” a ee on 'Fupe wee x earner Roe aon Ot OS, Se J ea a= ca Bei ape SO Sporn as ae aps ea on ge - Serevent he , A ; ay rn a if mir > ‘ ay mye. bs SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 40 HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES BY FRANZ BOAS PART 2 WITH ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCHES By EDWARD SAPIR, LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, AND WALDEMAR BOGORAS WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1922 A Bilas ta ee bic suki ‘ i) fin Sener trae } “Tepotoniri PROUNS : oe area TO LOOPdA AH PADAUDL AL CATO CATE Yuk in ’ 2h RVs re ia TELAT h YTAR4 AVULAMTRIREAD PLY Riad SALAMA 3S OUD CAR EA Za XO BAUD AW IRA % 5 ‘ 1 ies : Spin es OUTER. ee c as a : ’ ON ® . uf > ‘ TAtseS. ae LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BuREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., February 20, 1911. Sir: I have the honor to submit for publication, subject to your approval, as Bulletin 40, Part 2, of this Bureau, the manuscript of a portion of the Handbook of American Indian Languages, prepared under the editorial supervision of Dr. Franz Boas. Yours, respectfully, F. W. Hopes, Ethnologist in Charge. Dr. CHartes D. WaLcorTt, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Ill envurneyl enone waoiiovart 2zananek. ao aed ot FERGAL .O8 eros), atgnekuall a ‘ Varios my foutdus tciatne ’uidue tot tierdie of Pas oily eved mere dy iwveucaur oi!) cesiut! ail? lo Sao OF Witenes eae pERONY sounuycnT anihol “eet! wiih. lo donald wit tou ited ; oot sqovt aC to melee gue leinottbe sain el Linaigeo's vo a ih i RE) Gincoll re i) Ky sai! 4 ri "° rrpooa TT AT an. me) Sn aed a orholtecth pippcegant al Yo adie q Dh chs ue» Aes a . MTA ene ft ‘ ot ; MLE eee a TREN NS Tae CONTENTS Page The Takelma language of southwestern Oregon, by Edward Sapir......... 1 Bee ik Js HIACHLENDOLS .. .< 5-2 =. oven Se we ne bone gee eel dee eee 297 Siuslawan (Lower Umpqua), by Leo J. Frachtenberg...........-......... 481 fumes, by Waldemar Boporas).7 2...) -. 22... 2n4 4 woes. cece ec tes de teen) EOE poy cite biawbal vd anges, crpodan wily ui to cpa dal ATWATHOD ed +. RIRC Dt yard HS vod woiiaaioues Avand yd ferpqa} sowodl e - yoo tamahlnl, va THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTH- WESTERN OREGON EDWARD SAPIR 3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——1 1 UT =< — TATA AA a == Ss - i] i x | i 1 iS ‘ AODTHO Yate vy iA Ct Awaet CONTENTS SNM ROMUMCLIOT Ea)... auras ot Ratna AE Rtn. SOS a cinin meng oe tiem nin Ameena See See Ee GNOUYS. MNase -2e Sete S26 Sime ane cine = Se 2. Hormation of verb-svemigess —- 2-2. 522 -4-42 (Generaleremankaec es. ss ay tere ya ee eee ‘Types of stem-formavion. ..025= 4. /-<22ee<6 3. Verbal suffixes of derivation..............-- (Generalinemarks: 222s. eees se es ee ee ERT eh 4-51. § 44. § 45. § 46. § 47. § 48. § 49. § 50. § 51. 2-57. § 52. § 53. § 54. § 55. § 56. Indirective -d- (-s-) Indirective -(a)n (an)- ‘“‘for”’ . 4, Temporal-modal and pronominal elements .: Imtroductory.sen-.c a eee ee ee . Tntransitaives, class ll ae ee oi > Imtransitives: classless ae ee eee ee Rramsit ives Class sleet sem. er may oe ee General TOmiatkS co. wits ae te ees Transitive subject pronouns......-....... Connecting ~#- an@t-..28 262 sense sec. c- Forms without connecting vowel......-.- 2-66. § 62. § 63. § 64. § 65. § 66. Passives 5. Auxiliary and subordinating forms.......- Subordinating forms Uses of potential and inferential Introductory 5~78. § 75. § 76. wee § 78. 9-82. § 79. § 80. Passive participle in -zap‘ (-sap‘) Frequentatives and usitatives.......--.---.-.- ETTraM siti Vie SULUXCS* <5 nese as ee ee Generaliremarke:. 22.4.5. ee ee CaUsatlVve(@)iR. fas ssc wae Dee Comatative =(0) QW. 22s. os sae eee dnrdirectivie (G2 dasa. sea ee ee ee Tndarecttve =(d))anda=.¢ Jacec ea cae ee Indirect reflexive -gwa-......-...-.------ tran Sitihye SUiiXCH ae seen ee eee General remuinks. 25.5 ome pee ee ACHING AMT ram STi =e ee ee Rietlexdivier=qwi=.ueee ee aeee eee See Reciprocal “han: sia Seiatdines Latib INOn-acentivelt==-5-ee ores see nee eee SiO. qe OSERIONS a7 toa sae eee eee ~ Imipersonal, sae o.oo ae ee ee Verbs:of mixed class: iclsa Viewer Periphrastic fabures) 22a ee Periphrastic phrases in na(g)- ‘‘do, act”’....-- Conditionals ..... 22 2cemse PSE SAB eh itn 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives. .-..-.-- DSU VOS. «22. omen ks oe ee ee Participles. 2.2.22. 220 eee ee General remarks... 2 262. ee eee Active participle im =0' 2. . Sacer Passive participle in -(a)k‘Y, -i‘k°"......-- INOIIME-OL GPENCY .\. . .. 22. nce Wmitodactory.. 22. .sn.\- 5. eee Nouns of agency in -(a’)&s..........----- CONTENTS §§ 25-115. Morphology—Continued. §§ 33-83. I. The verb—Continued. §§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives—Continued. §§ 79-82. Nouns of agency—Continued. Sials Nomnsiot apeney im =F S00 os. 2 2s oc non oe ie wets Sion. ONE Gi APONEY TH Pisco ote ote kee ee eae eben cde SPCR Gs WR TT, hn tm ink Siew eal Ona 3 Eyal SL a Se Se ert lee, TES re tener Sota hs apa SH wie Hire Sit ae ots =< ie NEO MRROU YS Scie c eae oct 8 ei angele aie Meee eo op Peay et el: MNGMINEAN BUPUES oe. 0 oon ae en cel meres tele se cance nee aes Nsoce a eneralmemarkiiss 422 2. Soc. ieee ate a ee aoe ok eee eee: Evpes of stem ormaiiene 2. ott ode sctek 2s oes os ee Bete 2 OU CERWVARION. «<2 - cose c tee dap on ee csdesae ee she praiy MOChivaline: SUibeesweces ener te Ot 25 2 a aoa oe ne he ee ear AG 9 SFY 910101 SR ase ne a og Te § 89. 3. Noun-characteristics and pre-pronominal -7-...........-.... NTO Oost. HEGASCHSL VG SULCON: oe oases oe ciple eros siete ae eee eeu Seine icra retake Sas Jee nc ay ete 2 Sent oe SOS Ah hee Termns.ef relataonshipe<.c2- 3 lvu . acjavios - ae. - 1 Feweweh.. alexe Nop echemes scan dulWlecc. nae. en ae No ee ee Sees oe f- U3. POsscEsL Ves. With pre-positives . ......-2---:--.+.-+-.s5-5-2 eco. Dieiocal gmamnesssOui roto imint » uC a ey . ana Initinoet J oe ae ;& ; hee. ising - sete my Be Gin ie ¥ —- nat = ’ ot 7 4 4 . ~* hy <> ce ia lk ee cosa Arist 1 SEE Soe “34 [SSS =A 'h bow oho 3 “. Rovuiveebp eae < 88,5 ‘e ir, Oe ia * ; re exes Siti ieeis TB: = es: bagel? Reg? , *« x, Pray wt i, bite orl cied> aitD “¢70 poe “P39 oh Diy . Kaltes ont ‘ae ; Be Say pied Ratan ak, eee a _ ob uatiort farting ne a me Pa fers! > ..,.. (ieoh eer keene te Org oF Ay : nT Sale th eaaa 30.5 / AS Rone caw parvieenaOT LOFT : m _tmenty hoot 2 2a inch ftseed Kea SK: ; So Aleog-ant. Rag as santo Cg Sie . comels Teghinineet 8 SOnate 44 a Tseuin Wasadb iy bn ste A NOT ly . mye rig eae : ak i ’ Mf ea me se ics Oy. As : ie ie tas Cite 4 giver fore i pd sek ore pone P 2 ee Ea ae 4 : bens, as toon ah TIY woe ’ ECON Sales a) nia jagsoe Janhaogrbal, 80s ot ie _-: pas oe uanocsy viata re rales Saleh 6 Siete mR gS oe a en LO i ted a | “ae ‘siti levigaoyb atk : A y i geste y ” Bar tia ssn: nn edb as ee ole * ed ’ is : eer aaa holo * glace 4 * afd os 2 i! Peat tip [i ane Lycee an, Ot fue ron ; “Faneid cae es aes x boo Wt ae N= eb sep ee Pa" ee be ee ee ih ae io leith Pe ) . © ' a bag aii ee. Lianne: 5 9, ogee od aise furdts’ Rvs; THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON By Epwarp Sapir § 1. INTRODUCTION The language treated in the following pages was spoken in the southwestern part of what is now the state of Oregon, along the middle portion of Rogue river and certain of its tributaries. It, together with an upland dialect of which but a few words were obtained, forms the Takilman stock of Powell. The form “Takelma’”’ of the word is practically identical with the native name of the tribe, Dagelma’*n THOSE DWELLING ALONG THE RIVER (sce below, § 87, 4); there seems to be no good reason for departing from it in favor of Powell’s variant form. The linguistic material on which this account of the Takelma language is based consists of a series of myth and other texts, pub- lished by the University of Pennsylvania (Sapir, Takelma Texts, Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. u, no. 1, Philadelphia, 1909), together with a mass of grammatical material (forms and sentences) obtained in connection with the texts. A series of eleven short medicine formulas or charms have been pub- lished with interlinear and free translation in the Journal of Ameri- can Folk-Lore (xx, 35-40). A vocabulary of Takelma verb, noun, and adjective stems, together with a certain number of derivatives, will be found at the end of the ‘‘Takelma Texts.’”’ Some manu- script notes on Takelma, collected in the summer of 1904 by Mr. H. H. St. Clair, 2d, for the Bureau of American Ethnology, have been kindly put at my disposal by the Bureau; though these consist mainly of lexical material, they have been found useful on one or two points. References like 125.3 refer to page and line of my Takelma Texts. Those in parentheses refer to forms analogous to *the ones discussed. 7 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The author’s material was gathered at the Siletz reservation of Oregon during a stay of a month and a half in the summer of 1906, also under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology. My informant was Mrs. Frances Johnson, an elderly full-blood Takelma woman. Her native place was the village of Dak‘ts!asim or Daldani‘k*, on Jump-off-Joe creek (Dip!élts!v’lda), a northern affluent of Rogue river, her mother having come from a village on the upper course of Cow creek (HagwGl). Despite her imperfect command of the English language, she was found an exceptionally intelligent and good-humored informant, without which qualities the following study would have been far more imperfect than it necessarily must be under even the very best of circumstances. In conclusion I must thank Prof. Franz Boas for his valuable advice in regard to several points of method and for his active interest in the progress of the work. It is due largely to him that I was encouraged to depart from the ordinary rut of grammatical description and to arrange and interpret the facts in a manner that seemed most in accordance with the spirit of the Takelma language itself. PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-24) § 2. Introductory In its general phonetic character, at least as regards relative harsh- ness or smoothness of acoustic effect, Takelma will probably be found to occupy a position about midway between the characteristically rough languages of the Columbia valley and the North Californian and Oregon coast (Chinookan, Salish, Alsea, Coos, Athapascan, Yurok) on the one hand, and the relatively euphonious languages of the Sacramento valley (Maidu, Yana, Wintun) on the other, inclining rather to the latter than to the former. From the former group it differs chiefly in the absence of voice- less l-sounds (z, #7 x!) and of velar stops (q, g, g/); from the latter, 1 What little has been learned of the ethnology of the Takelma Indians will be found incorporated in two articles written by the author and entitled Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in American Anthropologist, n. S., 1X, 251-275; and Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, XX, 33-49. 2 Tn the myths, ? is freely prefixed to any word spoken by the bear. Its uneuphonious character is evi- dently intended to match the coarseness of the bear, and for this quasi-rhetorical purpose it was doubtless derisively borrowed from the neighboring Athapascan languages, in which it occurs with great frequency. The prefixed sibilant s* serves in a similar way as a sort of sneezing adjunct to indicate the speech of thecoyote. Gwi/di WHERE? says the ordinary mortal; /gwi’di, the bear; s-gwi/di, the coyote. §2 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 9 in the occurrence of relatively more complex consonantic clusters, though these are of strictly limited possibilities, and hardly to be considered as difficult in themselves. Like the languages of the latter group, Takelma possesses clear- cut vowels, and abounds, besides, in long vowels and diphthongs; these, together with a system of syllabic pitch-accent, give the Takel- ma language a decidedly musical character, marred only to some extent by the profusion of disturbing catches. The line of cleavage between Takelma and the neighboring dialects of the Athapascan stock (Upper Umpqua, Applegate Creek, Galice Creek, Chasta Costa) is thus not only morphologically but also phonetically distinct, despite re- semblances in the manner of articulation of some of the vowels and consonants. Chasta Costa, formerly spoken on the lower course of Rogue river, possesses all the voiceless /-sounds above referred to; a peculiar illusive q/, the fortis character of which is hardly as prominent as in Chinook; a voiced guttural spirant 7, as in North German Tage; the sonants or weak surds dj and 2 (rarely); a voiceless interdental spirant ¢ and its corresponding fortis ¢¢/; and a very frequently oc- curring @ vowel, as in English nur. All of these are absent from Takelma, which, in turn, has a complete labial series (6, p’, p!, m), whereas Chasta Costa has only the nasal m (labial stops occur appar- ently only in borrowed words, bé¢i’ cat ya'*hi (=ge+ya’*hr) just there indeed Such cases are of course not to be confounded with examples like: me'wok* HE ARRIVED HERE, and mefyét, COME HERE! in which the catch is organic, being an integral part of the adverb me®> HITHER; contrast: mesgun'*k* HE CAME HERE, with ge gun'*k* HE WENT THERE. The same phonetic rule applies even more commonly when the first element is a noun or verb prefix: ha‘wini’*da inside of him; but habe*bini‘ at noon defwiliwia’“ they shouted; but dezxebe’*n he said so abai°watyewenhi he returned inside with him; but abaigini’*k‘ he went inside wi'wa my younger brother; but wiha‘m my father It is interesting to note that the catch is generally found also when the first element ends in J, m, or n, these consonants, as has been already seen, being closely allied to the semivowels in phonetic treatment: al‘wa%didé to my body; but als-6“ma‘l to the mountain alfyowo’* he looked; but alz?’‘k* he saw him ba%ge’l*yo he lay belly up; but gelk/iyi’*k* he turned to face him gwen‘wat geits’ !tk*wa his (head) lay next to it; but gwenliwila’ he looked back yin’ wo'k'e (=ywin speech + wé’k'1é without) without speech § 6 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY * [punn. 40 It goes without saying that the catch separates elements ending in l, m, or n from such as begin with a vowel: siniilats!agi’*n I touch his nose alit‘baga’t bak‘ he struck them § 7. DISSIMILATION OF u A diphthong in u tends, by an easily understood dissimilatory process, to drop the u before a labial suffix (-qw-, -p‘, -ba*). Thus we have: wahawaxi'qwa’'n I rot with it, for *xvugwa’én Compare: hawaai’“ he rots wahawaxiwigwa’n I shall rot with it Similarly: biltk’” he jumped having it, for *biliak“” (stem biliu-) wilik’’ he proceeded with it, for *wiliak*” (stem wiliu-) Observe that, while the diphthong aw is monophthongized, the orig- inal quantity is kept, 7 being compensatively lengthened to 7. In the various forms of the verb yéu- RETURN, such dissimilation, wherever possible, regularly takes place: yek’” he returned with it, for *yéak'’ (= yéa- gw- k‘) metyép’ come back! (pl.), but sing. metyea yecba’* let us return! for *yéuba’* It is interesting to note how this u- dissimilation is directly respon- sible for a number of homonyms: yék*’ bite him! (al) yép* show it to him! A similar dissimilation of an -u- after a long vowel has in all proba- bility taken place in the reduplicating verb la*liwi/‘n I CALL HIM BY NAME (le‘la’usi HE CALLS ME BY NAME) from * lduliwi’ when he said baxa’mda* when he came hele’lda* when he sang zebe’nda* when he did it On the other hand it appears as an aspirate tenuis when preceded by the rising accent: lalét'a® as it became s‘as‘init‘a® when he stood The rule first given, when interpreted in the light of a reconstructed historical development, would then mean that a rising accent preserved an immediately following aspirated surd (including always those cases in which i, m, or n intervened), and caused the change of a media to an aspirated surd; while a falling accent preserved a simi- larly situated media or aspirated surd in its original form. That the change in the phonetic circumstances defined of an origina! media to an aspirated surd is indeed conditioned by a preceding rising accent, is further indicated by such rather uncommon forms as hadedil-t'a EVERYWHERES. Here the -t‘a is evidently the same as the -da of hawili’‘da IN HIS HOUSE, and the difference in manner of articulation is doubtless in direct relation to the difference of accent. A modification of the general phonetic rule as first given remains to be mentioned. After 7, m, or n an original aspirated tenuis retains its aspiration even if the accent falls on the preceding syllable but one; also after a short vowel preceded by J, m, or n, provided the accented vowel is short. Examples are: alwe’k!alt‘e* I shall shine; alwe’k!alp‘igam we shall shine; alwe’- klalk‘wa to shine k‘e’p‘alt‘e* I shall be absent; k‘e’p‘alk‘wa to be absent wiilii’hamt‘e® I have menstrual courses for the first time zala’xamt'e® I urinate ; i’mhamk‘am he was sent off (7 is short, though close in quality; contrast démhigam he was killed) imi’hamk‘wit* he sent himself § 23 BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 51 ts liimii’ts !amt‘a’n I always boil it (cf. s‘omoda’‘n I boil it) s'a’s.ant‘e° I shall stand; annem ‘“wgam we shall stand; s‘a’s‘an- k‘wa to stand sene’sant‘eS I whoop; se’nsant‘e* I shall whoop detwwit'gank ‘wide I spread (it) out for myself dasga’lit'a* (grain) will lie scattered about With -t'd? and -t’e® above contrast the morphologically identical ele- ments -dé* and -de® of the following examples, in which the same accentual condition prevails but with a consonant other than J, m, orn preceding the affected dental: t‘ge’its' da (round object) will lie (there) suk‘ dida*? (string) will lie curled up dak'‘t'ek!e’xade® I smoke (but future -za’t‘e® because of immedi- ately preceding accent) § 24. INORGANIC A Whenever two morphologically distinct vowels come together within the word (verbal prefixes and postposed particles, such as deictic -a‘, are not considered as integral parts of the word), the first (accented) vowel is separated from the second by an “inorganic”’ -h-: it!ana’hi‘n I hold it (aorist stem ¢t/ana- + instrumental -i-), but future it/ani’n (stem t!an-) dak‘-da-hala’hin I shall answer him (future stem hala- + instru- mental -2-), but aorist dak‘-da-hali’*n (stem ha“l-) This inorganic / is found also immediately following an m,n, or l preceded by the accent: wayanha‘n I put him to sleep (cf. ‘same form with change of accent wa-ya"na’'n) da*aganhi‘n I used to hear about it (cf. -agani’‘n I hear it) liwilhaut'e® I kept looking (cf. liwila’ut*‘e® I looked) za-it gvlt'ga’lhi he broke it in two (cf. with identical -2- suffix za*salt' gwi'lt' gwilt he broke [somebody’s arm] by stepping) atmhamk‘am he was sent off (also in aorist stem imiham-) wadomhik* he killed him with it (stem d6é“m- + -7-) It will be observed that the insertion of the his practically the same phonetic phenomenon as the occurrence of an aspirated tenuis instead of a media after an accented vowel. The vowel, nasal, or liquid may appropriately enough be considered as having become aspirated under the influence of the accent, just as in the case of the mediae. § 24 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 MORPHOLOGY (§§ 25-114) § 25. Introductory Takelma conforms to the supposedly typical morphology of Amer- ican languages in that it is thoroughly incorporating, both as regards the pronominal, and, though somewhat less evidently, the nominal object. If by “polysynthetic”’ is merely meant the introduction into the verb-complex of ideas generally expressed by independent ele- ments (adverbs or the like), then Takelma is also polysynthetic, yet only moderately so as compared with such extreme examples of the type as Eskimo or Kwakiutl. The degree of intimacy with which the pronominal objective elements on the one hand, and the nominal objective and polysynthetic (instrumental and local) elements on the other, are combined with the internal verb-structure is decidedly different. The former combine as suffixes to form an indissoluble part, as it were, of the verb-form, the subjective elements of the transitive verb, though in themselves absolutely without independent existence, being secondarily attached to the stem already provided with its pronominal object. The latter vary in degree of independ- ence; they are strung along as prefixes to the verb, but form no integral part of its structure, and may, as far as grammatical coherence is concerned, fall away entirely. The polysynthetic character of the Takelma verb (and by discuss- ing the verb we touch, as so frequently in America, upon the most vital element of the sentence) seems, then, a comparatively accidental, superimposed feature. To use the term “polysynthetic” as a catch- word for the peculiar character of Takelma, as of many another American language, hardly hits the core of the matter. On the other hand, the term incorporation,” though generally of more value as a classificatory label than ‘‘ polysynthesis,” conveys information rather as to the treatment of a special, if important, set of concepts, than as to the general character of the process of form-building. If we study the manner in which the stem unites in Takelma with derivative and grammatical elements to form the word, and the vocalic and consonantic changes that the stem itself undergoes for gram- matical purposes, we shall hardly be able to find a tangible difference § 25 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 58 in general method, however much the details may vary, between Takelma and languages that have been dignified by the name “ inflec- tional.” It is generally said, in defining inflection, that languages of the inflectional as contrasted with those of the agglutinative type make use of words of indivisible psychic value, in which the stem and the various grammatical elements have entirely lost their single indi- vidualities, but have ‘ chemically” (!) coalesced into a single form- unit; in other words, the word is not a mere mosaic of phonetic materials, of which each is the necessary symbol of some special concept (stem) or logical category (grammatical element). In support of the actual existence of this admired lack of a one- to-one correspondence between a grammatical category and its pho- netic expression is often quoted the multiplicity of elements that serve to symbolize the same concept; e. g., Lat. -7, - ae, -a, -és, -dis, all indicate that the idea of a plurality of subjects is to be associated with the concrete idea given by the main body of the words to which they are attached. Furthermore, variability of the stem or base itself is frequently adduced as a proof of its lack of even a relative degree of individuality apart from the forms from which by analysis it has been abstracted; e. g., German bind-, band-, bund-, bdnd-, biind-. These two characteristics are very far indeed from constituting anything like a definition of inflection, but they are often referred to as peculiar to it, and hence may well serve us as approximate tests. As regards the first test, we find that just such a multiplicity of phonetic symbols for the same, or approximately the same, concept, is characteristic of Takelma. The idea of possession of an object by a person or thing other than the speaker or person addressed is expressed by -za, -a, -da (-t'a), t’, or +, all of which are best rendered by HIS, HER, ITS, THEIR (the ideas of gender and number do not here enter as requiring grammatical expression). Similarly, the idea of the person speaking as subject of the action or state predicated by the main body of the verb is expressed by the various elements -te® (-de®), -t'e® (-de*), -*n, -n, -k‘aé (-ga‘), all of which are best ren- dered in English by “I.” -¢‘e* is confined to the aorist of intransi- tive verbs; -f‘e° is future intransitive; -'n is aorist transitive; -n is future transitive; and -k‘a‘ is used in all inferential forms, whether transitive or intransitive. § 25 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 As for the second test, it soon appears that the Takelma stem may undergo even more far-reaching changes than we are accustomed to in German or Greek. As examples may serve: do“m-, dii“m-, t!omom- (tlomé"-), thiimii®- kill na“g-, ne®-, naga-, nege- say to The first form in each of these sets is the verb-stem, properly speak- ing, and is used in the formation of all but the aorist forms. The second is employed in non-aorist forms when the incorporated object of the verb is a first person singular, and in several derivative forma- tions. The third is characteristic of the aorist. The fourth is used in the aorist under the same conditions as determine the use of the second form of the stem in other groups of forms. It needs but a moment’s thought to bring home the general psychic identity of such stem-variability and the “ablaut’’ of many German verbs, or the Latin stem-variation in present and perfect: frang- : frég- break da- : ded- give If the typical verb (and, for that matter, noun) form of Takelma is thus found to be a firm phonetic and psychic unit, and to be charac- terized by some of the supposed earmarks of inflection, what is left but to frankly call the language ‘‘inflectional’’? ‘‘ Polysynthetic”’ and “incorporative” are not in the slightest degree terms that exclude such a designation, for they have reference rather to the detailed treatment of certain groups of concepts than to morphologic method. Everything depends on the point of view. If chief stress for purposes of classification is laid on the relative importance and fulness of the verb, Takelma is polysynthetic; if the criterion of classification be taken to be whether the verb takes the pronominal object within its structure or not, it is incorporating; if, finally, stress be laid on the general method of building up the word from smaller elements, it is inflective. Not that Takelma is in the least thereby relegated to a peculiar or in any way exceptional position. A more objective, un- hampered study of languages spoken in various parts of the world — will undoubtedly reveal a far wider prevalence than has been gener- ally admitted of the inflectional type. The error, however, must not be made of taking such comparatively trivial characteristics as sex gender, or the presence of cases, as criteria of inflection. Inflection has reference to method, not to subject-matter. § 25 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 55 Grammatical Processes (§§ 26-32) § 26. General Remarks There are four processes employed in Takelma for purposes of grammatical modification and word-formation: affixation (pre-, in-, and suflixation), reduplication, vocalic change (ablaut), and conso- nant change (consonant ablaut). Pitch-accent is of grammatical importance, but is most probably a product of purely phonetic causes. Of the processes mentioned, suffixation is by far the most important, while the presence of infixation will have to be allowed or denied according to the definition given of it. § 27. Prefixation Prefixation is either of the loose polysynthetic type already referred to, or of the more firmly knit inflective type. Loose prefixation is extremely common, nominal objects, instruments, and local ideas of one kind or another finding admittance into the word-complex, as we have seen, in thismanner. Examples of such loose prefixation are: gwen-‘a'l-yowo® he looked back (qwen- in back; al- is difficult to define, but can perhaps be best described as indicative of action away from one’s self, here with clear implication of sight directed outward; yowo’* he was, can be used as independent word) s‘in-i-lats!agi’/'n I touched his nose (s*in- nose; 7- with hand; lats!agi’*n I touched him, as independent word) gwent gem black necked (gwen- nape, neck; fge‘m black) The first example shows best the general character of loose prefixa- tion. The prefixed elements gwen-, al-, s‘in-, and 7- have no separate existence as such, yet in themselves dire-tly convey, except perhaps al-, a larger, more definitely apperceived, share of meaning than falls to the lot of most purely grammatical elements. In dealing with such elements as these, we are indeed on the borderland between independent word and affix. The contrast between them and gram- matical suffixes comes out strongest in the fact that they may be entirely omitted without destroying the reality of the rest of the word, while the attempt to extract any of the other elements leaves an unmeaning remainder. At the same time, the first example well illustrates the point that they are not so loosely attached but that they may entirely alter the concrete meaning of the word. Pre- fixation of the inflective type is very rare. There is only one §§ 26-27 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pune. 40 such prefix that occurs with considerable frequency, wi-, first person singular possessive of nouns of relationship: wiha‘m my father hame’*t’ your father § 28. Suffixation Suffixation is the normal method employed in building up actual forms of nouns and verbs from stems. The suffixes in themselves have for the most part very little individuality, some of them being hardly evident at all except to the minute linguistic analyst. The notions they convey are partly derivational of one kind or other. In the verb they express such ideas as those of position, reciprocal action, causation, frequentative action, reflexive action, spontaneous activity, action directed to some one, action done in behalf of some one. From the verb-stem such adjectival and nominal derivations as participles, infinitives, or abstract nouns of action, and nouns of agent are formed by suffixation. In the noun itself various suffixed elements appear whose concrete meaning is practically nil. Other suffixes are formal in the narrower sense of the word. They express pronominal elements for subject and object in the verb, for the pos- sessor in the noun, modal elements in the verb. Thus a word like tlomoxinik’ WE KILL ONE ANOTHER contains, besides the aorist stem tlomo- (formed from dé“m-), the suffixed elements -z- (expressing general idea of relation between subject and object), -in- umlauted from -an- (element denoting reciprocal action [-z-in-=EACH OTHER, ONE ANOTHER]), and -ik‘ (first personal plural subject intransitive aorist). As anexample of suffixation in the noun may be given tlibagwa‘n-t'k‘ My PANCREAS. ‘This form contains, besides the stem iliba-, the suffixed elements -gw- (of no ascertainable concrete signifi- cance, but employed to form several body-part nouns; e. g., t/uba‘k'” PANCREAS 47.17), -an- (apparently meaningless in itself and appear- ing suffixed to many nouns when they are provided with possessive endings), and -t‘k* (first personal singular possessive). § 29. Infixation Infixation, or what superficially appears to be such, is found only in the formation of certain aorist stems and frequentatives. Thus the aorist stem mats!ag- (from masg- PUT) shows an intrusive or §§ 28-29 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 517 infixed -a- between the s (strengthened to ts!) and g of the stem. Similarly the aorist stem wits!im- (from wism- MOVE) shows an infixed 7. Infixation in frequentative forms is illustrated by: yonoina’'n I always sing (aorist stem yonon-) ts!ayaik* he used to shoot them (cf. ts!aya‘k* he shot them) On examination it is found that the infixed element is invariably a repetition of part of the phonetic material given by the stem. Thus the infixed -a- and -i- of mats!ag- and wits’ !im- are repetitions of the -a- and -i- of the stems masg- and wism-; the infixed -2- of yonoin- and ts!/ayaig- are similarly repetitions of the y- of yonon and -y- of ts!ayag-. It seems advisable, therefore, to consider all cases of infixation rather as stem-amplifications related to reduplica- tion. An infixed element may itself be augmented by a second infixation. Thus we have: Verb stem Aorist stem Frequentative hemg- take out hemeg- heme’mg- ts!a-im- hide ts!ayam- ts !aya-vm- masg- put mats !ag- mats!a%sg- yawi- talk yawa-t- yawa-vy- baxm- come baxam- baxa*am- § 30. Reduplication Reduplication is used in Takelma as a grammatical process with surprising frequency, probably as frequently as in the Salish languages. The most interesting point in connection with it is probably the fact that the reduplicating increment follows the base, never, as in most languages (Salish, Kwakiutl, Indo-Germanic), precedes it. It is, like the infixation spoken of above, employed partly in the formation of the aorist, partly to express frequentative or usitative action. Some nouns show reduplicated stems, though, as a process, redupli- cation is not nearly as important in the noun as in the verb. Some verbs, including a number that do not seem to imply a necessary repetitive action, are apparently never found in unreduplicated form. Four main types of reduplication, with various subtypes, occur: 1. A partial reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the vowel and final consonant of the stem: aorist helel- (from he‘- sing) . aorist t!omom- (from d6“m- kill) The reduplicated vowel is lengthened in certain forms, e. g., hele‘l-, tlomo”m-. § 30 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BucL. 40 1a. A subtype of 1 is illustrated by such forms as exhibit an unreduplicated consonant after the reduplicated portion of the word, the second vowel in such cases being generally long aorist ts’ liimii“mt‘a- (from s‘ii#mt‘a- boil) usitative aorist t/iilii“lg- (from verb stem ¢/ii#lg-, aorist t/iiliig- follow trail) usitative aorist gini'ng- (from verb stem ging-, aorist gimg- go to; ging-, ginig- itself is probably reduplicated from gin-) 2. A complete reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the entire base with a change of the stem-vowel to a: aorist t/éut!au- (from t!éu- play shinny) aorist bot‘bad- (from bé“d- pull out one’s hair) aorist bd%- sal- xo(x)xag come to a stand (pl.); aorist sal-xog-7'- stand (pl.) 3. A complete reduplication, as in 2, with the addition of a con- necting vowel repeated from the vowel of the stem: aorist yuluyal- (cf. verb stem yulyal- rub) aorist frequentative hogohag- keep running (from hé%g- run) aorist frequentative s‘wilis‘wal- tear to pieces; verb stem s-wil- s'‘wal- (from aorist s‘wi'ls‘wal- tear; verb stem s‘wi'l-) If the stem ends in a fortis consonant, the reduplicating syllable regularly shows the corresponding media (or aspirated tenuis): sgotlosgad- cut to pieces (from verb stem sg6“t!-, aorist sgo“d- cut) 3a. A subgroup of 3 is formed by some verbs that leave out the -a- of the reduplicating syllable: gwidik‘’d- throw (base gwid-) 4, An irregular reduplication, consisting of a repetition of the vowel of the stem followed by -(‘)a- + the last and first (or third) consonants of the stem in that order: frequentative aorist t/omoamd-, as though instead of *t/omo- tlam-; cf. non-aorist d6“mdam- (from aorist t!omom- kill) frequentative aorist k/eme‘amg- (from k!eme-n- make; verb stem k!lem-n-) frequentative aorist p/iwi‘aug-, as though instead of *p/uwip!aug- (from aorist p/iwuk!- name) It will be noticed that verbs of this type of reduplication all begin with fortis consonants. The glottal catch is best considered a partial representative of the initial fortis; in cases like k/eme*amg- an original § 30 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 59 -klam (i. e., --gam) may be conceived of as undergoing partial meta- thesis to -‘amg. Other rarer reduplications or stem-amplifications occur, and will be treated in speaking of aorist formations and frequentatives. § 31. Vowel-Ablaut Vowel-ablaut consists of the palatalization of non-palatal stem- vowels in certain forms. Only o and a (with corresponding long vowels and diphthongs) are affected; they become respectively ii (4) and e. In sharp contradistinction to the 2- umlaut of an original a to 2, this ablaut affects only the radical portion of the word, and thus serves as a further criterion to identify the stem. Thus we have we’ga’si HE BROUGHT IT TO ME (from stem wé%-, as shown also by wd%g-wi’'n I BROUGHT IT TO HIM), but wege’sink’ HE WILL BRING IT TO ME (from stem waga-, as shown also by waga- win VLL BRING IT TO HIM), both 7- umlaut and stem-ablaut serving in these cases to help analyze out the stems. Vowel-ablaut occurs in the following cases: 1. Whenever the object of the transitive verb or subject of the passive is the first person singular: mele’xt he told it to me 172.17, but mala’zbi‘n I told it to you (162.6) nege’s't he said to me 186.22, but naga’sam he said to us (178.12) diimainas I shall be slain (192.11), but démaxbina‘ you will be slain (178.15) gel-lihiiigwa’ si he avenges me, but -lohoigwa’/‘n Lavenge him (148.3) Not infrequently vowel-ablaut in such cases is directly responsible for the existence of homonyms, as in yeweyagwa’si HE TALKS ABOUT ME (from yaway-talk), and yeweyagwa’si HE RETURNS WITH ME (from yewei-return). 2. With the passive participial endings -ak"™, -ik*v: wase'gu'k*” wherewith it is shot (from sdé%g- shoot) me’xak*” having father (from ma’aa his father) wa‘-i-dixik'“dek* my gathered ones (= I have been gathering them) (from d0“x- gather) dal*-wa-p‘it'tlik’” mixed with (from p‘ét!- mix) 178.5 3. In some verbs that have the peculiar intransitive-forming suffix -z-, by no means in all: geyewa'lade® I eat (136.15) (cf. gayawa’'n I eat it 30. 11) le*ba‘nx he carries 178.6 (stem 1a%b-) 31 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 didat be’ **k't'bag-ams (= -amtx) they had their hair tied on sides of head (from base t'b@%g-) 142.17; cf. -t'ba’*gamda‘n I tie his hair (27.1) No satisfactory reason can be given why most verbs in -z- do not show this stem-palatalization. It is quite possible that its occurrence is confined to a restricted number of such verbs; at any rate, there is some limitation in its employment, which the material at hand has not been found extensive enough to define. 4. In nouns ending in -z-ap* (-s-ap‘= -t-a-ap‘), probably derived from such verbs in -z- as were referred to under 3: ale’ “sap belt (cf. cala’*daén I put it about my waist) hali/“*x6p* (= -x”ap*) shirt (cf. halo’“k* she put on[her dress]) 5. In verbs provided with the suffix -ra-, which serves to relieve transitive verbs of the necessity of expressing the object: li/*xwagwadinin (=lik!-xa-) Vl trap for him (stem lok!”-) ili’ pragwank* she shall pound with (stone pestle) (cf. lobo‘p* she pounds them) kledeizade® 1 was out picking (cf. k/adan I pick them, k/adai he picks them) ts!eye’maade® I hide things (ef. ts!ayama’‘n I hide it) 6. In reflexive verbs ending in -gwi- or -k'wa- (-gwa-): k!et'qwi'p’ pick them for yourself! (stem k/a%d-) alts !eyek‘wit' he washed himself with it (cf. alts!ayap* he washed his own face) ilets!ék‘wide® I touch myself (cf. tlats!agi’*n I touch him) kledéik'watn I pick them for myself (aorist stem k/adai-) alna’“k'wa he painted his own face.(stem nd“gw-) Yet many, perhaps most, reflexive verbs fail to show the palatal ablaut: plagank‘wit' he bathed himself t'qwa*xa’ nt gwide® I shall tattoo myself (but lu/“gwant'quwide® I trap deer for myself) «a?-sgo'“t' qwide® I cut myself igaxaga’xgwasn I scratch myself We have here the same difficulty as in 3. Evidently some factor or factors enter into the use of the ablaut that it has not been founp possible to determine. 7. Other cases undoubtedly occur, but there are not enough of them in the material gathered to allow of the setting up of further groups.. All that can be done with those cases that do not fall § 31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 61 within the first six groups is to list them as miscellaneous cases. Such are: qwel-leisde? I shall be lame (cf. gwel-la’is k!emna’n I shall make him lame le*pst’ wing (if derived, as seems probable, from stem /é%b- carry) tlemeya’nuia“ people go along to see her married 178.1 (cf. tlamayana’‘n I take her somewheres to get her married [148.5]) Palatal ablaut, it should be noted, does not affect the -a- of the second member of reduplicated verbs: t‘galt'ga‘l it bounced from her 140.8 t‘gecltg'a’lst it bounced from me The connecting vowel, however, of verbs reduplicated according to the third type always follows the stem-vowel: dak‘da-hele’ halxade’ I am accustomed to answer (stem -ha@-) It is difficult to find a very tangible psychic connection between the various cases that require the use of the palatal ablaut, nor is there the slightest indication that a phonetic cause lies at the bottom of the phenomenon. If we disregard the first group of cases, we shall find that they have this in common, they are all or nearly all intransi- tives derived from transitives by means of certain voice-forming ele- ments (-2-, -xa-, -gwi-, -k‘wa-), or else nominal passives or derivatives of such intransitives (-ak‘”, -x-ap‘); -k'wa-, it is true, takes transi- tive pronominal forms; but it is logically intransitive in character in that it indicates action in reference to something belonging to the subject. The only trait that can be found in common to the first group and the remaining is that the action may be looked upon as self-centered; just as, e. g., a form in -za- denotes that the (logically) transitive action is not conceived of as directed toward some definite outside object, but is held within the sphere of the person of central interest (the subject), so, also, in a form with incorporated first per- son singular object, the action may be readily conceived of as taking place within the sphere of the person of central interest from the point of view of the speaker. No difficulty will be found in making this interpretation fit the other cases, though it is not conversely true that all forms implying self-centered action undergo palatalization. The explanation offered may be considered too vague to be con- vincing; but no better can be offered. In any event, the palatal ablaut will be explained as the symbolic expression of some general mental attitude rather than of a clear-cut grammatical concept. § 31 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Besides these regular interchanges of non-palatal and palatalized vowels, there are a number of cases of words showing differing vowels, but whose genetic relationship seems evident. These vocalic varia- tions have not been brought into the form of a rule; the number of examples is small and the process apparently touches rather the lexical material than the morphology. Variations of this character between a and ¢ are: gala-b-a’*n I twist it; p!i'-wa-gele-g-i’‘n I drill for fire with it (88.12), di*al-gelegal-a’mda‘n I tie his hair up into top-knot (17212) da*-dala-g-a’mda‘n I pierce his ear (22.1); da?-dele-b-v’ I blow my nose als‘inld’“xa‘n they meet each other (24.12) 5. gwen- (a) NECK: gwensgd’"da'n I cut his neck (144.2, 3, 5, 22) gwents!ayaga’'n I washed his neck ha-ugwenyunu’‘yini*n I swallow it greedily (cf. 126.10) gwenld’"ki he stuck it in his throat (cf. under s-in-) 25.4 ewen‘ilats!agi’‘n I touched back of his neck ewenwayanaganhi he swung his knife over their necks 144.2 (6) BACK, BEHIND: gwe’n‘alyowo® he looked back gwenyeweit e€ I went back (152.13; 188.19) ewe’nliwila”* he looks back (on his tracks) 59.14; 94.9 ewenhegwa’*qwanhi he related it to him 17.11 In gwena-ia’*s GOOD SINGER, the part played by the prefix is not clear. § 36 BOAS ] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 79 6. - HAND, IN HAND, WITH HAND No body-part prefix, except perhaps al-, is used with such fre- quency as 7-, the scrupulousness with which verbs implying action with the hand incorporate it seeming at times almost pedantic. Only a small selection out of the great number of occurrences need here be given: its!ayap‘ he washed his hand ipli'no’'“k'watn I warm my hands wila’u ‘thoyodagwa’'n I dance with arrow in hand nix thele*lagwa’‘n I sing with pipe in hand igv’‘na he took it 15.1; 31.8; 44.8; 47.9 ik‘wa’*qwitn I woke him up 16.4 igaxagiat’'n I scratch him igis'igis'v'n I tickle him theqwe’hak‘’na‘n I am working za‘its:!iwi‘t’ he split it open 26.6 iheme’m he wrestled with him 26.11; 27.10,11 iyond’“*k* he pulled it iguyu’‘k* she pushed her 55.14 s‘elék’” ilu’ pxagwank* she shall pound with acorn pestle 55.9 he“ileme’‘k* he killed them off 55.1; 144.6. itla’utliwitn I caught hold of her (29.12; 140.15) it wi'yili’*n I make it whirl up alsiyulu’yilven TL rub it it qwanye’ *git' you enslaved her 16.14 In some cases one does not easily see the necessity for its use: writ ge’year they are round about me (48.5) aliwula’““xbi he ran away from you 7. HA, (LA-) (a) BACK, WAIST: xa*ts/ayap* he washed his back pit xardat guyt’“sgwa his back got blistered 25.11 xa‘tlats!agv’én I touched his back xa*p/t'nd'*k'wa he warmed his back 188.20 xa%la’"da‘n I put (belt) about my waist (b) BETWEEN, IN TWO (in reference to breaking or cutting): xa*p/a-its'!iudi’n I shall split it by throwing (stone) down on it (140.7) xA*wisd? go-between (in settling feuds) 178.11, 13, 18 xa*sgo’“da‘n I cut, saw it (21.2, 4) . xa‘isgi’*p'sgibik’” (bodies) cut through 21.2 ae § 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 xa*dant gi'lt'ga’'lhi he broke it with rock 24.4 xa*t'be’ “kt bagams it is all tied together 27.13 xasalt'qwe'lt‘gwilt he broke it by stepping on it 31.4, 5 xa*be*mk!ot'k liditn I broke it with stick In xahege’hak‘na'‘n 1 BREATHE (79.2) and xahuk!u’hak‘na‘n 1 BREATHE, the za- may refer to the heaving motion up from the waist. 8. dii- (a) BACK: The local uses of 2@¢- and di’- (IN MIDDLE, BETWEEN, and ABOVE, respectively) would indicate that, in their more literal signifi- cation, they refer respectively to the LowER BACK about the waist and the UPPER BACK, though no direct information was obtained of the distinction. di'ts!ayap‘ he washed himself in back of ene dithda his back is burning diit'bd"k!a’lade® I have warts on my back 102.20 diidigwa‘nk* she will wear it (i. e., skirt) 55.9 (b) ABOVE, ON TOP: dithe’liya sleeping on board platform 13.2 dida*t'ba’“gamt' gwide§ I tie my hair on sides of my head (see under da@*-) (140.11; 142.17) di‘“algelegala’mda‘n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.2) dituyu’ts!amda*n I fool him (aorist wyuts!- laugh) dithinxo’“gitn I scare him di‘mas (earth) is lit up (78.1) diihili‘gwa’én I am glad 22.2 di- is used in quite a number of verbs of mashing or squeezing, the primary idea being probably that of pressing down on top of something: diip‘ai’ pilin I squash (yellow-jackets) (74.3); contrast gel- trier ili’ p'ilitn I whip him on his breast (literally, J-breast-stick-whip-him) (cf. 76.1, 2, 3) diit/vyttst’*n I mash them ba-idigwibi’*k*wap* it popped all around 27.14 diit‘qumu’t'gimitn I squeezed and cracked many insects (such as fleas) In many cases, as in some of the forms given above, the primary signification of di’- is greatly obscured. It is not at all certain but that we are at times (as in di*uyu’ts!amdaé‘n) dealing really with the phonetically similar prefix di*- REAR. § 36 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 81 9. gel- (a) BREAST, WITH BREAST (mental activities) : gelts/ayap* he washed his breast gel‘ilats!agv’*n I touched his breast ba%ge’l‘yo lie down with belly up! (lit., up-belly-be!), 140.4 gelgulugwa’‘n I desire, want it 32.5, 6,7 gelhewe’hau he thought 44.11; 124.3; 142.20 gellohoigwa’‘n I avenge him (apparently =I breast-die-with him) (146.8; 148.3) gelt/aya‘k they thought of it (see under s‘¢n- and da) 152.10 gelyalaxaldi‘n I forgot him (lit., I breast-lost him) (77.10) gelts:!aya’mzamk* she hid (certain facts) from us 158.7 geldulu’k‘de I am getting lazy gelheye’*x he is stingy (literally, he breast-leaves-remaining = keeps surplus to himself) 196.8 (b) FACING: gelt/ana’hi she pushed him (? literally, she held him [away]. facing her)! (25.10) gelwaydn he slept with her (literally, he caused her to sleep facing him) 26.4; (108.3; 190.2) wa't'gwan geltyowo’* they faced each other (literally, to each other they breast-were) 26.15 gelkliyi’*k* he turned around so as to face him 170.2 10. dt- (a) ANUS: di‘ts!ayép* he washed his anus ba-iditt'gats!a’t' gisi’n I stick out my anus (164.19; 166.1) dithaz his anus is burning 94.13 di‘hagait'e® I feel ticklish in my. anus (as though expecting to be kicked) (cf. under dak‘-) 166.1 difxd’"s (food) is spilling out from his anus, (acorns) spill out from hopper 94.2, 4, 5 (b) IN REAR, BEHIND: di‘salyomo’hin I shall catch up with him in running bee di’*kliyi’*k* afternoon came (lit.,sun went in rear) (124,15) da‘o'l dithiwiliat‘e® I ran close behind As happens more or less frequently with all body-part prefixes, the primary meaning, at least in English translation, of di‘- seems lost sight of at times: abaidi‘yowo’“da* coming into house to fight (abai- into house ; yowo'“daé being) 24.14 1 Though perhaps better SHE HELD HIM WITH HER BREAST, taking gel- as instrument. 3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2-126 § 36 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 pla-idithana’‘s it stopped (wind, rain, snow, hail) 152.16 In a number of verbs di*- expresses: felling, digging under, or erecting a tree or stick, the fundamental notion being probably that of activity at the butt end of a long object: ; * di‘sgot!dlha bém he was always cutting down trees 108.8 ditk/olola’n (tree) was dug under 48.5 diisgiyu'"k lin (tree) was made to fall by being dug under 48.7, 8, 12 pla-dilo’“gwa‘n I make (stick, pestle) stand up (by placing it on its butt end) (116.18; 176.1, 2) pla-idissgimi’sgam they set (house posts) down into ground 11. ha- (a) WOMAN’S PRIVATE PARTS: hats!ayap* she washed her private parts ha‘tats!agv’ I was talking [to somebody]) (59.16; 63.10) dak‘-hene*da’'n I wait for him (cf. hene’xade* I wait) kliyitimida’‘n I call his name from distance, greet him (198.11) (probably derivative of k/u’yam friend! 31.6, 8) s‘omoda’'n I cook it (58.10) (cf. s-iimii’xade® I cook) ts: liimiimt‘a'n I cook it (170.17,19); future s-éimt‘an * (170.16) (cf. siimav‘ stirring paddle 170.14) da*-minik‘daén I taught him; future da*-mifit‘an lawadana’*n I hurt him (186.12) yamada’‘n I ask him (70.6; 74.10; 120.16) wiyimada’*n I “wish” to him, work supernatural power on him (57.1) milv'da’én I love her za‘-i-ts*!iwi‘t* he split it (26.6) (ef. 7-ts:!7wi’ts:!au he split it up) It will be noticed that most of the verbs listed imply, not direct physical action, but rather the direction of one’s thought or words toward another person. It is therefore highly probable that the -d- (except possibly in s‘omd- cook) is identical with the -d- implied in the -s-- (= -tz-) of the indirect object (§ 47). Unlike the -d- here discussed, however, the -s‘- of the indirect object can be used only if the indirect object is not of the third person. It is clear that -d- is not really quite in line with the other suffixes that we have termed “ petrified,” this being shown, among other things, by the fact that it may be preceded by other suffixes, as in daé*-mint-k*-da*n. Evidently quite distinct from this indirective -d- suffix is the -(a)d- suffix of a few intransitive class II verbs in which the -d- is followed by -7’- in aorist, -2- in non-aorist forms (see § 40, 16). This aoristic -ad- appears always umlauted to -id-. cugwid?'-, non-aorist cuk‘di- lie curled up wiklidi-, non-aorist witk‘di- lie heaped about tguplidt (box, canoe) lies bottom side up 5. -t!-. This consonant has been found as an evident suffix in: ba?-di'nit!ana‘n I strung (dentalia) on line (59.9) (cf. dink!- stretch out) tgemat a“ it gets dark 188.14 (cf. tge’mt‘ga‘mz it is quite dark [cf. 196.7]; alt‘ge‘m black 162.4; [196.6]) 1 s‘om-d- and s‘téiiim-t'a- are parallel forms of one verb that seem to be used with no difference in mean- ing, though their aorist stems are formed according to different types. § 42 122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [punn. 40 6. -g-, -k'-. As in the case of -b-, it seems advisable to recognize two distinct -g- suffixes, the one appearing as a transitivizing element, the other as a verb-making element added on to nouns or adjectives. Examples of its transitive use are: plalaga’‘n I tell him a myth al-ts!ayaga’*n I wash him (64.5) p!v'-wa-gelegi’ 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Non-repetitive verb-stem lebe- pick up and eat (seeds) loho-n- cause to die wog- arrive t/oxox- (aorist) gather do“z- (non-aorist) hen-d- wait for odo- hunt for og- give to déo"“m- kill wi'- go, travel platg- swim ts: !vu-d- split sgip!- cut hiil-p!- skin, peel off bark hog- run heel- sing al-hiii-x- hunt [BuLL. 40 Repetitive le’*p‘lap’ (non-aorist) pick and eat many (seeds)! 34.2 loho’lahana‘n I used to kill them wogowa’*k* many arrived 112.2 wa*-i-t!oxo’thiain I used to gather them wa‘-i-doxda‘zk* they have been gathering them (inferential) hene’handa‘n I always used to wait for him odo’ I awoke (16.3) (future k‘wa/xde° [190.5]) leme’*k* they took them along 144.17 i-t geeyrlt’én I roll it de-ts' !ibi‘p* he closed door p!la-i-ha-u-t gi/“p* he upset it was-i-t!eme’m he assembled them 110.3 ha®w-i-ha’nats!in I made it stop di-sgii’yiikliin I knock it down (48.7, 8) i-gwidigwa’ti he threw them (108.21; 138.3) i-smili’smili'n I swing it ba2-t'e’ egién L lift it up (Type 5) leme’*x they all went 136.7 t‘ge°ya lx it rolls de-ts' bv‘x (door) shut pla--ha-u-t qi’/“px it upset 60.8 wa-tleméxia“* people assembled 144,23 ha-u-hana’‘s( =-a’ts!x)it stopped (152.15; 198.9) di-sgii’*xk* it fell (nobody push- ing) (59.11; 62.1) hit“lii/nk‘wa (tiredness) gwidig- wa‘s (= -a‘tx) he was plumb tired out (probably = he tot- tered with tiredness) 120.12 smili’smalxde® I swing? (73.2) ba?-t'ek!e’t'ax it bobs up and down (60.11,13,14) In some verbs -alz- (= continuative -al- + non-agentive -z-) seems to be quite equivalent to the intransitive -za-: geyewa’|xde® I am eating (31.3) (but, hortatory, gevxaba* let us eat) le*ba’nxde® I carry (178.6) (a%ba’én I carry it [178.3,4]) d“qwa/nxde’ I drink (see § 21). The non-agentive character of verbs in -z- may be reflected in transitives (causatives) derived from them, in that in such causatives 1It may not beuninteresting to note, as throwing light on the native feeling for -z-, that this form sounded somewhat queer to Mrs. Johnson, for, as she intimated, one can’t very well be swinging without either actively swinging one’s self or being swung by some one. § 56 | alee poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 155 the subject is not thought of as being the direct cause of the state or activity predicated, but is rather considered as indirectly responsible for it. Thus, from the aorist stem tgwilik!w- ((gwili’*-x waTrER, BLOOD DROPS, DRIPS 58.1) are formed: pla-i-t qwilt’k!wana‘n I (voluntarily) drop, spill it pla-i-t gwilr'*ena‘n I have it drop (unavoidably), spill it (72.8,16) § 57. Positional-7 /- As we have already seen (§ 40, 15), this suffix, though of clearly derivational character, is generally, probably always, confined to the aorist. A positional verb in -7/- may be defined as expressing the state or condition resulting from the completed action of a transitive or non-agentive; e. g., p/a-i-ha-u-t' gup!idi Ir (BOX-LIKE OBJECT) LIES UPSIDE DOWN is a verb expressing the result of the action defined in p!a-i-ha-u-t' qu’“ba‘n 1 UPSET IT and p!a-t-ha-u-t'gi/“px IT UPSET 60.8. From one point of view the suffix -7‘- serves to mark off a class of purely positional verbs, a different verb-stem being used for each general form-category of the object described. Such verbs of position are: dink !i long, stretched out object lies (transitive aorist dinik!-) t‘geits:!i round object lies (138.24) (¢‘geyets:!-) pudi flat object lies t!obigi corpse, dead-looking body lies s‘eini box-like object with opening on top lies pla-i-ha-u-t'gup!idi box-like object with opening below lies (t'gub-) s-ugwidi curled-up object (like bundle of rope) lies da-sgali scattered objects (like grain on floor) lie wik !idi several objects heaped together lie (wi‘g-) s‘as'ini erect object is, he stands 34.1; 45.12; 77.9 s'u‘wili sitting object (person) is, he sits, dwells 21.1; 57.2 k‘ebili absent object is, he is long absent 124.20 Not so clearly positional are: la*li (generally heard as la*lé‘) it becomes 33.17; 45.3 yamli he looks pretty Of these verbs those that are directly derived from transitives, it will be observed, use in the aorist the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, of their simplex (thus dink!