given in § 13. § 10 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 323 Tsimshian: (a) Adverbial: k/abr-si' epgenu I poor one am sick (6) Adjectival: k/abr-ga-go'k little baskets 114. gun- to order, to cause (Tsimshian: gun-). gun-ba't to cause to spread out 130.11 gun-go'u to cause to hit 53.8 gun-sE-mé'L to order to make burn 91.14 gun-gé'Lgan to order to poke 91.6 Tsimshian : _ gun-mé' gan to ask to be taken aboard | gun-ni'°dz to show (literally, to cause to see) 115. gultk:s- backward; also reflexive object (Tsimshian: g*tlEks-). gqulik's-hé' tk® to rush back 210.4 gulik's-a' quik” to reach (arrive) coming back 76.10 gultk's-g'aask® to look back dé-qultk's-@ ep-ma'gs to throw one’s self also down (dé also; @ Ep down) 42.13 guliks-dza' ks to kill one’s self sem-gulik's-é tks to repent (literally, to name one’s self much) 52. 2a guik's-d otk” pocket-knife (literally, covering itself) anik's-lo-la' galth" looking-glass (contracted from an-gultk:s-lo- la’ galtk" what one’s self in beholds) Tsimshian : g ileks-ba’? to run back ZE 788" g tleks-ga’? to take back g tleks-ni'°dz to look back lep-g tleks-6'iget he threw himself down 116. gulx- continued motion (Tsimshian: gegutax- for all times). gulx-? é's to push along gulx-ba'x to jump along Tsimshian: | gugulx-hée'°tg to stand for all times (hye g’ap- really, certainly, must, strongly (Tsimshian: g’ap-). qgap-Lgu'ksaan to be really unable (to carry) 167.13 ¢ ap-dé-dza' pt really on his part he made 170.5 gap-ha' gal to urge really 43.13 g ap- -wi- Pe st it is really large 13.13 ‘Up- tug I have taken it entirely g ap- -yo'xgun you must eat 9 ap- é'lg*é certainly, it is a bear § 10 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 Tsimshian: gap-«s-ts/a'ps really to be called a tribe ZE 783* gap-k! a-wi-naxno'g really a greater supernatural being (see nos. . 106, 73) gap-wulam-ba'°sg really to blow ashore (see no. 22) gap-be' tsg really to stand 118. qg’am- only, i. e., without result, to no purpose; compare /:sax- (no. 112) ONLY, i. e., without doing anything else (Tsimshian: qam-, am-). (a) Adverbial: gam-and'g to agree without caring 18.13 gam-tsagam-sidd' nxt he only fastened it ashore (without taking it up to the house to eat it) 178.3 gam-LiLad éxk“t he only finished eating (but did not go) 107.10 gam-lo-g'i'EL only to lie down (without doing anything) 59.7. (6) Adnominal, with numerals: gam-k?a'l only one 100.18 gam-gula'n only three 113.1 gam-aLEbo' only few 178.10 (c) Adnominal; refuse, useless: gam-ia'ts chips gam-hwi'lp a miserable house Tsimshian: (a) Adverbial: am-man-wa'las he just went up (see no. 3) (6) Adnominal, with numerals: gam-ksa-tvalpx only four gam-k/a'l only one (c) Adnominal; useless: tgu-gam-k/wa's an old little broken one gam-wa'lb old house gam-t!/o'°ts charcoal 119. q’amgait- already, just then (Tsimshian: amgaéit-). This pre- fix, which is related to the series in -gact- (nos. 71, 82, 99, 103), appears also independently. ket gamgait-g:a'as Trd'msem T. had already seen it 17.12 t Pamgait-hwild' xt sem’d'g'it the chief knew it already 220.1 (Awila'x: to know; sem’d'g‘it chief) gamgait nig't wé'qt just then he did not sleep 37.1 gamgait ga mts ren dd'gét . . . még’d'gstalready he had secretly taken salmon berries 49.15 (g’a'mts’zn secretly; da'g to take; még’d'gst salmon berry) § 10 BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 325 Tsimshian: | ada amgact-ta'°t then he was just there ZE 782” 120. ganeé- always, permanently, without stopping. This prefix occurs commonly with Awél and adverbial ending -a in the sense of ALWAYS 121.4, 15. Other compounds are— gané-meé't it burns so that the fire can not be put out again gané- @a' to sit down for good gane-ts’é'n to have entered to stay gané-a'lg‘tx to talk without stopping gané-qabé yit there are just as many 121. g’asba- anywhere, astray. This prefix is related to hasba- up- SIDE DOWN (no. 74); see also no. 103. Gasha-k’ut-hwa'ax* to paddle about astray 17.2 (2 uL- about [no. 33]) gasba-sa-h’ut-té he went about away astray 38.14 (sa- off [no. 39]; #’wz- about [no. 33]) 122. qg’ai- still, just, near; also used as an independent adverb. (a) Adverbial: g ’ai-huwd'gt he was still asleep 127.5 7G u-hwagait-tsagam-ywkdet they moved still far away toward the shore (Awagait- [no. 71]; ¢sagam- toward shore [no. 9}) Gai-lig'i-gé sck"t just any time he stopped 91.5 (ig*d- any place or time [no. 20]; gésvk” to stop speaking) (4) Adnominal: YP ar-¢ q alin ae just six months 29.5 Lgo-7Pai-ts o'sg'im wi-Cé's just a little large 153.5 (zgo- small [no. 135]; ¢s’osk* small; -m adjectival connective; w?- great [no. 73]; ?és large) 123. gal- too. gal-ala'n too slow gal-@é elt too fast gal-La' lth" too late 124. gal- without people, empty (Tsimshian: qal-). gal-hwi'lp house without people in it qal-bé'ts space 81.6 qal-ts’a'p town, tribe This particle is also used with verbs: gal-@a' to stay away from a town qal-dzo'g to camp away from a town Tsimshian: gal-r'renx empty box gal-ts/a'p town § 10 326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buty. 40 125. apt- partly. api-ma'ksk® partly white api-tsnmé'lix’ partly beaver (name of a monster supposed to resemble a seal with beaver-tail) api-nd'ts partly coward (name of a man) 126. aptlyim- forward (in time and space). apilyim-g'a'a to look forward 127. a2Una- bending forward (Tsimshian: «éna-). vina-sg’t' tk" to fall down forward aina-dd'k to kneel down Tsimshian° atna-ma’xsg to dive, plural (literally, to stand head foremost) atna-de-da'ut to go down headlong with 128. 7- is a particle used to express the plural of certain words, and will be found discussed in § 45. 129. LEp- self, as subject (see gulik's- self as object [no. 115)). (a) Adverbial: lep-g'in-hé'tkvt he himself arose 156.11 t lmp-tsagam-q a éxqut he himself dragged it ashore 175.13 lep-qulik's-ha.d ritk"t it itself acted by itself 61.3 lep-qulik's-hanwuld'kvs nd'é, | myself destroyed my own 220.5 (nd’é I) (6) Adnominal: lzp-nebé'pt his own uncle Tsimshian: (a) Adverbial: lnp-éitg he himself takes a name lep-tgusgz'ret he himself is happy di t-lrp-do' get he himself, on his part, took am-di-lep-nexnd'wsedet that they themselves, on their part, are supernatural lep-g‘ileks-o'iget he himself threw himself down (6) Adnominal: lep-gaxsd' (their) own canoes 130. LEDEL#- against (Tsimshian: lEbEIt-). dé-lebelt-hwilensstié’ you also do against (some one) 65.14 lebslt-hé tk” to incite against lebelt-a'lg‘tx to talk with some one Tsimshian: | lebelt-da'l to fight against _ Lebelt-wa'l enemy $10 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 327 131. l&g’ul- for good (Tsimshian: lEK/ul- for good; see gané- always, permanently [no. 120]). leg ul-si'ns to be entirely blind leg ul-da'ut to leave for good lng’ul-ts!é'n to have entered to stay Tsimshian: | lek/ul-kvda'vs to leave for good 132. lég’éx- partly, half. lig’ éx-ma' gat to put away half lig’ éx-g'a't nobility (literally, halfway [chief] people) 133. lEks- strange, different, by itself (Tsimshian: 7EKs-). leks-g'a't a strange person sa-twa-leks-g'a’'t to make quite different leks-@a' island (literally, sitting by itself) Tsimshian: leks-t/@’° island leks-g*ig'a'd kinds ZE 791?” 134. LEm- stopping a motion (Tsimshian: €£m-). LtEm-ba'z to stop by running LEm-go'c to offend Lem-é thc to interfere (literally, to stop by calling) In Tsimshian this prefix does not seem to be free. | tum-gipa'tg to fly against the wind | tem-ba'asg head-wind 135. Lgo- little (Tsimshian: tga-). This is commonly used as an attributive prefix, but for the singular only. The adverbial idea is expressed by d°dpz- (Tsimshian: /:/abe- [no. 113)), which, in an attributive sense, is used only for the plural. tgo-a'lg‘iat he said with a low voice (perhaps better, the little one said) 54.12 The use of zg0- as attributive is very common: ksax-Lgo-ts Epts'a'p only the little wren 126.5 (see no. 112) tgo-ts Ewi'ng it the little youngest one 185.14 Still more frequent is its use with adjectives: Lgo-gwa' em Lgo-tk’é lk” the little poor little boy 139.7 Lyo-(ai-ts o'sg'im wi-Vé's only a little large (g’az- just; ts’dsk small; 27- great; és large) tgo-dax-g'a’t a little strong Tsimshian: | tgu-xa’? little slave ZE 78917 igu-¢am-k!/wa's a bad little broken one § 10 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {puLy. 40 § 11. Nominal Particles A number of particles, according to their meaning, can occur only in a nominal sense, modifying nouns and adjectives. A few of these might as well have been classed with the preceding group. 136. am- serving for (Tsimshian: @m-). This prefix is not free. am-lo'x’ alder-tree (serving for [the dyeing of] head rings of cedar-bark) am-ma'l cottonwood (serving for canoes) am-halai't head-dress (serving for shaman’s dance) am-sg*iné’st pine-tree (serving for pitch) am-yu'kt used in potlatch 194.1 Tsimshian am-mélk mask (serving for dance) am-ga'n cedar (serving for wood) This prefix is also used in some connections where the explanation here given does not seem satisfactory: am-ga'n a kind of salmon-trap am-«xLa't willow («1az fruit of willow) am-ha'ts’ stump 55.5 In other cases it appears as a verbal prefix, the meaning of which is not known: am-gd@’6d to remember 209.13 am-sg't to lie (on the beach?) 172.11 amv i'lng to destroy in anger 137. aa- without (Tsimshian: ewa-). This prefix is nominal, and Serves as negation in subordinate clauses, which in Tsimshian are transformed into nominal form. Examples are here given of nominal forms and of subordinate clauses: (a) Nouns: axe-a' k's without water ax-wund' x without food ax-gagd' d foolish (literally, without minds) 123.10 ax-ga'dem g'a't foolish person an-ax-ko'* carelessness ax-mo' k® unripe 50.5 ax-gam-da' xk” disgraceful aa-dé-si-halai’t never giving a dance (an opprobrious epithet) ax-na-mu’'« without ear-ornaments (an opprebrious epithet) ax-7é'ts without labret (a little girl) ax-tgal-g'a’ th" virgin (not against a man) §11 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 829 (6) Subordinate clauses: keetg ad arwund' «x La ax-g'é betg’é then he saw the food which he had not eaten 41.3,4 (476 then; -¢ he: g‘a’a to see; -z connective [§ 23]; wund'a food; ra past, nominal form; az- not; g°é’p to eat something; -¢ his; -g*é absent [§ 20]) na Can ax-hwila' gin? who does not know thee (n@ who; fan he who; az- not; Awila’x’ to know; -n thee) nig'in dem dé gout hwil ax-h“ta'yé 1, on my part, shall not take it, not being hungry (né@g‘2 not; -2 I; dem future; dé on the other hand, on (my) part; gow to take; -¢ it; Awl being; az- not; %“ta’z hungry; -é 1) There is a second form, aqz, the relation of which to wx is difficult to understand. Apparently this form is ag with connective -L (see § 23). It does not occur in subordinate clauses, and may perhaps be considered as a verb meaning IT IS NOTHING. nik’é aq hwilt then he did nothing 68.6 (then nothing was his doing) nik é agt g'é'ben then nothing is your food 157.11 nik’é agi-yo' «ks Tak: then Ts’ak* was without (place to) go 126.7 niké agp-hwi'lt then he was without doing anything 68.6 It is doubtful, however, whether this explanation is really satisfac- tory. Difficulties are presented particularly by forms like— aq drp-hwild’ gut what can we do? 103.7 (dzp we) aq n hwila dza'bet | do not know how to make it Only a few Tsimshian forms may be given here: wa-di-tgu-xa'% on their part without even a little foam (di on their part; tgu- little; «@* foam) wa-dzaga-la'"p/el without twinkling across 138. Awétn- innermost part (Tsimshian: wun-). hwin-gé's brain hwin-hawu'l point of arrow hwin-ts/d wut heart of tree 148.8 Tsimshian: | wun-ga'us brain 139. @E- extreme, plural; see #'s- singular (no. 143) (Tsimshian: ta-) dz-lavo't the highest ones dxz-La' wit the lowest ones du-galgala'nt the last ones Tsimshian: man-ta-gda'ga the first ones to come up (see no. 3) ta-si'°lg‘it the eldest ones § 11 330 _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 -140. t/Em- a nominal prefix of very indefinite significance (Tsim- shian: t/Em-). In several cases this is clearly a weakened form of the attributive form ¢/am srrrrne, and probably this is the meaning of this particle everywhere. (See § 33.) t/rm-ba'x hip t/em-ge's head (gés hair) 46.6 t/nm-La’m leg below knee t/em-la’nix’ neck t/nm-ga'«* fathom, shoulder; and some other terms for parts of the body t/rm-la'n steersman t/zm-tsé’iq man in bow of canoe Tsimshian: lax-t/em-ga'us crown of head t/nm-la'n steersman (g‘ila'n stern) (See § 33) 141. spH- place where something belongs, where one lives (Tsim- shian: Sp E-). SpE-@' p Wasp-nest spr-a'et den of porcupine spe-th’do'tqgan ant-hill Spr-newnd’g place of supernatural beings 32.11 Spa-wa' th place of taboos 32.12 spE-so'ntk place where one lives in summer spE-kso'nt place where one lives in autumn Tsimshian | spg-sa'm? bear’s den 142. sgan- tree, stick; evidently from gan tree (Tsimshian: sgan-). sgan-mé likst crabapple-tree 17.11 sgan-qala'mst rose-bush sgan-la'ts elderberry-bush sgan-da' pt harpoon-shaft sgan-haxo mast Tsimshian: sgan-k/i'nt wooden quiver sgan-t!it'°tsg spear-shaft 143. Kees- extreme, singular; see @z-, plural (no. 139) (Tsimshian: As-). ks-qala'n the last 140.8 @ rp-k's-gaq down first 81.4 lo-k's-g'7 ékst in extreme outer side 219.1 Tsimshian: | ks-qa’ga first ZE 791" § 11 Boas | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 331 144. KsE- fluid (Tsimshian: KsE-). This is evidently an abbreviated form of aks WATER. (See § 33.) ksz-t!o'tsk® black fluid hsz-md' dzik's milk (literally, breast fluid) Tsimshian: wadi-kse-té ata fluid-like slime (see no. 85) ksz-a' mks clear water ksz-gwa'nuks spring hsz-sgané'°st water of mountain 145. k*cE- fresh(Tsimshian: KsE-). kce-ci’'k* fresh olachen kce-sma'x fresh meat, Tsimshian: | kse-meg’a’°xs fresh berries 146. k*sEm- woman (Tsimshian: ks Em-). ksem-nisqa'a & Nass woman ksem-qa'k*L mouse woman 136.4 ksem-sawa't Tongass woman k-srm-alo-g‘ig'a't Indian woman 207.12 Tsimshian: ksem-wuts7'°n Mouse woman ksem-q/asga°s crane woman 147. gtt- people, person (Tsimshian: g*ét-). (See also § 33.) Git-wik: /é'na Awi'k'!€n6dx", Rivers Inlet tribe Git-ga'ns Tongass g tt-wi'lth® warriors 113.13 Gf it-lax-da'merk's people of lake 148. gwis- blanket, garment (Tsimshian: gus-). gwis-halai't dancing blanket 71.5 gwis-qa' agt.raven bianket 39.8 wi-gwis-gand'o large frog blanket 168.3 gwis-ma' ksk® white blanket Tsimshian: gus-ya'ne mink blanket gus-belha'tk button blanket gus-sga'n mat coat (rain coat) 149. qa- seems to indicate location (Tsimshian: g*é-). qa-sd'¢ place in front 61.4 ga-qala'n place behind the houses 138.6 ga-g°a'u place infront of house 138.13 ga-dd@ the other side 211.10 The same prefix appears in certain plurals. These will be dis- cussed in § 43. §11 aoe BUREAU OF-AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 Tsimshian: g't-ts/a'ég bow of canoe gi-la’n stern of canoe gi-g'@'ni up river gilhau'li in the woods (with euphonic / [?]) 150. galdEm- receptacle (Tsimshian: galdEm-). galdpm-halda'u-gtt box of a sorcerer 217.3 Tsimshian: | galdem-a'ksk bucket (literally, drinking-receptacle) 151. laa- surface of, top; corresponding to the adverbial prefix /é- (Tsimshian: laa-). lax-lo'dp surface of stone 109.4 lax-a’us surface of sand 122.4 lax’o’ top 55.4 lax-ha’ sky (literally, upper side of air) The names of some clans contain this element. lax-ski'yék eagle clan (literally, on the eagle) 108.3 lax-kebo’ wolf clan (literally, on the wolf) 108.2 — Names of islands and of the ocean are compounded with this prefix: Lax-wagt Dundas island lax-sé'lda ocean 104.7 Tsimshian: lax-t/em-ga’us crown of head lax-la'mgem lnplé’h top of hot stones lax-ha’ sky ZK 78276 152. ts’Em- inside; corresponding to the verbal prefixes /0-, ts’ zlzm-, lrgem- (Tsimshian: ts/Ent-). ts’em-hwi'lp inside of house 134.2 ts’ nm-d2d'd2%k's inside of ground 201.9 ts’Em-l6'6p inside of stone 20.2 A considerable number of words require this prefix: ts’rm-a@'g inside of mouth 118.15 ts’ em-qala’s stomach 118.11 ts'rm-an’6'n palm (literally, inside) of hand 110.10 ts’ nm-Vé'n valley 77.3 Tsimshian: ts/zm-lax-ha’ in the sky ZE 782" ts/Em-esd’? inside of canoe ts/zm-a'ks inside of water ts/zm-wa'ld inside of house ts/Em-ts/a’ns armpit ts/Em-nE-U? oven § 11 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ooo 153. ts’a- inside. I found this prefix, which is evidently related to the last, only in ¢s’a-hwi'lp (Nass) and ¢s/a-wa/b (Tsimshian) THE INSIDE OF THE HOUSE, so designated in contrast to the outside; while ¢s’zm-hwilp (ts/zm-walb) appears in conjunction with the locative adverbial prefixes /u-, ts’zlzm-, etc. 154. ano- direction toward (Tsimshian: nak- or na-). ano-g'°v Elka south ano-qal-ts’a'p direction of the town ano-t em-gé's head end * APA ano-lax-m06' on direction of (on the) sea Tsimshian: nak-semia’ wunt or na-semia’wunt left hand A nak-sta’® one side nak-twa-gisi-hi-wa'¢s east (literally, direction along down river at the same time rain) ZE 785” 155. ts’tk-s- surrounding (Tsimshian: t/Eks-). ts'tks-naa'gs bracelet (literally, surrounding jade) ts'tk's-dad’ tinger-ring Tsimshian: | t/zks-na’°xs bracelet 156. Wam- nearness. ham-ts/éwi'n place near the top, 80.12 § 12. Particles Transforming Verbs into Nouns 157. an-. This prefix is very difficult to translate. It is used to transform verbs into nouns, and expresses abstract terms, local terms, and even instruments. (Tsimshian: n-, nE-). (a) Abstract nouns: an-wpEdzd'z fear an-leba'lg hatred an-sé'tbensk” love an-Ld’msk honor (6) Local terms: an-la'k” fireplace an-sg’tmitk" womb (literally, lying-in place) an-tg’d-lé lbik'sk® whirlpool (what around drifts) 104.12 an-sa'lep hole for steaming 55.4 an-L0'uLk® nest (literally, place of young ones) an-sg‘7't grave (literally, where he lies) 218.5 an-qgala'q play-ground an-dd@' other side § 12 334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Tsimshian: n-lak fireplace ts/Em-nE-W? oven Aicbralligesn in-baking-place) n-gil-hau'li a place in the woods (c) Result of an act, instrument, etc. an-hé't what he said 118.1 an-lé' pelsk® thread (for sewing) an-doy'in garden 158. anda- receptacle, perhaps from an- no. 157 (Tsimshian: 2ta@-). anda-ha-si'xrs ‘* rattle-box” 124.12 ande-La'tx box of crabapples 192.4 anda-haw?7'l quiver (literally, arrow receptacle) 19.5 ande-Célv* box of grease 192.3 Here belongs— anda-xsa'n gambling-sticks 28.11 Tsimshian: nta-ha-wuld'°wad work-box nta-hawa'l quiver 159. yu—ke one who has (Tsimshian: yu—g). yu-hwi'lpk® one who has a house yu-negw0 otk® one who has a father Tsimshian: k/ut-yu-ha-a'ksg carrying a bucket about yu-sa'miy having meat yuhg'a'tg having manhood ZE 783° 160. ha- instrument (Tsimshian: ha-). ha-xda' k* bow (literally, shooting-instrument) 19.6 ha-a'k's cup (literally, drinking-instrument) ha-qgo't knife for splitting 96.12 ha-la'k* powder (literally, fire-instrument) ha-sd'x rattle 213.9 Tsimshian: ha-y‘é'lg harpoon (literally, harpooning-instrument) hu-na'kst marriage present (literally, means of marrying) The compound prefix /a-/é- is particularly frequent: ha-lé-d’a' chair (literally, instrument to sit on) ha-lé-da'lnp pile of wood to roast on 131.12 ha-lé-dzo' qsé world (literally, means of camping on) 14.10 Tsimshian: ha-l!i-dz0'q world (literally, means of camping on) ZE 782” ha-Lli-ga'°d to think (literally, means of minding on) § 12 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 835 The days of the week are nowadays designated by the same prefixes: ha-lé-qand'dtk" day of dressing up (Sunday) ha-lé-yé'eq day of paying out (Saturday) 161. gan- means of, cause of (Tsimshian: gan-). gan-md' th” means of saving gan-dedeé'ls cause of life gan-Lé'ntz* cause of anger gan-lo-go ‘bax window (literally, cause of light inside) gan- -hwi'lix* carrying-strap, (literally, means of carrying) Tsimshian: gan-hi'axg difficulty gan-p!a'lgtasg ballast (literally, means of being heavy) This prefix is identical with the particle gan THEREFORE. 162. gwitx*- nomen actoris (Tsimshian: hek-). guix'-a'd fisherman wi-gwi«’-su-g'a't great murderer 23.5 guix'-w6'd hunter 108.4 guix'-ia' ma ask” cheater 52.12 Tsimshian: huk-ga'ts/z one who pours out, an auctioneer huk-yé'lsk one who drills 163. an- the one who tn-). This prefix is used very frequently in phrases cor- responding to our relative clauses. It is always preceded by the subjective pronoun of the third person. ; preceding transitive verb (Tsimshian: né'en Can-dedo'yt lax you are the one who caught the trout 157.4 k°é kesact tgo-g: i ma'dit, demt an-ts Elam-w6'6n nak'st then his little sister went out, she who was to call in his wife 204.6 (A'saz to go out; g‘t’me'de sister; ts’ elem- into; w6'é to invite; nak's wife) atk’é diutt k° alt g'at Can-go'un tgo-th’é' tk" then one man left, who took the child 205.6 (da@’uz to leave; /:’a/ one person; gat person; gdu to take; ztgo-th’’é’Lh* child) kee hwil sagait-hi' paar Can-h"xé-héisya'tst then they rushed to- gether who beat him all over 62.12 (sagait- together; ha'p’a to rush; 4“zé- all over; yats to strike’ Tsimshian: nat demt in-na'ksga tgi’%tges Gaud’ who is it who will marry the daughter of Gaud? t nie'ryu demt tn-na'ksga tgu’%tgent it is I who will marry your daughter n/ini's dep gwat Cin-sE-t/a’°sga these are the ones who began ada n/int’ Pin-leba'lsetga’ he was the one who paid it back § 12 336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 13. Particles Transforming Nouns into Verbs 164. sE- to make something (Tsimshian: sE-). si sE-hwa' to call (literally, to make name) 97.13 sE-lé't to make wedges 148.4 sE-hd'n to catch salmon sE-lé'ma«* to make a song 77.9 lep-sE-nExrnd'x to make one’s self supernatural 152.6 sE-brela’ to make abalone shell 45.14 Tsimshian: L/i-sp-gu'lg to make fire on su-sE-n-dz0g to make a new village sE-ma'as to cause to grow ZE 7912 165. x- to eat, consume (Tsimshian: a-). x-ha’n to eat salmon 205.1 x-ama' lgwax eating scabs 41.14 ha-a-sma'«* fork (literally, meat-eating instrument) ha-v-miyd'n pipe (literally, smoke-eating instrument) Tsimshian: x-sts/a’la to eat beaver a-gwa'tksenu I feel cold (literally, I consume cold) lu-v-dzv usg until morning (literally, in consume morning) x-sganéts to kill mountain goats (literally, to eat mountain) a«-g0'eplakem we enjoy the light ZE 7867 166. aws- to say, to appear like (Tsimshian: xs-). xs-nEgua' th to say FATHER xs-mée'meExk to say HM xs-ia'nsks it sounds like leaves xs-d ksh” white (literally, it appears like snow) xs-gusgud’ dsk“s light blue (literally, it appears like a bluejay) Tsimshian: wi-xs-ni’ ot it sounds loud ‘like a drum wi-«s-suwa nsg it sounds loud like curing disease g ap-xs-ts/a'ps to be called a tribe ZE 783" § 14. Transitive Pronominal Subject The transitive subjective pronouns are in both dialects: Ds A m SEM Ye dep we (he, m thou |they These are placed before the verb and the particles treated in § § 8-13. They will be discussed more fully in § 52. §§ 13, 14 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 337 § 15. Particles that may Precede the Transitive Subject The particles enumerated in the present section differ from all those previously treated, in that their connection with the verb is not so close. In certain cases of the third person, to be discussed later, they precede the transitive pronominal subject. Since many of these par- ticles have not been found with transitive verbs of this kind, it remains doubtful whether they are simply adverbial particles placed before the verb, or whether the first and second persons of tbe transi- tive verb, when used as subject, precede them. The particles enumer- ated under nos. 167-174 are more clearly connected with the verb than the later ones. 167. dé- with, also, on (his) part (Tsimshian: d7-). dé-t-gun-g' tpt on her part, she ordered (her) to eat it 155.11 dé-uks-ba'xt he, on his part, ran out to the sea 104.13 dé-qulik's-@ rp-ma’qst he also threw himself down 42.13 dé-t-gout he, on his part, took it 14.8 nig‘i-n dem dé-g'ipt not I shall, on my part, eat it dé nig’? di-derk"t she, on her part, had no bag 206.9, 10 (dé-dz on her part; n@g‘2 not; déxh” bag) nig'i-n dé-g'a'at I have not seen him Tsimshian: t/zm-di-yd'a he went to the fire, on his part dit-lep-do' get he, on his part, took it himself ada g'ik dit @am-ga'°tge hand’°xt and also he, on his part, blessed (gam-ga'*t) the woman ZE 797 168. sEm- very, exceedingly (Tsimshian: sEm-). This particle is very free in its position. It is often used in nominal com- pounds in the sense of GENUINE. sEm-aba' gask"t he was much troubled 80.1 sem-hasba-sq'é' to lay really upside down 214.11 sEm-hé'm a'lg‘iané I speak the truth } yagai-sem-k”a-wi-hé' lt, however, exceedingly very many 158.11 szm-t-lo-qa'ddrnt she emptied it inside entirely 208.7 sEm-ama sq‘é' det they laid it down well 214.10 (am good; sg‘i to lay) sEm-hug-dé-tgo-w? lksitk® also, on his part, a very prince (huz also; dé on his part; zgo- little) wi-sEm-ga'n the great very tree (i. e., cedar) 147.9 sem-ts’é' win the very top 80.4 sEm-7ai-tsetso’osk" just very small 171.8 sEm-qam-ka'l really only one 145.13 44877—Bull, 40, pt 1—10 22 § 15 338 _ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Tsimshian: sEm-lu-dza'ga ga’°t very downcast (literally, very dead in heart) sem-lu-ad'xst to weep bitterly ada sEmt tgu-da'pt then he measured exactly around it ZE 784° nE-sEm-sE'rElg exactly the middle 169. ha also, again (Tsimshian: gék). hux a@ik-sk"t yu'ksa evening came again 142.8 (a@’d?k-sk” to come; yw'ksa evening) hug dé-trm-id't he also, on his part, went down to the middle of the house 142.14 hug dét gu'nat he also, on his part, demanded it 143.1 ket hux g*ind’mt then he gave it again 139.6 hux k?@'la g'at another man 108.1 Tsimshian: tat g'ik tla'te ne-mes-a'use temkdi?det a ts/a'ltga® when his sister again put on her paint on her face ZE 795*®° (mazs-a’us ochre; temkdi'ed sister; ts/al face) adat g:ik wuld@'ide g'a'd then the people knew it again ZE 7957” ada gikt wuil@i dem hat/aa«ge then they knew again that it would be bad ZE 796788 The following four particles serve to express future, present, past, and continuation. Their syntactic use will be discussed in § 59. Here I give only a few examples illustrating their use with the verb. 170. @Em future (Tsimshian: @Em). drm id/néz at awa'an I go to thy proximity 196.12 drm g'a’an you will see 80.2 n dem swant I shall cure her 123.7 demt mu'kdé. twox’ they were going to catch halibut 43.6 In the following examples dzm is nominal: ; nigidi ad iksk't dem mesa'x* not had come the future day- light 11.10 dem lep-hwa'yimt dem na’ Em we ourselves will find our future bait 56.6 (/zp- self; Awa to find; naa bait) Tsimshian: drmt dza'br tran!V ga° he was about to make everything n dem k/a-tval-wa'n I shall overtake you soon ada demt se-ma'ase ga’°t then it will make things grow 171. hwitl present (Tsimshian: weet). teané tht hwil seso'st k/ope-ts’o' dts all the small birds 124.11 naxna's Tsak* hwil dit hana'g Ts'ak: heard (about) a woman being there 126.2 (naxvna'x to hear; d@’a to sit; hana'g woman) -t hwil l0-ba’ gt at his touching into it 203.6 § 15 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 339 Tsimshian: at g@° wul kse-qwa'ntge g:'a'mget he went to where out comes (touches) the sun lat ni'estge ts/a'bde wul kh !a-sa-gidi-t!a’? g'a'mgem dz ust when the people saw the sun standing still suddenly for a while ZE 788.13 (nt to see; ts/ab people; &*/4- for a while; sa- sud- denly; ¢/a° to sit; g'amg heat, heavenly body; dztust day- light) -¢ wul wa-di-aya’wult on account of his being without clever- ness ZE 789.14 (wa- without; di on his part; aya'wul clever) 172. La past (Tsimshian: ta). nik’ /é ra hug hé tuk it had been morning again 204.2(hux again; hé'tuk morning) La dé'lipk"t drm mrsa'x* it was shortly going to be daylight 143.7 (délpk” short; mzsda’x* daylight) ta hux hwi'lt he had done this also 145.4 k:/é rat hwila'x't hwil né'dt he had known that he was dead 57.7 (hwila’x* to know; 7d’6 dead) Tsimshian: n/ini tat ni'estge ts/a'b that was when the people saw ada ta al di ts!/2'°nsgz wak't but then his brother had gone in (al but; dz on his part; ¢s/i to enter; wak* brother) ni wa'lde ta ha'udet it happened, what he had said 173. La while (Tsimshian: é@). La wi-Vé'st Lgo-thé' tk"g'é ap lo-@a't an ts em-apé tst while the child was large, it was in the box 9.9 (w7-?é's large; xgo- tké'tk” child; lo- in; @& to sit; ts’zm- inside; apé7s box) Tsimshian: | fa n/ind nz-sela-wa'ldet while that one did it with them ta qg/a'tdek-ia'°tga® while he was walking about in the woods 174. dagai- already, however, rather (Tsimshian: y/agai-). cagai-g*in-hé' tht however, he stood behind 141.1 dagai- né't however, it was so 26.7, 157.9 cagar-sem-k: /a-wi-hé lt however, exceedingly many 158.11 ket iagai-lé-ia'gt then, however, it hung on it 46.1 k:/é cagait-g‘é'nlt then, he had picked it up already 26.3 cagart- -lo-da'yit he had put it on already 50.4 Tsimshian: y/agai ta'-wula tgi-ni'°tsgnt however, he looked always down adat y/agai-dzaga-ga'°det then, however, he went across it n dpm y fagai- na'ksen 1 shall marry ee y/agai-sem-ba's very much afraid, however § 15 340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 175. m@’'dzE- almost. mé'dzr-sg'it he almost lay 62.8 gam-md'dze-nd'déz I am only almost dead 76.13 mé'dzet-6u't he almost hit it 140.7 176. kwa'ts’tk:s- close by. kwa'ts/ik's-tgal-sg’in you lie close against 75.12 177. sEm-g-it strongly (derived from szem- MuCH [no. 168], and g*at person) (Tsimshian: s£m-g-it). dem sem-g'it dax-ywkden you will hold fast strongly sEm-g'it dé-yo'gui trim-la'néist hold on to my neck! 80.10 Tsimshian: | ada sem-y'it hé’tgr hana’ gat then the woman stood fast 178. sEm-gal very, much (from szm-) (Tsimshian: sEm-gal). sEm-gal aba'gask"t he was much troubled 36.4, 40.4 szm-gal gwd et he was very poor 38.4 Tsimshian: sem-gal xa°! arch-slave! ZE 790% t sem-gal leba'lawst they hate them much ZE 793" 179. g’amts’En secretly. gamts En hé't he said secretly 40.5 gamts En ts’é'nt he entered secretly 25.6 180. ntg*é not; used in indicative sentences (Tsimshian: a@’&gE). k’é nigt daa'gik"det then they did not succeed 123.6 nig’? bart ak*s the water did not run 18.3 nig it hux dzak"t she did not kill him also 203.7 nig tdi hwaixs Ligdbold’ Logébola’ did not paddle 17.3 nig‘in dé g'a’at | have not seen it The syllable d?, dé, which is very often added to the negative, probably signifies ON HIS PART, and is the particle no. 167. Tsimshian: atge amt demt wuld idet gat it is not good that the people know it (4m good; wulda't to know; g‘at people) ada atge ts!a’k-asga la'kga® then the fire was not out a’tge ndem k: /ind’mt at hana’°x 1 will not give it to the woman § 16. Alphabetical List of Particles As a matter of convenience, I give here an alphabetical list of parti- cles, the letters being arranged in the order vowels, semi-vowels, labials, dentals, palatals, laterals. In each series the order of sounds is sonant, surd stop; sonant, surd affricative. Each particle is given its § 16 Ne eee - BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 341 number in the preceding lists. It will be remembered that there are slight differences in the rendering of the Nass (N) and Tsimshian (T) sounds, which are due to imperfections in the recording of the former dialect. a 'T 68a awus 'T 63 awul 'T (wit N) 43 am N T 136 am, glam T (gam N) 118 amgait T (gamgait N) 119 an N (én T) 163 an N (n, ne T) 157 ano N (na, nak T) 154 anda N (nta T) 158 anb’rl N (p/el T) 64 ank's N (aks T) 65 asé N (asdi T) 14 asdi 'T (asé N) 14 agwi N T 66 aks T (ank's N) 65 ax N (wa T) 137 alo N (alu T) 67 atau N (ta T) 68 atda N 69 age 'T (nig‘z N) 180 aN 70 . zaga NT 2 iagai N (y!agai T) 174 yu-k® N (yu-g T) 159 in T (an N) 163 uks N 'T 6,10 wa 'T (av N) 137 wadi 'T 85 hwagait N (wagait T) 71 waren N72 wit N T 73 wud ax N (wut/a T) Ba wud’en N T 41 hwin N (wun T) 188 wun 'T (hwin N) 138 wusEen N 'T 51 wuts En 'T (wits’En, huts’rn N) 52 hwil N (wul T) 171 wit N (awul T) 48 wul 'T (hwétl N) 171 wulam N T 22 ha N T 160 ham N 156 hadix: N (hat!zk T) 48 hasba N T 74 hats’eks N 75 hagun N (gun T) 44 hagul N T 76 haldem N T 77 hat N (hat T) 50 hi N T 78 his N (sts T) 79 hala N 45 hittsen, wits'rn N (wuts’an T) 52 ; huk T (gwix N) 162 hux N (gtk T) 169 benzm T (prlem N) 80 plel T (anb’xl N) 64 pelem N (benem T) 80 belasem N (xbeszem T) 81 bagait N (lebagait T) 82 bax NT1 mE 'T (ma N) 84 mEn N (man T) 3 mEsEm N 83 meEla T 88 meEL N (mezta T) 87 ma N (mz 'T) 84 man 'T (men N) 3 max N 86 maate 'T 60 madze N 175 dr, dé N (de T) 91 dg N (ta T) 139 dé N (dz T) 167 Pep N (tgz T) 4 dem N T 170 § 16 342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Cem NT 13 Cam N T 140 ta 'T (dz N) 139 dex, dix’ N (daw T) 90 Creks T (tstk's N) 155 Cuks N 'T 6, 10 dila N 92 tyal N (taal 'T) 35 tgt T (Wzp N) 4 tgo N (tgu T) 31 txa N T 93 tvas N T 47 nT (an N) 157 na N T 12 na, nak 'T (and N) 154 na N 'T 94 na N T 95 nak, na T ( and N) 154 nig’t N (atgz T) 180 nd'dm N 96 nta 'T (anda N) 158 se N T 164 sai N (sa T) 98 sa N T 39 sem N T 168 sem-g°tt NT 177 sEm-gal N T 178 sen T 89 sagait N 'T 99 sagap N 'T 100 sis T (his N) 79 sta’ N (sta T) 102 sel N T 97 st N (su T) 101 su T (st N) 101 spe N T 141 spagait N T 108 spi N 21 stew N 49 sta T (sia N) 102 sgan N 'T 142 sga N (sga T) 36 ts/em N 'T 152 ts/ens N 'T 104 ts/ent T 105 § 16 [BULL. 40 ts/ek at T 16 ts‘a N T 158 tsaga N (dzaga T) 23 tsagam N (dzagam T) 9 ts/tk-s N (t/nks T) 155 ts/zlem NT 7 k?’a N (k!/a T) 106 k’ax N (k/a T) 107 k’at N 58 gt T (ga in part, N) 149 gime N (game T) 25 git N T 147 gids NT 19 k: fédo N 57 gin N (gina T) 108 gina N T 109 k: /ina T 110 gis N 40 gist N (gist T) 18 gik T (hug N) 169 gik'st N 61 gileks T (gulikes N) 115 gilwul N T 37 gildzp N 111 kvilgal N 34 ks N (ks T) 148 ksz T (ksi N) 8 ksz N T 144 k:ce N (kse T) 145 k:sem N (ksem T) 146 ksa T (k’saxz N) 112 ksi N (ksz T) 8 ga N in part (g-a T) 149 gat N 122 gap NT 117 gam N (q/am, am T) 118 game T (g*eme N) 25 gamts’en N 179 gamgait N (amgact T) 119 gan N T 161 g/an T 28 gana 'T 59 gané N 120 gasba N 121 gal N 123 gali N (qg/ala T) 17 galdem N (galdrem T) 150 gqaldia* N (qatdik T) 11 galkst N (galksz T) 24 kwa'tstk-s N 176 gwis N (gus T) 148 gwix N (huk T) 162 Kabe T (Rope N) 113 lebrlt N 'T 130 lebagait T (bagat N) 82 legem N (légém T) 5 ligt N T 20 lig’éx N 132 legul N (lek!/ul T) 181 inks N T 133 lagauk 'T 15 Rutgo N 82 lagaa T (lax N) 38 gun T (hagun N) 44 lax NT 151 gun NT 114 lax N (lagax T) 38 gus 'T (gwis N) 148 gugula 'T (gula N) 116 gulik's N (g*tleks T) 115 gul« N (gugule T) 116 Rut N (k/ut T) 83 ksz T (k'st N) 8 kere N (hte T) 55 lé N (1/2 'T) 30 lé-gan N (l/i-q/an T) 28 légom T (legrm N) 5 16 N (lu T) 29 lila N 62 losa N 46 liks T 42 aw N T 165 lukt N (tukti T) 27 xbesem T (belavsem N) 81 légol N 26 apr N 125 Lem N (tem T) 134 api'lyim N 126 ta T (atax N) 68 as N 'T 166 ta N (ta T) 172 atsé N (xts/z 'T) 54 atep T (xtip N) 58 aLtem N (atem T) 56 xina N (atna T) 127 ta N (fa T) 173 tukté'T (lukt N) 27 tgo N (tgu T) 135 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 343 gal N'T 124 LN T 128 g/ala T (galt N) 17 lep N T 129 Suffixes (§§ 17-32) § 17. Suffixes following the Stem There are quite a number of suffixes in the Tsimshian dialects, almost all of which are firmly united with the stem. The significance of most of these is much more ill-defined than that of the prefixes, but those that immediately follow the stem appear to be primarily modal elements. Some of them indicate the passive, causative, elimination of the object, etc. Their use shows great irregularities. These suf- fixes are followed by pronominal suffixes, while demonstrative ele- ments and the interrogative element are always found in terminal position. § 17 844 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40 1. -En causative (Tsimshian: -En). In both dialects this suffix gen- erally modifies the terminal consonant of the stem. hetk” to stand, singular lo-tgal-hé'?en to place a thing upright against something and inside of something 131.3 meth” full mé't/rn to fill yd dxk” to eat, singular ya'dgan to feed one person tad’ dxk” to eat, plural twa’ dg’an to feed several persons ba'stx to divide, v. n. ba'sig’an to separate (v. a.) hé-ta'g it breaks hé-ta' gan to break (v. a.) baw to run ba'an to cause to run magsk” to stand, plural ~ ma'qsaan to place several things upright 8.1 golk'sk® covered _ go'lksaan to cover (v. a.) 1o-la'gsk"t she washes in 197.10 a'gsaan to wash (v. a.) 198.8 hoksk" to be with 91.8 hu'ksaan to place with 36.8 guksk® to awake 121.9 gu ksaan to awaken 121.8 lé'lbik:sk” whirlpool 104.12 lé'lb’rn to roll Tsimshian: s@ipk hard saip/en to harden malk to be uneasy ma'lk/nn to force ‘| méxk to be aboard, singular mé' gan to put aboard one object hark annoyed ha' gan to annoy tak* bent @ tak: /in to bend (v. a.) ba° to run ba’ han to cause to run gaksk to wake up, singular guksren to awaken one person li'daksk to wake up, plural li'drksen to awaken several hoksk to be with hi'ksren to place with 2. -sk” expresses primarily the elimination of the object of the tran- sitive verb (Tsimshian -sf). ?a'a to clap (v. a.) 34.10 Pa'ask” to clap (no object) 203.3 suwa'n to blow (v. a.) 123.1 suwa'ansk® to blow (no object) 124.8 maz to tell (v. a.) ma' Laask” to tell news 161.15 g'a'a to see (Vv. a.) ga ask” to look 137.6 da'mgan to pull (v. a.) da'mgansk" to be in the act of pulling 51.8 go to take (v. a.) gosk® to extend 126.7 Verbs with this ending often form verbal nouns: Pa pxan to nail @a'pxansk nail si'ép’en to love si'ép Ensk love ayo'g to command ayo gask commander lé’lb’ en to roll lé’lbiksk® whirlpool 104.12 $17 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 845 Tsimshian: lu-t/a'°yu «bts Il sweep outa ¢/i°sk to sweep box sz-y'étgu wa't I polish a pad- sz-yzé’task to polish dle szl to spin something s?°lsk to spin hé'ksen to place with some- gan-hé'kszensk fastening-imple- thing ~ ment Undoubtedly related to the preceding are the following two: 3. -k” used commonly after terminal 7, ¢, s, ¢s, g, 7, L, and sometimes after 7 (Tsimshian: -#); and 4, -tk” used after vowels, 2, m, and n (Tsimshian: -tk). Both of these have the same meaning, and seem to be primarily medial or semi-reflexive, while in other cases no clear reason for their use can be given. These endings are found regularly in the possessive form of names of animals. (See § 55.) Examples of -Z are: héet- upright hétk to stand goks- to awake goksk¥ to wake up Lés- finished Lésk” to be finished bats- to lift batsk" to be lifted Tsimshian: ha'tts to send ha'ttsk sent sa’'ip- hard satipk to be hard Examples of -tk” are: @a to sit @ atk" to be placed 215.1, 131.1 sz-hwa' to name sE-hwa' tk” named wo'd to invite w0' tk" to be invited 128.5 halda'u to bewitch halda'uyitk bewitched @a'pxan nail Pa pxantk nailed bsla'n belt bela’ nth" belted Tsimshian : sv°p/En to love st°p!entk loved k:/ind'm to give km: /ind'th given SE-wd to name sEwa tk named plan sea-otter neE-pta’ ntgu my sea-otter These endings occur in many intransitive verbs, and in nouns: délpk” short meth” full is’ipk strong o'léksk" to drift ayawa' th to ery bésk" to expect mith to scatter da'lbik:sk” to bend § 17 346 ba' ask” wind - a @ik*sk" to come a émsk” to blame aslé'sk¥ to hang m0o'dsk" gray ts’ Ela’ sk” canyon 7g atsk” to be tired york" to follow dé lemexk” to answer maxk" to go aboard a canoe Pérxk” to shout a'dzixk” enough BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 aqtk* to attain za’ Lk” slimy atk” fuel watk” taboo damgtk* friend th étk” child mek” to shine détk” bag mao' lk" rope malk® to put into fire ama'lk® scab It is uncertain in many of the endings in -sk” whether they are derived from stems ending in -s, or whether they belong to the suffix -sk. derived from stems ending in -¢ or represent the suffix -¢h". The same is true of forms in -¢k”, which may be The following have probably the suffix -th": yaltk” to return daltk to meet dé éntk” to guide lalth slow ptalthk” to climb The same conditions are found in Tsimshian, but it does not seem necessary to give additional examples. 5. -4 In the Tsimshian dialect, words ending in 7, ¢, s, ts, 7, @, L, and sometimes in 7 (i. e., those corresponding to the group with the suffix -% [no. 3, p. 345]) have, instead of -sk (no. 2, p- 344), -4. The terminal consonant is here modified, as before the suffix -zn (no. 1, p. 344). dab to measure something t/ép to drive piles gab to dig sz-wulg‘a’d to dye something gats to pour out bus to split da'p/a to measure t/a’°p/a to be engaged in pile- driving gan-g'a'p/a a spade huk-sp-wulg'a'd@’a a dyer _ huk-ga'ts/aA one who pours out huk-bii’sa one who splits 6. -s is used in Nisqa”* and in Tsimshian in place of -/ and -tk (nos. 3 and 4, p. 345) after £*, x, k”, g, and z. 6z* to throw bék" to lie hwila’x: to know mag to put wogq to dig § 17 6k's to fall (literally, to be thrown) sa-bée’k"s to make lies sE-hwild'x's to teach (literally, to make known) ma’ gas to be put 11.14 wogs to be buried - BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 347 Tsimshian: dzak to kill dzaks killed medi’ ck grizzly bear nE-mEdd°-ksu wy grizzly bear Here the -s suffix is also used after p, although not regularly: walb house nE wi'lpsu my house 7. -Es appears in Tsimshian a few times after terminal p in place of -sk. talb to plane*down something 7a’/p/zs to plane lu'°b to sew something li’°p/es to sew 8. -x seems to mean IN BEHALF OF. géEnt to chew gé Endex to chew for 36.5 hap cover 8.15 lée-ha'baxt it is on as a cover for it 67.7 lé'lg*at a feast lé'lg*itx a feast for somebody 83.1 9. -m. This suffix designates the indicative, and appears only pre- ceding the suffixes of the first person singular and plural, and the second person plural of the intransitive verb and the same objects of the transitive verb. at gill-net a’tnéz I fish @lgal to examine 138.8 alg alnéx I look at something désk® to call désk"néx I call with® to come from we'th'nér I come from da/ut to leave dem da'utnér Lé'srms I shall leave for Nass river zé'E to go aé'Enée I go Tsimshian: t/ti°sg to sweep t/i'°sgenu I sweep ba? to run ba’°nu I run fe’°m to sing “i’°minu I sing wa? to find t wi’'yinu he finds me . t wa'yinem he finds us 10. -d. The corresponding suffix -d appears in the indicative of many transitive verbs, both in Nass and in Tsimshian. v ad’ éz what I roast 121.9 2d’ det he roasts it 121.7, 154.3 habd'l to take care of 143.1 bd’ nldér I take care of it hats to bite 65.9, 127.8 ha'tsdéxr I bite - ligt ago’L dam hé'nist what- dzp hé'idendm we say 42.11 ever you say 59.3 gaq to open ga’ qdéz I open something saz to shake something sa’rdér I shake it ani El to allow 122.1 and’ #ldéz I lend §17 348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 Tsimshian: dzak dead dza' kdu J kill ba to wait bu’°dut I wait for him ga to take ga'°du I take 11. -ma may be, perhaps (Tsimshian: -ma). lig't-gula' Eldema Logs may be three months 170.13 né'°t-maE maybe he is dead 182.8 si’ rgumanéeé maybe I am sick. Tsimshian: | n/ind’ gwai k/undgematga® this is what they may ask § 18. Pronominal Suffixes The group of suffixes treated in the preceding section are followed by the pronominal suffixes, which will be described fully in §§ 50-51, and $53. For the sake of completeness I give here a list of the suffiixed pronouns: Nass. Tsimshian. First. person:singularri ia) a6. ) Present connective -sdz ... lin ga’’sde na’ksen he who took thy wife (c) Absent connective -sgz adat gz'redexsge hand’°xga? then he asked the woman (¢ he; ge'redeg to ask; hand’°’g woman) dat wul si’°sge inaa/wulkga? then he shook the rope (st to shake; maa’wulk rope) § 25 358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 40 B12. Transitive verb, subjunctive, common nouns: (a) Indefinite connective -z © adat ts!tlem-ks-gd@' ge wé get tirst foam came in (¢ it, subj.; ¢s./e/em- into, from the side; is- extreme; gag first; we°g foam) (2) Present connective -dz adat gap-ya’°’kede tran! ga-wula-dza' bet then all the hunters really pursued it (g’ap- really; yak to pur- sue; tvan/7’ all; ge- plural; wula-dza'b hunter) (c) Absent connective -tgz ada wult ksp-hashé°tstge sem d'g'itgr hand’ naxtga® then the chief sent out the women (/sz- out; Aéts plural obj.; Aashé’ts to send; szm’-d'g'it chief; handa'g [plural hana’nag| woman) adat né°dzntga sts/d'lgn n7/°tyga? then the beaver saw him (77°dz to see; sts/dl beaver; n/7°t he) BIL 1. Intransitive verb, subjunctive, proper names: (a) Indefinite connective -s ta dem bas Dzdn John was running ada wul si'epges Tom Tom was sick (b) Present connective -dzs . wula dza'bedres Gunaxnésemg'a'd what Gunaxné- sEmg‘a’d was doing (c) Absent connective -s hi-ts/vens Gunawnésemy'a'tga Gunaxnéskmg’a’d came in adawul sem-ba'°s Gunaxnésemga'tga? then Gunaxné- sEmg’a’d ran fast B IL2. Transitive verb, subjunctive, proper names: (2) Present connective -dzt ada wult ye'redaadet Ksem-q/asga'’sga? then Crane- Woman asked him (gz'rzdaq to ask; ksem- female; q/asga'°s crane) ; adat doxdet Gunaxnesemga'tge lidem mu-st’’nsyga° then GunaxnésEmg’‘a’d took the copper wedge (déx to take; lid wedge; -zm attributive connect- ive; mers?°ns copper) (c) Absent connective -tgrt adat ge'redartget negwa’tge ktgz'rem. y!/i'°datga® then the father asked his sons (gz'rzdag to ask; negwiet father; Aiger children; -zm attributive connective; y/@d man) ada al wult W'%sudet Astiwd'lga® then Astiwa’l counted it (/7°ts to count) § 25 . oa Boas} HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 859 § 26. Connectives between Subject and Object In sentences with transitive verb as predicate, the subject gener- ally follows the predicate and precedes the object. The connectives between subject and object are in all sentences, and for both common nouns and proper names, -z, -dz, -gz, which generally agree with the predicate connective. A I 2. Indicative, common nouns: (a) (with -r) wa't hana'ga hia'°srt the woman found the dog (c) (with -gz) dem dza'kdesga g ibd uga hi°sqa? the wall will kill the dog B12. Subjunctive, common nouns: (a) (with -2) ada wult ga°drt Gunaxnésemg’ adn ha- | hdustga then GunaxnésEmg'a’d took his knife ada dit wagait-lu-ya°krtget Asdi-wi'lde ts!em- ga inaga° then Asdi-wa'l also followed in the path (di on his part; -¢ he; wagazt entirely; Zu- in; yak to follow; ts/rm- in; ga’ina path) demt bax-gd'°dr ta’msu ma'ti my son-in-law will go after mountain-goats (see § 29) (a) (with -dz) ada al sa-ni'°dzn ne-tsabem ya'ts!/Esqr- dr wul ksr-gwa'ntge wi-go'ep/a, but then suddenly saw the animal tribe the great light rising (0) (with -ga) ada ta hid’qut sex-da'°de tguwd' lhsetga ne- sE-meEg @'xstga then the princess began to gather her berries (A7a@’°gu to begin; sexv-dd’ to gather, to hold fast; fguwa'lkset princess; nz- possessive; se- to make, to gather; mzg’d'xst berries) (c) da di Lli-wa'isge wi-mes-6'lyx gal-ts/a'pqa? then the great white bear, on his part, found the town (d?- on his part; //7- on; wd to find; wi- great; mezs- white; 62 bear; gal- empty; ts/ap tribe) (c) da wulat y!/aga-ks-di'*lige hand'narge su-pla'sem y/a'°tagas then the women accompanied the young man down (Tsimshian Texts, New Series, Pudblica- tions of the Amertcan Ethnological Society, Vol. Ill, 78.29; y/aga- down; fs- extreme; di to accompany; -¢ he; hand’nax, plural, women; sv- newly; p/as to grow; -zm adjectival connective; yl @ta man) (c) adat wul k'lina'mdzt Asdiwillgr ga'kgr . . eis Asdiwa’l gave the basket. . . (/did., 98. 17; A get nam to give; -det connective B II 26; gok fabled) So far I have not been able to find examples in which proper names appear as objects. 