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BULLETIN 71 PLATE J

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

WAMPUM IN MUSEUM OF COLLEGIO Di PROPAGANDA FIDE. ROME

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

BULLETIN 71

NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF
BURIAL EAST OF THE
MISSISSIPPI

BY

DAVID I. BUSHNELL, JR.

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WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1920

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., May 20, 1919.
Sir: I have the honor to transmit the accompanying manuscript,
entitled “ Native Cemeteries and Forms of Burial East of the Mis-
sissippl,” by David I. Bushnell, jr., and to recommend its publica-
tion, subject to your approval, as a bulletin of this Bureau.
Very respectfully,
J. Warrer Fewxkss,
Chief.
Dr. Cuartes D. WaAtcorTt,
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution,

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PREFACE

In the journals of many explorers and missionaries who traversed
the great wilderness east of the Mississippi when it was yet the home
of native tribes are references to the burial customs of the people
with whom they came in contact. Villages were widely dispersed
throughout the land, and often the places of burial were near by,
differing in distant parts of the country, conforming with the man-
ners of the tribe by whom the particular region was occupied. The
native villages have now disappeared, although many sites are
indicated by bits of pottery and other objects scattered over the
surface, but frequently the cemeteries once belonging to the settle-
ments may be discovered. The forms of burial varied. Among some
tribes a period of months or years would intervene between the
death of the person and the final disposition of the remains, and
seldom were all the ceremonies attending death and burial recorded
by a single writer, therefore it is necessary, when attempting to re-
count the entire procedure, to quote from several narratives. And in
many instances the description of the last disposition of the dead
will agree with the position of the remains now revealed in the
ancient cemeteries, thus tending to identify the former occupants of
the sites, and to verify the statements of early observers, many of
which are presented on the following pages.

5

CONTENTS

Page

Aisonguian eroups. 229-5. Lt. ee so 06 IN ee 11
ING war linelangiss 2h wen ss Se SS ee Sib ee at hah el Ht ed ek! 12
Manhattone Iclandmandesouthwand. 2 = 2es as So eee ee 18

IDE lawaAre MCCLE MOM el oles ek eee ee Se ee 20
CTU eIN UTA O Gs eee nee ee Ce ees ag, eee aE eee 24
TMH OW Malai conned FA Cyne maya ae eee ee ee Se eee 26
VG Oe MBN. INNA IVES eS ee eee eee 29
Tay Wl Cease yba gt oe see ioe NOONE AS ee Wg ear ee Pee 34
@remationes= 2s 5 se weed SME aR at Se eee eS eek ree 36
COnvavey diNbbovoniS Kgowaatiay vas ee a ai: ented aha Pes: ase! Bh ls es 39
Sto es Lit © lias The WS ee eee I Oe a ee ee he 44
HLGT 1 SUNT SS eT TT GO UNIV Se ere aA Oe Se eg a eae 58
TER ery sTiaiy CE YRS SD SEE ee ge eee 65
TOVSVOY OKO WIG IA a Rw OS eI Se a A ee 70
ETOH CURE VCRUIN SAE L@ 0S ees ee ee PN es EE Se pe Be 70

CO SISE RASS) 73
iEnimommceremony, 16362222 =>—"22= = OPE cael Deeply ave ie ee Sere ae BV ats We. 73
FACT REI OMMD Ul al eel Giese eee eee Pee) ee ee ee 80
NEMECARCOREIO Miys, 1igjcnlia ees eater mnt aE a ey a US Se 83
WEIR OUSKEY ESO te OUT ES e Sae ee eee Se ee 87
Belerinvastiuunerstateratheridedt hess see Sie Ne ae ee eee ea 88
irequcian tribes'adjoining the Kive Nations._- ==... 3 --= Ls 90
TRHGmOHETO ke Cmeeana ene ce aieee Erne See 2s es eee 90
MUTE at ores pie op eee en eg! 2 te ee ne a 4198
ST Fey © Fae bean yee a a a ee ae a A ee 94.
iThesNatchezi=—=—— = aiiee Cte py eas sea RA Re Ie ails 101
TheiChickasaw= =.) = =s ss ae ae RAs Ecru ye a 105
STOR OTC Ck Sao RET Spe alee eh 1110)

ODN OWE SYST SAU UMNG LE pee LE tee EL oe pane a 2 ee 114
TCTTIATT CUTTS A tsIs See eee ee ree ee apa ere menage sna Un se SA UIE EST Te, 116
SIMCUE OY, PEARLY OS See gh a ane ae 9 eh ee eee ee 122
TNT a VINE eh Cel peers meee ete eee ee nr ee Sr eee ee See eee 122

PETC TN MSS eT ee es trae a et etsy a ev a A eS 131
hes Ox Nanda ASCH OU eee se eee a See ee ee ee ee 135
Soumern Onovandsady acent nesiOnse ae ee ee ee 186
CONEMISTO Myre settee tee hee aren ow Nene e Seen ae Caters, Sle uD Ie WIE ea 146
Si TO Sealy liyaees ewe eee oe nen ee omer Lurene Cosas ee ON eM Dea leit 149
JOYE (252 Sh eB ioe oS ps eiete abe ese sae sees Safe 1 (US

7

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATES

. Wampum éollar or stole. Frontispiece.
. ad, Burial at North Hadley, Massachusetts. 6, Burial at Winthrop, Massa-

chusetts.

. a, “Temple” at Secotan, 1585. 6, Tomb inside the ‘‘ Temple.”

{. a, Chippewa grave at Fond du Lac, 1826. 6, American Fur Company’s post

at Fond du Lae, 1826.

5. a, Ojibway graves at Mille Lac, Minnesota, 1900. 0, Old form of Menomini
grave covering. ec, Later form of same.
6. a, Stone-lined grave, Decatur County, Tennessee, open. 0, Same grave be-
fore the cover was removed.
7. a, Stone-lined grave, Marshall County, Alabama, open. 06, Same grave be-
fore removing cover.
8. d, Burial in Ohio County, Kentucky. 6, Large grave in mound in Warren
County, Kentucky.
9. a, Small stone-lined grave, Jefferson County, Missouri. 6. Stone-lined grave,
Jefferson County, Missouri.
10. a, Site of an ancient cemetery, Clinton County, Pennsylvania. 6, Partial
excavation of ossuary, Gasport, New York.
11. a, “ The mode of carrying the sick or wounded.” 6, Cemetery at a Seneca
village, 1731.
12. Choctaw burials, 1775.
13. a, Seminole grave. 6, Burial ceremony in Florida, 1564.
14. Site of mound opened by Jefferson. a, Looking northward. 06, The cliffs.
c, The Rivanna passing the ‘low grounds.”
15. Grave Creek Mound.
16. A section of Ross County, Ohio.
17. “'Tremper Mound.” a, Original survey by Whittlesy. », Plan of base as
revealed during recent examination.
TEXT FIGURES
Page
RSV TCM OTT SAV CS ee sree eee ee eas Bee eee i ake a Se Te 35
Fes SENICOOl Joon, “shxopan) ICANN Ne ee eee 37
3. Stone-lined grave, Ste. Genevieve, Missouri_2:__________-. = 53
4. Small cemetery, Jefferson County, Missouri___-______________ Eee Wat 54
EVEREST ed Mp1 OTe VTL EATS a1, Wel ete ees ee AT ge et We ng 57
Gu Graven @ reeks MO UT Gees eat ie ds mer ee Pape zs CORN Ny NPA Be sc Mies 59
feuinclosuresine mound Ltockinon@ounty., ©Olios.= mess seo eae ee eee 60
8. Mound in Jo Daviess County, Illinois, section .__-_______---_2____ 64
9} Mounduntjo- Daviess County. Mlinois bases.) 22 1s eee 64.
LOM Mound eing Crawhord County... WiSconsinals ian See eee 65
MERIC STOmMe OMmvy ATM UME CONTE Tercera Es aN ial eae es Lea MS et 81
i2eburials;imamoundscate Chote tsi et ewcee re Lue eg 92
is. hen Natchez Deminle, vatican Dt sera ez Ne Se Eee 105
if Carrying the dead among the Seminoles.) ean ae 115
15 weno the moundsopeneds by, Jetlerson-. ss, = 255s ee ae 127
16. Plan of a habitation, with near-by graves, Ross County, Ohio_-______ 1389
IT. SEROMA GiE Tens OC Careiaae Mwy) ae ee ee eee ee ay

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NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL
EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI

By Davi I. Busunett, Jr.

ALGONQUIAN GROUPS

When that part of America which extends westward from the
Atlantic to the Mississippi was discovered by Europeans it was occu-
pied by numerous tribes, speaking distinct languages, with many
dialects. And as the habitations and other structures erected by the
widely scattered tribes differed in form, size, and the material of
which they were constructed, and presented many interesting charac-
teristics (Bushnell, (1)), so did the cemeteries and forms of burial
vary in distant parts of the country. In New England and the
lower Hudson Valley were tribes belonging to the Algonquian family,
many of which were often mentioned in the early records of the colo-
nies. Their small villages, a cluster of mat or bark covered wig-
wams, frequently grouped within an encircling palisade, lay scattered
along the coast, and inland up the valleys of many streams. They
cultivated fields of corn and raised other vegetal products, and dur-
ing certain seasons of the year collected vast quantities of oysters and
clams to serve as food, as attested by the great accumulations of shells
now encountered along the coast. Others of this linguistic group
dominated the coast as far south as the central portion of the present
State of North Carolina, thus including the people discovered by the
English expeditions sent out by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584 and sub-
sequent years, and the group of tribes which formed the Powhatan
confederacy, so famed in the early history of Virginia. Like all
tribes then living near the sea, they visited the coast for the purpose
of gathering oysters and other mollusks, and to take fish in their
weirs. During other seasons they would leave their villages and enter
the virgin forests to hunt, thus securing both food and peltry, the
latter to be used in making garments and various necessary articles.

Westward, beyond the mountains and the Ohio, were many Algon-
quian tribes, the best known being the Miami, the Sauk and Fox,
the several tribes which constituted the loosely formed Illinois con-
federacy, the Menominee and scattered Ojibway of the north, and
southward in the valley of the Ohio and elsewhere the widely dis-
persed Shawnee. While the Algonquian tribes of the East were sed-

11

1a BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BuLL. 71

entary, and continued to occupy their ancient sites for many years
after first becoming known to Europeans, the majority of the western
members of this great linguistic family were ever moving from place
to place. This movement, however, may have begun only after cer-
tain of their enemies had secured firearms from the Dutch and French
traders in the early years of the seventeenth century. The habita-
tions and other structures reared by all the Algonquian tribes were
quite similar in form and size.

NEW ENGLAND

Three centuries and more have elapsed since the Jesuit, Pére Pierre
Biard, of Grenoble, prepared an account of the manners and customs
of several native tribes of New France, which then included within
its bounds the eastern portions of the present State of Maine, and
the adjoining provinces. He wrote more particularly of the “three
tribes which are on good terms of friendship with us—the Monta-
guets, the Souriquois, and the Eteminquois.” By these names the
early French knew the three tribes now better known as the Monta-
gnais, Micmac, and Malecite, all belonging to the great Algonquian
family, and who occupied the region just mentioned. Although not
always at peace with one another they undoubtedly had many cus-
toms in common, and these may have differed little from those of
the neighboring tribes, all of which belonged to the same stock.
And when recounting the ceremonies attending the death and burial
of a member of one of these tribes he wrote: “The sick man having
been appointed by the Autmoin to die... all the relations and neigh-
bors assemble and, with the greatest possible solemnity, he delivers
his funeral oration: he recites his heroic deeds, gives some directions
to his family, recommends his friends: finally, says adieu. This is
all there is of their wills. As to gifts, they make none at all; but,
quite different from us, the survivors give some to the dying man.”
A feast is prepared, all gather, evidently in the presence of the dying
man, and partake of the food, and “ having banqueted they begin to
express their sympathy and sorrowful Farewells, their hearts weep
and bleed because their good friend is going to leave them and go
away ... they go on in this way until the dying man expires and then
they utter horrible cries.” These continue day and night and do not
cease until the supply of food has been exhausted, the food having
previously been provided by the dying man, and if there are no
supplies “they only bury the dead man, and postpone the obsequies
and ceremonies until another time and place, at the good pleasure
of their stomachs. Meanwhile all the relatives and friends daub
their faces with black, and very often paint themselves with other
colors... To them black is a sign of grief and mourning. They bury

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 13

their dead in this manner: First they swathe the body and tie it up
in skins; not lengthwise, but with the knees against the stomach and
the head on the knees, as we are in our mother’s womb. Afterwards
they put it in the grave, which has been made very deep, not upon
the back or lying down as we do, but sitting. A posture which they
like very much, and which among them signifies reverence. For the
children and the youths seat themselves thus in the presence of their
fathers and of the old, whom they respect ... When the body is
placed, as it does not come up even with the ground on account of the
depth of the grave, they arch the grave over with sticks, so that
the earth will not. fall back into it, and thus they cover up the
tomb... If it is some illustrious personage they build a Pyramid
or monument of interlacing poles; as eager in that for glory as
we are in our marble and porphyry. If it is a man, they place
there as a sign and emblem, his bow, arrows, and shield; if a
woman, spoons, matachias, or jewels, ornaments, etc. I have nearly
forgotten the most beautiful part of all; it is that they bury with
the dead man all that he owns, such as his bag, his arrows, his
skins and all his other articles and baggage, even his dogs if they
have not been eaten. Moreover, the survivors add to these a num-
ber of other such offerings, as tokens of friendship . .. These obse-
quies finished, they flee from the place, and, from that time on, they
hate all memory of the dead. If it happens that they are obliged
to speak of him sometimes, it is under another and a new name.”
(Biard, (1), pp. 127-181.)

Dogs were among the gifts presented to the dying man by his
- friends, and “they kill these dogs in order to send them on before
him into the other world,” and they were eaten at the feast prepared
at the time of the death, “ for they find them palatable.”

This general description would probably have applied to the burial
customs of the tribes occupying the greater part of the country east
of the Hudson, the present New England States, and the closely
flexed burials are easily explained and clearly described. The asso-
ciation of many objects with the remains is verified by the discoveries
made by the Pilgrims when they landed on Cape Cod, early in No-
vember, 1620, and interesting indeed is their old narrative. They
went ashore on the unknown coast to explore the woods and learn
what they might contain. They advanced a short distance and en-
countered small mounds of earth which were found to cover pits or
caches filled with corn. And then they found another: “It also was
covered with boords, so as we mused what it should be, and resolved
to digge it up, where we found, first a Matt, and under that a fayre
Bow, and there another Matt, and under that boord about three
quarters long, finely carved and paynted, with three tynes, or broches
on the top, like a Crowne; also betweene the Matts we found Boules,

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 71

Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets: at length we came to a faire
new Matt, and under that two Bundles, the one bigger, the other less,
we opened the greater and found in it a great quantitie of fine and
perfect red Powder, and in it the bones and skull of a man. The
skull had fine yellow haire still on it, and some of the flesh uncon-
sumed, there was bound up with it a knife, a pack-needle, and two or
three old iron things. It was bound up in a Saylers canvas Cassack,
and a payre of cloth breeches. . . . We opened the less bundle like-
wise, and found of the same Powder in it, and the bones and head of
a little childe, about the leggs, and other parts of it was bound strings,
and bracelets of fine white Beads; there was also by it a little Bow,
about three quarters long, and some other odd knacks; we brought
sundry of the pretiest things away with us, and covered the Corps up
agai.” *(Mourt, (1); p: 11.)

This was probably just north of Pamet River, in Truro village,
where at the present day rising ground, slightly more elevated than
the surrounding country, continues to be known as Corn Hill. Near
the western edge of this area it becomes more level and falls away
abruptiv on the shore of Cape Cod Bay, rising some 20 feet above
high tide and exposing bare sand with little vegetation. During the
summer of 1903 a dark line was visible on the face of the bank at an
average depth of about 2 feet below the present surface and it could
be traced for several hundred yards along the shore. This dark
stratum, several inches in thickness, proved to be an old sod line, and
at three points where it was somewhat thicker than elsewhere fire
beds were discovered and slight excavations revealed fragments of
pottery, bits of charred bones, and ashes. This may have been the
surface upon which stood the village of three centuries ago, and if so,
the land upon which the Pilgrims trod has been covered by a mass
of drifting sand, swept by the winds across the narrow cape.

Sailing from their safe anchorage near the end of the cape, the
Pilgrims, on December 6, 1620, arrived in the vicinity of Wellfleet
Bay, named by them Grampus Bay, by reason of discovering “ eight
or ten Saluages about a dead Grampus,” and near by “we found a
great burying place, one part whereof was incompassed with a large
Palazado, like a Church-yard, with yong spires foure or five yards
long, set as close one by another as they could two or three foot in
the ground, within it was full of graves, some bigger and some lesse,
some were also paled about, & others had like an /ndian house made
over them, but not matted: those Graves were more sumptuous than
those at Corne-hill, yet we digged none of them up... without
the Palazado were graves also, but not so costly.” (Op. cit., p. 17.)
Not far away were several frames of wigwams, but the mat covers
had been removed and the site had been temporarily abandoned.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 15

The two burials encountered by the Pilgrims at Corn Hill were
those of Indians and had evidently been made within a year. The
“yellow haire” had been caused by the process of decay and would
soon have disappeared. The objects of iron had been obtained from
some Europeans who had touched upon the coast or whose vessel
had been wrecked. Now, three centuries later, were these ancient
burial places to be discovered it is doubtful whether any traces would
remain in addition to the mass of “perfect red Powder,” insoluble
red oxide of iron (Fe,O,). All human remains, mats, bows, and
other objects of a perishable nature would have turned to dust and
disappeared. But any ornaments or implements of stone which
might have been deposited in the pit grave would remain. Within
recent years many similar pits, with masses of the red oxide mingled
with various objects of stone, have been encountered not far
from the coast in Lincoln and Hancock Counties, Maine. But not
a particle of bone, or evén a tooth, has been discovered within the
ancient pits to indicate the presence of human remains. Neverthe-
less they were probably once like the burials found by the Pilgrims
at Corn Hill, but now all substance of a perishable nature has van-
ished. They were probably made by a kindred Algonquian tribe
and may not be older than those occurring on Cape Cod. One of
the most interesting groups of such pit graves was exposed at Bucks- .
port, 18 miles below Bangor, on the left bank of the Penobscot; an-
other was discovered on the west shore of Lake Alamoosook, both
in Hancock County, Maine. (Willoughby, (1).)

Similar deposits of the insoluble red oxide were associated with
burials in an ancient cemetery discovered in 1913 in Warren, Bristol
County, Rhode Island. This appears to have been a burying ground
of the Wampanoag, within whose lands it was. When the site was
destroyed some of the skeletons were exposed, together with a large
number of objects of English, Dutch, and French origin, dating from
the years between the first contact with the Europeans until the
latter part of the seventeenth century. In some burials copper ket-
tles were placed over the heads of the bodies. In such cases the cop-
per salts acted as a preservative. One grave was of the greatest
interest. It was that of a man well advanced in years, and asso-
ciated with the remains were two ancient English swords, one or
more gunlocks, a roll of military braid, and the traces of a feather
headdress in a case. The suggestion has been made that these were
‘ the remains of the great Wampanoag chief, Massasoit, who met the
Pilgrims at Plymouth in 1621, ever remained a friend of the colo-
nists, and who died in 1662. One of his. sons, Metacomet, became
known as King Philip, famous in colonial history and leader in the
war against the English settlements which terminated in the disas-

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

trous defeat of the Indians and the death of their leader, August
12, 1676.

Thus having three distinct references to the use of red oxide—
one on the coast of Maine in what should probably be accepted as
graves, another in Rhode Island, and the third on Cape Cod—would
make it appear that placing quantities of finely powdered red oxide
of iron in graves with the human remains was a well-established
custom of the Algonquian tribes found occupying the coast of New
England when that rugged shore was settled by the English colo-
nists. Similar burials will probably be discovered at some later day
which will tend to substantiate this belief.

Closely flexed burials, examples of which are shown in plate 2,
are characterstic of precolonial New England, but later, after coming
under the influence and teachings of missionaries and others, the
same tribes no longer used this form of burial, but placed the re-
mains of the dead in an extended position, either wrapped in bark
or deposited in roughly made wooden coffins. The latter form was
encountered during the partial exploration of the ancient Niantic
cemetery, known as Fort Neck Burying Ground, in Charlestown,
Washington County, Rhode Island, during the month of September,
1912. Another site, now designated “Indian Burying Hill,” lke-
wise in Charlestown, and now a State reservation, is known as the
place of burial of the Niantic chiefs, among them Ninigret, by whom
the Narraganset, who escaped destruction during King Philip’s
war, were later received.

According to Prof. H. H. Wilder, by whom the “ Fort Neck
Burying Ground” was examined, “the bodies had evidently been
buried in winding-sheets only, as nothing was found indicating
clothing.” This would be consistent with the old custom of these
Indians, as Roger Williams told of one “ who winds up and buries
the dead,” and describing the burial customs said: “ Mockkuttauce,
One of the chiefest esteeme, who winds up and buries the dead; com-
monly some wise, grave, and well descended man hath that office.
When they come to the Grave, they lay the dead by the Grave’s -
mouth, and then all sit downe and lament; that I have seeri teares
run down the cheeks of stoutest Captaines, as well as little children
in abundance; and after the dead is laid in Grave, and sometimes
(in some parts) some goods cast in with them, they have then a
second lamentation, and upon the Grave is spread the Mat that the
party died on, the Dish he eat in, and sometimes a faire Coat of skin
hung upon the next tree to the Grave, which none will touch, but
suffer it there to rot with the Dead: Yea I saw with mine owne eyes
that at my late comming forth of the Countrey, the chiefe and
most aged peaceable Father of the Countrey, Caunounicus, having
buried his Sonne, he burned his own Palace, and all his goods in it

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL ity

(amongst them to a great value) in a solemne remembrance of his
sonne and in a kind of humble, Expiation to the Gods, who, (as
they believe) had taken his sonne from him.” (Williams, (1), pp.
161-162.)

For this great Narraganset chief, Canonicus, to have destroyed his
dwelling, with all its contents, at the time of the death and burial of
his scn was contrary to the usual customs of the Algonquian tribes,
although such was the habit of several tribes of the South.

There is reason to suppose the burial customs of the many tribes
who occupied New England did not differ to any great degree, and
all may have had similar periods of mourning and enacted the same
ceremonies to express their grief. Among the Housatonic or River
Indians, later to be known as the Stockbridge Indians, the period of
mourning was about one year. Thus it was described in the year
1736:

“The Aeutikaw is a Dance which finishes the Mourning for the
Dead, and is celebrated about twelve Months after the Decease, when
the Guests invited make Presents to the Relations of the Deceas’d,
to make up their Loss and to end their Mourning. The Manner of
doing it is this: The Presents prepar’d are deliver’d to a Speaker
appointed for the Purpose; who, laying them upon the Shoulders of
some elderly Person, makes a Speech shewing the Design of their
present Meeting, and the Presents prepar’d. Then he takes them and
distributes them to the J/ourners, adding some Words of Consolation,
and desiring them to forget their Sorrow, and accept of those Pres-
ents to make up their loss. After this they eat together and make
Merry.” (Hopkins, (1), p. 38.)

This paragraph was taken from Sergeant’s journal and bore the
date January, 1736. It evidently recorded the customs of the Housa-
tonic Indians at the time of the arrival of the missionary, and may
have been the ancient custom of the Algonquian tribes of the region.
Human remains have been discovered at various points in the valley
of the Housatonic within the bounds of the lands once occupied by
the tribe whose name the river perpetuates, and tradition locates one
or more cemeteries west of the stream near the foot of the mountains,
but no large group of burials is known to have ever been encountered.

Cairns, heaps of stones usually on some high and prominent point,
are found throughout the southern mountains, but seldom have they
been mentioned in the older settled parts of the north One, however,
stood in the country of the Housatonic Indians. As early as 1720
some English traders saw a large heap of stones on the “ east side of
Westenhook or Housatonic River, so called, on the southerly end of
the mountain called Monument Mountain, between Stockbridge and
Great Barrington.” This circumstance gave rise to the name which

130548°—20 2

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 71

has ever since been applied to the mountain, a prominent landmark
in the valley. This ancient pile of stones may have marked the grave
of some great man who lived and died before the coming of the
colonists.

Many ancient graves have been discovered at different times and in
widely separated parts of New England. Probably the most famed
of the many burials thus encountered was the so-called “ Skeleton in
Armor,” a closely flexed skeleton discovered in a sand bank at Fall
River, Massachusetts, in 1831. Traces of several thicknesses of bark
cloth were found about the remains and on the outside was a casing
of cedar bark. Associated with the body were objects of brass, one
being a plate of that material about 14 inches in length, and encircling
the skeleton were traces of a belt to which had been attached many
brass tubes each about 44 inches in length and one-quarter inch in
diameter. The belt, made of metal obviously of European origin,
was thought to be a piece of armor, which resulted in the name applied
to the skeleton. The occurrence of brass with this burial is of inter-
est as it is conclusive proof that flexed burials were prepared after the
coming cf the colonists. This example may date from about the
middle of the seventeenth century.

Flexed skeletons are usually found in single graves, although two
closely bound burials were discovered in one grave, on the left bank
of the Connecticut River, at North Hadley, Massachusetts. This
was on the site of an Indian village where, about the year 1675, the
chief was named Quanquant, The Crow.

Cemeteries which may date from the earliest times are to be seen
in the vicinity of Plymouth, and one of the largest in all New Eng-
land is located in the town of Chilmark, on the island of Marthas
Vineyard. Here 97 graves are marked by flat stones gathered from
the surrounding surface and there are undoubtedly others which
are not distinguishable. Several other burying places are known on
the island, one being at Christiantown, the old /anitwatootan, or
“God’s Town,” of 1668. It is well known that Marthas Vineyard
was formerly the home of a large native population, by whom it was
called Capawock.

MANHATTAN ISLAND AND SOUTHWARD

An early description of the burial customs of the native inhabitants
of New Netherlands, probably based on some ceremonies witnessed
on or near Manhatten Island, explains the manner and Poe in
which the remains were deposited in the grave.

“Whenever an Indian departs this life, all the residents of the
place assemble at the funeral. To a distant stranger, who has not a
friend or relative in the place, they pay the like respect. They are

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 19

equally careful to commit the body to the earth, without neglecting
any of the usual ceremonies, according to the standing of the de-
ceased. In deadly diseases, they are faithful to sustain and take care
of each other. Whenever a soul has departed, the nearest relatives
extend the limbs and close the eyes of the dead; after the bedy has
been watched and wept over several days and nights, they bring it
to the grave, wherein they do not lay it down, but place it in a sitting
posture upon a stone or a block of wood, as if the body were sitting
upon a stool; then they place a pot, kettle, platter, spoon, with some
provisions and money, near the body in the grave; this they say is
necessary for the journey to the other world. Then they place as
much wood around the body as will keep the earth from it. Above the
grave they place a large pile of wood, stone or earth, and around and
above the same they place palisades resembling a small dwelling.”
(Van der Donck, (1), pp. 201-202.)

