E 51 U6xX CRLSSI t — has qp SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 56 -ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS BY WILFRED WILLIAM ROBBINS JOHN PEABODY HARRINGTON AND BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO a nian Instity > ‘ & ; m OCT5 1916 Z Ba WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1916 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL THE ScHOOL OF AMERICAN ARCHAOLOGY, Santa Ke, N. Mex., November 1, 1912. Dear Sir: I herewith transmit the manuscript and illustrations of a paper entitled ‘‘EKthnobotany of the Tewa Indians,” by Wilfred W. Robbins, John P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco. I am authorized by the managing committee of the School of American Archeology to offer this work for publication by the Bureau of American Ethnology as a part of the results of the cooperative work of our respective institutions during 1910 and 1911. Iam, very truly, yours, Envear L. HEwert, Director. Mr. F. W. Honge, Ethnologist-in-Charge, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C. LETTER OF SUBMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BureEAvu OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, November 8, 1912. Str: I have the honor to submit a paper on the ‘‘Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians,” by Wilfred W. Robbins, John P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco, which forms a part of the results of the ethnological and archeological research in the upper Rio Grande Val- ley of New Mexico, undertaken jointly by the Bureau of American Ethnology and the School of American Archeology in 1910 and 1911. It is recommended that the paper be published as a bulletin of this bureau. Very respectfully, F. W. Hover, Ethnologist-in-Charge. Honorable CHartes D. Watcort, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. "AN CONTENTS Page RING Resin Yee ee een eB ent Wate Uri et eee eal ob ae XI SLUNG MOTI eet er mE he ss ede tots ue SY, eR SE ar oa ee, BS hay Sd i Seo pe OL CuunOMOtMIN nt Scien, See fol aesns FIGS na a ahs Set be gah gare isge 1 Ethnobotanical mreldiwvorigses eee ol eke aes Jo. Lah AS age 2 Collection and preparation of botanical specimens............----------- 4 Ero cuunopeiaimles: siudies: 502 52.550 Yossi SOR SK. ue ddettss 5 eee OM Malimheltss rts si 5 Ue SUI ea Sie ae LY ak 7 SiMe AOUEN GM AINE DARINOA Mabe \c ee one tilnoes se Siei ne crsa bet oi Sbeyee kh 23 7 CESS See a Ga ee Se eR ae 8 UP eters IgE tae PUA et tie eee a Ld eS 2 hgh 9 Pen mained Gro lewar ove ewe eI ios a. a inte 52 eden vee ese eeth ss 10 Charaeten ouiambnamedsi Ie oo Je Ce Tee eS wk aS 10 Non-compounded Tewa plant names. ......-.-.---- Pepys ele dct ME » 3 10 Unetymologizable plant names of native origin. ...........------------- 10 Plant names of Spanish origin that have no common equivalents of Tewa GEES M ee, SS SE HR NTE AMG EA Weta ten od oem as ancy anchors Roba ss 11 Reiner Ha OOPeriiCH Ol Pliniss: see So ool eke eet 2st. abd awbgeueese ed 12 Plowerd ticix parte and tuucwouss sf. ol hele Ser . candies sxlaateeid doe -f- 12 TBADTERPCREC irs Mra oe eee GY Ses SEC Leal tetris cel) gue ih bf 14 Seeds and fruits, their parts and functions. ......-...- 22-22 2.42222+---- 15 Pexves, them parte and tinetrons. 2022 8222. 8. 2a beta e Peck kb 19 iReavestin cemeriben(® So. cae tocas sot. ot ae Baa, A Sree eee), TE apa a 19 DIZ eee eIGRIPAVORS veitiie Ao ie ee ke Benth bate aoseptle4-. ase 19 iG amen beer nue re Ss ie Cee EIR he ee cg 2 Banal geieg oe te le 20 roc oS TSE IR 2 Gis ok SU cena eS ESS, eee! en ee, ae ea 20 EE STG SRR, 0 pe PN pass ee a Oe ee Se i eee ees Oo Se Ce 21 Rlesreedmaiirwns OO at Ohi EB 8 Sch co ER ei che eke beds Bie aa odie ohn wd ows 21 Stalk. trimk, ‘stump, stem, branch, twig, joint. ...+.---.-..+.:-....4s.-- 21 ET ag Ac SRSA 2 Bis cy eae ee ee A 23 Ieee atTh ead RIP a MN Neg Cg Sh ho) Le CA se Sad sie RN Siete ROY aS sc 2 23 MEPL D ISIC hele OS 5 ES SS EASE Spee enone 2 eee ciel tO Deen OR: OemnT € AD 23 Lon eg Oe oe SE ep eS ee ee ee eee ee 24 POs a IR oe ee RE ss ACen Seo 22 ely a es eee oe 24 Ser eat Meare ib coe ie ik a a ltigdS aatigs wd a 24 woe nn So SU ee 24 Rea C AMirneet Nee Fee ee Pose 3.2. po Fede sate ones 25 ee REC SUR FSR SRO is 9 clea ee 26 Peart aC te ee ee es glee eee ete ne 26 ana LE MORE ti ONO VC. yao te). acne ate Sos cos bn dio ela ccioe BES eee - EN | (GEES GI es LST p os Uo SSRs ae a pe oe ee ee oe 28 Dene atee aM eeS eae e New en e foto Sod et eta tales ss seed ae eae Bese ae 28 Chemicsity chanced veretal-matter..2.2-222222-2-.--- 452 beset e ee eee 28 VIII CONTENTS Page Volotofiplants. ... 5... .20.4 2h 2,2 le aes Cale ete ne eens 30 Light, darkness, color, painting, lines, spots: .... 5.2/2.2... 2c2c.t0-.-- 30 Color adjectives: . ...:5.4- is!) sedensed ao oce enter te oe eee 31 Color-adjective compounds. 2... .') gen PIE eee fs oe 32 Color-adjective modifiers ;,'. < 2.74. Vee eee bi ee oe 33 Other qualities of plints.<..../). 2S. t Sica Uae he Ci er cee 34 RIZE. no se ea Doma eS ae bo nate gO at nye era Ser eae hee TASC. 2 cio ies ot a Seis Seat a1 Ss wap Sere ere res a re ne or 35 Odor: 001653 ns Sete ie iotn US We eRe cei ae Pee ee eae 36 Feeling... 2... 0 Sdesasie tele. Bose sceitiel Shame s ee 36 Wetness and: dryness.- soit eee ts ee ee cee eee 37 Annotated list of plants... .--- Lie wcnewe depose Saegicaid as eae 38 J. Indigenous: wild plamt§oco2s ic. Sol ae es ee eee 38 Trees. 2.L <5 Side eee Sa ee ee eee 38 Shrubs. net sere eS ee Te ee At TROY bss Waiaiste ee aioe Rs a oe ee 53 Oattis =. 6c0ai 6 oe a a eee eS 62 Wines coated. ods ie we So ee re 63 Gourdsic P22 8 eect aces cece se cio Oe es eee 63 Grasses and .erasslike plants. .-oso.s2 seco t Me ee eee 63 Bangi... 50 ee aw ee. Sa 66 Mermg 2.2). 0 stint Ce oth eee oe oe ee 67 Mosses and lichetis’:.).. 252522.) eee are? 5 68 Scouring rushes :......:-f]2 TV eee eee 68 Wild plants from outside the Tewa country........---.-.-.----2---+ 68 Wild plants not satisfactorily identified ........-2...2...-..:+-2.225 69 II. Cultivated ‘plantas .< wees ees a 76 Indigenous ‘plants... 6.2.2... 2e0 22 Se 76 The Tewa economy: .-.. 2... 3 So ie 76 Plants cultivated by the Tewa before the Spanish conquest-.....--- 78 Introduced food: plante.-2 222 290:.2 22 ee ee 107 Introduced foed plants cultivated by the Tewa...........------ 107 Introduced food plants not generally cultivated by the Tewa. ---- 112 Introduced forage plant: 2% cs eet isk AS ee ee 113 Introduced iruite.<./:c. 2952 a ke ee ee 113 Introduced fruits commonly cultivated by the Tewa-......-.-.-.--- 114 Introduced fruits not generally cultivated by the Tewa...-.-.-.-.-- 115 Nth... sete eee a ee ee 116 Indigenots nuts: 5.0.5 021... Le ee ne eee 116 Imported: nits: 32. 20 Jess Snes ote ae ee a eee 117 Foreign plants known only as commercial products........--.------- 117 Bibliography... ss... se sese ne Sa ow ee oe eer oe > haere ee ; Index of botanical names.....3.025. 325.8 b eae eee eee eee 121 ITLLUSTRATIONS Page PuaTE 1. a. View near Santa Fe, New Mexico, showing the general appearance of country dominated by a growth of pifion pine and cedar...-- b. Canyon of El Rito de los Frijoles, showing streamside deciduous REC EIME Pyee eer aa aye are laren clei a aw minlairisiw ate ora win eieele.# es Se 2. a. Aspen grove at the edge of grassland area in the Valle Grande. . . b. Rock pine forest of mesa top. - Bettas oe 3. a. An eastern slope at the crest ay the Jemez Mowatainey see b. Valle Grande, showing where grassland gives way to spruce and GARSM ON NE RIOMER ieee setae dnc ¥.t noes svete eave nig 4, a, Canyon of El Rito de los Repl. showing streamside forest and numerous rabbit-brush shrubs eee aw ii) in the foreground on talus slope - - Es b. Plumed arroyo shrub (Fallugia Syste in arroyo in Ganon a El Rito de los Frijoles. - aes 5. a. Four-o’clock (Quamoclidion, malign). SPETS Sr eaey nares 4A aE Ae b. Datura meteloides, a “ise and conspicuous plant of stream ter- races and talus slopes. - 6. a. Ball cactus (Mamillaria sp. ih : b. Prickly pear (Opuntia Haar eae 5 7. a. Saltbush (Atriplex canescens), a kien sears feet Thee in ihe canyons on talus slopes and stream terraces. ae 6. Wild squash (Cucurbita foetidissima), a failing form i in canyons. . 8. a. Chandelier cactus; Cane cactus; ‘‘Candelabra;” ‘ Entrafia” OnMiatcis ANDORCHCENA =i rare co e.ne wel Sada e ction eee aca Sst b. Rabbit-brush (Chrysothamnus bigelovii)......-.-.-2--.---------- 9. Archzeological map of Jemez Plateau (Forest Service map).-.-------- ere Ira AOnUDOR-CIIC? fine cat aie, odin ts aicjsahee Wate 2o> > cise! = == '2'0,24 => RS SESS POLES 57S) 01 en ek a On ere he Oh PLCC EWE Ty DT] Oe EE Re aS ae oe ee A ciny. Monta OO PAI lon ued eee noe cislne wine eee at eee BH CTT AR eS Ohare a Ane lata eels pee ha ts Some ee eee elt Ala bios em T Mpa Pes Ae nt ia to): pike Tee Sens a iadey .- betes FeO Ee Ee RG SD OS ane SS REO S Oe Tees, Meee, ae ee PHONETIC KEY 1. Orinasal vowels, pronounced with mouth and nose passages open: @ (Eng. father, but orimasal), é@ (French pas, but orinasal), @ (moderately close 0, orinasal), y (Eng. rule, but orinasal), 2 (Eng. man, but orinasal), e (moderately close e, orinasal), 4 (Eng. routine, but orinasal). 2. Oral vowels, pronounced with mouth passage open and nose passage closed by the velum: a (Eng. father), 0 (moderately close 0), u (Eng. rule), e (moderately close e), 7 (Eng. routine). Very short vowels following the glottid (’) are written superior. . Thus, k‘a’¢, wild rose. Fewkes,® Hough,’ Matthews,’ Stevenson,® and others. 1 Barrows, David Prescott, The Ethno-botany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern California, pp. 1-82, Chicago, 1900. 2 Chamberlin, Ralph V., Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians, Amer. Anthr.,n.s., XI, no. 1, 1909. Eth- nobotany of the Gosiute Indians, Memoirs Amer. Anthr. Assoc., U, pt. 5, pp. 331-405, 1911. 3 Sparkman, Philip Stedman, The Culture of the Luisefio Indians, Univ. Calif. Pub., Amer. Archeol. and Ethn., vul, pp. 187-234, 1908. 4 Powers, Stephen, Aberiginal Botany, Proc. Calif. Acad. Sci., V, pp. 373-379, 1873-75. 5 Coville, F. V., Plants Used by the Klamath Indians of Oregon, Contr. U.S. Nat. Herb., v, pp. 87-108, 1897. 6 Fewkes, J. Walter, A Contribution to Ethnobotany, Amer. Anthr., 1x, no. 1, pp. 14-21, 1896. 7 Hough, Walter, The Hopiin Relation to their Plant Environment, ibid., x, no. 2, pp. 33-44, 1897. 8 Matthews, Washington, Navajo Names for Plants, Amer. Nat., xx, pp. 767-77, 1886. 9 Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, Ethnobotany of the ZuniIndians, Thirtieth Ann. Rep., Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 31-102, 1915. TEWA CONCEPTS OF PLANT LIFE FUNCTIONS OF PLANT PARTS We speak of the functions of certain plant parts; for example, we say the leaf makes food for the plant, the bark has a protective function, the colored petals of a flower attract insects. What are the Indians’ ideas of the functions of the parts of plants? It seems that the majority of their ideas arise directly from their observation of life phenomena; they do not arise as the result of thought and deliberation; there is little evidence of philosophizing or of inquiry into the reasons for the existence of things and conditions. They say that the leaves make the plant grow; when the leaves fall off the plant stops growing. The tree in the winter condition is not con- sidered to be dead; they say it does not grow then because it has no leaves; the tree stays just the way it is in the fall until leaves come again. This idea arises purely from their observation of seasonal vegetative events; they have not thought out nor wondered how and why it is that the leaves cause resumption of growth. The leaves fall from the tree because they get ripe like fruit. If you ask them why a cottonwood sheds its leaves and a pine tree does not, they have no answer. They observe the fact, but so far as could be ascertained they have not thought about the reason therefor. We find no folklore connected with the great majority of phenomena relating to plant life. The roots of a tree are the parts upon which the plant sits. The word for root, pu, is the same as that for haunches, buttocks; base, bottom, or foot of inanimate objects. They have not observed that roots take up water, but they say the ‘‘roots have to get wet or the plant dies.”” The bark is considered to be a protection to the tree; the word for bark, also for skin, is k‘owda; the bark is the skin of the tree. Spines, thorns, prickles are not thought to have any protective function. The Tewa appear to have a very vague idea of sex in plants. To corn pollen, which is used so much by them in their religious ceremonies and which is produced by the plant in such great abundance, was ascribed no use; the informants had not ob- served that it falls on the corn silk and that its presence there is necessary for the development of the ear of corn. It is merely some- thing finely divided and yellow, and holy when used in certain ways. A Tewa once made the statement, however, that one can not get a field of purely white corn because the wind always mixes the colors (see p. 84), but his idea was perhaps vague. The little plant is thought 7 oe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 to be within the seed; the informant said ‘‘the plant is in the seed, but you can not see it.”” They say that when you put the seed into the ground and pour water on it, and it ‘‘gets a good shock,” it grows up. ‘“‘Bees go to the flowers to get honey; after a while they get their young from [by the help of] the flower.” CLASSIFICATION OF PLANTS Although the Tewa distinguish plants from animals and again from minerals, and also recognize more or less consciously such classes as trees, shrubs, small flowering plants, vines, grasses, fungi, mosses, etc., much as Europeans do, the classificatory words in the Tewa language are very few as compared with a language such as English, There is not even a word meaning ‘plant’ unless it be p‘e, which signifies primarily a ‘stiff, long object,’ and is variously applied to stick, pole, stake, stalk, trunk, timber, log, stave, staff, plank, board, lumber, wood, plant. Yet the morphology of the language shows how consistently plants are recognized as not being animals or min- erals. All nouns denoting plants and most nouns denoting parts of plants have vegetal gender,! a fact shown by a peculiar form of adjectives and verbs construed with such nouns. Thus p’e pr'7y, ‘red stick’ (pe, stick; Pr, red), has vegetal gender: sing. pe pity, dual p‘e pi’ty, 3+ plu. p’e pr; tse pr", ‘red dog’ (tse, dog; pz, poh has animal gender: sing. e per, nel tse pv'7y, 3+ plu. tse pr in; ku perv, ‘red stone’ (ku, stone; pz, red), has mineral gender: sing. ku pic, fet ku pin, 3+ plu. ku poe’. Akon, ‘field’, ‘open country’, prepounded to the names of plants in some cases distinguishes the wild from the cultivated variety; thus: -akonsi, ‘wild onion’ (akoy, ‘field’; si, ‘onion’). Plants are distin guished also as mountain plants, valley plants, good plants, bad plants, etc, Edible wild plants are sometimes grouped as tsdywe’e yt, ‘ereen things’ (tséywe blue, green). There is no general word meaning ‘tree’ unless it be p'e, ‘stiff long object,’ ‘stick,’ ‘lumber,’ ‘plant,’ referred to above. English ‘tree’ or Spanish arbol is sometimes rendered by ¢e, Populus wislizeni, YWwey, Pinus brachyptera, or some other name of a large ‘tree’ species; cf. be, ‘fruit tree,’ below. There is no word meaning ‘shrub’ or ‘bush’ unless it be this same word p‘e. The diminutive postpound ’e may be added to a tree name to show that the plant is dwarfed or young. Thus: jy, Juniperus monosperma, Aw’e, dwarfed or young plant, bush, shrub of /unzperus monosperma. 1 Pfy, ‘mountain,’ and some other nouns which do not denote plants or parts of plants also have this gender, - ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, Bs a AVE RETR ALARRUCO ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 9 Be, meaning originally ‘roundish fruit,’ as that of the chokecherry or wild rose, has become applied to all kinds of introduced fruits and also to the plants which bear them. Thus be means fruit tree, as apple, peach, plum, or orange tree. Fruit tree may also be called bep‘e (be, roundish fruit, fruit, fruit tree; p‘e stick, plant). To, meaning originally pifion nut, i. e. nut of the 7d, ‘pifion tree,’ has become extended in application to all kinds of nuts except coco- nuts. Nut tree might be called top‘e (fo, pifion nut, nut; p‘e, stick, plant), but there would rarely be occasion to use so general and inclu sive a term. P*enzxti, ‘rubbish,’ ‘litter,’ ‘lint,’ ‘weed,’ ‘herbaceous plant,’ is very common, itsapplication not being restricted to useless plants. It is the nearest equivalent of Spanish yerba. Cf. French chenille which originally meant only ‘rubbish’ and now usually means ‘caterpillar’. Poti, ‘flower,’ like the English word ‘flower,’ in the case of smaller plants of which the flowers are a conspicuous part often loosely de- notes the entire plant. Several of the Tewa specific plant names con- tain pod? with the meaning ‘ flower plant’. There is no word meaning ‘vegetable’ in the sense of German Gemiise. > Apex, ‘vine’, exactly covers the meanings of the English ‘vine’. Ta ‘grass,’ ‘hay’. Te is said to signify almost any kind of fungus. Kowa, ‘tegument’, ‘skin’, is applied to any skinlike vegetal growth, as many kinds of moss and lichen. DISCRIMINATION Small differences in plants are observed by the Tewa. It is remark- able how closely distinctions are made by them. For instance, they have a name for every one of the coniferous trees of the region; in these cases differences are not conspicuous. The ordinary individual among the whites does not distinguish the various coniferous trees, but, as a rule, calls them all pines. It is clear that the majority of white people are less observant and in many cases know far less about plant life than does the Indian, who is forced to acquire knowledge in this field by reason of his more direct dependence on plants. PLANT NAMES OF THE TEWA CHARACTER OF PLANT NAMES. A majority of the Tewa names of plants are descriptive, having reference to some striking characteristic of the plant, to its use, its habitat, etc. The same is true to a great extent of common English names of plants; for instance, ground ivy, monkey flower, pine drops, crane’s bill, monkshood, jack-in-the-pulpit, etc. Just as among Eng- lish common names of plants we find some the reason for the original application of which is not understood, so we find similar cases among the Indians. Why do we call a certain tree dogwood? And why do the Tewa call a certain plant ‘coyote plant’? Asa result of the de- scriptive character of plant names by far the larger proportion of them are compound. Following is a list of such names. NON-COMPOUNDED TrEwa PLANT NAMES It will be seen from the following list that the plants which have non-compounded and distinctive names are the most common, con- spicuous, and widely used ones of the region. The etymology of these words is unknown to the Tewa, the words being merely phonetic symbols employed to designate the various plants. There are com- paratively few of these unetymologizable names. Many other plant names are formed by compounding them. UNETYMOLOGIZABLE PLANT NAMES OF NATIVE ORIGIN ’ Até, chokecherry >Awa, cattail > Awi, Galium, bedstraw Fy, one-seeded juniper Jin, willow’ Jo, chandelier cactus Kojaje, Span. yerba de vibora Kw, oak Kuy, skunk-bush Kav, rose K‘uy, corn Nand, aspen Nwey, rock pine (pl. 1) > Oda, globe mallow. Po, squash, pumpkin Po, Phragmites, ‘‘ carrizo” Puhu, four-o’clock P‘a, Yucca baccata, Span. = aati? 10 P*y, large rabbit-brush Qwe, mountain mahogany QYwi, guaco Sa, tobacco Sagobe, potato-like plant Sx, Opuntia Sek'x#2y, cotton Si, onion Su, amaranth Ta, grass Te, valley cottonwood Te, fungus Tu, bean To, Rocky Mountain sage To, pition pine (pl. 1) Tse, Douglas spruce Tfuy, alder Wejoka, ragweed ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS rT ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, FREIRE-MARRECO ‘ It appears that about thirty Spanish plant names of etymology un- known to the Tewa and for which there are no common Tewa equiva- lents have been taken into the everyday language, and are used pre- cisely as are the thirty-six native plant names listed above. In addi- tion to these there are many other Spanish designations of plants with which the Tewa are familiar. PLANT NAMES OF SPANISH OrIGIN THAT HAavE No Common Eautv- ALENTS OF TEWA ORIGIN ’ Almendud, almendra, alrmond Alp'alp'a, alfalfa °Amm”, ail, sunflower -Apit, apio, celery Aspasagi, esparrago, aspar- agus Banani, banana, banana Benundi, melén, melon Best, berro, cress ’Igu, higo, fig Kakawate, cacahuate, peanut Kani, caiia, cane Kap‘e, café, coffee Kok, coco, coconut Kole, col, cabbage Let fuga, lechuga, lettuce Limoy, limén, lemon Malta, malva, mallow Moa, mora, mulberry, black- berry Motasa, mostaza, mustard Nastaghi, naranja, orange "Oggi, hongo, mushroom Pela, pera, pear Pont, ponil, Fallugia Sandia, sandia, watermelon Seles, ‘‘celeri,” celery Setesi, cereza, cherry Te, te, tea Tomate, tomate, tomato Tsigtt, chico Tsindi, chile, pepper ’?Ulé, hule, rubber PARTS AND PROPERTIES OF PLANTS Tewa names designating parts of plants do not correspond closely with those used in English. A part which may be designated in Eng- lish by a single term is frequently called by various terms in Tewa according to the species. Thus: Eng. ‘bark’, Tewa k‘owd, said of most trees, but gwzbé, said of the one-seeded juniper; Eng. ‘stalk,’ Tewa p‘e, said of many plants, but Zw y, ‘corn stalk.’ Again, the opposite is frequently true. Thus Tewa Xa is applied to leaves, petals of flowers, and needles of coniferous trees. Another interesting feature is the extension of application of a word originally used to denote one conception only, to include related conceptions. Thus the Tewa called the pition tree 7d, while to is used for the pifion nut, the seed of the pifion tree, and original etymologi- cal connection between #0 and éo seems certain after an examination of cognate words in other Tanoan languages. The Tewa of the present day, however, apply #o also to the seeds of some other conif- erous trees, thus: ywento, ‘seed of the rock pine’ (ywey, rock pine; io, pifion nut, nut), and even to any kind of introduced nut, peanuts, the kind of introduced nuts with which the Tewa are most familiar, being regularly called fo. It is commonly supposed that the vocabularies of Indian languages are meager and that to translate scientific works into them would be almost impossible. Quite the opposite is true, at least as regards Tewa, the vocabulary of which is rich and capable of expressing abstract thought. Indeed, it would be possible to translate a treatise on botany into Tewa, although the translation would be somewhat clumsy. FLOWERS, THEIR PARTS AND FUNCTIONS Poti, ‘flower’, ‘flowering plant.’ This word applies to any flowers. The name of the species is often prepounded, thus: /°a@4pobi, * wild rose flower’ (Z'a%, wild rose; pobi, flower). ob? is evidently cognate with the second syllable of Isleta napar, ‘ flower,’ etc. The winged fruit of tejeuz, ‘box-elder’ (see fig. 1), is also called podi. The relation of the wing to the seed is similar to that of the petals to the seed of a flower. The true flower of the box-elder is also called pobi. Pobi is very commonly used meaning ‘flowering plant,’ as English ‘flower.’ (Compare Tennyson’s ‘‘ Flower in the crannied wall.”) 12 ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, r F PEN, ABE |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 13 Pobi is not, however, applied to inflorescence, as of corn, yucca, etc., although the entire inflorescence is sometimes called in English the flower of the plant. See below under the heading Inflorescence. Figurative uses of pot? are pretty. Young men use the expression nabr podi, ‘my sweetheart,’ literally ‘my flower.’ 062 is found in many compounded personal names of women, in which it appears as both a prepounded and a postpounded element. The other adjoined member of such names is frequently omitted in conversation, the woman or girl being called merely /%62, ‘ flower.’ A white cumulus cloud is called ’oh*uwt poditse’i', ‘white flower cloud’ Cok‘ wot, cloud; podd, flower; fsx, white). Eagle down is called ¢sepob?, ‘eagle flower’ (tse, eagle; obi, flower). Pobika, ‘petal,’ literally ‘ flower leaf’ (ob), flower; Aa, leaf); cf. Ger- man Blumenblatt. Kaalone isalso used, meaning ‘petal.’ Petals are called ‘ flower leaves’ in many languages because of their leaf- like appearance. Many of the descriptive terms applied to leaves (see below) might also be applied to petals. Pobitey, ‘stamen,’ literally ‘flower tube’ (pobi, flower; tey, tube, stalk bearing inflorescence). If the stamens resemble corn-silk they may be called s#; see below. Pistil is usually also called pobitey, not being distinguished from the stamens. If the differ- ence between stamens and pistil is noticeable in that the latter lacks an anther, the pistil may be called pobitem bewepity, ‘tube without a knob on the end’ (pot), flower; tey, tube; bewe, knob, small roundish thing; pz, negative); see pobitembewe’e, below. The functional difference between stamen and pistil was not un- derstood by the Tewa informants. The diminutive fey’e may well be substituted for fey. Pobitembewe'e, ‘anther, ‘stigma,’ literally ‘flower-tube knob’ (posi, flower; tey, tube; bewe, smal! roundish thing; ’e, diminutive). The functional difference between anther and stigma was not known to the informants. Sx (Hano Tewa, sz), ‘corn-silk’, ‘stamens and pistil resembling corn- silk’. The silk of corn consists of the styles which are attached to the grains (seeds) of corn (see fig. 6). Instead of sg one also hears sxpobi, literally ‘corn-silk flower’ (se, corn-silk; pod, flower), and se fuy (sz, corn-silk; /wy, to fly’), both having exactly the same meaning and usage as s@. Agtu, ‘pollen’, literally ‘inflorescence kernel’ (4éy, inflorescence; fu, ° kernel, distinguished by some speakers at least from fu, flesh, meat, by its tone). Adtu is applied to the pollen of any kind of flower or inflorescence, the etymology being merely dormant in the minds of the speakers. The fructifying action of pollen was not known to any of the informants. One may hear also /dtu isejVin, ‘yellow pollen’ (kdtu, pollen; ése, yellow). 