360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLn. 40 § 27. Possessive Connectives The possessive connectives differ in indicative and subjunctive sentences, and it seems that the complete series must. be as follows: TI. Common nouns. SS ir Ea es, | II. Proper names. (a2) Indefinite. |(b) Present. (c) Absent. | | | Av SENGIGHUIVGR AT: 6 thon .n eae -E -dE -GE Le lepers Slouivaatehat tts tg we em eyyueh ease nic) ores (-E) -SdE -SQE | I have not been able to get examples of the whole series. AI. (a) Indefinite connective -z nlind ne-wi'lbe sem’d'g tt this is the house of the chief (2) Present connective -dz ne-mEtE-l/i-g/4'lsvan ne-ga-ts/uwa'lde ha'°set the fingers of the dog were six on each (paw) (nz- past; melz- each; L/i- on; ¢/alt six; -svan long; ne- possessive; ga- plural; ts/uwa'l finger; ha's dog) (c) Absent connective -yr gi ga dzo'gat gesge qal-ts!a'pge nE-wa'lptga? who lived in the houses of the town (ga who; dzég to camp; gesgz from a IN [see § 28]; gal-ts/a'b town; walb house) BI. (2) Present connective -sdz ada ne wul ni? ne-wi'lbsdr y/iv'°ta then J saw the house of the man (nz 1; 72° to see; walb house; y/iw'°t man) (c) Absent connective -sgr ada wul gwa'lsgsge ne-wi'lbsge y/i°ta then the house of the man was burnt BIL. na@t demt tn-na'ksga tgi’tges Gau'o? who will marry Gauo’s daughter? (n@° who; dem future; ?in- he who; naksg to marry; tgw#%lg child) twa-n/i! ne-ligi-wi'ls negwa'°’denga® all the wealth of thy father (¢ra-n/7' all; nz- possessive; /ig/-wa'l wealth; nz- gwa'ed father; -n thy) § 28. Prepositional Connectives The general preposition a, which has been described in the Nass dialect (§ 23.7), occurs apparently alone in Tsimshian; but it seems more likely that the a without connective must be considered as a special form for az (see § 29). With connectives we find both the indicative and subjunctive forms. §§ 27, 28 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 861 I. Common nouns. II. Proper names. - | (ce) Absent. path ad (0) Pres- i\(c) Absent. | (@) Indef- | (b) Pres. | | nite. ent. ent. A. Indicative. . . a da ga | | : 4 as des | gks B. Subjunctive . . a asda asga | | Furthermore, several of these forms occur contracted with demon- strative d and g,; as— drda GEGA drsda GgESga 1 A. (a) Indefinite a kla-am a txa-n/v gd? it is better than all things (//a exceedingly; adm good; tra-n/7 all; ga? something) da uks-hé°tge auta a nz-dzdga-a'ksut then the porcupine stood at the edge of the water (dw then; whs- toward water; AZty to stand; a’uta porcupine; nz- possessive; dz0g edge; aks water) (b) Present da lep-tgusge'resge sts/a’lda lax-akset the beaver himself was happy in the water (lzp- self; lgusgz'resg happy; sts/al beaver; lax- surface; aks water) (c) Absent ga hd'ltgr ba'ntgega a’ksga? his belly was full of water (Adltg full; ban belly; -¢ his; gega from ga, aks water) 1B. (a) Indefinite a ta bax-a'atget a ne-miya'n wi-sa' menga? he came up to the foot of the great spruce tree (fa past; bax- up; arty arrive; 2£- possessive; méyd’n foot of tree; wi- great; sa’meEn spruce) (d) Present asda ada al lli-glan-di'ulda? a'sda nz-ts/uwa'n sgané°stga? but he has gone over the top of the mountain (a but; Z/7- on; g/an- over; da’ut to leave; nz- possessive; ts/uwa'n top; sgané’°st mountain) (c) Absent csga ada hi’usga a'uta asga sts/a’lga? then said the porcupine to the beaver Il. (a) Indefinite as ada haut na’ kst as né’°t then his wife said to him (6) Present dzs da-ya't Astiwi'l des negwi’°tgv? said Astiwa’l to his father (c) Absent gzs da’ wula ha'usga a’uta ges ni’°tga? then the porcupine said to him § 28 862 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [runn. 40 Examples of the forms dzsd4 and gesga are the following: nE n kse'ranu desda da'utda? | went out (at) some time ago da wi-am-ha'usga a'uta gesga sts/a'lga® then the porcupine shouted to the beaver The forms in deda and gzga occur in the translations of the Gospels with great frequency; but I have not been able to find any examples except the one given before under A I (c). § 29. Phonetic Modification of the Connectives 1. All forms in z described in the preceding paragraphs have no ending after the vowels /, m, n, and 7. ada al toe wWuta ... then the porcupine lay . adat k: Sind’m ne- ounaattoae then he gave him tobacco da wul wa'l ne-lii’du because of what happened to my wedge ada drmt q/a'prgan leksa’gat then it will obstruct the door- way (97 laprgan to obstruct; /ahsd ‘g doorway) stii°p/el wul t/a@° na'ksen your wife is in the rear of the house (sti’°p/rl rear of house; ¢/a@° to sit [singular]; naks wife; —zn thy) atat ni gd ep/at when he saw the light 2. The endings beginning with s lose this sound after words with terminal s,; for instance, ada sem-ba'°sga sts/a@’'lga? then the beaver was much afraid (b@°s afraid; b@’°sga instead of b@’°s-sya) § 30. Connectives of the Conjunction AND The conjunction anp, when expressed by dv or gan, takes the connectives s and ¢, as in the Nass dialect—the former before proper names, some terms of relationship, and pronouns designating per- sons; the latter before common nouns. nik ren dis n/n’ riu thou and I gwa? dis gwi? that one and this one zon dis Tom Jobn and Tom z6n gans Tom On the other hand: gwa®? dit gw? that thing and this thing yli°ta dit hand’? ui 2h Ree ig \the man and the woman yluta gant hana’°gs § 31. The Connective -t Besides its use with the conjunctions @ and gan, the connective -f is used in negative, conditional, and interrogative sentences, be- §§ 29-31 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 863 tween the intransitive verb and its subject, and between the tran- sitive verb and its object. awa'lgr dzakt wan the deer is not dead yet (awa'tgr not yet; dzak dead; wan deer) aige di hé'tget walb asge gwa'sgaga there was no house there (atgz not; di on its part; /étg to stand; walb house; asgé at [see § 28]; gwa'sga that; -ga? [see § 20]) atget dza'yut wan he did not kill the deer (dza’g to kill) alge dint dremt wula'idet g:at it is not good that: the people should know it (@m good; dem future, nominal particle; wula'i to know; g‘ad people) In interrogative sentences: du nat dim drdi'lsedat tad/lpxade wul k:lipk:!a'pt sa ad meta-k/nreldet gramk a tras-h/é'trt? who will live (with) forty days each month throughout the year? (du demonstrative; 2d@° who; dem future; dedi’7ls to live; txalpex four; wul being; k*/ap ten round ones, k* /ipk:/a'p distributive; sa day; a at; meta- each; /-/x/rrl one round one; g'amk sun, moon; a at; ¢tvas- along, throughout; £/4, year) § 382. Suffixes of Numerals In the Nass river dialect, only three classes of numerals have dis- tinctive suffixes. These are: -d/ human beings -k¥s canoes -aV6n fathoms (derived from the stem én HAND) In the Tsimshian dialect the corresponding suffixes occur also, and, besides, another one used to designate long objects. These are: -d/ human beings -sk canoes -EV6'n fathoms -sxan long objects The numerals will be treated more fully in § 57. § 38. Contraction. The Tsimshian dialects have a marked tendency to form compound words by contraction which is apparently based partly on weakening of vowels, partly on the omission of syllables. In some cases it can be shown that omitted syllables do not belong to the stem of the word that enters into composition; while in other cases this is doubtful. Since my material in the Tsimshian dialect is better, I will give the Tsimshian examples first. §§ 32, 33 864 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Contraction by weakening of vowels: t/em-la’n steersman; for ¢/@m g‘7-la’n sitting stern (t/a? to sit; g i-la’n stern of canoe) negutsha’’s smart, frisky; for negwa’°ts has father of dog str§md’n humpback salmon; for stém han on one side salmon lebe ts/a@g' kidney-fat; for l@°%xr ts/a°g° fat of stone (i. e., of kidney) lebe-0'n biceps: for 1@’be an’d’'n arm-stone ts/ing 1/i-héty he stands on the end of it; for ts/uwa’n Here belongs also the particle Xsz- fluid; for aks water: kse-gwa'nuks spring of water. Following are examples of contraction by omission of prefixes: t/zm-la'n steersman, for ¢/a°m g‘i-la'n t/nm-ts/dég harpooneer, for ¢/@m g‘i-ts/d'ég sitting bow ne-ksluni'°sk looking-glass, for nz-g*ilnks-lu-ni'°sk where back- ward in one looks. It seems probable that g‘7/- is a separable part of g-dzeks- t/em-g'a'nt the one up river, for ¢/@m g*ig’d'ni, is not used, but is understood; also ¢/zm-hau'li the one in the woods; for t/am guthau' li. Contraction with omission of syllables that are not known as prefixes seems to occur in— sigidemna'x chieftainess; for sig*tdem hana'g chief woman ha-lli-ta t/v°brn when sea-lions lie on; for Aa-l/7-da t/i°ben contains also a material change of the stem-form. The name of the tribe itself is interpreted in a similar manner: ts/nm-sia'n, for ts/zrm-ksia'n in the Skeenariver. The latter word may possibly contain the element /‘s- fluid. In the Nass river dialect the same kinds of contraction occur, but examples are not numerous: anik'su-lo' galtk \ooking-glass; for an-qulik*s-lo-la' galtk where back in one examines. sig idemna'y chieftainess; for stg:adem ha'nag chief woman sema'g it chief, seems to contain szem- very; g‘at person. Masrmts étsk” (a name); for md'semst yo-n-ts’é'étsh® growing up having a Bega (mas to grow; -m connective; -st [2]; yo—k" to have; n-ts’é’éts grandmother) Xpi'yelek (a name); for «pi-haguld'g partly sea-monster. In connection with this phenomenon may be mentioned the use of some elements as verbs and nouns in fragmentary form,—or without affixes, as particles. An instance is: hasa' ga to desire; saga dem ya'°gu I desire to go. § 33 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 365 § 34. Incorporation In expressions designating an habitual activity directed toward an object, the verbal stem and its object form a compound word, which is treated like a single verb, so that the object appears in an incorpo- rated form. Examples of this form are the following: Tsimshian: 0'lis!nagan to be a stick-carrier (g0'/ts/zg to carry; gan stick) 90 ‘lts/zald'b to be a stone-carrier (/6% stone) walega'n to be a stick-carrier (wal? to carry on back) g & x'rla to be out harpooning seals (g*4lg to harpoon; 2#'r/a seal) bi’sgan to split wood (dz%s to split) bi'slag to split fire-wood (lag fire) g eabt’snu I am a box-carver (g*é/g to carve; a7°s box) sE-yét-wa'yinu I am a paddle-polisher (sz- to make; yé/g smooth; wa't paddle) Reduplication (§§ 35-38) § 35. General Remarks There are two types of reduplication in Tsimshian—one in which the beginning of the word, including the first consonant following the first vowel, is repeated; the other in which the initial sounds, including the first vowel, are repeated. ‘The functions of these two methods of reduplication are quite distinct. The former is generally used to form plurals, and with a number of proclitic particles that imply more or less clearly the meaning of repetition or plurality. The second forms generally a progressive form, or, perhaps better, a present participle of the verb. § 56. Initial Reduplication, including the First Conso- nant following the First Vowel _ This part of the word is repeated before the stem-syllable with weakened vowel. The accent of the word is not changed, and the reduplicated syllable remains separated from the word by a hiatus. This is particularly evident in words beginning with a vowel. Singular Plural Oa tar 0! x" to throw am Emam good alate wl a'lg ta to speak éthus at é' thus to name §§ 34-36 366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 This method of reduplication may be considered as duplication modi- fied by phonetic laws. Monosyllabie words terminating with a con- sonantic cluster retain only the first sound of the cluster, thus avoiding a great accumulation of consonants in the middle of the word. The same causes probably affect polysyllabic words in such manner that the whole end of the word is dropped. This seems the more likely, as the repeated syllable has its vowel weakened. This process would easily reduce the terminal parts of polysyllabic words, when repeated, to consonantic clusters. The weakened vowels have a tendency to change to z or?. The great variability of the vowels makes it difficult to establish a general rule. (a2) Monosyllabic words, beginning and terminating either with a vowel or with a single consonant: Singular Plural 6a" tn? 6' x" to throw Os ES’0'8 dog am Emam good él al’o'l bear dax* dia da'x* hill @ ec @Micd’é'¢ to push Lap LEpLa'p deep ba brtbha't to spread out hap hapha'p to shut gan ganga'n tree ; Pagta'g nag lace also (rt’a’q) fluke dz6q dziqdz0' y to camp ve Eve valley meL MALME L to burn meL miLmé L to tell g'te gicg ve wrong la'ép lepla’ dp stone tsap tsEptsa’ p to make tal tsilts'a'l face ts°é'ip ts’ Epts é'tp to tie gos gisqo's to jump dz6q dzEqdz6' ¢ to camp n-dza'm n-dzEmdza'm kettle The vowel is apparently strengthened in no § 36 : none’ hole Boas] . HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 367 Tsimshian: Singular Plural dy ay oy to throw am an a'm good ha’s hasha'°s dog da dada’ to place dam demda'm to hold dal dilda't to fight dip drpdip foot of mountain ho&n hanhd'n to fill bi? bebi’e to wait bél bithé’t to spread kak ke Stkk: Lak to choke ts/él ts/elts/é'l to slice fish mat metma't to tell dzat dzktdza’t to slide ts/ap ts/Epts!a'p tribe ach lepla’°h stone dau duda@'u ice lii-sa’°x lii-sExsa@’°x red-hot gla qlargar’ to bite (2) Monosyllabic words beginning with a vowel or a single con- sonant, and terminating with a cluster of consonants, reduplicate the - beginning of the word, including the first consonant following the first vowel: Singular Plural sv éph™ stipsv épk™ sick is éphu ts’ipts é ph hard ish™ ist’ sku stench gickh” gicgv’ ch lean gech# qasqe ch! narrow délph™ déldé' lph™ short lo-da' ltk (0-delda' lpk to meet Lantk™ LENLa nth to move mith mitmy the full gk . gitg tthe to swell g atk gitg:a’ tk to pierce hana’ hanha' nx thin Lint’ Lint nt’ to be angry g épke g ipg é'pke high étge até’ tyc to end éths até thus to name mao’ wk* maxmao wk: meek lo-ya' lth" lo-yilya' lth to return § 36 368 Tsimshian: Singular si°pk alz walb hark hoksk g'vsk yalth g ‘élks arty ga pk kwath BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Plural sEpsv pk ava’ la (wilwa'lb) havha'°xk hakho'ksk gisgv sk yilya'ltk gilg'é'lks axa’ atg gapga' pk kutkwa'°tk [BULL. 40 sick brave house annoyed to be with to go past to return to feel to attain to scratch, to rake to disappear (c) Polysyllabic words, beginning with a vowel or a single conso- nant, reduplicate the beginning of the word, including tbe first con- sonant following the first vowel: Singular sehen hada’ xk" hwild'x* bd’ siak Awa ix’ a Vik: sk” gi dex asd’ x" dé’ lin lo'laq (gan)ma'la aly tw ma lgék sh hada’ ht ho’ mts !/ta ha'ag? at Tsimshian: Singular ke Lina’m lé'p! gan la’°h: Sulth ga gslth p!vten klwa'°da: ts/a'ka da'kticen § 36 Plural sips?’ rb’ En hadhad’a' xk" hwilhwil@' x’ brsha’ sixk” huithwa' lia: ada Wik sk" gidg dex as asa'a dildé lia lello'laq (gan)meElna' la alallg vw meElma'lgék' sk¥ hie haxda' ke hamho'mts ix haxha' xg? at Plural k ink: Sind’ m laplé'p!gan leh? la’ ke /ulth gikg'agsltk plstpliten klutk!wi'’das ts/Ek'ts!/a' ka drkda' ktxen to love bad to know to separate to carry on back to come to ask foot tongue ghost button to speak heavy bow to kiss sweet-smelling to give to shuffle about to wrap up to roll to nudge to miss fire is out to drown Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES Singular Plural g wal gilga'el to look after da'msax demda'msax downcast plalgvask plelpla'lg vaesk heavy wuld’ wulewuli'l to rub su-wul2’nsk su-wulwuld’nsk hunter go'it!eks gatgo' it! rks to come 369 (dz) A number of euphonic changes occur in this type of reduplica- tion. They differ in character in the two dialects. In the Nass dialect, when the reduplicated syllable ends in 4°, g*, and /, these are aspirated, and become a’, g and ¢ are aspirated and become zx, y becomes w’, ts becomes s; dz becomes 2. (a) k, g', & following the first vowel are changed into x; Singular Pak: hak's 0k's 2a’ 6k's ak's dak ‘1 sak‘sk Lé-g'a't mok" guks hokch (8) y following the first vowel changes to a’: Singular ho' yx Plural Pia ta'k- hax'ha'k:s ar?o'k's tad’ Oks én a'k's dicv'da'k't sia'sa’ ksh Lin’ Lé-g'a't miriam’ ke gia guks hax ho' kek Plural hia ho'yia to forget to abuse to drop to wash broad to tie clean weak, sickly to catch fish fish jumps to be with others like (vy) g and ¢ following the first vowel change to «: Singular maga nsh™ git! igch® so! ugsh® Gag agh"L Plural miamaga nsku gexgd' igck® sEaso' ugsk™ PExLy a qL axa’ gh" explanation to sit to dive to drag to succeed (6) ¢s and s following the first vowel change to s and 2: Singular yats q Ots hé'its hé' tsumEex a dziks Plural yis’ia'ts 7 Es” o'ts hishé'tts hashé' tsumEx az a' dziks 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —24 to chop to chop a tree to send to command. proud § 36 370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 (€) Sometimes a a* is introduced at the end of the reduplicated syllable: Singular dudd'laq amo's COtsh™ yind tsa an-do'yEn an-sq't'st sa atk hara'alst ha-Lebi' sk sanlai' dik's é nsk™ aa-yd! Oke sk™ tyal-hwe'lemih™ Plural div dada’ lag ax? amo's Cia’ lO tsk” yrar ind tsia ax” an-do' yen ax” an-sg ist stasd’ atk hax éta’ alst haxé-LEbi sk six'sanlat' dik's axe! Esk" ax-Van yd Oh sk” to talk to corner iron whip garden grave weak to work knife sign debt to trust tg al-hwie hwe'lemik" servant Here may also belong— Singular yO LMEX Plural hia'to' Lm Ex to advise It seems possible that these forms of reduplication should be con- sidered as belonging to the class to be discussed in § 37. The phonetic changes in the Tsimshian dialect do not agree with those found in the Nass dialect. § 36 only g and g¢ are aspirated: (a 6 y) The aspiration of g’, k*, g, and /& does not seem to occur; Singular Plural 20g dzrxdzo' g to camp ylaq ylivy!a'y to hang (0) The changes from dz and ¢s to z and s are also not regular: Singular Plural godz gadzq0' dz to tear hets hashé!ts to send ya dz yosy! dz to chop tlit'tsk t lest /u’°tsk black (©) In many cases a /, corresponding to Nass a’, appears inserted: Singular Plural salk /ensk seksa’lk/ensk dismayed 14 trkta’ol to shove tint? tektii/nti angry td tektd’° fast wamak wukwa' mak to suffer nv? nekni’ to see nits nEknits to look BOAS] Singular Plural laitk stwelt steksti’ lt gaba'xs gakgaba'xs ya ulema yokyd ema gal ad gakgal ad (5) Some words insert a ¢ after the first vowel. HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 371 lekla’tk (better: /n-la’tk) to move companion to splash to advise to let go Since ad or ¢ occurs in some of these cases after the first vowel of the stem, the occurrence of the ¢ may sometimes be due to an irregular treat- ment of the reduplication: Singular Plural gwanthk gutgwa' nth gE rEdax getgE rEdax wi? wutwa' to touch to ask to find § 87. Initial Reduplication, including the First Vowel (a) In most cases the stem-vowel is weakened in the reduplicated syllable: algtix to speak g iba’ yuk to fly amiya'n 1 smoke ha'dik's to swim gEba'ksk" to splash lé'p!zs to sew tadxk" to eat [plural] g ip to eat something ts’én to enter Pax lake mal canoe bax to run Here belongs also woq to sleep au lg tx one who is speaking gig ibd yuk one who is flying igexmiyd éz 1 smoke walking thahd' dikes swimming while car- rying egegeba' ksk" splashing while being ah carried llé'p lEs one who is sewing tha’ rh those eating ang‘ig't'pt one who is eating it alo-ts’rts’é'n one who enters pub- licly Cela a lakes mvmal canoes bbax one who runs huw6'¢ one who sleeps Similar forms occur in the Tsimshian dialect: alg%tg to speak h®tg to stand t/a to sit ba to run li’°drg to be silent si?’p bone | gad person aa'lg‘tg the one who is speaking hahé'tg the one standing tet/@® the one sitting beba’? the one running lit’zdeg silent sEs?’°p bones gig'a'd people § 37 372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY — [punn. 40 (>) In a number of cases the vowel of the reduplicated syllable is long and the accent is thrown back upon it, while the vowel of the stem is weakened: Singular Plural lags la’ leqs to wash body weg wa wig to sleep sak: sé istk* to haul out Lak: Lé Lik: to bend tog tla'tleq to scratch Tsimshian: Singular Plural ta? td'ta to swim (fish) Laat ta'taaxt to hold with teeth tak: li'tik: to bend warg wa' wuq to bury t/dg t/d'deq to step on sK*n-worg seen -wia' woy to rebuke (c) Words beginning in iw (w Tsimshian) have a form of redu,»i cation which is evidently of the same origin as the forms here dis- cussed: Singular Plural hwa huwa! name hwilp huwi'lp house Tsimshian: Singular Plural, wa huwa'? name walb huwa'lb house war huwa'e paddle (d2) Words beginning with a consonantic cluster reduplicate in the Nass dialect by a repetition of the first consonant; at the same time initial z is transformed into g. In Tsimshian the consonantic cluster is treated like a syllable, and is repeated with insertion of a weak vowel: Singular Plural pte ppto door xLGO GQELLGo’ to pray xLko' lua gExLko' lua to scold xtsa’ é qEatsa’é thick Tsimshian: Singular Plural sqag SExsga'g to refuse teed? tlaatwa'® flat § 37 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES aia (ec) A number of cases of irregular reduplication occur. Examples in the Nass dialect are— Singular Plural alt’ sk alli’ sk weak (a may be a prefix) ané's anné's branch Tsimshian: Singular Plural ta’ gaxsk lawta' g'axsk to climb hand'g hand'nag woman (for hanha'nag?*) nak — nekno'nk long naano' x nawno' nx supernatural lurwa'l wulewa'l drop § 38. Reduplication of Words containing Proclitic Particles As arule, compound words containing proclitic elements redupli- cate the stem only. Singular Plural lo-a'm lo-anv am to be good inside A few examples of compounds of the type which reduplicate the initial syllables have been given in § 36, d, «. § 39. Modification of Stem Vowel In a few cases modifications of length and accent of stem syllables occur. Iam inclined to think that all of these have originated by secondary modification of reduplicated forms. The following cases have come under my observation. All of them belong to the Nass River dialect. Singular Plural and’ s and’ Es skin gina’m ge nam to give kiba’ kiba’ to wait gwula’ guild’ cloak halat't ha' lait ceremonial dance hana'q ha'naq woman Formation of Plural (§§ 40-47) § 40. Methods of forming the Plural The plural is generally sharply set off from the singular, both in the noun and in the verb, and only a limited number of words have the same form in singular and plural. Including these words and those which apply different stems in singular and plural, the following methods of expressing the plural may be distinguished. §§ 38-40 374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 (1) Singular and plural have the same form. (2) The plural is formed by reduplication. (3) The plural is formed by dizresis or by lengthening of vowels. (4) The plural is formed by the prefix ga-. (5) The plural is formed by the prefix ga- and the suffix -(A)2. (6) The plural is formed by the prefix /- with variable vowel. (7) The plural and singular are formed from the same stem, but in an irregular manner, or they are derived from different stems. § 41. First Group. Singular and Plural the same . In this group are combined the words, singular and plural of wnich have the same form. Here belong the names of all animals except DOG és and BEAR 6/, trees, and many words that can not be classified. Parts of the body (see also § 43): gec hair opx forehead dz aq nose wan tooth zé'mg beard tags finger-nail ban belly ptal rib mia'dzik's breast mise’ hax down of bird Miscellaneous: sé day ark” night kon year lak” fire aks water peli’ st star za'ns leaf dawi's axe hawi'l arrow bela’ haliotis dak to thunder dé lemxk to reply mé lek" to dance lé’mix* to sing gaa to see hasa'g to want § 41 nisg upper lip pindz body (plural also ga- pLna't) mméds thumb Ldtsx tail of fish ndvg fin gax* feather la’é wing Cem-la'nia neck Cem-ga'x’ fathom at net ts’ak* dish wa'ds dish lé'p est marmot blanket Pa ist bed-quilt ya’ tsesk” animal wie root bela’ haliotis-shell mi uks sweet-smelling xLgao'm payment tmd' rm to help hitht to rush gv dra to ask bak” to feel li-ya'g to hang and'g to agree BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES ota A number of stems with prefixes aiso retain the same form in sin- gular and plural : guis-ma' ksh” white blanket hwil-dig'a't warrior guwis-hala’'t dancing-blanket lo-sand'Lk¥ to be surprised law-ama'k¥s prairie sE-anuwd'g to rebuke x The same class occurs in Tsimshian. Here also all names of animals have the same forms in singular and plural except those of the dog (Aas) and the bear (4/). Names of parts of the body appear also in the same form in singular and plural, although more often they have the prefix ga-. Examples are— né tseks fish-tail a to fish with line sa day mak il to drop down tatse smoked split salmon- lehé'ld to forbid tail p/elo’ to break law mag asx berry a@lks servant hasa'x to desire § 42. Second and Third Groups. Plurals formed by Re- duplication and Vowel Change In these groups are comprised the words the plurals of which are formed by reduplication or dizreses. By far the majority of words belong to this class. The plurals of the second group, which are formed by redupli- cation, may be subdivided into the following groups: (a) The plural is formed generally by reduplication of the begin- ning of the word, including the first consonant following the first vowel, which method has been fully described in § 36. (6) Only in exceptional cases is the plural formed by the redu- plication of the beginning of the word, including the first vowel. The following instances of this type of reduplication used for form- ing the plural have been observed. Singular Plural gin gigin to give food g tke gig uke to buy ts’ak* ts’ Ets'a'k* dish Pax Cita, Caxta'e lake ts'ép ts’Ets’é' p bone gat gig at people mal minal canoe 876 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Tsimshian: Singular Plural 82° SESU°p bone tata’? ta ) x fast tikta’? taeld trta’ld to move Al la'tk ae : to move lEkla'th ' A special form of this reduplication is found in words beginning with Aw, which take Aww in the plural, probably originating from hwhw (see p. 372). Singular Plural hwa hind name hwilp hiiwi'lp house Await hiwi't to sell Awil hiwi'l to do Awé hiiwo' to call hwax: hiiwa' x’ to paddle Related to this are the two plurals described in § 37 e(p. 378). (c) The few cases in which the syllable reduplicated according to this method is long and has the accent, while the vowel of the stem is weakened, have been described in § 387 d (p. 372). (d) In some eases the singular is formed from a certain stem by the second type of reduplication, while the plural is formed by the first type of reduplication. Stem Singular Plural déls drdé'ls deldé' ls alive get qege the qrtge th” difficult The word mak‘sk”, plural mzsma'k'sk“, WHITE, may be mentioned ) >) 9 here, since its stem seems to be mas. Tsimshian: Singular Plural drdii’ls deldi’ls alive In Tsimshian a number of cases occur in which irregular redupli- cations are used, or phonetic increments of the stem. ‘ Singular Plural LSWALS SELSWA'XS to dive ts/a ts/@'ts! Eat to split glau gq! Ola to pull txa-a'q txa-a' lg place near the door ta? ta'°ltk fish swims tag ta'°lg to bite § 42 BOAS] 377 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES In the third group are combined a few words the plural of which is formed by change of the vowel of the stem and by change of accent. Examples of this kind have been given in § 39. §43. Fourth Group. Plurals formed by the Prefix qa- In words of this class the plural is formed by the prefix ga-. It includes many names of parts of the body; adjectives expressing states of the body, such as BLIND, DEAF; words of location; and a miscel- laneous group of words. (a) Parts of the body: Singular Plural VEm-ge'c ga-CEm-7é¢ head ts’ Em-mu'e ga-ts Em-mu'e ear ts Em-a'q qa-ts Em-a' 4 mouth PEm-qd'x" qa-Cem-qa'x* arm CEm-La'm qa-t Em-La'm leg below knee tsuweé’ Ent ga-tsuwe' Ent fingers ano'n ga-anv’o'n hand pLnae ga-pinig and pinaz body q eLq ga-9é' Lg chest gat qa-ga't heart tgama' q ga-tgamé’ g lip (a SEE qa-yé' SEE knee Lagst ga-Lagst and ragst nail, claw SMAX* Ja-SMax* meat Tsimshian: Singular Plural bam ga-bu'n belly adit’ la ga-dit' la tongue ts/Em-ts/@'us ga-ts!nm-ts!a'us armpit gard ga-ga'ed heart anon ga-an'd'n hand (6) Adjectives expressing states of the body: Singular Plural kiba'r qa-ktba' kb lame sins ga-si'ns blind ts’ dq qa-tsa'q deaf mE-wa' tsa ga-mE-wd tsa jerazy (literally, like | land-otter) ait’ Osk* ga-xd’ Osk wise aax-gd 6t ax-ya-ga' ot foolish (literally, with- out mind) § 43 378 Here may belong also: Singular gua E hux-io' nst ama hwil Tsimshian: f Singular ama wa'l sagau-sa °t lgusge'r (c) Locations: Singular dix’ lax o’ ATi st’ bk's ga u (Zz) Unclassified words: Singular semo ths nod en yis-qu' sg ith"s le’ luks guiu'-silé ensk® wes gait men Tsimshian: Singular y la’ gok: bie rsd? lakhs ra ik nat ksz-na@ th ma’ mEGga asta? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Plural ga-qwi' E hux-qa-to'nst - ama ga-hwi'l Plural ama ga-wa'l sagau-ga-sa't ga-tgusge'r Plural ga-da' x" ga-lawvo ga-sto’ 6k's ga-g° hu Plural ga-sEmo ths ga-no'@ En yis-qa-gqu' sg tithes qa-lée'luks guia’ -ga-silé énsk* qa-we's and wis qa-qa'tt ga-mée'n Plural - ga-y lu’? ga-go'k ga-bii’? ga-wsi’? ga- la’ °ks ga-wa' tk ga-ni' ga-ksp-na! Uk ga-m a’meEga ga-wsta’° [BULL. 40 poor liberal rich (literally, well-to- do) rich good luck happy outside top side beach to believe to adorn to rejoice to steal hunter root hat butt of tree berrying-basket basket ’ to scatter canoe torch to upset to fast to breathe to smile to vanquish On the whole, this prefix conveys strongly the impression of being a distributive, not a plural; but in many cases its use seems to have become formal and fixed. § 43 It would seem that particuiarly terms for parts of the body that have no reduplicated plural may take the BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 379 prefix ga-. The distributive character appears very clearly in one case where ga-ts/a’p Means THE ONE TOWN OF EACH ONE, while the plural would be és/zpts/a'p, and also in /’0ps-ga-tepté'th" ALLL SMALL PIECES (of salmon) 56.1 §44. Fifth Group. Plurals formed by the Prefix qa- and the Suffix -(i)k Plurals formed by the prefix ga- and the suffix -(¢)A” are confined to terms of relationship. The prefix is probably the same as that used in the preceding class, while the suflix seems to be related to the verbal and possessive suffix -/”. Singular Plural nid ga-nid’ Eth grandfather ntsé’ ets ga-ntsé’ étsk" grandmother nEgua’ ot ga-nEgua’ oth father nEbé' p ga-nEbée' pk uncle wak: ga-wa' kk younger brother Here belongs also— me’ EN ga-mé Enth™ master Tsimshian: Singular Plural nEbtp ga-nEbit pg uncle mia'n ga-mia'ntg master The following words have ga—k” combined with reduplication, the reduplicated syllable being lengthened and the stem-vowel weakened: Singular Plural nak's ga-ne' nik: sk wife now qa-nd' nEwh™ mother Without the prefix ga- are found— Singular Plural wak* wak: ke younger brother gvmu'dé gma‘ detk elder brother Tsimshian: Singular Plural naks nénksg wife Irregular is— Singular Plural hurda' ek” rn Luxda' eh” entk® grandson Undoubtedly the terminal -tk”, -4“, in these forms, is the same as the suffix discussed in § 17. § 44 4 n q 380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 45. Sixth Group. Plurals formed by the Prefix l- Plurals formed by the prefix /- are pre-eminently verbal plurals, as is illustrated by the following examples taken from the Tsimshian: Singular Nominal Plural ak‘s water, to drink wa't paddle, to paddle Verbal Plural ak’a’k's waters —_la-a’ks to drink huwa't paddles = lu-wa'i to paddle The vowel connected with this prefix is variable, and many irregu- larities are found in this class. (@) Singular Plural aks la-a'kh's to drink york bé-yO' rh to follow goksk* le-go' ksh to be awake @ tig li-@ii'q to devour Tsimshian: Singular Plural wa't lu-wa't to paddle ga-ba' ask ga-lé brask to shake one’s self YEP li-yx'r to hide (6) Reduplication or lengthening of vowel is found with /-; Singular Plural rdax* lu-xdé' dia: hungry xbets a'a la-xbé'ts’ Ex to be afraid Here may be mentioned Tsimshian: Singular Plural ete lu-ktved hungry (c) Initial g*, &*, and g drop out after /-: Singular Plural g ak's laks a bird swims g vba'yuk liba' yuk to fly ge NEx lé’nEx (tree) falls Here belong also the reduplicated plurals: Singular Plural gamk-s lemla'mk's to warm one’s self ga'mg tL lemla'mg tL to warm something Tsimshian: Singular Plural ge'renks links to dry (meat) gena lé’°na to fall over g aks lieks absent g' @ks la°ks to float gig @°ks lldeks floating g emg liiomg to wipe gamg lamks hot g ipa yuk lipa'yuk to fly § 45 : BOAS] (¢d) Irregular, but related to this class, are: Singular yar yinya'g gdak" g in-hé th kestags Tsimshian: Singular gaksk g'a'ksen SES-@' xs ast Og Plural li'léx lisli’ sk lidux li'nedemk'st lukstsa’ dregs Plural li'daksk li'daksen les-ad'xs laxst/0'ega HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 381 to hide to hang [v. n.] to shoot to arise to leave to wake up to awaken to laugh to sleep § 46. Seventh Group. Trregular Plurals This last group is quite irregular. The following plurals are formed from the same or related stems, but in an irregular manner: Singular sem’ a’ git sig’idemna'« wuy’ the ayawa' tk wramhé’ lo-ma'k'sa wi-na' k& wi-@6'x¢ gai-ma's am a-ma’'s Tsimshian: Singular send gid sig’idemna' g | klinteth Plural semg*ig'a't sig: idemha'nax siya’ th" alayuwa't wud ax avamhe lo-lé' dik'sa nné nek @exd’6'x ieee , A g ai-ma gst b] sie am’ a-Ma gsit Plural semg'ig'a'd sig idemha' nag nani th chief chieftainess to weep to shout to shout to wash cloths long stout youth pretty chief chieftainess to arise Although the use of different stems for singular and plural belongs rather to the classification of nouns and verbs according to form of objects and actors, this feature is so prominent in the dialects of the Tsimshian that it deserves mention here. Singular g aak” 1é aa Oxk” Va dzak" Plural ho'ut LO txd' dak” wan yets to escape to go to eat to sit to kill (plural = to chop) § 46 382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Singular hethw hwith’ go sg ith" k'saa magt sqatsa'e da’ ut malk" macht bax mea’ gat geL ts’én nd'O xa’E, male slave wa'tlak¥, female slave gat ts/0sk* LYo- wr- hs- Tsimshian: § Singular kh: [0°xk 20° ga 142k t/a? dzaq hétg, batsqg warty ga haya’°ks moxk mo gan bar nah ts /in dzag ra? igutg 6l 46 Plural. mak: sku bak dog doak" k*st-16' hwilgt alisg'?'da saksk tra'ldet centhe gol PaL WL la'mdzta daw LLéng it é uxt SES’0'8 kh’ obr- wud ax- dE- Plural hit wales hab trd°xrk wan yadz manxsk ama t dog maksk santh San gol (ath: la’ mdzrx der titi’ ng at kiger sa’mi (i. e., meat) to stand to come from to take to lie to go out to carry ugly to leave to put into fire to go aboard to run to put to lie down to enter to die slaves man small small large extreme to escape to go to go to a place to eat to sit to kill to stand to come from to take. to put to go aboard to put aboard to run to lie down to enter to die male slave child bear [BULuL. 40 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 883 Singular Plural ga’wa bait? to take canoe down to the water ha’ utk ; bak to cry laxla' ax tyi-kte'l to drop down plas MONS to grow su-pla's Su-md' ws youth lyu- kh labe- small we- wut la- large ks- ta- extreme §47. Plurals of Compounds In by far the majority of cases the plural of compounds is formed, in cases of reduplication, by leaving all prefixes unmodified, and by forming the reduplicated plural of the principal theme. Singular Plural gal-ts'a'p qal-ts Epts a'p town dax-g'a't dax-g'igra't strong an-sé brnsk" an-sEpse binsh® friend Tsimshian: Singular Plural sa-dzagam-lu-ya'ltg sa-dzagam-lu- suddenly to return yilya'lty *UCTOSS lii-am gad li-an’a'm gaa to be of [in} good heart There are, however, cases in which the whole word is reduplicated. Examples of these have been given in § 36, d (p. 370). The principal ‘suffixes so treated are an- and ha-. The position of the prefix ga- seems to depend upon the firmness of the compound. Generally it precedes the stem; as in Singular Plural gwia'-silé’ ensh™ gwia«'-qa-silé’énsk® _ hunter (Nass dialect) kla-klut-ga-tgusgr'redet they are for a while here and there happy | (Tsimshian dialect) On the other hand, we find in the Tsimshian dialect: Singular Plural ts/em-mil’ ga-ts!em-mit’ ear Personal Pronouns (§§ 48-54) $48. Subjective and Objective Pronouns The personal pronouns have two distinctive forms, which, accord- ing to their probable original significance, may be designated as transi- tive and intransitive, or, better, subjective and objective. The former §$47, 48 384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 express, at least partly, the subject of the transitive verb; the latter, its object, and at the same time the subject of the intransitive verb. Their use is, therefore, to a certain extent analogous to that of the subjective and objective pronouns in languages like the Siouan, Iroquois, Haida, Tlingit, and others. The use of these forms in Tsimshian, however, is peculiarly irregular. The forms in the two dialects are— Subjective. Objective. Nass and ; H i simshian. Nass. Tsimshian. ITS PEESONNAINSUIAT. Ors eo Uc chesteh ureniyemetormatan ae n- -€E -U, -% Kirst persont plaral ) In the indicative, the subjective pronouns are used when the object of the verb is a first or second person. The objective pro- nouns are used to express the subject of the transitive verb, in the indicative, when the object is a third person. The verb takes the me. us. thee. you. I ea <% a n—f[nsEm “3, leek eante \dEn SEM n jnsEm a) —— —_— —_— — NC dep tees dEp \sEm nu nEm UNG cone ene m—{"" m—{rEm = = nu : NEM eee bose | m sem—{"i" m SEM—{ hem y ipa nu NEM n NSEM 4 i) eee — — = — he t ie {ae t ae é on Examples: m wa'yinu you (singular) found me m dem dza’kdu you will kill me (dzak to kill) t wa'yinu ha'°srt the dog found me n dza'kden I have killed thee n wan you have found me me ay 0'yinem you (singular) have hit us dep o'yin we hit thee (c) The subjective pronouns are used with transitive and intransi- tive forms that take the objective pronouns for the purpose of emphasis. dem dza'kdent gu't ; Bee ; = eee ena ee you (singular) will kill this one mn dem sem dza'ksemt quit Bo ia : =e En eee ae you (plural) will kill this one t dzakdetgr hd!°sga® : ee hie = ee i Lhe has killed the dog nan ta ya’ wuag Enu I tj or na ta ya’ wuageenu § ~ VAS Catlins nam ta ya’ wurgEen ‘ : xe na ta ya! wucgen you (singular) were eating 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 25 § 49 386 BUREAU. OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLu. 40 (2) The verb da-ya Tro say so takes these elements always: da-n-ya'°nu I say so da-dep-ya'°nEm We say SO da-m-ya'n you (singular) say so da-ii-sEM-ya °nsEM Ye Say SO da-yat he says, they say Adverbs like g*7k aGarn are placed here following the subjective pronoun, including 7-szm. da-m-sEm g*ik ya’ nsEm Ye sary so again s Pe to} § 50. Use of the Objective (a) The objective is used to express the subject of the intransitive verb. st°npgenu Lam sick ; dem al tgi-ks-ga'ganu but I shall (go) down first (dem future; al but; tg?- down; ks- extreme; qdga first) ada dem L/7-d/ksen then you will drop on (it) (ada then; 2/7- on; dks to drop) sa-0'kst suddenly he dropped da wul dzé'xsemt when you camped (da at [see § 28]; wel being; dzdg to camp) me’ta hasa’gau tell that I wish ts!nlem-ks-twala/nu I am the last one behind (4) The objective is used to express the object of the transitive verb. Examples have been given in § 49, 6. (c) The objective is used in the indicative of the transitive verb when the object is a third person or a noun. When the object is a third person pronoun, the objective -¢ is added to the objective pro- noun. d'yut 1 hit it d'yint you (singular) hit him é'yimt we hit it ne ta dza'kdemt gu'i we have killed this one dem dzakdut 1 will kill him d'yu has I hit the dog (dz) The objective is used in a periphrastic conjugation of the transitive verb, in which the objective pronoun is repeated in the form of the independent pronoun. § 50 ni-dzut n/z'ren I see thee (literally: I see it, thee) dem dza'gden niz'ryu you (singular) will kill me BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 387 (e) The objective pronoun is used to express the possessive relation. mia'nu my Master nE-wa' lben thy house né-st°p/ensget his friend ga-ga'°dem our minds nE-wd'nsem what you have (wan for wal, 7 assimilated by pre- ceding 7) §$ 51. The First Person Singular, Objective Pronoun The first person singular of the objective form has a second form in -2, which occurs also in the possessive pronoun (see § 55). It is used in all cases in which the event is conceived as unreal. (z) In negative sentences. alge di ha-dza'gi 1 do not die from it alge hasa' gait dem dza'gen 1 do not want thee to die (4) In sentences expressing potentiality, but with reference to the unreality of the event. ada wigst nil dem Cin-l/i-q/an-ad' gi then there is no one who could get across me (a’fgz not; nd who; -¢ [see $31]; dem future; -¢ he [trans. subj.]; @v- nomen actoris (see p. 335); l/i-q/an- over; aaxtg to attain) semgal ba°senut 6p dze dza’gi Tam much afraid lest I may die (semgal much; as afraid; -n indicative; -u 1; dp lest; dzn conditional; dzag to die) me O'yig'in you might hit me! (m thou; dy to hit; -7 me; -g*tn perhaps) ada demt hi°dzigr na-xiigrsge drmt gun-a'ksgiga®; wi-qo'gE drm g'a'bu, dzeda ta ts/7/°nt, da .. . then my master may send me, he may order me to get water; I shall take a large basket, when I come in, then . . . (Aédz to send; -gz [see § 24]; n4- possessive prefix [see § 55]; v@ slave; na-wa’t my master; gesgé preposition [see § 28]; gun- to order, to cause; aksg to get water; -ga° absence [§ 20]; w7- great; gég basket; gab to dip up; dzeda if; ts/7°n to enter; da then) (c) In conditional clauses. ada dze ta lu-ya'ligi then, if I return (dq) The possessive suffix of the first person has the form -7 in address. tgii’°tgt my child! nd@’'i my mother! (said by girl) nEgwa'°di my father! § 51 . 388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 (ec) The possessive suffix of the first person has the form -7 in sub- | junctive and negative sentences, in which it designates potentiality of existence. ep! nxdi an dze ta taal-wi'sde tgu'tgida? I might remember when I met my child (éé’p/zr to remember; a at; x I; dzz conditional; fa past: tval- against; wa? to meet; fgw°%tg child) wigs di wa'lbi 1 have no house (a'/gz not; di on my part; wald house) § 52. Remarks on the Subjective Pronouns (a) The prefixed personal pronouns 7-, m-, and ¢- may be consid-, | ered true pronominal forms. The first person plural dzp is, how- ever, by origin, a plural of much wider application. It is used fre- _ quently to express the plural of demonstrative pronouns; for in- stance, dep gwa'i THOSE. Itseems, therefore, that its use as a first _ person plural may be secondary. (2) The second person plural contains the objective element -szm, which remains separable from the transitive second person m-. Particularly the temporal elements wi/, dem, ta are placed between | m- and -sEm: ada me dem sem wula@’i ta qua'ntguét then you will know that I have touched it (ada then; mez- 2d pers. subj.; dam future; -sem 2d pers. plural; wu/a’z to know [singular obj.]; ¢éa past; gwantg to touch; -w I; -¢ it) (c) The third person is placed following the temporal particles, while all the other persons precede them, except the -szm of the second person plural (see under 4). First person singular: 2 dem sti med’ ulqet I shall shake the rope (v1; dem future; si to swing; mzd’ulg rope) First person singular: 2-dem ines I shall marry thee First person plural: dap dem awul-ma'gan we will stand by you (dep we; dem future; awul- by the side of; mag to place; -n thee) | Second person: ada me dem ksz-de-ba'°tga? then you will run out with her (ksz- out; dz- with; /a° to run; -¢ her; -ga? absence) Third person: ada demt q/a'pegan Irksd’ gat then he will close the doorway (¢/a’prgan to close, fill up; Zeksda’ d’g doorway) First person: alge n ta di-k ina’m det hand’? g I have not given it to the woman (a/lgz not; n I; ta past; di on my part; k: /ind'm to give; dzt [see §$§ 28, 31]: hana’°g woman) § 52 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 389 First person: ada ne wul ni? ne-wa'lpsge y/iv’°ta then I saw the house of the man (ada then; nz 1; wul being; 7° to see; NE- possessive prefix [see § 55]; walb house; -sgz [see § 24]; y /u°t man) Third person: ada wult d'yttgae adat wul dyttga® ——; = land then he hit him (d) A comparison between the use of the connectives [see § 24] and the personal pronouns shows a strict correspondence between these forms. We have seen that in the indicative, in forms with _the third person object, the subjective forms are not used, but that the objective forms are used instead. This corresponds to the peculiar identity of the objective forms of the subjunctive connec- tive (B 1, § 24) and of the indicative of the subjective connective of the transitive verb (A 2, § 24). It seems justifiable, therefore, to state that, in transitive sentences with nominal subject and object, the indicative takes the objective forms in the same way as in sen- tences of the same kind, in which pronominal subjects and objects only occur. $53. The Personal Pronoun in the Nass Dialect As stated before, the usage in the two dialects is very nearly the same, and a number of examples may be given here to illustrate the forms of the Nass dialect. Use of the subjective (see § 49, a): (a) Subjunctive forms. am mE dem w6'6t qal-tsa'p good (if) you call the people 206.13 (am good; w6’6 to call; gal-ts’a'p town) La am me na’ k'squée good (if) you marry me 158.2 am dep @is@eé'st qa-d2a' gam good (if) we strike our noses 103.8 (am good; d@és to strike; ga- plural; d2’ag nose; -zm7 our) at gwa'lkdet for their drying them 169.7 (a preposition; ¢- 34 per. subj.; gwalk” to dry) nigin hwild'«'t 1 did not know it (nig*/ not [takes the subjunctive }) F I have not found any examples of indicative and emphatic forms (c)} (see § 49, 4, c). (d) The verb dé-ya To say so (see § 49, d) has the following forms: née-ya'*né I say so dep hé'idendm we say so mé-ya'an you (singular) said so 171.5 meEsEm hé’idé you say so dé-ya he says so 65.5 § 53 390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN EPHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 Use of the objective: Most of the objective pronouns of the Nass dialect are identical with those of Tsimshian. The only exceptions are the first person singular, which in the Nass dialect is always -éz, and the third person plural, which is -det. Examples of the third person plural are the following: SEM-(- -haxba' gash udetg*é they were much troubled 195.14 alayiwa'tdet they made noise 173.14 tqal-la'kdet an dépr wi-sgané st they reached (ae: ainst at) the foot of the mountain 126.6 hue hé-yukt 6u*det they began to throw again 139.15 hwi'lpdet their house 102.3 The objective pronoun is used in the same way as in the Tsimshian dialect. (a) Subject of the intransitive verb (see § 50, a). ni'gide hala’'déx Lam not a shaman 128.9 (nig*/ not; de on my part; Aalaz’t shaman) dem lé'tsran you will count 129.9 (dem future; /étsx to count) hagun-ié'ét he went in the direction (toward it) 129.14 drm dé-ba' gam we, on our part, shall try 114.16 (Jag to try) MEN-LO'Onom We go up 42.8 gild dze hur hawt! isem do not do so also 98.4 (g°7/d’ do not; dze conditional; Awzx also, again; /ivil to do; -srm ye) La sEm-dEx-g ig'a'tdet they had become very strong 98.13 (za past; sem very; drx- strong; g'at person; -det they) (6) Object of the transitive verb (see p. 389). (c) Subject of transitive verb, indicative with third person object. drm lep-hwa'yimt dem na’ em we ourselves will find our bait 56.6 (dz) Periphrastic conjugation. drm na'kskué né'en 1 shall marry thee 203.9 La liksg'a’?enen née thou hast taken notice of me 158.1 sah“sta' gsdét né' en gans née they have deserted thee and me 157.10 drm hwa'lér né'en I shall carry thee 74.1 (ec) Possessive pronoun. an-qala’gaér my playground 79.1 ts/a’/bé my people 192.2 negwa'bden thy father 133.2 Lyd utgun thy child 205.5 nak‘ st his wife 133.1 ta drm g'@ibrm what was to have been our food 122.9 qa-ts Em-a@'gsEm your mouths 84.10 qa-ts Em-a'qdet their mouths 84.13 § 53 ep a er eT oe Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 8391 § 54. Independent Personal Pronoun The independent personal pronoun, which in its subjective form has also predicative character, is formed from the following stems: Nass dialect: Subjective né-; objective /d-. Tsimshian dialect: Subjective n/zr-; objective //a-. Nass dialect. Tsimshian dialect. || Nass dialect. Tsimshian dialect. — = | ae eras ese Wee. . | ner nip ri mew, 3) | 4B akl@vi we .. | noEm n!E/TEM (PSs ek (beeen ak!am thou. . | né’En n/E'TEN | thee. . | ld@’En akiwan Se né/sEM n!E/TESEM | you. . | la’sEm a kiwasEm me. |. | met him. . | ld’6t nee = | 3 cae pa niot ey . fne’det niot them . | ld’édzt \{ |dzp né’det | Examples: né'E tan mukt Lam the one who caught it 44.8 né’'en tan dedo’gt thou art the one who took it 157.4 nik’ lé lep-né't wa'eg’é then he himself the slave 40.8 k: /ax-né'sem only ye 83.6 teané' thst dem hwils negwa'dden lé'dr all that thy father will do to me 133.2 (tvané'th“ all; dem future; Awl to do; -s connective; negwa'°t father; -n thy) dem Wrp-k:s-gaq néé'st lin I shall (go) down first to you 81.4 (dem future; d@rp- down; /°s- extreme; gdq first; née 1; -st emphatic [see § 20]; /dzn to thee) lo-mé’°tk"t g:at ld'6t inside it was full of people in it 120.3 (/é- in; meth” full; -1 connective; gat people) gop dé-lé'sem go ahead, to you also! 83.10 dem na'kskué néen I shall marry thee 203.9 In place of the oblique form, the subjective with the preposition as (containing the connective -s [see § 23.7]) is also found, particularly for the third person. hwil hwi'ls dep-bé' rbé as né'en qans née thus did my uncles to thee and to me 157.9 (Aw?! being; Awil to do; -s connective; dzp plural [see § 52, a]; bézp uncle; -€é my; gan and; -s connective) algixt . . . as né'tg’é she spoke to him 157.1 Tsimshian: nleriu demt in-na'ksga tgi/tgent I am the one who will marry thy child (dam future; ¢- he; in- nomen actoris; naksg to marry; fgu%g child; -zn thy) n/z'rent in-d'yit thou art the one who hit him § 54 892 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 ylagai-nt°desen gap-kla-wi-narnd gan da k/a't however, he (i. e., you) indeed, you are really more greatly supernatural than I (y/agai- however; n7°d he [here with the meaning you]; -szn in- deed; gap- really; k/a- exceedingly, more; w7- greatly; naxnd'g supernatural; -n thou; da preposition [see § 28]; &/a’i me) ligi-ga’? drm klund@'yin da k lai, dem k find'mu da k/wan what- ever you will ask of me, (that) I shall give you (lig7- any [see § 8, no. 20]; g@? something; dzm future; %/wnd' to request; -n thou; da preposition; £°/ina’m to give; -w I) da-ya' get negwa'°t ges ni'°t thus said his father to him § 55. Possession In the Tsimshian dialect three forms of possession may be distin- guished, while the Nass dialect has only two. In the former dialect, separable possession is always introduced by the prefix n4-, which is absent in the Nass dialect. Both dialects distinguish possession of inanimate and of animate objects. 1. Nass dialect: (a) All possession of inanimate objects is expressed by the suffix expressing the possessive pronoun (see § 53, ¢), or, when the possessive is expressed by a noun, by the addition of the connective (see § 23). hwi'lbéz my house hawi'ls Légébola’ the arrow of Légobola’ 20.3 a'kesée my water 18.7 ts’élé’mt ma'lgé food of the canoe 107.6 (6) All possession of animate objects is expressed by the same suffixes, but the noun is given the passive suffixes -/, -t/, -s (discussed in §17). Exceptions to this rule are terms of relationship in the sin- gular, which take simply the possessive suffixes, like nouns expressing inanimate objects. The occurrence of the endings -/ and -¢/ in the plurals of terms of relationship (see § 44) may be due to the treatment of these like other nouns designating animate objects. g tba tht his wolf (g*/bo' wolf; -th passive suffix; -¢ his) huxda’g‘inth“t his grandchildren 19.10 bo Tsimshian dialect: (a) All inseparable possession, including nouns designating parts of the body, locations referring to self, and terms of relationship, are expressed by possessive suffixes, and, when the possessive is expressed by a noun, by the connectives (see § 27). (a) Inseparable possession relating to parts of the body: ban belly ba’nu my belly ts/ag nose ts/a'gen thy nose § 55 eS oe — BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 893 (8) Inseparable possession relating to space relations: awa’? proximity awa’’t near him (bis proximity) lax’ 6d’ the place over lax’ 6'yu the place over me tvala’n the place behind txala’nt the place behind him (vy) Inseparable possession, expressing terms of relationship, in singular : negwa'ed father negua du my father temkdi’ sister temkdi’yu my sister To this group belong also— mid’n master mid’ nu my master nest °p/ensg friend nest °p/ensgen thy friend (4) Separable possession of inanimate objects is expressed by the prefix #xz- and the possessive suffix (viz., the connective suffix). walb house nBE-wi'lbu my house la°%) stone ne-ld’°bu my stone (c) Separable possession of animate objects is expressed by the prefix z-, the passive suffix, and the possessive (viz., connective) suflix. E'rla seal nE-E'rlagu my seal has dog nE-ha’°’sgu my dog él bear nE-0'ltgu my bear Adn salmon néE-hd'ntgen thy salmon ske herring ne-ske'tgu my herring ap bee nE-w' psu my bee mel7’°x: steelhead salmon nE-mEWW°ksu my steelhead salmon ts/ap tribe n-ts/a'psu people of my vil- lage (but n-ts/a’bu my vil- lage) walb house nE-wa'lpsu people of my house (but n2-1wa'lbu my house) § 56. Demonstrative Pronouns I have not succeeded in analyzing satisfactorily the forms of the demonstrative pronoun. It has been stated before (§ 20) that presence and absence are expressed by the suffixes -s¢ (-t) and -g‘é (Tsimshian -¢ and -ga). Besides these, we find independent demonstrative pronouns and peculiar demonstrative suffixes. Inthe Nass dialect there are two independent demonstratives: gon THIS, gos THAT. § 56 894 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {puLy. 40 gon. lep-né' rn qgane-hwila gon I am always doing this myself 52.3 (lap- self; néz 1; gane-hwila always) atk’ é tgont sa-ga' tht then she resolved this 7.5 ge-gipg a pst hwit daxdo'at gon high piles these 42. 