This account may be equally applicable to the Algonquian tribes
of the valley of the Hudson and the neighboring Iroquoian people
who lived a short distance west of that stream. Evidently there is one
slight error in the description, as the body was not placed in a hori-
zontal position but arranged in a “sitting posture.” It would have
been useless to have extended the limbs as mentioned. Probably
soon after death the body was flexed and wrapped, preparatory to
being placed in the grave, and as will be shown later, this was like-
wise the custom among other tribes. It is interesting to recall how
often the covering over the grave was likened to a small dwelling, and
this tends to remind one of the customs of the ancient people of Egypt
who, during the. X, XI, and XII Dynasties (3600 to 3300 B. C.),
placed pottery models of the dwellings of the living on the graves
of the dead, “soul-houses” of various types and sizes, representing
many forms of habitations and other structures. These were pre-
pared as places for the soul to remain, to appease it and prevent it
returning to the village. Could the dwelling-like covering over the
graves of American aborigines have resulted from similar beliefs and
desires ? ;

A number of burials have been encountered at different times in
the vicinity of Manhattan Island, on Staten Island, and near Pelham
and other near-by places on the shore of the sound. A few years ago
a Munsee cemetery was uncovered near Montague, New Jersey, where
both flexed and extended burials were unearthed. This burial place
evidently belonged to the transition period, the earlier graves being
of the primitive form, the later containing various objects of Euro-
pean make. The Munsee, just mentioned, formed one of the three
principal divisions of the Delaware, and it is within reason to sup-
pose that when some of the burials discovered in the cemetery at

20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

Montague had been made ceremonies had been enacted similar to that
described by Heckewelder. He wrote:

DELAWARE CEREMONY, 1762

“T was present in the year 1762, at the funeral of a woman of the
highest rank and respectability, the wife of the valiant Delaware
chief Shingask; . . . all the honours were paid to her at her
interment that are usual on such occasions. . . . At the moment
that she died, her death was announced through the village by
women especially appointed for that purpose, who went through
the streets crying, ‘She is no more! She is no more!’ The place on -
a sudden exhibited a scene of universal mourning; cries and lamen-
tations were heard from all quarters.” The following day the body
was placed in a coffin which had been made by a carpenter em-
ployed by the Indian trader. The remains had been “ dressed and
painted in the most superb Indian style. Her garments, all new,
were set off with rows of silver broaches, one row joining the other.
Over the sleeves of her new ruffled shirt were broad silver arm
spangles from her shoulder down to her wrist, on which were bands,
forming a kind of mittens, worked together of wampum, in the same
manner as the belts which they use when they deliver speeches. Her
long plaited hair was confined by broad bands of silver, one band
joining the other, yet not of the same size, but tapering from the
head downwards and running at the lower end to a point. On the
neck were hanging five broad belts of wampum tied together at the
ends, each of a size smaller than the other, the largest of which
reached below her breast, the next largest reaching to a few inches
of it, and so on, the uppermost one being the smallest. Her scarlet
leggings were decorated with different coloured ribands sewed on,
the outer edges being finished off with small beads also of various
colours. Her mocksens were ornamented with the most striking fig-
ures, wrought on the leather with coloured porcupine quills, on the
borders of which, round the ancles, were fastened a number of small
round silver bells, of about the size of a musket ball. All these
things together with the vermilion paint, judiciously laid on, so as
to set her off in the highest style, decorated her person in such a
manner, that perhaps nothing of the kind could exceed it.” Later,
“the spectators having retired, a number of articles were brought
out of the house and placed in the coffin.” These included articles
of clothing, a dressed deerskin for the making of moccasins, needles,
a pewter basin, “ with a number of trinkets and other small articles
which she was fond of while living.” The coffin was then closed, the
lid being held in place by three straps. Across it were then placed
three poles, 5 or 6 feet in length, “also fastened with straps cut up

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 21

from a tanned elk hide; and a small bag of vermilion paint, with
some flannel to lay it on, was then thrust into the coffin through the
hole cut out at the head of it. This hole, the Indians say, is for
the spirit of the deceased to go in and out at pleasure, until it has
found the place of its future residence.” Six persons then grasped
the ends of the three poles and carried the coffin to the grave. The
six consisted of four men, at the front and back, and two women
between. “Several women from a house about thirty yards off,
now started off, carrying large kettles, dishes, spoons, and dried elk
meat in baskets, and for the burial place, and the signal being given
for us to move with the body, the women who acted as chief
mourners made the air resound with their shrill cries. The order of
the procession was as follows: first a leader or guide, from the spot
where we were to the place of interment. Next followed the corpse,
and close to it Shingask, the husband of the deceased. He was fol-
lowed by the principal war chiefs and counsellors of the nation,
after whom came men of all ranks and descriptions. Then followed
the women and children, and lastly two stout men carrying loads
of Kuropean manufactured goods upon their backs. The chief
mourners on the women’s side, not having joined in the ranks, took
their own course to the right, at the distance of about fifteen or
twenty yards from us, but always opposite to the corpse.” Thus
they moved along for a distance of about 200 yards to the open
grave, and when it was reached the lid was removed from the coffin,
and “the whole train formed themselves into a kind of semilunar
circle on the south side of the grave, and seated themselves on the
ground, while the disconsolate Shingask retired by himself to a spot
at some distance, where he was seen weeping, with his head bowed
tothe ground. The female mourners seated themselves promiscuously
near to each other, among some low bushes that were at the distance of
from twelve to fifteen yards east of the grave. In this situation we
remained for the space of more than two hours; not a sound was
heard from any quarter, though the numbers that attended were
very great; nor did any person move from his seat to view the body,
which had been lightly covered over with a clean white sheet. All
appeared to be in profound reflection and solemn mourning. . . . At
length, at about one o’clock in the afternoon, six men stepped for-
ward to put the lid upon the coffin, and let down the body into the
grave, when suddenly three of the women mourners rushed from
their seats, and forcing themselves between these men and the corpse,
loudly called to the deceased to ‘ arise and go with them and not for-
sake them.’ They even took hold of her arms and legs; at first it
seemed as if they were caressing her, afterwards they appeared to
pull with more violence, as if they intended to run away with the

22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

body, crying out all the while, ‘ Arise, arise! Come with us!’ ... As
soon as these women had gone through their part of the ceremony,
which took up about fifteen minutes, the six men whom they had
interrupted and who had remained at the distance of about five feet
from the corpse, again stepped forward and did their duty. They
let down the coffin into the earth, and laid two thin poles of about
four inches diameter, from which the bark had been taken off, length-
ways, and close together over the grave, after which they retired.”
The husband, Shingask, then came slowly forward and walked over
the poles, and continued on to the prairie. Then a “ painted post,
on which were drawn various figures, emblematic of the deceased’s
situation in life and of her having been the wife of a valiant warrior,
was brought by two men and delivered to a third, a man of note,
who placed it in such a manner that it rested on the coffin at the head
of the grave, and took great care that a certain part of the drawings
should be exposed to the east, or rising of the sun; then while he
held the post erect and properly situated, some women filled up the
‘ grave with hoes, and having placed dry leaves and pieces of bark
over it, so that none of the fresh ground was visible, they retired,
and some men, with timbers fitted before hand for the purpose,
enclosed the grave about Preset niZn) so as to secure it from the
approach of the wild beasts.”

After this food was prepared and passed about, then the presents
were distributed, the many things which had been carried by the.two
men in the rear of the procession. Those who had rendered as-
sistance were given the most valuable and highly prized pieces, but
no one was omitted. Articles to the value of about $200 were thus
given away. Men, women, and children alike were remembered.
(Heckewelder, (1), pp. 264-270.) At dusk after the burial, a kettle
of food was placed upon the grave, and this was renew 6 every
evening for three weeks, after Sich time, so they thought, food
was no longer required by the spirit.

When an Indian died away from his village, so Heckewelder wrote
(op. cit., p. 270), “great care is taken that the grave be well for-
tified with posts and logs laid upon it, that the wolves may be pre-
vented from getting at the corpse; when time and circumstances
do not permit this, as, for instance, when the Indians are traveling,
the body is inclosed in the bark of trees and thus laid in the grave.
When a death takes place at their hunting camps, they make a
kind of coffin as well as they can, or put a cover over the body, so that
the earth BEY not sink on it, and then inclose the grave with a fence
of poles.” These scattered burials, made away Scie settlements,
readily explain the occurrence of the isolated graves often found at
the present time, and few if any objects of a lasting nature were
deposited with the bodies.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 23

Heckewelder did not give the exact location of the burial of the
wife of the Delaware chief Shingash, although he gave the date, 1762,
and elsewhere in his narrative mentioned living at that time “at
Tuscarawas on the Muskingum.” To have reached Tuscarawas he
would have traversed the great trail leading westward from western
Pennsylvania, passing the mouth of Beaver River, a stream which
flows from the north and enters the right bank of the Ohio
284 miles below Pittsburgh. On the map which accompanied Wash-
ington’s Journal, printed in London in 1754, a Delaware village is
indicated on the right bank of the Ohio just below the mouth of
the Beaver. Two years later, on a small map in the London Maga-
zine for December, 1756, this Delaware village bore the name Shin-
goes town, and so it continued on various maps until long after
the Revolution, although the name was spelled in many ways. Un-
doubtedly Shingask of Heckewelder was the Shingoe whose town
stood at the mouth of the Beaver, and here occurred the burial of
the wife of the Delaware chief, probably when Heckewelder was
on his way to Tuscarawas, some miles westward.

When Col. Bouquet traversed the same trail on his expedition
against the native villages beyond the Ohio he crossed Beaver Creek.
This was on Saturday, October 6, 1764, and there were then standing
near the ford “ about seven houses, which were deserted and destroyed
by the Indians, after their defeat at Bushy Run, when they forsook
all their remaining settlements in this part of the country.” The
battle of Bushy Run took place during the two days, August 5 and 6,
1763, and consequently the village at the mouth of the Beaver, evi-
dently Shingoes town, was abandoned the year after it was visited by
Heckewelder, but the name continued on certain maps long after
that time. :

Some very interesting references to the burial customs of the
people of the same region, more particularly the Delaware, are con-
tained in a work by another missionary. It was said that the place
of burial was some distance from the dwellings, and that the graves
were usually prepared by old women, as the younger members of the
tribes disliked such work. “ Before they had hatchets and other tools,
they used to line the inside of the grave with the bark of trees, and
when the corpse was let down, they placed some pieces of wood
across, which were again covered with bark, and then the earth
thrown in, to fill up the grave. But now they usually place three
boards, not nailed together, into the grave, in such a manner that the
corpse may lie between them. A fourth board being laid over it asa
cover, the grave is filled up with earth. Now and then they procure
a proper coffin. . . . If they have a coffin, it is placed in the
grave empty. Then the corpse is carried out, lying upon a linen
cloth, full in view, that the finery and ornaments, with all the effects

24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

left by the deceased, may appear to advantage, and accompanied by
as great a number of friends as can be collected. It is then let down
into the coffin, covered with the cloth, and the lid being nailed down,
the grave is filled up with earth. During the letting down of the
corpse the women set up a dreadful howl, but it is deemed a shame in
a man to weep. Yet in silence and unobserved, they cannot refrain
from tears. At the head of the corpse, which always lies towards the
east, a tall post is erected, pointing out who is buried there. If the
deceased was the Chief of a tribe or nation, this post is only neatly
carved, but not painted. But if he was a captain, it is painted red,
and his head and glorious deeds are pourtrayed upon it. This is also
done in honor of a great warrior, his warlike deeds being exhibited in
red colors. The burial-post of a physician is hung with small tortois-
shells or a calabash, which he used in his practice. After the burial
the greater part of the goods left by the deceased are distributed
among those who assisted in burying him, and are not related to
him. . . . After the ceremony is over, the mother, grandmother,
and other near relations retire after sunset, and in the morning early,
to weep over the grave. This they repeat daily for some time, but
gradually less and less, till the mourning is over. Sometimes they
place victuals upon the grave, that the deceased may not suffer
hunger.” And following this is an account of the mourning for the
dead. (Loskiel, (1), pt. 1, pp. 119-121.)

In the preceding description of the manner in which graves were
prepared by the Delaware about the last years of the eighteenth cen-
tury there is something quite suggestive of the stone-lined graves. In
both instances pits were dug, to be lined in earlier days with thin,
natural slabs of stone, and later, when boards were obtainable, they
were used in the place of stones. Then when coffins were to be had
they were looked upon as a ready-prepared grave lining, one which
did not require any fitting together when placed inside the grave.
And so the grave would be dug of a size to accommodate the wooden
lining—the coffin—which had already been fastened together, and
when the grave was thus lined the body would be placed within it.
Such was the custom and such was the characteristic reasoning of the
Indian.

THE NANTICOKE

The Nanticoke, who lived on the Eastern Shore of Maryland,
were connected, linguistically, with the Delaware, and before the
latter removed westward beyond the Alleghenies they were neigh-
boring tribes. The Nanticoke were encountered by Capt. John Smith
and his party of colonists from Jamestown in 1608, living on or
near the river which continues to bear their tribal name. For many
years they were enemies of the colonists, but remained in the region

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 25

until about 1730, when the majority of the tribe began moving north-
ward, stopping at the mouth of the Juniata, and elsewhere in the
valley of the Susquehanna, at last arriving in southern New York
on the eastern branch of the latter stream, where they rested under
protection of the Iroquois, who then dominated that section. Tribal
movements were often slow and deliberate, with stops of years on
the way, and a generation elapsed between the starting of the Nanti-
coke from the Eastern Shore and their arrival among the Iroquois.
Like many tribes, they removed the remains of the dead from their
old home to their new settlements. This was witnessed by Hecke-
welder, who wrote (op. cit., pp. 75-76): “These Nanticokes had
the singular custom of removing the bones of their deceased friends
from the burial place to a place of deposit in the country they dwell
in. In earlier times they were known to go from Wyoming and
Chemenk, to fetch the bones of their dead from the Eastern Shore of
Maryland, even when the bodies were in a putrid state, so that they
had to take off the flesh and scrape the bones clean, beforé they could
carry them along. J well remember having seem them between
the years 1750 and 1760, loaded with such bones, which, being fresh,
caused a disagreeable stench, as they passed through the town of
Bethlehem.”

One of the ancient Nanticoke sites, one probably occupied at the time
of the discovery of the people by the Virginia colonists, stood on the
left bank of Choptank River, some 2 miles below Cambridge, Dor-
chester County, on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. This village was
eccupied until the year 1722, or until the tribe began their move-
ment northward. Since this site was abandoned, sand, blown and
drifted by the winds, has covered the original surface to a depth
of many feet. And during the same interval the exposed face
of the cliff has receded, caused by the encroachment of the
waters of the Choptank. Now, as the result of these two natural
phenomena, the surface once occupied by the village of the Nanti-
coke appears on the face of the cliff as a dark line or stratum, from
one-half to 1 foot in thickness, and extending for about one-third
of a mile along the shore, thus proving the extent of the ancient
settlement. At one point on the exposed face of the cliff a quantity
of human bones were visible, and when examined this proved to be
‘““a hard-set horizontal bed of human bones and skulls, many of them
well preserved, about 14 to 2 feet thick, 10 feet long, 3 feet under
the village site stratum,” and further excavation showed this mass
of bones to be “of irregular, circular shape, 25 feet in longest by
20 feet in shortest diameter and 14 to 2 feet thick (thickest in the
middle, and tapering at the sides).” A short distance inward and
directly above the larger deposit was another mass of bones, this

being about 7 feet long, 7 inches thick, and 2 feet wide. The

26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

two deposits were separated by about 1} feet of sand. “In the
main or lower deposit some of the bones had, others had not, been
subjected to fire. The bone layer might have been subdivided thus:
First, the bottom (6 inches), where the bones were in small frag-
ments, blackened and bedded in masses of charcoal and ashes; sec-
ond, the middle, next above (5 to 10 inches), where the skulls and
bones, though somewhat charred, were intact; and third, the top
(6 to 8 inches), where the bones, though mixed with bits of char-
coal, showed no direct trace of fire. The conditions proved that
many skeletons had been burned in the lower part of the main bed.”
The bones in the smaller deposit “ were generally intact in tolerable
preservation, and in spite of the bits of scattered charcoal found
with them, showed no direct signs of charring.” (Mercer, (1), pp.
93-94.)

Ossuaries of this form are not characteristic of any Algonquian
tribe, but at once suggest the customs of the Huron and other north-
ern Iroquoian people. This large deposit of human remains may
have resulted through some great emergency, at some time when it
became necessary to dispose of many bodies which were placed in
one common grave, rather than preparing a separate one for each.
Single graves have been exposed on the face of the cliff, evidently
near the ossuaries, which tends to prove this particular spot to have
been the cemetery adjoining the ancient village.

The county of Dorchester is bounded on the southeast by the
Nanticoke River, and human remains have been discovered on the
right bank of the stream just above the village of Vienna, and un-
doubtedly many other burial places have been encountered within
this region, once comparatively thickly peopled, no records of which
are preserved.

THE POWHATAN CONFEDERACY

It is to be regretted that more is not known concerning the burial
customs of the Algonquian tribes of Virginia, those who constituted
the Powhatan confederacy, people with whom the Jamestown colo-
nists came in contact during the spring of 1607. Several accounts are
preserved, but unfortunately all are lacking in detail. Capt. Smith
included burial customs under the general caption Of their Religion,
and in 1612 wrote:

“ But their chiefe God they worship is the Divell. Him they call
Oke and serve him more of feare than love. They say they have
conference with him, and fashion themselves as neare to his shape
as they can imagine. In their Temples, they have his image evill
favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines, cop-
per, and beads; and covered with a skin, in such manner as the de-
formity may well suit with such a God.. By him is commonly the

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL P|

sepulcher of their kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dryed
upon hurdles till they bee verie dry, and so about the most of their
jointes and necke they hang bracelets or chaines of copper, pearle,
and such like, as they use to weare: their inwards they stuffe with
copper beads and cover with a skin, hatchets, and such trash. Then
lappe they them very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in
mats for their winding sheetes. And in the Tombe, which is an arch
made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde
of wealth their kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These
Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests... . . In every Terri-
tory of a werowance is a Temple and a Priest or 2 or 3 more. Their
principall Temple or place of superstition is at Vttamussach at Pama-
unke, neare unto which is a house Temple or place of Powhatans.
Upon the top of certaine redde sandy hils in the woods, there are 3
great houses filled with images of their kings and Divels and Tombes
of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare 60 foot in length,
built arbor wise, after their building. This place they count so holy
as that none but the Priestes and kings dare come into them: nor
the Savages dare not go up the river in boats by it, but that they
solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads, or Pocones, into
the river, for feare their Oke should be offended and revenged of
them.” (Smith, (1), pp. 75-76.)

Strachey’s account of the burial customs does not differ greatly
from the preceding; both writers referred to the same time and
generation, and few of the natives then living had ever seen a white
man until the coming of the Jamestown colonists in 1607.

A temple or tomb similar to those described by Smith was en-
countered by the English on the coast of North Carolina during the
summer of 1585, at Rvhieh time it was sketched by the artist John
White, a member of the second expedition sent out by Sir Walter
Raleigh. The original drawing, together with many others made at
the same time, is preserved in the British Museum, London. <A pho-_
tograph of the original is now reproduced in plate 3, b. The legend
on the sketch reads: “ The Tombe of their Cherounes or chiefe per-
sonages their flesh clene taken of from the bones save the skynn
and heare of theire heads, weh flesh is dried and enfolded in matts
laide at theire feete, their bones also being made dry ar covered w”
deare skynns not altering their forme or proportion. With theire
Kywash, which is an Image of woode keeping the deade.”

This drawing was engraved and used by De Bry as plate 22 in
Hariot’s Narrative, published in 1591. But in the engraving the
tomb, as drawn by White, is represented as placed within an in-
closure, evidently the “temple,” and this would conform with the
legend near one of the buildings shown standing at the village of
Secotan. In White’s view of this ancient town the structure in the

2S BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [runu. 71

lower left corner bears this description: ‘“ The howse wherin the
Tombe of their werowans standeth.” This is copied in plate 38, a,
being a detail from the large sketch of Secotan. It is evident from
the early drawing that the so-called “tomb” was an elevated plat-
form erected within a structure of ordinary form, and the whole
must have resembled rather closely the “‘ temples” or “ bone-houses ”
of certain Muskhogean tribes of the south, as will be shown later.
But unfortunately nothing is told by the old writers of the final dis-
position of the human remains which were first placed in the “ tem-
ples,” as at Secotan. Later they may have been collected and de-
posited in graves, or they may have become scattered and lost, but
this is doubtful.

The temple tombs, as already described, appear to have stood
near, or rather belonged to, the larger, more permanent settlements,
and so became the resting places of the more important dead of the
community. However, it is quite evident the remains of the chief
men were not placed in ordinary graves, even though a “temple”
was not available. This is of great interest and is revealed in a
deposition made by one Francis Tomes, relating to the Wyanoak or
Weanoc, in the year 1661, after they had removed southward from
the banks of the James. The deposition reads in part: “ Then came
in sight of the Wyanoak Indian Town which was on the South Side
of Wyanoak River where they forded over to the town wherein stood
an English built house, in which the King had been shott & an apple
Orchard. From thence they went about two or three miles to the
Westward where in an elbow of a swamp stood a Fort near which
in the swamp the murdered King was laid on a scaffold & covered
with Skins & matts which I saw.” (Virginia Magazine, (1), p. 3.)

But a simpler form of burial existed among the native inhabitants,
of tidewater Virginia, and probably the great majority found their
final resting places in graves prepared near the villages. Smith
wrote (op. cit., p. 75) :“ For their ordinary burials, they digge a deep
hole in the earth with sharpe stakes; and the corpses being lapped in
skins and mats with their jewels, they lay them upon sticks in the
ground, and so cover them with earth. The buriall ended, the women
being painted all their faces with black cole and oile, doe sit 24
howers in the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such
yelling and howling as may express their great passions.”

Very few ancient burial places have been discovered within the
region described by Smith, or probably it would be more correct to —
say few records of such discoveries, if made, have been preserved,
therefore it is gratifying to find a single reference which tends to
verify Smith’s account of “their ordinary burials.” This refers to
discoveries made about the year 1835 on the right bank of the Chicka-
hominy, in Charles City County, Virginia, on the land of Col. J. S.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 29

Stubblefield. It mentioned a large shell heap which extended for
some 150 yards along the bank of the stream and had a width of
from 30 to 40 yards, and continued by saying: “In this deposite of
shells are found a number of human bones of all sizes, from the
smallest infant to the full grown man, interred in pits of various
size, and circular form; and in each pit are found intermingled,
human bones of every size. Standing in one place I counted fifty
of these hollows, from each of which had been taken the remains
of human beings who inhabited this country before the present race
of whites.” (Christian, (1), p. 150.)

This site does not appear to have been known to Capt. Smith, as
no town is shown by him as standing on the right bank of the river,
in what would probably have been included in the present Charles
City County. The burials discovered in 1835 may have been made
before the days of the colony.

WEST OF THE ALLEGHENTIES

The burial customs of some western Algonquian tribes were, in
many respects, quite similar to those of the New England Indians.
It will be recalled that soon after the Mayflower touched at Cape Cod
a party of the Pilgrims went ashore and during their explorations
discovered several groups of graves, some of which “had like an
Indian house made over them, but not matted.” They may when
erected have been covered with mats. The similarity between this
early reference and the description of certain Ojibway graves, two
centuries and more later, is very interesting. Writing from “Ameri-
can Fur Company’s trading establishment, Fond du Lae, July 30,
1826,” McKenney told of an Ojibway grave then Sonate at that
post, near the extreme southwestern corner of Lake Superior. “ The,
Indians’ graves are first covered over with bark. Over the grave
the same shelter is made, and of the same materials, as enter into the
form and structure of a lodge. Poles are stuck into the ground, and
bent over, and fastened at the top; and these are covered with bark.
Thus the grave is inclosed. An opening is left like that in the door
of a lodge. Before this door (I am describing a grave that is here),
a post is planted, and the dead having been a warrior, is painted red.
Near this post, a pole is stuck in the ground, about ten feet long.
From the top of this pole is suspended the ornaments of the de-
ceased. From this, I see hanging a strand of beads, some strips of
white fur, several trinkets, six bits of tobacco, that looked like quids,
and a little frame of a circular form with net work, in the center of
which (it being of thread) is fastened a scalp, about three inches in
diameter, the hair of which is of a dark brown colour, and six inches
long. In the top of the red post are three feathers.” (McKenney,
(1), pp. 283-284.)

30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [puLL. 71

Three days before, on July 27, McKenney entered in his journal:
“We are yet about eighteen miles from the Fond du Lac. At this
place, Burnt river is a place of divination, the seat of a jongleux’s
incantations. It is a circle, made of eight poles, twelve feet high,
and crossing at the top, which being covered in with mats, or bark, he
enters, and foretells future events !”

The manner in which the bodies had been placed in the graves
of the Fond du Lac cemetery was probably similar to that fol-
lowed by other members of the tribe, as described by one well versed
in the customs of the Ojibway: “ When an Ojibway dies, his body
is placed in a grave, generally in a sitting posture, facing the west.
With the body are buried all the articles needed in life for a jour-
ney. If a man, his gun, blanket, kettle, fire steel, flint, and moc-
casins; if a woman, her moccasins, axe, portage collar, blanket and
kettle.” (Warren, (1), pp. 72-73.) And following this is an ac-
count of the Ojibway belief of happenings after death; how “the
sou! is supposed to stand immediately after the death of the body,
on a deep beaten path, which leads westward.” He first comes to
strawberries, which he gathers to eat on the way, and soon “ reaches
a deep, rapid stream of water, over which lies the much dreaded
Ko-go-gaup-o-gun or rolling and sinking bridge.” Thence, after
traveling four days, and camping at night, “the soul arrives in the
land of spirits,” where all is joy and happiness.

A form of scaffold burial was known to the same people, but
never practiced to any great extent. Such a burial was seen by
McKenney standing on an island in St. Louis River, opposite the
American Fur Co.’s establishment, during the summer of 1826. He
wrote at that time: “One mode of burying the dead, among the
Chippeways, 1s, to place the coffin, or box, containing their remains,
on two cross pieces, nailed, or tied with wattap to four poles. The
poles are about ten feet high. They plant near these posts, the wild
hop, or some other kind of running vine, which spreads over and
covers the coffin. I saw one of these on the island, and as I have
described it. It was the coffin of a child about four years old. ....
I have a sketch of it. I asked the chief why his people disposed
of their dead in that way? He answered, they did not like to put
them out of their sight so soon by putting them under ground. Upon
a platform they could see the box that contained their remains, and
that was a comfort to them.” (Op. cit., pp. 305-306.)

The sketch mentioned was undoubtedly drawn by J. O. Lewis and
was used as an illustration in McKenney’s narrative. This is now
reproduced in plate 4, a, while in 6 of the same plate is shown a
view of the buildings of the American Fur Co. as they then stood
at Fond du Lac, derived from the same work and drawn by the
same artist. Across the stream are the wigwams of the Indians, and

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 31

near the lower right corner of the picture are two small inclosures,
two small cemeteries, the smaller belonging to the Indians, the
larger being reserved for the whites.