-, not dinik!-).. The derivational -(a)d- (see § 42, 4) that seems to characterize a number of positional verbs can not be explained. 57 § 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Certain Takelma place-names in -7 (or -t-k', -i‘-k' with suffix -k' characteristic of geographical names) can hafdly be otherwiseexplained than as positional verbs in -7‘-, derived from nouns and provided with local prefixes defining the position of the noun. Such are: Di®-dani1 Table Rock (probably = rock[da‘n] is[-7] west [d2-]): west of the rock would be di*-dana* (cf. dana‘t'k* my rock) Dak'-t‘gami-k* (cf. Dak'-t‘gamiya’® person from D.) (= place where [-k'] elks[t'ga‘m] are[7] above, on top [dak’-]) Dal-dani‘k* (cf. Dal-daniya’* one coe D.) (=place where [-k'-] in brush, away from creek[dal-] is[-t] rock [da‘n]) han-xilmi aneee land (= across river[han-] are[-7] ghosts[ala‘m]) de-di‘wi near the falls of Rogue River (=in front [-de-] are [-7] falls [d7a]) §58. IMPERSONAL -/au- Verging toward the purely formal (pronominal) elements of the verb is the suffix -cau-. Forms in -tau- are intransitive, and may be formed from all intransitives and all transitives with incorporated pronominal object, the function of the suffix being to give an indefi- nite, generalized collective, or impersonal, signification (cf. German MAN, French on) to the always third personal pronominal (Class I intransitive) subject. Examples are: yania’§ people go 58.14; 152.5 future yanaya’"t' was-i-tlemézia“ people assem- future wa‘-i-démaia"t® ble 144.23 e*bia’** people are 192.7 (cf. e°bo‘k* we are 180.13) ts!aa yo"ya uk‘ there was (infer- ential) deep water(cf. 188.14) sa°nsa’nsinia® fighting is go- future sana’xinia"t® ing on 23.14 domabiya"*t’ people will kill you (intransitive; but transitive with definite third personal subject démxbink’ they will kill you) (83.10) In particular, states of the weather or season, necessarily involving indefiniteness of subject, are referred to by forms provided with the indefinite suffix -2au-. Examples are: 1This example is due to Mr. H. H. St. Clair 2d, from whose Manuscript Notes on Takelma it was taken. Itis there written Di’tan7‘. § 58 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 157 loplodia’* it is raining, hailing, or snowing 90.1; 152.11 (but definitely néx lop/o‘t' it rains 90.1; (198.9); ts'lelam lop!o‘t’ it hails; p/a’¢s lop!o‘t’ it snows 90.2; 196.7) lep‘niya‘uk* it has gotten to be winter samgia’*t* it will be summer (92.9) samgiaugulugwa’n it is about to be summer (literally, it is sum- mer-intended, see § 68) (cf. 48.13) tiwugia’ it is hot (i.e., itis hot weather; but t‘awiu’'k* it, some object, is hot [25.10]; 94.15) we’égia-uda*® when it is daybreak 73.6; 126.13 4, Temporal-Modal and Pronominal Elements (§§ 59-67) § 59. INTRODUCTORY Every Takelma verb except, so far as known, the defective copula ett'e® 1 AM, has forms of six tense-modes—aorist, future, potential, inferential, present imperative, and future imperative. Of these, all but the aorist, which is built up on a derived aorist stem, are formed from the verb-stem. A special tense or mode sign, apart from the peculiar stem of the aorist, is found in none of the tense-modes except the inferential, which, in all the voices, is throughout charac- terized by a -k-(-g-) following the objective, but preceding the sub- jective, pronominal elements. Each of the tense-modes except the potential, which uses the personal endings of the aorist, is, however, characterized by its own set of pronominal endings. It is for this very reason that it has seemed best to use the term tense-modes for the various modes and tenses, instead of attempting a necessarily artificial classification into tenses (aorist and future) and modes (indicative, potential, imperative, and inferential), the method of distinguishing the latter being fundamentally the same as that employed to form the former, i. e., the use of special pronominal schemes. The purely temporal idea is only slightly developed in the verb. The aorist does duty for the preterite (including the narrative past), the present, and the immediate future, as in NOW I SHALL GO; while the future is employed to refer to future time distinctly set off from the present, as in I SHALL GO THIS EVENING, TO-MORROW. A similar distinction between the immediate and more remote future is made in the imperative. The present imperative expresses a command which, it is intended, is to pass into more or less immediate fulfill- ment, as in GO AWAY! while the command expressed by the future § 59 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 imperative is not to be carried out until some stated or implied point of time definitely removed from the immediate present, as In COME TO-MORROW!, GIVE HER TO EAT (when she recovers). The uses of the potential and inferential will be best illustrated by examples given after the forms themselves have been tabulated. In a general way the potential implies the ability to do a thing, or the possibility of the occurrence of a certain action or condition (I cAN, couLD go if I care, cared to), and thus is appropriately used in the apodosis of an unfulfilled or contrary-to-fact condition; it is also regularly employed in the expression of the negative imperative (prohibitive). The peculiar form of the potential (verb-stem with aorist pronoun endings) seems in a measure to reflect its modal signification, the identity of its stem with that of the future indicating apparently’ tlie lack of fulfillment of the action, while the aoristic pronominal elements may be interpreted as expressing the certainty of such fulfillment under the expressed or implied circumstances by the person referred to. The inferential implies that the action expressed by the verb is not directly known or stated on the authority of the speaker, but is only inferred from the circumstances of the case or rests on the authority of one other than the speaker. Thus, if I say THE BEAR KILLED THE MAN, and wish to state the event as a mere matter of fact, the truth of which is directly known from my own or another's experience, the aorist form would normally be employed: mena‘ (bear) yap/a (man) tlomék'wa (it killed him) If I wish, however, to imply that it is not definitely known from unmistakable evidence that the event really took place, or that it is inferred from certain facts (such as the finding of the man’s corpse or the presence of a bear’s footprints in the neighborhood of the house), or that the statement is not made on my own authority, the inferential would be employed: mena’ yap!a dimk‘wak* it seems that the bear killed the man; the bear must have, evidently has, killed the man Inasmuch as mythical narration is necessarily told on hearsay, one would expect the regular use of the inferential in the myths; yet, in the great majority of cases, the aorist was employed, either because the constant use of the relatively uncommon inferential forms would have been felt as intrusive and laborious, or because the events related in the myths are to be looked upon as objectively certain. § 59 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 159 The inferential is also regularly employed in expressing the negative future. Not only do the pronominal elements vary for the different tense- modes, but they change also for the two main classes of intransitive verbs and for the transitive (subject and object), except that in the present imperative and inferential no such class-differences are discernible, though even in these the characteristic -p'- of Class II intransitives brings about a striking formal, if not strictly personal, difference. We thus have the following eleven pronominal schemes to deal with: Aorist subject intransitive I. Aorist subject intransitive II. Aorist subject transitive. Future subject intransitive I. Future subject intransitive IT. Future subject transitive. Inferential subject. Present imperative subject. Future imperative subject intransitive I and transitive. Future imperative subject intransitive IT. Object transitive (and subject passive). The transitive objects are alike for all tense-modes, except that the combination of the first person singular object and second person singular or plural subject (i. e., THOU or YE ME) always agrees with the corresponding subject form of intransitive II. Not all the per- sonal forms in these schemes stand alone, there being a number of intercrossings between the schemes of the three classes of verbs. The total number of personal endings is furthermore greatly lessened by the absence of a dual and the lack of a distinct plural form for the third person. The third person subject is positively characterized by a distinct personal ending only in the aorist subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive II, and the future subject transitive; as object, it is never characterized at all, except in so far as the third person object, when referring to human beings, is optionally indicated by a special suffix -k'wa- (-gwa-). In all other cases the third person is negatively characterized by the absence of a personal ending. The second singular subject of the present imperative is similarly negatively characterized by the absence of a personal ending, though the -p‘ of the present imperative intransitive II superficially contradicts this statement (see § 61). § 59 160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The pronominal schemes, with illustrative paradigms, will now be taken up according to the verb-classes. § 60. INTRANSITIVES, CLASS I This class embraces most of the intransitives of the language, particularly those of active significance (e. g., COME, GO, RUN, DANCE, PLAY, SING, DIE, SHOUT, JUMP, yet also such as BE, SLEEP), verbs in -ra-, indefinites in -iau-, and reciprocals. The tense-modes of such verbs have the following characteristic subjective personal endings: Aorist Future Inferential ine sd tga Singular: First person . . | ~%é, -de* -t'ee, -dee -k‘-a&l Second person . | -(a‘)f -(a)da’é -k* eit‘ — -(a’)ek* Third person = = | -(a’)£t* kK Plural: First person . . .| -iK -(z)ga’m -k*-ana‘k -(a)ba’é Second person . | -(a‘)t'p” -(a’)t'baé -k eit'p’ { )np* 2 1It is possible that this suffix is really -k‘a'n; -n after a catch is practically without sonority, and very easily missed by the ear. The first person singular and plural inferential endings are then both transitives in form (cf. -a‘n and -ana‘k‘ as first person singular and plural subject of transitives); the third person is without ending in both. The ending -k‘-aén is made particularly likely by the subordinate in -k‘-a/n-daé (see § 70). The imperative is necessarily lacking in the first person singular and third person. The first person plural in -(a)ba’* of the present imper- ative is used as a hortatory: yanaba’* Ler us Go! 158.11; (cf. 168.11). This -(a)ba’< is not infrequently followed by emphasizing particles: -nt‘ (e. g., yuba’**ni’ LET US BE! [cf. 158.8]) ; -ho (e. g., yeeba’*ht LET US RE- TURN! 63.1; see § 114, 2), or -ha‘n (e. g., ya’naba‘ha‘n LET Us Go 64.1), the last of these being clearly identical with the nominal plural ele- ment -han (see §.99); -nthan is also found (ya’naba“niha‘n LET US ALL Go, PRAY! [cf. 150.24; 152.6]). No true future hortatory and second person plural imperative seem to exist; for the latter, the ordinary indicative form in -t‘ba* (-daba‘ in the other classes) was always given. The connective -a- is used with most of the consonantal endings, as indicated in the table, when the preceding part of the word ends in a consonant, otherwise the ending is directly attached; in the reciprocal -t'p’, -t', and -t‘ba® are directly added to the suffix -an-. Before the only vocalic ending, -i‘k*, a glide -y- is introduced if the preceding sound is a vowel (e. g., al-yowoyi‘k’ WE Look). In the first person plural of the future -iga’m (-aorist -ig-+-a’m; cf. -da’m in possessive § 60 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 161 pronouns, §§ 91-3) is used after consonants, -ga’m after vowels. The first form of the second person plural imperative (-a‘np‘) is used to follow most consonants (-‘np* to follow a “constant” -a- of the stem), -‘p‘ being found only after vowels and probably m and n (e. g., yu‘p* BE YE!; yana‘p' GO YE!). In regard to the etymology of the endings, it is clear that the second person plural aorist is derived from the corresponding singular form by the addition of a characteristic -p‘ (cf. the imperative), that the second persons of the future are differentiated from the aorist forms by an added -a*‘, and that the first person singular future is identical with the corresponding form in the aorist, except for the lack of a catch. The second persons of the inferential are peri- phrastic forms, consisting of the third personal form in -k* (mode- sign, not personal ending) plus eit’ THOU ART, ett’ p’ YE ARE. As paradigmatic examples are chosen a stem ending in a vowel (aorist yowo- BE), one ending in a consonant (aorist baxam- COME), a reciprocal (aorist s@?nsan-san- FIGHT WITH ONE ANOTHER), and an indefinite in -2au- (aorist t‘iwi-g-tau- BE HOT). AORIST Singular: | First person . . | yowo’t'eéIrun| bazafite® I come Second person. . | yowo't' barama‘t* Third person . . | yowo’ | bara’*m facie they | tuwiigia’ut it is hot Plural: First person . . | yowoyi‘k‘ barami*k* sdansa’/nsinik* Second person. . | yowot'p‘ bazama‘t'p* saonsa’nsant'p* FUTURE — : 2 Singular: First person . | yu’tiee barma’t'ee Second person . . yuda’é bazmada’é Third person : | yu'et® barma’et* sana’rantt* taugia’uet* Plural: First person . . | -yuga’m barmaga’m sana’rinigam Second person de | yu't ‘bat | barma’t'bat sana’rant bat POTENTIAL Singular: First person - . | yu’ttes barma’t‘es Second person Serra (ei ai barma't* Third person sl egente barma’e sana’/xaen tijugia’ us - Plural: First person - - . | yuwirk* barmi*k* sana’rinik* Second person CMR TST TAN oe os barma‘t'p* sana’zant‘p* 3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12——11 § 60 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 INFERENTIAL Singular: First person yu’ k'aé barma’k'a® Second person yu’kleit* 1 barma’kleit* Third person yuk* barma‘k* sana’xank* Uaugiaw‘k* Plural: First person yu’k‘ana‘k* barma’k'ana‘k* sana’xank'ana‘k* Second person yu’ kleit'p* barma’kleit*p* sana’rank!eit'p* 1 -k'f =k! See § 12. PRESENT IMPERATIVE Singular: Second person yu’ bazma* Plural: First person yuba’s barmaba’é sana’rinibas } Second person yup barma‘np‘ (?) sana’zananp* 1 The -i- of -ibaf evidently corresponds to the -i- in the first person plural aorist -zk', future -igam, but appears, so far as known, only in the reciprocal, and, of course, in such cases as require connective -i- instead of -a- (see below, § 64): ha®w-7-k/emniba’é LET US SWEAT, with -i- because of instrumental 7-. FUTURE IMPERATIVE | | barma’tk* | Singular: Second person yu'ek* A few intransitives of this class add the consonantal pronominal endings directly to the final semi-vowel (-y-) of the stem, instead of employing the connective vowel -a-. Such are: eit’! thou art 108.2, ett'p’ ye are 14.10 (contrast yeweya‘t thou returnest [58.13], but yeweit‘e® I return [188.4] like ezt‘e® I am 198.2) nagait thou sayest 56.5, nagait' p' ye say 170.4 (contrast fagaya‘t thou criest, but t'agatt'e* I cry [180.5] like nagait‘e® I say 180.1) To this somewhat irregular group of verbs belongs probably also /64- PLAY, though, not ending in a semi-vowel in either the verb or aorist £ stem, it shows no forms directly comparable to those just given; its third person aorist, however, shows a rising accent before the catch: louls * 70.4 (not *l0’“l*), a phenomenon that seems connected (see below, § 65) with the lack of a connecting vowel before the personal endings. A few stray verbs, otherwise following the normal scheme of intransitive Class I endings, seem to lack a catch in the third person aorist: 1 This verb is defective, having only the three forms given above, the first person plural eebi‘k' 180,13, and the (cf. class II) indefinite eebia’u* 192.7, the latter two with loss of 7 and intrusive -b-. The third person and the non-aorist forms are supplied by yo- BE. ; 2 If appears also in certain usitatives: hiwililf HE USED TO RUN, sgelélé HE KEPT SHOUTING, in which the rising accent is probably radical (see § 48, 4); these forms, furthermore, have lost aw, § 18 (ef. hiwiliiit'é I RUN, sgeleut'e® I SHOUT). § 60 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 163 loplot'! it rains 90.1, 2 (yet loploda‘t’ you are raining 198.9; lop'da’‘t* it will rain; lop‘da‘x to rain, § 74, 1) hax it burns 98.1 (yet hazxa’‘t’ it will burn) Several intransitive Class I usitatives seem to lack the catch of the third person aorist also: ginink’ he always went to 46.11 (from gim’*k* he went to) witclisma he keeps moving (from witc!i’*m he moves 148,12) yeweo‘k* he is wont to return 47.4; 116.2 (yet yewéoga‘t’ you are wont to return) No explanation can be given of this irregularity. The inferential endings, as has been already remarked, are iden- tical for all classes of verbs, so that the following applies to Class IT intransitives and to transitives as well as to Class I intransitives. The mode-sign -k* is added directly to the final vowel or consonant of the verb-stem (or stem with its added derivative and pronominal object suffixes) without connecting a. All combinations of conso- nants are here allowed that are at all possible as syllabically final clusters (see § 16); indeed some of the final consonant clusters, as -sk’, -p'k’, -np‘k’, -lp'k’, hardly occur, if at all, outside the inferential. If the resulting consonant combination would be phonetically impos- sible an inorganic a is introduced between the two consonants that precede the inferential -k'; secondary diphthongs with raised accent may thus arise: klema‘nk* he made it (verb-stem k/emn-) bila‘uk* he jumped 160.17 (verb-stem bilw-) Double diphthongs are often allowed to stand unaltered before -k* (e.¢.,0ink"HE GAVE THEM; alsoimperative 0in GIVE THEM!) ; sometimes doublets, with double diphthong or with inorganic a, are found (e. g., tslaimk* or tslaya‘mk* HE HID IT; also passive participle ts!/aimhak'” HIDDEN, but ts/aya’m HIDE IT! ts!eya’mai HIDE ME! ts!aya’mxamk* HE HID US [158.7]). With a final -g- or -gw- the inferential -k* unites to form -k* or -k'”, but with lengthening of the preceding vowel; -k!-+-k* becomes -’*k". Examples are: heenak’’ (=-a‘gw-k‘) he consumed them (ef. 48.10); but heena‘k'’ consume them! wa-yanak'’ (=yana‘-gw-k‘) he ran after them 98.10; but wa- yana‘k’’ run after them! 1 This form can not possibly have been misheard for *lop/o/*t', the form to be expected, as the subor- dinate is lop/ét‘a®, not *lop/o’uda‘, which would be required by a *lop/o’t‘ (see § 70). § 60 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 york’ (=yogw-k’) she married him 192.16 he'-a-le’mk’ (=lemk!-k‘) he destroyed them (146.20); 154.11; also imperative (=*lemk!) § 61. INTRANSITIVES, CLASS II Most verbs of Class IJ intransitives, unlike those that are most typical of Class I, are derived from transitives, the majority of examples falling under the heads of non-agentives in -2-, reflexives in -gwi-, positionals in -7’-, and verbs with intransitivizing -p’- either in all their tense-modes or in all but the aorist (see § 42,1). Besides these main groups there are a straggling number of not easily clas- sified verbs that also show the peculiarities of the class; such are: sene’sant'e€ I whoop (110.20; 180.15) wit'e IT go about (90.1; 92.29; 122.23) ligint'e® I rest (48.11; 79.2, 4; 102.1) hiitli'nt'e I am tired (48.4, 11; 102.1, 8; 120.11) In a rough way the main characteristic of Class II imtransitives, as far as signification is concerned, is that they denote conditions and processes, while Class I intransitives are in great part verbs of action. Following is the scheme of subjective pronominal endings character- istic of Class IT: : ‘ Present im- Future im- Aorist Future Inferential perative perative Singular: First person . | -t‘e®, -des tee, -dee (-p‘)-gas Second person . | -t‘am, -dam | -taé, -dat (-p‘)-k* yewe'®.44 “Ssoatt+” t'aga’i.4? gas Roasting-Dead-People. pa next Coyote hereturned. “Sea +” he cried. - t oor ga‘al 48 bor = ‘a’/ni™5 yapla®® yewe'®*! loho’ida®.* ecauseof nowadays not people they return when they die. 86ga, Anticipates quotation “‘yap/a (10)... yémk‘ié (11).” 37 nege’s'dam. Second personal singular subject, first personal singular object (-dam) of verb naga’én (see n@k ik‘ above). mnege- shows palatal ablaut characteristic of forms with first person singular object. -s*- indirect object in aorist only, elsewhere -z-; e. g., néxda® YOU WILL SAY TO ME. Direct object is ga. 88 naga’sbinda®. Subordinate form, with temporal force, of naga’sbi'n I SAY TO YOU. naga’sbi‘n = aorist stem naga- + indirect object -s- + second personal singular object -bi- + first personal singular subject ~n. naga’sbindas is subordinated to main verb nege’s'dam; its direct object is quotation ‘‘laps yimi’zi’? (10). %9yap/a. Noun formed apparently by repetition of base vowel according to Type 2. It is employed for PEOPLE in general without regard to sex. 40 hawa’zivé, Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb hawaziiii‘ee Type 5 1 AM ROTTING; aorist stem ziu-, verb-stem ziwi-, This verb is evidently compounded of hawa‘t MATTER, PUS and verbal base viu-, whose exact meaning can not be determined, as it has not been found alone. #1 sga+-. Words spoken by Coyote often begin with s-, which has in itself no grammatical significance. “8¢aga’i* Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb fagait‘eé Type 4a 1 cry; aorist stem f‘agai-, verb-stem f‘dag-. -i© as in yewe’é, loho’*, and naga’é above. #8 gafa‘l. Postposition To, AT, ON ACCOUNT oF, used with preceding demonstrative ga; ga ga‘a‘=there- fore. ga‘a‘l is itself compounded of demonstrative ga and local element al at, TO. 4406u, Temporal adverb Now, TO-DAY. First of ‘a’ni€ Not intended merely to keep up distinct hiatus between final -du and initial a-. ! (Translation] The child of Roasting-dead-people died. He and Coyote were neighbors to each other. Thereupon he said to him, ‘‘Lend me a blanket, for my child has died. Lend mea blanket,” said Roasting- dead-people. ‘‘ I'll not lend you a blanket, for where are they going to be, if dead people come back?” said Coyote. And next door returned Roasting-dead-people, and buried his child that had died. Then, ’tis said, a long time elapsed. Now Coyote’s child became sick and died. Now next door he went to Roasting-dead-people. ‘‘Lend me a blanket, for my child has died.”—‘‘ What did you say?” Roasting-dead-people said that. ‘‘ Yesterday indeed when I did say to you, ‘Lend me a blanket,’ you, for your part, did say that to me, ‘Where will the people be, if they return?’ Now my child is rot- ting,” said Roasting-dead-people. So next door Coyote returned. *“Soa+!” he cried. For that reason people do not nowadays return when they die. 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 HOW A TAKELMA HOUSE WAS BUILT aplat wi'l!? kleméi.* bém* pla-idilo’"k‘,> eme’s’i®® honos? eople house they make it. Post they set it down, and here again ! p!a-idi‘lo’"k*, he’*me** hono’‘ p!a-idi‘lo’"k*, hagamgama'‘n® pia-idilo"k, theysetitdown, yonder again they set it down, in four places they setthemdown. he’‘ne?®? hono® hangili’p' gada‘k‘” hagamgama‘n, gada’‘k‘sif* — Then also they place(beams) on top thereof in four places, and on top thereof across | mii®xda’nhi™ hangili‘p’. he‘ne ya’*sif® wi'li s‘idibi’'** kleméi; just once they piace Then and just house its wall they make it; (beam) across, S5he'ne gada’k‘s‘i® mats!a‘k*” wili hela‘m,® t‘ga‘l’® ga?’ he*la’m then pes on top they putthem house boards, sugar-pine those boards ereo kleméi. gané* dak‘da’t’” datlaba‘k‘,? ha’*ya™ datlaba‘k*. gané cA make Andthen from on top they finishit, onbothsides theyfinishit. Andthen em. dedewili’dadi’s**> k!eméi dak‘dat‘s‘i’*”* daho’k‘wal” k!leméi k!iyi’x” door they makeit, and from on top holed they makeit smoke gana‘u*®® ba-i-gina’xdi*. ganés‘i®* ga’klan® kleméi, xa‘isgipli’- therein its going out. Andthen “ladder they makeit, they notch itin severa, 1 Bee note 39 of first text; § 86,2. yap/a is to be understood as subiect of all following finite verb forms. 2 § 86, 2; quantity of final vowel varies between -i and -2i. Directly precedes verb as object. 3 Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k/emé*n Type 3 I MAKE IT; §§ 63; 65. 4§ 86, 1; object of following verb. 5 pla-i- DOWN § 37, 13; di®- § 36, 10. 16’uk* third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb ]o’“gwatn Type 61 SET IT; §§ 63; 40, 6. § eme’® HERE § 104; -s*i€ enclitic particle § 114, 4. 7 Modal adverb § 118, 4. 8 § 104. 9 Numeral adverb from gamga’m FOUR § 111. 10 Temporal adverb § 113, 3. ll han- ACROSS § 37,1. -gili‘p* third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -giliba’én Type 3; §§ 63; 40, 3. 12 Postposition with force of independent local adverb § 96. 13 See note 12; -s"i® § 114, 4. 14 miit*zgda‘n numeral adverb ONCE § 111; -hi enclitie particle § 114, 2. 15 y@’a post-positive particle Just § 114, 1; -s-i® § 114, 4. 16 sidib- (HOUSE) WALL § 86, 3; -2’¢ third personal possessive form of noun-characteristic -i- §§ 89,3; 92 III. HOUSE ITS-WALL is regular periphrasis for HOUSE’S WALL. 17 Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb mats/aga’*n Type 31 PUTIT; §§ 63; 40, 3. 18 Noun stem heel- with nominal suffix -am dissimilated from -an §§ 87, 6; 21. wilit heela‘m is eom- pound noun § 88. 19 § 86, 1. Predicate appostive to heela‘m: THEY MAKE THOSE BOARDS OUT OF SUGAR-PINE. 20 Demonstrative pronoun of indifferent number modifying heela‘m § 104. 21 Temporal or connective adverb compounded of demonstrative ga and element -ni (?=7nee) of unknown meaning §§ 113, 2; 114 end. : 22 Adverb in -dat‘ from local element dak’- ABOVE § 112, 1. . 23 da- § 36, 2 end; -t/aba‘k‘ third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -t/abaga’*n Type 3 1 FINISH IT; §§ 63; 40,3. | 24 Local adverb § 113, 1. 2 dedewili'ida DOOR, local phrase with pre-positive de- IN FRONT OF and third personal possessive suffix -da § 93 end. -dz‘s postposition § 96 of unclear meaning here. 26 See note 22; -s-i€ § 114, 4. : 27 da- §107, 5; -ho’k‘wal adjective with suffix -al § 108, 2. 8 § 86, 3. 29 Postposition with k/iyt’r ba-igina’rdda § 96. 30 Third personal possessive form in -dda of infinitive ba-igina‘z. ba-i- OUT § 37, 12; gin- verb stem Type 2or11Go To § 40, 2, 11; -az infinitive suffix of intransitive verbs of class I § 74, 1. 41 See note 21; -s'i€ § 114, 4. 32§ 86, 2; suffix -n, §§ 21; 87, 6. Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—TAKELMA 295 sgap’,” gwelt'oai* gina’x® kleméi; wili s‘idibrsif** kleméi. gané places, downtotheearth going rey make house its wall and they py pnd it; it. en dat!aba‘k‘ ha‘it‘bi’xt‘bixik’¥.*7 gané lep!és* hahiwi’*k‘i,®* gana’t* *° they finish it all cleaned inside. And rush they spreadthem ofthat kind then mats out inside, di*! alxali* yap!a‘; p!ii* yoga’® 4 has‘s'd",* gas‘i®** alxaliyana’ *7 thereon they sit people; fire its place in the center, so that they being seated ha’*ya-pliya’.** gana‘ne’ x" “hop!é’'n © ‘yap!a‘a5* wi'll;? Jep‘ni’xa* on both sides of the n that way long ago people, for their house; in winter fire. their part, will’ gana‘t®*. sama’xas‘i®™ ana‘ne’x®™ alxali, a’ni®®* wi'li gana‘u.* 5 their of that But in summer inthis way theysit, not house therein house kind. gwa's*®® wili yaxa™® wit‘ge’ye*ki,® gas‘i° pli! yora™ k!leméi Brush house just they set it around, so that fire itsplace they makeit habini‘.* gana’nex sama’xa alxali, ani® lep‘ni’xa nat’ ® wi’li gana‘u. inthemiddle. Inthat way in summer they dwell, not in winter like house therein. 33 7d- § 36, 7b; -7- instrumental §36, 6; 1a@*7- with * to mark hiatus § 6. -sgip/isgap‘ third personal sub- ject, third personal object aorist of verb -sgip/isgibitn Type 13a 1 CUT IT UP TO PIECES iterative of verb -sg2’ ibitn Type 6; §§ 63; 40,13; 43,1. ; % Local phrase with pre-positive gwel DOWN TO § 95 and noun-characteristic -w § 89, 4; tga § 86, 1. 85 See note 30; infinitive used as noun § 74 end. 36 See note 16; -s'i€ § 114, 4. s‘if is appended to s‘idibi’i rather than wili, as wili s‘idibi’i is taken as unit. 87 ha- IN § 36, 11 b; -7- instrumental § 36, 6; hati-§ 6. -t'biizt‘biz-ik‘w passive participle with instru- mental -i- in -ik'w § 77 from verb -t'boxot'baz- Type 13a, verb stem -f‘bozt‘bar-; -t‘box- ablauted to -t‘biiz- § 31, 2; -tbaz- umlauted to -t‘biz- § 8, 3a. 38 § 86, 3. 39 ha- IN § 36, llb. -hiwii/utk'i = -hiwiivk!-hi § 19 end; third personal subiect, third personal object . aorist of instrumental verb -huww’uklitn Type 31 SPREAD (MAT) OUT § 64. 40 Compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and na‘t participle in -t' § 76 of verb nagai- Type 4a DO, BE, verb stem na-; see Appendix A. 41 Postposition § 96; gi- umlauted from ga- § 8, 4. 42 qgJ- § 36, 15b, here with uncertain force; -zrali third personal subject, third personal object aorist Type 1 in form, though intransitive in meaning § 67 footnote. 4 § 86, 1. “Third personal possessive of noun yog- (?) § 86, 1 with noun-characteristic -a § 92 TIT. FIRE ITS-PLACE is regular pariphrasis for FIRE’S PLACE. 45 Local phrase with pre-positive ha- IN; -s°6u §86, 1 does not seem otherwise to occur. | 46 Connective compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and enclitic particle -s-i¢ § 114,4- 47 Subordinate form of alzali, note 42; § 70 (see transitive paradigm). 48 Local phrase with pre-positive hd‘ya- ON BOTH SIDES OF and noun-characteristic -a § 95; -p/iy-a‘from | pit FIRE. 49 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative ga THAT and na‘ne‘x infinitive of verb na*nagai-, verb . stem na®na- §§ 69; 74,1; Appendix A. 2 60 Temporal adverb in -n § 112, 3. 51 yap/a see note 1; -£a deictic post-nominal element § 102 (people of long ago contrasted with those of to-day). 52 wilt or wilt’t third personal pronominal form § 92 III of noun wi’li HOUSE see note 2. PEOPLE THEIR- HOUSE regular periphrasis for PEOPLE’S HOUSE. Observe that predicate verb (third personal aorist of TO BE) is not expressed in this sentence. 63 Temporal adverb in -ra § 112, 2. 54 sama’za cf. note 53; -s-i€ § 114, 4. 55 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative stem a- THIS § 104 and na®ne‘z see note 49. 56 Negative adverb of aorist § 113, 3. 57 Postposition with wi’li § 96. 58§ 86,1. gwa’s wili BRUSH HOUSE form compound noun § 88. 69 Particle in -ra §$ 112, 2; 114, 9. 60 wi- §37, 8. -t'ge’yeetk'i = -t'geyeek!-hi §19 end; third personal subject, third personal object aorist of instrumental verb -t‘ge’yeeklitn Type 21 PUT IT AROUND § 64; -k/- petrified suffix § 42, 7. 61 Local adverb with pre-positive ha- IN §95, noun stem -bin- not freely occurring § 86, 1, and noun- characteristic -i § 89, 3. & Participle in -t' § 76; see note 40. 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 [Translation] The people are making a house. A post they set in the ground, and here again they set one in the ground, yonder again they set one in the ground, in four places they set them in the ground. Then also they place beams across on top in four places, and above (these) they put one across just once. And just then they make the house wall; and then on top they place the house boards, those they make out of sugar-pine lumber. Then they finish it on top, on either side they finish it. Then they make the door, and on top they make a hole for the going out of the smoke. And then they make a ladder, they notch out (a pole), for going down to the floor they make it; and the house wall they make. Then they finish it, all cleaned inside. Now rush mats they spread out inside, on such the people sit. The fireplace is in the center, so that they are seated on either side of the fire. In that way, indeed, was the house of the people long ago; in winter their house was such. But in summer they were sitting like now,! not in the house. Just a brush shelter they placed around, so that the fireplace they made in the middle. Thus they dwelt in summer, not as in winter in a house. 1 We were sitting out in the open when this text was dictated. COOS LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 297 | ‘ wv ‘f ‘ : ‘ ‘ d r te 2) ’ * fe i f. i i f aes ee aL ee eta ated een eee PMO) Uy thee orgs eet samen ear ee naa anne aaaerare 5 hdeaml aes ia MERI 5D ite Segreyrt Re ey analy S08 panei DHNAVATAOA Ae, a OF OMT Xu Ne ey te hate pny re Art pm - ae men ee ee SN A Oe ee ee Le ae gene CONTENTS RAE ia oh nas inp oa dat <5 on mS wabtele «bapa awe capone alae eee RISEN GT IBLOUY ns tame cass s aa schon bos o age eagaeeee see ae RI NI nol ae tn mn pee me aii wings ms wen eels & ER UMNOR CIS CT i aie Srna aaa args geo Sa ese ape oink gee SEG Ee 7b SF NCU Ras fede er OR ty a REN A ch PO TE POL 2 ama agar teins Merny eal A ape i erence ror: Ein eaCO GETTY ge ap Ss aly a a tl ae aces hgh RR cee Sete ee NONCUCULWH ae aan San calc cans Sos ae eee ae ale ace aeee ls TSS Ee gyi call allt pel tines SN oni aa se ah ee SEE ROR! TREN oo Sn a 5 aie sic an am ent eeg ap manes ae vs Re NS EMOREN(® BEPLETIIEIO 5 oc racine = ae a ae ie opiate b Dae § 8. Consonantization of i- and u- diphthongs ....-.....-.....-.-- EE ec Seo nie ham mais =x m caer tena ae aed age aioe Re 11 1S TI aa age aa aaa i er he I Ns a § 11. Processes due to change from terminal to medial position ---. Seti 1s. JOOREONADTLC PTOCCHEOS 6 gn a mone = ma odes haemp pins Ge ea ee ea me a Ze ie PR ye § 16. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes .-.....---..---------------- IE PEEE EDO 5 ois ons og ain hata Ra xan ono a ea ae Spee hewn a acan seen TCO i ne ee Hk ie i oe oi Vee Dae ae hams aes es BP Ei Ae MT ICLES EO CRO TEs one ae ope oe A eae anced aeanes Re AES RATA APS LIPCUNOEIS SS om om apn eerie ee sm 2 bis aig ays wets com eR a nad os cya m0< w 3) 0 Ss ee a sw Se 2 einai ae PRN RRL ss ete oe mie pita wine Caer macs ie TERRE RATAN Sle ee aa ce un cian cm ms ep hea oan gs a ae cel 107 TEETER sg PES lg Reng Gre eee il prin tee anel etait. BETES SP PEC ACCIENIIVO D> oom act oes See = ake cis a as aes Sega eee Retest LAC SLT =... oom remap ap dese cae qoneassaae= REPRO ee es ein ae yo oo canis eee aes ee ao he ee DRI ONO RRL ROMALRE 6 oc'5.5.5 5 cae cae 35K ae aes spp = cia uaiatncin eae AN EE SEO cas = ea eee aa a ie 3 Shale SOY Sey gia CETTE SBI TLR Ng al eR ERE RL i VT a aS SR ene ee a a CES A De et ARNON PII i en i i ay eee ew Se Be el. SUPRERNLVO BURUKES oo ic ne ab an do ee er ageie gn one Ree ELTON EIULUR OG. oo on 5 en ee ann oe nen megs apg? = = <4 BP SNM TPE OA Si er a cc cis ae on ara ee Fy Oe 4 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 §§ 17-95. Morphology—Continued Page §§ 25-80. Suffixes—Continued §§ 26-55. Verbal suffixes—Continued §§ 28-31. Intransitive sufixes—Continued § 30. Suffixes defining the subject -qzm, -xEm; -u; -€m.....- 332 § 81. Neutral -1, -€..cccccdecdietes. 2.22.22 oe 334 §§ 32-35. Semi-temporal suffixes .u.......-....-.-.-.2-tacceeen 335 § 82. Inchoative™+iee) JL 28 Jie... 25+ + toes ocean 335 § 33. Frequentatives -é*wa(t) -dUwa(t) ....------------------ 336 § 34. Frequentative causative -aétwat .........------.------ 337 § 35. Transitionals -iye, -1i8).-u......0..2.------ssaseeenee 338 $$ 36-43: “Modal suifixes oo 22 oi o2li0 i222. 252-2425 2ee ce 340 § 36: “Modal 6 sio ca eceee cencds lati cen. 3. oan 340 § 37. Distributives -né?, -ni; -Gni; -dyam; -waq ..-.---..----- 341 $$ 38-42: ‘The passive voice... i266 ici lois i 5. coe eee 343 § 38. Present passive 2... ci. ooo soe 343 § 39. Past passive -dyu, -étyu, -iyu --.------------------ _ 844 § 40. Passive yeqem 6.1.2.6 clic col. a) eee 344 § 41. Causative passive -eet, -el; -lyEm.......----------- 345 § 42. The passive participle -dya¥.............-.--.----- 347 § 43: The imperative... oc... ccecns os n5s->-sposqueeeeee 347 $5 44-45. Verbalizing sullixes ooo oo. co ok oe wigs oon = ee 349 § 44) Atixiliary -¢ (-@).0. sce. 0... 2-0 s 00 n¢-25e= ee 349 § 45. “Verbal --ent.o5. coccke ccoesasiceee cee 2 shee — 349 $5 46-50. .Pronominal suffixes. - 2.020006 25 0-2... \age ee 350 § 46. Transitive subject and object pronouns. -.....-.----.-- 350 5:47. “Transitive verbs in -Gy0 _.-...---5..<.-2+--9neae eee 352 § 48. Subject and object pronouns of verbs in -d@ya......---- 354 § 49. ‘Transitive verbs 1m -G. 22 0... 4.<-- 3... -cene sone eee 354 § 50. Verbs in -andya with direct and indirect object pronoun. 355 $9:51—-54, (Plural ‘formawons=--scse cass 2 aa aa a. 3s ee 356 § 51. General remarks... .2...2..5-.5.5.-+ 20 p gee 356 $52. Reflexive plural’-ulocloi2 0c lili cic il co eae 357 § 53. Causative passive plural -iyzm -.......--------------- 358 § 54. ‘Direct plural object -izz ..-..-..-....----ssneeen ae 358 § 55. Miscellaneous suffixes....-.. Vow eecedweas cose 359 §§ 56-80. Nominal suffixess: 222 sc .cc ooo S22 2 isk oa eae aoe ee 360 §§ 56-65. General nominalizing suffixes.............-.-.---.--- 360 $56; Nominal =i 25 cccceecces sc ecscesecc one ee 360 § 57. Nouns of quality in-zs, -tzs, -enis........-----+------- 361 $58. Nouns of location im -nm, 22.2. .25 2 --5-=---- 5 aeeeeeee 362 § 59. Verbal abstract -dwas, -nétwas .....------------------ 362 § 60.” Verbal nouns in’ -onts; =80 - 22 osc o e222 Soe ae 363 § 61. Nouns of quantity in-to. iio - ooo en cee 364 § 62. Nouns of agency in -ayawa, -eydwe, -iyawa....-.------ 364 § 63. Nominalizing suffix indicating place, -is.........----- 365 § 64. Nominalizing suffix indicating locality, -wme......---- 365 § 65. Terms of relationship in -Gte (-atc) .....-...----------- § 66. Suilixes -27,~1yke) WET scence oe nc os 4-8 3s 5 $$ 67-70. "Advérbial saffixé6si ico 2... o0- 5 oo a- scene eee § 67." Local and modal -6%¢, -10¢.. 2 oo oe te § 68. Local suffix, indicating motion, -eic...........----.--- § 69. Local. ia i) , 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLE.40 § 39. Past Passive -ayu, -éiyu, -iyu These suffixes are added directly to the verbal stem, which is inva- riably reduplicated. Stems ending in w, 7, m, and n, immediately pre- ceding these suffixes, appear with a glottal stop, no matter whether the stop is inherent in the stem or not (see §§ 81-82). mi qesga’yu the person was sga’ts he seized it 68.8 seized 10.4 it aac waiyu they were killed awit he killed them all 68.11 58.8 gawi/t’yu he was struck 96.14 «wz/ts he hit her 64.29 tso katt yulemin'sd’weia'lec na'ti'ts I slide it down now was slid down the lucky stake 94.3 kwilkwé'léeyu le hata'yims nkwili'yat I roll it down a’lec was rolled down the money stake 92.11 a yu kwitkwd'yu surely it was nikwa'at I cut it off cut off 76.15 yEayiwentcene” yu it was gath- yixa'ntcpts she gathered up 60.3 ered up 84.16 hemhémé” yu it was brought hemi’yat she took it out 62.23 out § 40. Passive -iyeqrm This suffix is composed of the transitional -tye (see § 35) and the generic -gzem (see § 30). It serves a triple purpose, according to the manner in which it is suffixed to the verbal stem. (1) When suffixed to the bare stem, it expresses a verbal conception of a continued character, which may best be rendered by the passive voice. This rendering is due largely to the fact that the -tye-element of the suflix predominates in these cases. lo"*t- to watch lowiti' yegem he is watched 40.26 kwina- to see lin kwind’yegem hant we shall be seen 30.238, 24 | wil- to look for go's gante wili’yeqem everywhere . | she is looked for 56.1, 2 ; tgantts he strikes it 28.1 teganii yeqem awa’ lwalyste she is — continually struck with a knife 80.5 §§ 39-40 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CcCoo0s 845 The verbal stem is often reduplicated in order to bring out more clearly the passive idea and the idea of continuation (see § 82). when that was being bought their food 88.13, 14 méintc- to ask miteminict yeqem xtcr'ted ye tlu- we'*tcis he is being asked con- ) tinually, ‘‘What do you think about it?” 70.9 L6"x- to club nk inete Lo“eLo'ewi'yegem with sticks she is being struck con- tinually 80.6 (2) When preceded by the transitive suffix -t (see § 26), it denotes an intransitive action, of which the person spoken of is the object. Hence it was sometimes rendered by the reflexive. q e phe A aA L0"- to buy 4 la” LO“LO"wi' yegem lett wix't lis f ; J 4 da tidjiti’yequm when they two are fighting 122.25 tsd sdwiti’'yegrm he ga'yis now it is changing, the weather ts0 lowit?'yegum now he took care of himself 66.3 (3) When preceded by the verbal suffix -enz (see § 45), it denotes a continued action, the subject of which is not intimately known to the speaker. hitcit! story 20.1 wind) hitet!/ent'yeqem that way they are telling the story44.14,15 skw- to inform, to tell la“ skweyeni'yequem le te!wiit they are talking about the fire 38.5, 6 § 41. Causative Passive -eet, -et; -lyEm -eet expresses the passive voice of causative concepts. It is suf- fixed to the verbal stem. The object that is caused to perform the action is always in the singular. The suffix -iyzm is used for plural ‘objects (see § 53). This suffix may best be rendered by TO BE CAUSED to. When suffixed to stems with a-vowels, it changes to -aat (see § 7). qa wae L!e' et le ta e k“idtc high up was their (dual) father (literally, was caused to be high up; z/a- to be in an upright position) . 22.1 held résite suné et hr di lot in a corner hidden was the young man (literally, was caused to be hidden; szn- to hide) 24.12 ga’ ytsute ts*né et lz k/& to the sky was stretched out the rope (tsn- to stretch) 28.20 § 41 PUNE vit 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (pune. 40 vaya na La kito' wit tana’at old dog-salmon only he saw washed ashore (penzd'wae ta'ntan whale came ashore) 130.3 a’'yu tclild et tz tc/wdt surely it was burning, that fire (literally, was caused to burn; pfc/2lt’yat I kindle the fire) 38.8 t/nowa'at nkt' Lots lz te/¢’lz open I found the door (literally, caused to be open I found the door; 1/nd"- to open) x'ne'et he is on top (nxtni'yat I put it on top) 10.1 nta’at I was carried away (literally, caused to go; nla I go) In certain instances this passive causative idea is not so apparent, owing, perhaps, to the fact that the verbal stem can not be analyzed. a’yu L/le’et surely he kept his eyes shut 17.3 wind) Lowe’ et telinne’tte that way it is eaten among us 130.11 Unizx hewe'et Lowa'kats alone it was supposed she lived 60,10,11 -et. This suffix is always preceded by the transitive -¢ or -és. Under the influence of the a-yowels of the stem, it changes to -at (see § 7). go's dit tar'**tset everything was started (literally, caused to go [start]; nta I go) 12.7 wiap he'mtset water was laid bare 42.8 yuwe g™ to" tset he lakwetc whenever it got caught on a limb (lit- erally, was caused to hang on a limb) 46.24 tsi’yuxwite pi'lstat to pieces (the tree) was smashed (literally, was caused to smash to pieces) 124.14 héhats t/no“ tat lz tc/v’lz suddenly came open a Wire (literally, was caused to open [itself]) 62.5 tele etc sto gtset hat to’méz ashore was put that old man (literally, caused to stand [up] on the shore) 32.4, 5 In certain cases the passive idea is hardly recognizable. g'?’mtset it commenced to rain 42.9 &ha'k“tat you were left 62.20 qu lyeg ha'lisat salmon came into the river 34.13 Lay zta't he became hungry 32.9 Low? tat she ran (literally, was Lowa hai lz di'lot wasrunning caused to run [?]) 56.9 the young man 78.27 | la¥ hant tx c¥a'lctet these two awind) ca’ lcit lax tloxgat’n shall work 68.26 that way doctors him the medicine-man (literally, works on him) 128.16, 17 § 41 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 847 § 42. The Past Participle -ayau The past participle is formed by means of the suflix -a@ya" added directly to the transitive or intransitive stems. te/pa'ya" k/a braided ropes ntc!/pat 1 braid it 44,22 ita’ya" & a painted face 10.3 niti’ts I paint it gleté tetcLa’ Ga" k /“hi'lé (with) ntct’ctt I split it split pitch-wood she lighted them 84.1 xd! *pute L®Gn lete/la'Ga" into te/lis dry 166.2 the water go down the dried 4 (salmon) 36.18 | hemisa'ya" enlarged hémis big 50.17 2 § 43. The Imperative The imperative of transitive verbs is expressed by means of suffixes added directly to the verbal stem, or, more frequently, following the transitive suffixes. Intransitive verbs, with the exception of a few stems indicating motion or ideas like TO HEAR, TO LISTEN, have no special suffixes. The imperative of such verbs is brought out by the (prefixed) pronouns of the second persons singular, dual or plural. wle'ite &xi/dts with it speak! 16.5 ét#@qga wake up! 68.18 ciné Lo“g you (pl.) get up! 30.19 Eali’cant you play! 60.21 The following are the imperative suffixes in Coos: -E. It follows the transitive suffixes -¢, -ts, and expresses, beside the imperative idea, the presence of the object of the verb. The causative verbs in -tyat, and frequentatives in -é’wat and -0"wat, lose their final (transitive) -¢ when followed by the imperative suffix. It very often changes the broad a-vowels of the stem into e-vowels (see § 7). k/wi'ntze shoot it 13.3 cin sits’ ntz le wi'ngas hi“ mik’ you go and see the Old-Spider- Woman! 64.12, 13 té tc q/mitsz this you two eat! 120.16. ic hemi'yz you two bring him out! (literally, cause him to come out!) 24.10 §§ 42-43 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY cine’ tgalt'yz you wake up! 122.4 tci cin LJe'ynten ke'ta there you put this my hand! 80.19 kwin te tsve'we let us quickly kill him! 68.3 sgaiLto’weE stick itin a crack! té' 1 Lo“ we this you must eat! LO ni'cite xa%p ha” we in ita little water have! 68.17, 18 [BULL. 40 tqga@’'lis sun 24.4 t/avyat she put it 72.11 niscat’wat I kill him 26.22 . nsqarLtto’ wat I stick it into a crack Lowe wat she is eating it 24.5, 6 te ha“we'wat you two have him 128.9 -én expresses, besides the imperative, the absence of the object of the action. tohitsén you must hit! Lowén eat! 28.26 gvkwa qa'nas te t'altsin a little closer to the fire you two dance! 82.19 -Ex, -Eq, suffixed toa few stems, expressing MOTION, or ideas like To HEAR, TO CLOSE ONE’S EYES, etc. ék/a'yrx temi’st listen, O grandson! 114.7 tsta't tc/o” wee here you must lie down! 126.20, 21 L/le’e t shut your eyes! 16.9 cin ta’ nx you (pl.) go! 30.23 hamit the’'teg (you) may take a rest! -7t suffixed to verbs that are transitivized by means of the transitive suflix -dya (see § 47). tex tatsa’'ya they two went to get him 20.14, 15 to“*ta’/ ya he watches it 92.3 ta'tsit e&pkhak: go and get your grandfather! 28.19 to“’“tit_ye®tet watch yourself! 74.3 in dowa’tt don’t desire it! dowa'ya he wants it 92.12 -Em expresses, besides the direct object, the indirect object of the first person. It is hence suffixed to verbal stems expressing ideas like To Give, TO MAKE. It is highly probable that this suffix may be an abbreviated form of the pronominal -dmni (see § 46). § 43 goas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 349 p*si'k: @tsem a cup give me! 68.17 tsa’ yuat kwa' var &ha”’*tsem a small bow make me! 60.14, 15 mitaa'nem L t%’mad lunch make me, you must, O grandmother! (mi’tax lunch) 114.5 -Ets. This suffix expresses a command involving the second person as the actor, and the first person as the object of the action. From a purely morphological standpoint, it is a modified form of the pronominal suffix -dis (see § 46). ten ngatgar'L yiauxewe'is by this my belt you hold me! 54.12 tcit taz’ts teha’*tst there take me, O granddaughter! 80.14 Compare &tsak*inta'ts hanz you shall help me 80.16 In addition to these suffixes, the Coos language very often empha- sizes the imperative idea by means of the particle z (see $ 92). VERBALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 44-45) § 44. Auxiliary -e (-q@) This suffix exercises the function of our auxiliary verb To BE. The noun to which it is suffixed invariably takes the adverbial prefix n- WITH (see § 21). The phrase thus obtained expresses the idea to HAVE. This suffix is always changed to -a whenever added to a stem having an a-vyowel (see § 7). nt/*ct’ta"we lz mi'lag flint points have the arrows (literally, with flint points [are] the arrows; ¢/¥ci’ta” flint point) 62.27 nur’ tine lé k" hi’ yeg bloody are his excrements (wi'tin blood) 20.6, 7 nk“ma' wa le ci't/&é horns had the pet (literally, with horns was the pet; k“ma@’a horn) 88.7, 8 nant ma telpa'ga" nk!a' ha many people have braided ropes (liter- ally, braided with ropes [are]; 4!@ rope) 46.8, 9 It very often transforms nouns into intransitive verbs without the aid of the prefix n-. In such cases the -a form of this suffix is mostly used. . wba'ltidj la” klwisé’sa from the west it blew (k!wd’sts wind) 52.4. 5 nkwaatt’sa I dream (kwaa'tis a dream) we y*tcite la” alt’sa clear around him (he put) slime (zis slime) 128.18 § 45. Verbal -ent This suffix expresses the idea TO DO, TO MAKE SOMETHING. It is usually suffixed to nouns and to verbal stems that do- not imply an §§ 44-45 q 350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putn.40 active, transitive action. This suffix is changed to -ant whenever added to stems having an a-vowel (see § 7). npLipdwise'nt Iam making a hat (prpd’wis hat) nytad' weeent I am making a house (yiadé’wex house) nkwa'carant Tam making a bow (kwa’wat bow) Elaqa“wiya' tant you tell a story (Lega“wiya'tas story) 38.13, 14 ghitcitle’ nt I tell a story (Ad’tcit! story) wind) tcinehe'nt that way he is thinking (écin[e]- to think) 40.14, 15 tst k“ ic hewese'nt merely perhaps you two are lying (he’wes a lie) 28.13, 14 dt alt’cani they play (a’lze toy) 30.25 gawenise' ni Unuwi he got mad very much 98.28 it ya@'lant they were saying 76.17; tz hd’nis ya'la ma those (who) talk Coos (literally, those 4a@’nts [Coos] talker-people) 50.3 awindje'nt that way she was doing it (awéndj that way [modal]) 164.6 PRONOMINAL SUFFEIXES (§§ 46-50) § 46. Transitive Subject and Object Pronouns The Coos pronouns expressing both subject and object of a transi- tive verb are, morphologically speaking, suffixes added to verbal stems, or to stems that have been verbalized by means of some transi- tive suffix. The transitive suffixes may, liowever, be omitted, as the mere addition of these pronominal suffixes is sufficient to transform an intransitive stem into a transitive verb. These suffixes occur in four different forms, expressing the first, second, and third person as subject, and the first and second persons as object, of the action, regardless of number. First person subject—second person object (sing., dual, plural) -amt Second person subject—first person object (sing., dual, plural) -as Third person subject -, -# Third person object—first, second, third person subject, no suffix. Since these suffixes are frequently preceded by the emphatic or abbreviated forms of the personal pronouns (see §§ 18, 96), the pho- netic unit expressing the combined pronouns may be said to consist of the following elements: (1) Personal pronoun for the subject. (2) Personal pronoun for the object. § 46 ~ poas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS oo. (3) Verbal stem. | (4) Suffixed form of the combined pronoun. . The following peculiarities in the manner of expressing the transi- tive subject and object pronouns are noteworthy: (1) The forms having the third persons as object indicate the subject by the pronouns 7 for the first persons, & for the second (see § 18), regardless of number. (2) The form expressing the second singular subject and the first singular object uses for its pronominal prefix the second singular ¢é*. (3) All other forms indicate the object by prefixing. the personal pronouns according to number. (4) The pronominal prefixes expressing the subject occur in singular form regardless of the actual number that is to be indicated (see § 96). The following is a complete table showing the formation of the combined pronouns for the different persons: TNT Dro, Toms He, They Two, They & -dis n- U n-it Me ’ Thee é- -ami et e&-il | Him p- od. bbs -294 ea -Loniawy ee b., Us (Incl) (Dual) ae is-i is-2t ; Us (Excl) (Dual) xrwin-dis rwin-h xwin-it ; You (Dual) tc-- ami te-% te -it Them (Dual) tien--- | tee--- | ta - Ux - Us tin-dis tin ~% tin -i You cin-ami cin -% cin -it Them il p--- it € - = i= - ut - .The personal pronouns are usually omitted for singular subjects. They always occur, however, when the subject is dual or plural. ne xkan wind) &dlta’mt I that way told you 17.2 Emuatitsa’mt I (want to) feel of you 72.10 élaa’ mit I take you along nto hits I hit it 64.5 éto' hits you hit it 20.19 to’ hits he hit him (or it) 20.19 nto’ hitsi me he hit eto hitst thee he hit cin kwina’tt you he sees cwin &prita'mt hant we two thee will take home 126.19, 20 tin &sitst'nta’mi we thee (came to) see 130.19, 20 § 46 352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Faun. 40 The personal pronouns for the objective third persons dual and plural always precede the subjective pronouns. de nto’ hits them two I hit it to’ hits them you hit The suffixes for the combined pronouns are added either directly to the bare verbal stem or to the verb amplified by the transitive -¢ and -ts. This double system of adding the suffixes for the combined pro- nouns to the verb serves as a means of differentiating the duration of the action indicated by the verb. The bare verbal stem amplified by the pronominal suffixes denotes an action that has been performed more than once, or that has not yet been completed; while the verbs to which the pronominal suffixes are added after the transitive suffixes indicate actions that have been performed only once, or that are com- pleted. The same purpose is served by the double forms of the com- bined pronoun having the third person as its subject. The suffix -i is always added to the verbal stem; while -w% is suffixed to the stem, in addition to the transitive suffixes. It must be understood, however, that this interpretation of the double system of adding the combined pronominal suffixes does not apply to each individual case. Verbs with the pronominal suffixes added to the bare stem are frequently employed to denote past, completed actions, and vice versa. ne xkan ewila’mt I am look- Ewtluwita’mt I have looked ing for you for you Ewiwind’mt I am cheating Ewrntsa’mt I have cheated you you &k/wind'ts you were shooting &k!/winta’ts you took a shot at me at me ésg@'is you were seizing me ésqatsa'ts you seized me nk!/wi'nit he was shooting at nk/wi'ntti he shot at me me The imperative transitive pronouns have been described in § 43. They are -zm TO ME, -zis ME. § 47. Transitive Verbs in -aya Language in general has a number of verbal ideas, which, strictly speaking, do not imply any actions on the part of the subject; or de- | note actions, that, while intransitive, may be performed for the benefit of 4 or in connection with a certain given object. Verbs like To KNOW, TO : UNDERSTAND, TO DESIRE, TO BELIEVE, TO WATCH, TO BE AFRAID, etc., — *§ 47 } Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 353 express ideas that are not real actions, but which may be used as such in connection with some object. Thus, I may KNow HIM, UNDERSTAND THEM, DESIRE IT, BELIEVE HER, WATCH MYSELF, etc. On the other hand, verbs like TO GO, TO RUN away, etc., express intransitive actions that may be performed in connection with a given object. Thus it is possible TO GO To HIM, TO RUN AWAY FROM ME, etc. Coos treats the stems expressing such ideas as intransitive verbs, which do not take any of the transitive suffixes; but since these intransitive verbs may, without the aid of any additional grammatical device, become transitive, and imply the existence of an object (which is usually that of the third person), there is a special suffix -dya which indicates the (mental) process described above. This suffix, always added to the bare verbal stem, denotes an intransitive action that has become transitive by being used in connection with the third person object. It may therefore be called the ‘‘pronominal suffix,” ex- pressing, besides the subject, the third person object of an intransi- tive verb. ta algsa'ya they twoareafraid a’lgas fear 66.4 of it 7.5 ndowa'ya I want her 70.6 tsivtt’ §=dd’wa wu'txe ti'ye pi'yate here wants to come back thy uncle 122.15 nEga'ya he ran away from it neq he ran away 100.16 42.4 nenata'ya | am riding (a x'ne'et he is on top 10.1 horse) 1ga' ya lex swat believed it the tq- to believe grizzly bear 94.25 mitsist'ya she knows it 60.1 mi'tsis wise 132.6 in kwaa’niya (they) did not kwadn- to know know it 86.12 tatsa’ya he went after it 94.7 ta he went 22.18 to"*ta' ya he watched it 94.6 tov*t- to watch it Lo"kwa’ya he x/ta they e&Lo"k” you sit down! 38.22 occupy the country 44.21 The plurality of the object is expressed by the affixed numerical particle hzma atu (§ 109), or by the separate suffix -itzx (§ 54). nto“*ta' ya he'ma I watch them all The imperative of this form has the suffix -7¢ (see § 43). 