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pune 55 Pobik'ey, ‘pollen’, literally ‘flower meal’ (pot?, flower; k‘xy, meal, flour). This term appears to be less used than Adtu. As in the case of kiétu one also hears potth'xy tsej?’iy, ‘yellow pollen, (pobik' ey, pollen; tse, yellow). Pobviy, ‘flower cover’, ‘calyx’, ‘sepals’ (pobi, flower; dy, cov- ering). Pobupu, ‘flower stem’ (pob2, flower; pu, base, buttocks, root. stem). Cf. kapu, leaf stem, bepu, fruit stem, etc.; see below. A flower bud is called ’op‘u or pobVop'u. ?Op‘u is used of any bud or young sprout, whether of flower, leaf, or stem. Of a flower bud which has not yet burst or opened the Tewa say: napobv’dmmy, ‘the flower is enveloped or covered’ (na, it; pobi, flower; ’dy, to envelop or cover; mu to be), or windpobipimpi, ‘the flower has not yet burst? (27, ° negative; nd, it; pod, flower; pay, to burst; pz, negative), or.ndpobi- wamu, ‘the flower is an egg,’ ‘the flower is in the bud’ (nd, it; pobi, flower; wa, egg; mu, to be). See also wa, under Fruits, below. When the flower bud has opened, one may say: ndépobipdy, ‘the flower has burst’ (nd, it; pobi, flower; pdy, to burst). The Tewa inform- ants volunteered the information that the pollen falls or is shed: nikdtut inne, ‘the pollen falls or is shed’ (na, it; dtu, pollen; tdnnex, to fall or be shed), or ndéhkdtujemu, ‘the pollen falls’ (nd, it; Adtu, pollen; jemu, to fall). When the petals start to wither, one may say: ndpobisinde’e, ‘the flower is withering’ (nd, it; podz, flower; siy, to wither; dee, progressive). When the petals are with- ered and already dry, one may say: ndpobi(ka)ta, ‘the flower is dry or the flower petals are dry’ (nd, it, they; pobi, flower; ka, leaf, petal; ia, to be dry). Of dropping petals, one may say: ndpobihat inne, ‘the petals are falling or being shed’ (nd, it, they; pobika, petal; tdnne, to fall, to be shed), or ndépobihajemu, ‘the petals are falling’ (nd, it, they; pobdika, petal; emu, to fall). After the petals are shed, one might say of the flower: ndépobit fu, ‘the flower is dead’ (nd, it; podz, flower; ¢fw, to be dead). INFLORESCENCE Ky, ‘inflorescence,’ ‘tassel.’ Ady refers to any group of flowers on a stem. Thus: x*ugkdy, ‘tassel of corn’ (k"uy, corn; kd, inflores- cence) (see fig. 6); takdy, ‘inflorescence of grass’ (ta, grass; hdy, inflorescence) (see fig. 5); wejokakdy, ‘inflorescence of common ragweed’ (wejoka, common ragweed; kd, inflorescence). In case the flowers are not scattered along the stalk but have their bases surrounded by a common involucre, one would hardly apply Ady, but would describe such a group as: ¢wéega nipobimu, ‘the flowers are together’ (cwegd, together in one place; nd, they; pod?, flower; mu, to be), or ndpodbiquwisa, ‘the flowers are tied together’ (nd, they; pob?, flower; gwi, to tie; sa, to lie, to be, said of 3+). ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, = i : : eae eee |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 15 Tey, ‘tube,’ ‘stamen,’ ‘pistil,’ ‘stalk bearing inflorescence’. Zen is said of hollow cylindrical objects. Thus: A wy(kd)tey, ‘stalk of corn tassel’ (/°wy, corn plant; 7d, inflorescence; fey, tube, stalk bearing inflorescence); p'a(Ad)tey, ‘stalk bearing inflorescence of ‘Yucea baecata’ (pa, Yucca baccata; 7d, inflorescence; fey, tube, stalk bearing inflorescence). . Kala,‘cluster’(Hano). Thus: fe kala, ‘clustered catkins of the cotton- wood tree.” The same term would be applied to a cluster of grapes. Tjaka, ‘banch’ (Hano). Thus: tenjotjaka, bunch of white fir foliage. SEEDS AND FRuITs, THEIR Parts AND FUNCTIONS Pe, ‘seed,’ ‘fruit,’ ‘crop.’ This is the adjective fe, ‘ripe,’ ‘mature,’ used as a noun; for adjectival use of pe see below. Pe is applied to any seed or fruit produced by any plant, also to crops in the sense of seeds or fruits col- lectively. Rarely it refers to ‘ crops,’ meaning matured whole plants or any part or parts of matured plants. Thus: ¢td¢dpe, ‘ seed, fruit, or berry of wheat,’ ‘wheat crop,’ not includ- ing or excluding stalks, leaves, or roots (¢déd, wheat; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Pe may be used instead of tiiy, to, k'e, k'a, be, pege, kote, and the names of introduced nuts and fruits; see below. Pe tends espe- cially to supplant 2°a@ and pege. Thus: dupe, ‘berry of one-seeded juniper,’ instead of hupege (hu, one-seeded juniper; pe, seed, fruit, crop); /we pe, ‘acorn,’ instead of kwek'a (kwe, oak tree; pe, seed, fruit, crop). In the case of fruits to which none of the other words applies very well, pe is regularly applied. Thus: ’abepe, ‘fruit of the chokecherry’ (abe, chokecherry; fe, seed, fruit, crop); sepe, ‘ prickly-pear or Opuntia’ (sx, Opuntia; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Pe is used as a second member of compounds, such as p'epe, k'ape, bepe, ete.; see below. See also fe, ‘immature kernel of corn either on the cob or cut off the cob,’ listed below, which may be the same word. _ Fie. 1.—F ruit of box-elder. Pepe, ‘seed,’ ‘fruit,’ ‘crop’ (p‘e, stick, plant; fe, seed, fruit, crop). This is an equivalent of the non-compounded fe. Tiy, ‘seed. This word is applied to any seed. It may be, but usually is not, applied instead of fo or ka; see below. Intro- duced nuts may be called ¢éy, just as we would call them seeds, but the common name for them is fo. 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULD, 55 To, ‘pifion nut,’ ‘nut.’ As stated above, an examination of cognate words in other Tanoan languages leads us to believe that fo is ety- mologically related to #4, ‘pifion tree,’ and that the original sig- nification of. fo is ‘pifion nut.’ The present application of fo to the seeds of the rock pine and to introduced nuts is probably a more recent extension of the use of the word. Thus: ywenito, ‘seed or nut of the rock pine’ (ywey rock pine; éo, pifion nut, nut); for names of introduced nuts see under names of plants, below. Bewée, ‘small roundish object,’ ‘cone of coniferous tree.’ Beweé is said to be used of the cones of coniferous trees only in the com- pounds ¢tédmbewé, ‘cone with seeds in it’ (téy seed; bewé, small roundish object, cone), and tobewé, ‘cone with nuts in it’ (fo, pifion nut, nut; bewé, small roundish object, cone). Like buju (see below) bewée refers of course to the shape. An empty cone may be distinguished by postjoining dowd, ‘skin,’ ‘husk,’ or by using k‘owd% alone; also by saying windtéimmupi, ‘it has no seeds’ (2, negative; nd, it; téy, seed; mu, to have; p7, negative). Buju, ‘small roundish object,’ ‘cone of coniferous tree.’ Cf. bezwe, above, the usage of which this word exactly parallels. Ke (Hano Tewa k‘zlz), ‘grain cf corn,’ ‘small bud of cottonwocd flower.’ The commonest compounds are said to be: x uke, ‘erain of corn’ (/'yy, corn plant; Ae, grain, in this sense), and teh‘e, ‘flower bud of valley cottonwood’ (¢e, valley cotton- wood; ke, grain, bud, in bud, in this sense). Kote, ‘ear of corn husked or not husked.’ The word has this one meaning only. Ka, ‘acorn’, ‘fruit of the skunk-bush.’? This word appears to be used of these two fruits only. The commonest compounds are said to be kwek‘a, ‘acorn’ (kw, oak tree; k'a, acorn, fruit of the skunk-bush), and /yk‘a, ‘fruit of the skunk-bush’ (ky, skunk- bush; 2‘a, acorn, fruit of the skunk-bush). K‘ape, ‘acorn’, ‘fruit of the skunk-bush’ (#°a@, acorn, fruit of the skunk-bush; fe, seed, fruit, crop). The use of the word is simi- lar to that of ka, above. Be, ‘roundish fruit’, ‘apple’, ‘any kind of introduced fruit.’ Thus: kiabe, ‘fruit of the wild or introduced rose’ (A'a’%, rose; be, apple, introduced fruit) is heard as well as k'a’*pe (h'@%, rose; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Be evidently refers to roundish shape and is connected with beg, ‘small and roundish like a ball,’ bug?, ‘large and roundish like a ball,’ ete. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, Syste 4 my hem agar oe en Spat aera |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 4 We Nwebe’, ywebw", ‘prickly, roundish seed-pod’ (ywe, thora, pricker; bc%, bw”, roundish thing). Of smaller pods ywexbe’e would be used, of larger ones ywxbu™. It happened that the informants applied these compounds only to the seeds of the Datura meteloides, using the compound siép‘eywebe’, ‘prickly, roundish seed pod of Datura metéloides’ (ywx, thorn, pricker; be’, small thing roundish like a ball). $e” or bw could hardly be used alone with this meaning. Bepe, ‘apple,’ ‘any kind of introduced fruit’ (de, apples, introduced fruit; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Use and meaning are quite iden- tical with those of non-compounded be. Bepe is used meaning ‘fruit crop,’ but be is also used with this meaning. Pegé, ‘berry.’ This word was applied by the informants to the fruit of the one-seeded juniper, hupegée (hu, one-seeded juniper; pege, berry) being a common compound. The informants stated that they had heard pegé applied also to the fruit of the chokecherry and of the introduced currant. As nearly as the writers can understand, the meaning of pegé is ‘tough, leathery berry.’ Pegepe, ‘berry’ (pege, berry; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Use and mean- ing are identical with those of pegé, above. Wa, ‘egg,’ ‘green pod of milkweed.’ Compare also the expression: nipobiwamu’ ‘the flower is an egg,’ meaning ‘the flower is young or in the bud’ (nd, it; poti, flower; wa, egg; my, to be), listed under Flower, above. The Tewa names denoting all kinds of introduced fruits and nuts should also be classed here, since these names apply both to the plant and to the fruit. They will be found below. All these names admit of being postpounded with pe, ‘seed,’ ‘fruit,’ ‘crop.’ M@iixy, ‘bunch or cluster of anything,’ ‘bunch or cluster of fruit.’ Thus: ’wbam@iey, ‘bunch of grapes’ (wba, grapes; m@nexy, bunch, cluster). : Muy, * bag,’ ‘sack,’ ‘pod.’ J/y often refers both to pod and contents. Thus: twmy, *bean-pod or bean’ (zu, bean plant, bean; mw, pod). Apparently it may be applied also to the round fruit of the squash. Thus, in a war song used at Hano: ’?’a ’wbz bt fpokwmele nan dampomy pati, ‘your son’s skull I have made into a squash-bag’ (’a, demonstrative, ‘he’; ’u, you 1; 62, possessive; ’e, son, child; 62, possessive; Pokumele, ‘head-ball’; ney, unprefixed pronoun 1st sing.; day, emphatic form of inseparable pronoun do, ‘ I—it’; pomy, “squash-bag’; padi Oku, ‘down,’ ‘ fluff.’ Poti, ‘flower,’ ‘fruit of the box-elder,’ ‘fluff of cottonwood seeds.’ Thus: tejetipobi, ‘ box-elder seed’ of flower-like appearance (¢ejezd, box-elder; pobi, flower); ted pobd, ‘cottonwood fluff’ (teud, cotton- wood seed-pod; pob?, flower). The latter is called also teudoku Coku, down). Pu, ‘base,’ ‘buttocks,’ ‘root,’ ‘stem.’ Pu is used of the stem of fruit. Thus: bepu, ‘stem of fruit’ (be, apple, introduced fruit; pu, base, stem); tdmpu, ‘stem of a seed’ (tdéy, seed; pu, base, stem). But cf. k‘apu below. (a, ‘ear-wax,’ ‘the rough surface of tanned deerskin,’ ‘the bloom on the surface of fruits and plants.’ Thus: ’w6ufa, ‘the bloom or fine bluish dust on the surface of a grape’ (wba, grape; fa, ear-wax, bloom). ; Tesd, ‘unripe or ripe seed-pod of the female cottonwood of any species.’ When these burst, white fluff comes forth from them which is called tesdpob2 (pobi, flower) or teaw@oku (oku, down). Tu, ‘kernel of aseed.’ Commonly used compounds are ¢éntu, ‘kernel of a seed’ (¢déy, seed; tu, kernel), and fotu, ‘kernel of a nut? (to, pifion nut, nut; zw, kernel). Zw, ‘kernel,’ has a level tone; Zw, ‘flesh,’ has a circumflex tone. xy, ‘meal,’ ‘flour,’ ‘ground-up seeds.’ Kowa, ‘skin,’ ‘tegument,’ ‘shell,’ ‘husk,’ ‘bark.’ Thus: fok‘owd, ‘nut shell’ (¢o, pifton nut, nut; /°owd, skin, shell); kouék‘owa, ‘husk of ear of corn’ (4°02, ear of corn; k*owd, skin, husk). EK apu, ‘handle’ of anything, ‘stem of an ear of corn.’ With refer- ence to plants the term appears to be used only of the stem of an ear of corn, being equivalent to k'osék‘apu, ‘stem of an ear of corn’ (A*oue, ear of corn; k’apu, handle, stem of corn ear). The second syllable of /°apu appears to be pu, base. Stem of ear of corn would hardly be called k'ouépu. Txbi, ‘core,’ of apple, pear, etc; ‘pith.’ See page 24. Kuy, ‘wing,’ ‘corncob.’ For ‘corncob’ the frequent compound is k'osekwy, ‘corncob’ (hove, ear of corn; kuy, wing of. bird or other flying creature, cob). wy occurs also as second member of pekuy, ‘bone’ (p'e, stick, long hard thing; kuy, wing, cob). Whether kuy may be said of skeleton-like parts of other plants was not ascertained. Of a flower going to seed the Tewa say: nipobitimpuwamey, ‘the flower goes to seed’ (nd, it; podbd, flower; tdy, seed; puwa, to become; my, to go). The ordinary adjective denoting ripeness is pe. Thus: to peiy, ‘ripe pifion nut’ (fo, pifion nut; fe, ripe); to pepe’ty, ‘un- ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, 7 ~ SRE Ee AWaMCO |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 19 ripe pion nut’ (fo, pifion nut; pe, ripe; pz, negative). Of all fruits which are green when unripe ¢sdywe, ‘green,’ may be used. Thus: be tsinwe iy, ‘green apple’ (be, apple; tsdywe, green). Of gourds, squashes, pumpkins, muskmelons, watermelons, and perhaps of some other fruits, ke, ‘hard,’ is used of ripeness, while ’owa, ‘soft,’ is ap- plied to unripe condition. Thus: sendia ke’tiy, ‘hard, ripe water- melon’ (sgndiz, watermelon < Span. sandia; ke, hard); sandix’owa iy, ‘soft, unripe watermelon’ (sand7, watermelon < Span. sandia,; ’owa, soft). But of other fruits ke, ‘hard,’ is used of unripeness and ’owa, ‘soft,’ of ripeness or mellowness, just as in English. Thus: be kein, ‘hard, unripe apple’ (dc, apple; ke, hard); be ow ity, ‘soft, mellow apple’ (be, apple; ’owa, soft). The adjectives given above may of course also be used predicatively. Thus: ndpemu, ‘it is ripe’ (nd, it; pe, ripe; mu, to be); wind pemupi, Sit is not ripe’ (w7, negative; nd, it; pe, ripe; mu, to be; pz, negative). Leaves, THEIR Parts AND FUNCTIONS LEAVES IN GENERAL Ka (Hano Tewa, /a/a), ‘leaf.’” Thus: £°wyka, ‘corn leaf’ (k"wy, corn; ka, \eaf). Kap‘a, ‘leaf surface’ (ka, leaf; p'a, large, thin, flat, and roundish). Kakiyge, ‘leaf edge’ (ka, leaf; hiyge, edge). Katsi, ‘leaf point’ (ka, leaf; ¢s¢, point). K@okwd, ‘leaf vein’, ‘leaf fiber’ (a, leaf; ’okwd, vein, artery). Kapo, ‘leaf juice’, literally ‘leaf water’ (Za, leaf; jo, water). Kapu, ‘leaf stem’ (Xa, leaf; pu, base, stem). Of leaves falling the Tewa say: nékat'dnne, ‘the leaves fall’ (nd, it, they; Aa, leaf; ¢dnnex, to fall); or ndkajemu, ‘the leaves fall’ (nd, it, they; Aa, leaf; jemu, to fall). SIZE AND SHAPE OF LEAVES Ka hety, * big leaf’ (ka, leaf; he, big). Aajo (ka, leaf; jo, augmenta- tive) may not be used meaning ‘ big leaf.’ Ka hine’ yy, ‘little leaf’ (ka, leaf; Actix, little). K@e, ‘little leaf’ (ka, leaf; ’e diminutive). Ka hejV ty, ‘long leaf’ (ka, leaf; he7?, long). Ka hitizx’y, ‘short leaf’ (ka, leaf; Aix, short). Same as ‘little leaf,’ above. Ka pag’ iy, ‘big flat leaf’ (a, leaf; p‘ag?, large, thin, flat, and roundish). 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Ka prgviy, ‘little flat leaf’ (ka, leaf; p‘tg2, small, thin, flat, and roundish). Ka pag’ iy, ‘broad flat leaf’ (ka, leaf; p'ag?, large, thin, flat, and roundish). Cf. ‘ big flat leaf,’ above. Ka segi’iy, ‘slender leaf’ (ka, leaf; seg?, slender). This term is applied to the needles of coniferous trees and to other slender leaves. Ka tag’ ry, ‘big round leaf’ (ka, leaf; t'ag?, large, thin, and round). | Ka tig’ iy, ‘little round leaf’ (ka, leaf; ¢‘¢g?, small, thin, and round). Pinka, ‘heart-shapea leaf’? (piy, heart; xa, leaf). Ka ka iy, ‘thick leaf’ (ka, leaf; ka, thick). Ka kapiiy, ‘thin leaf’ (ka, leaf; ka, thick; p?, negative). COMPOUND LEAVES Ka wijcka in, ‘hifoliolate leaf’ (a, leaf; wije, two; ka, leaf). . Ka pojeka’ ty, ‘trifoliolate leaf’ (ka, leaf; poze, three; ka, leaf). Ka jonuka’ yy, ‘quadrifoliolate leaf’ (Aa, leaf; jont, four; Xa, leaf). If a single leaf has a deeply serrated edge it is not considered to be a multifoliolate leaf, but is called ka sxywviy, ‘zigzag-edged leaf’ (ka, se SLYWL, Benay SURFACE OF LEAVES Ka 'bnix ry, ‘smooth leaf,’ ‘glabrous leaf’ (ka, leaf; dre, smnbaebiian Ka ’otsw#iy, ‘shiny, smooth leaf,’ ‘glaucous leaf’ (ka, leaf; ’otsa, shiny). Ka koin, ‘rough leat’ (ka, leaf; ko, rough). Ka tuk'w iy, ‘ridged leaf’ (ka, leaf; tuk'y, backbone, vertebral column). Ka hege vy, ‘grooved leaf’ (ka, leaf; hegé, arroyito, gulch, groove). Ka ’okwa@ ty, ‘veined leaf’ (ka, leaf; ’okwd, vein, artery). Ka p'o%ty, ‘hairy leaf,’ ‘pubescent leaf,’ ‘puberulent leaf,’ ‘woolly leaf’ (ka, leaf; p‘o, hairy). Ka p'okose ondviy, ‘coarse-haired leaf,’ ‘hispid leaf’ (ka, leaf; p‘o, hair; /osq’ond?, coarse). Ka okwin, ‘downy leaf,’ ‘fluffy leaf’ (a, leaf; ’oku, a down, fluffy, fluff). Ka jundv’ iy, ‘prickly leaf’ (ka, leaf; juy, to pierce). Ka yw ty, ‘thorny leaf’ (ka, leaf; yw, thorny). Ka isit&in, ‘sticky leaf’ (ka, leaf; és¢b2, sticky). ROBBINS, HARRINGTON; FREIRE-MARRECO | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS all These adjectives have also predicative forms of course. Thus: nip omy, ‘it is hairy’ (nd, it; p'o, hairy; mu, to be); ndtscbéto, ‘it is sticky’ (nd, it; tszbé, sticky; to, to make). MARGIN OF LEAVES Ka kinge, ‘edge of a leaf’ (ka, leaf; Aiyge, edge). Ka king’ dine iy, “smooth-edged leat’ (ka, leaf; Ayyge, edge; *dnex, smooth). Ka kingesegwv iy, ‘ zigzag-edged leaf’ (ha, leaf; hinge, edge; seywi, zigzagged). Ka kingeywr iy, ‘tooth-edged leaf,’ ‘dentate leaf’ (Aa, leaf; hinge, edge; ywa, toothed). Ka kingesibe iy, ‘torn-edged leat’ (ka, leaf; hiyge, edge; s/62, torn crosswise to the grain or fiber). TENDRIL ’Aqwi, ‘tendril.? The etymology of this word is uncertain. The syllable gw clearly means fiber; see below. *A may be the verb meaning ‘to grow’ or may be the same as the first syllable of ’ap'x, ‘vine’; or, it is connected perhaps with Hano Tewa ’awo, ‘tendril,’ ‘to spread’ (said of plant). A slender tendril is called ‘aqui seg’iy, ‘slender tendril’ (agwz, tendril; seg?, slender). A curled tendril is called ’agwzbe’, ‘tendril curl’? (agw7, tendril; be, small roundish thing). Tendrils are said to be mdéyywag?, ‘like hands’ (md@éy, hand; ywag?, like). STatk, TRuNK, Stump, Stem, Brancu, Twice, Jom P*e, ‘stick,’ ‘stalk,’ ‘pole,’ ‘trunk,’ ‘log,’ ‘wood,’ ‘plant.’ P‘e refers to almost any long stiff object. It is the only Tewa word meaning ‘plant’ in general, but is rarely used with this meaning. The staff of authority of the Pueblo governors is called p‘e, or sometimes tujop'e, ‘governor's stick’ (¢wjo, governor; p’e, stick). _ For p'e meaning ‘ wood’ see page 23. > Usuto, ‘walking stick.’ Walking sticks were made of various kinds of wood and were used mostly by old or crippled people. Per- haps this word hardly belongs here. Cf. ’usuwp‘e, below. > Usup‘e, ‘prayer stick.’ Cf. ’usuto, above. Pugé, ‘lower part,’ ‘base or trunk of a tree’ (pu, base, buttocks; ge, locative). When the trunk of a tree is referred to, one usually names the kind of tree, postpounding pugé. Thus: tepuge, ‘lower part or trunk of a cottonwood tree’ (¢e, Populus wislizeni; pugeé, lower part, trunk). 67961°—Bull. 55—16——3 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Kw, ‘cornstalk.? This word refers only to the stalk of the corn plant. A‘ww in some irregular way may be connected etymo- logically with %°u, ‘corn plant.’ Ten, ‘tube,’ ‘hollow stalk.’ Zey refers to such a stalk as that of the yucca. Thus: p‘atey, ‘inflorescence stalk of Yucca baccata’ (p‘a, Yucca baccata; fey, tube, hollow stalk). See under Inflor- escence, page 15. Pube, ‘stump.’ This word refers to the stump of any tree or plant. Its etymology is not understood by the Indians. The first syl- lable appears to be pu, ‘base,’ ° buttocks.’ Pu, ‘base,’ ‘stem.’ This is the word which means also ‘buttocks? and ‘root.’ It is applied to the stem of a flower, leaf, or fruit as Germans might apply Stée/. Thus: potipu, ‘flower stem’ (podi, flower; pu, base, stem). K‘apu, ‘stem of an ear of corn.’ This word means also ‘handle’ (of anything). Applied to plants it seems to be used only of the stem of k‘oue, Sear of corn.’ See page 18. Waje, ‘bough,’ ‘branch.’ Wajé is applied to boughs and branches of all plants, especially to those of trees. Thus: bewajée, ‘branch of a fruit tree’ (be, apple, fruit; wajé, bough, branch). Wayjek*o, ‘bough,’ ‘branch,’ literally ‘bough arm,’ ‘branch arm’ (waje, bough, branch; x‘o, arm). The meaning and usage seem to be identical with those of the uncompounded wajé. Thus: tewajek'o, ‘branch of a valley cottonwood tree’ (¢e, Populus wislizeni; wajck'o, bough, branch). Wajée or wajek'o’e, ‘twig,’ ‘twiglet’ (wajé or wajek'o, bough, branch; ’e, diminutive). Qwe, ‘joint,’ ‘node,’ ‘internode.’ Qwe is used as ambiguously as is English ‘joint,’ referring both to the nodes of a stem and to the sections of stem between the nodes. The word seems to refer - more properly to the nodes, gwejasi, ‘between the joints’ (qwe, node, internode; ja“, between) being applicable to internodes. A joint of a stovepipe is, however, regularly called qwe. >Op'u, ‘bud.’ *?Op‘u refers to buds of stalks, stems, twigs, etc., as well as to those of flowers and leaves. Thus: wajéop‘u, ‘bud of a branch’ (wajé, bough, branch; ’op‘w, bud). Ke (Hano Tewa, X*c/7), ‘grain,’ ‘kernel,’ ‘bud of grain-like shape.’ This is applied particularly to the red buds of the cottonwood of any species which are seen on the trees early in the spring. These are eaten, especially by the children. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, P : FREIRE-MARRECO ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 93 Root Pu, ‘base,’ ‘buttocks,’ ‘stem,’ ‘root.? Thus: k°uwmpu, ‘corn root’ (k'uy, corn plant; pu, root). Rootlet is called pw’e, ‘little root’ (pu, root; ’e, diminutive). LEAF-SHEATH EK wuk'owd, ‘leaf-sheath of corn’ (/'wy, cornstalk; howd, tegument, skin, bark). Tap‘ ek‘owi, ‘leaf-sheath of a stalk of grass’ (ta, grass; p‘e, stalk; k‘owa, tegument, skin, bark). Kowa, ‘tegument,’ either alone or postpounded, would un- doubtedly be the term applied to any leaf-sheath. Woop, Piru Pe, ‘stick,’ ‘stalk,’ ‘stem,’ ‘pole,’ ‘trunk,’ ‘log,’ ‘lumber,’ ‘ wood,’ ‘plant.’ P*e isused of wood as palo and madera are used in Span- ish, but Spanish Zefa in the sense of ‘firewood’ is translated sq. P*e is never used meaning ‘firewood.’ (Hodge gives as ‘‘Fire- wood or Timber” clan, San Juan and Santa Clara P-tdéa, San Ildefonso Petdéa, Hano P2-téwa (towd, people). The rendering of pein these clan names as ‘‘firewood” is incorrect according to the writers’ Indian informants. ) Peis common as the first element of compounds, where it must be rendered by ‘ wood’ or ‘wooden’ in English. Thus: p‘ekutsandi, ‘wooden spoon’ (p‘e, stick, wood; hutsandi, spoon < Spanish cuchara). Green wood is called p‘e ’otfwiy (p'e, stick, wood; ’ot fu, fresh, green, wet); dry or seasoned wood is called p'e ta’ iy (p'e, stick, wood; ta, dry). So, ‘firewood.’ This usually consists of dead, fallen, or drifted wood, picked up or torn off; but the same word is applied to trees felled for firewood. See p‘e. A Tewa of Santa Clara told the following story: Long ago people had no fire and were trying to find it—who knows how they cooked? Perhaps they ate berries. They made four holes in a row in a slab of ywey and then they twirled a stick in the holes and out of one of the holes came fire. A few billets of firewood, carried by means of a cord on a man’s shoulder and thrown down beside a woman’s door, is considered an 1F, W. Hodge, Pueblo Indian Clans, Amer. Anthr., Ix, p.350, Oct., 1896. 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 appropriate present. When a woman is about to be confined, her husband’s father often brings her firewood.! Pope, ‘driftwood.’ This is gathered and used as firewood. Consid- erable quantities of driftwood are to be found along the Rio Grande. Txbi, ‘pith, ‘core’ of fruit. Seepage 18. This word is the adjective txbz ‘soft,’ used asa noun. It refers to the soft, light, spongy tissue found in the stems of some plants. Thus: /‘wutexbi, ‘ pith of the cornstalk’ (4‘w’u, cornstalk; ¢#62, pith). FIBER QYwi, ‘fiber. Thus: p'aqwi, ‘ yucca fiber’ (p'a, Yucca baceata; gw7, fiber). We possibly have this word also in ’agwz, ‘tendril,’ and quibe, ‘shreddy bark.’ See page 21. P@é, ‘string.’ This word usually applies to fiber already made into string, but might be said of any kind of fiber. JUICE Po, ‘water,’ ‘juice.’ This word covers all the meanings of English ‘water,’ ‘juice.’ Thus: 2'wupo, ‘juice of a cornstalk’ (A'wy, cornstalk; jo, water); tepo, ‘sap of a valley cottonwood tree’ (¢e, Populus wislizeni; po, water, juice). ‘Apo, ‘sweet juice,’ ‘syrup’ (a, sweetness; po, water). Melasu, ‘sweet juice, ‘syrup’ (< Spanish melaza). Gum Kwe, ‘gum. The gum of various plants was chewed. Gum was also much used for sticking things together. Thus: yweyhwe, ‘oum or pitch of the rock pine’ (ywey, rock pine; we, gum). Chewing-gum is called merely Awe. Bark Kowi, ‘tegument,’ ‘skin,’ ‘bark.’ This is the commonest and most inclusive word meaning ‘bark.’ Thus: fek‘owd, ‘valley cotton- wood bark’ (te, Populus wislizeni; /‘owd, tegument, bark). The general name for ‘moss’ is kuk‘owd, ‘rock skin’ (ku, rock; kowa, tegument, bark). 