KK RQ X \ \ NK \ \ \ \\ \ thr); IIIA YH@?@' #040 a Ye Ze A ZY titi YZ tj Ld tii i} wi rss “ ead ’ iy reba é oe } SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 63 ANALYTICAL AND CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO AND ADJACENT TERRITORY BY JOHN M. COOPER \ 42440 63 WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1917 | = a, LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL WasuinetTon, D. C., October 10, 1916. Str: I have the honor to transmit herewith the manuscript of a memoir entitled ‘Analytical and Critical Bibliography of the Tribes of Tierra del Fuego and Adjacent Territory,” by Rev. John M. Cooper, and to recommend its publication as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully, F. W. Hoper, Ethnologist-in- Charge. Dr. CHartes D. Watcott, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. EEG % 4 MAIO AY 40 aT ¥ é w ~— . Lag . ‘ é < Aas ) wilyint) ob 7 oro vital - AD dgiwestient okt thened Jintelett ol taitod lh ond ir Be = eadigl wilt tw wiqarrgoiisi bette) Bad bolt vet linlivag - M vill Hl eh“ utirwl IngoathA bre opel fab 7 avril = Yor ited Aas 1 ahaa ati buorretonen at be Z é fede tel r ste air | Alaa 4 en YE y myOIN) 46 Anepeontal ior | roe FP eats ye rove, pociuelieny et: vruvion ae |) | . " in 7 | i oe ¢ PREFACE If we are entitled to accept the principle that the modern barbarian world has preserved to a fair degree the culture of humanity’s ado- lescence, we may legitimately go a step farther and look to the modern savage world for some clue to the culture of humanity’s childhood. Used with due reserve, our knowledge of savage culture may help toward a reconstruction of the earlier stages of prehistoric cultural development, but at any rate codrdination of the facts must precede their interpretation, and in turn be preceded by intensive studies of the individual savage tribes. The present work had its origin in such an attempt to find what light an intensive study of the available sources would throw on the culture, particularly the religion and morality, and on the cultural relations, of one of the most primitive aborigmal American groups. In the course of preparation references accumulated, and what began as a cultural study has ended as a bibliography. I wish to take this opportunity to express my grateful apprecia- tion first of all to Mr. Frederick W. Hodge, who has given me his valued counsel on many matters connected with the work. JI am also indebted to him as well as to Mr. Wilberforce Eames for several important titles. Dr. Ales Hrdli¢ka and Dr. John R. Swanton have generously given me the benefit of their expert knowledge and wide experience in their respective fields, although of course I should not like them to be held responsible for conclusions advanced in the work. - Prof. Charles Wellington Furlong, whose intimate personal knowl- edge of the Fuegian and Patagonian tribes makes him our foremost North American authority on their culture, has very kindly put at my disposal much of his invaluable manuscript material and has given me information on many obscure points. The Rey. Dr. Antonio Cojazzi and Father José M. Beauvoir, both of the Salesian Society, have by letter helped to clear up for me sev- eral matters in connection with their own and their confréres’ lin- guistic studies. I have to thank Mr. Charles Martel, of the Library of Congress, for many kindnesses to me and for his valuable suggestions regarding biblhographical technique. VI PREFACE I am also under deep obligation for many privileges extended to me and for their unfailing courtesy in the many demands I made on their time and patience, to Mr. Charles W. Mead, of the American Museum of Natural History, and to the authorities of many of the libraries of Washington and elsewhere, especially of the Library of Congress, of the libraries of the Bureau of American Ethnology, the National Museum, the Surgeon General’s Office, the Geological Survey, and the Pan-American Union, of the Day Missions Library of Yale, and of the New York Public Library. Joun M. Cooper. Wasuineton, D. C., September 11, 1916. : CONTENTS [iat rpaye ROSH ELOY she chores RO eee aes a A BE eg ge Snel elena MCs nEME Ri WOE Sect nS ae ee ee ne Set vin Saas «5 or GeucratarviniOm GitEINeds 2° eR tene mee ooo see ose tae ean eins ermine ey lee ty eo one ee SSS easton: eas Solos IRTESeniTeONGittONeS ee een ee at Pe eee ct Pee eo ee PA aecall ieee ee ee ae ee one hee en Oe ee Ee ete maes INGE See ee ee Oe eee ee ee eT ae SS solos SULIT Secor cure eh nen eee RY ah be do a PteetM CVC WANCH EOE Nahe Ses aoe ole oad Cot brn oe. eae os oipe.t ClO eek mare teen eee rc Oe elee sea ee oie Maes Seredie a ales Sonmatolosical evidence <5 9267. Ss Nb SS oe Ooo W 10 VIII CONTENTS Subject bibliography—Continued. Caltare, < 2 jcc 850.23 15s Ace ee ee ee ee eee es. 2a Religious cultures... 2:2) = 244s ee oe eee ee es << 5 = Rehpious' culture propers. aes ee | eee eee es ee Supramundane beings a2. 2 Spee eas ere Totemism, animisni, fetishisme S62 52-2202 222. - « Lara Ancestor worship: f ..23 2a ee eee | Bee. Se Future life: ... <.ci?o > Satine eee ee art ae ee ee Belieland morality. 2244.22 seg ee Sa de OUlb soe hee ceed oct Se eee ee en ee are Quasi-religious culture’... 2020. 2222... seg eee ee Birth:eustoms. 2.2 f5.¢: 2-5: sd.0 sce eee eee ImMitiaiivonsaes eeoeetoe cee oe bps s Soot =o jee eee TADOOSS- AEE Ae oe ec ee aed peta eee) eee Dress | 2 hoc coats Jaa sane ek eek Oe ee VanlOusr CUSTOMS] ay fee cas ok Ae cee yet Death, moumine, andburialisis.- 2 oka et See Mythology, tolk tales, and traditions: 20>. 2.2 -Seyeaat th < ee: Domestic cultures. oo c.cSe sos de eos gee eben Se ie er ee Courtship and choice of wiles 22-22-52 '-Gcinck hog Jonah oe See he yutae ly cet hehe oe hota Guess Pe ke Coho Cee eee ee UNGGEE AN Hers, A eee cha se tance ee ope he eae Be cee os ee Hndopamy and:exogamy 522 2.50s< 225.55 o ea. gees See Monogamy polysamy, polyandry. 22.22.2222 6: be eee eee Diworee. 22a Soa Sia. teh ses sae Baan ee ae Conjugal fideluiyy. 2: 5; $05 ec H i eds Ses te ie ee Position -offwomiain: 2 Sonc2 2200s aes ee eo res ce ee a Deysion OLIADOT sae foe fee ene eee ee ea Modestyinc2 22 cnn s Soe ae see ea ote al ee eee Premarital chastity: 3 - <<: sogasate. esc daa bic aa ee Care Chaced cso Soke tits oe eo osm See te ot Gare OFGuG GING Soc ccc ss cisee came co So ore ah erate ee ee Naming, weaning, and carrying chides 2 oo oe boc typ gona Kanighap. -52-.< .i ST ee ROetEy Sacem ce Back ire oe eee eae kt Dancesiand drama; 2)..c2s0-226-6)-<22-5.-... Ae Design and seulpttire.2:: >. 32-256 < us sie... eee ae Personaliadommentc<..s2ca.60 50 oes soos. oe ee ce eee 149 150 150 152 152 154 155 156 157 158 158 159 159 160 162 164 164 165 165 165 166 167 167 168 169 169 169 170 170 aA Al 172 172 CONTENTS it a Subject bibliography—Continued. Culture—Continued. Page HB OD S20 SE COUPEE ea tele eh =n a 184 Wipren 5) Guhl 2205 Ae Se een eee | ae 185 LCT a4 Sk yk a el) a ae ee or 185 Apricilipre and domestication ).8-4.. 70.2 52.) 224.28. 22. 2: 185 DLO 10 200) W700) 0 (ea Tal a homme’’). 10. Cold. Sk, kv°3’as’; Be, kizds; Wyse, quichache ' (=clothes); Fi, kishash’; H, kaine-béche, tourré-terrha;? Bo, kisdk, chisdcheci; G, ychesche (or yehesche?) (=1t is cold), mehaleque (=ditto); Meriais, Jaia (=ditto). 11. Come. G, Jlaxcara (=come!); Sk, lé-éa:l; Bo, lécidl or lecialk (=will come), cielocul (=come!), cidlok 16 or cilukl tala (=come here!); Se, x x x or kakaka (=exclamation for calling attention); H, kakaoutéla,*? akoumouan or yamach- koun-é * (=come here); Fi, yamaschun’a (=come here), hab’rélud. 12. Cut. H, kapakoléioua;*® Fi, cip’pa; G, illay; Sk, ajekarR. 13. Die. H, yé-kouci (=dead); Bo, dc-ciol (=he died); H, ouaikalénar (=dead or die), ouailakaruar; Fi, willdcar’wona (=dead or die); Cy, alguéléra (=dead); Bo, dnfidsck (=dead), taf (=death or die); Sk, téff (=dead). 14. Dive. Fi, sko; Sk, ksvawi; H, ialgou- loulé.® 15. Egg. H, ¢étil-é-é; Fi, lith’le; G, les- chelly (=penguins’ eggs); Bo, lésle, ié6rel; Fe, orril’; Sk, jo'ri(s’)l. 16. Fat. Sk, a/v; Bo, af-kdi; Fi, wf’ki; H, ouf’kai, toufkéne-kiou. 17. Go. Sk, as’ (=also walk); Bo, dsc (=also walk), ask (walk), asch (=good- bye); Fi, ahsh (=walk), ts’hde (=go away); H, hach or ker-né (=walk), oucho- Sh-hé (=go away); Bo, télécu (=a walk or road), teclecudlme (=go far away); G, tel (or tet?) (=‘‘va-t-en’’), (=‘‘marche’’). 18. Good. H, la-laif; Fi, ly’tp; Fe, laip; Sk, laip; Bo, ldyep, ldiep (=pretty). 19. Green. Bo, dr-cdér, néipa (=blue); Sk, a-rz (kwarrR) (=blue or ? green). 1 The natives were probably asking for “‘clothes”’ by saying ‘‘we are cold.” 2 Yahgan for cold is taruri, tarourow (Hyades, q, 266), tor-ri (Bove), tharri (Eizaguirre), teri (No- guera). 3 -tela: cf. tali just above in Bo. The Yahgan for come here is akoum (Hyades, q, 266), a-cum (Bove), acuman-caia (Kizaguirre). 4This sounds suspiciously like the Yahgan yamasckuna (=be generous!), the usual greeting formerly of the Yahgan to the European visitor. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO loulda 21 20. Hut, wigwam. Bo, at (=house); Sk, at (=house), atk (=houses); Ir, ata; Fi, aht, hit (=house); G, hasthe (=house); Sp, dt-jl (Spanish 7); H, hioutoul (=house) or aftéli-téla. 21. Large. H, haoufkil, haou-kouil (=full moon); Fi, 6w’quél (=also full moon); Fe, oukéulkh (=much); Sk, akwi:l, akwa: (=always), whja:i or akj:aus’ (=many); G, agonil (=it is large); Bo, Gk-chél, dc-qui, de-chidi (=much or many), dc-kidi (=more), dk-cut (=en- tire); Ir, pinna (=much or more). 22. Love. Bo, dto-kaldi; Sk, a*tuala:(8’). 28. Meat. Sk, (h)ipr;7 Bo, yépper; Se, jepper; Fe, yépeurh’; Lu, vo’perchl-kwa. 24. Milk. Sk, du‘rzk” (=also_ breast); Fe, ourkh’ (=breasts); G,~ ourque (=teat). 25. Nest. Sk, kiwt-kiut; Bo, é1, chéisc-ca-€t (=bird’s nest). 26. No. H, pal’toukoul; Fi, quit’tuk; Fe, ytkoula; Sk, taali, ta’s’liku-lla (=I do not wish to); G, tachely (enough, no more); Fe, m’na (=nothing); Ir, mayo (=little, less), Jayamma (enough, no more); Bo, chidtai, chidta (=nothing, no); G, cadays (=no, ‘‘nenni’’), quiepy (=“‘rien du tout’’), guieb (=“‘il ne vaut pas rien’’); Sk, kj77~p (=nothing), kjap (=nothing—heard at Port Grappler); King, cab, cab; Topinard, quieppa (=meat?). 27. Oar. G, oyeque * (=to row); H, ouai- aik (=man’s oar), ourhou (=woman’s oar); Fe, al’lio; Fi, wér’ric (=woman’s), wy tc (=man’s); H, kowné (=man’s); G, couaigny; Bo, lépocdr; Sk, le pokwa:rrR. 28. Pain. Sk, kjé‘fte:l; Bo, kit fddl-l(=to pain), kivftelk (=great pain); G, affe (=‘‘j’ai mal’’); Fi, ahf; H, hiff, oum- méyé. , 29. Paper. Sk, ta‘jlkatlka; Cy, taikalka. 30. Porpoise. H, chow-ouénaki; ® Fi, sh6- wan’niké; Bo, scidcdar, cidsda; G, callona. 5 Cf. kapok, kapo (=mussel shell). The native knife was made usually with a shell blade. Dr. Hyades (q, 309) gives akoupou as Yahgan for cut. 6 Yahgan for dive is gouléni (Hyades, ¢, 296, 266), gul-heni (Bove). 7 A Tehuelche-Ona word (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, 249). The Alacaluf probably acquired it in bar- tering for meat with their land neighbors. 8 Perhaps related to owayékharh’ (=canoe). 9 Yahgan for porpoise is gaowianoukh (Hyades q, 268), sa-ui-jannuck or sa-ui-iawmuck (Bove). 22 31. Rainbow. G, accadé; Sk, akjaielokl; Bo, decailik, dc-kioribék; Tr, kebnat. 32. Red. Sk, kiru(-kwarrR); Bo, chiéoquar. 33. Run. Fi, ahl (=rush); H, ali; Bo, dlese (=also run away!); Sk, alas’; G, al chy (=‘‘je vais partir’’), alcherba (=‘‘allons-nous-en’’), yet lepert } (=“‘il s’en va’’), 34. Sick, ill. H, kowmé or yaouil (=sick- ness) ; Fi, yati’h6l (=sickness); Bo, dl-ler, dl-lel, dl-lelk, halen; Be, halen; Sk, alél(k); Fe, alilki; Cy, deuf.? 35. Sit. H, choukouil; Fi, shiickd; Sk, SiuarR; Bo, scidcdrk; G, houche. 36. Swim. H, kél-i, laimp-ai; Fi, lim’pi; Sk, 6-Upai:l. 37. Thin. Sk, a jip; Bo, d-iepl. 38. To-morrow. Bo, térrudiacili, dl cud- lak; G, calas. 39. Urinate. Sk, skarr’’; G, quesquer. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 63 40. Yes. G, cowam (or cowans? or co- uaus?), allous (=‘‘oui certes’’); Sk, ai'lo:; Fe, ailaou; H, alélkal-ou, tach,* ou ou; * Fi, 0’o; Bo, da. 41. Yesterday. G, arca; Bo, dlcualdk. 42. Thing, etc. ‘‘The suffix kwarrR is very common and seems to designate a condition or a quality possessed by something: hence ¢éirk’sta, to sleep, Gi'rk’s’ta-kwarrR, being asleep. The color names also end in kwarrk; a thing is pa‘lkwarrR, i. e., possesses a black color. Another example is a‘rxkje:l, arrow; arzkje-lkwarrR, quiver=‘the thing that holds the arrows’ ’’ (Skotts- berg, d, 606). For examples of this suffix in Bo, H, Fi, see the words above for white, red, black, and green; the final r or 7rR is elided, as frequently, in H, Fi. Cf. also Group IV, 30, Bo, olacar. 1-lepert may be the same as lépper in Bo’s sen- tence cidl-chi’l-cal (=they) jaksciérchiér lépper (=go to the field). 2 Cf. 13, Bo, Sk. 3In Yahgan the word dds (Fitz-Roy) or tas (Hyades, q, 270) is used for yes, but rarely. 4A Yahgan word for assent is aouat (Hyades, q, 270), auai (Bove), ow-wy (Despard, b, 718). DISCUSSION OF GLOSSARY Owing to the paucity of available material and the total lack of grammatical data, much in the foregoing comparative study is neces- sarily tentative and provisional. Nevertheless, there appears to be sufficient evidence on which to base certain dependable conclusions. The two most important lists, Bo and Sk, agree in from at least 80 to 90 per cent of the cases, so closely, in fact, that there can be no reasonable doubt that they represent the same language. The same is true of Fe. G agrees in quite the majority of cases with Bo, Sk, and Fe, as do also the shorter lists Se, Lu, Sp, Li, Cy, Be, Si, Co, and Ir, while some of the stray words from Duclos-Guyot, King, Mac- douall, Meriais, and Wyse can also be identified. H and Fi closely resemble each other and in the main show manifest affinity with the other vocabularies, but on the other hand contain many words peculiar to themselves. The 15 lists and other words therefore fall into two groups, one represented by H and Fi, the other including the remaining material. Do these two groups represent two distinct languages, or at least two distinct dialects, or does the evidence call for some other ex- planation ? That they represent one and the same language seems fairly, reasonably clear, for in about 60 to 70 per cent of the 115 to 120 words for which comparison is possible, there appears to be either out- CoorEeR] BIBLIOGRAPHY ‘OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 23 right identity, or else community of stem, prefix, or suffix. On the other hand the remaining differences would seem to be sufficiently accounted for by the presence of Yahgan and Ona-Tehuelche words, and by the errors, inevitable in the circumstances under which the lists were gathered. In H and Fi there is an appreciable percentage of Yahgan words, at least 10 per cent and probably considerably more. The majority of words for which the Yahgan equivalent is given in the notes to the preceding glossary are clearly of Yahgan provenance. The proxi- mate publication of the Rev. Mr. Bridges’ dictionary (Th. Bridges, 1) will make possible a more thorough study of this point. Further traces of Yahgan influence, especially in H, are apparently discern- ‘ible in the predominance of ow and a sounds, in the frequency of successions of single vowel syllables, and in the occasional endings -ndci, -ndoulou, -ndouloum, all characteristic of the Yahgan tongue (Hyades, g, 217-218, 322, passim; Spegazzini, c, 138, 140). The presence of this considerable Yahgan element in H and Fi is readily accounted for. According to Mr. Bridges (6, Oct. 1, 1881, 227; Feb. 2, 1874, 26; June 1, 1883, 139), Admiral Fitz-Roy’s three Alacalufan informants belonged to partly Alacalufan and partly Yahgan mixed stock. They were taken in the region between Brecknock Peninsula and Christmas Sound, where there was much contact, intermarriage, and linguistic borrowing between the two peoples: (cf. supra, pp. 3, 7). Dr. Hyades evidently did not have any assistance from the English missionaries in compiling his Alacalufan vocabulary, for he was under the impression that no one at the mission knew anything at all about Alacalufan (Hyades, g, 13). His informant, Kitamaoyoélis Kipa, an Alacalufan woman 40 to 45 years old (Hyades, g, 272, 224, Table IV, no. 25), born at Kitamaoya, in western Alacalufan terri- tory (q, 106), was at the time living at Orange Bay, in the heart of the Yahgan territory. She and her sister were both married to a Yahgan man. She told Dr. Hyades, it is true, that she remembered well the language of her native land, and the Yahgans at Orange Bay seemed to be convinced of the truth of her assertion, but she had been married to her Yahgan husband for many years, as they had a 13-year-old daughter (Hyades, g, 272, 224, 411-412, Table V, no. 36), and she had in all likelihood been living during these years among Yahgans. It is not surprising, therefore, that she should have lost to some extent the knowledge of her native tongue and should have used many Yahgan words even when speaking Alacalufan. The Fuegians apparently soon forget their native tongue, for Jemmy 1 Many years later Fuegia Basket, one of Admiral Fitz-Roy’s natives, conversed with the Rev. Mr. Bridges in Yahgan, which she understood and spoke, although Alacalufan was her own tongue (Th. Bridges, b, 1874, 26; 1883, 139). 64028°—Bull. 683—17—— - 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Button, after the lapse of two years, was unable to converse with his parents in his own tongue, although he understood them (Hyades, q, 271), while one of the native women taken in Crooked Reach in 1876 had entirely forgotten by 1883 her own language and spoke only Spanish (ibid., 278). The Alacaluf are or were in contact with the Onas and Tehuel- ches throughout a large section of their territory. In recent years, moreover, the Onas and Alacaluf have been brought into close association at the Dawson Island missions. These facts explain sufficiently the minor Ona-Tehuelche element in the Bo-Sk lists, an element entirely or almost entirely absent from H and Fi. The present writer has made no exhaustive comparison, but has utilized only the more readily accessible Ona-Tehuelche material. If we eliminate the Yahgan element from the H-Fi group and the Ona-Tehuelche element from the Bo-Sk group, the two groups are brought into much closer harmony and their differences largely accounted for. The remaining differences are probably due to the various causes to be mentioned below. First, inaccuracies of transcription. The Alacalufan language is, as observers agree, extremely guttural, or ‘‘buccale et comme muqueuse’”’ as Dr. Topinard put it, which makes the task of catching the sounds correctly and transcribing them an exceedingly difficult one (cf., e. g., Hyades, g, 12, quoting Mr. Bridges; Seitz, a, 185; Skottsberg, d, 580). A glance at the comparative glossary given above will show numerous instances where words evidently the same have been caught and transcribed very differently. Then, too, there are many individual and local differences in pronunciation and dic- tion (Skottsberg, d, 605; Hyades, loc. cit.). The addition or omission of s, sh, l, etc., whatever be the explanation, has been noted already. We may recall, too, that the observers themselves who gathered the various vocabularies represented six or seven different European languages, and naturally have caught and transcribed the native words somewhat differently. For instance, H usually ex- pressed by é what Fi expressed by & or a; H and Fi frequently omit - the final r where the others give it; H in several instances inserts an f or m where Fi omits it, ete. Or compare Lu and Se, both gathered from the same Hagenbeck group of natives in Europe: eye—Lu, te’ leh-kwa, Se, decorliqua; teeth—Lu, che’rik’til-kwa, Se, tschiligiqua; tongue—Lu, le’kel-kwa, Se, lecorqua, lekkersqua, etc. The above causes largely account for many of the minor differences between the various vocabularies and between the two groups, H-Fi and Bo-Sk. The more radical differences are probably due first of all to misunder- standing on the part of the native informants. Admiral Fitz-Roy obtained his words largely by signs, although his natives learned to speak a little English. ‘‘I found great difficulty in obtaining words, COOPER ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 25 excepting names for things which could be shown to them and which they had in their own country” (Fitz-Roy, a, 188). Of Admiral Fitz-Roy’s list of more than 200 Tekeenica words, Dr. Hyades found 50 exact, 30 more or less inexact, and 120 entirely wrong (Hyades, q, 262, 270). It is to be expected then that a good proportion of his Alacalufan words, too, may be wrong. Dr. Hyades published his own Alacalufan material ‘‘sous les plus expresses réserves, et comme pierre d’attente en quelque sorte”’ (g, 279). Valuable though his longer list is, it is certainly not as dependable as his Yahgan material, upon which he bestowed much more care and labor, interrogating and reinterrogating the 120 to 130 Yahgan natives who visited Orange Bay during the expedition’s 12-month sojourn, and revising the words with the assistance of the English missionaries. ‘‘Pour la langue des Alakalouf, nous allons présenter . . . la comparaison du vocabulaire de Fitz-Roy avec les mots que nous avons entendu prononcer par une femme alakalouf, vivant & la baie Orange. Nous l’avons soignée la pendant longtemps pour une arthrite du coude. Elle affirmait qu’elle se rappelait bien la langue de son pays natal, et les Fuégiens de la baie Orange parais- saient en étre persuadés’”’ (qg, 272). His statement, coupled with the fact that he gives the Alacalufan equivalents only for those words in the main which Admiral Fitz-Roy had already published, gives one the impression that his chief concern was to obtain correct pronun- ciation and what few synonyms he could incidentally gather. He did not identify or revise his vocabulary with the aid of other Ala- caluf, and the missionaries at the time did not give him any assist- ance (g, 13). His informant, moreover, as noted above, had in all probability been away from all her people, except her sister, for at least 13 or 14 years. Taking into account, therefore, the circumstances under which the H and Fi lists were gathered, we are justified in assuming that they contain a considerable percentage of errors. Bo and Be were taken under more favorable conditions. The Salesians have been in close contact with the Alacaluf for over 20 years, and most of the natives speak a little Spanish, while Father Borgatello understands a little Alacaluf and Brother Xikora, who assisted him, speaks the language fairly well, although not fluently (Cojazzi, private communication). Dr. Skottsberg’s informant, Emilia, spoke Spanish, the medium of communication, rather brokenly, but well enough for his purpose. Moreover, he took pains to verify his words through other natives. Dr. Fenton had learned his few words some years previously, prob- ably with Spanish as the medium of communication, but apparently had not preserved a written record of them, as he dictated them to Dr. Hyades from memory (Hyades, g, 279). They were verified by Cyrille, a 9-year-old boy living at Punta Arenas. 