3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 23 § 47 354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 48. Subject and Object Pronouns of Verbs in -aya The corresponding suffixes for the above discussed verbs, express- ing, besides the object, also the subject of the first, second, or third person, are etymologically related to the suffixes treated on p. 351. They appear, however, in such changed form, that they require separate discussion. These forms are -— I, We Two, We | Thou, Ye Two, Ye| #®& They, We Me - e&-yExtais n-y Ext Thee é&-yExtami - ef-yExtii Him - - — They are suffixed directly to the verbal stem. Edowa'yzxta’mi thee I want elo*tiyexta’ mi of thee I take care elotiyrata’is you take care of me 86.20 nkwee niyexti me he knows dowd’ yextu thee he wants The etymology of the first element in these suffixes (-yzzt-) is quite obscure. It may be suggested that -yzx- is the adjectival suffix (see § 66), and -¢ the transitive (see § 26), although we are no longer able to understand the psychological principles underlying this peculiar formation. § 49. Transitive Verbs in -a@ This suffix is preceded by the transitive suffixes. Its function is varied. It may have expressed originally the indirect object; but verbal ideas requiring both a direct and an indirect object are very few in number in the Coos language, and the functional scope of this suffix is much wider now, permitting its use for other purposes. Thus it is very frequently suffixed to transitive verbs where the object of the action is actually expressed, and not merely understood; and it is often, but not as a rule, used as a suffix denoting plurality of the object. The most plausible suggestion that can be offered in explanation of this suffix is that it may denote an action performed upon an object that possesses another object. At any rate, there can be no doubt that the predominating function of this suffix is that of a special characterization of the pronominal object. §§ 48-49 —BOAS] nmitaa’'na I made lunch for him @isa he gave it to him 28.7 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS O55 mi'tax lunch 28.15 dts- to give tetc c£alcta'trxa clothes he made for (his child) 108.5 kwind’ was si'*'t#tsa smoke he scented 22.23 kwa' wat ha'*tsa le temi'snéte a bow she made for her grandson 112.25, 26 a'yu t/ha'tsa lé tetc surely (he) put on his clothes 28.23 Af. = hats yi xé pe’ nita le tsi’yen nearly he tore off one handle 30.4 pita le mé ad’wit he took to his house the people (pl.) whom he killed 112.11 Ewutaa’ta liye wmac tex pkak* you (should) take home, thy grandmother them two (and) grandfather 68.26 a ni’ lExtsa at them I looked usqa'tsa lz quwat's I seized the boards thiwa yieu'awa fern roots she had 64.14, 15 wutaayat li pki’kate he brought home his grand- father 70.2 ni’ lwats I looked at him nsqats le quwar's I seized the board hi'nt yiauawé’ wat there he was holding it 64.3, 4 Compare, on the other hand, tc/wa'tete t/ctts into the fire he shoved it 32.24 tc/wa'tetc t/ci’tsa into the fire he shoved it (no object is ‘actually expressed here) 32.26 or yt ewe wutear'yat he tcd’xicox two he brought home the rabbits pokwi'lné té'lgats opposite each other he set (them) down 112.12 § 50. Verbs in -andya with Direct and Indirect Object Pronoun This suffix is composed of two suffixes, -en2 (see § 45) and -aya (see § 47). The broad a-vowel of the second suffix effects the retro- gressive assimilation of the -enz into -anz, and the final vowel of -enz coalesces with the initial of -dya into a long @ (see § 7). It may best be rendered by TO DO, TO MAKE SOMETHING OUT OF SOMETHING. nkwixatand'ya 1 am making a bow out of it (kwa'xaz bow) nyixdweaand'ya I build houses out of it (yivd' weer house) la" k!weniyawand' ya lz qa'lyey he is making a supply out of the salmon (4/we'niya" supply) 34.24 § 50 2 eee 3856 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 yantawe art &ga"wenisa'naya whenever something you will get mad at (ga"wentse’n? he got mad) 16.4 la" hant él nuwand’ya at that thing you shall pull (ww? very) 72.2 it wa'lwalana'ya they (would) make knives out of it (wa'lwal knife) 136.14, 15 The a-vowels of this suffix very often change the e-vowels of the stem to which they are suffixed into an a (see § 7). xa/nana'ya he made him feel sorry for it (aé’nis sick) 42.18 npipa’ wisana'ya I made a hat out of it (prpa’wis hat) Whenever suffixed to reduplicated stems, this suffix is changed to -onayd. aga'lgsona'ya la a@’la he became afraid of his child (a’lgas fear) 28.24, 25 mitsma'tsona’ya lex di’lot he became acquainted with him, the young man (mi’tsis wise) 116.1 qgar*qa'yona'ya he became afraid of it (nga'yats I am frightened [I fear]) 42.3 PLURAL FORMATIONS (§§ 51-54) § 51. General Remarks The question of plurality, as exhibited in the verbs, is, compara- tively speaking, a complicated matter. The chief difficulty arises from the fact that Coos accords'a different treatment to transitive and intransitive verbs, and that the phenomena connected with plural formation are by no means of a uniform character. As in most other American languages, the Coos intransitive verbs express plurality of subject, while stems expressing transitive concepts distinguish between actions relating to a singular object and those relating to plural objects. Asa rule, plurality of the subject of verbal ideas is not indicated. One and the same stem is used in the singularand plural alike. There are, however, a few verbal concepts that express such a plurality by means of different stems. While this question ought to be more properly treated under the heading ‘“‘ Vocabulary,” it may neverthe- less be found useful to give here a few examples of such different stems. . § 51 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 857 Singular Plural ttsém 26.20 ne'tst T4.1 to do yicu'me 10.3 yuwt tit, yuwat- 12.6 to travel tsxti 28.12 ha'yati 58.19, 20 to lie ga' gat 40.2 tst'msimt T4.1 to sleep ane 't- ‘74.30 ewaitt- 22.17 to fly, to jump leqa” we 42.18 ége 84.14 to die L/G-, 14.6 ya'la- 50.3 to speak Lowa’ kats, 38.10 tila’ gai 36.11, kwee'ti 50.7 to sit, to live On the other hand, there are a few stems that seem to express singularity or plurality of subject by means of a grammatical process the history of which is not clear. This process may be said to consist in the change of the vowel connecting the suffix with the stem. . Singular Plural é&tc/a’at you walk 120.18 it te/a’it they walk nea’ yat I am whittling it xa’yit they are whittling nt‘a'lats I dance tcé t'a’lit you two dance 82.18 nut'nat I wade out it wi/nit they wade out This process is the more puzzling, as it also seems to be used for the purpose of distinguishing between duration of action (see § 26). It is quite conceivable that there may be an etymological relation between these two phenomena, and that the phonetic similarity exhib- ited by them is more than accidental. § 52. Reflexive Plural -t In a number of cases intransitive verbs indicate plurality of subject by means of a suffix which is phonetically different from the suffix expressing the corresponding singular idea. This is especially true in the case of the suffix -gum, -xzm (see § 30). This suffix is applied to singular subjects only, while the same idea for plural subjects is expressed by means of the suffix -%, which is always preceded by the transitive -¢ or -és. Singular Plural the tqgem it is resting 88.16 it the’ tu they are resting nwe'lextxem I went to bed ic& we'lextti you two go to bed 82.13 Lo” k“tsxem I sat down ti’ l£qtsu% (they) sat down 22.15 nhwe et=tsexm I settled down itkwe'et#tsti they settled down 48.5 nsin'tezm I hide myself it stn’té they hide themselves § 52 358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY § 53. Causative Passive Plural -iyEm [BULL. 40 The same principle is applied to intransitive verbs expressing pas- sive causative ideas. Singular subjects are expressed by means of the suffix -eet (see p. 345), while plurality of the subject is indicated by the suflix -tyzm. The most perplexing problem connected with this suffix is the fact that its initial 7 disappears before u-diphthongs with- out changing the w of the diphthong into a consonantic w (see § 8). SLn- dex st~ni'yat they two hide him (caus.) 24.9 xv EN- neini'yat I put it on top lem- te lemi’yat they two set it up 8.10 g"tor- ng tow yat I hang it up (x)n0'we, right 44.9 L/a- to be on something it t/atyat they put it on 80.20 Singular sine et 24.12 xne’et 10.1 leme et 90.18 g"towe' et 46.27 nowe' et Lieet 29.1 Plural SLNVyEM xn yEM. lem yam g"to’ yum 84.15 nou'yEm 44,22 L/e'yEm 144.4 § 54. Direct Plural Object -ttrx The idea of plurality of objects in transitive verbs is not clearly developed. The treatment accorded to the different stems is so irregu- lar that no definite rules can be formulated. The majority of stems make no distinction between singular and plural objects, and occur in one form only. Other stems have different forms for the singular and plural; e. g., éswa"“- TO KILL ONE, @iw- TO KILL MANY, la- TO © PUT IN ONE, x'L/6"- TO PUT IN MANY, etc.; while a number of stems seem to express plurality of object by means of the affixed numeral particle hema (see § 109), or by means of the suffix -itza. This suffix expresses the plural third person object, and may be add- ed directly to the verbal stem, or after the transitive suffixes -t, -és. wut’ tsxit cima'itex (many) deer he pulled 88.12 a'yu ut Lana'itex surely they headed them off 56.16 hats Lowe’ entc la“ taav’ tex just all (wholly) she dragged them 80.9 §§ 538-54 ‘ | AN 19 Ve RAR ty) HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 359 § 55. MISCELLANEOUS SUFFIXES While the functions of the verbal suffixes discussed in the preced- ing pages are clear, and could be described fairly accurately, there are a few others that appear only now and then, and express ideas of a varying character. It is possible that these suffixes may repre- sent the petrified remnants of grammatical formations that have become obliterated in the course of time. The following is a list of these suffixes: -a. This suffix seems to express in a number of instances our infini- tive idea. iné’ wat xwi’tsxtit he is habit- tn’ta ehe lz dé’mét hunting (had) ually hunting deer gone the man 108.9 helmi’ his aso' ta tn’ ta next day again he went hunting 110.10 staga’é'wat she is bathing yiwve'n sza'ga ta once bathing she him (caus.) 60.6 went (literally, to bathe) 84.24 In a few cases it has been found suffixed to neutral stems, and seems to denote impersonal actions. log"- to boil logu’qwa lz s*at/ was boiling the pitch 102.11 kwind'was smoke 22.23 in kwi'na not it smokes 110.14 It is possible that this suffix may have the identical function with the -a (or -e) suffixed to the modal adverbs (see § 106), and it may consequently be related to the auxiliary -e (see § 44). -€. Iam ata loss to detect the exact nature of this suffix and its etymological connection with any of the other suffixes. In the few instances in which it occurs, it was rendered by the passive, or else as an abstract verbal noun. k'tto'wit she saw him 54.2 a’yu k'tto'we 4 la” dj surely it was — seen as it was coming 52.7, 8 kt'10"ts he found it 32.10 la tx’ k*’ te her canoe was found 54.19 hé'wi he grew up 64.12 tat ha” we it grew up (literally, goes its growth) 20.16 k/a'lat he shouted (at it) 36.7 a wi nk-ele I quit shouting (lit- erally, the shouts) mi’ lat he swam 30.7 a'wi &mi'le stop swimming (liter- ally, finish your swimming) § 55 860 =AnNU. both of them the infinitive. suffix -ent (see § 45). yu'weLt a pack 70.22 alae toy 92.10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 This suffix occurs in two instances only, and expresses in It seems to be related to the verbal la" yu"'te'nu he (went out in or- der) to pack (enw > anu [see § 7]) 162.25 mé he'lag tct alt’canu people came there (in order) to play 90.26 -«m occurs very rarely, and seems to denote the absence of the object of an action. q/mits he eats it 32.9 Lo¥- to eat 17.2 hats hant &q/a'mtsam just will you eat 42.23, 24 la¥ tsiv he Lo’wiyam she usually here eats 24.4, 5 Nominal Suffixes (S$ 56-80) GENERAL NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES (§§ 56-65) § 56. Nominal -is This suffix may be said to have a general nominalizing function. It is found suflixed to a great number of stems, and expresses general nominal ideas, including many of our adjectival terms. For a discus- sion of its etymological nature, see General Remarks, § 25. ha’wi he grew up 64.12 sto“q he stood 20.4 L/dis he spoke 16.2 tluwe'*tcis heart 5.3 wiax't' lis food 14.7 hele'yis salmon-roe 34.27 hi“'mis woman 24.6 baltt’mis ocean 6.2 pi lik-ts anus 40.7 porkwis slave pipé'wis hat 136.14 tama'tis custom, fashion 19.8 tg@’lés sun 24.2 sik'e’®kis shield 28.7 tskwa’*xis fir-tree 9.2 tcéne’ nis edge 22.15 g'ilo'mis breakers 8.1 § 56 hd’wis ready 5.4 stowa' quis wall 90.18. L/é'yis language 16.1 kvele'tis corner 58.13 ktna’wis laziness 34.17 (k't'nwis lazy) kwdyé ts ridge, mountain 22.13 kwd' sis ball 38.19 kwi' nis feather 26.21 k/wéai' sts wind 22.11 ga'yis day, sky, world 6.1 gav'nés mouth of river 58.1 g’ma'tés fish-basket 36.7 zvala’wis heat 24.9 la’*ris mud 52.10 ltce'ts ocean beach 7.11 toa’ lis sand beach 58.1 t Boas] he'mis large 14.5 hii'wis poor 42.5 puis heavy mi'tsis wise 132.6 t#ga" tis solid 7.6 te/ici' lis sweet 32.27 te/lis dry 166.2 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 361 kt'nwis lazy kat'e'mis five 5.4 x't'lwis deep xa'lwis hot 24.6 avié'nis sick 42.18 Le’ mis raw 32.23 § 57. Nouns of Quality in -Es, -tEs; -enis -Es, -tEs. This suffix changes adjectives (or adverbs) into abstract nouns. tween the two suflixes. hémis big 14.5 né*nt much, many 50.13 nga’na Lam cold he’ ntye a while 38,15 hethé'te rich 26.2 paa- to fill 15.7 éhente far 26.23 gat long k/le'es black 162.13 gat below 36.11 No explanation can be given for the phonetic difference be- hats kwa wx'nek* hemi'stzs hz 2 owa'yas the snake was just as big as a hair (literally, just like a hair [is] the size [of] the snake) 86.2 in kwee' niyém tse’ ts he tt na” ntzs no one knew how many they were (literally, not knew they how [was] their quantity) 78.2 againe’rs ka%s tsxaii’wat cold nearly killed him 32.7 ta” heni'yers qyixu'me (for) such length of time I travel 26.9 hethe' ters wealth ta i paa'wes hr xi%p the water reached its full mark (literally, goes its fullness [of] the water) 44,19 ehe'ntczes distance 52.16 ga’ Ltrs length k/lé estzs black color gates, the lower part, half 16.10 -enis transforms adjectives expressing sensations and emotions into abstract nouns. cin tgayouare hungry 70.12 ge’ net he got angry 32.25 té xwin aya tage'nis these we two died from hunger (literally, these we two [are] hunger-dead) 36.13, 14 ga"we'nis anger, wrath 16.4 § 57 Ph ad 362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 58. Nouns of Location in -zm This suffix expresses the abstract conception of a local idea. It is suffixed to adverbs only, and is (with one exception) preceded by the adverbial suffix -éc. It may best be rendered by THE PART OF, THE SIDE OF. lexa'tca kwi'nait inside he Jlewa'tcnmhanz yqa'qat inthe inside looked 62.6 (part of my eye) will I sleep 40.2 heyiad' wrx lzxa'term of the house the inside (part) yigantce’wite backwards 32.13 prnid’wai yiga'nicem dji a whale behind it was coming 88.22 wla before, first 56.9 a ktto'wit ila’ hatcem adi they saw it in front coming 88.5 le'wt &% tla’ hatcem dowa’ya lié &- nite he liked his mother best (literally, it is [as] his first[-ness] he likes his mother) 120.19, 20 gat below 36.11 vwind) yalant le ma& ga'tum tila'gat that way are talking the people (who on the) lower part (of the river) live 66.12 § 59. Verbal Abstract -awas, -nziwas -@was changes the verb into a noun. It expresses the abstract concept of a verbal idea. If the verb expresses an active, transi- tive idea, it is suffixed to the bare stem, while in intransitive verbs it is preceded by the intransitive suffix -en? (see p. 349). In such cases the final vowel of the transitive suffix disappears, and the a-vowel of -dwas effects the retrogressive assimilation of the stem-vowels and suffix-vowels (see § 7). c¥a'lctet he is working 22.26 4 la” &' wi c®alcta@/was when he quit (the) work 34.6, 7 Lowe” wat sheiseating 24.5,6 wi & Lowda'was she finished (her) food 24.13 nt/hats I put it on lé t/aha'was her clothes 110.3 ds ali'cant we two play 38.11 alicana’'was tin hats a game we (should) arrange 90.14 ége dead 42.19 agand'was funeral ha'yat he gambled 66.15 hayand'was Indian game §§ 58-59 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 363 In one instance this suffix has been changed to -dwaz. ga'yats he is scared 126.1 in ytt At gqayawa' wat hardly any- thing can scare him (literally, not very something scaring [to him] 40.24; gayawa@’waz a thing that scares) -né'was. Composed of the distributive -né (see § 37) and the nominal -Gwas. Hence it expresses an abstract concept that has a distributive character. hé gis’ nlaxané’ was Lowa’ kats she was sitting between his teeth (lit- erally, his teeth in the [mutual] between[-ness]) 102.18 sdwe't laxané” was between the fingers 108.21 . sqgaitné' was the space between the fingers, a crack (sgaz'L=xem it was sticking in a crack 62.8) § 60. Verbal Nouns in -dnis, -st -Onis. This suffix indicates that something has become the object of acertain action. It may best be rendered by WHAT BECAME THE oBJECT OF. Kither it is suffixed to the verbal stem directly, or it is preceded by the transitive suffixes -f, -¢s (see § 26). itya@lanithey aretalking 90.16 Ja it yaalté’nis they begin to talk about it (literally, this they [have as their] object of speech) 76.22 pk tits I cut it kititsd'nis la kala she commenced to cut her foot (literally, object of cutting her foot [became] 80.21) Lo"- to eat 17.2 la“ tou'nis 4 ha'k-tte laY yiau'™me this became his food while he walked crawling (literally, that object of eating [it became] while crawling that one tray- eled) 32.11 atsa he gave it to him 34.10 s0’nts gift 188.26 -s?t is used in the formation of nouns from verbal stems. The best rendering that can be given for this suffix is THE RUINS, THE REM- NANTS OF. § 60 364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 at’wit he killed them 68.11 — is. aé’witsi itz we two (are the) rem- nants of the slaughter 62.18 xpi it burned down 58.12 gauilat'we le yixd'wra napi' tsi she commenced to look around (of) the house the débris 58.18, 19 It is very likely that the following example may belong here: kitst’mis, kitsimd’mis half Ag kttst’mist ac’wit half of them 32.11 he killed (literally, the remain- ing half he killed) 112.10 § 61. Nouns of Quantity in -in This suffix occurs in a few instances only. It is added to stems expressing adjectival ideas, and may be translated by PrecE, PORTION. ted’ yux” small 42.6 Vk% ted’ yuawin a'tsa (to) both a small portion he gave 120.17 gaic small 128.29 guic’nis te. yay in a small place they two are stopping 6.3 é' hente far 26.23 na’ yim ehentcesi’néte dji'nit be- cause quite far apart it keeps coming (literally, because dis- tance-portion-modality, [they] are coming [singly]) 52.18 § 62. Nouns of Agency in -ayawa, -eydwe, -twawa These suffixes indicate the performer of anaction. ‘The -eydwe form is added to stems with e-vowels (see § 7). Since the informant was frequently at a loss how to express in English the idea conveyed by this suffix, he invariably translated it by To Go AND (perform the action in question). t‘a’lats he dances taliya’wa a dancer tie tnt he examined it 32.93 1/x*tniya’wa examiner ni'kin wood 102.2 mi Lan wnik*ineyd’we permit me to get some wood (literally, let me wood-getter be) 102. 1 mi'lag arrow 12.10 is milagayd’ we we two go and get arrows (literally, [we two are] arrow-makers) 160.6, 7 Lo"- to eat 17.2 nLowiya'wa I am an eater nte*tits Lowiya‘wa I go in and eat 168.2, 3 §§ 61-62 aa HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 3865 § 63. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Place, ~ts It is never suffixed to verbal stems. ga'ntct where? 94.25 ic agantctwis from where are you two? (literally, your two selves’ whence place) 126.14 te'tex medicine zwin t#lxeydwe'wis we two have been after medicine (literally, our two selves’ medicine-makers place) 126.15 tsd’yuc™ small 20.5 tsiyuawi'nis envkvecrm le tite on a small place is sticking out the land 44.26 gatc small 128.29 gaicl’ nis te yt'“'yi on (some) small place they two are stopping 6.3 § 64. Nominalizing Suffix Indicating Locality, -wme It signifies WHERE THE... Is. It is added to nominal (or adverbial) stems only. kii"s south ekukwi' sume hi'yet / he came ashore on the south side (literally, from where south is, he came ashore) tse tix’ over here tseti’x ume 16 hehe" ha” we here on this side make a knot! (liter- ally, where this is, on it, a knot make) 92.7, 8 aut lux head 30.14 ewilucu'me where the head is 146.26 § 65. Terms of Relationship in -ditc (-atc) Terms of relationship appear with the suffix -dtc or -atc (see § 7), except in the vocative case, where the stem alone is used. oe ” Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 879 (2) The spirant 2 in consonantic combinations, when reduplicated, becomes k*. In the same manner alveolar s becomes the affricative ¢s. is x'L/0"t we two put it in i ktu'1t/dwée" wat they are putting 26.25 them in frequently 52.9 x'tt it slid down 26.19 k-ixti’yu it was slid down 94.5 yiwe'n sta’gata onceto bathe itstsza’gaai she was bathing 84.21 she went 84.24 sto“q he stood 20.4 tsestogé” yu he was made to stand on his feet (3) The reduplication of the fortis palatal k! consists in the mere amplification of the consonant by means of a prefixed a-vowel. kla'lat he shouted 36.7 akla'laai le hi’ mis shouting is the - woman 56.5 (4) Combinations of two or more consonants, of which a velar, a palatal, a nasal (m, 2), an A or Z, form the second element, reduplicate the second consonant. ‘The lateral (7) is in such cases preceded by a vowel, since initial combinations of 7+ velar are impossible. skwit'wat he informed him wdndj kwiskwi’wat that way he is 164.22 informing her 60.19 tscawv'yat he put it down wzeztsxawe’ wat he is putting it 36.21 down tkwa'at he cut it off kwitkwa’yu it was cut off 76.14 sgats he seized it 36.20 ma geEsga@yu the person was seized 10.4 L/eant he threw it 42.10 xaLlaeane’wat he is throwing it frequently digas fear 66.4 aqa'lgsdna@'ya he became afraid of him 28.24, 25 tlha'tsa he put on 28.23 hatlha'yu it was put on ament yat he tipped it over mzamené’ wat he is tipping it over 46,26 g/mits she ate it 24.16 mEg/mi'yu it is eaten 142.6 x® ali’ yat he hugged him 116.4 elwelé” yu he was hugged Compare also — lat’ewit she jabbed him 112.17 itlzzxii’ye he was jabbed t!no“t he opens (the door) noL!lnowe’ wat he is constantly opening (the door) (5) Syllables ending in an m, , 2 + consonant omit the m, n, and Z in the repeated syllable. kwilt- to roar kwitkhwt'ltaai it is roaring 114.6 gals- to cut gasqa'lsaat he is cutting § 82 h 4 oe a 4 ‘a ) 380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 40 ane tits he jumped 382.4 x ited’ntaad he is jumping mi'ntéts she asked him 62.15 ™mitcmi’ntci'yegem he is asked 70.9 ha“ma- to dress hides tie ha” xha"ma"« they two are dressing hides 68.27, 28 dé’mit man 14.7 ic tatid’mittu you two (will) get strong 120.17, 18 klwana"- to cut (the hair) kiwa'ck!wanace he is cutting his hair tsilk* to tie a knot tsi’k'tstlak’ he is tying a knot silp- to comb (hair) si'psilap he is combing (his hair) A number of stems occur in parallel forms showing both conso- nantic reduplication and syllabic duplication. yiwe'ntce together 64.8 iyiwantcené” yu it was gathered up yExyixentce’né'yu it was gathered up 84.16 aene'et he is on top 10.1 xine iné wat he is putting it on top xix inti it is being put on top mintc- to ask mitemi’natc she is asking 80.12 meEmintci' ye he was asked ciitts he set atire citct’ Laat it is burning cecu’Lu fire was set to 58.11 § 83. Final Reduplication Final reduplication is used for the purpose of expressing distribu- tion, mutuality, and, in intransitive verbs, an action that is performed now and then (see § 37). It is also employed as a means of forming neutral verbs that indicate actions of long incessant duration. yzg he went away ga'nis laX yag@qd'nt from the shore they are running away (one after the other, singly) 36.18,19 so¥*t- to trade is s0“*titd’nt hant we two will trade (mutually) 16.7, 8 hi“ mis woman 26.7 inizxa’nad laX hi*misisdé’ni them- selves they marry 12.5 sto“ wag he stood 20.7 stOwa'gegdnt he is continually standing up and sitting down kwilv’yat he rolls it kwil®ld'nt lz balti’mis rolling is the ocean 6.2 kwta'tis dream 98.7 la¥ kwa%t#stsd’ni he is constantly dreaming (literally, now and then) 72.1 § 83 | | | 7 Ble 8 « iciigiae 4 BOAS] tk/wi te xa%p runs down the water 16.9 ept le yiad'wer it burned down, the house 58.12, 13 wu' tae he came back 28.9 kftyi! lz hi mis the woman was lost 54.19 neg he ran away 100.16 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 381 th /wa' kh" tz wap is continually run- ning down the water 17.4 apaap le yied'wee burning (down) is the house wutad' aa telis hime came back (one by one) our (dual) children 44,7 hen pipdé' wis k/u' wax my hat got lost (impersonal) i neqa’ga they ran away (sever- ally) There are a number of stems expressing verbal, nominal, and adjec- tival ideas, that appear invariably in reduplicated or doubled form. Some of these expressions are onomatopoetic in character; others may have been borrowed from the neighboring languages; while still others may be new formations, necessitated by the introduction of new ideas and concepts through the contact of the Coos with the white people. (See also § 116.) The following is a partial list of such stems: e’geq killing spot 80.14 (compare e’ge- to die) yi’myim eyelash (compare yim- to twinkle) wa'lwal knife 78.11 ha'ehax* wagon (compare hatx’- to drag) hethe’te rich 26.2 he’ he* knot 92.8 pu’ spis' cat pi’ xpuxe a spout 30.25 mius’mus' cow ta’ ta” basket 112.4 tsEtse’kwin cane 28.18 tselt'mtsElim button ti’ptip white man’s paint (com- pare 7é‘p- to paint) tcd’xtcdx rabbit 60.23 g'imgt’mis rain (compare g‘i’mit it rains) ki'nk-in stick kisk'a’sit fish-hawk ku'’kum raven gatgar’i belt 28.7 (compare tga't- to put a belt on) ga'lgat digging-stick 26.17 xi’nein saddle (compare w*ne’et it is on top) wa’ Laat AX (compare Lxat- to chop) awa'lawal eye 40.1 xu tseut deer 64.19 ta'ntan to come ashore (whale) 128.28 pv pi to go home 28.3 yit'yu to stop (while traveling) 5.2 1Chinook jargon. § 83 382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Phonetic Changes (§§ 84-85) Grammatical processes by means of phonetic changes are few in number, and not clearly developed. The phonetic change may be of a vocalic or consonantic character. § 84. Vocalic Changes Vocalic change is confined to the verb, and consists in the amplifi- . cation of the stem by means of a vowel (usually the a-vowel), or in the modification of the vowel connecting a suffix with a stem. Stem amplification is employed for the purpose of forming active or transi- tive verbs from verbal stems, and of denoting duration of action. The latter application occurs in verbs that have already been transi- tivized by means of some transitive suffix. The stem is frequently duplicated before amplification is applied to it (see §§ 82,83). For another explanation of this phenomenon see §§ 4, 11. thwit- to follow in tettc thwi'yat (they) can not fol- low him tcint- to reach yiad’weeete te’nar la k*ma’a. to (the roof of) the house reached its horn 86.25, 26 sto“q he stood 20.4 nhat! sto’wag at the foot of the tree he stood 26.17 te yt'yt they two stopped dx yi’”yu they two stopped (for (for a moment) 5.2 a long time) 5.5 k/a¥- to peck kito’wit k/a’wat he saw him (in the act of) pecking at it 20.9 silp- to comb one’s hair si'pstlap he is combing his hair mintc- to ask wind) mitemi'natc that way she is asking 80.12 wit- to twist agelte witwée’yat slowly she is twisting him 60.7 Modification of a connecting vowel, whenever it occurs, is employed for the purpose of indicating duration of action. As this phenomenon has been discussed more fully in connection with the transitive suffixes -¢ and -ts, the reader is referred to the chapters dealing with those suffixes (see § 26 and also p. 357), in order to avoid repetition. da li'cit they two shake it 13.8 Ui’cat hz 1/taé (he) is shaking the earth continually 16.2 nmu' «wrt I felt it nmu'xwat I am feeling it nttits I painted it nitats I am painting it § 84 “athe V eg ti) ale eM A A) ea m i nO fy Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 8838 § 85. Consonantic Changes The application of consonantic changes as a means of forming gram- matical processes is a very peculiar phenomenon, characteristic of the Coos language. Its use is confined to a very few instances; and the process, while to all appearances consisting in the hardening of the final consonant, is of such a petrified nature that it is no longer possible to analyze it. It occurs only in a few nouns of relationship, and its significance may be said to be endearing and diminutive. The following examples of consonantic change have been found: kwé''s a young woman 86.1 wé'tk’ a young girl 12.2 hi’mis woman 24.6 hi mik* old woman (used in the same sense as we use our phrase MY DEAR OLD WIFE) 58.5 damit man 14.7 ‘to’mit old man 20.2 dvlot young man 22.6 dv'lot young boy 60.2 Syntactic Particles (§§ 86-95) § 86. Introductory By syntactic particles is meant here the great number of enclitic and proclitic expletives that are employed in Coos as a means of expressing grammatical categories and syntactic relations. They cover a wide range of ideas, and refer more properly to the whole sentence than to any specific part of it. With the exception of two particles, none of them are capable of composition; that is to say, they can not be used with any suffix or prefix, although two or even three particles may be combined into one. Such combined particles usually retain the functions of each of the component elements. All syntactic particles are freely movable, and may be shifted from one position to another without affecting the sense of the sentence. § 87%. Temporal Particles 1. han azovut to. It denotes actions that will take place in the im- mediate future. Its position is freely movable, and it may be placed before or after the verb. | ts0 han kwitit he k*ttstma’mis now he was about to bend the half 62.29 ; Pali’ yat han he di’lot he is about to hug the young man 114.26. $§ 85-87 384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 2. hanL sua, witt. It is regularly used to denote a future action, and it is the sign of the future. It either precedes or follows the verb. nen pki’ kate hant pkito’wit I will see my grandfather go's ditt hant hé’wi everything will grow 9.3 cin sgats han te tc/wat you shall seize that yonder fire 40.18, 19 ts alt’cant hant we two will play 38.11 in ln’yt hanz not good will (it be) 3. Ett INTEND, ABOUT TO. It gives the sentence the force of a peri- phrastic future. It either precedes or follows the verb. 4 gantc uit &ta when anywhere you intend to go 15.3 4 dit Ut Lowe’ wat zit when something they intend to eat 38.2 gaik" te wutaa’wa Ett te'is hi*’me I thought that they two should come back, those our (dual) children 44.7 4, nik!wa UsED TO (BE). It denotes an action that took place long ago. It is often usedasasign of the past tense. In such cases it is always preceded by the particle Ae UsuALLY (see below), and it follows the verb which is used in its repetitive form. te nik/wa yen” na'hin this used (to be) your shinny club 38.16 vay plu’ quit nik/wa water I used to boil nuiwi' naa he ntk!wa I used to cheat nsi'psilap he nane'k* nik/wa I used to comb my hair By suffixing to nik/wa the obsolete suffix -/i, the temporal adverb nik oa’ li YESTERDAY is obtained. nik! wia'li pgqa’la yesterday I crossed (the river) hit’ mis he'lag ln nik/wa'li a woman arrived yesterday 142.10 5. he USUALLY, FREQUENTLY, HABITUALLY, denotes an action that is performed very frequently. The particle either precedes or follows the verb. The verb is very often used in the repetitive form, whenever possible. go's mi lite he 1/d’wem always usually he is talking 15.4 temid' Le ma la tclicila’éwat he old people on that sit habitually 38.3 When following the future particle hanz, or its potential form yanz (see p. 391), Ae coalesces with them into hanzawe and yanLtawe respectively. yantawe adit &ga*wenisa’naya, hantawe ale'tic Unuwt &t!/a'xEem whenever you will get mad at something, you will talk with it § 87 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 385 loud (literally, if shall usually something you get angry at it shall usually with it hard you be talking) 16.3, 4 yanLawe agantc ma& hi'yam, lalaY hantawe &kwi'nand’ya when- ever a person gets ready to come from somewhere, this you shall usually tell (literally, if shall usually from where a person get ready [to come] this shall usually you tell it) 19.3, 4 The particle he amalgamates with the adverb yi VERY into a tem- poral adverb, ywwe WHENEVER. xa'lwis he yuwe la” yivu'me warm usually (it is) whenever that one travels 24.6 yuwe yi’mat ha gos mi'léte lok“lo’kwaat whenever he twinkles (his eyes), it is always lightning 16.6, 7 The same process may have taken place in the rare adverb towe WHEN. The first component may bea stem, ¢o-, while the second element is the particle he. The example given below will sub- stantiate this assertion. We have here a complex of two sen- tences stating a fact of frequent occurrence. In the first sen- tence the repetitive particle occurs clearly, while it seems to be missing in the subordinate sentence. And since, according to the examples given above, all the components of a complex of sentences must show the particle he, it is safe to assume that the frequentative particle is one of the two elements in towe. The example follows: ayna’ Litiite he te yiew ime towe hi” mis hik!a'mtiye from another country usually they two travel when(ever) a woman gets her monthly courses 26.6, 7 § 88. Particles Denoting Degrees of Certainty and Knowledge 6. Kwa IT SEEMS, AS IF, LIKE, KIND OF, denotes an object or an action the quantity or quality of which is not intimately known to the speaker. hats kwa to’ hits just as if he hit it has kwa li’ cat hz 1/t&é almost as if he shook the earth 16.2 hats kwa i’'yu wina’qaxem lét rowé" wat just like a rainbow is spread out that (which) he was eating 32.14 hats kwa yto’miz just like an old man I (am) 1. ytku, k” MAYBE, PERHAPS, I GUESS. Both forms appear without any apparent distinction. This particle may apply to any part of speech in asentence, and its position is freely movable. Ithasa 3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2-12-25 § 88 A} 386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 _ dubitative character. It expresses the possibility of a certain action taking or having taken place, and at the same time doubts the certainty of its occurrence. hi'ni k¥ @'k'nxem liye hi’ tate there perhaps amongst (them) is your elder brother 94.28 tst k” tc hewese’ni merely perhaps you two are lying 28.13, 14 ta’ yetat k" (she) may get hungry 64.15 | Ea’ nis k* maybe (that) you are sick This particle is very often followed by the negation tm Nor. yiku in xii/nis he is probably sick (literally, maybe [or maybe] not he is sick) - When followed by the future particle Aanz, it amalgamates with it into yikwant or kwant (see $§ 8, 9), and it is translated by (1) WONDER WHETHER, (I) SUPPOSE IF. ni kwant a’ ya nqa'ya won't I loose my breath? (literally, not I perhaps will [be] gone my breath) 54.13, 14 la¥ nat /ts kwant suppose I hit that one with a club (literally, that one I hit it with a club perhaps shall) 124.16 yikwant di'lté yLowe wat I wonder what I shall eat (literally, maybe will that there I eat it) 32.19, 20 It is contracted with the following az into yikiiz, kiiz (see § 9 and p- 391). yikit in lz’ yi perhaps that will be good (literally, perhaps would [be] that not good) yikiL atctte yit rim nha“ts I wonder how it would be if I should make a dam (literally, perhaps would [be] how, if should a dam I make) 34.16 in kit qaic ha“ pit ten wmi’nkate could not my son-in-law cut off a chunk? (literally, not perhaps would a chunk cut off this my son-in-law) 128.29 When followed by the particle #7 suRELY (see p. 388), it is contracted with it into yikwtl or kwil (see § 8), and lends to a statement a high degree of probability. qa' wax kwil li’'ye ha rétc above may (be) surely your elder brother 96.4, 5 The particle yiku, kX, appears sometimes as yikwa, yikwe, or kwe. The reason for this phonetic change could not be found. yikwa gantc ta where may it have gone? (literally, perhaps some- where it went?) 88.3 § 88 048] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—Coos 387 yikwe di't te yk'ito’wit what may it be that I see? (literally, per- haps something this I see it) 108.11 kwa kwe yi in G'yu 1 sla? (1) wonder if it is not so, cousin? (liter- ally, as if perhaps very not surely [it] must be, O cousin!) 38.21 8. hakwat, kwat. A compound particle having the same signifi- cance as kwa. It consists of the unexplained prefix ha- (which seems to occur also in hamiz, see p. 392), the particle kwa, and the abbreviated form of dz't (see p. 407). hakwat xia’ yam lz l’kwit kind of reddish (were) the feathe.s 20.10 k!/watnt hakwat ga'l“atat he heard some kind of a noise (literally, he heard as if a noise were made) 60.29 9. gén denotes suspicion. It is very difficult to render it in English otherwise than by a whole sentence. kwa gén dit u/t’mzg she suspected some scent (literally, as if, suspicion, something [a] smell) 24.10 kwa gén mé te stna’é'wat it seems as if you two are hiding a per- son (literally, as if, suspicion, a person you two are hiding) 24.11 10. gaiku expresses a supposition on the part of the speaker. It was invariably rendered by 1 THOUGHT. Its first component can not be analyzed, while the second is clearly the particle k”. gaiku te wutaa'xa Bit te’ts hime I thought they two were going to come back, these our two children 44.7 gaiku in il yeéne” t6 I thought not surely (this was) your property 112.7 11. gaint. Neither of the two elements of this particle can be analyzed. It indicates that a certain fact came suddenly into one’s recollection, and may best be translated by oH, I RECOL- LECT, I REMEMBER. It is usually amplified by the particle (see p. 392), which either follows it immediately or else is placed at the very end of the sentence. guint L nwa'wata % gays he recollected that this was a spider (literally, recollection, must be, with [its] spider, world) 30.3 gaint k* nto’we & qa'yis t he came to remember that there was such a thing (literally, recollection, perhaps, with such a thing, the world, must [be]) 32.9 12. natst. Itis used by the speaker for the purpose of expressing doubt. It was rendered by 1 pousrT. § 88 388 13. 14. 15. ckw indicates knowledge by evidence. It is used whenever the § 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ponn. 40 natsi edit la Lowe wat I doubt (whether) some one (will) eat it. 36.9 nats2 xtcite tin sqgats (we) doubt (whether) we (shall) catch it 56.19, 20 | h@n uearsay. It denotes that a certain occurrence or fact is known to the speaker from hearsay only. It may best be trans- lated by I WAS TOLD, IT IS SAID. hi! wi hén lez wi'ngas & temi’sndtc grew up the Spider’s grandson | it is said 66.11, 12 pENLo wai hén ta’ ntan whales are reported to (have) come ashore 128.28 yéne tle hén la” nac’wit your enemies (as I heard you say) those I | killed 110.16, 17 7l SURELY, CERTAINLY, confirms a statement, and gives it the | appearance of certainty. It is often used in apposition to hén, whenever the speaker wishes to imply that he himself was a wit- ness of a certain occurrence. It denotes knowledge by experi- ence, and may be translated by r1sawir. It either follows or precedes that part of a sentence which it is to specify more clearly. mit tl nLdwé” wat persons I do eat, indeed 24.18 | niloxqgai’nis mé il I am a doctor, surely 10.2 ! tct tl &16"k" there, indeed, sit down 38.22 nkito’ wit tl I saw him, for sure xd’nis il he is sick (I saw it) lze’yi hantel it will be good certainly 15.9 (hantel= hee ae see § 7) in hel sla not so, cousin 42.23 (see § 7) 4 . speaker wishes to state a fact that occurred beyond doubt, but whose causes are not known to him. It is composed of c” (see p. 389) and &*. It may be rendered by IT MUST HAVE BEEN THAT. | yl awii chu hit“mi’ke yu’kwe two women must have gone ashore 126.11, 12 (the speaker knows this fact to be true by sna the ele on the sand beach) hats chu kwa «mé la tet hithitowe” wat just it must be as if a per- son that thing there put it 112.2 (the evidence of this fact was the finding of the object in question) | HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 889 § 89. Particles Denoting Connection with Previously Expressed Ideas 16. yiqax, ytqa. The exact significance of this particle is not clear. It was rendered by sTILL, ANYWAY, AT ANY RATE, NEVERTHE- LESS, RIGHT AWAY, Just. In some cases it denotes a continual action. yiga in to'hits he to'gmas still not he hit the woodpecker 22.5 yiga hant tsix: &hak"to“’ wat ti'ye iz’ at any rate, you will here leave your canoe 54.10, 11 yigax hant gta right away I am going ma yt’xwe ma ta, yiga tt tsxat'wat even if two persons go, never- theless they kill them 90.10 hats yiga xqa' wax te kwina'éwat jast continually from above they two look at it 6.9 17. gats HOWEVER, NEVERTHELESS, NOTWITHSTANDING. agawax hi'k!witém, la“ gats kwa Wyu Lowa hai ga'xante from above, some one pulled him, however, it seemed as if he surely ran upwards (by himself) 92.9, 10 gats kwitkwa'yu, hats laqa” we lz @'la nevertheless it was cut off (and) it just died, the chiid 76.15, 16 18. md BUT, EVEN IF, REALLY. ma yt’xwi ma ta, yiga tt tsxat’wat even if two persons go, never- theless they kill them 90.10 ma yantawe ti'miti dvt éto'hits, yiga hantawe la &tsxat'wat even if strong something you will strike, still you will kill it 124.11, 12 ma with the negative particle im is rendered by Nor AT ALL. ma in m&é kwad'niya, ma wind) L/d'xzem not at all people he saw, nevertheless that way he was talking (making believe that he saw them) 30.27 19. nad, nadyim BECAUSE. Ealgsita'mi, ndyim wind) &i/ad'xem you scare me, because that way you are talking 110.15, 16 n@, a'yu ga'lyeg ha'ltsat because surely salmon (will) come into the river 36.26 § 90. Particles Denoting Emotional States 20. ec” expresses slight surprise at a state of affairs that has come into existence contrary to one’s expectations. hi” mis c¥ la ala a female (was) his child (a boy was expected in this case) 108.6 §§ 89-90 ‘ 390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 dd mit c G'yu a man (it was) surely tstimi’ye cE summer it got 30.20 tso c¥ rg/ now it was cooked 34.2 ytt c# re &k/a'lat too loud you shout (literally, very contrary to my expectations you shout [the speaker ordered the whale to shout loud, but he did not expect such a noise; hence the use of ¢” in this sentence]) 36.15 hi'wi c® le wi'ngas & temi'sndéte grown up (has) the Spider’s grandson (this statement was made by a person who believed the boy to have been dead) 64.24, 25 c¥ is combined with the future particle hanz into canz, and with the potential wz into ciiz (see § 9). These new particles express expectation that will certainly be fulfilled, and may be trans- lated by I HOPE, IT OUGHT. élz'yit cant you will be all right (I hope) 124.14 ni cant tcite xa'ttd (I hope) he won’t do anything to me (literally, not to me, it ought, what he does) 116.2 yt cit nk lak ina wis yiit yr1i’mlet I ought to get very tired, if I keep on spearing (literally, very much, it ought to be, I with- out laziness, if should I spear it) 34.17 lz’ yi cit 1 la” in kwitkwa'yu good it might have been if that one not had been cut off 76.16 la" cit ni'citc is pid'yat (of) that a little we two ought to take home 112.3 c¥ is frequently prefixed to the demonstrative pronoun ¢z, forming a new particle ctz or cta. This particle often follows the interrogative forms of ¢citc, dit, and wit (see pp. 407, 411), giving the interrogation a tinge of surprise, as it were. ew’ tit cta who are you? (literally, you, who is it?) di’ ti cta te nkito’wit what do I see? (literally, what is it that I see?) 106.16, 17 ater’ tet cta tr laY in L/nd“ tat why does it not come open? (liter- ally, why is it that that one not comes open?) 76.4 21. ctl InDEED. Composed of c¥ andi. It has retained the signifi- cance of both of its component elements. It consequently denotes a fact known by actual experience, at the occurrence of which the speaker is surprised, as it came into existence contrary to his expectations. | his cil Ene ye mé'li’ kuk" ta & x'na’at also indeed, thou, O heart of © salmon! runnest? 36.19, 20 tso cil ewindji'ye now, indeed, that way it is 8.2 ene cil you it is, indeed 10.3 § 90 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 391 This particle occurs frequently with the transitional suflix -iye (see § 35). hi'nt cili’'ye mandj k!wa%mt there, indeed, already he felt it 32.16, 17 22. hétte indicates surprise. The native Coos is unable to render it. Its meaning was deduced from the sense of the sentences in which it occurred. héethats da’ mit k-tto' wit tsxi hite lin heni’/k"ndte suddenly a man she saw lying with her elder sister 50.22, 23 mé hem'tset hite a person was laid bare 58.22 § 91. Particles Denoting the Conditional 23. ML woud, SHOULD. It puts the sentence in which it occurs in a potential mode. It may either precede or follow the verb to which it belongs. kat'e’misen gatimi'ye UL wu'twe ten a’la in five days, if should return my child 42.22, 23 la¥ tit qkito'wit alt’ cant & mén (1) should be the one to see them play, if— 92.16 nkv’ to“ts tx I should find it if— xtc'tciL how would it be if— 5.2 (contracted from atci/tci + az; see § 9). 24. yuL 1F—SHOULD, IF—WOULD. Itgives the sentence a conditional tinge. It occurs usually in the subordinate sentence whenever az has been used in the co-ordinate sentence, although it is fre- quently used independently of dz. It always precedes the verb. xtc tcuL yu ts s0*titdé’nt how would it be if we two should trade? 15.6 yuL kwina’éwat laX in tit aatwa'yu le hime if she had seen it, they not would have been killed, the children 58.10, 11 le’ yi yt ynzi'me good (would it be) if I should have a fish-trap 34.19 25. yan L iF expresses the conditional in the present or future tense. It usually precedes the verb, and it is used in subordinate sen- tences in apposition to hanz. It also occurs independently of hant. Since the native Coos does not distinguish between the conditional present and future tenses, yanz is used to express also the present conditional. i nt hant kwina't, yant yc®a'letet they will not see me, if I [will] work 128.23, 24 § 91 392 26. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 yan én dowa'ya xwind), yice” av't hant eémitsmitsta’mi if you don’t want it that way, one thing I will teach you 124.7, 8 ... yant yrad’ L/ta/atc és hélag when in another country we two shall arrive 28.23 nk: lint yantel I guess, I will try, surely (literally, if I shall try, surely; yantel=yant+i, see § 7) § 92. Exhortative Particles I MUST, NECESSARILY. It signifies that a certain state of affairs or an action must take place. It has therefore the force of an emphatic imperative. It is placed either before or after the verb (or noun), no matter whether the verb is used in its impera- tive form or not. - ttcila’ats t cin ta'zx close to the shore you (must) go 30.23 ga xante L pevte loud you (must) shout (literally, shout upwards) 30.26 in t tcite wa'tte ten da’mit don’t you do anything to my husband (literally, not [must], manner, do it, [to] that my husband) 26.15 ciné tila'gat b you must stay (here) elaga“wiya' tant L you (must) tell a story 38.13, 14 46 1 ut le’yi this must be good (literally, that thing, necessarily, should be good) 40.25 27. hamtL, m@tL,7L. The exact function of this particle defies all attempts at an explanation. It was usually translated by Let ME, I SHOULD LIKE TO, BETTER (IT WILL BE, IF), whenever it referred to the speaker. When referring to the person spoken to or spoken of, it was rendered by BETTER, YOU MAY, PLEASE, A WHILE. hamit nkwina'éwat I should like to look at him mit ditté” to’ hits better hit this one 124.15 hamit éne «ale ite &k: /’ntqgem you may with it try 92.1 hamit et/dts please, speak 16.2 mit halt! éne ale'tte &L/ats now you with it speak (a while) 16.5 2L hant «xtcitc va'tad? what (would be) better to do? 86.10 In examining these sentences one must arrive at the conclusion that § 92 hamiz (or mit) is of an exhortative character. By its means the speaker either. asks permission of the imaginary person spoken to, to perform a certain action, or he conveys a polite command to the person spoken to. In both cases the granting of the — desire is a foregone conclusion. MAN) MIE Sie hy Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 393 hamit and miz are contracted with the periphrastic han into hamitan and mitzan, adding to the particle a future significance. hamitan yi /étc let me go out 28.26 hamiztan nv'kin pwild” wat let me look for wood 102.3 mitan &muatitsa’mi permit me to feel of you 72.17 28. kwts tet ustwo. This particle is composed of the particle k* PERHAPS and of the inclusive form of the personal pronoun és WE Two. Its function is that of an imperative for the inclusive. The verb, which it always precedes, takes the imperative suffixes. kwis txa’te let us two chop wood 26.15, 16 kwis tsz'mtitse tz taha’ lik \et us two loosen that quiver 122.27 29. kwtn LET Us (ALL) exercises the function of the imperative for the first person plural. The first.component is, beyond doubt, the particle 4“ pernars. The second element can be no other than the personal pronoun for the first person plural fin. The © contraction of k*+ tin into kwin may have been effected by the analogy of k¥+ 74s into kwis. kwin te tsxé’we let us kill him quickly 68.3 kwin sqa'tsz \et us seize it § 93. Particles Denoting Emphasis 30. he’. By its means the Coos emphasizes any part of speech. It usually precedes the word to be emphasized. hé yu xtc yua” mé a very insignificant man (literally, emphasis, very small man) 42.6 hé' xi Ula Lowi’ tat xa/*pate she first ran into the water 56.9 hé' cil kwék'v'ye surely, indeed, it was a girl 12.1, 2 Whenever Aé precedes the conjunction hats, it forms a new particle, which is rendered by SUDDENLY. héhats mé k*tto’wit suddenly a person she saw 54.2 héhats t/no” tat lz tc/’lz suddenly came open the door 62.5 31. hé'kwatn wxcreEepinety (like the English colloquial awFuLty). This particle consists of the following three independent and separable components: /é, kwa, and in. Literally translated, the particle means VERILY, IT SEEMS NoT. Since the phrase is used as a sort of an exclamation with an interrogative character, it may best be compared to our English exclamation 1sn’r THIS A FINE DAY! which really means THIS IS A FINE DAY. § 93 894 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 40 A hékwain lz’ yi & tluwe'*tcas she was awfully glad (literally, what, as if not her heart good?) 64.9, 10 hékwain xhi'wis m& avery poor man (literally, what, as if not a poor man?) 42.5 h&kwa tt in dowa'ya they liked him very much (literally, what, as if they not liked him?) 24.29 32. tfE is used in direct discourse only. It always follows the word that is to be emphasized. n'ne ite le E&dowayrxta'ts ga“’wa I am (emphatic) the one you wanted (last) night 50.25, 26 &hi” mis itz! you will (be) a woman (emphatic) 24.20 té itz kwa’war li'ye ek“tdic this (emphatic) (is) the bow (of) thy father 62.24 ga' lyeg itz in tte pEnto’war it is salmon, not whale (literally, sal- mon [emphasis], not [emphasis] whale) 130.12, 13 § 94. Restrictive Particles 33. La onty. It limits the action to a certain object. It always fol- lows the word so limited. la" ta tn tcite walt (to) that only not anything he did 68.13 wa'lwal ta a'tsem a knife only give me 80.14, 15 wind) ta te kwee'niyém that way only people know them two 19.10 34, ts? SIMPLY, MERELY, Just. It has a slight restrictive character. tst &ga'gat you were merely sleeping 68.19 yriae'n gattimi'ye tsi in dv't one morning, it was simply gone (lit- erally, once, morning it got, simply, not something) 88.3 tsi contracts with the following hanz into ¢sanz (see § 9). tsanz éta’tcints only then shall you have it 78.15 § 95. The Interrogative Particle i 35. @ This particle, exercising the function of our sign of interroga- tion, is used only in sentences that have no other interrogation. It is usually placed at the end of the sentence. a’yu &tloxqar’nis % surely (art) thou a doctor? 10.4 tsix ta tat did they two go (by) here? 96.18, 19 Eekwind éwat % nen ha’ tate have you seen my elder brothers? 96.18 When preceded by the particle han, 7 is rendered by may 1? ng/mits han 7 may I eat it? §§ 94-95 1 Bae DRC MESA cl Segre A Re te bo 2 Lh) aah) ial wy A is abd ta * Wed - poas) HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 395 THE PRONOUN (§§ 96-100) § 96. The Independent Personal Pronouns Coos has two sets of independent personal pronouns, formed from two different stems. The first of these two sets is formed from the stem -zkan for the first and second persons, and -xka for the third person, to which are prefixed the personal pronouns (see § 18), giving the following series: Ist person, . . . nE'xkan Singular .... (2 person t!) Grit: e’xkan BG: Person.) ous ve xi ka Inclusive . ... . isnE’xkan =a ery 2 xwinnE’xkan PPR CAP See sd oars Za Person: <' 435s ice/xkan 3d person... « « Head ke Ist person. .. . tinnzE’xkan Ploral se oe J cies . PCTSOR shee cine/xkan 3d person. .. . tka’ ka The obscure vowel in nz’xkan is due to the law of consonantic clus- ters (see § 4). For the dropping of the glottal stop, inherent in the second person singular, see § 3. The peculiar vowels in the third person singular may be the com- bined effect of accent and of the dropping of the final n. It will be seen from this table that the singular forms are the basis for the corresponding dual and plural forms. Thus, the inclusive is formed by combining the inclusive pronoun és with the singular for - the first person nz’xkan, the second person dual is composed of the personal pronoun for the second person dual tc, and the singular for the second person akan, etc. These pronouns have the force of a whole sentence, and may be translated by I (THOU, HE... ) AM THE ONE, WHO ne akan hant la" yeinti’yat te xi*p I will be the one to run away with that water 40.20, 21 his hant éukan yiwé” &k!wint also thou shalt be the one to shoot one (arrow) 13.1 § 96 P ¥ a 396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 That the dual and plural forms of this set are not felt to be integral units, and may easily be separated according to their component ele- ments, is best shown by the following example: ts} hant nz'xkan awin &vlta’mi now will we two tell thee 126.21, 22 (nz’xkan xwin instead of ewinne’xkan) This use of the singular pronouns in place of the plural has been referred to in § 46. The second set of independent personal pronouns may be called the ‘*verbal set.” These pronouns are formed by prefixing the personal pronouns 2, ¢, etc., to the stem -ne, which seems to have a verbal sig- nificance. The pronouns thus obtained may be translated by Ir Is 1, IT IS THOU, etc. The third persons singular, dual, and plural have no special forms in this set; but they are replaced by 2d, dawxd, xi, forms related to ai ki, hand’ ki, and itxd’ ka. The series follows. Istiperson 2). n/ne SIMO ES el oF ote rf person! 