1In the seventeenth century women went to fetch firewood; see Benavides, Memorial (pp. 32,76): “‘Nacion Taos... una vieja hechizera, la qual, 4 titulo de ir por lefia al campo, sacé 4 otras quatro mugeres buenas Cristianas.” At Santa Clara, after peace had been made with the Apaches de Navajo in September, 1629, ‘‘Salian hasta las viejas por lefia por aquella parte.’’ The acquisition of donkeys, and subsequently of horses and wagons, with iron tools, by the men, has removed wood-getting from the women’s sphere of labor. Occasionally an old widow, ora woman whose husband is an inyalid, may be seen chopping wood or gathering fallen branches. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, = OF 2c aise |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 25 ’ Ok‘owd, * bark’ (’o, unexplained; %*owd, tegument, bark). This word has been heard only at San Juan Pueblo, where Z‘owé is also in use. Thus: ¢eok‘owa, ‘cottonwood bark’ (¢e, Populus wislizeni; ok‘ owa, bark). Qwibe (Hano Tewa, gw), ‘shreddy bark’ (gwz, fiber; 62 7). So far as could be learned, gw76e is said of the bark of the one-seeded juni- per only. This is very shreddy and is a favorite substance for kindling fires. Thus: hugwibe (Hano Tewa, huqu7), ‘bark of the one-seeded juniper’ (iy, one-seeded juniper; gwbe, shreddy bark). TTuk‘owa, ‘bark of the one-seeded juniper’ (Au, one-seeded juni- ner; howd, tegument, bark) may also be used.* Harr, Spine, THorN Po, ‘hair. This word is said of any kind of hair on animals or plants. The down of birds is called thus. The diminutive form is poe, ‘little hair’ (p‘o, hair; ’e, diminutive). Ke, ‘sharp-pointed thing.’ This is the adjective ke, *sharp-pointed’, used asa noun. Thus: p‘ake, ‘sharp point at the end of a yucca leaf? (p‘a, Yucea baccata; ke, sharp-pointed thing). Nwe, ‘spine’, ‘thorn.’ This word is applied to cactus spines and all kinds of thorns. Thus: joywe, ‘spine of the long cactus’ (jo, long cactus; ywe, spine); k'a@ywe, ‘rose thorn’ (h°a’%, rose; nwe, spine). ’Agusi, ‘needle’ (< Span. aguja). This word may be used of cactus spines: jo’agusi, ‘spine of the long cactus’ (jo, long cactus; agus, needle). One might mention here also verbs, as nike, ‘it is sharp’ (nd, it; ke, to be sharp); dzjuy, ‘it pricks me’ (dz, it me; juy, to pierce, to prick). 1Ts Gatschet’s ‘‘Keres udka, Rinde” (in Zwilf Sprachen aus dem Siidwesten Nordamerikas, p. 61, Weimar, 1876), amisprint for Rind or Rinder? The Cochiti call cattle waka; the Tewa of Hano, wakd (< Span. vaca, cow). GROWTH OF PLANTS "A, ‘to grow.’ Thus: nd@a, ‘it grows’ (nd, it; ’a, to grow); nd@’a- ding, ‘it grows slowly’ (nd, it; ’a, to grow; ’dygi, slow); nda- diy, ‘it grows fast’ (nd, it; a, to grow; ’diiy, fast). Hano Tewa, ’awd, ‘spread wide,’ applied to tendrils of vines, squashes, etc., and apparently to trees of spreading foliage. Thus: ’ awd tsanwe, ‘spread-wide greenness,’ a female personal name given by the White Fir clan at Hano. Pi, ‘to come up,’ ‘to grow up.’ Thus: ndpz, ‘it comes up’ (nd, it; pt, tocome up). This is said of a plant sprouting and growing up out of the ground. Pa, ‘to burst,’ ‘to crack.’ This is said of a plant unfolding or open- ing. Thus: sandpapo’, ‘the tobacco bursts open or unfolds’ (sa, tobacco; nd, it; pa, to burst; yo’, to become). Of leaves (or flowers) opening and spreading wide the Tewa say dibikawasi, dibipobiwasi ‘the 3+ leaves open themselves,’ ‘ the 3+ flow- ers open themselves’ (dz67, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person 3+ plural; ka, leaf; pobz, flower; waz, to spread open). Thus, in a war-song sung at Hano: “wesay ’alijowa teme pegan dibikalawasi, ‘thence the sunflowers, bursting open on every side, spread wide their leaves’ (’2weay, Hano dialectic emphatic form of ’2wed, thence; ’alijowa, Hano name for ‘sunflower’ ? species; teme, in all directions; pegan, bursting; d2b2, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person 3+ plural; kala, Hano dialectic form of ka, leaf; waz, to spread open). Thesame expression is used figuratively of clouds, thus: ’ok'wwa teme dibipodr waz, ‘the clouds in all directions open their flowers’ (ok'uwwa, clouds; teme, in every direction; d767, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person 3+ plural; pob?, flower; wad¢, to spread open). Hapits or GrowTH Nwiy, ‘to stand.’ Thus: ndywiy, ‘it stands’ (nd, it; ywiy, to stand). ’Aywiy, ‘to grow in a standing position’ (a, to grow; ywry, to stand). Thus: n@aywiy, ‘it grows in a standing position’ (nd, it; °a, to grow; ywiy, to stand). Ro, ‘tolie.’ Thus: ndko, ‘it lies’ (nd, it; ko, to lie). Alo, ‘to grow in a lying position’ (a, to grow; ko, to lie). Thus: niako, ‘it grows in a lying position’ (nd, it; ’a, to grow; ko, to lie). 26 ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, pela ola ears |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 27 Mey, ‘to go.’ Thus: némezy, ‘it sends out growth’ (nd, it; mxy, to go). ‘Amey, ‘to grow sending out growth’ (a, to grow; mey, to go). Thus: n@amexy, ‘it grows sending out growth’ (nd, it; ’a, to grow; mey, to go). J’, *to go about.’ Thus: ndj7”, Sit grows all about’ (nd, it; 72”, to go about). Aji, ‘to grow spreading about’ (a, to grow; 77”, to go about). Pi, ‘interlaced.’ Thus: ndpivimy’, ‘it is interlaced’ (nd, it; pis, interlaced; my, to be). This is said of vines which grow through other plants. DENsE GrowtTH, ForEsT, GROVE Ka, ‘thick’, ‘dense’, ‘dense growth’, ‘forest’. This word is used as an adjective and as a noun. Thus: foka’ iy, ‘a sagebrush plant of dense growth’ (fo, sagebrush plant; ka, thick, dense); toka ‘sagebrush thicket,’ ‘place where the sagebrush is thick’ (#0, sagebrush; ka, dense growth, forest). Kais used alone meaning forest, just as the Mexicans use monte and bosque. With names of geographical features postjoined, ka may be translated ‘wooded’ or ‘where there is much vegetal growth.’ Thus: toka’akonu, ‘a plain or valley where the sagebrush grows thick’ (fo, sage- brush; ka, thick, thick growth; ’akonu, plain, valley); kabuge, ‘a low place where there is much vegetal growth’ (ka, thick, thick growth; bugé, low roundish place). Bow, bist, ‘thing roundish like a ball, ‘pile, ‘clung.’ Bow is said of large, 622 of small size. Thus: febowi, ‘grove of cotton- wood trees’ (¢e, Populus wislizeni; boi, grove). Often ka, ‘thick’ is prejoined to bo. Thus: kabom, ‘a clump or grove of thick vegetal growth’ (ka, thick, thick growth; bo”, clump, grove). CONDITION OF PLANTS Wowda, ‘to be alive.’ Thus: ndwowd, ‘it is alive’ (nd, it; wowd, to be alive). Tfu, ‘to be dead.” Thus: ndtfu, ‘it is dead’ (nd, it; tfw, dead). ve (Hano Tewa, hale), ‘to be strong,’ ‘to thrive.’ Thus: ndke, ‘it is strong,’ ‘it thrives’ (nd, it; ke, to be strong, to thrive). The expression opposite in meaning would be windkepi, ‘it is weak’ (wi, negative; nd, it; ke, to be strong; pz, negative). He, ‘to be sick.’ Thus: nd¢he, ‘it is sick’ (nd, it; he, to be sick). The expression opposite in meaning would be windhepi, ‘it is well’ (wz, negative; nd, it; he, to be sick; pz, negative). Worms, GALL-BALLS Putz, ‘worm.’ This applies to all kinds of worms. Thus: /“wmpube, ‘corn worm’ (4° wy, corn; pubxe, worm). Pubsiizy, ‘cobweb-like nest of worms as seen in apple trees’ (pubs, worm; #x#y, nest). These are carefully destroyed. Pubebe, ‘gall-ball,’ literally ‘worm-ball’ (pubs, worm; be, small thing roundish like a ball). Be is used alone in the same sense. Thus in Hano Tewa: p‘umele, ‘rabbit-brush ball’ (p‘y, rabbit- brush; mele, Hano dialectic form of be, ball). ’ bobo, ‘red swelling on willow leaf.’ This word can not be analyzed. It is also the Tewa name of Dorotea Pino of San Ildefonso. Of a worm-eaten plant one may say: ndépubskomy, ‘it is worm- eaten’ (nd, it; pube, worm; Xo, eaten; mu, to be). CHEMICALLY CHANGED VEGETAL MATTER P'@u, ‘charcoal.’ At Santa Clara charcoal is taken in hot water as a remedy for cough and sore throat; the hot water is poured on and the mixture stirred and allowed to settle. The water is then drunk. For laryngitis pifion charcoal fop‘a’u (to, pifion nut; p‘a’u, charcoal) is wrapped in a wet cloth, which is then tied about the throat asa compress. Charcoal in water is taken for biliousness. Kup‘au, ‘coal,’ literally ‘stone charcoal’ (ku, stone; p‘au, charcoal). Kup'dukwe, ‘bitumen,’ literally ‘stone charcoal gum’ (ku, stone; pau, charcoal; kwe, gum). A Santa Clara informant, when he happened to see some coal-tar at Santa Fe, gave the name as pokenu, but this name is usually applied to mica. 28 ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, y oss Ge leaaetin | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 29 Nu, ‘ashes.’ Ashes are stirred into the dough for making bwwa (waferbread, Spanish guallabe) and buwa kaa (corn tor tillas), i in order to turn it blue. At Hano the ashes of a wild plant, ’éa’jxy (Atriplex canescens) are preferred, but at the end of the winter, when the supply runs short, the ashes of sheep’s dung are substituted. Ashes of corncobs are boiled with white corn in order to make it swell. Fray Juan de Escalona in his private report from San Gabriel (Chamita), 1st October, 1601, refers probably to a similar practice; he says that the Indians, having been robbed of their corn, are eating wild seeds mixed with charcoal.! At Santa Clara warm ashes are rubbed on to relieve pain in the shins, attributed to cold. Nupo, ‘ash water’ (nu, ashes; po, water) is given to children as a medicine. At Santa Clara and at San Ildefonso, when children have measles ashes are dusted over the eruption with a cloth to sooth the irritation. Hence the malady is called nukewe (nu, ashes; ewe, ——). At the time of the Spanish advent ashes were mixed with adobe for building material. Torquemada’s informant mentions the use of ashes in signaling: ‘**They [the Pueblo Indians] know of their enemies’ approach from far off, and in order that the neighboring pueblos may come to their aid, the women go up to the top of their houses and throw ashes into the air, and behind this make a smothered fire so that by giving a thicker smoke it may be better seen by the other pueblos whose help they desire, and the women, striking their hands on their open mouths, raise a great cry which sounds loud and far off . . .” Castafio de Sosa, in 1590, described the throwing of ashes, perhaps in token of defiance: ‘‘The lieutenant went back to the pueblo to parley with them again, and they would not; on the contrary an Indian woman came out on a balcony of the said houses, which are as much as four or five stories high, and threw a small amount of ashes 992 at him, and at this they set up a great clamor, and he withdrew.” 1Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. Vv, p. 672. 2Doc. de Indias, XV, p. 229. COLOR OF PLANTS Lieut, Darkness, CoLor, Parntine, Lines, Spots Ki, ‘to be light.’ Thus: nékind, ‘it is light’ (nd, it; kz, to be light; nd, present). This verb seems to refer only to daylight. T‘e (Hano Tewa, ¢‘ele), ‘to shine.’ Thus: ndt‘end, ‘it shines’ (nd, it; te, to shine; nd, present). This verb is used of the sun: ndt‘ant‘e, ‘the sun shines’ (nd, he; ¢'ay, sun; te, to shine). Ko, ‘alight.’ This noun is used of the light of a candle, lamp, lan- tern, fire, firefly, glowworm, etc. Of the light shining one may say: ndkot'e, ‘the light shines’ (nd, it; 4o,a light; ¢‘e, to shine); or nikoke, ‘the light is bright’ (nd, it; ko, a light; Xe, to be strong). Paats or pwagée, ‘sunny place,’ ‘sunny side of a pueblo’ (paa,? akin to Jemez pe, ‘sun’; “2, gé, locative). Tuy, ‘to be dark.’ Thus: ndék‘unnd, ‘it is dark’ (nd, it; z'wy, to be dark; nd, present). A‘wy is used as an adjective in the form k'uynwi (ku, to be dark). Thus: p‘ok'uynwi’r"t, ‘dark hole’ (p's, hole; £*uyw?, dark). -Okh'xy, ‘shade,’ ‘shadow.’ Kennugé or keniyge, ‘shady place,’ ‘shady side of a pueblo’ (key, cf. okey, above; nuge, *ingé, at the side). ’Olsa, ‘glittering.’ Thus: ku ’otsa, ‘glittering stone’ (ku, stone; otsa, glittering). ’ Oisapi, ‘dull,’ ‘glossy’ (otsa, glittering; pz, negative). The usage of this term with the meaning ‘glossy’ is curious. Thus: ’a ’otsape’ iy, ‘glossy cloth’ (a, cloth; ’otsa, glossy). There is no word meaning ‘color.’ One asks: hawi’dy ube kabajis -ummu, ‘how is your horse?’, meaning ‘what color is your horse?’ (hawvdyn, how; *yubi, of you 1; kabaju, horse; ’wy, it with reference to youl; mu, to be). If this is not definite enough one might follow the question with ha p70” ha tsx’2, ‘is it red or is it white”? (ha, or; pi, red; ha, or; ésx, white). Twn (Hano Tewa, ¢‘a), ‘painted,’ ‘painting.’ Thus: ndét!dmmu, ‘it is painted’ (nd, it; t@4y, painted; muy, to be); toba td’4ydi 7, ‘painted cliff’? (foba, cliff; t@’4y, painted). T'u, ‘spotted.’ The attributive form is ¢‘ww? (tu, spotted). Thus: nit umu, ‘it is spotted’ (nd, it; ty, spotted; mu, to be); tse tur, ‘spotted dog’ (¢se, dog; tuw2, spotted). 30 : OBBINS, HARRINGTON, 6 2 ROBBINS: HARRINGTON, | HTHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 31 Pindu (Hano Tewa, pintiv), ‘spotted’ (< New Mexican Span. pinto). Meaning and use are the same as those of #y. Thus: ¢se pyndive”, ‘spotted dog’ (tse, dog; pindu, spotted). Qwatr, qwitr (Hano Tewa, kwelz), ‘line,’ gwas? referring to a broad line and gw72 to a narrow line. Cotor ADJECTIVES Tse, ‘white,’ ‘whiteness.’ Thus: ndésemy, ‘it is white’ (nd, it; tse, white; mu, to be); pod? tsx’iy, ‘white flower’ (pod), flower; tse, white). P‘ey, ‘black,’ ‘blackness.’ Thus: nép’emmu, ‘it is black’ (nd, it; pen, black; mu, to be); pods p‘en’ry, ‘black flower’ (pob?, flower; p'ey, black). Pi (Hano Tewa, p’ili), ‘red,’ ‘redness.’ Thus: népimu, ‘it is red’ (nd, it; pz, red; mu, to be); pobs pr'ry, ‘red flower’ (podi, flower; pi, red). Tse, ‘yellow,’ ‘yellowness.’ The attributive forms are ésA, ‘brown,’ ‘brownness.’ The attributive: form is ‘dé. Thus: nvdmu, ‘it is brown’ (nd, it; °d, brown; mu, to be); pobs iw vy, ‘brown flower’ (pobi, flower; ’dw?, brown). Ho, ‘gray,’ ‘grayness.? The attributive form is how?. Thus: nihomy, ‘it is gray’ (nd, it; ho, gray; mu, to be); pobs how? ry, ‘eray flower’ (pobi, flower; how?, gray). Hano Tewa okju, ‘glimmering,’ ‘grayish; ’ohjutse, ‘grayish yel- lowness,’ was used, for instance, in referring to the fir tree. Tseeto, ‘buff, ‘buffness.? The attributive form is the same. Thus: nitsetomyu ‘it is butt’? (nd, it; tseto, buff; mu, to be); por tsxto’7y, ‘buff flower’ (pob?, flower; ¢sxeto, buff). 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Ké ‘buff-brown,’ ‘buft-brown color.’ The attributive form is the same. Thus: ndkdmy, ‘itis buff-brown’ (nd, it; kd, buft-brown; mu, to be); pot’ kw’vy ‘butf-brown flower’ (pobi, flower; kd, buff-brown). Tseege, ‘many-colored,’ ‘all-colored,’ ‘variegated,’ ‘state of having many, all, or variegated colors,’ ‘iridescent,’ ‘iridescence.’ The colors may be distributed in separate patches, or blent. ‘¢ When we look at a crow feather and its color seems to be chang- ing all the time, black, green, and red, we say: ndtsegemy, ‘it is iridescent’” (nd, it; ¢sege, many-colored, iridescent; my, to be). Thus: pobd tsege’y, ‘many-colored flower’ (pobz, flower; tsege, many-colored). The Tewa name of Gregorita Vigil of San Ildefonso is Tsxegepobi, ‘flowers of many-coloredness’ (tsxge, many-coloredness; pob?, flower). There isa clan at San Ildefonso called K'uy tsege ry owt, ‘Many-colored Corn clan’ (wy. corn; tsege, many-colored; towi, person, people). Temegi, ‘of many kinds,’ ‘state of being of many kinds,’ ‘many=- colored,’ ‘many-coloredness.’ Meaning and usage are the same as those of ¢sxge, except that temexg? never refers to iridescence and often does not refer to color. Thus: nitemegimy, $36. of many kinds’ (nd, it; temegi, of many kinds; my, to be); pobr temeg?ty, ‘flower of many kinds of color’ (pott, flower; temeg?, of many kinds). CoLOR-ADJECTIVE COMPOUNDS Almost any two color adjectives may be compounded to denote an intermediate color. Thus: tséyweho, ‘bluish gray’ (tsdywex, blue, green; jo, gray); tsetsdywex, ‘yellowish blue’ (tse, yellow; tsdywe, blue), said of the color of the middle of a tufted-eared squirrel’s back. ‘Light’ is usually rendered by postpounding ész, ‘white’; ‘dark’ by postpounding p'ey, ‘black.’ Thus: ésefse, ‘light yellow’ (fse, yellow; ise, white); pzpe'y, ‘dark red’ (pz, red; pey, black). But certain color adjectives are never compounded with certain others. Thus: pitse (pi’, red; tse, white) is never used, a compound of irregular meaning signifying ‘light red.’ This compound is p7’d, ‘light red,’ ‘pink,’ literally ‘red brown’ (pz, red; ’¢, brown). Pid is applied to pink corn and even to objects of a buff-yellow color! Tsx'a (tse, white; ’%, brown) is said of whitish,corn. It may be that ’¢ in p7'd and tse’¢ has merely a weakening force like zsh in Eng. ‘reddish,’ ‘whitish.’ *A seems not to be postpounded to other color adjectives. Hano Tewa, ¢‘ulug?, ¢'ulu, ‘many-colored.’! Thus, in the war song: k'ulum pob. pojo pot. Sek'x pobt kwelu pobi pilva tuluge. 1Corn flower, squash flower, cotton flower, kwglu flower, red-gray (and) many-colored. The fur of a rabbit is described as fulw’g. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, ] ee a Ata ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 398 COoLOR-ADJECTIVE MODIFIERS Jo, augmentative postpound, ‘very,’ ‘intensely.’ Thus: pijo, very red (pi, red; jo, augmentative); ndépzjomu, ‘it is very red’ (nd, it; pi, red; jo, augmentative; my, to be); pobd pijo'iy, ‘intensely red flower’ (pobz, flower; pz, red; jo augmentative). Jo can not be postjoined to any color adjective the attributive form of which ends in wi. Thus it can not be added to sy, tu, d, ho. Tujo is the name of the ‘* Black Mesa” north of San Ildefonso pueblo, but has no other meaning. Kowidi, ‘very.’ This precedes the color adjective as a separate word. Thus: hkouidi ndpimy, ‘it is very red’ (kowidi, very; nd, it; pi, red; my, to be); pobs kouidi pity, ‘very red flower’ (pob?, flower; kouvidi, very; pi, red). Hewagi, ‘very.’ This precedes the color adjective as a separate word. Thus: hewagr ndpimy, ‘it is very red’ (hewagi, very; nd, it; pi, red; my, to be); pots hewaar piv'ry, ‘very red flower’ (pobi, flower; hewagi, very; pz, red). . Piwoy, ‘very,’ ‘too.’ This precedes the color adjective as a separate _word. Thus: piwoy népimy, ‘it is very red’ (piwoy, very; nd, it; pz, red; mu, to be); pobst piwoy pray, ‘very red flower’ +»(potr, flower; piwoy, very; pi, red). Hano Tewa, ’2mo, ‘very.’ Thus: ’vmo ndtsdywemy, ‘it is very blue or green’ (¢mo, augmentative; nd, it; tsdywe, blue, green; mu, to be); ‘imo nétamy, ‘it is highly decorated,’ ‘it is variegated’ (émo, aug- mentative; nd, it; ca, variegated; my, to be). He, ‘somewhat,’ ‘slightly,’ ‘a little.’ This precedes the color adjec- tive as a separate word. Thus: he népimu, ‘Sit is somewhat red’ (he, somewhat; nd, it; pz, red; mu, to be); pots he pity, ‘somewhat red flower’ (pob2, flower; 4c, somewhat; p7, red). OTHER QUALITIES OF PLANTS SIzE Sojo, ‘large.’ Thus: ndso’jomy, ‘it is large’ (nd, it; so’jo, large; my, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: sq’jo, an., min. sing.; sqQ’y, so’nin, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; so’nde, veg., min. 3+ plu. Hehztiun, ‘large.’ Thus: néheheriumy, ‘it is large’ (nd, it; hehenu, large; mu, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: hehe- fiwv', an., min. sing.; heehx *niy, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; hehx’#dv’, veg., min. 3+ plu. He, ‘large.’ Thus: néhemu, ‘it is large’ (nd, it; he, large; mw, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: je”, an., min. sing.; héenty, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; Aeede, veg., min. 3+ plu. Jo, augmentative postpound. This is used very irregularly only with certain adjectives and nouns. It seems to be the last syllable of an., min. sing. so’jo, ‘large.’ T fe, ‘small.’ Thus: ndtfemy, ‘it is small’ (nd, it; ¢fe, small; mu, to be). This word is used only in the singular: ¢f#’, an., min., sing.; ¢fx’4y, veg. sing. The dual and 3+ plu. forms are supplied by hime, tajetz, etc.; see below. Hinz, ‘small.” Thus: néhitemy, ‘itis small’ (nd, it; here, small; my, to be). The attributive forms are irregular. Thus: Aimed, an., min. sing.; Az’inty, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; A’ind’v’', veg., min. 3+ plu. Tajesi, ‘small.’ Thus: ndtajesimy, ‘it is small’ (nd, it; tajetz, small; mu, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: tajese”, an., min. sing.; ¢ajend22 2, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ A tajendv’ indi, veg., min. 3+ plu. ’"#, diminutive postpound. This may be added to any noun. Thus: ’agojo’e, ‘little star’ (agojo, star; ’e, diminutive). It does not alter the gender of the noun. The accent of ’¢ in the.sing. is falling; in the dual and 3+ plu., circumflex. 34 ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, as Sanit iaEaco |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 85 TASTE Td, ‘to taste,’ intransitive. Thus: Adn ndtfd, ‘how does it taste?’ (Ady, how; nd, it; tfd, to taste); hiwon nat fa, ‘it tastes good’ (hiwoy, good; nd, it; tfd, to taste); Adywebo? windtfapr, ‘it has no taste’ (Adywxbo”, nothing; wz, negative; nd, it; tfd, to taste; pz, negative). "A, ‘to be sweet’, ‘sweet’, ‘sweetness.’ Thus: nd@’d, ‘it is sweet’ (nd, it; °¢, to be sweet); ka ’d’ry, ‘sweet leaf’ (ka, ‘leaf; d, sweet); Ghikindt Jd, ‘it tastes insipid’ (d, sweet; kiki, like; nq, it; ¢fd, to taste). Tsin, ‘to be sticky.’ This is also said of taste. Thus: ndtsqy, ‘it is sticky’ (nd@, it; ts¢y, to be sticky). ’Ojohe, ‘to be sour,’ ‘sour,’ ‘sourness.’ Thus: nd@ojohe, ‘it is sour’ (nd, it; ’ojohe, to be sour); be ’ojohe’ry, ‘sour apple’ (be, apple; ’ojohe, sour). ’Oje, ‘to be sour,’ ‘sour,’ ‘sourness.’ Thus: nd’o7e, ‘it is sour’ (nd, it; ’oje, to be sour); be ’oje’ ty, ‘sour apple’ (be, apple; ’o7e, sour). P‘ahay, ‘to be burnt.’ This is also said of taste. Thus: ndép‘ahay, ‘it is burnt,’ ‘it has a burnt taste’ (nd, it; p'ahay, to be burnt; Ger. angebrannt sein). Tx, ‘to be bitter,’ ‘bitter,’ ‘bitterness.’ Thus: nde, ‘it is bitter’ (nd, it; °?’#, to be bitter); ha vx ty, ‘bitter leaf’ (ka, leaf; ve, bitter). Se, ‘to be hot or burning to the taste, like chile pepper,’ ‘hot or burning to the taste,’ ‘ hot or burning taste,’ ‘ substance which hasa hot or burning taste.’ Thus: ndsex, ‘it tastes burning, like chile, (nd, it; sx, to be hot or burning to the taste); ka sx’¢y, ‘leaf with hot or burning taste’ (4a, leaf; sxe, hot or burning to the taste). Suwa, ‘to be warm,’ ‘warm,’ warmth.’ Thus: ndswod, Sit is warm,’ ‘it has a warm taste’ (nd, it; swwd, to be warm); ka suwi iy, ‘warm leaf’ (ka, leaf; swwi, warm). | Tsdywe, ‘to be hot,’ ‘hot,’ ‘heat.’ Thus: ndfsdywe, ‘it is hot,’ ‘it has a hot taste’ (nd, it; fsdywe, hot); ka tsdéywe’ ty, ‘hot leaf’ (ka, leaf; ésdywe, hot). > Okat., ‘to be cool,’ ‘cool,’ ‘coolness,’ ‘ to be cold,’ ‘cold,’ ‘coldness.’ Thus: n@okat, ‘it is cool or cold,’ ‘it tastes cool or cold’ (nd, it; ’okatr, to be cool or cold); ka ’okat ry, ‘cool or cold leaf’ (ka, leaf; ’okat2, cool or cold). This word is never applied to the weather. 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 55 "Ase, ‘to taste salty, or alkaline’ (d, alkali; sz, to taste hot, like chile). °A also appears as the first syllable of "dv, ‘salt’ (d, alkali; fiz, asin kune, turquoise). Thus: nd’ase, ‘it tastes salty or alka- line’ (nd, it; ’d, alkali; sx, to taste hot, like chile). A prickling or puckering taste seems to be expressed by ’sojohe, ’oje or se. Of a nauseating taste one says merely, dihewo”, ‘it makes me sick’ (dz, it me; he, to be sick; wo’, causative). Opor Su, ‘tosmell,’ intransitive. Thus: hdn ndsy, ‘how does it smell? (Ady, how; nd, it; su, to smell); Adywebo’? wind sypz, ‘it has no odor’ (hdywebo”?, nothing; wz, negative; nd, it; su, to smell; pz, nega- tive). This verb appears inall terms denoting kindsof odor. Thus: nasyuke, ‘it smells strong’ (nd, it; su, to smell; ke, to be strong); hesa’*yn nisu, ‘it smells faintly’ (Aeva’%y, slight; nd, it; sy, to smell); n@dasy, ‘it smells sweet’ (nd, it; °d, sweet; su, to smell); ndsesy, ‘it stinks’ (nd, it; sz, giving the meaning to stink; su, to smell). Nouns with the postfix wag?, ‘like,’ are very common with sy, ‘to smell.’ Thus: sawag? ndsu, ‘it smells like tobacco’ (sa, tobacco; wag, like; ng, it; sy, to smell). FEELING (ize, ‘to be smooth,’ ‘smooth,’ ‘smoothness.’ Thus: n@’dne, ‘it is smooth’ (nd, it; "diz, to be smooth); ha ’drzx’~y, ‘smooth leat’ (ka, leaf; dx, smooth). Ko, ‘to be rough,’ ‘rough,’ ‘roughness.’ Thus: niko, ‘it is rough’ (nd, it; ko, to be race mee ‘rough metate’ (0, metate; ko, eat Pa, ‘cracked,’ ‘cracked surface.’ Thus: népamy, ‘it is cracked or chapped’ (nd, it; pa, cracked; mu, to be); ka pay, ‘cracked leat? (ka, leaf; pa’vy, cracked). Tsi, ‘to be sticky.’ Thus: ndtsi, ‘it is.sticky’ (nd, it; ¢s82, to be sticky). . . Tsite, ‘sticky,’ ‘stickiness.’ Thus: ndtsibcfo, ‘it is sticky’ (md, it; isibe, sticky; fo, causative); ka tsibe’iy ‘sticky leaf’ (ka, leaf; tszbé, sticky). P'o, ‘hairy, ‘hair.’ Thus: ndép‘omy, ‘it is hairy’ (nd, it; po, hairy; mu, to be). Nwe, ‘thorny,’ ‘thorn.’ Thus: ndywemy, ‘it is thorny’ (nd, it; ynwe, thorny; mz, to be). Juy, ‘to Meare Thus: ndjuy, ‘it pierces’ (nd, ih IUDs to pierce); najunto, ‘it 1s prickly’ (nd, it; guy, to pierce; to, causative). aineco, |. «= Okat (Hano Tewa, ’okat) ‘to be cold,’ ‘cold,’ ‘coldness.’ Thus: nv okalr, ‘it is cold’ (nd, it; ’okati, to be cold); ha oka ty, * cold leaf’? (ka, leaf; oka, cold). Tsdywe and swwa may be used of things hot to the touch; the same expressions, also ndéz, ‘it is cold,’ are applied to the weather; ’o/a/i cannot properly be used with reference to the weather. Ke (Hano Tewa, kele), ‘hard,’ ‘hardness.’ Thus: ndésemu, ‘it is hard’ ’ ) ’ Ws (nd, it; ke, hard; mu, to be). Txb2, ‘to be soft,’ ‘soft,’ ‘softness.’ Thus: ndtxbz, ‘it is soft’ (nd, it; txb., to be soft); ka tebv7y, ‘soft leaf’ (ka, leaf; txb2, soft). Ka (Hano Tewa, k‘ala), ‘to be heavy,’ ‘heavy,’ ‘weight.’ Thus: ndk'a, ‘it is heavy’ (nd, it; h‘a, to be heavy); ka k'a zy, ‘heavy leaf’ (ka, leaf; fa, heavy). Light, opposite of heavy, is expressed by the negative windih*api, Sit is light’ (w7, negative; nd, it; ka, to be heavy; p7, negative); ka k'ap’vy, ‘light leaf? (Za, leaf; k'a, heavy; pi, negative). WETNESS AND DRYNESS Po, ‘water.’ Thus: ndpond, ‘it is wet’ (nd, it; po, water; nd, to be present, to have); ndpomu, ‘it is wet’ (nd, it; po, water; mu, to be). >Omy, ‘moisture.’ Thus: n@omynd, ‘it is moist’ (nd, it; ’omu, moisture; nd, to be present, to have). Pose (Hano Tewa, posele), ‘dew’ (po, water; sc, unexplained). Thus: ni posend, ‘it is dewy,’ said either of an object or of the weather (nd, it; pose, dew; nd, to be present, to have). Ta, ‘to be dry,’ ‘dry,’ ‘dryness.’ Thus: ndéa, ‘it is dry’ (nd, it; ta, to be dry); ndtand, ‘it is dry’ (nd, it; fa, dryness; nd, to be present, to have). 67961°—Bull. 55—16——4 ANNOTATED LIST OF PLANTS I. InpIGENoUs WILD PLANTS The use of wild plants is declining, and very many foods, once popular, are now neglected. Villages, families, and individuals vary in this respect, and one informant speaks of the use of a certain plant in the present while another limits it to the past. The prejudice of the New Mexican Tewa against American drugs has preserved fairly well until now their knowledge of the plants which they use as remedies. At Hano, however, the decline in native medicine is already far advanced. ; TREES Tenjo, ‘large tubes’ (¢ey, tube; jo, augmentative). Alves concolor. White Fir, Balsam Fir. The twigs are said to have been used for making pipestems.* The kwe, ‘ balsam,’ ‘resin,’ from the pimples found on the main stem and larger branches is used in the treatment of cuts. The Fir clan (Zenjotowa)? of Hano is seemingly named after this tree. The Tewa of Hano are unable to describe the ¢enjo, which, they say, is not found within their present local range; but they speak of it as a tree common in the old Tewa country. The Fir clan is classed with the Cloud and Water clans; also with the Bear clan (Kefowd) and the Stick or Plant clan (P*efowa), and bestows ‘bear’ and ‘stick’ per- sonal names as wellas names of its own, as: tenjot paki, ‘fir bunch.’ M. tsinwe, ‘green.’ F, -awotsdywe, ‘spread green.’ F. ’okjutse, ‘glaucous yellowness.’ F. kalatsayn, ‘new leaf.’ F. tosen, ‘nut man.’ M. Tejiae (te, unexplained; jz/z, ? to sift). Negundo interius. Box-elder. New Mexican Spanish nogad. Pipe-stems were made of the twigs of this tree. The seeds of this tree are called tesiuipoti, *hox-elder flowers’ (t2jiui, box-elder; pod, flower), because of their winged, flower-like appearance (fig. 1). T {uy (possibly akin to tfuwe, to dye). Alnus tenuifolia. Alder. 1Young leaves of ? Abies concolor are ritually smoked in stone ‘‘cloud-blowers” by the Hopi. (See specimen 66057, Stanley McCormick Coll., Field Museum, Chicago.) 2Cf. F. W. Hodge, Pueblo Indian Clans (Amer. Anthr., 1X, p. 350, 1896)—‘‘ Tényo-hano”’ [-towa], “Pine” clan of Hano; also J. Walter Fewkes, Nineteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, p. 615— “ Tenyiik,’’ Hano ‘‘ Pine”’ clan. 38 “SQNVYES ‘dOL VSAWN JO LSSYOS ANId YOON “£ SATIVA SHL NI VAYV GNVISSV¥S 30 39035 AHL LV SAOUND N3dSV “FY | LV1d SS NIL3771NdG ADOIONHL]A NVOINSWV SO NV3SYN ROBBINS, HARRINGTON - : TEM eR RCO | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 39 The bark of the tree, dried and ground fine, is boiled until it becomes red. When the liquid is cool, deerskin is soaked over night, and then is dyed red. Sometimes the bark is chewed and the juice is eject- ed on deerskin, which is then rubbed between the hands. Many of the alders have been used by noncivilized peoples in dyeing. Pinne’in tewibe, ‘mountain Tewa-fruit’ (piy7, mountain; nx, locative; tewa, Tewa; be, roundish fruit). Cf. tewabe, ‘Tewa fruit,’ Sericotheca dumosa. Betula fontinairs. Streamside Birch. Pe kevy, ‘hard stick’ (p‘e, stick; Xe, hard). Celtis reticulata. Hackberry. %New Mexican Spanish palo duro. The Tewaand Spanish names are descriptive of the character of the wood. Whether the Tewa name is merely a translation of the Span- ish remains to be determined. Handles for axes and hoes are now made of the wood. The berries were eaten. Tlu. Juniperus monosperma. One-seeded Juniper. New Mexican Spanish. sabina. This is the ‘‘common cedar” of the Rio Grande region. It is used largely for firewood by the New Mexican Tewa and also at Hano. Fig. 2.—Santa Clara bow. The bark is called either hugwibe (hu, juniper; gw7zbe, shreddy bark); at Hano, hugqw7 (Au, juniper; qw?, fiber); or huk'owa(hu, juniper; / owd, tegument, bark). It is in daily use as tinder and kindling material. Formerly it was used as tinder in conjunction with flint and steel. Folk-tales at Hano represent that it would ignite merely from the heat of the sun. Long shreds of this bark, bound into compact bundles by means of p'agwi, ‘yucca fiber’ (p‘a, Yucca baccata; g7, fiber), were formerly used as torches to give light in the houses and to carry light from house to house. At Hano the bark is used also to chink the walls and roofs of log houses built after the Navaho fashion. In New Mexico the wood was used for making bows (see fig. 2). Small ceremonial bows of cedar branches, provided with yucca strings, - are carried by some katsina at Hano, for instance, during the /* awot'o. 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 55 At Santa Clara the leaves, huka (hu, juniper; ka, leaf), are used by women the third day after childbirth. The leaves are boiled in water; a little cold water is added, and the decoction is set beside the patient, who is left alone for a short time. She rises and bathes herself with the decoction and also drinks a small quantity. At San Ildefonso the treatment is the same, except that a woman stays to assist her to bathe.' At Hano a lying-in woman is fumigated on the fourth day after delivery with Ayala, juniper leaves (Ay, juniper; kala, leaf), placed on hot coals in a vessel; some families use another plant, but juniper is probably the one generally employed. Formerly the lying-in woman drank an infusion of juniper leaves during the first four days after delivery; but now, following the Hopi custom, she drinks plain warm water for twenty days.? The juniper is regarded as ‘‘hot,” and almost every part of it is a medicine for ‘‘cold” conditions. At San Ildefonso the leaves are used as medicine. At Hano the leafy twigs, hukala (kala, leaf), after being toasted on the embers, are bound tightly over a bruise or sprain to reduce the pain and swelling. At Santa Clara juniper gum, Aykwe (kwe, gum, balsam) is used as a filling for decayed teeth. At Hano it is chewed as a delicacy. The berries, hupege (pege, berry), are eaten by children and young people. Men bring home twigs loaded with the ripe berries to please their young relations. The berries are considered more palatable when heated in an open pan over the fire. At Santa Clara juniper berries, as well as adecoction of them in water, are considered an effectual remedy for every kind of internal chill, ‘* because they are hot’”’. They are said to be an active diuretic. At San Ildefonso the berries are eaten but not taken as medicine. Juniper branches are used in a few ceremonies and dances. At Hano they are sometimes used as a hasty substitute for ésele (see p. 43); for instance, tsonekatsiéna from Hano and Sichomovi wore them on Jan- uary 25,1913. At Santa Clara the impersonator of an ’ok‘wwa called jund?* sendo (juy, thrust; sendo, old man) or huqwipond2” sendo (hu, juniper; gwé, fiber; po, head; sendo, old man) wears a hat of juniper bark as a headdress.® 1M. CG, Stevenson, The Zufi Indians, Twenty-third Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 297: ‘‘Hot tea of toasted juniper twigs and berries steeped in boiling water is drunk by a woman in labor to prevent constipation.’ See also this author’s Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, Thirticth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 55. 2The Yavapai at McDowell, Ariz., who now use the leaves and twigs of the creosote bush (? Larrea glutinosa) to steam lying-in women four days after childbirth, and also drink a decoction of the leaves as a remedy for internal chill, say that they used juniper (tjéka) for these purposes as long as they lived in the mountains. 3The impersonator of kwikwiljaka, “one of the older Hopi kachinas now seldom seen,’’ wears a similar mat of juniper bark. See tihu of this kachina in Field Museum, Chicago (McCormick Coll., -errn ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, - ; , ~ TEnE EL ERnCo | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 41 Hupott, ‘Juniperus monosperma flower’ (Au, Juniperus mono- sperma; pobdi, flower). Huwo (hy, Juniperus monosperma; wo (?)). Juniperus scopulorum. New Mexican Spanish cedro. The wood of this tree is red. Peio, ‘deer pifion’ (px, mule deer; fo, pifion tree). Picea engelmanni. Engelmann Spruce. This tree is found at the higher elevations where deer are more plentiful. It is suid that deer are fond of staying among these trees. Nwey (cognate with Jemez kwa, Pinus brachyptera). Pinus brachyptera. Rock Pine, Western Yellow Pine. New Mexican Spanish pinavete. (See pl. 2, b.) At Hano two ynwxykala (yw, rock pine; kala, leaf), ‘rock-pine leaves,’ is attached to each of the prayer-feathers, pele, which are pre- pared during the ¢gntaz ceremonies in December. Branches of rock pine for this purpose are fetched by a runner. To (ef. #0, pifion nut). Pinus edulis, Pifiion Pine, Nut Pine. New Mexican Spanish prion. Pifion pine is the commonest tree on the lower mesas. It is much used as firewood. The nuts, generally roasted for eating, were formerly an important food. After corn harvest, about October 15, many of the Santa Clara people go to the mountains for several days to gather pifion nuts. They are also bought from Mexican peddlers! and eaten raw on festive occasions.” The Navaho bring them for sale to Hano, as they do to Jemez and the Keresan pueblos, and the Indian storekeepers also sell them. At Hano the resin of the pifion, tokwe (kwxe, gum, balsam), is used for mending cracked water-jars, also for excluding the air from cuts and sores. The resin of pifion or of another conifer is sometimes smeared over earthenware canteens to make them watertight. Com- pare this with the resin-coated basket canteens of southern Arizona. At Santa Clara 7d is said to be the oldest tree, and its nuts the oldest food of the people. It was the result of going up on the western mesa and eating the fallen pifion nuts that the people “first knew north and west and south and east.” Ka diz, ‘ smooth leaf’ (ka, leaf; ’d7x, smoothness). Pinus flewilis. White Pine. 1Benavides (Memorial, 1630, pp. 47-48) says that pifion nuts from New Mexico were traded to Mexico: ‘‘ Los arboles de pifiones que son de diferente especie de los de Espafia, porque son grandes, y tiernos de partir, y los drboles, y pifias chicas, y es tanta la cantidad, que parece inacawable, y de tanta estima, que vale la fanega en México 4 veinte y tres, y veinte y cuatro pesos, y los que lo bueluen 4 vender ganan en ellos.” 2Cf. Hough, Amer. Anthr., X, p. 40, Washington, 1897. 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Tene (te, Populus wislizeni; 7#, as indie, salt, and hun, tur- quoise). Populus acuminata. Rydberg’s Cottonwood. Populus angustifolia. Narrow-leaf Cottonwood, Mountain Cot- tonwood. Ning. Populus tremuloides. Aspen. (See pls. 2, a,3.) At San Ildefonso the leaves of this tree are boiled and the decoc- tion is drunk for urinary trouble.’ Hodge? gives Vaina-tdéa as a ‘‘ tree (birch4)” clan at Nambé. Te. Populus wislizent. Valley Cottonwood. This is the common cottonwood along the Rio Grande. The Tewa are more familiar with it than with any other large broad-leaved tree, and they use it more than any other.* The wood is used for making many artifacts, notably the tetd@mbe, ‘cottonwood drum’ (ée, Populus wislizeni; ¢dmbe, Hano Tewa, tdmmele, drum). English ‘tree’ is often translated ¢e in case no particular species is referred to. Cottonwood buds'are called tek*e, ‘cottonwood kernels’ (te, Populus wislizeni; d‘e, kernel, grain, as kernel or grain of corn). The white fluff of cottonwood buds is called teuin ok, ‘cotton- wood fluff’? (te, Populus wislizeni; “dy, unexplained; ’oku, downy, down, state of being downy). Hodge‘ gives as Cottonwood clans at various pueblos: San Juan, Santa Clara, and San Ildefonso, Te-tdéa; Cochiti, I’trah4ni-hdnuch. At Hano the Cottonwood clan, 7v’e-towd, is classed with the Sacred- dancer clan, Katsinatowd, and the Macaw clan, Tulitowé. Tse (Hano Tewa, tsele). Pseudotsuga mucronata. Douglas Spruce. New Mexican Span- ish pino real, ‘royal pine.’ Branches of this tree, which grows in the mountains and deep can- yons, are used by the Tewa in almost all their dances. For example, at Santa Clara, February 9, 1911, the male performers in the pogon fase wore loose collars of spruce branches covering their shoulders and breasts, and carried spruce branches in their left hands. In the Bas- ket dance, tun favé (closely corresponding with the hwmiskatsina of Oraibi), held at Santa Clara, October 21, 1912, the male performers wore spruce branches hanging from their necks and waist-belts, while small twigs of spruce formed part of the headdress called popobi, 1U.§. Dispensatory: Bark of certain species is possessed of tonic properties and has been used in intermittent fevers with advantage. 2Amer. Anthr., IX, p. 352, 1896. 3 For the use of cottonwood in prayer-sticks see footnote, p. 49. 4 Op. cit., p. 351, ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, Orin 2 Ret anaco |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 43 ‘squash blossom.’ The female performers carried sprigs of spruce in their right hands, concealing their wooden rasps, ywemp'e. On the afternoon of the day preceding the dance the five capztanes went to the forest, cut eight young spruce trees, and brought them, unob- served, to the village; and after midnight these were planted in the plazas, two at each dancing place. These were referred to in the song- phrase, jagiwo’ ond isdqwe’i nind (jagiwo’ond?, archaic form of sagi- woondi, beautiful; tsdywx’d, greenness, green thing; nd, it; nd, to be present). Spruce branches worn or carried by dancers at Santa Clara are always thrown into the Santa Clara River when the dance is over. Certain clouds are ritually called ‘spruce clouds’, ése’oh*wwva, and their personifications are called ‘spruce-cloud boys’, ise’ok*wwa'e’nuy, and ‘spruce-cloud girls’, tseok* uwa’vnuy. At Hano the Douglas spruce, fse/e, is used in almost all the winter dances; the dancers wear spruce twigs made up with yucca fiber into compact neck-wreaths (called ’imbctseleket‘o, ‘their spruce neckwear,’ or figuratively hatsina ’umbinwaa, ‘kachinas’ necklaces’), and also carry branches in their left hands, called merely ’imbcisele, ‘their spruce.’ As no Douglas spruce grows near Hano, it is procured from the mountains some miles southeast or east of First Mesa. A horse- man leaving Hano at daybreak to fetch it returns after nightfall. Occasionally the Navaho bring it to Hano and barter it for corn and meal; thus, before the Little °awot'o in March, 1913, the Corn clan bought a quantity of spruce branches for the use of all the members of the estufa,! munate *, which this clan controls. Asa rule, however, when spruce is needed for a dance, a fast runner is sent to the hills to fetch it. Returning after dark, be carries it to the estufa, where feathers, pele, are put on it; then he is asked to choose one branch, which is carried to the spring early next morning. During the night one or more large branches are planted in the plaza where the dance is to take place, and in the morning the children are astonished to see trees growing there. Spruce branches used in the dances are thrown from the edge of the mesa when the dance is over, or dropped in some appropriate place among the rocks, for instance behind the /*ajéte, ‘fetish house,’ at Tobatsana, ‘the Gap.’ Occasionally juniper twigs and branches (hushala; see p. 40) are substituted for spruce.’ The New Mexican Tewa say that mankind first climbed into this world by means of a tree of this species, at S¢pop‘e in the far north. The Tewa of Hano say that when the chiefs wished to make a way for 1 Kstufa, the name given by the Spanish explorers to the sunken dance-houses or club-houses of the Pueblo Indians and the name current at the present time in New Mexico: Hopi kita; Tewa te’e, and po’ zte’e, the latter probably meaning ‘old-time house,’ etc. 2Cfi. W. Matthews, The Mountain Chant, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 464. The Nayaho ritual requires spruce saplings (Pseudotsuga Douglasii), but as the spruce does not grow plentifully at a height of less than 8,000 feet, pifion saplings are sometimes substituted. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 their people to the upper world, they planted first a tenjo, White Fir, and next a fsele; when both of these failed to pierce the roof of the underworld, they planted a yo, reed, and by this the people climbed out. This version coincides with the Oraibi and Shipaulovi stories.* The New Mexican Tewa say that the sq’wx, pine-squirrel, eats the leaves of the fse. Hodge? gives 7se-tdéa as a tree clan at San Ildefonso. Tenutv’in kwe, ‘winter oak’ (tenuti, winter; Awe, oak). Quercus undulata. Evergreen Oak. This isa small evergreen species abundant on the mesa sides. Kwe. Quercus utahensis. Utah Oak. This is the common oak along the streams. The acorns were used for food.? The wood was used for making digging-sticks and many other things, including bows and war-clubs. Iron is called Awaekuy p, a word co: nected with kweeku, ‘Mexican.’ The first syllable of these two words sounds exactly like kwe, ‘oak’. At Hano oak is used for making rabbit-sticks, embroidery-stretch- ers, and other utensils. Hodge‘ gives as Oak clans at various pueblos: Santa Clara, ———; Pecos, Gyui™sh; Laguna, //dpai-hano”,; Acoma, Hapanyi-hanog”; Sia, LHdpan-hino; San Felipe, LZapanyi-hano,; Cochiti, LHapanyi- hanuch. There is an Oak clan (Awetowd) at Santa Clara. The Oak clan (Kiweetowi) at Hano has become extinct within living memory; it is said to have accompanied the Asa clans who settled with the Hopi. SHRUBS ’Antamisd (> Spanish). Artemisia (4 sp.), New Mexican Spanish aléamésa. One use of this plant is reported under kojaje, page 56. Sobok*wwap‘e, ‘mist plant? (sobok'uwa, mist; p‘e, plant). San Ildefonso, p‘y tsx’in, ‘white rabbit-brush’ (p‘y, Se in nus bigelovii; fs@, white). Artemisia filifolia. Suis Sage. This is a favorite remedy with the New Mexican Tewa and at Hano. Bundles of the plant are dried for winter use. It is chewed and swallowed with water, or drunk in a hot decoction, as a remedy for indigestion, flatulence, biliousness, ete. A bundle of the plants steeped in boiling water and wrapped in a cloth is applied to the stomach as a hot compress. 1Cf. H. R. Voth, Traditions of the Hopi, pp. 10, 16. 2 Amer. Anthr., IX, p. 352, 1896. 3 Benavides mentions acorns among the food products of the Santa Fe district. 4Op. cit., p. 351. a ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, r Ne iicreno |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 45 Artemisia filifolia, sobok’ wawap'e, is sometimes confused with Arte- mista canadensis. Py is‘x’in, ‘white rabbit-brush.’ Artemisia filifolia. See sobok‘uwap'e, above. To. Artemisia tridentata. Rocky Mountain Sage, Sagebrush. New Mexican Spanish chamiso hediondo, ‘‘stinking greasewood,” estafiata, estafiate. The dry bushes are used for fuel where no firewood is available, as for example, on the journey from San Juan to Taos. All the New Mexican sages are used at Santa Clara in the treatment of indigestion, and this species, the most pungent of all, is considered a very effectual remedy though disagreeably strong. It is certainly useful in dispelling flatulence. It is also said to be a good remedy for a constant feeble cough with ineffectual expectoration. In both cases the leaves are chewed and swallowed. Qwe. Called also p‘e kein (p'e, stick, wood; fe, hard). Cercocarpus montanus. Mountain Mahogany. New Mexican Spanish palo duro, ‘‘ hard wood.” (See fig. 3.) Puquwetrp'e, ‘rabbit-sticks’ (pu, rabbit, cotton-tail rabbit; gwe, strike; p‘e, stick) are made of the wood of this plant. The leaves of old plants, or entire young plants, are mixed with salt, and powdered by pounding. ‘The mixture stirred in cold water is drunk as a laxative. Py. Chrysothamnus bigelovii. Rabbit-brush. (See pls. 4, a, 8, 6.) The Tewa of Hano give this name to Bigelovia bigelovii or B. graveo- lens.1 Like the Hopi, they use it largely for making wind-breaks and other shelters for melon plants and young peach trees, and in dam- ming washes and small arroyos. The March-April moon is called pukapo, ‘rabbit-brush shelter moon,’ because wind-breaks and dams are then renewed. A mat or bundle of p‘y, along with a rabbit-skin blanket, is used to close the hatchway of the estufa when warmth or privacy isdesired. P'wmele, ‘rabbit-brush balls,’ the white galls which appear on Chrysothamnus bigelovii or C. graveolens, are strung as beads and hung round babies’ necks to stop their dribbling. The flowers, p upobi, are boiled to make a yellow dye for woolen yarn.” 1 The Hopi call Bigelovia graveolens hanoshivapi, because the Tewa of the pueblo of Hanocarry great bundles of it for firewood. (See Hough, Amer. Anthr., vol. X, no. 2, 1897, p. 39.) 2 The Navaho boil Bigelovia graveolens for yellow dye. (See Matthews, Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 377.) 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Sakup'e, ‘tobacco pipe plant’ (sa, tobacco; ku, stone; p'e, stick, plant. Edwinia americana. Wax Flower. RAL ue: Ephedra antisyphilitica. Joint Fir. NY WA Fic. 3.—Mountain mahogany. The leaves and stems are boiled in water and the decoction is taken as a remedy for diarrhea. Sometimes the leaves and stems are chewed for the same purpose.* Poni’i (of obscure etymology ;< New Mexican Spanish por ?). Fallugia paradowa. Apache Plume. New Mexican Spanish ponil () Pachistima myrsinites. Tytsindbw” (hu, Juniperus monosperma; ts/ndbw (?)). Phoradendron juniperinum. Mistletoe. This plant grows abundantly on the one-seeded junipers (see p. 39) in the region. It is said that deer eat it. It is ground, mixed with hot water, and drunk when one ‘‘feels a chill in the stomach.” Abe (ef. Cochiti Keres dpo, Padus melanocarpa). Padus melanocarpa. Chokecherry. Bows are made from the wood. The berries are boiled and eaten or are eaten raw. The Jicarilla Apache grind the berries and make the meal into round cakes, six inches in diameter and about one inch thick; they are black- ish in appearance and taste sweet. The Tewa call them ’abcbuwa, ‘chokecherry bread’ (buwa, bread). Occasionally the Apache bring them to San Ildefonso at Christmas time. The occurrence of the personal name ‘Abenbua’? at Pojoaque in 1715 suggests that ’abebuiwa was formerly made by the Tewa. Tendeyha, apparently ‘slender-tubed leaves’* (¢ey, tube; dey, slenderly pointed; Xa, leaf). ¢ Ptelea crenulata. Tfibatup'e, ‘kid plant’* (¢fibatu, young goat < Span. chibato; pe, stick, plant). The plant is so named because of its goat- like odor. Ptelea tomentosa. Hop Trefoil. Sap’ iy, ‘red tobacco’ (sa, tobacco; p/, red). Thus cismontana. Sumac. The leaves were dried and smoked in pipes or made into cigarettes, either mixed with tobacco, sa, or alone. The Jicarilla Apache also smoke it. 1This word rhymes with Sabé, ‘Athapascan.’ 2Spanish Archives, office of U. S. Surveyor General, Santa Fe. 3Identified with the Indian name from a dried specimen only. 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 5D Tsi fu. Ribes sp. Gooseberry. Pot'ey, ‘throws out water’ (fo, water; dey, to throw out). The name refers to the juicy character of the plant. . Ribes inebrians. Currant. New Mexican Spanish manzanita. The fruit is eaten. The wood was used for making bows. Penwe in, ‘thorny plant’ (p‘e, stick, plant; ywx, thorn). ?———. Musap'e, ‘ cat plant’ (musa, domestic cat; p‘e, stick, plant). Robinia neomexicana. Locust. New Mexican Spanish wia de gato, *‘cat’s claw.” The wood was used for making bows. The Tewa name, musap‘e, is probably due to Spanish influence; at least it is not pre-Spanish, for mwsd is not a native Tewa word, but of the same origin as Cochiti mdsa, etc., appearing in many Southwestern languages. Tewa musd is sometimes rather incorrectly applied to the wildcat. tr Posa sp. Wild Rose, Garden Rose. At Santa Clara rose petals are dried and kept in the houses as an agreeable perfume. They are ground fine and mixed with grease to make a salve for sore mouth. One of the folk etymologies of K‘apo, the Tewa name of the pueblo of Santa Clara, refers it to k'w4%, ‘rose,’ and po, supposed to be po, ‘water,’ the compound being explained as meaning ‘dew.’ Another, referring it to the same elements. explains that there ‘‘the roses (?) grow by the water.” ! / Jay, Hano Tewa. Salix sp. Willow. Called also jayh' li, ‘bud willow’ (jay, willow; 4°22, grain, bud), in allusion to the characteristic silvery buds. The catkins of willow are called ’26¢pobi, ‘its flowers.’ The white buds are jayhk ili, ‘willow grains.’ The small male flowers are jank ili’oky, ‘bud-willow fluff or down;’ ’oku is properly ‘loose down of a bird,’ and these flowers are so called because they are easily detached. At the Z‘anta’? ceremony in December, willow twigs, apparently one for each household in the village, are prepared, a number of pele (feathers with ywexkala) being tied by cotton strings to each twig.? The twigs are called jayk‘ilt. They are set up in the k'qet’e to the east of the village. 1 See Harrington, Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Eth., p. 241. 