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | BULL. 63 Senior Itista’s vocabulary was gathered from a ‘‘Guaicaro” medi- cine-man, all of whose people had passed away and who was then living among the Tehuelches. Dr. Coppinger’s list was gathered by signs, though he carefully verified it in part among other natives. All the other extant Alacalufan material, except perhaps G, so far as our information goes, was gathered by signs. Under such circumstances we should naturally look for a good per- centage of errors in the Bo-Sk group as well as in the H-Fi group. The most exact of the extant lists, judging from the circumstances under which they were collected and from their mutual agreement, are Bo, Be, Sk, Fe, Cy, and G. Only in the case of Bo (and G? and Be?) did the observers speak at all the natives’ own language. Some further differences between H-Fi and the other group may well be due to the presence of synonyms. The Alacalufan language is evidently, like the Yahgan, poor in abstract and rich in concrete terms (cf. Sk, Bo). The Yahgan contains many synonyms (Th. Bridges, k, 235-236; Hyades, qg, 280), and so apparently does the Alacaluf (cf. Cy, Bo). Nuances of meaning are often expressed by entirely dissimilar words (cf. Sk, Bo). Certain words, too, are, it seems, of local use—Emilia knew the word tscharkoug, ‘‘fire,”’ but did not use it, while she did not know either kaowi, ‘‘ear,”’ or noélh, ‘‘nose’’ (Skottsberg, d, 613-614). That the above sources have actually caused many divergences in the vocabularies and many errors is further evidenced (1) by the number of cases in which the same idea is expressed by different words in each of the lists and (2) by the number of words in the lists belonging to the Sk-Bo group, especially Co, Li, Lu, Se, Si, and Ir, which bear no resemblance to any words in the other lists of this group. Dr. Coppinger’s vocabulary, for instance, which manifestly represents in the main the same language as Sk, as Dr. Skottsberg recognizes (e, 412), differs from Sk-Bo almost as much as H and Fi do. Or compare some of the words in Lu and Se, both taken from the same troupe of natives: nose—Lu, chlia’re-kwa, Se, nosqua; hand—Lu, dero’alehl-kwa, Se, corocaschqua. Before concluding it seems necessary to-say a few words regarding Dr. Skottsberg’s recent theory (a, xxxu, 593,d ande). From a care- ful comparison of his own vocabulary with H, Fi, Fe, Sp, and Cy, he concluded that there is in Fuegia a fourth linguistic stock quite dis- tinct from the Alacalufan. For this fourth stock, to which belong Fe, Cy, Sp, Co, Sk, and many words in Fi, he suggests the name ‘‘West Patagonian” (d, 581, 611-614; e, 412). Dr. Skottsberg, however, did not utilize a great part of the avail- able material for comparison, namely, Bo, Be, G, Si, Li, Se, Lu, and Ir, his study being based on Sk, H, Fi, Fe, Cy, Sp, and Co. He has not given due weight, moreover, to the community of element, stem, COOPER | BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO vad and affix between H-Fi and his own list. He has made no allowance for Yahgan and Ona-Tehuelche influence in the respective groups. Finally, he has hardly taken sufficient account of the various other sources of divergence adverted to above. A few other considerations have a bearing on the point: (1) Emilia spoke of herself and the people met by Dr. Skottsberg as Alukulup, and it is unlikely that she would be mistaken regarding her own tribe’s name or that as Dr. Skottsberg agrees two tribes speaking different languages should have the same name. (2) Sk agrees with Sp, but Dr. Spegazzini’s route barely touched the ex- treme eastern fringe of the territory assigned by Dr. Skottsberg to the West Patagonian canoe people, and that only en route between Punta Arenas and Beagle Channel. Capt. Bove and Dr. Lovisato met some Alacaluf at Ushuaia Mission (Hyades, q, 13) and it is probable that the plant and other names in Sp were obtained from these natives. (3) Sk agrees in the main with Lu and Se; but the natives exhibited in Europe by Herr Hagenbeck were, so all competent authorities agree, true Alacaluf even if perhaps with a tinge of Ona blood (Th. Bridges, b, 1883,139). (4) Most important of all, Sk agrees almost perfectly with Bo; but although Father Borgatello’s mission Alacaluf speak some Spanish and Father Borgatello and Brother Xikora some Alacalufan, and although in addition the Salesians have been in contact with the Alacaluf for over 20 years, no indication in all that time has been found by the missionaries that any other language is spoken by the canoe-using natives called Alacaluf who frequent the Dawson Island missions (Cojazzi, private communi- cation, citing Prof. Tonelli). The present writer has been unable to get precise details of the provenance of Father Borgatello’s informants, but they are probably in the main from the territory east of Port Gallant and south of the Strait; for of the 9 Alacaluf measured by Dr. Outes: (c, 220) at Dawson Island Mission in 1908, 3 came from Port Gallant, 2 from Magdalen Channel, 2 from Admiralty Sound, 1 from C. S. Pedro and S. Paolo, and 1 from Port Harris, these last two places being on Dawson Island. For the rest, Dr. Skottsberg himself agrees that the Dawson Island Mission ‘‘Alacaluf’’ are really members of this tribe (d, 616). In view of the above facts the present writer is unable to accept Dr. Skottsberg’s theory that there is a fourth Fuegian language totally different from the Alacalufan; but in any event the ‘‘West Patagonian” vocabulary is of great value, not only for its length and apparent exactness, but still more for the fact that it proves the Alacalufan language to be spoken by natives of the West Patagonian channels as far north as Port Grappler and perhaps as far as the Gulf of Pefias, just as Sefior Iriarte’s list gave evidence that Alacalu- fan is spoken as far west and north as the Ultima Speranza district. 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN RTHNOLOGY [BULD, 68 These newly established facts have a considerable bearing on the question whether or not the Chonoan tongue was a distinct linguistic stock or merely an Alacalufan dialect—a problem to which we shall return later. To sum up the whole preceding linguistic study, and the bearing it has on the question at issue, namely, the territory occupied by the Alacalufan tribe. The material at hand seems to show with reason- able clearness that the same Alacalufan tongue is spoken by all the non-Yahgan canoe-using Indians of the channels and inlets north and south of the Strait of Magellan and up the West Patagonian coast as far at least as Port Grappler. Fundamentally the two groups of extant vocabularies agree, while their differences appear to be accounted for sufficiently by the presence of loan words and by the considerable element of error inevitable in the circumstances under which the lists were taken. That there are many local differences of speech seems evidenced both by the lexical material at hand and by the explicit statement of the Rev. Mr. Bridges made in 1886, who had begun by this time his more thorough researches in the Alacalufan language (Th. Bridges, @) and had just completed an extensive journey into Alacalufan terri- tory. Whether these local differences are important enough to con- stitute definite dialects is hard to say. The H-Fi lists may represent a distinct dialect but the evidence is not convincing; they may repre- sent instead merely a hybrid Alacalufan-Yahgan speech used by the natives of the Brecknock Peninsula and Christmas Sound neutral or mixed zone. A distinct dialect, however, is pretty certainly spoken by the Port Grappler people, as Emilia, Dr. Skottsberg’s interpreter, had much difficulty understanding them and making herself understood (Skottsberg, c, 102; d, 585-586, 609). The preceding conclusion is of course offered with some reserve and is subject to revision at the hands of those more experienced in Indian philology than the present writer, who has been obliged to venture unwillingly into a field not his own. Then, too, the lexical material leaves much to be desired on the score of volume, while crammatical data are entirely wanting. The recovery and publica- tion of Messrs. Thomas and Despard Bridges’ 1,200-word Alacalufan vocabulary would probably make accessible sufficient material to settle definitely the whole question. As for grammatical data, we may hope for some light from Brother Xikora and the other Salesians. Having now questioned the linguistic criterion for tribal relations over the territory in dispute, we may examine briefly the somato- logical and cultural criteria. Before doing so, however, one final point may be mentioned. La Guilbaudiere’s vocabulary was gathered not later than 1696. coorEr] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 29 A comparison with modern Alacalufan shows that the language has not changed to a great extent in these two centuries." B. SomatToLocicaL EvIpENCE So far as the evidence goes, the same physical type is found over the whole area which we are considering, from Dawson Island and Brecknock Peninsula to the vicinity of the Gulf of Pefias. Various observers have noted some differences in physical appearance, natives of larger stature having been reported by Mr. Bynoe (Fitz- Roy, a, 197) and by Sr. Serrano M. (6, 151) from the West Pata- gonian Channels, and in earlier times by the Loaisa (Oviedo, 11, bk. 20, ch. 10; de Brosses, 1, 152) and de Weert (1600 ed., no paging; de Brosses, 1, 278; de Renneville, 1, 651) expeditions from the Strait. But the osteological evidence does not, so far as it goes, lend any sup- port to these reports (R. Martin, b). Besides, although both Ad- miral Fitz-Roy (a, 142) and Dr. Coppinger (48) noted some physical differences between the Patagonian Channel and the Strait Indians, they nevertheless reported them as closely resembling each other (ll. ¢.). And more recently Dr. Skottsberg emphasizes the general resemblance in physical appearance between the Channel natives and the Yahgans, a physical resemblance that was well borne out by his anthropometric data (d, 592; b, 250-253). C. CuLTURAL EvIDENCE General cultural uniformity prevails throughout the whole area in question. The bow and arrow, it is true, is much more commonly used in the Strait than in the Patagonian Channels; but it is not, or has not been since the eighteenth century at least, entirely absent from the latter region, while among the Alacaluf of the Strait it is and has been used only as a secondary weapon, for killing birds and for guanaco hunting. (For details and references, see Subject Bibli- ography.) Admiral Fitz-Roy (a, 142) and recently Capt. Whiteside (18) and Dr. Skottsberg (d, 579-580) suggest the plank boat as distinctive of the West Patagonian people, the Alacaluf using, or having formerly used, the bark canoe. But the migration of the plank canoe from Cho- noan and Araucanian territory down into the Strait can be traced 1 More than a century earlier, in 1580, Sarmiento picked up some natives at or near Tuesday Bay on the north shore of Desolation Island. They gave him the following names, some of them still preserved on our modern maps, of localities along the western and central Strait (Iriarte’s ed., 203-210): Tinquichisgua, Capitloilgua, Xaultegua, Caycayxixaisgua, Exeaquil, Pelepelgua, Cayrayxayiisgua, Puchachailgua, Cuaviguilgua, Alguilgua. All of the names but one end in-gua. Could this be the same curious affix (?) which appears in all the words in the Lu and Se lists? Cf. also the Chono local and personal names in B. Gallardo’s (Balthasigua, 531-532; Pilgua vecha, 530-531) and Father Garcia’s (Feumaterigua, 26; Cama- rigua, the Caucahues’ name for Wager Island, 27; Stelquelaguer, 22; Elalexaguer, 25) narratives. There appears to be a somewhat clearer resemblance between the ursah repeated by the natives whom Narbrough met in 1670 at Elizabeth Island at the eastern end of the Strait (65), and the orza repeated by those whom Bulkeley and Cummins met in 1741 at the western end (anon. ed., 98; other 1743 ed., 130). 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULD. 63 century by century since 1557-58 (cf. for details and references, Sub- ject Bibliography) and has apparently taken place independently of tribal lines. Moreover, La Guilbaudiere’s natives, who spoke the same language as Dr. Skottsberg’s West Patagonians, had bark canoes, not plank boats (La Guilbaudiere, 4—5; cf. also Marcel, a, 491, and ¢, 108). Dr. Coppinger, too, found the bark canoe in use among the Port Gallant natives, who spoke the same language as his Tilly Bay informant (121-122). Finally, the bark canoe has been re- ported occasionally from various localities well within the West Patagonian Channel area and once at least even from true Chonoan territory north of Taitao Peninsula (ef. for details, Subject Bibli- ography). To sum up: The whole region from Brecknock Peninsula and Dawson Island to Port Grappler is, and as far as our evidence goes has long been, occupied by canoe-using Indians of uniform language, somatology, and culture, who call themselves Alacaluf or Alukulup. From Port Grappler to Chiloé is another area formerly inhabited, and even to-day partially inhabited, by canoe Indians very similar to the Alacaluf physically and culturally. The fact that a new dialect of Alacalufan began at Port Gallant would suggest perhaps that Ala- calufan is spoken as far north as the Gulf of Pefias. In this connec- tion Capt. Pacheco (a, 53-54) is authority for the interesting state- ment that “individuos a quienes se ha visto en el puerto Gallant, se les encuentra en seguida en la bahia Fortuna o en el canal Messier’; these natives, presumably Alacaluf, are said to pass from the Strait to the channels by inland waterways and portages via Jerome Chan- nel, Xaultegua Gulf, Condor Channel, Perez de Arce Inlet, Gajardo Channel, and the west end of Skyring Water. In view of these recent developments it becomes necessary to reopen and rediscuss an old and puzzling problem: What is the relation of the Alacaluf to the now perhaps extinct Chonos or natives who formerly occupied the archipelagos from the Guaitecas Islands to Taitao Peninsula or the Gulf of Pefias? This question we shall take up in detail in the following section. CHONOS NAMES AND TERRITORY The canoe-using Iydians of the Chilean Channels from the Guaite- cas Islands to the Gulf of Pefias and beyond have been divided and denominated in a most bewildering fashion by various writers. Tot sententiae, quot homines, is almost literally true in this case. Goicueta in 1557-58 (518) called the canoe Indians from Corcovado Gulf to Cape Tres Montes, Huillis, a people distinct linguistically from those south of Cape Tres Montes (519). Fathers Venegas and Este- COOPER | BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 31 van in 1612-13 (Lozano, 11, 456, 560-561) speak of the natives of the Guaitecas Islands and vicinity as Chonos. The Indians encountered by the 1641 expedition were nicknamed by the whites “Gabiotas” (=gulls), in Araucanian, caucaus (Rosales, a, vol. 1, 106, 310). Father Ponce de Leon in 1644 (5; in Medina, c, 1, 423) used the name Chonos to denote the natives beyond Guafo to the Strait of Magellan. Father Del Techo in 1673 (159-160) divides the southern archi- pelagos between the Chuni (=Latinized Chonos) of the Guaitecas Islands and the islands eastward to the mainland, and the Huillis farther south. Father Rosales in 1674 seems to use the term Chonos for all these southern canoe-using Indians (a, vol. 1, 293, 305; b, in Medina, a, 103, 162), except the ‘“‘Gabiotas” or Caucaus mentioned above (a, vol. 1, 105-106). Bartolomé Gallardo in 1675 (527, 531) speaks of the Caucagiies and Caucanes of the southern islands of the Chilean coast. De Vea in 1676 appears to draw a distinction (573-578) between the Chonos and the linguistically distinct natives south of the Gulf of Pefias whom he calls Caucagues. Frezier in 1712-13 was a (Amsterdam ed., 1717, 1, 147-148; de Brosses, 11, 211-212) by Dom Pedro Molina and others that the southern territory was inhabited by the Chonos and the gigantic Caucahues. Father Pietas in 1729 (Gay, Doc., 1, 503-504) places the pale Chonos on the shores of the Gulf of Guaitecas and the seacoast and ‘‘quebradas”’(=ravines=fjords?) of the Cordillera, and the gigantic Caucahues between the Cordillera and the Evangelistas Is- lands, while near Lake Naguelhuapi lived the Pouyas (ibid., 501). Father Olivares in 1736 (Col. hist. Chile, vit, 5, 372, 509 et al.) ascribes to the Chonos and other nations the islands beyond Chiloé, and refers likewise to the Poyas of the Naguelhuapi region. Byron’s guide in 1742 was a cacique among ‘‘the Chonos, who live in the neighbourhood of Chiloe” (a, 103; Fitz-Roy, 6, 126; cf., also, A. Campbell, 52-53). Alex. Campbell (60; in Prévost, xv, 388), also of the crew of the wrecked Wager, distinguishes between the Pete- gonens, Chonas, and Coucous, his own party having had contact chiefly with the Coucous. Father Lozano in 1754-55 follows Father Del Techo’s (and Goicueta’s) division, although he is silent regarding the Huillis in the latter part of his account, which is based directly on missionaries’ reports (11, 33-34, 454, 558-561). An attempt at a more detailed and exact classification is made by Father Garcia in 1766-67. According to his Diario (3-4, 9, 22-26) the Caucahues come from as far south as the Guaianecos Islands. Immediately south of them were the Calens, who frequented the Guaianecos, Messier Channel, and the mainland coast between 48° and 49° (32), and the Tayatafar or Taijatafes apparently of the Wellington Island and Fallos Channel region between 48° and 49° 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 63 (33). South of the Calens were the Lechei or Lecheyeles, and south of the Tayatafar were the Requinagueres sr Yequinagueres (32-33). Father Garcia further distinguishes between the Chonos and Cau- cahues and states that the former in earlier times lived in the Ofqui Peninsula region (Hervis, a, 16; b, vol. 1, 125-126), although he else- where (Diario, 40) speaks of the Guaitecas Islanders as Chonos. Beranger in 1768 in his instructions to Sotomayor and Machado (An. hidr., xtv, 72) refers to the Caucahues, and in 1773 (Relacion jeogr., 13-14) speaks of the Taitao Peninsula and Guaitecas or Guafo or Chonos Archipelagos as inhabited by the nomadic ‘‘guaiguenes i chonos.” Father Falkner in 1774 (98-99) divided the coastal region from Valdivia to the Strait