Three years before McKenney visited Fond du Lac the expedi-
tion led by Maj. S. H. Long traversed the country of the Ojibway,
and when describing the burial customs of the tribe it was said:

“The usual mode of disposing of their dead consists in interring
them. It has been observed that the Chippewa graves are always
dug very deep, at least 6. or 8 feet; whereas the Dacotas make but
shallow graves. Great respect is paid by the Chippewas to the
corpses of their distinguished men; they are wrapped up in cloths,
blankets, or bark, and raised on scaffolds. We heard of a very dis-
tinguished chief of theirs, who died upwards of 40 years since, and
was deposited on a scaffold near Fort Charlotte, the former grand
depot of the North-west Company. When the company were induced
to remove their depot to the mouth of the Kamanatekwoya, and con-
struct Fort William, the Indians imagined that it would be unbecom-
ing the dignity of their friend to rest anywhere but near a fort;
they therefore conveyed his remains to Fort William, erected a scaf-
fold near it, and upon it they placed the body of their revered chief;
whenever there is occasion for it they renew its shroud. As a mark
of respect to the deceased, who was very friendly to white men,
the company have planted a British flag over his remains, which
attention was extremely gratifying to the Indians.” (Keating, (1),
II, pp. 159-160.) This would have been about 175 miles northeast
of Fond du Lac, as Fort William stood on the mainland, north of
Isle Royale, in Lake Superior. Fort Charlotte was at the end of
Grand Portage, some 25 miles southwest of Fort William, and conse-
quently nearer Fond du Lac.

Referring to the Ojibway belief in a future state after death, the
same writer remarked:

“The Chippewas believe that there is in man an essence, entirely
distinct from the body; they call it O’chéchag, and appear to
apply to it the qualities which we refer to the soul. They be-
lieve that it quits the body at the time of death, and repairs to
what they term Chéké Chékchékimé. This region is supposed to be
situated to the south, and on the shores of the Great Ocean. Previous
to arriving there they meet with a stream, which they are obliged
to cross upon a large snake that answers the purpose of a bridge.
Those who die from drowning never succeed in crossing the stream;
they are thrown into it, and remain there forever. Some souls come
to the edge of the stream, but are prevented from passing by the
snake that threatens to devour them; these are the souls of persons
in a lethargy or trance. Being refused a passage, these souls re-
turn to their bodies and reanimate them. They believe that animals

32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

have souls, and even that inorganic substances, such as kettles, etc.,
have in them a similar essence. In this land of souls all are treated
according to their merits. Those who have been good men are
free from pain; they have no duties to perform; their time is spent
in dancing and singing, and they feed upon mushrooms, which are
very abundant. The souls of bad men are haunted by the phantoms
of the persons or things that they have injured; thus, if a man has
destroyed much property, the phantoms of the wrecks of this prop-
erty obstruct his passage wherever he goes; if he has been cruel to
his dogs or horses they also torment him after death; the ghosts of
those whom during his lifetime he wronged are there permitted to
avenge their injuries. They think that when a soul has crossed the
stream it can not return to its body, yet they believe in apparitions,
and entertain the opinion that the spirits of the departed will fre-
quently revisit the abodes of their friends, in order to invite them
to the other world, and to forewarn them of their approaching dis-
solution.” (Op. cit., pp. 158-159.)

It is quite evident that the widely separated members of this great
tribe held different beliefs regarding the state after death, and it
would also appear that such beliefs were influenced or dictated by
their natural environment. Thus in the cold, bleak forests of the
north, where the winters were long and severe, they looked to the
south as the home of the departed, where warmth would prevail, and
where the days would be passed in dancing and singing.

Some years earlier, in 1764, an English trader described the death
and burial of a child near the north shore of Lake Superior while
approaching Michilimackinac. The Indians were engaged in making
maple sugar when—

“A little child, belonging to one of our neighbours, fell into a
kettle of boiling syrup. It was instantly snatched out, but with
little hope of its recovery.

“So long, however, as it lived, a continual feast was observed;
and this was made to the Great Spirit and Master of Life, that he
might be pleased to save and heal the child. At this feast, I was a
constant guest; and often found difficulty in eating the large quan-
tity of food, which, on such occasions as these, is put upon each man’s
dish. The Indians accustom themselves both to eat much, and to fast
much, with facility.

“Several sacrifices were also offered; among them were dogs, killed
and hung upon the tops of poles, with the addition of stroud blankets
and other articles. These, also, were given to the Great Spirit, in
humble hope that he would give efficacy to the medicines employed.

“The child died. To preserve the body from the wolves, it was
placed upon a scaffold, where it remained till we went to the lake,
on the border of which was the burial-ground of the family.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 33

“On our arrival there, which happened in the beginning of April,
I did not fail to attend the funeral. The grave was made of a large
size, and the whole of the inside lined with birch-bark. On the bark
was laid the body of the child, accompanied with an axe, a pair
of snow-shoes, a small kettle, several pairs of common shoes, its own
strings of beads, and—because it was a girl—a carrying-belt and a
paddle. The kettle was filled with meat.

“All this was again covered with bark; and at about two feet
nearer the surface, logs were laid across, and these again covered
with bark, so that the earth might by no means fall upon the corpse.

“The last act before the burial, performed by the mother, crying
over the dead body of her child, was that of taking from it a lock of
hair, for a memorial. While she did this, I endeavoured to console
her, by offering the usual arguments; that the child was happy in
being released from the miseries of this present life, and that she
should forbear to grieve, because it would be restored to her in
another world, happy and everlasting. She answered, that she
knew it, and that by the lock of hair she should discover her
daughter; for she would take it with her. In this she alluded to the
day, when some pious hand would place in her own grave, along with
the carrying-belt and paddle, this little relic, hallowed by maternal
tears.” (Henry, (1), pp. 149-151.)

The same writer, in recording certain beliefs of the people, said
(pp. 151-152) :

“TY have frequently inquired into the ideas and opinions of the
Indians, in regard to futurity, and always found that they were
somewhat different, in different individuals. Some suppose their
souls to remain in this world, although invisible to human eyes; and
capable, themselves, of seeing and hearing their friends, and also of
assisting them, in moments of distress and danger. Others dismiss
from the mortal scene the unembodied spirit, and send it to a distant
world or country, in which it receives reward or punishment, ac-
cording to the life which it has led in its prior state. Those who
have lived virtuously are transported into a place abounding with
every luxury, with deer and all other animals of the woods and
water, and where the earth produces, in their greatest perfection,
all its sweetest fruits. While, on the other hand, those who have
violated or neglected the duties of this life, are removed to a barren
soil, where they wander up and down, among rocks and morasses,
and are stung by gnats, as large as pigeons.”

This agrees remarkably with the later statements made by Keating,
as already quoted.

The scaffold burials mentioned in the preceding quotations do not
appear to have been the true form so extensively used by the tribes

130548°—20——_3

34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

farther west, especially up the valley of thé Missouri. There a plat-
form was constructed between four or more supports, some 6 or 8 feet
above the ground, and on this platform the body was placed after
being wrapped and bound with skins or some other covering. These
were of a more temporary nature.

THE MENOMINI

The Menomini; whose home when first encountered by Europeans
during the early years of the seventeenth century was west of Lake
Michigan, evidently possessed many customs quite similar to those
of the Ojibway. Their dead were usually deposited in excavated
graves, but they also had some form of scaffold burial. (PI. 5, a.)

“The Menomini formerly disposed of their dead by inclosing the
bodies in long pieces of birchbark or in slats of wood, and burying
them in a shallow hole. When not in the neighborhood of birch or
other trees, from which broad pieces of bark could be obtained, some
of the men would search for the nearest dugout, from which they
would cut a piece long enough to contain the body. In some in-
stances sections of hollow trees were used as coffins. In order to
afford protection against wild beasts, there were placed over the
grave three logs—two directly on the ground and the third on the
others. They were prevented from rolling away by stakes driven
into the earth. [Plate 5, , represents the old method of protecting
graves. |

“More modern customs now prevail with the greater body of the
tribe, and those who have been Christianized adopt the following
course: A wooden coffin is made and the body laid out in the ordi-
nary manner. The burial takes place usually the day on which
death occurs. The graves are about 4 feet deep. Over the mound
is erected a small board structure resembling a house. ... This
structure measures about 5 feet in length and 3 feet high. In the front
and near the top is an opening through which the relations and
friends of the deceased put cakes of maple sugar, rice, and other
food—the first fruits of the season. In some grave-boxes, imme-
diately beneath the opening, there is placed a small drawer, which
is used for the same purpose as the opening. Sometimes even on
the grave-boxes of Christianized Indians, the totem of the clan to
which the deceased belonged is drawn in color or carved from a
piece of wood and securely nailed. These totemic characters are
generally drawn or attached in an inverted position, which is de-
notive of death among the Menomini as among other tribes. Around
the grave-boxes clapboard fences are usually erected to keep stray
animals from coming near, and to prevent wayfarers and _ sacri-
legious persons from desecrating the graves. An ordinary * worm’
fence is also sometimes built for the same purpose.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 35

“Among the non-Christianized Menomini the grave covering is of
a slightly different character. These grave-boxes are more like an
inverted trough, as shown in plate 5, c, which illustrates the graves
of the late chief Osh’kosh and his wife. The openings in the head
end of the box are used for the introduction of ordinary food, as
well as maple sugar and other tributes of the first fruits of the year,
on which the shade of the departed may feast before it finally sets
out for the land of the dead. Formerly, also, bodies were scaffolded,
or placed in trees, according to the wish of the deceased. In some
instances it was customary to dress and paint the body as during
life, seat it on the ground facing the west—in the direction of the.
path of the dead toward the land of Naq’pote—when a log inclosure,
resembling a small pen, was built around it. In this manner the

Ey
TAT),
LAW gg

We 7 OW Gah

Wl P

Fie, 1.—Menomini graves.

corpse was left... . Mourners blacken their faces with charcoal or
ashes. Formerly it was sometimes customary to add pine resin to
the ashes, that the materials might remain longer on the skin, and
a widow was not presumed to marry again until this substance had
entirely worn off. In some instances of great grief, the hair above
the forehead was cropped short.” (Hoffman, (1), pp. 239-241.)
Typical graves are shown in figure 1.

Quite similar to the preceding were graves discovered in the vicin-
ity of Prairie du Chien, near the banks of the Mississippi, when
visited by Maj. Long’s party in June, 1823. The graves resembled
those of the whites, but they were “covered with boards or bark,
secured to stakes driven into the ground, so as to form a sort of
roof over the grave; at the head, poles were erected for the pur-
pose of supporting flags; a few tatters of one of these still waved
over the grave. An upright post was also fixed near the head, and
upon this the deeds of the deceased, whether in the way of hunting

36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY | [BULL 71

or fighting, were inscribed with red or black paint. The graves
were placed upon mounds in the prairie, this situation having doubt-
less — selected as being the highest and least likely to be over-
flowed.” (Keating, (1), I, pp. 244-245.)

The use of ancient mounds as places of burial by later Indians,
as witnessed near Prairie du Chien, was followed extensively
throughout the upper Mississippi Valley and elsewhere. In the
spring of 1900 the Ojibway living on the south shore of Mille Lae,
Minnesota, were utilizing the summits of ancient mounds for this
purpose, and on one mound standing near the village of Sagawamick
were thirteen very recent graves, covered with the box-like covers of
hewn logs, on one end of which was cut or painted the totem of the
deceased. Some were surrounded by stakes, designed to protect the
burial. This site was once occupied by the Mdewakanton, by whom
the mounds were evidently reared. Later they were driven south-
ward by the Ojibway, and this became the principal village of the
Misisagaikaniwininiwak. This will explain the origin of the many
shallow burials, a foot or more below the surface, encounters in
mounds east of the Mississippi.

A small sketch of several scaffolds, resembling that described by
McKenney, appeared in Lahontan’s narrative in 1703. This is re-
produced in figure 2. This form of scaffold may have been found
throughout the Algonquian country bordering Lake Superior and
Lake Huron, and was probably that mentioned by Charlevoix, only
a few years after Lahontan.

CREMATION

More than a century before McKenney made his tour of the Lakes
and stopped at Detroit during the month of June, 1826, Charlevoix
traversed much of the same on his way to the country of the Illinois,
and thence down the Mississippi. At that time the Missisauga, a
tribe closely related to the Chippewa, and of which they may be
considered a subtribe or division, lived on the shores of Lake St.
Clair and the vicinity, and here Charlevoix saw their scaffold burials.
Referring to the several tribes with whom he had come in contact,
he wrote: “When an Indian dies in the time of hunting, his body
is exposed on a very high scaffold, where it remains till the departure
cf the company, who carry it with them to the village. There are
some nations who have the same custom, with respect to all their
dead; and I have seen it practised among the Missisaguez at the
Narrows. The bodies of those who are killed in war are burnt,
and the ashes carried back, in order to be deposited in the sepulchres
of their ancestors. These sepulchres, among those nations who are
best fixed in their settlements, are a sort of burial grounds near the
village.” (Charlevoix, (1), Il, p. 189.) This was written in 1721.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL ot

Another reference to the burning of bodies was prepared about
the same year, and proves that others besides those of persons killed
in war were so consumed. “An Officer of the regular Troops has
informed me also, that while he had the Command of the Garrison
at Oswego, a Boy of one of the far Westward Nations died there;
the Parents made a regular Pile of split Wood, laid the Corps upon
it, and burnt it; while the Pile’ was burning, they stood gravely
looking on, without any Lamentations, but when it was burnt down,
they gather up the Bones with many Tears, put them into a Box, and
carried them away with them.” (Colden, (1), p. 16.)

It would be interesting to know more of the details of this native
ceremony, and to know the name of the tribe to which the family

Lhe relations of y decce Jl
dancing

aJav age

VA

?

ae é. Sg iment of

The Staves SG oe, a .
i dece as el cx fury Ut
us £ ao pe

The Tio or

Hay :

The Sy CII, of y deceas dL

(AaILNG
e

Fic, 2.—Scaffold burials, from Lahontan,

belonged. Oswego, near the southeastern corner of Lake Ontario,
in the land of the Onondaga, was the site of an English fort erected
in 1721. It soon became a gathering place for the Indians and
traders coming from the west, and much of the Indian trade which
had formerly been transacted by the French at Montreal was
diverted to this new post. It is easy to imagine that during one
of these journeys from their distant home on a western lake or
river the child of an Indian family died, and his parents, desiring
to bury him near their native village, burned the body, then col-
lected the ashes and charred bones, and carried them away, as related
by an English officer nearly two centuries ago.

Probably cremation was resorted to in many instances as a means
of reducing the difficulty of removing the remains from the place of
death to the locality where it was desired they might be deposited;

38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

but if some statements of the early French are to be accepted, cer-
tain tribes must have attached some superstitious belief to the act
oi burning the bodies of their dead. A very interesting description
was recorded by the Jesuit, Pére Sébastien Rasles, of what he wit-
nessed and learned of the custom among the Ottawa during his stay
among that tribe in the winter of 1691-92. He told how certain
divisions of the tribe burned their dead while others interred the —
remains. However, his account may not be true to fact, although
written according to his belief. (Rasles, (1), pp. 154-159.)
Another reference to the burning of bodies is to be found in Radis-
son’s account of his Fourth Voyage into the great. northern wilder-
ness. He and his companions left Quebec sometime in the early
part of the year 1661, and were soon joined by a party of Indians
who belonged to some western Algonquian tribe living in the vicin-
ity of Lake Superior. Shortly after coming together, while passing
in their canoes along a certain stream where the banks were close
together, they met a number of Iroquois. In the fierce encounter
which ensued Radisson’s friendly Indians lost two killed and seven
wounded. And alluding to the former he wrote: “ We bourned our
comrades, being their custome to reduce such into ashes being slained
in bataill. It is an honnour to give them such a buriall.” (Radis-
son (1), p. 183.) But unfortunately he failed to tell of the final dis-
position of the ashes, whether they were carried by their companions
to their villages on the shores of the distant lakes, and there buried,
or left in the country where'they had been slain. To have been car-
ried away to their homes would have been more consistent with the
native customs, and would more readily explain the cremation of the
remains, to reduce the bulk, and thereby really make it possible to
transport them so great a distance under such adverse conditions.
Charlevoix spent several weeks during the summer of 1721 among
the Indians just south of Lake Michigan. These were probably
Miami, although he undoubtedly saw members of other tribes as
well. Writing at this time, and probably having the Miami in mind,
he said: “ As soon as the sick person has fetched his last breath,
the whole cabbin resounds with lamentations, which continue as long
as the family is in a condition to furnish the expence; for open table
must be kept during all that time. The carcass adorned with its
finest robe, the face painted, the arms of the deceased, with every
thing he possessed laid by his side, is exposed at the gate of the
cabbin, in the same posture in which he is to lie in the tomb, and
that is in many places, the same with that of a child in the womb.
* * * Tt appears to me that they carry the corpse to the place
of burial without anv ceremony * * * but when they are once
in the grave, they take care to cover them in such manner that the
earth does not touch them: so that they he as in a cell entirely cov-

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 39

ered with skins, much richer and better adorned than any of their
cabbins. A post is afterwards erected, on which they fix every thing
capable of expressing the esteem in which they held the deceased.
* « * Fresh provisions are carried to the place every morning,
and as the dogs and other beasts do not fail to take advantage of
this, they would fain persuade themselves that it is the soul of the
deceased, who comes to take some refreshment.” (Charlevoix, (1),
LS pp: 187-188. )

This may have been intended as a general stataeatnit of the customs
of the tribes whom he had met diane his journey, although written
while among the Miami, but its greatest value is the manner in which
the origin and cause of the flexed burial is explained, and this would
probably apply to the eastern as well as to the western Algonquians.

“HE ILLINOIS COUNTRY ”

The term Illinois Indians as used by some early writers was in-
tended to include the various Algonquian tribes, encountered in the
“T]linois country,” in addition to those usually recognized as form-
ing the Illinois confederacy. Thus, in the following quotation from
Joutel will be found a reference to the Chahowanous—i. e., Shaw-
nee—as being of the /slinots, and in the same note Accancea referred
to the Quapaw, a Siouan tribe living on the right bank of the Mis-
sissippi, not far north of the mouth of the Arkansas. Describing
the burial customs of the Illinois, as witnessed by him during the
latter years of the seventeenth century, Joutel wrote: “They pay a
Respect to their Dead, as appears by their special Care of burying
them, and even of putting into lofty Coflins the Bodies of such as
are considerable among them, as their Chiefs and others, which is
also practised among the Accancea’s, but they differ in this Particu-
lar, that the Accancea’s weep and make their Complaints for some
Days, where as the Chahowanous and other People of the /slinois
Nation do just the Contrary; for when any of them die, they wrap
them up in Skins, and then put them into Coffins made of the Barks
of Trees, then sing and dance about them for twenty four Hours.
Those Dancers take Care to tie Calabashes, or Gourds about their
Bodies, with some /ndian Wheat in them, to rattle and make a Noise,
and some of them have a Drum, made of a great Earthen Pot, on
which they extend a wild Goat’s Skin, and beat thereon with one
Stick like our Tabors. During that Rejoicing, they throw their
Presents on the Coffin, as Bracelets, Pendents, or Pieces of Earthen
Ware, and Strings of Beads, encouraging the Singers to perform
their Duty well. If any Friend happens to come thither at that
Time, he immediately throws down his Present and falls a singing
and dancing like the rest. When that Ceremony is over, they bury

40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

the Body, with part of the presents, making choice of such as may be
most proper for it. They also bury with it, some Stores of /ndian
Wheat, with a Pot to boil it in, for fear the dead Person should be
hungry on his long Journey; and they repeat the same Ceremony
at the Year’s End. A good Number of Presents still remaimuing,
they divide them into several Lots, and play at a Game, call’d of the
Stick to give them to the Winner.” (Joutel, (1), pp. 174-175.)

From this very interesting account of the burial customs of the
Illinois Indians it is evident they had several ways and methods
of disposing of their dead. Some were placed in “lofty coffins,”
which undoubtedly refers to a form of tree or scaffold burial, and
in this connection it is interesting to know that when settlers entered
Truro township, in the present Knox County, Illinois, a few miles
west of the ancient Peoria village on the Illinois River, they found
tree burials of quite recent origin. Logs had been split in halves
and hollowed out, and so served as qonine which rested in forks of
trees some 10 to 15 feet above the ground. These remained in this
position until about the year 1836, when they were removed by the
settlers and buried in the earth. These must have been the “lofty
coffins” of Joutel. But the bodies were not always so securely
protected, and in the year 1692, within a short time of Joutel’s visit,
another Frenchman referred to the burial customs of the Illinois
and said: “It is not their custom to bury the dead; they wrap them
in skins, and hang them by the feet and head to the tops of trees.”
(Rasles, (1), p. 167.) And touching on the ceremonies which at-
tended the burial, the same Father wrote: “ When the Illinois are
not engaged in war or hunting, their time is spent either in games,
or at feasts, or in dancing. They have two kinds of dances; some are
a sign of rejoicing, and to these they invite the most distinguished
women and young girls; others are a token of their sadness at the
death of the most important men of their Tribe. It is by these
dances that they profess to honor the deceased, and to wipe away
the tears of his relatives. All of them are entitled to have the death
of their near relatives bewailed in this manner, provided that they
make presents for this purpose. The dances last a longer or shorter
time according to the price and value of the presents, which, at the
end of the dance, are distributed to the dancers.” (P. 167.)

And when settlers arrived near the banks of the Mackinaw, a
tributary of the Illinois, near the present village of Lexington,
McLean County, Illinois, in 18438, they discovered a body of an In-
dian wrapped in bark and suspended in a tree top. The body was
taken down and buried in what is now called Indian Burial Ground,
some 24 miles southeast of Lexington.

It is interesting to be able to trace other burial places and burial
customs of the western Algonquian tribes in comparatively recent

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 41

times.. After the Battle of Tippecanoe, fought November 7, 1811,
the Indians who fell in that memorable encounter are said to have
been buried on the summit of a ridge, running north and south and
bounded on the west by the Middle Fork of Vermilion River and
on the east by a deep ravine, about 54 miles west of the present Dan-
ville, Vermilion County, Illinois. This region was then occupied
by roving bands of different tribes, including members of the Shaw-
nee. In the early years of the last century, just after the settlement
of the village of Gosport, Owen County, Indiana, the Shawnee chief,
Big Fire, died, and his body was taken in a canoe 10 miles on the
West Fork of White River, to a place where the party landed. A
stretcher was there made by interlacing bark between two long
poles. The body was then placed upon the stretcher and carried to
the grave by four men. Arriving at the grave the body “was
painted, dressed in his best blanket and beaded mocassins, and
buried along with his ornaments and war weapons. The grave was
three feet deep, lined with rough boards and bark. Over it was
planted an oak post, five feet high, eight inches square, tapering to
a point, which was painted red. The monument was often visited
and long revered by the band. It has disappeared within a few
years.” (Collett, (1), p. 324.) Stretchers similar to the one just
mentioned were undoubtedly used quite extensively by the Indians
in conveying their dead or wounded comrades from place to place.
One, illustrated by Schoolcraft from a painting by Eastman, is now
reproduced in plate 11l,a. “The mode of carrying the sick or wounded
is in a litter on two poles lashed together, and a blanket fastened on
to it.” (Schoolcraft, (2), II, p. 180.) Probably barks, skins, or
mats were used in earlier times, later to be followed by the blankets
obtained from the traders.

The Delaware village of Greentown stood on the left bank of the
Black Fork of the Mohican, in Ashland County, Ohio. The settle-
ment was abandoned in 1812, when the families removed and erected
a new village at Piqua, on the Great Miami. The site of old Green-
town was soon under cultivation by the whites. The area was
examined during the summer of 1876, at which time it was said
“the southern portion of the site is still in woods, and the depres-
sions that mark the graves are quite distinct... . In some cases
the remains were inclosed in a stone cist; in others small, rounded
drift bowlders were placed in order around the skeletons. The long
bones were mostly well preserved. No perfect skull was obtained,
nor were there any stone implements found in the graves. At the
foot of one a clam shell was found. The graves are from two and
one-half to three feet deep, and the remains repose horizontally.”
(Case, (1), p. 598.) The apparent lack of European objects asso-

4Y BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

ciated with these burials is quite contrary to the usual custom. Often
many pieces obtained from the traders are to be found in the later
Indian graves, and an interesting example was discovered at the
site of a large Shawnee town which stood where Frankfort, Ross
County, Ohio, was later reared. From the burial place of the
ancient Indian town “numerous relics are obtained, gun barrels,
copper kettles, silver crosses and brooches, and many other imple-
ments and ornaments.” (Squier and Davis, (1), pp. 60-61.)

Such are the numerous small cemeteries discovered throughout the
region west of the mountains. Each proves the position, at some time,
of a native settlement, some of probably not more than two or three
wigwams, the temporary camping place of a few families during the
hunting or fishing season. Others mark the location of a more im-
portant tribal center. Long after the upper Ohio Valley was aban-
doned by the people who had erected the great earthworks it became
the home of other tribes, or rather it became the hunting grounds of
many tribes, but it was not occupied by any large native towns. Later,
about the beginning of the eighteenth century, when the Shawnees
were forced northward from the valleys of Tennessee, and other Algon-
quian tribes began seeking new homes to the westward beyond the
mountains, the upper valley of the Ohio became repeopled by a native
population, and to these later settlements may be attributed the great
majority of burials now encountered within the region. The towns
were moved from place to place as requirements and natural causes
made necessary, and with each movement a new cemetery was soon
created. Such a movement of the inhabitants of a Shawnee village
about the middle of the eighteenth century is graphically deseribed
in a journal of one who witnessed the catastrophe which made it
necessary :

“On the Ohio, just below the mouth of Scioto, on a high bank,
near forty feet, formerly stood the Shawnesse town, called the Lower
Town, which was all carried away, except three of four houses, by a
great flood in the Scioto. I was in the town at the time, though the
banks of the Ohio were so high, the water was nine feet on the top,
which obliged the whole town to take to their canoes, and move with
their effects to the hills. The Shawnesse afterwards built their town
on the opposite side of the river, which, during the French war, they
abandoned, for fear of the Virginians, and removed to the plains on
Scioto.” (Croghan, (1), p. 368.)

And this was only one of many similar instances where a compara-
tively small number of individuals occupied during a single genera:
tion many sites and left at each site a small group of graves.

Scattered over the western country, throughout the region once fre-
quented by the fur trader and missionary, are often to be found traces

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 43

of their early posts or settlements, and probably many burials which
have erroneously been attributed to the Indians could be traced to
these sources. It has already been shown that at the establishment of
the American Fur Co., standing at Fond du Lac in 1826, were two
small cemeteries, one for the whites and the other for the Indians.
This may have been the custom at many posts, but now, were these
graves examined, it would probably be quite difficult to distinguish
between the two.

An ancient French cemetery evidently stood not far from the banks
of the Illinois, probably within the limits of the present city of Peoria.
It was mentioned just 70 years ago in a description of the valley of
the Illinois, and when referring to the native occupants of the rich and
fertile region:

“This little paradise was until recently possessed by the Peoria
Indians, a small tribe, which has since receded; and tradition says
there was once a considerable settlement of the French on the spot. I
was informed there is an extensive old burial place, not of Indian
origin, somewhere on or near the terrace, and noticed that not a few
of the names and physiognomies in this quarter were evidently
French.” (Paulding, (1), p. 17.)