2 A shrine on a hill above the pueblo of Jemez contains bouquets of spruce and cedar, with feathers of the turkey, eagle, and parrot tied to the ends of the twigs. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 55 PLATE 3 ih Hes Me hOB Sedna Be A. AN EASTERN SLOPE AT THE CREST OF THE JEMEZ MOUNTAINS. TALL ROCK PINES ARE SCATTERED OVER THE GRASSLAND; AN ASPEN GROVE IS SEEN AT THE LEFT; LARGE GRASS CLUMPS, SO CHARACTERISTIC HERE, ARE IN THE FOREGROUND. B. VALLE GRANDE, SHOWING WHERE GRASSLAND GIVES WAY TO SPRUCE AND ASPEN ON THE SLOPES, i © nde e & ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, = — P = A ' : ¢ irs he ts RS |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 49 Jayse’i, Hano Tewa, ‘sour willow’ (jay, willow; sx’i, sour). Salix, ? sp. ‘*Like the ordinary willow, jay, but the bark is green, not red.” It is used to cover roofs, prayer-sticks, and ’w/up‘e, are made of it. It grows ona hill, therefore called jay’c”, a few miles south of First Mesa. Jay. Salix argophylla. Willow. New Mexican Spanish jara. Salix trrorata. Willow. Jay was used for basketry ? and many other purposes. Willow charcoal used as body paint is called jamp‘ey (pen, black- ness, black). Hodge’ gives Yd'n-tdéa as a Willow clan at Santa Clara. Janjo, ‘large willow’ (jay, Salix wrorata, Salix argophylla; jo, augmentative). Salix cordata. Willow. Kuy. Schmaltzia bakeri(?). Skunk-bush, Three-leaved Sumac. New Mexican Spanish lemzta. Baskets were made from the stems. The fruit was eaten whole or ground. The Santa Clara people use this wood for bows, but at San Ildefonso it is not so used. Tewabe, ‘Tewa fruit’ (tewit, Tewa; be, roundish fruit). Cf. piyne ty tewabe, ‘mountain Tewa-fruit,’ Betula fontinalis. Sericotheca dumosa. The small fruit was eaten. Nwexjoka, ‘big thorn leaf’ (ywx, thorn; jo, augmentative; ka, leaf). AXanthium commune. Cocklebur. At Santa Clara this plant is used as a remedy for diarrhea and yom- iting. Children are fumigated with it asa cure for urinary disorders. fa (Hano Tewa, p‘aly). Yucca baccata. Yucea, Spanish Bayonet. New Mexican Spanish datil. New Mexican Spanish, palmilla ancha, amole. ‘In a large shrine on the summit of TsikumupPiys, Santa Clara Peak (see Harrington, Ethno- geography of the Tewa Indians, p. 125), a peak in the Jemez Mountains at the headwaters of the Santa Clara River, Mr. W. B. Douglass found in 1911 prayer-sticks made of willow (Salix humilis), cottonwood (Populus wislizeni), box-elder (Negundo interius), and blades of sedge (Cyperus); some of these were decorated with goldenrod (Solidago), Gutierrezia tenuis, dropseed grass, and a herb of the genus Sporobolus. The shrine was visited by messengers from Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Taos, Jemez, and Cochiti. (See A World-quarter Shrine of the Tewa Indians, Records of the Past, vol. XI, pt. 4, pp. 159-78, 1912.) 2The Zuni make coarse baskets of willows, dogwood, and Chrysothamnus graveolens (Stevenson, The Zufii Indians, p. 373). The Hopi of Oraibi use willow twigs in the manufacture of their woven basket-trays, and all the Hopi use willow as material for large burden-baskets (Hano Tewa jammele). 3 Amer. Anthr., IX, p. 352, 1896. 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | [BULL. 55 The roots of this plant provide an excellent lather; until the intro- duction of commercial soap, it was the only washing medium used by the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona and the New Mexican Span- ~jards, and it is still used for washing woolens, heavy native cotton fabrics, feathers, and human hair. After being bruised with a stone (generally one of the grinding stones), the roots are put into cold water to steep. After a few minutes they are briskly stirred and rubbed with the hand until a good lather is produced; the fibrous parts are then removedand the lather is ready for use. The lather is called ’0k'o (Hano Tewa, ’ok‘olo), and the name is extended to commercial soap. In ceremonies lather represents clouds, ’ok*wwa. The Tewa wash their hair about once a week, and also after per- forming dirty work, after a journey, and before taking part in ceremonies. Before a public dance all the inhabitants of a pueblo, as well as the actual dancers, are expected to wash their hair. At Hano the people wash their hair early on the morning after the conclusion of a series of ceremonies, whether a public dance follows or not; in this way the actual performers are said to ‘‘ wash off their clouds.” The Tewa of Hano, like the Hopi, accompany all ceremonies of adoption and name-giving by washing with yucca suds. Thus, when an infant is named before sunrise on the twentieth day after birth, its head is washed by the paternal grandmother, and each member of the father’s clan who gives an additional. name smears the child’s head with suds. The bride is bathed by the bridegroom’s mother at the . beginning of her bridal visit to the bridegroom’s house, and at the end of the visit, when she is about to return to her own clan-house, women of the bridegroom’s clan wash her hair before sunrise and give her anew name. When a Tewa from New Mexico visits a Tewa clan at Hano, the women of the clan wash his hair before sunrise and give him a new name; formerly they also bathed him with amole suds. Navaho, Ute, and Apache scalps, when they were brought to Hano, were intrusted to the pota7’4, who washed them before sunrise with amole suds and gave them the name ’agajosojo, the Morning Star. AlLthese washing customs are apparently foreign to the New Mexican Tewa. Cord and rope were formerly made from the fibers of Yucca bac- cata. The fleshy leaves were boiled for a short time; when cool, the leaves were chewed and the fibers extracted and twisted into cord. The fruit of Yucca baccata was formerly eaten. It was called pape, ‘yucca fruit’ (p‘a, Yucca baccata; pe, fruit), this name being applied to dates also on account of their resemblance to yucca fruit; - see page 115. An old man at Santa Clara said that the fruit of one kind of p‘a, though excellent, was apt to cause diarrhea, and that another kind was eaten by women to promote easy and complete delivery. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, r SREEERED AREncO |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 51 An informant from San Ildefonso described the use of p‘a as a ritual emetic; the person chews it (part not specified, possibly the root) and then drinks water. The leaves were sometimes baked and eaten by travelers when other provisions failed. Mr. A. F. Bandelier kindly allowed the writers to quote from his manuscript notes on the uses of yucca at Cochiti in 1882: “Fishing was done in former times with long nets made of threads of palmilla ancha (Yucca baccata), which were stretched across the river, weighed down by stones, and kept floating by gourds and inflated skins. . . . The thread of the palmilla ancha was prepared as follows: In May or June, the governor sent out men to cut the leaves of the plants and gather them in ‘hands.’ They dug a hole in the ground and kindled a large fire in it; after the ground had become thoroughly heated, the embers and ashes were cleared out and the leaves placed in carefully, covered with brush, then with stones, and finally with a layer of earth. On the top of this another large fire was built and left burning over night; the leaves were thus well baked. Then the ‘hands’ were carried to the pueblo, and as the leaves became very sweet, the boys chewed them up, extracting the fiber, ha-tyani-gé-goweén, which they carefully laid aside, each bundle by itself, returning it to the house where it belonged. That fiber was twisted into thread, and strips of netting made of it, which were handed to the officers and then the whole net made. It was thus to all intents and purposes a communal enterprise, and the proceeds were enjoyed incommon. Fruits of the Yucca baccata are still eaten. The women went together to gather the fruitin September and October, baking it until the skin could be taken off and the fiber removed, then threw it into cavetes and mixed it thoroughly, boiling it alternately, until it came down to a firm jelly or paste. It was thenspread into large cakes about 1 inch thick, and left to dry on hanging scaffolds, changing it from time to time until it was perfectly dry. It was then cut into squares (or, at Acoma and Laguna, rolled into loaves) and preserved. In spring it was eaten in various ways, as paste, or dissolved in water and drunk, or tortillas and guayabes were dipped into the solution, thus using it like molasses or syrup.’ The fruit, sah, of Yucca baccata, samda, is eaten by the Hopi; its soapy root is called samomob:. The soapy root of Yucca angustifolia, mohii, is called mohiimobe. All the yucca plants are used for basketry and a multitude of other purposes. The Zui paint designs on pottery with brushes made of yucca needles. ‘The pigments are ground in stone mortars and made into a paste with water to which a sirup of yucca fruit is added.2 They make yucca cord for netting, strings to plume offerings, etc.* The ancestors of the Zuni, Ashiwi, are said to have used bowstrings of yucca fiber.* The Zui make a conserve of the fruit of Yucca oe The archeological evidence in the pueblo area shows that yucca strips were used to make plaited sandals and baskets resembling the modern pajo, and for fiber and cord generally; also that yucca fiber, 1J. Walter Fewkes in Amer. Anthr., 1X, 1896, p. 17. 2M.C. Stevenson, Zufii Indians, Twenty-third Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 375. See also this author’s Ethnobotany of the Zufii Indians, Thirtieth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., passim. 3 Tbid., p. 1138. 4Ibid., p. 36. 5Ibid., p. 368. 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 55 alone or in combination with cotton, was of great importance as a weaving material. Fur of beaver, otter, or rabbit was incorporated with yucca cord or twisted around it to make warmer or more orna- mental fabrics. In describing a pre-Spanish cave burial site probably of the Keres, just outside the Tewa domain, Dr. Edgar L. Hewett says :! ‘““The body was first wrapped in a white cotton garment . . . The outer wrapping was a robe of otter or beaver fur . . . made by twisting a small rope of yucca fiber about an eighth of an inch in diameter; then with the shredded fiber of the eagle or turkey feather, the fur was bound upon the cord, producing a fur rope of about a quarter of an inch in diameter, which was then woven into a robe with very open mesh.”’ Numbers of fur-wrapped cords were found in a large cave higher up the canyon. Similar cords are now worn by the koshare (clowns) at the Keres pueblo of San Domingo.’ Pamy (p‘a, Yueca baccata; my, unexplained). Yucca glauca. New Mexican Spanish palmilla. This species is smaller than the p'a (Yucca baccata), but resembles it considerably. The roots are used for making lather. The fruit is eaten as in the case of the p'a. According to the informant, string and rope were never made of pam. Narrow slips of p'amw are used like paint brushes in decorating pottery. The fibrous leaves of both species of yucca, merely split into narrow strips without twisting, serve for tying material. Thus, watermelons are kept fresh for winter use by hanging them from the rafters, encased in a network of yucca strips; sliced apples and chile peppers threaded on yucca strips are hung up to dry; the sifting-baskets, called pajo, ‘not tight, openwork, like a net’ (which the Tewa of Santa Clara buy from Jemez, and the Tewa of Hano from the Second Mesa villages), are woven of yucca strips. Bandoleers and neckties of knotted yucca strips are sometimes worn by the kosa. (clowns) and by some other dancers. At Hano small ceremonial bows of cedarare strung with yucca. In some initiation ceremonies at Hano, the novices are beaten with yucca whips. > Ose. This is a yucea-like weed. It grows near ’Osewé, a ridge a mile north of Nambé Pueblo;* also in the Cechiti Mountains. Fiber from this plant was used in making string, and for other purposes. 1Excavations at El Rito de los Frijoles in 1909, Amer. Anthr., 1. 8., XI, p. 663, 1909. 2Cf. Relacién Postrera de Sivola, Winship, Fourteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 569. 3See Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer, Ethn., p. 371. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, = i nay = Sr a pees |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 53 Tedey (no etymology). 4———. New Mexican Spanish palo duro. HERBS Poti tsx’in, ‘white flower’ (pod), flower; tse, whiteness, white). Achillea lanulosa. Yarrow, sneezeweed. Sti. Hano Tewa, s7’u. Allium recurvatum. Wild Onion. Sometimes called ’akons?, ‘ prairie onion,’ or akons?’e, ‘little prairie vnion’ Cakoy, plain; s?, onion), to distinguish it from the cultivated onion introduced by the Spaniards, by which it has been superseded in New Mexico. The Tewa of Hano, like the Hopi, know and use two species of wild onion: ’akonsv’u, ‘field onion,’ growing on high ground, which is gathered, washed, and eaten raw, usually with broken waferbread dipped in water; and was?’u, ‘wind onion’ (wa, wind; s/, onion), grow- ing on lower ground, which is small and almost tasteless. ’Oktip'e, ‘turtle plant’ (oki, turtle; p‘e, stick, plant). Cf. -ohkiip'enzxbi, page 59. Allionia linearis. Su. Amaranthus retroflecus, A. blitoides. Amaranth, Pigweed. Called in New Mexican Spanish merely qguel?te, ‘greens.’ Su was boiled and at times afterward fried. Thus prepared it is said to have been a very palatable food. Tosw iy (to, unexplained; sy, to stink, stinking). Arenaria confusa. Sandwort. Pu isiywe ty, ‘green rabbit-brush’ (p'u, Chrysothamnus bige- lovul; tsdywe, blue, green). Artemisia forwoodii. Green Sage. The leaves and stems of pu tsdywx’ty are chewed and the juice is swallowed when one feels ‘sick at the stomach.”’ The leaves and stems are steeped in water, and the decoction is taken as a remedy for chills. See ta’fie, page 73. Kéato, ‘badger sage’ ?, ‘badger nut’? (tea, badger; to, with level intonation, sage; to, with falling intonation, nut). The probabilities are in favor of the meaning ‘sage,’ but one careful informant persistently gave the intonation of to, ‘ nut.’ 67961°—Bull. 55—16——5 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Artemisia frigida. : This plant is used in the same way as sobok" wnvap e (see p. 44), but is less valued, since it grows in the lowlands near the villages, whereas Artemisia filrfolva is brought from the mountains. Wapop‘e, ‘milk plant’ (wa, breast, udder; po, water; p‘e, stick, plant). The plant is called thus when young. ’Ojaqwt, Coja, unexplained; gw, fiber). The plant is called thus when matured and its fibers are usable. Asclepias sp. Milkweed. The roots were eaten raw. The immature pods also were eaten. Cf. ?Ojaqwitsipey, page 67. String and rope were made of the mature plant. ’Imutaka Cimu, unexplained; ta, ? grass; ka, ? leaf). Asclepias sp. A remedy for sore breasts, at Santa Clara. Wopobi, ‘medicine flower’ (wo, magic, medicine; pod, flower). Campanula petiolata. Bluebell. Pui¢tp'c, ‘painted root plant’ (pu, base, root; ta, painting, painted; p‘e, stick, plant). Castilleja linarixfolia. Painted Cup, Indian Paint-brush. The red flower is prominent in decorative art at Hano; it is painted on pottery, painted and carved in wood, and imitated in colored yarn on a wocden framework. Pu ?dwr in, ‘brown rabbit-brush’ (p‘y, Chrysothamnus bige- lovii; ’é, brown). Chrysopsis hirsutissima. Golden Aster. Taney, Hano Tewa ia jxy (ta, unexplained; ney, apparently ney, nest). Atriplex canescens. Salt Bush. (See pl. 7, a.) At Hano the ashes are stirred into the dough for movwa (see p. 29) in order to turn it from purplish-gray, the natural color of meal ground from ‘‘ blue” kernels, to greenish-blue. 2 Cicuta occidentalis. Water Hemlock. ? Ojop‘e Cojo, unexplained; p*e, stick, plant). Coleosanthus umbellatus. Perez. aqwitse’ in, ‘white tendriled weed’ (p'e7zxbi, weed; ’aqgui, tendril; tse, white). Cuscuta. Dodder. 1 Flowers of this plant, tied to pahos, are used in the Sojal ceremonies of the Hopi. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, + yr ~ want te anno ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 55 Semp*e, ‘porcupine plant’ (sey, porcupine; p‘e, stick, plant). Datura meteloides. Datura. (See pl. 5, b.) Seeds of this plant were found in perfect condition in the large community house in Rito de los Frijoles Canyon. The Tewa of the present day seem to make no use of the plant.* > Ok'uwap'e, ‘cloud plant’ Cok‘uwt, cloud: p‘e, stick. plant). b] b] y) GL b] 3 } Eriogonum annuum. Pobi tsinwe’ vy, ‘blue or green flower’ (po0b2, flower; tsdywe, blue, green). Townsendia eximia. Eriogonum divergens. Pojeka, ‘three leaves’ (poje, three; Xa, leaf). Fragaria ovalis. Strawberry. Aw. Galium triflorum. Bedstraw. Nwetsiqwe, ‘hot tooth’ (ywx, thorn; tsiywe, hot). Galium sp.? Bedstraw. If chewed, this plant makes the gums smart and burn. Pajitp'cpobi, ‘five-stalked flower’ (paviv, five; p‘e, stick, stalk; 1Y 9 e} 9 9 9 ? pobi, flower). Geranium atropurpureum. Geranium, Cranesbill. Nwep cnxbi, ‘thorn weed’ (ywe, thorn; p'eiexb, weed). Geum strictum. Avens. Pobwwijehi, ‘swaying flower’ (poti, flower; wijék?, to sway, intransitive). Gilia greeneana. Red Gilia. Pobiywiy, ‘standing flower’ (pob?, flower; ywiy, to stand). Gilia longifiora. White Gilia. New Mexican Spanish Zina. A second informant criticized this name as being merely descriptive and not proper to this particular plant (probably because he did not know the name). The dried flowers and leaves of Gilia longiflora, ground and mixed with water, make a soapy lather, which is good for sores on any part of the body or for headache. 1 The Zufi use the roots of Datura stramonium as a narcotic and anesthetic, and the blossoms and roots ground to a powder as an external application for wounds and bruises. .(See M. C. Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, Twenty-third Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p.385; also Ethnobotany of the Zuii In- dians, Thirticth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., passim.) Some of the Yuman tribes use the leaves as a narcotic. Doctor Hough says (Amer. Anthr., X, p. 38) that the use of Datura meteloides as a narcotic “is extremely rare and is much decried by the Hopi.’”’ Miss G. Robinson, formerly field matron at Second Mesa, informs the writers that a Hopi doctor at Sichomovi administered doses of Datura to two children who were brought to him from Shongopovi. One of the patients, a child of three months, afterward suffered from a succession of convulsive fits, with loss of muscular control, and did not fully recover, or acquire the power of speech; the other, a girl about three years of age, lost muscular control and died about a month later. 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Kojaji. WHano Tewa, kojzaje (< Span. ?). Gutierrezia longifolia. New Mexican Spanish yerba de vibora and coyaye. This plant grows freely in the sand about the Tewa villages. It is eaten by live stock. At Santa Clara the midwife gives a mixture of hojaji, ’antamisa (see p. 44), and sa, native tobacco, to the patient in the form of snuff. The patient is also fumigated by placing Aojajz on hot coals on a puke (base used in making pottery), over which she stands, wrapped ina blanket. The same remedy is used for painful menstruation. At San Ildefonso a newborn child is fumigated in the same way. At Hano kojaje, as well as a smaller plant resembling it, called hojaje ibitije, ‘younger brother of kojaje’ (fresh or, in winter, dried), is boiled in water and the decoction given for gastric disturbances. In a case of gastric influenza with violent vomiting and bleeding from the stomach, three half-pint doses a day were given. A fresh decoction was made daily and the treatment was continued for five or six days. Fresh green kojaje, chopped fine, is rubbed on the skin around the ear to relieve earache. Sprigs of kojaje are tied on many kinds of prayer-sticks by the Tewa of Hano as well as by the Hopi. It is almost the only flowering plant available for the December ceremonies. Po’a(po, water; °a, perhaps’a, clothing). Cf. Hano Tewa ndy’a, ‘earth clothing’ (ndéy, earth; ’a, clothing), a name for lichen (see p. 68). LTalerpestes cymbalaria. Crowfoot. Snares for catching bluebirds are made from this plant. Helianthus annuus. Sunflower. New Mexican Spanish ani. The fire-stick, pape, for lighting cigarettes is sometimes a dried sunflower stalk. A scalp song at Hano describes sunflowers as watered by the tears shed by Navaho girls. Pwreje. Tlymenoxys floribunda. Colorado Rubber Plant. The skin of the roots is pounded until it becomes gummy. The material is then chewed as Americans chew chewing-gum. Pimp‘e, ‘mountain stalk’ (pip, mountain; p‘e, sak. stalk, plant). LHypopitys latisgquama. Pinesap. ’Ogohep' etixbi, ‘sour weed’ (ogohe, sour, sourness; p'e’nedi, weed). Lonoxalis violacea. Violet Wood-sorrel. -Agojop‘e, ‘star plant’ ?agojo, star; p‘e, plant). ? Kallstroemia brachystylis. New Mexican Spanish contrayerba.' 1The contrayerba used by the Spaniards in Peru as an antidote for poison, and introduced into England in 1581 under the name of drakesroot, is an entirely different plant, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY : BULLETIN 55 PLATE 4 A. CANYON OF EL RITO DE LOS FRIJOLES, SHOWING STREAMSIDE FOREST AND NUMEROUS RABBIT-BRUSH SHRUBS (CHRYSOTHAMNUS BIGELOVII) IN THE FOREGROUND ON TALUS SLOPE. B. PLUMED ARROYO SHRUB (FALLUGIA PARADOXA) IN ARROYO IN CANYON OF EL RITO DE LOS FRIJOLES, ROBBINS, HARRINGTON . r 7 TG ieuuece | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE THWA INDIANS ar At San Ildefonso the chewed leaves are put on a sore or swelling, and at Santa Clara the roots are used as a remedy for diarrhea. Pinywiki, ‘mountain slope’ (Piy, mountain; ywik?, steep slope). Why the plant should be called thus could not be explained. Laciniaria punctata. Blazing Star. The roots were eaten as food. Oki. Lappula floribunda. Stickseed. P'eneds dwi in, ‘brown weed’ (p'enxbi, weed; ’é, brown). Lupinus aduncus. Lupine. Tosombe. Martynia sp. The open seed-vessels, wound aoout with woolen yarn, are some- times used at Santa Clara and at Hano in making artificial flowers for . dancers’ headdresses. * P'cnizd. tsid2in, ‘sticky weed? (p'c7rzxbi, weed; tsibe, sticky, usually said of glutinous substances). 2 Puke (Santa Clara). Nuttallia multiflora. _ This plant is rough, covered with minute hairs, and clings to cloth- ing tenaciously. A young boy, before he is put ona horse for the first time, is stripped of his clothing and this rough plant rubbed briskly on the bare skin of his legs. His clothing is put on and he is placed on the back of the horse. The Tewa maintain that this treat- ment enables the boy to adhere to the horse. The Franciscan Fathers apply ‘‘tenacious” to the sticky quality of Mentzelia (Nuttallia).? Suts‘gVin (su, to smell, intransitive; /s/g7iy, unexplained). Monarda menthefolia. Uorsemint. According to EK. Cata of San Juan the English-speaking Americans call this plant Pennyroyal. At San Ildefonso parts of the plant are cooked with meat to flavor the latter. The dried plant is ground fine and the powder is rubbed over the head as a cure for headache or all over the body as a cure for fever. At Santa Clara sufsigi’iy is avery popular remedy. As a treatment for sore throat, a decoction of the dried leaves is taken internally, and, at the same time, a small quantity of the dried and ground leaves is enclosed in a narrow strip of deerskin or calico and worn by the patient around his neck. As sufsigi’éy is regarded as one of the 1The Zuni use these seed-vessels in the same way. 2The Franciscan Fathers, An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language, St. Michaels, Arizona, p. 194, 1910. 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 55 ‘cold’ medicines, it is used in the treatment of fever: the leaves are chopped or finely ground, and the powder, slightly moistened, is rubbed on the patient’s head, face, and limbs and inside his mouth, and also given him in water to drink. Sufsigi’in is said to be a remedy for sore eyes, but the method of application has not been ascertained. At Hano this plant is cooked and eaten. P'ciixh ywetsrbe’ ry, ‘sticky podded weed’ ‘enexbi, weed; ywe, thorny, thorn; ¢s26e, sticky). Oreocarya multicaulis. Qwisip'e, ‘ina row plant’ (qwii, line, row; p'é, stick, stalk, plant). Pentalostemum oligophyl- lum, P. candidus, Prairie Clover. At San Ildefonso, the sweet roots of the plant are eaten raw. AtSanta Clara it is applied to an Atriplex, species not deter- mined. Women and children chew the plant as a delicacy. Kohepodi”, ‘humming- bird flower’ (Kohe, hummingbird; podi, flower). Pentstemon torreyt. Beard-tongue. Used at Santa Clara as a dressing for sores. Qui. Peritoma serrulatum. Rocky Mountain Bee Plant, Guaco. New Mexican Spanish guaco. (See fig. 4.) This is a very important plant with the Tewa, inasmuch as black paint for pottery decoration is made from it. Large quantities of young plants are collected, usually in July. The plants are boiled Fic. 4.—Rocky Mountain bee plant. well in water; the woody parts are then removed and the decoction is. again allowed to boil until it becomes thick and attains a black color. Loo eaiatneco” | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 59 This thick fiuid is poured on a board to dry and soon becomes hard- ened. It may be kept in hard cakes for an indefinite period. When needed these are soaked in hot water until of the consistency needed for paint. Guaco is also used as a food. The hardened cakes are soaked in hot water, and then fried in grease. The finely ground plants are mixed with water and the liquid is drunk as a remedy for stomach disorders; or sometimes fresh plants wrapped in a cloth are applied to the abdomen. Hano Tewa Kwe’y or kwelu. Hopi, tw. Peritoma serrulatum'. This plant is of sufficient economic importance to be named in songs with the three chief cultivated plants, corn, pumpkin, and cotton. It is gathered in spring, and, after long boiling to rid it of the alkaline taste, is eaten with fakewe (cornmeal porridge), a small quantity of salt being added at the time of eating.’ Okiip'enedbr, ‘turtle weed’ (oki, turtle; p'e’nxbi, weed). Cf. ’ Okiip'e, page 53. Phacelia corrugata. A fern species. Tsigo’ot e (tsigo, forehead; ’ot'e, unexplained), probably referring to the custom of cracking the pod on one’s forehead. Physalis neomexicana. Ground Tomato, Ground Cherry. New Mexican Spanish tomate, tomate del campo. The fruit is covered with a bladdery envelope which the boys crack with a popping sound by pressing it quickly on the forehead. The berries are eaten. Tomatoes also are called by this Tewa name, as well as by the Spanish name tomate ( Anivt (< New Mexican Span. aiiz/). Hano Tewa Alijowa. Pinnex’ in anv, ‘mountain sunflower’ (piy, mountain; nx, loca- tive; ’avvt, sunflower). Rudbeckia flava. Black-eyed Susan. Rup éiizd., ‘rock weed’ (ku, rock; p'¢fixb), weed). Leptasea austromontana. Pinnex’im p'érzdi, ‘mountain weed’ (Piy, mountain; nz. loca- tive; p'enxbi, weed). Senecio macdougaliz. Hano Tewa’Awz,. Hopi asa. Sophia sp.2. Tansy Mustard. The plant is used to make black paint for decorating pottery.* Bundles of the plant, moistened, are steamed in a can in a pit oven; “some people boil it, but steaming thus is the best way, so that it will meltsmooth.” A quantity of liquid is then squeezed out, and the mass which remains is molded into a cake and, wrapped in corn husk, is stored for winter use. It is an article of trade between women. For use, a small piece is broken off, dipped in water, and rubbed down on a stone pallette with a hard mineral paint called kup'ey (ku, stone; p ey, blackness). ? Awe is cooked and eaten in spring. The Hano people translate the name of the Asa clan of Sichomovi as ’"Awetowa. ? Oda (unexplained). Sphexralcea lobata. Globe Mallow. 1 Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., 1X, p. 15,1896. 2See Fewkes, ibid.; Hough, ibid., x, p. 40, 1897. °The method of preparation seems doubtful or variable. Hough says that the seeds are ground in a mortar, forming an oily liquid which serves as a medium for the iron paint. Fewkes says that an infusion of the flowers is mixed with iron pigment, the juice of the asa being presumed to cause the pigment to adhere. The Tewa of New Mexico (see above) and the Zuni (Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, p. 375) use the liquid obtained by boiling Peritomaserrulatum. The Hano method is given here. OBBINS, HARRINGTON, = eet a eneco |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 61 Finely powdered roots are applied to wounds caused by snake bites and to sores in which considerable pus appears. The pus is said to be drawn out by the action of this remedy.' The skin from the roots is pounded into powder; water is added to make a paint, which is used on the face preparatory for the dance. Kotawo, ‘medicine for broken arms’ (X‘0, arm; fa, to break, wo, medicine). Pot'awo, ‘medicine for broken legs’ ( po, leg; ta, to break; wo, medicine). Taraxacum tarazacum. Common Dandelion. New Mexican Spanish consuelda. The young plants are eaten as greens. The leaves ground fine are used in dressing fractures. At San Ilde- fonso the ground leaves, reduced with water to a paste, are spread over the fracture, and fresh leaves of the same plant bound over it with rags. At Santa Claraa cloth spread with leaves on which ground consuelda leaves are sprinkled is tied over the fracture. Consuelda leaves ground and mixed with dough are applied to a bad bruise. Tin swiy, ‘seed which smells’ (¢éy, seed; sy, to smell, smelling). Thalictrum fendleri. Meadow Rue. Tep‘e, ‘tea plant’ (te Aruta Cary, unexplained ; ta, grass). ? Much of this grass grows along the irrigating ditches. Z Z Z A; Z ZA ZB f Awa (unexplained), a kind of cattail. This has narrower leaves than ’awap‘a, below. -Awap'a (awa, a kind of cattail; p‘a, large, thin, flat and roundish). This has larger leaves than ’awa and p‘a is added to distinguish it as regards this feature. Typha latifolia. Cattail. >? Awase Cawa, a kind of cattail; se, unexplained). 7 A kind of tall straight-stalked water grass. P'eykwamp'e, ‘frog weed’ (p'eykway, frog; p'e, stick, stalk, plant). 2 Described as a kind of rush. Po, posu. Phragmites phragmites. Reed, cane. New Mexican Spanish Carrizo. It is said that this plant formerly grew plentifully along the Rio Grande near the Tewa villages. Now none can be found there. It grows, however, along Jemez creek near Jemez pueblo. The plant was used for making arrows, game-sticks for the cafiute game, and many other purposes. FUNGI Te; "Ong ( Osa (no etymology). ¢ Angelica sp. A specimen of the root only was obtained. The leaf is said to re- semble that of tobacco. The root, ’osapu (pu, root), is highly valued as a remedy for diar- rhea and almost all stomach disorders. A very small dose is recom- mended. Some boil the root and drink the decoction; others chew the root dry. A small piece ground fine and swallowed with a cupful of water cures stomachache and vomiting. Young women should not take this remedy, as it is highly astringent; it is particularly danger- ous for a woman near the time of her confinement. ’ Osapu is an article of trade in the Tewa villages; it is brought from the mountains by ‘‘ Mexican” peddlers. The same root is used as a stomach tonic by the Yavapai and other tribes of southern Arizona.! Osu. Q Described as a kind of plant which grows in the mountains. Pavutup‘e (San Wdefonso), ‘fish staff? (pa, fish; ’wup‘e staff, prayer-stick). Pa’esop‘e (Santa Clara). See below. ¢-—-—. New Mexican Spanish yerba de pescado, ‘tish weed.’ 1 Angelica atropurpurea is used by the White Mountain Apache as a remedy, a small quantity being mixed with tobacco. (Specimen in Field Museum, Chicago.) 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 55 A kind of straight-stalked weed said to grow six inches high and to have no flowers (San Ildefonso). At Santa Clara a similar name, pweop‘e (pa, fish; ’esop‘e, meaning uncertain), along with the Spanish name yerba de pescado, was applied to a broad-leaved plant having fleshy tap-roots, the mat%xéfa of the Yavapai. The roots, dried and ground fine, were said to be prepared and used as a salve for pimples on the face and nose. Peiiuque, ‘snake palo duro’ (peiy, snake; gwx, ¢ Cercocarpus parvifolius). ¢ ——_. A kind of shrub. Pentsignwe vy ‘black-green’ (p‘ey, black; tsdywex, blue, green). gchar A plant having dark foliage and a yellow flower. Peiixt. yw iy, ‘thorny weed’ (p'e’ixbi, weed; yw, thorny, thorn). ? ———. Common thistle. Peiizxbip'a, ‘broad weed’ (p'enrxtr, weed; p'a, large, thin, flat and roundish). 2 A broad-leaved lily-like plant which grows in the mountains. Budup‘eiixbi, ‘donkey weed’ (6udu, donkey, ) >] % The leaves of two shrubs are smoked with native tobacco to make it milder, especially in religious ceremonies. ~ Pimp'uix’ x, ‘mountain purslane’ (piv, mountain; pure’, Por- tulaca oleracea). ea Seas This shrub grows in the mountains near Cochiti, and the Santa Clara people procure it from that pueblo. Cf. Qwep'e, below. Quwep'e (qwe %; p'e, stick, plant). 2 . . The leaves resemble those of p'um pune’ x (see above) but are — smaller. This shrub grows on the hills to the west of Santa Clara Pueblo. Pit‘ipod., ‘red little ball flower’ (p2, red; 77, small and roundish like a ball; pod, flower). ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, y r ; = CO ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS ip A plant which grows in the mountains. It resembles the firepoker of our gardens. Pogo’’ntu (pogo’y, ———; tu, kernel). (| A San Ildefonso informant stated that this plant grows low on the ground in the hills. The seed-pods are six inches long; these are gathered when ripe and are eaten after being roasted in hot ashes. An informant at Santa Clara gave this, probably in error, as the name of the Mesquite, which he professed to have seen on the Mexican border. From the seeds, called pogo’’ntu (pogo’’y, ——; tu, kernel), and from which the plant evidently gets its name, flour was made. Poqwe. (po, water; qwe, 4 Cercocarpus parvifolius). i Said to be a kind of herb which. Tewa boys use as a perfume. Potap'e, ‘dry water plant’ (po, water; ta, dry; pe, stick, stalk, plant). ae This is a kind of weed that grows by the water. . Poten, ‘water tube’ (po, water; fey, tube). ? Villanova dissecta. Segobe (sego, unexplained; be, roundish fruit, ball). 2 Solanum jamesii. Potato. It is said that sxegobe was originally applied to a white-flowered plant, native to this region, which bears small edible tubers similar to potatoes. These tubers likewise are called segobe and are still eaten by the Tewa. No specimen of the plant could be obtained. See papa and nimp'u, which are also applied to ‘ potato.’ Swollen glands are called segobe. Sxyk o. are Described as a kind of hard-wooded shrub. Sepatowz?. ¢ ——_. This name was obtained at Santa Clara. Sepatow? is said to be a kind of water alga. This plant is placed on the forehead to stop nosebleed. Twiie. ¢——_.. Said to be the correct name of one of the species of plant wrongly called p'u tsdywe’ ty in this paper. This information was volunteered 1Cf, Hopi tiimna (‘‘a small nodule’’), potato (Solanum jamesii). It is boiled and eaten with a tale of greasy taste called tiimin’ tctika, ‘potato clay.’ (See Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., 1X, 1895, p. 19.) 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 by one of the old informants who had been ‘thinking it over” for several weeks. The plant is said to resemble ¢sep‘e (p. 68). - Tiwo, ‘swelling medicine’ (é, swollen, a swelling; wo, magic, medicine). Y , This plant is found on the hills east of San Juan Pueblo. The root of the plant pounded is applied to swollen parts. Tsi fy. ‘ A kind of shrub. Tsetop'wrgi (tse, white; top‘w%gi?). 2 A weed which resembles the dusty-miller of our gardens. It is said to look as if it had been rolled in gypsum or dust. It grows in the mountains and in the lowlands. Tu prin, ‘ved kernel’ (tu, kernel; p7, red). ¢ See page 69. Tusa, ‘ flesh tobacco’ (tu, flesh; sa, tobacco). This is described as a kind of wild tobacco. Tuwjo (ty, unexplained; 70, apparently jo augmentative). ¢ : A plant which grows in the mountains. 'Umpop'e, ‘blood plant’ ?wmpo, blood, < *wy, blood; po, water, liquid; p‘e, stick, stalk, plant). 7 A kind of plant found growing under pine trees in the mountains. It has red flowers and red juice, whence its name. Specimens were obtained from the mesa south of Frijoles Canyon, ! but these have not yet been identified. wiku (unexplained). New Mexican Spanish lechero. Wopre’ ‘red medicine’ (wo, magic, medicine; fz, red). ¢ This is descabed as a plant bearing red flowers; it is boiled and the decoction is drunk for purifying the blood. The plant grows in the mountains. 1See Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 410. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 55 PLATE 6 A. BALL CACTUS (MAMILLARIA SP.). B. PRICKLY PEAR (OPUNTIA CAMANCHICA), ROBBINS HA oO | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 15 Kepe, Hano Tewa (ke, apparently ke, bear; fe, berry). Red berries gathered and eaten in summer. Pakotsej?’', Hano Tewa (pako, said to be an old word; tse, yellow). Hopi, to’¢tsma. goes A plant with yellow flowers somewhat resembling Gutierrezia. This plant was formerly cooked with meat, or, dipped in salt water, was eaten with new corn. Sojomelep'e (Hano Tewa ),‘ urinal-pot plant’ (sojo, urine; mele, pot; pe, plant). pile dans : A plant bearing large roundish seed-vessels. Tajéd, Hano Tewa (faje, unexplained; °¢, sweetness). ? Atriplex sp. Orache. At Hano the young leaves and stalks are eaten, boiled, in spring. Sipulwi (Hano Tewa), ‘stomach swelling’ (s7, belly; p'wlu, swell). This is a second Hano name. vy) “ Talay, Hano Tewa (said to mean ‘spread wide’). Any plant having leaves spread wide on the sand would be so called. The Hano people never eat this plant for fear their stomachs would swell. Tamu (Hano Tewa), ‘grass bag’ (ta, grass, mu, bag). aad A grass used to cover the hatchway of the estufa (kiva) when warmth or privacy is needed. Titimp‘e, Hano Tewa (unexplained). Y Described as a flowering plant. Towasele, Hano Tewa (? tow, people, Indian; sxlex, stew, boil). 0 A plant which is eaten, boiled. Tsiku, Hano Tewa (unexplained). Rabbit-sticks, musical rasps, stirring-sticks for cooking, shade- sticks, lease-rods, and heddles for weaving are made of this hard, knotty wood. ; 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 Il. CuntivaTep PLANTS INDIGENOUS PLANTS Tue Tewa Economy At the time of the Spanish discovery the Tewa were cultivating, it would seem, maize, beans, pumpkins and other gourds, cotton, and tobacco. The Spaniards added to the native resources by introducing wheat,' oats, barley, chile, onions, other kinds of beans, peas, water- melons, muskmelons, peaches, apricots, and apples. The English- speaking Americans have introduced no food plant of importance. No doubt the Spaniards’ importations into New Mexico were not accepted without a struggle, but at the present day most of these plants constitute an indispensable factor of native life: they are re- garded as ‘‘ Indian food” which may be eaten in the estufa, and they are named in the ritual formulas and prayers. Thus, a Tewa at San Ildefonso described the people as praying in the estufa ‘‘for all the things they want to have—corn, wheat, melons, watermelons, onions, chiles, apples, peaches, all things they have to eat—and clothes, shoes; and a long life, to live to be old men.” The comparatively recent introduction of “store food” by the Amer- icans—machine-milled flour, sugar, bacon, lard, canned goods—tends to invest all home-grown foods with a kind of autochthonous prestige. Even in Arizona, the refuge of those Pueblo peoples who detested the Spanish rule and influence, melons and watermelons, chiles, and onions won their way. But the ritual songs at Hano name no foreign plants, only corn, beans, pumpkins, and cotton, sometimes coupled. with the name of kwelu (Peritoma serrulatum), an important wild food plant.? These cultivated plants were supplemented by a very wide knowl- edge and use of edible wild plants. But nowadays, although wild berries and nuts are still gathered in autumn and green weeds are eagerly sought and eaten in the spring, there is a very general and increasing neglect of all but the most common and best-liked. For- merly it was a matter of necessity that the housewife should know them and store them; for although in normal years they were merely a pleasant addition to the diet, yet drought, flood, fire, or a hostile raid might destroy the crops at any time, thus making the wild prod- ucts an indispensable resource.* At times when old people ate only once in three days in order to leave food for the children, no eatable 1The wheat grown at Moenkapi, a Hopi farming village, is of more modern introduction. 2Cf. W. Matthews, The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony (5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 448 and plate xvm). A dry painting represents the four principal plants: The corn plant, painted white, assigned to the god (Yay) of the east; the bean plant, blue, to the god of the south; the pump- kin vine, yellow, to the god of the west; the tobacco plant, black, to the god of the north. 3Cf. Hough, Amer. Anthr., X, p. 37,1897. The Hopi call Acanthochiton wrightii ‘‘ ancient Hopi food” and say that it has often warded off famine, springing up as it does before the corn is filled out. r 8 ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, . ; FREIRE-MARRECO ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA ‘INDIANS 17 substance was likely to be overlooked.t. But the coming of the rail- way has changed all this; and a shortage of crops, general or individ- ual, is now supplied, not from the savings of former years or by the substitution of wild plants, but by earning American money to buy American provisions.’ The people gain immensely in protection against want; but, at least in the present transition period, they decline in thrift. Idleness and resourcelessness are as disastrous as ever, but they are not so obviously irreparable. The nearer a pueblo lies to a railroad and stores, the more do families tend to live from hand to mouth, raising and storing less corn than will carry them through the year, selling corn extrava- gantly for luxuries, and meeting every emergency by recourse to store flour. The Tewa pueblos, which are all near the railroad and open to American influence, are particularly affected; while the people of Santo Domingo, near the railroad indeed but fenced in by their conservatism, are still rich in native food and thrifty in the use of it; ‘“‘they sell but they do not buy.”* Still it must be said that some Tewa women make an intelligent use of modern resources, feed- ing their families on store flour (paid for by the husband’s and chil- dren’s earnings) in the early winter while it is comparatively cheap, and reserving their own wheat and maize for the time when prices rise.* Valuing their time cheaply, they will travel miles to buy at the smallest advantage.° Most families make debts in the late summer and pay them after harvest. 1Several times of scarcity occurred from 1840 to 1860. ‘Our grandfather told us how poor the peo- ple used to be. When they had a good piece of rawhide, such as would be used now for shoe soles, they used to roast it, grind it, and make it into bread. He remembered one day when they went to a fiesta at Santa Cruz. There had been a piece of bread in the house at suppertime, but they saved it for grandmother because she was nursing my father (1852), so she ate it for breakfast and the rest went fasting to Santa Cruz. The family whom they visited had no food either, so they came home hungry as they went, and on the road they found a little corn dropped from a wagon and took it home, ground it, and ate it.’’ (Information communicated by a Tewa informant.) The Tewa etiquette of eating bread at meals recalls times of extreme economy—each person breaks from the pile of tortillas no more than he can eat at once, and returns any remnant to the common stock. Only sick people (and women soon after childbirth) take a whole tortilla at a time. The Yavapai etiquette, founded on camp life, is exactly the contrary. 2Mr. A. F. Bandelier was told by a Cochiti Indian in 1882 that ‘formerly the people saved many wild plants in autumn inorder to have food in spring when the crops gave out.” ‘‘Now,’’ Mr. Bandelier says, ‘‘they have become less provident, or more indifferent to such means of subsistence.” (Information communicated by Mr. Bandelier.) ’The Hano people and the Hopi are less affected than are the Tewa in general by modern condi- tions, but even among the former thrift is declining. Many women sell maize for sugar and coffee, and run short before March; those who make pottery can exchange it for store flour to an indefinite extent. Here again commercial facilities and thriftlessness are obviously related; the ‘‘ nonpro- gressive’’ village of Hotavyila, where there are no traders, raises and stores more food per household than Oraibi, and very much more than Hano, Walpi, or Sichomovi. 4A man at Santa Clara said, on February first, that his wife had nine almudas of maize besides her own wheat flour. ‘‘We are buying flour now and only giving corn to the horses, and then the maize will last us [three adults, four children] until I get my new wheat in August, and so we shall not be hungry.” . ®Tt must be added that the present scarcity of meat and hides makes money a necessity in New Mexico, and corn must be sold, or wages must be earned. © e 78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 55 Along with this decline in thrift the diet of the ‘‘ progressive” Tewa pueblos tends to become very monotonous. The standard of variety has been lowered. Once the people’s own idea of a good diet embraced cultivated plants in addition to wild plants in season in considerable variety, drawing on the greatest possible number of different food plants, since the available quantity of any single plant was limited. Now the people draw on the unlimited but unvaried supplies of the American store, or on what they can afford to buy of them—white flour, coffee, and sugar. To buy what the store offers is less trouble than to hunt for plants in the open; further, an ideal of women’s work and behavior is growing up which rather discourages the old activi- ties. The women are not to help to provide food (except by earning money), but to keep a clean house, cook, and serve hot meals. The standard of variety in cooking has also declined, as may be seen by comparing the number of ways in which corn is cooked at Santa Clara with those at Hano. Like all Indian arts, cookery is suffering from a half-conscious discouragement in which perfection is no longer aimed at, because of the overwhelming superiority of American civil- ization. Many progressive families deliberately aim at the monoto- nous diet of the whites with whom they come in contact, but attain only a poor imitation of it. PLANTS CULTIVATED BY THE TEWA BEFORE THE SPANISH CONQUEST Ku, Hano Tewa k'ylyy. Zea mays. Maize, Corn. Spanish maiz (New Mexican Spanish pronunciation, mdis). For the names of the various parts of the corn plant see figure 6. VARIETIES OF CORN Zea mays has a strong tendency to variation in the coat-color of the seed, and the Pueblo Indians have long possessed and distinguished several varieties based on this character.’ Castafio de Sosa? noted in 1590-91 that the New Mexican pueblos had maize and beans of several colors—‘‘el maiz hera de muchas colores, é lo propio es el frisol.” Since a number of such color-varieties in maize were found in widely separated parts of North America at the time of the European dis- covery,* it is most probable that some of them at least had become 1 Nordenskiéld, Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, p. 93 (and pl. XLv, description): ‘‘Ears of maize found inthe ruins . . . belong to several varieties, and are yellow (yellowish gray) and (dark) reddish-brown. I never found an ear similar in color to the blue corn of the Mokis.”’ 2 Doc. Inéd. de Indias, XV, 238. 3 See the following: Thomas Hariot, A Briefand True Reportof Virginia (quoted by Thomas, Mound Explorations, 12th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 616): ‘‘Pagatowr, a kind of grain so called by the inhabitants; the same in the West Indies is called Mayze, Englishmen call it Guiny-wheat or Turkey ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, * ; Sea itenco |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 79 fixed in or near the area of original domestication,’ before it came into the hands of the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona. On the other hand, it is not impossible that the development of color- varieties has been carried farther in. the Pueblo area than else- where. Certain conditions have furthered this process, even among an uncivilized people: (1) The fact that the coat-color of the seeds lends itself easily to observation and selection. (2) The local custom of planting, not in large continuous fields, but in small isolated patches of ground chosen for their soil and natural drainage. In such situations favorite strains of corn would be easily kept apart; for probably a half-mile interval of broken ground would protect them, asa rule, from mixture by means of wind-borne pollen. This is the method still followed by the Hopi and the Tewa of Hano, who have no artificial irrigation except in the rare terrace gardens below springs. Clans and individuals have their separate fields. Thus, at Walpi the Snake clan and their connections plant in a wide sandy wash, in Tewa called a pot/usinaba (po, water; ¢/u, enter; nada, field), southwest of the mesa. The Cloud clan plants southeast of the mesa; some of the Fox clan plant ten miles away, near Keam’s Can- yon; the Tewa have a group of fields far up the wash to the north- east. These are the clan fields, and they are of considerable size; but individuals make their ‘‘first planting,” ’¢mbipa’%eko, in early spring on tiny isolated flood plains made by damming the water in sheltered gullies. At Mishongnovi some of the Hopi make their ‘first planting” in very small walled fields of sand lodged on the rocky hillside. In the scattered farming settlements, or ‘‘clan houses” (if we rightly suppose that such existed before the aggrega- wheat... Thegrain is about the bigness of our ordinary English peas and not much different in form and shape; but of divers colors, some white, some red, some yellow and some blue.’’ Beverley, History of Virginia (2d ed., 1722, vol. 1, 125-127): ‘‘ There are four sorts of Indian corn; two of which are early ripe, and two, late ripe; all growing in the same manner. ... The lateripecornis diversify’ed by the shape of the grain only, without respect to the accidental differences in colour, some being blue, some red, some yellow, some white, and some streak’d. That therefore which make the distinction is the plumpness or shrivelling of the grain; the one looks assmooth and as full as the early ripe corn, and this they call flint-corn; the other has a larger grain, and looks shrivell’d with a dent on the back of the grain, asif it had never come to perfection; and this they call she-corn.” John Gerard, The Herball or General Historie of Plants (London, 1597; 2d edition, 1633, chap. 61): “Of Turkie Corne. The kindes. Of Turkie cornes there be divers sorts, notwithstanding of one stock or kindred, consisting of sundry coloured grains, wherein the difference is easy to be discerned . . . The graine is of sundry colours, sometimes red, and sometimes white, and yellow, as my selve have seene in myne owne garden, where it hath come to ripeness.’ He figures ‘“frwmentwm indicum luteum, Yellow Turkey Wheat,” apparently with long dented grains, “frumentum indicum rubrum, Red Turkey Wheat,” with small dented grains, and ‘“‘frwmentum indicum ceruleum, Blew Turkey Wheat,” with full smooth grains. 1 Cf..Cyrus Thomas, in Handbook of American Indians (article Maize): ‘It is now generally sup- posed to have been derived from native grasses—the Euchlena mexicana of s. Mexico and E. lucurians of Guatemala, the latter approximating most nearly the cultivated corn.” 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 tion of clans into villages), even the clan fields must have been small and so would have encouraged the isolation of strains.'| (5) Another condition favorable to the restriction of the number of varieties of corn was the ancient prejudice against taking seed from other communities. ed S. Niieaneesanet: 1 a Fic. 6.—K ‘uy, Corn plant. a, kay, inflorescence, tassel; b, katey, inflorescence stalk; ¢, k‘ouckowd, husk of ear; d, k'osek‘apu, stem of ear; e, k'w’uk'owd, leaf-sheath; f, pu’c, rootlets; g, kdtu, pollen; h, sg, silk; i, ko2, ear; ji, kuy, cob; k, k‘e, grains; 1, ka, leaf; m, k'w’u, cornstalk; n, k'w’upuge, base of cornstalk; 0, pu, root. In New Mexico methods have been changed by the establishment of villages near permanent streams and the consequent development 1 We understand the nomenclature of Pueblo clans so slightly that it would be rash to assume that clans called Early Corn, White Corn, and the like had specialized strains of corn when they joined their pueblos. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, in - A 2 ee kuinco |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 81 of irrigation. But the Tewa of Santa Clara have a strong tradition of an earlier state of things: In old times, when the people lived on the hills, they had no ditches; the corn grew with water purely from the heavens. When it was very dry, the women watered it from their jars.‘ Then the people began to plant in the arroyos where the water ran, and so, little by little, as best they could, they thought of irrigating. The Pueblo Indians have myths which profess to account for the variously colored strains of corn. A Zui myth? ascribes the origin of the seven kinds (yellow, blue, red, white, streaked, black, all-colored) to the selection by their ancestors of large and beautifully colored grass seeds, ceremonially planted with feathered wands of the desired colors, and fertilized by the ritual union of the youth Yapotuluha with the Seven Corn-maidens. The following myth, obtained from a Tewa of Santa Clara, was obtained from Miss ©. D. True: Long ago the people lived principally on meat; forest fires destroyed the game and the people were starving. They went up to Puje* and danced for many weeks before the caciques could obtain a dream. At last the caciques dreamed; in accord- ance with their dreams they made a small hole, placed in it pebbles of six colors corresponding to the world-regions, and covered the opening with astone. The people danced again for several weeks; then the caciques looked into the hole and saw six corn-plants sprouting in it. From this first planting came the six colored varieties of corn. The Tewa of New Mexico distinguish seven principal varieties of corn, named in the following order: 1. Ky tsdywe'iy, ‘blue corm (k'u, corn; tséywe, blue), associated with the North, personified by A‘utséiwaiu, ‘ Blue Corn Maiden. 2. Ky tsejVin, ‘yellow corn’ (k'u, corn; tse, yellow), associated with the West, personified by A‘ytsej?w¢ny, ‘Yellow Corn Maiden.’ 3. Aw priy, ‘red corn’ (/°u, corn; p27, red), associated with the South, personified by A“upinw’a@@ny, ‘Red Corn Maiden.’ 4. Ky tsx’in, ‘white corn’ (k"y, corn; fsx, white), associated with the East, personified by A‘ufseiwa iu, ‘White Corn Maiden.’ 5. Aw tseygety, ‘many-colored corn’ (A"y, corn; tsx yge, Many colored), associated with the Above, personified by A™utseyge(c’) wu, ‘Many-colored Corn Maiden.’ 6. A'u p'enzy, ‘black corn’ (k'u, corn; p‘ey, black), associated with the Below, personified by K‘up‘end7’?’wmiyu, ‘Black Corn Maiden.’ t. K'up‘inini, ‘dwarf corn,’ personified by Kup‘inind’afiy, ‘Dwarf Corn Maiden.’ It will be noticed that the first six of these varieties are associated with the cardinal colors andthe world-regions, and it seems probable that the 1Cf. M. C. Stevenson, The Zufii Indians, p. 353. Zuiii women carry water in jars to their vegetable gardens. 2Cushing, Zuni Creation Myths, Thirteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 392-398. ’See Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 236. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 six-fold classification made by the Tewa has been influenced by the fact that they possessed maize of six colors; or rather, five, since ‘‘many- colored maize” is simply maize in which grains of several colors grow on the same cob. In addition to the six cardinal colors, intermediate colors are recognized; see COLOR-ADJECTIVE CoMpouNDS, p. 32. The seventh variety, p'inind, or k'up‘inini (ku, maize; p‘inini, midget, dwarf, ‘small, weazened person’ appears to be from Spanish pzgmeo, New Mexican pronunciation pininéo, pigmy), is a kind of corn with small ears and small yellowish-white grains. The Tewa state, how- ever, that they have had this variety of corn from immemorial times. The name has sometimes been translated ‘‘sweet corn” by the Ameri- cans and maiz dulce by the Mexicans. The introduced sweet corn, however, is distinguished as: Ku ’@ iy, ‘sweet corn’ (ky, maize; ’d, sweet). Sweet Corn. New Mexican Spanish maz dulce. Hodge gives Ku"aii-tdoa as a Sweet Corn clan at San Ildefonso. At the present time (1912) the largest proportion of the corn raised at Santa Clara is ‘‘blue” and ‘“‘white”. ‘‘Blue” corn, k*y tsdywex’ty, is almost black in coat-color, but, when ground, it produces a blue-pur- plemeal. ‘‘Black” corn, k'y p'e’niy, has a dusty, gray-black surface. Indian yellow corn, k*y tsejv’iy, is not raised at Santa Clara, but there is a fine strain of it at Tesuque. One or two men at Santa Clara raise American yellow corn. A dark-red variety mottled with black was introduced four years ago from Jemez. The Tewa of Hano distinguish the following strains, naming them in the same order as do the Hopi: K‘ylun tset, yellow corn—North. K'ylun tsdnwe’t, blue corn—West. K'ulum p’i, red corn—South. Kulun ts#’i, white corn—Kast. K'ulum DP ‘e’nt, black corn—? Below. Kulun temege z, mixed-colored corn—? Above. P*ininik' uly, ie corn. Meley, a dwarf corn cultivated by the ancestors; archaic name, jele. Intermediate colors are also named, as— Kyluy vi, gray corn. K'ylum pitsekv’%, pink corn. EK ylum pip'eniz, dark-red corn. TREATMENT OF CORN Corn is planted by the Rio Grande Tewa in April. As with all other seeds, it should be sown under a waxing moon, so as to grow with the moon; under a waning moon the seeds cease growing. Not 5 oe VERS pe mane BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 55 PLATE 7 A, SALTBUSH (ATRIPLEX CANESCENS), A SHRUB SEVERAL FEET HIGH IN THE CANYONS ON TALUS SLOPES AND STREAM TERRACES. B. WILD SQUASH (CUCURBITA FCETIDISSIMA), A TRAILING FORM IN CANYONS, ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, y ~ Ten laENco ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 83 everyone knows the right times for sowing; some men know the time for one crop and some for another. Sometimes women help to plant by dropping seeds after the men. . The corn is gathered in late September or early October, after the watermelons have been taken. The gobernador proclaims the day on which people are to begin to take their corn, and at the more con- servative pueblos, for instance at Nambé, no one dares to take it before the time. At Santa Clara the people do not planta field for the cacique, nor have they done so within the last 50 years. They used to plant a field in common for the support of the church. Occasionally women help to gather ‘their corn,” but most of the work is done by the men, who pick the ears by hand and place them in sacking aprons, leaving the stalks to be cut down with a scythe. They bring the ears to the pueblo in a wagon the sides of which have been inclosed with cottonwood saplings and cornstalks, and pile them in the plaza before their houses, for husking. The pueblo of San Ildefonso is swept before the corn is brought home, ‘‘because corn is just the same as people and must have the plaza clean, so that the corn will be glad when we bring it in.” Men, women, and children spend several days husking the corn, going to help relations when the work for their own household is done. The men and boys chop the stalks with axes; within living memory sharp stones were used for the purpose. A large pile of husks is soon formed against which the women sit; the master of the house presides and takes special charge of the best ears. An ear on which no grain has developed is called ta bw iy, ‘lazy grass’ (ta, grass; ba, lazy), and the same jesting reproach is used to a lazy woman who will not grind. When such an ear is found in the course of husking, a man or boy will strike a woman with it, crying, ta ba iy/, reproaching her as a poor housewife. If both parties are young, this assault leads to much romping and struggling; the girl protests that, lazy or not lazy, nothing would induce her to marry that boy; he chases her and rolls her playfully in the corn husks, while the elders laugh indulgently. The little girls carry large ears of corn in their shawls, calling them their children. The whole tone of the work is gay and enthusiastic. The better ears are selected for seed at the time of husking, each person laying aside such as appear to come up to the standard, which naturally varies from year to year according to the general quality of the crop. These ears, called s‘owaju, are not entirely stripped, but two or three strips of husk, /‘owd, are left attached to them. The master of the house reminds the helpers to save the good ears by say- ing biyk‘owajwd (bry, ye, three or more—them; k‘owaju, choice ears; *d, do). He may tell them also to save clean husks for smoking and 84. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 other uses, biyk‘owapa (bvy, ye, three or more—them; h‘owd, husk, skin; pa, make). The k*owaju are handed over to the master at the end of the day, and the ordinary ears are tossed up on the roof or on a platform built of cottonwood poles and branches, or are laid on a bed of logs—in any place that is dry and well drained. When the husking is finished the master clears away the husks, rak- ing them over to find piles of /°owajw unwittingly covered up in the heap, and next day he makes the %'wop‘we (k"u, corn; ’op‘tse, braid), fastening the £‘owaju in a long braid by means of the strips of husk attached to them. Most men sort the s‘owaju according to color, making one braid (Spanish rzstra) of blue ears, another of white, and soon. It is recognized that a crop of corn will always be more or less mixed in color; that, if one sows all blue corn, ‘‘some white is sure to mix in it from another field.” But most men, by continuing to select the whole blue and whole white ears each year for seed, keep up approximately a white strain and a blue strain. The ristras when finished are set up to dry, resting on the points of the ears, and afterward are hung over the parapet of the roof. Certain ears are saved for seed with the husk on; these are called k‘oae, or k' ote k owaywogebo” (kote, ear of corn; k'owd, skin; ywogebo”, withal). It is said that these are not husked until the spring, when the kernels are sown before any of the other seed. Some husked ears of white corn set apart in the houses have spruce twigs tied on them. Dwarf corn, parched and made into 7zstras, is hung on the parapet to dry. All this is man’s work. Miss C. D. True informed the writer that the seed corn is the sub- ject of a winter ceremony * in which all the heads of houses take part, and that after this ceremony it may not be touched except by the head of the house.’ Seed corn should be kept over until the second year; that is, corn gathered in 1912 should be sown in 1914. If sown the very next year, it is supposed to germinate less quickly. An informant at San Ildefonso gave the same rule: The old women are like that; they know from very old times, and they keep the corn for seed; some they sow the next year, but some they keep for the year after.* Then, if no corn should grow this year there would still be some to sow the year 1 Possibly identical with the Winter Solstice Ceremony at Hano, See Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., n.s., I, no. 2, pp. 251-276. 2The statement is made, but on doubtful authority, that the Keres of Santo Domingo represent in their August dance the coming of messengers from destitute pueblos to beg seed-corn from Santo Domingo. 3Fray Juan de Escalona, writing in October, 1601, from San Gabrielin the Tewa country, says that “the captain-general and his officers haye sacked the villages, robbing them of their corn of which they had six years’ store, so that now they are eating wild seeds mixed with charcoal.’”’ (Quoted by Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. v.) ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, yr aeoaan AHAREICO | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 85 after... They do the same with melon and watermelon seeds. They want to keep the corn of the pueblo. We could buy other seed, and perhaps better, from white people; or we could get seed from other pueblos; but the old men do not want that. They want to keep the very corn of the pueblo, because the corn is the same as the people. At Santa Clara, however, seed corn is often imported; one man showed a strain of red corn from Jemez and proposed to get white corn from a friend at Taos, ‘* because it is very cold there, and their corn ought to ripen early here.” Other men said that corn from a distant place generally grew larger and better. While they lay stress on color, size of ears, and quick growth and ripening, they seem to neglect depth of planting. But for sowing they prefer the large grains from the lower part of the ear. A few men raise American yellow maize.? The introduction of new food plants, e. g., cabbage, is often discouraged by the women, who refuse to cook or eat them. The Hano people showed themselves highly averse to exchanging seed of their own for that of a New Mexican pueblo, suspecting the ‘intention ” of the senders. It is said that at Tesuque, where ‘‘ the customs” are admittedly very strict, people are allowed to plant only the traditional crops—corn, wheat, melons, watermelons, pumpkins, beans, and chile; anyone who attempted to sow new crops or American seeds would be punished. The same feeling must have been at work in 1680, when the revolted Indians burnt wheat, sheep, pigs, and fowls—all Spanish importations— along with books and images and vestments. The Santa Clara people consider it a proof of their own modern liberalism that they allow any kind of seed to be sown. The ordinary corn, when it has been husked, comes into the charge of the mistress of the house, who sorts it according to quality— some for grinding at home, some for sale, some for feed for the horses. A widower may be seen doing this work for himself. A small quantity of the new corn is shelled off the cob at once and dried on cloths in the sun, to make atole next day. When the corn has dried in the open air it is taken into the house, sometimes being pitched into a storeroom through a chimney hole, and finally the master and mistress of the house stack it in a neat pile, sorted accord- ing to color or quality. As soon as people have husked their own household corn they go to help their relations. Widows and orphans and needy persons in general help at as many huskings as possible, receiving a present of corn at each. ‘‘ Mexicans” are sometimes hired to help, and men go to other pueblos to help relations who are short of help. 1At the Keres pueblo of Cochiti a field is cultivated by all the people for the benefit of the eacique. He is expected to keep the corn from this field as a reserve over the next year, in case the people’s corn should fail or be destroyed. 2The Hopi are said to be willing and anxious te use American seeds, 7961°—Bull. 55—16——7 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 - The pueblo is finally swept of the litter of husks late in October, generally in preparation for a dance. PROPERTY IN CoRN Standing crops are the property of men, usually the heads of house- holds. Boys often have fields assigned to them by their fathers or bequeathed by their mothers’ relations, which they plant and call their own, although they put the corn into the family stock. Crops once housed belong to the mistress of the house, who has to store and care for them, so as to feed the family during the year. She uses, gives, and sells the corn at her discretion, making a daily allowance for her husband’s horses and, at his request, for those of ene A man always speaks of the stored corn and other food as ‘‘my wife’s” and does not dispose of it without her leave. Sometimes he speaks of it as hers while it is still in the fields. The seed corn belongs to the man. Hay and corn- Blocks! which are stacked on platforms over the cor- rals, fenced with wens and tall cornstalks, belong to the man. GRINDING CoRN The Pueblo method of grinding maize on the metates, ’o, has often been described.’ In the Tewa villages of New Mexico the younger women do not learn to grind, and few new houses are furnished with metates; when the occupants need corn meal they grind at an older house, or put a small quantity through the coffee mill. This means the practical abandonment of maize as human food in favor of wheat. Older women contrast their own hands, in which certain muscles are largely developed, while the finger-nails are worn down obliquely by rubbing on the metate, with the slight hands of the girls. In the youth of the former—perhaps thirty years ago—women used to rise before dawn to grind. When the men were going to the plains to trade with the Comanche, the women used to grind whole loads of meal for them to carry. Several women would grind together at night; they ground the corn successively on four metates ranging from rough to smooth. On the first they broke up the corn, and reduced it to fine flour on the fourth, toasting it after each grinding. Meanwhile the men sang the grinding song (a tune without words, still known), - or beat a drum, and the women kept time to the music with slow regu- lar strokes. There is a story that in ancient times women did not have to grind; they merely laid the mano and the corn on the metate and it ground itself. At Hano grinding is still the daily occupation of women. Where - there are several women in a house, the unmarried girls are set to erind, while the married women fetch water. Girls grind for their. 1Cf, Mindeleff, Eighth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 211; Cushing, Zufii Bread-stufi, ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, r < ene |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 87 father’s sisters, and make parties to do the same work in one anoth- er’s houses; married women grind occasionally for their mothers-in- law. Girls sing while they grind, and smear their faces with meal before and after grinding; and this is playfully recommended as a way of learning the task. They also powder their faces with meal when they are in full dress. Rituau Use or CorRN-MEAL The ritual use of k'uk‘xy or k‘exmbowa by the New Mexican Tewa is necessarily attended with so much reserve and secrecy that it will be more convenient to describe here some of tbe practices of the Tewa of Hano. White corn-meal is primarily the women’s offering, as feathers are the offering of the men, but to a less degree each is used by the other sex. The action of offering corn meal is called dok*uluyk' ili, ‘1 [scat- ter] corn grains’ (do, I-it; k'yluy, corn; #22, grain), or, rarely, do k' emu (do, I-it; k°emu, unexplained). In this manner women pray to the sun at sunrise, asking for long life, d6cjowowa’o0" (dibi, they themselves; jowowa, pray for life; 0, do), especially when giving names to infants or adults. By throwing meal on the k'ajéte’’, ‘fetish house’ or ‘ shrine,’ and saying their wish aloud, they ask favors of the kachina. They take corn-meal, k'uluyh‘tli, in their hands when they go to dig clay for pottery. A song represents a woman praying with corn-meal for the success of her husband, who has gone to trade in the New Mexican pueblos: ‘*At daybreak taking k'yluykili with her, going out on the roof, sprinkling it eastward (she says). Buffalo hides he shall find for me, costly things he shall find for me. So she says, she sprinkles it in all directions.”’ When a rabbit is given toa woman she lays it on the floor and drops meal on it ‘* to feed it.” When the impersonators of the kachina visit a house, the women welcome them by throwing corn-meal to each in turn. Similarly, when the kachina visit an estufa, the te’ etunjo, ‘estufa chief,’ makes a cir- cuit of them before they begin their performance, throwing a pinch of meal to each from the bag, *2b¢k'uluk‘ilimy (262, his; k‘wlu, corn; kilt, grain; my, bag), which hangs from his neck, and onsome occasions the senior woman of the clan which controls the estufa is stationed behind the ladder with meal in her hand ready to throw as the visiting kachina pass. At public dances in the plaza several old men pass along the line of dancers, throwing meal to each and uttering requests 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 55 on behalf of the village; the clowns (kosakojala) also wear meal-bags and occasionally sprinkle from them. When the people have planted for a chief and he exhibits his k'yluy’a, ‘dressed corn’ (k‘uluy, corn; ‘a, clothing, dressed), all the people throw corn-meal and pray to it. Two kinds of ritual ‘‘ road,” p‘oloy, are made with corn-meal. One is a line drawn along the path by which visitors are ritually invited to enter—%imbip‘oloy ’oyko, ‘their road lies for them’ (p‘oloy, road; ’on, it for them; Xo, to lie) —whereas a path is ritually closed by a line of meal drawn across it—ndtsala, ‘it is cut’ (nd, it; tsa, tocut; la, modal). The other kind of road is a line of meal with a feathered cotton string lying on it (or a feathered cotton string carried in a man’s hand with a pinch of meal), by which absent persons, game animals, etc., are invited to travel to the village. At the naming of a child or adult (% female only), the face, breast, and hands are powdered with corn meal, and the walls of the room should be “painted” with meal in four places; the impersonator of the sun, fansenno, “ paints” certain houses with meal when he makes his rounds in February. Cooxine oF Corn Propucts The following preparations of corn, among others, are eaten by the Tewa of Hano: Mowa (Rio Grande Tewa, buwa), wafer bread (New Mexican Spanish guallabe), the piki of the Hopi.? It is a staple article of food, being eaten at the ordinary household meals, and supplied to shepherds and travelers as their provision (Avg); at dances and ceremonies the per- formers are refreshed with mowa brought to them by their feinale relations; immense piles of mowa are given as return presents (wo’a, pay) from one household to another. In most households mowa is made once a week or once a fortnight and stored in a box, from which it is dealt out by the mother or eldest daughter as it is needed. Parties of women meet to make mowa in one another’s houses. 1Torquemada’s informant from San Gabriel (1601) writes: “‘At daybreak the women go with meal and feathers to certain toscas stones, which they have set up, and throw them a little of the meal which they are carrying and some of those little feathers, with the intent that they should keep them [the women] safe that day so that they may not fall from the ladders, and also that they should give them dresses (mantas).” Benavides says (1630) that the Pueblo Indians before going out to fight offered ‘‘meal and other things”’ to the scalps of enemies whom they had slain; that they offered meal to the heads of deer, hares, rabbits, and other dead animals before hunting, and to the river before fishing. Women who desired lovers offered meal to stones or sticks which they set up for the purpose on hillocks ata distance from the pueblo. 