of Magellan between two groups, the Pichi Huilliches who extended as far south as the sea of Chiloe and ranged into the Lake Naguelhuapi country, and the Vuta Huilliches from Chiloé south. The Vuta Huilliches were in turn divided into the Chonos who lived ‘‘on and near the islands of Chiloe,”’ the Poy-yus or Peyes who dwelt on the coast from 48° to a little beyond 51°, and the Key-yus or Keyes or Key-yuhues (111) from the latter poimt to the Strait of Magellan. Father Molina in 1776-1782 (6, 340) divides the eastern territory between the southern boundary of Chile and the Strait among the Poyas, a tall people related to the Patagonians (a, 226), and the Caucau, of medium stature. Fathers Marin and Real in 1779 (217) refer to the ‘‘Chonos, Caucahues and others” south of Chiloé. Moraleda in 1786-1796 (327, 124 and passim) speaks of the southern natives settled on Cailin and later on Chaulinec and Apiao as Guai- huenes (i. e., ‘‘del sur”) or Chonos. Ascasubi in 1789 (Gay, Doce., I, 315-316) calls the Huar, Cailin and Chaulinec Mission Indians, Chonos and Caucahues, and mentions the Payos of southern Chiloé. Father Gonzalez de Agiieros in 1791 (185, 188) follows in the main Father Garcia’s division, omitting, however, the Caucahues and Requinagueres and adding the Tarucheés. Pérez Garcia in 1810 (Col. hist. Chile, xx1t, 31-32, 34-35, 109-110) follows literally Father Falkner’s division. Admiral Fitz-Roy suspected that the Chonos, who prior to the Spanish conquest had inhabited Chiloé and the Chonos Archipelago, had by his time (1836) all migrated to the south of Cape Tres Montes (a, 142), between which and the Strait there was but one tribe (a, 132, 189) whom he called the Chonos. In this last respect Admiral Fitz-Roy has been followed by Prof. Ratzel (6) and recently by the late Prof. Chamberlain (b, 467, ‘‘25°” is evidently a misprint for 52°). As we have seen, however, these ‘‘Chonos”’ were in all likelihood Alacaluf. Dr. Prichard (a, vol. v, 485) follows Father Falkner. According to Dr. Deniker (c, Fr. ed., 631), the Chilotan and Chonos archipelagos coorER ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 33 have been inhabited by the Payos and Chonos, but ‘‘il ne faut pas confondre . . . [les] Chonos avec la peuplade homonyme vivant plus au Sud, entre le cap Pefias et le détroit de Magellan; celle-ci parait se rapprocher plaitot des Fuégiens.”” The name Payos is used for the natives of southern Chiloé by Capt. E. Simpson (104), Dr. C. Martin (6, 465; d, 364), and Dr. E. Schmidt (168-169). Dr. - Medina (a, 110) assigns the archipelagos from Chiloé south to the Chonos, Payos, and Caucahues. Out of this tangle of contradictory and partially contradictory divisions it is very difficult to bring order. Of the names themselves the most frequently recurring are Chonos (Chuni), Caucaus (Coucous, Caucahues, Caucagues), Huillis (Huilles, Huilliches), Poyas (Pouyas, Poy-yus or Peyes?, Payos?), and Guaiguenes (Guaihuenes). Three at least of these names are of Araucanian origin. Huilli means south, huaihuen means south wind (An. hidr. mar. Chile, v, 518; ef. also Moraleda, 327, 124). Huilli appears for the first time in Goicueta’s narrative of 1557-58. According to Father Rosales (a, vol. 1, 105-106) the natives met by the 1641 expedition were dubbed by the members ‘‘Gabiotas”’ (=gulls) on account of a fancied resem- blance of the natives’ cries or speech to the gull’s call. As the Arau- canian name for gull was caucau (Rosales, ibid., 310) it is hkely the name Caucaus had this origin. It occurs repeatedly after 1641, not before. The earliest clear record the present writer has found of the name Chono is that in Father Venegas’s letter written in 1612 from the Guaitecas Islands and quoted by Father Lozano (11, 456). It occurs commonly thereafter on maps of the region and in Chilean literature. The Chonos Archipelago took its name from the natives, not vice versa, according to Moraleda (327, 311), and in fact the form ‘‘ Archi- pelago of the Chonos”’ is the more common one used in the early literature and maps. Dr. Lenz believes that Chonos is the name the people called themselves (b, 312), and Fathers Del Techo and Lozano, as well as Moraleda (I. ¢.) seem to imply the same, although they do not say so explicitly. Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche conjectures that it was the Patagonian chén Hispanicized (d, 220); this is possible but far from proven. The identification of the Lake Naguelhuapi Poyas is a task that can be left to the student of mainland anthropological relations. Payo is the name by which the natives of the southern end of Chiloé have been known (Moraleda, 66, and passim). They are suspected of having some Chono blood in their veins, but the lmguistic material from this region is Araucanian (cf. E. Simpson, 104), and even in Moraleda’s time they seem to have spoken Araucanian (53). Of the gigantic Caucahues more will be said when treating of Chonoan somatology. The canoe-using Indians of the southern 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BUDE 63 archipelagos are nearly always described as of middle stature. Of the various names by which they were known, the most preferable in view both of anthropological usage and of probable native origin seems to be that of Chonos. In the following pages and throughout the present work this name will be used for the canoe-using Indians of the territory between the Guaitecas Islands and the Taitao Penin- sula, the Gulf of Pefias or the Guaianecos Islands. There may pos- sibly have been more distinct tribes than one in this region, but there is no clear evidence to that effect and provisionally at least we may look on all the Indians of the district as one people. A. CHONOAN LANGUAGE Admiral Fitz-Roy published (b, 142) as Chonoan, three words: yérrt ytpon, ‘Good Deity”; ydcci-ma, “bad spirit’; ctibba, ‘white men of the moon.’’ These words were obtained no doubt from Capt. Low, who did not speak the native language. But even accepting them as correct, they still give no adequate basis for comparison with other languages. One of the words, ydcci-ma, is vaguely suggestive of the Alacalufan ydkdr, ‘black face’’; the bad spirit was ‘‘supposed to be like an immense black man” (Fitz-Roy, a, 190). It may be recalled, too, that Admiral Fitz-Roy’s ‘‘Chonos”’ were the natives of the channels south of Cape Tres Montes, most if not all of which territory is at present Alacalufan. That the Chonos spoke a language quite distinct from the Arau- canian appears to be amply established from first-hand evidence. Cortés Hojea understood some Araucanian, for he conversed with the Araucanian-speaking natives of Coronados Gulf; but his chronicler, Goicueta, distinctly states that the ‘‘Huillis” south of the Gulf of St. Martin, that is, Corcovado Gulf, spoke another language (Goi- cucta, 514, 518). Father Del Techo explicitly affirms that Delco, the Guaitecas Islands chief, used ‘‘an interpreter who knew the Chilotan tongue,” which was an Araucanian dialect, in his interview with the missionaries (bk. 6, ch. 9, 159), that Father Ferrufino used an interpreter to translate into Chono the prayers and act of contri- tion (160), and that the Huillis to the south of the Chonos nearer the strait ‘‘stlopos! pro vocibus edunt”’ and ‘‘when taken to Chiloé, were of no use except to frighten birds away from the grain fields; until they learned the Chilotan tongue’”’ (160). Father Venegas is equally explicit (letter quoted by Lozano, 1, 456; cf. also m1, 560); his missionary companion, Father Matheo Este- van, took great pains to learn the Chonoan language spoken by the Guaitecas Islanders, and, although he already spoke at least some Chilotan (Lozano, 1, 448), in making his translations into Chono, he used a native Chono interpreter who understood Chilotan. In saying 1 Stlopus=sound made by striking the inflated cheeks. COOPER | BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 35 farewell to the Chonos the two missionaries ‘‘qua verbis, qua gestis” (Del Techo, 160) indicated their desire to remain with their neo- phytes for good. The gigantic Indians met by the 1641 expedition spoke a language not understood by the members and suggestive of the gull’s cries (Rosales, a, vol. 1, 106), though it is barely possible that there is a question here of Tehuelches. Father Rosales elsewhere states (0, quoted by Medina, a, 94-95) that the Chonos’ speech was different from that of the Chilotans. Bartolomé Gallardo, who had been born and reared in Chiloé, and who certainly must have spoken Chilotan, the Araucanian dialect in almost as common use among the Spaniards as among the Indians of Chiloé, had to use an interpreter in order to question a native woman of the Moraleda Channel and Gulf of Pefias region (An. hidr., x1, 530; ef. also 527, 532). De Vea, who seemingly did not understand Chilo- tan, used tandem interpreters, speaking, respectively, Spanish and Chilotan, and Chilotan and Chono, to communicate with the old Chono woman whom he captured on Xavier Island in the east end of the Gulf of Pefias (An. hidr., x1, 576, 578). No one in Chiloé knew the language spoken by Father Pietas’ gigantic Caucahues (Gay, Doc., 1, 504), apparently a canoe-using people, as some of them were found on an island (ibid.). Father Olivares (Col. hist. Chile, vir, 5, 372, 394), who had probably been in touch with the Chinas at the Huar Island Mission, states clearly that the Chonos or natives of the southern islands spoke a language different from the Chilotan. Alex. Campbell states (62, 74) that the guttural language of the Indians who guided his party from Wager Island to Chiloé was ‘‘ quite different” from the soft tongue spoken by the Chilotan Indians. Father Garcia (6, in Hervas, a, 16 and b, vol. 1, 125-126), who had had most intimate contact with the Chonos at the Cailin Mission and in the Guaianecos Islands, although he did not apparently speak their language, is very positive in asserting that the Araucanian tongue was quite different from the tongue(s) spoken by the sea- faring Indians south of Chiloé. Machade (An. hidr., xv, 86, 121), Fathers Marin and Real (Gon- zalez de Agiieros, 218, 236), and Fathers Menendez and Bargas (ibid. 245), all apparently had to make use of interpreters to converse with the natives of the Chonos Archipelago and the Gulf of Pefas. Finally Father Molina’s Caucaus, of medium stature, whose clothing con- sisted of seal skins, spoke a language ‘‘assai diversa’”’ from the Chilien (6, 340). D’Orbigny (6, vol. Iv, pt. 1, 185) and Dr. Brinton (c, 325) classed the Chonos with the Araucanian linguistic stock, and more recently Drs. Weule (52) and Krickeberg (140) state that the Chonos were akin linguistically to the Araucanians. But none of these authors, 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 except d’Orbigny (see Author Bibliography), produce evidence to prove their statements. Prof. Poeppig, whom Dr. Brinton quotes with reserve, had no first-hand information on the subject and seems merely to follow Father Falkner, whom he cites (1, 464). It seems, therefore, established with reasonable certainty from the testimony of the numerous early authorities, inost of them presenting first-hand data, that whatever the Chonoan language was, it was not an Araucanian dialect. Was it, however, related to the Patagonian or Tehuelchean ? Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche’s hypothesis that Father Estevan’s Guaitecas Islanders were a branch of the Ona-Tehuelche Tshon people is dis- cussed in detail in the Author Bibhography under Estevan. Father Falkner stated (99) that his Vuta Huilliches, including the Chonos, Poy-yus and Key-yus, spoke a mixture of Moluche and Tehuelche—an opinion followed by Pérez Garcia (Col. hist. Chile, xxl, 34-35). Dr. Lenz more recently (6, 312) has suggested that the Chonos ‘‘were probably near relatives of the Tehuelches and Onas.”’ If, however, the Chonoan had been a mixed Araucanian- Tehuelchean tongue, some of the many early observers would in all probability have detected traces of the Araucanian element. Father Falkner was not writing here from personal knowledge and was using the name Chonos in the loose sense formerly not uncommon, to denote the Indians living ‘‘on and near the islands of Chiloe,’’ who as we know from the best first-hand sources spoke an Araucanian dialect (Gonzalez de Agitieros, 110-111; Moraleda, 207; Olivares, 370). Byron’s Chonos came from ‘‘the neighborhood of Chiloe” (a, 103) and Capt. E. Simpson appears to identify the Payos and Chonos (104). The natives, therefore, whom Father Falkner’s informant had in mind were pretty clearly not true Chonos at all. Further details on the Vuta Huilliches are given in the Author Bibliography under Falkner. If the Chonoan tongue was neither an Araucanian nor a Patago- nian or Tehuelchean dialect, was it a distinct linguistic stock or was it related to the Alacalufan? The late Prof. Chamberlain (6, 468) accorded it the dignity of a distinct stock, but the evidence he adduces goes to prove merely its distinction from Araucanian. Below is given what evidence bearing on the question the present writer has been able to glean from available sources: Goicueta, Cortés Hojea’s chronicler, after remarking that the Huillis from Corcovado Gulf to Cape Tres Montes spoke a language different from that of the Coronados Gulf people (518), adds (519) that the more southern Indians between Cape Ochavario or Tres Montes and the ‘Strait of Ulloa” are ‘de otra lengua que no la de los huillis dicha, 6 por gente es mas pobre,” etc. This is concise and clear enough, and for the rest Goicueta is a very sober and exact COOPER ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO Si narrator. But we must bear in mind that neither he nor his captain understood or spoke the Huillis’ tongue, although Cortés Hojea knew some Araucanian. The information regarding the Huillis themselves was in all probability gathered on Cortés Hojea’s trip four years earlier when he accompanied Ulloa. There is no explicit evidence that linguistic investigation was made on either expedition. Father Del Techo puts the Huillis south of the Guaitecas Islanders or Chonos; the two peoples were at odds and the Chonos used to capture the Huillis and keep them in servitude or sell them to the Chilotans. He also notes some differences in culture and physical appearance between the two groups and adds that the Huillis “stlopos pro vocibus edunt” (160). Stlopus is a word seldom met with in Latin literature; it means the sound produced by striking on the inflated cheeks.!. Father Del Techo’s silence regarding the Chonos’ tongue contrasts with his strong characterization of the outlandish nature of the Huillis’. This apparently implied contrast taken in connection with the cultural and somatological differences and with the intertribal man-raiding, might perhaps be interpreted as a possible indication of linguistic distinction between the Guaitecas Islanders and their more southern neighbors. De Vea’s Relacion is a little more satisfactory. A certain Tal- capillan, apparently a Chono in spite of his Araucanian name, had been overheard at Chacao on Chiloé making a remark which implied that the ‘“‘Holandes” had founded a colony in the southern islands. In October, 1674, Bartolomé Gallardo set out from Chiloé to locate the supposed colony, but after scouring the northern shores of the Gulf of Pefias returned from a fruitless quest (An. hidr., x1, 525-537). In September, 1675, Antonio de Vea sailed from Lima and Callao with the same object in view, stopping at Chiloé on the way south and taking on some troops and friendly Indians. They crossed the Isthmus of Ofqui, and on Xavier Island in the eastern part of the Gulf of Penfas captured a native woman. She was evidently not a Chilotan, for she was called a Chona by de Vea (576), she was cap- tured in Chonoan territory, and her cross-examination by de Vea, who did not apparently speak Chilotan, had to be carried on through tandem interpreters ‘‘sirviendo de intérprete el alferez Lazaro Gomez con el indio don Cristobal [Talcapillan mentioned above], y este con la india” (576; cf. also 574), while of her third and final examination de Vea wrote ‘‘primeramente quise volver a examinar la india por el indio Mailen intérprete Machuca con él”’ (578).? 1]t is interesting to recall that Prof. Topinard described the intonation of the Alacaluf whom he studied at Paris, as not guttural, but “buccale et comme muqueuse” (775). 2Mailen, Mailes, or Mayles had served as interpreter the year before between B. Gallardo and the Chonos taken back to Chile and Peru (B. Gallardo, 536); he also examined the Chono woman (de Vea, 574); it is pretty clear. then, that he spoke Chonoan. Lieut. Machuca spoke Chilotan at least, for he examined Tal- capillan (de Vea, 578), but probably did not speak Chonoan. Talcapillan did not speak Spanish, for Machuca had to interpret for him, but apparently spoke Chilotan as well as his own Chonoan. 388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 This Chono woman in the course of her first and especially third examinations testified that she had never been beyond the Gulf of Penas district, but that she knew the language of the Caucagues who lived there, having learned it from them on their visits to her country. This testimony seems at first glance to show clearly that there was a linguistic dividing line near the Gulf of Pefias. But in the first place the veracity of the Chono woman is open to question; for some Chono Indians had been captured the year before by B. Gallardo and taken away to Chiloé and the north, and the old woman knew this (de Vea, 574); so she may have well been suspicious of the designs of her armed captors and questioners, and anxious to give them the im- pression that she was not one of the group for which they were searching. Secondly, even granting her truthfulness and good faith, what she called a different language may have been only a different dialect; in fact, Dr. Skottsberg’s interpreter, Emilia, made just such a mistake regarding the Port Grappler people’s dialect (d, 585-586). B. Gallardo’s and de Vea’s accounts imply that the same language was spoken by the natives both north and immediately south of Taitao Peninsula. Father Garcia’s expedition nearly a century later brought out this fact more clearly. He calls all the natives who accompanied him Caucahues, and in the course of the voyage some of them pointed out various places both north and south of the peninsula where they had been born or reared—one near the foot of Moraleda Channel (9), others near Boca de Canales (22), another near the Ayantau Islands (23). Their kinsmen, too, used to frequent the Guaianecos Islands (25-26). Moreover, Father Garcia elsewhere (Hervas, a and 6) clearly implies that the Caucahues extended as far as the Guaianecos Islands and the head of Messier Channel. Moraleda’s Chono guides were familiar with much of the territory north of Taitao Peninsula, although at least some of them probably had come from south of the Peninsula with the missionaries (51, 292, 319, 358). In the eighteenth century, therefore, the tribal or linguistic divid- ing line, if such existed, was not, as one would expect from the topography of the district, at the Taitao Peninsula, but a little far- ther south.! Father Garcia puts just such a line at the Guaianecos Islands: I reached [he wrote in 1783, speaking of his 1766-67 expedition] beyond the 48th degree of south latitude, where the Calen and Taijataf nations were; and there I found that beyond these nations towards the Strait of Magellan there were two other nations called the Lecheyel and Yekinahuer, which according to my observations must be on the shores of the Strait of Magellan. Of the language of these nations, I can only say that it is not Araucanian or Chilian. ! Canoe communication between the Chonos Islands and the Gulf of Pefias by way of the unsheltered Pacific coast must have been well-nigh impossible; but, on the other hand, the portage route via S. Rafael Lagoon and the Isthmus of Ofqui made communication between the two districts comparatively easy. COOPER ] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 39 The Calen and Taijataf nations speak the same language, which is quite guttural and not at all like Araucanian; the two nations can understand each the other’s language, though it appears that each has its own dialect, of which the Araucanians or Chilians understand nothing. Beyond the Calens and Taijatafes towards Chile are the Caucabues [evidently °a misprint for Caucahues] and Chonos. Each of these nations has its own language, and, although I know that the languages of these two nations are not dialects of the Araucanian, I can not, on the other hand, say whether they are modified sister dia- lects of a common mother tongue or peradventure two distinct tongues. [Ilervas, b, vol. 1, 125-126.] Father Garcia implies in his letter, although he does not say so in so many words, that the Calens and Taijatafes who lived south of the Gulf of Pefias spoke a language different from that of the Chonos and Caucahues. And in support of his implicit assertion it may be urged that he had been in actual contact with members of both groups—with the Caucahues for a couple of years at Cailin Mission, with the Calens for a shorter time at Cailin (8, 25) and the Guaianecos Islands. He would have had an opportunity during this time to pick up a few phrases at least of their language(s). But, on the other hand, the emphatic manner in which he main- tains the non-Araucanian character of the languages of all these southern nomads contrasts with the hesitation and guardedness with which he defines the linguistic relations even between the Chonos and Caucahues, the people best known to him—a contrast which gives us the impression that his linguistic distinctions among the canoe-using nomads of the south were based on inferences which he felt to be somewhat insecure. It is true, as he tells us in his Diario (30-31), he made a consider- able address to the Guaianecos natives, explaining the purpose of his expedition and summarizing the principal mysteries of the Christian faith, but it seems more likely that this was done through the medium of some native interpreter who understood Chilotan or Spanish. There may easily have been some such interpreter available, for the Chonos were wont to come at times to Chiloé to barter (Beranger, 13; Del Techo, 159), and some of his Caucahues or Calens during their previous stay at Cailin Mission could have acquired a little knowledge of Spanish or Chilotan. Again, Father Garcia’s Diario shows that there was considerable friendly commingling and intercourse between the Caucahues and their more southern neighbors the Calens and Taijatafes. The Caucahues met the others amicably on the expedition itself (28-29, 31);' they related incidents of former meetings, peaceful at first at least, to share their treasure-trove in the shape of stranded whale (25); and a 1 Frezier, too, implies that the Chonos and tall Caucahues were on friendly terms (1, 147-148). 