If discovered at the present time these remains would be in a con-
dition which would make it difficult to distinguish them from those
of Indians, unless associated objects of European origin would serve
to identify them. And down the valley of the Illinois has been dis-
covered a native Indian cemetery dating from about the same period
as the old French cemetery at Peoria. It was evidently one of much
interest. “Upon the banks of the river at Naples are the burying-
grounds of the modern Indian, in which have been found many
stone implements intermingled with civilized manufactures, such as
beads, knives, crosses of silver, and other articles indicating traffic
with the French during, probably, the latter part of the 17th and
the first half of the 18th centuries.... The pottery exhumed
from this ancient cemetery shows that it was the common burial-
place of the race that built at least a part of the mounds.” (Hender-
son, (1), p. 719.)

However, Indians were sometimes buried in the small French
Catholic cemeteries, and it may be recalled that when Pontiac was
murdered, in the year 1769, near the village of the Cahokia, on the
eastern bank of the Mississippi, his body was claimed by the French,
carried across the river in a canoe, and placed in the cemetery belong-
ing to the church. This stood on the summit of the ridge, then
probably surrounded by the virgin forest; now the site is covered by
buildings, on the southeast corner of Fifth and Walnut Streets, in the
city of St. Louis. But all traces of this ancient burying ground have
long since disappeared.

44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71
STONE-LINED GRAVES —

Stone graves—that is, small excavations which were lined or partly
lined with natural slabs of stone—have been encountered in great num-
bers in various parts of the Mississippi Valley. They are discovered
scattered and separate; in other instances vast numbers are grouped to-
gether, thus forming extensive cemeteries. While the great majority
were formed by lining properly prepared excavations, others were
created by erecting one upon another, forming several tiers, and
covering all with earth, so forming a mound. In and about the city
of Nashville, on the banks of the Cumberland, in Davidson County,
Tennessee, such burials have been revealed in such great numbers
that it is within reason to suppose the region was once occupied by a
sedentary people who remained for several generations, and must
have had an extensive village near by. It will be recalled that the
Shawnee occupied the valley in the early years of the eighteenth cen-
tury, and that a French trader was there in 1714. A mound standing
near Nashville was examined in the summer of 1821, and writing of
it Haywood said: “ This is the mound upon which Monsieur Charle-
ville, a French trader, had his store in the year 1714, when. the
Shawanese were driven from the Cumberland by the Cherokees and
Chickasaws. It stands on the west side of the river, and on the north
side of French lick creek, and about 70 yards from each. It is round
at the base. About 30 yards in diameter, and about 10 feet in
height, at this time.” The mound was examined and much charcoal,
traces of fire beds, a few objects of stone, and bits of pottery were
found. And telling of the later history of the mound the writer
continued: “The mound also had been stockaded by the Cherokees
between the years 1758 and 1769... . Very large burying grounds
once lay between the mounds and the river, thence westwardly,
thence to the creek.” (Haywood, (1), pp. 1386-188.)

Although from this statement it would appear that many graves
had already been destroyed before the close of the first quarter of the
last century, nevertheless vast numbers remained to be examined at
a later day. About 20 years after Haywood wrote, another account
of the cemeteries in the vicinity of Nashville was prepared, at which
time it was told that “ We have one near the suburbs of our town,
which extends from near the Cumberland river almost to Mr. Mac-
gavoc’s; it is about one mile in length, how much in breadth I cannot
say, the road and houses cover one side, and a cultivated field the
other; in this field is a tumulus which is now worn down. From the
part that I have examined of this grave-yard, I found that the stone
coffins were close to one another, situated in such a manner that each
corpse was separated only by a single stone from the other; about
one and one-half or two miles from this, on the other side of the

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 45

Cumberland river, is another burying ground, where the graves are
equally numerous. At Cockerel’s Spring, two or two and one-half
miles from the first mentioned, is another; and about; six miles from
Nashville, on the Charlotte road, we have another; at Hayesborough,
another; so that in a circle of about ten miles diameter, we have
six extensive burying grounds. . . . As to the form of the graves,
they are rude fabrics, composed of rough flat stones (mostly a kind
of slaty limestone or slaty sandstone, both abundant in our State).
Such flat stone was laid on the ground in an excavation made for the
purpose; upon it were put (edgewise) two similar stones of about
the same length as the former, and two small ones were put at both
extremities, so as to form an oblong cavity lined with stones, of the
size of a-man; the place for the head and feet had the same dimen-
sions. When a coffin was to be constructed next to it, one of the side
stones serves for both, and consequently they lay in straight rows,
in one layer only, I never found one above the other.” (Troost, (1),
pp. 358-359.)

This very graphic description of a stone grave would apply
equally well to those discovered in widely separated parts of the
country. But it was not always possible to secure pieces of stone of
sufficient size to allow a single one to serve as the side of a grave,
in which event it was necessary to place several on each side. Again,
the graves were made of a size to correspond with that of the body
which was to be placed within it, and therefore they varied in length
and breadth. Others which were prepared to hold a bundle of
bones after the flesh had been removed, or had disappeared, were
quite short—the latter were the “pygmy graves” of the early
writers.

About 9 miles from Nashville is a hill “on which the residence of
Colonel Overton stands ... was in former times occupied by an
aboriginal settlement. The circular depressions of the wigwams are
still visible.” (Jones, Joseph, (1), p. 39.) Many stone graves were
discovered here, “the earth having been excavated to the depth of
about eighteen inches, and the dimensions of the excavation corre-
sponding to the size of the skeleton. The sides of each were lined
with carefully selected stones, forming a perfect parallelogram, with
a single stone for the head and foot. The skeleton or body of the
dead person was then deposited at full length. In the square short
grave the skull was placed in the centre and surrounded by the long
bones.” Jones made another very interesting observation and dis-
covered that “some of the small graves contained nothing more than
bones of small animals and birds. The animals appeared to be a
species of dog, also rabbits, raccoons, and opossums. The bones of
birds appeared to belong to the wild turkey, eagle, owl, hawk, and
wild duck. Occasionally bones of these animals and birds were

46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

found in the large graves along with the bones of human adults.”
(Op. cit., pp. 7-9.)

It may be difficult to determine the explanation of this strange
custom, but similar discoveries have been made elsewhere in the
southern country. Westward, across the Mississippi in Crittenden
and Mississippi Counties, Arkansas, Moore encountered bones of —
birds in graves associated with human remains. Bones identified
belonged to the swan, goose, and turkey. And, as will be shown
later, the Creeks within historic times buried various animals with
or near the déad, and this may have been the survival of a more
ancient custom.

In addition to the extensive cemeteries, similar graves were ar-
ranged above the original surface and a mass of earth reared over
them. A most interesting example of such a mound was described
by Jones. It stood on the bank of a small stream about 10 miles
from Nashville, and measures some 55 feet in diameter and 12 feet in
height, and “contained perhaps one hundred skeletons, the stone
graves, especially towards the center of the mound, were placed one
upon the other, forming in the highest part of the mound three or
four ranges. The oldest and lowest graves were of the small square
variety, whilst those near or upon the summit, were of the natural
length and width of the skeletons within. In this mound as in other
burial places, in the small square stone graves, the bones were fre-
quently found broken, and whilst some graves contained only a por-
tion of an entire skeleton others contained fragments of two or more
skeletons mingled together. The small mound now under considera-
tion, which was one of the most perfect in its construction, and the
lids of the upper graves so arranged as to form an even, round, shelv-
ing rock surface, was situated upon the western slope of a beauti-
ful hill, covered with the magnificent growth of the native forest.
The remains of an old Indian fortification were still evident, sur-
rounding an extensive encampment, and several other mounds. The
graves of the mausoleum which chiefly engaged my attention were
of all sizes, arranged in various directions, with no special reference
to the points of the compass. In a large and carefully constructed
stone tomb, the lid of which was formed of a flat rock over seven
feet in length and three feet in width, I exhumed the bones of what
was supposed to be an ancient Indian chief, who had passed his
hundred summers. The skeleton was about seven feet in length and
the huge jaw had lost every vestige of a tooth, the alveolar processes
being entirely absorbed. From another sarcophagus near the base of
the mound, were exhumed the bones of an Indian of gigantic stature
and powerful frame, who died apparently in middle life.” (Jones,
Joseph. (2).)

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL AT

Another mound of equal interest, although of a somewhat different
interior arrangement, was described by the same writer in the same
manuscript volume. This stood on the eastern bank of the Cumber-
land, opposite Nashville, and just across from the mouth of Lick
Branch. It was about 100 feet in diameter and 10 feet in height, and
near by was a larger mound. “In the centre of the mound, about
three feet from its surface, I encountered a large sacrificial vase, or
altar, forty-three inches in diameter, composed of a mixture of clay
and river shells. The rim of the vase was three inches in height.
The entire vessel had been moulded in a large wicker basket formed
of split canes and the leaves of the cane, the impressions of which
were plainly visible upon the outer surface.” Within this were the
antlers and jaw bone of a deer, and a layer of ashes about 1 inch in
depth which seemed to have been derived from burning animal
matter. “Stone sarcophagi were ranged round the central altar,
with the heads of the dead to the centre, and the feet to the circum-
ference, resembling the radii of a circle. The inner circle of graves
was constructed with great care, and all the Indians buried around
the altar were ornamented with beads of various kinds, some of which
had been cut out of bone, and others again were composed of entire
sea-shells, punctured so as to admit of the passage of the thread upon
which they were strung... . A circle of graves extended around the
inner circle which we have described as radiating from the altar.
The stone coffins of the outer circle lay at right angles to the inner
circle, and rested, as it were, at the feet of the more highly honored
and favored dead. In the outer graves no ornaments were found,
only a few small arrowheads, and fragments of shells and pots.”
Objects of shell, and an effigy vase, copper pendants, etc., were as-
sociated with the burials in the inner circle of graves. Two skeletons
were discovered on the southern slope of the mound, but their graves
had not been lined with stones. Near one, supposed to have been
the remains of a woman, was a beautiful vessel “composed of a
mixture of light yellow clay and shells . . . and was painted with
regular black figures.” Beneath the skull of the second burial,
probably that of a man, “lay a splendid stone hatchet, with the
entire handle, and ring at the end of the handle, cut out of a compact
green chloritic primitive mineral.” (Op. cit.)

Graves in the vicinity of Nashville, as well as elsewhere, were in
some instances lined with fragments of large earthenware vessels,
similar to the one discovered in the mound just described. These
were the great “salt pans,” or evaporating dishes, which may have
been used for various purposes, but primarily for the evaporation
of water from the salines. In referring to pieces of these large
cloth-marked vessels found on different sites near Nashville, it was

AS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

said “ The graves are frequently lined and covered with them, instead
of slabs of stone.” (Thruston, (1), p. 159.) And again (p. 29):
“ Many of the graves in the vicinity of Nashville are lined with large,
thick fragments of broken pottery, as neatly joined together as if
molded for the purpose.” The fragments were merely employed as a
substitute for the thin slabs of stone, and therefore eliminated the
labor of obtaining the latter. The use of similar fragments for a
like purpose, in cemeteries farther north, will be mentioned on a sub-
sequent page.

Stone-lined graves have been discovered in many widely sepa-
rated places, both north and south of the Ohio, but in no other
locality were they so numerous as in the vicinity of Nashville, Ten-
nessee, and seldom were they found so carefully constructed as
there. But the variations in form and size may be attributed rather
to the material available for their lining than to the difference in
the skill of the native by whom they were made. To illustrate the
rariations and the manner in which the graves differed, it will be
necessary to refer briefly to several scattered groups.

During his explorations along the valley of the Tennessee Moore
examined mounds on Swallow Bluff Island, Decatur County, one
of which was some 18 feet in height with a diameter of about 130
feet. This was considered a domiciliary mound, and around the
margin of the summit plateau were discovered numerous stone-lined
graves, but none was found in the central part of the top. An ex-
ample of these burials is illustrated in plate 6, a, showing the grave
after the removal of the cover stones, revealing the partly flexed
skeleton; 6, the same grave before the removal of the cover, but
after the excavation of the superimposed and surrounding mass of
earth. In describing this burial Moore wrote: “ Burial No. 12,
a few inches from the surface, was a fine example of the stone
box-grave, the sides:and ends upright, the covering slabs resting
squarely on them. This grave, oblong, 3 feet 8 inches by 2 feet 5
inches, had the sides and ends of single slabs, except at one point
where there were two slabs. Surrounding the grave small gaps
had been filled with slabs of inconsiderable size; other unimportant
spaces had been left uncovered. The top was composed of three
large slabs forming a single layer, the one at the lower end of the
grave, however, having another slab upon it, forming a double
layer at this place. The inside measurements of this grave were 3
feet 3 inches by 1 foot 8 inches. Its depth was 1 foot 1 inch,”
(Moore, (4), pp. 213-214.)

It is extremely doubtful if the builders of the mound were respon-
sible for the stone graves. The latter were probably of a much
more recent date, and should therefore be regarded as intrusive

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 49

burials. Continuing up the Tennessee, making many interesting dis-
coveries on the way, the party reached Henry Island, near Gunters-
ville, Marshall County, Alabama. At the head of the island were
several mounds, one of which had been worn down to a height of
about 1 foot. Much of the work had evidently been destroyed,
but in the remaining portion were several graves, one of which, a
stone-lined grave, was of much interest. It is shown in plate 7
before and after the removal of the top stones. It had an extreme
outside length of 6 feet 8 inches and a width of 3 feet. Inside it
measured 5 feet 10 inches in length, 2 feet 2 inches in width, and
1 foot 7 inches in depth. “This grave, of the regular stone-box
variety, was made of limestone slabs carefully arranged, the slabs
having been set a number of inches into the ground below the base
of the grave, which was neatly floored with slabs in contact, the
small spaces between the larger ones having been filled with frag-
ments of a suitable size. A large single slab was upright at the
head, which was directed SE.; another, at the feet.” (Moore, (4),
pp. 286-289.)

This grave contained an extended skeleton, determined to have
been that of an adult male.

Similar graves were discovered as far up the river as James
County, Tennessee, a short distance beyond Chattanooga.

A mound in which were many intrusive stone graves, and therefore
resembling the one examined on Swallow Bluff Island, stood on a
high hill about 2 miles from Franklin, Williamson County, 'Tennes-
see. It was about 20 feet in height and 400 feet in circumference. The
mound was examined and “about four feet from the top, we came
to a layer of graves extending across the entire mound. The graves
were constructed in the same manner as those found in the ceme-
teries . . . that is, of two wide parallel slabs, about two and one-
half feet long for sides, and with the bottom, head, and foot stones
of the same material, making when put together, a box or sarcoph-
agus. Each of these coffins had bones in it, some of women and
children together, and others of men.” (Clark, (1), pp. 269-276.)

Two classes of mounds containing stone-lined graves have now
been described. The first had been made up of several tiers of such
graves, reared one upon another, and the whole covered with a mass
of earth; the second class included mounds in which such graves had
later been prepared—intrusive burials in ancient mounds. Another
class, though far less numerous than either of the others, each con-
tained a single large grave. A most interesting example of this type
was discovered and described by Moore. It stood on a high ridge,
overlooking the valley of Green River, in Butler County, Kentucky.

130548 ° —20-——4

50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 71

Here were four mounds within a short distance of one another; each
had contained a single large grave, ail of which had, unfortunately.
been previously excavated. One mound, which measured 21 feet in
diameter, contained a grave which measured inside 7 feet 10 inches
in length and 3 feet 5 inches in width, “ built of slabs and masses of
sandstone and of limestone, the masses in nearly every case showing
flat surfaces which had been utilized in the construction of the grave,
giving it interiorly a comparatively regular surface.” The large
block on the left had been displaced by the roots of the tree. This
large grave “had been regularly built up from the yellow, undis-
turbed clay which served as a foundation, of slabs and blocks laid on
their sides as in the case of walls, to a height of 2 feet 3 inches.”
Many large slabs which lay scattered about were supposed to have
served as the cover of the grave. A few fragments of human bones
were found within the inclosure. (Moore, (5), pp. 485-487.) This
most interesting burial place is shown in plate 8, 6. And how nu-
merous the smaller graves were in the adjacent country may be
learned from these references: In Warren County, “on the north
bank of the river, near Bowling-Green, are a great many ancient
graves, some of them with a row of stones set on edge around them.
These graves, with a large mound on which large trees are growing,
are included within the remains of an old fort built of earth. Some
ancient relics were found here in 1838.” (Collins, (1), p. 542.) And
of the adjoining county of Barren, when referring to a mound on —
Big Barren River, 12 miles from Glasgow, in which stone graves
were found, he said: “ In the neighborhood, for half a mile or more,
are found many of these graves” (p. 176). Again, when writing of
discoveries made in Bourbon County, many miles northeast of the
preceding, he told that “on all of the principal water courses in the
county, Indian graves are to be found, sometimes single, but most
frequently several grouped together. Single graves are usually in-
dicated by broad flat stones, set in the ground edgewise around the
skeleton; but where a number have been deposited together, rude
stone walls were erected around them, and these having fallen in-
wards, the rocks retain a vertical position, sometimes resembling a
rought pavement” (p. 194).

The latter must have resembled the burials encountered along the
summits of the bluffs overlooking the Ohio, in Campbell County,
iXentucky, and elsewhere.

Although stone-lined graves are so numerous in the valleys south
of the Ohio, and may be regarded the most characteristic form of
burial practiced in that region, nevertheless many other types of
graves are to be encountered. During the past few centuries the coun-
try in question was undoubtedly occupied, and possibly reoccupied,
by various tribes belonging to different stocks and possessing unlike

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 51

manners and customs in disposing of their dead. And here, as else-
where east of the Mississippi, are found proofs of such tribal move-
ments. Nor should all burials of a single type be attributed to one
tribe or group of tribes, although there was undoubtedly a strong
tendency to follow a traditional custom, and it is equally true that no
one tribe practiced a single form of burial to the exclusion of all
cthers. In addition to the forms of burial already described, others
are found in the valleys of the streams flowing into the Ohio from
the south, and of the cemeteries thus far discovered one of the most
interesting, and one of unusual form, was encountered near the right
bank of Green River, in Ohio County, Kentucky. Here an area of
more than an acre had become somewhat more elevated than the sur-
rounding surface as the result of long-continued occupancy, the ac-
cumulation of camp refuse, and natural causes. The site was par-
tially examined and 298 burials were revealed. These included both
adults and children. “The graves at this place were in the main
roughly circular or elliptical. Their size, as.a rule, was somewhat
limited, there being usually but little space in them beyond that
needed to accommodate the skeletons which, as a rule, were closely
flexed, purposely, no doubt, for economy of space. In depth the
burials ranged between one foot and eight feet five inches, many of
them ending in the yellow sand (some being 2 feet, 3 feet, or excep-
tionally nearly 4 feet in it) on which rested the made-ground com-
posing the Knoll.” (Moore, (5), pp. 444-480.)

The photograph of one burial, designated as No. 132 in the account,
is shown in plate 8, a. The body had been closely folded and placed
in a circular grave pit having a diameter of about 20 inches. This
will suggest similar burials, some in Ohio, others as far east as
the upper James River Valley, in Virginia. And decidedly different
from any of the preceding was a great communal, or tribal, burial
mound which stood on the lowlands of Buffalo Creek, near the Ohio,
in Union County, Kentucky. The mound was partially examined and
“on the west side bodies were found covered with six feet of earth,
forming there about five separate layers. The bones of the lowest
layer were so tender that they could not be removed. ... It would
appear that the general plan of burial was to scrape the surface free
from all vegetable matter, and deposit the body on its back, with the
head turned to the left side. The bodies at the bottom of the heap, so
far as could be ascertained by the examination, were buried without
weapons, tools, or burial urns. ... To the depth of three feet from
the surface, some of the bodies had with them burial urns... .
Three or four tiers of skeletons, of later burials, were covered with
clay. It is probable that as many as three hundred bodies, infant and
adult, were buried in this mound. ...* Adults and children were
buried together.” (Lyon, (1), pp. 392-405.)

ays BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

This represented a type of burial mound encountered farther up the
valley of the Ohio, a good example of which formerly stood within
the city of Cincinnati. It was “ in the center of the upper and lower
town, on the edge of the upper bank. The principal street leading
from the water is cut through the barrow, and exposes its strata and
remains. ... The dead repose in double horizontal tiers; between
each tier are regular layers of sand, flat surface stones, gravel and
earth. I counted seven tiers, and might have discovered more... .
With the dead were buried their ornaments, arms and utensils.”
(Ashe, (1), pp. 185-190.)

In the extreme northeastern corner of Indiana, almost due north of
the preceding, was another mound of this type. In the southwest
corner of Steuben County, on the north shore of Little Turkey Lake,
stood a group of 10 small mounds. One of the group was examined
and six strata of human remains were revealed, “ distinctly separated.
by thin strata of earth; the skeletons lay on their backs, extended full
length.” Neither pottery nor implements occurred with the remains.
(Levette, (1), p. 443.)

Many groups of stone-lined graves have been discovered north of
the Ohio. The majority of the groups are quite small and usually
occupy a prominent point near a watercourse.

It is a well-established fact that the Kaskaskia, and undoubtedly
members of the other allied Illinois tribes, constructed stone-lined
graves on the bluffs near the Mississippi, not far from the mouth of
the Kaskaskia River, in Randolph County, Illinois, long after the
removal of the Kaskaskia from their ancient village on the upper
Illinois, very early in the eighteenth century. Some graves near the

‘old French village of Prairie du Rocher, a short distance above the
mouth of the Kaskaskia, were evidently made within a century, as
“Mrs. Morude, an old Belgian lady who lives here, informed Mr.
Middleton that when they were grading for the foundation of their
house she saw skulls with the hair still hanging to them taken from
these graves. It is therefore more than probable, and, in fact, is
generally understood by the old settlers of this section, who derived
the information from their parents, that these are the graves of the
Kaskaskia and other Indians who resided here when this part of
Illinois began to be settled by the whites.” (Thomas, (1), p. 136.)

The graves found here were of the usual forms, some containing
skeletons extended at full length, others holding various bones which
had been thus deposited after the removal of all flesh. With some
were small earthenware vessels. but little else was associated with the
fast crumbling remains.

As the Algonquian tribes are known to have occupied both banks
of the Mississippi along this part of its course it is reasonable to
attribute the similar graves encountered on the right bank of the

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 53

stream to the Illinois, who undoubtedly crossed back and forth as
wants and desires made necessary. Across from Kaskaskia, a few
miles northward, was the Saline River, a small stream along which
were many salt springs, and these served to attract both Indians and
French, who, by evaporating the brackish waters, secured a supply
of salt. An extensive camp site stood near the mouth of the Saline,
and stone-lined graves cov-
ered the summits of the sur-
rounding hills. Four graves
were encountered on the
highest point just south of
the site and proved of more
than ordinary interest. None
of the small group contained
an extended burial, but in
one which measured 5 feet
in length and 18 inches in
width were seven skulls and
a large quantity of separated
bones, all in a greatly decom-
posed condition. Another of
the graves presented several
very interesting and unusual
features. “The pieces of
limestone used in forming
the walls and bottom were
rather smaller than were
often employed. The ex-
treme length was just 6 feet,
and the width at the widest
point 15 inches. This was
divided into two compart-
ments, the larger being 4 feet
6 inches in length. In this
were the bones of a single
skeleton, disarticulated be-
fore burial. Near the skull lay a small earthen vessel (Cat. No.
278697, U.S.N.M.), which was saved. The smaller compartment was
occupied solely by a skull, facing upward, and resting upon the stone
which formed the bottom of the grave. It was quite evident that
both sections were constructed at the same time, as stones on the
bottom extended on both sides of the partition, and likewise the stone
on the north wall. Another curious feature of this grave was the
converging of the north and south walls to complete the inclosure

Vig. 3.—Stone-lined grave, Ste. Genevieve, Mo.

54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [pute 71

at-the eastern end.” (Bushnell, (2), p. 653.) The grave is shown
in figure 3.

It was not possible to determine the extent of the ancient cemetery
of which these four graves formed a part, but originally it may have
been quite large. From the high point occupied by this group of
burials it was possible to obtain a wide view of the valley across the
old bed of the Mississippi to the bluffs beyond
the Kaskaskia, and to see the site of the Kas-
kaskia town, created soon after the tribe had
left their older village on the banks of the
Tilinois. It is a region possessing much nat-

Fie. 4.—Small cemetery, Jefferson County, Missouri.

ural beauty, ideally suited to a large native population, such as it
undoubtedly sustained during the days before the coming of the
French.

Many similar groups of graves are scattered along the bluffs bor-
dering the Mississippi and are less numerous inland. The salt springs
of Jefferson County, Missouri, a little more than halfway between
the mouth of the Saline on the south and the Missouri on the north,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 55

served to attract the Indians, as did the springs near the former
stream, already mentioned. About a mile inland from the smal] vil-
lage of Kimmswick, up the valley of Rock Creek, were discovered
several small cemeteries in the vicinity of springs. One occupied a
small level area just above the principal spring, and when examined
proved of the greatest interest. A plan of this curious group is given
in figure 4, and as it included many uncommon features it may be of
interest to describe the burials in detail. Pottery on the sides and
bottoms of the graves refers to the use of fragments of large earthen-
ware vessels in the place of stones.

I. Stone at head, pottery bottom. Contained two skulls and many
bones. Length 4 feet 2 inches.

II. Stones at ends, pottery sides and bottom. Traces of bones.
Length 3 feet, width 1 foot, depth 11 inches.

III. Stone sides and ends, pottery bottom. Extended skeleton.
Length 6 feet 4 inches, width 1 foot 6 inches.

IV. Stone at head, also large stone covering skull. Bones bunched.

V. Stone sides and ends, two layers of pottery on bottom. Two
skulls rested upon many bones. Earthenware dish between the skulls.

VI. Pottery sides, ends, and bottom. Traces of extended skeleton.
Length 4 feet 6 inches.

VII. Similar to preceding.

VIII. Stone sides, ends, and bottom. Contained four radii and
four ulne, no other bones. Also eight bone implements and a per-
forated disk of wood, discolored by, and showing traces of, a thin
sheet of copper. Length 2 feet 6 inches, width 11 inches, depth about
1 foot.

IX. Pottery sides, bottom, and ends, with one stone covering the
entire grave. One skull and many bones. Length about 3 feet.

X. End stones and two on north side remain, others fallen away.

XI. Stone sides and ends. Contained two skeletons, one above the
other, separated by a layer of slabs of limestone extending from, the
shoulders to the feet. Length 6 feet 3 inches, width 1 foot 9 inches,
depth 1 foot 8 inches.

XII. Stone ends, pottery bottom. Traces of small skeleton ex-
tended. Length about 5 feet.

XIII. Stone sides and ends. Traces of bones. Length about 5 feet.

XIV. Pottery sides, ends, and bottom. Was reduced in size. One
skull rested on mass of bones.

XV. Pottery sides and ends. Small skeleton extended. Length
4 feet. .

XVI. Stene sides and ends. Two skulls and scattered bones.
Length 2 feet 5 inches, width 1 foot 4 inches.

56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

XVII. Pottery top and bottom. Traces of bones. Length about
4 feet.

XVIII. Similar to preceding.

XIX. Pottery bottom. Traces of small skeleton extended. Length
about 4 feet.

XX. Stone ends, pottery bottom. No traces of bones. Contained
a large piece of galena. Length 3 feet 10 inches.

XXI. Stone ends, pottery bottom. Three skulls rested upon many
bones. Length 3 feet 4 inches.

XXII. Pottery bottom. Traces of small skeleton extended.

Thus it will be seen how great a variety of burials may be found
in a single small cemetery. The bodies, when placed in the graves,
were probably wrapped in mats or skins, which have long since
disappeared, and in some instances bark may have served as a par-
tial lining for the graves. This may explain the peculiar arrange-
ment of XVIT, XVITI, XIX, and others. The use of fragmentary
pottery will recall the similar use of pieces of large vessels by the
people who constructed the cemeteries in the vicinity of Nashville.
The heads of all the bodies deposited in the graves just described
were placed between N. 5° W. and S. 80° W. (magnetic). (Bush-
nell, (3), pt. 1.)