10 égont het: this he said 99.12 gos: srm-lik's-g'a' dem qa-ga't dep go'sty’é very different were the minds of those 114.12 (szm- very; lik's- separate; -g'at person; -zm attributive connective; ga- plural; gat mind; dzp- plural [§ 52, a) snm-go' usk®L géngx as go'stg’é really he reached a trail there 126.7 (sem- very; gux to hit; -sd” intransitive [17.2]; gé’nzx trail) mént tsenii'k* go'stg’é that was the master of the squirrels 212.5 (mén master; -L possessive connective; ¢s’znzih* squirrel) wi-sem- k* /d-ama mal tgo'stg’é that was a large exceedingly good canoe 107.5 (wi- large; sem- very; k’/d- exceedingly; am, good; -a connective [§ 22]; mad canoe) In Tsimshian the demonstratives seem to be more numerous. There are two independent forms: gi THIS, gwa? THAT. gut: da? da qwi%t they are here adat plid’rrdrt Waxaya'’g dep git then Waxaya’°q told them igu-sga-na'k: da guv a little after this (sga- across; nik long) Gua: nin!t ksdema's gal-ts/cpts/a'be gwa? those are the nine towns (nin/i’ this; ksdemda’s nine; gal-ts/a'p town) Gilksats!a@ nth wa? va? gwa? this slave’s name was G. k:/a-sqo'ksem gwa? we will stop here for a while adat and'adr dep gwa’ then these agreed Derived from gaa? is gwa'sga®, which always refers to absent objects: ada al sger tgu-dza' gun a uta gesga gwa'sga? but then the little dead porcupine lay there (ada then; a/ but; tgu- little; dzag dead; «uta porcupine; gesga at [see § 28]) wige hé°tget wa'lbesge gwa' sgaga® no house stood there It would seem that gia? refers to locations near by, since it is never used with the ending -ga; while gwa’sga designates the dis- tance, and is always used with the corresponding connectives. Derived from gia is also gwa?’, which seems to point to the part of the sentence that follows immediately; while gwa? is almost always in terminal position. § 56 F BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 395 nin!V wilwa'lb gwai na-tgi-da’ut those were the houses that had come down nEgwa de tgud’mige qwa'it Ha'ts!ena’'set the father of the boy : was that Ha’ts!mna’sEt Possibly these two demonstratives are related to gu, which appears often with the function of a relative pronoun, but seems to be a demonstrative of another class. These appear to be made up of the demonstratives 7 and g, which have been treated in § 20, and the two vowels -2 and -7. I have not succeeded, however, in gaining a clear understanding of these forms. I have found the series a eas oD - -dit -gii of which I shall give examples: bigs ' ¢ti/°seni this one hit thee nin!i bid’ lstr gwae sz-wa'trmé yetda® this is the star that we call yet kedi’nzm? those around us gal-ts!a'be t/v'°bEni ta gu gwa? this is the town of the sea-lions ada héldr wa'ldi a qwa? much did this one here wi-sgane?str hétgrdi a st/i°p/alt a large mountain stands here behind the house =U nE-ba°du hand’°g this woman has been running ne-ba'°du awa'n the one near thee has been running -du nin? gal-ts/Epts/a’br du gwa® those are the towns du nat dem drdi’lsrdet . . . who will live then? ZE 7992 ga’? du gan tintin you were angry for something of the kind. -gu gu na-di-gigingxga ne-ga-nid°tgrem those were the ones prayed to by our grandfathers da’-yaga senvi'gitga? guge g:a'’mgrem dzi/usdega® thus said the chief, that sun tne’rint in-k lilk'lind’in ya'ts!esge da klwan, gu ta’wula wutwa'yin Tam the one who gave you the animals that you always found (¢ he; nz’riu I; 7m nomen actoris; :°/tna’m to give; ya'ts/zsg animals; da to; k/wan you [dative]; ta@’wula always; wd to find) Among the,demonstratives may also be enumerated the element n-, which, in the Nass dialect, forms the common conjunction n-k"’2, and § 56 396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 which also may be contained in the stem né- (Tsimshian 2/zr-) of the independent pronouns. frequent demonstrative n7n/v’ THAT ONE. In Tsimshian it is found in the very Numerals (§§ 57, 58) § 57. Cardinal Numbers The Tsimshian dialects use various sets of numerals for various classes of objects. In Tsimshian one of these classes is used for simple counting. The others designate flat, round, long objects; human be- ing’s; canoes; measures. are counted by the same set of numerals. In the Nass dialect round and long objects These sets of numerals in the two dialects are as follows: I. Abstract count. Il. Flat objects. III. Round objects. Nass Tsimshian. Nass. | Tsimshian. | Nass. Tsimshian. k?’iku k:!aek =I = I k’@’El k!k/TE] 2| t Epxa/t tlepxa/d i I k’é1bEl gu/oplEl 3] gola’nt gwant = = gul’a/l klulé’ 4| txalpx txalpx =I =I =I =I 5| kustene kustons = I = =! 6} q’a/Elt qlaolt =i = J =i =I 7| tEpxa/Elt tlepx4/olt =I =I =I =) 8} qanda/Elt q!anda/olt yuxda/elt) yukda/It = II = If 9} kustema/ec kstEmé’s =) = =a =] 10} k’ap k‘lap =) il x'pe’El kpiel 11| k’ap di k’iku k‘lap di g-ack = 1 eal x'pé’El di k’’é’El 12) k’ap di t’Epxa’t k’ap di t!Epxa/d | =I =i x'pé/El di k’’@/IbEl 20) k’@lbEl wul k’ap | k-edé@/ol k'liyé/tke = 30| gula wul k’ap =i =I IV. Long objects. V. Human beings. VI. Canoes. Nass. Tsimshian. Nass. Tsimshian. Nass. Tsimshian, 1 =III | q!a’wutsxan ky’Al kal qamii’Et q!ama/ot 2) =III | q4/opsxan bagadé/1 tlepxado/l galbia’Eltkus galba/oltk 3} =III | ga’ltsgan gula/n gula/n gula/altkus galtsga/ntk 4 =III | txa/opsxan txalpxda’l txalpxda/1 txalpxkus txalpxsk 5 | =TiI | kti/onsxan kustensa’] kstensa’l kusténskus kst6/onsk 6| =III | q!a/ltsxan q’adelda’l q!alda/1 q!aEltkus q!altk 7 =TII | t!epx4/ltsxan tlepxadnda/] tlepxalda/1 timpx4/Eltkus tlepxa/1tk 8 | =III | yuktactsxa/n yuxdaelda’l yukleadaé’] yuxda/Eltkus yukda/Itk 9| =TIII | ksteEma’tsxan kustemasd] [Esta kustEma/skus kstema/sk lkstemasai/1 10 | =TIII | kpé’tsxan x'pal kpal k’apkus k’apsk 11 Si x'pal di k’’al kv’apkus di qa- mii’Et 12} =III x‘paldi bagadé/1 kv’ apkus di galba/- ; Eltkus 20) e000 =i k-eda/ol k’iye/tkus 30; =III =I! gula/leg‘itk § 57 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES | VII. Measures. hag eters of Nass. Tsimshian. Nass. (k’ilga’x*)=III k!El’6/n gusk”’ewa/’ (k’ibelga/x*)=III gu/op!El’6’/n g‘ilpwa’ k!ul’6/n 1 2 3 | gulalaéd/n 4 | txalpxald/n 5 | kusténseld’n 6 | q’aEldEld’n 7 | VEpxaeEldelo’n 8 | yuxdaaldel6/n 9 | kustemasel6’n 10 | x*pad’/ndé txalpxl’6/n kst6nsEl’6/n, kstEn’6/n q!aldel’6/n tlepxacldeEl’6/n yukdaeldel’6’n, yukdeldel’6/n kstEm4sEl’6/n kpEl’6’/n This system will appear clearer when the numerals are arranged according to their stems. Nass One: =k’ a(k") 1 ke lent gana Et) Two: @epad'(t) ke elbel bagad (é2) Three: gol(@nt) Four: tvalpx Five: A%sténs Six: g/dl Seven: Cepaa Eight: gan yur Nine: i%stemd'c Ten: k°ap a pel Tsimshian ke /@°k k/n' rel q/amd, which may be the stem also for g/a'wutsvan t/epad' (da) gu pal ga°p, Which seems to be the stem for galba'Uth: gul- in gwant, gula'n Ak/ulé’ It seems doubtful if this is different from the preceding one galt twalpw k¢stons g/at t/zpxa the same as two qian yuk kstema's thumb ?) k: lap kpil probably related to the preceding one (containing mds It will be seen that a multiplicity of stems belong to the first three numerals, eight, ten, and probably twenty. Not all these distinct stems are entirely independent, but evidently in part modifications of § 57 398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 the same remote root. It would seem that the numerals one, two, three, ten, for the class of round objects, had a suffix -/, which has brought about modifications of the stems to which it has been at- tached. It seems plausible, therefore, that 4°/a°k% and k/z'rel, gwant and k/ulé, k*/ap and kpi°l, are derived each pair from one root. In some of the other classes the suffixes are obvious, although their meaning is not always clear. The suffix -svan, in the class for long objects in Tsimshian, may well be a contraction of the numeral with sgan stick. The class designating human beings contains the endings -dl, -dal, which in the numeral three (gu/d’n) has been changed to -dn by dissimilation. The class expressing measures contains the element -67 HAND. In the numerals the process of contraction may be observed with great clearness. Exaimples are the weakened forms /stensd’/ FIVE PER- sons, and that for NINE PERSONS, which is probably derived from the same stem, Astemasd’l. Here belong also the forms yuiteadd’l, which stands for yukdelda/l; kh!xl6'n, for k!n' rel on, hPtlgd'«’, for kent gaa ONE FATHOM. SSS. Ordinal Numbers, Numeral Adverbs, and Distrib- 9’ 9g utive Numbers Ordinal numbers are not found, except the words /'s-gd’°w and ks-dz0'x THE FIRST, and an7a@’ THE NEXT, which are not, strictly speaking, nu- merals. Numeral adverbs agree in form with the numerals used for counting round objects. nik ét lo-la'gsk"t ta guld’alt then she washed him in it three times 197.11 (-¢ she; /0- in; lagsk” to wash; -¢ him) Tsimshian: | tva'lpxva haha’k/uxt four times it clapped together Distributive numbers are formed with the prefix mzza- (Tsimshian metr-), Which has been recorded in § 10, no. 87. Besides this, redu- plicated forms are found. Tsimshian: tad Iprads wul k* pk: la'pt sa at mata-k!n'raldet g:amk forty days to each month ZE 792.21 (sa day; g’amk month) § 58 ee ee ee se : Si Fi a BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 399 Syntactic Use of the Verb (§§ 59-65) § 59. Use of Subjunctive after Temporal Particles The method of forming the modes has been discussed before, but it remains to add some remarks on their use. By far the most common form is the subjunctive. All historical prose, every sentence that does not express the speaker’s own immediate experience, is expressed in this mode. For this reason almost all introductory conjunctions are followed by the subjunctive mode. Possibly this mode can best be compared with our participles in so far as it often has a somewhat nominal character. This is true particularly of the verb when intro- duced by the temporal particles /wil, ra, ra, dem (Tsimshian: wut, fa, fa°, dem). The following examples illustrate their use: 1. het? seems to indicate primarily an action or state, then the place where an action takes place. It occurs commonly after verbs like TO KNOW, TO HEAR, TO SEE, TO FEEL, TO COME, TO GO, and other verbs of motion, TO FIND, TO TELL, and after many adjec- tives when treated as verbs. After the preposition a (see § 67) it generally expresses causal relations. After hwila’x To KNOW: hwila' yit hwila'nuksem élrt he knew the condition of being cooked of his seal 183.13 (a@’nuks done; -zm attributive connective; é/x seal) at hwild at hwil hada’ vh"t hwi'ltg’é he knew the being bad his doing 37.6 (had’a’vk” bad;, hiwil to do) (Compare with this nig7t hwila’xs Ts ak: hé'tg'é Ts’'ak* did not know what he said 127.7) After bag TO FEEL: bagi hwil sqa-@at dé'sgum élx 183.10 she felt the piece of seal being across (sya- across; @é@ to sit; ddsh™ slice; é/x seal) nik’ é rat bage dem hwil alé'sk"t then he felt himself getting weak After naxna' TO HEAR: nacna'L hwil algae. gag she heard that the raven spoke 151.11 tnarna't hwil hahd't Can mok“t ia'ns he heard that some one was speaking who caught leaves 15.11 (hé to say; mok” to catch with net; za’ns leaves) (Compare with this ¢ nawna’t hét wi-@é'szt he heard what the old man said 22.6) § 59 400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 After g‘a'a TO SEE: tg:dat hwil gokst melé't he saw a salmon jumping 52.15 tg vat hwildlgalt gat wi-«'pdot he saw a man examining the large jaw 52.6 tgaat Lit ng tt hwil ra aW@ik'sk"1 ixd'e the slaves saw the blood having come out 133.15 After @@ik'shY TO COME: a@ik ski hwil mesd'x it came to be daylight 160.7 aWVik'sk't hwil sig:a' th'det it came that they cried 104.11 Mik sh"t hwil ~anda'ut lax-ha' the sky came to be clear 78.12 After 7d’é To Go: hagun-va'ét grat at hwil ts’ elem-né'ot the man went to the hole being there 201.11 After g@'6 TO GO TO: atk ét ga'dL hwil @at she went to where he was sitting 209.10 ket gd’ ou hwil sgt he goes to where he lies 218.4 After hwa TO FIND: nigit hwat hwil g:ak'st géttg’é he did not find his string of fish lying in the water 117.8 (nzg‘2 not; g‘dk's to be in water; géta string of fish) After maz TO TELL: t ma’ tdet hwil wi' thdetg'é they told him where they got it from 42.8 (with” to come from) t mats Giw'sats a nta i hwil le-ho'khskh"t rgd utk"s g'a'tg*é 90.15 Gtx ‘sats’a/ntx* told where the child of the man was on (/é- on; hoksk® to be with something; tg0’wrk” child; g’a¢ man) After adjectives used as verbs, and after numerals: nak“t hwil id’t long he went 146.11 (long was his going) nak"t hwil 16’ ddet long they walked 126.6 wi-t esi hwil gi'tketg’é he swelled up much 90.12 wi-Cé' st hwil ayawd tht he cried much 123.4 hux kh? elt hwil hwi'ls Txd’msem T. did one thing more 44.13 g ayim-deé'lph"t at hwil nand'ox lax-ha' he was quite near to where the hole in the sky was Tsimshian: adat t!rl-ga°ti wul wa'tsega sqa'°tget he thought about it that the darkness continued ZE 784.3 (¢/xl-ga'°tc to think; wa'tszg to continue; sga%¢tq darkness) adat nlaxrni’? wul ta gtk ha'ts!nksem go'it/ekst then he heard him come again (n/awnii’ to hear; gtk again; ha'ts/eksem once more; g0'it/zks to come) adat niaxni°det Waxaya'’hk wul wi-sa'ldzngn ts!a-wa'lbet then Waxaya’’k heard the people in the house groan much (w- greatly; saldz to groan; ts/a- inside; wa/b house) § 59 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 401 ada sa-ni'°dzx ya'ts/nsgrde wul ksz-qwi'ntgr wi-go'ep/a then the animals saw the great light rising ZE 785.6 (sa- suddenly; nz°dz to see, discover; ya'ts/usg animal; ksz- out; gwantg to touch; ksE-gwi'°ntg to rise; wi- great; g6'ep/a light) adat ma'tesge wula ha'usge n-ts!a'ptga? then he told what his tribe said -ZE 786.8 (mat to tell; ha'u to say; ts/ap tribe) adat pid'ret ne-ts!a'pt gusga wula dza'ksga wai'k'tga® they told the tribe about their brother being dead (ptia'r to tell; ts/ap tribe; dzak dead; wack: brother) at kh {7'°tsxan wul ksr-gwa'°ntge g'a'mget and he showed the moon that rose ZE 791.17 (k°/7°tsvan to show; g*amg sun, moon) am dip dem ia’°ka wula ha'u a'uta good we follow what porcu- pine says ZE 792.22 (am good; dzp we; dem future; 7a’*k to fol- low; ja'u to say; a’uta porcupine) The use of ww is not quite so regular in Tsimshian as in the Nass dialect. We find, for instance, tn/aani’? ha'us Waxaya'’k he heard what Waxaya’*k said ada gtk k/srelde wul héltga® and one more being full On the other hand, wu/ is used very commonly with the intro- ductory conjunctions ada, da. In fact, in most prose the greater number of sentences begin with this combination: ada wul k: /é'pra-lemé’°tget then every one was saved ada wulat yd'utem«s Waxaya'°kga’ then he gave advice to W. ada wul ts/int then he entered The two forms wud and wula are apparently used without much discrimination. Both are generally admissible, and I have not succeeded so far in discovering any difference in their meaning. 2. La expresses a past state (Tsimshian: €q@). sEm-gui'éL hwi'lt at gwast guis-halai'tg’é he was very poor on having lost his dancing-blanket 38.14 (sem- very; gwdé poor; gwas to lose; guis- blanket; halaz’t ceremonial dance) k'si-L0'6det at ta Laxid'xk"det they went out having finished eating 40.9 tgaatwund'« La ax-g'é betg’é he saw the food which he had not eaten 41.4 (wund’a food; ax- not; g*ép to eat something) algixs Légdbola’ at rat hwild’et hwil dzart Logdbola’ spoke when he knew that he had lost 20.10 (a’lg‘ia to speak; Awila’x: to know; dz’az to lose) ba' sizk"det at ta xsdat they divided upon his having won 21.1 ta hus ywksa, ntk’é . . . when it was evening again 141.4 La Le sk"t lé-ia' tsi axt k'0'ukt ap lax-an-la'k", after the porcupine had struck the fire with its tail 77.7 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 26 § 59 402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL, 40 Tsimshian: adat sem-lu-sand'tgrtga a tat ni’? duda’u lapld’°p then he was much surprised at it when he saw the ice (on the) stones (szm- very; u- in; sand’tg surprised; 7° to see; da’w ice; 16’°p stone) lu-a’in ga’°ts nat gusge tat ni’°stga? his mother was glad when she saw him (du- in; Gm good; g@°d mind; nd? mother; 77 to see) nini!t gan-haldem- g6'tt GESGE tagtk ganta'°k therefore they arose when it was morning again (n/n/7 that it is; gan- reason; haldem- up; g’ét to run [plural]; gusgz at; gikagain; ganta’°h moral adat g'élksa tat wulam-suwva' nde ba’’sgrt then he felt when the wind had driven him ashore (g-é/ks to feel; wul’am- landward; suwa'n to blow; 6@°sg wind) ta gtk k/n'ralde ta tgi-ia’? sat when again one day went down (4:/n'rel one; tgi- down; 7@’° to go; sa day) dzeda’ ta xgwa'thsen if you feel cold dzr ta gwa'nksen you may have been cooked ada ta ga’ odisgr ha'utga? when he had finished speaking ada tat sa-ga'lemga u'nkseget when they had taken off the ashes 3. Ld& while (Tsimshian: €@?). nlkét ma’ idétg’é La imetk't qal-ts’a'p then they told him that the town was full 183.14 La sem-bag‘ait-@'a'L Logs, ntk’é . . . when really in the middle was the sun, then . . . 103.15 nig’? hux hwilt ta gd@’ddet they did not do it again when they finished 179.10 Tsimshian: alin’ t wul wuld’i tat wula sip lends na'kstga? that was how she knew that her husband continued to love her (w/a’z to know; s7’°p ‘En to love; naks husband) ada ta’? wula hé’°tgr wul-ga'’sgedet then continued to stand the wise ones ZE 792.20 (Aétg to stand; wul-gd'°sg wise) ada sagait-and'gasgrtga a ta® dem wula ia’? ga'mgem dzt'usdnt . then they agreed together that the sun should continue to go ZK 791.18 (sagazt- together; and'gasgto agree; 2a? to go; g'amg moon, sun; @27’/us daylight) 4. dEm future (Tsimshian: @Em). apeEtsla'at lig’é enshg’é at dem dé-hwilt the grizzly was afraid to do it also 56.14 (apets’a'ax afraid; lig’é' ensk” grizzly bear) het q@'éder wa'ex dem Cuks-t!é'sus Ts/ak* the slave thought he would push out Ts’ak- 135.4 (Hé to say; gd@/éd heart; xa’z slave; Puks- out of; t/és to push) nig drm huz ad ik squég’é I may not come again 165.14 dzat am-ha'ts’ drm g'éiptg’é the stump ate all he was going to eat 55.12 dem k°é men-2é'en you shall go up 91.2 § 59 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 403 Tsimshian: ada dem k/ut-man-gé'sen then you will jump up and about ZE 790.15 (k/ul- about; man- up; gés to jump) gwa't dem ha'un this will you say ZE 790.15 : dame dem kse-té'?l si’*bet then shove out the bone! (mez thou | [subj.]; Asz- out; 26° to shove; s7% bone) | mate demt lrgi’lardxt she told she would burn it § 60. Use of Subjunctive in the Negative The negative conjunction n7g‘¢ (Tsimshian: atgz), and that used in interrogative-negative sentences né (Tsimshian: aé), are followed by the subjunctive or by the connective -t | nigit mat ent dem sqa-vat lat 107.1 it did not let go what went across the way of it (md'? En to let go; sga- across; 7a to go; lat to it) nik et nig it da-a'qik"det they do not reach it 139.2 nigin dem dé-go'ut I will not take it neiL ad’a'dik'sdeda? are they not coming ? né mresem hwa'da? didn’t you find it? 106.7 Tsimshian: In the Tsimshian dialect the negative is generally used with the connective -¢, as described in § 31; the first person singular fol- lowing the negative is -7.. (See § 51.) atgen dum klind'mt at hana?g 1 shall not give it to the woman alge di t/a°atgntga® it is not difficult awulatge dit wul’it dem dax-yd'°qul ani’’stga? because he did not know how to hold on to the branch (wu/a@'z to know; daw- ya@’°g to hold; anz’°s branch) alge di hasa' gai 1 do not wish (to do so) atget nisagd’°tgetga sts/a'lga® the beaver did not mind_ it (nasaga’°tg to mind; sts/al beaver) ‘ Negative-interrogative sentences: at si’°pgedi guga hana’xga?? is not this woman sick ? at me wula@'idut in-wula' gun? don’t you know who has done this to you? § 61. The Subjunctive after Conjunctions nLkét gaat hwil léeba'yukt gé'wun 103.5 then he saw the gulls fly (g‘a'a to see; léba'yuk to fly [plural]; gé’wun gull) ket go'ut woha'st then he takes a string 217.4 woatk” ét lo-@ p-t ekla@/atsaant then he breaks it down in it 217.8 (l6- in; @’ep- down; @rkla@’atsaan to break) tse n dem suwa'nt I may cure her 123.7 dat hwila' gut when he has done this to him 217.6 1 §§ 60, 61 404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Tsimshian: adat gz'redaxtga® then he asked her ada mr dem sem wula’t ta gwa'ntgut then ye will know that I have touched § 62. Use of the Indicative On account of the tendency of the Tsimshian language to express all narrative in the subjunctive mood, indicative forms are quite rare, and occur almost only in statements of self-experienced facts. It is remarkable that the particle na, which expresses the completed past, and which occurs in the Tsimshian dialect only, is always followed by the indicative. | nan k/ut-sagap-ca'°nu I have only walked about without purpose Examples of the use of the indicative are the following: dem va'néz at awa'an I shall go (to) near you 196.12 dem gala'qgnom we will play 75.6 nitneé Lt ia’ déz I roast that 121.9 lep-g'ébrdas dzé'ndzé tgo-lep-tgal-mént grandmother ate her own little vulva 121.12 (/zp- she herself; g-é to eat something; dzé'rdz grandmother ; tgo- little; ¢g’a/- against ; mén vulva) Tsimshian: gua lge ne wa'lbe sem’a'g‘it the chief’s house is burnt ama wa'lt Tém Tom is rich drm g'idi-ga’°du va? I shall catch the slave want ya’°gut my grandfather invites thee § 63. The Negative (a) The negative declarative is expressed by the adverb ni’ gt (Tsim- shian a’tgz), which evidently contains the stem né (Tsimshian af) and the suffix indicating AaBsENcE. The stem without this suffix is used in the negative interrogative (see § 60). The negative adverbs are always followed by the subjunctive. nig it hwila’ xt hwil da’urx stélt he did not know where his com- panion had gone 15.2 (Awéla@’a’ to know; dauz to leave; stél com- panion) nig*i Césté'st they were not large 113.9 (See also p. 403.) (2) The negative interrogative is expressed by né (Tsimshian: af). néL ada’ dik-sdeda? are they not coming? née sg’it mE dem ha-men-sd' g%ida? have you anything to pull it up with? (sg‘z to lie; mz thou; ia- means of; mzn- up; sag to pull) §§ 62, 63 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 405 Tsimshian: at nz-ba'°di? has he not been running? vt ma-wuld’idut in-wula' gun? don’t you know who did this to you? (c) The word no is expressed by vé (Tsimshian: a’yin). The form a yin is also sometimes used in interrogative sentences. **né,” dée’'yat g'a'tg’é ‘‘no,” said the man 87.11 Tsimshian: “A’yint ne-gan-wi'lsemi, naet?”—‘A’yin.” Did you not. get what you went for, my dear?”—*‘ No.” (a’/yin not; nz- posses- sive; gan- reason; wal to do; -szem ye; nat my dear! [masc. }) (d) hawa'tg (Tsimshian) signifies NoT YET. a hawd'iga ga%t dedi’°lset when not yet anything was alive ZE 782.1 (e) In subordinate clauses the negation is expressed by ax- (Tsim- shian wa-). These prefixes have been described in § 11, no. 137, p. 328. This prefix mast be considered to have a nominal character, so that the whole sentence appears as a verbal noun. (7) gilé’ don’t ! (Tsimshian g-i/a’). g 6 dzr sé'ésnm, ana! don’t take the rest out 181.9 (dzz weakens the imperative) glo’ me dzz sem ma'tet don’t tell about it! 181.11 Tsimshian : g ild’ ba’°’sent don’t be afraid ! gilda’ mz dze ga’ don’t go there! § 64. The Interrogative In the Nass dialect the interrogative seems to be formed regularly by the suffix -a, which is attached to the indicative pronominal endings (see § 48). In Tsimshian the most frequent ending is -7, but -% also occurs. It does not seem unlikely that these endings may be identical with the demonstrative endings -7 and -a, which were discussed in § 56. After interrogative pronouns these endings are not used. 1. Interrogative suffix -a: neéL tsléns K°?at-hi'tqgun-7é'semg at ts!em-hwilba’? did not Labret-on-One-Side enter the house? 191.12 (¢s/én to enter; k’at- on one side; Adtg” to stand; ¢/é'semg labret; ts/zm- interior; Awilp house; -a interrogative) nett wi-t/é'sda? is it great? ; né mE SEM hwa'da? didn’t you find it? 106.7 § 64 406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putn. 40 Tsimshian -7: wa, ni'°dzeni? do you see? me drdi’*lseni? are you alive? a wu ta dzakt wa'ni? is the deer dead yet? at me nlaxnd’de gu «stamgt? don’t you hear a noise? at di ga'useni? have you no hair? Tsimshian -w: st’pgut? is he sick? at mr wuld'rdut in-wula’ gun? dost thou not know who did this to thee? al mz ta’ wula habubd'ldut? didst thou not always keep it? 2. No interrogative suffix is used after interrogative pronouns. ago’ what (Tsimshian: g@?): a gor La an-hi't qal-ts’ap? what is it that the people say ? 188.15 UG go Lt dem an-a’'k'sen? what are you going to drink? 17. 14 ago'L hé'tsen? what is talking (there)? 23.9 Tsimshian: | g@° wula ha’ unt? what do you say? nda where (Tsimshian: nda): ndat hwil héth*t hwilp? where is the house? ndat demt hwil dé-witk"t? where will he have come from? 16.6 Tsimshian: | nda wula wa'°tgent? where do you come from? n@ who (Tsimshian: nd°): na Can-ax-hwila' yin? who does not a thee? Tsimshian: nat tin na’ksge tgi’tgezs Gaud’? who is the one to marry the daughter of Gaud? nade gu awa’°n? who 1s the one next to thee? § 65. The Imperative The imperative of intransitive verbs is ordinarily expressed by the second person of the indicative or subjunctive, while its emphasis may be lessened by the particle dzz. Very often the personal pronoun is strengthened by the addition of the prefixed subjective pronouns. In many cases the imperative has the future particle, which suggests” that the form is not a true imperative but merely a future which serves the purpose of expressing an order. dem yu'kdent Crm-la'néz hold to my neck! 75.11 drm qala' qnom \et us play! (literally, we shall play) 75.6 § 65 poas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 407 Weakened by dze: dze ama-qg'a'adrsem look well after her 191.15 mer dzrek?é me lo-k?é tselt then put in the finger 195.10 Tsimshian: dem k/ut-man-go'sen then jump up and about! niin’ dem dzagam-ha'°tgenga? that one callashore! (literally, that : is the one you will call ashore) drm ean ne-ama-wa'ls negwa'°den promise him the wealth of your father Weakend by dzz: ada dzr wul hau'un ** law-l6’°b” then say ‘‘on stone” Transitive verbs may form their imperatives in the same way. tgont dem hwi'len do this! (literally, you will do this) “Tsimshian: . mE dem lagax-lu-dd? dau put ice on each side! me dem sz-wa' dit call him a name! More frequently the imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by indefinite connectives, or, when there is no nominal object, by the ending z (Tsimshian -?). gout Lgo'utgun take your child! 205.5 hits en-'a't qa-ts’0'on tsak* put back from the fire some dishes 207.2 s@’/lebex steam it! 54.8. Tsimshian: wai, di ba’elt you, on your part, try! drx-ya'°gwa ani'°srt hold on to the branch! t/am-sti’l ta’msut accompany my son-in-law to the fire! man-sa'tk'a ast’°nt pull up your foot! By far the most frequent method of expressing the imperative is by the periphrastic expression dm (tl! WOULD BE) GOOD (IF). amt dem guxt take it! 141.6 amt dem sz-d' tgum let us cut wood! 63.4 amt dem dé-xsan you gamble also! 29.1 am me dem wé' dx gal-ts’a'p invite the town 206.13 Tsimshian: am mr drm di batt try it too! a’ msrint me k/a-di-ba' ga n-di-na-brba' gan just try my playground too (4m good; -sz'n dubitative; iz thou; //a- just;.d7- on (thy) part; dag to taste; n- possessive; na- place; bag to taste, play) am dum k-!/é°xgant escape! dm dzr ga°s dep negwa'°den go to your parents! 408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 40 The negative imperative is expressed by g*ild’. g ile’! nexna'yitg’é ax ts!em-hwi'lp dowt! they might hear you in the house 91.10. g ilo’ me daze sem sqa-yd' «kt don’t pass in front of it 107.3 g ila'L sexsd’meExsemes don’t keep your mouths closed 84.5 § 66. Subordinating Conjunctions The use of the temporal particles and of the negative as subordinat- ing conjunctions has been described before (§§ 59 et seq.). It remains _ to enumerate a few of the other important conjunctions. 1. k*’é THEN; generally in connection with the demonstrative n- nikvé a’ @ik'sk4t then he came k’é déqu anna'st gaq then he took the skins of ravens 39.2 ni dem k?’é mz-txvé'ldit smax* then burn the meat 213.1 2. da when. da La wogst g'a'tg’é when the man is buried 218.4 3. AzE (tsE) weakens statements. nitkr’é géadaxt senv’a'g it tse hwil with"t then the chief asked where it might come from 183.13 nigit hwildx's Wiga't tse hwil @rp-a'vk"1 not knew Giant where he came down 15.1 nik’é woawa'edet a tse hwil hvi'ln élx then they wondered at where was the seal 42.6 op tsE nd! dt, tse mé'tk“t aks at ba'nt lest he die, if his belly should be full of water 73.7 The use of dzz with imperatives has been explained before. 4, tsEda (dzE da) when, if. tsEeda hasa’xt halda@' ug tt drmt dzak"1 sxl-g'a' tt, k’é, when a witch desires to kill a fellow-man, then 217.1 tseda hux hwi'lér, ntk’é, when I do it again, then 165.12 ts/é'né nat, tseda né’en enter, my dear, if it is you! 39.13 5. Op tsE else, lest. op tsE no’ déx else I might die 74.4 k°é sem-ia' th"t lax-0'1 16'6p; op tse Putg wa’ otk"t sak gan-hwilt 34.9 then the top of the stone was very slippery; lest the olachen might be lost was the reason of his doing so (szm- very; zaLk™ slippery; lax-d’ top; 10’6p stone; g’wddtk" to be lost; sak: olachen) 6. ts’6 although. ts’0t hux hwild’x't although he knows it § 66 : Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 409 Tsimshian: 1. ada then. ada ma'trde dep gua’ then these told adat gtk sga-ba’°t he assisted him (literally, then he stood by him) — 2. da when. ne ta dem gwa'ntgr dan dem sii mea'wulget when I shall have — touched it, then I shall swing the rope (gwdantg to touch; si to swing; mza’wulg rope) da Al ts/zlem-ha'pda n/a'°atet, ada . . . when the killer-whales rushed in, then .. . (¢s/zlzm- into; hap to rush [plural]; n/aat killer-whale) 3. AzE weakens statements. adat gu'redaxtgre a ga! dzz gan ha'ut then they asked why he might have said so eap/rxdi an dze tval-wa'sde tgi'tgida® | may remember when I may have met my child (@p/zv to remember; txal-wa’? to meet; fgg child; -2 1, my [see § 51]) 4. dzE da when, if. n dem wa'lint dzr da ba'°’sen I will carry you if you are afraid (wa'li to carry on back; bas to be afraid) dze da ta ts7!°nt da n dem sa-da-ga'inat when I enter, I shall fall with it (¢s/2° to enter; sa- suddenly; da- with some- thing; ga’zna to fall) 5. Op AzE else, lest. ba'°srnut 6'p dzr dza'gi I fear (lest) I fall 6. ts/u although. ts!u ni'yeda tgi-O'ksut, da gap-a'lga-di-sga'yiksy? although I (literally, this one) fell down, he (I) really did not hurt himself (myself) (nzyzda he, this; tg7- down; dks to drop; -w 1; gap- 4 really; a/lga not; di- on [my] part; sga'ytksg to be hurt) ts!u wagait wa gidrgane’tsga® even though far to the Tlingit 7. ast while. ada asi hiid'°’ksga li’°mitga® then while he began his song 8. amz if (event assumed as not likely to happen) ami dzr tame g:a'lksr dzz dem lu-da'ktvan if you should feel that you may drown (g‘alks to feel, Zu- in; da'ktxan to be drowned) ami dz ta kh /é°xgen when you have made your escape 9. yurt if (event expected to happen). yt ne ye'dzen if I hit you § 66 410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {putn. 40 § 67. Preposition The preposition a is used to express local, temporal, and modal relations. When used for expressing local relations, the particular class is often expressed by the local particles prefixed to the verb and substantive. The preposition always takes the connective suffix -z or -s, as described in §§ 23, 28. The following examples illustrate the wide application of this preposition: 1. Signifying AT: baxt tgo-ak's at awa’ adetg’é a little water ran near them 117.3 (bax to rur; xtgo- little; aks water; awa’a proximity) taga-ma' gat an g°é'u he put him down at the front of the house 46.8 (caga- down; mag to put; g'd’u beach in front of house) at g'@'leg outside 121.15 2. Signifying IN; generally with the verbal prefix /o- and with the substantival prefix ts’zm-: lo-ma' qsk"1 Célr* ax ts'nm-ts’ak* the grease ran in (into) the dish 46.14 (/0- in; magsk" to stand [plural]; ?é/x* grease; ¢s’zm- inside of; ts’ak* dish) ty’al-lo-dz6'qst at hwilpg’é he stayed in the house 64.11 (¢q’al- against [i. e., permanently]; 26- in; dzdg to camp; /wilp house) 3. Signifying on; generally with verbal prefix /é- and substantival prefix lax-: lé-iag't og at lax-ané’st a copper hangs on a branch 188.3 (é- on; Za'g to hang; ané’s branch) 4. Signifying rowaRp; often with the verbal prefix hagun-: hagun-té' én gat at awa'at a man went toward him 138.14 (hagun- toward; 7é’é to go; gat man; awa’a proximity) iid ét an g*ilé' lia? he went into the woods 119.11 gd ask“t at lax-ha’ he looked at the sky 137.6 5. Signifying FROM: wetht at awa'as né«t he came from near his mother 22.12 (wéth¥ to come from; awa’a proximity; 26 mother) ksaxt at hwi'lp he went out of the house 166.11 6. Signifying To; used like our dative: hwil hwi'ls dnp bé' nbér as né'en thus did my uncles to thee 157.9 (Awil to do; dep plural; (n-)bé’2b uncle; -2z my; né’en thou) gind'mt at tgo-th”’é' tk" he gave it to the boy 139.4 7. Signifying wirH; instrumental: La'lbet Galdd'x: at ha-7o't she scraped the spoon with her fish- knife 8.9 (za’lb to scrape; q’aldd’x* spoon; ha-g’d't fish-knife) § 67 noas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 411 lé-ca' tset lax-a' ks an waqut he struck the water with his tail 75.15 | (/é- on; za’ts to strike; /av- surface; aks water; wagr beaver’s tail) guxL lak” at lét gant dagt he took fire-wood with wedge and hammer 90.8 (guz to take; /ak” fire-wood; /é¢ wedge; gan and; dagt hammer) 8. Signifying ON ACCOUNT OF: steph"t q@ots Wi-g'a't at xdax't sick was Giant’s mind on account of his hunger 69.4 sem-pLa'k'sk“t at hwi'lig’é he was very tired on account of what he had done 62.15 9. Expressing time: ax wi-sa’' all day long 138.9 (literally, at great day) aL had'ng’é mrsa'x'g*é before daylight 151.6 (at not yet daylight) aL sint in summer 20.14 10. Used with various verbs: lé-metmé' th't at Cé'ben they were full of sea-lions 108.8 (2é- on; meth” full; ?é’ben sea-lion) meéeth"t mal at lan the canoe was full of spawn 29.10 ansgwa'tgut as ne'tg’é they made fun of him 143.3 nik’ et gent ga'tg'é at hwindé'é the man fed him with tobacco 90.10 (g*en to give to eat; g'at man; hwindd'd tobacco) geht Lid'n at haya'tsk® he bought elk for coppers 194.11 (g"éh to buy; zr7d’n elk; haya'tsk” copper) sa-hwa'det at X-ama'lgwaxdert Wéa'sr they called him Eating- Scabs-of-Wa’sk 41.14 (sa- to make; Awa name; z- to eat; ama'lk® scab) 7 atsk"t at hana'g he was tired of the woman 126. 1 AIA wai-g'a' tht as negud’ 6det he longed for his father 203.13 The preposition @ is used very often with /w?/ and dem to express causal and final subordination, the subordinate clause being thus trans- formed into a nominal phrase. 11. az wil because (literally, at [its] being): laxbéets’e'a'dét . . . at hwilt g:a’adet they were afraid because they saw it 207.10 at hwil nigidi halad'ts Ts ak; nitne't gant-hwila'k“detg*é because Ts’ak* was no shaman, therefore they did so 123.12 (nég‘7 not; di on his part; Aalae’t shaman; nézne’t that; gan reason; hwil to do) lo-hwa'nth"t qd/ddet at hwil «tamk“t its heart was annoyed because of the noise 95.15 (J6- in; hwanth” annoyed; gddt heart; xstamk” noise) § 67 412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 40 AIA lo-hwa'ntht gd’ ddut at hwil wstamk“t he was annoyed on account of the noise 95.15 (/0-hwa’nth” annoyed; gd’é¢ mind) aba’ gask"t at hwil st-k’a-wi-yé' thst he was troubled because he — cried anew very much 21.12 (aba’g’ask” to be troubled; s?- anew; kh’a- exceedingly; wi-yé' tk to cry) 12. at dem in order to, that: tsagam-wé' ot at dem drda'legt he called it ashore to talk with it 38.1 (¢sagam- ashore: wd'é to call; dzda’lag to talk with) ket boat at dem nodm-a'k'st he waited for her to be thirsty 21.7 (b6x to wait; nodm- to desire; aks to drink) lo-ya'lth"t at dem yo dak“t he returned to eat 55.9 k:si-ba’x at dem gun-lu'kt he ran out to make move 13. Sometimes the connection expressed by @ is so weak that it may be translated by the conjunction anp. Evidently the verb fol- lowing @ is nominalized. yO rk" at wie sem yo’ bxk"t he ate, and ate much 36.10 Mat ar wi-yé' tht he sat and wept 39.7 (he sat down, weeping) taga-td'Lt na'k'stg’é . . . at La gwa'dtk"t his wife went down, and he was lost 166.7, 8 Tsimshian: The variety of forms which the preposition a takes in Tsimshian has been discussed in § 28. Here examples will be given illus- trating its application. 1. Signifying aT: ada kla-tla°t gusga gtlhau'li then he sat at the inland-side for a while at di na°kht gad a awd’ nakse ne-wai' gu? does a person le near my brother’s wife? (af not; dz- on his part; nd@°% to lie; g°ad a person; awa’ proximity; naks wife; wazg’ brother) 2. Signifying IN: dremt w’°den a ts/em-la' get he will bake thee in the fire (ud to bake; ¢s/zm- interior of; /ag fire) 3. Signifving On: adat lli-sz-gu'lge la'gr da lax’ d'tga then he lighted a fire on top of him (//7- on; sz- to make; gulg to light; dag fire; lax’6 top) mE dem t/a’°nt gesgr sti’°p/elga? make him sit in the rear of the house 4, Signifying TOWARD: ada hagul-ia’°t gesga awa’ nz-wa' lbt then he went slowly toward his house gun-ia'°t gusge wul né°kt he went to where he lay § 67 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 413 5. Signifying FRoM: watget gEsgE awa’ na'kstga? he came from near his wife haldam-ba'°get Astiwa'l grsgr laxr-lé6pga? Astiwa'l arose from the stones 6. Signifying To; used like our dative: ada wul haus negwa'°t gus ni°tga® then his father said to him adat wula k* ina'msge da'u gesge tgu'tgrtga® then he gave ice to his child (£°/éna'm to give; da'u ice; tga child) 7. Signifying wITH, instrumental: dat wul li-sga-ya' dze ts/alt gusgz 17 then she struck him across the face with the feather (/i- in; sga- across; yadz to strike; ts/al face; i feather) dza'bet at an’o'ntg’é he made with his hands talbret at ha-q’d't she scraped with a fish-knife 8.9 8. Signifying ON ACCOUNT OF: li-qla'ga ga°ts Astiwa'l gesgr nez-tvala/ndet Astiwa’l was sad on account of those he had (left) behind (/z- in: ¢/ag open, hollow; ga°d mind; txala’n behind) 9. Expressing time: a wi-ga'msem during the whole (great) winter | a nA-g@'ga in the beginning ZE 781" 10. Used with various verbs: a wult sz-qlan-g/ada'uta ga-ga'°da a gwa'deksem tnt because she refreshed the hearts with cool fog ZE 797.32 (¢/an-da' ut, literally, to go over, to refresh; gwa'dzks cool; 7én fog) ho'lige wa'lbet a ts/a°g full was the house of fat adat wul ptia'res negwa'°t gusget gilks-ni°sge na'kstga® then she told her father that she had looked back at her husband (ptea’r to tell; g*t/ks- back; 2 to see) 11. a wul because: a wult ta na'gedat nlaeni! hau because for a long time she had heard say (zag long; n/axnw' to hear; Aau to say) asd wul wa-di-tgu-xa'°ga because they, on their part, were even without a little foam (i. e., had nothing) (wa- without; di- on their part; fgu- little; «ag foam) 12. a dem in order to, that: twan!?' ga balde ta’msu a demt wula dza’kdut everything tries my father-in-law to kill me (¢zan/i all; g@ what, something; ba’°ld to try; tams father-in-law; dzak to kill) a demt w°tut in order to bake me | a demt ma'ksge nz-sest’°ptga® in order to gather his bones 13. a and: ada wul wa'ndit a ba’°kedxt then they sat down and lamented . § 67 “7 ten! a y TEXTS NASS DIALECT Txané’tki! sa? his-dzé’qsu? ~—k!opr-tk:!e’Lk». 4 Wi-he’lt,® Every day played camping little children. Many qam-k‘!éln® wi-ga’n.7. — Wi-16-n6’6L* = wi-ts!a’wut.° Wi-d’n’xi” only one great log. Great in hole great inside. Large wi-ga’n.? Nu" hwil® g‘its’et-qa/é6deL", kopr-tk’e’Lk".4. Nine m= great tree. Then where in went little children. Then hwi/lpdétg’é = wi-qalk’si-nd’6m*® gan.?- Nuk’et’’ 16-si-me’Lden® their house large through hole of “tree. Then rin made burn they lak® Jat.22 Nuk’e!? hux txa’xk*det?® wi-he’lL® ts’ele’mdet. fire in it. Then again they ate many their traveling provisions. Han ts’elé’mt ~~ gul-q’ané’tk"nh™ = k’Opn-tk’eLk".* ta” nak", Salmon the provisions of all little children. When long hwi'Idet** an® - txane’tk"1! sa,* nuk’e” ra* hux (esha eee they did so at every day, then when again large was water ta” hux 16-dz6’qdet*® aL® wi-ts’em-ga’n.”” Nik’é” hux pta’lik's. when again in theycamped _ at great in log. Then again the water ‘ rose. 1 tva- all (§ 10, no. 93); tranétku independent form; z-connective of numerals (§ 23.6). 2 Same form in singular and plural (§ 41). 3 his- to pretend (§ 10, no. 79); dzé6q to camp; -s suffix (§ 17, no. 6) required by his-; L- connective of predicate and subject (§ 23). 4’ opE- small [plural] (§ 10, no. 113); tk’ézku children [plural]; k’opz- only in the plural; Lg6- is the singular of SMALL. 5 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); Aé/t many (almost always used with the prefix wi-). 6 q’am- only (§ 10, no. 118); k’2 one flat thing (§ 57); L- connective of numerals. 7 wi- great (§10, no. 73); gan tree, log. 8 wi great; l6- in (verbal prefix [§ 9, no. 29]); n6’6 hole; -z predicative connective. 9ts/dwu the inside; in combination with nouns the prefix ts’zm- is used to designate THE INSIDE (§ 11, no. 152); -t probably possessively ITs. 10 wi great; d’Ex large. 11 n- demonstrative (?); L probably connective. 122 Verbal noun, here designating the place where something happens (§ 59). 13 The prefix gvits'EL is not known in other combinations; 7é’é (singular), gd’6 (plural), to go; -det 3d person plural (§ 53); -2 connective. 14 n- demonstrative (?); Z- probably connective. This conjunction seems to appear here doubled. 15 hwilp house; -dé their; -g'é invisible (§ 20). 16 wi- great; galk-si- through (§ 9, no. 24); n6’6 hole; -m adjectival connective. 7 nL; see note 11; k’é then; ¢ transitive subject, 3d person (§ 48). 18 76- in (§ 9, no. 29); si- to cause (§ 13, no. 164); mez to burn; -det they; -L connects predicate and object. 19 /@f 3d person pronoun, oblique case (§ 54). 20 yd/daku (singular), ted’/éaku (plural), to eat (intransitive verb); -det they. 214 compound the elements of which are not quite clear (compare txané’tku all); also gane-hwila always (§ 10, no. 120). 22 Particle indicating that one action is past when another sets in; also verbal noun (§ 59). 23 naku long, temporal and local. 24 hwil to do; -det they. 35 a general preposition (§ 67); -L indefinite connective. % /6- in; dzdq to camp; -det they. 7 wi- large; ts!zm- inside of (§ 11, no. 152). 414 : -BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 415 Nuk’é" giiga’ksn® wi-ga’n. Nxik’é uks-o’lik‘sk"t.”? Ni’g-ft% Then floated the great log. Then outtosea it drifted. Not they hwila’x'L™ = =k’ops-tk’e’Lk".4 Yuku” gwanem-qala’qdet® aL® knew it the little children. Beginning they were playing at lo-ts’i/wuL™ wi-ga’n La” hwagait-uks-da’uL® aL® hwagait-g'I’ks* inside of great log when away out itwasgoing at way off shore to sea ta” uks-na‘k"t.” Nuk’ k-si-10’6tk"'Lh® k’aln® 1gd-tk-’e’Lk".* when out tosea far. Then out went one little boy. Niuk’et" g-a/at*® hwil ta** hwagait-uks-o/lik:sk"t?** an® Then he saw where when Way seaward it drifted to hwagait-g-‘Viks.*° Nuk’é” k-si-qa’éddeL” k’opr-tk’é’Lk".* Nxik’é”” way Off shore. Then out went the little children. Then sig’a’tk"det;** qané-hwila** sig‘a’tk*dét.44 Nxik’é!” k’un-da’uL” they eried; always they cried. Then about went wi-ga’n? aL” hwagait-lax-se’rlda.* the “log at way off on. the ocean. great Nuk’é hux k’si-L0’6tk"L** ~~ Lgd-hwil-x6’6seum*”— Leo-tk"’é’Lk".4 : > b=) Then again out was put the little being wise little child. Nuk’eét g-a’ac’® hwil” léba’yuki*® gé’wun.*® Nuik’é ha’ts’tk‘sem*° Then he saw where flew gulls. Then again ]6-ya/Itk"t! an ts’ai’wuL* wi-ga’n. K’ét matt: ‘‘Qa’né-hwila he returned at inside of great "log. Then he told it: “Always lé-hwa’nL** = gé’wun* au lax-d’Em,** aq-dep-hwila’eut?”* Nike on sit gulls at top of us, without we [way of] doing?” Then 8 gig d’k's to drift. 2 wks- out to sea, from land to sea (§ 8, no. 6); -t intransitive, 3d person singular. 30 nig'i indicative negation; -f transitive subject, 3d person. 31 hwila’x: to know; -det (3d person plural ending has been omitted here). 32 yuk appears both as verb and as particle. 33 qwanEm-a prefix of doubtful significance. 84 /O- a verbal prefix, appears here with the noun ¢s’fi/wu THE INSIDE. It seems that this whole expression is possessive or verbal, because otherwise the connective would be -m (§ 22). % hwagait- away (§ 10, no. 71); wks- seaward (§ 8,no.6); da’wx to leave; perhaps the ending -t would be better. 36 hwagait- is both verbal and nominal prefix; g‘iks the region off shore (a noun corresponding to the verbal prefix wks-). 1 wks- seaward; naku far; -t perhaps closure of sentence (§ 20). 38 k-si- out (§ 8, no. 8); L6/é6tku, 39 kdl one (numeral for counting human beings [§ 57]; -z connective of numerals (§ 23). 40 g:a’a to see; -t it (object). 1 hwil La present and past participle forming nominal clause (§ 59). 42 k-si- out of (§ 8, no. 8); gda’dd to go (plural); -det they. 43 irregular plural (§ 46); singular wuy?’tku. 44 gané- always (§ 10, no. 120). 4 k’uL- about; da’ux to leave, to go. 46 hwagait- way off (verbal and nominal prefix); Jax- surface of (nominal prefix corresponding to lé- on; (§ 11, no. 151; § 9, no. 30) sé-zlda ocean. 47 Lgo- little; hwil- being (§ 59); x6’dsku wise; -m adjective connective (§ 22). 88 g:iba’yuku (plural lébda’/yuku) to fly (§ 45). 49 Singular and plural same form (§ 41). 50 Adverb. 51 This verb occurs always with the prefix /6- IN. 52 maz to tell (transitive verb). 53 /é- ON corresponds to the nominal prefix Jax- (note 46); d’a (plural hwan) to sit; -L indefinite connective. ®4 lax- surface (corresponds to the verbal prefix Jé@- on [note 53]); d£ top; -m our. ®agq- without, and also negation of dependent clauses (§ 11, no. 137); dzp- plural of transitive pronoun; hwild/ku is a peculiar form; while it is apparently a passive of Awil, it is used as a transitive verb; -t probably object 3d person. 416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 toon her? k’aln® 1ed-tk’é’tk"* “Am dep® disd’e’si®™ this said one little child: “Good we strike qa-dz’a/gam," nt dem ke" ié'éxaat,* dmp™* dm )kve our noses, they future then bleed, we future then mant* an dax‘'L® wi-ga’n. Nu dem «ke tq’al-hathe’'t® rub it at outside of great “log. They future then against stand ts’obi’qu gé’wun Ila’tg*é.7” Nik’é hwi'ldetg-é.* D’isd’e’sdeL® feet of gulls on it.”’ Then they did so. They struck qa-dz’a’qdét.* Ke a’d’ik-sk"L® hwil” iné’étaat. Nuk’et kilq’al- their noses. Then came being they bled. Then they around ma/ndét” at wi-ga’n. Nuke la’mdzixdét™ aL ts’a’wuL wi-ga’n. rubbed it onthe great’ log. Then they entered at theinsideof the log. great Nuk’é ad’a’@ik’sk"L® wi-hé’ldem”? gé’wun. Nuk’é le-hwa’nt® Then came many gulls. Then on they sat 14’6t.8 Ke tq’al-gulgwa’lukL” as’isa/it.” La? smm-bagait-d’aL® gulg on it. Then against dried their feet. When very middle was Loqs,”* nuk’é hux k‘saxu’” Lgd-k"’a-wi-t’e’st.”2 Nuk’é léba’yuki® the sun, then again went out little really great large. Then flew qe’wun. Ni’git® daa’quk'déL”® dem Iléba’yukdéetg’é.* Nuik”et the gulls. Not they succeeded future they flew. Then he déoqi® k’alu®® Lgd-tk’é’Lk'.4 Nuk’éet 16-haL-tuxt’a’qi™ t(em- took them one little child. Then he in along twisted their la’nix't gul-gane’L? = wi-he’/ldem” qé’wun. Nuk’et 16-d’Ep- necks all great many gulls. Then he in down da’Let* at hwil nand’6L® wi-ga’n. Nuik’é 16-am’a’mi*® qagod’oL* put them at where holes great log. Then in good hearts 56 The introductory ¢- of the demonstrative is the subject of the transitive verb; HE. 57 For hét-L. 58 @m good; used here as a periphrastic exhortative: IT WOULD BE GOOD IF WE —— (§ 65). 59 dep plural of transitive subject (§ 48). 60 @’és (plural d’isd’é’s) to strike (§ 42). 61 dz’ag nose; plural qa-dz’ag (§ 43); -m our. 62 nLk’’é (note 17) appears here divided by the future particle dzm. 63 7L¢ié blood. 51d Ep mant we rub it (§ 48) (subjunctive). 6 dd’ surface, outer side. 66 tq’al- against (§ 9, no. 35); hét (plural hathé’t) to stand. 67 dt oblique case, 3d person pronoun; -g°é absent (because the outer side of the tree was invisible to the speaker). 68 hwil to do; -det they; -g°é absent. 59 @/@iksku (plural ad’a’d’ik-skuv) to come. 7k’ ilq’ al- around; man to rub (transitive verb). 71 ts’én (plural la’mdzix) to enter. 72 wi-hé'lt many (see note 5); usually used with adjectival connective -m, not with numeral connec- tive -z (§ 22). 73 tq’ al- against; gwa/luk to dry. 74 asa’e (plural as’isa’e) foot. 75 sem- very (§ 15, no. 168); bagait- in middle; d’a to sit (used to express the idea of TO BE IN A POSI- TION, for round objects. : 76 sun or moon. 71 k-sax to go out (probably related to k-si- ouT oF [§ 8, no. 8]). 78 Lgd- a little; k’d- really; wi- great; 7’és large (almost always combined with wi7-); -t probably close of sentence. 79 da-aqLku; aqtku to attain. The prefix da may be the same as in de’ya HE SAYS THUS (§ 49, d). 80 gou (plural déq) to take (§ 46). 81 70- in; haz along (§ 9, no. 50); tag (plural ¢’zat’a’q) to twist; -1 connects predicate with object. ® t’Em- prefix indicating certain parts of the body; probably from ¢’ dm SITTING (§ 33). 83 See note 21. 84 /0- in; d’Ep- downward (§ 8, no. 4); daz to put. 85 See note 8; nano’é is here plural. 86 16- in; dm (plural am’d’m) good (§ 42). 87 gd ot (plural gagd’6t) mind, heart, 2 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 417 k’opE-tk’’e’Lk". G-'e’ipdet® sma’x'tg’é* La” t’a’k'déL® hwi’ldete-é" the little children. They ate it the meat when they forgot what they did La” hwagait-k’ut-da’uLdét® at hwagait-lax-sé’lda.*® when way out about they went at way out on ocean, Nig i ~—lig'i-tsagam-deé’Ipk"det,* an _ lig-i-lax-ts’i’L® ak’s. Not anywhere landward short they at some- on edge of water. where Nuk’e ta hux k’élu® sa dé-nexna’xdéL™ wi-xstd’/ntk*.. Ke Then when again one day also they heard great noise. Then k'si-L0’6L™ kopsr-tk’e’Lk". Gwina’déL, —_an-tgo-lé’Ibik’sk" ” out went the little boys. Behold the whirlpool hwil wa® 16-lé-d’ep-yu’kdet. Nuk’é a’d’ik:sk*1® hwil” where when in on down they went. Then came the sig‘a’tk«det*® 1a” 10-d’np-he’tk"n' = =wi-ga’n aL dem %1L6qk"h their crying when in down stood the great ‘tree to future swallow Best he (them) an-teo-lé’|bik*sk". the whirlpool. Nuk’e ta” 16-d’ep-he’tk"t,* dé-uks-ba’xt kal~® g-a’tgé.1” man. Then when in down it stood, also sea- ran one a ward Q’am-k”’e’lu'™ asa’eL™ g-a’toé.’” Nukv’et gatk't!* wi-ga’n aL Only one foot the man. Then he speared the log with great qala’st.1° Ket tsagam-da’mgante’é;! de-lé-ma’tgun” g-a’tg’é.1” his harpoon. Then he ashore pulled it; he saved them the man. Nuk’é bax-1d6/6u'® =k’opr-tk’é’Lk"” at ts’em-hwi'lpu'® g-a’tgé. Then up went the little children to inside of house of the man. Nuk’é yuk-txa’q’ens' = Q’am-k’’e’lem-asa’é, 114 Then began he fed them Only-One-Foot. 88 q-éip to eat something. We should expect here t g°é’/ipdet smax:. 89. smax’ venison; -t its; -gé absent. 9 t'ak: to forget; -det they; -L connective. 91 hwil to do; -det they; -g°é absent. 92 hwagait'- way off; k’uL- about; dduz to go; det they. 93 ligri- somewhere, indefinite place (§8, no. 20); tsagam- landward (§§8, no. 9); délpku short, near; -det they. % Jig i- (see note 93); lax- surface; ts’diz shore, edge (nominal term corresponding to tsagam). 9% (é- also (precedes transitive subject); nzrna/x to hear. ; 9% 7dé (plural L6’6) to go (§ 46). 97 an- prefix indicating place (§ 12, no. 157); tyo- around; lé/lbik-sku to flow (?). % hwil La Where in the past. ' 9 76- in (namely, inside the whirlpool); /é- on (namely, on the surface of the water); d@’zp down- ward; yuk to begin; -det they. 100 /5- in; d’Ep- down; hét to place upright: hétku to be placed upright, to stand (§ 17). 101 az dem to the future—, final sentence (§§ 59, 67); i. e., to the future swallowing of the whirlpool. 102 g-at man; -g°é absent. 103 g’am only; k’él one flat or round thing. 104 g-aLku to spear; the preceding ¢ is the subject, the terminal -2 conneate predicate and object. 1% Terminal ¢ either pronom or close of sentence. 106 tsagam- shoreward; dd’mgan to haul. 107 meitku (plural le-m@ tku) to save (§ 45). 108 bax- up along ground (§ 8, no. 1). 109 {s’Em- the inside of (nominal prefix). 10 yuk- beginning; tadéxku to eat (plural) (see note 20); -zn causative suffix. 11 See note 103. Here qg’am k''él is used as an attribute, not as a predicate, hence the connective -am instead of -L. 