64028°— Bull. 68 —17——4. 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 year before the expedition a party of mission Caucahues sent out on a reconnaissance by Father Garcia had actually brought back with them to the Cailin Mission some of the Calens of Messier Channel (3). All this would suggest tribal or linguistic unity, although it is of course possible that the southern Gulf of Pefias region was the meet- ing ground of quasi-friendly bilingual tribes, as are or were (cf., e. g., Th. Bridges, k, 234) the boundary zones between the three Fuegian tribes. Father Garcia’s testimony, therefore, while in the main favoring a linguistic dividing line at the Guaianecos Islands and the head of Messier Channel, falls considerably short of being conclusive. Finally, we may examine Admiral Fitz-Roy’s evidence. His ‘‘Chono” vocabulary has been discussed above. His expedition saw no non-Araucanian natives between Taitao Peninsula and Chiloé, so he was not in a position to make comparisons at first hand, and in fact he speaks quite guardedly of the surmised identity of the West Patagonian Channel Indians with the Chonos proper (a, 142; cf. also 379-380). He is, however, more positive in stating that the same tribe inhabits all the channels from the Strait to Cape Tres Montes (a, 132, 189). He bases this assertion chiefly on infor- mation given him by Capt. Low, who had had much experience in this region (a, 188, 129, 182). According to Capt. Low the natives from the Strait to Cape Tres Montes all ‘‘seemed to be of one tribe, and upon friendly terms with one another.’ Niqueaccas, a native taken aboard Capt. Low’s ship the Adcona as pilot near Cape Victory, was perfectly familiar with the harbors and channels, was acquainted with all the natives, was always glad to see them, and was always well received by them, as far north as 47°, the latitude of Cape Tres Montes (a, 189-190). Capt. Low did not speak the native language(s), but the account he gives seems to make for the tribal and linguistic unity of all the natives south of the Taitao Peninsula. One more point may bo mentioned. Our extant authorities do not to the present writer’s knowledge describe the language of the Guai- tecas Islanders as guttural. The language of the natives farther - south is, however, described as such by Father Garcia (6, in Hervas, b, vol. 1, 125), and that of the Coucous by Alex. Campbell (62, 74; Prévost, Xv, 388) as “coming gutterally from the throat’ (cf. also Del Techo, 160, ‘‘stlopos pro vocibus edunt’’). The recently published data showing that at the present time the Alacaluf extend well up the West Patagonian channels as far as Port Grappler and probably as far as the Gulf of Pefias have already been given. The foregoing is all the evidence that the present writer has been able to glean from the available sources on the question of the lin- guistic relations of the Alacaluf and now perhaps extinct Chonos. COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 41 That the Chonos spoke a language quite distinct from the Araucanian seems amply testified. That they spoke a Tehuelchean dialect is very unlikely indeed. That their language was distinct from that of the natives farther south, presumably Alacaluf, is perhaps slightly more probable than not, but such a conclusion is suggested with the greatest reserve. Much more light is needed, hght that may come either from the recovery of the Estevan or Ferrufino manuscripts, or from investigation among the modern Gulf of Pefias natives or the possibly surviving descendants of the Chono family found by Capt. Enrique Simpson on the Guaitecas Islands in 1875 (114). Leaving the uncertain ground of Chonoan and Alacalufan ln- guistic relations, we may now pass to the consideration of their apt clear somatological and cultural relations. B. CHONOAN SOMATOLOGY Physical appearance.—The early sources do not, unfortunately, give us much information regarding the physical appearance of the Chonos. The “Gabiotas’’ or Caucaus encountered by the 1641 expedition were reported to be of gigantic stature (Rosales, @, vol. 1, 105). Father Pietas, too, who had seen one of the Caucahues, describes them as giants (Gay, Doc., 1, 504), while Frezier was told (Fr. 1717 ed., 1, 148; de Brosses, 11, 212) that the ‘gigantic’? Caucahues used to come at times with Chonos to Chiloé. Father Falkner’s Vuta- Huilliches, or larger-bodied Huilliches, lived on both sides of the Cordillera to the Strait (96, 99). Finally Mr. Bynoe met some large, stout Indians in the Gulf of Trinidad (Fitz-Roy, a, 197). — May we accept the above testimonies as evidence for the former existence of a very tall people in the southern Chilean archipelagos ? It seems not. No concrete measurements were taken. Then, too, the Chonos, like the Fuegians, very probably differed individually in stature and stoutness or robustness. Moreover, reports of giants are too common a feature of early Magellanic literature to be taken very seriously. There may be question of possible sporadic visits of Tehuelches across the Cordillera to the coast—Mr. Bynoe (FitzRoy, a, 199) saw horse tracks near the upper part of Obstruction Sound—but even this is doubtful. In fact the Caucahues are elsewhere described (Molina, 6, 340; Alex. Campbell, 62) as of middle stature, while Moraleda says (124) that the natives—some of them at least Caucahues as Father Garcia calls them—brought back by the missionaries to the Chilotan mis- sions, should rather be described as ‘‘parvulillos’”’ as compared with the Patagonian giants of whom Byron wrote. 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 The natives who frequented the Guaianecos Islands were of medium or low stature, as we know from the sixteenth century account of Ladrillero (464, ‘“de mediano cuerpo”’; cf. also 484, and Goicueta, 505) and the eighteenth century accounts of Byron (a, 33, “small stature’; cf. also 144), Alex. Campbell (20) and Bulkeley and Cum- mins (anon. ed., 18, 28, other 1743 ed., 37, low stature; ditto in Affecting Narrative ... 30). They had swarthy skin and long coarse black hair hanging over their faces (Byron, a, 33; A. Campbell, 20; cf. also Del Techo, 160). The men met by Ladrillero in the Conception Strait region had beards (473), as had also the ‘‘Gabiotas’’ (Rosales, a, vol. 1, 105). Bearded men are not reported by other expeditions to southern Chil- ean waters. The Alacaluf and Yahgans are usually unbearded, but there are exceptions (cf. Subject Bibliography, p. 182). Father Del Techo’s quasi-verbatim report (160) of the replies made by Delco the Chono “cacique”’ of the Guaitecas Islands to the ques- tions of the missionaries, Fathers Venegas and Ferrufino, contains the following statement: “A great many of our people have red hair and an olive complexion®’ [plurimi capillo rufi, oris colore oleastri]. This statement regarding the occurrence of red-haired individuals among the Chonos is not confirmed by any later sources. The Fuegians’ hair is nearly always black; but among both the Yahgans and Alacaluf some cases of chestnut-colored (Bove, a, 790; 6, 134; d, Arch., 290), “‘chatain foncé”’ (Hyades, g, 160-161), and ‘‘braun- lich schwarz” (Skottsberg, 6, 256; cf. also 252) hair occur. Ac- cording to Dr. R. Martin (4, 208) Fuegian hair sometimes has a light brownish tone, while the Rey. Mr. Bridges stated that Yahgan hair shows ‘‘many shades of black, many having a reddish yellow tinge”’ (d, 289). The ‘‘capillo rufi’’ should probably be understood to refer to reddish-tinged hair. According to Father Pietas (Gay, Doc., 1, 503; cf. also Lozano, u, 454) the Chonos were a light-skinned people, while Father Rosales not only describes the ‘“‘Gabiotas”’ as somewhat white-skinned (a, vol. 1, 105), but states that “los chonos eran comunmente blancos i rubios’’ (6, in Medina, a, 103) and that the Chonos were ‘‘blancos y de buenas facciones”’ (a, vol. 1, 293). It is possible, however, that the observers on whom Father Rosales relied had mistaken body paint for skin color; white and red body and face painting was a common practice among the natives south of Chiloé (Garcia, a, 28, 31; Goicueta, 505). The natives who came to visit the shipwrecked crew of the Wager at the Guaianecos Islands were swarthy skinned (Byron, a, 33; A. Campbell, 20; cf. also Del Techo, 160). As in stature so in skin color there appears to have been considerable variation among the Chonos just as among the Yahgans. ‘Not a few” of the latter, the Rev. Mr. Bridges noted (d, 288), ““have a decided rouge on their coorrr] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 43 cheeks,’ and La Guilbaudiere described the Alacaluf as white- skinned (4), as L’Hermite described the Yahgans (41). So far, therefore, as our records go, there seems to be no sufficient ground for positing a tribal difference between the Chonos and the Fuegians proper on the score of physical appearance. Osteology.—Dr. Medina gives (a, 108) the measurements of a cra- nium described simply as ‘‘antiguo’’ from the Chonos Islands, and of a calvaria listed as ‘‘mui antiguo”’ from Puerto Americano. Dr. Latcham studied three crania from the Chonos Islands and three from the Guaitecas Islands (281). Dr. Hultkrantz measured one cranium from the Guaitecas Islands (a, 43-45). This material is not very extensive, it is true, but all three writers agree that the Chono skull shows a manifest affinity with the Fuegian (Medina, a, 110-111) and particularly the Alacalufan (Latcham, 281-282; Hultkrantz, a, 46) cranial type (cf. also Hyades, q, 45). The fact that the crania just mentioned, as well as those described by Prof. Flower (178; 2d ed., 309-310) and Dr. Outes (c¢, 219), have a somewhat higher average cephalic index than the Alacalufan may be an indication that the Chonos had a certain strain of Chilotan blood, if the Araucanians be classified as brachycephalic, or had at least mixed to some extent with some brachycephalic people. But there seems to be no well-grounded doubt of their fundamental somato- logical identity with the Fuegians, the Fuegian cranial type being one easily recognizable. ©. CHONOAN CULTURE As far as culture is concerned, uniformity even to many minute details has prevailed over the whole area from the Guaitecas Islands to Dawson Island and Beagle Channel (cf. for details Subject Bibli- ography, under Culture). Two apparent exceptions are the bow and arrow and the plank boat. The bow and arrow has, it is true, been more commonly used in the Strait, but on the other hand has not been entirely absent from the West Patagonian coast. Byron’s natives, for instance, used ‘“bows and arrows sometimes, but always the lance” (a, 129). The plank boat, probably of Araucanian origin, has to all appearances migrated south and east quite independently of tribal lines. For details regarding these two cultural elements and Chonoan-Fuegian culture in general see the Subject Bibliography under Material Culture. Then, too, there is evidence that a certain minor and superficial Araucanian or Chilotan cultural influence has passed down the Chonoan and West Patagonian coast, weakening as it neared the Strait of Magellan. 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 While no systematic agriculture or herding was carried on south of Chiloé (Olivares, 372; Ladrillero, 464; Ponce de Leon, 5, andvin Medina, ¢, vol. 1, 424; Pietas, 503), yet both were of sporadic occur- rence among the Chonos, especially north of Taitao Peninsula. According to Beranger (13) the Chonos kept a few sheep and goats on their islands, and some concrete instances of the practice are given by Moraleda (324, 329, 358). The Indians who came to visit the wrecked Wagers crew in the Guaianecos Islands went away and returned in two days with three sheep (Byron, a, 34; Bulkeley, anon. ed., 18, other 1743 ed., 23; A. Campbell, 19; Affecting Narrative, 30). Father Lozano also states that a few bad-tasting potatoes and a little barley were raised on some of the less sterile of the Guaitecas Islands (1, 559; ef. also Moraleda, 358). The Guaitecas Islanders had no native intoxicant (Olivares, 373; Lozano, u, 559; Garcia, a, 42). The ‘“‘cacique” Delco told the mis- sionaries that his people ‘‘pro potu ex lupis marinis oleum expri- munt, praeter quem liquorem nullius vini aut potionis delicias norunt,” although he had just stated before that ‘‘in Guatana insula, patria mea, triticum turcicum, ex quo vinum conficitur, non malé jam provenit” (Del Techo, 160). This latter was pretty cer- tainly an importation from Chilotan culture. Such an Araucanian influence began to make itself felt even before the Spanish conquest, for Cortés Hojea on his return journey in 1558 found on an island facing the Pacific Ocean at about 44° s. lat. some old abandoned potato patches (Goicueta, 513). That some of the Chonos north of Taitao Peninsula raised a breed of long-haired shaggy dogs, from whose hair they made short mantles covering the shoulders and upper part of the trunk, is attested from two apparently independent sources (Goicueta, 518, based on Cortés’ expedition with Ulloa; Del Techo, 160, from testimony of Delco the Chono headman; cf. also Lozano, 11,34). They are said, too, to have made mantles from the bark of a tree called ‘“‘quantu”’ (Goicueta, 518), as the Chilotans made from the bark of the maque tree (Rosales, a, vol. 1, 224). The stone ax was in earlier times very uncommon south of Chiloé. None of the earlier writers, such as Goicueta and Ladrillero, reported it in use south of Taitao Peninsula. Father Rosales mentions its use around Chiloé, but adds that the natives near the Strait used fire and, shell to make the planks for their boats, as they had no axes (Rosales, a, 174; cf. also Garcia, a, 23). Dr. Medina gives illustra- tions of two polished axheads from the Chonos Islands (a, 75, fig. 16, 18) and a perforated one from the Guaitecas Islands (a, 76, fig. 22). Dr. Cunningham brought back three stone ‘‘hatchet heads” from the Guaitecas Islands (335). Dr. Coppinger, ‘‘in spite of a most diligent search,” found only one partly ground axhead, in a very old coorrr] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 45 kitchen midden somewhere south of Cape Tres Montes (52-53, ill. opp. p. 34). That the cultural elements just enumerated—sporadic agricul- ture and herding, the polished stone ax and the plank boat—should have passed over to the Chonos from the Araucanians is easily accounted for, as there was considerable friendly and unfriendly contact between the Chilotans and their neighbors to the south. According to Father Del Techo (160), as far back as 1609 the Chonos used to capture the Huillis to the south and keep them or sell them into a kind of slavery among the Chilotans. Father Olivares gives many details of the bitter feuds between the Chonos and Chilotans and of the raids and reprisals by one people upon the other, a situation brought to an end in 1710 by the voluntary sur- render of 30 harassed Chono families and by their settlement upon the island of Guar (373, 394). Talcapillan, a Chono who lived 60 leagues south of Castro, came to Chiloé with some of his people (Olivares, 377; cf. also Bart. Gallardo, 526-527). Father Lozano states that Delco, the Guaitecas chief, used to come to Chiloé once a year (11, 454; cf. also Del Techo, 159); while on Delco’s visit to the missionaries, Fathers Venegas and Ferrufino, at Chiloé in 1609, five boatloads of his people accompanied him (Del Techo, 159). When Fathers Venegas and Estevan set out in 1612 from Chiloé for the Guaitecas Islands they were accompanied by 10 Chilotan rowers who knew the Guaitecas region from having participated on an earlier occasion in a raiding expedition among the Chonos (Lozano, tI, 455). Frezier was told that the Chonos were wont to come to Chiloé and sometimes bring Caucahues with them (1, 148; de Brosses, II, 212). One at least of the natives who some months after the wreck of the Wager in 1741 came to visit the English was a Chilotan who could speak Spanish (A. Campbell, 52), while the Chilotan poncho was observed among the group who visited the island a few days after the wreck (ibid., 20). Finally, in Beranger’s time—around 1773—it was the custom of the Chonos to come to Chiloé at fiestas and exchange seafood for clothing, potatoes, and barley (Beranger, 13). No doubt, too, the missions to the Chonos, especially to the Guaite- cas Islanders, maintained by the Jesuits intermittently from 1612 to 1767 and by the Franciscans later, did much toward spreading some elements of Chilotan and Spanish culture among them. Beneath the cultural importations, however, one can see as through a thin veil the extremely primitive culture of the Chonoan nomads. This very low culture sharply contrasts with that of the much more advanced Araucanians, even those of Chiloé; while on the other hand it is practically identical with that of the Alacaluf, not only in its broad outlines, but also in its detailed features as far as the available sources reveal them to us. 