About 4 miles northwest of the preceding site, on the right bank
of the Meramec, some 3 miles above its junction with the Mississippi,
were many other graves, some of which were examined. Two of
this group are shown in plate 9, a being that of a small child, with
the bottom formed by a single stone; 6 that of an adult female.
Large cemeteries are to be found on the Missouri shore north of the
Missouri River, and it is interesting to know that intrusive stone
graves were discovered near the summit of the “Big Mound” in
St. Louis when it was removed in 1869.

Now, as to the age of the stone-lined graves. From the account
of the old inhabitants in the vicinity of Prairie du Rocher it is quite
evident that many in that locality were constructed by members of
the Illinois tribes after the middle of the eighteenth century, al-
though it is remarkable that objects of European origin are seldom,
if ever, met with in burials along the banks of the Mississippi. Nev-
ertheless such objects have been discovered in similar graves to the
eastward. A large cemetery has been described in the northwestern
part of Sullivan County, Indiana, near the left bank of the Wabash.
It is said to cover a space 150 feet in width by 650 feet in length.
The graves were lined with pieces of sandstone, and when first seen
the stones extended above the surface. The bottom of the burials
averaged about 2 feet below the surface, and in some graves as many as
five skeletons have been revealed. In some of these stone-lined graves

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 57

gun barrels, iron knives, and other articles of European origin have
been discovered, consequently they may not be older than those justly
attributed to the Kaskaskia and their neighbors.

One other cemetery may be mentioned to show the wide distribu-
tion of this form of burial, although in the manner of covering the
graves the makers differed somewhat from the usual method. The
cemetery in question was in the southeastern part of Geauga County,
in the far northeast corner of Ohio. Here “the graves were mostly
constructed of flat stones, placed on edge at the sides and ends. They
were paved and covered with the same flagging stones. ... Over

Fic. 5.—Small mortuary bowl.

these were piled loose stones. The location is a side hill, with a
descent to the east. In one place the graves extended several rods
up the hill in a line in such a manner that the foot of one grave made
the head of the next and were all covered by a continuous pile of
loose stone. This burial place has been almost entirely despoiled.”
(Luther, (1), p. 593.) |

No other form of burial is more widely dispersed in eastern United
States than that just described, and stone-lined graves have been en-
countered up the valley of the Ohio into Pennsylvania, western
Maryland, and Virginia, and farther south they have been traced

58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

along the Tennessee from its mouth to the mountains, and a few
scattered examples have been discovered in northern Georgia. Nat-
urally the kind of stone with which they were lined differed in widely
separated localities, but graves so formed appear to have been con-
structed wherever suitable material was available, irrespective of
the tribe who may have claimed or occupied the region.

An interesting fact was revealed as a result of the exploration
of the small groups of graves on the right bank of the Missssippi,
already mentioned. In one of the four graves discovered on the
ridge just below the mouth of the Saline were two small bowls, each
about 4 inches in diameter and somewhat less in depth. They were
made of clay without the admixture of crushed shell or sand. Both
were very thin and fragile and would have been of no practical
use to the living, and differed materially from all vessels apparently
made for actual use in the wigwam. Many similar pieces, of the
same size and material, were recovered from the graves farther
north near Kimmswick, and the near-by burial places. The dis-
covery of so many such bowls associated with burials leads to the
belief that they were made solely for use in connection with burial
ceremonies, and the finding of these small mortuary vessels in dif-
ferent localities proved the connection of the people by whom the
sites were occupied. The bowl found in Grave III is shown in
figure 5.

INCLOSURES IN MOUNDS

No attempt will be made at the present time to refer in detail to
the many forms and variations of burials discovered in mounds
north of the Ohio. Many reveal the bodies in an extended position,
others in different degrees of folding, and in numerous instances the
remains had been cremated and only the ashes placed in the tombs.
In some mounds, evidently in some way associated with the human
remains, are quantities of scattered animal bones often intermingled
with wood ashes and charcoal, suggesting a feast or sacrifice at the
time of burial of the dead. Again, many small masses of ashes dis-
covered in mounds containing other forms of burials may be the
cremated remains of some who had died away from their home vil-
lage, and whose bodies had been burned by their companions, the
ashes gathered up, and so carried to their homes. This, as told
elsewhere in this sketch, was a recognized custom of the tribes of this
region. But among the innumerable burials thus revealed are sey-
eral distinct types, and the most interesting, excepting only the great
structures encountered in southern Ohio, are the works in which
the human remains had first been inclosed, or surrounded by walls
of stones or logs, and in some instances of both stones and logs,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 59

The vaults so made were often covered and floored with sheets of
bark, logs, stones, or a combination of the different materials. In
some the logs were placed upright, in others horizontally, but these
details in construction may have been from individual tastes of the
makers rather than proving any tribal custom. One of the most re-
markable of these structures, one among the first of the ancient
works to attract the attention of early travelers and to be described
by them, is the high, conical mound near the left bank of the Ohio,
in Marshall County, West Virginia, usually known as the Grave
Creek Mound. And to quote from a work of 70 years ago, “The
Grave creek mound, although it has often been described, deserves,
from its size and singularity of construction, more than a passing
notice. It is situated on the plain, at the junction of Grave creek
and the Ohio river, twelve miles below Wheeling. * * * It is
one of the largest in the Ohio valley; measuring about seventy fect

Fig. 6.—Grave Creek Mound.

in height, by one thousand in circumference at the base. It was
excavated by the proprietor in 1838. He sank a shaft from the apex
of the mound to the base [fig. 6, a, b,| intersecting it at that point
by a horizontal drift [@, e, ¢,]. It was found to contain two sepul-
chral chambers, one at the base [a], and another thirty feet above
[ce]. These chambers had been constructed of logs, and covered
with stones, which had sunk under the superincumbent mass as the
wood decayed, giving the summit of the mound a flat or rather dish-
shaped form. The lower chamber contained two human skeletons
(one of which was thought to be that of a female); the upper
chamber contained but one skeleton in an advanced stage of decay.
With these were found between three and four thousand shell beads,
a number of ornaments of mica, several bracelets of copper, and
various articles carved in stone. After the excavation of the mound,
a light three-story wooden structure was erected upon its summit.”
(Squier and Davis, (1), pp. 168-169.) A view of the mound, figure
56 in the work quoted, is reproduced in plate 15.

A mound of rather unusual form, covering a log inclosure, stood in
Hocking County, Ohio. A plan of this work is produced in figure 7.

60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY . [BULL. 71

It must have been the tomb of an important person, the burial
place of some great man, highly esteemed by his companions. The
mound is, as shown in the plan, surrounded by a ditch and embank-
ment. “The mound, which covers the entire area, save a harrow
strip here and there, is 115 feet long and 96 feet wide at base, with

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Tic. 7.—Inclosure in mound, Hocking County, Ohio.

a height of 23 feet. . . . The surrounding wall and ditch are
interrupted only by the gateway at the east, which is about 30 feet
wide. The ditch is 3 feet deep and varies in width from 20 to 23
feet. ‘The wall averages 20 feet in breadth and is from 1 foot to 3
feet high.” The upper 5 feet of the mound was of yellow clay, the
balance of the work being formed of dark surface soil. “At the base,
30 feet from the south margin, was a bed of burnt clay, on which
were coals and ashes. In the center, also at the base, were the re-

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 61

mains of a square wooden vault. The logs of which it was built were
completely decayed, but the molds and impressions were still very
distinct, so that they could be easily traced. This was about 10 feet
square, and the logs were of considerable size, most of them nearly
or quite a foot in diameter. At each corner had been placed a stout
upright post, and the bottom, judging by the slight remains found
there, had been wholly or partially covered with poles. . . . Near
the center was the extended skeleton of an adult, head south, with
which were enough shell beads to make a string 9 yards in length.”
(Thomas, (1), pp. 446-449.)

Quite similar to the preceding was a burial discovered in Ross
County, Ohio. This mound, having a height of 22 feet and a diame-
ter of 90 feet, stood on the third terrace of the Scioto, about 5 miles
below Chillicothe. During the course of the exploration of the work
a stratum of ashes and charcoal was encountered at a depth of 10
feet below the summit. ‘This mass was from 2 to 6 inches in thick-
ness and about 10 feet square, and “ at the depth of 22 feet, and on a
level with the original surface, immediately underneath the charcoal
layer . . . was a rude timber framework now reduced to an al-
most impalpable powder, but the cast of which was still retained in
the hard earth. This inclosure of timber, measured from outside to
outside, was 9 feet long by 7 wide, and 20 inches high. It had been
constructed of logs laid one on the other, and had evidently been
covered with other timbers, which had sunk under the superincum-
bent earth as they decayed. The bottom had also been covered with
bark, matting, or thin slabs—at any rate, a whitish stratum of de-
composed material remained, covering the bottom of the parallelo-
gram. Within this rude coffin, with its head to the west, was found
a human skeleton.” And associated with the human remains were
many beads, again resembling the similar burial in Hocking County.
(Squier, (2), pp. 164-167.)

Burials of a like nature have been discovered westward to the Mis-
sissippl, some very interesting examples having been found in the
valley of the Illinois and the circumjacent country.

A stone inclosure discovered in a mound in Rush County, Indiana,
about 34 miles southwest of the village of Milroy, may be considered
a typical example of this form of burial. The mound was 5 feet in
height and 30 feet in diameter. It stood “on a bluff 20 feet high, at
the foot of which flows the stream Little Flat Rock. . . . Inside
of it was what might be termed a stone wall inclosing 10 feet
square of the mound. Though the wall was not of perfect masonry,
yet very evidently it was built for some purpose. . . . On top
was common soil 18 inches deep, then clay, next clay and ashes, with
coal mixed in jt 2 feet thick; then a hardpan of clay, on top of

62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

which were three human adult skeletons and the skull of an infant,
all side by side, with their feet toward the east. Around the neck
of one were a number of copper and bone beads, the latter of which
crumbled immediately. The copper ones were made of sheet copper
rolled up.” (Jackson, (1), pp. 374-376.)

A mound in Whiteside County, Illinois, was found to cover an in-
closure built of the “ fossiliferous limestone common in the neigh-
borhood. It was about three feet high, two feet thick at the top, and
three feet at the base, piled up loosely, the lower stones broad and
flat, rather heavier than one man could well carry. This inclosure
was entirely at one side of the center of the mound.” The inclosure
was about 10 feet square and within it were human remains. (Pratt,
(1), pp. 354-361.)

All stone inclosures were not rectangular as were the two examples
just described. Some were circular or oval in outline, and some of
these were so formed as to converge near the top. Mounds of this
nature are said to be quite numerous in Cass County, Illinois, where
they occupy the summits of bluffs overlooking the Sangamon.
“ Rarely exceeding eight or ten feet in height by twenty to thirty in
diameter, and more frequently met of much smaller dimensions. The
mode of inhumation in mounds of this kind consisted in placing the
body or bodies (for they contain from one to six or eight each) of
the deceased upon the ground in a sitting or squatting posture, with
the face to the east, and inclosing them with a rudely-constructed
circular wall of rough, undressed stones, which was gradually con-
tracted at the top, and finally covered over with a single broad stone
slab, over all of which the earth was heaped.” Implements of bone,
a few flint implements, and fragments of pottery of a poor quality
are found in these burials. “ I would conclude that the class of earth-
works under consideration were very old were it not for the singular
fact that in one of them, a few years ago, the decayed bones of a
single individual were found, with a few flint arrow points, a small
earthen cup or vase, and a zron gun-barrel very much corroded.”
(Snyder, (1), p. 572.)

The discovery of the gun barrel in one of the mounds proves the
latter to have been reared within two and one half centuries, un-
doubtedly since the middle of the seventeenth century. Evidently
the region was at one time comparatively thickly peopled. On the
(VAnville map, published in 1755, the Sangamon appears as the
Emicouen R. On the left bank of the stream, some 35 miles above
its junction with the Illinois, is indicated the site of the Ancien
village des Metchigamias. The Michigamea was a tribe of the Illinois
confederacy, and were first visited by Marquette when he descended
the Mississippi in 1678. At that time their village was on the west

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 63

side of the Mississippi, in the northeast corner of the present State
of Arkansas. The source of the statement on the map is not known.
If, however, this was the early home of the tribe, it would be reason-
able to attribute to them certain of the burial mounds standing in
‘the valley of the Sangamon, although they may have moved south-
ward before the Illinois obtained firearms. In later years the Kick-
apoo occupied a village on the Sangamon, but the exact location
is not known. It was evidently protected by a palisade, for in men-
tioning it a century ago it was said, “This fortification is distin-
guished by the name of Etnataek. It is known to have served as an
intrenchment to the Kickapoos and Foxes, who were met there and
defeated by the Potawatomis, the Ottowas, and the Chippewas.”
(Keating, (1), I, p.171.)° And according to the late Dr. William Jones,
whose knowledge of the Algonquian language will probably never be
equaled by another, the name /tnataek may have been derived from
atanataheg', signifying “where the battle, fight, or clubbing took
place.”

The burial mound on the Sangamon Bluff, in which the gun was
discovered, may have been erected by the Kickapoo after the valley
was abandoned by the Michigamea, and the Kickapoo may likewise
have been the builders of other similar works occurring in the coun-
try which they once occupied. :

A very remarkable example of rectangular stone inclosure was dis-
covered in a mound on a bluff overlooking: the Mississippi, in the
town of Dunleith, Jo Daviess County, Illinois. This is the extreme
northwest corner of the State, and the mound was one of a large
group. Its height was about 10 feet, with a diameter of 65 feet. To
quote the description of the interior: “ The first six feet from the top
consisted of hard gray earth. . . . This covered a vault built in part
of stone and in part of round logs. When fully uncovered this was
found to be a rectangular crypt, inside measurement showing it to
be thirteen feet long and seven feet wide. The four straight, sur-
rounding walls were built of small unhewn stones to the height of
three feet and a foot or more in thickness. Three feet from each end
was a cross wall or partition of like character, thus leaving a central
chamber seven feet square, and a narrow cell at each end about two
feet wide and seven feet long. This had been entirely covered with a
single layer of round logs, varying in diameter from six to twelve
inches, laid close together side by side across the width of the vault,
the ends resting upon and extending to uneven lengths beyond the
side walls.” In the central space were 11 human skeletons, as indi-
cated in the drawings, figure 8 showing a section of the mound and
figure 9 a ground plan of the inclosure. “They had all apparently
been interred at one time as they were found arranged in a circle in a

64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

sitting posture, with backs against the walls. In the center of the
space around which they were grouped was a fine large shell, Busy-
con perversum, which had been converted into a drinking cup by
removing the columella. Scattered around this were quite a number
of pieces of broken pottery. The end cells, walled off as heretofore
stated, were nearly filled with a fine chocolate-colored dust, which,

f
ial oy,

: a h m

Me aerate ete eam
396°C
Miaka 2 a cn.

Fig. 8.—Mound in Jo Daviess County, Illinois, section.

when first uncovered, gave out such a sickening odor that it was
found necessary to suspend operations until the next day in order to
give it time to escape. . . . The covering consisted of oak logs, nearly
all of which had been peeled and some of the larger ones somewhat
squared by slabbing off the sides before being put in place. ac
(Thomas, (1), pp. 115-117.) Similar inclosures were discovered in

Fic. 9.—Mound in Jo Daviess County, Illinois, base.

other mounds of the group. The true nature of the “fine chocolate-
colored dust” was not determined.

While the preceding was one of the most perfectly formed stone
inclosures ever found east of the Mississippi and represents a cer-
tain high degree of skill of the people by whom it was constructed,
another a short distance northward may be regarded as exemplify-
ing the other extreme. This refers to a small mound, one of a
group, on a bluff overlooking the Mississippi about 1 mile above
Lynxville, Crawford County, Wisconsin. It was 17 feet in diameter

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 65

and 24 feet in height. It covered a stone vault “ which, though only
about three and one-half feet wide and of the form shown in the
figure, extended from the top of the mound down a foot or more
below the natural surface of the ground. This contained a single
skeleton in a half-upright position. The head was southwest, the
feet northeast. Near the right hip was a discoidal stone. There
were no traces of coals or ashes in this mound.” (Thomas, (1), p.
72.) The ground plan is indicated in figure 10.

The hollowing out of a central space in the original surface, thus
forming a resting place for the body or bodies, later to be entirely
covered by a mass of earth, appears to have been a well-developed
custom of the people who reared the many mounds in southern Wis-
~ consin and the adjoining country, but seldom do such works com-
bine this feature with the stone in-
closure as discovered in the small
mound mentioned above.

The inclosures described are good
examples of this peculiar form of
tomb, but they are not confined to
the country “east of the Mississippi,
and many have been discovered ex- aN
tending across the State of Missouri,
up the valley of the Missouri.

(Fowke, (2).) It is one of the most
distinctive forms of burial encoun-
tered in eastern United States, and !1¢. 10—Mound in Crawford County,

: Pits : : Wisconsin.
likewise one of the most interesting.

The numerous small burial mounds of Wisconsin do not reveal
much of interest. They often occur in irregular groups, in some in-
‘stances being associated with the effigies. Entire skeletons are found
in some, but in others the burials are represented by a confused
mass of bones. The mounds are seldom more than 10 feet in height,
often quite steep, and consequently of a relatively small diameter.
Little can be added to the account prepared more than 60 years
ago. (Lapham, (1).)

rays)

BURIALS IN CAVES

The early settlers of eastern Tennessee, eastern Kentucky, and the
adjoining region discovered many caves of varying sizes in the
broken, mountainous country. In many instances human remains
which had been deposited in the caverns, together with the garments
and wrappings of tanned skins or woven fibers, were found in a

130548 °—20——5

66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

remarkable state of preservation, having been thus preserved by the
natural salts which abounded within the caves. Fortunately several
very clear and graphic accounts of such discoveries were prepared.
One most interesting example, then recently made in a cave in Bar-
ren County, Kentucky, was described in a letter written August 24,
1815: “In exploring a caleareous chamber in the neighborhood of
Glasgow, for saltpetre, several human bodies were found enwrapped
carefully in skins and cloths. They were inhumed below the floor
of the cave; inhwmed, not lodged in catacombs. ... The outer
envelope of the body is a deer skin, probably dried in the usual way,
and perhaps softened before its application, by rubbing. The next
covering is a deer skin, whose hair had been cut away by a sharp

instrument. . . . The next wrapper is of cloth, made of twine doubled
and twisted. But the thread does not appear to have been formed by
the wheel, nor the web by the loom. . . . The innermost tegument is

a mantle of cloth like the preceding; but furnished with large brown
feathers, arranged and fastened with great art, so as to be capable
of guarding the living wearer from wet and cold. The plumage is
distinct and entire, and the whole bears a near similitude to the
feathery cloaks now worn by the nations of the n.*w. coast of
America. .. . The body is in a squatting posture. ... There is a
deep and extensive fracture of the skull near the occiput. . . . The
skin has sustained little injury. ... The scalp, with small excep-
tions, is covered with sorrel or foxy hair.” (Mitchill, (1), pp. 318-
321.)

Four years earlier a similar discovery was made about 100 miles
to the southward, near the center of the State of Tennessee. The
entire account is quoted.

“In the spring of the year 1811, was found in a copperas cave in
Warren County, in West Tennessee, about 15 miles southwest from
Sparta, and 20 from McMinnville, the bodies of two human beings,
which had been covered by the dirt or ore from which copperas was
made. One of these persons was a male, the other a female. They
were interred in baskets, made of cane, curiously wrought, and evi-
dencing great mechanic skill. They were both dislocated at the hip
joint, and were placed erect in the baskets, with a covering made of
cane to. fit the baskets in which they were placed. The flesh of these
persons was entire and undecayed, of a brown dryish colour, pro-
duced by time, the flesh having adhered closely to the bones and
sinews. Around the female, next her body, was placed a well dressed
deer skin. Next to this was placed a rug, very curiously wrought,
of the bark of a tree and feathers. The bark seemed to have been
formed of small strands well twisted. Around each of these strands,
feathers were rolled, and the whole woven into a cloth of firm texture,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 67

after the manner of our coarse fabrics. This rug was about three
feet wide, and between six and seven in length. The whole of the
ligaments thus framed of bark, were completely covered by the
feathers, forming a body of about one eighth of an inch in thick-
ness, the feathers extending about one quarter of an inch in length
from the strand to which they were confined. The appearance was
highly diversified by green, blue, yellow and black, presenting dif-
ferent shades of colour when reflected upon by the light in different
positions. The next covering was an undressed deer skin, around
which was rolled, in good order, a plain shroud manufactured after
the same order as the one ornamented with feathers. This article
resembled very much in its texture the bags generally used for the
purpose of holding coffee exported from the Havanna to the United
States. The female had in her hand a fan formed of the tail feathers
of a turkey. The points of these feathers were curiously bound by
a buckskin string well dressed, and were thus closely bound for about
one inch from the points. About three inches from the point they
were again bound, by another deer skin string, in such a manner
that the fan might be closed and expanded at pleasure. Between the
feathers and this last binding by the string, were placed around each
feather, hairs which seem to have been taken from the tail of a deer.
This hair was dyed of a deep scarlet red, and was one third at least
longer than the hairs of the deer’s tail in this climate generally are.

“The male was interred sitting in a basket, after the same manner
as the former, with this exception, that he had no feathered rug,
neither had he a fan in his hand. The hair which still remained on
their heads was entire. . . . The female was, when she deceased, of
about the age of 14. The male was somewhat younger. The cave
in which they were found, abounded in nitre, copperas, alum and
salts. The whole of this covering, with the baskets, was perfectly
sound, without any marks of decay.” (Haywood, (1), pp. 163-165.)

A somewhat similar burial was encountered in a rock shelter on
the bank of Cliff Creek, Morgan County, Tennessee, in 1885. This
was some miles northeast of the cave described in 1811. The burial
was reached at a depth of 34 feet in earth strongly charged with nitre.
Rolled up in a large split-cane mat were very remarkable examples
of aprons made of Indian hemp (A pocynum cannabinum), skeins of
vegetal fiber, a dog’s skull, some bone implements, fragments of
human bones, and some hair. All were inclosed in the mat, and
together with it were preserved by the natural salts. The speci-
mens are now in the United States National Museum, Washington.
(Holmes, (1), p. 30.)

While the preceding burials do not appear to have been placed in
prepared graves, other instances have been recorded where the bodies

68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 71

had been inclosed in a cavity protected by flat stones, thus resembling
the stone-lined graves of the region. Such were the conditions
revealed in a cave some 4 miles distant from Mammoth Cave, in
Warren County, Kentucky. Here the remains were * found at the
depth of about ten feet from the surface of the cave, placed in a
sitting posture, incased in broad stones, standing on their edges, with
a flat stone covering the whole. It was enveloped in coarse clothes
. . . the whole wrapped in deer skins, the hair of which was shaved
off in the manner in which Indians prepare them for market. KEn-
closed in the stone coffin, were the working utensils, beads, feathers,
and other ornaments of dress, which belonged to her. .. . This place
the cave had evident marks of having once been the residence of the
aborigines of the country, from the quantity of ashes, and the remains
of fuel, and torches made of reed, &c. which were found in it.” Other
remains had been discovered in this cave previously to the one just
described. This was written October 2, 1817. (Wilkins, (1), pp.
361-364.)

Differing from all the cave burials now mentioned, in which the re-
mains had been carefully prepared and wrapped, then deposited with
various ornaments, was a discovery made about 14 miles northeast of
Hardinsburgh, Breckinridge County, Kentucky. Here a great mass
of bones was found. ‘“ The cavern is open toward the south, the over-
hanging roof protecting the space below from exposure to the ele-
ments from above, while immense masses of fallen rock make a wall
from ten to twelve feet high, directly in front, between which and
the rear wall of the cavern the deposit containing the human remains

vas found. This deposit consists almost entirely of wood ashes. .. .
The deposit is about eight by fifteen feet superficial measure, and
was about seven feet in depth. In it, without order, were found
thirty or more human skeletons, nearly all with a flat stone laid upon
their heads. There were infants and adults promiscuously buried at
various depths in the ashes, and at the bottom, on a layer of broken
stones, some charred human remains were found. . . . Mingled with
these remains many flint and other stone implements and weapons
were found, with a few fragments of rude pottery.” (Robertson,
(1), p. 367.)

Resembling the preceding was a cave in Marshall County, Alabama,
about 1 mile west of Guntersville, a short distance from the bank of
the Tennessee. “Its floor is covered to the depth of four feet with
fragments of human bones, earth, ashes, and broken stones. This
fragmentary condition of the deposits is chiefly due to the fact that
they have been repeatedly turned over by treasure hunters. Much
of this deposit has been hauled away in sacks for fertilizing the
land. The number of dead deposited here must have been very great,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 69

for, notwithstanding so much has been removed, there is yet a depth
of four feet, chiefly of broken human bones.” (Thomas, (1), p. 285.)

Other instances are recorded where a small room or cavity within
a large cave had evidently been set apart and converted into a tomb.
Haywood mentioned a cave “near the confines of Smith and Wilson
Counties, on the south side of Cumberland river, about 22 miles above
Cairo, on the waters of Smith’s Fork of Cany Fork.” The outer
portion of the cave was examined and small cavities were entered
through natural passages. They reached “ another small aperture,
which also they entered, and went through, when they came into a
narrow room, 25 feet square. Every thing here was neat and smooth.
The room seemed to have been carefully preserved for the reception
and keeping of the dead. In this room, near about the centre, were -
found sitting in baskets made of cane, three human bodies; the flesh
entire, but a little shrivelled, and not much so. The bodies were those
of aman, a female and a small child. . . . The man was wrapped in

14 dressed deer skins. The 14 deer skins were wrapped in what those
present called blankets. They were made of bark. ... The form of
the baskets which enclosed them was pyramidal, being larger at the
bottom, and declining to the top. The heads of the skeletons, from
the neck, were above the summits of the blankets.” (Haywood, (1),
pp. 191-192.) This would have been near the center of the State of
Tennessee.

The same writer records another example quite like the preceding.
(Op. cit., p. 195.) This was in Giles County, Tennessee, which touches
the Alabama line. The cave was on the east bank of a creek, 74 miles
north of the village of Pulaski. The cave contained several cavities
or rooms, “ the first 15 feet wide, and 27 long; 4 feet deep, the upper
part of solid and even rock. In the eave was a passage, which had
been so artfully covered that it escaped detection till lately.” When
the stones closing the opening had been removed, and the cavity en-
tered, human bones were found scattered over the floor, which had
been formed of “ flat stones of a bluish hue, being closely joined to-
gether, and of different forms and sizes.”