2) a0 So. ene 3d person. ... Evad Inclusive... . i/sne OY Een a as no te ees xwin'ne 2d) PETSON fe) 40) 4) vs acne 3d person... . Wadi Ist person. . ... tin’/ne Plural . fs PEVSOW oii eo est cin’ne 3d person’; )i) 5.) 4 Wad his hant y’ne tct nla I too will go there 94.22 halt! ene tstx* esto“qg now it is thy turn to stand here 64.32 his xi c®a’'letet she too is working 22.26, 27 The Possessive Pronouns (§§ 97-98) § 97. The Sign of Possession, The idea of possession is expressed in Coos by means of the posses- sive particle 7, which follows the term expressing the possessor, and precedes that indicating the possessed object. The possessor is not infrequently preceded by the article. § 97 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 397 k!lwe he t t'nék’ ktx0''tsa leaves of a willow he found 30.17, 18 he hi icit! 4 la wi’ntset Hetcit’s child got on top 24.23 ta lem? yat le mead’ ye 1 kwii'x" they two set up the eagle’s feathers 8.10 ewind) i ty'nas he tsa’ yux" ta’nik* such (was) the name of the small river 46.10, 11 The possessive sign very frequently takes the place of the possessive pronoun for the third persons singular and plural. le’ y2 % tluwe*icis he was glad (literally, good his heart) 32.5 aya chu % gaya she must have lost her breath (literally, gone must be her breath) 58.24, 25 ta t ha“ we lz tcict’mit the spruce-tree is growing (literally, goes its growth, the spruce-tree) 20.16 ta & paa'wes lz xad%p the water is filling up (literally, goes its fullness, the water) 44.17 G’wi & Lowa’ was she finished eating (literally, it ended, her food) 24.13 he é'stis m& art’maqa t tx* some people had large canoes (liter- ally, some people, large their canoes) 44.20 yiawd' t hii*mi’k'e he has two wives (literally, two [are] his wives) 20.3 Qi a xna' at le no'sk'vli the Big Woman came quickly (literally, comes her quickness, the Big Woman) 78.26 The possessive sign is employed in impersonal sentences, where the subject of the sentence is g@’yis WORLD or mén PEOPLE. In these cases the subject is placed at the end of the sentence, and the posses- sive sign is affixed to the possessed object, immediately preceding the subject. The sentences are rendered by THERE WAS, THEY ARE. k: lax/ta' & ga’ yis there was no land (literally, without [its] land the world) 5.5; 6.1 in telle'wzm & g@’yis there was uo low tide (literally, not [has] its dry condition [the] world) 15.8 nod wata & ga@'yis there was a spider (literally, with its spider [is] the world) 30.3 guict' nis kwee'ti % mén people were Living in a small place (liter- ally, in a small place their living [place have] people) 50.7 tct t'kine % mén there they were standing (literally, there their standing [place, severally have] people) 74.28 § 97 = 398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 | § 98. The Possessive Pronouns Proper The possessive pronouns proper are formed by prefixing to the personal pronouns 2, &, etc., the article Zz or Az, or the demonstrative pronoun ¢z. These forms may be regarded as loose prefixes. ist person . hen len ten Singular. .. (2 Personis. |e) 7 li’ye li’/ya ti'/ye 8d person... , ha ld, la ta (?) Imclustyer (7 '. ve es he’is le’is te’is Ba eo — of te beans he’xwin le'xwin te/xwin 2d person. ... he’ic le/ic te’ic 3d person, .. .; « he’tix le’ix te’tz Ist Person. ie vein he’tin le'tin te/lin Plgral yy cys5 iy e PETSOR« 4 aye yey/s he'cin le’cin te/cin 3d person... . he’it leit te/it The second person singular /z’ye has resulted from the combination le+eé. This phonetic irregularity remains unexplained. The forms li'ya and da occur before nouns having a-vowels (see § 7). a'yu cili’'ye hen kw%a'tis surely, true came my dream 100.14 la” kwina’é'wat li’'ye Uuwe'*tcis that one is looking into thy heart 14.8 pi nts li'ya kala bend thy foot 120.13 han ye'es la t/ktts into his mouth she poured it 102.12 la¥ hant he’ts kata’lis these shall be our two subjects 124.6 halt!yt na?nt he'tin c¥®alcta’was too great (is) our work 68.27 Lowa kats he'tt &ndte living is their mother 84.21 lé t/aha’was her clothes 110.3 Lowa’ kats la @’la his child remained 110.10 aii’ nis le'awin e'k“Late sick is our (dual) father 126.18, 19 ic ta’ tsit le'te e'k“Ldte you two go and get your (dual) father 20.13 dx kwiskwi' wat le'tia e'k"tate they two were informing their (dual) father 20.25 Hyuwi'ltz le’cin sd'wet! wiggle your fingers! 122.8 gtsxat’ wat hant tey mi'nkatc 1 will kill that my son-in-law 26.22 ti'yex ek" tate hant la” ki’ to“ts ti’ye tx thy father will find thy canoe 54.11 A peculiar form of the possessive pronoun for the first person singu- lar is the frequently occurring ney. This form may be explained as a reduplicated stem, in which the first 7 is, so to speak, the article for the first person singular, formed in analogy to /z or Az. nen pka' kate hanzt pk ‘ito’ wit my grandfather I shall see acatwa'yu ney hime killed were (all) my children 62.18 § 98 TLce Vo OS bel, oly! eR he oe! AEA it See Be os 1 i RMR Pte sy sh : HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-COOS 399 The personal pronouns without prefixes are often employed as pos- sessive pronouns. In such cases the second person singular ¢* occurs as ye. vtct nda’ mit? which one (is) my husband? 80.3 aya nga'ya I am out of breath (literally, dead my breath) 66.27 nant hant yé Lowa'was you will have much to eat (literally, much will [be] your food) 54.6 ka hant yén k/wints yla'ats a rope around thy neck I’ll put 94.12 In two instances the possessive pronoun of the third person singular is amplified by the addition of the possessive sign. lz'yi hé % tluwe'*tcis he is good-natured (literally, good [is] his heart) dzu'lt lé t kwi'yos a fur-seal (as) his dog 132.2 A possessive pronoun expressing absence is formed by prefixing to the personal pronouns the prefix £:/d-. The form for the first person singular only could be obtained in this series. . nt kwiskwi'tt tex kin wma not me informed that my (absent) grandmother 62.12 Besides these pronouns, there is another series of independent pos- sessive pronouns. They are formed by prefixing to the verbal form of the personal pronouns n’ne, ene, etc., the article hz or Jz, or the demonstrative ¢z, and by suffixing the possessive sign 7. stperson. ... Singular. .. ZO Merson.) jy.) sd person’... Exclusive. . . . 20" Person’. 3/60 3d person . Dual . = Sabie earns Plural. . 2d person . fa person. . 3d person . hen’new yerneu! headiu’ heisneu’ hexwin’neu heicnev’ hetiaacu! hetin’neu hecin’neu hettxdu’ The second person singular shows a phonetic irregularity which I am at a loss to explain. These pronouns are independent, and have a verbal significance. They may be rendered by IT Is MINE, IT IS THINE, etc. § 98 400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40 hen'ne“ 16 te gz'mé my property is that camas 112.6,7 &hen’ne* z/le you (are) my enemy 118.3 yéne pit L/a'néx thy cradle is new 38.17 hexii”’ 16 hén it is his property (it is said) 116.21, 22 § 99. The Reflexive Pronouns The reflexive pronouns are formed by prefixing the possessive pro- nouns to the stem ¢e¢ Bopy. The possessive pronominal prefixes for the first and second persons singular are n- and ye®- respectively. The third person singular has no pronominal prefix. The rest is regular. Ist person. .. . ntet Singular. .. 2a Person): ).,.'. yetet 8d person... . tet Inclusive... . he’istet Dual Exclusive. . . |. he/xwintet Gitte Qdperson.... he’ictet 30 PETSODN re) (ees he’ tatet : Ist person. .. . he’tintet Ploral pn se Zaiperson lenge it. hetcintet SOUPEREOIM ses he’ittet nto’ hits ntet I hit myself tow’*ttt yetet watch thyself 74.3 wind; pi'ctcits tet thus he warmed himself 32.8 de L/a't/nx'it he’ dxtet they two examine themselves 84.3 it yu'atits he'tttet they rubbed themselves 52.13 The particle #’nizw ALONE is not infrequently placed before the verb (see § 108), and emphasizes the subject. x nizx nto’ hits ntet alone I hit myself § 100. The Demonstrative Pronouns The demonstrative pronouns exhibit a variety of forms. Attempts have been made to discover whether the different forms may not indicate position from the standpoint of the speaker; but they have proved unsuccessful, owing to the fact that this idea does not seem to be clearly developed in Coos. Only the first two pronouns seem to accentuate this distinction. The following demonstrative stems have been found. §§ 99-100 -) Tihany ta en th Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 401 té denotes an object that is near to the speaker, and may be translated by THIS HERE. It always precedes the object to which it refers. té* hant to’ hits this here he shall hit 20.14 té e&pa%ts this here you fill up 78.12 It is frequently employed as an adverb in the sense of HERE. te nyiau’me here I travel 26.9 ntée haz? I (am) here, O elder brother! 72.26. tE indicates an object that is away from the speaker, and may be rendered by THAT THERE. It usually precedes the object. thwite”’ wat tz to’gmas he is following that (there) woodpecker 22.2 tie kito'wit tz 1/taé they two saw that (there) land 6.5 dv'tice'te te ni/aga’éwat with what (shall) I point my finger (at) this one (there?) 40.24 tz often exercises the function assigned in English to the conjunc- tion THAT. xtcv'tchi te gd"s mi’ldte &yiau’me why (is it) that always you travel? 48.14 xtci’ tet te wind) évlta’ts why (is it) that thus you tell it to me? (For ¢z asa prefix in possessive pronouns, see § 98. See also under la“ below, and lewi, p. 402.) ditté’”. A compound pronoun composed of the indefinite particle dz‘ SOMETHING (see p. 407) and the demonstrative ¢é THIs HERE. It may be translated by THIS HERE. ditte” k“tt'yex this stone here 124.16, 17 ditte’. Acompound of dit someruine (see p. 407) and ¢z THAT THERE. It is usually translated by THAT THERE. ditte’ te ki’ yex that stone yonder ditte’ m& the person yonder la“, ha“. This pronoun has the force of a whole sentence. It applies to both subject and object, and it is used in singular and in plural alike. It invariably precedes the subject or object to which it refers. It may be translated by HE, THAT IS THE ONE; HE IT IS. yiae'n gatimi ye laX L/éte hét to’miz one morning that one went out, (namely) that old man 20.4. agantc la” sv’**t¥tsa la” tct ta from where he (was the one to) scent it, there he (was the one to) go 22.24 la® lé awi' lux” ba’na“tat that (was the one) his head became bald 30.14 3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——26 § 100 ee a 402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 la” temi'te ma la” tc/icila'éwat he it is the old people (it is they who) sit (on) that, usually 38.3 la” in la“ Vixats he did not look at it (literally, he was the one, not, it was the thing, he looked at it) 40.8 la" hant te c#®a'letet it is they two (who) shall work 68.26 ktda' minate ha" xi /it into the bowl she put it 102.6, 7 la¥ and ha” are frequently emphasized by the prefixed article or by the demonstrative pronoun Zz. lz la’mak:, lala” tz bildji'yxx the bones, those are the Umpqua Indians 50.5, 6 lala" he Lowe" wat that’s what she usually eats 24.5, 6 tela” nha*ts te L/té I am the one who made that land 10.3, 4 In composite sentences having one and the same subject, /a” and ha are used in the subordinate sentence to avoid the repetition of the subject. kwina’ was sv'*'t#tsa (le di'lot) 4 la” hint sto“g smoke scented (the young man) as he stood there 22.23, 24 ad’ nana'ya la a@'la 4 laY leqga”’we his child made him feel sorry, when it died 42.18, 19 lew?, a demonstrative pronoun with verbal force. It is invariably followed by the article or by the demonstrative pronoun ¢z,; and it is sometimes, for the sake of emphasis, preceded by Ja”. It may be translated by IT IS, THAT IS. lewt lz eni’k*exem that is it, sticking out 46.11 hé ctl lewi’ye lz tc/v'le surely, indeed, it was a door 72.25 lat, hat, a demonstrative pronoun used for subject and object, singu- lar and plural. It precedes the subject or object. It denotes objects that have been previously mentioned. It is composed of the article 7z, Az, and of the abbreviated form of the particle dit SOMETHING (see p. 407). ga' note sto“g lat to’mizt outside stood that old man 20.4, 5 wind) L/déts lét hi”’mik: thus spoke that old woman 102.10 aso’ sgats hit hi’mitk lux swat again seized that old woman the grizzly bear 102.21, 22 } te nuga'ga hit tumi'te they two ran away, those old people 24.12, 13 hét and /ét have a nominalizing function, and often take the place of our relative pronouns. hats kwa la” i'yu wina'qaxem lat rowe*’wat just like a rainbow was spread out (that thing) which he was eating 32.14 § 100 Boss] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 403 tev'tcu ta la” atoXs hat &i/aha’éwat why (is it) that that thing stiff (is) which you have on 110.4, 5 #6 has a nominal force, and denotes THAT KIND, SUCH A THING. It always precedes the object. a'yu 16 kt’ 16"ts he pa’xwiya surely, that kind he found, the man- zanita berries 32.10, 11 tsd @'yu 6 hats now surely, that thing she made 60.16 When preceded by a possessive pronoun, 40 expresses the idea of property. hen'ne" 16 tz qe’md that camas belongs to me 112.6, 7 L6 has a local meaning, and may be translated by in iT, on rv. It always follows the object to which it refers. p’ sik wtsem 10 ni'ciic xa*p ha” wea cup give me, in it a little water have 68.17, 18 tsett’x*ume LO he’ he“ ha” we! on this side make a knot (literally, where this side is, on it a knot make) 92.7, 8 k!dm my apseNtT. The prefix of this possessive pronoun may be regarded as a demonstrative pronoun (see pp. 323, 399). THE NUMERAL (§§ 101-102) § 101. The Cardinals 1. yive” 20. ytawd' ha 2. ytawd’ 30. yipsz’nka 3. yt psEn 40. heci tha 4, he'cr't 50. hat‘ x/miska 5. kat‘ ’mis 60. yixe” wiegha 6. yixe” wieg 10. ytawd' wiegka 7. ydawd' wieg 80. yive” ahitka 8. yive” ahat 90. ytewd' ahitka 9. ytawa' ahit 100. yiwé” ni’kin 10. rep/ga'nit 111. yixé” ni’h-in tep!ga'nit 11. tep!ga'ni yixet gist yriaet! gtst 12. tep!ga'ni yiawst gtsi The Coos numeral system is of a quinary origin, and, strictly speaking, there are only five simple numeral stems; namely, those for the first five numerals. The numerals for SIX, SEVEN, EIGHT, and NINE are compounds, the second elements of which can not be explained. In the same manner the numeral for TEN defies all attempts at analysis. Besides the cardinals, Coos exhibits special forms for the ordinal, multiplicative, and distributive numerals, formed by means of adding certain numeral suffixes to the cardinal numerals (see §§ 74-77). § 101 404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The collective numerals expressed in English by the phrases In TWOS, IN THREES, etc., are formed in Coos by means of suffixing to the numerals for Two, THREE, etc., the adverbial suffix -é‘te (see § 67). yiawd' hé'te la” hithitowé” wat in pairs he is putting them down 34.7, 8 xyipse’né'tc in threes The collective numeral for onE, yize'ntce, shows a peculiar forma- tion. It consists of the cardinal yivé”, the distributive suffix -n (see pp. 327, 341), the modal suffix -tc (see pp. 327, 340, 369), and the suffix -e (see p. 359). yiae'ntce sgats together he seized them 64.8, 9 yrixe'ntce it ni /ta’yas together they (live) in (one) village 122.18. § 102. The Decimal System The units exceeding multiples of ten have forms exemplified by TEN (TWENTY) ONE OVER. Thus sep/ga'ni yixe'd’qtst ELEVEN literally means TEN ONE OVER, etc. The “‘tens” are formed by means of suffixing to the numerals from ONE to TEN (exclusive) the suffix -ka. The numeral for ONE HUNDRED, translated literally, means ONE STICK, which indicates that the Coos may have used counting-sticks for the purpose of counting up to one hundred. Two HUNDRED would mean Two stTIcKs, etc. The numeral ONE THOUSAND does not seem to have been used at all. There is no special stem for it. The natives to-day form this numeral by adding the noun ni’k-in sTIck to the numeral stem for TEN, expressing ONE THOUSAND by the phrase TEN STICKS. THE ADVERB (§§ 103-106) § 108. Introductory The dividing-line between adverbs and particles can not always be drawn very definitely. This is especially true in the case of the three particles expressing locality, time, and modality (see § 112). Adverbs express local, temporal, and modal ideas. A few of them may be said to express local phrases. In a number of cases two adverbs have been combined for the purpose of indicating a new adverbial concept, which is nothing more than an amplification of the ideas conduced by each of the two separate component elements. Some of the local adverbs seem to distinguish slightly between the idea of locality that is near the first, second, or third person; although §§ 102-103 wk Re ve oH Lt ¥,* iP Boas) HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 405 I am somewhat doubtful on that point, owing to the fact that this idea is hardly recognizable in the demonstrative pronouns. The great majority of modal adverbs occur with the adverbial suffix of modality -tc (see §§ 25, 36), and are often preceded by the modal prefix w- (see § 24). It is conceivable that this suffix may have been originally adverbial par excellence, and that it gradually became con- fined to adverbs expressing mode and manner. This opinion may be substantiated by the fact that the adverbial suffix -tc, when added to nouns, expresses other adverbial ideas besides those of modality. It is also suffixed to a number of stems expressing local phrases. The following is a complete list of adverbs that have been found in Coos: § 104. Local Adverbs and Phrases asi’L between, halfway 5.1 ga’ wax high up 8.11 é’gatce to one side 42.3 ganas close to the fire 82.19 tla before, ahead, in front gai’nis away from the shore 36.18 56.9 gaits inside the house 140.24 yt helg close by 60.21 gat below 36.11 yiga'té close there (?) 90.23 gapw'kul the other side, across yiga' ltsix: close here 104.12 140.18 yiga’'nt sofar,righthere14.4 ga’xan up 34.4 hi’nt there 5.2 gat down, below, under 116.9 ti” over there 90.21 xtse' tix’ from here 136.3 tsi’ here 24.4 aga’ wax from above 6.4 tst'x"t? over here 13.5 xga'tin from under 90.4 tse'tiw* over here ale’ tia’, létix: from there 12.2; tct there 7.4 ° 78.28 tele etc back in the woods 88.11 tcila’azs close to the shore 30.23 gaya'*tc, gatite down the 1/ha'wais near, close to 50.20 stream 24.24; 54.1 § 105. Temporal Adverbs aso’ again 6.1 te’ma at the same time 17.3 ai’wa still, yet 7.6 ti’**tse to-day 19.9 yuwe whenever (yi+he [see kwi7’yat now 9.1 § 9]) 24.4 lEat'wa while (z+ aiwa, the arti- yuur'nt before 178.25 cle is prefixed here for the hats"yt always (hats+yi [see sake of emphasis) § 110]) halt! now 15.6 mandj already (used for the purpose of expressing the past tense) 20.1 §§ 104-105 406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL.40 § 106. Modal Adverbs G’yu sure, enough 16.2 ewe lixetc in a stooping position yu very, very much 11.5 118.15 halt!ya (halt! + yi) too «piyeete homewards 42.7 44.18. txa'nuxwitc sideways 38.10 wind), xwindj thus, that way @ema'ate crossways 64.28 68.16; 6.8 xno'we right 44.9 pH lukwite entirely 130.7 ect ytciic clear around it 128.18 ta”, ta so, such 52.16 age’ltc slowly 60.7 nat much, many 44.18 ata’ gatc belly up and mouth open ni’ dic a few, a little 68.17 ° 102.11 tso’nd both ways 6.2 aeLeye ente truly 148.1 tsge'yiwetc edgeways wLowe'entc wholly 44.17 g%, gvkwa a little 36.6; tar’sama quickly, hurriedly 30.1 98.10 tnuwt very, very much 15.6 kas almost 20.19 L¥*péwetc belly side down 58.14 at, yt, yoat ket hardly 28.17 Lowe’ entc entirely 30.11. A number of purely local adverbs occur with the modal suffix, implying the modal character of a local idea. ga’ wante upwards (literally, in the manner of up) 14.1 ya'note outside 20.4 gelte downwards 6.4 yv'gante backwards la'wate inside 62.8 e’hente far off (compare e’he he was gone 108.9) 26.23 ga’ tite down stream 54.1 teqac'te up stream 160.15 The temporal phrase xtemi’towetc FROM THAT TIME ON 42.12 may also belong here, although the original stem is no longer recognizable. Whenever these modalized local adverbs are used in connection with verbs expressing motion or active ideas, they take the verbal suffix -e (see § 55). éhente sto“q far off he stood in & ehe’ntce yixu'’me not you far 26.23 away go 112.24 | ga'notctin tsxi outside welay gand’tcait Lléte outsidethey went 50.10 50.11 | gétic tx tle down they two ge'tice tst’x'ti he'lag down right — looked 14.2 here it came 13.5 § 106 i BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 407 PARTICLES (§§ 107-112) § 107. Introductory No formal distinction can be made between the stems that were termed ‘‘syntactic particles” (see §§ 86-95), and the words treated in the following chapters. Both exhibit practically the same phonetic structure. There is, however, a vast difference between these two sets of words, which asserts itself in the grammatical use to which they are applied, and in the morphological treatment that is accorded to them. None of the syntactic particles can be clearly and definitely rendered when used independently; or, in other words, the syntactic particles are capable of expressing concepts only in a complex of words. On the other hand, all particles proper express definite ideas, regardless of whether they are used independently or not. However, the most important point of distinction between syntactic particles and particles proper lies in the fact that the latter are capable of word composition. Hence all grammatical processes may be applied to them; and, as a matter of fact, the majority of them occur with a number of nominal and verbal suffixes. -§ 108. Pronominal Particles By means of these particles Coos expresses the ideas conveyed by our indefinite, interrogative, and relative pronouns. The following particles are employed for this purpose: wtt SOMEBODY is applied to persons only. It often exercises the function of a relative pronoun, and is then translated by wHo. in awit la" kitt’wita nobody that one can overtake 92.21, 22 kwaa'niya wit lit hi” mik* she knew who it was that old woman 102.20 dtl SOMETHING is applied to objects other than persons. It always follows the object to which it belongs. he'mis dv't yk-ito’wit big something I saw 62.21 go's dit hant hé’wi everything will grow (literally, all something will grow) 9.3 yt’ awd ditt pk tho’ wit two things I saw 112.26, 27 ntcla' ha dt tei he'lag animals arrived there (literally, something [that is] with legs [walkers] arrived there) 46.1, 2 nL!pe'ne di't tci he'lag birds arrived there (literally, something [that is] with wings arrived there) 46.2, 3 §§ 107-108 408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 - dv't is very often abbreviated to 7.. k!went' yat pwil’ wat for some food I am looking (See also under ld, Adi, p. 402.) By suffixing the interrogative suffix -@ (see § 73) to dv‘? and wit, two interrogative pronouns are obtained that may be rendered by wHatT and wHo respectively (see also p. 390). ditt he te &wild” wat what are you continually looking for? 54.3 awe th tstati'yat who did it? wictce’ takes the place of our interrogative pronoun. It always stands at the beginning of the sentence, and may be rendered by WHICH ONE. wictce’ &ddwa’ya which one do you want? 50.16 ttc WHICH occurs very rarely. It may be said to exercise the func- tion of our relative pronoun. ite yu hems whichever is the biggest (literally, which [is] very big) 30.21 itc he nq/é‘ltse whichever had a handkerchief 70.19 @/N7Ex ALONE. This particle exercises the function of the reflexive pronoun in intransitive sentences. It is usually placed at the beginning of the sentence, and precedes the verb. It is then rendered by MYSELF, THYSELF, etc. (see also p. 400). at’ nina la¥ t¥Gn alone they went down into the water 36.18 inizx ncFXa'lctet alone I work, I myself work’ inizx Lowa’ kats alone he lived 106.24 This particle occurs sometimes as inizxa’ma or inizxa’na. These forms frequently precede verbs having reciprocal suffixes. iniexca’ nd la” hi“misisé’ni they marry one another 12.5 inizxa’ma dw ya’ lant they two speak to each other inizxa’na tin toXsisé’nt we are hitting one another When used in connection with possessive pronouns, 7’/ntzv assumes the function of a reflexive possessive pronoun, and may be rendered by my (THY) OWN. wi’ niza nha“ts nyiad’wex I build my own house x nizca’ma hats wiad' wee I build my own house § 108 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 409 § 109. Numeral Particles Vk't BoTH, gO“s ALL, hE'M7a ati, denk* BACH, EVERY, and yEai’ ANOTHER, may be called numeral particles. hz’ma is used to indicate plurality of the object, and immediately follows the verb, while g6“s precedes the verb and usually denotes plurality of the subject (see § 18). go's wind) tt r!é’xem they all that way talk 50.9, 10 xgo"s ma la” kwaa'niyaha'ya all people came to know it 102.29 nk iti wita he'ma I overtook them all algsa’ya hz'ma he is afraid of them all denk* kiwi'lis every night 82.9 halt! yzad’ xné’'tits ga'xantc now another one jumped upwards 76.3, 4 halt! yzav’ mé Lowi’ tat now another man runs 78.28 Vk't expresses the idea of duality in both subject and object of the sentence. Vkt to’ hats he hit both of them 114.4 ége Vk‘t dead (are) both 120.5 2kt tx te/a’at both walked 120.19 § 110. Conjunctions Coos has a number of stems that must be classed as conjunctions. The following may be regarded as such: his also hats just ta and tsO now, then A s . 4 when, as, since, while his and ta serve as copulas between nouns and sentences. his xa c¥a'lctet also she is working 22.26, 27 kwad' niyaha' ya liw hi’ rate his liw &nite his liz e'k“réte (they) came to know it, her elder brother, also her mother, also her father 86.22, 23 sgats ta tcelwiite'tc /xant he caught and into the fire he threw him 104.15 @ connects subordinate clauses with the principal clause. aYa t tluwe'*tcs 1 la th!wa'k" lz xi*p he was tired (waiting), while it was running down, the water 17.3, 4 lagtso”’' wat 1 djt he waited, as he came 118.9, 10 4 la” sqats la” xihi'ye la“ to when one seizes it, it belongs to him (literally, when that one seizes it, that one becomes he [to whom] that thing belongs) 92.22 §§ 109-110 410 ; BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 hats serves to introduce a new idea. It was conventionally rendered by gust, although it hardly conveys the idea expressed by our English word. Lgd' at ¢ te!wii'tete kwi'nait. Hats kwa mila le wa'wa t la wai’la he opened his mouth, as into the fire he looked. Just like a liver the little girl as she became warm 108.24, 25 a yut nuwi te!/tli'yat hz te!wat. Hats yi’ gax qa’ qat lz swat surely, she built a big fire. Just right away fell asleep the bear 100.27, 28 hats... hats is usually rendered by as soon as. Hats prefixed to the adverb yi very forms a new adverb, hats?yi, which was invariably rendered by auways (see § 105). tsO indicates a syntactic division with a continuation of the same thought. It was translated by now. “ham tan n'kin pwilo“ wat” wind) L/dé'cnm le hi mitk:. Tsd a'yu tsa yux" mi'ke sqats *‘ (please) for wood I will look,” thus said the old woman. Now, surely, a small basket she took 102.3, 4, § mitsist'ya lat hi’ mik: law swat, tsd asd’ sgats hat hi’ mik: lax swat knew that old woman the bear, now again he seized that old woman, the bear 102.21, 22 tsd &t'lia’mt tsd hant &ilw when I tell you, then you shall look (literally, now I tell it to you, now shall you look) 17.2, 3 § 111. Interjections a@'nta LOOK, BEHOLD! It is always placed at the beginning of the sentence. a'nta té ti'ye mi'laq look! here (are) your arrows! 22.28 a’nta k*tto'witz behold, see it! 94.25 ta’? the greeting formula of the Coos. It was rendered by HALLoo. ta’t sla’ halloo, cousin! 44.3 ta’t nex Gla halloo, my child! 28.21 § 112. Miscellaneous Particles 7M NOT, a particle of negation. The particle of affirmationis En. This is, however, rarely used, being supplanted by the syntactic par- ticle 12 SURELY (see p. 388). in k't'L0“ts he did not find it 22.18, 19 te in kwad'niya they two did not know it 22.9, 10 (See also § 9.) §§ 111-112 Th Phe ae BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 411 qante PLACE, WHERE. gante lela" taa’ Yam, la” his xi tci ta wherever they went, he also there went 22.17, 18 pkwaa' niya gante I know where (it is) 80.14 go"s gante everywhere 46.22 in gantc k-t'x0"ts nowhere he found it mildte TIME. It is used mostly in connection with the numerical particle go%s, and is then rendered by ALWways. gos mi'léte t/a’ xem always he is talking 14.5, 6 mv léitet hant &wu'tee when will you return? (literally, time, question, shall, you come back) 28.3, 4 tctt€ MANNER, KIND, WAY, MODE (see also p. 390). gos tcitc tt alt’cani all kinds of (games) they are playing 30.25 tcite he Lowe” wat whatever he is eating (habitually) it in tcite tsxat’wat they can not kill her (literally, they [have] no way [to] kill her) 80.24 @’ watu WHETHER OR Not. ‘This particle is very rarely used. a watu pdjt I may or may not come G'watu in tsi'x'ti he'laq (they) may or may not come here 90.15 § 113. The Stem 7Ztse’ts Morphologically speaking, it is a verbal stem 7s-, transitivized by means of the suffix -¢s, but its application covers such a wide range of different ideas that each of them will have to be enumerated separately. (1) It is used as an expletive particle with a significance that adapts itself to the sense of the sentence. in kwee'niyém itse'ts he'tt na” ntzs no one knew how many they were (literally, they [indefinite] not know it, what [was] their number) 78.2 yea’ L/ta'tte pitse’ts in another country I stay 26.8, 9 xtcv'icth itse'ts hz no“sk't'li what is the matter with the Big Woman 72.28 itse'ts yt’ k" il laY heni' yers hint’ Lowa’ kats he may have been sit- ting there for a long time 40.14 kwaa'niya xtcite hant lz itsém he knew what was going to happen (the -ém in ttsém is the indefinite subject suffix [§ 30]) 26.19, 20 da in kwaa'niya gantc ha“ itsem they two did not know where he was 22.9, 10 én hant tcite itsém to you nothing will happen 66.5 § 113 412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [putL. 40 (2) When the transitive suffixes, other than -ts, are added to it, its significance is clearly verbal. yt kwant xtcite pitsitst’wat I wonder what I shall do with zt 86.8 yvkwant xtcite xewin &ttsitsa’mt I wonder what we two shall do with you, how we two shall keep you 24.3, 4 atcv tech &itsito’’ wat tye wiai’lis how did you get that your food? 64.17, 18 in kwee'niyém atcite & itseti no one knew what became of them 52.1, 2 § 114. Verbs as, Adjectives The use of verbs as adjectives is confined to a few sporadic instances. These verbs are, as a rule, intransitive, although they occur with the transitive suffzx-¢. (See also § 117.) thu’ lit ha” yiau'me she travels blazing (red-hot) (ikwil- to burn) 24.18, 19 thwi'lit tsaxa'lisetc la” lo'q'tits by means of red-hot pebbles she boiled it 102.6 Whether the phrases pad’hit lz yiad’wex THE HOUSE IS FULL, gimg mit IT IS RAINING, belong here, is a problem which is hard to decide, although the psychological relation between these examples and those quoted above is not inconceivable. § 115. Nouns as Qualifiers Substantives are often used to qualify other nouns. In such cases the qualifying noun always precedes the qualified substantive, and both nouns retain their nominal character. dv'loz ala a young boy (literally, a young male child) 60.2 hi’ mik: mé Lowa’ kats there lived an old woman (literally, an old female being) 100.20, 21 to’ mit dd’ mit tse an old man lay (literally, an old male man) 50.21 tsiiyd’ne ti’milt le’ tia hi’ me their (dual) little children were boys (literally, little male children) 42.16 § 116. Vocabulary All Coos stems are either monosyllabic or polysyllabic (mostly bisyllabic). Monosyllabic stems consist of a vowel followed by one or two consonants, of one or two consonants followed by a vowel, or of consonants, vowel, and consonants. Some of the bisyllabic stems that are found in the language have been expanded by means of grammatical processes (see §§ 4, 84). §§ 114-116 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 413 Examples of monosyllabic stems: ai”- to kill (many) 58.8 a’- to quit 14.4 ék*- to be among 46.13 ila- to look 14.2 vl- to tell 7.8 tin- to set up 34.23 ha'- to gamble 38.23 hi- to be ready 19.3 pa?- to fill 15.7 sga- to seize 10.4 tga- to believe 28.13 tsxa%- to kill (one) 14.7 yEq- to run away 36.19 yoq- to split in two 7.3 win- to wade 58.2 Examples of polysyllabic stems: éhe to be gone 38.15 hak- to crawl 32.10 ha“p- to tear off 58.14 pin- to shake 58.24 mu- to swim 24.27 te*t- to enter 22.29 tcil- to be ashamed k/al- to shout 24.22 wing- to weave, to pile 18.1 minte- to ask 62.15 tsimx'- to fasten 46.7 k*imst- to pick 17.1 tkwit- to follow 9.9 tganz- to strike 28.1 tga‘t- to put a belt on 28.22 kwit'na- to look 6.4 yVaeuxt- to have, to carry 54.12 = ak‘a'nak: to stick out 42.1 wu'txe to come back 28.4 ha k“t- to leave 30.8 sitstn- to go and see 9.7 k:t'lo“- to see 6.5 itistl- to recognize 30.28 yrau'me to travel 10.3 kine to stand 62.22 With the exception of the terms of relationship, the nouns indicat- ing parts of the body, and all other words of a denominative character, the Coos stems are neutral and receive their nominal or verbal character through the suffixes. sto“q- to stand 20.4 Lt/d- to speak 9.3 L/ha- to put on 28.22 lo’ wak" lightning 18. 5 stowa'qwis wall 90.18 L/é’yts language 14.5 L/aha’was clothes 110.3 lo’kwit it lightens 18. 8 In a few instances nouns have been formed by reduplication or duplication of a neutral stem. tgaiz- to put around 28.22 tco¥- to jump teat- to chop wood 26.16 pua"- to spout lé‘p- to paint x*in- to be on top yim- to twinkle ga tgait belt 28. 22 tcd’atcox rabbit 60. 23 aa’ Laat ax pu” xpia a spout 30. 25 ti'ptip paint winx in saddle yt myim eyelash § 116 414 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 117. Structure of Sentences The structure of the Coos sentence is very simple, owing chiefly to the fact that in the absence of incorporation, subjects, objects, and predicates are expressed by means of independent words. No strict rules can be laid down for the consecutive order in which the differ- ent parts of a sentence occur. It may, however, be said in a most general way, that all adverbial ideas precede the verb, and that the subject of the sentence tends to appear at the very end, especially in subordinate clauses. The object may either precede the verb or follow it. kwile' Lé'te tswit lit to’méx in the sweat-house was resting that old man 28.11, 12 yiad’ wexetc ta lz hi’ mis into the house went the woman lex tspna’'hete L/dts le ma@’gat with the thunder-language spoke the crow awind) t th'nas he tsi’ yux" ta’nik: this is the name (of) the small river 46.10, 11 sqgats le hi’ mis law swat seized the woman the grizzly bear 102.21, 22 | ma xwin wutxai'yat a person we two brought home 128.8, 9 nto hits lz di'lot I hit the young man Nominal attribute complements precede the noun. When following the noun, they assume a predicative function. tsi’ yua” ta’nik* asmall river %a’nik: tsd’yua" the river is small hems yixd' wee the big house yiad’ wrx he mis the house is big ad'nis mé a sick person ma xaé'nis the person is sick No formal distinction is made between coordinate and subordinate clauses, nor is the succession of the parts of speech changed in dif- ferent types of sentences. Subordinate clauses may precede the principal clauses whenever the occasion requires it. Subordinate clauses are distinguished by means of conjunctions that are placed at the beginning. kt Lo"ts ln gz'méé lex di'lot 4 la” hi’ni he'lag the young man found the kamass when he arrived there 4 la” tsxtt Le hi mis ktto'wit le yu’m2 as the woman lay (there) she saw the stars § 117 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 415 § 118. Idiomatic Expressions An exhaustive discussion of the Coos idiomatic expressions is lim- ited a priort by the scope of the present work. Consequently only the most salient features of this phase of the Janguage will be pointed _ out in this chapter. Perhaps the most striking examples of idiomatic phraseology are found in the manner of expressing verbal concepts, like rr GRows, IT FILLS UP, IT RUNS, etc. These ideas are expressed in Coos by means of a phrase which consists of the verbal stem To Go or To RUN and of the abstract derivative of the particular verbal concept preceded by the sign of possession @ (see § 97). hd@’wi he grew up 64.12 ta tha” we he tcict’mit the spruce- tree grew up (literally, goes its growth [of] the spruce-tree) 20.16 ta tt ha” we le'tx ha’ wis 1 /té their (dual) ready land began to grow (literally, goes its growth [of] their [dual] ready land) 8.10, 11 x4t'lwis deep asi’ ta & x tluwi'ye lex ya'bas the maggots went halfway deep (literally, halfway went its depth [of] the maggots) 40.12 paa- to fill ta t paa'wes le ~a%p the water is filling up (literally, goes its full [mark of] the water) 44.17 xin- to run nlehitla @ xna’at with it he ran (literally, with it went his swift- ness) 42.8 ta @ wnaat he cx‘imt the bear ran (literally, went his quick- ness [of] the bear) mil- to swim djt &% mile [it] swam [towards her] (literally, came its swimming [motion of]) 86.3 hamt- to float ta t hamiara' was lit tsi yha 1 /ta that small piece of land kept floating (literally, went its [con- ception of] floating [of] that small place) 46.10 § 118 416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Another idiomatic expression worth while mentioning is the manner in which our terms THERE IS, THEY ARE, are expressed. The Coos subject of such a sentence is either the noun g@’yis WORLD or mén PEOPLE, which are invariably preceded by the sign of possession (see § 97). tc/l- to be dry te/li % ga’yis there was low tide (literally, dry its [condition of the] world) 18.6 in tellexem % ga'yts there is no low tide (literally, not dry its [condition of the] world) 15.8 n'k*in wood, tree 26.25 k: linv'k-in & qa'yts there were no trees (literally, without trees its [appearance of the] world) 8.7,8 wa'waL spider nwa'waLta t% ga@yis there was a spider (literally, with spider its [condition of the] world) 30.3 6 that thing 32.10 nto’we & ga'yis there was such a thing (literally, with that thing [was as] its [asset the] world) 32.9 kwee'tt. many live gaici'nis kwee'tt 4 mén they were living in asmall place (literally, a small place [had as] their liv- ing [place the] people) 50.7 k/al- to shout gak'elent'we % mén they began to shout (literally, began their shouting [act, of the] people) 24,22 kine many stand tci tk-inet mén they were stand- ing there (literally, there [the] standing [place was of] people) 74.28 To the same group of idiomatic expressions belong phrases like 1 (THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING HUNGRY, I (THOU, HE . . .) AM GETTING HEAVY, etc. The verb of such phrases in Coos is always the stem fa To Go, which is preceded by the attributive complement amplified by means of the modal suffix -tc (see § 36). Consequently such a phrase, literally translated, means INTO A STATE OF . . . I(THOU, HE. . .)GO. tga- to be hungry igate nla I am getting hungry pu!- to be heavy pulite ta he is getting heavy § 118 realy ate hoe ous BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS AL] A very peculiar expression, though by no means confined to Coos alone, is the manner of forming sentences that have dual subjects. Such sentences present two possibilities. Either both subjects are actually expressed, or only one is indicated while the other is under- stood. 1. In sentences where one subject is understood, duality of subject is indicated in Coos by using the verb in its dual form, followed imme- diately by the (expressed) subject. yiad' wextte tix wu'txe hat to’miz into the house they two returned (the whale and) that old man 30.15, 16 tso a'yu tci tex ta, le timd'catc now, surely, there they two went (he and) the grandmother 66.19 yv'xen galimi ye tst Unta te ta lé hu“ mis one morning just hunt- ing they two went (he and) his wife 110.26 a'yu tet tix ta le tekitst'ndte surely, there they two went (she and) the granddaughter 80.15, 16 2. If both subjects are expressed, it will be found that, in addition to the dual form of the verb, the dual pronoun is placed before either one or both subjects. hi'nt hant tx tila'qai le imac tx pkik* there shall they two live (namely) the grandmother (and the) grandfather 68.28 wind) La ti kwee'niyém te tax tsy'na tx ma'gat thus only they two are known, that Thunder (and) Crow 19.10, 11 In a few instances a similar treatment has been found in sentences with plural subjects. yiad'wexetc it ta le dd'mit into the house they went (the two women and) the man 128.7 tsi i huwe'itsém le hu”’més just they got ready (he and) the (two) women 130.17, 18 The last idiomatic formation worth mentioning here is the manner of expressing comparison of adjectives in accordance with the three degrees,— the positive, the comparative, and the superlative. A comparative statement in the positive degree is expressed by means of a whole sentence in which the adjective is treated as a noun appear- ing with the nominal suffixes -zs, -tzs (see § 57), or -zye, -dye (see p. 376), and is placed between the subject and object with which it is compared. The sentence is invariably introduced by means of the conjunction Ais atso (see § 110); and its comparative character is 3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——-27 § 118 418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 further indicated by the use of the modal adverb Za, ta”, so, sucH (see § 106), which immediately follows the subject of the sentence. his n'ne ta nhethe'ters te ene I am as rich as you are (literally, also I such I [have] wealth [as] this you) his n'ne ta nwd’nises le ene | am as sick as you are his n’né ta” nln yites te ene | am as good as you are his n'ne ta” nhe'mistes le &ne I am as tall as you are his xi ta ewi'wiye le ene he is as light as you are his xa ta" pit /d'ye le éne he is as heavy as you are his te la'nik: ta” wviluwi'ye te balti’mis that river is as deep as that ocean In many instances the abstract noun expressing the adjective con- cept is repeated after the object, in which case the object (and also the subject) assumes the function of a possessive pronoun (for pro- nominal subjects and objects) or of a genitive case (for nominal objects and subjects). his n'ne ta ngaine’ zs li’ye qaine’zs I am as cold as you are (liter- ally, also [of] me such [is] my cold [condition as is] your cold [condition ]}) his ene ta yene” glana’tzs te hen'ne¥ q!ana'tes you are as young as I am (literally, also [of] thee such [is] thy youth [as is] that my youth) The comparative degree is expressed by means of a sentence in which the adjective is used in its simple form, while the object is indicated by the use of the instrumental suffix -ztc (see § 70). There is a marked tendency to place the object at the beginning of the sentence. yéné ite plz'yt Iam better than you are (literally [as compared], with you I [am] good) hexti'ttc ylz' yi I am better than he is gne'ite &gax you are taller than I am xa nne'ttc tsa’ yua” he is smaller than I am awin ti’ mite y‘ne'itc we two are stronger than you are The superlative degree may be expressed in two ways. Either the numeral particle go“s atu (see § 109), amplified by means of the adverbial suffix -ztc (see § 70), is placed before the simple form of the adjective; or else the nominalized adverb @a'hatcum (see §§ 58, 104) is used for that purpose. ago” site ylz' yi I am the best of all (for the use of the prefix a- see § 24) ten té ka’ po «go site pi /is this here is my heaviest coat ad Ua’ hatcem he'mis hethe'te he is the biggest chief xd ila hatcem to'mit ma L/ta’yasitc he is the oldest man in the village § 118 TEXTS ORIGIN OF DEATH Ox! sla’tcini.2 Lat? {t4 kwee’ti.® Lat? k‘i® Ox! nhamii’k-e- They cousins(were) These they lived These both theytwo with wives two mutually. together. he.” I’k'1° tsiya’ne® le’fix® ti’mili’? hi’me.4t Yi’xen” qalimi’ye are, Both small their(dual) malebeings children. Once morning it got ter *"witewehetci*® Ja‘ a’la. In” ‘he’niye* xa’nis” la" ’a’la. just sick it is his child. Not a long time sick his child. Tsi* hats® Inga” wm” la‘ a/la. Xanana’ya” Ja’ a’la, 173 la? Merely just died his child. Sorry (it)makes his child, when that him (feel) one Inqa’we.* Tso* ft* aqana’ya.> Helmi/his”® in‘ 1L0d’wtyam.” died. Now they buried it. Next day not (he) eats. La"® maha/éiwat® Im” a’la. Hecri’tentc® gqalimi/ye™ la" That is looking after it the child. Four times at morning it got that one frequently one fata’ ya 14° sla’ate.? «Ke tcine’heni.* “Ta'i™ sla!®" Xtci'tcn® wentto him his cousin. “Thou thinking art. Halloo, cousin! How 1 Personal pronoun 3d person dual (§ 18). 2 sla- COUSIN; -atc suffix of relationship (§ 65); -inz distributive (§§ 72, 11, 7). 3 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100). 4 Personal pronoun 3d person plural (§ 18). 5 Plural stem (§ 51). 6 Numeral particle (§ 109). ™m- WITH (§ 21); hiwmtik-e WIVES (§ 78); -e auxiliary (§§ 44, 10, 7). 8 Plural formation (§ 78). 9 Possessive pronoun 3d person dual (§ 98). 10 Plural formation (§§ 78, 115). 11 Plural formation (§ 78). 12 yixét ONE (§ 101); -en multiplicative (§ 75). 13 galim- MORNING; -iye transitional (§ 35). 14 Restrictive particle (§ 94). 15 witewahazte- sIcK; -i neutral intransitive suffix (§§ 81, 7) 16 Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§§ 98, 7). 17 Particle of negation (§ 112). 18 heni- A WHILE; -iye transitional (§§ 35, 9). 19 ydm- SICK; -is nominal (§ 56). 20 Conjunction (§ 110). 21 Singular stem (§ 51). 22 xdim- SICK; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 7). 28Conjunction WHEN, AS, SINCE, WHILE (§ 110). 24 Conjunction (§ 110). % ege DEAD; -anaya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 7). 26 helmi TO-MORROW; -is ordinal (§§ 74, 10). 27 L.0u- TO EAT; -am (§ 55). 28maha- TO WATCH; -éiwat frequentative (§ 33). 29 Definite article (§ 17). 30 he’cLiL FOUR; -entcis ordinal multiplicative (§ 76). 31fq- TO GO; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47), 32 Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 18). 33¢cine- TO THINK, -ent verbal (§ § 45, 10). 34Interjection (§ 111). 35 Vocative (§ 65). 36 ~- modal (§ 24); tcite particle (§ 112); -az interrogative (§ 73). 419 420 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 e® 7 fluwe’*tcis,*> kat‘n’misen * qalimi’ye iL * wu’txe ten* a’la.” y thy heart, five times morning it gets should return that my me ie Wandj® iai’xem.“ ‘In hel sla.™ Hats” e°* qla’mtsam Thus talking “Not surely cousin. Just thou eat! condition. La"? ni’wets hani*® yet” ifluwe’*tcis.”* Wandj? Tit That happy will (be) thy heart.”’ Thus (he) told one it tohim. Tso* qats*® i’niye* telte? f°. Thiwetcis.° Hats was Now still no more manner his heart. Just thus tceine’heni.* ‘‘E&®? palaha’mi* hanrel.”* A’yu®, in” yu™ thinking (he) is. “Thee get ove with, shall surely.” ausely not very —thee he’niye’® a’yu®™ witcwehe’tci® la 4’la. In” he’niye* long time surely sick it is his child. Not long time xi’nfs.° Mandj® Inqa”we. Heéeikwainta®® °° fluwe’*tcis,* sick, Already (it) died. Very bad his heart PA la leqa’' Ww wE” Ja a/la. A’yu* cili'ye* In” windj” when that ied his child, Surely indeed he thus one it was Lig’xmm,@ 1% Tat?“ dowalya™ ,wutxe la** ala. ‘Tso> same talking when that wants it (to) return his child. Now surely condition one tel ia. eT a'Ts* “slat Ayu coL™ wotxea xa) ee there me. “‘Falloo, cousin! Surely ought (to) return singly about to went. te’is® a’la. Kat'r’misen® gqalimi’ye’® fix' wu'txe hani* te’is® thisour child. Five times morningitgets they return shall these our (dual) two (dual) a’la.” enapo wit. “In hel#* slal® “Hate?0eammam children.” Thus (he) told “Not surely cousin! Just shalt it to him. ef? qla’mtsam!* La"? ni’wets hant.‘® ye®*” fluwe’tcis.”** Wand)” thou eat! That happy _ will (be) thy heart.” Thus one Lid/xem.“ ‘“Qaiku“ fx! wutxa’xa™ rit? te’is®* hime,” ta® talking “(I) thought they return singly aboutto these our children, and condition, two (dual) 37 Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (§ 98). 38 jlwweztc- HEART (?); -is nominal (§ 56). 39kat'E’mis FOUR; -en multiplicative (§ 75). 40Syntactic particle denoting the optative (§ 91). 41 Possessive pronoun 1st person singular (§ 98). 42 Modal adverb (§ 106). 487,/G- TO SPEAK; -xEm generic (§ 30). 44Syntactic particle denoting degree of certainty (§§ 88, 7). 45q/m- TO EAT; -ts transitive (§ 26); -am (§§ 55, 11). 46 Syntactic particle (§ 87). 477il- TO TELL TO; -t transitive (§ 26). 48 Syntactic particle (§ 89). 4977 NOT; -iye transitional (§ 35). 60 Sign of possession (§ 97). 51Lala- TO GET EVEN WITH; -dmi transitive subject and object pronoun I—THEE (§§ 46, 10). §2hanL SHALL; 71 SURELY (§§ 87, 88, 7). §3 Modal adverb (§ 106). 54 Modal adverb (§ 106). 55 Temporal adverb (§ 105). 56 Syntactic particle (§ 93); ta so [literally, VaRILY, NOT SO] (§ 106). 57 cil syntactic particle (§ 90); -iye transitional (§ 35). 58 d6w- TO WISH, TO DESIRE; -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47). 59 Local adverb (§ 104). 60 Syntactic particle (§§ 90, 91). 61 Reduplicated stem wutxve TO COME BACK (§ 83). 62 Syntactic particle (§ 87). 63 Possessive pronoun inclusive, dual (§ 98). 64 Syntactic particle denoting degree of knowledge (§ 88). 6 Conjunction (§ 110). Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 421 qats*® Ja"? én dowa’/ya®® xwindj.” Hei® hanu*® yiqa® in” however _ that thou didst want thus. (Emphatic) shall still not thing not it witxa’xa® Eit® yantawe” mi leqa’wn,”? nayim™ én ddwa’ya® return singly going to whenever beings die, because thounot didst want it xwindj.” Xnowe” 1% cil® tm’ xwaindj® e§* rltais.”% Wandj thus. Right when indeed that thus thou didst tell it Thus there to, thou—me.’’ teine’henl.* Mai” xndwe” Ilela"® windj®? flt.47 Kat‘r’misen® thinking (he) is. However right that’s thus (he) told it Five times (the thing) to him. galimi’ye* an*° wutxa’xa”™ nit,” yuu” xwindj®” Llits.” Ly'yi a1,*° morning it should return singly going if thus speak. Good would gets to should be yuu” kat w’/misen * qalimi’ye'* wutxa’xa® rit? hr mii leqa” we.” if five times morning it return singly inten- the people die. should gets tion (who) Tso* yigai’ni”® hela’qaxem.” Wiindj® hiitctleni’yequm.*° Now so far it got (the story). Thus the story is being told. [Translation] Once upon a time there were two cousins. They lived together. They were both married, and each had a little boy. One morning one of the boys became sick. He was not sick long before he died. The father felt sorry when the child died. Then they buried it. The next day he (the father of the dead boy) could not eat. He was merely looking at the dead child. On the fourth day he went to his cousin. ‘‘Halloo, cousin! Whatdo you think? Should my child re- turn after five days?”—‘‘Oh, no, cousin!” answered the other one. ‘*You simply eat, and you will feel happy.” He did not know what to answer. He was merely thinking to himself, ‘‘I will certainly get even with you.” After a short time the other man’s child became sick. It was not ill very long before it died. The father was very much grieved when his child died. He therefore went to his neighbor and said to him, ‘*Halloo, cousin! I think our two children ought to return. They ought to come back after five days.” But the other man answered, 6 ef THOU (§ 18); % NOT (§ 112, 9). 67 z- modal (§ 24); wadndj THUS (§ 106). 68 Syntactic particle (§ 93). 69 Syntactic particle (§ 89). 70 yanL IF (future)(§ 91); he CUSTOMARILY (§ 87). 11 Syntactic particle (§ 89). 72%- modal (§ 24); nOwe ALL RIGHT. 73 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100). “47il- TO TELL, -t transitive (§ 26); -dis transitive subject and object pronoun (§ 46). 75 Syntactic particle (§ 89). 76 Particle denoting the optative (§ 91). ™L/d- TO SPEAK; -ts transitive (§ 26). 78 Adverb (§ 104). 79helaqg TO ARRIVE; -xEm generic (§§ 30 4. 11). 80 hdtcit! STORY; -ent verbal (§§ 45, 11); -iyegzm passive (§ 40). 499 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 **Oh, no, cousin! You just eat and you will feel happy again. I had intended that our dead children should come back, but you did not wish it that way. And now, whenever people die, they will not come back, because you objected to it. You were right when you spoke against it.” He was justified in thus addressing him. People would have come back after five days if he had originally consented to it. It would have been good if the dead people could come back. Here the story ends. In this manner people relate this story. THe THEFT oF FrRE AND WATER Nmii’henet? bY, «lol bee (z0%s*)-). teite* 1i’mxnei® mi. With people it that land. All kinds mixed up (they (the) (mutually) was there were) mutually _— beings. Tie k-late!wat.7 it? k*laxd*p.7 Ts dit? i rowel watt They without fire. They without water. When something they eat frequently Br ete it® wLipéqaqa’eiwat.2 Xlettc t'a’lats.4 “Lat? intend, that they in the arm-pits to be, With it with (they) dance. Those thing cause it frequently. temi’te mi lat? tclicila’étwat® he. Tsd® he pi’ctci,” old people that cause it to be under- custom- Now custom- warm it thing neath, frequently arily. arily gets, tso® he! lat? q!imits.%* Yuwe® qa’lyeg L!’le, lat? het pais now custom- that (they) eat. Whenever salmon comes theyare usually they arily thing out, theones Ltulée”yat.22. Windj" yuxtik-* he'll” Lowa’ was.” La"? scoop it out. That way barely their food. That thing skweyeni’yeqem™ Im” tclwil. ‘*Xtci’tcei?® in,” yan” lat? tin it is talked about the fire. “How would if that we itbe, should thing 1m- adverbial (§ 21); md PEOPLE; -e auxiliary (§§ 44,10); -n distributive (§§ 87,25); -¢ transitive (§§ 26, 4). 2Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100). 3Numeral particle (§ 109). 4Particle (§ 112). 5timax’- TO MIX; -néi distributive (§ 37). 6Personal pronoun 3d person plural (§ 18) 1k: /G- privative (§ 20). 8Conjunction (§ 110). ®Pronominal particle (§ 108). 107,6u- TO EAT; -é?wat frequentative (§§ 33,8). Syntactic particle (§ 87). 127,/péq- TO BE IN ARM-PITS; -aéiwat frequentative causative (§ 34); see also reduplication (§ 83). 13z- instrumental (§ 24); /z article (§ 17); -zte instrumental (§ 70). 14¢‘al- TO DANCE; -ts transitive (§ 26). 15Plural formation (§ 78). 1l6tc/icil MAT; -aéiwat frequentative causative (§ 34). 17 pictc- TO BE WARM; -i neutral intransitive (§ 31), 18q/m- TO EAT; -ts transitive (§ 26). 19yi% VERY (§ 106); he CUSTOMARILY (§ 87); see also § 9. 207tL/- TO SCOOP OUT; -iyat causative (§§ 27, 2). 21 Modal adverb (§ 106). 22 Possessive pronoun 3d person plural (§ 98), 2%37,6u- TO EAT; -@was verbal abstract (§§ 59, 8). 24 skw- TO TALK ABOUT; -eni verbal (§ 45); -tyegem passive (§§ 40,9). 2 Article (§ 17). %6y- modal (§ 24); tcitec MANNER (§ 112); -@ interrogative (§ 73). 27Syntactic particle (§ 91). 38 Personal pronoun Ist person plural (§ 18). Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 423 Pata’ ya?”%—**Tci® hanu® iin”? ta.” Tsd® a’yu? tcl f° Ia. go to it?”’— ““There shall we go.”’ Now surely there they went. mya ta if he'laq. A’yu™ teliiaae te? tclwil, i i Surely there they arrived. Surely to burn it is that fire, when they caused there te*tits.= Hats® yiqax* k-ilo’wit® Ie xa*%p. Lodwa’kats® entered. Just right away (he) saw it the water. Sat ter? lm mi halgait.” Xta’nuxwite® Lowa’kats.** ‘*Ta’T*: there the person (he) came to. Sideways (he) was sitting. “ Halloo, sla! Ts‘ alf’cani*t hanz.”*! Hats® kwa* tht klayaha’é'wat. cousin! We play shall.’’ Just as if not (he) hears it. two Xpekwi'ltcume** Lowa’kats.*%° Tsd* he’niye, tsd® flxats.* From the opposite side (he) sat. Now (after) a while now (he) coed at him. **Qaniya’ta*? e°* hen’ne’* sla hitc®? cante?”** Wandj” wiats.® Stranger thou my cousin (surprise) (7? Thus (he) spoke. ** HF lega"wiya’tani® 1.” ‘*Ma™* cku® e®# hen* nila’hateem™ “Thou story tell must.”’ “But it pa thou my at priority e fa yee ha we.”*” Tsd® qats** xié'te. He’niye* e’he qand’tca.® goes thy growth.” Now, however, (he) went Awhile (he) was outside. out. gone Tso® aso’ te’*tits.® ‘*Tai® sla! Anta® te? ni’k!wa*! ye’ne™® Now again (he) entered. ‘“‘Halloo, cousin!’ Look pis used (to be) thy ere sg Tm yene’” pill “la? -uila’néx.” ‘Pa? "hen’ne®* pit lat? ndian That thy Indian that (is) new. That my ndian that cradle, there cradle one there cradle one qa léx®; ta® tei? ni’k!wa*! yene®®* nahin, ta® tei? ni’k!wa* (is) old; and fae used (to be) thy shinny-club, and ee used (to be) ere ere 29%a- TO GO; -t transitive (§ 26); -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47). 