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULD. 63 To sum up the relations between the Chonos and Alacaluf, the question of their linguistic relations must for the present be left open, although there appears to be a very slight preponderance of evidence in favor of linguistic disparity. The Chonoan cranial type is fundamentally the same as the Alacalufan but seems to give indi- cations of a certain amount of racial mixing between the Chonos and some other people, perhaps the Araucanians. Culturally, apart from a negligible Araucanian influence, the Chonos and Ala- caluf are practically identical. PRESENT CONDITION OF THE CHONOS AND ALACALUF At the time of the Spanish conquest the Chonos Archipelago was thinly populated (Del Techo, 160). Cortés Hojea on his return journey seems to have met no natives at all. a aise aa nets ‘hola jane ae FS, PAST AND FUTURE OF FUEGIAN INVESTIGATIONS EARLY WRITERS AND EXPLORERS The second of the following lists contains the names of the leaders of expeditions prior to 1800 which encountered Fuegian or Chonoan natives, and the dates at which encountered. The first gives the names of the early writers (exclusive of collections of voyages) whose works contain information on the same natives, and the dates when written or published. The letters, C, A, Y, S, M, stand for the respec- tive tribes, Chonos, Alacaluf, Yahgans, Shilk’nam, Manekenkn, probably or certainly seen or described. WRITERS TO 1800 Oviedo, 1557, A; Géngora Marmolejo, 1575, Chilotans (and C); Marifio de Lovera, Chilotans; Acosta, 1590, A; Olaverria, 1594, C. Herrera, 1601-1615, A; Argensola, 1609, A, S; Purchas, 1613; Laet, 2d ed., 1630, A, Y, S, M; Brouwer, 1646, Chilotans (and C); Ponce de Leon, 1644, C; Ovalle, 1646, C; Montanus, 1671; Del Techo, 1673, C, A?; Rosales, 1674, ca., C, A. Nyel, 1704, M; Rogers, 1726; Labarbinais, 1728; Pietas, 1729, C; Olivares, 1736, C; Lozano, 1754-55, C; Beranger, 1773, C; Falkner, 1774, S?; Molina, 1776, 1782, 1787, C; Alcedo, 1786-1789; Ascasubi, 1789, C; Gonzalez de Agiieros, 1791, C. EXPLORERS. TO 1800 Magellan, 1520, A or S; Loaysa, 1526, A; Alcazaba, 1535, A; Ulloa, 1553-54, C, A; Ladrillero, 1557-58, A; Cortés Hojea, 1557-58, A; Drake, 1578, A; Sarmiento, 1579-80, A, S; Hernandez, 1581, A; Cavendish, Ist, 1587, A; Chidley-Wheele, 1590, A; Cavendish, 2d, 1592, A; Hawkins, 1594, A; de Weert-de Cordes, 1599-1600; A; van Noort, 1599-1600, A. Venegas-Ferrufino, 1609, C; Venegas-Estevan, 1612-13, C; van ‘Speilbergen, 1615, A; Nodals, 1619, M; L’Hermite, 1624, Y, (M2); Montemayor, 1641, C; Brouwer, 1643; Narbrough-Wood, 1670, A; Bart. Gallardo, 1674-75, C; de Vea, 1675-76, C; Sharp, 1681, A; La Guilbaudiere, 1688 (—96), A; de Gennes, 1696, A; Labat, Du Plessis, Beauchesne (Villefort), 1699, A. Labbe, 1711, M; Frezier’s informants, 1712-13, Y ?; d’Arquistade, 1715, Y; Clipperton, 1719, A; Anson, 1741,C; the Wager’s crew (Byron, A. Campbell, Bulkeley and Cummins, author of Affecting Narrative, etc.), 1741-42, C, A; Byron (and anon. author of ‘‘ Voyage, 59 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL, 63 ete.”’), 1764-65, A; Duclos-Guyot, 1765-66, A; Garcia, 1766-67, C, A?; Wallis, 1767, A; Bougainville, 1768, A; Machado, 1768-69, C; Jas. Cook, 1st (Banks, Parkinson, author of Journal of ... Endeavor), 1769, M; Jas. Cook, 2d, (G. Forster, J. R. Forster), 1774, M and Y or A; Marin-Real, 1778-89, C; Menendez-Bargas, 1779-80, C; de Cérdoba, 1st, 1786, A; Moraleda, 1786-1788, 1792-1796, C; de Cérdoba, 2d, 1788-89, A. History oF INVESTIGATION The name that stands out most prominently in the history of Fuegian investigation is that of the Rey. Thomas Bridges. His researches were confined in the main to Yahgan culture and language, but in addition he became sufficiently familiar with the other two Fuegian peoples to establish for the first time definitely the general tribal relations in the Magellanic archipelago. YAHGANS From 1624 when the Yahgans were first visited by L’ Hermite until 1858 when the first grouv of Yahgans came to Keppel mission in the Falklands little appreciable progress in Yahgan anthropology was made, if we except Admiral Fitz-Roy’s discovery of the existence of two distinct languages in the southern Fuegian archipelago. The Yahgans were visited successively by d’Arquistade in 1715, by Wed- dell in 1823-24, by the Beagle expeditions in 1829-32, by the Wilkes and Ross expeditions in 1839 and 1842, respectively, and by Capt. Snow and other English missionaries in the fifties. The modern study of the Yahgans and their language really begins with the arrival of the missionary party under the Rey. Mr. Despard at Cinco-Mai Harbor, Navarin Island, in the spring of 1857 (Despard, b, 718). By the end of 1858 he had gathered nearly 1,000 Yahgan words, and in 1863 published a few notes on Yahgan grammar. But, if the Rev. Mr. Despard was the pioneer in the field of Yahgan linguistics, it is to the genius and labors of a successor, the Rev. Thomas Bridges, that we are indebted for most of what we know of the Yahgan tongue. His remarkable studies, begun in the late fifties or early sixties, culminated in the compilation of his large dic- tionary completed in 1879, the translation of his three New Testament books in 1881-1886, and the publication of his larger grammar in 1893. Other papers from his pen treated nearly the whole field of Yahgan culture. The more important new results of the Italo-Argentinian expedition in 1882 and the French Cape Horn expedition in 1882-83, with the subsequent studies by Drs. Hyades and Deniker, Mantegazza and Regalia, and Sergi, were in the field of somatology. COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 61 These practically closed the cycle of Yahgan studies. Since then no important new developments have taken place. All three depart- ments of Yahgan anthropology are as well known as we could reason- ably expect, although there is of course probably a good deal that may yet be discovered about this passing race. ALACALUF The fires seen by Magellan’s expedition in 1520 were from Onan or Alacalufan camps, but the Alacaluf themselves were first observed not until six years later by the Loaysa expedition, nearly a century prior to the first discovery of the Yahgans. The first detailed accounts of the Patagonian channel Alacaluf, brief though these accounts are, are contained in the narratives of Ladrillero’s and Cortés Hojea’s expedition in 1557-58. % iSVtag Sag a eb De a ene ! Hermit TAG” Cape Horn House Doc. Ro. ; 64th Cong., 2d Sess. AUTHOR BIBLIOGRAPHY Preratory NoTEs The bibliography includes the sources for the study of the Onas, Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Chonos. Those for the Tehuelches might have been included, but to have done so would have carried the writer too far afield. Throughout anthropological and kindred literature occur hundreds of brief second-hand notes on the Fuegians. The bulk of these references were too unimportant to justify their inclusion in the present bibliography. But all first-hand sources, however brief and unimportant, that have come to the writer’s attention, have been included, as have also those second-hand sources which sum up a considerable portion of the field or else throw some light on Fuegian and Chonoan anthropology by discussion or suggestion. Where the writer has been unable to consult and review personally any article or book, he has stated the bibliography or other source whence the title has been taken, together with what dependable data regarding the reference he could gather. The great majority of first-hand observers have had at most a few hours of contact with the natives while en route through the archi- pelago. Such accounts have been characterized as based on ‘‘casual meetings.” They are chiefly of value for material culture. The name ‘‘Channel Alacaluf”’ or ‘‘Channel Indians’? has been used to denote the canoe-using Indians of the West Patagonian chan- nels between the western mouth of the Strait of Magellan and the Gulf of Pefias. The present bibliography being intended as a practical or working guide, some of the data usually given in a technical bibliography have been omitted. From the enormous mass of literature dealing with the history of early exploration in the Magellanic archipelago, those narratives, editions, and translations—originals preferred where accessible—have been included which would be more readily available to the student with ordinary library facilities. No attempt has been made to exhaust this field. Further data regarding editions and translations can be found in bibliographical works like those of Tiele, Sabin, and Medina. Those early narratives, like LeMaire’s, for instance, which, however important to the geographer or historian, contain no infor- mation on the natives, have been omitted. 65 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 63 In many cases the later editions or the translations of original narratives have been abridged. Where this abridgment has involved an abbreviation of the Fuegian anthropological material, the fact is usually noted; but in most of the abridgments and abstracts the anthropological data are given either in full or with only slight omissions. It is perhaps superfluous to state that works have been classed as ‘Gmportant’’ or ‘‘unimportant”’ purely from the viewpoint of the student of Fuegian anthropology. A word regarding maps: A good map of the whole district is indis- pensable. The present writer has used the following four charts obtained from the United States Hydrographic Office, Washington, D. C.: No. 1315, Coast of Chile, Valdivia to Cape Tres Montes, June, 1892; no. 2243, Coast of Chile, Gulf of Pefias to Magellan Strait, Sept., 1905; no. 454, South extreme of South America from Cape Horn to the Magellan Strait, sheet Il, Western part, 1873; no. 453, ditto, sheet I, Eastern part, 1873. Except for the interior and east coast of Tierra del Fuego Island, these maps meet all requirements of anthropological study for the territory covered. Aa, Pieter van der, ed. Naaukeurige versamelung der ge- denk-waardigste zee en land-reysen na Oost en West-Indién, 28 vols., Leyden, 1707 [1706-]; 8 vols., ibid., 1727 [1706- 1727]. Contains (vol. xvm; 2d ed., vol. v) Pretty’s account of Drake’s voyage, and (vol. xx; 2d ed., vol. v) Pretty’s and Knivet’s narratives of Cavendish’s voyages. Acosta, José de Historia natvral y moral de las Indias, Seuilla, 1590; Ital. tr., Venice, 1596; Fr. tr., Paris, 1598; Dutch tr., 2d ed., Amsterdam, 1624; Engl. tr., Lon- don, 1604; Hakl. soc., vols. Lx-Lx1, London, 1880. Contains (bk. 3, ch. 13) very brief remarks on the natives inhabiting the northern and southern shores of the Strait; not important. Adam, Quirin Francois Lucien Grammaire de la langue jAgane. (In Revue de linguistique et de philologie comparée, Paris, 1884; xvu, 295-322, 1885; xvi, 10-26, 160-173; reprint, ibid., 1885.) An important treatise on Yahgan grammar, fuller than Dr. Garbe’s study; based on Dr. Garbe’s work and on the Rev. Thomas Bridges’ Yahgan translation of the Gospel of St. Luke. Adelung, Johann Christoph and Vater, Johann Severin Mithridates, oder allgemeine Sprach- enkunde, 4 vols., Berlin, 1806-1817. Contains (3. Th., 2. Abt., pp. 391-3) an unim- portant brief description of the Fuegians, based chiefly on Laet, Hervis, and J. R. Forster. Affecting narrative of the unfortunate voy- age and catastrophe of His Majesty’s ship Wager, London, 1751 Contains (especially pp. 30-31, 45-46, 96-97) some of the same data on the Chonos and Fue- gians that Bulkeley and Cummins give. Agiieros See Gonzdlez de Agiieros. Alcazaba, Simonde. 1535 See Juan de Mori, de Brosses. Alcedo, Antonio de ; Diccionario geografico-histérico de las Indias occidentales 6 América, 5 vols., Madrid, 1786-1789; Engl. tr., 5 vols., London, 1812-1815. Short, unimportant, and not very reliable account of Fuegians under ‘Fuego, Tierra del’”’ (m1, 168-71; tr., M1, 121). Alvarez, J. S. En el mar austral, Buenos Aires. (Reference from Dabbene.) COOPER] Andersson, Johan Gunnar, Nordenskjéld, Otto and others Antarctica: or Two years amongst the ice of the south pole, London-New York, 1905. Chapters 4 and 5 of part 2 (pp. 366-91), from the pen of Dr. Andersson, contain passim a good deal of valuable material on some phases of the psychical culture of the Onas, among whom he spent more than a month in Sept.-Oct., 1902. The author made a journey afoot with Ona guides from Harberton to Lake Fagnano and return. Andree, Richard Die Anthropophagie, Leipzig, 1887. On p. 90 are given the views of Fitz-Roy, Darwin, Snow, Marguin, and Hyades on the question of Fuegian cannibalism. Angelis, Pedro de, ed. Coleccion de obras y documentos relativos 4 la historia antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata, 6 vols., Buenos Aires, 1836-37. Vol. 1 contains a Spanish translation of Falkner’s Description of Patagonia. Anrique R., Nicolas and Silva A., L. Ignacio Ensayo de una bibliografia histérica y jeografica de Chile, Santiago de Chile, 1902. Contains 2,561 titles of books and articles, of which a good proportion are of anthropological interest, in the chief modern languages; annota- tions or criticisms are exceptional. There are some inaccuracies, but relatively few, consider- ing the short time, only 66 days, at the disposal of the compilers. The list includes many refer- ences not found in other bibliographies of Chile. Anson, George, Lord. 1741 See Richard Walter, Pascoe Thomas. Anuario de la prensa chilena, publicado por la Biblioteca nacional, Santiago de Chile, annually since 1886. Gives lists of the books deposited in the library ~ under the law of 1872, and from 1891 includes books by Chilean authors or relating to Chile published in other countries. Not annotated. Anuario hidrograéfico de la marina de Chile, Santiago-Valparaiso, 1875- 1912, vols. I-xxvur. Contains the following early and modern original narratives or translations thereof bearing on Fuegian and Chonoan anthropology: E. Simpson, Juliet, 1875, vol. 1; Goicueta, Ulloa, Ibar S., J. M. Simpson and Chaigneau, a, 1879, vol. v; Ulloa, Pretty, a, tr., Ladrillero, J. M. Simpson and Chaigneau, 6, Serrano M., a, 1880, BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 67 Anuario hidrografico—Continued vol. v1; Mori, Sarmiento, 1881, vol. vm; B. Gal- lardo, de Vea, Serrano M., b, Hyades, g, tr., 1886, vol. xt; Moraleda, 1887-8, vols. x1-x1m; Machado, Garcia, a, d’Arquistade, tr., Martial, tr., 1889, vol. xv; Brouwer, tr., 1892, vol. xvI; Gajardo, 1905, vol. xxv; Pacheco, a, 1907, vol. xxv; Whiteside, 1912, vol. xxv; Morales, Pacheco, b, 1912, vol. XxXvm. A great deal of the above material is not . available elsewhere. The Anuario also contains passim many valuable maps, and considerable first-hand information on fauna, flora, climate, geology, and geography. Arctowski, Henryk Voyage d’exploration dans la région des canaux de la Terre de Feu. (In Bull. Soc. roy. belge de géogr., Bruxelles, 1901, xxv, 33-62; reprint, ibid., 1902.) Dr. Arctowski spent a little more than a month in Fuegia in 1897-98 as geologist and me- teorologist of the Belgica expedition, 1897-1899. His article is chiefly of value for the Ona vocabu- lary (pp. 61-62) of 139 words, phrases, and sen- tences, gathered at Dawson Island with the aid of one of the Salesian missionaries from a young Ona boy who understood Spanish, and who had been to Europe. Argensola, Bartolomé Leonardo de Conqvista de las islas Malvcas, Ma- drid, 1609; Fr. tr., 3 vols., Amsterdam, 1706; Engl. tr. in Stevens, vol. 1; nar- rative of Sarmiento’s voyage quoted in full in Iriarte’s ed. of orig. jour., pp. XxXx1x-lviili, and summarized in de Brosses, 1, 199-219, and in Laet, bk. 12, ata nd. Erte bike ls: Argensola gives (bk. 3, pp. 109-26) a long account of Sarmiento’s voyage in 1579-80. This abstract contains approximately the same an- thropological data as does the original journal, but toward the end relates a few fabulous details not found in the latter. Arquistade, Joapchin d’ Breve et demontrée relation de la nouvelle découverte d’un grand en- foncement ou baye en la coste occi- dentale de la Terre-de-Feu . Vo- yage aus années 1714, 15,16 et 17... navire le Sainct-Fran¢ois (In Martial, Mission du cap Horn, 1, 266-269; extr. in Hyades, 1, pp. 723-725; Span. tr. in An. hidr. mar. Chile, Santiago, 1889, XIV, 534-537.) Next to L’Hermite’s, the earliest account we possess of the Yahgans. D’Arquistade’s brief description of their customs and material culture is based on personal observation during one day spent with the natives at Orange Bay in 1715. 68 Ascasubi, Miguel Informe cronolégico de las misiones del reino de Chile hasta 1789. (In Gay, Documentos, 1, 300-400.) Contains on pp. 315-316 a few notes on the history of the mission Chonos. Aspinall, Edward C. Conferencia dada en la Sociedad cien- tifica alemana de Santiago de Chile sobre los aborigenes de la Tierra del Fuego. (Reference from Dabbene, who adds that it was published in the society’s Anales; I can not find it in the Verhandlungen.) This lecture was given July 25, 1888, by the Rey. Mr. Aspinall after eighteen months’ resi- dence among the Yahgans as successor to the Rev. Thomas Bridges. A summary of the lecture by Dy (q. v.), was published in Globus, vol. LV. Mr. Aspinall also contributed various letters of minor anthropological interest to the South American missionary magazine from 1886 on. [Avebury, Lord] Sir John Lubbock Prehistoric times, 7th ed., ‘‘thor- oughly revised,’?’ New York-London, 1913. ca Contains descriptions of the Fuegians, pp. 531-537, 242-243, and notes passim. Based onthe older sources, as Hawkesworth, Callander’s tr. of de Brosses, Byron’s Loss of Wager, Fitz-Roy, a, Darwin, a, Weddell, Voice of Pity. The Fuegian sections seem to have passed unscathed through the ‘thorough revision.” Bahnson, Kristian Etnografien fremstillet i dens hoved- traek, 2 vols., Kj6benhavn, 1900. Contains (1, 539-548) a rather lengthy account of the Fuegians; 2 photographs of Fuegian types; 2 woodcuts, illustrating material culture. Ball, John Notes of a naturalist in South Amer- ica, London, 1887. Dr. Ball states (p. 242) that he saw no Fue- gians at all on his trip. His book contains only a paragraph on the natives (pp. 260-261). He was told (p. 261) by Dr. Fenton, an old resident of Punta Arenas, that it seems a wellattested fact that the Canoe Indians when in danger from a rough sea throw an infant overboard. This statement, however, needs confirmation (cf. Subject Bibliography, p. 153). Bancarel, Fr. Collection abrégée des voyages an- ciens et modernes autour du monde, 12 vols., Paris, 1808-9. Contains abstracts of the following voyages: Drake’s (World encompassed), Cavendish’s (from Pretty), van Noort’s, van Speilbergen’s, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Bancarel, Fr.—Continued L’Hermite’s, Clipperton’s, vol. 1; Wallis’, vol. Iv. The Fuegian anthropological data are given verbatim in the following voyages: Byron’s, vol. v1; Bougainville’s, vol. vu; Cook’s first, vol. vm; - Cook’s second, vol. 1x. Banks, Joseph Journal of the Right Honourable Sir Joseph Banks during Captain Cook’s first voyage in H. M. S. Endeavor in 1768-71, ed. by Sir Joseph D. Hooker, London, 1896. Cf. Hawkesworth. Contains (pp. 49-50, 55-56, 58-61) the best description that has come down to us of the Onas, very probably Manekenkn, met by Capt. Cook’s first expedition in Jan., 1769, at Good Success Bay. On p. 60 two words hallécd, “beads,” and oouda, ‘‘water.’’ The latter seems to be Méne- kenkn rather than Shilk’nam, Barclay, William S. (a) The land of Magellanes, with some account of the Ona and other Indians. (In Geogr. jour., London, Jan., 1904, xxi, no. 1, pp. 62-79.) Contains a quite long and detailed account of nearly all phases of Ona culture (pp. 68-79), to- gether with a few brief notes on the Yahgans and Alacaluf (pp. 63-66). (6) Life in Tierra del Fuego. (In Nineteenth century and after, London, Jan.—June, 1904, tv, 97-106.) Covers nearly the same ground as the preced- ing article but somewhat less fully. (c) At the world’s end, being an account of the now almost extinct Canoe-dwellers and other tribes of Tierra del Fuego. (In Supplement to Illustrated London news, Jan. 30, 1904, CXXIV, pp. i-iv.) Covers the same ground as the preceding arti- cles, lacking, however, some details; contains an Ona legend and a few notes on the Yahgans, not found in (a) and (6); also several excellent photo- graphs and sketches. The foregoing articles are important contribu- tions to our knowledge of the Onas. They are based on somewhat limited personal observation during a visit to eastern Fuegia from Jan. 25 to the end of Feb., 1902, but chiefly (according to Dr. Dabbene, a, p. 78, who traveled with Mr. Barclay) on information furnished by Mr. Lucas Bridges (q. v.). Bargas, Ignacio. 1779-80 See Francisco Menendez. Barmon, de Esquisse d’un voyage au détroit de Magellan. (In Soc. impér. acad. de Cherbourg, séance 4 juil., 1862.) (Rei- erence from Anrique, p. 393.) COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 69 Barros Arana, Diego (a) Los Fueguinos. (In La Lectura, Santiago de Chile, 1884, 1, 3-5.) (Ref- erence from Porter, p. 409.) (6) Historia jeneral de Chile, 16 vols., Santiago, 1884-1902. Contains (1, 39-48) an account of the Fuegian aborigines based on written sources and dealing almost exclusively with the Yahgans and Alaca- luf. The description of the other Chilean abo- rigines (1, 49-114) gives passim some notes on Chonoan culture. Bartels, Max See Ploss, b. Bastian, Philipp Wilhelm Adolf Die Culturlinder des alten America, 3 vols., Berlin, 1878-1889. The account in vol. 1 (pp. 17-18) of the Onas seemingly is based not on personal observation by Prof. Bastian, but on information given him by colonists who came aboard the vessel at Punta Arenas. The data on Fuegian religion (p. 18) have to be used with caution. The author passed through the Strait in 1875. Beauchesne-Gouin. 