Various other burials, similar to those already mentioned, could be
described, but without adding materially to the details. Many such
discoveries were undoubtedly made by the early settlers and pioneers,
all traces of which have been lost and to which no references have been
preserved. It is within reason to attribute these burials in caves to
the same people who constructed the stone-lined graves, but in the lat-
ter all objects and material of a perishable nature have long since
disappeared, whereas garments and wrappings when deposited in
caves in contact with certain natural salts have been preserved.
Therefore, if the hypothesis is correct, and the builders of the stone-

70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

lined graves were the same people who would often deposit their
dead in the natural caverns, many of the bodies when placed in the
graves would probably have been similarly wrapped in skins or
pieces of woven fiber, some decorated with feathers, some plain. But
now little is encountered in the graves in addition to crumbling, de-
caying bones.

The manner in which some of the cave burials had been prepared,
with the outer wrappings formed of mats of cane or rushes, tends to
recall Lawson’s account of the burial customs of the Carolina tribes
with whom he came in contact very early in the eighteenth century.
And undoubtedly there was intercourse between the occupants of the
villages along the eastern slopes, in the western portion of the present
State of North Carolina, and the people who claimed and occupied
the valleys across the mountains. All may have had various customs
in common.

TROQUOIAN GROUPS

Troquoian tribes occupied the greater part of the present State of
New York, forming the League of the Iroquois, which often held the
balance of power between the French and British colonies. Towns
were numerous and frequently consisted of a strongly protected
group of bark-covered houses, including the extended communal
dwellings, some of which were 80 feet or more in length. The five
nations of the league were the Mohawk, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga,
and Seneca. The Susquehanna, met by a party of Virginia colonists
in 1608 near the mouth of the stream which bears the tribal name,
the Cherokee of the southern mountain country, and the Tuscarora
and neighboring tribes, were members of this linguistic family. The
Tuscarora moved northward early in the eighteenth century and in
1722 became the sixth nation of the league.

THE FIVE NATIONS

Writing of the Iroquois or Five Nations, during the early years of
the eighteenth century, at a time when they dominated the greater
part of the present State of New York, it was said: “Their funeral
Rites seem to be formed upon a Notion of some Kind of Existence
after Death. They make a large round Hole, in which the Body can
be placed upright, or upon its Haunches, which after the Body is
placed in it, is covered with Timber, to support the Earth which they
lay over, and thereby keep. the Body free from being pressed; they
then raise the Earth in a round Hill over it. They always dress the
Corps in all its Finery, and put Wampum and other Things into the
Grave with it; and the Relations suffer not Grass or any Weed to

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL rel

grow on the Grave, and frequently visit it with Lamentations.”
(Colden, (1), p. 16.)

The circular mound of earth over the grave was likewise men-
tioned a century earlier, having been seen at the Oneida village
which stood east of the present Munnsville, Madison County, New
York. ‘“ Before we reached the castle we saw three graves, just like
our graves in length and height; usually their graves are round.
These graves were surrounded with palisades that they had split from
trees, and they were closed up so nicely that it was a wonder to see.
They were painted with red and white and black paint; but the
chief’s grave had an entrance, and at the top of that was a big wooden
bird, and all around were painted dogs and deer and snakes, and
other beasts.” (Van Curler, (1), p. 92.)

Within recent years a cemetery has been discovered about 2 miles
northeast of Munnsville, and just south of it has been located a site
protected by a stockade. This may have been the position of the
great Oneida town, but the nature of the burials is not known.
Whether the two preceding accounts referred to graves of sufficient
magnitude to be classed as mounds, or whether they alluded merely
to a small mass of earth raised over an individual pit burial, is diffi-
cult to determine; nevertheless burial mounds do occur throughout
the country of the Iroquois, but they are neither numerous nor large.

In Erie County, near the bank of Buffalo Creek, formerly stood a
rather irregular embankment, semicircular in form, and touching
the steep bank at both ends. The inclosed area was about 4 acres.
This was one of the favorite sites of the Senecas, and within the in-
closure was one of their largest cemeteries. Here is the grave of
“the haughty and unbending Red Jacket, who died exulting that
the Great Spirit had made him an Indian! ... Tradition fixes
upon this spot as the scene of the final and most bloody conflict be-
tween the Iroquois and the ‘Gah-kwas’ or Eries.... The old
mission-house and church stand in close proximity to this mark.

.. Red Jacket’s house stood above a third of a mile to the south-
ward upon the same elevation; and the abandoned council-house is
still standing, perhaps a mile distant, in the direction of Buffalo. A
little distant beyond, in the same direction and near the public road, is
a small mound, called Dah-do-sot, artificial hill, by the Indians, who,
it 1s said, were accustomed to regard it with much veneration, sup-
posing that it covered the victims slain in some bloody conflict in
the olden times. .... It was originally between five and six feet
in height by thirty-five or forty feet base, and composed of the ad-
jacent loam.” It was partially examined, and only a few bits of
charcoal, some half-formed arrowheads, etc., were found. (Squier,

(1), pp. 51-53.)

be BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

Several other mounds may be mentioned, and these may be con-
sidered as being typical of all existing in the country of the Five
Nations. Schoolcraft referred to a mound which stood about 1 mile
distant, up the Tonawanda, in Genesee County. Another was some
2 miles south of the first. Both were discovered in the year 1810,
and contained many human bones. Glass beads were recovered
from the one which stood farther north. In the adjoining county
of Monroe were two mounds, the larger being not more than 5 feet
in height. They were on the “high, sandy grounds to the west-
ward of Irondequoit Bay, where it connects with Lake Ontario.”
These are said to have been examined in 1817, at which time various
objects of European origin were found, including a sword scabbard,
bands of silver, belt buckles, and similar pieces.

The mounds already mentioned were within the territory of the
Seneca, and those described in Genesee and Monroe Counties were
erected within historic times.

The Oneida occupied the country northeast of Lake Ontario, and
a site “near the east end of Long Sault Island,” in St. Lawrence
County, may have been occupied by one of their villages. A mound
south of this site was examined, and in it were discovered seven
skeletons, and associated with the burials were various objects of
native origin, including “a large pitcher-like vessel, four gouges, and
some very coarse cloth, which looked lke our hair cloth, only very
coarse. Also seven strings of beads.” (Beauchamp, (2).) A mound
on St. Regis Island, in Franklin County, which touches St. Lawrence
on the west, was opened in 1818. It contained deposits of human
remains, those nearer the upper surface being the best preserved.
This would have been in the Mohawk country.

Mound burials are likewise to be encountered in the southern coun-
ties, one very interesting example having been discovered in Che-
nango, the region later occupied by the Tuscarora. This was in Green
Township, near the mouth of Geneganstlet Creek. It was origi-
nally about 6 feet in height and 40 feet in diameter. “ It was opened
in 1829 and abundant human bones were found, and much deeper be-
neath them were others which had been burned. It was not an
orderly burial, and the bones crumbled on being exposed. In one
part were about 200 yellow and black jasper arrowheads, and 60
more in another place. Also a silver band or ring about 2 inches
in diameter, wide but thin, and with what appeared to be the re-
mains of a reed pipe within it. A number of stone gouges or chisels
of different shapes, and a piece of mica cut in the form of a heart,
the border much decayed and the laminz separated, were also dis-
covered.” (Wilkinson, (1),)

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 73

The finding of a piece of mica in this burial at once suggests the
mound may have been the work of the Tuscarora. The mica “ cut
in the form of a heart ” was probably carried by them from Carolina
when they went northward in the early years of the eighteenth cen-
tury, and became the sixth nation of the league. A short distance
beyond, in the adjoining county of Otsego, is an island in the Sus-
quehanna near the mouth of Charlotte River, and a mound stands on
the island which is known locally as the grave of the chief Kaga-
tinga, probably a village chief not known in history. In the extreme
northern part of the same county, near Richfield Springs, was a
mound often visited by the Oneida, and said by them to have been
the burial place of one of their chief men. This will tend to recall .
the visits made by parties of Indians to the burial mounds in pied-
mont Virginia, a region once claimed and occupied by Siouan tribes.

From the few references just given it is quite evident the Iroquois
followed a form of mound burial even after the coming of the
French, and it is also clearly established that such burials were more
frequent in the western than in the eastern part of their country.
Mounds similar to those mentioned have been encountered in every
county west of a line running north and south through Oneida Lake,
but are far less numerous to the eastward.

OSSUARIES

Many ossuaries have been encountered in the western counties of
the State of New York, which, however, may be attributed to the
influence of the Huron. These great pits often contain vast quanti-
ties of skeletal remains, together with numbers of objects of native
origin which had been deposited as offerings to the dead, and mate-
rial obtained from the early traders is sometimes found associated
with the later burials. The ossuaries appear to have been rectangular
in form, to have occupied rather prominent positions, and to have
been carefully prepared. Such a communal burial place was dis-
covered in May, 1909, about 1 mile southwest of Gasport, Niagara
County, but unfortunately no detailed record of its contents was
preserved. A part of the excavation is shown in plate 10, 0.

HURON CEREMONY, 1636

In contemplating the origin of the preceding burial it is of
interest to read the description of a similar burial, as witnessed
and recorded by the Jesuit Pere Le Jeune, in the year 1636. But the
father had much to say about the manners and customs of the people
among whom he labored—the Huron—whose villages were in the
vicinity of Lake Simcoe. He told of the manner in which the: family

74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

and friends gathered about the sick person while making various
necessary plans and preparations in anticipation of the end, and
continued: “As soon as the sick man has drawn his last breath, they
place him in the position in which he is to be in the grave; they do
not stretch him at length as we do, but place him in a crouching
posture, almost the same that a child has in its mother’s womb. Thus
far, they restrain their tears. After having performed these
duties the whole Cabin begins to respond with cries, groans, and
wails... . As soon as they cease, the Captain goes promptly through
the Cabins, making known that such and such a one is dead. On
the arrival of friends, they begin anew to weep and complain. ...
Word of the death is also sent to the friends who live in the other
Villages; and, as each family has some one who takes care of its
dead, these latter come as soon as possible to take charge of every-
thing, and determine the day of the funeral. Usually they inter the
Dead on the third day; as soon as it is light, the Captain gives orders
that throughout the whole Village a feast be made for the dead.”
This being accomplished, “the Captain publishes throughout the
Village that the body is about to be borne to the Cemetery. The
whole Village assembles in the Cabin; and weeping is renewed; and
those who have charge of the ceremonies get ready a litter on which
the corpse is placed on a mat and enveloped in a Beaver robe, and
then four lift and carry it away; the whole Village follows in silence
to the Cemetery. A Tomb is there, made of bark and supported on
four stakes, eight to ten feet high. However, before the corpse is put
into it, and before they arrange the bark, the Captain makes known
the presents that have been given by the friends. In this Country, as
well as elsewhere, the most agreeable consolations for the loss of
friends are always accompanied by presents, such. as kettles, axes,
Beaver robes, and Porcelain collars... .” All these gifts were
not deposited with the dead. Some were distributed among the rela-
tions of the deceased and others were given to those persons who
assisted with the ceremonies. Others were offered as prizes in games
played by the younger men.

“The graves are not permanent; as their Villages are stationary
only during a few years, while the supplies of the forest last, the
bodies only remain in the Cemeteries until the feast of the Dead,
which usually takes place every twelve years.” During the years
between the death and the time of the final disposition of the re-
mains the departed were often honored in many ways by the mem-
bers of the family or by the entire village. And then came the
great ceremony: “The feast of the Dead is the most renowned cere-
mony among the Huron; they give it the name of feast be-
cause , , . When the bodies are taken from their Cemeteries, each

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 75

Captain makes a feast for the souls in his Village,” and the feast
was conducted with much form, “ now usually there is only a single
feast in each Nation; all the bodies are put into a common pit. I
say, usually, for this year, which has happened to be the feast of
the Dead, the kettle has been divided; and five Villages of the part
where we are have acted by themselves, and have put their dead into
a private pit.... Twelve years or thereabouts having elapsed, the Old
Men and Notables of the Country assemble, to deliberate in a definite
way on the time at which the feast shall be held to the satisfaction
of the whole Country and of the foreign Nations that may be invited
to it. The decision having been made, as all the bodies are to be
transported to the Village where is the common grave, each family
sees to its dead, but with a care and affection that cannot be described:
if they have dead relatives in any part of the Country, they spare
no trouble to go for them; they take them from the Cemeteries,
bear them on their shoulders, and cover them with the finest robes
they have. In each Village they choose a fair day, and proceed to
the Cemetery, where those called Atheonde, who take care of the
graves, draw the bodies from the tombs in the presence of the rela-
tives, who renew their tears and feel afresh the grief they had the
day of the funeral . .. after having opened the graves, they dis-
play before you all these Corpses, on the spot, and they leave them
thus exposed long enough for the spectators to learn at their leisure,
and once for all, what they will be some day. The flesh of some is
quite gone, and there is only parchment on their bones; in other
cases, the bodies look as if they had been dried and smoked, and
show scarcely any signs of putrefaction; and in still other cases
they are still swarming with worms. When the friends have gazed
upon the bodies to their satisfaction, they cover them with handsome
Beaver robes quite new: finally, after some time they strip them
of their flesh, taking off skin and flesh which they throw into the
fire along with the robes and mats in which the bodies were wrapped.
As regards the bodies of those recently dead, they leave these in
the state in which they are, and content themselves by simply cov-
ering them with new robes.... The bones having been well
cleaned, they put them partly into bags, partly into fur robes, loaded
them on their shoulders, and covered these packages with another
beautiful hanging robe. As for the whole bodies, they put them on
a species of litter, and carried them with all the others, each into
his Cabin, where each family made a feast to its dead.” The bones
of the dead were called by the Huron A tisken, “ the souls.”

For several days between the removal of the bodies from the tombs
and the starting for the scene of the last rites, these many bundles of

76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

bones were either hung from the walls of the dwellings or lay upon
the floor, and in one “ Cabin there were fully a hundred souls hung
to and fixed upon the poles, some of which smelled a little stronger
than musk.” At last the time arrived when all were gathered about
the great excavation in which the remains were to be deposited:
“Let me describe the arrangement of this place. It was about the
size of the place Royale at Paris. There was in the middle of it a
great pit, about ten feet deep and five brasses wide. All around it
was a scaffold, a sort of staging very well made, nine to ten brasses
in width, and from nine to ten feet high; above this staging there
were a number of poles laid across, and well arranged, with cross-
poles to which these packages of souls were hung and bound. The
whole bodies, as they were to be put in the bottom of the pit, had
been the preceding day placed under the scaffold, stretched upon
bark or mats fastened to stakes about the height of a man, on the
borders of the pit. The whole Company arrived with their corpses
about an hour after Midday, and divided themselves into different
cantons, according to their families and Villages, and laid on the
ground their parcels of souls, almost as they do earthen pots at the
Village Fairs. They unfolded also their parcels of robes, and all the
presents they had brought, and hung them upon poles, which were
from 5 to 600 toises in extent; so there were as many as twelve hun-
dred presents which remained thus on exhibition two full hours, to
give Strangers time to see the wealth and magnificence of the Coun-
try.” Later in the day the pit was lined with new beaver robes, each
of which was made of ten skins. The bottom and sides were thus
covered, and the robes lay a foot or more over the edge. Forty-eight
robes were required to form the lining, and others of a like nature
were wrapped about the remains. The entire bodies were first placed
in the bottom of the pit, and the bundles of bones were depositect
above. “On all sides you could have seen them letting down half-
decayed bodies; and on all sides was heard a horrible din of confused
voices of persons, who spoke and did not listen; ten or twelve were
in the pit and were arranging the bodies all around it, one after an-
ether. They put in the very middle of the pit three large kettles,
which could only be of use for souls; one had a hole through it, an-
other had no handle, and the third was of scarcely more value.” The.
entire bodies were placed in the pit the first day, and the bundles of
loose bones were deposited on the morning of the second, after which
the beaver robes were folded over the remains which reached nearly
to the mouth of the pit. And then all was covered “ with sand, poles,
and wooden stakes, which they threw in without order,” after which
“some women brought to it some dishes of corn; and that day, and
the following days, several Cabins of the Village provided nets quite

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL vr

full of it, which were thrown upon the pit.” (Le Jeune, (1), pp.
265-317.)

Much detail not quoted at this time is to be found in this vivid
narrative, and many of the beliefs and superstitions of the people
are recorded. He told of the treatment of the body of a person acci-
dentally drowned: “ Last year, at the beginning of November [1635],
a Savage was drowned when returning from fishing; he was interred
on the seventeenth, without any ceremonies. On the same day snow
fell in such abundance that it hid the earth all the winter; and our
Savages did not fail to cast the blame on their not having cut up the
dead person as usual. Such are the sacrifices they make to render
Heaven favorable.” (P. 165.)

And regarding the Huron belief in the future state the same
father wrote (p. 143): “As to what is the state of the soul after
death, they hold that it separates in such a way from the body that
it does not abandon it immediately. When they bear it to the grave,
it walks in front, and remains in the cemetery until the feast of the
Dead; by night, it walks through the village and enters the Cabins,
Hee it takes its part in the feasts, and eats what is left at evening
in the kettle; whence it happens that many, on this account, do not
willingly an from it on the morrow; there are even some of them
who will not go to the feasts made for the souls, believing that they
would certainly die if they should even taste of the provisions pre-
pared for them; others, however, are not so scrupulous, and eat their
fill. At the feast of the Dead, which takes place about every twelve
years, the souls quit the cemeteries, and in the opinion of some are
changed into Turtledoves, which they pursue later in the woods, with
bow and arrow, to broil and eat; nevertheless the most common belief
is that after this ceremony . . . they go away in company, covered
as they are with robes and collars which have been put into the grave
for them, to a great Village, which is toward the setting Sun, except,
however, the old people and the little children who have not as strong
limbs as the others to make this voyage; these remain in the country,
where they have their own particular Villages.”

Several very interesting details are revealed in the account of
this great burial which occurred nearly three centuries ago. The
first is the reference to the entire bodies being placed in the bottom
of the pit. This obviously alludes to entire skeletons as distinguished
from the bundles of detached or dissociated bones. If this was a
recognized custom of the makers of the ossuaries it would be ex-
pected, when examining a great burial of this sort, to find the posi-
tions and general arrangement of the remains differing in various
parts of the ancient pit; to find several strata, with a greater variety
of bones in one than in the other. The second point of interest men-

78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71]

tioned in this early narrative is that in which reference is made to
the richness of the material deposited in the pit with the remains, but
the greater part was of a perishable nature and should this pit be
encountered at the present day its contents would probably resemble
those of the ossuary discovered near Gasport in 1909.

Other great burial places, similar to that discovered near Gasport,
have been encountered in the same county, 10 miles or more south
of Lake Ontario, on the Tuscarora Reservation. On the northern
border of the reservation stood an ancient inclosure, and “a little
over half a mile west of the inclosure,” and about 20 rods distant
from the edge of the bluff upon which it stood, “was a large bone
pit. It was marked by a low conical elevation, not over a foot and a
half high and 27 feet in diameter. Directly in the center was a
slight depression in which lay a large flat stone with a number of
similar stones under and around it. At the depth of 18 inches the
bones seemed to have been disturbed. Among them was a Canadian
penny. This, Mount Pleasant (the Tuscarora chief) thought, may
have been dropped in there by a missionary who, thirty years
before, had found on the reservation a skull with an arrowhead
sticking in it; or by some Indian, for it is, or was, an Indian
custom to do this where bones have been disturbed, by way of
paying for the disturbance or for some article taken from the
grave. The bones seemed to have belonged to both sexes and were
thrown in without order; they were, however, in a good state of
preservation. Three copper rings were found near finger bones.
The roots of trees that had stood above the pit made digging quite
difficult; yet sixty skulls were brought to the surface, and it is quite
likely that the pit contained as many as a hundred skeletons. The
longest diameter of the pit was 9 feet; its depth 5 feet. There were
no indications on the skulls of death from bullet wounds., Two
similar elevations, one 18 or 20 feet, the other 10 rods, directly east
of this pit, were opened sufficiently to show that they were burial
places of a similar character. Like the first, these contained flat
stones, lying irregularly near the top. Charcoal occurred in small
pieces in all. Indian implements and ornaments, and several Revo-
lutionary relics, were found in the adjoining field.” (Thomas, (1),
pp. 512-513.)

Another ossuary, evidently quite similar to the one described by
Pére Le Jeune, was discovered in 1824, some 6 miles west of Lock-
port, in Niagara County. “The top of the pit was covered with
small slabs of Medina sandstone, and was 24 feet square by 44 in
depth, the planes agreeing with the four cardinal points. It was
filled with human bones of both sexes and all ages. ... In one
skull, two flint arrow heads were found, and many had the ap-

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 79

pearance of having been fractured and cleft open, by a sudden blow.
They were piled in regular layers, but with no regard to size or
sex. Pieces of pottery were picked up in the pit, and had also
been ploughed up in the field adjacent.” The finding of “some
metal tools with a French stamp” prove the later burials to have
been of comparatively recent origin. (Schoolcraft, (1), pp. 217-
218.)

In the adjoining county of Erie, “upon a sandy, slightly elevated
peninsula, which projects into a low tangled swamp,” about 14
miles southwest of Clarence Hollow, stood a small, irregular in-
closure. Human remains were discovered when plowing the neigh-
boring heights. About 1 mile to the eastward of the inclosure, oc-
cupying a dry, sandy spot, was an extensive ossuary, estimated
to have contained 400 skeletons, “heaped promiscuously together.
They were of individuals of every age and sex. In the same field
are found a great variety of Indian relics, also brass cap and belt
plates, and other remains of European origin.” Near this point was
discovered, “a year or two since, a skeleton surrounded by a quan-
tity of rude ornaments. It had been placed in a cleft of the rock,
the mouth of which was covered by a large flint stone.” (Squier,
(1), p. 56.)

Many other references to great communal burials, similar to
those already described, could be quoted. All, however, seem to
have been quite alike in appearance, the principal difference at
the present time being in their size. When constructed some were
undoubtedly more richly lined with robes of beaver skins and other
furs than others, and the number and variety of objects deposited
with the dead naturally varied. But as the greater proportion of
the material placed in the pits with the remains was of a perishable
nature all this has now disappeared, leaving only the fragmentary
decomposed bones, which in turn will soon vanish, and little will
remain to indicate the great communal burial places.

A note in Graham’s Magazine, January, 1853, page 102, may refer
to the discovery of an ossuary, similar to those already described,
but if so it was not recognized as such. The note stated that “ Work-
men on the line of the New York, Corning, and Buffalo Rail Road,
on the east side of the Genesee River, and about fifteen rods from
the water’s edge, while cutting through a sand-bank, have exhumed
many human skeletons, piled one above another, with every sign
of a hasty military burial. ... These discoveries strengthen a be-
hef long entertained, that in 1687 the Marquis de Nouvellé fought
his famous battle with the Senecas at or near the burial place men-
tioned, that on the banks of the Genesee, within the limits of Avon,
Frank and Red Man closed in mortal death-struggle.” . This would

30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

have been across the river, and not far distant from Canawaugus,
and may have been a burial place belonging to that village.

LATER HURON BURIAL, 1675

Having such a clear and vivid description of the early burial cus-
toms of the Huron, and the various ceremonies which were enacted
by members of that tribe at the time of the death of one of their
number, as recorded by Pére Le Jeune, in 1636, it is of interest to
compare them with the later customs of the same people, after they
had become influenced by the teachings of the missionaries. The later
account relates to the people of Ja Mission de Notre-Dame de Lorette,
in the year 1675, at which time “ about 300 souls, both Huron and
Troquois,” were gathered about the Mission and heard the teachings
of the Jesuits. And regarding the burial of their dead it was said:
“Their custom is as follows: as soom as any one dies, the captain
utters a lugubrious cry through the village to give notice of it. The
relatives of the deceased have no need to trouble themselves about
anything, beyond weeping for their dead; because every family
takes care that the body is shrouded, the grave dug, and the corpse
borne to it and buried, and that everything else connected with the
burial is done,—a service that they reciprocally render to one another
on similar occasions.

“When the hour for the funeral has come, the clergy usually go
to the cabin to get the body of the deceased, which is dressed in his
finest garments, and generally covered over with a fine red blanket,
quite new. After that, nothing is done beyond what is customary
for the French, until the grave is reached. Upon arriving there, the
family of the deceased, who hitherto have only had to weep, display
all their wealth, from which they give various presents. This is
done through captain, who, after pronouncing a sort of funeral
oration, which is usually rather short, offers the first present to the
church,—generally a fine large porcelain collar,—in order that
prayers may be said for the repose of the dead person’s soul. Then
he gives, out of all the dead man’s effects, three or four presents to
those who bury him; then some to the most intimate friends of the
deceased. The last of all these presents is that given to the relatives
of the deceased, by those who bury him. Finally, the whole ceremony
concludes by placing the body in the ground in the following man-
ner. A wide grave is dug, 4 to 5 feet deep, capable of holding more
_ than six bodies, but all lined with bark on the bottom and four sides.
This forms a sort of cellar, in which they lay the body, and over
which they place a large piece of bark in the shape of a tomb; it is
supported by sticks placed crosswise over the excavation, that this
bark may not sink into the tomb, and that it may hold up the earth
that is to be thrown on it; the body thus lies therein as in a cham-

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL

ber without touching the earth at all. Finally, some days
after the burial, when the tears of the relatives have been
dried to some extent, they give a feast to give the deceased
back to life, that is, to give his name to another, whom
they urged to imitate the dead man’s good actions while
taking his name.” (Dablon, (1), pp. 35-37.)

A large grave as described in the preceding account
would, in after years, when the supporting bark had be-
come decayed and fallen, have been sunken and irregular.
The remains would have become scattered within the ex-
cavated space, and all the lining would have disappeared.
This may, and undoubtedly does, explain the origin of
many burials in the eastern part of the country, espe-
cially in New England.

When telling of the presents exchanged and given at
the time of burial, Pére Dablon mentioned particularly
that the first was made to the church, and this was “ gen-
erally, a fine large porcelain collar,’ porcelain here re-
fering to wampum. Such a specimen is now in the small
museum connected with the Collegio di Propaganda Fide,
at Rome, where it was deposited many years ago by some
missionary when he returned from America. Unfortu-
nately the history of the remarkable piece is not known,
but is one of the most interesting examples of wampum
preserved in any collection. This is shown in plate 1, the
reproductions being made from photographs of the origi-
nal, made by the writer in 1905. It measures nearly 6 feet
6 inches in length and about 44 inches in width, made up
of 15 rows of beads, each row consisting of 646 beads, or
9,690 in all. The design suggests the attempt to represent
on one side Christianity, on the other paganism. At the
end of the first side is evidently shown the chapel of the
mission, with one window and a cross above the doorway.
Next are several characters which may identify the mis-
sion; and beyond these are two keys, crossed. In the
middle are two figures, evidently a missionary on the right
and an Indian on the left, holding between them a cross,
the Christian symbol. This most unusual and interesting
piece of native workmanship, although showing so clearly
the influence of the teachings of the missionaries, should
undoubtedly be considered as having served as a “ present
to the church” at the time of burial of some native con-

81

11.—Design on wampum collar.

Fia.

vert, possibly two centuries or more ago. Arranged and fastened as it
is suggests its use as a collar or stole, something more elaborate than
an ordinary wampum “belt.” The entire design is shown in figure 11.