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-———27 418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 [Translation] Children played camping every day. There were many of them, and there was only one great log. It had a great hole inside. It was a large log. That is the place where the children went in. Then the large tree with the hole in it was their house. They made a fire burn in it, and they also ate [many] traveling-provisions. Salmon was the traveling-provisions of all the children. When they had done so for a long time every day, when the water was great (high) again, they again camped in the great log. The water rose again and the great log floated. It drifted out to sea. The children did not know it. They were playing inside of the great log while it was going out to sea and when it was far away from the shore. Then one boy went out. He saw that they had drifted seaward and that they were way off shore. Then the children went out. Then they cried. They cried all the time. Then the great log went way out on the ocean. Then a little wise boy went out. He saw gulls flying about. He returned again into the great log, and he told them, ‘‘ Gulls are always sitting on top of us. Can we not do anything?” Then one child said the following: ‘*‘Let us strike our noses. Then they will bleed. Then we will rub (the blood) on the outside of the great log. Then the feet of the gulls will stand on it.” They did so. They struck their noses, and blood came out of them. Then they rubbed it on the great log. Then they entered the inside of the great log. Many gulls came and sat on it. Then their feet dried against it. When the sun was right in the middle of the sky, the one who was really a little large went out again. Then the gulls flew. They did not succeed in flying. Then one boy took them. Then he twisted off the necks of all the many gulls. Then he put them down into the hole of the great log. Then the children were glad. They ate the meat and forgot what was happening, that they were going way out on the ocean. They were not anywhere near shore or the edge of the water. Then one day they heard a great noise. The boys went out. Behold! there was a whirlpool in which they were going down. Then they began to cry when the great log stood downward in it, about to be swallowed by the whirlpool. While it was standing downward in it, a man ran seaward. The man had one foot. Then he speared the great log with his harpoon. He pulled it ashore. The man saved them. Then the children went up into the house of the man. Then Only-One-Foot began to feed them. A TSIMSHIAN DIALECT ApA/0GAM? A’uTAGA®? (SToRY OF PORCUPINE) Nin!i’/sgr* la* ksa’°tga®,® a® tat wa ‘nsga’ txan!i’/sgE® ya’ts!EsgEsga® That it was when fall, at when were sitting all animals in nA-ga-ts!em-ts!a’ptga°.° Da’ wula” di t!a’°som™ wi-mxdi’°k* : their towns. Then sang on his part sitting great grizzly bear gEsga’ n di tsla’pt’” a® dza* wi-ga’msemga®."* Ada” ga’/ni-wula™ in hisalso. town at when great winter. Then i always gwantgEsga” wa’°sga®,”* da! gik™ lii-la‘wa’l® na-ts!Em-ts!a’ psa" touched the rain, then also in it dripped the town o wi-meEdi°kga®. Ada” gik* 16’gakseesga* n-li’°tga®.*7 Ada” the great grizzly bear. Then again he was wet his fur. Then semgal** lu-ha’°xgesga”® ga/t® gesga’® sga-na’ksga* wa/stga®. very in annoyed his heart at too long Tain. 1 ada/og story: -Em connection (§ 22). 2 a/uta porcupine; -gae absent (§ 20) 3 niniv that (§ 56); -sgz (§ 25). 4la when (§ 59). 5ksw’o fall; -gao absent (§ 20). 6 @ preposition (§ 67). 7 t/d@ (plural wan) to sit (§ 46); -sgz (§ 24). 8 txan/7’ all (contains the particle tza- ENTIRELY); -sgE (§ 24). 9From yats to kill many; ya’ts’Esk the killing (§ 17, no. 2); the terminal -zsga stands here for asga IN. 10 nA- separable possession (§ 55); ga- distributive plural, the towns of the various kinds of animes; ts/Em- inside (§ 11, no. 152); ts/ab town; -t his; gae absence. 11 da conjunction (§ 66, no. 2). 12 § 59. 13 di on (his) part (§ 15, no. 167). 14 t/@o to sit; -sgE § 25. 1 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); mEdi’ok grizzly bear. 16 q@ preposition (§ 67); absent conjunctive form (§ 28). li n- separable possession; di- on his part (cf. note 13); ts/ab town. 18 dzA weakened statement, WHEN IT MAY HAVE BEEN (§ 66, no. 3). 19 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); ga’msEm winter; -gao absence. 2 Conjunction (§ 66, no. 1). 21 gani- all (§ 10, no. 120). 22 gwantg to touch (i. e., here, fell); -sg4 connection (§§ 24, 25). 23 wdos rain. 4 g-ik again (§ 15, no. 169). % Uii- in (§ 9, no. 29); lafwa’l to drip; no connective after J (§ 29). 6 16’gaksg to be wet (fur, skin). 27 n- separable possession; /z fur, hair of body; -t his; -gao absence. % sEm-gal very (§ 15, no. 178). % Ju- in (§ 9, no, 29), relating to gdod mind; hdoxg annoyed. 30 gdod mind. 31 sga- across (§ 9, no. 36); nag long; here apparently a verbal subordinate construction: AT ACROSS LONG BEING THE RAIN. 32 wdos rain; the -t is a difficult directive ending, which is used very frequently, and for whiehs no adequate explanation has been given, 419 ae eS en tir 423.0 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Nin!’ gan-ksg-tla’t™ OESGA 6 nE-txaa’gasoa® n-ts!a’ ptga°,’? at% That reason out he sat at the mouth of his town, at he mer? 27 dies: ee apa, 3° SESgA 16 kuda’/°ntga°.® Ada a’si* dut!a’t* gesga™ seeing everythin around him. Then while sitting owa’sga,” gakstatna’°ea* a/utaga* gun-hé°tgEt ® gesga™ awa’°tgae, that, * behold who the porcupine toward stood his proximity. A’si*®” t47 sga-ia’°t*® gmsga’® n-lnksa’gason*® nt la’psgE?° wI- When he across went at the doorway of the town of the medi’°kga®, ada wul ha’usga®® wi-meEdi’°kga®, ‘‘Ts!i’°na™ g1/o5% great grizzly bear, then being said the great grizzly bear, “Enter here, n-s!’Ep!Ensgi!®*= Mr dem _ k!a-xdi’°yut.”** Nin!’ gan da’ wula my friend! You — shall alittle eat with me.” Thatit was reason then when ts!7’°nsga*®! a/ut* gesga awa’sea*® wi-mEdi’°kga®.™ Ada’ wula entered the poreu- at the proximity of the great grizzly bear. Then being pine wi-sE-la’ksEsga®> wi-meEdi’°kea®. Adat sa-ga’°sea®® tou-a’utaga?.*? great made fire the great vevtzaly Bent Then he suddenly took the little porcupine. Adat dxrkda’kinga®*® ga-smsi’°tga°®® dil® ga-an’6’ntga°.* Adat Then he tied ; his feet and * his hands. Then he hal-sgr’rt® gEsga dz0’gasga® la’ktga?.** Adat wul gwa’/lk!ensga® alongside laid it at the edge of the fire. Then he burnt hak !@’°sea® Iou-a’utaga®.*? N11 ada’ wul ha’usga® wi-mudi’*k ® asea® the back oft the ifttle porcupine. He then said the great grizzly tothe bear 33 ni that: n/? probably demonstrative (§ 56) 3¢ gan- reason; following nin/7, it means THEREFORE; ksz- out, generally directive, but here indi- cating the position outside; t/de to sit; -¢ he. % nz- separable possession; txa- direction; ag mouth. 36 @ preposition (§ 67) with subjective (subjunctive) pronoun attached (§ 49). 37 nio to see; after 70 the connective is missing (§ 29). 38 ligi- somewhere, this or that (§ 8, no. 20); dzp- self (§ 10, no. 129); gdo something, what; lig-i-gd’o anything; lia'i-lep-gdo everything. 39 kudiion the place around (a nominal expression). When used in the possessive, it is considered as inseparable possession (§ 5d). 40 ast while (§ 66, no. 7), here followed by the progressive form. 41 d’Et/d/o progressive form of t/do to sit (§ 37). 42 gwao this; gwa/sgaA that (§ 56). 43 an interjection, probably gaksta behold; t he; nao who. 44 a@/uta porcupine: -gA connective (§ 25). % gun- toward (§ 10, no. 114); héotg to stand; -t he. 46 @wd proximity (a noun which corresponds to the particle gun- [see notes 39, 45]). 47 t subject of intransitive verb, here emphatic. 48 sga across (§ 9, no. 36); ia’ to go; -t he. 49 n- separable pronoun; leksd’g doorway. 50 ha’u to say. : 51 ¢s/ion (plural, la’mdzex) to enter by (imperative [§ 65] ). 52 g‘tot here. 53 n- separable possession; s?/op/ensg friend; -2 my (in address [§ 51] ). 54 mez thou (subjective [§ 49]); dem future (§ 59); k/a- a little while (§ 10, no. 107); xd7/o to eat with some one; -w me; -¢t (see note 32). 55 wi- great (§ 10, no. 73); sz- to make (§18, no. 164). 56 ¢ subjective pronoun; sa- suddenly; gde to take. 57 égu- little (§ 10, no. 135). 58 dakt to lie (with plural object dzkda/kt). 59 asv/o (plural, gaszsi’o [§ 43] ). 60 di and; 2 connective (§ 30). 61 an’6’n hand; ga-an’6/n hands (§ 43). 62 hat- along (§ 9, no. 50); sgzr to lie. 63 dz6g edge (noun corresponds to the particle hat [see note 62]). 64 lak fire (ef. note 32). 6 gwalg to burn; gwa/lk/en to cause to burn (§ 17, no. 1). 66 hak/do back; has mo prefix nz-, because, as a part of the body, the possession is inseparable. | BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 421 Iou-a’ut a°® tat gwa'‘Iksea® n-lim™ hak!a°tga’*: “*Duu, duu,” little poreu- at when burnt the fur of its back: “Duu, duu,” pine. was da-y@’ga® wi-medi’°kga®,. ‘“‘Dem_ wa’lut,”® da-yé’ga® a’utaga, said the great grizzly bear. ‘‘ Future I do it,” said the porcupine, ‘“spm’a’orid,” li’°n” deda’ktut,” ada dem wul wa’luda ne-ha’/unt.” “chief, untie my bands, then future being I do it what you say.’’ Yagai? allent™ nesEg’’tga” wi-medi’kga ha’usga Igu-a’uta gEs™ However, not he minded the great grizzly bear said the little porcupine to n!i’°tga°, a wul”sEm-gal** wi-gat-g'a’dga’.” N!1°tga k!a-gat-g’a’det” him, because very greatly he is strong. He is most strong grsga txan!i’s¢a® ya’ts!msga®.® Nin!i'** gan-a’Igrt™ n! exnd’* k!labr- among all animals. That reason not he heard the little one ha’usea *! Jou-a’uta ges” n!1°tga®. Sem-gal wi-a’dzeksga®,® adat o'ik said little porcupine to him. Very ° much proud, then he again lagauk-kla’xsrt®? gese@a ts!—Em-n-la’ktga°.™ to fire kicked him into in the fireplace. [Translation] When it was fall, all the animals were sitting in their towns. A great Grizzly Bear, on his part, was also sitting in his town in mid- winter. Rain was always falling, and it also dripped into the house of the great Grizzly Bear. His fur was wet. Then he was much annoyed because it was raining too long, therefore he sat at the entrance of his house and looked around to see everything. While he was sitting there, behold! Porcupine came near him. When he passed the doorway of the house of the great Grizzly Bear, the great Grizzly Bear said, ‘‘ Enter here, friend! You shall eat with me for a little while.” Therefore the Porcupine entered near the great Grizzly Bear. The great Grizzly Bear made a great fire. He suddenly took the little Porcupine. He tied his feet and his hands. Then he laid him near the edge of the fire. Then the back of the little Porcupine was burnt. Then the great Grizzly Bear said to the little Porcupine when 67 iom hak/d’o back fur (§ 22). 68 This verb has always subjective pronouns (see § 49). 69 Here indicative, therefore -w objective pronoun with third person object (§ 50). 70 sem’ d’g'id chief (see § 33). 71 #70 to untie. Here indicative construction in place of imperative. 72 deda’/kt bands; -u my; -t (see note 32). 73 yagat however (§ 15 no. 174). 4 a'tge 1ot (§ 15, no. 180; § 63). 7% nEsga’ to mind; -tgzE connective (§ 24 BI2 absent). 76 gEs preposition, definite form before pronoun designating human beings (§ 28). 7 a wul because (§ 67, no. 11). #® qwi- greatly (§ 10, no. 73); gat-g’a'd strong (a compound of gad PERSON). 79 kla- exceedingly (here used as superlative [§ 10, no. 106]). 8 mExnd’ to hear; no connective after vowels (§ 29). 81 k/abe the little one, poorly (§ 10, no. 118), also plural to égu- small. 88 @/dzEk proud. 83 lagawk- from the sides of the house to the fire; kiavs to kick. 84 ts/em- the inside; n- place (§ 12, no. 157); lak fire. 422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 the fur on his back was burnt, ‘‘ Duu, duu!” said the great Grizzly Bear. ‘‘I will do it,” said the Porcupine. ‘‘ Chief, untie my bands, then I will do what you say.” However, the great Grizzly Bear did not mind what the little Porcupine said to him, because he was very strong. He is the strongest of all the animals, therefore he did not listen to what the poor little Porcupine said to him. He was very proud. Then he kicked him again into the fireplace. 7 ..24-4- +. 2 § 61. Periphrastic forms ..<): «:.62.0\.4hact de gag 1B §.62. Causality... 22... ..234: geet Se qe op pee ee §.63. Binality: :. ¢:...225.....ceebeies saeee reas = eee » ict § 64. Causal and temporal subordination....-...<2--25-£--2- 2 2oeeeee § 65. Conditionallce. -i< ® Qe 8 & Q. > 1 ! 430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 By certain grammatical processes, consonants may be weakened hardened, or aspirated. These changes take place in accordance with the phonetic table given before. The hardened surd becomes a fortis, and the weakened fortis or surd becomes a sonant. The hardened and softened sonants strengthen their glottal element to an £. Examples of these changes will be givenin §4. By aspiration the series of k sounds and of z sounds are transformed into their cor- responding spirants, while in the dental and labial series aspira- tion does not occur. The hardening and weakening of the spirants reveals a number of unexpected relations of sounds. We find— Spirants Hardened Weakened x e it r(w) wh Ww a n “n s ts! y or dz t a! l Similar relations of consonants appear in cases of reduplication. Thus we have— —/ie- é’ga reduplicated é’s‘éqa (q and s) q!u'lyak” reduplicated q!ulsq!u/lyak” (s and y) The change of x into n suggests that the n may belong rather to the anterior palatal series than to the alveolar series. The nasals, /, y, and w, when weakened, become sonant by being preceded by the glottal stop. y and w are clearly related to 7 and u. § 3. Sound Groupings The Kwakiutl language does not admit clusters of consonants at the beginning of words. Extensive clusters of consonants are rare; and even combinations of two consonants are restricted in number, their sequence being governed by rules of euphony. On the whole, a stop (i. é., a sonant, surd, or fortis) can not be followed by another consonant. This is carried through rigidly in the case of the palatals and laterals, while combinations of consonants in which the first is an alveolar or bilabial stop do occur. p followed by consonants is not rare; t followed by consonants is by far less frequent. The cor- responding sonants followed by a consonant do not appear as often, because the intonation of the vocal cords tends to increase in strength, and an £ is introduced which separates the sounds. §3 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 431 Besides combinations with precedent palatal stops, a few others are rigidly avoided. These are ts, tn, tk", t-g", t-x, s-g", sk. Combinations of ¢ sounds followed by s do not occur, because they unite and form an affricative sound; A occurs only at the begin- ning of words (except in the imitation of the language of a monster), and does not enter into consonantic clusters. y and w are strongly vocalic, and are always followed by vowels, although they may be preceded by consonants. w following a k sound is assimilated by it, so that the k sound is pronounced with w position of the lips, as a labio-palatal. Clusters of three or more consonants follow the same rules as com- | bination of two consonants, so that clusters are possible as long as any two adjoining consonants tolerate each other. We find, for instance, xsd, xst, x“st, x“st!, e-dg', nzs, naq!, nx's, nsx, ntt, ntb, mzs, mas, mx'd, msL, mtts, mtw, txx, las, lam, lxx, lxs, lad, lx'x, lsd; and of clusters of four consonants, xsdx, mast, n2’st. § 4. Euphonic Laws : There are a considerable number of rules of euphony which govern : the sequence of sounds. These become active when two phonetic elements come into contact by composition or by syntactic co-ordi- nation. They are partly ante-active (i. e., working forward) or pro- gressive, partly retroactive or regressive, partly reciprocal. The ante- active processes include laws of assimilation and of consonantic elision ; the retroactive processes consist in the hardening and softening of con- sonants; the reciprocal influence manifests itself in contraction and consonantic assimilation. Since the rules of consonantic combination (§ 3) relate partly to the initial, partly to the terminal consonant of the combination, these changes are apparently partly ante-active, partly retroactive; but since they are founded on the mutual in- fluence of adjoining sounds, they are better treated under the head of reciprocal changes. (1) Ante-active Changes The wu vowels do not admit of a following anterior palatal, which is changed into a palatal with following w, or, as we may say, k sounds with 2 tinge become k sounds with wu tinge when following a u vowel; or k sounds following uw vowels are labialized. Posterior palatals, when following a uw vowel, also assume a u tinge. § 4 432 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Instances of these changes are the following: (1a’wayu-g ua) La’wayugwila to make a sal- mon-weir 26.39 (s0’-g'anEm) so'gwanem you __ perhaps 146.28 (La’wayu-g'@) La’wayugwa this salmon-weir | (0’-g-"iw-é) o'guiwe® forehead 19.5 (0-g'ig a) 0’gug é inside (‘ma’ ges [ayaha] so*-k-as) ‘ma’ gés(ayaha)so*kwas really thrown into my belly 478.1 (0’-kGix'-é*) o’kwix'é knee 154.11 (0’-k: in-é®) o’k!wine® body 61.13 (0’-k: lilg-é®) o’k!wulge: front of body (b0’-x"*id) bo’x*wid to leave Changes of velars following a wv vowel: (ma’xulayu-ga) ‘ma’rulayugwa Potlatch-Pres- ent-Woman 142.1 (ts!0-g-é) ts!0’qwée> given away among other things (yO-xa) yo'xwa to say “yd” X 176.19 When the vowel following the k after a w vowel is an z, the timbre of the weak vowel tends towards the v. When a wu vowel is followed by a consonantic cluster the first sound of which is a k sound (according to § 3 these can be only 2’, x, or 2), the xz changes to x”, while the others remain unaffected. % (yu’-x' sd) yu’ esd it is entirely this 102.18 (0-x'siu-é*) 6’x"stwe> mouth of river On the other hand— (0-xLd-e*) o’xLd* head part (b0-x Lé) bo’rré to leave a miserable person The w tinge of k sounds and the very short wu do not seem to modify the following anterior palatal g, at least not according to the usage of the older generation. : (yok"-g'a‘t) yoklug ast (not yd’k!ugwatt) noise of wind (meg"-git-x *id) megug tied to put things on the body 199.11 Examples of change of the anterior palatal to the medial labio- palatal kw are, however, not absent. (da’doq"-k-ina-la) da'doxkwinala to see accident- ally § 4 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 433 I have recorded as equally admissible— g o'x"g in and g'd’x“gun my visible house here g o'x"g arn and g°0’r"gwarn my invisible house here While the rule just described is founded entirely on the phonetic influence of the stem element upon its suffix, we have also a class of phonetic changes which are due to etymological causes, and can not be brought entirely under phonetic rules. When a word ending in a consonant is followed by a suffix beginning with another consonant, there is a strong tendency to elision of the. initial consonant of the suffix, although the combination may be admissible according to the general phonetic laws. Thus the com- pound of the stem qds- ro WALK, and the suffix -x*id TO BEGIN, would result in the phonetically admissible combination qd@’sx‘‘id, which we find in a word like ‘walaszé’ Lynx. Nevertheless, the resulting form is qa’s‘id. The elision of the initial sound of the suffix is therefore not entirely due to phonetic causes, and must be treated in detail in a . discussion of the suffixes. It is quite likely that the suffixes in ques- tion may be compounds of two suffixes, the first of the combination being dropped. The question will be discussed more fully in § 18 (p. 449). Another ante-active change which is not entirely due to phonetic causes is the transformation of @ into wé after n and yowels, which occurs in a few suffixes: for instance— t/é’p-a to step off la’-wé to be off (the right line) sdp-a'la to chop off da’wé to fail to hold k-at-a'la long thing on water han-wdé'la hollow thing on . water mez-d'la canoe drifts on water gv'-wdla to be on water (2) Retroactive Changes The changes just mentioned are best explained as an effect of the stem upon the suffix. We find, however, also others, indicating an action of the suffix upon the stem. These consist in a hardening or weakening of the terminalconsonant of the stem, and can not be explained by phonetic causes, but must be founded on etymological processes. The following examples illustrate these processes which were men- tioned before in § 2. In the first column the stems are given, the terminal sounds of which are modified by the addition of suffixes. _In the second column hardened forms are given, in the third weakened 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10 —28 § 4 434 forms. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (a) Theme ends in surd or fortis: Theme ép- to pinch gap- to upset zaa’p! cradle 53.42 wat- to lead yat- to rattle at!- sinew t/ék’- to lie on back 256.38 ke: !é’lak’- to club Lemk'- to wedge gEg - wife bek’- man tek¥- to expect zunk’- child ‘nemo k% one per- son Elq" to out tongue put yaq"- to lie dead wung- deep k Mmt- to adze q!ula’t- to hide § 4 Hardened é’p!-id to begin to pinch gap!-a'lod to upset on rock 179.27 ya’t!-ala rattle sound 229.27 k- té'lak'!-eneé& — club- bing tEmk'!rxod to wedge neck, i. e., foot of tree ga gak: la to try to get "a wife bek!-u's woods man in ‘nemo’k!us one per- son on ground CS 212.11 rlq!w-énox” a person who removes cin- ders from eye with tongue k-!t/mz!-adla noise of adzing, U.S.N.M. 677.19 [BULL. 40 In order to make the changes more readily recognizable, the suffixes are separated from the stems by means of hyphens. Weakened é’b-ayw dice 112.93 qab-é’s upset on the beach zaa’b-rk” cradled wa'd-rk" led 109.6 ad-é'g back sinew t/é’g'-it to lie on back in house 259.12 LE’mg ayu wedge gega'd having a wife bregw-v's beach tégu-‘na'kula to come in sight being ex- pected X 186.2 cu’ngwad having a child CS 170.11 ‘nEmo'gwis one per- son on beach Man on ya'gw-is lying dead on beach wu'ng-it deep floor 187.23 glula’ t-‘na'kula to go along hiding 262,39 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES (6) Theme ends in sonant: Theme Dza/wad Knight inlet gega’d having a wife ‘na’x'‘id day comes mé’x'ba to burn at end qa’ sid to walk meg’- to caulk (c) Theme ends in spirant, continued lateral, Theme denz- to sing Lax“- to stand gamzx"- down of bird ‘max"- potlatch séx”- to paddle mix’- to strike with fist kJés not p!es- to flatten gas- to walk t/os- to cut ts!ot- black k-it- afraid gil- to walk on four feet Emel- white ham- to eat Hardened Dza'wadr-énox" peo- ple of Knight inlet greg a'dr-éné state of having a wife ‘naa *ida-énox™ a condition in which day is coming reg- ularly 393.4 meg aée'ne® caulking 100.32 + Hardened da’drenz-‘a to try to sing La’'w-a to stand on rock ga'gam'w-a to try to put on down of bird sé’*w-énox” paddler ma’man-a trying to strike klé’ts!éné> not being 10.9 ts!ol-r’mya with black cheek ga'gil-a to try to walk on four feet 435 Weakened mé'x'baadk" burnt at end 247.9 qa’ s*ida-as place walking or nasal: Weakened La’w-ayu salmon- weir ‘ma’w-ayu means of giving potlatch sé’w-ayu paddle men-a'ts!é — striking receptacle (drum) pley-a'yu means of flattening qa'y-anem_ obtained by walking t!0’dz-ato to cut ear tsol-ato. ~with black ear k-tl-z'm fear *melbo’ white-chested ha‘m-a’yu eating in- strument (fork) § 4 436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BUuLL. 40 Stems ending in s and g” present peculiar forms when the accent falls upon the semivocalic y and w, into which these sounds are trans- formed. The y becomes é, the w becomes 6. Thus we have from— xts- to disappear «é’*nakula to disappear grad- ually q/els- to sink under water g!zlé’k" sunk into water V 488.9 ‘mens- to measure ‘mené’k% measured V 477.1 t!zms- to beat time t!nme’dzo to beat time on a flat thing IIT 86.5 séx"- to paddle sio’*nakula to paddle along ITI 297.10 yix"- to dance yu’ 'nakula to dance along In some cases the preceding vowel, if accented, is contracted with the y which has originated from s. gas- to walk qa'*nakula to walk along qa’ nodzé to walk alongside of The use of dz and y in place of s does not seem to follow any definite rules. Thus we find— Lln'ndzrm (la-ns-rm) means of “mE’nyeEm (‘mENs-EM) Meas- taking under water X 62.10 uring instrument ga'dzas place of walking (con- sidered not as goods as qa’ yas) guwa’yausta (gwdas-rxsta) to ha’dzrxstax ‘id (has-rExsta- bring mouth near to one III «*td) to begin to make noise 71.33 TH T6122 Swa’/layas (Swalas-as) size X hatneé’dzas_ (han-és-as) canoe 161.25 lying on beach X 161.17 A purely phonetic change belonging to this class is the palataliza- tion of k” and x” preceding anoorwu. g/ak¥- SLAVE becomes q!a/k:0; &mrk¥- A ROUND THING BEING IN A POSITION becomes ‘mzk'@/la ROUND THING ON WATER (island); pex“- TO FLOAT becomes pez d’/la TO FLOAT ON WATER. (3) Reciprocal Changes These are partly purely phonetic, partly etymological. Contact of consonants results in their adaptation to admissible combinations. Therefore terminal & and x surds are changed before initial conso- nants of suffixes into their spirants. This change is also made when, in a sequence of two words which stand in close syntactic relation, § 4 7 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 437 the former ends in a k& or z surd, and the latter begins with a conso- nant. On the other hand, s following a ¢ becomes ts; s following at forms with it ts; and s and a preceding s are transformed into ¢s. In some cases these changes persist even after the elision of the first consonant of the suffix, in accordance with § 4 (1). From hanz- To sHOOT, and -zid TO BEGIN, we have ha’nt‘id. This phenomenon will be more fully discussed in § 18 (p. 449). In a number of instances ¢ before an affricative changes to 7. Surd k stops changed into spirants: *neék* to say ni’ *nak” to return weg"- to shove a long thing mok"-to tie t changed into #: yit- to tie az- to tear kwe’zalat-rwa s following ? changed to ts: (k!we't-s6°) (q/0x-ts!0-€L-sa) (Lagwiv't-sa g°0’k") s following d or ¢ forms ts: (za’gwitb mnd-ses) (lé’trmd-s6®) «né'x'dems time of saying *néx'L he will say III 33.13 ni’*nax“t he will return home IIT 33.26 we'§astend to shove into water mo’x“bala to tie to end III 89.15 yitp!é'gend to tie to a pole III 158.32 Gits!n’nd to tear through (a string) kwe’xalatewa will dance this III 447.4 k!wé'ttso® feasted III 32.32 q!0’xts!nwittsa to dress in III 303.26 legwi'lttsa g'dk" the fire of the house ta’ gwitbentsés to push nose with his III 349.20 lé’temtso& cover is taken off -from face III 109.23 s following another s forms with it ts: (ax*a’s-sEn) (qa’s-seéstala) axa'tsen place of my III 32.6 qa’ tsé*stala to walk around III] 23.13 The sounds y and w, when interconsonantic, change to é and 0: (meny-k” [from mens-]) (t!emy-dzo [from t!ems-]) mene’ k% measured tlmemée’dzo to beat time on something flat § 4 438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 (p!ny-k” [from p!zs-]) plék” one to whom potlatch is given IIT 163.40 (qemw-k” [from gemz¥-]) gemo’'k" covered with down IIT 153.35 (cew-k" [from xex"-}) zok” split IV 246.39 On the other hand, @ and 6 preceding a vowel become y and w. (6-ag-é*) awa’ gé crotch Lo and Lr°wes and his *né’x's0® he was told *né’x'sE*weda K. K. was told x@’é* something split «da’*yas his thing that has been split La’ sandé® seaside La’sand£yas its seaside The ending @*, when preceded by a consonant and followed by a vowel, changes to a‘y. na’ ge® mind na’qatyas his mind gv'game* chief gv'gama‘yas his chief The diphthong ay, when preceding a consonant, becomes d. ayo't desired d’rula to desire (qay-£na’kula [from gas-]) gana’kula to walk along Another class of reciprocal changes affect the vowels. It seems that there are no purely phonetic rules which restrict the sequence of vowels, but contractions occur which depend upon the etymological value of the suffix. Thus the suffix -a (p. 533), when following a terminal a, is contracted with it into d, 6’*ma-a THAT CHIEFTAINESS becoming 6’*md; with terminal o it is contracted into 6, Lda’wayo-a THAT SALMON RIVER becoming 1a’wayd. On the other hand, we have, in the case of other suffixes, g‘a@’xaaqds YOUR COMING, in which two adjoining a’s are not contracted. Similar contractions occur in a number of suffixes: (ts!G-anrm) ts!é’nem obtained by drawing water (la’wd-amas) lawié’mas to cause to be off from a line (ts!d-aywu) ts/dé’yu instrument for draw- ing water (ts!d-anzm) ts!@’nem obtained by giving (z/ay6-ap!) Llayda’p! to exchange (lexd’-Glisem) lexd’lisem to die of coughing The consonants m and 7 have a similar effect upon vowels: (dé’grum-ayu) dé’gemyu means of wiping face (t!em-ayu) t!n’myu thread, i. e., means of sewing § 4 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 489 GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (§§ 5-8) § 5. Enumeration of Grammatical Processes Grammatical categories and syntactic relations are expressed by means of three processes. These are— 1. Composition. 2. Changes in the phonetic character of the stem. 3. Position. § 6. Composition Kwakiutl possesses a large number of stems which occur seldom without word-forming affixes. The latter are numerous, and they are always attached to the ends of stems or of derivatives of stems. The number of stems exceeds by far the number of suffixes. The mean- ing of many of these suffixes can not be determined, and in their phonetic values they appear subordinate to the stems with which they firmly coalesce. Two processes bring about the coalescence between stem and suffix: (1) Phonetic contact phenomena and (2) contact phenomena due to the individual character of the stem and of the suffix (see § 4). The former of these processes is founded entirely on phonetic laws, and includes the transformation in the suffix of a k sound into the corresponding sound with wu timber, after terminal wu or o sound of the stem or preceding suffix; the change of a k” and x” preceding an 0 or u ‘into k: and 2°; modification of the terminal consonant of the stem or preceding suffix, and of the initial consonant of the suffix, which form inadmissible combinations; and contraction. The second group of processes can not be explained by phonetic laws, but depends upon the individuality of the suffix and of the stem or preceding suffix. The phenomena involved are contractions of the terminal stem and initial suffix vowels, although the combination of vowels may be quite admissible; elision of consonants; introduc- tion of connective consonants; and retroactive changes which affect the terminal consonant of the stem. In one case, at least, the reason for the introduction of a connective consonant may be traced with a high degree of probability to the retention of the terminal sound of a suffix when combined with other suffixes, while the same sound has been lost when the same suffix closes the word (see p. 532). The modifications which affect the terminal consonant of the stem belong almost exclusively to a group of suffixes which usually follow §§ 5, 6 440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 the stem itself, and do not readily admit any preceding suffixes. Most of these either harden or weaken the terminal consonant of the stem, although there is also a considerable number of suffixes of this class which do not produce amy changes other than those entailed by purely phonetic laws. In a few cases the changes produced by the suflix are very irregular. It is probable that no verbal or nominal stem ever appears without a suffix of this class. Therefore the terminal sound of a stem can not be determined unless it occurs with a suffix which produces no change. §'7. Changes in the Phonetic Character of the Stem Setting aside the secondary changes produced by the action of phonetic laws and by the mutual effect of stem and suffix, we find that reduplication and change of vowel are used to express grammatical concepts. In the verb we find complete duplication of the stem, with assimilation of the terminal consonant of the first repeated syllable with the following consonant; for instance, ldqg"- TO FISH HALIBUT, lox’“loqwa TO FISH NOW AND AGAIN. True reduplication is, on the whole, restricted to the initial consonant. The vowel of the redupli- cated syllable does not always depend upon the stem-vowel, but differs according to the function of reduplication. Vowel-changes in the stem are rare, and consist generally of a lengthening of the stem- vowel. In many cases they may be explained as modified redupli- cation. | § 8. Position The position of words in the sentence is determined by syntactic particles. The parts of the sentence are held together firmly, and their position is definitely determined by their coalescence with syntactic elements which indicate the relations of subject, object, instrument, and possession. By this means the whole sentence is knit together so firmly that a separation into words is quite arbitrary. The firmness of this word-complex is due largely to the complete phonetic coalescence of the syntactic particle with the preceding word, and to its function as determining the syntactic value of the following word. It is of course impossible to determine whether this is an original trait of the language, or whether it is due to a phonetic decadence of the syntactic elements, similar to the one that may be observed in French in the combinations between verb and pronoun. §§ 7, 8 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 441 IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (§§ 9-17) § 9. Character of Stems _ Although the formal distinction of noun and verb is quite sharp, the great freedom with which nouns may be transformed into verbs, and verbs into nouns, makes a classification difficult. All stems seem to be neutral, neither noun nor verb; and their nominal or verbal character seems to depend solely upon the suffix with which they are used, although some suffixes are also neutral. I am led to this impression chiefly by the indiscriminate use of suffixes with stems that occur as nouns, as well as with others that occur as verbs. A separation of suffixes of nouns and those of verbs can be carried through only when the sense of the suffix requires its com- position with either a verb or a noun, and even in these cases com- positions with the opposite class occur which are sometimes difficult to understand. The neutral character of the stem may also be the reason why many suffixes are attached to the stem freed of all word- forming elements. Examples of the indiscriminate use of suffixes with stems that we should be inclined to class as either nominal or verbal are— bek!u’s man of the woods (from bzg” man, -s in woods) t/é’k!zs to lie on back on ground (from t/ék- to lie on back, and the same suffix as before) tlé’srema'ts!ana stone handed (from ¢/é’s- stone, -xm plural, -x'ts!ana hand) axts!ana’la to hold in hand (from az- to do, and the same suffix as before) It is difficult to understand the combination of a suffix like -dz To OBTAIN with stems some of which we consider as verbal, while others appear to us as nominal stems. We find qg/a@’k:61 TO OBTAIN A SLAVE (from g/ak"- stave), and also /éz To oprarin (from la, a general auxiliary verb, originally designating motion). Lack of discrimina- tion between the nominal and verbal function of words is also brought out by compounds like begwa’nzma-*id TO BECOME A MAN (from brgwa/nem MAN, -x**id, inchoative), and miz‘‘i’d TO BEGIN TO STRIKE (from miz*- TO STRIKE and the inchoative suffix). A number of suffixes may also be used indiscriminately with nominal and verbal function; for instance, from -nagwa SOMETIMES, § 9 449 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 46 _ we have /@’/narwa HE GOES SOMETIMES and 2*iyd/snarwa PLACE WHERE SOMETHING DISAPPEARS FROM TIME TO TIME (from w‘is- to disap- pear, -ds place of). For these reasons a strict classification into nominal and verbal suffixes does not seem admissible. § 10. Nominal Suffixes Nevertheless many suffixes have assumed distinctly the function of giving to a stem a nominal or a verbal character. We find, for instance, many nouns ending in -a and -é, others ending in -zm, animate beings ending in -Gnzm, and terms of relationship ending in -mp. Besides these, there are a great many which express place and time of an action or process, various forms of the nomen actoris, the results and causes of actions and processes, possession, instru- mentality, material, etc.; in short, a wide range of verbal nouns. They retain, however, their neutral value. This is best expressed by the fact that most of these verbal nouns retain their syntactic rela- tion to the direct and indirect object. The Kwakiutl does not say “the seeing-place of the canoe,’’ but ‘the place-of-seeing the canoe.” Among purely verbal suffixes, there are a number which express actions affecting nouns, which for this reason are always (or at least generally) suffixed to nouns, as, ‘‘to make,” ‘‘to take care of,’ ‘‘to sound;’’ verbs expressing sense impressions, as ‘‘to smell of,” ‘to taste like;’’ and words like “to die of.’’ With these groups may be classed a number of suffixes which change the subject of the sentence, like the passives and causatives. § 11. Local and Modal Suffixes Most important among the suffixes which are both verbal and nominal is the extensive group of local terms. These embrace a great variety of ideas expressed by our prepositions and by many local adverbs, and contain also a long series of more special local ideas 73) ates (like ‘‘in the house, into the house, deat St 9 ” “on the ground,” ‘‘on the beach,” ‘on rocks,” ‘in the fire,’ ‘‘in water’) and an exhaustive series of terms designating locally parts of the body (for instance, ‘‘on the hand,” ‘on the chest,’ “on the thigh,’ “in the body”). A second group classify nouns according to form, and set off human beings as a distinct category. A third class of suffixes indicate time-relations, such as past, present, and future. With these may be classed the suffixes which indicate the modality of a process as §§ 10, 11 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 443 beginning, gradual, continued, repeated, uncertain, simulated, etc. Many of these suffixes express the subjective relation of the mind of the speaker to the event. This is also true of the demonstrative suf- fixes indicating position in relation to the speaker, and visibility or invisibility. These, however, must be classed with the syntactic par- ticles which will be found treated on pages 527 et seq. To the suffixes expressing subjective relation belong those expressing the source of subjective knowledge—as by hearsay, or by a dream. Quite numer- ous are the suffixes expressing ideas like ‘‘much,”’ “‘little,’’ ‘‘ admira- bly,” “‘miserably,”’ “‘surprisingly.”’ I am under the impression that all these have primarily a subjective coloring and a high emotional value. Thus, the ending -dzé LARGE is used in such a manner that it conveys the impression of overwhelming size, or the subjective impression of size, while the word ‘wa’las expresses size without the emotional element; -xdz indicates the entirely unexpected occurrence of an event and the surprise excited by it. The latter example shows that the subjective character of these suffixes may also be used to express the relations of a sentence to the preceding sentence. In a sense, -20L is a disjunctive suffix. As a matter of fact, these suf- fixes are used extensively to express the psychological relation of a sentence to the preceding sentence. They indicate connection as well as contrast, and thus take the place of our conjunctions. § 12. Classes of Words The classification of suffixes here given shows that a division of words into verbs and nouns has taken place, both being fairly clearly distinguished by suffixes. We find, however, that syntactically the distinction is not carried through rigidly; nouns being treated with great ease as verbs, and verbs as nouns. It must be added here that the forms of the pronouns as attached to the noun and as attached to the verb are distinct. Since the psychological relation of sen- tences is included in the process of suffix formation, conjunctions are absent. For this reason, and on account of the verbal character of most adverbs, there remain only few classes of words—nouns, verbs, and particles. There is no clear classification of nouns into groups, although the grammatical treatment of nouns designating human beings and of those designating other objects is somewhat different, particularly in the treatment of the plural. The noun-forming suffixes, mentioned § 12 444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 in the beginning of § 10, also indicate the occurrence of certain classes of ideas. The principle of classification, however, remains obscure. In syntactic construction a classification of nouns according to form—such as long, round, flat—is carried through in some cases, and runs parallel with a differentiation of verbs of position and motion for objects of different form. § 18. Plurality The idea of plurality is not clearly developed. Reduplication of a noun expresses rather the occurrence of an object here and there, or of different kinds of a particular object, than plurality. It is therefore rather a distributive than a true plural. It seems that this form is gradually assuming a purely plural significance. In many cases in which it is thus applied in my texts, the older generation criticises its use as inaccurate. Only in the case of human beings is reduplication applied both as a plural and a distributive. In the pronoun the idea of plurality is not developed. The combination of speaker and others must not be considered as a plurality; but the two possible combina- tions—of the speaker and others, including the person addressed, and of the speaker and others, excluding the person addressed—are dis- tinguished as two separate forms, both of which seem to be derived from the form denoting the speaker (first person singular). The plurality of persons addressed and of persons spoken of is indicated by the addition of a suffix which probably originally meant ‘“‘people.”’ This, however, is not applied unless the sense requires an emphasis of the idea of plurality. It does not occur with inanimate nouns. In the verb, the idea of plurality is naturally closely associated with that of distribution; and for this reason we find, also in Kwa- kiutl, the idea of plurality fairly frequently expressed by a kind of reduplication similar to that used for expressing the distributive of nouns. This form is applied regularly in the Bella Bella dialect, which has no means of expressing pronominal plurality. Related to the reduplicated nominal plural is also the reduplicated verbal stem which conveys purely the idea of distribution, of an action done now and then. § 14. Reduplication for Expressing Unreality Reduplication is also used to express the diminutive of nouns, the idea of a playful performance of an activity, and the endeavor to per- form an action. It would seem that in all these forms we have the §§ 13, 14 a BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 445 fundamental idea of an approach to a certain concept without its realization. In all these cases the reduplication is combined with the use of suffixes which differentiate between diminution, imitation, and endeavor. § 15. Pronominal Ideas In the pronoun the three persons of speaker, person addressed, and person spoken of are each represented by formal elements. It was stated before that the inclusive and exclusive form of the first person plural are distinguished, and that both are probably derived from the first person singular. This means that these two forms are not con- ceived as plurals. It was also stated that the second and third persons have no pronominal plural. The demonstrative is developed in strict correspondence with the personal pronoun; position near the speaker, near the person ad- dressed, and near the person spoken of being distinguished. These locations are subdivided into two groups, according to visibility and invisibility. The rigidity with which location in relation to the speaker is expressed, both in nouns and in verbs, is one of the funda- mental features of the language. The distinction of proper nouns and common nouns, and that of definiteness and indefiniteness— similar to that expressed by our articles—is expressed by a differ- entiation of form of these demonstrative elements. The possessive pronoun has forms which are different from those of the verbal pronouns, and by their use verb and noun may be clearly distinguished. § 16. Syntactic Relations The fundamental syntactic categories are predicate, subject, object, possession (which is closely related to instrumentality), and finality (which is closely related to causality and conditionality). In other words, the syntactic cases, nominative, accusative, genitive (possess- ive or instrumentalis), finalis (causalis), may be distinguished, while all local relations are expressed in other ways (see § 11). Verbal sub- ordination is expressed by means of forms which are closely allied to these nominal cases. Verbal co-ordination is expressed by verbal suffixes, and thus does not belong to the group of syntactic phenomena. § 17. Character of Sentence The contents of the Kwakiutl sentence are characterized primarily by an exuberant development of localization. This is brought about §§ 15-17 446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 partly by the use of local suffixes which define the exact place where an action is performed, without regard to the speaker; partly by the expression of location in relation to the speaker. Thus the sentence “My friend is sick’’ would require in Kwakiutl local definition, such as ‘‘My visible friend near me is sick in the house here.”’ Further- more, the psychological relation of the sentence to the state of mind of the speaker—or to the contents of preceding sentences—is expressed with great care. The chief formal characterization of the sentence is the close connection of its parts, which is due to the fewness of syntactic forms by means of which all possible relations are expressed, and to the subordination of the noun under the verb by means of particles which coalesce phonetically with the preceding word, while they determine the function of the following word. DESCRIPTION OF GRAMMAR (§§ 18-69) Formation of Words (§§ 18-46) Composition (§§ 18-39) § 18. SUFFIXES Compounds are formed by the use of suffixes. There is no proof tnat the numerous suffixes were originally independent words. I have found only one case in which an independent word appears also as a suffix. This is -¢/zs TO BAT (p. 501), which occurs independ- ently as g/zsa’ TO EAT MEAT 21.9. We may also suspect that the suffix -p/a To TASTE, and the stem p/aqg- TO TASTE, are related. It seems hardly justifiable to infer from these two cases that all suffixes must have originated from independent words; since the inde- pendence of these two stems may be a recent one, or their subordi- nation may have been made according to analogous forms. It is perhaps also not fortuitous that the suffix forms for the idea ‘‘to eat” are exceedingly irregular. The Kwakiutl language has very few particles, or words unable to be modified by composition with other elements. The suffixed elements coalesce quite firmly with the theme to which they are attached. Pronominal and syntactic suffixes must be distinguished from those forming denominating and predicating ideas, that, by themselves, are not sentences. Among the latter class we find a considerable number that may be designated as terminal or com- pletive, in so far as they round off the theme into a complete word § 18 7; = BOAS] | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 447 without any appreciable addition to its significance. Many of these are of rare occurrence. Almost all of them, except -a@ and -la, are denominative in character. We find for instance: from the stem dzaz¥- dza‘wu’n silver salmon hanx"- ha‘no’n humpback salmon gwax- gwa’xnis dog salmon met- meté’k* sockeye salmon m Et- metia’ne® large clam (Saz- domus) inq- tng! este’n kelp ts!éx"- ts!