1699 See Marcel, a, c, de Villefort. Beauregard, Ollivier Sur les tribus qui habitent la Terre de Feu. (In Bull. Soc. d’anthr. de Paris, 1882, 3d ser. v, 672-674.) An unimportant quotation from an article by Capt. Bove in La Nacién, of Buenos Aires, Sept. 22, 1882. Very brief data on the Yahgans, Ala- caluf, and Onas. Beauvoir, José Maria (a) Pequeno diccionario del idioma fueguino-ona con su correspondiente castellano, Buenos Aires (1901). Contains 1,876 common Ona words, 76 sen- tences and phrases, and a few additional words, 132 proper names, and the Lord’s Prayer in Ona. The vocabulary is preceded by a few remarks on Ona religion and mythology (p. 6) and by a com- parative Yahgan-Alacaluf-Ona vocabulary of 41 words (pp. 7-8). Inserts after pp. 4 and 36 give accounts of the groups of natives exhibited at Paris in 1889 and at Genoa in 1892. In the comparative vocabulary the Yahgan and most of the Alacaluf words seem to have been taken from Hyades, g, and Fitz-Roy, b, the remaining Alacalufan words presumably from the Dawson Island natives. Father Beauvoir’s earlier Ona dictionary has been superseded by his later one, described below. (b) Los Shelknam: Indigenas de la Tierra del Fuego, Buenos Aires, 1915. The most important published work on the Ona language. The most valuable parts of the Beauvoir, José Maria—Continued book are the extensive vocabulary of more than 4,000 words (Ona-Spanish, pp. 19-76; Spanish- Ona, pp. 109-161) and the large collection of 1,400 Ona sentences with their Spanish translation (pp. 79-104). In addition the following linguis- tie material is given: Ona pronunciation and accent (pp. 1-4); a few notes on Ona grammar (pp. 4-9 and passim in ‘‘frasario,’’ pp. 79-104); the Lord’s Prayer and Angelical Salutation in Ona (p. 77); more than 400 Ona proper names and the meaning of 85 proper names (pp. 163-170); an extensive list of Ona local names (pp. 220-225); 211 Haus words (pp. 171-173); an Ona-Tehuelche comparative vocabulary of 110 words (pp. 179- 181); Ona-Tehuelche numerals and cardinal points (pp. 195-196); an extensive list of about 1,000 Tehuelche words, and 45 phrases and sen- tences (pp. 183-193, 197-198); a comparative Ona- Yahgan-Alacaluf vocabulary of 103 words (pp. 15-17). The Haus or Manekenkn vocabulary, to judge by Mr. Lucas Bridges’ list, would seem to be pure or nearly pure Shelknam. See comment under Cojazzi. The Yahgan and Alacaluf words in the comparative vocabulary on pp. 15-17 are ap- parently taken from Hyades, q. Father Beauvoir also gives a brief summary of Ona culture (pp. 201-212, 217-220). Many photo- graphs illustrating environment, physical type, and culture. Father Beauvoir began his studies among the Onas in 1892, and as a missionary among them from 1893 until recently had ample opportunity to gather much information regarding their lan- guage. He had as principal interpreters two Onas, José Luis Miguel Kalapacte, who spoke Spanish well, and José Tomdés Ven Paschol. With the former he was intimately and daily associated for fourteen years. Father Beauvoir also acknowledges his indebtedness to his con- fréres of the Salesian missions, particularly to Father Juan Zenone, who has been with the mission Onas, especially the children, since 1894, and who has a fair speaking knowledge of the language. What Father Beauvoir wrote of the Pequenio diccionario would no doubt apply to his larger work as well: ‘‘Estas palabras por haberlas oido muchas veces en sus conversaciones familiares, y entendido bien por habermelas hecho explicar por Indios que allegados 4 noso- tros, comprendian suficientemente nuestro idio- ma, hasta lo hablaban y escribjan, tengo una seguridad moral de que los vocablos contenidos en este Diccionario tienen realmente el signifi- cado que se les da en la lengua Castellana” (a, p. 3). Beazley, Charles Raymond, ed. (a) Voyages and travels, 2 vols., Westminster, 1903. Contains (1, 281-291) Pretty’s account of the voyage of Cavendish in 1587. (6) Voyages of the Elizabethan gea- men, Oxford, 1907. Contains Drake’s Famous voyage. 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Becerra, W. En la Tierra del Fuego: Esploracién al pais de los Onas: La bahia Inutil. (In Revista de marina, Valparaiso, 1898, xxv, 1706-1724, 1728 ff.) The first section contains nothing of value to the anthropologist; but the second, to which I had not access, gives an account of the natives and ‘‘un estenso vocabulario” (Anrique, p. 449). Benignus, Siegfried In Chile, Patagonien und auf Feuer- land, Berlin, 1912. Contains a fairly good account (pp. 229-236) of Ona culture, and a shorter one (pp. 236-244) of Yahgan and Alacalufan. Five Yahgan words on p. 248, from Capt. Bove’s vocabulary. The author seemingly had not much personal con- tact with the Fuegian natives. Nine photo- graphs, chiefly of Ona types. Beranger, Carlos de Relacion jeografica de la provincia de Chiloé, San Carlos, 1773. Ed. with introd. and notes by Nicholas Anrique R., Santiago de Chile, 1893. Contains (pp. 13-14, 16) interesting notes on the territory and culture of the Chonos, with further data from the early sources added by the editor. Beranger had not visited the Chonos in their native islands, but as governor of Chiloé had some knowledge of them. Bermondy, Théoph. Les Patagons, les Fuegans et les Araucans. (In Arch. Soc. américaine de France, Paris, 1875, n. s. 1, 355-366.) Contains a fair description of the Fuegians based on the then extant sources, and an unim- portant discussion of the interrelations of the tribes of extreme southern South America. Betagh, William A voyage round the world: Being an account of a remarkable enterprise, be- gun in the year 1719, chiefly to cruise on the Spaniards in the great South Ocean, London, 1728; abstr. in Henry, vol. 11; in Kerr, vol. x; in Bancarel, vol. 11. Contains (pp. 79-81, 85) brief though sympa- thetic accounts, quoted verbatim from the jour- nal of Capt. Clipperton’s chief mate, George Taylor, of the natives, probably Alacaluf, met casually in June-July, 1719, at points in the Strait between Elizabeth Island and Cape Quod. Betagh was captain of marines on Clip- perton’s vessel, the Success. Bischoff, Theodor von (a) Die Feuerlander in Europa, Bonn, 1882, Bischoff, Theodor von—Continued This small brochure contains unimportant notes on the mentality, morality, and religion of the Alacaluf, based on observation of the Hagen- beck group exhibited in Europe. Stature meas- urements on p. 3. : (6) Bemerkung tiber die Geschlechts- verhiltnisse der Feuerlinder. (In Sitz- ungsber. d. Math.-phys. Classe d. kgl. bayer. Akad. d. Wissensch., Mimchen, 1882, xm, 243-246.). A study of Alacalufan sexual anatomy and physiology, based on observation of the same group. (c) Weitere Bemerkungen iiber die Feuerliinder. (Ibid., pp. 356-368.) Anatomical data obtained from the post- mortem examination of the sexual and some other organs of two women of the same group; also (p. 368) stature measurements and brain weight of same two women and of one man. 1plate. Cf. Seitz, a and b. Bizemont, H. de Moeurs et coutumes des habitants de la Terre de Feu. (In Exploration, Paris, 1883, vol. xv.) (Reference from Dabbene.) Bohr Besuch von Feuerlindern am bord S. M.S. Hansa. (In Verh. Berlin. Ges. f. Anthr. u. s. w., 1881, pp. [30}31.) A short description of some Alacaluf met in their canoe on July 29, 1879, about 30 miles west of Cape Froward. Dr. Bohr, a naval surgeon, measured the heads (breadth, length, cireum- ference) of three and the stature of four of the Alacaluf men who came aboard. Bollettino salesiano. Periodico della Pia unione dei cooperatori di Dom Bosco. Published monthly, Turin, Italy, 1877-, and printed in 8 languages. The official organ of the Salesian fathers, an increasingly important source of first-hand in- formation on the Onas and Alacaluf; compara- tively little about*the Yahgans. The Salesians have been established in Alacalufan territory since 1889 and in Onan since 1892. With the exception of the Bridges and Lawrence brothers, few ifany white men have had better opportuni- ties for studying the Onas and Alacaluf at first hand. Frequent contributions of anthropo- logical value have been published in the Bollet- tino since 1887 by Mgr. Fagnano, Fathers Beau- voir, Borgatello, Rossi, Renzi, Zenone, and others. Most of the recent numbers contain photographs. Dr. Cojazzi (q. v.) has gleaned all the above scattered anthropological material and published it in his recent valuable work. COOPER] Bollinger Ueber die Feuerlinder. (In Cor- resp.-Blatt Deutsch. Ges. f. 1900) nix) “nt. 8 xxv, no. 0, pp. 720-729.) Covers about the same ground as the pre- ceding. (c) Vers le pole sud: L’expedition de la Belgica, 1897-1899, adaptation francaise par A. Pfinder. (Reference from Dabbene.) Whatever may be thought of Dr. Cook’s arctic exploits, it must be admitted that his careful and sober account of the culture of the Onas, based on several weeks’ personal observation during the Belgica expedition and on information given by Mr. Bridges (Lucas?) and probably by the Salesians, is a reliable and valuable contribution to Onan anthropology. Cook, James (a) Capt. Cook’s journal during his first voyage round the world made in H. M. bark Endeavor, 1768-1771, a literal transcription of the original MSS., ed. with notes and introduction by Capt. W. J. L. Wharton, London, 1893. (Cf. Hawkesworth.) Contains (pp. 37-38) a good description of the Onas met at Good Success Bay in Jan., 1769. See also comment under Banks. Hawkesworth’s narrative incorporates many data from the Banks and Solander journals into Capt. Cook’s. The many accounts of Capt. Cook’s first voyage which appeared prior to 1893-1896 are based on Hawkesworth’s compila- tion. See also Journal of a voyage etc., Dublin, 1772. (b) A voyage towards the south pole and round the world in H. M. 8. the Resolution and Adventure in the years 1772, 73, ’4, and ’5, including Capt. Furneaux’s narrative, 2 vols., London, 80 Cook, James—Continued 1777; 4th ed., ibid., 1784; Kerr, vols. — x1v-xv; Fr. tr. by J. B. A. Suard, 6 vols., Paris, 1778; Montémont, vols. vu-1x; Dutch, tr. by J. D. Pasteur, Leyden, etc., 1797-1809, vols. Iv—vu; abstr. in Bancarel, vol. 1x. Contains good but somewhat brief notes on the natives met at Christmas Sound (11, 183-184) and at Good Success Bay (1, 192) in Dec., 1774. The former had angular spear shafts (G. Forster, 1, 501), as have the modern Yahgans; they used a characteristic Alacalufan expression, pechera, but had probably, like the above Good Success Bay natives who also used it, borrowed it from the Alacaluf. Cooper, John Montgomery Fuegian and Chonoan tribal rela- tions. (In Proc. 19th Internat. congr. of Americanists, Washington, 1915, pp. 445-453, 1917.) A general discussion of tribal relations in the Magellanic and Chonoan archipelagos. Coppinger, Richard William Cruise of the Alert, London, 1883. One of our most important sources, chiefly for the culture, but also for the language and soma- tology, of the Alacaluf of the Patagonian chan- nels and the western Strait. Dr. Coppinger cruised around this territory from January to May, 1879, and later from October, 1879, to April, 1880, during which time he had excellent oppor- tunities for observation. His accounts are full, detailed, and precise. Of special value are the following: Lengthy descriptions of the West Patagonian Channel Alacaluf (pp. 48-56) and of the Tilly Bay Alacaluf (pp. 118-122); stature measurements of 8 men and descriptive somatol- ogy (pp. 49-50); Alacaluf vocabulary (see below); discovery ofskeletal remains at Rosario Bay (pp. 54, 69-70), of stone axhead in old kitchen-midden (pp. 52-53), and of stone weirs (pp. 125-126) at Swallow Bay; descriptions of plank boat (pp. 43-44) and of spearhead making (pp. 119-121). Other data of less importance (pp. 40-44, 57-59, 63-65, 67, 74, 103, 112-113, 123). Several woodcuts, especially the one opposite p. 34. The Alacaluf vocabulary (p. 122), containing 50 words and 5 children’s names, was taken by signs from an old native at Tilly Bay. Subse- quently Dr. Coppinger checked the list by re- peating the words and having the native point out the objects. Some of the words were further tested on natives later met at Port Gallant and were found to be correct. Cora, Guido La spedizione italo-platense in Pata- gonia. (In Cora’s Cosmos, Torino, 1882-83, vu, 181-192, 231-239, 272-277.) 1878-1882, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 63 Cora, Guido—Continued A good synopsis of Capt. Bove’s report. Con- tains the cultural data somewhat abbreviated, the stature measurements, and 167 words from the Yahgan vocabulary. The statement (p. 234) “un uomo ha generalmente quattro mogli” dif- fers slightly from the original “‘raramente perd si vedono uomini con pitt di quattro mogli” (Bove, a, p. 793; b, p. 136; c, p. 128; d, Arch., p. 292), and differs still more from the statements in Bridges, Hyades, and others. Cordemoy, Camille de Au Chili, Paris, 1899. Contains (pp. 6-7) meager, unimportant notes on some Canoe Indians casually met. One Ona photograph. Cordes, Simon de. 1599-1600 See Jansz Potgieter, Barent. Cérdoba, Antonio de. See Vargas Ponce. 1786, 1788-89 Coreal, Francois Voyages de . . . aux Indes Occiden- tales, 3 vols., Amsterdam, 1722; 2 vols., Paris, 1722; 2 vols., Bruxelles, 1736. Contains (Amsterdam ed.,1m; Paris and Brux- elles ed., 11) a French translation of Narbrough’s voyage. Coriat, Isador H. Psychoneuroses among primitive tribes. (In Journ. of abnormal psy- chology, Boston, Aug.—Sept., 1915, x, no. 3, pp. 201-208.) An attempt to explain occasional nervous at- tacks among the Yahgans and Onas, during which they run amuck, on the basis of Dr. Freud’s theory of sexual repression. Informa- tion regarding these nervous outbreaks (pp. 202- 206) as well as some good data on Yahgan and Ona music and medicine (pp. 205-206) and on Yahgan mourning, dreams, taboos, and myths (pp. 205-207) were furnished to Dr. Coriat by Prof. Furlong. Corra, E. Les sauvages de la Terre de Feu, leur origine, leurs moeurs et leur acclima- tation, Paris, 1881. (Reference from Dabbene. ) Seemingly an unimportant work. Correa Luna, Carlos Tierra del Fuego: Expedicién Nor- denskjéld. (In Bol. Inst. geogr. ar- gent., Buenos Aires, 1897, xvi, 158- 163.) A summary of Dr. Nordenskjéld’s itinerary; not of importance. COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 81 Cortés Hojea (variously spelled Ojea, Curtis, William Eleroy Ogea, Hogea, Ogeda, Ojeda, Oxeda), Francisco de. 1557-58. See Goicueta, Miguel de. Cox, Guillermo Eloi Viaje en las rejiones septentrionales de la Patagonia 1862-63, Santiago de Chile, 1863. Contains (p. 165) mention of a people called the Huaicurties said to live on the north shore of the Strait and to be descended from Tehuelches and Fuegians; their language “‘se parece algo al de los Tehuelches.’”” On p. 162? the author speaks of a young Huaicurt slave whom he saw (ef. Lista, d and e). Crawshay, Richard The birds of Tierra del Fuego, Lon- don, 1907. Contains (pp. xxiii-xxy) a few notes on the material culture of the Onas and a short defence of their character, based partly at least on per- sonal observation; not important. Crouch, Archer P. Smyth’s Channel and the Magellan Straits. (In United service magazine, London, Sept., 1892, cx1, n. s. v, 568- 581.) Contains (p. 569) a few notes on the Fuegians from Darwin, a, and (pp. 579-580) a brief de- scription ot a canoe load of Alacaluf met casually at Isthmus Bay. : Cummins, John See Bulkeley. Cunningham, Robert Oliver Notes on the natural history of the Strait of Magellan and west coast of Patagonia made during the voyage of H. M. 8. Nassau in the years 1866, 67, 68, and 69, Edinburgh, 1871. Dr. Cunningham cruised with Capt. Mayne around Fuegian waters intermittently from 1866 to 1869, during which time he had frequent @on- tact with the Channel and Strait Alacaluf and to a lesser extent with the Onas. His narrative, however, can hardly be called important for the anthropologist, as his descriptions of the natives encountered contain few details of value. See especially the following: On Alacaluf, at Sholl Bay (pp. 312-313, stature measurements of 2 men and 2 women, p. 320), at Eden Harbor (pp. 351- 352), and at Fortune Bay (pp. 445-447); on Ala- caluf probably in English Reach (pp. 178-179); on Onas (pp. 120-122, 306-307); on the finding of a skull at Philip Bay (pp. 199-200), of a Chono skull and 8 stone axheads in the Guaitecas Islands (p.335), and of 4 skulls and other bones at Port Melinka in the Guaitecas Islands (p. 436). The Philip Bay skull was described by Prof. Huxley, the 4 Chono skulls by Dr. Flower (qq. v.). _The capitals of Spanish America, New York, 1888. Contains (pp. 518-528) a popular account of the Fuegians, chiefly Alacaluf, based partly on personal observation and hearsay; to be used with caution. Dabbene, Roberto (a) Viaje 4 la Tierra del Fuego y 4 la isla de los Estados. (In Bol. Inst. geogr. argent., Buenos Aires, xx1, 3-78.) Animportant contribution to Fuegian anthro- pology, especially in the field of Onan culture. After a summary description of the natives in generaland of the Alacaluf (pp. 54-56), Dr. Dab- bene gives extensive accounts of the Yahgans and Onas (pp. 56-67, 67-78). The Onan section, the most important of the paper, is based on careful personal observation during a visit from Jan. 25 to the end of Feb., 1902, and on data fur- nished largely through Mr. Barclay (q. v.) by Mr. Lucas Bridges. (6) Los indigenas de la Tierra del Fuego. (Ibid., 1911, xxv, nos. 5-6, pp. 163-226, nos. 7-8, pp. 247-300.) This very important monograph can be rec- ommended as the best extant introduction to the study of Fuegian anthropology. Itisa com- prehensive study, detailing at considerable length practically all that is at present known of the culture of the Yahgans, Alacaluf,and Onas, and summarizing their somatology. It is based on his earlier paper and on the best sources. The treatment is thoroughly scientific. Contents: Environment and division of tribes, pp. 163-168; Yahgans, pp. 168-207; Alacaluf, pp. 207-217; Onas, pp. 217-226, 247-274; measure- ments by Dr. Hrdliéka, of 1 # Yahgan skulland of 1 Sf and 1 Ona skulls, with photographs, pp. 283-287; origin of Fuegians, pp. 275-282; extensive bibliography, pp. 288-300. 9 plates and 8 figures in text, in addition to 4 plates mentioned above. Dally, Eugéne Amérique, (anthropologie). (In Dict. encycl. des sciences médicales, Paris, 1869, m1, 615-628.) On pp. 622-623 a short account of Fuegian somatology, based on Bougainville, Fitz-Roy, d’Orbigny, Prichard, de Rochas; not important. Dampier, William A collection of voyages, 4 vols., Lon- don, 1729; Germ. tr., 4 vols., Franck- furth-Leipzig, 1702-1714; Fr. tr., 5 vols., Rouen, 1723. Hacke’s Collection, containing the voyages of Sharp and Wood, is here published (Iv; Germ. tr., Iv; Fr. tr.,v) at the end of the Dampier voyages. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 63 Darapsky, Luis L. Darwin, Charles Robert—Continued (a) La lengua araucana, Santiago de Chile, 1888. (Reprint from Revista de artes y letras.) Contains (pp. 29-35 passim) a few notes on cer- tain morphological resemblances of the Yahgan to the ‘‘ Meso-Andine” tongues of South America. (b) Estudios lingiiisticos americanos: Fueguinos. (In Bol. Inst. geogr. ar- gent., Buenos Aires, 1889, x, 276-289.) Dr. Darapsky calls attention to some gram- matical resemblances of the Yahgan tongue to the Araucanian, Guarani, Aymara, Quechua, and others. He concludes (p. 287) that the com- parison does not justify the supposition of close kinship of the Yahgan with the Araucanian, but does suggest a remote common source for the Yahganand “‘Meso-Andine” tongues. His Yah- gan data are apparently derived from Bridges, Garbe, and Adam. Darwin, Charles Robert (a) Journal and remarks 1832-1836, London, 1839. (Vol. m1 of Narrative of the surveying voyages of H. M.S. Adventure and Beagle; various later editions; the account of the Fuegians in the Journal of researches, etc., New York, 1871, is rather fuller than in the original edition.) Contains (pp. 227-244 of orig. ed.; pp. 204-230 of 1871 ed.) an extensive and important descrip- tion chiefiy of culture, the Alacalufan in par- ticular; the Onan and Yahgan are treated much more summarily. (b) The descent of man and selection in relation to sex, 2 vols., London, 1871; many later editions. Contains many references passim to the Fue- gians, chiefly Alacaluf. (c) The expression of the emotions in man and animals, London, 1872. Contains passim some interesting data on the expression of the emotions among the Fuegians. These data are from Mr. Darwin’s own observa- tion and from answers by Mr. Thomas Bridges to a questionnaire. Mr. Darwin’s numerous observations on the Fuegians usually refer to the Alacaluf. He was in Fuegian waters from Dec. 17, 1832, to Jan., 1833, and from the end of May, 1834, to June 10, 1834, on Admiral Fitz-Roy’s second expedition. During these two visits he had a fair amount of contact with the natives, and in addition had the advantage of close study of the three Fuegians aboard on the voyage from England to Fuegia. His data on moral and religious culture were de- rived chiefly from other members of the expedi- tion. Mr. Darwin’s letters to Admiral Sir B. J. Sulivan, commending the work of the English missionaries, were published in the S$. Amer. Miss. Mag., 1882, pp. 138, 260, and 1888, pp. 54-55. They are of interest chiefly from the religious standpoint. Delorme Salto, Rafael Los aborigenes de América, Madrid- Habana, 1894. Contains short accounts of the Fuegians (pp. 151-152) and Chonos (pp. 127-129), and some notes passim (pp. 11-58). Unimportant; the author fails to utilize the Fuegian literature of the last two generations. Deniker, Joseph (a) and Hyades, P. D. J. Mission scientifique du cap Horn, vil. See Hyades, q. (b) Anthropologie fuégienne. (In C. R. Congres internat. des Américanistes, 8th sess., Paris, 1890, ibid., 1892, pp. 352-356.) The conclusions of Drs. Hyades and Deniker, as expressed in Mission sc. du cap Horn, v1, 166, regarding the probable relationship of the Fue- gians (Yahgans and Alacaluf) to other South American aborigines, especially the Lagoa- Santa ‘‘race.”’ (c) Les races et les peuples de la terre, Paris, 1900; Engl. tr., London, 1900. Contains (passim, and pp. 656-658 of orig., pp. 575-576 of tr.) unimportnat brief notes on the Fuegians and Chonos. Denucé, Jean Note sur un vocabulaire complet de la langue yahgane. (In Verh. d. X VI. Intern. Amerikanisten-Kongr., Vienna, 1908, ibid., 1910, pp. 651-654.) An announcement of the proximate publica- tion of the Rev. Thomas Bridges’ larger Yahgan dictionary brought back by the Belgica expedi- tion in 1899. Seealso Hestermann. Prof. Franz Baas (ibid., pp. Ixviii-lxix) expressed the hope that it would be published as an etymological dictionary. Despard, George Pakenham (a) Yahgan dictionary. MS. (Ref- erence from Marsh-Stirling, a, p. 100.) According to a letter written by the Rev. Mr. Despard under date of Jan. 23, 1859, he had got- ten together nearly 1,000 words in the Yahgan tongue, but no grammar. These had been gath- ered from natives met in Fuegia, and from the Jemmy Button family who had removed the preceding year to the Keppel Island Mission in the Falklands. I have come across no other mention of this dictionary. As the author con- tinued his linguistic studies under exceptionally favorable conditions for three years after 1859, his dictionary must have grown much beyond COOPER] Despard, George Pakenham—Continued the thousand words it contained at the begin- ning of that year. Passages in the following article show that the Rev. Mr. Despard made strenuous efforts to master the Yahgan tongue— efforts which met with much success. (6) Fireland: or, Tierra del Fuego. (In Sunday at home, London, 1863, x, 676-680, 696-698, 716-718, 731-734, 744-748.) | One of our most important sources for Yahgan culture—see especially pp. 679-680, 696, 698, 716- 717. Passim about a score of Yahgan words, and on p. 698 a few good data on Yahgan grammar— the first published data on the subject, as far as I am aware. The Rey. Mr. Despard first made the acquain- tance of the Yahgans in the spring of 1857, and from then until his departure for England in 1862, had excellent opportunities for studying them and their language, both in their native habitat, to which he made several visits, and at the Falkland Mission, whither successive groups of Yahgans were brought for extensive stays. He began the serious study of their language on his first meeting with them at Cinco-Mai Harbor, Navarin Island. His lexical and grammatical researches, built upon and greatly amplified later by the Rev. Thomas Bridges, are of special inter- est, inasmuch as they are the historical starting point, if we except Admiral Fitz-Roy’s inaccu- rate vocabulary, in the modern study of Yahgan linguistics. His treatment of Yahgan culture gives evidence that he was a keen observer and a cautious and accurate investigator and chronicler. Diaz, Julino V. (In Revista Soc. (Refer- Tierra del Fuego. geogr. argent., vil, 268-292.) ence from Phillips, p. 67.) Dieck, Alfred Die Waffen der Naturvélker Siid- Amerikas, Stallup6nen, 1912. Contains references passim to Fuegian weap- ons, based on Bastian, Waitz, Th. Bridges, and Hyades. Dixon, Roland Burrage The independence of the culture of the American Indian. (In Science, New York, .1912, n. s. xXxxv, no. 889, pp. 46-55.) A criticism, unfavorable but reserved, of Dr. Graebner’s (q. v.) application of the Kulturkreis theory to America, especially to Fuegia. Prof. Dixon, however, leaves open to a certain extent the question of the possible Oceanic origin of the Fuegian plank boat (pp. 53-54). Dominguez, Luis L. Los fueguinos del cabo de Hornos y los: naufragos de la fragata Oracle. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 83 Dominguez, Luis L.—Continued (In Bol. Inst. geogr. argent., 1883, tv, 141-143.) Contains a few unimportant brief notes on the Yahgans of Wollaston Island. Drake, Edward Cavendish A new universal collection of authen- tic and entertaining voyages and trav- els, London, 1768; same, 1770. Contains abstracts, including the Fuegian an- thropological data, of the voyages of Drake (Fa- mous voyage), Cavendish (Pretty’s), van Noort, and Anson. Drake, Francis. 1578 See Francis Pretty, a, and Francis Fletcher. Duckworth, Wynfried Lawrence Henry Morphology and anthropology, Cam- bridge, 1904. Contains (p. 440) some notes on the Fuegian brain from Manouvrier, c, and Seitz, b. Duclos-Guyot, Alexandre (a) [Letter to Dom Pernety.] (In Pernety, Antoine J., Journal historique d’un voyage fait aux jles Malouines en 1763 et 1764 . . . et de deux voyages au détroit de Magellan, 2 vols., Berlin, 1769, u, pp. 636-646; Engl. tr., 2d ed., London, 1773, pp. 261-266; abstr. on natives in 2d ed., Paris, 1770, u, pp. 95-97.) Contains (pp. 642-644; tr., pp. 264-265) short notes on the Alacaluf met at Port Famine, appar- ently in 1765. * (b) Journal. (Extracts, ibid., pp. 653-684; tr., pp. 270-285; abstr. of ac- count of natives in 2d ed., Paris, 1770, nm, pp. 110-121.) Contains (pp. 670-683; tr., 278-285) quite an extensive description of the Alacaluf encountered almost daily from May 30 to June 20, 1766, during the expedition’s stay at Port Famine. On pp. 672, 674, 681 are given 5-6 native words, most of them of very doubtful value. Dumont d’Urville, Jules Sebastien César Voyage au pole sud et dans l’Océanie sur les corvettes /’ Astrolabe et la Zélée ... pendant les années 1837-1838- 1839-1840, 23 vols., Paris, 1842-1854. Contains in Histoire du voyage, 1, pp. 156, 265- 268, 289, a few unimportant notes on the Ala- caluf and in Zoologie, 1, pp. 208-217, by Honoré Jacquinot, a longer but not important account of the Alacaluf, based on written sources and on very limited personal observation by members of the expedition. 84. Du Plessis Journal, (Extracts in Marcel, a and c.) For comments see Marcel. Duse, Samuel August Unter Pinguinen und Seehunden: Erinnerungen von der schwedischen Siidpolexpedition, 1901-1903, tr. by Emil Engel, Berlin, 1905. Contains (pp. 82-83, 86-87, 97) a few notes on the Yahgans, and (pp. 90-95) a somewhat fuller though not very important account of the Onas. Capt. Duse was the cartographer of the Swedish Antarctic Expedition and had a limited amount of contact with the Onas and Yahgans of Beagle Channel in 1902. Du Valdailly, E. Note sur les Fuégiens de la baie de VIsthme. (In Bull. Soc. danthr. de Paris, 1876, 2d ser. x1, 293-295.) A good but quite brief description of Channel Alacaluf with whom the writer spent “quelques heures”’ at Isthmus Bay. Dy L. Die Mission auf Feuerland. (In Globus, Braunschweig, 1889, Lv, no. 17, pp. 270-271.) A summary of a conference given by the Rey. Mr. Aspinwall (q. v.); of importance for the study of Yahgan mentality and morality. The account of the latter is rather more favorable than that given by most other first-hand authorities. Ehrenreich, Paul (a) Die Ethnographie Sitidamerkas im Beginn des XX. Jahrhunderts unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Naturvélker. (In Arch. f. Anthr., Braunschweig, 1904, XxXxXI, nD. Ss. II, 39-75.) Contains (pp. 61-62 and passim) some notes on the extant literature dealing with Fuegia, and on the culture and relationships of the Fuegians. (b) Die Mythen und Legenden der stidamerikanischen Urvélker und ihre Beziehungen zu denen Nordamerikas und der alten Welt. (Supplement zu Zeitschr. f. Ethnol., Berlin, 1905, vol. XE VIE.) Contains (p. 36) an Ona sun-and-moon myth; nothing else of note on Fuegia. The paper, how- ever, would be an excellent starting point for comparative study in the light of our now much fuller knowledge of Fuegian mythology. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 63 Eizaguirre, José Manuel Tierra del Fuego: Recuerdos é im- presiones de un viaje al extremo austral de la Republica, Cordoba, 1897; pub- lished originally in the daily Sud América of 1891. Contains two Yahgan vocabularies, one of 32 words and expressions on pp. 157-158, the other of 62 words and expressions on pp. 166-167. The author gathered these vocabularies during a visit to Fuegia from Sept. 22 to Oct. 14, 1891, but he does not state the circumstances under which they were taken. The many notes passim (pp. 70, 104-106, 108-113, 159-165, 210-211, 244-246) on the culture of the Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Onas are based partly on personal observation, but are loosely written and not important . Elliot, George Francis Scott Chile, New York, 1907. Contains (pp. 14-19) unimportant notes on the Fuegians and Chonos, based partly on Barclay, Lovisato, Coppinger, Steffen, Byron, a. The statement on p. 15 that the Fuegians are accus- tomed selfishly to throw their wives and children overboard when overtaken by dangerous storms is not derived from any trustworthy source, but this has not prevented it from being repeated in other recent popular works. _ Two other more recent works by the same author, The romance of savage life, Phila- delphia, 1908, and Prehistoric man and his story, Phila.—London, 1915, contain unimportant refer- ences passim to the Fuegians. Ellis,-Alexander John Report on the Yaagan language of Tierra del Fuego. (In Trans. Philol. soc., London, 1882-1884, pp. 32-44.) An important and extensive study of Yahgan grammar, giving incidentally many Yahgan words. The paper is. based on manuscript notes by the Rey. Mr. Bridges and on the latter’s Yahgan translation of St. Luke’s gospel. The report also contains Mr. Bridges’ original draft in Yahgan of ch. I, vv. 1-13, of St. Luke’s gospel, and a Yahgan letter dated Aug. 5, 1880, written to Mr. Bridges by Stirling Maiakaul, a native. Enrich, Francisco Historia de la Compania de Jesus en Chile, 2(?) vols., Barcelona, 1891. (Reference from Fonck, 1, p. 5.) Contains, according to Dr. Fonck, an account of the missions to the Chonos. Entertaining account of all the countries of the known world, 3d ed., London, 1752. Contains an abstract of Anson’s voyage from Walter’s narrative, with some details apparently from Bulkeley and Cummins, COOPER] BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 85 Ercilla y Ziifliga, Alonso de La Araucana, 1569-1578-1589; many later editions. Ercilla crossed over to Chiloé in 1558. He de- scribes in canto XxXvI a couple of points of Chilo- tan culture, which were common also to the Cho- noan. Essendorfer Begegnung mit Feuerlindern in der Magellanstrasse. (In Verh. Berlin. Ges. f. Anthr. u. s. w., 1880, pp. [60]-63.) An unimportant brief description of a canoe- load of Alacaluf met casually in 1878 near Cape Froward. Estevan, Matheo ‘“‘Doctrina Christiana ... Arte, y Vocabulario, y algunas Platicas de los principales Mysterios” in the Chonoan language. MSS. 1612-13. (Men- tioned by Lozano, vol. u, bk. 7, ch. 16, no. 6, p. 560; cf. ibid., ch. 3, no. 35, p. 456.) The recovery of these valuable manuscripts would throw a flood of light on the whole vexed question of Chonoan relationships and language. “El Padre Techo escrive [Hist. prov. Par., bk. 6, ch. 9, p. 160], que fué el Padre Juan Bautista Ferrufifio, quien hizo esta version del Catecismo en la lengua de los Chonos; pero ciertamente padecié engano: porque aver sido Autor el Padre Matheo Estevan, como queda dicho, consta de Carta original del Padre Melchor de Venegas,’ who went in 1612 with Father Estevan to the Guaitecas Islands, ‘‘escrita desde los Chonos, al Padre Provincial Diego de Torres en 27. de Noviembre de 1612. ‘El Padre Matheo Estevan (dice) es el que ha tomado el trabajo de poner la Doctrina en lengua de los Chonos, y traducilla con un Interprete Chono, que sabe la lengua de Chiloé’”’ (Lozano, 0, p. 456). ° Recently Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche has suggested (d, p. 220) that the ‘“‘Chonos”’ to whom Father Estevan preached were in reality ‘‘ Patagones,’’ but he advances no other evidence for this hy- pothesis than the resemblance between the names ‘‘Chonos” and chén with its Tehuelche and Ona variations. The derivation is doubtful, to say the least, in spite of the resemblance—cf. for instance the entirely unrelated names, Falk- ner’s Yacana and Bridges’ Yahgan. But even granting for the nonce that ‘‘Chono”’ may be “chon hispanizada,’”’ the rest of Dr. Lehmann- Nitsche’s hypothesis seems to be untenable, both on somatological and cultural grounds. (1) Somatological. Allthe available osteolog- ical remains from the Guaitecas Islands show cranial kinship more to the Alacaluf and Yah- gans than to the mainland tribes. The silence of most of our authorities regarding the stature of the Guaitecas Islanders would suggest that these natives were in all probability of medium Estevan, Matheo—Continued height, not tall like the Tehuelches. See dis- cussion in Introduction, pp. 41-42. (2) Cultural. The Guaitecas Islanders to whom Father Estevan preached had a culture very like the Fuegian, and very unlike the Pata- gonian. The accounts by Fathers Del Techo and Lozano, based mainly at least on mission- aries’ letters, show this clearly. To instance one point in particular: Dr. Lehmann-Nitsche him- self states (loc. cit.): “esta fuera de duda que los Patagones nunca tuvieron canoas”’; this may be putting it a little stronger than the available evi- dence warrants, but what is certain is that within historic times the Patagonians have been em- phatically non-canoe-using as a people. But Father Estevan’s Chonos were a seafaring people. Not only did the archipelagic conditions demand some form of water craft, but we have clear evi- dence that the natives actually had such. Father Del Techo, speaking of the Guaitecas “‘cacique” Delco’s earlier interview in 1609 with Fathers Venegas and Ferrufino, says (p. 159): ““Trahebat secum in quinque navigiolis, praeter familiam, numerosum comitatum,’’ and Delco in his own testimony unmistakably implies that his people were a seafaring one (ibid.). Father Lozano states that Delco used to come to Chiloé once a year (i, 454), but to get from Guatana in the Guaitecas Islands to Chiloé some kind of water craft was of course required. Goicueta earlier as all writers later who treat of the natives between Chiloé and Taitao Peninsula describe them as using the plank boat. The sources for Father Estevan’s voyage with Father Venegas are: Del Techo, bk. 6, ch. 10, pp. 160-161; Olivares, ch. 10, no. 2, pp. 369, 372- 373; and especially Lozano, vol. 1, bk. 7, ch. 3 and 16, pp. 445, 453-456, 558-561. Father Del | Techo gives 1619 as the date, but Father Lozano’s, 1612-13, seems much better substantiated. Exploration 4 la Terre de Feu. (In Rev. Soc. geogr. argent., 1885.) (Reference from Dabbene.) Apparently an unimportant article. Exquemelin, Alexandre Olivier Bucaniers of America, 2d ed. of Engl. tr., 2 vols., London, 1684-85; repr. ibid., 1893. This 2d edition of the English translation of De Americaensche zee-roovers (Amsterdam, 1678) contains in vol. 1 Ringrose’s narrative of the voyage of Sharp. Fagalde, Alberto Magallanes: El pais del porvenir, Valparaiso, 1901. Contains (I, 29-263) a history of Magellanic exploration, with, however, practically all the anthropological material omitted. 86 Falkner, Thomas A description of Patagonia and the adjoining parts of South America, Hereford-London, 1774; Germ. tr., Gotha, 1775; Fr. tr., Lausanne, 1787; Span. tr. in de Angelis, 1; a more accu- rate Span. tr. by Samuel A. Lafone Quevedo, Buenos Aires, 1911. Father Falkner gives two much quoted and very perplexing accounts of the “ Vuta-Huilli- ches”’ (pp. 98-99) and of-the ‘“‘ Yacana-cunnees”’ (pp. 92-93, 111). Neither is based on personal experience. The source for the former is appar- ently ‘“‘the relations of the missionaries’’ (p. 90); the description of the Yacana-cunnees was de- rived from ‘Tamu, the Yacana-cunnee Cacique,”’ whom Father Falkner knew personally. The ‘“Vuta-Huilliches,” a branch of the Moluches or Araucanians, were divided, accord- ing tothe author, into three sections, the Chonos, the Poy-yus or Peyes, and the Key-yus or Keyes; they lived along the coast, and (p. 96), it would seem, on both sides of the Cordillera, from on and near the islands of Chiloé to the Strait. Whom precisely Father Falkner meant by the Toy-yus and Key-yus may never be conclusively settled, although of the Poyas (=Poy-yus?) much is written, especially in the older missionary records. As for Father Falkmner’s Chonos, it is very doubtful indeed if they were true Chonos at all. They were supposed to have lived ‘‘on and near the islands of Chiloe’’ (p.98),and reference is also made (p. 82) to the “‘country of Chonos, on the continent over against Chiloe.’’ But our original sources show the Chonos to have lived in the main ontheislands south of Chiloé. The Chonos, with the other ‘‘ Vuta-Huilliches,”’ are said (p. 99) to have: been bigger-bodied than their neighbors to the north and to have spoken a “‘mixture of the Moluche and Tehuel languages.’’? This, too, is contrary to what we know of the true Chonos from original sources. Cf. Introduction, pp. 34-36, 41-42. The name Chono was sometimes used in a very loose sense, and perhaps Father Falkner’s authority had reference to natives of the Chilotan archipelago or of the adjoining main- land. Onething, however, is clear—that is, the account of the Chonos is as confused as it is con- fusing. The identity of the “ Yacana-cunnees”’ is al- most equally problematical. From the state- ments that they inhabited the eastern Fuegian Islands (p. 91), lived chiefly on fish (p. 111),and had “light floats, like those of Chiloe’’ (p. 111; cf. also pp. 92-93), one might suppose they were Canoe Indians; that they were sometimes carried " away as slaves by the Huilliches and Tehuelhets (p.111) would suggest the same conclusion. But “yacana-cunnee’’ apparently means ‘‘ foot people’? (Lehmann-Nitsche, d, pp. 229-230), and besides they were a tall people (Falkner, p. 111); while other details of the description BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 63 Falkner, Thomas—Continued imply that they were a land people, for they lived on both sides of the Strait (p. 111), and those on the south side had to cross the Strait to have com- munication with the Yacana cacique, Tamu’s people (pp. 92-93). Hence, they must have been either Tehuelches or Onas or both. Finally, they used to have frequent communication with the Spaniards and French who came from the Falk- lands to get wood (p. 91), and used to “catch ostriches with their bowls’ (p. 111); but the French from the Falklands had contact with the Alacaluf and Tehuelches (cf. Bougainville, Duclos-Guyot), not, as far as the records go, with the Onas; the rhea is confined to the mainland, and the bolas had not been introduced among the extreme southern Patagonians themselves until about the middle of the eighteenth century (Outes, a, pp. 427, 254). It looks, therefore, as if Father Falkner’s Yacana-cunnees were the extreme southern Pata- gonians. They seem, however, to have been con- fused to some extent with the Alacaluf in his description. As far, then, as Onan anthropology is concerned the most that can be inferred from his account of the Yacana is that perhaps at that date the Onas were in communication with their mainland cousins and may possibly have used at times some kind of water craft to cross the Strait. From the foregoing we are justified in con- cluding that in the present state of the evidence it would not be safe to use Father Falkner’s ac- counts of either the Chonos or the Yacana-cun- nees as giving dependable data for Chonoan or Onan anthropology. Featherman, Americus Social history of the races of mankind , 7 vols., London, 1881-1891. Contains (3d div., Chiapo- and Guarano- Maranonians, pp. 501-508) a lengthy description of the Fuegians, based on about a dozen of the better authorities from Capt. Cook to Capt. Bove; frequent inaccuracies. Feilitzen, von Om den italienska expeditionen till Patagonien och Eldslandet under led- ning af léjtnant G. Bove. (In Ymer, Stockholm, 1883, m1, 77-93.) Account taken from Capt. Bove’s report pub- lished at Genoa. Fernandez y Gonzalez, Francisco Los lenguajes hablados por los indi- genas de la América Meridional, Madrid, 1893. Contains (pp. 72-74) a paragraph on the Cho- noan language based on Brinton, and a few notes on Yahgan grammar from Adam. COOPER |] Ferrufino [or Ferrufifio], Juan Bautista “Decem Dei mandata & solemnes Christianorum preces, ac formula(m) detestandi peccata” in the Chonoan language. MSS. 1609. (Mentioned by Del Techo, bk. 6, ch. 9, p. 160.) According to Father Lozano (m1, 456), it was Father Estevan, not Father Ferrufino, who made the translations into Chono. There seem, how- ever, to be good reasons for concluding that the latter, too, made translations. Father Del Techo’s account ef the Chonos and Chono missions is based largely, at least, on original sources, prob- ably on missionaries’ letters (pp. 161, 181). Father Ferrufino, moreover, is reported (Del Techo, loc. cit.) to have made his translations in two days with the aid of a Chono interpreter, while Father Estevan, although he, too, used an interpreter, actually learned the Chono language. Finally, the texts translated by the former are entirely different, according to our sources, from those translated by the latter. Unfortunately, the Ferrufino manuscript, like the Estevan translations, has been lost, perhaps beyond recovery. The original sources for Father Ferrufino’s voyage and writings are: Del Techo, bk. 6, ch. 8-9, pp. 159-160; Lozano, vol. m1, bk. 5, pp. 34-44; Olivares, ch. 10, no. 1, pp. 367-368. Feuilleret, Henri Le détroit de Magellan, Tours, 1880. Contains (pp. 130-139) an unimportant ac- count of the Alacaluf, based chiefly on Bougain- ville, and (pp. 238-239) a ‘‘ Note sur les Fuégiens’”’ from Wyse. Figuier, Louis The human race, London, 1872. Contains (pp. 416-419) an unimportant and in some points inaccurate account of Fuegian cul- ture and languages. Fitz-Roy, Robert (a) Proceedings of the second expedi- tion 1831-1836, London, 1839. (Vol. 1 of Narrative of the surveying voyages of H. M.S. Adventure and Beagle.) One of our most important sources for the cul- ture of the Alacaluf of the Strait and Patagonian Channels (the latter natives called by Admiral Fitz-Roy Chonos), less important for Yahgan (Te- keenika, Yapoo) culture, still lessfor Onan (Oens- men). The most valuable sections are: General division of tribes, pp. 129-133; ‘‘ Tekeenika,’’ pp. 137-140; Alikhoolip, pp. 140-141; ‘‘Huemuls,’’ 141-142; “‘Chonos,”’ p. 142; Alikhoolip and ‘“‘Te- keenikas,’’? pp. 175-189; ‘“‘Chonos,’’ pp. 189-200. In addition there are numerous more or less im- portant details passim on the natives; see espe- cially: on the Yahgans, pp. 203, 208-211, 214-215, 220-222,323;0n the Onas, pp. 121-122, 205-206, 325- 326; on the Chonos proper, pp. 359-395 passim. 