30 Local adverb (§ 104). 81Syntactic particle (§ 87). 82¢c/il- TO BURN; -eet causative passive (§§ 41,7). 38tert- TO ENTER; -ts transitive (§ 26). 3iSyntactic particle (§ 89). 35k-{26u- TO SEE; -t transitive (§§ 26,8). %6LOuku- TO SIT; -ts transitive (§§ 26,11). 37 helg- TO ARRIVE; -t transitive (§§ 26,7,11). 88y- modal (§ 24); tanwaxu- SIDE; -ite modal (§§ 67,8). 39TInterjection ($111). 40Personal pronoun inclusive, dual (§ 18). 41qlEc TOY; -eni verbal (§§ 45,7). “2Syntactic particle (§ 88). 8k/ayaha- TO HEAR; -éiwat frequentative (§ 33). 44z- locative (§ 22); pzkwil- OPPOSITE; -tc adverbial (§§ 25,104); -wme nominalizing (§ 64). ‘Sheni- A WHILE; -iye transitional (§§ 35,9). 48{/x- TO LOOK; -zs transitive (§ 26). ‘7ganiya/ta BELONGING TO A DIFFERENT TRIBE, A STRANGER. 48Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 18). 49 Possessive pronoun Ist person singular (§ 98). S0Syntactic particle (§ 90). 51Can not be analyzed. 527,/d- TO SPEAK; -ts transitive (§ 26). 53/Eqauwiyatas STORY (compare lZqavwE TO DIE); -ent verbal (§§ 45,7). 54Syntactic particle (§ 92). 55n- adverbial (§ 21); 7la BEFORE (§ 104); -tc adverbial (§§ 25, 103, 10,7); -zm adverbial abstract (§ 58). 56 Possessive pronoun 2d person singular (§§ 18, 98). 57hau- TO GROW; -e (§ &0); see also §§ 8, 118. 58gand- OUTSIDE; -tc adverbial (§§ 25, 104); -a directive (§ 55). 59Temporal adverb (§ 105). %7/an- NEW; -éx adjectival (§ 66). 81 gal- OLD (compare galu WINTER); -éx adjectival (§ 66). 494 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 hen’ne?# na”hin, ta® tei? ni’k!wa® ye'ne®®* kwia’sis,” ta® te!? my shinny-club, and _ this used (to be) thy ball, and this here here ni’ k!wa*! hen’ne"* kwii’sis.” Lla’néx® ye'ne™®* kwi’sis. Qa/lex® used (to be) my ball. New (is) thy ball. Old (is) tei? hen’ne"* kwa’sis.@ Kwa* kwe” yu” In‘ a’yu# L* sla.” this my ball. Asif perhaps very not surely must cousin.” here (be) Ter: hito"tsa‘texa.®) A’yu7* kilo’ wit... ** A’ yu oneiliye™ slay There (he) putthemdownfor Surely (he) saw it. “Surely indeed cousin him. ‘ it is Ter T1® ef rok’. . a&s* alicant™ han.” . Tso* a) gene There surely thousit down. We play shall,’”’ Now surely they two two haiti’teme’.*~ “‘Yi’kwant® diltcn’tc® ten” Lilaqa’é'wat,” gamble together. “Perhaps shall something that I Le my finger at with im frequently, Th dat? el tate, » ln, names? Tcine’heni.% ‘‘Y?kon”™ when that puts (his) hands the players?” (He) is thinking. ‘* Perhaps one’ behind (his) back would be (one of) xteite® yin” wi'yete mnxwa’lxwal® yn” x‘Llowa’eiwat?”® in the if would a piece of in eye I cause it to be inside? manner abalone shell Lexa‘term ® hann® n7” qa’qal. Cin ® L!o*k‘ina’ts ® han,* yann” Inside, the part shall "T sleep. You support you—me shall, if shall. on”, ul teta.?”? . Wandj?ula/xem.”. Wandj 7 ilt® lm? .ma/nat, I put (my hands) Thus talking, Thus (he) told the crowd. behind (my) back.” condition. it to A’yu** yiga’x ™* windj.2t. Tsd® a’yu™ tulaqa’é'wat,% 7§ law? Surely just that way. Now surely (he) points (the) finger when that at him, frequently one uitn’/ta.” . A’yu yixwi’° ma xlo*k-tne’ wat,“ Teter = ¢** dri? puts (his) Surely two persous support him steadily. How sur- things hands behind prise (his) back. itsém:*’ Xya’bas® yapti’tsa ® li © pi’lik-ts,* li °° ye’es, 14° teal, la” happened. Maggots ate up his anus, his face, his nose, his &2kwdis-? ; -is nominal (§ 56). 8 hitdu- TO PUT DOWN; -ts transitive (§ 26); -tzx direct object pronoun plural (§ 54); -aindirect object pronoun (§ 49; see also § 7). 6i¢eil syntactic particle (§ 90); -iye transitional (§ 35). 6 Syntactic particle (§ 88). 66 Personal pronoun 38d person dual (§ 18). 6’ hai- TO GAMBLE; -¢ transitive (§ 26); -¢ transitive (§ 26); -meu reciprocal (§ 29; see also § 4). 6 yikw syntactic particle (§ 88); hanL SHALL (8$§ 87, 8, 9). 69 (zit SOMETHING (§ 108); -tc adverbial (§ 25); -ztc instrumental (§ 70). 70 Personal pronoun Ist person singular (§§ 18, 98). 71L/aqga- TO POINT AT; -€twat frequentative (§ 33). 72 L/tEta TO PUT ONE’S HAND BEHIND THE BACK (during a game). 73tcin- TO THINK; -en? verbal (§§ 45, 10). 74yiku PERHAPS (§ 88); ZZ WOULD BE (§§ 91, 9). 75 ¢- modal (§ 24); tcite particle (§ 112). 76n- adverbial (§ 21); xwalxwal EYE (§§ 83, 116). 7 Personal pronoun Ist person singular (§ 18). 78 aL /Ou- TO BE INSIDE (§ 54); -aéitwat frequentative causative (§§ 34, 8). 79lexatc INSIDE (§ 104); -em adverbial abstract (§ 58). 80 Personal pronoun 2d person plural (§ 18). 811, /6zk*in- TO STEADY, TO SUPPORT; -dis transitive, subject and object pronoun THOU-ME (§ 46). 82 7/d- TO TALK; -2Em generic suffix (§ 30). 837i]- TO SAY TO; -t transitive (§ 26). 847, /6rk*in- TO SUPPORT; -€twat frequentative (§ 33). 85 tcite particle (§ 112); -& interrogative (§ 73). 86 Syntactic particle denoting surprise (§ 90). 8/7ts- TO DO, TO BE (§ 113); -@€m sufiix defining the subject (§ 30). 88g- discriminative (§ 28); yabas MAGGOT. 89yab- MAGGOT; -t transitive (§ 26); -ts transitive (§§ 26, 25); -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). 90 Possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98). % pilik'- ANUS; -is nominal (§ 56). Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 495 ktha’nas. His® intheni/yers® xya’bas® q!mits.% lLa%? in* la®? ears. Also (in) no time Inaggots ate him. That not that one thing Vlxats.° Hats® yi’qa™* tci® wLowa’‘kats.° Xyixwi’* mi (at) looked. Just continually there (he) sat. Two per- sons L!o*k ‘tne’ wat** xpqai’hitc.™ Wi'yax x‘nlowa’é'wat™® lin® support him steadily from (the) back, Abalone shell (he) pees to be his in inside xwa lxwal. Lexa’tcem” qa’qal. La"? gates kwa” a’yu eye. Inside, the cw (he) slept. That one just as if surely kwi’nait.° Hite®® wi’yax ln® x‘Lii’ye™ lin® xwa’lxwal. Hats® looked at it. Surprise ene it inside it is his in eye. Just she la’mak: Lowa’kats.** Asi’L® ta i® x‘fluwi’ye® lex? ya’bas, 7° bones sitting. Halfway goes its growth (of) the yeti ? when la"? xya’bas®* Lowe’ wat.!? —_Itse’ts*% yiku® i1® la? heni’yers that the maggots eat him continually. May be surely he for some time one hi’ni °Lowa’kats.*° Tso’ windj* tcine’heni.” ‘*YikwanL® di'ltcn’te® there (he) sat. Now thus thinking. ‘Perhaps shall pug wit ten” Llaqa’é'wat?”™ Hats® kwanu’? in‘ ya™ dil® qaya”wiye,*® that I point my finger at Just as if not very something scared, him frequently?”® shall he becomes aL” xle’ite* n” Llaqa’é'wat.”" Wiindj* tcine’heni. Yi’qa* in* if would with it rt point my fingers at Thus thinking. Still not with him frequently.” Vlxats*® Im ya’bas; ma™ f1® hats® la’mak: siv’né.1* Yiqa* int (he) looked the maggots; how- surely just bones joined Still not at ever together. Vlxats.46 ‘*Ciin?® kellie’ wat.' Cin® sqats hant* tm? te!wal, yanu”7 (he) looked “You not forget it. You grab shall that fire, if shall at it. there Dee tide,” = La"? = his* te? § xa°p cin™ xaaatat hant.”* we win (game). Thatone _ also punt water you causeittorun shall.” ere Wandj” w!a’xem.” Ytxe! mi windj™ Lid’xem.? ‘‘Nr’xkan#° That way talking, One person that way talking, it condition. condition. hana" la"? pn” x‘inti'yat™! tm? xi°p.—Teé!? lat? e°“* x“inti’yat™* hant* shall(be) the i Tun, causeit that water— This the you to run, cause it shall one there here one in negation (§ 112); ? abbreviated form of dit (§ 108); heniye A WHILE; -£s noun of quality (§ 57). 93 - discriminative (§ 23); ya@’xwd TWo (§ 101). %47- FROM (§ 22); pqgai BACK; -itc local suffix (§§ 67, 10). %]@ possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98); n- adverbial (§ 21). % kwina- TO LOOK; -¢ transitive (§ 26). 9 @L/- TO BEINSIDE (§ 54); -zye transitional (§ 35). 88Sign of possession (§ 97). 99 a°j/u- DEEP; -7ye nominal suffix (§§ 80,8). 1007 article (§ 17); x- discriminative (§ 28). 101 See § 113. 102 kwa AS IF (§ 88); hanL SHALL (§§ 87, 9). 103 gayau- TO BE AFRAID; -2ye transitional (§§ 35, 8) 104 s?Z- TO JOIN; -néi distributive (§ 37). 105 ein personal pronoun, 2d person plural (§ 96); 77 NoT (see § 9). 106 k-el- TO FORGET; -éiwat frequentative (§ 33); see § 83. 107 ¢g- TO WIN; -ts transitive (§ 26). 108 ¢-Ent- TO RUN; -iyat causative (§ 27); -a indirect object pronoun (§§ 49, 11). 109 Cardinal numeral (§ 101). 10 Personal pronoun Ist person singular (§ 96). 41 y Ent- TO RUN; -zyat causative (§ 27). 426 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 tE? te!wil.” Tso® xwindj” rlt.®® ‘*Kwi’yal? halt!% ene het that fire.” Now thus (he) told “Now now thou custom- there to arily hint Litr’ta.”? Wandj” rlt.® ‘Yi’ kwan.® diitcr’te ®ten” Llaqa’e'wat?”™ put (thy) Thus there ton “Perhaps shall something this fore the finger at hands behind with here I im continually?” (thy) back.” fens ‘“‘“Hats® int ya” dil® yi? qayawa’wan.** Lot wi on™” In’yi, “Just not very some-- very scaring. That mneces- would _ good, thing thing sarily be you” x‘dwa’yasrtc™® ny” xlaqa’éiwat.”" K-litc!ha’yims® lav if snake with I point (my) finger at Without dying down thatone should him continually.” (the fire) telila’at.° Tsd® a’yu” x*owa’yasntc'® Lia’qat. Lowiti’yequm.™ to burn, it is Now surely snake with (be) pointed (He) is watching caused. (the) finger himself. at him. X‘dwa’yas hin’? dji/lete xa’‘l*mats..% Hats” kwa® xtcite’ Snake his at thighs wraps around. Just looks like something itsém.2?7 Ma*t ai’wa’* int k:‘itd’wit.® Han’? we'hel la” happened How- still rot (he) sees it. His to waist that ever one he’lag In* x‘Odwa’yas. Han ye’es lat? kwa® fnuwit. arrived the snake. His to mouth thatone as if oat to go). Ak‘a/nak" .,he"lta, hex ..x:owa’yas... Hats®: .han™*.), kwae Sticks out (the) tongue the snake. Just will as if hin!” teat la"? te’*tits? Im x'dwa’yas. Qai*-qa’yona*ya,™ 1° his in nose that one énter the snake. Afraid, (it) made him; when laY? k-ito’wit.* Si’x‘its? é!’gatce.%? Nuqa’ya.™ L!xana’yém™® that (he) saw it. (He) shook it one side to. (He) ran away Throw (indefinite) one off from it. (People shout at him) yes. XTx‘inti® Im tclwii. Hékwain’’ xhi’wis** ma mouth. (It) is being taken the fire. Very poor person away quickly (is) lat?» x‘inti/yat?*! Im telwah Hetya > xtei’yux"™ may Tam the (to) run, causes the fire. Very small person the one (he is) one u2Temporal adverb (§ 105). 3 Temporal adverb (§ 105). 114Personal pronoun 2d person singular (§ 96). 115 gayau- TO FEAR; -@waz nominal suffix (§ 59). 16 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 100). u7Syntactic particle (§ 92). 11896wadyas SNAKE; -£tc instrumental (§ 70). 119k Jd- privative (§ 20); tc/ha- TO EXTINGUISH; -dyims nominal (§ 80). 120 tc/il- TO BURN; -adat passive causative (§§ 41, 7). 1217,/aga- TO POINT AT WITH ONE’S FINGER; -¢ transitive (§ 26). 122 JOurt- TO WATCH; -iyeqEm passive (§§ 40, 3, 11). 123h@ possessive pronoun 3d person singular (§ 98); m- adverbial (§ 21). 124¢7q]/m- TO WRAP AROUND; -ts transitive (§ 26). 125Conjunction (§ 110). 126 Temporal adverb (§ 105). 1272inwwi VERY, modal adverb (§ 106); -t transitive (§ 26). 128 q@k‘ank'- TO STICK OUT (§ 4). 129hF article (§ 17); z- discriminative (§ 23). 130Syntactic particle (§ 87). 181 gayau- TO SCARE; -andya direct and indirect object pronoun (§§ 50, 3, 82). 132 sja"- TO SHAKE OFF; -ts transitive (§ 26). 133 Local adverb (§§ 104, 103, 55). 1347. 2g TO RUN AWAY; -dya non-active object pronoun (§ 47). 1357,/can- TO THROW; -aya (§ 47); -é€m suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 9). 136 7 Ent- TO RUN; -i present passive (§§ 38, 82). 137Syntactic particle (§ 93). 138 g- discriminative (§ 23). 139hé syntactic particle (§ 93); yZ VERY, modal adverb (§ 106). Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 427 tikwi’tsa”? Im xa*p. Xpiye’etc’ L°wa/hait’? hm mén.'* kicks it the water. In the manner of run the people. going home K*ha’nasate** hat? Jexalxa’yu'* hm” te!wal. Nle’hi#® la 0% Ear in that one was put in the fire. With it goes his x'na/at.447 Lm xa*p ha’kwai® hn’mtset,“* 1% Jat? tlkwi’tsa.1#° quickness The water as if (to) lay bare, when that kicked it. (he runs). caused, it was, one Maindj'* hats® gi/mtset’! In’tsix’.6? K*mene’iletc’*® 1!xa’na14 Already Just to) rain caused right here. Brush into (he) threw it, it was fa. tciwal, Kiwehete* la®?." rlxant.° Hats*, “alxanf,** the fire. Willow into that threw it. Just (be) threw it, - one mange?) tkwilita.*? + Dsd8: >) aso? y GP )owu'txe’ bitet/xrti.? already to blaze, it begins. Now again they returned here. Xtemi’towetc™® Ill? ntc!wa’le.1* Xtemi’towetc’® towe'® From that time on they with fire are. From that time on usually mami La"? xwand|7). towe'? .gtimit* ..Xwindj”! . tai (it) rains, That (is) thus (the usually (it) rains, That way only manner how) kwee’niyém.’® ‘T’sd® tci® &’wixem.1 know it (indefinite). Now there end, condition. [Translation] The earth was full of people. All kinds of people lived in a mixed-up fashion. They had no fire or water. Whenever they wanted to eat, they would put the food under their arms (in order to heat it). They would dance with it, or the old people would sit on it. And when the food became warm, then they would eat it. When- ever salmon came ashore, they used to scoop it out. 140¢/kw- TO KICK; -ts transitive (§ 26); -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). 141 7- modal (§ 24); p7z*- TO GO HOME; -eetc modal (§ 36; also § 3). 142 powahai- TO RUN; -t transitive (§ 26). 143 Plural formation (§ 78). 144 kuha’nas EAR; -etc local (§§ 68, 7). 145 /az- TO BE INSIDE (singular object); -dyw past passive (§§ 89, 83, 54). 146m- adverbial (§ 21); -lz article (§ 17); -7 instrumental (§§ 80, 10). 147 See § 118 148 Syntactic particle (§ 88). 149hEm- TO LAY OPEN; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41). 150Temporal adverb (§ 105). 151 g-im- TO RAIN; -ts transitive (§ 26); -et causative passive (§ 41). 1827z article (§ 17); tsiz* HERE, local adverb (§ 104). 163 kwumene/it BRUSH; -etc local (§ 68). 1647,/zan- TO THROW; -a indirect object pronoun (§ 49). 155 k/wehe- WILLOW; -etc local (§§ 68, 9). 1667,/van- TO THROW; -t transitive (§ 26). 157 fiwil- TO BLAZE; -t transitive; -w transitional (§§ 35, 114). 158 Local adverb (§ 104). 1597- FROM, locative (§ 22); temitowete (see § 106). 160/z article (§ 17); 72 personal pronoun 8d person plural (§ 96). 161 2- WITH, instrumental (§ 21); tc/w&t FIRE; -e auxiliary (§ 44). 162 See § 87. 163 g°im- TO RAIN; -t transitional (§§ 26, 114). 164Syntactie particle (§ 94). 165 kwaan- TO KNOW; -dya Lon-active object pronoun (§ 47); -@m suffix defining the subject (§§ 30, 7). 166 G@w- TO FINISH, TO END; -xEm generic (§ 30). 498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 In this manner they had hardly any food. They were all the time talking about fire. ‘*‘ How would it be if we should go after fire?”— ‘‘Let us go.” They went. When they arrived, they found the fire burning; and one of them saw the water. The chief of the people (to whom they came) was sitting indoors. He was sitting sideways. ‘* Halloo, cousin!” said the earth-chief. ‘‘ Let us gamble (for the fire and water)!” The sky-chief acted as if he did not hear. The earth- chief sat down opposite him. After a short time the sky-chief looked up and said, ‘‘ You belong to a different tribe, so in what way are you my cousin? You must tell a story.” But the earth-chief answered, ‘You are older than J,” and he went out. After a while he came back and said, ‘‘ Halloo, cousin! Look! this here is your Indian cra- dle.t Your Indian cradle! is new, while mine is old. And this here is your shinny-club,? while that there is my shinny-club.? This is your ball,’ and that one is my ball.? Your ball? is new, but mine is old. Isitnotso?” Then he put all these things before him. The sky- chief looked at them, and said, ‘‘ Indeed, it is so, O cousin! Sit down here, we will gamble.” They began to play. The earth-chief thought to himself, ‘* With what shall I point my finger at the player who puts his hand behind his back? Suppose I put a piece of abalone shell into my eye? I will sleep in the inside part of my eye.” Then he said to his followers, **You shall support me when I put my hands behind my back;” and what he demanded was done. Then he pointed his finger at him (the sky-chief) when he put his hand behind his back. Two men were supporting him. Thus things happened. Maggots began to eat up his (the sky-chief’s) anus, his face, his nose, his ears. Soon the maggots ate him up; but he did not notice it. He kept on sitting there. Two men were still sup- porting him from the back. He had an abalone shell in his eye, and was sleeping in that inside part. Now it seemed as if the sky-chief were looking at it. To his surprise, he saw an abalone shell in the other man’s eye. By this time only bones had remained of him, for 1“Cradle”’ or ‘‘ bed” is a piece of canvas (in former days tanned hide) spread on the ground and stretched by means of pegs or nails, before which the player participating in the so-called ‘‘ game of guessing”’ was squatting, while mixing the sticks in his hands, which were held behind his back. Upon receiving the guessing-signal from a player of the opposite side, the sticks were thrown on the “cradle,” usually one by one, while the marked stick was laid bare. 2 ‘he informant was mistaken in the use of these terms. ‘‘Club”’ and ‘‘ball” are used in a game of shinny, while the game played by the two chiefs was the favorite game of “ guessing.” a BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—COOS 429 the maggots had eaten up almost half of his body. The earth-chief was sitting there for a while, and began to think, ‘‘ With what shall I point my finger at him? It seems that I ought to point at him with some very terrible thing.” The sky-chief still did not look at the maggots. Only his bones, joined together, were sitting there. Still he did not look. Now the earth-chief said to his people, ‘‘ Don’t forget to seize the fire as soon as we win the game.—And you take hold of the water.” One of his men said, “‘I will run away with the water, and you ought to run with the fire.” The earth-chief said to the head man of the sky-people, ‘‘Now it is your turn to put your hands behind your back.” All the time he was thinking to himself, ‘‘ With what shall I point my finger at him? It seems that nothing terrifies him. It will be very good if I point at him with a snake.” In the mean time the fire kept on burning. He then pointed at him with a snake. But he (the sky-chief) was on the lookout. The snake coiled around his thigh. Still he did not mind it. It crawled up to his waist and threatened to go into his mouth, all the while sticking out its tongue. Soon it seemed as if it were about to enter his nose. The sky-chief became afraid when he saw this. He shook off the snake and ran away. People were shouting at him. The earth people quickly seized the fire. A very poor man ran away with the fire, while a little man kicked the water. They were running homewards. The man put the fire into his ear while running. As soon as the water was spilled, it began to rain. The fire was thrown into some willow-brush, and soon began to blaze. Thus they returned. From that time on, people have had fire; and from that time on, it has rained. Thus only the story is known. This is the end of it. oisg- nnn, ot fp het en Mage en. ry, eae pn a poe ben, ) sidiy, aid {u.taiog- ot dyno T tapehi, ang Ea iL : and ip, ook fou. bib ita Jaide-aale QA canidlt oldirjot: ins tripe ymittiz, PLOW, Daily: f att i9 eno aid aber. 1 eae dtu wile ach Se paige, od, aii oH Ave laxgint 9 noch’ “ anne pid: iM bin: hatth, isan “sate aut iy blog. oles fbx btubiys TAL PS), che oF, oy a dou no 6: ria glow rags hd 1} care sire Hie 1, bier mont sid, gid to Gai bagd, oft ot dive Laidy-attao pdt" eo, oda ly tue, bnidad | abowd Tet lug; ok Maps tie 2145 wowias i Ses aie (ih Uoxcatd oF gultoids » RE Od Least ahs, ire Mi lity 4 Mid aeiirion waidion jade anpoee tf Said tn” ‘oust ieee sa SVR T yal Wiki at hdtv sgtit) Lae dy og. I 1 bone 7.9 mi 18 betniog nads ot). apie ae defor oii ede OC RO 3.0 solace eet dupyool emt ae, Bas 7, Qottin ye oth?) ol judd | han th Oo) qe balyrers Th. Mt bode Jou tah “ih, Rite ,. duidt ad Aga aiidoids, slider sdt, Ue isout ald eta org ot beans hy edd hewn s a orange 4 ailt. Ho. foot, ofl. .cilt ese od aps, pacar qunnond), tol 03 ld Fae LOB nel trode Men gost | .tewe MUST ate 03 LAYER Et ae Ase wr 1% Ay ait ould hosis+ 7) daiupalqoog d 4 QOH nish +t 9)1t6 of anode acer af. tier sap il i opor 5 als Bs Soc rept iar i alae eit) haghuta Ces] ils al tal te ge A objet: Bh ‘Unione? aiden tee eid oink aan aol juq cnc of FT eb a Se awed! eaw.oviod® niet os maged ti boliicn poe naka “iy Mogren pont atdT — .ospid of sLesradh age ‘fi ie u jend Rolle enc A sco, Orit; tds ito’ bug vertit bael aves olcpo: 2 tht? one At te bap Siniuidh wookel riot off gion ep ut if : ¢ : im ve ¢ " A } ye { ' S 4 I an if i 4 . 1¢% * ¢ i shins i ee ie a, gtk Gt te ‘ ‘ ¢ } + Olay ; ; Hh % gy’ Mee Pty J Bit Piyie: my he Won?! me Dyer ae phi bet At wha, aTeg at ie he Oe A le Pd at aa Se a , 7 A f ‘ aN A ha) I fOotatiuais Me i a ee ree a Sopa TORR C1 aha ida eae RAN Pe SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA) BY LEO J. FRACHTENBERG 431 CONTENTS Page SRITOR oth, ote St seat aida yon tnd eRe er Je cou oh ace bueeeen 437 Pele PaeryOn ton and TMShorye. S26) taf t 0.4 paid byes See eee = 6 obese eae 44] Eee PHOMGIOgY - >. eS A RE bo. a rpepiiin SE eee ioc ddwadotie 443 SVEA-GINHO (RIE is Se ne es pe eyelet any =e I ir fl See ete 443 Deere CRIN TUGRIOES ELE Ne Ral hc RIC SELL ig Durwteitwks ven 444 BOW Praiipinces i ey oli de ee SS Sa ee owe k 445 ay, SINGGTO SNOT RII VS PRS Sie a8 I Ae Oe We ea a eee 447 OTM ETE SOC nn, ee ne Ree oo Te, | i 447 aio. VGCALIC DROGERSES. = & wit bplcadat at Gop mee one ikem oun oec css ess 448 Bi, Diphthonetsstionial 2) angi t..20..6 -octg ett aaocb ose s ee oe sees 448 § 8. Consonantization of 7- and u-.........-! fe ae ee 449 SO se ORTA CLONE che ie heise oa. t tara 293 pe EVI Fa oe ILN 450 ULES een Nae ore 1S eS 2 ee eee Oe i ce eae 452 Ball. PV OPALIC DAMON Ya crs aslo desoxis.< ad Sfp MEO oR Ese .< Sale ec 452 Nelo. . MiteCtLs OF ACCOM. o8 . OA ASticljqweigh atigeees Saeed cou cowe wae 452 Beria—t 72) CONSOnATITIC PrOCeSHes Oe... 2 au a epee SO bok Saas ue 454 Gala.) A OUROnaTIIG MieiAthOsis..... 1... .«deerewteek tae desajiecssvecdes 454 Slt, Consonantieemp ony ese non levishy aie endeed acc esocews lease 455 § 15. Simplification of double consonants ....-...-.-----.----...--- 455 SOM Modiicahions Ofwean Giese je.cc 2. Gate eben ees ee a ae aloes chet 456 Held {Manor consanantic hanes’. ... .0iccsecaple-Shek saciabyyteehe BAR S- co skesce acess 465 S$ 24-26; Pronomimal sufiixes... .-nwtaeeibecti-2sssedsceede5s 467 § 24. The subjective pronotings sedi lew. 526 95-222 224-- 467 § 25. Theobjective pronouns. secu sweeter -0s-8s sk oe ees 472 § 26. Position of pronouns in verbs accompanied by adverbial POTS. 2220... = - Hae ee RO ce be 479 SS 27-38. Objective forms. « .- .\..- debated bekl: s Sate Bisa een e ss 480 Sot, GRTOGUELOTY .. 2. . 2 Sa eee — eS. Lk tote 480 §§ 28-31. Indicative suffixes denoting personalinterrelations. 481 § 28. Direct object of third person -iin (-a%n)......-.--. 481 § 29. Direct object of first andsecond persons -iits (-a%ts). 482 § 30. Indirect object of third person -ix (-a%xr).......-- 483 § 31. Indirect object of first and second persons -zmts... 483 3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12-——28 433 434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 §§ 20-136. Morphology—Continued Page § 22-105. Suffixes—Continued §§ 23-81. Verbal suffixes—Continued §§ 27—48. Objective forms—Continued §§ 32-37. Indicative suffixes expressing possessive interrela- tions between object and subject........-...... 484 § 32: Introductory tt Seidl... 2. ccl ceed 484 § 33. Suffix indicating that the object forms an insepa- rable part of the subject -itz (-attx), -ty........-- 485 § 34. Suffix denoting that the object is possessed by the subject, but separable from it -iitsm- (-attsm-).... 487 § 35. Suffix indicating that the object is possessed by a third person object -iit (-a%l)............2..--- 489 § 36. Suffix expressing an object possessed by a first or second person object -ilts (-a¥%its).......-..---- 490 § 37. Suffixes denoting possessive interrelations for tenses other than the present -isiti, -aiti, -yaxatti....- 491 §§ 38-39. Passive suffixes indicating pronominal and posses- sive interrelations ~~... 2202279, Tee 2 eee 493 § 38. Passive suffixes for verbs requiring in the active a double object -tmz, -wmz (-atmez)........--.-- 493 § 39. Passive suffixes denoting possessive relations of the subject iti; --camti2 ~.. 2210. SE ee 494 §§ 40-48. Imperative forms denoting pronominal and posses- sive interrelations .-... 20.25.1225 ee 496 §-40.- Introductorye set... SEO. Oe ee 496 § 41, Exhortative suffixes expressing the direct object of the third person -yiin, -iyiin, -ini........-.--- 497 § 42. Imperative suffix expressing the direct object of the first-person: -2é3'(-atis). -2 25.2 A ee 499 § 43. Imperative suffix indicating the indirect object of the -third person -yiv.... 22°) oo eee 500 § 44. Imperative suffix denoting the indirect object of the first ‘person -tnte ....::-... IPO R eee 501 § 45. Imperative suffix denoting that the object is pos- sessed: by a third ‘person -if. 20.25.0257. 0g. 8 501 § 46. Imperative suffix indicating that the object is pos- sessed by a first person -tlis......05...2..202..2 502 § 47. Imperative suffix expressing possessive interrela- tions between object and subject -tsv.........-- 503 § 48. Exhortative suffix expressing possessive interrela- tions between object and subject -itsmz (-attsmz). 504 $§ -49-64.- Modal-suffixes' SS 2 VOUS LOU. See eee 504 § 49.- Introductory 220220 o 4. SOI 0 28. ee ee 504 § 50. Reciprocal -naw(a), -muzt- .... 222-2222 ee eee -e 505 §-51.- Distributive fem s< sabes wR. 539 S000: INME Ve tak tec asics 2222 sceucae ole ess. dou. 20. 539 $i84. Augmentative l'md.... 222. = SoU Awe 09. 540 RU SSS) (Case-Gadinge 95... 2 Lue Ree Pee. Bee 540 SSor Tnurcduetery Ut Pit eae eee A 8. 540 $'86,°The locative case.-a, -is - FOES el RA. 541 § 87. The relative or genitive case -zml, -Em..........------ 544 §.88.. The possessive suffixes... .0jyiset Adee le AL 2. 545 § .89-96.-Adverbial suffixes |.) SASS eee AE So 549 SS0i+ Introductory... 5... 3s vee seas took SOO DIE ID. 549 § 90. Local suffix indicating motion -te........-.2.22.2.2.-- 549 § 91. Local suffix indicating rest -@ (-a#).....222.2222..-2-. 551 §'02.: Local sutux -i¢ (-a'z,--yos) Sees Wee OO Oe. 552 § 93: Tocalisuffixes-ya;.-ne ssleLedikenld.. Jol 2S eee. 583 § 94. Adverbial suffixes indicating modality -ite (-attc), -‘na. 554 § 95. Adverbial suffixes indicating time -fita, -tta...... BULL Moog D0. MOOR AGVCEDEAD «Gi. aise Spe saisiancrenamausinecacacce= 5d7 §§ 97-105. General nominalizing suffixes............-..--...---- 557 Spiers = (a). Ue ee oe See Sceneeeace 557 Sey AMMAR 26 (-t8)) 5 os een oe da ha wet amos seem aaes 559 436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY *® [BULL. 40 §§ 20-136. Morphology—Continued Page § 22-105. Suffixes—Continued §§ 82-105. Nominal suffixes—Continued §§ 97-105. General nominalizing suffixes—Continued § 99. Nouns of quality in -?’i@ (-Pivt)..-...2.2222.-------- 560 § 100. Nouns of agency in -yaua, -it (-a’l), -t/, -t!wi...-...---- 561 § 101. Nouns in.-a7. ._._-.-eeaie posta? - 4) 2-5 2-2. eee 562 § 102... Nounsdn, int (Haire Sieidceca cic bp 2-2 - - 2 eee 563 § 103. Nominalizing suffix indicating place -afmi...--..----- 563 § 104... cidjectiyes inj +h pote cnesthnce stil. RA. eee 564 § 105. Irregular suffixes -zm, -ist, -wi, -yiwi, -iwi ....-..----- 564 §§ 106-109. Reduplication, .. ........ 2 --ueeehar sews serry - ieee ps SBE 2. 566 § 106. Introductory... ...-.....222----e%eueshos tet eo ee 566 § 107. Duplication of the initial sylable...:...2. 2... 352... 22228 567 § 108. Duplication of final consonants, <..~ 2.2). jo: J----- = -aseeun 567 § 109, Duplication of stemai,-2243< o-425 22ceee! - wy 3-- <2 eee 569 §§ 110-112. Vocalic changes. 5... jtame 4-2 ee 570 § 112, Intensity and durationini action, «.! ..220 . 22 32. eee 572 $$ 113-115, .The pronoun, : ....-- onecsgeeateeees Mee - a9 - 2 575 § 113. The independent personal pronouns time t. te 35... 575 § 114. The possessive pronouns. ---. . 2.4- J2,/st - J 4 - 2 - 577 § 115, The demonstrative pronouns ...-c...- sof. 4-¢ 2-2. ee 579 §§ 116-117. The numeral ......... - -swese en ge seteclses - 2 ee 586 § 116, , The cardinals... .-- 02... deeoct-~yase MaeOee «ae a 586 § 117, .The decimal system... 22... -'- st tener tee a 587 §§ .118-191:»The adverb. -j3.1). tue tee ieistie a et- ae8 ee - oe re 588 § 118. ‘Introductory. .2.. .--. be ge 606 §.188. Stmicturé:of sentenGes)..<. 4 Led bade Dies Latins Bl ee Pee 607 §:189. Idiomatie expressions) ./:-1- =<). tecifuslees fs se Jase 2h. - 288 $2 eee 608 INTRODUCTION In 1884 J. Owen Dorsey spent a month at the Siletz reservation, Oregon, collecting short vocabularies of the Siuslaw and Lower Ump- qua, as well as of other languages. Prior to Dorsey’s investigations the linguistic position of Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua was a debated question. Some investigators believed that these two dialects belonged to the Yakonan family; while others, notably Latham and Gatschet, held them to forma distinct stock, although they observed marked agree- ment with some features of the Yakonan. After a superficial inves- tigation, lasting less than a month, Dorsey came to the conclusion that Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua were dialects belonging to the Yakonan stock. This assertion was repeated by J. W. Powell in his ‘‘Indian Linguistic Families” (Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 134), and was held to be correct by all subsequent students of American Indian languages. This view, how- ever, is not in harmony with my own investigations. A closer study of Alsea (one of the Yakonan dialects) on the one hand, and of Lower Umpqua on the other, proves conclusively that Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua form a distinct family, which I propose to call the Siuslawan linzuistic stock.1 The term ‘‘Siuslaw” was given preference over ‘**Umpqua” or *‘ Lower Umpqua,” in order to avoid the ambiguity of meaning which might arise from the fact that we have become accus- tomed to call the Athapascan dialect, spoken on the upper course of the Umpqua river, the ‘‘ Upper Umpqua.” The material on which the following sketch is based was collected, under the joint auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology and of Columbia University, on the Siletz reservation, Oregon, during the months of March, April, and May, 1911. My principal informant was Louisa Smith, a Lower Umpqua Indian over 70 years of age. Her advanced years, her absolute lack of knowledge of the English language, her ill health, and, above all, the fact that prior to my arrival on the reservation she had 1It is not at all impossible that this stock, the Yakonan, Kusan, and perhaps the Kalapuyan, may eventually prove to be genetically related. Their affinities are so remote, however, that I prefer to take 4 conservative position, and to treat them for the time being as independent stocks. 437 438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40 not used her native tongue for a considerable period, rendered her a poor, though willing informant. In the course of this investiga- tion it was therefore necessary to employ such additional inform- ants and interpreters as were available. By far the most important of these was William Smith, an Alsea Indian and the husband of Louisa, who had spent his childhood among the Siuslaw Indians, from whom he had gained a fairly good knowledge of their language. But he, too, was far from being an ideal informant. His command of English was imperfect, his degree of intelligence rather limited, his pronunciation of Lower Umpqua was affected by Alsea pho- netics, and he was only too often unable to keep apart the Siuslaw, Lower Umpqua, and Alsea forms of a given word. However, in spite of these deficiencies, his services proved highly valuable, because, having previously assisted me in my work on the Alsea language, he knew more or less what was wanted of him. My other informants were Spencer Scott, a son of Louisa; Louis Smith, a full-blooded ‘Lower Umpqua Indian; and Hank Johnson, the son of a Lower Umpqua father and of an Alsea mother. The three last mentioned were, comparatively speaking, young men, whose knowledge of Lower Umpqua was imperfect and rather vague. They were employed solely for the purpose of settling questions that pertained to phonetics, and of.disentangling the frequent diffi- culties that were involved in the collection and translation of texts; and if I add that throughout the progress of this work, Louisa Smith was suffering from a severe ear-ache (which at times ren- dered her absolutely deaf), that William Smith had to undergo frequent surgical operations because of a poisoned finger, and that my other informants could give me only part of their time, I shall have mentioned all the difficulties under which the following mate- rial was collected. Should this sketch, therefore, be found deficient in completeness of treatment and clearness of interpretation, it will have to be accounted for by the extraordinary circumstances under which the work was conducted. , But if the actual work involved in this investigation was rather trying and tiresome, there were other features connected with it that rendered it pleasant and enjoyable. These features consist of the many courtesies and helpful assistance received from the inhabitants of Siletz; and it is a great source of pleasure to me to record my deep gratitude to these kind friends. My greatest obligations are due to B08] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 439 Superintendent and Mrs. Knott C. Egbert, to the former for his untiring efforts to assist me, both officially and personally, in whatever way he could, and to the latter for the motherly care with which she attended to my personal wants throughout my stay at the reservation. My sincere thanks are also due to Dr. Maximilian F, Clausius, the physician of the Siletz agency, for the numerous tokens of friendship received at his hand. CoLumBIA UNIVERSITY, September, 1911. AS Sea Daeg BE iy “ald ‘sok touinat. uk ot ‘sein o ak aliimeoecroy: ban’ > Ulaiaitto, dtoud. iy, Miedo os o eh vita adh of ‘Dos. blnos a % f tO ‘art oy ost Le oO aaltinizal. mud He ob ovle or. pats Palast y.| Mi | HAG) atononiue Gel, 14108, komo BM odd to sinioter alex onl ple «4s tor omga y oe) eR 5 4aet : ne repeat i rita: ae Aa Pas his TIN a 5 RYN Woy OR TEMAS he Reed BCL) ee RE ie pe aie mf wat 7? on y pty 0 Pe ay - rh PLN ae UIT: 2S Hh es ere core a 1 Mahdi: iO. Mov. lcd sone APA ie teh eiyectaes, dete, sees ete Ary Opiate! earl ae SIUSLAWAN (LOWER UMPQUA) By Lro J. FRACHTENBERG § 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY The Siuslawan stock embraces two closely related dialects—Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw—that were spoken by the people living on the lower courses of the Umpqua and Siuslaw rivers, in the southern part of Oregon. Their northern neighbors were the Alsea Indians? (whom they called Hani's hitc*), on the east they came in contact with the Kalapuya (chiefly the Yonkalla tribe, known to them as the Qa” xgaz), and on the south they were contiguous to the Coos(Qii'yaz). The terri- tory of the Lower Umpqua was bounded on the north by Five Mile lake, on the south by Ten Mile lake, while on the east they claimed the whole region adjoining the Umpqua river as far as Scottsburg. The posses- sions of the Siuslaw Indians extended as far south as Five Mile lake, on the north they bordered on the Yahach river, and eastwards they extended as far as Mapleton. Thus it may safely be assumed that these two dialects were spoken in the western parts of what are known today as Lane and Douglas counties. No information pertaining to the previous strength of these two tribes could be obtained. Their numbers have been so greatly reduced, that, besides the four indi- viduals who served as my informants, and the two or three Siuslaw Indians said to be living near Florence, Lane county, there are no other members living; and since these people no longer converse in their native tongue, the Siuslaw family may be looked upon as an extinct linguistic stock. 1 One of the two members of the Yakonan family. 2 For explanation of alphabet see pp. 443, 444. 441 442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. [BULL. 40 The Lower Umpqua call themselves Qw'ttc, and refer to their lan- guage as Qu/itcax wa'as. These terms are of native origin, and are formed from the stem gai or go’ soutH. The Alsea called them 7ku- mask’, and they were known to the Coos as Bildji'yeEz, i. e. NORTHERN Indians. The Siuslaw refer to themselves as C@’yuczta, and were called Ca'yticze by the Coos and Qwas or Kwas by the Alsea Indians. The etymology of these names could not be ascertained. Judging from the scanty notes on Siuslaw obtained by Dorsey and myself, the differences between this dialect and Lower Umpqua were very slight and of a purely phonetic and lexicographic character. No distinct morphological formations were found. The chief phonetic feature that seems to separate these two dialects is the change of a Lower Umpqua z into / in Siuslaw. Lower Umpqua Siuslaw pa' nid pa'l-% well, spring 76.12 ganiv'nat 19.6 gala'nat knife 50.19 ga'nnt ga'int (D.)* face tsna wi tsla’we (D.) bone thwa'nug tkwa'luk” (D.) hat The lexicographical differences cover a limited number of stems and words, of which only a few examples may be quoted here. Lower Umpqua Siuslaw ta’n- 23.7 itcin- to call by name atp- yiq/a¥- to split (pitch wood) Lv u- 8.3 zumc-to come,toapproach 23.2 t/ame 40.19 t/vlmis (D.) child ewa'ka 29.5 gami' tis (D.) head t’tla*’ 34.28 wits /i'we (D.) food k!wi'yos? cga'xte* dog ko'tan* 34.10 ta” wea (D.)* horse Texts of myths and tales in the Lower Umpqua dialect were col- lected by the author, and were published by Columbia University.® All references accompanying examples refer to page and line of that publication. 1 Words marked (D.) are quoted from Dorsey’s manuscripts in possession of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 2 Coos kwi’yos. 3 Apparently related to Alsea tegénz. 4 Chinook jargon. 5 Related to Alsea t/awd’yi. 6 Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, vol. 4. § 1 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 443 PHONOLOGY (§§ 2-17) § 2. Vowels The vowels have short and long quantities. Resonance vowels, marked here by superior vowels, are employed often, as is also the obscure vowel z, which seems to be related to short a In some in- stances, due to contact phenomena, the obscure vowel partakes of the quality of a short 0, and is represented here by °. The open e vowel appears to be lacking, while the long é frequently glides from @ to 7 and resembles a long 7. Significant pitch appears in a few cases (see p. 447). The a@- and a” diphthongs occur in two distinct forms, one with the initial element short or long (a’, a¥, a, a), and the other with the first element short and the second long (a and a*). The latter two forms are closely related to the long 7 and @ with which they constantly interchange. This interchange usually takes place after a, 1, m, n, 9, x, and /, although numerous instances will be found where the substitu- tion of a and a” for 7 and @ respectively has taken place after vowels and consonants other than those enumerated, or where the interchange does not occur at all. Examples of interchange between 7 and a’: img/a't 80.23 ing/a'a’ river 30.20 mita'itin gamita atin my mother 100.12 st'nait 46.18 ct'neva't he thinks 90.15 twk®nx here thou 56.19 ta”k*ns here we two (incl.) 56.6 hatev'xam he was asked 66.16 skwaha" vam it is placed (in) tsv’klyan hi' siti ha’ 1 am very ta"kEns aya'ga'ti sv'wa* here glad 25.8 we two (incl.) shall leave our canoe 56.5 Examples of interchange between @ and a: waa'tn 7.4 waa’ an he says to him 20.7 waca'yttsme he gave him tkwiha’ha*tsmnr he buriedhis.. . nis... «76.9 40.22 kimi” Lin kiima*i" tin I am hitting him h‘yatsi'tstin he put it on 11.8 dga’ga*n he took it off 13.1 pitqtsti’nt made of raccoon hame«a’nt made of tied (grass) (hides) 70.23, 24 8.6 ka'tiitin I tire him out ha'ta*tin I am tired yak iskind’ tlaya’ onasmall mik/a®’ 1/aya’ in a bad place place 38.19 12,10; 13.1 § 2 444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The Siuslaw! system of vowels and diphthongs may be represented as follows: Vowels Semi-vowels Diphthongs BAP G: {ent oA u wy aa". a at. we Gh 6.40 a a vas uw The umlauted @ occurs rarely, and is pronounced like @ in German wahlen; 4 is pronounced like the Slavic short y-vowel; and @ indicates very short quantity. §3. Consonants The consonantic system deviates in a great many respects from those of the neighboring tribes. Its chief characteristics are the total absence of the anterior palatal series (g°, X*, /*/, ~*); the absence of all sonants excepting d; the presence of a palatal lateral (7°); and, above all, the occurrence of a double series of glottalized explosives differing in the quality and amount of stress employed in their production. The real explosives are followed in this sketch by the sign of exclamation (!), while the glottalized stops of ordinary strength will be found accompanied by the apostrophe (’). The latter seem to be confined to the consonants of the dental series and to &. The surds ¢ and & occur also as aspirated consonants. The following table illustrates the Siuslaw consonantic system: Sonant Surd Fortis Aspirated Spirant Nasal Welan. ows oye. 4492 - g - - z - Palate go sc. BS k(w) k!(w) i - - Adyeolar 2a 43 -cp t tlt t 8: n Affricatiye ja in\-'exs - ts, te») ta! te! - - - ts’, tc’ gibtal - Sa BR ate - p pl (4) - - mM Eiteral-. eee a uf U, t,t - Glottal stop_. 222! .: e Aspiration. -___-_-- . y she. a | The palatal 2: is pronounced like Z in the English word lure. The glottal stop occurs seldom, and seems to be associated with the explo- sive character of the consonants following it, although I did not suc- ceed in verifying this connection definitely. The aspiration corre- 1 Whenever the term ‘‘Siuslaw”’ is used, it is to be understood as referring to the whole group, and not to the dialect only. § 3 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 445 sponds to the character of the vowels and consonants that precede or follow it: that is to say, after palatal vowels it is of a palatal character; while before the vowels a, 0, and uw, and before velar consonants, it becomes guttural. When followed by a vowel, it is changed into an h. tu‘tc- to spear 62.2 tuhatca’ yin he spears it gaqgu n- to hear 30.18 qa gthantin he heard it 36.23 st‘ to grow (intr.) 98.10 sthi'tein xintyax 1 began to grow up 100.17 gni'- to find qnit’ hin (they two) found it 56.9 wa' ‘tix again shall...11.2 waha'hin h'yatsi'tstin again he put it on 12.1 In some instances the aspiration results from the dropping of a 7 before a following (see §§ 16, 58, 59). . § 4. Sound Groupings Clusters of two consonants are admissible, except w-+any conso- nant other thann. Whenever a w is followed by a consonant other than n, it changes into a voiceless w, represented here by *”. Clusters of three or more consonants may occur medially or finally, provided a nasal or lateral forms the initial sound of such groupings. When, owing to grammatical processes, three consonants that can not form a cluster come into contact, an obscure or weak vowel (mostly E, a, or 4) is inserted between two of the three consonants, thus facili- tating the pronunciation of the cluster. A similar insertion takes place in initial clusters beginning with m or 7, and between two consonants belonging to the same series. The latter rule applies to clusters in initial, medial, and final position. Examples of clusters consisting of w+ consonant: a‘tenaw- to trade mutually + a'tena’™tixts you two will tix + -ts trade mutually Lotnaw- to hit mutually + -zm Lotna’’’matci you hit one an- + -tct other! zni’’na he does 11.11 Examples of avoidance of clusters in initial position: m- (prefix of relationship) mita father 54.22 +ta father m- (prefix of relationship) mita mother 54.23 +ta mother § 4 446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Examples of avoidance of clusters in medial position: wina- (to be afraid) + -nawa"x wintxna' wate they two were afraid of each other 86.1,2 qatw- (to ery) +-tia ga tetta he will cry Examples of avoidance of clusters in final position: gatcini'tx (to keep on going) + qa‘x (night) +-na gatcini'tvan I keep on going ga" v®nex (at) night thou . 70.18 ta’ k=ns here we two (incl.) 56.6 ha’'g=naan ashore we (excl.) 88.13 . hatea'ytinatc ye ask her 74.10 ta’k (here) +-ns hatg (ashore) +-nxvan hate a'yin (he asked him) +-ter tcin- (to come back) + -nx tct'nanx they came back 72.23 Examples of avoidance of clusters of consonants belonging to the same series: kumi'nte (not) +-te ants (that one) + c@'ya pitta’ wax (he intends to hunt) +-xvtin tit!- (to eat) +-tua tcint (how much) +¢zx sFa't (such) +1/a'% kumi'ntc®te not his 92.15 ants ca'ya that penis prita' wax"xtn we two (excl.) intend to go hunting 54.22 ti’ t!*tua (you) will eat 50.2 tcint® tex suppose 88.20,21 stat® t/a’™ such a place 15.1 Examples of clusters permissible in medial or final position: Final Medial tsing/¢ poor 16.10 tst'ng/tanz you are poor takwa'itta (their) . . . was takwa'ittean my . .. was taken away 50.22 taken tohwi'xamite his . . . was takwi'xamltwa'e theirtwo... taken away from him 54.14 were taken away from them The only consonantic cluster that does not seem to be permissible is the grouping of nz+k. Whenever these three consonants would appear together in the above-named order, the 2 is always changed into a. ts‘ya't/inx (you will be shot) tstya’L/ina k“ni youmight get +kend kh" wa’ ninx(they will be beaten) +k'nd § 4 shot k*wa'nina kn they may be beaten Oe ee BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 447 An exception to this rule is found in the following sentence: tkwa’' yinane k¥ t’ia* you may get (some) salmon 48.18 In like manner the combination nw+7@ is changed into a” (see § 132). tor ya’ qu yinane (thou art seen) yaqu yu' nana" thou art seen + -% (-a*) here § 5. Accent Siuslaw exhibits a stress accent, represented here by the acute mark (’); and a pitch accent, designated by the mark (‘). Only a limited number of enclitic and proclitic particles show no accent whatsoever. The pitch accent occurs mostly in monosyllabic words that have a short vowel, and lends to the syllable a sharp, abrupt intonation. Both accents are freely shifted from one syllable to another. It seems, however, to be a fixed rule that in the past tense the accent is placed on the first syllable, and that the locative case-endings and the adver- bial suffixes must be accented. ha‘qa'gq he goes ashore 58.17 ha giqyax (having) come a- shore 56.13 gvat'x it gets dark 64.19 qa" wiayax it became dark 34.4 Pwatc tcina“« they two are Pwa'tctcyaxa"n I have been spearing it 56.15, 16 spearing it 66.17 ts/atn pitch 26.6 ts/ttnd’ (locative case) 94.18 ti’t/a* food 34.23 tit/aya’ (locative case) 13.7 tga” ‘tt log 32.21 igatiwiyit’s (locative case) 88.16 pki tt lake 62.18 pk itiyi's (locative case) 34.11 si'xa’ canoe 56.5 sExa” te into the canoe 34.5 qa’ xtin above, up 34.21 gaxtintca’te upwards s£q’tsa thus 8.7 sfatst’te in that manner 8.1 yack /i’sk’in very small 36.23 yak /isk’int’ in a very small mie 38.19 § 6. Phonetic Laws In both dialects a number of phonetic laws are found which affect both vowels and consonants. All phonetic processes are due either to contact phenomena or to the effects of accent. They may be sum- marized as follows: Vocatic PRocEssEs: (1) Diphthongization of 7 and @. (2) Consonantization of 7- and w-. §§ 5-6 448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 a (3) Contraction. (4) Vocalic hiatus. (5) Vocalic harmony. (6) Effects of accent. CONSONANTIC PROCESSES: (1) Consonantic metathesis. (2) Consonantic euphony. (8) Simplification of double consonants. (4) Modifications of ¢ and /. (5) Minor consonantic changes. §§ 7-12. Vocalic Processes § 7. Diphthongization of i and wt This is by far the most important phonetic change, owing to the fact that it gives rise to a double form of stems that contain these vowels, and because it is employed in certain grammatical processes (see §§ 111, 112). The principle may be described as follows: For the purpose of expressing (in nouns) the discriminative case and (in verbs) intensity or duration of action, long 7 and @% are changed into ya and wa respectively. Examples of diphthongization of 7: hina yin he brings him 23.2 hiya'nyiitsane Vl take thee along 58.6 hitsv'vanr it is put on 11.8 h‘yatsi'tsin he is putting it on 11.8 ilga" he digs 84.2 a’ nisux ya'tga"n those two (who) are digging (a hole) 84.5 citx- to flop cyate it flops around 36.23 ya g*hitine thou shalt see yoo ya'wax he intended to see 36.25 70.8 4Ene klvnkit they went to klink‘ya'wax(I) intend to go and look for 60.5 look for 60.5 Qa atciz along the North Fork ge’ xtnyax along the sky 32.19 32.19 Examples of diphthongization of a: gu ni'vxamime it was poured qua’ nytx pour it into his... into his . . . 29.2 29.2 Llai’xii“n he knows it 40.16 humi'ntc’ax te'q Lie’ wae" not they two anything knew it 54.16 ae BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 449 taku'kiin he takes it takwa' kin he took it 64.10 tu tca'yiin he spears it 64.12 watci tcina“x they two are spearing it 56.15, 16 “a'x tkima'yin they two “Ins thwa'misiin we two (incl.) made a dam 48.8 will keep on making dams 48.14 “ttt snow 76.10 watt it snows pEki'ya vitla’ L!a'% people antsux padkwa'war those two make shinny-sticks 78.5 (who) are about to play shinny 78.10, 11 Owing to the interchange between 7 and a’ and @ and a® (see § 2), these diphthongs are subject to the same amplification. hi'q/a't he started 22.6 hiq!ya'a" it will be started 32.1 meEgq/la'te they dance 72.13 mEq /ya' wax (1) intend to dance 72.12 ga'tkin te a'ga'ga%ts (from) ta"k*ns aya'qyin here we two here he left me 60.4 (incl.) will leave it 56.16, 17 katsi's he keeps on following kiwas'yt’tsana® you will follow 92.7 me 92.3 The change of 7 into ya often takes place in the third person sin- gular, which ends in -7 (see p. 468). tv watlin I come frequently w'wat!t 68.5, (zi'wat/ya) , he came frequently : c'nxyat/in I am thinking (ci'nixyat!/2), ciniayat!ya 17.6 he is thinking ha'kwat/in 1 fall frequently (ha'kwat/t), ha’ kwat/ya 90.12 it falls continually av l-acin I work x'lact 50.9, (avi'l-ecya) he was working - petitcin I (am) ahead pe#ti'tcya he was first 48.11 ya ghin IT look ya'g’ ya he looked 70.16 si'nain I want si’nixya he desires § 8. Consonantization of i- and u- The z- and w- elements of the diphthongs are changed into the semi- vocalic consonants y and w whenever they are followed by vowels of different qualities. This law affects also the simple short or long 7- and u- vowels. dpb 3045°—Bull. 40, pt 2—12 29 450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 Consonantization of 7-: pirtca” (he goes over) + -a%x = pitca'ya"x they two go over 88.15 ti't/a* (food) + -a ya'watcistenxy tit/aya’ for food you will always try to look 13.7 kii* (not) + -a%x hi ya“x not they two. . . 98.11 gnuhi’- (he finds) + -a# gnthi'yiin (they) found it 60.7 teamiu'ni (mate) + -a la’hkukyax trami’nya she took a mortal man 60.23 ail aci- (to work) + -a* xilacya”’ (they two) worked 48.10 t/t (bear) + -tint tliyt'nt made of bear (hides) 70.24 st'nxi- (to desire) + -in si’n‘xytin I want it 15.8 Consonantization of w-: tiya’ a” (fire) + -a +-te ha gmas tiya'watc alongside of the fire 25.4, 5 witi- (to affirm) + -avam witwa'xam he was assured 80.11 xa’u (he died) + -a# kumi'ntc xa'wit not he dies 15.8 xa’ ts!u% (two) + -a%x xa ts!"“wa"e two of them 40.18 A peculiar case of consonantization seems to have taken place in the objective case tct’wa 32.20, formed from the noun ¢ci WATER 36.20. § 9. Contraction Contraction of two or three vowels following in immediate suc- cession does not seem to be of regular occurrence, and there are no X , : fixed rules governing this process. The following usages may, how- ever, be stated to prevail: (1) Short or long z or w following a vowel of different quality form diphthongs. a ) "1 sas ulematyus” “L,.., ditifyas." to hunt goes, then he would kill him and would deyour him. een xa bite pina’ix” ha’ s*a’na.7) “L temi’tx” hitcu’.* Many persons sorry their hearts for that. Then assemble (pl.) people. eva = 6xania’Gdix.” Tsim” | xawaa".” A‘tsa* “Ft. wan? Desire (pl.) be fixed his Always killed That’s why now (disposition). shall be. team tx? | hitea’rts? © Hy waa’ tx % mayors? “ta © nla assemble (pl.) people. Then say continually chiefs (of) this region. “Pla’ntxan™. ha! tsi’k!ya.° Ni'ctcani® tmex®* xawa’in?*? = 4 ‘‘Sorry our hearts very. How we doubt kill him? For 1See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts, Columbia University Contributions to Anthro- pology, Vol. IV, pp. 15 et seg. 2 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 3 Modal adverb (§ 121). 4 See § 133. 5 klix EACH, EVERY (§§ 124, 2); -@ local suffix of rest (§ 91). 6 rJa/at particle (§ 133); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8). 7 Conjunction (§ 125). 8 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 9 hiq!- TO START, TO COMMENCE (§ 108); -yax past tense (§ 74). 10 Discriminative form of mi’k/a (§ 111). 11 Discriminative form of hitc PERSON (§ 111). 12 {it/- TO EAT (§ 12); -at verbalizing (§ 75); -an direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 13 Discriminative form of swat GRIZZLY BEAR (§ 111). 14 Transposed from patna’ (§ 14); paLtn- TO HUNT; -ai verbalizing (§ 75). 15 gatcn- TO GO, TO START; -a@? verbalizing (§§ 75, 136). 16 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 7 yJemai- TO KILL; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 9, 2); -as durative (§§ 69, 8). 18 {7t/- TO EAT; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -as durative (§§ 69, 8). 19 Modal adverb (§ 121). 20 pln- TO BE SICK; -aitx suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 33). 21 Demonstrative pronoun (§115). 22 {Emt- TO ASSEMBLE; -tz plural (§ 80). 23 hitc PERSON; -&u plural (§ 79). 24 sinai- TO WANT, TO DESIRE; -tu plural (§§ 79, 8) 25 gaL!- TO MAKE, TO FIX; -aitz passive (§ 39). 26 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 27 zaui- TO DIE; -aau future passive (§§ 56, 8). 38 Modal adverb (§ 121); a/tsa uf FOR THAT REASON (§ 125). 29 Temporal particle (§ 126). 30 hitc PERSON; -w%wt plural (§ 79). 31 wad- TO SPEAK; -aitz frequentative (§§ 68, 9). 32 mad/tt CHIEF (§ 98); -au plural (§§ 79, 8). 33 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). %¢ Abbreviated; for pla/ntzanxan; pin- To BE SICK (§ 112); -tz suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 33); -nzan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 35 né’/ctca particle (§ 181); -n# inclusive plural (§ 24). *6 Particle (§ 127). 37 zau- TO DIE (§ 112); -wn direct object of third person (§ 28). 612 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puun. 40 kumi nte%8 xa/wil*®® tsi !i’te.*° A’tsan*!’ "hn* kuminte™ not he die not arrow through. Thus [ sol not si’/nixyin® tein!i’te* Lixmaya’a".”@ ““f wan”) waa'tx® hiteq want it arrow with killed he shall be.’”” Then finally say (pl.) people, klink*ya’at** ni’ctcea” tu tal.® Sta/tsa® tinea’. "i. wee it will be gone how this lives. Thus he will be Then now and seen invited. qa’tentx’® klink’t’a’*o! of wan™. wiin!wa'’xam.” "11g ae go (pl.) searchers. Then now he is approached. He got there. “K laha’yti‘nanx™ al‘twa’wanx® hitci'’stc®® tlaya’tc.”*7 Kumi’ntc® “Tnvited art thou, also about thou fun to place to.” Not a’mhatc® hai. + tca’xat®® “t ten ants® hitc. “t s®atsi’te™ willing his mind, So goesback and goeshome _ that man. And thus L!wa’n. ‘Kumi/ntc®® a’mhatc® hal.” S®atsi’tc® wiwa8n® ants relates. “Not willing his mind.” Thus relates that hite. . Yaxai!®. hutea’*® , tla’!*, ants . tem!) Oh pea man, Much fun they (of) that assembly. Then is told ants® "8° ga’tcintix.” ‘‘Kumi’ntcini® ana’xyin.® Ats” that who go will. “Not we give it up will. When wa otux inl? ada yoni oA ter te? Lioni txa® nm. he die will, then we giveit up will.” Thus it is repeatedly said. 38 Particle of negation (§ 131). 