130548 °—20——_6

82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

Having described this remarkable piece of wampum, the most in-
teresting example of such work known to exist, it may be well to
refer briefly to wampum in general. '

The term wampum, derived from an Algonquian word, has often
been applied to all shell beads, but the true wampum beads are of a
cylindrical form, averaging about one-eighth inch in diameter and
one-fourth inch in length. They are of two sorts, white and violet,
the latter by many writers being termed black. The violet beads
were made of a part of the Venus mercenaria, while various shells
were used in making the white variety. It is quite probable that
such beads were made and used by the. native tribes along the Atlantic
coast before the coming of Europeans, although it is equally probable
that after acquiring metal tools, or bits of metal capable of being
fashioned into drills, they were made in greater quantities and of a
more regular form.

In the year 1656 there appeared in London a small printed cata-
logue of the collections belonging to John Tradescant. This was the
first publication of such a nature in the English language. The title
of this little volume is “ Museum Tradescantianum: or a Collection
of Rarities preserved at South Lambeth near London, by John
Tradescant. London, M.DC.LVI.” On page 51 of the catalogue is
mention of a “Black Indian girdle made of wampum peek best sort.”
This is probably the earliest reference to a piece of wampum in a
European collection, and it proves that various qualities were recog-
nized. This was made clear by an entry in the Catalogue and De-
scription of the Natural and Artificial Rarities, belonging to the
Royal Society, and preserved at Gresham College, London, 1681.
A most valuable reference to and description of wampum appears on
page 370, and is quoted in full:

“ Several sorts of Indian Money, called wampam peage, ’ Tis made
of a shell, formed into small Cylinders, about a + of an inch long,
and + over, or somewhat more or less: and so being bored as Beads
and put upon Strings, pass among the Indians, in their usual Com-
merse, as Silver and Gold amongst us. But being loose is not so
current.

“The meanest is in Single Strings. Of which here is both the
White and Black. By measure, the former goes at Five shillings the
Fathome; the latter, at Ten. By Number the former at Six a penny;
the latter, at Three. .

“The next in value is that which is Woven together into Bracelets
about + of a yard long: Black and White, in Stripes, and six pieces
in a Row; the warp consisting of Leathern Thongs, the Woofe of
Thread. The Bracelets the Zauksquaes or Gentlewomen commonly
wear twice or thrice about their Wrists.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 83

“The best is woven into Girdles. Of this there are two sorts. One
about a yard long; with fourteen pieces in a Row, woven, for the
most part, into black and white Squares, continued obliquely from
edge to edge. The other, not all-out so long, but with fifteen pieces
in a Row woven into black Rhombs or Diamond-Squares and Crosses
within them. The spaces between filled up with white. These two
last, are sometimes worn as their richest Ornaments; but chiefly used
in great Payments, esteemed their Noblest Presents, and laid up as
their Treasure.” .

Such were the varied uses of the true wampum, and the great
collar in the Collegio di Propaganda Fide, at Rome, would have
belonged to the last group, one of “ their Noblest Presents,” in this
instance undoubtedly serving as a “ present to the church,” as related
by Pére Dablon.

SENECA CEREMONY, 173

Throughout the greater part of the region once occupied by the
Five Nations are discovered their ancient cemeteries, often situated
near the sites of their former villages. Some have been examined,
and these usually reveal the human remains, now rapidly disappear-
ing, lying in an extended position. Few accounts of the ceremonies
which attended the death and burial of these people have been pre-
served, but one of the most interesting relates to the Seneca, as en-
acted during the month of June, 1731. True, the two persons who
were buried at this Seneca village were not members of the tribe, but,
nevertheless, the rites were those of the latter. The relation is pre-
served in the journal of a Frenchman who visited the Seneca at that
time, accompanied by a small party of Algonquian Indians. During
the visit one of the Algonquian women was killed by her husband
and he in turn was executed by the Seneca. The double funeral
which followed was described by the French traveler, who recorded
many interesting details. He first referred to a structure where the
bodies were kept for several days after death and there prepared for
burial, and when he arrived at this cabin it was already crowded with
men and women, “all seated or rather squatting on their knees, with
the exception of four women, who, with disheveled locks, were lying
face downward, at the feet of the dead woman.” These were the chief
mourners. The body of the woman was placed on an elevated stage.
It was-dressed in blue and white garments and a wampum belt was
the only ornament. The face was painted, with vermilion on the lips.
In her right hand was placed a garden implement, “ to denote that
during her life she had been a good worker,” and in the left hand
rested “ the end of a rope, the other end of which, floating in a large
bark dish, indicated the sad fate which brought her life to an end.”

84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

This refers to her having been drowned. The body of her husband,
who had been executed by the Seneca, was on the opposite side of the
cabin, “ but in a most humiliating posture, for he had been stretched
at length on his blanket, face downward, with his hands joined over
his head, as if to bear witness to the despair or the repentance which
he would have felt for his crime, had he been alive.” His body and
face were painted with white and black, and he was partly covered
with rags. Suspended from a pole placed for the purpose between
his legs were “his gun, his hatchet, his knife, his pouch of tobacco,
and all his belongings.” The interior of the cabin was crowded, and
as many more were grouped about outside, and now the “ Mistress of
Ceremonies . . . began to chant her doleful lamentations.” She re-
lated how the two had met their deaths, and “ scarcely had she made
the first movement, weeping alone, when the four other women whom
IT have mentioned, arose and responded regularly to her cadence—
that is to say, they made their lamentations in turn and with the
same intonation as the leader, whose every gesture they imitated.
. . . These women tore their hair, joined their hands toward heaven,
and poured forth in a plaintive tone a torrent of words suitable to
the person, whose part they represented, according to the different
degrees of relationship or connection, which this same person bore
to the deceased man or woman.” This chanting continued for nearly
half an hour, when “an Algonquian, who was no relation of the
dead woman, imposed silence, rising, and instantly no more lamenta-
tions were heard. This Indian first made the Funeral Oration of
this unfortunate woman, whose good qualities he set forth in par-
ticular, as I was told, to make it understood that she must be happy
in the land of departed souls, and that her relatives should be con-
soled for her loss.” The Algonquian speaker was immediately fol-
lowed by an old man of the Iroquois, who “made a defense for the
dead man, that is to say he undertook to account for his action in
representing to the assembly that this unfortunate husband had
doubtless been possessed with the evil Spirit on the day that he had
drowned his wife, and that consequently this Indian not having
been master of himself at the time of this evil deed, he rather merited
pity than the condemnation of the present assembly.” He referred
to the dead man as a great warrior and hunter, and deplored the act
which made it necessary for the 7’sonnontouanne to slay him. He
then called attention to the position of the body. “ Finally, in order
the more to excite the compassion of the spectators, this Iroquois
threw himself at the feet of the dead woman whose pardon he be-
sought, in the name of her husband, and he protested that had it
been in his power to restore her to life, she would certainly not be
in her sad plight. Then to crown his discourse he addressed the
father-in-law of the executed man and asked if he was not satisfied

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 85

with the repentance of his late son-in-law. At these last words, this
good man replied ‘ Etho,’ which means yes.” The body of the man
was then carried to the river, near the village, where it was thor-
oughly washed, all traces of paint being removed, then “ four young
men carried it back with great ceremony into the same cabin from
which they had taken it. As soon as it was replaced it was repainted,
but in beautiful and divers colors, after which it was neatly clothed,
a gun was placed in his hand, a pipe in his mouth, and he was seated
beside his wife.” Thus the bodies remained during the night and
until the following morning, and this interval “ was spent in condo-
Jences among a number of Indians who came by turn to speak to the
two corpses.”

The burial occurred on the following day, June 17, 1731. That
morning all were quiet in the village; they were seated or lying
about, with heads on their knees and often wrapped in blankets, and
each cabin was to hold a feast for the dead. The Frenchman again
entered the cabin and there saw the bodies “ each in a coflin made of
a piece of white bark, without covering, so that the face and body
were visible.” Both were dressed as on the previous day. “Their
knees were raised so as to support a cross four feet high, which had
been placed with each body in such a way that, the coflin of the
woman being opposite to that of her husband, the two crosses formed
a sort of arch, under which all the Indians passed back and forth,
prostrating themselves to the ground, and in turn offering prayers
to the Great Spirit for the repose of the souls of these two dead peo-
ple. About eleven o’clock the doleful lamentations began again and
were heard on all sides. The chief mourners seemed only to serve
as leaders to show the other women how they should groan or weep.
The men said no word and one heard only the groanings and Jamen-
tations of the women. However, this pitiful music did not last long
as the chief made a sign for them to stop, to make way for the
Orators of the occasion to speak. At the end of their speech, which
was sad and very short, one of the old people made presents of

“marten and beaver skins to the Algonquians, relations of the de-
ceased, he also gave some marten skins'to my Abenaguis, to the
mourners, and to several other Indians among the company. At last
they took the crosses off the bodies, after which four young Indians
painted black, raising the husband’s body, and four others painted
white and red, taking the wife’s body, carried them on their shoul-
ders to the village cemetery, about 40 or 50 fathoms [toises] distant.
The two young men who served as Cross bearers preceded the funeral
procession. Immediately after them came the Mistress of Cere-
monies for the mourners, she was followed by her four female mourn-
ers around the two bodies, and lastly the men carrying their guns
brought up the rear of the funeral procession. As soon as the two

86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Ronn 71

bodies had reached the cemetery they were placed at the side of the
graves which had been prepared for them, and all their clothing and
ornaments were taken off.”

The old engraving showing the procession after it had waitened the
cemetery is here reproduced as plate 11, 6. The open graves are
shown, all surrounded by a palisade, and beyond are the cabins.
“ Whilst this last office was being performed the men formed a large
circle around them, said prayers in a loud voice, and sung three
hymns as follows, one after the style of our Dies irae, dics illa, the
other like our Libera me Domine and another like our De Profondis;
these hymns were really the same as ours, which the Jesuits had
doubtless translated for them. After the Indians had finished these
three Canticles each one placed their hands on those of the two
bodies, as if to say good bye. Then they cut a lock of hair from the
tops of their heads which were given to the nearest relative, and they
were lowered into the graves. It was then that the women vied
with each other in making grimaces and shedding tears, and groan-
ing in a horrible manner. It was now that they said indeed: Adieu
my good friend, the great warrior, the splendid hunter. Adieu then
Jeanne, the fine singer, the graceful dancer.” The bodies were placed
in separate graves, very deep. “The graves were filled in with straw
and they were not filled up with earth. They were simply covered
with strong pieces of bark placed in the form of a roof, surmounted
by stones. Finally they placed at the head of the graves the same
crosses which had been on the bodies. There were a number of others
in the cemetery. When these crosses begin to decay the Indians are
careful to renew them, as well as the palisade with which the burial
ground is surrounded, for fear that dogs or wild beasts might come.
and dig up the dead.” (Le Beau, (1), pp. 300-815.) The writer
continues, saying that in earlier days the graves of these people were
“hollowed out round like pits.”

This was the principal town of the Seneca, and the river which
flowed near by, and to which the body of the man was carried to
wash away the black and white with which it had, at first, been
covered, was the Genesee. The valley of this stream, passing through
the counties of Monroe and Livingston, was the home of the Seneca,
and, as Squier wrote when describing the latter region, “It is un-
surpassed in beauty and fertility by any territory of equal extent
in the State, and abounds with mementoes of its aboriginal posses-
sors, who yielded it reluctantly into the hands of the invading
whites. Here, too, once existed a considerable number of ancient
earthworks, but the levelling plough has passed over most of them;
and though their sites are still remembered by the early settlers, but
few are sufficiently well preserved to admit of exact survey and
measurement.” (Squier, (1), pp. 43-44.)

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 87

But although the embankments which once surrounded the ancient
villages are rapidly disappearing, and all traces of the palisades
have vanished, nevertheless the cemeteries are to be discovered, and
the same writer continued (p. 45): “ At various places in the county
large cemeteries are found; but most, if not all, of them may be with
safety referred to the Senecas. Indeed, many articles of European
origin accompany the skeletons. A cemetery of large size, and, from
the character of the relics found in the graves, of high antiquity, is
now in part covered by the village of Lima. Pipes, pottery, etc.,
are discovered here in great abundance; and it is worthy of remark,
they are identical with those found within the ancient enclosures.”

Possibly the cemetery in which the two Algonquians were buried
during the month of June, 1731, was among those examined by
Squier. It is of interest to add that on the left bank of the Genesee,
nearly opposite Avon, stood the town of Canawaugus, the birthplace
of the great Chief Cornplanter, and on the site are found objects of
both European and native origin. Just north of the preceding site,
on the western edge of Scottsville, in Monroe County, is an old ceme-
tery “in a gravel pit. The skeletons are drawn up, but no articles
are found except a flat stone at the feet of each.” (Beauchamp, (1).)
This seems to refer to flexed remains as distinguished from the ex-
tended bodies discovered in the more recent graves, and may have
been those “ hollowed out round like pits,” mentioned by Le Beau as
being the older form. }

VARIOUS TYPES OF BURIALS

Many burials of special interest, either by reason of their rather
unusual form or the material which they revealed, have been dis-
covered in different parts of the present State of New York. These
may be attributed to the people of the Five Nations, and seem to
prove that all followed various methods of disposing of their dead.
The quotations are made from Beauchamp, (1), by whom the infor-
mation was gathered from several sources. In Genesee County, the
home of the Seneca, a cemetery encountered in a gravel bank some
6 miles southeast of Bergen “ has skeletons in a sitting posture, with
and without early relics.” These were undoubtedly flexed, the bodies
closely wrapped and then placed in pits—the early form of inhuma-
tion. Eastward from the preceding, in Seneca County, once occupied
by the Cayuga, the ancient village of AHendaia stood about 4 miles
southwest of the present settlement of Romulus. It was destroyed
in 1779. One of the graves then standing was thus described: “ The
body was laid on the surface of the earth in a shroud or garment;
then a large casement made very neat with boards something larger
than the body and about four foot high put over the body as it lay

88 ; BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

on the earth; and the outside and top were painted very curious with
a great many colors. In each end of the casement was a small hole
where the friends of the deceased or anybody might see the corpse
when they pleased. Then over all was built a large shed of bark
so as to prevent the rain from coming on the vault.” The painting
on this tomb may have resembled the decoration on the Oneida
graves described by Van Curler nearly a century and a half earlier.

In Onondaga County, on lot 13 of the town of Lafayette, is the
site of a village, with an orchard. This was a settlement of the
tribe whose name is now perpetuated by the county, and was aban-
doned in 1779. The objects found on the site are of both native and
European origin; “a burial-place has the graves in rows, and also
scattered promiscuously. The bodies were inclosed in boxes of wood
or bark.” Evidently this cemetery and the adjoining village existed
during the transition period, when some material was being derived
from the whites, but before it had entirely replaced the products
of the Iroquois.

When enlarging the canal in Oriskany, in Oneida County, during
the year 1849, “ten or more skeletons were found in logs hollowed
out by burning. They had medals and ornaments. One medal of
George I was dated in 1731. The others were dated from 1731 to
1735. In two instances the heads of three or four skeletons were
placed together and the bodies radiated from these. There are
ear and nose ornaments of red slate and some pipes.” These were
probably Oneida burials, as this was within the limits of their tribal
lands. In the southern part ofthe region occupied by the Oneida,
later the home of the Tuscarora, near Richfield Springs, in Otsego
County, “skeletons were found with flat stones over the face.” And
in the adjoining county of Chenango were many embankments on
the east side of the Chenango, south of Oxford. “There were also
traces of graves nearby, lined above and below with cobble stones.
The upper stratum of these had fallen in.” And at another place
in the same county “were human bones in great abundance, the
skeletons buried nearly upright.”

~

BELIEF IN A FUTURE STATE AFTER DEATH

The Iroquois belief in a future state after death was thus related
by Morgan: “ The religious system of the Iroquois taught that it was
_a journey from earth to heaven of many days’ duration. Originally,
it was supposed to be a year, and the period of mourning for the de-
parted was fixed at that term. At its expiration, it was customary
for the relatives of the deceased to hold a feast; the soul of the de-
parted having reached heaven, and a state of felicity, there was no
longer any cause for mourning. The spirit of grief was exchanged

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 89

for that of rejoicing. In modern times the mourning period has been
reduced to ten days, and the journey of the spirit is now believed to be
performed in three. The spirit of the deceased was supposed to hover
around the body for a season, before it took its final departure; and
not until after the expiration of a year according to the ancient belief,
and ten days according to the present, did it become permanently at
rest in heaven. A beautiful custom prevailed in ancient times, of cap-
turing a bird, and freeing it over the grave on the evening of the
burial, to bear away the spirit to its heavenly rest. Their notions of
the state of the soul when disembodied, are vague and diversified ; but
they all agree that, during the journey, it required the same nourish-
ment as while it dwelt in-the body. They, therefore, deposited beside
the deceased his bow and arrows, tobacco and pipe, and necessary food
for the journey. They also painted and dressed the body in its best
apparel. A fire was built upon the grave at night, to enable the spirit
to prepare its food.” (Morgan, (1), pp. 174-175.)

Morgan also referred to the ancient custom “of addressing the
dead before burial, under the belief that they could hear, although
unable to answer. The near relatives and friends, or such as were dis-
posed, approached the body in turn; and after the wail had ceased,
they addressed it in a pathetic or laudatory speech. The practice has
not even yet fallen entirely into disuse.” It will be recalled that at
the Seneca town of 7’sonnontouanne, in 1731, the French traveler
Le Beau witnessed this peculiar ceremony, which had already been
described by Lahontan a generation before. ((1), IT, pp. 51-52.)

Another strange custom of these people was mentioned by the same
writer when describing their dances. He said: “An occasional and
very singular figure was called the Dance for the Dead. It was known
as the O-ké-wa. It was danced by the women alone. The music was
entirely vocal, a select band of singers being stationed in the center
of the room. To the songs for the dead, which they sang, the dancers
joined in chorus. It was plaintive and mournful music. This dance
was usually separate from all councils, and the only dance of the occa-
sion. It commenced at dusk, or soon after, and continued until to-
wards morning, when the shades of the dead, who were believed to be
present and participate in the dance, were supposed to disappear.
This dance was had whenever a family, which had lost a member,
called for it, which was usually about a year after the event. In the
spring and fall, it was often given for all the dead indiscriminately,
who were believed then to revisit the earth and join in the dance.”
This ceremony agrees with the Heutikaw of their neighbors to the
eastward.

Such were the customs of the people of the Five Nations.

90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

IROQUOIAN TRIBES ADJOINING THE FIVE NATIONS

Westward from the region just described, in the northern part of
the State of Ohio, bordering on the south shore of Lake Erie, are
to be found many ancient inclosures, erected to surround and pro-
tect a village, thus resembling the works once so numerous in the
country of the Five Nations. And it is quite evident that these were
likewise erected by an Iroquoian tribe, probably the long extinct
Erie who were lost to history about the middle of the seventeenth
century. The works in northern Ohio, often of irregular form, and
in many instances a wall extending across a neck of land, must not
be confused with the remarkable squares and circles, octagons, and
great walls existing in the southern part of the State.

Tribes belonging to the same linguistic stock occupied the greater
part of the State of Pennsylvania, adjoining the country of the Five
Nations on the north. Of these tribes the Susquehanna, known in
history since the year 1608, was the most important. But their terri-
tory in later years became the home of other tribes, some of which
had been forced westward by the ever-growing colonies along the
coast, and many moved into the rich valley of the Susquehanna, where
game was plentiful and consequently food could be easily secured.
There were several important villages in the valley of the West
Branch of the Susquehanna, near the present Lockhaven, Clinton
County. One of these later Delaware towns stood near “Monseytown
Flats,’ and the site of the cemetery which adjoined the village is
shown in plate 10, a It is said that in addition to Delaware and
Shawnee, many Seneca and Cayuga are buried here. The cemetery
occupied the level area on the far side of the river, as shown in the
photograph.

THE CHEROKEE |

Far to the southward, occupying the beautiful hills and valleys of
eastern Tennessee and the adjoining parts of Georgia and Carolina,
lived that great detached Iroquoian tribe, the Cherokee. Here they
lived when the country was traversed by the Spaniards in 1540, and
here they continued for three centuries. But although so frequently
mentioned by early writers, and so often visited by traders, very little
can be learned regarding their burial customs. Nevertheless it is evi-
dent they often placed the body on the exposed surface, on some
high, prominent point, and then covered it with many stones gathered
from the surface. Such stone mounds are quite numerous, not only
on the hills once occupied by the Cherokee, but far northward. Many
of the western towns of the Cherokee, often termed the Overhill
Towns, were in the vicinity of Blount County, Tennessee. Many
stone mounds were there on the hilltops, and these may justly be at-

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 91

tributed to the Cherokee, but all may not have covered the remains
of the dead. “ Leaving Chilhowee Valley and crossing the Alleghany
range toward North Carolina, in a southeast course, having Little
Tennessee River on my right, and occasionally in sight from the cliffs,
my attention was called along the road, to stone heaps. . . . After an
examination of the objects and a talk with Indians and the oldest in-
habitants, I came to the conclusion that there were two kinds of these
remains in this part of Tennessee, which are sometimes confounded,
viz, landmarks, or stone piles, thrown together by the Indians at cer-
tain points in their journeys, and those which marked a place of
burial. At a pass called Indian Grave Gap, I noticed the pile which
has given its name to the mountain gorge. The monument is com-
posed simply of round stones raised three feet above the soil, and is
six feet long and three wide. As the grave had been disturbed I could
make no satisfactory examination of its contents. On the opposite
side of the Gap, a stone heap of another description was observed,
which had been thrown together in accordance with Cherokee super-
stition, that assigns some good fortune to the accumulation of those
piles. They had the custom, in their journeys and war-like expedi-
tions, at certain known points, before marked out, of casting down a
stone and upon their return another. . . . Four miles from Indian
Grave Gap, on the west side of my path, on a ridge destitute cf vege-
tation, I observed twenty-five of these stone heaps which covered
human remains. I examined a number of them, which were four or
five feet high and eight in diameter, and shaped like a hay-cock. . ..
In one I found pieces of rotten wood that had been deposited there,
fragments of bones, and animal mold. The deposit had been made on
the surface of the earth, covered with wood and bark, and crowned
with a cone of round stones. From the center of one heap three small
bells were extracted, having the letters J R engraved on them. They
much resemble sleigh bells... . The Cherokee custom of burying the
dead under heaps of stone, it is well known, was practiced as late as
1730.” (Dunning, (1), pp. 376-380.)

' This should probably be accepted as the characteristic custom
of the early Cherokee before coming under the influence of the
whites.

As already mentioned, the western towns of the Cherokee were in
eastern Tennessee, and of these many were in the valley of the Little
Tennessee. Here stood “Chote the Metropolis,” the scene of many
important gatherings during the eighteenth century. The great
town house stood on the summit of an artificial mound, undoubtedly
one of those described by Thomas, and may have been the large
mound on the south side of the river, in Monroe County, designated
the “McGee mound, No, 2.” The diameters of the mound were 70

92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

and 55 feet; its height when examined, 5 feet, which was probably
much less than its original height. The excavation of the work re-
vealed burials as indicated on the plan (fig. 12). Thirteen entire
skeletons were found, and “at ¢ lay 12 skulls on the same level, three
feet below the surface of the mound, touching each other, with no other
bones in connection with or immediately about them. At 0, a little
west of the center, and resting on the original surface, was a rough
wall, about two feet high, built of slate stones; circular in form,
inclosing a space about nine feet in diameter. The dirt inside being
cleared away, twelve skulls and a large number of long and other
bones were discovered. Eleven of the skulls were lying close to-

Fie, 12.—Burials in mound at Chote.

gether on one side, as shown in the figure, the other lying alone
on the opposite side, but each entirely disconnected from the other
parts of the skeleton to which it belonged. The other bones were
much broken and mingled together in a promiscuous mass. West
of the wall and near the west end of the mound were five more skulls
lying together, and amid other bones, marked a in the figure. The
bottom of the inclosure, which corresponded with the original sur-
face of the ground, was covered for an inch or two with coals and
ashes, on which the skulls and other bones rested. But neither coal
nor ashes were found outside of the wall. All the skeletons and
other remains outside of the wall lay a foot or more above the
original surface of the ground.” (Thomas, (1), pp. 378-879.)

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 93

A few objects of stone and shell and some copper beads were
associated with the various burials,,buti apparently nothing of
European origin was encountered. Other mounds of equal interest
marking the positions of the same period were examined and de-
scribed by the same writer.

The interior arrangement of the mound just mentioned, the mound
upon which the great rotunda of Chote may have stood for many
years, is quite suggestive of the traditional account of such a mound
as related to Mooney by one of his most conservative informants.
The circle of stones, with a mass of ashes and charcoal within the
inclosure, seems to be explained by this tradition.

“Some say that the mounds were built by another people. Others
say they were built by the ancestors of the old Ani Kitthwagi for
townhouse foundations, so that the townhouses would be safe when
freshets came. The townhouse was always built on the level bottom
lands by the river in order that the people might have smooth ground
for their dances and ballplays and might be able to go down to water
during the dance. When they were ready to build the mound they
began by laying a circle of stones on the surface of the ground.
Next they made a fire in the center of the circle and put near it the
body of some prominent chief or priest who had lately died—
some say seven chief men from the different clans... . The mound
was then built up with earth, which the women brought in
baskets .. .” (Mooney, (2), p. 395.)

And so the tradition continues, relating the various ceremonies
which attended the construction of the work. This was not the ac-
count of the building of any particular mound, but merely the de-
scription, in general, of the construction of an elevated site upon
which the town house would later be reared. Of what great interest
would be a detailed account of the various rites which were enacted
at the time the fire was kindled within the circle of stones; at the
time the bodies of the great men were placed on the surface, later
to be covered by the mound of earth. The remains were probably
wrapped and decorated with the richest possessions of the living,
with ornaments and objects of a perishable nature, all of which,
unfortunately, soon crumbled away and so disappeared, leaving only
secant traces of what had once been covered by the earth, “ which the
women brought in baskets.”

MUSKHOGEAN GROUPS

The southern pine lands, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic and
from the lowlands of the Gulf coast to the southern Alleghenies, was
the home of Muskhogean tribes. The Choctaw, Natchez, and Chick-
asaw lived in the West. Numerous smaller tribes, later recognized as
forming the Creek confederacy, occupied the valleys of the Coosa,

94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - [BuLL. 71

Tallapoosa, and Chattahoochee. The Yamasi and others were nearer
the coast on the east. The Seminole of Florida were immigrants »
from the Lower Creek towns on the Chattahoochee and did not enter
the peninsula until about the middle of the eighteenth century. Their
number was increased from time to time by others from the same
towns. Certain members of this linguistic group erected great cir-
cular town houses, frequently a strong framework of wood covered
with clay, in which to conduct their various ceremonies. These were
the largest and most imposing structures reared by any of the east-
ern tribes. Similar buildings were erected by the neighboring Cher-
okee. The majority of these village houses appear to have stood on
mounds raised for the purpose. The habitations of these people were,
in many instances, frames of either circular or quadrangular form,
covered with thatch, or clay applied in a plastic state and allowed
to dry and harden.
THE CHOCTAW

Thus the greater part of the southern country was claimed and
occupied by tribes belonging to the Muskhogean group, who were
first encountered by the Spanish explorers of the early sixteenth
century, and who continued to occupy the region until removed
during the first half of the nineteenth century. For three centuries
they are known to have remained within the same limited area.
On the west were the Choctaw, whose villages extended over a large
part of the present State of Mississippi and eastward into Alabama.
And to this tribe should undoubtedly be attributed the many burial
mounds now encountered within the bounds of their ancient terri-
tory, but the remains as now found embedded in a mass of sand and
earth forming the mound represent only one, the last, phase of the
ceremonies which attended the death and burial of the Choctaw.
These as witnessed and described by Bartram were quite distinct.