64028°—Bull. 63—17——7 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIRES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 87 Fitz-Roy, Robert—Continued (6) Appendix to same vol. 11. Contains an important English-Yahgan-Ala- ealuf vocabulary of 208 words on pp. 135-140, and a vocabulary of 3 ‘‘Chonoan’”’(?) words on p. 142. The appendix also includes some somatological data (measurements of 2 men, etc.) by Dr. Wil- son on pp. 142-147, and long extracts from By- ron’s Loss of the Wager on pp. 124-134. It should be noted that the first volume of the Narrative of the Adventure and Beagle contains extensive and anthropologically important ex- tracts from Admiral Fitz-Roy’s journal of the first expedition. Few Magellanic explorers have had the ample opportunities for first-hand investigation of the natives that Admiral Fitz-Roy had. He took part in the first expedition from Dec., 1828, to the end as captain of the Beagle, and commanded the second expedition. Altogether, he spent consid- erably over a year in the Fuegian archipelago, during which time he had very frequent contact with the native tribes, particularly the Alacaluf. Moreover, he derived a great portion of his data “from the natives who went to England in the Beagic, and from Mr. Low, who has seen more of them [Fuegians] in their own country than any other living person’’ (a,p.129). Insome respects, however, these native informants were not, it would seem, unimpeachable witnesses. Mr. Low was the captain of the Adeona; his intercourse was chiefly with the Channel Alacaluf (a, p. 182), whose language, however, he did not speak (a, p- 193). The Alacaluf-Yahgan vocabulary was gath- ered from the four natives brought to England, three Alacaluf and one Yahgan. ‘I found great difficulty in obtaining words, excepting names for things which could be shown to them and which they had in their own country ”’ (a, p. 188). This vocabulary is discussed at length in the In- troduction to the present bibliography. Admi- ral Fitz-Roy did not learn either the Yahgan or the Alacaluf language. Admiral Fitz-Roy’s division of the Fuegian tribes has been abandoned, and some few of his cultural data would need revising, but even after the lapse of these eighty years he stillremains our most important authority for Alacalufan culture, and little indeed has been added to our knowl- edge of Alacalufan culture since his time. Fletcher, Francis The world encompassed by Sir Fran- cis Drake, collected out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher preacher .. . and others, London, 1635, 1652-1653 (1st ed., 1628); Osborne, vol. 11; Purves; Hakl. soc., vol. xvi, ed. by W. S. W. Vaux, London, 1854; extr. in Hyades, q; pp. 2-4; abstr. in Bancarel, vol. 11, and in Henry, vol. 1. Contains a good though not extensive descrip- tion of Alacaluf met near Elizabeth Island in 1578. Fletcher’s account of the natives is much fuller than Pretty’s. 88 Flower, William Henry ‘Catalogue of the specimens illustrat- ing the osteology and dentition of verte- brated animals, recent and extinct, contained in the museum of the Royal college of surgeons of England, part 1, Man, London, 1879; 2d ed., ibid., 1907. Contains measurements of most of the follow- ing skeletal remains: (1) Chonoan (lst ed., p. 178; 2d ed., pp. 309-310): nos. 1016-1018, 1020, 4 crania (of which 1 9,1 ¢ mutilated, 1 2 mutilated, and 1 9?);no. 1019, lower jaw, 2 ossa innominata, and a scapula; (2) Alacalufan (ist ed., p. 179; 2d ed. p. 312): no. 1025, ¢ cranium and parts of skeleton, previously described by Huxley (q. v.); (3) Yah- gan (Ist ed., p. 180; 2d ed., p. 314): nos. 1026-1027, 1 9 and1 ¢ cranium; (2d ed., pp. 312-318); nos. 10252-10258, 10271; (4) Fuegian (2d ed.,p.312),no. 10251, 1 9 skeleton. The Chonoan remains col- lected by Dr. Cunningham are classified in the Catalogue as Patagonian, but it is fairly clear that they are Chonoan, for no. 1020 is from the Chonos Islands, and nos. 1016-1019 are apparently the ones found in a small cave at Port Melinka, in the Guaitecas Islands (Cunningham, pp. 335, 436). Most of the above Alacalufan and Yahgan ma- terial was more fully studied and described by Dr. Garson (q. v.). Fonck, Francisco Adolfo Viajes de Fray Francisco Menendez, 2 vols., Valparaiso, 1896-1900. Dr. Fonck in this scholarly study gives inci- dentally a summary of and the references to most of the sources for the history of the mission Chonos. See especially the following pages: I, 5; 1, 28-29, 33, 48, 87, 102, 151, 172, 192-193. Forster, George A voyage round the world in His Britannic Majesty’s sloop, Resolution, commanded by Capt. James Cook, during the years 1772, 3, 4, and 5, 2 vols., London, 1777. Contains (1, 498-506, 510) short descriptions of the natives met at Christmas Sound and Good Success Bay in Dec., 1774, by Capt. Cook’s second expedition; based on the journal of Johann Rein- hold Forster. See comments under J. Cook, 6. Forster, Johann Reinhold Observations made during a voyage round the world, London, 1778; Germ. tr. with additions by George Forster, 3 vols., Berlin, 1784. Arranged in topical rather than chronological order. Contains numerous though not impor- tant data on the Fuegians (ch. 6, pp. 212-609, passim). The writer, with his son George, ac- companied the second Cook expedition. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 63 Foster, Henry. 1829 See W. H. B. Webster. Foy, Willy Fiihrer durch das Rautenstrauch- Joest-Museum der Stadt Céln, 3d ed., Céln, 1910. Semipopular in tone. Dr. Foy agrees with Dr. Graebner (q. v.) on the question of the Oceanic origin of American aboriginal culture in general and of the Fuegian in particular. See especially pp. 26, 154. Fréville, Anne Francois Joachim de Histoire des nouvelles découvertes faites dans la Mer du Sud en 1767, 1768, 1769, & 1770, 2 vols., Paris, 1774. Contains (1, 18-24) an account of the natives of Good Success Bay, based on Capt. Cook’s first voyage. Frezier, Amédée Francois Relation du voyage de la mer du Sud aux cdtes du Chili, du Pérou et du Brésil, fait pendant les années’ 1712, 1713, & 1714, 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1717 (orig. Fr. ed., Paris, 1716); Engl. tr., London, 1717; Dutch tr., Amster- dam, 1718, 1727; Germ. tr., Hamburg, 1745; Span. tr. of parts relating to Chile, Santiago de Chile, 1902; see also de 3rosses, 11, 204-219; abstr. in Prévost, vol. xv. Frezier’s expedition met no natives, but he gives (1717 Fr. ed., 1,58-59; de Brosses, 0, 208- 209) a few details on natives met probably at Good Success Bay by one of Brunet’s officers in 1712 and by Villemorin in 1713, and some data on the Chonos obtained in person from Dom Pedro Molina and others (ibid., pp. 147-148, and 211-212, respectively). Not important. Friederici, Georg (a) Die Schiffahrt der Stuttgart, 1907. Contains (pp. 41-45) excellent descriptions of the Fuegian bark canoe and plank boat, based on museum material and the best written sources. Indianer, (6) Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Trutzwaffen der Indonesier, Stidsee- volker und Indianer. (In Baessler- Archiv, Beitriige zur Volkerkunde, heraus- gegeben aus Mitteln des Baessler-Insti- tuts, Beiheft vu, Leipzig—Berlin, 1915.) Contains some few data passim on Fuegian offensive weapons. Cf. pp. 34, 43, and especially pp- 13 and 66-67 on the supposed Fuegian “ Wuri- keule.”’ See discussion of the throwing club in Subject Bibliography, p. 215. COOPER ] Froger, Francois Relation d’un voyage fait en 1695. 1696. & 1697. aux Cétes d’ Afrique, Détroit de Magellan, Brezil, Cayenne & Isles Antilles, par une Escadre des Vaisseaux du Roy, commandée par M. de Gennes, Paris, 1698; Amsterdam, 1699, 1715; Engl. tr., London, 1698; extr. in de Brosses, 1, 104-112; abstr. in Prévost, XV. Contains (1698 ed., pp. 97-98; tr., pp. 74-76; de Brosses, 11, 109; ef. also pp. 107, 111) a good though short account of Alacaluf met at Port Famine in 1696. ‘Ils se servoient aussi de gros caillous taillez pour couper le bois” (p. 97; de Brosses, Il, 109). Furlong, Charles Wellington (a) Amid the islands of the Land of Fire. (In Harper’s monthly mag., New York, Feb., 1909, cxvim, 335-347.) Contains a few somatological notes on the natives and a short account of their relations with the white people. Two photographs oftypes; one Yahgan word, p. 344. (6) The southernmost people of the world. (Ibid., June, 1909, cx1x, 126- 1G) An extensive and excellent description of the present-day Yahgans, especially their social and moral culture. The article includes also the fol- lowing: On p. 127 maximum, minimum, and average stature measurements of 14 Yahgan men; on p. 129 a map of former and present Yahgan territory; passim, about 10 Yahgan words. (c) Into the unknown land of the Onas. (Ibid., Aug., 1909, oxrx, 443-455.) A narrative of the author’s journey over the mountain range north of Harberton to the At- lantic coast with Ona guides. (d) The vanishing people of the Land of Fire. (Ibid., Jan., 1910, cxx, 217- 229.) An extensive and important account of Onan culture, especially socialand moral culture. The article includes also maximum and average stat- ure measurements of 11 Ona men (p. 220), about 15 Ona words (p. 225 and passim), map of pres- ent and former Ona distribution (p. 225). (e) Cruising with the Yahgans. (In Outing mag., New York, Apr., 1911, Lvin, 3-17.) Contains cultural data passim, also a map and 8 photographs. (f) The toll of the Straits. Oct., 1911, rx, 3-22.) Parts of the article throw a little light on Fuegian character. One Ona photograph. (Ibid., BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TRIBES OF TIERRA DEL FUEGO 89 Furlong, Charles Wellington—Continued (g) Hunting the guanaco. (Ibid., Oct., 1912, Lx1, 3-20.) Contains the most complete extant account of the Onas’ methods of hunting the guanaco and good notes on the uses to which they put its Skin. On p. 7 an Ona guanaco legend, and passim 1 Yahgan and 11 Ona words. (h) The lure of the Antarctic. (In Harper's weekly, New York,’ May 11, 1912, tv1, 16-17.) Contains one paragraph on the Yahgans and one Yahgan photograph. Dr. Dabbene has the following title in his bibliography: Recorriendo las islas de Tierra del Fuego, articulos publicados en EI Diario de Buenos Aires, 1910, nos. 6495-6506. Prof. Fur- long tells me that these must be articles written up from interviews with him. (7) Stone age men of the Land of Fire. (In Travel, New York, Oct., 1915, xxv, no. 6, pp. 9-13.) A good popular summary of Ona culture, with a few notes on that of the Yahgans. Some excel- lent photographs, illustrating Ona culture and physical type. (j) The Alaculoofs and Yahgans, the world’s southernmost inhabitants. (In Proc. 19th Internat. congr. of American- ists, Washington, 1915, pp. 420-431, 1917.) Animportant contribution to our knowledge of Yahgan culture. Five Yahgan words expressing numbers. Stature measurements, Maximum, minimum, and average, of 14 Yahgan men. (k) The Haush and Ona, primitive tribes of Tierra del Fuego. (Ibid., pp. 432-444. ) A valuable paper containing some excellent new material on Ona culture, especially psychi- cal culture. Stature measurements, maximum and average, of 11 Ona men. The linguistic ma- terial consists of a short Haush vocabulary of 6 words, a longer Ona or Shilk’nam one of 94 words and expressions, and several Ona and Yahgan words passim, all being material gathered directly from the natives. Ofspecialinterest, too, is the author’s discussion of the little known Haush subtribe, whom, however, he classes as a distinct linguistic stock. In both the preceding papers Prof. Furlong emphasizes the rdle which environment has played in the development of Fuegian culture. Prof. Furlong, by letter of May 7, 1915, has kindly furnished me with the following list and descrip- tion of studies he is preparing for publication: (1) [Explorations in the Fuegian archipelago] [Book]: “The bulk of this material will naturally re- late to my experience and observations of the Yahgan and Ona tribes and the lands they in- habit.” 90 Furlong, Charles Wellington—Continued (m) [The Ona bow and arrow] [Article]: “This will deal with the material of which these bows are made, methods of making, their purpose and the way they are used, including as far as possible the Indian names for the material and parts and any interesting facts relating to the subject.” (n) [Patagonian and Fuegian foot prints and hand prints] [Article]: “This article will contain comments on a col- lection of some fifty hand prints and foot prints T took from the Tehuelches, Yahgans, and Onas. The majority of these prints are from the Ona people of both sexes, from babies to adults. I shall also make use of a few circumference line tracings of hands, in connection with this article.” (0) [Yahgan and Ona songs and speech] [Article]: “This will be based on about a dozen phono- graphic records I secured from the Ona and Yahgan Amerinds. =) eee 32, 33 GUANACOS. 2. ston cctsctteee Soca eee 187, 190 FRARTING oo Sede s s8ece sce 204, 207, 217, 218 Ham— GOMUOLE: ss e550 S55 2 s50 ce aes eee 55, 182 red Haws scat Sass ee 42 SOUTCES 2.2 sae ee eee Cc ceee 140 INDEX OF SUBJECTS Page | PAN PRIN TS 2S aa-cese-aeese Se os fetta sate 226 2276S POM GID Es 32 22 se Sea eel nae Soe ee Soe 56, 95, 174 TEL TIN (OAS GSS Bere ese eee tt eat 46, 173, 177,179 PEA SPLAT ISN ee. ee ee Be SOROS ae 176 ER WAIGURAIES So beee eee stk es ee. Sse ceeekcs as 81 | Sce also GUAICAROS. WUE MULS: sees ett dese eee te soles 5-6,8,9 SEPT GERI ara on-set insted 32, 33, 36, 41, 86 EONS yee 2: Se 30-31, 33, 34, 36-37, 45, 178 HUMAN LIFE, REGARD FOR....--.-.---- 171, 174-175 FAATAUN SA GRIBICH 22 0. Saye 2. bee Se 68, 153,175 | BESICEN TING 2 oo = 3: cee ce eee 180, 190-191 EDUNTING GROUNDS =. =/bee eens Pelee 178-179 EP TES cert or RO Os a SS 192-193, i CATO ls chet Ss: ele Sc ee eet 175 ClnBIOleS.. = sc sect s.8 as ase ea he 159-160 ATOR MATIN os <,. aticlaace Sd: Ss 149, 150-151, 153 TP EWU NTS seep ee 216-218 ESIGN Se SS ese Cee a cen Ce eaees te Rete eee 165 INDO-OCEANIC PRIMITIVES, CULTURAL RELA- TION OF FUEGIANS TO... - 150, 154, 203-204, 223-228 ENIWANINOUD R=: <2, Une becomes Sessa auetS 171 HIMETISIUCTAIN OW oc ones 5 ai secewansceceecct 204, 218 PES: 325 coe. Soo eee aie. oe 6,32, 33,36, 86 PHYSICAL APPEARANCE— Alacaluf, Yahgans, West Patagonians. .. 29 WRONOS chins n> ce aad = Aen seen ne eee 41-43 OBS Fer Seen 32s nc. c fara ce sia me 53 SOURCES eos so cfoms oa caecoeeisisce acs SEAS 140 BAYSIOLOGY, SOURCES 5. ccc cae ece cise snes eceee 140 IPIGATICEN Gian Scent een eee eck ecisceeleas 183,184, 204 PLANK BOAT— GOSGRIPUWON... ome cee 2 ace cones eee 198-200 distribution and migration ... 29-30,43, 198-200 OVIPIME «.. occ<5 anos eedeesehas=cheeeee 201-204 PUANTS) WOOD. ane ee enoeee eee 96, 196 PRATS. 3. oils aseeer temas ccc 22 eee en eee 191 IRECREATIVE! CULTURE... .. === -----scosos 184-185 REINCARNATION | 2: c- Scie ctie ona seg eee 151 RELATIONS— Cultural, between— Fuegians and Botocudos............- 222 Fuegians and Indo-Oceanie primi- biyess ate: Sees 150, 154, 203-204, 223-228 Linguistic, between Fuegians and va (PAPUYSS. =< secscpen->2sceeeese ae 75, 222 Linguistic, somatological, and cultural, between— Alacaluf and West Patagonian Chan- mel Indians >. 2: ...<.<.2...5 eee eee 7-30 Chonos and Alacaluf.........-...-.-- 36-46 Chonos and Tehuelches.............-. 36, 85 Chonos-Fuegians and Araucanians.. 34-36, $2, 116, 220-221 Fuegians and American race........- 223 M4nekenkn and Shilk’nam.........- 50-52 Onas and Tehuelches............... 52-56 Yahgans, Alacaluf, and Onas......-. 4,54 Somatological, between— Chonos-Fuegians and Lagoa Santa TACO = 255.45... 2s ISS 221-222 Fuegians and Changos.............-- 222 QOnasjand -Bororos: =2--s--e eee eee 222 Yahgan-Alacaluf and Botocudos..... 222 RELIGIOUS CULTURE ...--- 222-2 ase = 64, 145-164 A513 BOY. a ae ae I ER oS 5 86 SACRED) OBJECTS. 3.....2 sac2 25 -- 25a eee 153-154 SACRIFICE: ..3.0% Eon iceiereeek ae ees 68, 153, 157, 158 SAIS Sek sea. eRe ee eee 200 SATO 22 Pie ee ee wretanrewecesoce 187 SCARIFICATION.: _ Sees eet eee oe 160, 182 SOMAPDR: © o22 052.658 25. San: Sas one eee 216-217 SCULPTURE: 55.2 35.2 252826 422 sane aresee 154, 181-182 DEAPROOD 3 252-3 Jock c esas aseee a eee 187,188 SEALS oc6223.2acscecc 2 ia 2a eee eee 187,190 SECRET SOCIETIES 3: S22 as22 eee 156-157, 178 SISENDIG fees.- ecient eee 189 SHELTER soc. sees see Su duetetoeet ete 192-193 SHILK ’NAM— history of investigation ..........:...:-.2 62-63 TIBI 5 50a 2 soe ee a ea 48-49 population and present condition. ...... 56 territory..s2222) cesses eee 49, 56 See also RELATIONS; SOMATOLOGY; LAN- GUAGES; CULTURE. Sick. See ILL. SRELBIONS;'SOUTCES 2 2.2 ee See eee ee 139 SEIN ‘BOATSL SSI. A ea eee 196 SKIN, COLOR OF— Chonos‘and Fuegians:.. 2.<22:s222-seee8 42-43 SOUPCES ! .2 2 hes asec en eee BE ee 140 SKINVDRESSING = <5. oc22.s22acdoe225ss eee 195 SKULLS— Ghon0S<..'5-). = '2.-2s. ete 43 ONES jeicincnce a2 deems ae eas eee eee 53-54 SOUDCES. oc) cs wanes cnn eo ee 2 ance ee eee 139 [Sy 10k Cees Gene menor critic csc 45, 86,178 SUINGS Aa) 2 Cee ace ee ee 184,214 — DMOBKING «© tcc sans clucimon et See eee einen aly i SNAREBE On Kc Saas ce cine acre eee te eaten 191 SOCIAL(RELATIONS=. =. -2. <> ee eee eee mee 176-177 INDEX OF Page | BOLIDARY “VICWs. a. osensccss ent ceres eens hecl 170 SoMATOLOGY— anatomy, physiology, pathology........ 140 anthropometrical data.........-.----- 139-140 GRU) OR pebcc Sooesnc oaneocososacoecesces 139 PESUIMES, CCS serincisteuisciaciscc anes cet entre 141 SOUNCOSS sac. panto cae eiciie cae edie se miote 138-141 SULALUTO a fen see fens ee wisi == of lis He cere 138-139 See also RELATIONS. DONGS nas eerie lsat cteinis gain wales ona eee 158,180 SOUL, SURVIVADIOF....-.-----2--- 149, 150-151, 153 (SiS aT Ee See ere Sin eee 188, 190, 205-206, 215 SPIRITS Geet acter mets ace cee ose 146-148, 153, 154, 156 SQUAGTING BURIALS: - -.socsc.csneseee coos 161 STATURE— GHOMOSE 3 tee ccaesne ee een Sete aces ease 41-42 SOUTCCSE Ee acc scene Semen e oe seein ses 138-139 SVAN PANS. os teceecleinetes ont cte creiels ere accross 102 PTOICISMs ito toce wcnleee ete eo sees ion ae 173,175 MLONES AS WeAPONS = ss. ce noose cecinec ce secee 214 SuBJECTS, bibliography of................- 137-228 MULOND Eiset=/. tee e me ajaine sence oe sara on oners sisal 175 DURE RSTUULONS pa. oesea cen oe csaeseneesisicsas 159 SUPINE ABURDANS «2) } * Re HH ‘ + eeDpay / ? abot; Wil-ag. + #7 Ae Cote Aye 17% 4 v2 : Aisa x fit sda eie {Vad pee eas ies | ar Or bat Py ort hd ODP I ayn er Ny tx a — 0! 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