39 gau- TO DIE; -22 negative (§§ 53, 8). 40 tsi/L/7 ARROW (§ 98); -2tc adverbial (§§ 94, 9, 12). 41 q/tsa THUS (§ 121); -n Ist person singular (§ 24). 42 uk THEN (§ 125); -n 1st person singular (§ 24). a/tsan uln FOR THAT REASON I (§ 125). Singular in- stead of plural (§ 139). Should have been a/tsanzan ulznxan. 43 sinxi- TO DESIRE (§ 4); -an direct object of third person (§§ 24, 28, 8). 44 L./xmat- TO KILL; -aauv future passive (§§ 56, 8). 45 wad- TO SAY; -tx plural (§ 80). 48 k/ink'7- TO GO AND LOOK; -aau future passive (§§ 56, 8). 47 Particle (§ 131). 48 {-(?) TO LIVE, TO RESIDE; -ai verbalizing (§ 75). 49 tii'n- TO INVITE; -aau future passive (§ 56). 50 gatcn- TO START, TO GO (§ 4); -tx plural (§ 80). 51 k/ink‘t- TO GO AND LOOK; -?’awi nominal (§ 99). 52 L7a%- TO COME, TO APPROACH (§§ 107, 112); -zum present passive (§§ 55). 53 L7i1- TO ARRIVE, TO COME; -an direct object of third person (§§ 28 10). 54 k/a‘- TO INVITE; -a? verbalizing (§§ 75, 3); -i'nz passive (§§ 58, 8); -na 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 55 Contracted; for aliwa/waxanx(§ 9); a/l-d&% LIKEWISE (§§ 125,185); -awaxz intentional (§§ 70, 8); -na 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 6 hiitcdé’u FUN (§ 97); -ds locative case (§§ 86, 9); -tc local (§ 90). 57 1. /a/ai GROUND (§ 138); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8); -éc local (§ 90). 58 a/mha WILLING; -tc possessive 3d person singular (§ 88). 59 tcaxti- TO TURN BACK; -t present (§§ 72, 2 6 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 61 sEq/tsa THUS (§ 121): -ite modal (§§ 94, 9). 62 L/0n- TO RELATE (§ 112). 6 hiitc- TO PLAY; -%u nominal (§ 97). 6 temil- TO ASSEMBLE; -i%”? nominal (§§ 97, 9). 6 qwad- TO SPEAK, TO SAY; -zam present passive (§ 55). 66 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 6&7 gatcn- TO GO (§ 4); -tu@x future (§ 73). 68 kwmi/nte NOT (§ 131); -né inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). © anz- TO GIVE UP; -yin exhortative with direct object of third person (§§ 41, 112). 70 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 11 wau- TO DIE; -tiéx future (§ 73). 72 uk THEN (§ 125); -nz inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 73 q/tsa THUS (§ 121): -iée modal (§§ 94, 9). 74 L/0n- TO TELL, TO SAY; -2txz frequentative (§ 68); -a@‘nz passive (§ 58). BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 613 ut wan” Lidxa’xam™ waa’xam® ants® hitc. Stkwi’tc” tsing!t” Then finally is sent is told that man. Very poor ants® hite L!oxa’xam.” ‘“Hi'’sanx™ L!wa/nistin.”? Kwinx®? nictci’te®! that man who is sent. “Well thou shalt tell him. Not thou what-like L!wa/nisin” mi’kla‘na.® Liwa’nistinanx® s"atsi’tc,4 ‘Si’n"xyit- shalt tell him bad-ly. Shalt tell him thou thus, ‘Desire sanxan™ r1i'itix® tit’ts.** Tsi’k!yanxan®™ si’n'xyiin* hiitca’a’.’® we-thee come shall here. Very we want it fun shall be (had).’ Atsi’te®nx®® L!wa/nisin.”® Kwinx®® L!wa/nistin?’® mi’k!a‘na.®? Thus thou shalt tell him. Not thou shalt tell him bad-ly. Ya" xaitc® ha}, tsi’k!ya® mi’k!a.” t wan” ga’tcint™ ants*® Much his mind, very bad.” So finally starts that bite. . Winx’ tsi’k!ya.*)) “ulewa’xan™, ta’kin™, id’.” tb. wan” man. He fears very. “Messenger I this I come.’ Then now wilwai’.™ “‘Nictci’tcanx® wa*yaxa"ts® ants® Li’iyax?”’"— he assents. “What-like thee told he-thee that (who) came ?7’?— “Kumi’ntc® nictci’tc® wa’/ait.© Txtin® xidna’yitne’™ s*atsi’te:% “Not what-like he said. Just I am told thus: ‘klaha/yi‘nin.”** Atsi’tcin'? Llona’yits.1° ‘Tsi’k!yanx’!™ sf’nixytin® ‘invited am I.’ Thus me he tells he-me. ‘Very they want it % L/0x- TO SEND; -ram present passive (§§ 55, 4). 76 Modal adverb (§§ 121, 94). 7 tsing!- TO BE POOR; -t nominal (§ 104). 78 htis GOOD; -a modal (§ 96); -nz 2d person singular (§ 24). 79 ./6n- TO TELL (§ 112); -is durative (§ 69); -in direct object of third person (§ 28). 80 kg%i NOT (§ 181); -nw 2d person singular (§ 24). 81 ni/ctca WHAT ($181); -2tc modal (§§ 94, 9). 8 mi’/k/a BAD (§ 96): -‘na modal (§ 94). 83 7./On- TO TELL (§ 112); -7s durative (§ 69); -ain direct object of third person (§ 28); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 8 sinzi- TO DESIRE; -Utsanxan direct object of first and second persons WE-THEE (§§ 29,8, and Table, p. 473). & Liu- TO COME; -ti&x future (§ 78). 8 Local adverb (§ 119). 87 tsi/k/ya VERY (§ 121); -nxan exclusive plural (§ 24). 88 hiitc- TO PLAY, TO HAVE FUN; -aau future passive (§ 56). 89 atst/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -ra# 2nd person singular (§§ 24, 4). 90 yqa/xat MUCH (§ 121); -tc possessive 3rd person singular (§ 88). 91 gatcn- TO START (§ 4); -t present (§ 72). 92 Contracted; for L/o’waxaxan (§ 24); L/6x- TO SEND (§ 112); -axnominal (§ 101); -n 1st person singular ($§ 24, 4). 93 {aak THIS (§ 115); -n Ist person singular (§§ 24, 4). % wilt- TO AFFIRM, TO AGREE, TO ASSENT; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). % ni/clca WHAT (§ 181); -itc modal (§§ 94, 9); -nx 2nd person singular (§§ 24, 4). % wad- TO SAY; -yax past (§ 74); -aits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29). 97 Lizi- TO COME; -yax past (§ 74). 98 wad- TO SAY; -att negative (§§ 53, 9). %9 tzu JUST (§ 130); -m 1st person singular (§ 24). 100 7,/6n- TO TELL; -a? verbalizing (§ 75); -utnz passive (§§ 58, 8). 101 k/a‘- TO INVITE; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 3); -ti‘nz passive (§§ 58, 8); -m Ist person singular (§ 24). 102 ats2/tc THUS (§§ 121, 94); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 103 /@n- TO TELL; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -aits direct object of first person and second persons (§§ 29, 8, and Table, p. 480). 104 ¢s7/k/ya VERY (§ 121); -na 3d person plural (§ 24). 614 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Liwa’wax.! §¥atsi’tcin?® w!owa’x!” ta’kin® wxia’.’” S#¥atsi’te™ intend to come Thus I messenger this I come.’”’ Thus (thou). waal’.°8 TT n/gin?® = =waxat’mE? ta’kin® = klaha’yi‘ne?”24— he says. “Something I be given this I (who) am invited ?’’— “Kumin’ntc® nictci’tc®! wa*a"tne.4? Txt! wan? hiuten’™! “Not anything is said. Just nOW have fun Lla/4,4 S*a’tsa® tanx’ si’n*xyitnn™® Li’itax.”*—. “S*atsitemx many. Thus this thou art wanted come shall,’”’? — “Thus thou L!wa/nis,¥® ‘Sfnxit™® tiqai’na.’° Ats” tq! waxa’ymxayim,™! 4" shalt tell, ‘He wants something. When something be given to him, then wane? >) Li titix’® (S*atsi’ te*nx?: Swaa’yiits.”2 finally he come will.’ Thus thee tells he-thee.”’ “by s"atsr’te™ waa’ ants™ \a'q* hite.’ ‘xa " Styar sais Then thus Bays that one man. «Just much his hat, S*atsi’te™ si’nixya,* ni/cteim™* s"ist® kl'xa’yon?? Ge mind. Thus he desires, because he kills these hite. A’tsa"t?? ya?/xaitc® hal.” Atsi’tc™ waa’ ants® “hite. people. That's why much his mind.” Thus says that man. Atsi’tc? waa’xam,® ‘Mxq!éina’a".27 Hiya’iltx?® ha’, Tsi’klya® “Thus he is told, ‘It will be danced Changed his mind. Very for him. (will be) planya”’tlyun’® hate. S¥atsi/tc™ waal’.'®. ‘Ate’ opm sorry qoutinually for mind his.’ Thus he says. ‘When something im wa xyaxa’mn) "] LY atix.” © (S"ater’ tein wa" amie be given to him, then hecome will.’ Thus me tells he-me.”’ 1% 777- TO COME; -awaz intentional (§§ 70, 8). 106 sEqts7/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -n 1st person singular ($§ 24, 4). 107 Contracted; for L/owa’xax (§ 24); L/6x- TO SEND (§ 112); -az nominal (§ 101). 108 waa- TO SAY; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 9). 109 ¢z‘q pronominal particle (§ 123); -7 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 110 wax- TO GIVE; -@umz passive (§ 38). lll k/a‘- TO INVITE (§ 8); -at verbalizing (§ 75); -u‘nz passive (§§ 58, 8). 112 waa- TO SAY; -autnz passive (§ 58). 113 Restrictive particle (§ 180). 114 hiitc- TO HAVE FUN; -av plural (§ 79). 115 {g@ak THIS (§ 115); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 16). 116 sinaz- TO DESIRE; -Utne passive (§§ 58, 8). U7 sEqtsi/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 118 7,/6n- TO RELATE (§ 112); -is durative (§ 65). 119 s3n27- TO DESIRE; -a? verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -t present (§ 72). 120 Pronominal particle (§ 123). 121 Mis-heard for w@/xyaxaimE; waix- TO GIVE; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136); -atmz passive (§ 35). 122 wag- TO SAY; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -as direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table, p. 466, § 8). 123 Numeral (§ 116). 124 sinai- TO DESIRE (§§ 112, 8). 125 Particle (§ 128). 126 k/ig- TO DISAPPEAR; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -din direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 127 maq!- TO DANCE; -7n verbal (§§ 8], 2); -aaw passive (§ 56). 128 hiiya- TO CHANGE; -tltz passive (§ 39). 129 Contracted; for planyaiya’t/yin; pln- TO BE SORRY (§ 112); -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -at/7 frequem- tative (§ 68); -an direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 130 hai- MIND, HEART (§ 98); -ic possessive 8d person singular (§§ 88, 139). 131 waa- TO GIVE; -ya% past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 135), -aumz passive (§ 38). 132 qyaa- TO SAY; -aiits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29 and Table, p. 480). BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 615 uf wan” ga’teint™ ants® hite waha’.* “S*atsi’tc*nx?” Then now starts that man again. *‘Thus thou wa/aistin.'** ‘Waxa’yimanx!® qani’nal.’ Atsi’tc"nx® L!dna’yiin.'* shalt tell him. ‘Is given to thee knife.’ Thus thou tell him. fa maanx*” qga’tcintix,” ,. klaha'yi' nanx.™ .. Hated’ . .i!a/a4 ‘Quick thou start shalt, invited art thou. Play many ya” xai.? Si’nixyi‘nanx™® i’itix.’® Atsi’tce*nx® L!dna’yin.” much, Wanted art thou come shall.’ Thus thou tell him.”’ Ci’n'xyatilya’® ants® hite Lidxa’a".° ‘*Qna’han™! waa’yiin.'” Thinks continually that man (who) sent will be. ook say to him. Rianyun « gqna/han™,. nictci‘tc™..waayun,’ “dL, bi’nak li Know it I what-like say to him, and right away Beacntox. 7? “h.. wan? . ga’te"nt". ants®. dite... ‘Qnathan™ he start will.” Then now goes that mean. oc maavun, 2, 4. hijnak!" ga’tc®ntax.77% say to him, and Tight away he start will.” Atsite™. ci/nixyat!ya*® ants® hitc. “L xint “ft Lit’. Lii’in.™ Thus thinks continually that man. So he goes and arrives. He comes to him. ‘lowa’xan™ ta’kin® Lid’. Tsi’k!yanx’® si/nixyi'nn™® Liwa’wax.'!® ‘‘ Messenger I this I come. Very thou art wanted intend to come. meye teecalati! ot smii't"tix's ants ula’ * . hutca.© Pretty soon then end will that big fun. Atsitcin’? ...waa’yitnn.. Na’m*linx*® tug.” . Nictci’tcanx™ Thus I am told. Mine thou relative. What manner thou fanx*., ki!?5* a’mbati#? .ha!?? .Atsiie™ . waa’a"n =. “Yar- this thou not willing (thy) mind?” Thus he says to him. “Much xaitxan' ha‘. S®a/tsan™ te? kumi’ntc®® a’mha'ti# hal. Txin® (thinkin my) mind. Thus I this not willing (my) -mind. Just I 133 Temporal particle (§ 126). 134 waa- TO SAY; -ais durative (§§ 69, 9); -ain direct object of third person (§ 28). 135 qwax- TO GIVE; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -tmz passive (§§ 38, 8); -nxz 2d person singular (§ 24). 136 1/6n- TO RELATE; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -ain direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 137 11/mqa RIGHT AWAY (§§ 120, 96); -na 2d person singular (§ 24). 138 sinzi- TO DESIRE; -&'nE passive (§§ 58, 8); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 139 cinxi- TO THINE (§ 4); -at/t frequentative (§§ 68, 8, 7). 140 7./0x- TOSEND; -aqu future passive (§ 56). - M41 g- discriminative (§ 21); na’/han personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 118). 142 wad- TO SAY; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -tin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 143 7,/~u- TO KNOW; -ii verbalizing (§§ 76, 9); -un direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 144 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 145 tsi/k/ya VERY (§§ 121, 96); -na 2d person singular (§ 24). 146 sinxi- TO DESIRE (§ 4); -a'nz passive (§§ 58, 8). 147 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 148 smit’- TO END, TO FINISH; -tiix future (§§ 73, 4). 149 waa- TO SAY; -ai verbalizing (§ 75); -dtnz passive (§§ 58, 8). 150 Contracted; for na/mElinEnx (§ 15); n& I (§ 113);-zml relative (§§ 87, 9); -in possessive Ist singular (§ 88); -na 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 151 Particle of negation (§ 131). 152 q/mha WILLING; -ait? possessive (§§ 88, 9). 153 waa- TO SAY; -aun direct object of third person (§ 28). 154 y@a’/xai MUCH (§ 121); -tw suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 83), -m 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 155 s£q/tsa THUS (§ 121); -n 1st person singular (§ 24). 616 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 k'na* xa/wa!” si/nixyitne."® S*a’tsan'®® "In'® ya’xaiti®® hal.”— perhaps to die am wanted. Thus I and I much (think mind.”’— in my) ‘“Kumi'nte™® s®atsi’tc, txitinx?® ya’xa'®™ si’n'xyitnn."® S*a’tsanx’” “Not thus, just thou to see art wanted. Thus thou te klaha/yi‘ne." Txinx’ wan” hi’sa’® hawa’yime’ hai. this art invited. Just thee now well (towards) it is made mind. TE’‘q?nx'!® waxa’me."° S*a’tsanx’? te klaha’yi'ne.™* Na’m*- Something thee it is given. Thus thou this art invited. Mine jinx °° “Eg, s"a'tsank’®? tanx**® tkwa’yits*®” qna.*) (Sater thou relative, thus thee this thee fetch I-thee is Thus tein? =ta/kin® xi’mqa?® it’. Qani’nal waxa"’manx.*® S*a’- I this I quickly come. Knife is given to thee. Thus tsanx!® tanx’® klaha’yo‘nn,™ s*a’tsa® ta’kin™ wit’, nictcr thou this thou art invited, thus this I come, because m'nx? na’mfl*" te'g.”° S’ateane’” th Lig its ee thou me of relative. Thus thee this come I-thee Le Si/nixyiitsanx!” gna‘? hitca’wax.'™ S¥a’tsanx’?® te® ii’Llutits.™” Want I-thee I intend to play. Thus thou this approach I-thee. Sfatsrtcin?” ha’: .. kumi/’nte®>~ kena**'~ teq??” mie eee Thus my mind, not perhaps something badly nix*tc.17” A’tsan® tm nai” Lloxa’xam.”” — ‘“*Ha®l!?? Tsi’klyanx’® thee to. Thus I this I am sent.” — “Yes! Very thou mi’k!a. x~!xma’yanxin'®° si’nixyits.%* S*a’tsan’® ka!'! a’mbhati?? bad. Kill they me want he-me. Thus I not willing (my) hal.” —'““Kuminte® k*nk* “s*atsi’te.” S°s’tsan*® ta’ kin™ sme mind.” — “Not perhaps thus. Thus I this I I 156 Dubitative particle (§ 127). 187 gat- TO DIE (§ 112). 158 ul THEN (§ 125); -n 1st person singular (§ 24); sZa/isa ul THAT’S WHY. 159 yGa/xat MUCH (§ 121); -aitz possessive (§§ §8, 9). 160 tra JUST (§ 130); -nw 2d person singular (§ 24). 161 yax- TO SEE (§ 112). 162 sEq/tsa THUS (§ 121); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 163 h7is GOOD; -a modal (§ 96), 164 haw- TO MAKE, TO FINISH; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -imz passive (§§ 38, 8). 16 tz‘g SOMETHING (§ 123); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 166 {aki- TO TAKE, TO FETCH (§ 12); -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -ats direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table, p. 480 and § 8). 167 g- discriminative (§ 21); n& personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 113). 168 Modal adverb (§§ 121, 96). 169 ~wax- TO GIVE; -aimE passive (§ 38); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 170 n7i/ctcim BECAUSE (§ 128); -nx 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 171 n& personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 118); -Emé relative (§§ 87, 9). 172 L7%j- TO COME; -tits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table, p 480, § 10). 173 sinaz7- TO DESIRE; -titsanz direct object of first and Second persons I-thee (§ 29, Table, p. 473, § 8). 174 hijtc- TO PLAY; -awax intentional (§ 70). 175 L7%- TO APPROACH (§ 107); -t present (§ 72); -dits direct object of first and second persons (§ 29 and Table, p. 480). 176 sZqtsi/te THUS (§§ 121, 94); -2m possessive Ist singular (§ 88). 177 Objective form of personal pronoun 2d singular (§ 113). 178 Personal pronoun Ist singular (§ 113). 179 Particle of affirmation (§ 131). 180 1 /ami- TO KILL; -at verbalizing (§ 75); -nx 8d person plural (§ 24); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 181 sjnaz2- TO DESIRE; -uts direct object of first and second persons (§§ 29, 8, Table, p. 480). Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 617 Lioxa’xam.” S*atsi’tc™ nats, kai! nats’? na‘ L!lo’xyaxa"'ne. 18 am sent. Thus if not, not conditional AL had been sent. ‘Qa’tcintiinx'** wan?”*— “Qa’tcintixan.*® Hi’sanx’ ma’nisiits'®* Start wilt thou *now?” _ “Go will I. Well thou shalt wateh thou-me meet S*aterte™ *waa‘ain 8 See Atsr'tein © ha: thou.”’ Thus he tells him. “Allright! Thus my mind. Puminic® . k'na'® ptaig?°? . mi‘klaing? te? hotea™; nia’? 4 Not perhaps something bad-ly this fun big.”’ — “Hatt? ga’tcintixan’® wan.” Kumi’nte® wan” tz‘q,” xat’- “Yes, start will I now. Not now something, die tiixan.” 1*° S®atsi’tce®™ waai ut hi’q!ait.%° “Kumi’nte’® k'na‘? if will I.” Thus he says and starts. “Not perhaps wan” sfatsi’te.“ Qa’tcintinx?”'** Atsi’te™ wa’ais”* good (my) mind. Intend to look I fun at greatat.’”’ Thus says continually ants -hitc. Ha'’qmas™”® ti’xam”’ iya’wa.”’ Ya’q*hisi‘n:.”® that man. Close by he is seated fire. Heis continually watched. 231 Temporal adverb (§ 120). 232 gniwn- TO DO; -is durative (§ 69). 233 sEq’tsa- THUS (§§ 121, 96); -nxan exclusive plural (§ 24). 234 k/a‘- TO INVITE (§ 3); -a% verbalizing (§ 75); -ats direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Table, p.480, § 8). 235 hin- TO TAKE ALONG; -aaw future passive (§ 56). 236 Particle (§ 131). 231 Local adverb (§ 119). 238 maltc- TO BURN: -ti'nE passive (§ 58). 239 See § 98. 240 See § 104. 1 hitii’s locative form of hitc (§ 86); -tc adverbial (§ 90). 242 Local adverb (§ 119). 243 yaqu'- TO LOOK (§ 3); -a? yerbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -t present (§ 72). 244 tik HERE (§ 119); -nzan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 245 ta@ak THIS (§ 115); -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 16). 246 Local adverb (§ 119). 247 fat TO SIT (§ 2); -xam present passive (§ 55). 248 Liya/au FIRE (§ 97); -a locative case (§§ 86,8); -tc local (§ 90). 249 See § 97 250 yda2- MANY; -auwi nominal (§ 97); -ite modal (§§ 94, 9). %1 yagu'- TO LOOK; (§3); -a? verbalizing (§ 75); -tpresent (§ 72); -ain direct object of third person (§ 28)- 22 Contracted from Liwa/waxanz (§ 24); Liti- TO COME; -awaz intentional (§§ 70,8); -nz 2d person singular (§§ 24, 4). 253 ts7/k/ya VERY (§ 121); -n 1st person singular (§ 24). 254 yaqu'- TO LOOK (§3); -awaz intentional (§§ 70, 8); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). %5 z/a/at particle (§ 133); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8). 256 waa- TO SAY; -ais durative (§§ 69, 9). 257 Liya/au FIRE (§ 97); -a locative ease (§§ 86, 8). 238 yaqu‘- TO LOOK (§ 3); -asi‘nz durative passive (§§ 59, 9). 620 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Wusya’aist?? ats mi/k!a bite. Liin!wi’siitne?* wan.” ‘* Kwinx® Begins to feel that bad man. He is continually now. ‘Not thou sleepy approached a” sisy?”? ya’qthis*nx.” A’tsanxan”? ta’nxan™> waa’yits!? always sleep, always look thou. Thus we these we tell we-thee Liwa’ wanx. 7°? Kwinx® a”sig.2¥ ya’ qthis*nx.?% Atsi’te* intend to come thou. Not thou sleep always, watch always thou. Thus tanx'® klaha’yi‘ne.™! Hi’s*nxan?* hawal’tx?™ hal.” Wusya’aist2 this thou art invited. Good we make our heart.’’ + Begins to feelsleepy ants™ mi’ ck’Jat 2)" /"°Yarqthisu ae Ha’/tsimn** ants ts!ain. that bad man. He is constantly watched. Ismadereadyforhim that pitch, S"a'na’te*”.... xawa’a".?” _Li/wis"nE** ants® mmq!yn’™ 7) Sila That with killed he willbe. He is constantly those dancers many. approached by ** Ha gaitcya,?”? ts’il‘mu’t, miltcl’xminx.”?7 Atsi’te™ wa/alsi‘nn.?" ‘*Shore-like from, friend, thou mayest get burned.’’ Thus he is constantly told. ““Kwinx® asis?2 — ts’il-‘mii’t.”—“* Wusya’aistin.”?? Muq!ya’2® “Not thou always sleep friend.” — “Begin to feel sleepy I.”’ Dance (pl.) Lila’ Ausi’s.28 ** Hal’ qaitcya,?”? miltci’xminx.”?" Te!ha’’cisttnE.?4 many. He sleeps. ‘*Shore-like from, mayest get burned Gladness is constantly thou.” felt. S¥a’tsa® xawa’‘a’.?”7 Wusya/aist”® wan.” Atsi’tc™ wa/alsutnE,?!? Thus killed he will be. He begins tosleep finally, Thus he is constantly told, ci’ -xistittnn.”*.... ‘* Hai’ qaitcya,?” miltci’xminx.”?7. Kui! ciIi-xie he is shaken con- ‘«Shore-like from, mayest get burned Not he moves not. stantly. thou.’’ “| wan * qaa’xam?” ants® ilyaxa®’/¥i7§ tslain. Magq!lyn’s2e So finally is brought in that boiled pitch. Dance (pl.) Lia/"* .** Hal qaiteya?”? — ta’il-mi’t.”- Kai! kwi'sil,?”— terklya- many. ‘«Shore-like from friend.’’ Not wakes up not, _ very a'si’s.?273 Atsi’tc” waa’. ‘‘A’nxa"tsatct.2°° Liyaxa’waxan”*! a%sa/ wax.” 28? he sleeps. Thus hesays. ‘‘ Leave alone you-me. A while intend I sleep intend.”’ 259 wust- TO FEEL SLEEPY; -at verbalizing (§ 75); -st inchoative (§ 66). 26077%- TO APPROACH (§ 107); -tsitnz durative passive (§§ 59, 8). 2%lyaqu‘-TO LOOK (§ 8); -7s durative (§ 69); -nx 2d person singular ($§ 24, 4). 262 q/tsa THUS (§ 121); -nxan exclusive plural (§ 24). 268 hiis GOOD; -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 264 haii- TO MAKE; -attz suffix indicating that objectformsan inseparable part of the subject (§§ 33, 8). 265 See § 98. 266ha/is READY, DONE; -2mz passive (§ 38). 267 sEq i/na HE, THAT ONE (§ 115); -fc adverbial (§ 90). 2877u- TO APPROACH; -isii‘nE durative passive (§§ 59, 8). 269maq/i- TO DANCE; -t%i¥ nominal (§§ 97, 8). 210haiq SHORE (§ 119); -atée modal (§ 94); -ya local (§ 93). 271mattc- TO BURN (§ 12); -txmi intransitive exhortative (§ 63); -2 future passive (§§ 56,9); -nx 2d person singular (§ 24). 22wust- TO FEEL SLEEPY; -a? verbalizing (§75); -st inchoative (§ 66); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 273 qsu- TO SLEEP (§§ 12, 108). %4¢c/hacu- TO BE GLAD (§ 12); -istitne durative passive (§ 59). 25 cil‘x- TO SHAKE, TO MOVE; -?siitnE durative passive (§ 59). 216 cil-x- TO MOVE, TO SHAKE; -7 negative (§ 53). 277 gaa- TO ENTER; -wam present passive (§ 55). 2787 /{xu- TO BOIL (§§ 112, 7); -auwt nominal (§$ 97, 9). 279kwis- TO WAKE UP; -2 negative (§ 53). 280 ana- TO LET ALONE; -autsatct direct object of first and second persons you-Me (§ 29, Table, p. 473, and §§ 24, 4). 81 fiyax- A WHILE (§§ 126,185); -awax intentional (§ 70); -n 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). 282 qsu- TO SLEEP (§ 12); -awaz intentional (§ 70). BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 621 “| wan? ci/n'xyaxam” .s*atsi’te:® ‘‘Qatih?* wan? a’ stiix.” 285 Then now it was thought thus: * Let now he sleep shall.” Ra’qgwis*® ants® tslain L!'yaxa’¥!,278 Atsi’tc™ waa’xam,® ‘‘Qai}2s Boils con- that pitch boiled. Thus it is said, “Let tinually wan” pa’ stix.”°* Ha’ qaltcya,”” tsil*mua’t. Kol! ‘er |-xik 2? “uy now he sleep shall. Shore, manner, from, friend.” Not he moves not. Then wan”? xiu"n. now hesnores. Ha’ mit?” la’!* tag ?° lokwi’xam.”*? Tcimtca’m??® lokwi’xam.”*7 All many something is seized. Axes are seized. Pea ertox,”? “"t txa™ tcimtca’myate™ xawa’a®.” "tf wan” xu"n, Get up willhe, then just ax with killed he will be. And now hesnores. miclaate rae! xan. tL wan “han’tix?? “hiten’,?° Tsi’klya® Open his mouth hesnores. Then finally quit (pl.) people. Very tcima’nisii‘nr.?* ‘3 !xmiya’yinanl.2* S¥a/s"nl? klixa’yiits,2%° f he is watched “Kill him will we. He us kills he-us, sO constantly. s*a/tsani?*” 1L!xmiya’yin.” 7 Lokwi’xam”*’ wan” ants™ L!iyaxa®/wi,278 thus we kill will him.” Is seized now that boiled (pitch). “Ha qaltcya?” ts il‘mu’t, miltci’xminx.”?7 Kumi’ntc® cf’]-xil.276 ‘*Shore-like, from friend, mayest get burned thou.’’ Not he moves not. “} wan” xwaki'tc” ti’xam™’ ants® Lityaxa®/“1,278 Tethatcii’¥i 300 So now head on is placed that boiled (pitch). Glad are (pl.) ants™ ia’*S"a ata’s®* ants® maq!’nutnr.*? Hiya’altx those many. He only that it is danced for. Is changed on (one) him his 283 cinzi- TO THINK (§ 4); -yaxz past (§§ 74, 8); -ram present passive (§§ 55, 15). 234 Exhortative particle (§ 129). 285 qsu- TO SLEEP (§ 12); -tux future (§ 78). 286 faqu- TO BOIL; -is durative (§§ 69, 8). 27 Instead of takwi/xam (§§ 11, 14); taku- TO TAKE; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -zam present passive (§ 55). 288 See § 109. 289 kast- TO GET UP; -tix future denoting conditionality (§§ 73, 136, 4). 230 tcimtca’mi AX (§ 109); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8); -tc adverbial (§ 90). 291 ¢/;/a¢- TO OPEN ONE’S MOUTH; -fc possessive 8d singular (§ 88). 22 hau- TO QUIT; -tx plural (§ 80). 293 (cimdn- TO WATCH; ~isu'nE durative passive (§ 59). 24 L/xmi- TO KILL; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -yun exhortative with direct object of third person (§§ 41, 8); -né inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 295 sEq’s HE (§ 115); -né inclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 296 k/iz- TO DISAPPEAR; -@i verbalizing (§ 75); -ats direct object of first and second persons (§ 29, Ta- ble, p. 480, and § 8). 27 sEq/tsa THUS (§§ 121, 96); -nE inclusive plural (§ 24). 298 1. /amt- TO KILL; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -yinm exhortative with direct object of third person (§§ 41, 9). 299 zwak? locative form of xwd/ka HEAD (§ 86); -tc local (§ 90). 800 ¢c/hacu- TO FEEL GLAD (§ 12); -ivz plural (§ 79). 801 Restrictive particle (§ 180). 802 magq/i- TO DANCE; -2n verbal (§§ 81, 9); -uitnz passive (§ 58). 622 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 ha! g¥a’tsa.2 S¥a’tsa® ants® mxrg!ya't?® Lla/@i* “t wan? skwaha’,% mind thus. Thus those dance (pl.) many. Then finally he stands up. Lokwi xam*"“ants® ‘Liyaxal 28 Up) stim?” skwaha’ = Fig Is seized that boiled (pitch). And there stand (pl.) many ha’ mat?” .ants*,..tcimtci’mya:**. Wai?) ya? xa'!. 554mg eee all those axes with (are). Although much something, still primsr.** “% kumi/nte® kwi'sil.?” ‘Qwa'nyix*% temaee noise is made Still not he wakes up not. “Pour it it is better with it. Laaya’tce!”5 ut wan® qi‘ni’xamimz.* Txt" mifitcistx® aa’. mouth intol’’ So now it is poured into Just begins to burn mouth. (his mouth). his Stim?? nla’!4,.ma‘qlis.*7. MYVitcist®™.. ants® white: Militeistxes There many keep on dancing. Begins to burn that man. Begins to burn his ha’ mat? hi’qii. Stim’ wan” yak!i’tcyaxam** xwa’katc*® all hair. There finally was cut into pieces head his tcimtca’myate.? Stim?” tqii’nis**® ants® mi’k!a hite. Xa*wi’- ax with. There diffusessmoke that bad man. Killed constantly xamyax*7 te® mi’k!a _hite. was this bad person. Sqav'k#7 win”? ata’s** hawal’.* Kai! nats s*a/tsa® There now only it ends. Not if thus xa/wa'xa“tnn,*!® 4 nats? tsik!ya?)mi’k!la owvila/.* S"a’tsa he had been killed, then conditional very bad world. Thus xa'wi xamyax*"” ..mi'kla, hite., S*atsi’tc® ‘wan ates was killed bad man. Thus finally only wa’ nwitsaxax®?? nictcimaf‘mi.** Sqa'k?8? wan”? smit’ii’.%?? old-timers (of) custom. There finally it ends. 303 skwa‘- TO STAND (§§ 3, 112). 304 skwa‘- TO STAND (§3); -auwi plural (§ 79). 303 teimtca’mi AX (§ 109); -a locative case (§§ 86, 12, 8). 306 niii- TO MAKE NOISE; -WmE passive (§§ 38, 9). 307 gii‘n- TO POUR (§§ 7, 112); -yuix imperative with indirect object of third person (§ 43). 308 Exhortative particle (§ 129). ; 309 raaya’ locative form of Laa’ MOUTH (§ 86); -te local (§ 90). 310 gii‘n- TO POUR; -2 (-at) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -eam present passive (§ 55); -2mz passive (§ 38). 311 Contracted from mi/ItctstZta (§ 15); malic- TO BURN (§ 8); -st inchoative (§§ 66, 4); -tx suffix indi- cating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 33). 312 maqg/i- TO DANCE; -ts durative (§§ 69, 9). 313 maltc- TO BURN (§ 8); -sé inchoative (§§ 66, 4). 214 Contracted from yakli/tcyaxxam (§ 15); yak/- SMALL; -tic modal (§ 94); -yax past (§ 74); ram present passive (§§ 55, 57). 315 7wa/ka HEAD; -tc possessive 3d singular (§ 88). 56 tqiin?/t SMOKE (§ 98); -%s durative (§§ 69, 9). 317 gau- TO DIE; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 2, 8,11); -camyaz past passive (§ 57). 318 haw- TO END, TO FINISH; -a@? verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 319 Hvidently for ra/xyaxattnz; xati- TO DIE; -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136); -attnz passive (§ 58). 320 wa/nwits LONG AGO (§ 120); -ax nominal (§§ 101, 108). 821 See § 103. 822 smit’- TO END, TO FINISH (§ 12); -& verbalizing (§ 75). BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-SIUSLAWAN 623 [Translation] (It happened) long ago. The world was very bad long ago. Everywhere it was so, and this was the cause of it: A bad person was devouring (the people). Grizzly Bear was devouring them long ago. Whenever aman went out hunting, he would kill and devour him. Many people felt sorry because of that. So one day the people came together and tried to devise some remedy. (They all agreed that Grizzly) must be killed. For that reason they came together. Then the chiefs of that region said, ‘‘ We feel very sorry, but how are we going to kill him? He can not be killed by means of arrows: hence we don’t want to kill him with an arrow.” Then finally some- one suggested to go and see how Grizzly lived, and to invite him (to come to the meeting-place). So one man went in search of him. And (when the messenger) came to Grizzly’s residence, (he said,) ‘* You, too, are invited to come to the play-grounds.” But Grizzly Bear was not willing to go: hence the messenger went back, and, upon returning, related thus: ‘‘ He does not want (to come).” (Inthe mean while) the people who had assembled had lots of fun. (Then after a while an- other messenger was sent), and the man who was about to go was told thus: ‘‘We won’t give up. When he is dead, then we will give up.” Thus it was repeatedly asserted. Then finally the man was ordered to go. He was a very poor man. **Speak to him carefully, don’t tell him anything bad. Tell him thus: ‘We want youto come here. Weare going to have lotsoffun.’ Thus you shall tell him. Don’t tell him anything bad. He is shrewd and very bad.” Then that man started out, thinking (a great deal) to him- self, for he was very much afraid (of Grizzly). (And when he came to Grizzly, hesaid,) ‘‘Icome hereasa messenger.” (He thentold him his mission and departed. Not long afterwards Grizzly’s friends came to visit him and inquired about the messenger’s mission). One of them said, ‘* What did the man tell you who came (here) ?”—“ He said nothing (of importance). I was simply informed that 1 am invited (to some games). Thus he told me: ‘People want you to come very much. For that purpose I came here as a messenger.’” (After a while an- other messenger was sent to Grizzly, requesting him to come at once.) Then (Grizzly) said thus (to the messenger): ‘‘ Will anything be given to me, if I come?”—‘‘ Nothing was said (about that). People 624 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 40 are just playing,and that’s why you are invited to come.” (Then Grizzly said), ‘‘ You tell them thus: ‘He wants something. If some- thing be given to him, then he will come.’ Thus he says to you.” (The messenger went back to his people and told them what Grizzly said). And he (furthermore) said, ‘‘He is shrewd. He thinks (of not coming), because he has killed (so many) people. That’s why he is shrewd.” Thus the messenger said. ‘‘ He was (evidently) told (by some friend) that a dance had been arranged for the purpose of changing his (mean) disposition, and that everybody dislikes him. That’s why he replied, ‘If something be given to him, then he will come.’ That’s why he told me (so).” Then another messenger went to Grizzly. ‘‘ You tell him thus: ‘A knife will be given to you.’ Thus tell him. ‘You shall start right away, you are invited tocome. Many people are playing (there), and it is desirable that you should come.’ Thus you tell him.” And that messenger kept on thinking, ‘‘I will speak to him. I know what to tell him, so that he will start right away.” Then the mes- senger started. ‘‘I will speak to him, and he will start right away.” Thus he was thinking as he kept on going. Finally he came to (Griz- zly, and said), ‘‘A messenger I come. You are wanted very much. Pretty soon the games will come to an end, and for that reason I was told (to come here). You are my relative. Why don’t you want to go?” And (Grizzly) answered him thus: ‘‘I am wise, that’s why I don’t want to go. It seems to me that I am simply wanted (there) to be killed. That’s why I am wise.”—‘‘ Not so, they want you to see (the fun). For that purpose (only) you are wanted. Their intentions toward you are good. A present will be given to you. For that reason you are invited. You are my relative, hence I (came to) fetch - you. That’s why I came quickly. A knife will be given to you, because you are invited. I came right away, since you are my relative. The reason why I came to you is because I want you to have some fun. That’s why I came to you. I don’t think that any- thing bad will happen to you. That’s why I was sent.” (And Grizzly answered,) ‘‘Yes, you are a bad man. They want to kill me, that’s why I don’t want (to go).”—‘‘I don’t think (it will be) thus. (Not) for that purpose I was,sent. If it were as you say, I should not have been sent. Will you go now?”—‘‘I shall go. You will have to take BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 625 good care of me.” And (the messenger) said thus to (Grizzly): ** All right, I don’t think that anything bad will happen (to you) on the part of those who play (there).”—‘‘All right, I will go, I don’t care, even if I die.” Thus said (Grizzly) as he started. ‘I don’t think (it will be) as (bad as you imagine). Are you coming?” Thus said (the messenger) to him. ‘‘I should very much like to have you, too, at these games.” Finally (Grizzly) said, “I will go.” So he started. And tbe man who came to fetch him was thinking continually. He was thinking thus. Now they two kept on going; and when they were almost there, the two (chiefs) were told, ‘“‘They two are coming. He is bringing that bad man.” So everybody was glad; and when he arrived, people assembled about him. ‘‘It’s very good that you came, O friend! We shall have a great deal of fun.” Thus everybody said (to him). Many people assembled (around him). Although there were many of them, still they all went there (to Grizzly), shouting, ‘‘It’s very good that you came. Weill play a great deal. We two will play.” (Then Grizzly would say,) ‘‘Allright.”—‘‘ You shall watch (us). You sha’n’t sleep. We will play a great deal.” Thus he was constantly told. (Everything) had been made ready long ago. It had been decided to kill him with pitch during his sleep. Thus it had been agreed upon. ‘*Friend, don’t sleep! we two will play.” Thus people kept on telling him. ‘For that reason you were invited.” Thus he wastold. ‘‘Peo- ple who live here know different kinds of games, and you will witness all kinds of fun. For that purpose you have been invited. Weare well disposed (towards you). No mishap will befall you.” Thus he was constantly told. Whoever came in would tell him thus. ‘It’s very good that you came, O friend! You will see, they will play for along time.” And he would (also) be told, ‘‘That’s why we invited you. There is going to be a great deal of fun. ” At last he was taken to the play-grounds. A fire was started in the house, which, although very large, was nevertheless full of people. Grizzly Bear was looking there. ‘‘Here we play, those who have invited you.” He was seated near the fire, which consisted of pitch. **It seems to me I see (too) many people.” Thus Grizzly was think- ing. And the fire in the house kept burning. ‘Don’t sleep, O friend! (Not) for that purpose we asked you to come (lere).”—“‘All 3045°—-Bull. 40, pt 2—12——40 626 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 right! 1 am glad. I intend to watch the fun.” Thus Grizzly was saying, seated close to the fire. He was constantly watched. (After awhile) he began to feel sleepy. Then people kept on approaching him, (saying,) ‘‘ Don’t sleep, lookon! For that purpose we invited you. We have abandoned all our hatred.” (Again) he began to feel sleepy, (and again) he was constantly watched. The pitch with which he was going to be killed was made ready; while many dancers went to him, (saying,) ‘‘ Move away from the fire, you may get burned, friend!” Thus they were telling him. ‘Don’t sleep, friend!’—‘‘I feel sleepy.” People kept on dancing, while he began to fall asleep. ‘“Move away from the fire, you may get burned!” Everybody was glad, because he was going to be killed. At last he began to sleep. Then people kept on shaking him, saying to him thus: ‘‘ Move away from the fire, you may get burned!” But he did not move. So the boiling pitch was brought in, while the people kept on dancing (and saying), ‘‘ Move away from the fire, friend!” But he did not get up. He was very sleepy, and (merely) said, ‘‘ Leave me alone! I intend to sleep a while.” So the people thought thus: ‘‘ Let him sleep.” And while the pitch kept on boiling, they said, ‘‘Let him sleep. Move away from the fire, O friend!” But he did not move, and (soon) com- menced to snore. Then people took hold of all kinds of things. They seized axes, (because it had been decided that as soon as) he should wake up, they would kill him with an ax. He was snoring, keeping his mouth wide open. Then the people got ready. They watched him closely. ‘We will kill him, because he has killed (so many of) us.” Then the boiling pitch was seized, (and one man shouted,) ‘‘ Move away from the fire, friend, you may get burned!’ But he did not move. Then they held the boiling pitch over his head, and everybody was glad, for the dance had been arranged with the purpose in view of getting rid of (the consequences of) his mean disposition. For that purpose so many people had been dancing. Finally (one man) stood up and took hold of the boiling pitch. And around Grizzly there were standing many armed with axes. They made noise with all kinds of implements, but he did not wake up. (Then one man said,) ‘*Better pour it into his mouth!” So it was poured into his mouth, which began to burn (right away). And the people kept on dancing, BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 627 (as Grizzly Bear) was consumed (gradually) by the fire. His hair got burned, and then his head was cut into pieces with an ax. And while suffering death, he was constantly diffusing smoke. Here (the story) ends. If (Grizzly Bear) had not been killed, this would have been a very bad place. Thus that man was killed. Such was the custom of people living long ago. Here at last it ends. INVOCATION OF Ran? Klutwina’tx? ula’. Yaxai = Gi/iti* = Llayii’s.° Na’qutyax® Ice (has on) its (body) world. Much snow ground on. Cold became bia’ 3) klu*wina!’’ ila’t.3 Kii® ni’ctca® qa’tewil’® ants wia’,3 universe, ice has world. Not how drink not that crowd. Pali ata’s* I qatci’txa"tnn.* Haya’mit’® hiyate’ qatci’’- Well only then it is drunk from. All people drink txatn.© Wal'?? ya" xe’ hitc, "I sqa'k*® gatci’’tx.*" . Tel’wa”, “11+ (from) it. Although many people, still there drink (pl.). Wateron then klutwina’.? Ki'® ni’ctca® tcaitci’tc ni’ctcil* ants" tiya’".* ice appears. Not manner where manner go not those inhabitants. Qa"xa’x* klo*winiyt’s”’ gqatc™nata’"* ants" hite wia’% Top along ice on go (pl.) those people many. Then wan” texmil‘a’mi* Lixt’yin* ants" wa’nwitsaxax® nictcima‘mi.* now people old know it that long ago people custom. 1 See Leo J. Frachtenberg, Lower Umpqua Texts (Columbia University Contributions to Anthro- pology, vol. Iv, pp. 76 et seq.) 2 k/uzwin- ICE (§ 12); -attz suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of the subject (§ 33). 3 Particle (§ 133). 4See § 98. 5 LJa/aé GROUND (§ 133); -d@s locative case (§§ 86, 9, 8). 6 naqut- TO BE COLD; -yax past (§ 74). 7 kluzwin- ICE (§ 12); -at verbalizing (§ 75). § Particle of negation (§ 181). 9 Particle (§ 181). 18 gaicil- TO DRINK; -2? negative (§§ 53, 8). 11 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 12 See § 97. 13 Restrictive particle (§ 130). 14 Conjunction (§ 125). 15 gatcii- TO DRINK; -t@i verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -tx plural (§ 80); -atiinz passive (§ 58). 16 Discriminative form of hai/mit ALL (§§ 111, 124). 1 Discriminative form of hitc PERSON (§§ 111, 7). 18 gatcti- TO DRINK; -t@i verbalizing (§ 75); -tz plural (§ 80); -atm direct object of third person (§ 28). 19 Particle (§ 128). 20 Local adverb (§ 119). 21 gatcli- TO DRINK; -t? verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -tx plural (§ 80). 22 tc) WATER (§ 88); -a locative case (§§ 86, 8). 33 Particle (§§ 181, 94, 108). 24 ni/ctca, MANNER (§§ 131, 185); -22 negative (§§ 53, 9). %5 tai-, ti- TO LIVE (§ 2); -iwt nominal (§§ 97, 8). 36 qaux HIGH, TOP (§ 119); -atx local (§ 92). 7 k/uzwi'nt ICE (§§ 98, 12); -ds locative case (§§ 86, 8). 28 qatcn- TO GO (§ 4); -¢ present (§§ 72, 4); -a plural (§ 79). 2 Temporal particle (§ 126). %0 Discriminative form of texmi’l-ma (§ 111); texam STRONG; -il‘mé augmentative (§ 84). 51 L/ru- TO KNOW; -t7 verbalizing (§§ 75, 9); -iin direct object of third person (§§ 28, 8). 22 wa/nwils LONG AGO (§ 119); -az nominal (§§ 101, 108). 83 See § 103. 628 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 40 “4 tqili’yisne™ ants" tcixni’nk, “t* tqili’yisne* a/l-da® ants! Then is shouted at that Raccoon, and is shouted at also that constantly constantly tsxu’npxi.*® Lainatli’yisnn,” ‘“Tcixni’nr, tcixni’nz, hi’n‘k!litsx® Coyote. He is called constantly, “Raccoon, Raccoon, to rain cause thy Lia’! Wa/’ais®® te’ mod’luptsini’sla!*! Hi’n'k!itsxats’? ila/ails world! Tell to this Coyote! To rain cause ye two world! your ; Nakwa’yatyanxan,* nEqt’txanxan “4 ya"xa.? op ee Poor we cold our (bodies have) we muchly.” Then now linat!i’yisne:” ‘Tecixni’nr, tcixni’nz, hi’nklitsx®® tila‘sils he is called continually: ‘« Raccoon, Raccoon, to rain cause thy world! Mo’luptsini'sla,“’ hi’n‘klitsxats’? la/#!”3 “Ht wan? hi’ntk!lyai‘¢ Coyote, to rain cause ye two world!”’ Then finally begins to rain your tla’i.s = Haya’mit*® hiyate’ ha’ntnit!in.’7 S®a’tsa*® Yarx4? universe. All people believe it. Thus and they . two tqili’yisnn,* 4 wan” hin*klya”tx® la’ Sa'tea® 7 4 are shouted at then finally causes to rain world. Thus then continually, its (body) tqili’‘nz,** ants tkwa’myax® ants! inq!a’at.® it is shouted, when closes up that river. Sqatk?? wan” hawai’. Smit’i’** wan” sqatk.2? Ta’kin’ @ There now it ends. It ends finally there. . This I L!xt’ytin.*! know it. 34 tqil- TO SHOUT; -at (-7) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2); -isnz durative passive (§§ 59, 8). 35 Conjunctfon (§ 125). 36 See § 98. 37 In- TO CALL; -at/i frequentative (§ 68); -asnz durative passive (§§ 59, 8). 38 hintk/7- TO RAIN; -a@i (-7) verbalizing (§§ 75, 2, 9); -tsx imperative (§ 47). ® wad- TO SPEAK; -ais transitive imperative (§§ 62, 9). 49 Demonstrative pronoun (§ 115). 41 Alsea term for COYOTE. 42 hintk/i- TO RAIN; -ai (-2) verbalizing (§§ 75, 9, 2); -tsx imperative (§ 47); -ts 2d person dual (§§ 24, 4) 48 nakwa/yat- TO BE POOR; -nxan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4, 8). 44 Contracted from nzqutt?’/txanxan (§ 15); naqut- TO BE COLD (§12); -wi verbalizing (§ 75); -ta suffix indicating that object forms an inseparable part of subject (§ 33); -nzan exclusive plural (§§ 24, 4). 45 yadx- MUCH; -a modal (§ 96). 46 hinsk/7- TO RAIN; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 47 haninit!- TO BELIEVE; -tn direct object of third person (§ 28). 43 Modal adverb (§§ 121, 96). om 49ul THEN (§ 125); -aux 3d person dual (§ 24). © hintk/i- TO RAIN; -at verbalizing (§§ 75, 8); -ta suffix indieating that object forms an inseparable, part of subject (§ 33). 51 tgul- TO SHOUT; -%‘nE passive (§ 58). 52 Particle (§ 181). 53 tkiim- TO SHUT, TO CLOSE (§§ 7, 112); -yax past denoting conditionality (§§ 74, 136). 54 See § 98. , 5 hat- TO END; -ai verbalizing (§§ 75, 8). 2 56 smit’- TO END (§ 12); -@7 verbalizing (§ 75). iF & taek THIS (§§ 115, 12); -m 1st person singular (§§ 24, 4). i ee a. re x Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—SIUSLAWAN 629 [Translation] (When in forraer days the) ground was covered with ice, much snow (lay) on the ground, and it became very cold, then the people had no way of drinking (water freely). From one well only could they drink, and all people drank from it. Although many were the people, still they all drank there. (And when) ice began to appear on the water (of the rivers), then all inhabitants could not go any- where. They were forced to go along the surface of the ice. Then (at such times there would always be some) old man who knew that (ancient) custom of the people of long ago. (He would then tell it to his people.) And Raccoon would be invoked, and Coyote likewise would be invoked. He would be called by name, ‘‘Raccoon, Raccoon, cause thy rain (to flow)! Speak to Coyote! Cause ye two your rain (to flow)! We are in straits, we are very cold.” Then (once more Rac- coon) would be invoked, ‘‘ Raccoon, Raccoon, cause thy rain (to flow)! (You and) Coyote cause ye your (dual) rain (to flow)!” Then at last it would rain. All people believed in (the efficacy of thisformula). For that reason they two would be invoked, (until) it would commence to rain. Thus people were shouting whenever (ice) closed up the rivers. Now there it ends. It is the finish. (Thus) I know it. owen oat na aybves est! P baie . at ; Bkfoag: ayisd woltt blo Cry ‘ort not panes foxy banality . FE attvemigs, Pier oot bhigs. Mino, ity oat AQT, slilaanh sadam) > zssial pages Ao. 7 Od Now vtuns dydodthAc! Jt cmarkilimend olg joodp’ le bate ~ 7 wsgie od noved oot (aed, bra) youl mnach, Tin yout atin OM 200d Bh ssidgand tie wang: (x79 niet odd 40) 19 ae, eee! wet? to obkPrier ay dole oa Ob has 10P etre vat Re: ae) 1 Wars 3} one Tar BRS: ond avcwln isl ttm o1oat WE it, ik of Hi Ub) te alt Wow ott ORS 2 wigol eh piaoaty ould to nO fh ne senredil oioroD bes hatounl od binew noose f i é ie ron AXOOU DDS ' oes 70 Jetiea ed Hiirow oH Soe pa.) 09) nint TOY Owl-o% HAH) loko yodop tdsae, |(wolt.ad) 8 sto, 6on0)-.aodT.. “ bluo wiememay .etiawa: nt Z ve a vied OF) wiley yild cee doooanay, 1OO5Hs:51 ”. bodoval ed Bane a dt Meal 3h todd (woh o 5, alot Cais Mey oy Gnu soya a to © Agsts abaineg 26 fbn Julho 43 ash fury: lee! alti ma bjutivn q Od sotaninion filvo yw Ji faa) | ofS ed birsw pei (ae n Dh yi BIOeet ba | i ries TSy¥ous ty Ses it in YOK BE p Meetit ord: +: CHUKCHEE BY WALDEMAR BOGORAS 631 HHHOMUHO CATOOOR AAMAC LAW Editor’s pref: Introduction §§ 1-24. Pho §§ 1-13. $§ 14-18. § 14. § 15. § 16. § 17. § 18. §§ 19-23. § 19. § 20. § 21. § 22. § 23. § 24. Ac §§ 25-129. Morphology ace we tee ee ee ee ee ee ae ee ee ee eee ee ee ee we ee eee eee eee eee MG CSc ac yas ae cil. tir: tes ee Oe ER Chukchee Kamchadal Vowels Consonants cent Comparison with Chukchee Vocalic ablaut Other phonetic processes. .......424ht sidenser. eli leis. 2S0.¢. CONTENTS Comparison with Chukchee and Koryak..._................. Vogalieablgut......-.--0: 34 o9ts Bet Je rire ae Other phonetic processes fz Morgnelosiral processes... --.---s-s+o ae Cane eS eee ns wena hoe 798 ers eey ee RSENS SOLS oe 2. Se J Ee we 800 ~ Sobtes NieeHANCOUS, 22.222. .-2) Ul Sateeeets eoke oo. ae 801 f7,tee—ine, Neminalanitixes: of verbs..2.22--A2 s28l.2 5022 (so ceeeees 801 ple eORRONGn MOM 2 éréréo'oéa in front of the entrance Notr.—In words borrowed from the Russian, the following substi- tutions occur: For Russian 6 (2), Chukchee v is substituted. For Russian (f), Chukchee p or g is substituted. For Russian x, Chukchee £ or g is substituted. For Russian c, m (s, sh), Chukchee é is substituted. For Russian ¢ (s), Chukchee ¢ is substituted. Examples: Chukchee Russian carvan caida (storehouse) Apo'n Aoonpka (Athanasius) Ge than @Megbna (Teddy) éa' gar caxap? (sugar) éol coAb (salt) tré’n*non cpejne (middle) § 3. Vocalic Ablaut The vowels have been classified in three groups,—weak, strong, and neutral. The weak ones are indicated by 4, the strong ones by ,. A word, simple or compound, must contain only strong vowels and neutrals, or only weak vowels and neutrals, or only vowels of one of the three classes. When, in composition, weak vowels and strong vowels come together in the same word, the former are changed by the ablaut into strong vowels. *¢ and 7 into e and & into U into >> >Q 3 or @ The sound @ differs in origin, therefore, from q, the latter being the ablaut of ¢ ord. This process is not confined to preceding or fol- lowing vowels, but pervades the whole word. Elements containing only weak vowels are combined without ablaut. The same is true of elements containing either neutral vowels alone or neutral and weak §3. - ee ee SS a Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 647 vowels. A polysyllabic stem which contains a single strong vowe must have all its vowels strong. Examples of such compositions are— Weak vowels or weak vowel and neutral vowel: priri-rkim he takes agdint-tvi'rkin the weather grows ten-teki'éhin good meat warm mee ni-timkitim great piie'pi snowstorm hummock 145.1. nu'nun blade of knife zul-u'tiuut long wood Ablaut of weak vowel and strong vowel: péré'yo (from pirt-yo) taken péna'ypu (from pite-tpi) from a snowstorm nono'tpu (from nu’ny-ipi) from the blade of knife agqiné'nma (from ggdinit-m@g) while the weather is growing warm awkwa'tinok (from ewkwet-rig) at the beginning of leaving eu'lu-wa'lat (from zul-vgla) long knives 15.2 tan-martu-mé'mil good, big seal gizé'-aga'ti-gor greedy’ right-hand driving-reindeer There are a number of words with neutral, probably auxiliary vowels (see § 8), which produce the ablaut, as ¢7m TO KILL; and quite a number of suffixes of the same phonetic character that have the same effect. In these cases it is therefore conceivable either that a strong vowel has been lost or that the phonetic effect is primarily due to other reasons. I give here a list of strong stems of this character: ? 1m rising of water wurg dwarf birch mm glue wukw stone 68.36 rprift first dawn pitv doubled ytp to put on 37.8 pifl (-mfirl) news 78.4 yit (-gtr) to get pili ripples, to bubble 41.1 yim fire pilvint iron, metal yin? steep bank pilm darkness produced by a ytkirg mouth 18.12 storm ytggt bountiful pilhirr flat, flattened 84.25 wit leaf pig float of sealskin wilh thin, with short hair puigl large, round, wooden 102.12 bowl wulhrp to fling ming hand wur branching mit nimble 1Greedy for urine given in a small vessel. See W. Bogoras, The Chukchee (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vil, 85). 3 Forms preceded by a hyphen are those in which stems appear when in medial position (see § 12) §3 648 miLih five 107.23 tim (-nm) to kill 23.5 timg (-mg) to choke trmlz to get near to 44.1 tinp to stab ¢trz door tirk testicle tuw (-tvw) word, promise 49.6 -tkim to crouch érmy bitter éuw bruise lrp neck (bone) lim something kept in re- serve, spare material lrgiip deadfall (trap) lufw to vanquish -lpinf (pint) to give -Upil (pil) to drink rithil bridge of nose. rinn tusk, antler R 3.31 rinnim gums ring shy rmn‘f to whittle (moving knife toward hody) Prefixes of the same character are— ym- all kyt- (-gtj-) much, strongly BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 rl (-z) to enter the sleeping- room rilh finger 22.7, 47.2 rir to hunt down; (71r[-rr1] To UNTIE has a weak stem) rirvit sinew-thread rig hair riggit to be too narrow, to have no room. ruv (-nv) to scrape; (ruv [-nv] TO PUSH OFF is a weak stem) -rkipl (krpl) to strike 45.12 kit hard kitér to hatch (eggs) kilt middle part of sternum kirg dry krrgil fibrous git thin, sparse git lake gilh skin giml (kimi 33.12) marrow fini stanchion of sledge ful smoke R 32.38 firkil shame. There are also a number of suffixes with neutral vowel, that are strong: -gtf, -ét4, -wts, allative (§ 41) -ipit, -épit, -giipit, ablative (§ 42) -Th(1n), -lrfi(rn), substantival suffix (§ 52) -éh(in), -G17i(1n), substantival suffix (§ 53) -in-, -tfiin, augmentative (§ 98, 1) -gurg(mm) verbal noun (§ 106, 44) -tkin surface (§ 101, 19) -8'g, -s'gdn over, top of (§ 101, 20) -nv, -n, place of (§ 109, No. 50) Still other suffixes are strong because they have strong vowels: -(1)ng allative of personal nouns (§ 41) -ngg ablative, adverbial ( § 43) -g9 augmentative, (§ 98, 3) ul -lganin, -lgafin, space of, (see § 101, 20.) Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 649 -livio diminutive (§ 98, 7 ga—ma comitative (§ 100, 15) -maér comitative (§ 100, 17) -gat, -gal, by the side of (§ 101, 26) -yanv, -yan, provided with (§ 104, 38) -yoth, -ooth, receptacle (§ 105, 40) -yo passive participle (§ 107, 47) fivio, -7i9. inchoative (§ 110, 63) -that, verbal suffix expressing contempt (§ 110, 66) In the following sketch the symbols , and , have been used wher- ever clearness seemed to require the exact statement of the character of the vowels. Wherever the character of the vowel is irrelevant or the changes due to harmony of vowels are obvious, the symbols have been omitted. In a few words, 7 is apparently a neutral vowel; as in ya'tergin (stem ye't) the act of coming kanka' éirgm (stem kenkel-) the act of descending In these cases the 7 has originated through palatalization of the preceding consonant and the elision of g, which, after ¢ and , has hanged to / (see §§ 7 and 10). ya tergyn ) = pl | pr | py t tt tk tq té — — — tv — |(tr)—| ty tw th 7 = gt 97 | 99 HN Alo he = = gl gr gy | — e et tk &q €9 em en (a7 él ey é _ — -- _— cé — — év — |—— th s | sp sk | sq | sn m | mp | mt | mk | mq | mg | mé | mm} mn | mi | . ml mr | my | mw nT np nt nk nq _ ne nm |) nn _ nv nl \(mr)nF| ny n | np nk | mq | ng nm mi | nv — fii | — | — | fik | aq] ag | — — | mm | —} —}|——-|} —| — lp lt lk lg — lm lv — ly lw lh f _ rk rg = - rv — TT — rw i ug ym | — yn === wt | (wk)| wg | wg wm | wn — wr — | ww 1Except th. 8 Except kk, and in one case kr, which is probably an affricative q. 3 Except nd’. 4 Except gq. §5 ' ‘ q Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 653 § 6. Vocalic Contraction When sounds that form inadmissible combinations come into contact through composition, phonetic changes occur. (1) Of two weak or strong vowels in contact, the first one is elided. gat-aa' éék < garé'-aa'éék lazy boy Géq-u' ttuut < a§qa-w'ttuut bad wood (2) Obscure 1, £, %, A, d,a*, following another vowel are elided. The glottal stop is always retained. anga-nna'n < anga'-Enna'n sea-fish gapau'lén < ga-uipa'ulén he drank ée'rl < ée'ri-G*’ tel muddy snow neu®' ttin < te u-a*'ttin female dog § 7. Medial Consonantic Processes When two consonants come into contact, certain changes occur. The consonants given on the left-hand side form, when followed by the consonants at the head of the columns, the following combinations: p m v w bt ety nay at k Rh q g p forms with mn mh v forms with wkw w forms with wkw wkw wg fateh t forms with nm nn Cr) Lb nn ni A Jnr . . n Sorms with nd ao nit ng é forms with sD ic } tt fn Jer L sk th sq th y forms with gt gn gc gr gl Tr Sorms with divnn atey Te i : j L lq lh l Sorms with {4 or i; lh sg ly k ! gn wkw k 4! 