éx't’nas elderberry t! eq’- t!rx¥sd’s cinquefoil The composition of these stems with various suffixes enables us to isolate them from their completive endings. It is not improbable that in some cases by analogy forms may have developed which are not true stems, but fragmentary phonetic groups derived secondarily from longer words. The stems are almost throughout monosyllabic, as will be shown on page 550. When, for instance, the word gé’was DEER is treated as though it were a compound of the stem géz"- To HANG and the suffix -as PLACE, it is barely possible that this does not represent its true origin. The treatment of a few English loan-words makes it plausible that this process may have taken place. On the other hand, a number of polysyllabic Kwakiutl words are never reduced to monosyllabic elements in composition. As an example may be given the word mé’gwat sEAL, which never loses any of its sounds. This process shows clearly that what has often been termed ‘‘apocope,”’ or, if occurring initially, ‘‘ decapitation,” is merely due to a substitution of one affix for another one. Most suffixes in Kwakiutl add a new idea to the word to which they are added, and these are generally attached to the theme. At the same time, phonetic modifications occur, either in the theme alone, or in the suffix alone, or in both. Examples of such compounds are the following: bek“- man ba’k!um genuine man, Indian (see no. 111) Lap- to peg tabe’m pegging utensil, peg (see no. 173) guls- to long zu'lyalisem to die of longing 382.27 (see no. 152) met- sockeye salmon mrtma’nd head of sockey salmon § 18 448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 When a significant suffix is added to a word provided with a sig- nificant suffix, the latter loses its formal, completive element, if it has one, and the new ‘Suffix is attached to the theme of the first suffix. - For instance: t!zk"- to move, -az- down (no. 19), -galit in house (no. 46), t!ekwa’calit to take down in house hét- right, -k’!0t opposite (no. 12), -ag- crotch (no. 71), -é€ noun (no. 161), hé/tk: !ddagé right side in crotch, i. e., right anal fin cunk"- child, -ad having (no. 170); -x‘id to begin (no. 90), zu'ngwadex id to begin to have a child Llaq"- red, copper; -é‘st- around (no. 6), -g’alit in house (no. 46), -k" passive participle, 1/a’qwe‘stalilkY made to be copper all around in the house ‘merl- white, -rx6 hair of body (no. 76), -gemt mask (no. 54a), ‘me'latogemt white body-hair mask, i. @., mountain-goat mask Other suffixes are added to words which retain their formal, com- pletive elements. Examples are— Stem. Completive suffix. Suffix. qla’k- slave -6 -bido® q!a’k olidoé little slave q!was- to cry -a -bita q!wa’sabita to pretend to cry sds- children -EM -nuk sa’semnuk having chil- dren In still other cases the usage is not absolutely fixed: hant- to shoot, -bzes fond of, ha’ntbzs fond of shooting é’az- to work, -ala completive suffix, -bes fond of, 2’axalabzs fond of work or with slight differentiation of meaning: bek"- man, -dnem completive suffix, -k-/ala noise bek!wa'la man’s voice beqwa’nemk: Jala voice of a man For convenience’ sake those suffixes that are attached to the stem without its formal, completive endings may be called stem-suffixes; the others which are attached to the stem with its formal endings, word-suffixes. As indicated before, the line of demarcation between these two classes is not rigidly drawn. An examination of the list of word-suffixes shows that they include largely adverbial and con- junctional ideas possessing a strong subjective element, and implying a judgment or valuation of the idea expressed in the word to which the suffix is attached. § 18 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 449 While the word-suffixes modify the terminal sound of the stem and undergo changes of their own initial sounds in accordance with the rules of sound grouping, the stem-suffixes exert a more far- reaching effect upon the stem to which they are affixed. On the whole, these changes are quite regular and consist, on the one hand, in the transformation of surds into fortes, and the other in the trans- formation of surds and fortes into sonants, and other parallel changes described in § 4. I have called the former group hardening suffixes, because the intensity of articulation of the terminal sound is increased, and accordingly the acoustic effect of the sound is harder; while I designate the second group as weakening suffixes, because the inten- sity of articulation is decidedly decreased by their action. A third group of suffixes is indifferent and causes or suffers no changes except those occasioned by the laws of sound grouping. A fourth group loses initial sounds when the stem to which they are suffixed termi- nates in certain sounds. These are mostly indifferent, but a few are hardening or weakening suffixes. The only sounds thus affected are anterior palatals (g°, k’, k’!, x), the sonant velar (g),z, ands. The loss of the initial palatal or velar never occurs after vowels, m, n, and lJ. It occurs regularly after labial, dental, palatal, velar, and lateral surd stops (p, t, k’, k”, q,; q“, L); and after s. The number of cases in which suffixes of this class appear attached to a sonant or fortis stop (except in cases in which terminal sounds are strengthened or weakened) are so few in num- ber that I am not sure whether the initial sound is dropped in all cases. There are a few examples that suggest a certain variability of usage: dzé'dzonogotdla and dzé'dzdnogoxtéla Dz0’noq!was on top 118.29 megug v'tléed to rub on 199.11 Suffixes with initial g°, 2°, and g lose these sounds also after the spirant palatals and velars (z’, 2”, x, x”), while initial k’! is generally retained in these cases: sEepe lx'-k !ala-gié ringing noise on water 152.34 (nos. 144, 42) az-k:!a’la to ask 7.5 (no. 144) ts! nx-k- !i/lg-end-ala to drop in lap 258.2 (nos. 70, 2, 91) This rule, however, is not rigid. We find, for instance, gemx-ot-sta*-lit left hand side of door X 76.6 (nos. 12, 59, 46) where the initial sound of -k-/6t drops out; and *nex-k:!0’t straight down, where it is retained 44877—Bull, 40, pt 1-10-29 § 18 450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Possibly this difference is due to the fact that the z in the last-named form is changed by contact from the terminal q¢ of ‘nzq- STRAIGHT. Suffixes with initial -/" lose this sound under the same conditions that govern the elision of g’, z*, and g. An exception is— ge'la*kwoind to lift by the top (gzlg"-k’z-nd, nos. 38, 2) Terminal ¢ of the stem has the effect of eliding all initials. Only one exception has been found: hét-k’!ot right side 81.2 It is interesting to note that the suffix -gww, which belongs to this class, behaves differently according to its meaning. It signifies FOREHEAD, FRONT. Whenever it appears with the specialized mean- ing BOW OF CANOE, it is entirely unchangeable, even after an 6 vowel, when, according to the general phonetic rules, it should be expected to assume the form -guxw (see no. 57). Among these suffixes the following weaken the terminal consonant: -atd head -ttla seaward -x'sa away from Strengthening is: -k: Jala noise The suffix -x‘*id (nos. 87 and 90), and the inchoatives in -g-al-, -g il-, -g ar- (no. 197), lose the initial 2°, g'a, or g° after all consonants except m, n, 7, and after sonants. At the same time terminal p and ¢ are transformed into the fortes p/ and t/, and all k and xz stops are transformed into their spirants, while s and ¢ remain unchanged. The suffix -sgzgm ROUND SURFACE (no. 85), which is undoubtedly related to -gem FACE, follows the same rules as suffixes in g, but it always retains its s: We find, instead of meé’x-sgEM mé'zsem to sleep on a round object ma‘t-sgem ma‘ttsre’m two round objects The suffix -é'sta AROUND has the form -sé‘sta after vowels, m, n, l, and behaves, therefore, in a manner opposite to that of suffixes in g', x, and g. The suffix -sgwap FIRE loses its initial s after stems ending in s, except when affixed to the stem t/és- STONE, in which case both s’s are lost, and we find the form ¢/é’qwap STONES ON FIRE. The suffix -sxé rooTH seems to lose its initial s after stems ending in s and in k sounds. The number of available examples, however, is not sufficient to state definitely the mode of its treatment. § 18 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES A5l1 One phonetic characteristic of the suffixes remains to be mentioned. It is the insertion of ¢ and the transformation of s and ¢t into #. It is difficult to give satisfactory rules for the use of the ¢. Apparently in one of its uses it is related to the inchoative -g#l-, which has been referred to before (p. 450), and it is sometimes weakening, sometimes indifferent. Thus we find from the stem gds- TO WALK, qddzetti’srla TO BEGIN TO WALK DOWN RIVER, and the theoretical form gasatii’srla To BE WALKING DOWN RIVER. Here the / weakens the terminal s of gdas, while in sé’zutti’szla TO BEGIN TO PADDLE DOWN RIVER (from séz¥- to paddle) the terminal x” is not changed. This ¢ appears with par- ticular frequency after the suffix -o-, which has a privative signifi- cance, as in -wutt!/a OUT OF AN ENCLOSED PLACE; -wult@ OUT OF A CANOE; -wultds DOWN OUT OF; -wults!6 OUT OF (no. 37). In the suffix -st0® EYE, OPENING, the 7 is substituted for s, perhaps on account of the cumbersome form that would result, -/tstd®. The terminal ¢ of the suffix -k°/0t OpPosITE (no. 12) changes regularly to ¢ before ts!: hétk:!0tts!ana instead of hétk:/ot-ts!ana right hand It would seem that the ¢ before ts! is sometimes a glide, at least I can not offer a satisfactory explanation of its occurrence: 0- SOMETHING, -ig’- BACK, -x'ts/in- HAND, -é§ NOUN, form awi- galts!iné BACK OF HAND d& TO TAKE, -ba END, ts!/@n HAND, -d INCHOATIVE, form da’bat- ts!dnend TO LEAD BY THE HAND “NEQ- MIDDLE, -ts!6 IN, -la VERBAL ENDING, form ‘negetts!d’la TO BE IN THE MIDDLE Similar phonetic groupings occur, however, without the 2: ‘wab WATER, -ts!0 IN, ‘wa’bets!0 WATER IN SOMETHING Following is a list of suffixes grouped according to their mode of attachment and effect upon the stem: WORD-SUFFIXES Adverbial -emsk" I told you so! -bota to pretend -Eng a it seemed in a dream ~m indicating close connec- -adna perhaps tion in thought between -arad also two sentences -€L astonishing! ~m-wis and so -wist!a very ~-md at once -ut past -t!a but -plen times -naywa from time to time § 18 452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 -‘nésL oh, if! -20L behold! -no® too much -x'dé transition from present -s0* passive to past -dzd indeed -x' sala carelessly -g anem perhaps -¢'sé still -k-as indeed -astlaak” apparently, like -k-as*6 beautiful, beautifully- -x'st! as usual -k-inat miserably -u' Ld very -qg!amas for the reason that -xLé miserably -g!anak” quite unexpectedly - it is said -qg/alam to no purpose -lagtL meanwhile -x° exhortative -lax potentiality -cent evidently -x future Adjectival -6 small -dzé large -bido® small (singular) -ga female, woman -menéx small (plural) , Miscellaneous -dstq!a to use so and so often -sgemt mask -sdana to die of— -gamé the one among—, ex- -2a to say— ~ cellent -lat to dance like -rwa‘s days -ts!zs (-dzus%) piece of STEM-SUFFIXES Indifferent Suffixes -Em nominal suffix -em‘s near by -rlgis doing for others -é80* rest -a verbal and nominal suffix -ilila about -a'wit across -6 meeting -ap! neck -6 out of -ap! each other -dla on water -dmas to cause -dla each other -atus down river -omas class of animals -dnem class of animate beings -ot, (-wut) fellow -ano instrument, passive usta up river -asdé meat -‘usdés up from the beach -yag a returning -0k” person -aga past -dlem nominal suffix -dxa down -6L to obtain -ago extreme -dtzla continued motion -d/a continued position -beta into, in -yala to go to look for -ba end § 18 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN -p!a taste -p!ala smell -p!attd with eyes -bes expert, fond of -pléq tree -pot (Newettee dialect) into, in -mano head -mis useless part -mut refuse -mp relationship -d inchoative -dems time of -énak direction -nd inchoative -ents!és down to beach INDIAN LANGUAGES 453 -Enz edge -saqo penis -‘sta water -ts!r- with hands -ts!aq long -ts!0 in -dzaqwa to speak -k-a to happen -k-ina accidentally -q!zs to swallow -g!ege® meat -¢!a to feel -xsa flat -2Ldé top of head -xL0 top of tree, hair on body -la verbal and nominal suffix Hardening Suffixes -Em genuine -em‘ya cheek -ES expert -a on rock -a to endeavor -aga among -emas class of animals -éné® abstract noun -énox" nomen actoris -és body (?%) -éq in body -éxsd to desire -0s cheek -b6 chest -s on ground -g a°t to begin to make noise -20 neck -rsd hind end -zLa bottom end Weakening Suffixes -Em instrument -em diminutive -En nominal sufhix —Enx season -rlk” doing regularly -rttsus down river -ayu instrument -ab6 under -amala along river -ad having -ab6 ear -Gnem obtained by— -aano rope -as place -ats!é receptacle -ag crotch -dlas material (%) -dlisem to die of — -é§ nominal suffix (?) -id having -inet obtained by— -és body (?%) -és beach -ég'é back -it in house -é~ into house -ésela ashore (?) -itba nose -éL!x6 mouth -0°yo middle -ns obtained unexpectedly -0%t ugly -nakula gradual motion -néq corner § 18 454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 -no side -nos side -nuLem temples -nutg'a groins -nsa under water -ndzem throat -dzo flat -k” passive participle -zs in canoe -“'sd away -xség'a front of house -zxsta mouth -f passive of verbs expressing sense perceptions SUFFIXES LOSING THEIR INITIAL CONSONANTS Losing initial g°: -g iu forehead -g it body -g ila to make -gustd up Losing initial hk’: -k-d, -k-aué between -k-r top of a square object Losing initial k*/: -k lin body -k: Jala noise -k*!0t opposite Losing initial x’-: -x'*id to begin -x'id past -x'plég a thigh -x'dem place -x'daéx" pronominal plural -x'dé transition from present to past -7's* across Losing initial g‘a-: All inchoatives in -g-al-, such as— -g alit in house -g alexs in canoe Losing initial g: -gem fare -qemt mask Losing initial 2: -rt!a seaward - -asé through -atd head Losing or modifying initial s- -sé'sta around -sto* eye -s0k” person § 18 -g Eg'a inside -g tig side of -g it reason -k-Gxé knee -k !és in body -k: lilga front of body -a'sa away from -a'siap! arm -x'siu mouth of river -x' sis foot -z'sila to take care of -r'ts/aina hand -r'La top -g aatela suddenly -go meeting -xség'a front of house -rLii top of head -sqwap five -sx'é tooth -sgem round thing —_— Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 455 Although the use of these suffixes follows the rules laid down here with a fair degree of regularity, there are quite a number of excep- tional compositions. A few examples will suffice here: stem grg’- gene’m wife stem gwég'- gwoyi’m whale - stem g'iné- gina’nem child stem zunke- zund’k” child stem xis- va’x'atya trying to disappear (s weakened to y, instead of being strengthened to ts!) stem p/zs- to flatten plaplatya trying to flatten (same as last) § 19. CLASSES OF SUFFIXES I have tried to classify the primary suffixes according to the ideas expressed. Classes of this kind are of course somewhat arbitrary, and their demarcations are uncertain. The general classification of suffixes which I have adopted is as follows: J. Terminal completive suffixes ($ 20, nos. 1-2). II. Primary suffixes (§§ 21-37, nos. 3-195). (1) Suffixes denoting space limitations ($§ 21-24, nos. 3-85). (a) General space limitations (§ 21, nos. 3-37). (b) Special space limitations (§ 22, nos. 38-52). (c) Parts of body as space limitations (§ 23, nos. 53-81). (d) Limitations of form (§ 24, nos. 82-85). (2) Temporal suffixes (§§ 25-26, nos. 86-97). (a) Purely temporal suffixes (§ 25, nos. 86-89). (b) Suffixes with prevailing temporal character (§ 26, nos. 90-97). (3) Suffixes denoting subjective judgments or attitudes relat- ing to the idea expressed ($§ 27-32, nos. 98-135). (a) Suffixes denoting connection with previously ex- pressed ideas (§ 27, nos. 98-104). (b) Suffixes denoting degrees of certainty (§ 28, nos. 105-107). (c) Suffixes denoting judgments regarding size, intensitf, and quality (§ 29, nos. 108-126). (d) Suffixes denoting emotional states (§ 30, nos. 127- 129). (e) Suffixes denoting modality (§ 31, nos. 130-131). (f) Suffixes denoting the source of information whence | knowledge of the idea expressed is obtained (§ 32, nos. 132-135). ; § 19 456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [aurx. 40 (4) Suffixes denoting special activities (§§ 33-34, nos. 136- 155): (a) Activities of persons in general (§ 33, nos. 135-148). (b) Activities performed with special organs of the body (§ 34, nos. 144-155). (5) Suffixes which change the subject or object of a verb (§ 35, nos. 156-160). (6) Nominal suffixes (§ 36, nos. 161-194). (7) Adverbial suffix (§ 37, no. 195). III. Subsidiary suffixes (§ 38, nos. 196-197). In the following list the influence of the suffix'upon the stem is indicated by abbreviations. sTEM-s. and worp-s. indicate whether ‘the suffix is added to the stem or to the full word. Nb. signifies that ‘the suffix is indifferent and has no influence upon the stem except as required by phonetic laws. Hu indicates that the terminal con- sonant of the stem is hardened; w, that it is softened. § 20. TERMINAL COMPLETIVE SUFFIXES (NOS. 1-2) 1. -a[sTEM-s., IND.]. This suffix is of indefinite significance. It is the most common word-closing suffix of verbs, and is very often used with substantives. Generally it disappears when the stem takes one of the primary suffixes, and it is also often dropped before syntactic suffixes. It is even dropped in the vocatives of nouns. In both verbs and substantives it follows very often the suffix -/- (no. 91), which seems to have primarily a verbal continuative character. (a) Verbal: mix'- mix‘a’ to strike qas- ga’sa to walk with -l-: ts! Ex°- ts! zx0/la to be sick (6) Nominal: lrg"- lrqwa’ five -ga female, as in Hd’‘la‘ma’laga mouse woman 11.12 (but Hd'‘la'malag O mouse woman!) with -(-: *na- light ‘na’la day, world paza- shaman paxa'la shaman 2. -d[steM-s.]. The first impression of the suffix -d is that it trans- forms intransitive verbs into transitive ones. q!/dats!0’ to have on q!oxts!o'd to put on la’ba to go to the end la’bnnd to reach the end. § 20 F BOAS] . HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 457 A closer examination shows that both forms occur in transitive as well as in intransitive verbs. -d intransitive: ‘nexwa’‘xsdend to begin to be near 107.17 L!a’qwaxéd to hand down a copper 84.3 without -d, transitive: q!0’xts!ala to have on 98.27 né'xsdla to pull through 76.1 da’deba to hold at end 254.36 On the whole, it seems that the suffix -d expresses the motions connected with the beginning of an action; and, since transi- tive verbs express much more frequently a passing act than a long-continued activity, it seems natural that the suffix should appear frequently with transitive verbs. Generally the suffix -d is suffixed to a primary suffix. When it follows a terminal m, it is simply added; when the primary suf- fix ends with a short vowel, the vowel is dropped and the ter- minal -d takes the form -nd. After primary suffixes ending in -d or dG, and after -aza DowN (no. 19), it amalgamates with the terminal vowel and becomes -éd. (a) -d: q!ené’pemd to cover face 299.21 (from -gzm face; see no. 54) (b) nd: dza’'k‘orLend to rub hind end 96.21 (from -rz- hind end; see no. 15) t!d’'tséstend to cut around 138.18 (from -ést- around; see no. 6) ts!exbrte’/nd to throw in 365.16 (from -bet- into; see no. 28) da'bend to take end 15.7 (from -b- end; see no. 31) (c) -dd: née’xsod to pull through 53.17 (from -rsd through; see no. 3) L!a’sagod to put farthest seaward (from -ago extreme; see no. 13) nego'*yod to move in middle 141.7 (from -o*yo middle; see no. 16) née’xustod to pull up 184.37 (from -ustd up; see no. 20) q!0'xts!dd to put on clothes 15.10 (from -ts/6 in; see no. PAT) ta’yabod to push under 80.13 (from -abd under; see no. 29) la’xtdd to reach top 196.34 (from -até on top; see no. 30) gix'd'd to take off 16.10 (from -0- off; see no. 37) § 20 458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 40 PRIMARY SUFFIXES (NOS. 3-1946) (§§ 21-36) Suffixes Denoting Space Limitations (Nos. 3-85) (§§ 21-24) § 21. General Space Limitations (Nos. 3-37) 3. -7sd@ THROUGH [STEM-S., IND.] loses the initial «. la to go lazsa’ to go through k!umel- to burn k!ume’‘lesé to burn through qas- to walk qa’tsé to walk through plet- to fly ptettsa to fly through 165.22 séx"- to paddle sé’x"sd to paddle through néx- to pull né’xsod to pull through 75.40 né’xsdla to pull through 76.1 ts!nlq"- hot ts!n'lIqumasda’la hot all through V 366.12 kwd’xsé hole 72.39 4. =-a°S® ACROSS [STEM-S., IND.] loses the initial 2’. ‘wil- entirely ‘wi’ welx's§ cut up entirely X 155.32 g ax to come g @’xsa to come ashore 371.37 sak¥- to carve meat sesa’x"s* end to carve across to pieces 31.40 sop- to chop : s0’ps*end to chop across Ltemt- to split LE mtema's’end to split across, plural (see no. 196), 158.50 5. -éld(la) aBoutT[STEM-S., IND.]. déq"- to see dé'drquwilila to look about 459.338 q!wés- to squeeze q!weé'siléla to squeeze all over . 40.7 pex"- to drift pa’rwilila to drift about 459.33 ddz- wrong Ad'dzislilag ilis Wrong all over the world (a name) 165.5 6. -ést(a@) and -sé°st(@) AROUND [STEM-S., IND.]. (a) After vowels, m, and n; -ést(a): d- something awé’‘sta circumference 85.9 k!wa to sit k!we' Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 459 (b) After & and 1 sounds, s, p; -sést(a): qas- to walk qa'tséstala to walk around 49.30 mix’- to strike mix'séstala to strike around drx"- to jump drx“séstala to jump around 154.11 } klimt- to adze k' li’ mttséstala to adze around x ilp- to twist x't/lpse*stala to spin around 7. -(£)g(a@) AMONG [STEM-S., H]. séx"- to paddle sio’gwa to paddle among yaq"- to distribute ya'q!uga to distribute among 6- something a@’‘wagé the place between, in- side X 87.34 x ilp- to turn «t'lp!zqela to turn in some- thing 92.28 baxo’'t!zqela pitchy inside V 490.1 mig- mind ni’ q!age song leader V 433.36 mek- a round thing is some- ma'klugé to be among X where 29.21 gi- to be somewhere gvgela to be among X 81.35 There are apparently a few cases in which this suffix weakens the stem. I found the two forms g@’ts!zga and qdé’ga TO WALK AMONG, derived from g@s- TO WALK. It is also used to express the superlative: gilt!- long gltlaga long among (i. e., the longest) 7a. -game*. This suffix may belong here, although its use as a word-suffix and the indifferent action upon the last consonant make its relations doubtful. g'v'game* head chief (=chief among others) cwa'k lunagame® excellent canoe (=canoe among others) *no'last!zgamé* the eldest one X 3.32 ‘ 8. -k°d, -k:au BETWEEN [STEM-S., IND.] loses initial k* after s and k and 1 sounds. The original form may be kw-d (see § 4). k-imt- to adze k-imida’'la to adze between V 347.19 gens- to adze gensa/la to adze between V 363.10 k!wéx- to devise klwe'k!wara/wee inventor 222.35 § 21 460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 Laz"- to stand La’ Lexwawayaa’s place of standing repeatedly be- tween on ground 140.35 (za Lex", -au, -s [no. 44]; -as place [no. 182]) Hamd@’lak-awé 111.29 bek¥- man bek Gwe man between 121.39 It would seem that in these cases there is sometimes a weakening of the 9. -aq(a) PAST[STEM-S., IND.] often with a reduplication. terminal consonant. la to go gal- first la’qa to go past ga laga to go past first (=to forestall) 246.35 tla’ Llasaaga to move seaward gwa'gwaaga to move north- ward X 63.32 ‘na’ndlaaga to move south- ward X 228.14 rwe'laga to go back 28.23 L!ds- seaward gwa- down river, north Ena’la south gwel- back In the following examples the terminal consonant is weakened: gwas- to turn to ¢ gwa'gawayaga to turn toward ét!- again ae'daaga to go back 13.9 10. -0°s(@) AWAY FROM [STEM-S., W]. p!ez- to fly gas- to walk han- hollow object is some- where max'ts- to be ashamed pla ria'sa to fly off quqa'dzix'sa to walk off ha’nz'send to take (kettle) off (from fire) V 441.40 ma’x'dzaxz'sa to go away for shame 316.32 ‘wi’ ‘lesa it is entirely away sid’e"send to paddle away 472.21 After x the initial 2 seems to be lost: ax- to do Swil- entire séx"- to paddle axsa’no it is taken off 10a. -yag°d RETURNING [STEM-S., IND.]. la’yag'a to go back X 186.18 ho’xyag'a they go back X 190.12 la’*yag elit to re-enter house 386.11 11. -@m's NEAR BY[STEM-S.,IND.]. Possibly the terminal -s does not belong to the suffix, but signifies ON THE GROUND (no. 44). § Swun- to hide k!wa to sit Lax"- to stand 21 “wuné més to hide near by k!wemés to sit near by Lazwe'més to stand watching 4 BOAS] - | HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN 12. -k°/6t OPPOSITE [STEM-S., IND.]. pears. la to go aps- side qwés- far gwa- down river hét- right hand INDIAN LANGUAGES 461 After s the initial k- disap- lak-!dtend to go to the oppo- site side 271.8 apso’t the other side 96.28 qwe’sot the far opposite side gwa’k'!ot the opposite side down river 130.22 hé’ tk: !odnégwil the right hand corner in the house 81.2 (see nos. 18, 46) Before the affricative ts, ¢ changes to 7. hé’ tk !otts!ana the right hand 15.11 (see no. 67) While q before this suffix changes to x in ‘nz’xk'!ot (from *nzg-) RIGHT OPPOSITE, the k* drops out in gemxdt LEFT sIDE (from gEmMa-) 13. -agO EXTREME [STEM-S., IND.]. ék-!- above ék-!lago farthest above X 179.32 L!as- seaward t!a’sagod to put farthest sea- ward gwa- north gwa’'gawe> extreme north end 218.9 14. -xsd BEHIND, HIND END, TAIL END[STEM-S., H]. Lxq- to slap LE’g!exsd to slap behind ts! zk¥- short ts!zk!u’esd a short person glak“- notch q!atku’xsdé to have a notch for a tail 279.18 é’’k l!axsdata to have hind end up V 325.8 o’xsdé- hind end V 490.28 nu’ naxrsdé wolf tail 279.13 ék*!a up 6- something nun wolf 15. =” (@) BEHIND, BOTTOM, STERN [STEM-S., H]. ‘wa'las large ‘wa'/lats!exLa (canoe) with large stern o’xxLé* stern of canoe 127.23 o’xLax sidzé heel V 475.5 (see no. *5) ha’nt!rxLend to shoot stern of canoe gwa't!lexta’‘la to groan after- ' wards X 5,11 o- something hant- to shoot gwar- to groan § 21 462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 16. -0°yO MIDDLE | STEM-S., W]. ‘| mok to tie mo’gwo'yo to tie in middle 370.13 la to go lo’‘yo to go to the middle U.S.N.M. 670.17 6- something oya’ other side of canoe V 361.22 49. -2L0 ON TOP OF TREE [STEM-S., IND.] (compare no. 76). han- a hollow thing is some- where gq é- to be somewhere ha’nxiod to put a box on top of a tree 278.31 g@xxLo it is on a tree 50. <«°sii MOUTH OF RIVER [STEM-S., IND.] loses initial 2°. o- something wun- deep o’x"siwe® mouth of river 29.3 wu'nx sii deep at mouth of river 51. =g°dig- SIDE, BANK OF RIVER [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g’. mak:- next k!wa to sit § 29 ma'k-dgé& next to bank of river 180.23 kiwa'gdgend to sit on bank of river 30.6 kiwa'gdgels to sit down on ground by a river 64.29 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 475 6- something o’gwige® side of canoe 79.14 shore of lake 143.7 séx- to paddle sé’serwdgé® paddles at sides 214.40 gex"- to hang gerwi'gedala to be suspended by the side of V 479.10 52. =xS@€g*= OUTSIDE FRONT OF HOUSE [STEM-S., W]. k- lat- to paint k!a’dexsée’gila painting on house-front 186.27 d- something 0’ rség é outside front of house, 272.4 Léx- to beat time Léxrausegind to beat front boards of house 247.5 : § 23. Parts of Body as Space Limitations (Nos. 53-81) 53. -<2Ld ON HEAD [STEM-S., H or W?]. 0- something o’aL dé head of clam 134.10 nés- to pull néts!nxLdlabrend to pull by the head X 171.30 ‘mel- white ‘mr'ldzexitdé’‘la having white feather on head X 114.12 lek-- to throw legixtdls to throw at head outside X 116.20 nét- to show né'tretd’x id to begin to show head 143.10 54. -gEm Face. This suffix is probably related to -sgzm round thing (no. 85). After p, s, ¢, ¢, x, and k sounds, -zm; after 1, n, m, and fortes, -gem. ‘mel- white ‘me'lgxm white face ék'! upward, high &kligz’mata’mas to cause face to be turned up (see nos. 92, 158) q!waz hemlock q!wa’xamée® hemlock on face (around head) 18.10 hap- hair hapr’m hairy face t!el- to push L!e/lgemx id to push from face 173.36 az- to be azama'la to have on _ face 271.24 Sometimes with the significance IN FRONT OF: Lax"- to stand La’rumé standing in front of It occurs also as word-suffix: aiank’m wolf aLanz’mgem with a wolf face, § 23 476 BUREAU OF AMERIGAN ETHNOLOGY {pun 40 54a. -gEmt MASK [STEM-S., as no. 54, or WORD-S.]. (a) STEM-S.: kung"- thunder-bird ku’ngumt thunder-bird mask 16.1 ‘msl- white ‘me‘lgemt mountain-goat mask 98.12 (b) worD-s.: &mel- white ‘me‘leLogemt mounfain- goat mask 96.23 546. =-nwLEm TEMPLES (= sides of face; compound of -né side [no. 17] and -gum face[no. 54]). 0- something O’nuLEmeé> temples 31.40 mast two mae’ matlogund’ tLema'la two persons on each side 217.29 (see nos. 82, 91) hé’tk lot right side hétk: !0denv’temé right side of house-front (see no. 12) 186.32 55. =Enya CHEEK [STEM-S., H]. Llaq'- red Llaq!u'm‘ya red-cheeked ‘nax’- to cover with blanket ‘na’umya to cover cheek with blanket 56. -OS CHEEK [STEM-S., H]. Llag’- red L!a'q!0s red-cheeked 57. =g°iu, -g*iyt FOREHEAD [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g’. 6- something — o’gwiwé forehead 19.5 wa'dz0 broad wa'dzogwiyt with broad fore- head (see § 4.1) gés- to shine ge’siu shining forehead ék* good ekvu pretty Before vocalic suffixes the terminal u becomes w. k-at- a long thing is somewhere k-a@’tewes house beam 118.29 (long thing on forehead) Las- to stick La’ siwé® what sticks on fore- > head 10-08 ho'x*hok" a fabulous bird ho’x"hokwiwe® ho’x"hok" head mask 110.16 ‘yiz’- to dance ‘yizwi' we’ dancing-headdress x'ts- to show teeth x ist’ we wolf head mask (teeth showing thing on forehead) q!nlx- wrinkled q!n/leewet wrinkles on fore- head § 23 : ; | | BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 477 bek¥- man bekwi’wala to have man on forehead 167.27 ax- to do, to be azé’wala to have on forehead 19.6 gums- ochre gu msiwak” forehead painted ~ red (see no. 172) yix- to tie yitEyo'd to tie on forehead la to go la’urdd to take off from fore- head 22.2 (see no. 37) This prefix is often used to designate THE BOW OF THE CANOE. In this case the g° never changes after 6 to qu. o- something a’giwe> bow of canoe 127.42 Lax"- to stand La’ x"gq- we standing in bow of canoe 127.9 rwid- to stick out rwi'drg i’ wala to stick out at bow 143.26 Sometimes -giu is used with the significance AHEAD, IN FRONT, in the same way as -ég’- (no. 69) is used to express BEHIND. sa’yapatqiwala to send ahead 149.22 (probably containing the inchoative -git- no. 197) alé’xutq- iu to paddle ahead 470.17 We have -giu also as word-suflix in g:@’lag:‘wwée> LEADER 8.6. 58. -at0 EAR [STEM-S., W]. gilt!+ long gilIdaté long-eared ge'mzot left side gemxo'dataé left ear 105.7 hél- to hire hé’lata to lend ear 217.37 wazxs- both sides wa’xsodatdé on each ear 223.2 gwas- to turn towards gua'saatdla to turn ear to 81.43 59. =“stO0 EYE, DOOR; more general, ROUND OPENING LIKE AN EYE [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial ‘s. (a) EYE: dé to wipe dd‘sto’d to wipe eye kwés- to spit kwe’stod to spit into eye 95.30 *nag- middle ‘na’qosstde®’ middle between eyes 168.13 dzra;- to rub dzrdzrx'sto’xswid to gub eyes X 57.34 (6b) poor: az- to do axsto’d to open door 15.6 6- something osta’lit door of house 20.9 § 23 478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 wazxs- both sides wa'rsustalit both sides of door 51.5 (see no. 46) mia’- to strike mix ilto’we to knock at door (c) ROUND PLACE: Léq"- to miss Lé’x“sto to miss a round place (d) TrRAtL. It would seem that in this case the form -?t6, which weakens the terminal stem consonant, is also used. ‘nag- middle ‘neasta’e middle of trail X 8.32 ‘negetto’ to keep on trail 19.9 Leq"- to miss Le’ guttod to miss a trail 60. -t£b(a@) NOSE, POINT [STEM-S., W; from -b(a@) POINT (no. 31)]. ot- to perforate odiv'tbznd to perforate nose o- something awv' tbe® point of land 682.1 gwaz"- raven : gwa’witbeé raven nose 129.41 Laq"- to push La’gwilbend to shove to nose 349.20 This suffix occurs also as word-suflix. qwe’sa far qwe'saétbedzd really far from nose 349.19 (see no. 119) ‘nExwa near *nexwae’ tba near nose 349.21 61. -East(@) MOUTH, OUTWARD OPENING[STEM-S., W]. ‘mek¥- round object is some- ‘meguastalé’s round entrance where on beach 153.29 (see no. 45) t/Oq- gap, narrow opening t!0’guxsta with small’mouth 0- something dwaxste: mouth of inlet 155.26, of bottle V 486.3 ha*m- to eat ha’*manédzrxsta to eat at the side of some one 117.23 (see no. 17) qet- to spread qedexsta’e sticks for spread- ing (mouth) of tree 99.3 gwas- to turn to gwa’yaxst to turn mouth to Uae ‘matt!é- to recognize ‘mattléust to recognize voice 250.9 ga- early gaa’xstala breakfast X 167.6 grg'- wife geg vast woman’s voice 62. -sedi TOOTH [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial s. o’aLé hind end o’aLasx’Gé lower jaw 166.6 a®wabo’é> lower side a'wa’bosx' dé lower side of bow of canoe 127.20 § 23 ——— _ err” o Maes Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 479 ‘walas large ‘walasa’dé big toothed (= lynx) ‘neg- straight ‘neva'd'ta straight edged V 491.30 t/és- stone t/é’sx'dé stone-edged 96.18 63. -70 NECK [STEM-S., H]. LIdg" red L!a@’q!wexd red necked 0- something ora’ wee neck 149.22 (see $4.3) gix’- to put around genza'la to have around neck 167.28 genzo’d to put around neck 90.2 q!wes- to squeeze q!we'ts! nxod to strangle 136.32 k- !ip- to hold around klip! rx0'd to embrace around neck X 121.38 sop- to chop so’p!rzod to chop neck (i. e., foot of tree) V 344.15 63 a. -tL!x6 IN MOUTH [STEM-S., W; compound of -éz (no. 47) and -x0 (no. 63)]. , ‘wap water ‘wa’ bit !xawe> saliva hét- right hé’léx !xawe® mouthful X 157.20 ts!ex"- to wash ts!zweé’t!z0 to rinse mouth V 432.27 sek*- to spear sagé’Lixala to spear into mouth U.S.N.M. 670.2 rwak !- canoe rwa’gwit!xdla canoe in mouth U.S.N.M. 670.2 ts!xq- to throw — is!ngé’tinxod to throw into mouth 359.13 64. -ndzEm THROAT [STEM-S., W; perhaps related to -ns- (no. 26)]. top- speck to’brendzem speck in throat 65. -a@p! when followed by accent -ip! NECK [| STEM-S., IND.]. 0- something awa’ ple neck piece 18.5, 39.4 gaya’ p!é neck part 38.25 az- to be axa’ p!ala to have on neck 19.6 drx- to jump da’rwap! to jump on neck 99.27 g é- to be somewhere gip!a'teléd to put into neck- piece 39.3 Also with the meaning FOLLOWING, BEHIND, like -ég'- (no. 69). Lax“- to stand La’wap!elis to stand behind on ; beach (see no. 45) han- hollow thing is somewhere ha'’ngitela'plala canoe fol- lowing on water (see no. 42) § 23 480 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 66. -2:sid@’p! ARM ABOVE ELBOW. Evidently a compound of the preceding suffix; loses initial 2. o- something o’e"siaples shoulder and hu- merus ‘wek-- to carry on shoulder ‘wix'sia’plala to carry on shoulder 57.16 67. -ats!an(a) HAND [STEM-S., IND.] loses initial 2°. t/és- stone tlé’sema'ts!ana stone-handed 131.32 ax- to do axts!a@’nend to put on hand 198.19 lemex"- dry le’mlemets!anax*id to dry hands V 430.8 pex- to scorch pé pex'ts!anax**id to dry hands by fire V 429.18 After short vowels this suffix has the form -dts!ana; with preceding ¢ it also forms -éts/dna. da’'ba to hold end da batts !anend to take by hand X 4.31 (see no. 31) hé’ tk: lot right side hé'tk'!otts!éna right ~— hand 15.11 68. -b6 cHEST [STEM-S., H]. q!ap- to hit q!a’p!b6 to hit chest 69. -€g*(@) BACK [sTEM-s., W]. The terminal vowel of this suffix may be -a. It appears very often, however, as -é@ without any apparent grammatical reason. at- sinew adé’g'é& back sinew V 487.4 (see no. 161) 6- something atwi’g'é back 144.21, V 475.6 (see no. 161) mix’- to strike merné gind to strike back L!das- seaward Lia’'sig'ata being with back seaward 150.9 (see no. 92) gil- to walk on four feet gilv’g rnd to climb on back 279.5 giligv’ndalap!a to climb on back of neck 279.7 (see no. © 65) la to go lé’g-a to follow 47.41 6-, plural éw- something éwigatts!ané® backs of hands X 159.30 (see no. 67) B BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 481 With ending -é it appears in— Swun- to hide ‘wune’g'é to hide behind 120.7 ts!elk-- feather ts!n/lk-ig ila feathers on back It is often used to signify BEHIND, as in the examples given before. It is also used in a temporal sense, AFTERWARDS. hét- right hé'léegind to serve a second course at a meal 156.18 Gi. e., right afterwards) L!op- to roast L!0’bég-a to roast afterwards nagq- to drink na'gegila to drink afterwards 41.25 Peculiar idiomatic uses of this suffix are— ‘neg- straight *negé g'é midnight 85.27 (i. e., straight behind) (naq- *) na’nageg é to obey 26.13 70. -k*ltlg(a@) FRONT OF BODY [STEM-S., IND.]. 0- something ok lwulge front of body gi- to be somewhere gék lilgend to put in lap V 478.25 ts!xq- to drop ts!nxk'!i’/lgendala to drop in lap 258.2 71. -a@q CROTCH [STEM-S., W]. 6- something awa’gé crotch of a tree, hollow in foot of a tree awa’goxti small of back V 490.32 (see no. 15) ts!op- to tuck in ts!o’bageé’ something tucked into crotch X 175.6 gvg 4 tooth gv'g agala teethin crotch 96.17 ts! «t- crack, split ts!eda’q woman (i. e., split in crotch 2) 72. -SAqQO PENIS [STEM-S., IND.]. mok¥- to tie mo'r"s rgrwak" with tied penis (see no. 172) 138.11 73. -a-plég:(a) THIGH (compounded of -x"p/é and -g-a inside [no. 36]). qix’- to put around giz ple’gind to put around thigh 89.37 74. -k*dix°é KNEE [STEM-S., IND.]. 6- something Okwd’x'é knee 87.12 LEem- scab Lemk d’xé& with scabby knees 154.11 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——31 § 23 482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 75. -a°sts, -a°stdz(é) roor [STEM-s., IND.]; loses initial 2°. o- something o’x"sidze® foot of mountain 19.12 ben- under be’na sidzé® under foot 118.30 hé that héx sidzendala right down to foot 19.12 q!a’'x'sidzé to lead 24.4, 50.10 ép- to pinch é’ psidzend to pinch foot 96.3 76. -7LO HAIR ON BODY [STEM-S., W] (compare no. 49). Llag’- red L!a’guxio red-haired ‘mel- white ‘me'lxLo mountain-goat (i. e., white-haired) 7.3 77. -qlEgé MEAT [STEM-S.; probably from -¢ and -ga AMONG (no. 7)]. ‘mel- white (see ‘mez'lzz0 under = ‘me’l*melq! zgé mountain- no. 76) goat meat wiyod q!uge: the inside V 490.13 78. =€8 IN BODY [STEM-S., W]. gilt!- long gildés long-breathed ‘mek¥- round thing is *megwi’s stomach (1. c., round | thing in body) tslix- sick isha ii’sela (ts !tx-4’la-is-la), ts iats!ené’s sick in body 78 a. -k*fés is probably a secondary form of the last, which loses its initial k*, and hardens the terminal stem-consonant. ‘nem one ‘nemk'!és one down in belly (= swallowed) pent- stout pe niles stout belly 50.15 Here belongs probably also a form -k*/aés. o’k !waédzé® branch side of tree V 344.15 la’k: !aédzend to enter the body 77.20 79. -g°it BoDY[STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial gq’. o- something o’gwite® body 202.24 V 366.13 qup- to sprinkle qupe’tléd to sprinkle over body 112.19 (see no. 90) z6s- to sprinkle z0’sit to sprinkle body 105.38 ék- good é’k-étrla well grown (tree) V 496.6 ték’- to hang te’kwetledayu to be hung to body U.S.N.M. 667.7 dzek:- to rub dzek'v't to rub body 199.20 § 23 a i i le i, i eel BOAS] / HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 483 In a few cases -git appears as word-suffix. ‘na'la day tlé’seEm stone *na’'lagv'taso* Day - on - Body 196.4 (see no. 159) Tlé’semg it Stone-Body 200.9 In one case the ending -g7it appears with its g° preserved after aq. *meg’- to put on [PLURAL OB- JECT] ‘megugvt to put on body [PLURAL OBJECT] 199.11 80. -k:/t7 BODY, CONSISTING OF (relating to the surface of the body) [STEM-S., IND., also WoRD-S.]; loses initial k-/, replaced by *. (a) STEM-S.: 6- something ‘mel- white Llemq!- yew tree lemx"- dry xv’tx- to burn drwe’x cedar withe Sometimes used to express LOG. k!wa to sit ‘nex"- to cover with blanket (6) wWorD-s.: Llag"- red ala real o- something ék* good tz‘l- dead o’k! wine surface of body Sme'lk lin with white body Lle’mg!ek' lin made of yew V 408.1 lemle’mazune ‘id to get dry V 483.6 vixendla being like fire V 196.35 drwe’xsen cedar-withe rope 170.8 kiwa'k init to sit on log in house 272.29 (see no. 46) givk-lindala to put on log 272.33 (see nos. 2, 91) ‘nevu'nd to put on blanket 65.1 L!a/qwak: lin copper body (1.e., entirely copper) 80.12 @’lak: lin able-bodied 208.39 81. -€q IN MIND [STEM-s., H, often with reduplication]. a‘wege’* inside of body ék-!é’qela to feel good 123.12 (see no. 91) é’k-éx%id to begin to feel glad 34.30 (see no. 90) wa’*nega revengeful te‘laé’qela to long (i. e., to feel dead) 63.14 te‘laé’xsed to yield (i. e., to begin to feel dead) § 23 484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 gi- to be gig aegala to think 52.5 la to go lée’laéqala to think of going q/é- many q!a’yaqala to bother 54.38 ; *nék’- to say ‘né’nk l!éx%id to begin to think (see no. 90) 184.3 § 24. Limitations of Form (Nos. 82-85b) 82. =0k”“ and =s0k" HUMAN BEINGS[STEM-S., with doubtful influence upon stem]. ma‘t two ma‘lo’k" two persons 48.21 ék good é’x'sok” handsome 48.29 gin- how many? gino’k« how many persons? ho'lat a few ho'lalo’k” a few persons qg/é- many qleyok” many persons 83. =a2s(@) FLAT [STEM-S., IND.]. 'nEM one ‘nz’masa one (day) 18.2 84. =ts!aq LONG [STEM-S., IND.]. ‘nEM one ‘nz’mts!aq one (horn) 17.9 85. -sgEM ROUND SURFACE [STEM-S., IND., and worD-s]; loses s and g. (a) STEM-S.: ‘nem one ‘nz’msgem one round thing Sabi. ‘mel- white ‘me'lsgem white-surfaced 61.26 k!wa to sit klwa’sgem to sit on round thing qlEnép- to wrap up qlené’pemd to cover face 299.21 Here belong also— L!a’s- seaward L!a’sgrmata to face seaward 61.16 la to go la’sgem to go facing (1. e., to follow) 8.9 (b) worp-s.: blanket. metsa’ mink ma'tsasgem mink blanket qg!wax hemlock g!wa’xsem house of hemlock branches 45.24 ala’g'im dressed skin ala'gimsgem dressed -s kin blanket X 57.3 § 24 Roas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 485 85a. -@ EN FINGER-WIDTH [WORD-S., IND.]. 'nz’mdenxsd one finger-width thick V 491.6 (see no. 3) yaey' dux“denilila everywhere about three finger-widths (see no. 5) 85). -awa‘s day. hé’top!enewass the right number of days 355.26 This class of suffixes does not fit in the present place particularly well, since nos. 82-84 are used almost exclusively with numerals, indicating the class of objects. My reason for placing these suffixes at the present place is that suffixes denoting space limitations may be used in the same way as this class. We have, for instance, with -ts!6 (no. 27), ‘nz’mts!06 ONE INSIDE; and with -dla sTATIONARY ON WATER (no. 41), aZzbd’'la SEVEN IN A CANOE AFLOAT. Since, further- more, -0k“ HUMAN BEINGS is used with a number of intransitive verbs, and since -sgxm is in its application quite analogous to all the other local suffixes, it seemed best to keep the whole series together. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that there is a distinct contrast between -dzd ON A FLAT THING (no. 35) and -zsa A FLAT THING; the former indicating the place of an action, while the latter is used only as a classifier of nouns. Furthermore, the few suffixes given here are in a wider sense classifiers than the local suffixes. This is indicated by combinations like ‘nz’mzsats!6 ONE FLAT THING INSIDE (-zsa a flat thing, -ts/o inside); and ‘nz’msgzm‘std ONE prop, literally ‘‘one round thing in round thing”’ (-sgzm round, -‘sté round opening [no. 59]). Temporal Suffixes (Nos. 86-97) (§§ 25-26) § 25. Purely Temporal Suffixes (Nos. 86-89) 86. -w REMOTE PAST [STEM-S., IND., and worp-s.]. This suffix has the form -ué after words ending in a, m, n, 1, x“; after p, t, s, k“, x, it assumes the form -wut. At the same time terminal k¥ is aspirated as before a consonant. After éit has the form -yud. ‘nngd’ p!enkimét the dead ‘nnqa’p!Eenk tm 283.9 Ya@'ctenut the dead Ya’xLen 285.11 lot he went long ago (from la to go) ‘ma’xot the dead ‘ma’xwa 470.36 ge- long time - gryo't long ago 12.4 omp father o’mpwut dead father 113.16 tzns- one day remote te’/ns‘ut yesterday 31.6 ds thy father @’swut thy dead father 142.16 §§ 24, 25 486 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY hayo’t*wut former rival ‘nemo'xwut past friend 271.23 [BULL. 40 ga cwutren I came long ago 142.19 (gaz to come; -zn I) O'*magasema‘yut the dead O’“magasEmé® 142.17 In a few cases this suffix modifies the terminal sound of the stem. da'gitnotwut DEAD FELLOW-WIFE 142.18, which contains the suffix -dt (no. 167, p. 506) changes its terminal ¢ to ¢ (see also 87. =0°id RECENT PAST[STEM-S., IND.]. 88. 89. p- 451) wa’yut OLD DOG, from wa’ts!é DOG, is treated as though the stem were was- and the terminal s were weakened. The initial 2° drops out after p, t, s, l, and 1 and k sounds; p and ¢ are at the same time strengthened; 1 and k stops are aspirated. az- to be la to go - I FUTURE [ worD-s. ]. rwa'k luna canoe Le’gad having a name axa’s*id place where he had been (see no. 182) 42.4 lax**id he went 190.29 rwa/kiunat a future canoe 83.33 Lé’gadet one who will have a name 19.1 -17°dé TRANSITION FROM PRESENT TO PAST, or rather from exist- ence to non-existence [STEM-S., IND., and worp-s.]; loses the initial x’. gil first wa'tdem word zisa’ta to have disappeared ya’ qludza's place of lying dead k!wit to feast in house gile-dé what had been first 8.11 wa’ tdema'dé what he had said 25.4 x isa’'tax'dé the one who had disappeared and “was no more 85.32 ya'q!udza’sdé place where he had lain dead 61.8 (see nos. 44, 182) k!wi/tdé those who had been feasted, but ceased to feast 22.4 § 26. Suffixes with Prevailing Temporal Character (Nos. 90-97) 90. -x**td inchoative. The initial x is dropped after p, t, s, t, and x and k sounds except the fortes; p and ¢ are at the same § 26 = - ee = Los] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES time strengthened; 2 and k stops are aspirated. 487 This suffix is evidently compounded with the terminal completive -d (no. 2). It can not be used with all other, suflixes, many of which have a different way of forming inchoatives no. 197). It can also not be used with all stem-verbs. (see It was stated before (no. 2) that verbs with primary suffixes ending in -a generally form an inchoative in -nd. Never- theless cases occur in which the full suffix -x-‘id is used. have— la‘stax*t’d to begin to go into water 36.25 gwe’xtur*wid to begin to have a direction on top (= to steer) o’dzrbax*id to begin to turn the wrong way k- ltpts!@’/lax“id to begin to hold (in tongs) inside 192.38 k !asta’laz**id to begin to place into water 95.8 We Examples of the use of the inchoative with simple stems are the following: gil- to walk on four feet ten- to forget k!uml- to burn wun- to drill Swun- to hide rek*!- to stay L!ep- to climb (a pole) ‘lap- to dig x0’s*it to sprinkle body (see no. 79) gas- to walk plzs- to flatten nét- to tell gilo’t- to steal k- !t’mt- to adze k-éz- to fish with net dzé’k’- to dig clams dok“- to troll doq"- to see nag- to drink awu'lq- to want more ya’*wix'- to act Tix’- to turn bow of canoe gamz"- to put on down maz"- potlatch denx- to sing g ile id te’nx id ku’ mlx id wu' na id Swu' na id geek ln d Liep!vd ‘la’ plid 20’ sitlid ga’ sid plastid ne’ tid g ilo’ tid ke 14/mtid ke’ tid dzé' xd do'x'wid do’ xiwid na’ xsid awu' lxid ya'wia sid ris*t'd ga'maiwid Ema’ xiwid de’ nxid =P) 488 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 It appears from the rules and examples here given that the incho- atives of stems in k* and a’, k% and 2”, g and 2, g” and a”, 1 and ¢ can not be distinguished. The number of stems ending in a fortis is very small, but all those that I have found take the ending -x‘id preceded by a release of the vocal cords. I have no examples of stems ending in a sonant and taking the ending -x'*id. A few cases are apparently irregular, presumably on account of secondary changes in the stem. (zax¥-) to stand La’ ¢swid (tox“-) to go forward to’x'wid Both these stems are often treated as though they ended in -d, not in -z", but the relationship of these two sounds has been pointed out before. 91. -d(a@) continuative. Instems ending in a long vowel, it is added to the terminal vowel. Withstems ending in a consonant, it is generally connected by an obscure z, but also by a long @. Terminal p and ¢ sounds, including nasals in suffixes and stems, seem to require long ad, while s occurs both with z£ and @. In stems ending in a k sound with w or i tinge, it is added to the vocalized tinge. In all suffixes that may take a terminal -a (no. 1), it is added to this -a. wut- to hear wuLe'la to hear 11.10 laé’i to enter laé’tela to be engaged in entering 24.2 ya’ 10d to tie ya’Lodala to be engaged in tying 28.33 This suffix is evidently contained in the suffixes -‘nakula (no. 94), -k lala (no. 144), -aldla (no. 5), -g'aazela (no. 96), -dtzla (no. 93), -gila (no. 136). Examples of its use after various classes of sounds are the following: After long vowels— pa'la to be hungry 7.4 ‘mola to thank 21.2 hamg‘vla to feed 7.6 ala real 9.5 *wi'‘la entirely 10.8 axk:!a/la to ask 7.5 After stems ending in a k sound with wu or 7 tinge— g 0’kula to live 7.1 islixi/la sick 32.27 *na’qula light 11.2 ple’xula to feel § 26 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 489 After consonants of k and l series— wuLe'la to hear 11.10 k-itzla’ to be afraid 10.2 wu'ngela deep 11.1 Lé’gela to name 9.13 ve'niela very 7.3 dr’nxela to sing 13.2 After consonants of p and t series— axa’p!lala to be on neck ho’'temala to obtain easily 7.3 19.6 a’xodala to handle 32.41 hé’to‘mala to be on time da'la to hold 14.9 15.10 tena’la to forget gexima'la to be on head- qa’ tsée‘stala to go around 23.13 ring 18.4 After s— mé’sela to have a smell léstalv’sela to go around on beach P27 qwe’sala far 26.43 After suffixes that may take terminal a— Sa’gumbala (name of a place) 7.1 (no. 31) ts/é’stala tongs 21.3 (no. 32) gana’yobala having lasso at end 37.13 (no. 31) ge‘stala long in water X 155.38 (no. 39) 92. -ata continuative [STEM-s., IND.]. This differs from the pre- ceding in that it indicates the continued position implied in an act, not the continued activity itself. x Os- to rest x°0’sdla to be in the position of rest 274.7 ‘wun- to hide ‘wund’ta to be in hiding 161.2 gil- to move on four legs gila’ta to be on four legs *nex"- near ‘nexwa’ta to be near 36.10 da to take da'ta to hold 16.5 bek¥- man bekwa’'ta character of a person With stems ending in @, é, and 7 it is contracted to -éla: gé long gata 129.14 hé that hé'ta being that 14.3 93. -0€(£la) CONTINUED MOTION [STEM-S., IND.]. é’k-! above é’k-!0tela to continue to go up 126.40 ‘nala south ‘na/lotela going south, down river 125.7 gwas- direction gwa’sodtela to approach 9.9 § 26 490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 40 94. -“naku(la) GRADUAL MOTION, ONE AFTER ANOTHER[STEM-S., W]. tékv- to hang te’qu'na’kula to hang one after another pEnt- stout penLE nd kula to grow stout 49.15 : qas- to walk — gdna’kula to walk along 115.3 ' 95. -20aW(@) SOMETIMES [ worRD-s.]. la to go la’naxwa to go sometimes 11.3 xa’s place of disappearance via’snarwa place where he disappears sometimes 28.8 96. -g-aaLEla, after k and 1 sounds ~axnerla, SUDDENLY. Used often with verbs denoting sense-impressions (see p. 514). doq- to see dox*wate'la to discover 19.10 plag- to taste plexave'la to learn by taste 31.5 ; q!az- to know q!ataxrr'la to learn 135.4 gaz to come ga@'xacz‘la to come suddenly 33.41 The following is apparently irregular: wut- to hear wuLd'caLtela to learn by hearing 35.23 The following probably belong here also: ax- to do axkaLtr’lod to take out sud- denly 38.13 kwéz- to strike kwéxace’lod to strike sud- denly 99.3 Lds- to push Las‘aLe‘lod to push in sud- denly 19.5 97. -f@ TO DO AT THE SAME TIME WHILE DOING SOMETHING ELSE, WHILE IN MOTION [STEM-S., IND.]. daé- to laugh da’'tta*‘ya laughing at the same time 284.5 drnx- to sing de'nxrtatya singing while walking 355.15 - yiz"- to dance Syixuta’*ya dancing as_ she came 455.20 With terminal -é (see § 49, p. 530) this suffix has the form -tz*wé: *né’gite*we he says while— 285.6 : ha'mala'g ita’wé to eat walking 134.2 ya’ qtentlalaxtrswe to speak while— 374.9 § 26 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 491 The elements -g%- and -z- preceding this suffix in the last two instances are not clear as to their origin. Suffixes Denoting Subjective Judgments or Attitudes Relating to the Ideas Expressed (Nos. 98-133) (§§ 27-32) § 27. Sujfjixes Denoting Connection with Previously Expressed Ideas Y ‘ip (Nos. 98-104) 98. =<2ad ALSO, ON THE OTHER HAND [ WORD-S.]. da’«**idaxaa he also took 8.13 @’emtzxaas and only you on your part 397.3 (-em no. 103; -1 no. 88; -s thou) Lo’gwalaxarn I on my part have supernatural power 399.3 (-en I) 99. =%°Sd STILL, ENTIRELY [WORD-S.]. 1a’ siwalax'sé it still stuck on his forehead 24.5 da'lax'sé still holding on 14.11 L!exL!d'gex"sé entirely cedar-bark 86.24 99a. -q¢/dla PERFECTLY, COMPLETELY [STEM-S., IND.]. *na’q!ala it is full day 441.13 no’ tq!ala entirely uneasy 100. -lag:-itl IN THE MEAN TIME [WoORD-s.]. seka@’/lag iL to spear in the mean time CS 44.25 101. =-¢!a But [ WoRD-s.]. *né’x‘lat!a but he said, it is said, 100.22 102. =Za@ BuT [worD-s.]. la’ ra but he went 14.10 The difference between -za and -t/a is difficult to define. On the whole, the latter expresses an entirely unexpected event in itself improbable; the former implies that the event, although not necessary, might have been expected. gap!é'déda xwa'k!una latmé’sta hé’tdik-ama the canoe capsized but he came out well gap!lée'déda xwa'k!una la’me’stia hé'tdik-ama the canoe capsized and against all expectation he came out well (gap!é’d to cap- size; -€da prenominal subj. [p. 530]; zwa’k!una canoe; la to do, go, happen; -‘més no. 104; hé’ldik-ama to come out right) la'mé’st!a wuLekwa’ it has antlers (although they do not belong to it) (wuze’m antlers; -k” passive participle, no. 172) § 27 492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 103. =*a indicates that the subject has been referred to or thought of before. g Gt'rm he came laz'm‘laé gwat then, it is said, he finished (what has been men- tioned before) 141.34 le’x'aem daa’x“s K’. and it was only carried by K-. 403.28 yu’'men—this (what has been mentioned before) is my—211.20 104. =‘aés [ worD-s.; compounded of -*m-wis AND So, indicating that a certain event is the effect of a preceding event]. héx‘idarmla’wis and so, it is said, it began to be (passim) (héx**id it begins to be, -‘la it is said, -zm-wis) gv gaméemzaa'wisen and so I, on my part, am also a chief This suffix evidently contains -'m (no. 103); the intimate con- nection between the expressed idea and the preceding idea being first indicated by -‘m, and their causal relation being indicated by -wis. In a few cases, when following -dna PER- HAPS (no. 106), it occurs without -*m. § 28. Sujfjixes Denoting Degrees of Certainty (Nos. 105-107) 105. -laa% POTENTIALITY, used in all uncertain conditional sentences [ WORD-S.]. a’mé’talax it might spoil 131.17 yvlkwalaz6n you might be hurt 29.35 106. -@na PERHAPS [ WORD-S.]. ‘ma’dzda’/nawis what, indeed, may it be? (see no. 119) 11.12 la’gils‘laza’/nauis (what) may he perhaps be doing on the ground? 95.20 (-gils on ground [no. 44]; -lax [no. 105]; -wis [no. 104]) 107. -g°-an. Em PERHAPS [ WORD-S.]. so’gwanrm you perhaps 146.28 § 29. Suffixes Denoting Judgments Regarding Size, Intensity, and Quality (Nos. 108-126) 108. =Kk*as REALLY [worp-s.]