2The Zufi recipes for wafer bread (‘‘he’we’’), tortillas (‘‘ he’yahoniwe’’, dumplings, light bread (‘‘he’palokia '=puwak'o), doughnuts (‘“‘mu’tsikowe’’), hominy (=‘ chu’tsikwanawe’’), roasted sweetcorn (mi/lo‘we), popped corn (‘ta’kunawe’’), are given by Mrs. Stevenson. (See The Zuni Indians, pp. 361-367, and Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, passim. ) ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, = , i eee etcaecn |] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 89 Mowais made ona rectangular slab of fine-grained stone, about 3 feet square, laboriously hewn and polished, called mowaku (mowa, bread; ku, stone), which rests on stones at the ends or at the four corners. This slab stands under a wide open chimney in a special room, mowa- kwite (mowa, bread; ku, stone, ’ibe, place); it is heated by a fire built beneath it. A soft liquid dough or batter is prepared in a mixing bowl, and when the stone has been thoroughly heated and wiped with a greasy rag, a small quantity of the batter is spread over the surface by a quick, sweeping motion of the hand, leaving a thin, even layer. In a few seconds this layer of dough is so far cooked that it can be peeled off entire by one of its corners; it is laid aside on a wickerwork tray, and a second layer is spread on the stone. While this is cooking, the first sheet of mowa is laid over it again to benefit by the heat; then the first and second sheets are removed, a third layer is spread, and the second sheet is laid above the third for extra cooking; and so on. When a bowlful of the batter has been used, there is a pause in the work; the semitransparent sheets are folded in four, and sometimes the four-fold sheets are rolled into cylinders. In either shape they may be eaten fresh or stored for future use; they keep good fora fortnight or more. Stale mowa may be broken up fine and toasted, dipped into cold water, or mixed with boiling water into a porridge. Mowa is generally made of ‘‘ blue” corn-meal, with the addition of ashes stirred into the dough, turning it toa rich greenish blue. The ashes of ta’jxy (Atriplex canescens), gathered for the purpose in summer, are preferred; but late in the winter, if the stock of éa%jzxy is exhausted, ashes of sheep’s dung are used. ‘‘ Blue” corn-meal with- out ashes makes purple-gray mowa,; white mowa is made of white corn-meal; red and yellow mowa, used by certain /achina, is made by mixing vegetal dyes in the dough. The ordinary mowa consists of fine meal with the addition of ashes and a little salt; dsx’im mowa (dé, unexplained; sx, bitter) is made with the addition of a larger quantity of salt; ’éem mowa (a, sweetness; key, pour from the mouth) was formerly made of dough sweetened by mixing with it chewed meal or stale mowa broken up fine and chewed, but it is now sweetened with sugar. Atl’ Cd, unexplained; #2274, dots or specks) are made by drop- ping small quantities of batter at intervals on the hot stone, much as white people make pancakes. Mowanusege (mowa, bread; nusege may describe size or shape of the cakes) consists of corn just beginning to ripen, ground on a single metate in the field shelter. The dough is formed into flat oblong cakes, about the size of the palm of the hand, which are rolled and 1The Hopiprepareared dye for kachina pike from the seeds of Amaranthus palmeri Watson, which they cultivate in terrace gardens around thesprings. They color pike also with the ashes of Parryella flifolia, and cf. Atriplex canescens. (Hough, Amer. Anthr., vol. X, n0. 2, 1897, pp. 39, 40.) 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 55 baked in the oven of a modern stove (kwekup‘a) ; formerly these were baked on small stones over a bed of hot coals. Mowatok'o (mowa, bread; to, unexplained; k‘o, bake, roast, broil) is made of blue corn-meal mixed with sugar and ashes of fajexy, stirred with a stick in boiling water. As it cools, the mass is mixed thoroughly with the hands. A handful of the dough is put into a corn-husk, the edges of which are wrapped over the dough and the ends turned down, and the whole is baked in an oven. To make the oven, four stones are set up to enclose a rectangular space, in which a fire is built; the hot embers are reduced to fine fragments — which are spread in an even layer, and on which thin stone slabs are laid. On these are placed the corn-husk packets, weighted down with smaller stones. At the present time the oven of an ordinary cooking stove is often used. Tsinimowatsig? (tsini, chile; mowa, bread; ¢sigz, pinch) may be made as follows: Shape into flat cakes dough composed of rather coarse white corn-meal and water. On each cake lay a piece of meat and sprinkle over it powdered chile. Tie up the cakes in corn-husk and drop them into boiling water. This article of diet more nearly resembles the New Mexican tamale than does the following: Tamali (< Span. tamale), rolls of corn-meal dough boiled. | Melesele, ‘dumplings’ (mele, ball; sele, cook, boil, stew). Over blue corn-meal mixed with a small quantity of ashes boiling water is poured; the mixture is then stirred and kneaded into dough. This is rolled into little balls between the palms of the hands, which are dropped into boiling water to cook. ’Akemmele (d, sweetness; key, pour from the mouth; mele, ball) are dumplings made of corn-méal mixed with ashes, sweetened, for- merly with chewed meal, now with sugar, and boiled. The balls are larger than melesele, being about 2% inches in diameter. These dumplings are used as a supper dish. Mapisele (map, squeeze; sx¥lz, cook, boil, stew). Coarse blue corn-meal mixed with a small quantity of ashes is made into dough. Small pieces of this dough pressed between the fingers and palm of the closed hand are dropped into boiling water. When cooked these are eaten with fried chile, ¢scnztsile (tsina, chile; tsile, cook, parch, or fry). Three kinds of corn gruel are classed together: ’gk‘xy, kh ulumputsi, - and hijx. °Ak'xy (dé, unexplained; k‘xy, meal) is made by sifting coarse blue corn-meal (without ashes) with the hands into boiling water and stirring with a stick (dk'gmp‘e). Until the introduction of coffee and tea, this gruel was the usual morning drink. Ave (archaic name, meaning now unknown), a gruel of rather coarse corn- meal mixed with ashes and salt, sifted into boiling water and stirred with the ’ék'emp‘e, is seldom eaten now. A‘ulumputsi (k'uly, corn; TRoltn AgaEco | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 91 puts?, unexplained) was made by sifting coarse meal of p‘én7nz corn into boiling water. fakewe is cooked like ’¢k'xy, but with less water, making a stiff, rather dry, crumbling porridge, which can be handled in lumps. It is eaten in the morning and at other times instead of ’okingi, or mowa, especially with pot liquor from boiled meat. Shepherds make an im- itation of fakewe by sifting and stirring crumbled mowa into boiling water. Mowak'‘oke (mowa, bread; k’o bake, roast, broil; %e, put down) is eaten at sunrise on festive occasions, as the final feast of a wedding, the naming of a child, or when the kachina come. The impersonators of the kachina can not go to their houses for breakfast, and so their female relatives carry mowak‘oke and mowa to them. Two handfuls of wheat are put into a small basket or dish, sprinkled with water, covered with a cloth, and allowed to stand three or four days, until sprouted. White corn, after being soaked for a few minutes to loosen the outer skin, is ground on the first (coarse) metate; after the meal is well sifted it is ground fine. The sprouted wheat, ground, is mixed with the corn dough. The mixture, thoroughly stirred, is put into a vessel (formerly an earthenware pot, now a tin can lined with corn- husk or corn-leaves), which is covered with corn-husks, and baked at night in the mowak'ote, ‘oven’ (mowa, bread; k*o, to bake; te, house). This is a rectangular pit, 18 to 24 inches deep, cut in the rock outside the house and lined with slabs of stone. In this pit a fire is made; when it is hot, the embers are reduced to fragments and the vessel is set among them; the opening is closed with a slab of stone, sealed with clay, anda fire built on top. Next morning the vessel is taken out and the mowak*‘ oke is stirred with a stick. Mowasey (mowa, bread; sey, horn). Dough is made of blue corn- meal, with ashes and sugar; portions of the dough wrapped in corn- leaves are dropped into boiling water. When green corn-leaves, mowaseyk' owd (howd, skin, husk) are saved for wrappers, they are coiled into wheel-shaped bundles and tied with yucca strips. When wanted, a bundle is soaked in warm water to soften it before being untied. Mowatsigi and mowatsig?’e (tsig7, pinch, constrict; ’e, diminutive). Dough is made of blue corn-meal with the pdcition of sugar and len of tajen; small portions of the dough, wrapped in pieces of corn-husk and tied tightly in two places with shreds of yucca, are dropped into boiling water. When men and boys go to gather snow for the women of their fathers’ clans, the women make mowatsig?’e to pay them; they go to meet the men returning from the work and tie the little packets to their forelocks. Some hachina bring mowa- tsig?’e to the children. 992 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLD. 55 I*uynwe, parched corn. The corn should be parched on hot sand in a meal-drying pot, k'véamele (kv, corn-meal; ta, dry; mele, pot), over the fire, so that the kernels burst into ‘‘pop-corn”; but now the corn is often roasted in an American oven. As it is eaten it is sea- soned by moistening with a piece of corn-cob dipped into salt water contained in a dish set near by for the purpose. Kentsv vy (key, corn-meal; ts, ¢ parch, cook), parched corn-meal, Spanish pénole, comprises several varieties. The commonest is meal of p inini corn very finely ground which has been roasted at the time of harvest, the meal being dried over the fire after each grinding, on the coarse, medium, and fine-grained metates. A ‘xntsi’ty with mowa is the conventional food of travelers; it can be mixed with cold water and drunk without further preparation, and it is very nourishing. Some of the kachina, when they visit the houses, require the unmar- ried girls to grind k'xntsv’7y for them.* ’ Okingi (New Mexican Tewa, buwakasa; New Mexican Spanish, tortilla) is a round flat cake of unleavened bread of corn-meal or wheat flour, baked on the hearth or on a small hot stone. Okingt is the general oe for bread. Ummowakala (uy, blood; mowa, bread; kala, thick) are cakes of corn-meal mixed with fresh ox blood, bakes in the oven. ‘ Putasele (puta, unexplained; sxle, cook, stew, boil) are round flat cakes, about five inches in diameter and one inch in thickness, with a hole in the middle, made of blue corn-meal or of p‘¢ninz corn-meal. Képowenu (kd, fat; po, water, liquid; wenu, drip) were formerly made of white corn-meal and water and were fried in mutton grease. Now they are generally made of commercial wheat flour, with the addition of baking powder and salt. After being well kneaded the dough is made up with the fingers into very thin disks about nine inches in diameter, with one or two slits or holes in each. These are fried one by one in deep fat,—mutton grease, lard, or pig’s fat rend- dered down,—being carefully turned. They become golden-brown and puff up crisply, like very light doughnuts. Adpowenw are eaten on festive occasions; being quickly made, they are esteemed a delicacy proper for entertaining guests. Pei, hominy. White corn is put into warm water with ashes of corn-cobs, and boiled, more water being added if necessary, until it swells up to three times its original bulk. After the ashes are thor- oughly washed out the corn is boiled again, with mutton. At the pueblo of Santa Clara the preparation of maize foods has 1 The pinole of the Pima is made by grinding corn not merely roasted but popped. (Pfefferkorn, - Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonora, 1795, quoted by Russell in T'wenty-sixth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 67.) Dough made of k'gntsi’{y is called tawy’z. Some of the kachina give figurines of animals made of this dough to the children. “NOISSY SHL SO SNYHS ONIMINLS GNV AWOldAL ¥ ‘(SNS3OSSuOsuY VILNNdO) ‘((AOTSOIG SANWVHLOSAYHOS) HSNYS-LIdavy “L uWNVYLNS wVYSVISGNVO» ‘SNLOVD ANVD ‘SNLOVD YSITSGNVHO ‘¥ Be Pi MWg 4; 8 31V1d SS NILATING ADSOIONHLA NVOINSNV JO NVSYNE 4! ) $ ’ \ . ; i ‘ , i 1 Ae 1 or, im x ‘ i* = : { : ' ‘ he + s “/ ; f , ! $ ; a ee ra 1, j “A : ; f i é rt ” 4 sh ROBBINS, HARRINGTON, Set = FREIRE-MARRECO | ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 93 popularity of wheat flour, native and commercial, and the disinclina- tion of the women to grind maize on the metates; also in common with the general economic deterioration which accompanies the use of money and the proximity of American stores. Only a few prepara- tions have been noted in common use, but it is probable that others survive in connection with various ceremonies. Buwa' or buwajawe (jawe, to tear off a layer) (paper-bread, wafer-bread, New Mexican Spanish guallabe, Hopi piki, Zuni hewe) is made by methods similar to those described under mowa, page 89, but the blue color is given by add- ing lime. Perhaps half a dozen houses in the pueblo have rooms for making bw, and the hewn stones, buwaku, which are obtained in trade from the pueblo of Jemez.? Bwwa is not in everyday use: it is made for festivals and ceremonies, and the women who can make it are respected for the accomplishment. Buwakasa* (buwa, bread; kava, thick)—Spanish tortilla de maiz— is a flat, round, unleavened cake of blue corn-meal, baked on a hot stone over the fire. Itis fully as thin as the wheat tortilla, and is called ‘‘ thick” to distinguish it from buwa, ‘ water-bread.’ The Tewa say that their ancestors used the fat of deer to lighten their bread. Maize bread can be made of meal and water only, with- out grease, but, thus made, it is hard and heavy. Age, corn-meal gruel, Spanish azole, usually made of “‘ blue” corn- meal, is still in fairly regular use, and is the prescribed diet for the sick, either alone or served with sxpo, liquor from boiled meat (sz stew; po, water, liquid), or with dried beef. fakewe is stiff porridge made of ‘‘ blue” or red corn-meal. ’Age and fakewé are the conventional breakfast foods. Dumplings were formerly made by dropping balls of corn-meal dough into boiling water. The old men liked to sit by the pot so as to be ready to pick out with a splinter of wood the dumplings as fast as they were cooked, and eat them hot. White corn is boiled with mutton or beef; the stew is called posolt ( Alp‘alp‘a (< Span. alfalfa). Alfalfa. New Mexican Spanish alfalfa. IntropucepD FRutts! Any kind of introduced fruit is called be, which probably has the original meaning ‘ round thing,’ hence ‘ball,’ ‘ roundish fruit,’ ‘ berry,’ and is now in its uncompounded form especially applied to the apple. which is, next to the peach, the most common and the most important of the fruits introduced by the Spaniards into the Tewa country. 1See footnote, p. 107. 114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 55 Tepe (pe, stick, plant; fe, seed, fruit, crop) is used especially of small garden fruits and the berries of wild plants. Dried fruit is designated regularly by adding the adjective or the noun fa, ‘dry,’ ‘dryness.’ Thus: be po a ta a's, sede peaches,’ veg. 3+ plu. (be, roundish fruit, apple; p‘o, hairy, baie ia, dry, dryness); or be p'o’t” ta, literally ‘peaches dryness,’ veg. 3+ plu. (e, roundish fruit, apple; p‘o, hairy, hair; éa, dry, dryness). If the dried strips of melons, squashes, pumpkins, etc., are twisted into a roll, the roll is called, if, for instance, of muskmelon, benyn- diivobu, ‘roll of dried muskmelon’ (6enynd?, muskmelon; éa, dry, dryness; ’vbu, twisted roll of anything). If the dried muskmelon is not twisted into a roll, one would say simply, benundi tad, ‘dried muskmelons,’ veg. 3+ plu. (benynd?, muskmelon; fa, dry, dryness). Jam or sauce made of any kind of fruit is called sz, a word which is also applied to stewed meat. Thus: bese, ‘fruit sauce,’ ‘apple sauce’ (be, roundish fruit, apple; s#, sauce, stew). Jelly is called ¢felé ( Obukwin. (? Name of some wild plant.) Currant. New Mexican Spanish gvosella. Natagha ( Oliba (< Span. oliva). Olive. New Mexican Spanish acectuna, oliva. 1 Monarchia Indiana, lib. v, cap. XX XX, p. 680. 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 55 Pupape, ‘cracked buttocks fruit’ (pu, bottom, buttocks, anus; pa, cracked, chapped; pe, fruit). Strawberry. Raspberry. Loganberry. Gooseberry. Blackberry. Péniy, ‘black,’ is often added to pupape when it means ‘black- berry.’ Mos ( Ulé (< Span. hule). Tx’ i, ‘stretchy stuff’ (t#, stretchy, to stretch). . Rubber. New Mexican Spanish hile. Rubber tree would be called ’wlé, ’ulép‘e, ‘rubber plant’ (w/e, rubber, oa See ee = 10, 53 PANNEYINL NUS DULOILES 32 = = <= a= 2 + seen a 53 DALMETE WV ALSO 322/402 % eto =n 89 PECTOPORUS 22) cio o> =a See ee 53 OU TAO S102 6255S Seebesso sere Sees eee s anes 71 ETO DUN IIUT CO a farala nem ela oe ois eam 71 PAN GEE E UIND Swi. cio sttiin ninjaionts Se athe atte 46 TE DS ES SS Se ay eR re ee 98, 114 PRERIANID Soe So Lnside sis wc Bache e eee se 107, 114, 116 PAR ENUTUE COMI USD 25 assoc Sem ae sae eee 53 2 TCG CTS Oa ae a SO ees Seer eee oot 44,106 DO eo ae ee oe Seo es Sere c 44,45, E4° fORMODU ale ae 32a loms ee 3 eee 53 OPTIQUE eI Sia a 2, aera eS GG eNBG = foe e eae Fst. see tees 45 EE PIUESISIV aon cin Haas aceite Seer eee 54 J Se NOUS Aes Mer aie OE cy Nee A 11,113 SEaELES WaN ee ee atten) erat layout oe le aoe 10, 42 MEE MESES AG OLDEN ws aat cist aia 's = 52 ame iene Steins 54 ESPON Dc siete n sweet sin cde ccteeie eats te 7. 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DSS SR ROR Ree eS eRe One eae 67 PERUEPE SAND) Scot tae tela slam Ptr evi ieee re rela 63 (CUNT CSS = Oe Be pane eee =na 11, 85, 107, 112 | CActUs, BALE. ..-------..: -Sioeeee soe aeeee a 62 GRorgswOAN@ << 20 23. a-6 Stns. noses seer 62 Cxenus) CHANDEMER-2.\. 215-25 $s52 2s sec=e 10, 62 CAG TUS RICKEY, Dot Risst a, <2) ote cise eee 62 CACTUS MROUND-LBAVED << 021. dene ee ease 62 Campanile petiolate... - =~. 2. <= =e win ae 54 (CAR ice ng oe cose socdgee sea osee SEB onesies 11, 66,110 (CONISIS) (CONG Seer ae ees een oe Sees 62 CH OSTO NSIC (CNIS o = ea Peet meeercr ipa 110 GOREDISRE Sota nga ei ers ao ties soe seat See sess 66 WARE OM see cists en Sen miei cciae aS Seite 107, 112 GoStiejm nen eefOlG ae sar «mame one eee 54 CUNT S:UTI | Saas ARSE Ae SSE ee eebenoresa ae ae 10, 66 GUTH OW. eiss cies eos ee bias eee 112 (COTSVAT TSE SIS IEE ee ye ete er ae 39 (CIS yi gece Secon aN ee eat ee Fae 11,112 BETES ELRCIUMLLD: hoe eiS As Chloe Bae Saks see ee mars 39 Cenchrie CORONMAUNUSs 2-5 =e ma oa la > 63 GET COCO DUS MOTLONUS = ac so sho = Fee toa a 45 (DORUL POU Se al => eta elas ie pt 72 ORANDELURR @ACTUS= 2-0. 202 neem <= Soe 10, 62 | CILIRERAZ 3 SRR ee Meee ppm See a 11,115 CHPRE WG ROUND 22s) 2) 22 asso ese ee 59 CHRLERCS Hay IS Ge Me ene ee ots Jers pera 107 RUF CO eee ae ees ok oe ces Ree eee gee 11 CRN GS be Soop Se eD eRe ae pee es He Sarr aoe 11,98 Gals MUM RICAN see tec nclacine ve soa eiee eee 107 CROKE CHERRW soca -2s oe cise secs eee 10, 47 TYSONS S MUGS ULISSL IU <= ats-ja oe see 2 aa 54 Chrysothamnus bigciovii.-.------------------- 45, 60 GTMVEOLEN S222 = m= = oe == = 45,49 Gioitm OOCIAENLAISS occ a-12 loa ain ea =~ Se ea CHANINIYS VWOREDe see eo gates ste es = pe cange 59 GIST WIND) BRE Re OEE SN ne nM ae ee ee 63 Glemars lousthienfolid—... 2-22 == 22 nen one 63 (TOY SION) Riot sls Sere eee BeBe emo ac weno 67 CHOVGR He RAIRIMe: 25 sages cee > se teeta tes 58 (Cleves eo OF ee se Se REA eR One rae se 5 oe 49 AQ COND Meck mutes cee tat se cisions Saye ane eine 11,117 GUSH eee st atm oe Soe Siena Soe 11,117 Coleosanthus umbellatus......--------------- 54 COLORADO RUBBER PLANT...-.------------ 56 COMMON. DANDELION = 22 o<2265-5=—02c-6esqse- 61 LGM MON ANUALEOW'sc2 Sates ce devine eas ie 61 WSN eet; si nis poe lois nna Soon Se tees 10, 59, 78-94, 98 Sce MAIZE. (CORNG SMI) 0. 2 anne Sores ce eae nasa aie 66, 67 MOUTON To 2). ele aacde sect he sneer aes ose 10, 59, 102-103 CoTTONWOOD, MOUNTAIN.....-------------- 42 _ CoTTONWOOD, NARROW-LEAF......--------- 42 CorTroNWwooD, RYDBERG’S...-.-......--.---- 42 COTTONWOOD; VALLEY 2 cca... ce sons eeecen n= 10, 42 122 CRANESBIOI 36.0 .cedeca se semen ce aie CREOSOTE, .AUSH ia saeee cee nea seas hate ORGS oon kes tee eee ee eres ccs ae GROWROOTT.Gcttan een eres aeeee ce ate CUCUMBER 3:2 55:4 be eee eee Foe Cucurbita dagenwrid....-22.222-2-52-256 =~ CCTIISSUM ie Des mateo ces ee a CURRANT: -osatme . core een whee wide cote eat CUSCUTL soar 28 ae eRe GYPBRUGIEEC. oases Soramen eee coeeeees DANDELION, COMMON.....-------------- DAREN Seren oreo ee ee ere eae eee oes TAMURA 52 ato ca acoee eso eee ee DDOPUNINLELELOULES a eee aa teem ae ee HARTH. STAR. ooo. ve nse eacar es sone cee Edwinia americana. .. 02-2222. 022 2522688 LG GP TAT IN ce ae eee oe te nes Geet 5 eae FL MUS CUNEAENSIS 2-2 2. -~ == 62+ ~ nese as sn EINGEEMANIN SPRUCH CSc 2.5 Seen ela es EVQUISELUMY UTUETISE S22 4o-/5o. ee cues tOeeem FTi0gONUM GNNUWWM « . .--<-202+22-52---5s GIMETQENS? on akae ee see ace FUCKER LULUTIONS ~~. ss ace eens see ene TMETICONE TAL Oe e ee = eee HIVERGREEN (OAKS. .ti+ 2 tec saree eee VATED UT GIANS <2 aioe Ute Shire ae elmer ats ciate ne a DOVAUGUG DUTOUOLY 2 as) ee aes eee FALSE SOLOMON’S SEAL....---2-------+ TSS ESERIES ora oh tote ete siete ate mre eine = = HER YOU OAK ecocclnasccsccee sees eee ARR NS SHIBEDS 22829 5 {st teat ce ete ALE TALUS Re se cake ee ee nee ae ee ER, OO MEGANE. 2706 LU ee eee eee = TR, VOUNTSE Se 7 tee 2 ee eee ee LR Was, aoe arson aoe seo ane Se MOUR-OGHOGKs oe fact sec sree annie TAGUTIUL OVENS ss 22 = use oe sae ee Frumentum indicum cerulewm...-------- VOU Sa sea aces PUDTUM «an 2 2 = tee I OWL a Sas Re RL Ae ASE oe eee oa CATED CMa ee ara srs est Sea Ste aimrets spores eres Set GURU MIS Daa nena sea aie ole aloe neta ieee ECUPLOT UM noe annie ele oe sees GARDEN ROSES 22% eee 62 STU HTT S 2 EO IAEA = SA ey 57 NEMADOW EMUES<.- occ sce acces ons see erect 61 EONS on 3 cocoa cio cinn satel ere ind 11, 98, 107 GOR ORASS = o's 2 ors a clcicd fee Mee See 64 IN HON eH DY NNT (O73 60 A Oe he ce ea ae 107 ETERS eee ae ean sce ke cance our eeese eee 67 MURROUEED Syoh (ay Sac Soi see hes + ogee ene 54 LSPS 2 SOG Seta eee Peer hie Os Sere 99 LIS) HOO Se eee ees oer eae Soe 47 EDN Soa ook ac aint cefoee, Some c haa wap eects 67 Monarda menthxfolia.......-.--.------------ 57 UGS SOS eS et ee ae ae oS ee 68 MOUNTAIN COTTONWOOD..-.-.---------------- 42 MOUNTAIN, MAHOGANY ....-)-- -ss2-beliesceeas 10, 45 Muhilenbergta trifida..... 2.222622 /sce50.2455% 64 LWTUWDIENS) DS Sis BO OREO ernio ie aoee eee 11, 107, 116 Pn OMe no eh aee Sameer ering cme wae r= 11, 66, 113 ME SKATORON) |< poneeeas tenet Sane Samos 60 PUES PMEGAD OW nani feceeis oso nas ¢ cee wiencsane ss 61 124 Page RUSH GRASS 22a cu ie eeinneiem i ao ete 64 MUSH, SCOURING +2 0-422 ece ta sels tte 68 RYDBERG’S COTTONWOOD-2--=-------2-=--- 42 GEOR VV wis = ate aoe erate ieee 64 BAGH, GRE Ne on Settle neo ale nti al ie al 53 SaGE, Rocky MOUNTAIN..----------------- 10, 45 SAGE \SICUER 52s epee nae eae ees 44,45 SAGE US et os oe oc aoe ne eemae ae ae 45 SAGE (GUASS G20... 2... t cmee eee ese eee ees 64 SGU SOatme 2202 -- = Serato te eh ere Geena 48,49 UT GO PLD soon aes ee eae ne ei roll 49 COTO ao ee aa eee ae in ete as 49 PULIBUASY. 2 sales oe se eRe eea tannin eee ate 49 MPFONUG cone coe tclan Anema se aan ss Seen 49 MINT id OS Bia mas at ee sea ecicee ate eee eee 54 SAND UB URE oc sc echene tte ciara maser 63 SAND WOR. ane jen cere ce Seem cine tee 53 Schizachyriwm scoparium..--.---------------- 64 CRINGE UREN bas ae oe 2 oe ee eee ae ae 49 EGURING MEO USE sci aca tcin Se = sete ole ele tears 68 SEDGE poets eee bec tae ame cine see see eee = 49, 66 Senecio macdougalti 5. ..--222---22--------=- 60 ISETIEGHILECE: GUTITOSU Pema rasan oar = eats ete i= 49 Sin oil orig aes sone erseoetsas Sasa a 67 STD DIRS CI Ss Abobo aH coeEosa aust ase ior 44,45 SIGUINE=BUSH..- -ce. -wae sr = semen ene aia 10, 49 SNEEZEWEED, YARROW..-----.-------------- 53 Solanum jamesii...-...---------------------- 7: ESGEIEDIOIA GG) etn rata cyst ee ree eee err 49 SOLOMON’ S SHAD, MALSH 22 2. 2. ose coe aan = 70 SOpNW Sie. <-j0- oe oe = nee wn wine ew em nin a 60 SPANISH) TES AMONNE ote one oe ain 5 cine wee nie ee 49 SPANISH! WWIERREAD So he te 6 a nce ete em mt oe rm nisim 107 Spheralcea lobata..-....------------=-------- 60 RS PENA EES ok ees actors ois nice nee hela erate = Sa 113 GRIN ISU AEDs etc tee eee ee et 100 SPOROBROMUS. eee e tase ee eee eeOee ee as 49 SPRUCE, DOUGLAS..-..-.-----++------=-- 10, 42-43 SPRUCE, ENGELMANN...-..------------+----- 41 RAGASE sete eee ee eae 10, 19, 94, 100, 107 SQquASH, HUBBARD...-.....----------+------- 1c0 SQUASH, OPINY o2 505-5. t= cae serene ee 100 SOU ASN WED so cc- niceties me oe ale stateless ni 100 Stanleyella wrightii.....---------------------- 61 SUTERCS END cic ca santo ee ema elena toe 57 Ina WOR Ber 2: ses cot sae oes ie is ee Ody LO STREAMSIDE BIRCH....-..--..-----+----=--.< 39 SUGAR SEES coche oni anne sie ee eae etal 112 SG ATE CANIS oot cae ooo ce ene eee tee eae ee 110 S071 eG oii, Cpe ph I oR Ser oe eS 47 SUMAC, THREE-LEAVED.......-------------- 49 SU MEOW Bs. 20 ss3e oc ccec2es at see eee need TOMATO 224 se2cc2ee5ace25.44 45s 11,113 TOMATO; GROUND: =22202422- ghee eeaeeeeee 59 Townsendia enimid.-»=-2: 222. Se eee eee 55 IREFOIM) LOR s 22 cie4 2 22553222 eee 47 MURNIP! oss. ete. eee 112 Tepha latifolia. . 222. 2225250-0- foes eee 66 Ustilago midis: 22.2 -32==.~-22 see 67 Tapan OAKS. 222225 05-22. Le eee 44 Vagnera amplexicaulis ....-- 2.43 70 WasbEy, COTTONWOOD: 2 2:2 5225285-ceeeeee 10, 42 Willamova dissect@)s: 5235222 02-2222 eee 70,73 Viola canadensis s: 222 2 25225--- soe. eee 61 VIOLET. Eo ooo ae eos ae eee 61 VIOLET WOOD-SOBREL . J. 22 220 fc oueee ees I ALATA ci ste coc oe 222 Dee ee 116 W-ATER-CRESS.« 2: -. 02 4242-0 Go eee 112 WATER HEMLOCK... \..-02225.50s eee 54 WATERMELON: ==...) =. 11,19, 98, 99, 107, 111-112 WASSER LOWER |<. 36- = 5 2sicocmse ae oe eee 46 WESTERN YELLOW PINE. ....<220220-5 8 -ee 41 WiHBAD Ss esate sores or ee 79, 98, 107-110 WHEAT, SPANISH 2 otc 2503-2 -is oe 107 Wintrim: PR oa..2 Sates - ood ee 38 WHTTE GIA sents eee 55 WHITH. PINE >. 2522052546522 26 eee 41 WILD’ GOURD <24 een ceeeeee sees = arene 63 Witp ONION ...-------------------22-2-"a5= 53, 110 Winb ROSE >: 225222 525252534 3220ceeeeeee 48 Winn JRwnn eee i ee 64 Wann «SQUASH sreses Med 251242 eee 100 WILLOW =. 3200 tates ee 23 6-24 eee 10, 48, 49 WoOOD-SORREL, VIOLET -...----------------- 55 Xanthium commune..-----------------=---5= 49 YARROW SNEEZEWEED..-.-.---------------- 53 YELLOW PINE, WESTERN..--.-------------- 41 ROY eRBA) DE ViBOBRA??.-.2.2-+s.0-2-> oe 10 5 01 010) ee OS 49 Yucca baccata..--.----------------- 10, 15, 22, 49-52 GIQUCO....--.-<--.->-=---5<= oa eee 52 Fed MAYS...----- 220222 seeene-= anes eneeene= 78 Sce CORN. O d? PY AR GAN At Di Mt) HS Kida eA HY ae j v4 z iy \ ‘ Tay | + vi ’ Aap “WM 3 9088