99 \ Sorm with wp wm wkw wkw gt gn 99 gr gl ] {8 ii aq 99 . « fnd> nr i Jorms with mp wm mv mw nt gn née { ny nF nl &r qg Sorms with LL &y &w fn 8 ty fF & *e =e © («q) "9 These changes may be summarized in part as follows: (1) Voiceless labial and dental stops before nasals become nasals. (2) k and g before labials become w; with v and w, they form a labialized 4%. (8) 4, g, and y before dentals become g. §6, 7 654 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 (4) g before consonants becomes *; only gq occurs. | (5) % before labials becomes m, before dentals, 7. (6) é before labials, palatals, and n, becomes s*. When / replaces é, it is treated in the same manner. (7) Dentals before palatals are palatalized. (8) w with following v, , and sometimes also with g, forms labial- ized k. (9) y following v, w, and g, becomes g. (10) ¢ (é), and 7 with following y, form é°. (11) 2 with following y forms 7’, or ly. (12) ¢, é, and (7) with following 7 form 77. (13) (¢), é, and 7 with following ¢ form #¢. (14) 7% Set following n and % forms gn and gf. (15) m and % with following y form nd°. (16) m and % with following 7 form often nz. (17) ¢, é, 7, and 2 with folloevine 2 form zt. The last two with fol- lowing / also form Z. (18) 2 with following 7 forms 77. (19) 2 with following #% forms /h. (20) rv with following » forms vn. (21) » with following é forms ¢é. (22) & with following % and ¢ form gk and gy. (23) % and g with following 7% form 7. (24) k with following g forms gg; with following gu, wkw (u). (25) g with following g forms 99. (26) Zand ¢ with following g form /A, /y, and th, ty. Examples: pn > mn (1) gemne'lin whetted < ge-pne'-lin valamna'lin < vala -pna'lin the knife-whetter AA. 4 rimné' pt from the inner skin (71’pim inner skin) pn > mi (1) gitte’miew < gitte’p-nrew clever woman namnilo’ain < na-phulo'-atn they asked him 66,24 tm >nmm (1) mini'nmtk < min-i't-mik let us be! 57.1 ni’ lodn-murr < ni-y1'lydt-murr we slept | na'nmuan < na-tmu-dn they killed it 8.2 mne’wkwenmik < mn-e'wkwet-mik let us go away! 17.8 tu > nn (1) er’mainnin < er'mit-nin he took it 117.9 in >nn'(1,7) ree’ lgdn: fut < re-yl'lqat' fut they will sleep gen'tn’ulin < ge-thiy-lin he sentit 104.10 (cf. "19.1; 104.3) kp > wp (2) mitwpe'nvel < mitkpe'nvel many two-year-old reindeer-bucks | §7 , Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 655 km > wm (2) kv > wkw (2) kw > wkw (2) gp > wp (2) gm > wm (2) gv > wkw (2) gw > wkw (2) kt > gt (8) kn > gn (8) kr > gr (8) ki >gl (3) yt >gt (3) yn> gn (3) yé >gé (3) yr >gr (8) yl >gl (3) q before conso- nants > € (4) mivwmo'oqgor < mtk-mo'oqgor many pack-rein- deer pitawkwa' gliitim < pita'k-va'gliitm boot-grass (i. e., grass insole) miwkwe't hau < mik-wé't'-haw (too) many words éw-péra’rkin < ég-péra'rkm he looks wolf-like eLe’w-mi'tgimit < exe’g-m1'tgadmit sweet blub- ber (honey) cé'wmak < cég-mak egg-shell ara’ wkwa'nau < ata’g-ve'nau chewing-gum (lit. sweet gum) alawkweé't' hau < alag-wé't'hau sweet talk wwi'g trmné’n < uwi'k trmné’n she killed herself 12.27 miig-ne'nnet < miik-ne'nnet many otter (skins) mitg-re'w < mitk-re'w many whales m tug hi'glig mp (5) hw > mv (5) nw>mw (5) nt>nt nE>neé te® < tig to cast metal ye < yig quick me>< mig small tr'girkim he casts metal te’’nin he has cast it tampera'é < tan-péra’é he appeared well gempe' lin < ge-nipe'-lin they landed 12.9 tam-vg'irgin< tan-va'irgin good being, good state of things tam-wané irgin < tan-wané'rrgin good work ranto'a‘t ny rr > nt nl >nl ép >s'p (6) %m > sm (6) én > sn (6) ék>s'k (6) ég>s‘q (6) ni >n‘ir (7) ng>n'g (7) lq >s‘q,whenl re- places aé wv > wkw (8) ww > wkw (8) wg >wkw (8) vy >vg (9) wy >wg (9) gy>9g (9) ty>& (10) ry >é* (10) ly>j* or remains unaltered (11) tr>rr (12) ér>rr (12) é¢t> tt (13) tele’n-ye' p< tele’h-ye’p long time ago tele’n-remkin < tele’h-Fe’mkin ancient people tan-Fa'n nF (16) Boss] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 657 rt> tt (13) tut-ter' kik < tur-tei'kik newly made fin > gn (14) teg-né thin < teri-nélhin good skin Tin > git (14) teg-Tie'us gat nd (15) mind! lgdnmrk id: (15) tand'a'nx (17) ge'lgdtin < ge’-lgdt-lin he departed él> 1 (17) mat’ miun-va' lin t (17) tuLu'k (17) atto’ ota’ ut < atto'ol-la'ut front head (the star Arcturus) gene mee nee -né'l-lin he has ei phate 116.21 lr>rr (18) girgo'r-ra ‘mkin< girgo'l- -ra'mkin “upper peo- ple” (i. e., the beings supposed to live in the world above) lm>th (19) ge lhilin > gé liulin (auxiliary verb, active) rm>nn (20) tun-ne'lhin < tur-ne'lhin new skin ré>té (20) tet-tar < ter-cai new tea walka' téviiin gk (22) miig-huke'ti 9q (22) mutg-gora’ tu iii (23) pe tévaii-fia' luiil < pe éévak-fia' Wwul one-year rein- deer-herd gi > Ti (23) één-futo'rkin < tég-iuto'rkin egg goes out; i. e., kg >wkw (24) kg >99 (24) g9>94 (only in suffixes) (25) 1g >ly (26) tg >ty (26) young bird hatches mitkwui' gun ) In the last of these the 7 is palatalized. (7) In Koryak II, 7 is used in the same way as in Chukchee, and also sometimes replaces the 7 of Koryak I. ka'mak-ru (village Rekr’nnok) De eacakia, uandian ka'mak-lu (Kamenskoye) 8 S In other cases 7 is replaced by ¢, s*, é, as in Koryak I. Chukchee Kor. Kam. Voyampolka, Kamchatka te'rkitir sun te'ykitiy Kor. 19.3 te’ tkrtet e'fer star a’hay ener mu'rt we mu’ yz (dual) mu're (dual) (8) The Chukchee # is replaced by y or by palatalization of the preceding consonant in Koryak I, by ¢ in Koryak II. Koryak I, gape’nyilen he attacked him. Kor. 96.8 (Chukchee pé'ntinén Kor. 95.10, Koryak II, gape’ntilen, Kor. 96.26) (9) In the dental series, s appears chiefly in place of Chukchee 7, é sometimes replaces y, ¢é often replaces ¢h. missaa'lomr we shall hear (Chukchee mrrraa'lom1) ér’lirl tongue Kor. 56.4 (Chukchee y2’lz2d 7.10) gitéa’t legs Kor. 57.2 (Chukchee gitka’t 51.4) gilu'téu drum! Kor. 59.4 (Chukchee galu'tkuz*) (10) y often replaces Chukchee g. ytkéa'vekin he makes haste (Chukchee gazéa’urkim) tayyenrvo'ykin he began to cough Kor. 84.20 (Chukchee ¢égga 102.35) (11) » often replaces Chukchee w. Initial v is much more fre- quent than initial w. valo'm Kor. 55.7 (Chukchee walo’m 32.7) to hear. (12) ad: of the Kamenskoye dialect is analogous to the same sound in Chukchee, and appears after palatalized n. Kor. Kam. fiaw-1'nd‘ulatn < fiaw-1-nyu-lafn the one serving for a wife (stems iiaw woman; nyu to watch the herd) Chukchee fieund-w'lin < fieu-nyu-lin (stems new, -nyu [riw]) §16 670 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The Paren x in this position is simply palatalized, and we have the corresponding word tewr'nn'ula‘n. In the same way,— Kamenskoye fta’nd‘en, or even hta'njen (from fia'’nyen) Paren nia'n°en that one (13) A is almost a velar continuant, and after consonants sounds similar to g. paga'thenun and palga'tgenin qiya' thi Kor. 21.10 come! (Chukchee géye’ty7* 15.11) (14) wg or g® (labialized g) replaces Chukchee labialized k, (wkw). Koryak Chukchee yiwgrce'ta Kor. 32.1 twkuée'té 37.3 drinking gawgu'Lin Kor. 23.4 gu wkurin 20.10 they tied him gakya'wgi Kor. 28.9 gigge' wkwit 75.31 wake up! (15) x often replaces Chukchee ¢. (16) In place of the glottal stop of Chukchee, when due to the elision of g, the older g is often retained or replaced by z. éz'xtex cold (Chukchee éd*'ée%) ma'gmit arrows (dual) (Chukchee md mt, plural) The glottal stop of Koryak is always stronger than the corre- sponding sound of Chukchee, and has a tendency to lengthen the preceding vowel. yo"'ekin he overtakes (Chukchee yo®'rkin) (17) ’ indicates a pause (glottal stop), which does not occur in Chukchee. wpin’ale'nin he kicked him (18) The marked tendency of Chukchee to lose intervocalic consor nants like y, g, and w — a tendency which in the men’s speech affects also n and ¢ — is absent in Koryak; and consequently many fuller forms occur which presumably explain the frequent vocalic clus- ters of Chukchee. In all those cases in which the Chukchee loses intervocalic consonants, these are found in Koryak. Kor. Kam. tyd®’gaSan 1 overtook him (Chukchee tryo*’a‘n) Other words that retain no trace of the intervocalic consonant in Chukchee have it in Koryak. | var'am river (Chukchee ve'emm) yawa'ykin he uses it (Chukchee ya'arkin) a*lalaxe (Chukchee a*al, but also a‘lha’ttz, a‘l-ga'ttr, ga'tt hatchet) uyrévat to play Kor. 32 7 kchee uuévet 43.3) §16 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 671 These older forms are even more pronounced in Paren. Kor. Paren e7'ek lamp tntu'welpry son-in-law Kor. Kam. a'ak tntu'ulpry Chukchee ¢’ek: tntu'ulpir The Chukchee cluster // is replaced by /7% in Kamenskoye. Kor. Kam. ke'nmuilfirn root (Chukchee ké'nmilhin) § 17. Vocalic Ablaut The range of the ablaut is more restricted in the Koryak of Kam- enskoye than in Chukchee. z changes into ¢, wu changes into 0; gi wlinat they said Kor. 21.2 gewiirvg’len he said Kor. 14.4 nu'tanut country, land ya nya-nota'lo foreigners but a@as ablaut of e does not occur, both sounds being represented by aneutral a. The Chukchee é is replaced by ¢, the same sound that represents the ablaut of 7. The neutral ais exemplified in the following words of the Kam- enskoye dialect: Kor. Kam. Chukchee kali'ykin (stem kali) keli'rkin (stem ke/2) nu'tanut land (stem nuta) nu'tenut (stem nute) akkat sons (stem a'kka) e'kket (stem ekke) aima'wikin thou approachest (stem ezme’urkin (stem edmeu) aimaw) kama'tia dish (stem kama) keme'nz (stem heme) Since @ is neutral, these stems are also combined with weak vow- els. For instance, 7'tér-kama'ha heavy dish (from itér heavy, dear) There are, however, cases in which the a represents the type g, which requires the ablaut, e'uil-ta'mtam goitre, long tumor (stems 7'e71 long, ta’mtam tumor); Chukchee ¢a’mtam gata'p—e'mat load of food for winter use Kor. 86.17 (stems gatap fish for winter use; iit load); Chukchee gata’ p-é’mit An example of the occurrence of ¢, corresponding to Chukchee @, is— me'yemey tear (stem meye); Chukchee mé'rémér (stem inéré) gape'nytlen she attacked her, Kor. 96.8 (stem peny); Chukchee pe niinén Kor. 95.10 (stem pénz’) 7 672 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Since the vowel-pair e-a, and the vowels é and @ of Chukchee, are much more common than the 2 and w groups, the ablaut is not as striking a feature of Koryak as it is of Chukchee. In the Kamenskoye dialect the ablaut of 7 and w is not as rigidly required as in Chukchee. Particularly in word composition the weak vowels often remain uninfluenced by the strong vowels with which they come into contact. We find, for instance,— napela'-mu'yu instead of napela’-mo'yo we are left. The weak 7 of Chukchee, which is due to the contraction of thr and éAz into ¢¢ and é2, does not occur, since the consonantic cluster remains unchanged. palga'thitiin or palgathéfim old age (compare Chukchee palqa'tirgin < palga'thirgin) Initial w inserted before w, labialized & (wkw), and y, occurs here as in Chukchee, and is neutral. Koryak Chukchee uwa'trkin he kisses (stem wwat) ukwe'erkin (stem ukwet) uyG’qué husband (stem wya*’qué) uwd®' qué (stem wwd*'guér) Several dialects of both groups of the Koryak have retained the vowels ¢ and @. These have the ablaut analogous to that of the Chukchee. Kor. Kamenskoye gatai’kilin (stem tazkr) Kor. Paren getez’kilin (stem ¢ezkz) + he has made Chukchee getee’kilin (stem ¢ezkr) § 18. Other Phonetic Processes Lack of Vocalice Contraction.—When two vowels come together, contraction rarely occurs. Chukchee Kor, Kam. anga'-nna'n < anga'-Enna'n afiga'-Enna'n sea-fish heu®'ttin < heu-a® ttin jiaw-a"'ttin she-dog Medial Consonantic Processes.—The alveolars ¢ and é are not pala- talized by following g or h (see § 7, 26). Chukchee j Koryak palqa'ti-rgin < palgat-girgm palgath-e'-iuun old age f generally remains unchanged before other consonants. Chukchee Koryak tam-pera'rkin < taii-pera'rkin tan-peye'ykin he looks well ginere'mpei take meat out of hokatipalai'ke they take meat kettle for me (stem mpe) out of kettle Kor. 27.5 k before other consonants occurs. §18 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 673 Chukchee Koryak nagtégen.<.) <5 t a — —| — n 8 z I r é c! c 4) Palatized alveolar.; —— | —— = —_|— n s Anterior palatal...; —— | —— — —_—;| — — fis Pilately.c. enseaces k k! — —_| — ft — Velarc saith. ti. q q! g —_—_ | — — te Glottal ).- 222-2 5-2-2 3 | | | | w,Yy,h J is rather rare; for instance, in /zé a fish of the genus Coregonus. ae German ch in Bach. x’ German ch in 7ch. j French j in jour, but with a weak preceding trill, somewhat like Polish rz in rzeka. z sonant s, as in French rose. las in Koryak. w, y, always consonantic. «,’, glottal stops, the former only after short vowels, the latter after consonants, as in v2'Dvel. I‘, &, mn‘, are pronounced with strong initial aspiration. §20 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 677 Jj, ¢, €, are often pronounced with the tip of the tongue in dental position, so that they attain a lisping character,— j between 2° and z ¢ between s° and s é between s* and § I am inclined to attribute this mannerism, which is affected by | many individuals, to the influence of the speech of the Russian creoles and half-bloods, who have this peculiarity in the whole area between the Kolyma and the Sea of Okhotsk. In Krasheninni- koff’s records there are only slight indications of this tendency. It may be, however, that some of the older dialects had this tendency. Thus Krasheninnikoff writes (in my transcription)— cemt (Western dialect) semt (Southern dialect) At present in the western dialect, the only one surviving, the earth, ground word is pronounced both czmt and sdmt. § 21. Comparison with Chukchee and Koryak (1) Chukchee 7, Koryak I 2, ¢, s, or ¢, is replaced in most cases by J, Chukchee Kamchadal git, gir ki'ja thou mu're mu'ja we (2) Chukchee and Koryak g is replaced by & or z. Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal giim gum ki'mma I gu hinge yigi'ngin xe ligin fish-net (3) Initial g of the comitative and verbal prefix (see §§ 48, 64, 66) is replaced by kl. Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal gene wind gana’ wana k lite tum with a wife genu'lin ganu'lin kInwkinin he has eaten (4) Chukchee gw (Koryak gv) is replaced by wv. xo’xval thence (5) Chukchee and Koryak w and v are replaced by hv. Chukchee Koryak Kamchadal watta'p vata'p hvata'pé —_- reindeer-moss va' lz va'la hvalé knife we'ut viut hivt whalebone ve nvr wl nva hui’ nve secretly §21 678 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL, 40 (6) The glottal stop following the initial vowel of Chukchee and Koryak is often replaced by a or & preceding the vowel. Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal er©’ tin ’nntin wer ten neck al 4 gir, Egi'liun xe’ hini wolf G®’ Lel alatl ko'lol snow ele ala®'al ké'lal excrement (7) Chukchee z and z are replaced by ¢/ and Zé. Chukchee Kamchadal tite’ atk téek I entered ose tle there! (8) In Kamchadal, 7, ¢, c, and 7 often replace one another (see § 2, p. 646). éhijé thou art l‘7é thou wert tecjm I strike him telin 1 struck bim (9) In the Sedanka dialect, ¢ changes to 7; s changes to 2; and sometimes k, k/ change to g, q/ Examples: Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect cuncjéren juneern they live sonk z0nk into the wood ct'la-tuma zla-toma brother kona % gunn one k/o'lkrian glo lkriin he has come (10) In the Sedanka dialect there is also a tendency to drop the last syllables of suffixes. Notas many auxiliary vowels occur as in other dialects, and of double consonants one is always omitted. Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect a tintin a'tnom village te vsaicjk te! vsxis I ascend ki'mma kima' I (11) Instead of the pure », we findan 2 with somewhat lateral pro- nunciation. Okhotsk dialect Sedanka dialect E'nu E nu then § 22. Vocalic Ablaut In Kamchadal the ablaut affects almost all the vowels, which are much more numerous than those of either Chukchee or Koryak. ~ changes to é. u changes to 9. 2 changes to é@ or a. ti changes to 6. e changes to a. # changes to 6 or g. §22 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 679 Examples: ki’ stenk at the house ké’stank to thehouse (stem kis¢ house) stink in the wood s6nk to the wood (stem stin) tat’ ink by them txa’ankk to them (stem JZ@) ki’ px'knk in the trough ki'pe'bnk to the trough (stem kipe’) ki/xenk in the river ké'x-ank to the river (stem kiz’) kuke’-hiimnin he cooked it koka-jo-hitimnén he began to cook | it The obscure vowels 1, £, 4, %, are neutral, as are also e,a, 6. In this respect Kamchadal differs from Chukchee, in which dialect vowels that are hard or weak never appear as neutral. In Kamchadal the initial vowels of suffixes, and auxiliary vowels, are also subject to the ablaut, their form being determined by the vocalic character of the stem, which is generally monosyllabic. Thus a system develops which is somewhat similar to the vocalic harmony of the Ural Altaic languages. ki'stenk at the house ké'stank to the house (stem kisZ) ko’l'wonk at the lake ke'px'knk at the trough (stem £6/‘x) kG’ px onk to the trough (stem kEpe.) tistinitilo' trjk I always live in the woods (¢z I; stim wood; di auxiliary vowel; Zo to live; ¢ always; —7k 1) § 28. Other Phonetic Processes Consonantic Clusters.—In Kamchadal consonantic clusters are of frequent occurrence. I have found, for instance, ktxt, txcj, tacjh, tactx, ntwejh, k/lkis. Sometimes auxiliary vowels are inserted, or some of the consonants have a decided vocalic resonance, but more often the clusters are free from vocalic elements. The peculiar consonantic character of pro- nunciation may be observed also among the Russianized Kamchadal; and the natives are taunted by the Russian creoles, and even in the intercourse of various villages, on account of this peculiarity of their speech. Nevertheless not all consonantic clusters are admissible. l/ changes to nl. ko'lol (absolute form), kolo'nl* < kolol-l' (instrumental), snow | elherm (absolute form), ind <1/-/ (instrumental), ear (pl. 7*2) §23 680 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Note, however, lil (absolute form), liile'l‘ < liil-l' (instrumental), eye Auailiary Vowels.—Auxiliary vowelsare introduced to avoid con- sonantic clusters originating by composition, although the corre- ‘ sponding clusters may be admissible in the stem itself. All neutral — vowels perform this function. Although z is more frequent than all the others, %, 2, ¢, (a), are also found rather often. litle'l’ < lil-l' eye tweta' tik < tveta't-jk I work Initial Clusters.—The prefix k/ is omitted before k and k/ p klo'lkiiin he has come The prefix k before initial k and k/ changes to @. xke'jxtik accept him ; The prefix ¢ of the first person singular is dropped before verbal stems with initial ¢. talin < ttxlin I struck him The prefix ¢ of the first person singular changes to é before verbal stems with initial é7 or 7. kr'mma éréi' nifurjk < t-cinii-jk 1 sew Compare also Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal : é'tqun a’ ceri é' heli the bad one wuweélka'lhin éetée' livin é2 xéaa shrew Stems with the initial clusters 7k and rk, when appearing at the beginning of a word, add a preceding vowel. ilkaruje < lk-r-jc (Chukchee gédtr'rkin < lgadt-rkin) he leaves , In other cases the Chukchee 7 or 7 of these clusters is replaced — by ¢ and ¢ respectively. ckla'ujk < cklau-jk (Chukchee kila'urkin < rkilau-rkin) he runs — § 24. Accent In all three languages the accent usually recedes to the beginning of the word, even as far as the fourth or fifth syllable from the end. Chukchee pa’rrzifiim shoulder-blade Kor. Kam. nige’shigenat those two that have been bought Kamchadal k/ta’tilkajukiian they began to perform the cere- monial §24 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 681 To give emphasis to the word, the accent may be thrown upon the last syllable, the vowel of which then changes to o. Chukchee trpéntrrko’n < trpé'ni'irkin Kor. Kam. trpenn‘eko'n < tipe’nnekim} I attack him Kamchadal trpencijo'n < trpe’nerin MORPHOLOGY (§§ 25-129.) §25. Morphological Processes The Chukchee group of languages uses a great variety of morpho- logical processes for expressing grammatical relations. The unity of the syntactic group which forms a close unit is maintained by a law of vocalic harmony which requires that if one vowel of the unit is strong, all the others, that may be either weak or strong, must also take the strong form. This Jaw does not act in any particular direc- tion; but whenever a strong vowel appears in any part of the word, it strengthens all the other preceding and following vowels. In the present condition of the language, this law is not quite strictly con- fined to certain vowels; but a few stems and endings that have no vocalic element except auxiliary vowels are always strong. It may be, of course, that here strong vocalic elements have been lost. Stems appear almost always with morphological affixes. Only par- ticles and a number of nouns occur as independent members of the sentence in the form of the simple stem, their independence being indicated by their failure to modify their weak vowels in conformity with the strong vowels of those words with which they are most closely associated. The general occurrence of nominal affixes, and the restriction of stem forms occurring independently to certain phonetic types of nouns, make it plausible that we are dealing here also with a loss of older affixes. If this view should be correct, there would be no forms of nouns or verbs and related classes of words without affixes. Either the stems consist of consonantic clusters or they are monosy]- labic or polysyllabic. Only predicative stems consist of consonantic clusters. Denominative stems have fuller phonetic values. In all polysyllabic stems a certain symmetry of form is required by the laws of vocalic harmony ; so that in the same stem we find, besides neutral vowels, only strong vowels or only weak vowels. §25 682 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Owing to the inadmissibility of extended consonantic clusters, and to the avoidance of initial consonantic clusters, stems undergo im- portant changes due to the insertion of auxiliary vowels, to elision of consonants, or modification of consonants, according to the position and connections of the stems in the word. Composition of stems is of extended use; and we find many types of composition of denominative, predicative, and of denominative with predicative stems, which form firm units. Owing to the signifi- cance of some of these stems, they never appear outside of such com- pounds, and therefore take on the aspects of elements that are no longer free, although their phonetic character and general appearance are such that they might appear as independent elements. Certain particles are also incorporated in the word complex. The stems which are united in such synthetic groups influence one another ac- cording to the laws of vocalic harmony and by contact phenomena, which often modify the terminal sound of the first member of a com- pound, and the initial sound of the following member, or cause the introduction of auxiliary vowels. Although ordinarily these com- pounds originate by a simple juxtaposition of stems, there are cases in which certain formative elements may be recognized. The function of a simple or compound nominal or verbal unit in the sentence is further determined by reduplication, prefixes, and suffixes. Reduplication is confined to denominating concepts, and is of pecu- liar character, the first part of the stem being repeated at the close of the stem as far as the first consonant following the first vowel. This gives the impression of a partially suppressed repetition of the stem: for instance, stem o7'go SLEDGE, reduplicated orgo-or. Both prefixes and suflixes are numerous. The same phonetic laws that cause a differentiation of the forms of the stem cause differentia- tion in the manner of joining affixes to the stems or to the compounds. In some cases a distinction between compounds and words with aftixes is difficult to draw, neither is it possible to carry through a rigid dis- tinction between nominal and verbal affixes. There is great freedom in the use of stems for either predicative or denominative purposes. In the Chukchee language nominal concepts are classified as common nouns and proper names. A nominal singular and plural occur, but in Koryak we find besides these a dual. As in many §25 [BULL. 40 1 3 X ‘ J ' BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUCKCHEE 683 American languages, the relation between subject and predicate is conceived differently in the case of the transitive and of the intransi- tive verb. The relation between noun and verb is expressed by inflection of the noun. A subjective form of the noun expresses the subject of the transitive verb and an absolute form designates the subject of the intransitive and the object of the transitive verb. The subjective form is primarily instrumental. It expresses also the object which is used in the performance of an action as: COOKING (WITH) MEAT. It would seem that the transitive verb has primarily a passive sig- nificance, but this view does not satisfactorily explain many of the forms. Locative ideas—in, at, towards, from—are expressed by means of nominal postpositions. These are given extended meanings and are applied to express a variety of relations between verb and indirect object. The genetive relation is not ordinarily expressed by post- positions and is not analogous to a case form, but is rather expressed by derivatives which signify, PERTAINING TO, BELONGING TO. These elements are even added to the personal pronoun to express posses- sive relations. The characteristic American incorporated possessive pronoun is not found. Demonstrative ideas are expressed with great nicety particularly in the Chukchee dialect. The syntactic forms of the personal demonstrative and indefinite pronouns are analogous to the corresponding forms of proper names. In the predicate are expressed singular and plural, (in Koryak also dual), tense and modality. There is no distinction made between inclusive and exclusive first person plural. Declarative and inter- rogative have the same forms. Among the tenses only the future is derived from the verb theme in a manner analogous to the formation of modes. A continuative is expressed by a derived form, the verbal theme being expanded by the suffix-irkin. Other temporal concepts are expressed by nominal derivatives, and temporal subor- dination is often expressed by syntactic forms of the verbal noun. Other modes are a subjunctive, expressing conditional and other subordinate clauses—which, however, is very rarely used,—an exhortative and an imperative. The verb complex consists of pronominal prefixes which enter into combination with temporal and modal prefixes. These are followed §25 684 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 by the verbal theme which takes additional temporal and modal suffixes. The end of the verbal complex is a pronominal suffix. In the transitive verb, the pronominal prefix designates the subject, the pronominal suffix the object. There is a strong tendency to express the predicate in the form of a predicating noun analogous to a rela- tive clause. For instance, instead of I KILL THE REINDEER, the Chukchee will say, THE REINDEER ARE THE ONES WHOM I KILLED. These forms receive a treatment different from that of the true verb. Stems may be developed by affixing subordinate elements. There are a number of attributive elements of this class such as LARGE, SMALL, NUMEROUS. Furthermore, we find locative terms such as, WHAT IS ON, WITH, ON TOP OF, NEAR, INSIDE OF SOMETHING ELSE and also, WHAT IS SIMILAR TO, WHAT IS USED FOR, WHAT IS PRO- VIDED WITH SOMETHING, A RECEPTACLE FOR SOMETHING. Nominal forms derived from verbs are abstract nouns, results of actions, instruments. The verb is developed by adverbial suffixes expressing for instance, reciprocity, a desiderative, single action, intensity, beginning, duration, causation, negation and also ideas like, To FEEL LIKE SOMETHING or the bad temper of the speaker. Verbs derived from nouns are TO BRING, TAKE OFF, LOOK FOR, CONSUME SOMETHING. Prefixes are quite numerous and are largely of an attributive or adverbial character as, A LITTLE, QUITE, ALL, EN- TIRELY, MERELY, SOMEWHAT, TRULY, NOT. Furthermore, words may be compounded quite freely, adverbs with verbs, verbal stems among themselves, nouns among them- selves. Nouns are also incorporated in the verbal complex, both as the subject of the intransitive verb and the object of the tran- sitive verb. Such incorporated themes are used both for habitual and single actions. § 26. Comparison of Dialects The chief differences between Chukchee and Koryak lie in the lesser amount of consonantic decay of stems in Koryak, the modification of stems due to phonetic processes being considerably less extended in the latter dialect; in the lesser extent of the occurrence of the ablaut in the Koryak; and in the substitution of other consonants for the Chuk- chee 7, which process is more pronounced in Koryak I than in Kor- yak II. Besides this, Koryak I is characterized by the restriction of the forms of the Chukchee plural to the dual, while a distinct form §26 BOAs] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUCKCHEE 685 is used by all the Koryak dialects, even those that have no dual for expressing the plural. Chukchee and Koryak are so much alike, that the languages, are mutually intelligible at least in part. On the northern border of the Koryak territory a considerable amount of lexicographic bor- rowing may be noticed, which extends even as far as the Anadyr country. Thus we find-— Kolyma Chukchee tegge'nirkin he desires Anadyr Chukchee legge’ furkin or gawma’ tirkin Koryak, Kamenskoye tajja'fickin or gatima'tekin Of these words, the first one is common to Chukchee and Koryak, while the second is Koryak and is borrowed from them by the Anadyr Chukchee. Kolyma Chukchee — wétha'urkim he speaks Anadyr Chukchee —wétha/urkin and vanava'tirkin Koryak, Kamenskoye vetha'vekin and vanava'tekin The lexical differences between Koryak and Chukchee are consider- able. Still certain Chukchee words that do not occur in the Kamen- skoye dialect re-appear in other dialects, some even in remote villages in the valleys of Kamchatka. AGAIN NEGATION WHALE (refusal) Chukchee .. . hit’ mia garé'm réw Koryak, ReamBirsleo ve gi’ mla gaye'm yuh (stem yuyu) Koryak II Qare’im . @nnik 2’ hut yu fia (stem yuriyu) Koryak II, Lesna (Kamehaths). ~ . drgi'mmen qate'mm1 Kerek . . —— — yaw Kamchadal . yu'hyu (stem yunyu) On the whole, however, all branches of the Koryak, even in their most distinct dialects,—like those of the Kerek near Cape Anannon on Bering Sea, and of Voyampolka on the Sea of Okhotsk,—are much more closely related among themselves than to the Chukchee. In the pronunciation of men of the Kolyma district many intervocalic consonants are dropped (see § 13). This is not so common among the men of the Anadyr Chukchee, who use both the fuller forms and those with dropped consonants. Among the Kolyma people the dif- ference between the pronunciation of men and that of women is so regular that the use of the fuller forms by the eastern people lays them open to ridicule as using the speech of women. §26 686 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Nouns (§§ 27-55). § 27. General Remarks The noun appears in a number of forms and with a number of suf- fixes, the interpretation of which is not easy. A few of these have clearly purely syntactic meaning, while others appear rather as post- positions which are somewhat loosely connected with the noun. Some elements of this group seem to form compound nouns, while I suspect that others may have a verbal character. The forms which are clearly syntactic are— (1) The absolute form, which expresses the subject of the intransi- tive verb, and the object of the transitive verb. (2) The absolute form, plural. (3) The subjective form, which expresses the subject of the transitive verb, and the instrument with which an action is performed. In several cases our indirect object appears as direct object, while our direct object appears as instrument, somewhat as in the two expres- sions I GIVE IT TO HIM and I BESTOW HIM WITH IT. In Kamchadal this form is not used for the subject of the transitive verb, but the locative-possessive. In Koryak sometimes the one form is used, sometimes the other. (4) The locative possessive expresses the place where an event hap- pens or where an action is performed. With terms designating living beings it expresses possession. Suffixes which express the allative and ablative form a second group. These are not so distinctively syntactic forms, but give the impression of post-positions, particularly since they appear sometimes in compo- sition with syntactic forms of the first group. A third class, quite distinct from the first two in form as well as in function, comprises derivations of nouns find verbs which express WHAT BELONGS TO, WHAT PERTAINS TO, THAT WHICH HAS THE QUALITY OF SOMETHING, THE POSSESSOR OF, THE MEASURE OF BEING IN A CER- TAIN CONDITION. These are frequently used to express the relations between two nouns or between an adjective and a noun. The fourth class expresses mainly various types of emphatic forms of the noun. We shall first take up the syntactic forms. §27 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES——CHUCKCHEE 687 The Absolute Form (§§ 28-82). § 28. ABSOLUTE FORM EXPRESSED BY STEM The absolute form of the noun serves to express the subject of the intransitive verb and the object of the transitive verb. It shows a great variety of formations. The absolute form is expressed by the nominal stem. This form can occur only in those cases in which the terminal sound is a vowel or a single consonant. Since no ending occurs, the stem has no ablaut. Examples are— (1) Stems with terminal vowels: diphthongs in ¢ and wv). kitve'yu old walrus 8.12, 14 ELa’ mother 30.6 géli cap lo'lo penis 45.1 7ULu carcass 65.14 ds‘geku a barren doe 97.17 venke'niu a mother doe (2) Stems or compounds with single terminal consonant (including Gt, ba 1, Ky Co Ts Oy be rxLq'qai little mother 35.5 jia'ngat little child 37.14 mu'rgew a suit of armor 116.24 re'w whale 73.4 mprinew old woman 19.5 tinu'p blue fox 96.17 rélup quid vel'em river 37.3 (Koryak ve’- yem, va'yam Kor. 17.6, ac- cording to dialect) rét trail 37.1 le'ut head 44.11 (Koryak [a’- wut Kor. 82.11) fe'wan wife 36.3 (Koryak fia’- wan) A?d'wan the Ai’wan 7.1 na'ngan belly 43.9 uwda®'qué husband 105.12 ke'per wolverene 78.2, ge'per 92.21 (ke'perdé 78.11) (Kor- yak gapay) kri'mgor three-year-old doe 117.9 wanga's'gor two-year-old doe 117.10 To this class belong words ending in y, w, é'lhar polar fox 92.19 tntu'ulpir son-in-law 80.6 u'nel thong-seal 70.7 pénvel two-year-old buck 117.12 mé'mil seal 96.4 (Koryak me’- mil Kor. 90.6) lii’miul story 61.5 pékul butcher-knife 85.23 (Kor. pa'qul Kor. 78.23) ne'lvul herd 49.3 ge'ptiril backbone 51.3 gla’ul man 43.1 (Kor. gla’wul Kor. 17.4) uwi'k body 35.11 (Kor, 32.5) ka'mak evil spirit 61.6 (Kor. 35.5) at'mak carcass 81.17 ginni'k game 84.28 (Koryak gr'ynik Kor. 61.8) é'ek lamp 68.12, 106.18 puwreg white whale 96.9 0’ Lag Sea-lion 65.16 §28 688 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 (3) Stems ending in two consonants generally insert a vowel in the terminal consonatic cluster. gé' pil football (stem gepl); (Kor. Kam. ga’pil; Kor. Par. geprl) méa*'grm arrow 15.23 lo'firl walrus-blubber 47.4 prj tidings 61.5 él trunk 96.3 § 29. REDUPLICATED FORMS Some stems are reduplicated. (1) Monosyllabic stems are doubled. When the contact between the last consonant of the repeated word and of the stem form an inad- missible cluster, the usual changes occur. Stem nim hér yn él lig r1g om lin pon tuw oé cot wut gil Koryak: kil pip vu nar wy Reduplicated absolute form ni'mnim settlement 7.7 ké’rkér combination-suit 37.8 di’ndin' fire 39.11 e’lél excrement 80.11; (elu 81.12) li'glig (Kor. lglg) egg rrgrig hair o’mom (Kor. o'mom) heat li’nile heart (see §31, 3) po'mpo fly agaric (see §31, 3) tu'wtuw word o’€0é chief ¢o'téot bag-pillow 29.5 wit’ twit leaf gilgil sea ice 8.14 (ci*’tit Anser segetum) ki’Tkil navel string Kor. 63.10 pi’ pip comb Kor. 78.9 v'tvit ringed seal Kor. 17.12 nai’niat mountain Kor. 42.2 wi'yrwi breath Kor, 33.8 (2) Stems ending in a consonantic cluster always insert an auxiliary vowel (§ 8), and therefore appear in dissyllabic form. The redupli- cation consists in the repetition of the beginning of the word at the §29 1Compare §2, p 645. Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUCKCHEE 689 end, including the initial consonant, vowel, and the first consonant following the first vowel. Stem pilh gerg tirk térg urg tumg mitk (Kor.) ye’lk muL 19.3 *wilq *gérg (Kor. Kam. gesh) vryil (Kor. vyzl) Reduplicated absolute form pe'lhipil famine gé'rgigér light ta rkitir sun té’rgitér crying 20.12 t'rgitir meat 48.8 tu'mgitum companion 103.35 mui'tkémit blubber 47.4 ye lkryel pudding Kor. 34.2 mu' Lumut 25.3 blood wr'lquul 22.7 coal (Kor. Kam. wit Tkuul, cf. Kor. 31.9) gérgigér light (Kor. Kam. ge’ shrges) vr'yilviyl =image (w1'yilvryel Kor. 32.3) A number of words of this group, particularly those beginning with a vowel, repeat the stem vowel before the repeated syllable. Stem org omk wus'g (Kor. Kam. vus'q) el al yaq (yil) yr’luil language 7.10 yIr Related to this group are— ew Enn Reduplicated absolute form o'rgoor sledge o'mkoom 79.5 willow wu's‘quus (Kor. vuw's‘quvus ef. Kor. 57.6) darkness éleel summer (Kor. Kam. a'laal) litt rain( Kor. Kam. mu'gamugq) yaqa'g in ei yr rir a full one 86.29 ev'veet part of meat given to neighbors, alms (Kor. Kam. a'vaai cf. Kor. 63.12) enné'n fish (Kor. Kam. znnd’n) (3) Some bases which end in inadmissible sound-clusters have initial or terminal reduplication, and insert auxiliary vowels. Stem aml (Kor. tml) mult (Kor. mlit) elu, rlv (see elve'tulé 89.32; ge'l- vulin 88.1) 3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12——44 Reduplicated absolute form. mt'milt water (Kor. mz'mr1l) mitt'mil louse (Kor. mimi; mi'mré Kor. 55.1) tluilw’ wild reindeer 88.4 (Kor. Kam. ilhu'lu, elhu'lu) §29 690 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 (4) Dissyllabic words repeat the first syllable at the end of the word: Stem Reduplicated absolute form mere mé'rémér tears 116.8 gorlé 41.5 goklé gol snuff 41.4 yile (see 90.2) yu'lect marmot 89.33 yilt (Kor. él) yt lial tongue 48.8 (Kor. é7'lzl Kor. 56.4) qulr qule'qul voice 44.7 nute nu'tenut land yl lga(t) (Kor. Kam. yilga{t)) yr'lgaéil sleep (Kor. Kam. yr'l- gaytl) Koryak: ma'tqa mi'tgamut oil Kor. 90.17 ganga ga'ngaqan fire Kor. 30.8 ka’ Ika ki'lkakil shell-fish Kor. 70.2 (5) Some polysyllabic words double the whole word. efte'nefien southeast wind In Kamchadal analogous forms are derived principally from ad- jective stems: o'mlax warm o'mom heat atatlax bright a twatex light teu'nléa dark teu'ntwun darkness tpilhe'tijk I suffer from hun- = p2’JArpil and pé'lhépél famine ger Other Kamchadal forms of duplication and reduplication for the absolute forms are: éu'wéux rain (stem éua) pa lapal leaf (stem pal) ko'mlokém marrow (Chukchee ki'mil; Kor. Kam. k1'mzil) lu'iiulurulé heart (Chukchee lz’ili; Kor. le’nlin) Nore 1.—A number of stems which in Koryak form their absolute form by duplication have different forms in Chukchee. Chukchee Kor. Kam. go'pkr elk ve pkavep ri'rkr walrus yt'ykayrtk Presumably the Koryak has retained here the older forms. Nore 2.—In a few cases the reduplicated or doubled form is used not only in the absolute form, but also with otber suffixes and in com- position. §29 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 691 ké'rkér combination-suit (stem %ér); Kor. I key'key (stem key) ; kérké'rqipi and ké'rgiupi from the combination-suit; ké’rkérik in the combination-suit fa'wkér woman’s suit nimne'mgipri from the settlement 10.12 gélgélr'tkintk on the ice fields 7.3; gél1'tkrnik on the sea-ice 9.2 mémi1'tkinik on top of the water 9.3 Nore 3.—It is not impossible that the forms yara'ju house yoro'tu sleeping-room ya'rar drum (see § 30) contain reduplicated stems in which the initial 7 has changed to y. § 30. SUFFIXES -n, -/v1 Stems ending in a vowel take the suffixes, in Chukchee —n, —fiz, in Koryak —fte, -fia, according to dialect. Iw'metun name of a spirit 22.6 kuke'fir kettle (ku'kek 75.18); Kor. Kam. kuka’ia; Kor. Par. huke'fie yoro'fu sleeping-room 107.9 yara'fu house 7.8; 30.11 (Kor. yaya'iia Kor. 22.4) keme'fit dish 86.23; 87.31, 33 (kama'gtr to a dish 88.24) (Kor. kama’fir Kor. 64.3) gora’tu reindeer 51.6 ripen stone hammer 77.13, 16 (Kor. yzpa’iia Kor. 43.2) ¢¢"’'nr wolf 78.2, 96.28 tpa'fir broth (Kor. ¢zpa’ia Kor. 28.6) Stems ending in two consonants, or in consonants that can not form clusters with the terminal n, take the ending -n with a connective vowel, 7, £; after g the connective vowel is @ (Kor. Kam. a). pot'gin spear 97.27 (por'ge 117.29) (Kor. pot'gin) na'ngan belly 43.9 (Kor. Par. na’ngdan) r1ggo'lgrn cellar 36.8 (riggolgé'tz to the cellar 36.10) re'mkrn people 8.8, 10 (re'mku 107.20) (Kor. ya'mkin Kor. 39.7) tu'mgin companion 38.12 (¢u'mgd 37.7) gr'thin lake 37.4 (g@'thik in a lake 37.5) upa'lhin tallow 87.4 (téipa'lha 86.23) ge'lhin skin 23.9 géla'rgin gray fox 96.14 é'érm fat (Kor. a’tim Kor. 15.4) eI’ grn father 73.10 (stem z) ; §30 692 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40 ! ke'tirévrn boy 11.7 kopa'lhin walrus-blubber 12.6 (kopa'lha 14.11) yv'lgrm month 7.2 a'ttin dog 135.20 (a®’ttu 185.20) (Kor. atta'n Kor. 48.8) keifiin brown bear 78.3 (kezfiu 1386.20) (Kor. Kam. kaz’firn) réLow' fun big old carcass 136.19 kokat'fim big kettle 33.10 d’rin fur shirt 83.24 (2’rw 116.26) wu'kwun stone (stem wukw R 3.19) (Kor. vu'guin) fi'lhin thong 41.10 (Kor. fiz'lim Kor. 40.5, 8) To this group belong the endings -/Aim, -yfirn, -thin, -girgin, -yrtn -lin (see § § 52; 58; 98; 1,99,8; 106, 44) § 31. ABSOLUTE FORM WITH LOSS OF PHONETIC ELEMENTS (4) Stems ending in a vowel weaken their terminal vowel or lose it entirely. Those ending in ¢ often change it to z slightly nasalized. va'le knife 15.13; 16.4; 43.7 (stem va'/a) ri'rkr walrus 8.5 ke'lz an evil spirit 61.6 éa/mfirt buck (stem éumfia) krrmi'nti three-year-old buck 117.11 u’mkr bear 110.11 wi'ur scraping board (stem w2wr?) e'wié small bag (stem ew7éw) In case the loss of terminal vowel results in an inadmissible terminal cluster, auxiliary vowels are introduced: éekrk son (stem ekke) e'rmm, e'rem chief (stem erme) ku' kit one-eyed (stem huwle <*kukle) lwkil driving-reindeer, not properly broken in; (stem /wwle <*lukle?) (2) Stems ending in —nv lose their terminal v. é’wgan incantation 129.18 (stem éwganv) é'tin master 122.38 (stem étrnv) (3) Stems ending in % with preceding vowel drop the terminal 7% or at least reduce its pronunciation to a voiceless %. This occurs par- ticularly in Chukchee. §31 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 693 Chukchee Kor. Kam. éna’nvina scraper (stem éna’n- ena'nvina (stem enanvinan) vind’) hetwu'ne staff (stem kenu'neh) 101.9 le'nlé heart (stem 777) linlin po'mpo mushroom (stem pom) po'nporn pi'mpt powder (stem pz) (4) A number of stems with consonantic ending have a double form of the stem, one ending with the consonant, another one ending in a, _é, or 2, which are suffixed to the stem. The absolute form is the stem form without terminal vowel. Ai'wan an Asiatic Eskimo (stems az’wan and atvwana) intu'ulpir son-in-law (stems rmtuulprr and mtuulprre) uwa'qué husband (stems wwd*’gué and uw ®quéc) zlir island (stems zr and zr?) (5) Irregular forms are— Chukchee Kor, Kam. ¢¢©'nr wolf (stem [/].¢2£g) yry (stem 2&y) etn neck (stem “i£nn) e’nntin (stem [2]2&nn, 2&nn) ELu’é nephew (stem zLuwgo) 1Lo'yo (stem Loy) mté’ daughter-in-law (stem mmtryo) a’ kan fishhook (stem an <*aqgn?) ga'ze bird (stem gglha) ve’ LE raven (stem velve) *u*’tt anser segetum (stem “1*/u) tu’mgin stranger (stem tumith); compare, however, the redupli- cated form tu’ mgituwm COMPANION formed from ¢u’mgrn (in com- pounds -tw'mgin, as yite'mit-tu' - mgin BROTHER) tu’mik serves also as possessive form. § 32 SPECIAL FORMS A number of pronouns form the absolute form in a special manner. (1) Personal pronouns. gim 1 (Kor. gtimma; Kamch. kr'mma) git thou (Kor. gr'ssa; Kamch. k1'ja) (2) The personal pronoun zna'n (Kor. z’nnw; Kamch. ena’) HE is formed from the stem zn-. (8) The personal pronouns of the plural are formed with the suf- fix -2. In Koryak the dual has the suffix -2; the plural, -v. In Kam- chadal we find -a for the first, and second persons. §32 694 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 mu'ry (Kor. dual mu’y2, pl. mu'yu; Kamch. mu'ja) we (stem murg- [Kor. muéh-, Kamch. mzjg-}) | tu're (Kor. dual tu'y?, pl. tw'yu; Kamch. tw/ja) ye (stem turg- [Kor. tuth-, Kamch. t1yg-]) ' E'rri (Kor. dual a’ééz, pl. a’ééw; Kamch. r¢x) they (stem z7g- [Kor. ath-, Kamch. tz-]) (4) Interrogative personal pronoun. meé' tin who (stem mzk-) (Kor. ma’ki [stem mzk]) (5) Indefinite pronoun. rad&nut what (stem req) (Kor. yi'nna [stem yaq)) ni'rkivut a certain one (stem nirke) (Kor. ne'yka, ni’ykrivvut [stem niyka)) ni'kiviut a certain thing (stem nike) Duat and Plural (§8 33-35). § 33. GENERAL REMARKS Chukchee, Koryak II, and Kamchadal have only two numbers; while Koryak I has also a dual, which corresponds in form to the plural of the Chukchee. The plural of the Koryak, both I and II, presents a set of distinct forms. § 34. PLURAL OF COMMON NOUNS The plural of common nouns occurs only in the absolute form. In Chukchee it is formed by the suffix -¢. Stems ending in /, 7, n, é, y, é, take -2z instead. lile't eyes pe kultt butcher-knives 84.21 e'kket sons ne'ngdite children 112.10, 15; 113.12 qu'tte the others 115.17 ne'ngagte 51.10 gla'ulté men 121.9 a’ ttrgdgtt pups 122.18 yitemre' tte brothers 64.3 inpriie'wadgts little old women fe'wiinti women 50.4, 6 45.100 feus'gd’tta women 112.5 le'uttz heads 86.8 Words which have a double stem form (see § 31, 4), have also double forms in the plural. Ad’wan an Asiatic Eskimo (stems azwan, aitwana); plural ac’ wanie, av'wanat uwé’qué husband (stems wodfgué, uwd®gquéd); plural wod*qutie, wwe" quéit dlir island (stems zir, clerz); plural 2le'ttz, v’leret §§33-34 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 695 Koryak: The dual of Koryak [ has the same suffix. lila't two eyes qo'yat two reindeer (Chukchee ga’at reindeer) vai' amit two rivers (va'amti Kor. 17.1, Chukchee ve'emrt rivers) The plural is formed in many Koryak dialects by -w after termi- nal consonants, -wg?, -vvi (according to dialect), after terminal vowel. qla’wulu men Kor. 44.3 ha'witgatu women Kor. 44.2 qai-pipr kali little mice Kor. 25.6 nawa'kku daughters Kor. 27.1 a'gimu bags Kor. 28.5 kmi'fiu children Kor. 44.7 vai'amu vivers (stem vaiam) lila'wgi eyes mimlu'wgi lice Kor. 25.4 iméanala'wge ermines Kor. 66.18 qoya'wge reindeer (stem goya; goya'we Kor. 22.4) gapa'au wolverenes ( . ~~ 7 1 ily, belonging to Tifia’p kor. Kam.: Pipi kéa-na'wgut Mouse-Woman Pipi'kéa-na'wgutiyrk by Mouse- Women Kor. 81.1 Annimaya't Frost-Man Annimaya' tiyik by those with the Frost-Man Kor. 38.9 Ai'ginvr_ With-Odor-Pushing- Acgimv1i'yrkii to the people of Away With - Odor- Pushing - A way Kor. 63.6 Quygqinn‘aqu Big-Raven Qoyqinn aqoytkai' tr to the Big- Raven’s people Kor. 19.9; 35.6 The x in the suffixes of these forms is evidently related to the & which appears in the allative and ablative of the independent pronoun derived from the stem (z)7g (Chukchee), as given in § 56. Miti's*hin belonging to Miti Kor, 28.7 Quyqginn‘aqu' thin belonging to Big-Raven Kor. 28. 7 Here Koryak s‘f and é/ are analogous to Chukchee rg. 1In cases of this kind the plural is often used to refer to the person himself. §44 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 707 §§ 45-50. Form in -in § 45. GENERAL REMARKS A considerable number of forms ending in -7 occur, which are seminominal in character. I have found— Chukechee Koryak Kamchadal -in -1M -1n possessive -kin -kin In, -n pertaining to -lin -laén measure of a quality nI—ginr ni—'gun quality of ge—lin ga—lin possessor of All of these form their plural and post-positional forms by adding the vowel ¢ before the affix added to -iz. For example: Chukchee Koryak Kam. mete. | Cw Ee loin nima'lgin Subjective ..... . . nimelqine’tad nimalgina’ ta Meme: .) S.C. rma tgiiele nima'lginak Praag Gmc . . . 5. nameltpiger nima'lginat Paremeey eh, (NASR 8 48 nima'lginaw On the whole, forms of this type with post-positions are rare. mi'tikri-valit plekrt tegge’nu ninelgrgit? Nime’yritginet mei'- mitinet. How do you want your boots? I want large ones (mi'itkrt how; va'lit being, pl. (§ 54); ple’krt boots pl.; teggen desire; -w serving for; mz- prefix of nominalized verb [§ 73]; -nelg to have; -git thou; nzr—gz¢net nominalized form of verb, pl.; mein large, m- 1st per. exhortative; eimit to take; -net {I]— them, exhortative) To the question rd*-ne'lhG gerkurin? With what kind of skins has it been bought? (reg what; ne’lAen skin; -@ instrumental; ge—lin nominalized verb [§ 73]; -rkur to buy) one may answer— nitengine'té with good ones (mz—gin nominalized verb; n1— qineté instrumental of this form; tem good); but it is better to avoid the nominalized form with suffix, and to say, ten-ne'lhé with a good skin em-tén‘tula niked the sportful people teased him (em- mere; te'nfula subjective form of ¢e’n*fiulin sportful [the correspond- ing verb with the suflix -ew is ten‘fie'urkin To LAUGH]; nike’ é indefinite pronominal verb, nzke'rkin TO DO SOMETHING) 1Men’s pronunciation rIme’lgeet. §45 708 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL. 40 These forms, however, have definite, augmentative, and diminutive forms. ten good nite'ngin definite form nrtangé- na’ thin (see § 53) te’firéin (see § 55) augmentative form taficr'yhin (see § 98, no. 1) ta’iium-va'lin (see§76) augmentative form ta’Rum-valr' yin tand'ya’n(see $104.38) diminutive form tand-ya' nvugar In Koryak these forms are not found, as a rule. | § 46. SUFFIX -in. -in (Kor. -in; Kamchadal -é7) expresses material of which an object is made, and possession. (a) Material. u'ttin wooden (Kor. u/tzin) gg ‘gen wm evi'rit bird dresses 7.8 9g Then vrin bird clothes 14.3 qo'rén ne'lhyn reindeer-skins 14.4 ele!’ lin gla’yl man of excrement 39.6 yorg ju wy'kwén house of stone 92.5 ko'nén made of horse (hair) (stem ko’né from Russian Kons) ry grygén made of hair Koryak: kuka’kin gatai'kilin it is made of a kettle Kor. 78.1 mi'méin (made) of a louse Kor. 78.1 The same idea is also expressed by composition. ga'iga-na'lhin bird-skin u' tt1-yu'ti1 wooden whale Kor. 40.9 (b) Possessive. Used only in absolute form. e'kkin the son’s (Kor. Kam. a ‘kkin) (Kamchadal z’cain the father’s) go'vén the reindeer’s (Kor. Kam. go'yen; Kamchadal k/o'jan) égu'éuwén fie'wan the reindeer-breeder’s wife 48.6 Keen yoro' fr the son’s sleeping: room 53.8 inping chéén x1 ginén yoro'fu the old man’s, the father’s sleeping- room 53.9 tw’ mgin stranger’s (see p. nee 53.9 gra’ wéLén aimaki'yin a man's big body 90.14 §46 — BOAS) . HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 709 haus'ga'tértinén exa’ the woman’s father 85.22 ne'ekkin ya'nra yoro'i daughter’s separate sleeping-room 28.3 je'ekkin éo'téot the daughter’s bag pillow 29.4 ora'wéLén ga'mga-tz'tirgyn man’s every source of illness 24.3 Ice le- jie'us atin ké'rkér the combination-suit of the kele-woman 85.33 qla'ulgaién v'rmm the man’s suit 85.35 fuinga'yin evi'rin the child’s clothes 25.8 Ku'urkilin kik Ku'urkil’s son 79.23 Tio'tirginén Tiio'tirgin’s 120.16 Umgigét'in U'mqiagqii’s 63.12 Koryak: tami’ nfir-qla’wulen Rawa'kak an artisan’s daughter Kor. 24.10 awa'ti-na' win hawa'kak the daughter of a seamstress Kor. 25.2 tu’mginau kawa'ssothu other people’s wallets Kor. 46.1 go'yen gitéa'liurn reindeer-leg Kor. 53.3 Proper names form their possessives of this type also with the suf- fix -(z)n, especially when the terminal sound of the stem is a vowel. A’nna (a name) A’nnan belonging to A’nna Qutu’wgi (aname) Qutw’wgin belonging to Qutu’wgi Aiftianwa't (a name) Aifanwa’tm and Adianwa'tén belonging Upe’nken belonging to Aifia’nwat. to Upenke R72.13 Niro'nén belonging to Niro’n R377, 141 title. In Koryak the suffix —im, characteristic for the postpositional forms of proper names, is sometimes inserted before the possessive suffix —rn. Amamqu'tinin ha'witqat Ememqut’s woman Kor. 45.1. Quyginn'aqu’nin hawa’kak Brig Raven’s daughter Kor. 76.14 The plural takes the regular plural ending -e¢ (Kor. Kam. -a¢ dual, -au plural, Kamchadal -e’*n instead of -77) e'kkinet those of the son (Kor. Kam. a’kkinat dual, a'kkinau pl.) (Kamchadal 2z’cxé*n those of the father) Often, however, the singular is used instead of the plural. The possessive forms of proper names have no plural. The possessive pronoun is evidently based on this suffix. It has, however, somewhat irregular forms. $46 710 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Chukchee t Kor. Kam. Kamchadal Per. Pron. Poss. Pron. Per. Pron. Poss. Pron. | Per. Pron. Poss. Pron. Ist per. sing. . gm giimni'n | gimma gtmni'n | ki'mma kima'n — 2d per. sing. . git gini'n gi'ssa—gtni'n kerja kini'n 3d per. sing. . zna’n Eni'n E'nnu ani'n Ena’ Ena'n Ist per. pl. . . mart mu’rgin |mu'yu mu'thin |muja mui'jgin 2d per. pl. . . ¢u'r2 tu'rgin tu'yu = tu’éhin | tu'ja tr'jhin 3d per. pl. .. err z'rgin ‘a'étu a’thin ta txe'in The Koryak dual has no possessive forms. Plural and dual are formed in the same way as in all attributive terms in -77:— Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal my . . . . gtmnt'net (pl.) gumni'nat (dual) krma* n (pl.) gumne’nau (pl.) From these possessives, forms with suffixes originate. gumnineté (Kor. Kam. giimnina’ta) with mine. It is, however, more customary to use the personal pronoun with the suffix instead. gomokat' pt, gat mityin TAKE IT FROM MF! (instead of TAKE IT FROM MINE) (gomokatpt see § 56; g—grn imperative; emt to take) Demonstrative pronouns form two possessive forms: pea wo'tqanén and wo’ tganEnén hee this |(men’s pronunciation wo’ tqdéén and wo’ tqaznén)} to this Enga’n Enga’nén and z’nganEnén ere that [(men’s pronunciation zngi'én and sngaznén) to that The forms in —znin may be considered as compounded with the possessive of the third person singular personal pronoun Eni’n, so that they would be parallel to the plural forms of the demonstrative possessives discussed in § 58, p.729: wo'tqaner gén (man’s pronunciation WO ‘tqadrrgén) and z’nganergén (man’s pronunciation E ‘ngdergen). The possessives of proper names in Koryak are formed in the Same manner; as Quyginnaqu' nin hawa' kak Big-Raven’s daughter Kor. 76.14. Amamqu'tinin na’ witqat Ememqut’s woman Kor. 45.1. Kamchadal uses the suffixes with the possessive pronoun quite frequently. kima'nl'int’ with my ears (kiman my; -/ instrumental; 2m ear) m'nenl x va'nl’ with which knife ? Uknint’ keaol’ with other dogs 346 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 711 § 47. SUFFIX -kin -kin (Kor. Kam.-kin; Kamchadal -¢n, =”) PERTAINING TO. This suffix is added to all kinds of stems,—nominal, pronominal, verbal, and adverbial. anqa'kén of the sea 69.9 (Kor. Kam. gfigg’gen Kor. 76.17) tele'nkin pertaining to the remote past (¢ele’n-yep long ago); Kor. Kam. ankrye'pkin (stem anki-ye'p) erga'tkin pertaining to to-morrow (Kor. Kam. mitc’wkin) pi'lhikin pertaining to the throat 9.3 atitwile' kin pertaining to the people of the boats 11.9; 12.1 a'ttwukin pertaining to the boat 14.6 géptikin pertaining to the back 16.10 tile'kin pertaining to motion 16.10 mé'mlikén pertaining to water 25.6 kele'kin pertaining to spirits 104.26 o'rgukén pertaining to a sledge 62.11 qov'ma-ro'kén pertaining to the rear sleeping-room 55.8 nutes gakin tr'mkrlhin a ground hummock 62.5 telenye'pkin belonging to olden times 61.5 ménko'kén whence belonging? 