. In the dialects of northern Van- couver Island, particularly in that of Koskimo, this suffix is used throughout, and has lost its significance entirely. gd’ tak-as really a long time 7.4 ne nwalak!winék'asos your real supernatural quality 479.11 (see no. 171) ga'ck-asden really I came 478.4 (see no. 89; -zn I) §§ 28, 29 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 493 108 a. -k°as*O FINE AND BEAUTIFUL, used particularly in poetry [ WORD-S. ]. LO’ qwalak-as*6 a really fine magic treasure 111.1, 478.9 109. -6°§ UGLY, AWKWARD [STEM-S., w]. wa’'yat a big ugly dog ‘widlotwisté where is the past, ugly, miserable thing? (wi- where, -ué past[no. 86], -0°¢ ugly, -wi‘s[no. 104], -xzé miserable [no. 115]) 99.31 la’k-adzo*t that really bad one X 207.16 (see no. 108) 110. -dzé LARGE [ worRD-s.]. tla qwadzé large copper 84.16 q!a@’sadzék-as a great number of sea-otters (-k-as no. 108) g 0'x"dzé large house 483.27 110a. -Em diminutive [STEM-s., w] always used with reduplication (see § 45, p. 526). neg é’ mountain na’nagim small mountain ts!eda’q woman ts!a@'ts!edagem girl g 0k” house g'a'g ogum little house g int- child gag inlem little child In sa@’yobem LITTLE ADZE (from sdp- TO ADZE) the initial s is weakened (see § 43.6). 111. -Em GENUINE, REAL [STEM-S. and worD-s., H, lengthens vowel of stem]. ba’k!um genuine man, Indian ba’gwanem‘ em full-grown man Kvkwa’k!um real Kwakiutl wi wap!em fresh water V 365.33 112. -béd0* SMALL [SINGULAR, WORD-S.]; see no. 113. q!a’k- obid 6 a little slave 99.31 sé’xwabido* to paddle a little ge lwitbabido® little hooked nose 271.29 brgwo'*tbhido® ugly, little man (see no. 109) Very common are the compounds— ama’bidd® small one 18.10, 38.14 ‘nerwa tabido* quite near 19.13, 107.20 With verbs this suffix, as well as the following, signify rather that a small person, or small persons, are the subject of the verb, than that.the act is done to a slight extent, although the latter is often implied. é’plébido® the little one pinched, he pinched a little CS 12.13 § 29 494 113. 114. ths. £16; li ee 118. Hite BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 -MENExXx" SMALL [PLURAL, WORD-S.]. Possibly this is etymo- logically related to the preceding, since m and n are the nasals belonging to 6 and d; and a similar relation of stops and nasals may be observed in the northern dialects of the Kwa- kiutl, where we have, for instance, -idzx" corresponding to -énox" (no. 162). ‘néne’mgesmeEnex" the little ‘nx’mges 135.34 -O SMALL [ WORD-S.]. g a@'xetelad little ones entering U.S.N.M. 670.14 -xL@ MISERABLE, PITIFUL, TOO BAD THAT, loses the initial x after s. mé’caxLayin too bad that I was asleep! la’xxLé unfortunately X 162.39 =1° Ld VERY [ WORD-S.]. ts! z/lqwax La& it is very warm qlz'msq!emts!Ex' L&é very lazy 45.9 -witst!a VERY (perhaps a compound of -wis [no. 104] and -t/a [no. 101] BUT So). ts!0'ttowist!a very black -m@ AT ONCE, WITHOUT HESITATION[ worpD-s.]. Used in the most southern Kwakiutl dialect, the Le’kwitda‘z", with great frequency. In this dialect the suffix has lost its significance entirely. g a’zmda he came at once -dz@ EMPHATIC [| WORD-S.]. gé'ladzd come, do! 13.3 (like German “komm doch!’’) ‘ma’dza what anyway? 11.12 yu'dzdemzxent evidently this is it (see nos. 103, 135) k:Jé’dzdem not at all X 3.29 (see no. 103) . sheinat NICELY [ WorD-s.]. dr’/nxalak:inat singing nicely oD oD . =a°sa(ld@) CARELESSLY [ WORD-S.]. ‘né’'k-ax'sala to speak carelessly . shina ACCIDENTALLY [STEM-S., with reduplication]. da'doxkwinala to see accidentally wa'watkiné obtained by luck CS 42.8 L0'mak indlazé will be by chance very much CS 36.7 § 29 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 495 123. -q!dlasm(a@) TO NO PURPOSE [ WoRD-s.]. qlénd' kulaq!a’la’ma walking along without object bé’begwanemg!ala’m common men V 441.15 124. -wd, -@ IN A WRONG MANNER, TO FAIL, TO MAKE A MISTAKE EY ) ) ) oFF [sTEM-s.]. This suffix may be identical with no. 37. After n and vowels, -wd; after p, t, and anterior and posterior k sounds, -@ (compare no. 41). la’wd to go off from road V 491.24 da’wd to fail to hold V 478.21 t!é’ pa to step off sopa'la to chop off V 345.18 této’la to have the bait off V 479.9 k-éxa’layu to be scraped off V 487.12 125. -b68(a) TO PRETEND TO [ WORD-S.] q!wa’sabéta to pretend to ery 155.34 ts!na°q!abo’ta to pretend to feel sick 278.26 (see no. 148) ha‘mapbota to pretend to eat 257.23 ‘wi'‘labota to pretend to pinch 260.33 This suffix occurs also with nouns: ha‘mé’botax'dé past pretended food (what had been made to look like food) 260.36 126. -x°st! aS USUAL; -x°stlaak" APPARENTLY, SEEMINGLY, IT SEEMS LIKE. ; la’*mzx'st!as you do as usual U.S.N.M. 670.7 ladz0’lisax’st!aa@’x"maé apparently reaching up to the sky 238.5 la’x' st!aa’k” it seems to be 50.25 4 § 30. Suffixes Denoting Emotional States (Nos. 127-129) 127. -qlanadk" QUITE UNEXPECTEDLY [ WoRD-s. ]. la’qiand’kwaeé k!é/lax*tdeg he struck her, although you would not expect it of him 128. -€L ASTONISHING! [ WORD-S.]. s@’éL it is you! 149.12, U.S.N.M. 725.11 é’dzdétak’ behold not this! 198.37 (és- not; -dzd@ no. 119; -ak- this [see p. 530]) 129. -x0L ASTONISHING! 0 WONDER! [ WORD-S.]. k:!é’sx6L oh, wonder! not 17.7 hé*maaslazoz oh, wonder! it was he 138.43 éataéne’maxoL behold! wolves X 57.15 § 30 496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 31. Suffix Denoting the Optative (Nos. 130-131) 130. -nésL on, 1F! [worpD-s.]. 131. g Gene sie oh, if (he) would come! 3 -%* LIKELY HE WOULD! exhortative (see § 66, p. 549). § 32. Suffixes Denoting the Source of Information (Nos. 132-135) 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. -“l(a@) IT IS SAID [ WORD-S.]. ze’nLelal very much, it is said 7.3 k !é’s‘lat!a but not, it is said 8.10 (see no. 101) la’‘laé then, it it is said, he—(passim) -Emsk” As I TOLD YOU BEFORE [ WORD-S.]. g@zemsk” he has come—as you ought to know, since I told you before ; -Eng°a@ IN A DREAM [ WORD-S.]. laz/ng'a in a dream it was seen that he went X 173.40 -~Ent EVIDENTLY (as is shown by evidence) [worp-s.]. k !ea’saaxent evidently nothing 73.18 klé'sxent evidently not 148.15 Suffixes Denoting Special Activities (Nos. 136-155) (§§ 33-34) § 35. Activities of Persons in General (Nos. 136-143) -g°ila TO MAKE [WoRD-s. and STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g’. Llénag ila to make oil 37.5 mo'masila to hurt 29.28 La’wayugwila to make a salmon-weir 26.39 lnqwe'la to make a fire 98.8 gwe'g ila to do so (to make a certain kind of thing) 15.12 sé’gwila to make a paddle V 496.2- This suffix occurs also with neutral stems as an indifferent stem- suffix. bek’- man bekwe’/la to make a man 103.20 tok¥- strong tokwe'la to make strong 104.7 This suffix in its passive form -g%i‘lak” is used very often to form names of men, in the sense BORN TO BE— Gu'ntelak” born (literally, made) to be heavy Neg dé’tsi‘lak¥ born to be mountain on open prairie Ha'*masit‘lak” born to be a chief L!a'qwasgemg tlak" born to be copper-faced §§ 31-33 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 497 Peculiar is the mythical name of the mink 1/é’sslag‘i‘la, which retains the glottal stop of the passive forms, although it lacks the passive suffix -k” (no. 172), with which it would mean BORN TO BE THE SUN. 137. -a°stla TO TAKE CARE OF [STEM-S. also worp-s. Used with reduplication]; loses initial a’. ts/éq- winter-dance ndgq- rind bekv- man (2) gig- chief pana’yu hook ts!é’atsléxsila to take care of winter dance 16.12 nana’ géx'sila to resolve 184.2 ba’ bax"sila to use 36.7 gag izsila to treat like a chief 360.42 pa’ panayur"si‘lats !é receptacle (i. e., canoe) for fishing with hooks V 484.14 (see no. 184) 138. -lat TO BE OCCUPIED WiTH [WoRD-s., generally with redupli- cation or lengthened vowel]. md salmon o’maé chieftainess wilk” cedar pes- to give a potlatch 139. -€xst TO DESIRE [STEM-S., H]. nag- to drink az- to do 140. -OL TO OBTAIN [STEM-S., IND.]. q/é- many la to go q!akv- slave wi- nothing gi- to be mé’gwat seal gwoéyo: the thing referred to 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—_32 hamé’yalat to be occupied with salmon (i. e., to dance the salmon dance) 84.5 a’d'malat chieftainess dance 84.8 hawi'lkulat cedar dance pa’salat potlatch dance nda’ qéxst to desire to drink axé’xst to desire to do 17.3 qgleyo’t to obtain many 139.36 lox to obtain 59.34 q!a’k dLanem obtained by get- ting a slave 136.25 (see § 4, p. 436, no. 179) wio’L not to obtain 459.34 g@'yoLas place where one ob- tains something 26.22 (see no. 182) mé’gwatdL to obtain seals gwoé'yo'Las place where one ' obtains the thing referred to 45.31 (see no, 182) § 33 AOS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 141. -@ TO ENDEAVOR [STEM-S., H, always with reduplication with a vowel] (see § 46). dog"- to see da'doq!wa to endeavor to see x is- to disappear x a’xatya to try to disappear na’qo to meet na nagaiwa to try to meet yix"- to dance ya'ya'wa to try to dance dé’x*wasela to discover da'doz*wasrlaa to try to dis- cover isi to draw water tsa’tsa‘ya to try to draw water * né’s to pull na’néts!aayu hook for pulling up red cod V 332, 18 (see no. 174) This suffix is used very often with nouns. ts!elk-- feather is!a'ts!zlk'la to try to get feathers 157.3 sds- spring salmon sa’yats!a to catch spring sal- mon gix"- steelhead salmon ga'g twa to try to catch steel- head salmon cunk"- child awa’runk!iwa to try to get a child rwak"- canoe qwa’xwak!wa to try to get a canoe It also occurs quite frequently with other suffixes. lox to obtain (see no. 140) la’lox!a to try to obtain 73.21 laé’t to enter (see no. 47) la‘laéx!a to try to enter la’wels to go out (see no. 37) la'lawults!a to try to go out &wi'lo~ to obtain all (see no. Swa!l*wildtia to try to get all 140) CS 10.30 142. =“yala TO GO TO LOOK FOR [STEM-S., IND., always with reduplica- tion with a vowel] (see § 46). t/és- stone tla’tlése‘yala to go to look for stones rwak"- canoe rwa’rwakusyala to go to look for a canoe 142a. -md@la to GQ [STEM-s., IND.]. qlé’*mala many walking 16.2 wad’xumiala to go in company with several 44.19 Hé'‘lamdlaga right going woman (mythical name of mouse) 11.12 (see no. 192) 142b. -s°dla deserted [STEM-S., IND.]. kwas‘d’la to sit deserted CS 40.4 § 33 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 499 142c. -g0 TO MEET [STEM-S., IND.]; loses initial g, used with redupli- cation or lengthening of stem vowel. la to go lz’lgo to meet gil first gigi’lgo meeting the first time (i. e., newly married couple) k-iq- to strike together k-a@’qO canoes meet q!ul- alive q!wa'‘lago to meet alive 193.29 ‘yak"- bad eya'kdmas to vanquish 131.24 (see no. 158) 143. -Ost!ga TO Usk, only with numeral adverbs. ‘ne’mp!enost!ga to use once. qglé' plénost!qa to use many times ma‘tp!é’nost!zqa it happened twice 470.41 § 34. Activities Performed with Special Organs of the Body (Nos. 144-155 144. -k*/@la@ CONTINUED NOISE, CONTINUED ACTION WITH THE VOICE [srem-s.,H]. After ¢, ts, k stops, x, ?, -ala, with hardened termi- nal consonant; after s, generally ‘dla. da to hold da’k:!ala to ask for something 18.9 denz- to sing dz'nzk' Jala noise of singing LP LO sEepelk’- noise of metal sepe'lak: !dlagizé ringing noise on water 152.34 ax- to do ark: !a’'la to ask 7.5 ték¥- to joke ték !wa'la to joke 24.6 Lét- to call Lé‘lala to invite 23.2 o'dzEq- wrong o’dzzqiala to say something wrong X 101.30 sat- love song sa‘lala to sing love song X 8.56 6’*mis curious 6’*mits!ala curious sound 196.20 gint- child gi/nlala noise of child In a few cases -k'Gla appears as word suffix. bregwa’nem man begwa’nemk: !ala noise of aman 148.26 dla really _ Wak lala to speak really X 5.24 Irregular is— ya'qlantlala to speak (see yda’q!eg'a‘t to begin to speak, no. 145) § 34 500 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 — 144 a. -4la4 TO PERSUADE TO. I doubt very much if this suffix belongs 145. 146. 147. 148. with the preceding, since its rules of attachment are quite dif- ferent. It is always used with reduplication. gin- to add to a price gigi’ntwala to ask for a higher price méz- to sleep hamé’x‘ala to persuade to sleep -g°at,-k: fig.a= BEGINNING OF A NOISE, TO BEGIN WITH THE VOIcE [generally stem-s., H.]. No rule can be given for the use of the two forms of this suffix. Thesecond form loses initial -k:. kwe'g-a't to begin to cry kwé 49.33 mix’- to strike me‘ng at sound of striking dzelz¥- to run dzelo’gwa‘t it sounds like run- ning hé that hé’k gat it sounds’ thus 443.33 gwé thus gwe'ktg'a*t it sounds thus 174.26, 202.26 yo'qwuk' lg'ast it sounds like rain yog"- wind yo'k!ug‘ast it sounds like wind é’dzaqwa to say again é’dzaq!uga‘tit begins to sound like speaking again X 231.9 wut- to ask wu'L!eg'ast to question X 5.16 (zwa- to croak?) gwa’k!ug-ast to croak 174.29 ya’qlegast to begin to speak 12.3 =xX@ TO SAY [STEM-S., IND.]. ma’lexa to say ma’le 34.27 yé'xa to Say yé 35.40 pexa’ to utter sound of pazala (shaman) 100.10 yo’xwa to say yo X 176.19 malé’xela to continue to say ma’le X 226.22 -dzaquwd TO SPEAK [STEM-S., IND. ?]. et- again é’dzaqwa to speak again 18.13 mo’p!en four times mo’ plendzaqwa to speak four times 73:31 ‘wil- all ‘wi'ldzaqwa all spoke 319.12 ‘naz¥- all *na’e"dzaqwa all spoke X 197.7 =-q!@ TO FEEL [STEM-S., IND.]. pos- hungry po'sqia to feel hungry 36.38 po'sqléx*id 54.8 odz- wrong o’dzrq!ala to feel wrong 30.34 § 34 j BOAS] 149. -g/Es To EAT [STEM-S., IND.]. This suffix seems to be very sea HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 5O1 irregular. gvlq!es to eat first 193.4 149a. -g° TO EAT [WORD-S., IND.; also STEM-S.], always used with redu- 150. plicated stem. gé’was deer grge wasg’ to eat deer L!a’é black bear L/Ex/é’g' to eat bear meat aLanr’m wolf aatane’mg to eat wolf's meat lag hemlock sap lela’xg° to eat hemlock sap q!a’mdzek” salmon berry glaq!a’mdzex“g to eat salmon berries ga’ weganem clam gig a’ wizxg to eat clams mesé’*q" sea egg meEmesé xg" to eat sea eggs k:!a’was dried halibut klik: !a’wasg) to eat dried halibut zo‘le’ mussel rExo’‘lég’ to eat mussels biskt’t biscuit bibisk’t’tg’ to eat biscuits See also § 43, p. 525. -p!a TO TASTE [STEM-S., IND.]. é’x'pla good taste 150 a. =pfala TO SMELL [STEM-S., IND.]. 151. 153. 154. é’x plala good smell Q!a’néxp!ala it smells of Q!a’neq !@lak" 95.21 -(a@)k°a@ TO HAPPEN[STEM-S., IND. ?]. o’dzak'a it happens wrongly (=to die). qa to find gi’k-a to happen to find 348.13 . -AlisEM TO DIE OF [STEM-S., W]. q!was- to cry q!wa’'yalisem to die of crying 367.35 ruls- to long ru'lyalisem to die of longing ; 382.27 ‘mek¥- round thing is some- ‘megwa'lisem to choke to where death V 428.20 -sdana TO DIE OF [WORD-S.]. po'sdana to die of hunger 21.6 “na’'lasdana to die of the weather (i. e., by drowning) 251.42 -ts!E WITH HANDS. wits!zg-usta not able to climb up with hands (wi- not, g:ustd- up [see no. 20]). § 34 a2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 155. =plattO WITH EYES. hép!a’tto to look at once 63.8 awe'lp!atto to discover 154.16 gi'lp!atto to see first X 197.2 § 35. Suffixes which Change the Subject or Object of a Verb (Nos. 156-160) 156. -ap!l(a) EACH OTHER [STEM-S., IND.], with reduplication or lengthening of vowel. gas- to walk kwéx- to strike séx"- to paddle k!we'las feast qa’ qasap!a to race walking kwa’kwextap!a to strike each other 292.6 sa’ séxwap!a to race paddling k!wa'k !welasap!a to vie giving feasts 397.16 In the following cases the vowel is lengthened into @: wuL- to ask trk- to throw mix’- to strike neEp- to throw (t6-) to attack sek- to spear Long vowels remain unchanged: wi'n- to make war té’nem- to quarrel ta’zula to love wa'Ltap!a to ask each other 162.6 ta’k‘ap!a to throw each other 215.10 ma’x'ap!a to strike each other na’ pap!a to throw each other X 6.23 ta’wap!a to meet fighting 288.10 sa'kdla to spear each other. wi'nap!a to make war upon each other 270.4 té’nemap!a to quarrel together 121.15 ta’xulap!a to love each other ta’zulap!ot beloved friend 267.37 (see no. 167) 157. -@(la) EACH OTHER, TOGETHER [STEM-S., IND.], with reduplica- tion or change of vowel; original meaning probably JoINnTLy. Enemo’k" friend q!was- to cry After vowels it takes the form -séla. ts!a’*ya sister § 35 *na’muk-dla friends to each other 147.20 (see p. 436). q!wa’qlusdla to ery together 157.8 ts!a’ts!a‘yasdla sisters to each other 47.42 Boas{ 158. 159. =s0° PASSIVE [ WORD-S.]. HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 508 Frequently it appears combined with ga AMone (no. 7). ho’ zéla to listen ad to split =-G@Mas TO CAUSE [ WORD-S.]. ha’warelagala to listen to each other 26.10 zoxuga’la broken to pieces among itself 27.7 a’méta’mas to cause to be spoiled 13.4 te‘la’mas to cause to die 39.1 qlula@’x*idaimas to cause to come to life 48.14 (see no. 90) gé’wasida’mas to cause to become a deer (see no. 90) é’k ligrmata’mas to cause face to be turned up 144.20 (see nos. 54, 92) lawé’mas to cause to be off 441.32 (see no. 37) £wi’*lolt!a’mas to cause all to come out of woods 40.17 (see no. 37¢) A comparison between the use of -s6* and -ayu (no. 174) for expressing the passive shows that the former expresses the idea TO BE THE OBJECT OF AN ACTION, the latter TO BE THE MEANS OF PERFORMING AN ACTION. This is brought out clearly by the forms gd@’s‘itsé* TO BE PURSUED (literally, TO BE THE OBJECT OF GOING) and g@’s‘ida’yu to be carried along (literally, TO BE THE MEANS OF GOING). méL- to tease wut- to ask *nék* to say L!0’pa to roast axé'd to take qla’mtléd to sing plelxelaxida’mas to cause to become fog (see nos. 91, 90, 158) kiwét feast (see no. 46) mé’ Lasé® to be teased 28.37 wuLda’sd® to be asked 100.23 *né’x'sd* to be told 100.19 L!0’paso® to be roasted 37.27 ax®é'tso® to be taken 43.16 qla’mtléts6* it was sung plelxelax*ida’matso® to be transformed into fog (s-s becomes ts) CS 2.18 k!we'ttso® to be feasted 32.32 (s after becomes ts) With following -2, this suffix becomes -sz*we (see § 4, p. 438). [STEM Ss., W]. doq“- to see dd'xwate'la to discover by seeing q!az- to know pléx’- to feel é’xul- to desire 160. -%, passive of words denoting sense experiences and emotions do’gut to be seen 8.10 do’x'watr’t to be discovered 41.34 q!@’ Let known 136.23 plé’rut and p!ayo'l to be felt é’xut and éyo’l to be desired § 35 504 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [eunn, 40. ‘melq’- to remember ‘me lgut to be remembered wat- to wish wa'taget to be wished 17.7 Llés- to hate Lé'dzrt to be hated Here belongs also— qlayv’la to talk (from q/é gla’yot to be spoken of MUCH) § 36. Nominal Suffixes (Nos. 161-194b) 161. =e§[ worp-s.]. This suffix serves to form substantives of neutral stems and suffixes. It occurs generally with a demonstrative a or é (see § 56), and then takes the forms -a*ya@ and =a‘é. x4 to split vde* what has been split 27.13 az- to do axa’ é work 28.1, 79.18 k-!at- to paint kla’te® painting 50.2 -xzLa hind end (no. 15) o’xLé stern of canoe 79.9 -giu forehead (no. 57) La’siwé® what sticks on fore- head 22.11 A number of nouns are also found which occur only with é, but which are not known as neutral stems, except in composition. t!a’*é black bear *ndgeé> mind té’we> mat Here belongs the ending of abstract nouns in -éné (see no. 171). 1/é’lalaé'ne® the calling 17.2 162. -€n0xc" A PERSON WHO DOES AN ACTION PROFESSIONALLY [STEM-S., H]. sak"- to carve meat sak :wé’nox” meat-carver 32.1 alé’x"- to hunt in canoe alé’winox” sea hunter V 496.2 sé’x”- to paddle sé’xwilaénox” paddle maker V 496.4 tewi’x'a to hunt goats tewi’*nénox” goat hunter 7.4 *ma’z¥- to give potlatch ‘matwi’nox" potlatch giver 144.3 This suffix is also used to designate tribal names, and _ place- names derived from these. Awi’g'a country in back (2?) Awi’k:!énox™ (Rivers inlet) Gwa’dzé north Gwa’'ts!énox™ ‘ma what? ‘ma’énox” of what tribe? The tribal name G6’sgtmua" contains a similar suffix, although no reason can be given for the change from n in -énox” to m in -tmux”. A similar change occurs in the ending -mp (no. 168). § 36 ———————— Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 505 162a. (-€d Ex”) The suffix corresponding to the Kwakiutl -énoz” in the Bella Bella dialect is -édzx", which may be of the same origin, the ¢ and n being related sounds, He’ staédrx” 429.33 Afwi' tlédex” 431.26 No’lowidex” 436.30 163. -b%S FOND OF, DEVOTED TO [STEM-S., IND.; and WorD-s.]. (a) STEM-S.: nag- to drink na’xbis drunkard waz- to smoke wa’xbis smoker (b) WORD-S.: éaxala to work é’axalabis fond of work é’x' pla sweet é’xplabis fond of sweets 164. =Es CAPABLE OF, used particularly with words denoting sense impressions [STEM-S., H, generally used with reduplication]. dog"- to see do’drq!us with good power of seeing més- to smell mé’mts!zs with good power of smelling Lélk- to lie Lelk!us liar Irregular seem to be— ho’ raq!us with good power of hearing X 57.20 (from hd’ xéla to listen) i d0’xts!zs seer (from déq"- to see) 165. -EUkK” DOING REPEATEDLY [STEM-S., W]. naq- to drink na’ glk" drunkard (= one who drinks often and much) hafm- to eat hakme’lk* eater ayilk” attendant of chief 166. =Elg:ts ONE WHO DOES AN ACT FOR OTHERS [STEM-S., IND.; and WORD-S.]. séx"- to paddle sé’xulgis one who paddles for others da’doq!wala to watch da’'doq!walz'lgis watchman 228.12 x6’s- to sprinkle 20’selgis sprinkler X 4.8 La’ Lawayuxsila to take care La’ Lawayur"sile'lg-is watch- of salmon-weir mani of salmon-weir CS 6.10 xék- to sweep ré’kulgisz’mt sweeper mask 389.25 § 36 506 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - [BULL. 40 167. -6¢ FELLOW [WORD-S., and STEM-S., IND.]. (a) WORD-S.: g okula to live in house ya’ qlant!ala to speak a‘ma'tala to play together ta’xwalap! to love each other (b) STEM-S.: beg*- man g ég- chief kul- to lie down 168. =~ RELATIONSHIP [STEM-S.]. gag- grandfather ab- mother (wo-) father p!xlwu- husband’s sister, broth- er’s wife - nEg- parent-in-law, child-in-law g 0’kulot house-mate yae’qlant!alot fellow- speaker 31.2 a’ma’talot play-fellow X 201.4 fa’rwalap!ot loving friends 267.37 bex'wot fellow-man 113.12 g é'xiut fellow chief hayo’t rival 248.12 kulo’t person with whom one lies down X 5.16 gage’ mp 134.2 abe'mp 35.76 omp 22.6 ple'lwump nEgUu'mp Here belongs also g’inp WIFE’s sIsTER. It may be that the m is here assimilated by an n of the stem. A change between m and n has been mentioned in the suffix -énox", which assumes in one case the form ~tmuz" (see no. 162). The stem for father appears in the possessive second person without this suffix. 169. =-nwk" HAVING [STEM-S., IND.; WORD-S.]. sa’sem children azx- to do wa'tdem word do’z'watet to be seen 170. -ad HAVING [STEM-S., W]. Zaw- husband Léq- name k- !éd- chief's daughter zu’nk*- child § 36 s@’semnuk” having children 45.7 axnuk” possessor 103.12 wa'idemnuk" to have word, 1. e., to talk to 46.30 do'z'watetnuk” one who has seen things 41.34 ta’wad having a husband 48.37 Lé’gad having a name 19.1 k-le’dad to have a chief's daughter 133.6 cu’ngwadex*id to become pos- sessed of a child BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 507 ab- mother aba’yad having a mother 25.16 ga’yas place of walking ga’yadzad having a walking place (i. e., words of a song) R602 This suffix has a secondary form in -id which seems to be more nominal in character than the form -ad. It is used in forms of address. q!ak"- slave q!a’gqwid slave-owner! (1. e., O master!) ‘wa’ s- dog ‘wa’dzid dog-owner! (i. e., O master! [who has me for a dog]) The same form is used in names. ha’'msa to eat Ha’mdzid food-owner 171. -€n(é), suffix forming abstract nouns [STEM-S., H, WORD-s]. Never used without possessive pronouns. k:!é'lak-a to club k- lé'lak: !éné the clubbing k-/és not ke lé’ts!éné 10.9, 262.15 é’arela to work é’arelaéné® 83.3 awi’naguis country awi’naguits!énés a kind of country 258.23 brgwa/nem man begwa’nz*méne® manhood 131.35 172. =k" passive past participle [STEM-s., w]. L!op- to roast L!0'brk” roasted 155.22 giloz- to steal g ilo’ Lek” stolen legwi't fire in house legui'lk” fire made in house 187.25 wat- to lead wa’ dek” led 109.7 q/els- to put under water q/ele’k” sinker V 488.9 *mens- to Measure mene k” measured V 477.1 gamz¥- to put on down gamo’k covered with down 153.35 173. -Em INSTRUMENT [STEM-S., W]. k-ixt- to fish with net k-é’ Lem net Lap- to peg Labe’m peg 79.13 ‘ma’yuL- to be born &ma’yuLem what is born77.18 q!emt- to sing q!n’mdem song 15.6 174. = younger sister ts!a’ts!a®yasdla sisters together 55.13 no’mas old na’nomasdta getting old q/é- much ’ q!a’qldta getting more L!a’sa seaward L!axL!asaaga to carry seaward ét- again aé’daaga to return L!0’p- to roast L!a’t!dpsila to take care of roasting na’qe® mind na’ nagéx'silato make up mind 184.2 o'ma chieftain a’o*malat to dance the chieftainess dance ga’sa to walk ga’ qask-inala to find accidentally by walking gaqa’sdega only by walking - Ldx“- to stand La’ Lexawe® one standing between Here belongs also— yixa’ fast ya’ yizap! to speed, racing against each other (2) Stems with short vowel transform it into @. mix a’ to strike ma'xap! to strike each other wud’ to ask wa’ Lap! to ask each other 162.6 ‘nemo’k” friend ‘na’mok- dla friends 147.20 szek-a’ to spear sa’/k-dla to spear each other ‘neq- straight ‘nd’ qawe right among ‘mek*- round thing is ‘ma’k-awé round thing among somewhere § 43 524 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Here belongs also— ho’ réla to listen ha’warélagala to listen to each other 26.11 (3) There are, however, also reduplicated forms with short redupli- cated syllable. ‘lag"- to wail, to cry ‘ln'lgwardla to cry together 244.36 la to go Le'lgala to go to each other (= to quarrel) (4) Irregular reduplication or vowel modifications are not rare. ya'q!ent!ala to speak ye'q!entala to speak together wa’ La sweetheart wo’ Lala sweetheart ts/é’qawinter dance ts/é’xts!éxstla to use winter dance 16:12 g 0k” house g'0'g ak-awé a house in middle of other things giltia long gilq- atawé a long thing in middle of other things (5) Forms without reduplication occur also. té’/nemap! to quarrel together 121.13 ha’ntap!a to shoot each other é'k-aqawe® good among others (6) A peculiar form of reduplication is found with the suffix -mut REFUSE (§ 36, no. 181). It expresses evidently the multiplicity of pieces left over. It would seem that we have here a reduplication with lengthened stem-vowel, or with @ and with softened initial con- sonant of the stem. sd0’pa to chop so’yapmut chips (y for softened s) sekwa’ to carve meat sé'yar"“miut what is left over from carving (y for softened s) k-a/xwa to chip k-a@’g:axmiut chips zwa’ La to cut salmon rwa’culmit what is left over from cutting salmon (7) The suffix -égala IN THE MIND (§ 23, no. 81) generally takes reduplication with @ vowel, which is quite analogous to the form of reduplication treated in § 42.1. la to go lé’laéqgala to think of going *né’k to say ‘né’nk leqala to speak in one’s mind (i. e., to think) 18.6 There are cases, however, in which this suffix appears without reduplication. ék: léqala to feel good 123.12 § 43 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 525 (8) The idea TO EAT may be expressed by verbs denoting to CHEW, TO BREAK, TO SWALLOW, etc., with nominal object; by the suffixes -g/zs and -g° (see § 34, nos. 149, 149a) or by reduplication. The last method is most frequently used with words with mono- syllabic stem. This form of reduplication differs from those pre- viously described in that the first syllable retains the stem form almost unmodified, except by contact phenomena, while the second syllable has always an a vowel, accented and long, when the stem vowel is short, unaccented and short when the stem vowel is long. Stems ending in a consonantic cluster have also the second syllable unaccented. The, syllable loses at the same time all those conso- nants of the terminal cluster that precede the last one. (a) Monosyllabic stems with single terminal consonant and short vowel. Stem Noun To eat— t!Eq- t!zqa’ dried berries __ t/zaxt!a’q brkt- brgwa’nem man bex“ba’ ku tlequ- t!zx“so’s cinquefoil —t/zx“t!a’q@ tEq- teqleste’n seaweed teala’g (kelp) LEk’- Lex'se’m clover lea’ La’ ke met- metia’né large clam = metma’t xet- xvete’m (a plant) xetxca’t peEt- peta’ medicine. petpa’t nex necusk't’n (a plant) nea’na’xt met- mete’k steelhead sal- metma’t mon aL- ate‘la dentalia alsa (b) Monosyllabic stems with single terminal consonant and long vowel. Stem Noun To eat— las- laé’s small mussel la’slrs sds- sa’tsemspringsalmon — sd@’sses (not sa’tszs) ts/ax¥- ts!@’we> beaver ts!a’a“ts! Ex gwad- gwa'demhuckleberry gwa’dgud . pléx- Llé'xén sea-lion Lie xLlax ts!éx'- ts/é’x'inas elderberry _ ts/é’a'ts!ax’ t!és- tlé’sem stone tle’stlas gweg'- gwa‘yi’m whale gwe'x gwak: qles- qlé'sena (a berry) q!é’sqlas &n0'x"- £n0’rwa (a berry) °n0/ ana" lot- la’*lénox" ghost lo’tlat to eat a corpse L!0t- Llewu' lés elk L!o'txlat § 43 526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Stem ,. Noun To eat— k-/ot- to stand on k-/0’tela fish, salmon k:'!0’tk!wat to eat edge salmon dzas- dza’lé cockle dz’ sdzas xot- zoe’ large mussel x0’ txwat (c) Stems ending in consonantic clusters. Stem Noun To eat— xrams- xaima’s dry salmon —_xa/mszas tlels tlels crabapple tlz'Ist!as tselx¥- (%) tse’ le“tsax” q!ans- gia’nas large chiton —q/z'nsq!as g int- gina’nem child gi'ntg at UNREALITY (§§ 44-46) . § 44. General Remarks The concept that a word approaches the idea conveyed by its stem, without really being that idea, is often expressed by reduplication. Two principal forms may be distinguished: (1) the diminutive, and (2) the tentative. § 45. The Diminutive The diminutive is formed by the suffix -zm, which softens the ter- minal consonant (§ 29, no. 110a); and by reduplication with @ vowel. Generally the stem is reduplicated, but in cases of ambiguity the whole word may be reduplicated. g 0k” house gag ogum little house Los tree La’ Lodzem gweég'- whale gwa' gweg'im sé’z"- paddle sa’sewum gint- child ga ginlem bek¥- man ba’bagum boy Irregular is sd’bayu ADzE; s@yobrem, which softens its initial s to y (see § 42). The whole word is reduplicated, and takes the suffix -zm, in— mé’gqwat seal ma’ méqwadem k-!0’lot purpose k 1a’k 10l0’dem ts! zda’q woman ts!a/ts! edagem ge'was deer gad gewadzem The same forms with added a are used to express the idea of To PLAY WITH. sa’sewuma to play paddling ha’naLtema to play shooting §§ 44, 45 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES jot § 46. The Tentative The tentative is formed by the suffix -a, which hardens the terminal consonant of the stem (§ 33, no. 141); and by reduplication with a vowel. These forms are used both with nouns and verbs. With nouns they signify TO TRY TO GET. xund’k” child zwa’xunk!wa to endeavor to get a child gweg'- whale gwagwek'!a to endeavor to get a whale gek:- wife ga gek /a to woo laé’ 1 to enter la’laéx!a to endeavor to enter ddo’kwa to troll da’dok!wa to endeavor to troll The forms in -yala TO GO TO LOOK FOR (§ 33, no. 142) are similar in form to the preceding. t/és- stone tla’tlésrsyala to go to look for stones g 0k” house gag oku‘yala to go to look for houses hanz- to shoot ha'nhanze*yala to go to look for a gun Syntactic Relations (§§ 47-69) § 47. Personal and Demonstrative Pronowns In the Kwakiutl sentence, predicate, subject, object, instrument, cause, and purpose are distinguished. Since pronominal representa- tives of all nouns that form part of the sentence are used for expressing their syntactic relations, the discussion of the syntactic structure of the sentence is essentially a discussion of the pronoun. The following pronouns are distinguished: Speaker ees ened s)he) so a Lb PETS: Speaker and person or persons addressed . . Inclusive. Speaker and person or persons spoken of . . Exclusive. erson, addvesseds)] Msi actes 2 dee hy od ae Dd person: PetsOM SPOON. OF yin. jeder os pwn. o - Sdpersom. The strong tendency of the Kwakiutl language to strict localization appears very clearly in the development of the third person, which is almost always combined with the demonstrative pronoun. Three ‘positions are distinguished—that near the speaker, that near the per- son addressed, and that near the person spoken of; and each of these §§ 46, 47 528 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 is subdivided into two forms, according to visibility and invisibility. Therefore we must add to the five forms given before the following forms of the third person: Demonstrative of 1st person, visible. Demonstrative of 1st person, invisible. Demonstrative of 2d person, visible. Demonstrative of 2d person, invisible. Demonstrative of 3d person, visible. Demonstrative of 3d person, invisible. On the whole, the syntactic functions of the pronominal elements which are added to the verb—as subject, object, instrumental, final, causal—are determined by certain syntactic elements that precede them. The subject has no specific character; the object has -q, the instrumental -s-. The finalis is always characterized by q, the causal by qga-. The two last-named forms are evidently closely related. The objective character -q is found only in the third person and in its demonstrative development; and the instrumental is also regularly developed only in the third person. Subject, object, and instrumental coalesce with the verb to a unit, and appear in the order here given. Forinstance: HE STRIKES HIM WITH IT is expressed by the combination sTRIKE—HE—HIM—wITH-IT, where the short dash indicates that the equivalent in Kwakiutl is a single element, while the long dash indicates phonetic coalescence. When nouns with or without possessive pronouns are introduced in the sentence, they are placed after the syntactic and pronominal elements which indicate their functions. In these cases the phonetic coalescence of the syntactic and pronominal elements with the pre- ceding part of the verbal expression persists, but the pronouns are phonetically separated from the following nouns. We find, for instance, the sentence THE MAN STRUCK THE BOY WITH THE STICK expressed by STRUCK—-HE—THE MAN—HIM—THE BOY—WITH-IT—THE stick. The separation between the pronoun and the following noun is justified only by the phonetic character of the sentence. In reality the whole seems to form one verbal expression. The pronoun and the following noun can not be separated by any other words. The pronoun may, however, close the sentence, and thus perform the function of a nominal demonstrative. In a few cases it may be separated from the verbal expression; namely, when a number of subjects, objects, or instruments are enumerated. § 47 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 529 We may revert here once more to the lack of differentiation of verb and noun. In sentences like the one just described there is a perfect freedom in regard to the selection of subject and predicate. Instead of saying CAME—HE—THE MAN, the Kwakiutl may say as well rr WAS-THE—MAN—IT—THE COMING (257.20). The words To COME and MAN may be used equally as nouns and as verbs, and by syntactic means either may be made subject or predicate. Whenever the pronoun is followed by a noun or when used as a nominal demonstrative, its form is modified. When the noun con- tains a possessive pronoun, this pronoun is also incorporated in the modified pronominal form. We may therefore distinguish between purely pronominal and prenominal forms. It must be borne in mind that both are verbal in so far as they determine the function of the complements of the verb, and also because they are firmly united with the verb. The prenominal forms belong, of course, exclu- sively to the third person, and have demonstrative significance. While in the pronominal forms visibility and invisibility are distin- guished,. this division is not made in the prenominal forms. In the possessive prenominal forms the second and third persons are not clearly differentiated. The demonstrative idea expressed in these verbal forms is sup- plemented by a parallel postnominal form, which is suffixed to the noun following the prenominal pronoun. These postnominal forms are closely related to the pronouns and prenominal forms, but show a certain amount of differentiation in the demonstrative of the sec- end. and third persons. § 48. Table of Pronouns We may summarize these statements in the following tables: I. VERBAL SUFFIXES PRONOMINAL. PRENOMINAL. aos ; Ne : Instru- Subject. | Object. | Instrumental. | Subject. | Object. aTtale ESINOGISOD I sist ie. Ys ce ee ot) | =e) [hire -ENn(L) EMC HISUVG) jas, Poot) hay ele) veel oy teen. | ES — -ENS Hxelusive. . «3 . « = . «| > ++... ||-en, Ens, |) o"* -q!- {mental of the various poaperson; Visible 29. Se 8 ee 3 eeere -é8 — |persons. BOVBECSOMMEVASIDIO: os acfae oo ba ole fs | -a- . | The three forms for the second person for the demonstrative of the second person seem to be used indiscriminately. In place of the double use of prenominal and postnominal posses- sive forms, the prenominal or postnominal demonstrative possessives alone are also in use for the first person, inclusive, and exclusive. IIT (b). Third Person POSSESSOR SUBJECT OF POSSESSOR NOT SUBJECT | SENTENCE. OF SENTENCE. * Demonstrative of— Prenominal. Postnominal.| Prenominal. | Postnominal. URIMDEESOMs WISIDICG. “26 fs se il {-g-as PS RMEMSONMMVISIDIOLs 15 % wo ss ee ee al || |-g-akEs MeBersOM VISIDIO fs Ss 8s Fa- e el A -q | c {-rs vient -08 -OL 2d person, invisible . J |-q/zs 3d person, visible . <. f-s 3d person, invisible -. % las It will be noticed that in the third person, when the possessor and- the subject of the sentence are the same person, the instrumental -s is added to the prenominal element, leaving the postnominal demon- strative to be added to the noun. When the possessor and the subject of the sentence are different persons, the instrumental -s is added to § 49 SS pe BUREAU OF -AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 the postnominal suflix, leaving the prenominal elements identical with the prenominal demonstratives. The possessive prenominal forms for the objective and instru- mental are formed from the forms given here in the same manner as the prenominal demonstratives from the corresponding table (II, § 48). § 50. Irregular Pronominalt Forms These endings give rise to all the syntactic forms expressing the relations of subject, object, instrumental (viz, genitive), and predi- cate. Evidently the history of the development of these forms is a long one. This is indicated by the irregularities described in § 49, and by others which appear as soon as these endings enter into combinations. The most important irregularities are as follows: PRONOMINAL AND PRENOMINAL SUFFIXES 1. The first person, when followed by the objective or instru- mental, takes the form -znz. This probably represents an older form of the first person. It is the ordinary form of the first person in the Koskimo dialect, where we find, for instance, g'@’xent I CAME. It will be noted (Table I, § 48) that the objective forms of the first person, and those of the inclusive and exclusive, have been lost. They persist in the Hé’Idzaq" dialect of Milbank sound, where we find for these forms -znza, corresponding to the -enz of the Koskimo. Examples of the form -znz will be found below, under 2. 2. The first person, the inclusive, and exclusive, when followed by the objective or instrumental of the third person, take a connective -a-; so that we find the forms -zn1aq I—-HIM, -ensaq WE[incl.] —HIM, -Enutxwag WE[ excl.] —HIM; and -znzas I—WITH HIM, -Ensas WE[ incl.] —WITH HIM, -enu'xwas WE [excl.] —WITH HIM. ha’*maswut!éttsox'dentas I was asked to eat with him 480.10 (ha'm- to eat; -s-[?]; -of companion; -é[?]; -s0* passive; -x'dé transition from present to past) do’qulai‘mésentaxrwa Gwe'telax and so I saw the Northerners 473.27 (dod’qula to see; -‘més and so; -xwa obj. 2d pers. dem.; Gwé'tela northern tribes; -« 2d pers. dem.) ‘née’ k entaxa ‘nz’ mgésé I said to the ‘nr’mgés 473.26 (‘nék: to say) Lawn’ lgamek'asenzas 1a'laénox" I am the prince of the ghosts X 131, note 3 (Lawe'lgamé prince; -k'as real; lé’laénox" ghosts) bo'lasdatyinias xlé'selag‘i‘la I am the musk-bag of mink CS 158.22 (bol- musk-bag; -xsd hind end; -é* nominal; z/é’szla sun; -gila to make) § 50 Zi BOAS] ‘HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 583 3. The second person takes a connective -é- before the objective and instrumental of the third person; so that we have -ség THou— HIM, and -sés THOU—WITH HIM. With the instrumental of the first person, inclusive, and exclusive, the second person forms -sésen, -sétsens, -sétsenu‘g". Examples of this kind are very rare in our texts. 4. When a nominal subject is followed by an objective or instru- mental, or when a nominal object is followed by an instrumental, it takes a connective -d- analogous to that following the first person (see under 2). do'x'ware'lé Dza'wadalalisaxa 2’ tkwa Dza'wadalalis saw the blood 99.7 (doq"- to sée; ~axela see no. 96, p. 490; elk” blood) kwe's*idé Q/a'négélakwasa 1/aq/ut Qla’néqgélak" spit out the alder bark 99.5 (kwés- to spit; (x*)‘id to begin; 1/a’qg"- red) 'né’x'sdlaé Q!la’mtalatas Q!a'négélak" it is said, Q!a’mtalat was told by Q!a’néqé‘lak" 100.19 ts!nk*!d'telaxés ta’/*wunemas wa'ldemas she reported to her hus- band (with) the word 135.28 gwe'eideda = brgwa'’nemax = La’qulayigwa the man _ woke La’qulayugwa 251.4 (gwéx'*id to wake; begwa’nrm man) 5. Verbs which have the future suffix -z (no. 88, p. 486) generally form the subjective by the suffix -a, which takes the place of -éda. Evidently the process of contraction by which the objective -ra and the instrumental -sa have developed from the older -xéda and -séda has affected in this case also the subjective. The second person future, when the verb has a pronominal ending, is generally -16z instead of -z6s,which is used only as a possessive form. gWeia ging inanemé the children will come X 17.8 laimox q!aq!exuto’x*widra ts!d’ts!0’max the barnacles shall show their heads X 97.40 laz/ms ba‘ne/’nxétor you shall be the lowest X 91.5. POSTNOMINAL DEMONSTRATIVE AND POSSESSIVE SUFFIXES 6. Nouns ending in -a, -é, -d, and -d, when followed by the con- nective -a- (rule 4), by the postnominal -a of the third person invis- ible, by -ax, -aq!, and -g”! of the second person invisible; and by -q# of the second person visible (Tables II, III, §§ 48, 49), take the end- ings -d, -dx, -diq!, -dq!-, -dgq-, in place of -a, -é, -d, -d, followed by the ordinary endings. ‘n nouns ending in -a, the forms -a‘ya, -a‘yaz, § 50 584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 -a'yaq!, -aSyaq!“, afyaq, are sometimes found instead of the forms in -d-. The forms in -a‘ya- seem to be preferred in the case of many proper names. *né'x'‘laé Qwe'smolidzn'mgdq said one smolidzz’mga to him 116.1 né'lase*we tla’qwadzés wa'ldrmas wla’qwadzé was told of his word 116.21 la’‘laé do’x*ware'lé La’ qulaytigwixa g'd’kwé then, it is said, La’qu- layagwa saw a house 251.8 ‘né’alaé Ha'mdzidixés 0’mpé it is said Ha’mdzid said to his father 55.19 7. Nouns ending in -é take, in the cases enumerated under rule 6, the endings -a‘ya, -a*yax, -a*yaq!, -aSyaq!", afyaq". gv gigamatyasa Br'lrula the chiefs of the Bella Coola 223.33 (g:i'game® chief) 8. Nouns ending in -6 take, in the cases enumerated under rule 6, the endings -d, -dx, -dq!, -aq!", -dq". lan’mia go'tlée ‘ya'‘yats!is Klwa'qaxsdndxa qa'gqikwée K\wa’qax- sand’s canoe was full of heads 153.33 (-ra but; qo’tla full; «ya'*yats!é canoe; ga’gik” head cut off) 9. Nouns ending in -a and -6, when followed by the demonstrative second person visible, take the ending -x instead of -éz. lazr’ma'den léstali’szla la’xrns *‘nd’'lax I have been around this our world 12.7 (-em and; -xd past; -zn I; la to go; -ésta around; -/a continuative; -is world; -la continuative; la to go [here prepositional]; -rens our; *‘na’la world) we'ga ‘wea idxewa ‘méme'letox go on, carry these mountain goats 41.5 (we’ga go on!; ‘wee id to carry; ‘me‘lzLo Moun- tain goat) LEwo' xda hala’ yux and this death-bringer 50.36 (z0* and; hala’yu death-bringer, means of killing) 10. Nouns ending in -a do not take the postnominal -é of the third person (see § 56). 11. 10 AND never takes the form in -éda, except in the Dza’- wadrénox" dialect, but forms zre*%wa even before common nouns (see § 49, IT). Lewa atyi/lkwasa gi’game and the attendants of the chief 159.22 Le‘wa la’k-!nndé tléx!d'sgem and one hundred bear-skin blankets 223.37 Le wa na’ rwa ts!é'tts!ek!wa and all the birds 295.2 § 50 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 585 12. The -s third person possessive, when followed by an objective or instrumental, takes a terminal @. tle’mydséxes xwa’k!una his means of sewing his canoe (see p. 555, note 62) la’‘laé da’/lé k!weyi’maséxa ‘wa'lasé gi/ldasa then his crew took the large box 226.39 (da@’la to take, carry; k!weyi’m crew; ‘walas large; gi’ldas box) 13. The objective -g and instrumentalis -s, when followed by the temporal subordinating elements, are followed by -@. Kxamples will be found in §64 (p. 547). § 51. Sentences with Pronominal Subjects and Objects In sentences with a single verb and with pronominal subject, object, and instrumental, the pronominal suffixes are attached to the verb in the order subject, object, instrument. 1. Intransitive sentences: la’dzdcen indeed I shall go 146.7 (la to go; -dzd@ indeed [no. 119]; -z future [no. 88]; -zn I) lafmens we do 179.35 (la to go; -'m[no. 103]; -zns[incl.]) ga’ gak lanu‘e" we are trying ae marry 225.43 (gek-- wife [redu- plication with a vowel and hardened terminal, tentative]; -nurx” | excl.]) hém’ enatarmcies thou wilt always 182.41 (hé’menata always; -*m [no. 103]; -z future[no. 88]; -zs thou) ‘hoqawels they go out 179.17 (hdg- to go [PLURAL]; -wels out of house [ nos. 37, 44]) g@xga he[near Ist person invis.] comes la‘mox gost this [near 2d person vis.] will be thine 228.42 (la to go; -m [no. 103]; -da [dem. 2d person vis.]; qos thine; -z future [ no. 88]) g@x'mo® this[near 2d person invis.] comes 370.24 (gaz to come; -m[no. 103]; -0*[dem. 2d person invis.]) hé’*méq that is it 60.6 (hé that; -*m [no. 103]; -ég [dem. 3d person vis.]) 2. Transitive sentences with a single verb and with pronominal object: ga’ gak: !iniox I try to marry thee 97.4 (gzk’- wife[tentative § 46]; " pnxtoL I — thee[§ 50.1]) L!£lé’watyinzag I forgot it 102.15 (§ 50.2) wuLe'nsag we[incel.] ask him (§ 50.2) wud’ nusswoLt we[excl.] ask thee e § 51 536 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40. In place of the object of the first person, inclusive, and exclusive, which are not in use in Kwakiutl, periphrastic expressions are used (see § 61). 3. Transitive sentences with a single verb and with pronominal instrumental: ta’wadrentasik’ | have him for my husband 97.20 (faw- husband; -ad having [no. 170]; -enzas I — of him (§ 50. 2); -k: [dem. Ist person vis.]) a’ yadrentos I have you for my father (ds- Fathers -ad having [no 170]; -enzos I of you [§ 50. 1)) ta’xulanur”sétsen thou lovest me (ta@’rula love; -nuk having [no 169]; -sétsen thou — of me [§ 50. 3]) 4. Transitive sentences with a single verb and pronominal object and instrumental. These are rare, since periphrastic expressions are preferred (see § 61). mix t/nLoxtas I strike thee with it (see § 50. 1) § 52. Sentences Containing Co-ordinate Verbs When the verb is accompanied by a co-ordinate verb and in a few related cases the more general verb, which precedes the special verb, takes the personal endings of the intransitive verb; and when the special verb is transitive, the latter retains its objective or instru- mental endings, which are suffixed to the stem. sle g@aemenus” Lé’‘lalor we came to invite thee 66.17 (g'dz to come; -m[no. 103]; -enufz”[excl.]; 1é’lala to invite; -dz thee) lilaxens xweée'xitsek’ should we shake with it 57.40 (la to go; -lax uncertainty [§ 28, no. 105]; -xns we, rwé’xid to begin to shake; -szk: with this) la’Les na/*naxméreg thou wilt answer him 264.28 (la to go; -1 future [no. 88]; -zs thou; na@’*nax*mé to answer; -z future[no. 88]; -¢ him) ze’ntrlen mix a’q I strike him too much (xz’nzela very, too much; -zn 1; mia‘a’ to strike; -q him) ga aems *wi'‘laéca you have all come in 131.22 (gaz to come; ~m[no. 103]; -s you; ‘wi’la all; -éx into house[§ 22, no. 47]) k- !é’ sen hamzx‘*t’da I did not eat 258.17 (k'/és not; -en 1; hama-‘i’d to begin to eat) Also— qengwa'lor that I may help thee (qen that I; gi‘wa’la to help; -0L thee) | gen ta’wadésik’ that I marry this one (S 72.11) § 52 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 537 § 53. Sentences with Nominal Subject and Object When the sentence has a nominal subject, object, or instrumental, these are placed following the prenominal forms which take the place of the pronominal forms. The noun itself takes the required post- nominal demonstrative ending. 1. Intransitive sentence with nominal subject. *né’x'‘laé Ts!é'ts!xsq'iné Ts!é’ts!esg‘in said, it is said 31.9 (nek: to say; -la it is said [§ 32, no. 132]; -é [subj]. dem. 3d person consonantic]) ga x‘laéda ma‘lo’kwé two persons came, it is said 261.33 (gaa to come; -‘la it is said [§ 32, no. 132]; -éda [subj. dem. 3d person vocalic]) la’ Loxda ‘nar’ nxuna‘éx these blankets will go (= be given) 213.11 (la to go; -z future[no. 88]; -drda[subj. dem. 2d person voc.]; “‘nexu'né® blanket; -éx [postnom. dem. 2d person vis.]) gavximox Wuld’se*wex Wula’sd* has come 161.27 (gaz to come; -~m[no. 103]; -dx[subj. dem. 2d person cons.]; -ér [ postnom. dem. 2d person vis.]) hé’k lalag-ada x-isa’taxdg'a these who have disappeared make a noise 85.31 (hé that; -k-/ala to sound [§ 34, no. 144]; -g-ada [sub]. dem. 1st person voc.]; xés- to disappear; -d/a continua- tive [§ 26, no. 92]; -adé past [§ 25, no. 89]; -g-a [postnom. dem. 1st person invis.]) 2. Transitive sentences with nominal subject and pronominal object or instrumental. na*nax*mase Xa’ nits! nmg ilakwag Xa'nits!Emg‘i‘lak" replied to him 131.7 (na’*nax*mé to reply; -é, [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; -g[obj. 3d person, § 50.4]) ba’wé Q!a’négélakwas Q!a’néqélak” left him 169.28 (56 to leave; -é [sub]. dem. 3d person cons.]; [-s instr., § 50.4]) k-ite’déda bé’beqwanremas the men became afraid of him 127.21 (k-at- to be afraid; -x-‘id [inchoative, no. 90]; -éda [subj. dem. 3d person voc.]; begwa’nem man; -s [instr., § 50.4]) 3. Transitive sentences with pronominal subject and nominal object or instrumental. da’x*identaxalexa’é I took the basket (da to take; -x-*td [incho- ative, no. 90]; -nzaq I—it [§ 50.2]; -za [obj. dem. 3d person voc.]; lzxa’*é basket) “né'x'sEwuntasa begwa’nem I was told by the man (fnék: to say; -80 [passive, § 35, no. 159]; -nzas I—by it [§ 50.2]; -sa [instr. 3d person voc.]; begwa’nem man) mix *i’déxa begwa’nem he struck the man (miz’- to strike; -x*td [inchoative, § 26, no. 90]; -é [§ 56]; -za [prenom. obj.]) § 53 538 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putL. 40 4. Transitive sentences with nominal subject, object, and instru- ment. ru'ngwadé Q!éawaqlanadkwas O’*magvlisé Q\é’xwaq!anak" had O’*mag‘i/lis for her child 133.11 (cunk"- child; -ad having [no. 170]; -é [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; -as [instr., § 50.4]) yo’ séda lé'lqwalara‘yara gwa’xnisé the tribes ate the dog-salmon with spoons 133.34 (yd’sa to eat with spoons; lélqwalaré tribe; gwa’xnis dog-salmon) kwexiidéda b rqwa’nemaza q!a' sdsa t! 2/lwagay6 the man struck the sea-otter with the club (kwéz- to strike; -x-id [inchoative, § 26, no. 90]; begwa’nem man; q!/a’sa sea-otter; t!z’lwaga to club; -aydo instrument [no. 174]) § 54, Sentences Containing Co-ordinate Verbs and Nominal Subject or Object When there are two co-ordinate verbs, the former takes the pro- nominal or nominal subject, while the latter takes the nominal object and instrumental. la’‘laé Klwaqarsénd wure'lax ‘nemo’gwisé then, it is said, K!wa’qaxsano questioned ‘nmmd’gwis 153.39 (la to go; -‘la it is said; -é [subj. dem. 3d person cons.]; wuzz’la to question) la’ ren axiée’diex t!lé’sema I shall go and get a stone (la to go; -z future [no. 88]; -en I; azx’é’d to take; -z future [no. 88]; -a [cons. obj.]; t/é’sem stone; -a [indef., see § 59.2]) la’‘laé q!a'mseda ma’kilég than the one next to her was lazy 54.24 § 55. Sentences Containing Possessive Elements When the nominal subject, object, or instrumental contains pos- sessive elements, these are expressed by means of prenominal and postnominal endings, which take the place of the simple demon- strative elements. la’tg'in k-!