113.20 wané’ken working, referring to work (from wané) yilqa'tkin referring to sleep Forms with post-positions are rare. girgolkéng'ta by the one belonging above 126.6 The possessive of the personal and of some demonstrative and in- terrogative pronouns, with the suflix -kim (Kor. Kam. -kin) expresses THAT PERTAINING TO— Chukchee murtkekin muyka'kin (dual) Kor. Kam. mutka' kin (pl) —~- tate’ kin tita’ kin minke’ kin } minkakin Kor. mi’nein ménko'kén 66.11 wutke’ kin wutta' kin ta’nin minka'kinau —. — ya gkinau — — nanka' kenat ——— Kamchadal rte'an, rte’nan | one being with us, one of ours one of our country from what time be- ing from where be- ing, belonging to what country belonging here whose? Kor. 60.4 of what kind (pl.) Kor. 64.14 the two belonging there Kor. 70.22 §47 712 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Here belong also the following Chukchee forms: En‘kée’kin belonging there jen'ku'kin belonging there (farther on) raEnga' kén belonging there (not very far, midway to) vaEnga’'kén belonging there (behind the person addressed) notinga'kén belonging there (behind the speaker) Such Koryak forms as minka’kila‘n BELONGING TO WHAT COUNTRY (Kor. 40.7), ganka’kila‘n BELONGING TO THAT CouUNTRY (Kor. 40.7), combine two suflixes,-kzm and-la‘n, and refer to persons. Temporal adverbs also take this suffix. Chukchee Kor. Kam. a’ gitkin a’ éhikin what belongs to the ; present tite’ kin tita’kin belonging to which time Numeral predicates with the ending -kin express ordinal numbers. mitinkau'kén or mitinka’ulim the fifth § 48. SUFFIX -lin -lin (Kor. Kam. -fa‘n) (oblique cases formed from -/, Kor. -I) expresses the measure of a quality. minke’mil ge’tvulin what likeness strong? (i. e., how strong); Kor. Kam. menke’mié ga’tvulatfn; Kor. Par. menke’mis: ge’ tvulaen en*ke' mil gitte’pilium that likeness J am sensible (i. e., I am so sensible) (en'ke that; -cim [§73]}) With the prefix ge- it indicates the possessor of an object. ge—lin (Chukchee), ga—fin (Kor. Kam). This is identical with the verbal forms given in § 73. It expresses possession. ga-qa'g-lén (Kor. Kam. ga-goya'-len) he who has reindeer g- “eke! lin (Kor. Kam. g-akka'-lin) he who has sons gara’ git thou who hast a home 89.7 (see § 73). ga-péla’- -i-gim I have left ga-qaa'-c-gim I who have reindeer. Koryak: gavaginiia'len with nails Kor. 24.2 gaLa'lin with eyes Kor. 24.2 §48 — Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 713 § 49. SUFFIX -qin n(T)—qin and -lIn (Chukchee), 2(1)—qin (Kor. Kam.), are added to stems, most of which express a quality. Many of these are also bases of intransitive and transitive verbs which are formed with the suffixes -ew or -e¢ (see p. 810). Some verbs, however, are formed without these suffixes. The attributive terms in 2(z)—gqin are identical in form with the ver- bal mode in n(1)—gin, discussed in § 73. When the verb has no verbifying suffix -ew or -e¢, the verbal form and the attributive term are the same, and the verbal form seems to assume nominal functions. It may even take post-positions. Examples of stems that are verbified by means of the suffixes -eu or-et: Stems 7érg-; térgat to weep - mr-te’r-i-gén ltearful te’rg-1-lin Stem krm-; kume'u (Kor. nr-kei!m-a-gin : Kam. kima’w- [tkrn]) plow ni-ki'’m-a-gin |slow-going x e y a ss uy 7 oe a Stem ayilh-; ayithay Ord fra qd n eb l-d-gén | Peat Kam. aylhav) n-ayil-a-gen | Examples of words that take no verbifying suffix: Stem fio-; n1-fio'-gén poor, needy Stem tam-péra; ni-tam-péra'gén pretty A number of words expressing qualities do not take the forms in nI—qin. aplr'lr (stem wplil); (Kor. Kam. rpli'lr [stem rplz/]), yellowish étgih (stem e*’tgin and dyad); (Kor. Kam. a®’té7m [stem a*’téa]; Kor. Par. &’tgen [stem dgd]); bad gimne'n qa'at é'tqimit my reindeer are bad also wwe'lr (stem wwele) and nu’ugen (stem wu) Kor. Kam. nu'gqin [stem 7%]), black When used in nominal form, such adjectives take the usual suffixes. é’tgii a bad one étqr fuiérn or dgd’tin a worse one attigé jui-va'lin or aga’m-va'lin a bad or worse one attgénd'ya'n or agaya’n one who is bad Examples of forms in -/im are given in § 54. For other adjective forms see §76. 1 This stem consists of two consonants wu < ww which form a vocalic unit. § 49 714 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 § 50. KAMCHADAL SUFFIXES -ldx,-[da, is added to stems expressing qualities: 6’m-laz (from 6m) deep (cf. Chukchee num-qin broad) — duléz (from iul) long (cf. Chukchee n-ww’l-d-qin o’lo-laz (from olo) small. The plural of these is formed with the usual suffix -(7)én ololaxz-1'n ki’sti'né small little houses. In post-positional forms the attribute forms a compound with the noun: o'lolax-ké' stéanke to the small houses. Several adjectival forms borrowed from Russian and Koryak I are also used. vo'stroi’ xvalé, ni'rugin xvalé a sharp knife. nve'thagén ush a straight tree. Here vo’ stroi is Russian, n2’rugin and nvé'’thagén are Koryak 11. The last forms the Kamchadal plural nvé’thalatn uf’hien. k:!—in (-ffan) corresponds to the Chukchee and Koryak forms in n(i)—gin (§ 49), and is used with verbal themes expressing qualities as well as with intransitive verbs. k!-ni'ta-in (Chukchee n1-gite'p—qin) clever k!-nu'-in (from nu To EAT) voracious k!-véta't- an (from vétat TO work) laborious k!-k1ftin seems to correspond to the Chukchee and Koryak forms in ge—lin (§ 48), and is used with intransitive verbs. k!-nu'-krtin (from nu TO EAT) the one who ate Both of these suffixes are also used with the transitive verb, k!—in with verbs of Type I (see § 70, p. 744), k!—kiiin with verbs of Type I] (see § 71, p. 746). These forms have a passive meaning. -kil', pl. -kil‘a'n, forms the personal noun of intransitive verbs. nu'kil’, pl. nw kil‘aén, the one who is eating véta’' tkal’, pl. vétatkal‘aén, the one who busies himself colkél’, pl. colkél‘a&n, the one who lies down With transitive verbs it expresses the same idea. talkil’ the one who beats ke'jkil’ the one who keeps Sufjixes in -1(n) §§ 51-55 § 51. GENERAL REMARKS A considerable number of nominal suffixes have the termination -n in the absolute form. Some of these occur only in the absolute form. -Lhin (Kor. -lfirn) -lyfitn,- 1Liftin (Kor. -lyfirn) -Chin (Kor. -é/in) §§ 50, 51 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 715 -Efun (Kor. -é7rn) -J7ium augmentative (§ 98, No. 1) -girgin (§ 106, No. 44) (Kor. -gefim, -gitfim -giéiin) abstract noun -Cn -lin -tkin (Kor. Kam.-ééin) surface § 52. SUFFIXES -lh- and -lin- -“Uh(z n) (Kor. -J# IFN), the absolute form of a suffix -Uh-, which occurs with great frequency as the absolute form of certain words. In most cases it is not retained with other suflixes, although cases of its retention are also numerous. léla'lhin eye (stem ile) _ta'mkilhin (and ti'mkit1m) bummock 79.2 (stem timk 62.7; but timkilhé'tr 62.5) mélota'lhin hare 78.24 (stem milute 78.15) régoga'lhin fox 78.3 (stem riguge 78.12) wu'kwulhin stone 35.11 (stem wukw 35.11) kr'milthin' worm 37.3 (stem kim 36.11) tamona'lhin a bivalve shell 9.7 (stem temune 9.8) Koryak: lela'liin eye Kor. 49.5 gitéa'liin leg Kor. 53.3 pipi'kalaim mouse Kor. 58.7 va'nnilniin tooth Kor. 34.3,4 -lIn (IN) (Kor. -[ 77H [12], sometimes =1LIV{ TN] is used in the same ° way as the preceding suffix. va’ givin (stem ve*g) (Kor. Kam. vg*y-lyfirn [stem vety]) grass It is not always easy to determine whether the -/A belongs to the stem or not. tipa'lhin tallow 86.23 (tipa'lha 87.4) kopa'lhin walrus-blubber 12.6 (kopa'lha 14.11) répa'lhin walrus-hide 13.13 péenyo'lhin hearth 31.13 fhawgo'lhin old woman 39.5; 40.1 vamulga'lhin lip 14.5 pénaka'thin tassel 16.10 auta'lhin obsidian scraper 39.12 pérka'lhin bowlder 129.6 rr'lhi' tiiin and rélizinin wing (stem rilh, ril) 15.2 Of these, the first five stems retain the suffix /h with post-positions. The primary stem, however, is without this suffix: for instance, 1The text has krmithi’n because emphasis is laid on the word which is the last in the sentence. If there had been more stress this form would have been kimilho’n (see § 36). § 52 716 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 pényo'lhin hearth (stem pin, absolute form pe’mpi powder, ashes) The following have weak vowels, and it may be assumed that the ZA belongs to the stem. pi'lhin throat (stem pilh); (Kor. Kam. p’lhin [stem pilh]). Loca- tive: pi'lhrk', pi’lik; (Kor. Kam. pi'lhrk) fi'lhin thong 48.4 | né'lhin skin 7.9 § 53. SUFFIXES -ch- and -é1/- ~ €h(In),-ETH (IN) (Kor.-éR [LT nj, yn [In]; -t# [12);-8'h | N),— according to dialect). This suffix seems to express an em- ; L | 4 phatic form. Sometimes it corresponds to the definite article or designates an object as referred to before. In other cases it might be translated as A PARTICULAR ONE, in contradistinction to other objects of the same or other classes. Some words seem to have the suffix throughout. Etymologically it may be related to the suffix -dh-, since é and / (Kor. é and /) replace each other frequently (see § 122). vala'thin knife (stem vala, absolute va'lz); Kor. Kam. vgla'-ciirn (stem vala, absolute vg'la) ra'mkréhin people (stem remk, absolute re’mkrn); Kor. ya'mkréqin (stem yamk, absolute ya’mkin) ELI giéhin the aforesaid father 19.11 ora'wetachin the aforesaid man 18.11 pényo'lhithin the aforesaid hearth 32.9 yélithin the aforesaid tongue 40.10, 12 léla'lhithin the aforesaid eye 106.19 golo-a*'ttithin a particular kind of dog 121.11 kala'éhrn a particular kele 105.14 va'amithin a particular river 40.12 lolo'thim a particular penis 26.8 fa’ lviili¢hin a particular kind of herd 79.6 Koryak: goqglo'wiéiun hole Kor. 15.8 lawtrkr'léréiim head-band Kor. 17.12 -€Ih (In). fiawa'néyiun a particular wife 38.4 fiaus'ga'téyfun the aforesaid woman 39.7 pako'lésfim a particular kind of woman’s knife 44.3, 5 Nore 1.—A number of stems end in éA, and are not related to this class. ta'othiéhin the bag mentioned before (stem Zezuch, absolute tev’ - uchin); Kor. Kam. éaz' o¢hréfiygn (stem éaiuch, absolute éac'wuéhin) BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 717 Nore 2.—In words which have the absolute form in -/h-, -1j%-, the suffix -ch-, -é7i-, may be added to the stem or to the suffixes -Jh-, -lii-. léla'thiéhin 106.19, or léla'thyn eye (stem /ile, absolute lé/a'lhin); Kor. Kam. lelalhjénin or lela’ ciim, (stem lila, absolute lela'Thin) § 54. SUFFIXES -/I- (-lefn, -éeen) -(I-, -le‘n, (Kor. Kam. =la‘n, -[a|la‘n, =[é]]a*n are similar to the participle of the intransitive verb. As suftixes of substantives, they indicate a person related in some more or less direct way to the object. After stems with terminal vowel -/im is. used; after the terminal consonant of a stem (except /, 7, n, and ¢) the auxiliary vowel r is in- serted before -din. After terminal /, 7, n, and ¢, the suffix -lén is used, which forms with terminal / or 7 the ending -zén, with terminal ¢ the ending-ze*n. With names this ending expresses A PERSON ACTING(?). Chukchee Kor. Kam. r'ten ( gatpoafqne 4122,D y1hn} yr nu YIU,T yru,16 yrunb | * * + 9AT}BO0'] — SE | ee Oe roy : : naa,D 292,D niin win} nh nur rh, nu | NUU, 16 ‘nss,16 pununb | * * * 9ynposqy MVAUOM nd nywob nd wy nd 70Y3.10} nd voy21ew nd oylUr ndoyrurb ndanynunb | ° * * dANBIQV 16 ,oy6wd56 196 DyTLI 136 pbe10} 176 pyeseu 6 pyrusa 196 pyrurb 6, pynwnb | * * + 9QANRITY Ub, 1 unrbun} urbu, nu Ue uuib uuunb \ - + QATssassod UuDUrbue UDUI6.10} U,DUTHLEU UDUT ujourb ujouunb | * * gAnoofqngs YT) IYI} TYTL, NU 14 TUT 1y,1urb jem - - + gAtR00T Grae ‘4,0 Brung ‘yx1Ln} Bran ‘yrs nu 6, rum ‘y,1UH 6,rur6 ‘y,ru26 B mums ‘ynunb ; Tl, X ub} 1b NU U/DUT 116 916 wnb | ° * + eqnjosqy uosied pg uosiod pz wosied 48T uosied pg uosi0d pz uosiod 4ST Bie eins Se [einid IB[nsutg aqHONWNHO § 56 HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 2a BOAS] ee Yur} ryu,bl1} yuri 1YU/DUA Yu, TUTY YU DWUTY 4 dATIBIQV ay DUWIY Sy ayn 0x} ayw,ob 01} ayu,ob (ru | OY DUT aYU,DUIY OyU,DWAULTY cael UL} ul,1) UBC, | DUT WU UIY U/DUIY SATSSOSSOg uny Ung unrilu | D/DUNX UNITY U,NPIULTY . dATOo[qns yuna} yublry yu blr YU, DUE YU, TUTY YU OULU Y - * 9AnROOT xy olny plynu DUT ply DULUb TY ainposqy uosi0d pg uosiod pz uosiod 4sT uosied pg uosied pz uosi0d 48T [eintd IB[nsulg TIVQVHONVi 856 46 3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12 722 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 In Chukchee and Koryak there is also a form expressing the aequa- lis i. e. similar to, of the same size as, according to the wants of. — They are generally used with this suffix—mzé,—mil (§ 102, 30). Chukchee Koryak similar to me = gi/muw git’ muw similar to thee gr/nmw gi'niw similar to him z/nzw a'niw similar to us mu'ruw similar to you twruw not known similar to them z£’riw In both Chukchee and Koryak the plural forms of the first and second persons are often used in place of the singular, without, how- ever, conveying the idea of respect. amto', geyr' lgdt-tu're well, have you slept? (singular or plural) | In Koryak the dual and plural forms are not sharply distinguished. In Chukchee the plural subjective forms are, in the pronunciation of men, as follows: mergda'n, tergéa'n, Ergda'n In several dialects of Korak II the following forms of the third person plural occur: Absolute zthu Locative sthik Subjective zthina'n The Kamchadal forms in réz, and the Chuckchee forms derived from z£rg., are evidently related to this series. In both Chukchee and Koryak of Kamenskoye the subjective form is used in some compounds. gimna'n éini't myself (Ch. and Kor. Kam.) In other cases the possessive forms are used: gimnin Cini’'thin (Kor. giimni'n éini’nkin) my own. The idea of sELF, however, is expressed differently in oblique cases. kata'm-gomo ka' gtr (Chukchee) just to me (i. e., to myself) cint't uwi'k ga'nmilén he killed himself, (lit. his own body; uwi'k body) Kor. w’wik qnu’ivon he consumed himself (literally, his body) Kor..56;10. Kor. gitéa’t uwi'kinat ganu'linat he consumed his own legs, lit. legs body belonging to he consumed them Kor. 57.2 The term ww’kin BELONGING TO THE BopyY is thus used to express OWN. § 56 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—-CHUKCHEE 723 We find, however, in Koryak, the pronoun also used in oblique cases to express OWN: git’ mkinh éini’nkina with my own. Personal pronouns have also definite, augmentative and diminutive forms, which take the suffix -onazolh following the possessive form of the pronoun. gumiuk-onarolh-réh-é-tin big I These forms are used in jesting, in children’s play, ete. Demonstrative and Interrogative (Indefinite) Pronouns ($§ 57-58) § 57. PARTICLES AND ABSOLUTE FORMS The idea of position is expressed with great nicety, and in Chukchee there are nine terms expressing the position of an object in relation to the speaker. found only two. in all of these. In Koryak there are only five, and in Kamchadal I have The exact relation to the speaker is not quite clear In Chukchee the independent form of all of these is formed by the suffix -gan (with m belonging to the suffix); only one has the ending -gin. -kin, -gen, -qala'ken. In Koryak a few have the corresponding, endings this . that that yonder . that yonder that there (not very far) there (quite far) that there (midway to some other object) that behind the person | addressed . 2 that behind the person speaking that apart from the | speaker who, noe oh a | Chukchee Particles| = Kor. Kam. /|Kamchadal Stem Independent form vai wu't- wo’tgan, 65.22; 187.1; wu'ssin baie tien 138.4 wu’tcrn (Paren) || lc eaters Enga’n 115.21; 71.13, | ia’nyen hé/niin 1 fi- Enqan : 29; 63.7, 10 noon fig’gn- fig'gngan 70.22; alsoas | Enka/kin adverb fia’an-, less | ia’angan frequent- ly nia’n i fa/ngan 133.3 ga’ngan 63.13 |va’En- va/Enqgan 121, 24 va/yengen vai y Inet \va’zn | rai ra/En-,ra’/En | ra’/Engan if o/tl fo’tim 70.21 | no’tingan jotingala’ken nun Tua! n- fiu/ngin 137.3 (mik-) me/nin 11.4 min- § 57 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 It may be noted that all demonstratives, except wut-, zn’f-, and fio' tim, end in -2 which remains in all forms. The demonstrative stems have strong vowels, except wut-, En’ii-, and fun. The last of these is treated more frequently as an un- changeable stem; for instance,— fiu'nin-notar' pt from that land,— although the two vowels w and z belong to the weak, changeable group. When the demonstratives enter into composition, they take the ending -in, except io'tim. The same ending is found in the interroga- tive me’fiin, which, according to the forms with suffixes, must be derived from a stem mzk- (see §58, p. 1726). These forms appear in adjectival form in oblique cases. wo'tin-notanga’'tkén that one belonging to this country 7.1 wo'trn-rrgiro'k that (morning) dawn 10.3 wu' tin-nu'tek (Kor. Kam. wu'tin-nu'tak) in that country mané'n-notad' pt (Kor. Kam. ma'iten-nota'iigo) from what country. Kor. ma’iin-ni'kli-yélkryel which stone-pine nut pudding? Kor. ot. 2 Kor. ma’itin-qai-hna'wis'qatitk to which small woman? Kor. 34.5 For greater emphasis the independent, absolute forms of the demon- strative may be used with the corresponding particle, as given on p. 723, or with repetition of independent form, connected by the particle tim (see also p. 726). fo'ongan tm hoon Enga'n tm Enga'n 130.9, etc. The particles are, however, used also independently or combined with various other forms. rat 61.8 wé'tén-rai 29.1 vat 61.9; 62.7; 63.6; 66.30, 35; ELO'n tim var 66.29 71.15; 76.25, 30 ELO'n vai 67.33 fiam 71.8, 16; 62.4, 8; 65.1; 66.32 vat tim fha'n(1) 181.38, 10 nha’an 63.13 enme Ran 66.32 fo'on 64.1 Enga'n- tim vai 130.7 wot 81.12 wo'tganm wm var 45.12 var Ran 62.9 wu tku-m vai 120.11 Norr.—The Koryak form in -gala’ken given in the preceding table of demonstratives is derived from the post-position -gal,- gaé (Chukchee -gal,-qa¢) CLOSE TO, BY THE SIDE OF. The Koryak suffix -gala’ken cor- § 57 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 725 responds to the Chukchee form -qatkén, which is used to form a great many derivatives. The following forms derived from demonstrative pronouns may serve as examples:— Adverbial form va’ zngaé (Kor. Kam. va’yefqal) by the side, half- way Independent form waenga’tkén (Kor. Kam. vayeftiqala’ ken) Adverbial form wo’téngaé (Kor. Kam. vo’ tefqal) here Independent form wotingqa'tkén 14.2 (Kor. Kam. votenqala' ken) wotgani'rgipt (pronunciation of men wofqaz'rgtipt) from those § 58. PLURAL AND POST-POSITIONAL FORMS Plural and suffix forms are derived from the forms in -gan adding the -e (Kor. Kam. -a) to the terminal 2 that is found in all words with terminal n of the stem (§§ 31, 4; 34). For personal forms the con- nective vowel is 2. As examples may serve,— Chukchee Kor. Kam. Mibgolute = . 2 6 6 6 wR dayte he 8 NLS TTEA COTE | ang, tigen wu’ssin Kor. 49.9 Plural. (Dual Kor.) . eye eyes) me ee ee oe ee) | wotqanat} wu'tissat Ldipen 20) (Saya. #6) a ih ie em ee — wu’trssau Kor. 32.2 Subiectivesmot personal . . . . « . s . ss 8 5 « wolgana’ta wutissa’ta Subjective, personal . 2. 2 1 2 whet bw Heit. TA [lenoliqanéna2 wu'tininak ocaisve. BOlPErsOnal og 6 he ech «ue eyes | oO tganan wu'tissak Allative,mot personal . . . . ~~... . + s+ + » | wotgana’gty wotessar’tl Allative, personal. . . . 2. , . . . 1. - + ss + 5) | woltganéng? wo'tenena Anlative: not/personall ys ute ee Po ae Sy oe | eolganat pit wotessa’/ igo SPIBEIVE,PEISOUGL ~ oe aM en ea ee e's Se) OLganal Du wotenena’igo 1 Pronunciation of men wo/tqaat. 2 Pronunciation of men wo/tqgazna. Also enga’nat 49.5; 53.10; 96.6; zengaa't those 62.10; snga’néna by that one 44.8; wo'tgana this time 76.18 Koryak: jia'nyen that one (absolute) Kor. 17.5, 9; 51.2, 5 na'nyeu (pl.) Kor. 21.1; 44.6; 62.4; fia’nyau 25.6, 9; 42.4 na’ nyenata (subjective, not personal) Kor. 43.5 jia’nenenak (subjective, personal) Kor. 34.11; fa'nyenena Kor. 76.16 The plural of the demonstrative is used in nominal, adjectival, and predicative expressions. enga’nat gani’ntininet throw away those! 49.5 wo’ gaat qanu’utki eat these! 33.12 Enqd'at qa’at those reindeer Kor. Kam. tia’nyenau a‘'ttu those dog's § 58 726 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 In some cases the singular form is used when we should expect the plural: | rnga'n gittile'tr nine'l-i-tim there I give to those who are hungry 96.24 (cf. 96.9, 12, 17). enga'n orawéLat these men 63.5 enga'n Umgdagdi'’ rnti these people of Umqiaqiai 63.10 erga’n tu'rég ora’ wéLat these two men 7.10 The corresponding forms of the personal interrogative WHO, SOME- Bopy, and of the Kamchadal impersonal interrogative, are— | Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal Kamchadal WHO WHAT Absolute:}y sep ey abt) tif. Osa Leki et) cee nin ma’ki Kor.17.6 | ke (min) Plural (Dual Koryak) . mi'kinti ma’ kintt kleen mi'nien BAIA (ORV a). Me gs ees —— maku'wgt — == SUbjeCCHVes .: 5 5 + ome es ts 1 RRENIU mi'kinak Kor. | klink mi’nent’ 76.16 AllAtIVGss Hier eh te «doe anane | NRIRO MENG me’kena kla’nke mé/nank PAIDIERVE: au. cabs 2 =) «ol ge p Bo, || ER ER OL tt mekena'tigo klink mi’nenk Examples: me'fhin tim eva’ who is (your) mother? 113.14 mi'kin yaarkiné'tkr kanéi/irgin whose lullaby are you singing? 120.14 : mi' kind ganto'lén by whom born? 142.1 In Kamchadal the form corresponding to the stem mzk- signifies the inanimate interrogative. Nominal forms of the plural, when appearing with suffixes, have, instead of the regular plural, forms compounded with the third person plural personal pronoun (see p. 706). In Chukchee we find also ma’kirgin, pl. ma'krrginté, WHOSE HOUSE’S, WHOSE FAMILY’s; related to the Koryak stem mak-, and formed with the stem -z7rg of the personal pronoun third person plural (see § 44). These particles doubled, and connected by tm, are also used as ex- clamations. fan tim fan! you there! na’an tim han 95. 35 yonder vai tim vai! halfway there! jioon tim fioon!/ far off there! They occur in the same way with interrogative pronouns. me iin han ye'tirrkin? who comes there? ra’nun fot wurre'erkin? what is visible behind there? mi'nkri rai ne'lhit? how then became he? 29.7 mi'nkri fot afga-ras'gé'um-va' lit? why! those are bad ones to g5g pass! 130.3 BOAS] | HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 727 Demonstrative and interrogative adverbs are derived from the par- ticle stems by means of the locative endings. From these are derived others by means of nominal suffixes (see examples below). Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal MONG ie es. Ne ey poy wo fon het (oy | eoulekeu 7.5 wu'ttuk, @/nki nua, te’a GMM he oc se ee le R UAE 119.81 fia'nko, ia’nako, ie’- | E’nki, wu, (xo0/xval niko therefrom) there (midway to some object) . | va/dnkr vai'en there (behind the person ad- dressed) 2°: 0. 4%. 2°. 2°. | ra/a@nkr there (behind the speaker) . . | no’linkr there (away from the speaker) . | mwu/nkr Where ..-. .... =. + « | mi“kI, me'RKI12.2 | mi nkt, Kor. 20:1 ma, mas In Chukchee two forms in -gan are also used as adverbs. there (some distance away) . fo'ongan iuere (iar awayyoe; .|.. ga'ngan Derived from demonstrative elements are also— Chukchee Kor. Kam. Kamchadal ine En‘fie'n 63.18; Eniid’an Kor.13.1, fio'nke 65.22 10 Adverbs with suffixes derived from the locative forms are the fol- lowing: HERE THERE WHERE Chukchee | Kor. Kam.|} Chukchee | Kor. Kam.|; Chukchee | Kor. Kam.|Kamchadal Stem . .). wut wute En fan, dn mik mik ma Instrumental |} wutke’té wutéa’ta Enke’té fianka’ta, || minke’ta minka’ta -_— dinka’ta Allative. . a wotéat’ tr Entkri nankat'tr, || minkri 60.6, | menkei/tr | ma/nke dnkai’tin 61.8 Ablative . wo’ tgorl wotta’igo || E’n qo, | tanka’/igo,|| mé’ngo 60.5, | menka/fiqo| ma/nke Enigo’rl, dnka’tigo ib er ALPAi Ei qo’ro 72.12 mén- | 65.24 qo’rl Also in the same way Chukchee va’dfikata, va'én7é, va'dfigo or va Gngorr; Koryak vaiena’'ta, vaienai'tr, var'eigo from stem vai. Examples: wo'tko from here 43.1; wo’tgo xEn‘qo’ro thence 49.2; 65.18, 24 121.20; 131.14; wwu’tgu here zn-ke'ggi thither 71.23 73.14 en‘fiata’l from that time on, after En'ke' éiku in there 73.20 that 64.19; 65.31 En‘no't 64.7; 66.3; 72.6 no'onré thither 76.20 en*gékin one from there 67.3 = ta’nko hither 137.13 § 58 728 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 Koryak: wi'téu this time Kor. 41.2 z’nke here (vocative form) Kor. na'nko there Kor. 41.6 13:7; 58.7 je’nako there Kor. 19.11 Enka'ta at that place Kor. 21.8, 9 ja’ntko there Kor. 32.1; see renka’tr to that place Kor. 17.2; Kor. 62.7 19.1 fanika?’ tim thither Kor. 36.5 menkeito’' whither (vocative fa'nakango from that one Kor. form § 36) Kor. 64.21 42.3 matie'ngo whence Kor. 60.10 The forms m2’nikri (Chukchee), me’fikahi (Kor. Kam.), ma'nke (Kamchadal), also signify How. Derivatives with suffixes are— méitko'kénat where are you from 65.10 mitke'-mil 66.34 menke'mié, mafu'nn*aé (Kor. 66.1) men'ke'ml*, also lact (Kamchadal) to what degree, in what manner Demonstrative elements with the verbal noun va’lin (Kor. Kam. d'tala‘n) THE ONE WHO ISs—, are also used to express demonstrative terms. En‘iit'n-va'lin 128.24 (Chukchee), enna*’an z'talafn (Kor. Kam.), one being thus; i. e., such a one Enio't-va'lin (Chukchee) being near here thus; i. e., such a one nearer to the speaker than the preceding En‘hu-wa'lin such a one (expressing reproach) en‘fvu’-wa’'lé-grt such a one art thou 21.11 me'ikri-va'lin (Chukchee 14.4), meAikat italafn (Kor. Kam.) what kind of (also in oblique cases) In Kamchadal only a few forms of the demonstrative survive, and these take the nominal suffixes. THIS THIS HERE WHICH, WHAT Alpsaluitie tect: ten werecet lot ec Me Pals nut tiEn TN AAP ES ER nero ya’ qu OMMOaEVe (SEG GUI0O) as RS BP es ck ed SOS garae/ma gaya’ qa 1 Men’s pronunciation rd/neet. 2ratnaa’gtl. 3raknaat'pu. § 59 730 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The set of forms derived from rdénut, except the plural, are not often used. e'me-rd'nut whatsoever; i. e., of every kind 13.18; 133.18 rdé'nut what? object 29.1, subject 111.4; something obj. 29.5 ra'nut tm what was it then? 34.1 ré'nut tim gineilhé® give me something ré'nutet whatever kind of things obj. 32.5; intr. subj. 58.2 reqgd by what means? 22.1; 23.5; 14.2 re'qd what? 34.8, 9; whatever 32.5 ra'qa-fiot with what there 139.8 régaGk at what? 26.1 requm why 88.7 ré'qu how 17.5, 7; why 23.1 Kor. Kam. ya’ga with what Kor. 46.9 Kor. Kam. ya’qkin-ki what for Kor. 26.10 | Kor. Kam. ya’qin-yaq what then? Kor. 45.9 These forms are also used in composition: ra‘'-qa'at (Chukchee), yav-goya'wge (Kor. Kam.), seg-ko'ju'n (Kamchadal), what kind of reindeer rég-a''tté ge'etin (Chukchee) with what kind of dogs has he come? ra'-ni'mnim what settlement, obj. 33.7 ra’-pr'ful what tidings? 11.2 rénota'éhit what kind are 14.3 Koryak I: ya qlau what are they doing Kor. 24.5 yaqlackine'tik what are you (pl.) doing? Kor. 24.8 Koryak II has the same forms as Koryak Kamenskoye, derived from the stem tag. Verbs derived from these stems are used with great frequency (see § 82); for instance,— re'garkin (Chukchee), ya’qrykin Kor. 28.10 (Kor. Kam.), ta'gatkin (Kor. IL) what do you want? what are you doing? re'7® what is the matter 19.11 ré'garkin what is the matter with thee 18.9 re'q-i-git what do you want? 18.12 rrraga'unve what for? 19.1, 6 ré'qalit which ones 139.9 réqal-i-git what do you want? 22.8 nre'g-i-git what are you doing? 33.1 | Kor. Kam. nrya’gi-gi what are you doing? Kor, 39.5 §59 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 731 Kamchadal has another form for WHAT, SOMETHING, evidently corresponding to the demonstrative in znk-. Absolute Instrumental . Locative Allative Ablative Verbs derived from Koryak. E'nka E'nkal Enka'nk Enka'nk Enka'nk enka'nejé what are you doing? this stem are formed as in Chukchee and Under Russian influence, these forms are going out of use, and are being replaced by post-positional forms and verbs. Enka'nke k/6jé why, or for what do you come? § 60. Other Indefinite Pronouns 1. The stem n7rk- (Kor. Kam. nzyk-) expresses a certain well-known person, THE ONE WE THINK OF, THE ONE REFERRED TO, nik- A CERTAIN WELL-KNOWN THING OR ACT WE THINK OF, OR REFERRED TO. These form post-positional forms analogous to demonstrative pro- nouns. PERSONAL Chukchee Kor. Kam. | = Absolute Aas ni'rkiiut ni'yka, ni/ykinvut Plural (dual Koryak) . ni’rkentt ni'ykanti Plural Koryak — niyka’wgi, ni/ykau Kor. 50.4 Subjective ni'rkena ni/ykanak Allative né’/rkana | ne'ykana Ablative anew nérkai'pit neyka/niqo Designative (see § 94) | nirke/nu | niyka’nu NON-PERSONAL Absolute . ni/kinut Plural ni’ ket Subjective nike’'ta Locative . ni'kek Allative néka’ gtr Ablative nékai' pit eT ganéka'ma 100) . f Comitative (see § 100) lgenike’ ta Designative (see § 94) nike’nu §60 732 Examples: ni rkefut a certain one 90.20; 119.12 ni'kek somewhere 12.12 Also derived forms, as ni'rken (Kor. Kam. niyka'nen) belonging to the one referred to or thought of BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 40 ni'kin belonging to the thing referred to or thought of 20.8 ai've nérkai' ptt gora'iu tet'mitydn yesterday 1 took reindeer from the man we are thinking of Verbal forms are also derived from this pronoun; for instance,— nike'rkin (Kor. Kam. nika’ykm) he does the thing referred to or thought of rinike'urkin whatsoever shall be 21.10 | Kor. Kam. mnzkak Vl do something Kor. 42.1 Kor. Kam. nekativo'ykin he did something Kor. 51.9 same way. In Kamchadal, svw'z1jé YOU DO A CERTAIN THING is used in the 2. gol (Chukchee), golla’ (Kor. Kam.), k/ola®’ (Kamchadal) OTHER. In Chukchee the synthetic stem gu/z is used throughout with non- personal nouns. qult’-nikek afterwards (=at another certain one) golé't-a‘lo’ some future day (=in the other day) gol yara' thin a house 86.17 gol yv'lgin another month 7.2 It is also used in adverbial form in temporal adverbs. Post-positional forms occur only with personal nouns, while in Koryak these are used for all kinds of nouns. Chukchee—Personal Absolute . Ot: Plural (dual Koryak) . Plural Koryak. . Subjective... .. - Possessive (locative) Allative . Ablative . Designative. . qgl qu’ ttt quti’ (n)ind 1 quti’ (n)ind 1 goté’(m)éna } qoté(n) énat/pu 1 quti’(n)inu 1 Personal Koryak Non-personal Kamchadal quti/ninak quti’/ninak qolla’ qu'ttt qu’ téau qutinina’ta quti/ninak gote’nInan gotenIna’figo qutinina’nu klola’ klola’nk klola’nk klola’ a 1 Without m in men’s pronunciation. gol ex1'grn another father, a certain father 107.22 gol wim na'nmirkin they kill the other one 8.1 (see also 8.12; 15.6; 14.9; 17.1) $60 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE Too qu'ttz others (subj. intr.) 12.5 gutti'ind by one of them 8.11 (see also 7.4; 15.3), on one of them 8.13 | Kor. Kam. go'lla another one Kor. 24.9 Synthetic forms: golé-notar’pu from another land 14.12 golé-ra’ gtz to another house 12.11 golé-tke’ unvuk on another sleeping 13.5 3. elve (Chukchee), alva (Kor. Kam.), éknén (Kamchadal), orHER, occur in synthetic form as given here, and in the forms— elve'lin (Chukchee), 117.7, elve'linet 113.3, alva’lin (Kor. Kam.) Kor. 76.19. | © éek-a'lvam-va'lin how differently it is Kor. 80.9 (Kor. Kam). a'lva triva/ivok I was in a different way Kor. 18.6 4, A number of prefixed particles express also ideas related to the indefinite pronoun (see § 113, nos. 6, 7, 14, 24): mm- all gemge- every em- mere ter- how much Most of the interrogative and indefinite pronouns take the definite, augmentative, and diminutive forms, the same as nouns, and some of these are used with great frequency. manéna' chin that one, who is he (from me’7izn wHo) rad" nutgdi (from rd®’nwt WHAT) or re ggar some little thing ya epil (Kor. Kam.) goLai'fim another big one qu' Lega another little evel aro UacH amitenaton The Predicate (§§ 61-82) § 61. Introductory Remarks The predicate appears in two distinct forms, according to the char- acter of the word forming the predicate. The first class is formed by verbs; the latter, by nominal terms which are used as predicate. While all verbs may appear in nominalized forms, and therefore may take the form of the noun as predicate, nouns can not readily be trans- formed into verbs—except by the use of verbalizing suffixes, which give the compound stem a verbal character. Thus we find that true verbal forms are confined to verbal stems, to the numerals (except oNnr), and §61 TOs BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 40 _ to the indefinite (or interrogative) pronouns, which may be used as nouns as well as verbs. The structure of the first class of predicative forms is quite com- plex. We have to distinguish between intransitive and transitive verbs. The following structural elements may be recognized. We have— I. Intransitive verbs: II. Transitive verbs: 1. Pronominal prefix. . Pronominal subjective prefix. 2. Temporal or modal prefix. Temporal or modal prefix. 3. Verbal theme. Verbal theme. 4. Temporal or modal suffix. Temporal or modal suffix. 5. Pronominal suffix. Pronominal objective suffix. Spe ee The following simple modes and tenses may be distinguished: Indicative. . . . . without prefix, no suffix Subjunctive: (a) Exhortative . . with the prefix (z) the suffix gi (6) Subjunctive . . with the prefix © the suffix gr iiiperaive 7. > with the prefix ¢ the suffix gi Wah apS oe Log a UCTS with the prefix re the suffix 7(z) Besides these, there is a peculiar series of derived modes in -rrkin (Koryak I -2ykin, -tkin; Koryak II -1tkin, Kamchadal -7k), the pro- nominal endings of which differ from the ordinary forms, many of them being dropped. Insome cases the Koryak drops the terminal -In, as is done in all forms in Kamchadal. The second class, predicative nominal terms, consists either of nouns or of verbal stems, which are nominalized by certain prefixes, and which take suffixes expressing the terminal relations. The simple nominalized forms are used as predicative terms of the third person. These have been discussed before. They are the nominalized forms in -in, -kin, -lin, n(1)-gin (§§ 45-49). In the first and second persons singular these take a suffix -2-, which may be derived from the verb -it' to BE. In the first and second persons plural the nominalized form appears in composition with the personal pronouns muri WE, and turz you; so that the whole complex represents in the same way a nominal form with predicative function, as in the third persons. The nominalized form has no true tenses. 1I consider this unlikely, since in Koryak the ¢ should be preserved, although in Chukchee it might disappear according to the phonetic laws governing the pronunciation of men. Mr. Bogoras points out that thei can not be an auxiliary vowel, since this would have to be r. — F. Boas. 861 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 735 § 62. Structure of the Intransitive Verb 1. The pronominal prefixes of the intransitive verb are confined to the first person, singular and plural: ¢- for the singular, m¢- for the plural. The m of the plural may perhaps be related to the same ele- ment in mur, we, while the ¢ of singular and plural may be the same. The element mé- conveys the idea of plurality of the first person with such energy, that, in Koryak at least, the suffix -mzk, which repeats the same idea, may be omitted; the same omission occurs rarely in Chukchee. 2. The temporal and modal elements enter into close relation with the pronominal prefixes. Most of these follow the ordinary phonetic laws. Thus t+vre becomes tre- mt+re becomes mirre- mt+ © becomes mzn(z)&- The last of these is not quite regular, since mz¢(z)§ would also seem to be possible. ‘The forms of the exhortative can not be explained by phonetic laws. Here we find that the expected . t+n becomes 7 mt+n becomes min In the subjunctive (0), when the verb begins with a vowel, the aux- iliary vowel disappears, and the glottal stop follows the initial vowel of the stem. This occurs both in Chukchee and Koryak: tuéwr' ak (stem uwr) I should cook 3. The verbal themes may be simple or compound. The former undergo peculiar phonetic changes according to their position, the forms in initial position differing from those found in medial position. This subject has been discussed in § 7 and §12. A number of forma- tions, however, are irregular, and not due to the action of phonetic laws. gami-plitku eating finishing (stem gam, from gamitva) tara’figa‘t they built a house (from ¢ezkr to make, yara house) kinmi’rkin he kills children (kindfirn trmrrkin) kuwt'’rkin he has dead children (kmifirn, viérkin) The vocalic elements of prefixes, personal and modal, are modified by the vowels of the stem (see § 3). The terminal phonetic character of the stem also influences the temporal, modal, and the pronominal suffixes (see § 72). §62 736 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 4. The temporal and modal suffixes have been mentioned before. Through contraction between them and the pronominal suffixes origi- nate forms the historical development of which is not by any means clear. It would seem that there is also a suffix -g2- which appears in many forms, and does not seem to form part of the pronominal element. This, however, has undergone so many changes that its character and function are not clear. 5. The pronominal suffixes do not show a very close relation to the personal pronoun, and, furthermore, are somewhat differentiated in different modes of the verb. A comparison of the various forms suggests the following as the essential elements of the suffixed pro- nominal verbal forms: INTRANSITIVE Tndicihern .o3'o3k we -mk CHOD eubianass 4 ye -tk hey eh oot adtbes they -¢ It may be that the m and ¢ of the first and second persons plural are related to muri and ¢uri, which may contain the same endings as zrrz (see pp. 706, 719, 726). The second person singular is quite doubtful; but it is conceivable that it may contain by origin a form in -gi related to the pronoun git. In the intransitive verb the second and third per- sons singular are, in their present forms, identical. The third person plural has clearly the element ¢,* which is not the same as the ¢ of the second person plural. § 63. Structure of the Transitive Verb The structure of the transitive verb is, on the whole, analogous to that of the intransitive. 1. For the first persons singular and plural, the same pronominal prefixes as in the intransitive appear, as subjects. The transitive forms of the third person, singular and plural, have the prefix ne-. The clearness of the picture is obscured by the fact that the transitive forms THOU—US; YE—ME, US and THOU, YE, HE—ME do not exist, and generalized intransitive forms are used in their place. These are formed with the prefix ine- or with the suffix -tku (see p. 819, no. 28; p. 808, no. 67). It is possible that the peculiar form YE—HIM, THEM has the same origin (see p. 809). I presume this 1 See plural of nouns, p. 694. §63 j 5 . Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE Tot form has originated from -tku-tzk and is parallel to -tkui* THou—vs. The g of the intransitive endings disappears in the series of forms THOU—US because its position is intervocalic; for instance— -tku-gi* becomes -tkuz® 2. The temporal and modal prefixes are the same as those of the intransitive. 3. The stems are treated like those of the intransitive verb. 4. The temporal and modal suffixes enter into compound forms with the pronominal suffixes. The intransitive g is apparently absent, owing to its frequent intervocalic position. 5. The analogy between the transitive pronominal suffixes and the intransitive suffixes is fairly clear, if we consider only those forms which have true pronominal suffixes. We find then the object -git thee -mik us -tik you which evidently correspond to the subjects of the intransitive verb. The correspondence is strict for the two plural pronouns: -gr¢ may be the older form of the second person intransitive pronoun -gi (pp. 71 et seq.; p. 710). The third person object shows forms in -n which recall the nominal forms in -in (§§ 45-49), and, like these forms, form their plurals in -et. In a way these forms seem related to the nominal predicate. To the same group belongs the form in -%in THEY—ME, which contains the pronoun gin, like the nominal forms. Attention may be called to the fact that the number of the pronomi- nal suffix, which designates the object, is naturally determined by the number of the object. qa'at trpé'lanat (Kor. Kam. qoya'wge trpe'lanau) [left the reindeer For the first person object the intransitive form with ime- is used. ré'nutgai gine'ilé give me something The Koryak forms resemble the Chukchee forms. The Koryak dual corresponds to the Chukchee plural. The plural -la- of the Koryak is always placed immediately following the stem. It indicates plurality of subject or object, but occurs once only in each form, even if both subject and object are plural. Certain verbal stems may be used both as transitive and as intransi- tive, generally with a slight change in meaning. 3045°—Bull. 40, pt. 2—12-——47 §63 738 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 tuwalo'mirkin I know, hear, obey (intransitive) tuwalo’mirkinegit I know thee (transitive) | tuwa'lomgdtk I heard . tuwa'lomgaén I knew him The Forms of the Intransitive Verb(§§ 64-66) § 64. CHUKCHEE PRINCIPAL MODES Subjunctive Person Past I Prefixes Imperative Future — | Suffixes (a) (6) PGW aeligh ec —tk z n (If, uf, ti) —tik q (1,4,a)—gittk|| re—futik Sdiply i. Mare —gatt nm (1,u,t%) | n (fue, a) —net re—fut | i or “ ue tie Bush } ‘i, re) 9 2d, 3d sing. . | te . led m (If, uF ti) poate | q(1,d,a**)—gi “| me 2 —gitk ” —gatk —gat Ist sing. . . We mI Bod Ries tre Ist pl. . . . | mit—mik min min (1£,uf,t£) —mik mirrg—gae * No 2d person. **No 3d person. DERIVED MODES IN -irkin (PREFIXES AS IN PRINCIPAL MODES) Zaipley it: eats —itik ——— — —itik —ttik —intik 35 a yay eS —t* — — —et — —ifut Otherforms . —— — — -—- —— plats *t takes the place of final n: Irkit. The prefix ¢- of the first person singular appears without auxiliary vowel when it forms an admissible cluster with the initial sound of the verbal theme. The derived form -vkim is used after vowels. After terminal con- sonants an auxiliary s is inserted between stem and suffix: gami'tva-rkin he eats walo’m-1-rkin he knows NOMINAL FORMS —é'tl —iIk,-I —(t)d ge—(t) & —ma —ma!ti aor WO Ne BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 739 §65. KORYAK PRINCIPAL MODES INTRANSITIVE VERB Subjunctive Present Person Past I Prefixes. ee Future tadet nite Suffixes. (a) (0) 2d dual —tk * nat —tik q—(g1)trk ya—futik ky-*** 2d pl. . —la’tik || * nat —latik q—latik ya—lantik ku- 3d dual —gi n(I) | naé —nat ya—hit ku- t or 3d pl. . | aie hace) nas —nau ya—lafie ku- 2d, 3d sing. . =i *n naé —In q**¥—(g1) ya—I ku- Ist sing. . tr—1k mi taf —Ik tya—t | tiky- Ist dual mit—mik || mIn | mIna® | —mik mIssa—mik mitku- 1st pl. . mit—lamtk|| min | mina* | —la(mik) mIssa—l a(mik) | mitky- () May be omitted. * No 2d person. *** Also qu. This form does not exist in Koryak II. ** No 8d person, DERIVED MODES IN -rrkin (PREFIXES AS IN PRINCIPAL MODES) 2d dual —ikinitik —ikinitik —ikinitik —intik 2d pl. —latkinetik || —latine’trk* —latkinetik || —latkinentrk 8d dual —iki —ikinat —tkiniiii 3d pl. —latke —ikininau** —latkinefie Ast, 24,34 ||| —skrn | —ikin —ikin —ikin sing.;1std ual Ist pl. . —laikin —laikinemtk* —latkinimik *Subjunctive (6) has Ja-t instead of la. ** Subjunctive (b) has au instead of inau. The prefix ¢z- of the first person singular appears without auxiliary vowel whenever it forms an admissible cluster with the first sound of the verb. The ending -2krm (Koryak I) of the derived forms is used mostly after stems ending in a single consonant, as walo’m-ekin HE KNOWS, After terminal vowel the 7 changes to a neutral 7, as va-tkin HE Is. In many cases, however, the 7 is also weakened to 7% or y after a ter- minal consonant and an auxiliary 7 is inserted preceding it, as in ya qrykin WHAT ART THOU! Kor, 29.1; e’tzykin art THOU? Kor. 29.2 §65 740 NOMINAL FORMS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (a) (b) \ —Ik 3 a—a 4 g 5 —mati § 66. KAMCHADAL INTRANSITIVE VERB Subjunctive Person Past I (a) Exhortative | (6) Conditional 2d sing. —é ys énien or un 2aiplu. —cx ki—ex ¢In or énen or sd pl. . ln an— | ki—un 3d sing. 2 zan—| o ki—un un kor kor ist sing. . t— l— oe pee main ees k k Astipl. “lem min—{ in nk!—k [BULL. 40 Impera- tive k—xé k—jcx The subjunctive (4) of modern Kamchadal takes in all forms the terminal particle -41, which is the Russian conjunction On. tk /nukbr if I eat. The future is compounded with the terminal verb 0/, (6) To DESIRE, which may form modes and tenses like the others; the The third person present, with the terminal verb (or suffix) 7. plural of this form is -jérm or ji‘n. The numerous Kamchadal verbs ending in -/ change this to -ce in the derived present. sitive verbs (see § 122). tlk I left tiiiklk I slept tcolk I lay ticjk I leave tiviikcjk 1 sleep tco'locjk 1 lie VERBAL NOUN me wn |r k!—enk This occurs both in intransitive and tran- tujuk nu'koj I began eat-beginning; i. e., I began to eat (¢- 1; uju to begin; -k I; nu to eat) 1 This is the inchoative terminal verb (see p. $08, no. 63). out it. $66 The verbal noun never appears with- 741 BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE The Forms of the Transitive Verb (§§ 67-71) §67. CHUKCHEE Transitive Suffixes TRANSITIVE FORMS FIRST AND SECOND PERSON OBJECTS Obiect Indicative I; | Impera- | Future | Derived Modes y Subjunctive Ia) tive II III in -IrkIn IV moythee © 6. as -git — -git -tgit Bevo ee HOLE Gs, he -tik — -ntik -itik (3) us (except thou, ye—us) -m1k — -mik -imik THIRD PERSON FORMS (4) him (except he, ye—him) . . -gGFn “gin hin (no ending) (5) them (except he, ye—them) . -net -ginet ~fhinet -¢t (6) he—him -nin — -hinin 1m (6’) he—them -ninet — | -filninel | -inet INTRANSITIVE FORMS Object Indica- |Subjune-|Impera- | Future |Derived Modes J tiveI | tivela | tive II III in -rrkin IV (7) he—me . je si A ie (no endin : : -gi 2 gs) (8) thou—me, us . o ok: ls ae (9)ye—me, us! -tik -tik -tik -ntik -itik (10) ye—him, them -tki -tk1 -gItkt Ruth -itki 1 With -tkw preceding pronominal suffix. NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS (11) they—me? . -%m ~tm ee | -tim -ium 2See § 73. This form takes the prefix ne-. Transitive Prefixes TRANSITIVE FORMS Subjunctive I a Subject Indicative I Emperor are 1 (a) (0) | LS Rae re | {(1)- mi- tré- — tre- we mut- | mIn- mInie- — mirre- he. ne- | d€n- nane€- —- nere- INTRANSITIVE FORMS Object me. (ine)- (nine)- (niEne)- q-ine (ring)- Other forms . -— nI- -nié- q- re §67 742 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY The form -g2* (I7; 117) is rarely abbreviated to -t. qenapélaé and génapélai’ leave me! This shortening is quite frequent in Koryak I (see below). NOMINAL FORMS I II 1 —*oiy 2 —k 3 —tt oe—ta, 4 —mag 5 —matl Besides this there are a number of impersonal forms. Woture! vse «ke re—T Exhortative, sing. . nI—atn Dit ahi. nI—nat Exhortative, derived sing. . nI—rkin pista nI—rkinat §68. KORYAK, KAMENSKOYE Transitive Suffixes TRANSITIVE FORMS FIRST AND SECOND PERSON OBJECTS [ BULL. 40 c Indicative I; - Object BabiunGHYE {q| Imperative | Future Ill CIDR GNI w tah cuits Mucins ee tee etre | gt oo =I (2)IVOU a a) Sh Rh es Fes eh (th aaa —(la)ntik (3) US. 5 3 5 8 ow ols ws || ——(F) nk —(La) tik —(la) mik THIRD PERSON FORMS. Derived Modes in -ykin IV ae —(la)—itik —(la)—imik (4) him (except he, ye—him) . . —gatn? —gm —hin no ending (5) them dual (except he, ye—them) | —nat —ginat —nnat —inat (5’) them pl.(except he, ye—them) .| —nauw —ginau —rinau —inau (6) he, they—him, them .... —nin — —iinin —(in) INTRANSITIVE FORMS A Indicative I; Pe Derived Modes Object Subjunctive Ia Imperative IT Future III in ykrn IV G7) DEMO sen Cah ne itis teraio vie: ts —t —gatn — no ending no ending (8) thou —me ve core ee gy a eg —gi —gatn —(g?) no ending no ending — A @)ive—mer Fae is sce Mite, te —(lLa)tik —(la)tik —(la)ntrk —(la)—itik (9): vo—Us'! “Atte Reh sae ee ites 2 —(lLa)mik —(la)mik —(la)mik —(la)—imik (10) ye—him, them ...... —(la)tta —(la)gitéa —(la)fitéa —((lg)—itéa §68 BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 743 NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORM (11) they—me ....... . | —giimt | — | —gim igtm 1 we—thee -lage 2 we—him -laga*n In the derived modes, Ja occurs in the same places as in the sim- ple modes, but preceding -ikin. The suflixes -g2 and -ga‘n(I 8, 4; II 8) of this series are often con- tracted to -~ and -n. The former is similar to an intransitive form. genapela'eé& and genapelaz’ leave me! In Chukchee these forms are quite rare (see p. 741) PREFIXES Subjunctive ‘ Indicative Imperative | Future I Il I I (a)Exhort.| I(b) Subj. Ae ae eee lt Fk. t , miI- taé- tya- WiCapste vor sy eb yeiue | yoy ves .lemert- min- | mInas- mIssa- thou, ye,yhe—me . . .- | ina- nina- | natina- gina - yina- they, he—thee, you, us thou, ye—us | na- asn nanas- naya- 6 ees oo no prefix nI- nat- qa- ya- thou, ye—him, them The second indefinite of Koryak has the prefix qu-, ku- (k- before vowels) and the future endings, except that he, thou—me has the ending -” I, he—you (dual, pl.) has the ending -7tzk NOMINAL FORMS I il 1 —k 2 —k : hn ssing ga—ta 4 5 —matl OO §68 744 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 As in Chukchee there occur also a number of impersonal forms. SOUGEITCS Coates ee Mile) Waren ya—nh Exhortation, sing ... . | mI—a'n Dual A ni—nat Exhortation, period, pl. . . . | nI—nou Sing. » « + | nI—tkin Dual « + « | nI—tkrnat nI—tkInau KAMCHADAL (§§ 69-71) 3 69. Types of Transitive Verb The Kamchadal transitive verb shows peculiarities of structure similar to those of the Chukchee and Koryak. Only the forms with the objects THEE, YOU, US, are formed with the pronominal forms corresponding to the intransitive suffixes. The combination YE— us is here also excepted, although no indication of a change of the verb into an intransitive form by means of a special suffix is found. Instead of that, the forms THOU, YE—ME have the ending -miik, which does not occur in the intransitive verb, but seems to corres- pond to -mrk we of Chukchee-Koryak. It may be mentioned here again that in Koryak this ending tends to be dropped. In the Kamchadal forms here discussed it may express the intransitive first person plural, as though we had, for instance, instead of THOU LEAVEST ME, WE PART. When used for the singular THou— ME, the ending is often pronounced -mr%, which may be an older form. The form yE—wk, Us takes, in addition to -mink, the end- ing -cz YE, which corresponds to the intransitive subject. In agreement with the nominal forms, the third person plural object has -'n. The nominal-predicative form is used here for both singu- lar and plural of the third person with the object ME. The forms of a second type of conjugation are not quite so clear. § 70. Type lI TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES TRANSITIVE FORMS Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present -hin f — --hin THES Mean he euetn et Her lock tee a \-nin he, they,n SOU Meee ere Hel eye ietrics ye’ lies te -cx“In -CxIn — -cxIn us (except ye—us). . . . . | -mifik -miiik -m nik -miiik §§69, 70 Boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE 745 THIRD PERSON FORMS Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present him (except he, they, ye—him) . | -n mn -£ n them (except he, they, ye—them) | -*n -~n -xIn -~n he, they—him . ...... | -nin nin — -nin he,they—them. . .... . | -nitn ~niEen ——— niin INTRANSITIVE FORMS PhOU—ME" 2 5. 8 te ts «| ok — -mifik -mifik VO—IMGWHS:. sy cn SRA Mths | -neikes — -miiikex -minkex VTE E aw ie bys fe uel yap, ab pe oe. | “CLIN — -Cx -cxIn Me—them ors, ss o Me «<< | -CRren — -cxIen -cxen NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS Heme", 2 5 se be sw | RMN humni'n — humni'n they—me . ... s: «s . . | -hkumni’‘n humni'n eS humni'n PREFIXES Subject 5 Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present Naeem sieerts ck Mele? te, rstha OM RMS t- m- — t- SO Cues Motich ral meet iew st bral ath cx fre: 4 319] "88 min or x°an- — n- EVO TMEGUMEEM S| an C8 ga ons fap ta —— xan — -—- 7 TCOR A 8S sh ae OO PER WE xan aa din- thou, ye. eiacait + seis — a k- — A comparison between this table and the one on p. 740 shows that all the prefixes, except dn- of the third person plural, are the same as those of the intransitive verbs. An example of this type of verb is the stem ¢a/- (present txc-) To BEAT. In verbs beginning with ¢, the prefix ¢ of the first person singular is dropped. Indicative forms have the theme taz-. Subjunctive forms have the theme ¢zdz-. Present forms have the theme ¢acj(z)- with auxiliary vowel 1 before terminal n and before glottal stop. Indicative : . tali'hin I beat thee taleén he beat thee talihimni'n he beat me teli'mink you beat me, us; he beat us dntxli'cxin they beat you ntalin we beat him dntxle'nin they beat him dh 746 BUREAU: OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [eiit. 40 Subjunctive : mtaxli'hin let me beat thee x antali'nin let him beat him xantali'mink let him, them, beat us xantalihimni'n let him, them, beat me mintalr' cam let us beat you Imperative: ktalr'mink beat thou me, us ktxlimi'ikcx beat ye me, us kixlix beat him ktelrce beat ye him ; Present: tecjhin I am beating thee ntacjhin we are beating thee trcj1én thou art beating them tacjnin he is beating him dntecjexi'n they are beating you ntacjin we are beating him § 71. Type II TRANSITIVE SU. FIXES TRANSITIVE FORMS Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present thee th “akin -xkin Sess -xkin he -Clnin I -xkIsxin you | = -xkisxin — -xkIsxin he -cxININ us (except ye—us) . te ~ckemtiik -ckmiiik -xkmiiik -xkm ink he -xkIminik THIRD-PERSON FORMS ee ie -nIn — -nhIn -k1éIn -kIéIn -k1éIn thou—him . -CInIn -xéIk Ain -fiin — a we—him “fn (i eis Shean ea -7IEN —— -hIEn P -k1é1En -k1éEn -kIéIEn thou—them ; -CInIEn — ire Ten -xtn'n Lie -nlen —— -hIen we—them . “nN |tréren he—him -tInnin -Cinnin —_— nin they—him . -Ininin -IfinIn —- -I7inin he—them -Cinnien -Cinnien = -niEn they—them -InniEn -ifinien ss -Innien §71 wR eee BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES—CHUKCHEE PART. INTRANSITIVE FORMS Object Indicative Subjunctive Imperative Present PHOW—ME) 5). hc Meet tcwyas ave |) ahora — -rkmiiik -xkmink ye—me,US . . « » ¢PEHT).. Dl ekrmiiiker —— -xkmiiikex -akminikex Me gn se inl eal sre, | =CCLININ —- | -CcxInin -cxInin yethem {12-6002 CONG | -eexriiten —- -€cxInien -CxINIEN NOMINAL PREDICATIVE FORMS he,, they—me 6 we) eats -rkumni'n | -zkumni'n | — -xkumni'n Evidently these forms are closely related to those of Type I, but the symmetry is disturbed by a number of peculiar contractions, some of which seem to be due to misunderstandings. The prefixes are the same as those of Type I. As an example may be given forms of the stem ke7 TO ACCEPT. Indicative and subjunctive have the theme ke7-. Present has the theme kejz-. Indicative: the'jxkin I accepted thee ke'jérm1n he accepted thee dnke’jakrmink they accepted us nke'jfiin we accepted him the'jn'n or tke’jkré1n 1 accepted them kejécarfirin ye accepted them Subjunctive: mke’jrkin let me accept thee wankejxkimni'’n let him accept me minke’ jin or minke jkréien let us accept them wanke’jxkin let him, them, accept thee Imperative: tkejxti’k accept him rkejxctki'n or xkejxtir'n accept them (k before k changes to 2) vrkejxkm1'ik accept me, us vkejxkmi'aikcax accept ye me, us wke' jécxinin accept ye him tke jécaimikn accept ye them Present: tkejrijxkr'sxin I am accepting you nke'jrjfim we are accepting him dinke'j-1j-17inin they are accepting him ke'jrjnien he is accepting them ke'jrjién thou art accepting him, them §71 748 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 40 The nominal forms of these two types are— Type I Type II a Gece heel einer aes 3 . . . -éka (rare) -txeka (rare) As in the intransitive verb, the future is expressed by the pres- ent of the desiderative. txlavin I shall beat thee tkeja'xkin I shall accept thee talalin I shall beat him thejalfin or tkejalkrérn I shall accept him The two types of conjugation depend upon suffixes which pre- cede the pronominal elements. Some verbal stems are used with and without these suffixes, with a modification of meaning. téald'j1n (Type I) I take away my boots téali'jrim (Type II) I take away something from the table The loss of modes in Kamchadal may be due to Russian influence. There are a number of Kamchadal forms, evidently remains of | older forms, which resemble the Chukchee even more closely than the forms just described. Thus we find— Kamchadal Chukchee giyin yl lirkin thou givest him qrlyjhim nel ytlhiim they gave me (a)ngr'ljrmitk ~— ne'yslmik they gave us § 72. Examples of Verbal Suffixes CHUKCHEE The phonetic rules discussed in §§ 1-23 bring about frequent changes in the verbal suffixes. As a matter of convenience I will sum- marize here the most common modifications, a few of which can not be explained by the general phonetic laws. 1. Verbal stems terminating in a vowel add the verbal suffix with- out auxiliary vowel. Whenever the initial g of the suffix stands in intervocalic position, it is either dropped or pronounced very weakly. telere'a‘k < t-elere'-ga‘k I felt lonesome nayo"'nnoe she will be pregnant 104.5 rara lécétya® < re-ralé- -Cit-gdF he will slide down 114.15 TEUrre ty it Bo eho. -turt iy Ist pl. BoAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES-—CHUKCHEE 759 KORYAK Prefix Sufix Nominalized Verb Nominalized Verbs Noun Noun (a) (0) (a) (b) Sih ee — -gin -lin Bdveaay A! sete hee, Ole -at,-t,-li | -ginat -linat SST SA a 3 ee a -aU,U, | -ginau -linau -wwi,-wgi BASU a ral ery tcPr ed MW ee art wit os -igim Sites). g, K Nh MOREE dined ~igi ishdual? 2a) sac213 48 — ni -muyi 710 UG 01 PS al er -muys, muy, mu! LAT AR ee -tuyt 2 TOU: a A maa gS) -tuyu, tuu, tu} Pe The contracted forms mu and tu do not change their vowels in harmony with hard vowels of the stem Examples: Nouns: Ist sing. o’rgukdl-é-tim I am one who has no sledge 78.6. ke’lei-(q)tim < kele-i-gitim I am a kele gla’ul-é-tim I am a man 116.32 2d sing. “fe’us gét-i-gir thou art a woman 136.15. ke’lei-git thou art a kele 15.11 ila’ Ld-mu’ri we are islanders 11.11. Nominalized verbs (a): 3d sing. 3d pl. lst sing. 2d sing. Ist pl. 2d pl.° nignopitva’gén he was one who remained crouch- ‘ing 7.4. nine’lgin he is one who becomes a —- 8.7. nimitva’génat they were those who lived in a camp 13.3. n1'lqdét-i-tim I am one who was there 66.36. na‘laiov’ gim