é's*ou'drek’ this my crest will go 209.31 (la to go; -z future [no. 88]; -g’in [prenom. subj., dem. 1st person, § 49]; k-!é’s*d crest; -x'd past [no. 89]; -k* [postnominal dem. Ist person vis.]) wuce'laxes abe’mpé he questioned his mother 141.37 (wuzz'la to question; -zés [pronom. obj., dem. 3d person subj. and pos- sessor identical, § 49, III]; abz’mp mother; -é [see § 49, III]) ta’wasidé na’gatyas his mind became wild 142.38 (¢a’was‘id to become wild; -@ [dem. 3d person indef.]; ndé’qé* mind; -as [nominal subj., dem. 3d person, subj. and possessor not the same person, § 49, III]) §§ 54, 55 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 539 qgelsaxen g'd’kwé he painted my house (qz‘/ls- to paint; -ren [prenom. obj., § 49]; g'ok“ house; -é [see § 56]) ya'x'satmés na’qafyos your mind is bad 71.35 (yd’xsa*m bad; -és [prenom. subj., § 49]; n@’gé mind; -ds [postnom. possess. 2d person, dem., § 49]) The following examples illustrate possessive forms: Ist person, dem. Ist person, visible: ~ lar’ms a’etexg in Lée'gemx' dik: take my past name! 125.31 L0'gun g'0'kulotgin and my tribe 451.28 1st person, dem. Ist person, invisible: ema’'sta’nawiség in trek lé’gaz’n? what may be the matter with my belly? 172.20 1st person, dem. 2d person, visible: wé' ga do'qwataxwa g o’kwagen look at this my house! 409.38 la’xen gene’magen to my wife 410.33 la’xen atwi/*naguiséx to my country 259.30 Ist person, dem. 3d person, visible: k!é’sen wid’ tern wa'tdemé I did not obtain my wish 454.3 1st person, dem. 3d person, invisible: la’xen g a@’gimax'darn to my past loans 452.1 la’xen g'd’kwa to my house 409.12 gua’ gwatyagasen gewr’marn my wife’s way of going 300.33 Exclusive, dem. Ist person, visible: ha'mek-atya'lagemtarsg anuezy" gi'gamek* the food-obtaining mask of our chief 35.38 Exclusive, dem. 2d person, visible: alé’watsléxsenute” gv gamaséx the hunting canoe of our chief U.S.N.M. 665.12 Exclusive, dem. 2d person, invisible: na’ qa‘yaxsens *no'léx the heart of our elder brother 325.11 Exclusive, dem. 3d person, visible: LIa@' sand‘yasenuse” g o’kwé outside of our house 120.31 Exclusive, dem. 3d person, invisible: la’xenuse” no’sa atwi/*nagwisa to our country 259.41 Inclusive, dem. 1st person, visible: dd’ qwaxg ada wa’g ins look at our river 147.37 laz’mk: ‘wi'‘laétgins “né’*nemo'kwigdt’ now all our friends are in the house 459.16 § 55 540 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 ’ Inclusive, dem. 2d person, visible: yisens gv gama‘eéx of our chief 453.11 Inclusive, dem. 2d person, invisible: ha’g-a, axk'!a’/laxens g o’kulotax go and ask our tribe 310.8 Inclusive, dem. 3d person, visible: wa'tdemasens *nemo'kwé the word of our friend 461.40 Inclusive, dem. 3d person, invisible: la’xens a’wi’*nagwisagns to our country 261.12 k-!0'telagasens wi'/wompdéens this salmon of our ancestors 451.40 2d person, dem. 1st person, visible: la'xg-as genn’mg os to your wife 234,22 2d person, dem. 2d person, visible: laxs g0’guma*‘yaqos to your face 306.20 la’xds afwi'*nagwisagos to your country 259.39 2d person, dem. 2d person, invisible: ga’ gak lintaas k-Jé’détag!0s I will woo your princess 119.22 2d person, dem. 3d person, visible: é’a'mis wa'ldemos good is your word 259.35 2d person, dem. 3d person, invisible: do’ qwatazs ax'é'xsdEs0*Lads see What is desired by you 409.29 la’xés xuno’x“tads to your future child 51.36 3d person, dem. 2d person, visible; possessor subject of sentence: —do'x*widxos xund'kwex (let her) see her child 134.16 — —la’x6s ya'*yats!éx in his canoe 230.18 3d person, dem. 3d person, visible; possessor subject of sentence: dada’ x"stxés tr'k!wisé they held their bows 243.40 3d person, dem. 2d person, visible; possessor different from sub- ject of sentence: la‘mé’ sen geg'a'drsoxda k:!é'détaxs and so I have married his princess 193.35 (-‘més and so; gzg'a’d to have for wife; k Je’dét princess) 3d person, dem. 3d person, visible; possessor different from sub- ject of sentence: —da’xex ya'nems he took his game 294.27 —ld’xumaza lax 6’x"sidza‘yas they rolled down to its base 19.42 § 55 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 541 § 56. Irregular Forms While this system of forms is quite clear, there remain a number of irregularities in the third person which somewhat obscure its syntactical functions. This is particularly true of the forms without ending. It is difficult to decide whether they are true verbs. Similar difficulties arise in regard to the postnominal forms in -a, without ending, and in -é (see § 48, IT). The postnominal -é is used particularly with nouns terminating sentences. It is used with nouns in subjective, objective, and instru- mental construction, and signifies a special emphasis laid on the noun, or the contrast between that particular thing and others; for instance, mix’‘v/déxés xunod/kwé HE STRUCK HIS CHILD, because it is not expected that a man would strike his child. Examples from the texts are: la’‘laé ye'laqulaté Wa’xuidé then Wa’xwid sang his sacred song CS 90.6 | —axk !a'laxés *né*nemo’kwé he called his friends 43.5 ga xlaéda ho’x"hokwe the ho’x"hok" came 109.39 —qa's*ide Ne'nengasé Grizzly-Bear-Woman went X 21.28 This suffix is postnominal, not verbal, as is proved by the analogous forms of the second person demonstrative: gavxmor Wuld’sn*wéx Wula’sd® came 161.27 It does not indicate absence or presence, but is merely an emphatic demonstrative. . In other cases the verbal demonstrative of the third person -é is used in a similar position. On account of the weakness of the ter- minal glottal stops, it is difficult to distinguish this ending from -é. Still, the analogous forms of the second person demonstrative prove its verbal character. yu'*més la brk!u’séz this is the woodman 258.27 It seems, that when there are two forms, and the first takes a verbal demonstrative or a possessive, the terminal word is generally a noun. yu'=*mos wa'tdeméx this is your word When the sentence is opened by a verbal expression without demonstrative ending, the second term is a verb. yu'més ye lax*widayuséyox this is his secret song It is doubtful, in this case, whether the first word is a noun or a verb, and whether the second word should be considered a separate sentence. § 56 5492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 57. Irregular Forms (continued) The same is true in all cases where the verb stands immediately before its object or instrument. In these cases, when it has no de- monstrative, the objective -x and -s are suffixed to it. la mix*v’dxa brqwa’nem he struck the man k- !é’soa mix'i'd g:@’xen this one did not strike me lox Le’ gades T !é’semg-ite this one had the name T!e’sEmg“it 225.18 The construction is similar to that in sentences in which nouns occur accompanied by qualifying terms. mixi'déda wa'lasé beqwa/nem«a gina’nem this large man struck the child (literally, this tall one struck, man the child). If the noun stands by itself, the -a preceding the object (§ 50.4) is retained. mix v/déeda brqwa’nemaxa gindnem Temporal suffixes are treated in the same manner. zu'mtelseda ‘wa'lasdé g°6’x"sa brqwa’nem the large house of the man was burnt on the ground (zumf#- to burn; -z/s on ground [§ 22, no. 44]; -(a)dé past; gk” house); (but zu’mtzlsé g o'x"disa begwanem the house of the man was burnt on the ground [see § 50.6]) There is still another case in which a similar absence of demonstra- tive elements is observed. The verb may be separated from the rest of the sentence, and its place may be taken by auxiliary verbs or by verbalized nominal ideas. Then it is placed at the end of the sen- tence, and has either no ending, or, better, the ending -a. lafem qa’sida then he went latmox ga’s‘ida then he went lé’da brqwa’nem qa’sida then the man went In this position the verb can not take the ending -é, although it may be made a noun by the appropriate prenominal demonstrative. brgwa’neméda qa’sidé the man went § 58. Remarks on Irregular Forms It is impossible to give a satisfactory explanation for all the peculiar usages of these endings, although the rules for their use can be stated quite definitely. The endings -éda and -x, which in Kwa’g-ut invari- ably have the function of determining subject and object, may have originally performed different functions. This is suggested by the following forms: The Dza’wadxénox" forms -séda and -xeda (see § 49), and the analogous forms -ag:ada, -xdxda, -sg-ada, -sdxda, of the §§ 57, 58 — BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 543 Kwa/e-ul, show that the endings -g-a, -6z, -@, and -da are not necessa- rily subjective. There are also indications that originally -da was not so exclusively prenominal as we find it now. This is indicated par- ticularly in its use with the independent demonstrative ga, yi, hé, and the interrogative ‘wi wHEN. These often take the ending -da either by itself or in connection with possessive pronouns: g'a’da, yii’da, hé’da, fyi'dé; and hé’drn g'0k” THAT IS MY HOUSE (see § 55). On the other hand, -« is used to introduce appositions and temporal determinations (see § 61). In the form yixa it may take the place of the subject, a construction which is used frequently in the dialect of Newettee: g-a'xé, yiaa begwa’nem HE CAME, THAT MAN. In the Awi’k:!énox® dialect of Rivers inlet it is suffixed in the same manner to the subject as well as to the object. la’lé ya’x*idrla g d’kulayaxai the people felt bad (g-6’kula tribe; -zav’ those) On the other hand, it does not seem probable that this dialect should have retained older forms, since it shows considerable phonetic decay in other directions. § 59. Vocalic and Consonantic Prenominal Forms: It was mentioned in § 49 that the prenominal demonstrative occurs in two forms, as vocalic and consonantic. The latter is used in three cases : 1. Before proper names. la’‘laé ya’qleg:asté T's!iqamasé then Ts!aqamé spoke 193.26 acyt/lkwis T!é’semgité the attendants of T!é’srmg’it 222.30 2. When a noun is used (a) in a general sense, or (b) when the existence of an object is doubtful. (a): hé’ em wa'tdems begwa’nem that is the word of mankind g kwas gi’ gigamasya a house fit for chiefs laimen wurd/aga begwa’nemk: I ask the men in present existence (b): a’'laso*wé laé’sasa ts!é’daq mussels are searched for by the women sek-a’Lrentax gwo*yi’mlaza I shall harpoon a whale, if there is one (-lax uncertainty [§ 28, no. 105]). On the other hand, we have la*men sxk-d’xa gw6‘yi’m 1 HARPOONED A WHALE, because the whale, after having been harpooned, is definite. § 59 544 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 In these cases we find generally the suffix -a for the third person demonstrative invisible, because the object is necessarily conceived in this position. 3. When the noun is followed by the possessive -s of the third person. g a’ xé lax gO’ kwasen ‘nemo’ kwé he came to the house of my friend § 60. Objective and Instrumental The use of the objective and instrumental with different verbs shows great irregularities. On the whole, the objective is used only when the action directly affects the object; while in other cases, where a direction toward an object is expressed, periphrastic forms are used. Whenever an action can be interpreted as performed with an instrument, the instrumental is used, for which the Kwa’g-ul has a great predilection. In many cases, however, both instrumental and objective may be used, according to the point of view taken. We find, for instance, the following instrumentals: (la’men) Lé’qelas tléxi/la laq I name it “door” 9.14 (zéq- name; -s [instr.]; t/éxi’la door; laq going to it) Lé'gades Da’bendé having the name of Da’brend 15.8 wé' qa gwa's *étsés g'dzitads mention your reason for coming 16.10 (wé’g'a go on; gwa’s id to mention; -sés your[instr.]; gaa to come; -g'it reason[no. 176, p. 508]; -ads your) sa’bents6x he overdoes this 18.1 ‘ya'laqas g'ina’nem he sent the child lé ts!Gs then he gave it 18.11 lar’m t!éqwaptentsa t!é’semé he put on the fire the stones 20.8 wé'g a, dr'nasitsen q!z’mdema go on! sing (with) my song 451.25 All passives are constructed with the instrumentalis. qa’ s*idayusa axra’‘lénoz” he was walked away with by the wolves § 61. Periphrastic Forms Whenever the activity does not influence the object directly, but is rather directed toward the object, periphrastic forms, which may be termed ‘‘ the locative,”’ are used. These are formed with the verbs la TO GO, and g’@zx TO coME, the former being used for the second and third persons; the latter, for the first person, inclusive, and exclusive, these verbs being treated as transitive verbs with objects. la’é la’brta lag then he went in to it (-bzeta into[no. 28, p. 465]) léstali’s ela la/xens ‘na’/lax he went around our world 12.7 §§ 60, 61 BoAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 545 These periphrastic forms take the place of the object of the first person inclusive and exclusive (p. 536). They are also preferred when- ever the verb has both pronominal object and instrumental. Then the periphrastic form generally takes the place of the object. The verbal character of these forms appears with great clearness when the verb is /a To Go, since in this case the verb is directly composed with the object, and thus replaces the locative, with which it is identical. The objective form is also used for all determinations of time. hé gwe'gilaxa ga’genuxe he did so every night 249.24 (hé that; gwe’ gila to do so; -xa[obj.]; ga’nux night) . 62. Causalita Y Causality is expressed by the element ga, which is treated as though it were a verbal stem that might be translated by TO BE THE CAUSE or. This stem does not lose its terminal a. It takes pronominal, prenominal, and possessive forms, just like other verbs. @laszl te’ng-aa qaé’s La’la it is said, he longed really the cause is his (= on account of his) sweetheart 23.12 (@la really; -la quotative; ¢z’ng‘aa to long; La’la sweetheart) (la*men) te'ng'aa ga‘s I long on account of you 25.1 gaés wa'tdemos on account of your words 285.42 lan’mlaé *y@’x'semé na'gatyas K!wek!waxd’*wasée qaés ‘nemo’ we then the mind of K!wéek!waxa’*wé* was bad on account of his friend 291.34 (Ja auxiliary verb; -em and; -‘la it is said; fya'x'sem bad; nda’ge® mind; ‘nemo’k" friend) gag in wa'ldemrik’ on account of this my future word 115.31 qao’xda mots!agéx on account of these four sticks 139.22. § 63. Finality Closely related to the causalis is the expression for finality. This form seems to occur only in nominal construction analogous to the third person demonstrative of the possessive causalis, from which it differs in the same way as the forms for visibility differ from those for invisibility. The set of forms is— a MPORSON 0) Glide ses Soe Ene Inclusive. 60.00) bos | QEens—a MECIUSIVE | inf) a fern), 3. 4 QEnes—a Paspersom: <« -. . . . ., .9@°s—aos 3d person . . . . . . ga—as (possessor different from . subject) 3d person... . . . ga*s—a(possessor and subject the same) 44877—Bull. 40, pt. 1—10 35 §§ 62, 63 546 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 It corresponds to a verbal stem qg with the possessive forms for absence. k-V’lwinementag gen gene’ma I bought her to be my wife This finalis is very frequently used with verbs, which, however, take certain suffixes. Most often they take the ending -é, which seems to nominalize the verbal term. When, however, the verb has another pronominal suffix, as in the second person or with the object of the second person, it takes tne suffix -a before the pro- nominal suffix. In the first person, exclusive, and inclusive, the pronoun may be repeated suffixed to the verb. In this case the idea of finality is often so weak that it is hardly more than a connective. wia'dzirntsos qen pluxé’dé go on that I may taste 37.32 (wé go on; -dz@ emphatic[no. 119, p. 494]; p/uax‘e’d to taste) gan *né’ké and I say so 453.24 ‘ya'lagementas Gu'ldemé gen g:a’xé I have been sent by Wood- pecker to come 302.24 (ya’laqa to send; -zm instrument [no. 173]; -ntas I by him; Gu’ldem woodpecker; g'adx to come) wée'ga, ... gens do’qwatéex qla'para’sens ‘nénemo’kwex go on, ... that we may see the hitting of our friends 296.31 (do’qwata to be looking; qlap- to hit; -sens of our; ‘nemok friend; -éx postnominal dem. 2d pers.) ... gas la’ds axse'd that you go and take 465.34 .. . gas taplé’dayos that you eat (break the shells) 284.22 .. . gen Lé'xssaléxens cund’kwex that I advise our child 290.13 .. . gen &k-dwesg ada *‘nextune'k* and I stake this blanket 292.3 wé' ga L!0'pledeq’ qass hama*i’dadsaq® go on, roast this and eat this 38.7 (z/dp- to roast; hama** i'd to eat) Lé'‘lalaxés g okuloté qa g:a’xés he called his tribe to come 23.2 axré’dxés qg!0'lats!é qass g:a’xé he took his kettle and came 20.8 If the verb has the first form of the third person, and takes an object or instrumentalis, the final -s is followed by an -é. qa dr'nx*idesesa ga’ gak lak: !a’‘layu qg!z'mdema that they sing the wooing songs 82.3 (dz’nzx‘id to sing ; gak"- wife [no. 141, p. 498]; -k:!ala noise [no. 144, p. 499]; -ayu instrument [no. 174, p. 507]; qglemdem song) Verbs with object of the second person take the ending -a6z, cor- responding to -a0s in verbs with second person subject. Monosyllabic verbs in -a take -d in place of -aé, and -ayds or aés in place of -aads. In the future the -@ precedes the future suffix, and the endings are the same as usual, -éz, -€L06s8, -éLzEs. § 63 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 547 gen do’'xwareladt that I may see you 263.26 qa‘s la’os né’*nakwa and go home 450.20 gen la é’tled that I go again 240.37 ga‘slé’r6s that you may go in the future 260.19 § 64. Causal and Temporal Subordination Causal and temporal subordination are expressed by forms related to the foregoing. They must also be considered nominal in their character. Here the relation between personal and demonstrative pronoun is very close, the noun which expresses the subordination always appearing with the possessive pronoun of the proper person combined with the demonstrative pronoun of the same person. Subordination is expressed by the suffix -z, which takes possessive endings combined with the proper demonstrative elements. This -z may be related to the objective. Temporal Subordination Causal Subordination Istperson: . . . . -xg’in—ek qaxg in—ek inclusive: )... . ». -ag*ins—ek- qaxg ins—ék* Exclusive... . . ., -eginu's"—ék qaxg inu's"—ek’ Za person. . . . . -x©s—daaqos qaxs—aagos 3d person. . . . . -xs—aé qaxs—aé In place of the suffixed temporal forms, we find also yi’xg-in, ete. q@ Lars ‘né'k-aa’qos indeed, when you said 16.11 dza'qwaxs la’é it was evening when he— 30.4 qaxg-in @’léx-dek: tr’ng-aa for I really long 25.1 gaxs ‘né’k-aa’qos for you said 16.13 When the verb is transitive, the subject is combined with the subordinating -x, while the object remains connected with the verb. The subject may, however, be repeated in the verb in the same way as in the possessive (§ 49). qgaxg-in wut z'lat‘még:inztag for | heard it 16.1 (wure’la to hear) LO'xgun ts!a/weg-asa ‘wa'ts!éx lor and that I gave you this dog 39.9 (zo and; ts!0 to give; ‘wats! dog) The ending -x undergoes the same changes as those enumerated in § 50.4, 6. Whenever these endings follow an objective or instrumental, they take a connective -é. Laldsézs la’é 24.1 (zalds his sweetheart) do’x'wat rlagéxs wu'ng zlaéda xup!a’ he saw that the hole was deep {ia : § 64 548 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 It is worth remarking that in these cases there is no differentiation in the third person when the subject of principal and subordinate clauses differ and when they are identical. lan’m k-lés qla’telé Ma’rulayiigwias le*ma’é lo’ ré K!wa'kwar- sdnaza hala’yuwe then Ma/xulayaigwa did not know that K!wa/kwaxsano had obtained the death-bringer 144.39 (k-Jés not; g/d’ixla to know; lox to obtain; hala’yu means of death) k-1é’stlatta gd'ta qa’ sazs la’é la’g-aa he did not walk long when he arrived 27.2 (gata long; qd’sa to walk; la’g-aa to arrive) The same forms also occur without the subordinating suffix -r. In these cases the possessive element is suffixed to the postnominal demonstrative. _ Lst persow: | oe yd, Sela Pe bs” ay) 2 QO CTSOI ings, a raitg aye PERE: po cee ee og ne Bd persom, \s.s spe wat Leena ee eee k-!é'saa’qos g-axnarwaxa *nda’/la you do not come in the daytime (k-lés not; gaz to come; -narwa from time to time [§ 26, no. “ oe 95]; &na’la day) la’atlasé ‘la’ qulayugwa ya’q!leg-asta then, it is said, Crying-Woman Je q ’ ) 5 spoke 261.43 § 65. Conditional The conditional is formed from the same stem ga as the causal. It takes the ending 6. In this case the first person takes the same form nz which has been discussed in § 50.1. The principal verb may also take the suffix 6, and is often accompanied by the suffix -laz (§ 28, no. 105), which expresses uncertainty. Following are the conditional forms: Teteperson’ 0's ee ie We ee ren, 2 ee Inclusive is. Vk (oe8tai 2 Set ae ee Pixclusivie 0 20. lio) 2 vatietehwe elie ee 20 WEMSONY ens {9/023 4kn 48) ave ee ee 3d person, demonstrative, Ist person. . gag’0 3d person, demonstrative, 2d person . . qa*xo 3d person, demonstrative, 3d person . . qo gas hama-i’dxa hamg-Vlayura lox if you eat the food that is given to you. 258.33 (hama-‘i'd to eat, hamg-ila to give food, -ayu passive [$ 36, no. 174], loz to you) gatso k-!é'slax ha*mda’plaxox if you should not eat 262.11 (ke: és not, -laz uncertainty, ha‘ma‘p to eat, -lax uncertainty, 01 you [§ 50.5) § 65 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 549 § 66. Imperative and Exhortative The imperative of inchoative verbs is generally formed with the suffix g-a; that of continuative verbs, with -la. da’salg'a dive! 461.23 The defective forms gé’la come! ha’g-a Go! belong here. We find also the double form gé’lag-a comE! Often the imperative is introduced by a form derived from the interjection wé Go oN! which takes the imperative ending -g-a or (in the future) -g-iz. In other cases the wé takes pronominal endings. In constructions with wé’g-a, the intransitive verb takes the ending -z. wé'g-a *na’xumdtaz go on, cover your face! 185.35 we'g- it la gwa’tatarrx keep ready! 242.28 wi’ entsos gen wurda’ ox let me ask you (=you [exhortative] that Task you) 145.22 Sometimes /d’g-a and gé’la are used in the same manner as wé’q-a. ha’g-a «wa nat id ex go and get ready! 114.28 Exhortatives are formed with the suffix -z:: we'x ins wi'nax K. let us make war on K. 301.25 we gaxt ta’k!wemasés na’ gqa*yos strengthen your mind 13.8 gua’ lax t hé’x*idarm 0'q!usés na’ qa‘yosag don’t believe your own mind at once 269.3 Negative imperatives are always introduced by gwa’la pon’r! which is derived from gwa TO CEASE. gwa'la ‘nek don’t say so! 144.35 It is quite likely that the forms in -g-a are related to the demon- strative endings, and that the imperative is less a modal form than an expression of the immediate nearness of action. .In many cases the imperative idea is expressed by the future, either alone or introduced by wé’g-a and gwa‘la. The transitive imperative seems to be expressed always by the future. The ending -n0* forms a peculiar emphatic imperative: gwa‘no’* don’t! 462.18 yd’ 1 !a4n0* take care! Probably this suffix has the meaning ENTIRELY, ALTOGETHER, and is used as an imperative only secondarily. At least, the forms dd’qwano®, g:a’xnd*, were translated to me YOU SEE, COME! implying that the opposite ideas of not seeing, not coming, are entirely excluded. § 66 550 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 67. Interrogative When interrogative pronouns—ang"- WHO, ‘ma- WHAT, ‘wi- WHEN, g:in- HOW MANY—are contained in interrogative sentences, the ordi- nary verbal forms are used. When these are not interrogative pro- nouns, the verb takes the suffix -a. ‘md’ sas begwa’nem? what kind of a man are you? 147.24 emda’sos Lii'g alafsagos? what is standing behind you? 37.21 a’ngwax' tas? what is on you (=is your name)? 67.31 Swe'den *wa’ts!é? where is my dog? 44.24 Swedzd's g'e’a'*idé? where do you come from? 123.26 gayi’ nstla‘maz’na? did I stay under water long? 34.19 (ga- long; " -ng under water [§ 21, no. 26]; -la [contin.]; -*m [connect., § 27, no. 103]; -a [interrog.]; en I; -a [interrog.]) k-!ed’sas y@/nemaa? have you no game? 45.27 (k-/ed’s none; -as thou; y@’nem game; -a absent; a [interrog.]) plep!a’sasa are you blind? 95.26 In interrogative sentences the voice sinks at the end of the sentence. § 68. Plural When the sense requires clear expression of the pronominal plural, the suffix -x-da‘a" is used, which is treated like other suffixes beginning with z-, and loses this sound after consonants. : This suffix must not be considered a pronominal ending. It is attached to interjections as well as to verbs. ya’ x-dasa" (address of several people) 219.17 la’x*data“laé they went, it is said 266.27 § 69. Adverbs From what has been said before, is appears that there are very few adverbs only in Kwakiutl. A great number of adverbial ideas are expressed by suffixes, while others are verbs. To this class belong, for instance: . és, k-!és not a- really hal- quickly The only independent adverbs that do not take verbal forms, so far as they are known to me, are zld’q ALMost, and the numeral adverbs formed with the suffix -p/zn. $$ 67-69 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 551 § 70. VOCABULARY Most of the Kwakiutl stems are monosyllabic, and consist either of a consonant, vowel, and consonant; or of a vowel preceded or fol- lowed by a consonant. followed by two consonants. stems; for instance— alé’x”- to hunt sea-mammals med z'lq- to boil k-lélak- to strike Only a few stems consist of a short vowel Apparently there are some bisyllabic a’lé to search g ilo’ L- to steal Owing to the great number of nominal suffixes, most nouns are derived from verbs, so that the number of primarily denominative stems is small. or neutral stems have been given in § 36. given here. . Los tree (= standing on ground) tate’mt hat (=hanging face- cover) qos pond (= water in it on ground) xu'lgwis shark (= rough body) Examples of nominal stems derived from verbs A few others may be mena’ts!é drum (= striking re- ceptacle) ‘merku'la moon (=round thing being) ‘wa’ lasx:é lynx (= big toothed) Ld’ wayu salmon weir (= means of standing) Furthermore, many local suffixes form nouns by being attached to the nominal stem 6- SOMETHING, and a few related stems. We find, for instance, 6’bde cHEST, 0’r"sidzé& FOOT OF MOUNTAIN, 0’néqwit CORNER. @’*'wrusdé MOUTH OF A VESSEL. Before vowels, the stem 6- becomes a‘w-; for instance, in A number of nouns are found, however, which are neither descrip- tive nor immediately reducible to the series of local suffixes. Among parts of the body we find some that do not occur as suffixes. r'ldz- flesh rlk- blood hap- hair of body sefy- hair of head zaq bone L/és- skin k-Jil- tongue gel- rib yom- thumb k-!éd- third finger selt!- fourth finger aEn- eyebrows zawe’g skull nate” vulva ts! n°y- intestines § 70 552 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 Other names of parts of the body occur in two forms—as inde- pendent words and as suffixes. Independent Suffix GGG SV Yay ee a ak sees -xLd mouth (oe) ens -asta POET Tc. oes Mey Bathe oa Pe ae BOI -ato yO. he win at nee wane: -£sto face... . © . Go'oume -gEM Nose) pe ue OO Raee “iba COOE pica yoo ae Oe -siv' ab belly siege Coates cele ea nes -€8 hands | ak. eu eee ee ase -x'tsana TOObe usc cnittisn taut OeeOsee -0"° 808 A few other nouns which appear among the suffixes also exist as independent nominal stems. Independent Suffix fire yt, Pog Soh. aie hee -sqwap WHECES 8 ute amis Me aie sta one side’t}*?, A. US s-ap- -k lot The classification of verbs according to form of object is well devel- oped. Since there are but few classificatory endings, and since their use is primarily restricted to numerals, we find many different stems used for this purpose. A list of stems will be found in my book ‘‘ Kwakiutl Texts” (Pub- lications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 11). § 70 TEXT G:d’kula‘laé! Ts!n/Iqwalolela? la’xa® @klé* =a wi’nagwisa.° Lived it is said Heat at the above world. Ga'x‘em‘laé® Tsle’Iqwalotela? LE‘wis’ sa’semé,® yix® Sé’paxaés!° Came referred to Heat and his children, that Shining-down itis said Lo*" Ya’q!entema‘yaxa” ts!mda’q Lo® G’°é'xden LEtwa™ a’'lée' and First-Speaker the woman and G’é/xdEn and the last xuno’x"se Da’doqwanagésela.'® K°!ée’s‘laé’? g-a’xé'® genk’mas’® child his Seeing-from-Corner-to-Corner. Not it is said came "wife of Ts!n/lqwalolela, yix® Lié’sElaga* qa hé’éné*mas*! qa’samasé” Heat, that Sun-Woman for that one being she go-making she L!é’sElagaxa”™ L!é’seEla. Hé"lat!a*4 ‘nEqa’xa* O’/manis Sun-Woman the sun. That itis said, straight-down Omanis however, yix® Ts!n’lqwalotela LEfwis’ sa’seEm. Hé’x*‘idarm‘la’wis”* that Heat and his children. That began rererred to it is sai -€; -laé (§ 32, no. 132). 2ts/Elqu- HOT; -ala (§ 26, no. 91); -dteta (§ 26, no. 93). 3/@ TO GO; -xa pronominal vocalic objective (§§ 49, 59); the whole word serves as the vocalic locative (§ 61). 4 é@k-/- HIGH, ABOVE; -é 3d person demonstrative (§§ 48, 56, 57). 5 -is BEACH (§ 22,no. 45). This word is derived from the stem 6- SOMETHING, and the suffix -énaku (no. 183 a). The terminal -a indicates that it is one of many countries (§ 59). 6 g'dz TO COME; -Em connective (§ 27, no. 103); -£laé (see note 1). 7 LOf AND, with possessive 3d person, thing possessed belonging to subject (§§ 49, IIT 6, 55). 8 sa’sEm CHILDREN [PLURAL] (singular rwnd’ku, stem runku-); -é dem. (§ 56). 9 yix THAT, consonantic form preceding proper name (§ 59), objective form for apposition (§ 58). 10 s@p- TO SHINE, RAY; -@ra DOWN (§ 21, no. 19), -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45). 11 16 AND, consonantie before proper name (§ 59). 12. ya’g/Ent- TO TALK; -gem FACE (§ 23, no. 54); -€* nominal suffix (§ 36, no. 161). This takes the form -afya before objective -x (§ 50.6); -ra objective form introducing apposition, vocalic form before common noun. 13 LEEWa AND, vocalic form before common noun (§ 50.11). 14 (@f- RECENT; -é demonstrative (see note 4). 15 rund’ku, stem runku- CHILD (see note 8); -s HIS, placed after the noun, since the subject of the sen- tence LE‘wa a’té runo’rus is a’té, while the possessor is Heat (see § 49, III, 6); -€é pronominal indefinite before proper nouns (§§ 49, 59). 16 do’qwa TO SEE; da’dog/wa TO ENDEAVOR TO SEE. The rest of the name is not quite clear. 17 k-Jés NOT; -~lae (see 1). This is a verbal form. 18 g'ax TO COME; there is no -*m here, because this is a new idea that is introduced into the tale; -é@ con- sonantic, pronominal (§§ 49, 59). 19 gEnE’m, Stem gag’- WIFE; -nEm (§ 36, no. 193 a); -s ind. possessive before proper name (§ 59). 20 L/Jés- HEAT; L/é’sEla SUN; -ga WOMAN (§ 36, no. 192). 21 ga ON ACCOUNT OF; hé THAT ONE; -éné abstract noun, QUALITY OF; --m (§ 27, no. 103); -s possessive third person. 22 gas- TO WALK; -amdas TO CAUSE (§ 35, no. 158); -é cons. demonstrative (§§ 49, 59). °3 -ra definite object (§ 49). 24 hé THAT; -‘la IT IS SAID (§ 32, no. 132); -t/a HOWEVER (§ 27, no. 101). 2 €mKq- STRAIGHT (i. e., tocome straight down); hé is here subject; -ra indicates the apposition explaining the hé THAT. 26 hé THAT; -x'£2d inchoative (§ 26, no. 90); -Em connective (§ 27, no. 103); after the inchoative this suffix requires always a connective -a-; -£/a (see note 1); -Em-wis AND SO (§ 27, no. 104). 553 554 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 Gexdmn.:. 1a* qa’sid**—s la’xa® = =96 Wak‘ !egesia.”® La’‘lae*° G-éxdEn went walk-began to the Bent-Bay its name. Then it is said do’x'waLeElaxa*! ‘neqa’ts!aqgé® xwa’k!una** mexe’s* aq. La’‘lae* he discovered the ten long canoes hollow things atit. Then it is on beach said éw’un'wig‘aq,** lan’m‘la wis’ la’x® a’Lafyasa®® xwa’xwak!una.* he hid back of them, then referred to at landward of canoes. it is said and the so he went Lalaé®> G:é’xden dex‘wult!a’lis* laiq.* La’‘lae* ya’q!eg-atleda” Then it is G:é/xdEn jumped out of woods to Then it is speak began the said on beach them. said ; ‘nemo’kwé* brgwa’nema:! ‘* *ma’sds* Sya’lag‘ilisex,*® G'ée’xdmn?” one person man: ‘““What your work moving on G'é/xdEn?”’ beach here, éne’x‘so‘laé*? G'é’xden. La’‘laé*° na’nax‘ma‘ya:* ‘‘ La’LogwasdE‘yin*® was told it is G’é/xden. Then it is he replied: “Tam trying to geta said said magical treasure lon. ** La’‘lae *° wuLe’ > G'ée’xdgEnaxa®” bEgwa’nEmé :*8 from you.”’ Then it is asked G’é’xdeEn the man: said “¢€mae’noxwas 2” *4 La’‘laé*° na’nax‘ma‘éda® bEgwa’nEmaq:*® ‘What tribe are you?”’ Theat is replied the man to him; sai 21 1@ WENT, signifies here a new action: THEN. 28 gds- TO WALK; -z'‘id inchoative (§ 26, no. 90). 29 wa’k: !- BENT; -ég- SIDE (§ 22, no. 51); -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45); -4"La ON (=named) (§ 21, no. 32 Bb). 30 /@ (see note 27); -£laé (see note 1). 31 d@gu- TO SEE; -@LEla TO ACCOMPLISH (§ 26, no. 96); -xa vocalic pronominal object (see note 23). 32€n Eq- TEN (=straight); -ts/ag LONG OBJECT (§ 24, no. 84); -é demonstrative (see note 4). 33 Stem rwaku-. 34 mMET- HOLLOW THINGS ARE SOMEWHERE [PLURAL to han-]; -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45). 35 Locative (see note 3); -q object 3d person (§ 49). 36 €wun- TO HIDE; w for -6 OFF (§ 21, no. 37). -ég'é BARK (§ 23, no. 69); the reason for the introduction of w before -ég-é is not clear; -g object 3d person (§ 49). 37 1@ (see note 27); -Em-wis AND SO (§ 27, no. 104); da (see note 1). Here /a@ is used as the verb To Go. 38 Jaz consonantic form of locative (see note 3) before a form with genitive ending (§ 59). 39 @L- LANDWARD; -é nominal ending (§ 36, no. 161); -sa vocalic genitive (§ 49). 40 Reduplication for plural (§ 41). 41 dExu- TO JUMP; -Olt/a OUT OF WOODS (§ 21, no. 37, ¢); -lis ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45; § 37, no. 197). 42 yaqg/Ent- TO TALK; -g'a%t TO BEGIN TO MAKE NOISE (§ 34, no. 145); this combination seems irregular; éda vocalic subjective (§ 49). 43 €n EM ONE; -Oku PERSON; -é demonstrative. 44 Stem beku- MAN; -GnEm (§ 36, no. 193, 6); -a (see note 5). 45 €mds WHAT; -Os THY (pronominal possessive). 46 £yq- TO BE OCCUPIED [cf. £ya’‘yats/é canoe (=receptacle) for occupation]; *ya’la TO BE IN A STATE OF OCCU- PATION; -g'ilis MOVING ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45; § 37, no. 197); -ex postnominal demonstrative 2d person (§ 48, II). 47 €nék- TO SAY; -80£ passive (§ 35, no. 159); -flaé (see note 1). 48 Stem perhaps nag- TO IMITATE. 49 LOgu- SOMETHING MAGICAL, PRECIOUS; L@’L0k/wa TO ENDEAVOR TO GET SOMETHING PRECIOUS (§ 46); the softening suffix -sdzy is not known from any other combination; -zn I, subject. 50 Locative, 2d person object (§ 48, I; § 61). 51 wUL- TO QUESTION; -é pronominal before proper name. 52 -ara, the first -a connects the subject with the prenominal object -ra (§ 50.4). 53 Stem beku- MAN (see note 44);‘-€ demonstrative. 54€ma- WHAT; -énoru here, TRIBE (§ 36, no. 162); -as 2d person. 55 See note 48; -éda definite pronominal (§ 49). 56 See note 44; -aq pronominal object, 3d person (§ 50.4). BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 555 **Max’*énoxunu‘x".*” HO’x*widox*®s alé’wats!iixsenu‘x" ® oigama‘ex.” ‘* We are killer-whales. It split this this hunting canoe of our chief here.’ Lalaé® wuta'safwe* G-e’xden lax® t!n’m‘ydséxés® xwa’k!unixs® Then it is was asked G’é/xdEn about his material for his canoe when it said sewing ho’xtwidae.* lLa’‘laé* né’lasa® dmewe’x. ‘‘Ha’g-a®” axé/dex® was broken. Then it is he told of cedar- “Go get the said the withes. drwe’xa,”® ‘né’x‘sd‘lae” G’é’xdren. La’‘laé* qa’s‘ida.7 K°!é’s‘lat!a” cedar-withes,”’ was told it is G:é/xdeEn. Then it is he started. Not it is said, said said however, gailaxs™ ga’xaé™ da’laxa® dEwé’x” gqa‘s” tslewé’és™® la’xa long when he came carried the cedar- that he gave (with) to the withes it brgwa’nkEm. La”laéda” bregwa’nEm aalts!alaxa® dxEwée’x.® man. Then it is said man tried to break to cedar- the pieces the withes. **éma’se®! xa/nElagila’sik* tr’lqwa?”®* lLa’‘laéda’” brgwa’nEm ‘What is the reason of this weak?”’ Then it is man said the fya'laqasa®* ‘nemo’/kwe*? brgwa’nem qa” 1lés ax‘ée’dex® sp‘lbésa.* sent (with) the one person man that he go take the i ai a each, 57 maz- TO PURSUE SECRETLY; -énoru nomen actoris (§ 36, no. 162); ma’rsénoru KILLER-WHALE; -Enufru exclusive. 58 hOxru- TO SPLIT; -x*7d inchoative; -dx prenominal consonantic demonstrative 2d person. 59 @léru- TO HUNT SEA-MAMMALS; -ats/@é RECEPTACLE (§ 36, no. 184); alé’wats/@ HUNTING-CANOE; -z post- nominal demonstrative 2d person; -sEnufxu prenominal possessive exclusive. 60 9-7 CHIEF; g'i7gamé* CHIEF, perhaps chief among others (§ 21, no. 7a); -€r postnominal demonstrative 2d person. 61 WUL- TO QUESTION; -sd® passive (§ 35, no. 159); -sEfwé prenominal indefinite. 62 ¢/Em- TO SEW WOOD WITH CEDAR-WITHES; t/z’m‘yt (for t/E’mayt SEWING-INSTRUMENT [§ 4]; -s HIS; -é (§ 50.12); -rés prenominal possessive 3d person. 63 See note 33; -rs (§ 64). 64 See note 58; -aé (§ 64). 6 nél- TO TELL; -sa (instrumental, § 60) ABOUT. 66 dkwé’r CEDAR-WI1HES, CEDAR-TWIGS. 6 ha occurs only in imperative forms; -g-a imperative ending (§ 66). 68 a@x- TO DO, TO TAKE; -z°*?d inchoative (§ 26, no. 90); -z prenominal consonantic object. 69 -¢ invisible and indefinite (§ 59.2). 70 €mék* TO SAY; -SO£ passive (§ 35, no. 159); -f/aé (see note 1). 71 gas- TO WALK; -z£id inchoative (§ 26, no. 90); -a@ terminal (§ 57). 72 See 17; -t/a, HOWEVER (§ 27, no. 101). 78 gé- LONG; gd’ta from gé and -ata (§ 26, no. 92); -xs (§ 64). 74 See note 64. 75 da TO TAKE; -la (§ 26, no. 91); -ra prenominal vocalic object. 76 See note 69; here without indefinite -a, because he carries the material, so that it is now definite. 77 § 63, subject of the subordinate clause agrees with the principal clause, therefore -s after the ga. 78 ts/0 TO GIVE; -é after ga; -s instrumental. 79 See note 30; -@da vocalic pronominal subject. 80 at- to break, to crack; -x‘s across; -@ to endeavor with reduplication and hardened consonant (see p. 498); -za vocalic prenominal object. 81€ma WHAT; -s possessive; -€ demonstrative. 82 ra’/nNL- VERY; -la (§ 26, no. 91); -g:7 REASON (§ 36, no. 176); -a interrogative; -s possessive; -k- post- nominal demonstrative Ist person. 83 telqu- WEAK. 84 €yq’lag- TO SEND, always with instrumentalis. 85 sElp- TO TWIST; -€8 ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45). 556 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 La‘‘laéda™” broewa’nEm dzr'lx£wida.** K-°!és‘latla? oiiJaxs™ o'a’xae™ X g Then it is man began to run. Notitissaid, long when he came said the however, da'laxa” sn’lbés. = _La’‘laéda brewa’nrm t!e/mx“‘idxa*’ xwa’k!una.* carried the twisted-on- Then it is man began to sew the canoe. beach, said the La’‘laé® dzi’x‘semtsa®® gwele’k'é® Ja’xés® tlema’e.% Lan’m” Then it is he rubbed on its “gum on his sewing. Then said face with the gwa'la.? La’‘laé* g*i’gama*yasa™ ma’x‘énox",*” yix® Hé'li‘lilag“ilis,® it was Then it is the chief of the killer-whales, that Moving-all-over- finished. said the World, hé’em® Lé’gemsa®™” g'i’gama‘yasa® maa’mx‘énox":® ‘* Latmox® that was the name chief of the killer-whales: “Tt here of the la’‘LEn! xué‘lbalax 1 ma’sto'” la’x6x 1° Gé’xdEn ga! srk ‘flasoxa’® will go quartz- harpoon to this G'e’xdEn that he spear with my pointed this the ewofyi’m;1% hé’*mis!? Lée’LEgEms?°’ Mr’nldsE‘las,!” L6*!! Mr’nmen- “whale; that (and the names of Place-of-getting- and Feeling- so it is) Satiated, léqalas,"° LE‘wis’ g°0/x"Lads"! ma’xExség‘flaLés!” g°0/x"Laos. 1! Satiated, and (your) house (your) killer-whale on front house your. will be (your) La’te"? = ma’xenox"Lés** 10’qulittads;* hé/*mis’” hala’yut® Lot Then killer-whale will be future dish in that and killing and will be your house your; so it is instrument qtula’‘sta2” ~Letwa"® xue’lx-e" xuda'yu™ qga‘’s sEx"x'a'nos; 7 ™ life water and the quartz- - knife for butcher-knife.” toothed your 86 dzElru- TO RUN; -x'*td inchoative (§ 26, no. 90). 87 t/Em- TO SEW BOARDS; -x*id inchoative (§ 26, no. 90). 88 dzik"- TO RUB; -gEmd FACE (§ 23, no. 54; also § 24, no. 85; § 20, no. 2); -sa prenominal intransitive vocalic. ’ 89 gwetlé’ky GUM. 90 See note 3; -rés objective possessive 3d person; owner and subject same person. 91t/Em- TO SEW BOARDS; -é£ (§ 36, no. 161); -€é demonstrative. 8 la, see note 30; -Em (§ 27, no. 103). 93 gwa- STOP; -dla continuative (§ 26, no. 92). 94 gi 7'gamé CHIEF (see note 60); -sa possessive prenominal vocalic. % hél- RIGHT; -i‘ldla ABOUT (§ 21, no. 5); -€s ON BEACH (§ 22, no. 45); -g-ilis IN WORLD (§ 38, no. 197). 96 hé THAT (see note 24); -Em (§ 97, no. 103). 97 L€g- NAME; -Em nominal suffix (§ 36, no. 193); -sa definite possessive ($8 49, 59). 98 Reduplicated plural (§ 42.5). 99 Prenominal 2d person visible. 100 7- future; -En I. 101 wel quartz; -ba point (§ 21, no. 31); -la nominal; -r postnominal, 2d person, visible. 102 harpoon. 103 Periphrastic, 2d person visible, consonantie (§§ 48, 59). 104 The subject changes, hence the -s follows the verb. 105 sek’- to SPEAR; -/a continuative; -sdx with this, 2d person, visible (§§ 48, 59); -xa object. 106 Stem gwék--. 107 --m -wis (§ 28, no. 104). 108 L€g- NAME; -Em nominal suffix; reduplicated plural. 109 mENT- SATIATED; -OsEla (2); -as PLACE OF—. 110 mMENt- SATIATED; -@qala TO FEEL LIKE— (§ 23, no. 81). Ul g-Oku HOUSE; -L future; -a6s THY, invisible 2d person possessive (§ 48). 112 -7ség'd FRONT OF HOUSE (§ 23, no. 52); -z future; -és 2d person, prenominal possessive (§ 48). 113-7 future; -é demonstrative. 114-7 future; -és 2d person, prenominal possessive. 116 20’qul- DISH; -2 IN HOUSE; -a0s (see note 111). 116 hal-TO KILL (Hé’ldzafqu ciplers), -ayu INSTRUMENT. 117 q/ula LIFE; -&sta WATER (§ 22, no. 39). 8 See note 13. 119 -sr@ TOOTH (see p. 478, no. 62). 120 yut- TO CUT BLUBBER; -ayu INSTRUMENT. 121 seku- TO CARVE; -sx'G TOOTH; -L future; -Os THY, postnomina:. Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 557 La’‘las® wex‘e’deda’’® maa’mx*énox’.% G-a'x‘laé® G-é’xdmn, Then it is started the killer-whale. He came it G’é’xdEn, said is said né’*nak"* la’xés® g°dk".1 Larn’m® sEk‘a’xa’ gowdfyi’m'" Lefwa1!8 going home to his house. Then he speared * whale and the whole . q!a’sa;'° la’g-ittse”® o-i’gamex“ida. 7 sea-otter; that was his chief he became. reason 122 LBr- TO START BY CANOE; -x“‘id TO BEGIN. 123 nd/*naku is here independent of G-é’rden and begins a new clause. 124 sek*- TO HARPOON; -xa prenominal object. 125 q/G@s- SEA-OTTER. 126 /@ TO GO; -g:if REASON; -sé (after Zit becomes -tsé) OF HIS. 127 g:2/gamé= CHIEF; -x*2d TO BECOME. : [Translation. } Heat lived in the upper world. Heat came with his children,— Shining-Down and First-Speaker, a woman, and G’‘é’xden, and his youngest child, Seen-from-Corner-to-Corner. The wife of Heat, Sun- Woman, did not come, for she is the one who makes the sun go. Heat and his children came straight down to O’manis. At once G’é’xdren went to Bent Bay. There he discovered ten canoes on the beach. He hid behind them landward from the canoes. Then Gé’xdren jumped out of the woods. Then one person spoke. **What are you doing on the beach, G‘é’xdren?” Thus G‘é’xdEn was told. Then he replied, ‘‘I am trying to get a magical treas- ure from you.” Then G’‘é’xden asked the man, ‘‘To what tribe do you belong?” The man answered him, ‘‘ We are Killer-Whales. The hunting-canoe of our chief is split.” Then G’‘é’xden was asked what he used to sew his canoe with when it was broken. He mentioned cedar-withes. ‘‘Go and get cedar-withes!” G-°é’xdrn was told. He started, and it was not long before he came, carrying cedar-withes, which he gave to the man. Then the man tore to pieces the cedar-withes. ‘‘ Why are they so weak?” Then the man sent a person to go and get ‘‘twisted on beach.” The man ran away; and it was not long before he came, carrying ‘‘ twisted on beach.” Then the man sewed the canoe. He rubbed the outside of his sewing with gum. Then it was finished. Then the chief of the Killer-Whales, Moving-All-Over-the-World,—that was the name of the chief of the Killer-Whales,—(said), ‘‘ This, my quartz-pointed harpoon, will go to G’é’xdeEn; and the names Place-of-getting-Satiated and Feeling-Satiated, and your house with a killer-whale (painting) on the front, will be your house; and your dish will be a killer-whale dish; and the death-bringer and the water of life and the quartz-edged knife, which is to be your butcher-knife (shall be yours).” Then the Killer-Whale started. G-é’xden came and returned to his house. Then he speared whales and sea-otters. Therefore he became a chief. CHINOOK - y ; BY FRANZ BOAS CONTENTS Page PEMA! DISGONY SS652 fou. a5 2.2 See eke ee we fae Ae ace ne ceales 563 SPS eMC MC Nese Se ct See Ue BER ee. tat toe ne oe oh a eee ye wate 564 Reet ee ee Sect rat Ue cere ee tte Chaat tae tale Seve we 564 nN EEDA Se rr Ue ee SS OS Se We a Le be od ate SL Se 565 Oy PETS STE Saar Se ae ea ieee ee ea ee sgn eae 566 cen ESTES a a 2 gee pa a 566 5 Wie SCT ARG! 111 cea ME ei oA ge ea ey RC 567 PAU OnnGaicn CURNPES.. Sh Ui tt vet ot). blk. sb etaa ce ste e ee te ce owe 568 Een vocalie Warmony 222.0. 2.205 2205.44. h-2- boast se ee weed 569 RereeeooAOHA LTE SONI ON occ cde te ees Sco esse Ss cce e nee See deus AO Meee tieiOr. Gt CONSONANIGs. +." -. sn 22 we eee ew se b'e- tases cees 570 (SIEGEL (2: Rc ee a a nn aS 570 NMR ines ee ete ets on OSL NCE ue cine win Kea a lense 570 ee ateris ai) COMGEICUION 6... 24222 ss bok lane eke ee deste ealens wn 571 § 13. Weakening and strengthening of consonants...................-.--- 571 Semeaertninaiical processed. lacs... SL Label i ee kee ee ee eee 571 § 15. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes...-..-..-.--.-------------ee: 572 ee ea Me UESIOn Gh OPAMMAr. -- -. 252s see tec ~ le ss cone ee seas ee aesene 575 0 PRES Gh 278s 0) 56 ee Se 575 | NlGa eunte tne Clay NiACtlC WORDS)... 52.02. es. . Son co ts ow wee cess 575 pul. Modal clements. 2.5. 222.265. tae Reece are by Me a ee Co ra 577 Bitar renpimhiGal Clememise.c. 26. 4ost-t sy tees 2 fn a ss ccmwe does e 580 Bila. wae pont promominal go. 2: 25 o82 25 geet il. coed eee sa ek oe tack 581 Sie Aue tie person uals. o8 62. gas tne) oe Poet oe adie GE e's eos 583 pet ee: Gana MeISOM {URAL 5c oa at oan seeks. eos ove eee G na wee nen 583 Sila. Pronouns Of tie *ttansttive verb. 2s. hil. lie oe ee ee ee 584 ea eSU ING PEOMOUM 2 ee oe cok dae Ne ll die ou.ec da cincie 584 § 24. Elements expressing the possessive relation between subject and er ee eae nee e ee error: we. See eo a woes 5 oon ee 587 USES STU a2 VON 0) 2) 5b <2 ga ee Gr a 588 PIO TMC CHiaL NOx Od oss) fa 45 otto tk tec. cees Soes «Bee tenes 590 See MIRE NID on nose IE ae ee Riad wen ale oe nee eae ae Sow’ 592 SUS so. HOUIReS 225-2 sce oe ee Lid noche CO eR Re eee 593 See Gam c eneralrem nuke: me eee Spee Ripert 2nd ie a aol Scho ls eho elod 593 Ne OG CMON Cust es ie searte eae Mees Mitac ole Sac ors oles wi clots 593 Speen me RUMI Meee ene eee a oye Sie ase ep oon a sed 595 Sol. eemi-temporall suthixes|:. 2... 2e205: Jens. 55 soos Rhea ir 595 § 32. Temporal and semi-temporal suffixes ...............-----.- 596 Soo Dermal np xe ets oe Sete eee UR cso ks wise erate wa See 597 SOG tba mee USING LN Sets seis eke oie eee LE 2 US dereeeeates BRE 597 Baia GRIN FEVERS ier ay OR ee ae nee Os ag ee NSM 597 SESS LUNE VEINS gt) 02 Sag 2 eS eee, ee eee 602 Soo. peeondary significance of gender...=.- 2.522.262. ee eee 603 SEMEN CRETE ST A LI cs | SaaS oe ee 603 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-——36 561 562 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 §§ 16-56. Discussion of grammar—Continued. . Page §§ 16-45. Syntactic words—Continued. §§ 34-43. The noun—Continued. $38; Plural sulliises? 22-5 5.5 6 eto a tatete ee ie ree 605 $°39; Vocative: .c 2.3: bs Set te ie ee ee eee 612 § 40, Derivation of noUms...52.-..05--5---2ee e 612 § 41. Nouns and verbs derived from particles...........--.--.---- 616 § 42,-Compound nouns: -2-22. 2... 222.2 asdee 2-6 l ee 617 § 43, Substantives as qualifiers-. 202... <=. - -.¢ 2.22 617 § 44. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs..........---.------------ 617 § 45. Independent personal pronoun....-.2...-.2.---:+---<49-5e8e—e 626 $§. 46-52. Particles ---oere wae 2 N22 be eee oe 2 627 $46. Atiribute complements. ..........2-22.+ -s22<- <= -2t 22) 627 §: 47. AdverbSi. .ceres toes Gee ecasetee ce eat a5 6) < Sot ee rr 633 § 48. Exhortative particles. .-22-2 2. -2-- 2). 02- . sce 635 §.49. Interjeetions /< 222.225 0.2 pate ok gee ee 635 § 50. Conjumetionss:~.2 223 S20 2 he ees gee ae oe 636 B bl Adjectives. to... octets pesos eek see ee oe ae Serine oe 637 § 52. Adverbs derived from intransitive verbs......--.-------+-=25-= 638 §§ 53-54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism ........---------- 638 § 53. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Wishram (by Edward ‘Sapir)./.<..0..- .225e2) -- = ese ee 638 § 54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Chinook and Kathlamet: .2.4..c.co2ec. 2-55 eee a eee 645 8855-96. “Symtaks eG ooo cee es eee re ee 646 § 55. Syntax of Lower Citaonk Sohn cece 81k eee cin 646 § 56. Post-positions in Wishram (by Edward Sapir) ......--.-------- 650 $$ 57-60. Vocabulary... 01-2280. -os.eee ee sae eet pee 655 §:57,. OnomAtopoctic termarace =). = <2 aie s-ehe Saeco e se 655 § 58. Nouns expressing adjectival and verbal ideas..........------------ 657 § 59. Phonetic characteristics of nominal stems .......----------------+--- 658 8/60; -Yerbal-stemsics...220 35. 228 Seren eee 658 | : CHINOOK By Franz Boas § 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY The Chinookan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects which were spoken along both banks of Columbia river from the Cascades to the sea, and some distance up the Willamette valley. The Chinook were neighbors of tribes belonging to many linguistic stocks. In Shoalwater bay and on the lower course of Columbia river, along its northern bank as far as the Cascade range, they came into contact with tribes of the coast division of the Salishan family. On the upper course of Willapa river they were contiguous to a small Athapascan tribe; farther to the east they were surrounded by Sahaptin tribes; in the Willamette valley they bordered on the Molala and Kalapuya. On the southern bank of Columbia river, opposite Cowlitz river, lived another Athapascan tribe whose neigh- bors they were; while south of the mouth of Columbia river they bordered on the Tillamuk, an isolated branch of the Coast Salish. The language was spoken in two principal dialects, Upper Chinook and Lower Chinook. The former was spoken on the upper course of Columbia river, as far west as Gray’s Harbor on the north bank and a little above Astoria on the south bank of the river. It was sub- divided into a number of slightly different dialects. The principal representatives are Kathlamet and Clackamas which were spoken on the lower course of the Columbia river and in the Willamette valley, and Wasco and Wishram which were spoken in the region of The Dalles. The Lower Chinook includes the Clatsop dialect on the south bank of the river (from Astoria downward) and the Chinook proper of the north bank from Grays harbor down, and on Shoal-. water bay. The last-named dialect is discussed here. The name Chinook (7s/inu’k) is the one by which the tribe was known to their northern neighbors, the Chehalis. 563 * 564 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The grammar of the Chinook language has been discussed by Horatio Hale,' Friederich Miuller,? Franz Boas,’ John R. Swanton,* and Edward Sapir.’ Unless otherwise stated, references in the following sketch refer to page and line in Franz Boas, Chinook Texts. PHONETICS (§§ 2-13) § 2. Vowels The phonetic system of Chinook is characterized by a super- abundance of consonants and consonant-clusters combined with great variability of vowels. Since practically all our information on the Lower Chinook has been derived from one single individual, the last survivor capable of giving intelligent information, there remain many uncertainties in regard to the system of sounds. My informant was in the habit of changing the position of the lips very slightly only. There was, particularly, no strong forward movement of the lips in the vowel wu and the semivowel w. This tendency has been observed - in many Indian languages and was probably characteristic of all Chinook speakers. For this reason the w and o sounds are very slightly differentiated. Obscure vowels are frequent and seem to be related to all long and short vowels. The system of vowels and semivowels may be written as follows: Diph- Semi- Semi- Diph- * thong vowel Vowels vowel thong E w riers A Cs eS y au 02 (6) é (e).<% ar i 0.46 a i. Am) While the o and w sounds are indistinct, owing to the similarity of lip-positions, the e and i sounds seemingly alternate in accordance with the character of the adjoining sounds. They assume a decided 2 tinge by contact with a following a, or when following an anterior. palatal. There is no strong retraction of the lips, but a considerable 1 Wilkes Expedition, Ethnography and Philology, 562-564. See also Transactions of the American Eth- . nological Society, U, xxiii-clxxxviii; Hale’s Indians of Northwest America and Vocabularies of North America; with an Introduction by Albert Gallatin. 2 Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, m1, 254-256. Vienna, 1882. 3 Notes on the Chinook Language, American Anthropologist, 55-63, 1893; Chinook Texts, Bulletin 20 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894; Kathlamet Texts, Bulletin 26 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1901; The Vocabulary of the Chinook Language, A merican Anthropologist, n. s., VI, 118-147, 1904. 4 Morphology of the Chinook Verb, American Anthropologist, n. S., 1, 199-237, 1900. 6 Preliminary Report on the Language and Mythology of the Upper Chinook, A merican Anthropologist, Nn. s., IX, 533-544; Wishram Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society, II, 1909. § 2 : ~ Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 565 linguo-palatal constriction. In the short vowel the 7 character is rather accentuated. In the long vowel the e character predomi- nates, unless contact and contrast phenomena emphasize the 7 char- acter. 6 seems to occur only with & sounds and is probably due to an assimilation of short a. d@ is rare and seems to occur only in ono- matopoetic words. é and d are also of peculiar character. d seems to be always either a rhetorical broadening of é (as in d’ka for é’ka), or an onomatopoetic element which is frequent as terminal sound in interjections. The a series is related to the o and w series in so far as a may be transformed into o or wu, while e and 7 can never be thus transformed. We will designate the o and w sounds as u-series and the e and 7 sounds as 7-series. The only diphthongs that occur are au and ai. Doubled vowels, unless separated by a consonantic glottal stop, do not seem to occur. Short 7 and uw when preceding vowels have always consonantic values. § 3. Consonants The consonants consist of labials, dentals, and a very full series of palatals. There are also a number of / sounds. I did not succeed, however, in distinguishing these satisfactorily. There is also much confusion regarding surds and sonants, not only because the sonant has greater stress than our sonant, but also on account of the occur- rence of a labial sound with semiclosure of the nose and weak lip- closure, which is therefore intermediate between 6, m, and w, with prevalent m character. Between vowels the sound approaches a b. The occurrence of d is also doubtful. Each stop occurs as fortis and surd. : The series of consonants may be represented as follows: Sonant Surd Fortis Spirant eee Nasal Lateral pot : Polite... = ~ = _ = - = Welar.. .. « (g?) q q! t — ~ = Raiatal =... k k! L - = - Anterior palatal ASD ce = “5 iG Alveolar . . (d2) t t! SoG - n (L) (y) Dento - alve- olaraffrica-; —-— ts,tc ts!,tc! — - ~ ~ tive Pabial OS Pp p! — m m = (w) maven Oe eyo pl t, — - ~ §3 566 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 The alveolar s, c, and the affricative ts, tc, are pronounced with open teeth. The two m’s are not distinguished, since the former occurs only before vowels. It is doubtful if they represent two really distinct sounds. The glottal stop and the velar surd are closely related, the former often taking the place of the latter. An omission of a q after a stop transforms the latter into a fortis. I have placed / and n in the same line, on account of their frequent alternation. Since the glottal stop, velars, palatals, and anterior palatals have certain peculiarities in common, we will designate them as k sounds. The consonants of the anterior palatal series have a decided affricative character, which is least prominent in the fortis. The medial palatal & and the velar q¢ appear also as affricatives. In these cases the continued sound appears so long, that I have written them as kz and qz. The language admits of extensive consonantic clusters, and I have not been able to discover any sequence of consonants that is mad- missible except that clusters consisting of a stop followed by m and n seem to be avoided. § 4. Phonetic Laws Nevertheless we find complex phonetic laws. These may be classed in nine groups: (1) Effects of accent. (5) Vowel changes. (2) Laws of vocalic harmony. (6) Metathesis. (3) Laws of consonantic as- (7) Dieresis. similation. (8) Contraction. (4) Vocalization of consonants. (9) Weakening and strength- ening of consonants. Only the first two of these laws are purely phonetic, while the others are restricted to certain grammatical forms. Groups 2-5 are changes due to contact phenomena. Effects of Accent (§§ 5, 6) The accent affects the character of the vowel upon which it falls and modifies consonants in so far as certain consonants or consonantic clusters are not tolerated when they precede the accent. On the whole, these changes are confined to the Lower Chinook, but they occur also in part in the western dialects of the Upper Chinook. § 4 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 567 § 5. Vocalic Changes 1. Vocalic changes consist in the introduction of an z in an accented consonantic cluster which consists of a combination of stems. The E is inserted after the accented consonantic stem. The same change occurs in Kathlamet, while it is absent in Wishram. a-tcr’-t-a-x he made it (a- aorist; tc- he; z- 1t; -a directive; -« to do) a-gz'-L-a-x she made it (a- aorist; g- she; 1- it; -a@ directive; -x to do) tr’-kemén ashes (f- plural gender) 2a. Accented short u, when followed by m,n, or / which are followed by vowels, becomes wd’. va’ gunat his salmon igua’nat salmon tqluliprund’yu youths ig/ud’lipx youth 2b. Accented x and short a, when followed by m,n, orl which are followed by vowels, become ad. The short vowels? and wu, when fol- lowed by vowels, have consonantic values and affect preceding z and a in the same manner. ica’ yum grizzly-bear icayd’muke grizzly-bears aa’ penie giving herself in pay- panic to give in payment to ment to shaman shaman aqta’witz he gives them to them 249.13 Accented 7 followed by an a or u vowel becomes Gy. atcia’x he is accustomed to atca’yax he makes him make him mLopia’ tea you will gather it aguupa’yatxz she gathered him Here belong also the terminal changes of @ in plural forms: ick!alé clam basket tck!ala’yuks clam baskets dcuée’é frog tcuea’yuks frogs Compare with this the following cases, where n and / belong to consonantic clusters: néxe' loko he awoke me’nz't a tittle while In one case z accented changes to @ before z: tla‘lzx bird tlala’xuke birds All these changes given under 2 are confined to Lower Chinook. They do not occur in Kathlamet and Wishram. §5 568 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 § 6. Consonantic Changes Consonantic changes due to accent are as follows: (1) A k following the accented syllable tends to become the affrica- tive kr. ka’tsck middle o/kxotsnk middle daughter igé lxtcutk flint oya@’ kxilxtcutk his flint arrow- point (2) When the vowel following the cluster /z is accented, the ¢ is dropped. E é’leam town ale’é country atcid’lram he said to him tciola’ma he will say to him uk6’lxul mouse ukolo'luks mice (3) In words in which a q follows the accented syllable it changes to * when the accent shifts to a syllable following the g. When the q follows the surds p and ¢, these are changed to the corresponding fortes: La’ qauwilgt its blood La'wilgt blood é’géx creek t/a’ Lema creeks uya’ qaleptcki«’ his fire 0°0'leptckiz’ fire La'gana its beavers eé’na beaver This change takes place also when the accent remains on the syllable preceding the g, when the vowel following the q is short. 0’qou fish-weir oya’‘ax his fish-weir These changes mark a phonetic differentiation of Upper and Lower Chinook. In Upper Chinook the q is preserved almost throughout; while in Lower Chinook it tends to be replaced by the glottal stop §, —when following p and t by the corresponding fortis, whenever the accents stand after g, or when it is followed by a short syllable, or when it is terminal. Kathlamet Chinook wa’ yagq o’yas his mother Lid’ paqa Lid’ pasa his nape isemeE' lq isa’ meulé nose-ornament egé’ pagqte ee’ pagte beam tra’ qort tiaswit his legs tqu' Lé tlOL house The process of modification is, however, incomplete, since we find a number of Chinook words that retain the q. égtq head av’ag quick é’czelgcelg porcupine ttcug water . $6 , q a 4 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 569 ‘Here may also be mentioned the loss of terminal x and a, which is characteristic of Upper Chinook, in many Lower Chinook forms. Kathlamet Chinook mo lekumax mo lekuma elks tqa’ Lemax t/a'’Lema creeks Ma’ LNW’ ma’ Lne seaward Other characteristic changes are from Upper Chinook t to Lower Chinook s, as in— Kathlamet Chinook tqa’totinike tqa’sosinike boys anizenrmd'txém ania enremd’sx'em I fooled him and from Upper Chinook s to Lower Chinook ¢cé. Kathlamet Chinook é’mas é’matet shame ano’ suwulat ano’tetuwulat T went up on the water § 7. Laws of Vocalic Harmony When a u vowel precedes a & sound, and the & sound is either fol- lowed by a vowel or is a prefix, it must be followed by a vowel of the u- series. The following special cases may be distinguished: (1) An obscure vowel following the k sound is transformed into short wu. 0’ pLlike bow ogu’ pL liké my bow (with prefix -ge- my[§ 18]) (2) a following a & sound is transformed into o or wu. tk !a’cke boy 0k! 0'cke girl _ tkani’m canoe okuni’m canoes (3) Ane sound following a & sound requires a u before the e sound. axgé pxaté alder country ogue’ pxate’ alder-bark tree La’ gil a woman 0°6’quil the woman (4) If the & sound is a prefix, it is considered as a phonetic unit and an o is inserted following the k sound, even if it is followed by a consonant. na’xLxa she begins to burn no’xoLxea they begin to burn e’ktcxam he sang o’kotcxam they sang The following examples show that the rule does not hold good in consonantic clusters that form a stem. atco’ktcktamit he roasts her dgct louse (stem -ktckt) § 7 570 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 8. Consonantic Assimilation It is doubtful whether there is a single case of consonantic assimi- lation that is purely phonetic, not dependent on the grammatical value of the consonants involved. For instance, the assimilation of l by preceding and following n, observed in n0’ponem IT GETS DARK (from 6’pol niauT), finds no strict analogies in other similar sound groups. An assimilation of / by preceding n is found whenever the lis a frequentative suffix (§ 31). akso’ pena he jumps akso’penan he jumps about (instead of akso’ penal) What is apparently an assimilation of 1 by preceding n is also found in cases of insertion which occur with the suffix -z (see § 31.8). § 9. Vocalization of Consonants 1 Zand n show a peculiar behavior when occurring in the prefixes -gnl-, -el-, and ~‘zl; or the corresponding -gen- and -xen (§ 25). Whenever these prefixes are preceded by 0, the / and n become @, so that the prefixes assume the forms -(0)goé-, (0)xoé-, -(0)*wé. agigs'laém she called him nogoexé’ma I shall call them axeno’ten he helped sing noxoexd’téen they helped sing In other cases the combinations kul and k6l are admissible, as in 6k 0’lxul mouse okula’m surf 2. The intransitive ¢ of the third person plural (§ 21) becomes o before all & sounds, and also before adverbial / and n (§ 25). § 10. Vowel Changes The verbal prefix -0- (§ 26), when accented and preceding a k sound or a w, becomes a. anvo’cgam I took him ania’was I killed him This change does not take place in Upper Chinook. igv0’waq (Kathlamet), agia@’wa* (Chinook) she killed him Unaccented o does not change in this position. a’noxztk I steal her ayowa’x'tt he is pursued 261.1 § 11. Metathesis Metathesis seems to be confined to cases in which two suffixes are thoroughly amalgamated; for instance, -ako and -z combined form -dlukt (§ 30). §§ 8-11 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 571 § 12. Dieresis and Contraction 1. Dieresis is confined to the formation of a few verbal plurals, in which the vowel is expanded by insertion of the syllable -yw. Pre- sumably the expansion is related to the dieresis of accented 7 (see § 5). It seems, however, quite possible that this is really a suffix -yu indicating the distributive. (See § 38.6.) Singular Plural -x° ot -x°oyut to bathe -arlatck -trlayutck to rise 2. A short a, when preceding or following @ and 4%, is contracted with these vowels, which remain unchanged. In the same way 7 is contracted with a following 7 or @. 6c she is (instead of a-dc) é’lyam country (instead of atciungd’mit he causes him to 1-é’lxam) run (instead of atciwngd’-amit) § 13. Weakening and Strengthening of Consonants A modification of significance is brought about by a modification of consonants.'| This phenomenon was discovered by Dr. Edward Sapir in Upper Chinook, but it occurred undoubtedly also in Lower Chinook. The relation of consonants in Upper Chinook is as follows: b, p hardened become p! Pp, p! softened become 6 d, t hardened become t! t, t! softened become d g, k hardened become k! k, k! softened become g g, q hardened become k! q, q! softened become g Similar relations are found between the sibilants: tc! hardened becomes ts! s softened becomes c tc hardened becomes ts ts softened becomes te c hardened becomes s, ts ts! softened becomes te! ~ ts hardened becomes ts! The hardened x becomes xv. (Cf. § 53.) § 14. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES According to their grammatical forms, Chinook words may be grouped in two large classes—syntactic words and particles. While the former, except in exclamations, always contain pronominal and other elements that define their function in the sentence, the latter occur as independent and isolated words. The elements of the syn- 1See Edward Sapir, 1. c., 537. §§ 12-14 5'72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 tactic words are often phonetically weak, and consist sometimes of single consonants, of consonantic clusters, of single vowels, or of weak monosyllables. In combination these may form polysyllabic words. The particles are necessarily of such phonetic character that they can stand by themselves. For these reasons, both classes of words appear as fixed phonetic and formal units, so that in Chinook there can be no doubt as to the limits of words. The grammatical processes applied with these two classes of words differ. Some of the particles may be duplicated, while duplication and reduplication never occur in syntactic words. Particles when transformed into syntactic words may, however, retain their dupli- cations. Syntactic words are modified by means of prefixes and suffixes and by modification of the stem, which, however, is probably always of phonetic origin. Prefixes are much more numerous than suffixes, but are phonetically weaker, rarely consisting of more than a single sound. They appear in considerable numbers in single words. Six prefixes in one word are not by any means unusual. The number of suffixes that may appear in combination is more limited. They are phonetically stronger. More than two or three suffixes are rarely found in one word. Word-composition is not infrequent. However, some of the ele- ments which enter into composition rarely appear alone, or rather, combined with syntactic elements only. They represent principally a definite group of local ideas, and therefore give the impression of being affixes rather than independent stems. These words are, for instance, motion into, out of, up, down (see § 27). Setting aside compound words of this class, composition of independent stems, or rather of stems which are used with syntactic elements only, is infre- quent. Nouns are, however, largely of complex origin, and in many of them stems and affixes may be recognized, although the significance of these elements is not known to us. The position of the word is quite free, while the order of the con- stituent elements of syntactic words is rigidly fixed. § 15. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES In discussing the ideas expressed by means of grammatical forms, it seems best to begin with syntactic words. All syntactic relations of these are expressed by pronominal and adverbial prefixes. Syn- §15 —S eewr,:t“‘(_awe eee ee ee BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES . 573 tactic words may be divided into three classes that receive different treatment—transitive verbs, intransitive verbs, and nouns. All of these have in common that they must contain pronominal elements, which in the first class are subjective and objective, while in the other two classes they are objective (from the Indo-European point of view, subjective). The noun is therefore closely associated with the intransitive verb, although it is not identical with it. It retains, to a certain extent, a predicative character, but is in form partly differentiated from the intransitive verb. The differentiation of transitive and intransitive is contained in the pronominal elements. The subject of the transitive differs in some cases from that of the intransitive, which is in form identical with the objective form of the transitive. The relations of nouns are expressed by possessive pronouns, which seem to be remotely related to the subjective transitive pronouns. Owing to the predicative character of the noun, the possessive form has partly the meaning HAVING. Both intransitive and transitive verbs may contain indirect pro- nominal objects. These are expressed by objective pronouns. Their particular relation to the verb is defined by elements indicating the ideas of FoR, TO, WITH, etc. The possessive relations of subject and object—. e., the possession of one of the objects by the subject, or of the indirect object by the direct object, and vice versa—are also expressed. ; All the syntactic relations between the verb and the nouns of the sentence must be expressed by means of pronominal and adverbial elements incorporated in the verb, so that the verb is the skeleton of the sentence, while the nouns or noun-groups held together by possessive pronouns are mere appositions. Certain locative affixes which express the syntactic relations of nouns occur in the dialect of the Cascades; but these seem to have been borrowed from the Sahaptin. The function of each pronominal element is clearly defined, partly by the differentiation of forms in the transitive and intransitive verbs, partly by the order in which they appear and by the adverbial elements mentioned before. In the pronoun, singular, dual, and plural are distinguished. There is an inclusive and an exclusive in dual and plural, the exclu- sive being related to the first person. The second persons dual and § 15 574 -BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 plural are related to the second person singular. The third person singular has three genders—masculine, feminine, and neuter—and a single form each for dual and plural. These forms are not only true sex and number forms, but agree also with a generic classification of nouns which is based on sex and number. The nominal stem itself has no characteristic of gender, which is expressed solely in the pronoun. The sex and number origin of the genders is clear, but in the present status of the language the genders are as irregularly distributed as those of Indo-European languages. These genders are expressed in the incorporated pronominal repre- sentative of the noun, and since there is generally sufficient variety in the genders of the nouns of the sentences, clearness is preserved even when the order of the nouns in apposition is quite free. Besides the sex and number classes we find a classification in human beings on the one hand and other beings and objects on the other. These are expressed in the numeral, the demonstrative, and in plural forms of nouns. It was stated before, that, in the pronoun, duality and plurality are distinguished. In the noun, a true plural, not pronominal in character, is found only in some words. These were evidently origi- nally the class of human beings, although at present the use of this nominal plural is also irregular. Furthermore, a true distributive is found, which, however, has also become irregular in many cases. Its original significance is discernible in numeral adverbs (§ 38). A distributive is also found in a small number of verbal stems. There are few nominal aflixes of clear meaning, and very few that serve to derive nouns from verbal stems. There are only two important classes of verbal nouns which correspond to the relative sentence THE ONE WHO— and to the past-passive relative sentence WHAT Is —ED; of these two the latter coincides with ordinary nouns, while the former constitutes a separate class. Still another class contains local nouns, WHERE— (§ 40). Demonstrative pronouns form a class by themselves. They con- tain the personal pronouns of the third person, but also purely demonstrative elements which indicate position in relation to the three persons, and, in Lower Chinook, present and past tense, or visibility and invisibility. Only a few modifications of the verb are expressed by incorporated elements. These are the temporal ideas—in Lower Chinook those of § 15 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 575 future and perfect and of the indefinite aoristic time, to which are added in Upper Chinook several other past tenses. In some cases these temporal elements express rather ideas that may be termed transitional and continuative. There is a series of semitemporal suffixes expressing the inchoative and varieties of frequentatives; and also a number of directive prefixes, which seem to express the direction of the action in relation to the speaker. All other ideas are expressed by particles. A somewhat abnormal position among these is occupied by the numerals from 2 to 9 and by a very few adjectives. These numerals are nouns when they are used as ordinals; when used as adjectives, they are generally par- ticles; when referring to human beings, they are nouns of peculiar form.{§ 51). ; Most remarkable among the particles is a long series of words, many of which are onomatopoetic and which are mostly used to express verbal ideas. In this case the verbal relation is expressed by an auxiliary verb which signifies TO DO, TO MAKE, or TO BE. These words exhibit a gradation from purely interjectional terms to true adverbial or, more generally, attributive forms. They are analogous to our English forms like BANG WENT THE GUN, or DING DONG MADE THE BELLS, and merge into forms like HE WAS TIRED. If we imagine the word TIRED pronounced with imitative gestures and expression, it attains the value that these particles have in Chinook. The num- ber of these words is considerable, and they take the place of many verbs. Most of them can be used only with verbs like To po and To Go. Other adverbs differ from this class in that they are used with other verbs as well. There is no clear distinction between these adverbs and conjunctions. DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (S§§ 16-56) Syntactic Words (§§ 16-45) §16. Structure of Syntactic Words All syntactic words contain pronominal elements which give them a predicative character. A few seem to contain only the pronominal element and the stem, but by far the greater number contain other elements besides. Most words of this class are built up by compo- sition of a long series of elements, all of which are phonetically too § 16 576 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 weak to stand alone. The most complex of these words contain all the elements of the sentence. Their order is as follows: (1) Modad element (transitional, participial). (2) Pronominal elements. (a) Subject. (b) First object. (c) Second object. (3) Following one of these may stand an element expressing the possessive relation between the subject and the objects. (4) Adverbial prefixes. (5) Direction of verbal action. (6) Verbal stem, single or compound. (7) Adverbial suffixes. These elements are, of course, hardly ever all represented in one word. Following are a few characteristic examples of these words: a-m-x-a-x-cg-G'm-x thou wert in the habit of taking it from her a- aorist (1, see § 17) m- thou, subject (2a, see § 18) L- it, object (2b, see § 18) a- her, second object (2c, see § 18) -a- indicates that rr belongs to HER (3, see § 24) Elements 4 and 5 are not represented. -cg- stem TO TAKE (6) -am completive (7a, see § 29) -x usitative (7b, see § 32) tc-t-a-l-0’-t-a he will give them to her tc- he, subject (2a, see § 18) t- them, object (26, see § 18) a- her, second object (2c, see § 18) -l- to (4, see § 25) -o- direction from speaker (5, see § 26) -ot- stem TO GIVE (6) -a future (7, see § 32) Elements 1 and 3 are not represented. There are, of course, transitive verbs with but one object. -In most intransitive verbs all the elements relating to the object disap- pear and the form of the word becomes comparatively simple. L-0-c it is L it, subject (2a, see § 18) -0- direction from speaker (5, see § 26) -c stem TO BE, singular (6) § 16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 577 Complex intransitive forms are, however, not rare. tz-n-x z-l-a’-x-6 they will be on me t(z)- they, subject (2a, see § 18) n- me, indirect object (2c, see § 18) -z(z)- indicates that THEY belong to ME (3, see § 24) -l- to (4, see § 25) -d- direction from speaker (5, see § 26) -x stem TO DO, TO BE (6) -0 future (7, see § 32) Nouns are similar to simple intransitive verbs, but they have (or had) nominal (modal) prefixes. They have no directive elements. They may take possessive forms which do not appear in the verb. The order of elements in the noun is the following: (1*) Nominal (modal) element. (2*) Pronominal elements. (a*) Subjective. (b*) Possessive. (3*) Nominal stem, single or compound, (4*) Suffixes: W-a’-lemlem Rotten-wood (a place name) w- nominal prefix (1*) a- subjective feminine (2 a*) -lemlem stem ROTTEN woop (3*) é’-mé-qtq thy head é- subjective masculine (2 a*) -mé- possessive second person (2 6*) -gtg- stem HEAD (3*) In the following sections these component elements will be taken up in order. § 17. Modal Elements 1. a-. This prefix indicates a transitional stage, a change from one state into another. Therefore it may be translated in intran- sitive verbs by TO BECOME. In transitive verbs it is always used when there is no other element affixed which expresses ideas contradictory to the transitional, like the perfect, future, or nominal ideas. In the transitive verb it appears, therefore, on the whole as an aoristic tense. The action passing from the subject to a definite object is in Chinook always considered as transitional (transitive), since it implies a change of condition of object and subject. In the Kathlamet dialect of the Upper Chinook the corresponding prefix is 1-. 44877—Bull. 40, pt 1—10-—_37 § 17 ee: 578 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 Whenever the a- stands before a vocalic element, its place is taken by n-. The masculine i- preceding a vowel has consonantic character, and retains, therefore, the a-. In Kathlamet n- is used under the same conditions; but, besides, a form occurs beginning with 2-, which is followed by a -g-. Intransitive, before consonant: a-L-z'-k'im it said (a- transitional; 1- it; -k-vm to say) a-n-0'-tx-uit I began to stand (a- transitional; n- 1; -0- directive; -ix to stand; -wit to be in a position) Intransitive, before vowel: n-e'-k-im he said (n- transitional; é- he; -k-am to say) n-0'-z-o-x they became (n- transitional; 6- they; -x reflexive; -o- directive; -z stem TO DO, TO BE) Transitive: a-tcr’-t-a-x he did them (a- transitional; tc- he; + them; -a- directive; -x stem TO DO) The following examples are taken from the Kathlamet dialect: Intransitive, before consonant: i-z-r’-k-im it said; Kathlamet texts 99.4 (analysis as before) i-m-ra-t-k !od-mam you came home ibid, 132.15 (m -thou; -gx (a)- reflexive; -t- coming; -k/oa to go home; -(m)am to arrive) Intransitive, before vowel: i-g-e'-z-k!oa he went home ibid. 169.6 (-é- he; -x- reflexive) i-g-d-x-k !oa she went home ibid. 191.8 Transitive: i-q-i-0’-lram somebody told him ibid. 169.7 (-¢ somebody; 7- him; -0 directive; -lzam to tell) i-gz’-t-u-« she acted on them ibid. 217.16 (gz- she; & them; -u- directive; -x to do) 2. néi-. This prefix is confined to the dialects east of the Kathlamet. It takes the form nig- before vowels, like the preceding. It occurs in transitive and intransitive verbs. It expresses a somewhat indefinite time past, and is used in speaking of events that happened less than a year or so ago, yet more than a couple of days ago. (KH. Sapir.) ni-y-u'ya he went (ni- past; -y- he; -wya to go) nig-u'ya she went (the same before vocalic element; -a- she, being contracted with -u- into -w) ni-tc-r-gil-kel he saw him (ni- past; -te- he; -i- him; gil- verbal prefix; -kel to see) $17 _ Boas] “HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 579 3. a-. This prefix is confined to the intransitive verbs of the Upper Chinook (Kathlamet), and indicates the future. When fol- lowed by a vowel, it takes the form al-. a-m-0'-k1r-a thou wilt carry her (a- future; m- thou; 6- con- tracted for a- her and 6- directive; -kz stem TO CARRY; -a future) Before vowel: al-6’-mn-qt-a she will die (al- future; -d- contracted for a- she and -d6- directive; -mzqt stem To DrE; -a future) In the dialects east of the Kathlamet it is used also with transitive verbs (Sapir). a-tc-t-gu'l-kel-a he will see her (a- future; -tc- he; -i- him; -gzl- verbal prefix; -kzl to see; -a future) 4. ga-, before vowels gal-. This prefix is confined tothe dialects east of the Kathlamet. It expresses time long past, and is always used in the recital of myths (Sapir). ga-y-u'ya he went (see analysis under 2) gal-u’ya she went (see analysis under 2) ga-te-i-gx'l-kel he saw him (see analysis under 2) n- may be used in place of this prefix. 5. na-, before vowels nal-. This prefix is confined to the dialects east of the Kathlamet. It refers to recent time exclusive of to-day, more specifically to yesterday. Its use is analogous to that of the preceding. (EK. Sapir.) 6. k-, g-. This prefix has nominal significance, and designates THE ONE WHO IS, DOES, or HAS. k-tgn'-ka-l those who fly (k- nominal; -tgz they; -ka to fly; -l always) k-ck-t-a-x0'-il those two who always make them; (ck- they two [transitive subject]; -t- them; -a- directive before -x; -xd-il to work always) This prefix is used most frequently with nouns in possessive form, designating THE ONE WHO HAS. g-i-ta'-ki-kel-al those who have the power of seeing (i- mascu- line, -ta@- their; -ki- indicates that there is no object; -kzl to see; -al always) g-i-La’-maé the one who is shot (i- masculine; -1d- its; -ma‘ the condition of being shot) k-La’gewam the one who has shamanistic power (-zd- its; -géwam shaman’s song) $17 580 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLy. 40 7. w-. This seems to have been at one time the prefix which charac- terized nouns. It is no longer in general use, but persists in a few terms like wé’wuLé INTERIOR OF HOUSE, wé/koa DAY (Kathlamet), wélxr countRY (Kathlamet), and in geographical names like Wapro’tct SALAL-BERRIES ON STUMP. It is always ‘followed by the masculine or feminine intransitive pronoun. Its former general use may be inferred from the pronominal form 6- of all feminine nouns, which is probably a contraction of w- and the ordinary intransitive feminine pronoun a-. In Upper Chinook the forms wi- and wa- are preserved before -short words. There is no trace of the former existence of this prefix before the pronominal forms of neuter, dual, and plural, all of which are consonantic, while masculine and femi- nine are both vocalic (é- and a-)._ It seems probable that its use, like that of n-, was confined to vocalic pronouns (§ 17.1). 8. na-. This is a nominal prefix indicating locality. It occurs principally in place names, Nakdt!a’t (see § 40). § 18. Pronominal Elements It has been stated that the pronominal elements in the verb are subject, first object, second object. The whole series occurs in some transitive verbs only. In form, the subject of the transitive verb is somewhat differentiated from the other forms, while the objective pronouns coincide with the subjects of the intransitive, and are closely related to the personal pronouns which appear attached to nouns. The possessive has a series of peculiar forms. In the noun the order is personal pronoun, possessive pronoun. Thus the pronouns may be divided into three large groups, which may be called transi- tive, intransitive, and possessive. TABLE OF PRONOUNS Transitive Intransitive Possessive Ist. person | «.. |) Majeh eee N- - =tCi=) Yee Exclusrve'dual (> 2° 2s eee nt- -nt- Exelusive plural’ '3i% <2 ts yee ntc- -nte- Inclusive dual’. 2 ee ee ta- -tz- Inclusive plural "4 i lx- -lx- 2d person singular’ “Vi. )) a) ee m- -M- 2d. person dual G0) o) 0 ae ee mt- -mt- 2d person plural 5° .. @ l= 3 (eee me- -mc- §18 Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 581 Transitive Intransitive Possessive 3d person singular, masculine. . ._ fe- 1- -1- 3d person singular, feminine . . .) g- a- -tca- -ga- 3d person singular, neuter . . . . -- L- -L- Berumimersrya CULRIN ) Decee Ue Revie FLO lee c- ct- -ct- 3d person plural . . . . . . . & #& (6-,n1,a-) -t- -g- MME EICE oe a wk ee ORE - - It will be seen from this list that most of the forms in the three series are identical. A differentiation exists in the first person and in the third person singular (masculine and feminine). In all these forms the exclusive appears as the dual and plural of the first person, while the inclusive seems to be characterized by the terminal -x-. n- may be interpreted as the first person, m- as the second person, ¢- as the characteristic of the dual, and ¢ as that of the plural of these persons. The third person plural exhibits a number of irregularities which will be discussed in § 21. § 19. The Post-Pronominal g In a number of cases these pronouns are followed by the sound g, which, judging from its irregular occurrence in the present form of the language, may have had a wider application in former times. (1) The transitive subject (except ‘the first and second persons singular, the third person singular masculine and feminine, and the indefinite q) is followed by g or k, which give to the preceding pronoun its transitive value. a-uL-k-1-a’-wa‘ it killed it (a- transitional; 1- neuter subject; -k- prefix giving the preceding 1- its transitive character; -z- neuter object; -a- directive; -wa* stem TO KILL) a-t-k-L-0'-cg-am they took it (a- transitional; t they; -k- [as above]; x- neuter object; -cg stem TO TAKE; -am completion) a-n-L-0'-cg-am I took it (same as last, but with n- 1 as subject, which does not take the following -k-) When followed by a vowel (including «£), the -k- sound is more like a sonant, and has been written -g-. When the subject pronoun is accented, the z, which carries the accent, follows the g, so that the transitive pronoun and the -g- form a unit. a-L-g-1-0'-cg-am it took him (same as above, but with xz- rr as subject, followed by -g- instead of -k- before 7-, which is mas- culine object) a-tg-z'-t-a-x they do them. § 19 582 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {[putn. 40 (2) The intransitive subject third person plural is followed by g in two cases. (a) When the subject ¢ would normally precede the directive ele- ment -0- (§ 26.1), this element is omitted, and instead the ¢ is followed by g a-y-0'-vuné he drifted 24.15 (a- transitional; y- for7- before 6 HE; -0- directive; -rené stem TO DRIFT) a-t-gz’-vrné they drift 38.10 (a- transitional; ¢ they; -g- inserted after subject; -z- carries accent [§ 5.1]; -vzné stem TO DRIFT) (b) When the subject ¢ is changed to 6 before k stems (§ 9.2; § 21), the g follows it when the k sound is a stop. It seems, however, more likely that originally this element had @ following the g. n-é'-k-im he said 107.2 (n- transitional before vowel [§ 17.1]; @ he; -k-im- stem TO SAY) n-6-g0'-koim they say 266.5 (n- as above; -o- third person plural before k sound; -g-‘following third person plural before k stop; 0 inserted aecoreee to phone law [§ 7.4]; -kowm, -k-im stem TO SAY; 0 inserted according to § 7.3) (3) The possessive pronoun of the third person plural in neuter and plural nouns has the form -g-, which probably stands for ég-, the ¢ being elided between the neuter prefix 1 and the plural prefix ¢ respectively, and the g. Thus we have t-g-a@’-qtq-a-ke their heads 165.9 (t+ plural; -g- for tg- their; -a- vowel following possessive [§ 23]; -gtg stem HEAD; -d- con- nective vowel depending upon terminal consonant of stem; -ke plural suffix [ § 38.1]) L-g-@’-cauyam-t-ike their poverty 13.18 (z- neuter; -g- for tg- their; -d- vowel following possessive [$23]; -rawyam poverty; -t-ike plural with connective sound [§ 38.1]) It appears that the g occurs most frequently following the third person plural. It seems probable that in these cases, at least, it is derived from the same source. Whether the g after the transitive pronoun is of the same origin, is less certain, although it seems likely. This g never occurs after objects. The rules given above have the effect that the g can not occur in intransitive verbs which contain a reflexive element and in intransitive verbs with indirect objects. It is possible that this may be explained as due to the fact that all intran- sitive pronouns in these cases are really objective. The g never appears after the personal pronouns prefixed to the noun. § 19 EE . Boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 588 § 20. The Third Person Duat The third person dual has two forms, c- and cf-. ct- is used— (1) As intransitive subject preceding a vowel, except « and its representatives. Examples of the use of ct-: a-ct-0'-y-am they two arrive (a- transitional; ct- third person dual; -0- directive; -2 stem To GO; -am to complete motion) ct-a@’qgoait they two are large Examples of the use of c-: c-xéla’itz they two remained a-cr’x-a-x they two became (a- transitional; -c dual; -a- reflexive; -a- directive before -x; x to be) (2) As object of the transitive, when the accent is on the pro- nominal subject. Examples of the use of ct-: a-tcr’-ct-u-k“1 he carried their two selves 26.20 (a- transitional; tc- he [transitive]; -« carries accent; cf- them [dual]; -w- direct- ive; -k“~ stem TO CARRY) a-ign’-ct-a-x it did them two (a- transitional; rgz- neuter sub- ject; -ct- they two) Examples of the use of c-: a-k-c-0'lz-am she said to these two (a- transitional; k- she; c- they two; -olxz to say; -am completive) (3) In all possessive forms. tr’-ct-a-qco their two selves’ hair 77.3 (z- neuter pronoun; -z carries accent; ct- their [dual]; -a- vowel following possessive [§ 23]; -geo stem HAIR) § 22. The Third Person Plural It has been mentioned before that the third person plural before single k sounds, and before adverbial / and n (§ 25), is 6- instead of ¢-. This change occurs both when the pronoun is intransitive subject and when it is first or second object. The transitive subject is always tg-, tk- (see § 19). Plural ¢-: a-t-é’-x-a-x they came to be on him (a- transitional; + they; é- him; -z indicates that THEY belonged to H1M; -a- directive; -z stem TO DO, TO BE) a-tc-x’-t-a-x he did them (a- transitional; tc- he; z- carries accent; -t them; -a- directive; -x stem TO DO) §§ 20, 21 584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Plural 6o-: n-0'-a-o-x they became (n- transitional before vowel; -6 they before k sound; -z reflexive ; -o- directive; -z stem TO DO, TO BE) a-c-g-0'-cuina they placed them in the ground (a- transitional; c- they two; -g- marks preceding c- as transitive subject; -0- them [before k sound]; -xéna stem TO STAND [plural]) a-q-t-a’-w-i-tx somebody gave them to them (a- transitional; qg- indefinite; t- them; -d@’- inserted in accented syllable before semivowel w [§ 5.26]; -w- stands for -6- [between two vowels], them; -2- stands for -l- after preceding o [see § 9]; -fz stem TO GIVE AWAY) Before k stops, a -g is inserted after the subject third person plural, as described in § 19.20. In a few nouns the third person plural is n instead of ¢; for instance: 5 nate’ tanué Indians naua'itk net Numerals take a- instead of ¢- for indicating the plural of human beings (see § 51). § 22. Pronouns of the Transitive Verb The first person and the exclusive subject do not occur with a second person object. In place of these combinations we have the forms yam-, yamt-, yamc-, for the combinations I— THEE, I-—— YOUR TWO | SELVES, I— you; and gam-, gamt-, gamc-, for the corresponding forms with dual and plural exclusive subject. The inclusive subject can not occur with second person objects, since this would be a reflexive form (see § 24). In transitive verbs with two objects the same irregularities occur when either the first or second object is second person while the first person is subject. In case the second object is second person, the forms begin with the first object. t-am-l-d’t-a I shall give them to thee (+ them; -am I — thee; -l- to; -d¢t to give; -a future) The indefinite subject q- is peculiar to the transitive. § 23. Possessive Pronoun All possessive pronouns are followed by -a-, except the first and second persons. The first person is always followed by 2, which, after the -tc- of the masculine, takes an 7 tinge, while after the o- of the feminine it becomes wu (§ 7.1). The second person is followed by §§ 22, 23 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 585 é. When the accent falls on the possessive pronoun, the a is length- ened. If the accent precedes the possessive pronoun, the a remains short. In this case the consonantic pronouns introduce an z before the possessive (§ 5.1). When followed by m and y, this z is length- ened to @ in accordance with the phonetic.rules given in § 5.26. The g of the first person and of the third person feminine, when following the accent, becomes kx in accordance with the general tendency to make a & following an accent affricative (§ 6.1). The possessive pronoun exhibits a peculiar modification in the first person and in the third person singular feminine. Masculine nouns have in both cases -tc-, while all the other genders have -g-. For the insertion of -g- in the third person plural possessive of neuter and plural nouns, see § 19.3. Examples of possessive forms with accent on possessive pronoun: i-tcz’-ts!kmeno my wooden spoon 115.18 0-gu’-ramuke my dog 16.11 L-gz’-gacgac my grandfather 211.1 s-gz’-ranim my (dual) toy canoe 115.21 t-gz’-xawok my guardian spirits 211.4 i-mé’-xal thy name 72.26 o-mé’-pute thy anus 114.1 t-mé’-tata-iks thy uncles 10.12 c-mé’-ktcxict thy nostrils 113.20 te-mé!-xégiax thy hunter’s protectors 234.10 i-@'-ok his blanket 74.14 u-ya’'-tcinkikala his head wife 74.16 t-1a'-nemcke his wives 74.16 c-id'-kulg!ast his squinting (on both eyes) 139.5 t-ia’-zalaitanz-ma his arrows 10.16 i-tca’-yut!t her pride 74.11 u-go’-cgan her bucket 115.11 L-ga’-cgane-ma her buckets 115.12 c-ga'-za her two children 14.4 t-ga'-po’té her arms 115.24 i-La’-quia their camp 73.15 u-La'-xk!un their eldest sister 73.15 Lta’wuzx their younger brother 74.15 c-La’-amtkct its double spit 93.10 ta’-uLtema their houses 227.23 t-1a’-xilkué their bushes in canoe 47.10 i-nta’-ranim our two selves’ (excl.) canoe 163.4 LE-nta’-mama our two selves’ (excl.) father i-tza’-kikala our two selves’ (incl.) husband 76.12 § 23 586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40 6-txa’-Lak our two selves’ (incl.) aunt 116.11 t-taza’-xk’un-ike our two selves’ (inel.) elder brothers 11.19 _ ¢-txa’-ramuks our two selves’ (incl.) dogs 16.9 txa’-colal our two selves’ (incl.) relatives 224.12 i-mta’-k!é-tenaz what you two have killed 163.6 o-mta’-xamuke your two selves’ bitch 16.12 LE-mta’-naa your two selves’ mother 13.24 i-cta’-molak their two selves’ elk 115.25 0-sta’-ramuks their two selves’ dog 16.10 - t-cta’-amtkct its double spit 96.22 cta’-z6s their two selves’ eyes 129.28 t-cta’-xti their two selves’ smoke 75.22 i-ntca’-lram our (excl.) town 234.11 o-ntca’-hat!au our (excl.) virgin 150.21 t-ntca’-xgacgac our (excl.) grandfather 22.20 i-lea’-zak!xmana our (inel.) chief 224.25 o-lxa’-qualptckvx’ our (incl.) fire 73.21 ci-lxa’-xak!2mana our (incl.) two chiefs 37.10 i-mca'-vak!emana your chief 50.3 0-mca'-podtcxan your sister-in-law 224.26 LE-mca’-cguic your mat 173.23 te-mca’-nemcke your husbands 138.6 i-ta’-tan their rope 227.15 u-ta’-xanim their canoe 163.16 Lga’-xauyamtike their poverty 13.18 tga’-wun-aks their bellies 14.21 Examples of possessive forms with accent preceding the possessive pronoun: é’-tca-mate my heart 12.26 LE’-kxz-ps my foot 41.20 sz’-k-xest my arrogance tz’-kxu-qz my house 24.4 é’-mi-ta thy body sa’-mé-xést thy arrogance ta’-mé-ps thy foot a’ya-qceo his skin 115.24 t-a' ya-qtq his head 73.13 c-a' ya-qtq his two heads 14.11 t-a’ya-qt his house 15.12 , é’-tca-qtq its head 223.8 sE’-kxva-xést her arrogance tz’-kxa-qut her house 89.7 é’-xa-tcla its sickness 196.6 0’-La-qst its louse 10.21 LE’-La-ps its foot 191.20 § 23 : BoAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 587 tz’-La-ps its feet 137.16 é’-nta-m our two selves’ (excl.) father 29.16 tz’-nta-q! pas our two selves’ (excl.) targets 30.12 é’-tra-m our two selves’ (incl.) father 29.11 tz’-txa-ps our two selves’ (incl.) feet tz’-mta-ps your two selves’ feet é’-cta-tcla their two selves’ sickness 193.18 tz’-cta-qco their two selves’ hair 77.3 tz’-cta-qu their two selves’ house 193.4 tz’-ntca-qgz our (excl.) house 129.26 tz’-lxa-qz our (inel.) house 225.25 § 24. Elements Expressing the Possessive Relation Between Subject and Object When there is a possessive relation between the subject and one of the objects, the element -z- is inserted. (1) After the first object of the transitive verb, it indicates that the object belongs to the subject. a-g-a-x-0'-pc-am she hid her own 216.5 (a- transitional; g- she; a- her; -z- indicates that the object is possessed by the sub- ject; -0- directive; -pe stem TO HIDE; -am completion) (2) After the second object of the transitive, it indicates that the first object belongs to the second. a-m-L-@'-x-cg-am you take it (hers) from her 185.16 (a- tran- sitional; m- thou; x- it; a- her; -z- indicates that rr belongs to HER; -cg stem TO TAKE; -am completion) (3) After the intransitive subject, it has the force of a reflexive transitive verb; i. e., it indicates sameness of subject and object. n-é’-x-a-x he does himself; i. e., he becomes (n- transitional before vocalic pronoun[§ 17.1]; é- he; -z- reflexive; -a- direct- ive; -x stem TO DO) a-m-a-a'-n-rl-qu’' t-itck you expressed yourself to me; i. e., you told me 97.10 (a- transitional; m- thou; -z- reflexive; connect- ive £ with secondary accent becomes d- before n[§ 5. 26]; n- me; -/- to; -guz stem TO TALK; -tck inchoative) (4) After the object of a verb with intransitive subject, it has the force of a transitive reflexive in which subject and second subject are identical. n-é’-L-x-a-« he does it in reference to himself; i. e., he becomes from it 244.16 (same analysis as above under 3, with the object x- 1r inserted) § 24 588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 § 25. Adverbial Prefixes A number of adverbial ideas—particularly those defining the rela- tion of the verb to the object, and corresponding to some of our prep- ositions—are expressed by prefixes which follow the pronouns. The adverbial character of these elements appears in forms like— a-g-é’-l-gi-tk somebody placed him near by (a- transitional; q- some one; é- him; -/- to; -gi- eliminates one object [§ 26.4]; -tk stem TO PLACE) The verbal idea is to place near, and the form is purely transitive. The same construction appears clearly in— a-z-g--gr'l-tcxem it sings for him 260.17 (a- transitional; z- it; -g- post-pronominal [§ 19.1]; 2- him; -gzl- on account of; -tctEM TO SING SHAMAN’S SONG) These examples show that the prefixes do not belong to the objects, but that they qualify the verb. Following is a list of these prefixes: 1. =-d- TO, FOR. t-@’-l-0-c it was to (in) her 71.6 (z- it; a- her; -l- to; -6- directive; -c stem TO BE) a-c-k-1-é'-l-0-ki they two carried it to him 29.9 (a- transitional; c- they two; -k- post-pronominal[§ 19.1]; z- it; @ him; -l- to; -0- directive; -kz stem TO CARRY) The third person plural of the pronoun, when preceding this -I-, has the form 6 (§ 21). In this case the -l- changes to -é- (§ 9.1), and the 6 is then weakened to w. a-q-t-a-w-é'-m-aku-x they distributed them to (among) them 246.10 (a- transitional; g- somebody; t- them; (-a-) probably connective; -w- for 6- them; -é- for -l- ifiae 0; -m stem TO HAND [?]; -ako about; -x fatakioe 2. == IN, INTO. a-tc-a-LE-n-ga'n-ait he threw her into it 173.6 (a- transitional; tc- he; a- her; 1- it; -n- into; -gzn stem TO PLACE changed to gan on account of accent [§ 5. 26]; -azt to be in position) s-d'-n-po-t she closed her eyes 47.18 (s- they two; a- her; -n- in; -po stem TO CLOSE; -t¢ perfect) 3. =h= ON. a-L-g-6'-tx she stands on it 191.20 (a- she; z- it; -g- on; -6- directive; -tz stem TO STAND) - a-Lx'-n-ka-t-ka it comes flying above me (a- transitional; z(z)- it; n- me; -k(a)- on; -t- coming; -ka stem TO FLY) § 25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 589 m-a-n-k-6'-tx-umit-a you will make her stand on me 24.13 (m- thou; a- her; n- me; -k- on; -0- directive; -tz stem TO STAND; -(u)mit to cause[§ 29]; -a future) 4. =gEl=- ON ACCOUNT OF. a-L-g-i-gr'l-tcrem-x it sings on account of him 260.17 (a- transi- tional; xz- it; -g- post-pronominal [§ 19.1]; 2- him; -gz#/- on account of; -tcrem stem TO SING SHAMAN’S SONG; -z usitative [§ 32.11]) 7 mc-g-a-n-gzl-6'-tg-a ye shall keep her for me (mc- ye; -g-[§ 19.1]; a- her; n- me; -gzl- on account of; -0- directive; -tg stem TO Put; -a future) 4a. =-wEl- reflexive form of -gzl- ON AccOUNT or. In many cases the translation FOR, ON ACCOUNT oF, does not fit in this case, although the etymological relation is clear. n-@’-L-xeEl-a-x she makes it for herself 267.2 (n- transitional before vowel; a-she; 2-it; -vzl- on account of; -a- directive; -x stem TO DO, TO MAKE) a-t-a-xe'l-tciam it combed her for itself; i. e., she combed herself 13.2 (a- transitional; z- it; a- her; -xzl- on account of; -tciam stem COMBING) 5.