“As soon aS a person is dead, they erect a scaffold eighteen
or twenty feet high, in a grove adjacent to the town, where
they lay the corpse lghtly covered with a mantle; here it is
suffered to remain, visited and protected by the friends and
relations, until the flesh becomes putrid, so as easily to part
from the bones; then undertakers, who made it their business, care-
fully strip the fiesh from the bones, wash and cleanse them, and
when dry and purified by the air, having provided a curiously
wrought chest or coffin, fabricated of bones and splints, they place
all the bones therein; it is then deposited in the bone house, a build-
ing erected for that purpose in every town. And when this house is
full, a general solemn funeral takes place; the nearest kindred or
friends of the deceased, on a day appointed, repair to the bone
house, take up the respective coffins, and follow one another in order
of seniority, the nearest relations and connexions attending their

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 95

respective corpse, and the multitude following after them, all as
one family, with united voice of alternate Allelujah and lamenta-
tion, slowly proceed to the place of general interment, where they
place the coffins in order, forming a pyramid; and lastly, cover all
over with earth, which raises a conical hill or mount. Then they
return to town in order of solemn procession, concluding the day
with a festival, which is called the feast of the dead.” (Bartram,
(1), pp. 514-515.) :

The several writers who left records of the Choctaw ceremonies
varied somewhat in their accounts of the treatment of the dead, but
differed only in details, not in any main questions. And to quote
from Capt. Romans: “As soon as the deceased is departed, a stage
is erected (as in the annexed plate is represented) [pl. 12], and the
corpse is laid on it and covered with a bear skin; if he be a man of
note, it is decorated, and the poles painted red with vermillion and
bears oil; if a child, it is put upon stakes set across; at this stage the
relations come and weep, asking many questions of the corpse, such
as, why he left them? did not his wife serve him well? was he not
contented with his children? had he not corn enough? did not his
land produce sufficient of everything? was he afraid of his enemies ?
&e, and this accompanied by loud howlings; the women will be there
constantly and sometimes with the corrupted air and heat of the sun
faint so as to oblige the by standers to carry them home; the men
also come and mourn in the same manner, but in the night or at other
unseasinable times, when they are least likely to be discovered. The
stage 1s fenced round with poles, it remains thus a certain time but
not a fixed space, this is sometimes extended to three or four months,
but seldom more than half that time. A certain set of venerable old
Gentlemen who wear very long nails as a distinguishing badge on the
thumb, fore and middle finger of each hand, constantly travel through
the nation (when I was there I was told there were but five of this
respectable order) that one of them may acquaint those concerned,
of the expiration of this period, which is according to their own
fancy; the day being come, the friends and relations assemble near
the stage, a fire is made, and the respectable operator, after the body
is taken down, with his nails tears the remaining flesh off the bones,
and throws it with the intrails into the fire, where it is consumed;
then he scrapes the bones and burns the scrapings likewise; the head
being painted red with vermillion is with the rest of the bones put
into a neatly made chest (which for a Chief is also made red) and
deposited in the loft of a hut built for that purpose, and called bone
house; each town has one of these; after remaining here one year or
thereabouts, if he be a man of any note, they take the chest down, and
in an assembly of relations and friends they weep once more over
him, refresh the colour of the head, paint the box red, and then de-
posit him to lasting oblivion.” (Romans, (1), pp. 89-90.)

-

96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

Fortunately another description gives more details of the form of
the so-called “bone houses” and the manner in which they were
entered. According to Adair, the body was placed “on a high
scaffold stockaded round, at the distance of twelve yards from his
house opposite to the door.” At the beginning of the fourth moon
after burial a feast was prepared, the bone picker removed all
adhering flesh from the bones, which were then placed in a small
chest and carried to the “ bone-house, which stands in a solitary place,
apart from the town. ... Those bone-houses are scaffolds raised
on durable pitchpine forked posts, in the form of a house covered
a-top, but open at both ends. I saw three of them in one of their
towns, pretty near each other, the place seemed to be unfrequented ;
cach house contained the bones of one tribe, separately.... I
observed a ladder fixed in the ground, opposite to the middle of the
broad side of each of those dormitories of the dead. . . . On the top
was the carved image of a dove, with its wings stretched out, and
its head inclining downward.” (Adair, (1), pp. 183-184.)

The time for holding the great ceremony for the dead is mentioned
in another account, written, however, during the same generation
as the preceding. This was prepared by a French officer, the others
having been the observations of Englishmen.

“When a Choctaw dies, his corpse is exposed upon a bier, made
on purpose, of cypress bark, and placed on four posts fifteen feet
high. When the wormes have consumed all the flesh, the whole
family assembles; some one dismembers the skeleton, and plucks
off all muscles, nerves and tendons that still remain, they bury them
and deposit the bones in a chest, after colouring the head with ver-
million. The relations weep during this ceremony, which is fol-
lowed by a feast, with which those friends are treated who come to
pay their compliments of condolence; after that, the remains of their
late relation are brought to the common burying ground, and put in
the place where his ancestor’s bones were deposited. ... In the
first days of November they celebrate a great feast, which they call
the feast of the dead, or of the souls; all the families then go to the
burying-ground, and with tears in their eyes visit the chests which
contain the relics of relations, and when they return, they give a
great treat, which finishes the feast.” (Bossu, (1), I, pp. 298-299.)

One narrative remains to be quoted, a manuscript treating of
Louisiana soon after the coming of the French, and although the
name of the author is not known and it does not bear a date, it was
without doubt prepared by some French officer about the year 1730.
Referring to the burial customs of the Choctaw, he wrote:

“As soon as he is dead his relatives erect a kind of cabin, the’
shape of a coffin, directly opposite his door six feet from the ground
on six stakes, surrounded by a mud wall, and covered with bark in
which they enclose this body all dressed, and which they cover with

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 97

a blanket. They place food and drink beside him, give a change of
shoes, his gun, powder, and balls... . The body rests in this five
or six months until they think that it is rotted, which makes a terrible
stench in the house. After some time all the relatives assemble cere-
moniously and the femme de valleur of the village who has for her
function to strip off the flesh from the bones of the dead, comes to
take off the flesh from this body, cleans the bones well, and places
them in a very clean cane hamper, which they enclose in linen or
cloth. They throw the flesh into a field, and this same flesh stripper,
without washing her hands, comes to serve food to the assembly.
This woman 1s very much honored in the village. After the repast
they go singing and howling to carry the bones into the charnel-
house of the canton which is a cabin with only one covering in which
these hampers are placed in a row on poles. The same ceremony is
performed over chiefs except that instead of putting the bones in
hampers they are placed in chests . . . in the charnel-house of the
chiefs.” (Relation de La Louisianne.)

According to this unknown writer it was the belief of the Choctaw
that in after life all performed the same acts and had the same re-
quirements as in this; therefore the dead were provided with food,
weapons, articles of clothing, and other necessaries.

Summarizing the several accounts presented on the preceding
pages, it is possible to form a very clear conception of the burial
customs of the Choctaw, which evidently varied somewhat in differ-
ent parts of their country and at different times. Then again, the
observers may not have been overly careful in recording details, but
in the main all agree.

Soon after death a scaffold was erected near the habitation of the
deceased or in a near-by grove. Resting upon the scaffold was “a
kind of cabin, the shape of a coffin,” which undoubtedly varied
greatly in form, and in early days these appear to have been made
of wattlework coated with mud and covered over with bark. The
body would be placed within this box-like inclosure after first being
wrapped in bearskins, a blanket, or some other material of a suitable
nature. Food was deposited with the body, and likewise many ob-
jects esteemed by the living. With children a lighter frame would
serve—crossed poles, as mentioned by Romans and likewise indicated
in his drawing.

Thus the body would remain several months and until the flesh
became greatly decayed. Then certain persons, usually men, al-
though women at times held the office, would remove all particles of
flesh from the bones, using only their fingers in performing this work.
The flesh so removed, and all particles scraped from the bones, would
be burned, buried in the ground, or merely scattered. Next the
bones would be washed and dried; some were then painted with ver-

130548° —20-——_7

98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

milion mixed with bear’s oil; then all would be placed in baskets
or chests and carried and deposited in the “bone house.” Every
town had one such structure, which evidently stood at the outskirts
of the village. Adair mentioned having seen “three of them in one
of their towns, pretty near each other . . . each house contained the
bones of one tribe ”—i. e., clan. And this proves the recognition of
clan distinction or rights; even after death. These “bone houses”
seem to have resembled the houses of the living, being roofed but
open at both ends. They were raised above the ground on stout posts
and were reached by ladders. Some were surmounted by carved
figures, one being that of “a dove, with its wings stretched out, and
its head inclined downward.” In some instances in olden times the
remains of the chief men appear to have been placed in a separate
house set apart for that particular purpose.

When the remains of many had thus accumulated in the “ bone
houses ” the friends and relatives of the dead would gather and “a
general solemn funeral” would take place. On the day appointed
the chests and baskets containing the bones would be removed from
the “bone houses” and the friends and relatives would carry them
in procession, “with united voice of alternate Allelujah and lamenta-
tion,” to a chosen spot, where they were placed one upon another
in the form of a pyramid, and when thus arranged all would be cov-
ered by a mass of earth, so making a conical mound, many of which
now stand scattered over the region once occupied by this numerous
tribe. But now the chests and baskets in which the bones were
deposited have disappeared, together with all else of a perishable
nature, and the bones themselves are fast crumbling to dust.

The strange Choctaw custom gradually passed, and just a century
ago, in January, 1820, it was said: “ Their ancient mode of exposing
the dead upon scaffolds, and afterwards separating the flesh from the
bones, is falling into disuse, though still practiced . .. by the six
towns of the Choctaws on the Pascagoula.” (Nuttall, (1), p. 235.)
This refers to the Oklahannali, or “ Sixtowns,” the name of the most
important subdivision of the tribe, who occupied the region mentioned.

Undoubtedly many mounds now standing in parts of Mississippi
and Alabama owe their origin to the burial custom of the Choctaw,
but, unfortunately, few have been examined with sufficient care to
reveal their true form. One, however, was of the greatest interest,
and the discovery of glass beads and sheet metal in contact with
many of the burials proved the mound to have been erected after the
coming of Europeans to the lower Mississippi Valley. This mound
stood on the bank of the Mississippi, at Oak Bend Landing, in War-
ren County, Mississippi. It had been greatly modified and a house
had been built upon it, so it had been reduced to 3 feet in height,
with diameters of 50 and 60 feet. When examined, 28 burials were
encountered, “ mostly belonging to the bunched variety, but a few

BUSHNELL | NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 99

burials of adults extended on the back, and the skeletons of several
children also were present in the mound. . . . Some of the bunched
burials were extensive, one having no fewer than thirty skulls (many
in fragments) and a great quantity of other bones. . . The skulls of
the bunched burials, as a rule, were heaped together at one side of
the burial. . . . Forty-six vessels of earthenware, mostly in small
fragments, were recovered from this mound.” (Moore, (2), pp.
378-881.)
_ The great masses or deposits of human remains encountered in -
this mound is at once suggestive of the final disposition of the Choc-
taw dead, after the bodies had been removed from their earlier rest-
ing places, the flesh stripped from the bones, and the latter inclosed
in baskets, finally to be arranged in heaps and covered with earth,
thus forming a mound, to be added to from time to time. It 1s highly
probable that in the older mounds all traces of the remains have dis-
appeared, leaving no evidence of the original nature or form of the
structure.

But other mounds within this region, revealing many human re-
mains in such positions as to prove the bodies to have been buried
without the removal of the flesh, may also be of Choctaw origin, but
erected under far different conditions. It is interesting to learn
causes which led to the erection of several of these great tombs.
Two, covering the dead of two tribes, stood about 2 miles south of
West Point, Clay County, Mississippi. ‘The Choctaws and Chicka-
saws had occasional conflicts, particularly after the whites appeared
- in the country. The former were allies of the French. The latter
were under English control, and the rivalry of these kept the two
kindred tribes on bad terms. They had a great battle about two
miles south of West Point. There may yet be seen two mounds, about
one hundred yards apart. After the fight they came to terms, and
erected these mounds over their dead, and to the neighboring stream
they gave the name Oka-tibbe-ha, or Fighting Water.” (Claiborne,
(1), pp. 484485.)

In the southwestern part of Alabama, the heart of the old Choctaw
country, are numerous mounds, many of which when examined re-
vealed more clearly than did those already mentioned the peculiarities
of the Choctaw burial customs. Among these were two which stood
not far from the left bank of the Tombigbee, near Jackson, Clarke
County, Alabama. The more northerly of these was about 43 feet
in diameter and 2 feet in height. “Human remains were found in
eleven places, consisting of lone skulls, small bunches, and fragments
of bone, all in the last stage of decay.” (Moore, (3), pp. 258-259.)
A number of small stone implements were associated with some of
the burials, and a single object of copper was found near where a
skeleton may have rested, all traces of which had disappeared.

100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

A mound only a short distance northward from the preceding,
examined and described at the same time (op. cit., pp. 260-262),
proved even more interesting. It was somewhat larger, being 48
feet in diameter and 5 feet in height. In it “human remains were
met with in forty-five places, the deepest being 34 feet from the
surface. All bones were in the last stage of decay and crumbling to
bits.” Of the burials, 23 were described as “ isolated skulls,” others
were skulls with various bones, or bones without the skulls. Objects
of stone and copper and vessels of earthenware were encountered
during the exploration of the burial place. It is quite evident the
smaller, more fragile bones had disappeared through decay.

A small group of Choctaw lived, until a few years ago, near Bayou
Lacomb, St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana, on the north shore of Lake
Pontchartrain. They were few in number, and the oldest person
among them was probably little more than 50 years of age, and un-
fortunately they were unable to describe the old tribal burial customs.
But although they knew little of the manner in which the bodies of
their ancestors were treated, they were able to recall the manner in
which the living mourned for the dead. According to the best in-
formed, the period of mourning varied as did the age of the deceased.
An older person, as the mother or father, was thus honored for six
months or even a year, but for a child or young person the period did
not exceed three months. During this time the women cut their hair
and often gathered near the grave and “ cried.” When it was desired
to cease mourning, the person stuck into the ground, so as to form a
triangle, three pieces of wood, several feet in height. The three
sticks were drawn together at the top and tied with a piece of bright-
colored cloth or some other material. These sticks, so tied and
decorated, stood near the entrance of the habitation and indicated
that the occupants desired to cease mourning. The three days fol-
lowing the mourners cried or wailed three times each day—at sunrise,
at noon, and at sunset. And while thus expressing their grief they
would be wrapped in blankets which covered their heads, and they sat
or knelt upon the ground.. During these three days their friends
gathered and soon began dancing and feasting. At the expiration of
the three days all ceased weeping and joined in the festivities, which
continued another day. It is quite interesting to compare certain
details of this brief description with the graphic drawing-made by
Capt. Romans, in which the manner of mourning as followed by the
women is so clearly shown, sitting near the grave, wrapped in blankets
which covered their heads.

According to the beliefs of the same Choctaw, “ persons dying by
violent deaths involving loss of blood, even a few drops, do not pass
to the home of Aba (heaven), regardless of the character of their
earthly lives, or their rank in the tribe. At night spirits are wont to
travel along the trails and roads used by living men, and thus avoid

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 101

meeting the bad spirit, Nanapolo, whose wanderings are confined to
the dark and unfrequented paths of the forest. The spirits of men
hke the country traversed and occupied by living men, and that is why
Shilup, the ghost, is often seen moving among the trees or following
persons after sunset. The spirits of all persons not meeting violent
deaths, with the exception of those only who murder or attempt to
murder their fellow Choctaw, go to the home of Aba. There it
is always spring, with sunshine and flowers; there are birds and fruit
and game in abundance. There the Choctaw ever sing and dance,
and trouble is not known. All who enter this paradise become
equally virtuous without regard to their state while on earth. The
unhappy spirits who fail to reach the home of Aba remain on earth
in the vicinity of the places where they have died. But Nanapolo, the
bad spirit, is never able to gain possession of the spirit of a Choctaw.”

(Bushnell, (5), pp. 27-29.)
THE NATCHEZ

When referring to the burial customs of the Natchez, that most
interesting of the many tribes of the lower Mississippi Valley, the
early writers by whom the tribe was visited seldom alluded to the
rites which attended the final disposition of the remains of the less
important members of the nation, but devoted themselves to describ-
ing the varied and sanguinary ceremonies enacted at the time of
the death and burial of a Sun. Swanton has already brought
together the various accounts and descriptions of these most unusual
acts, and consequently they need not be repeated at the present time.
(Swanton, (1), pp. 138-157.) Nevertheless the first two will be
quoted to serve as means of comparing the remarkable ceremonies
followed by members of this tribe with the manners and customs of
their neighbors. Of the two accounts given below, Swanton said:
“The first was given to Gravier by the French youth whom Iber-
ville left in 1700 to learn the Natchez language, and the second
details the obsequies of a grand chieftainess of which the author
Pénicaut claims to have been a witness in 1704.”

“The Frenchman whom M. d’Iberville left there to learn the lan-
guage told me that on the death of the last chief they put to death
_ two women, three men, and three children. They strangled them
with a bowstring, and this cruel ceremony was performed with
great pomp, these wretched victims deeming themselves greatly
honored to accompany their chief by a violent death. There were
only seven for the great chief who died some months before. His
wife, better advised than the others, did not wish to follow him,
and began to weep when they wished to oblige her to accompany
her husband. Mr. de Montigni, who has left this country to go to
Siam, being informed of what they were accustomed to do, made
them promise not to put anyone to death. As a pledge of their

102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buy. 71

word they gave him a little female slave, whom they had resolved
to put to death but for his prohibition; but to keep their cursed
custom without it being perceived, the woman chief, whom they
eall Ouachil Tamail, Sun women (who is always the sister and not
the wife of the great chief), persuaded him to retire to a distant
village so as not to have his head split with the noise they would
make in a ceremony where all were to take part. Mr. de Montigni,
not suspecting anything, believed her and withdrew, but in his
absence they put to death those whom they believed to be necessary
to go to cook and wait on the chief in the other world.” (Gravier,
(1), pp. 140-143.)

The second account given by Swanton, that claimed to have been
witnessed by Pénicaut in 1704, follows:

“Tt happened in our time that the grand chieftainess Noble being
dead, we saw the burial ceremony, which is indeed the most horrible
tragedy that one can witness. It made myself and all my comrades
tremble with horror. She [i.e. the great female Sun] was a chieftain-
ess Noble in her own right. Her husband, who was not at all noble,
was immediately strangled by the first boy she had had by him, to ac-
company his wife into the great village, where they believe that they
go. After such a fine beginning they put outside of the cabin of the
great chief all that was there. As is customary they made a kind of
triumphal car in the cabin, where they placed the dead woman and
her strangled husband. A moment later, they brought 12 little dead
infants, who had been strangled, and whom they placed around the
dead woman. It was their fathers and mothers who brought them
there, by order of the eldest of the dead chieftainess’s children, and
who then, as grand chief, commands to have die to honor the funeral
rites of his mother as many persons as he wishes. They had 14 scaf-
folds prepared in the public square, which they ornamented with
branches of trees and with cloth covered with pictures. On each scaf-
fold a man placed himself who was going to accompany the defunct
to the other world. They stood on these scaffolds surrounded by their
nearest relatives; they are sometimes warned more than ten years
before their death. It is an honor for their relatives. Ordinarily
they have offered to die during the life of the defunct, for the good
will which they bear him, and they themselves have tied the cord with
which they are strangled. They are dressed in their finest clothing,
with a large shell in the right hand, and the nearest relative—for ex-
ample, if it is the father of a family who dies, his oldest son—walks
behind him bearing the cord under his arm and a war club in his
right hand. He makes a frightful ery which they call the death cry.
Then all these unfortunate victims every quarter of an hour descend
from their scaffolds and unite in the middle of the square, where they
dance together before the temple and before the house of the dead
female chief, when they remount their scaffolds to resume their

BUSHNBLL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 103

places. They are very much respected that day, and each one has five
servants. Their faces are all reddened with vermilion. For my part
T have thought that it was in order not to let the fear that they might
have of their approaching death be apparent.

“ At the end of four days they begin the ceremony of ‘the march
of the bodies.’

“The fathers and the mothers who had brought their dead chil-
dren took them and held them in their hands; the oldest of these
children did not appear to be more than three years old. They
placed them to right and left of the entrance to the cabin of the
dead female chief. The 14 victims destined to be strangled repaired
there in the same order; the chiefs and the relatives of the dead
woman appeared there all in mourning—that is to say, with their
hair cut. They then made such frightful cries that we thought the
devils were come out of the hells to come and howl in this place.
The unfortunate persons destined to death danced and the relatives
of the dead woman sang. When the march of this fine convoy was
begun by two and two, the dead woman was brought out of her
cabin on the shoulders of four savages as on a stretcher. As soon as
she had been taken out, they set fire to the cabin (it is the usual
custom with the Nobles). The fathers, who carried their dead
children in their hands, marched in front, four paces distant from
each other, and after marching 10 steps they let them fall to the
ground. Those who bore the dead woman passed over and went
around these children three times. The fathers then gathered them
up and reassumed their places in the ranks, and at every 10 paces
they recommenced this frightful ceremony, until they reached the
temple, so that these children were in pieces when this fine convoy
arrived. While they interred the female Noble in the temple
the victims were stripped before the door, and, after they had been
made to sit on the ground, a savage seated himself on the knees of
each of them while another behind held his arms. They then
passed a cord around his neck and put the skin of a deer over
his head; they made each of these poor unfortunates swallow three
pills of tobacco, and gave him a draught of water to drink, in
order that the pills should dissolve in his stomach, which made him
lose consciousness; then the relatives of the deceased ranged them-
selves at their sides, to right and left, and each, as he sang, drew an
end of a cord, which was passed around the neck with a running
knot, until they were dead, after which they buried them. If a
chief dies and still has his nurse, she must die with him. This na-
tion ‘still follows this execrable custom, in spite of all that has been
done to turn them from it. Our missionaries have never been able
to succeed in that; all that they were able to do was to succeed some-
times in baptizing these poor little infants before their fathers
strangled them. Besides, this nation is too much infatuated with

\

104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 71

its religion, which flatters the evil inclinations of their corrupt
nature, for anyone ever to have made any progress in conversion and
to have established Christianity there.” (Margry, (1), V, pp.
459-455.) 3

This barbaric ceremony was unknown among any other eastern
tribe, and while so much pomp attended the burial of a Noble, the
less important were conducted to their last resting places with simple
rites. And mourning among the Natchez, so Charlevoix wrote, con-
sisted of “ cutting off their hair, and in not painting their faces, and
in absenting themselves from public assemblies,” but, so he con-
tinued, “ I do not know how long it lasts. I know not, either, whether
they celebrate the grand festival of the dead. ... It seems as if
in this nation, where everybody is in some sort the slave of those
who command, all the honors of the dead are for those who do so,
especially for the great chief and the woman chief.”

The Temple of the Natchez, which in many respects resembled the
temple-tomb of the Algonquian tribes of Virginia and Carolina, was
described by all the early historians of lower Mississippi Valley.
These accounts have been grouped by Swanton ((1), pp. 158-167),
and consequently only the earliest will be quoted at the present time:
“There are only four cabins in [the village] in which is the temple.
It is very spacious and covered with cane mats, which they renew
every year with great ceremonies, which it would be prolix to insert
here. They begin by a four days’ fast with emetics till blood comes.
There is no window, no chimney, in this temple, and it is only by
the light of the fire that you can see a little, and then the door, which
is very low and narrow, must be open. I imagine that the obscurity
of the place inspires them with respect. The old man who is the
keeper keeps the fire up and takes great care not to let it go out. It
is in the center of the temple in front of a sort of mausoleum after
the Indian fashion. There are three about 8 or 9 feet long, 6 feet
broad, and 9 or 10 feet high. They are supported by four large posts
covered with cane mats in quite neat columns and surmounted by a
‘platform of plaited canes. This would be rather graceful were it
not all blackened with smoke and covered with soot. ‘There is a
large mat which serves as a curtain to cover a large table, covered
with five or six cane mats on which stands a Jarge basket that it is
unlawful to open, as the spirit of each nation of those quarters re-
poses there, they say, with that of the Natchez. ... There are
others in the other two mausoleums, where the bones of their chiefs
are, they say, which they revere as divinities. Al] that I saw some-
what rare was a piece of rock crystal, which I found in a little basket.
I saw a number of little earthen pots, platters, and cups, and little
cane baskets, all well made. This is to serve up food to the spirits
of the deceased chiefs, and the temple keeper finds his profit in it.”
(Gravier, (1), pp. 138-141.)

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 105

Du Pratz a generation later gave a more detailed description and
told how the temple stood on “a mound of earth brought thither
which rises about 8 feet above the natural level of the ground on the
bank of a little river.” Thus an artificial mound of earth had been
reared to serve as a site for the temple. Du Pratz’s drawing of the
temple is reproduced in figure 138. (Du Pratz, (1), III, pp. 15-20.)

The burial customs of the northern and southern tribes differed in
many ways, but the habit of removing the bones of the dead from an
old settlement to a new site, so vividly described by Heckewelder
as being followed by the’ Nanticoke during the first half of the
eighteenth century, finds a parallel in the far south. To quote
from Pére Charlevoix, who wrote under date of January 26, 1722,
there stood, on the eastern bank of the Mississippi, immediately
below the English reach, a short distance below New Orleans, “ not

—¢ aay
"SIT ASP AIBA BN AWN =

Lif fp
Lb
Ah Sf
Y tis
ih

Fig, 138.—The Natchez Temple, after Du Pratz.

long since, a village of the Chouachas, the ruins of which, I have
visited. Nothing remains entire but the cabbin of the chief, which
bears a great resemblance to one of our peasants houses in France,
with this difference only, that it has no windows. It is built of the
branches of trees, the voids of which are filled up with the leaves of
the trees called lataniers [palmetto], and its roof is of the same
materials.” The “village is at present on the other side of the river,
half a league lower, and the Indians have transported thither even
the bones of their dead.” (Charlevoix, (1), II, p. 292.)

THE CHICKASAW

The Chickasaw lived in the hilly country north of the Choctaw,
and although of the same stock they were ever enemies. Many of
their customs differed and instead of the elaborate burial ceremonies
of the Choctaw, “They bury their dead almost the moment the
breath is out of the body, in the very spot under the couch on which
the deceased died, and the nearest relations mourn over it with

106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BuLL. 71

woeful lamentations; the women are very vociferous in it, but the
men do it in silence, taking great care not to be seen any more than
heard at this business; the mourning continues about a year, which
they know by counting the moons, they are every morning and
evening, and at first throughout the day at different times, em-
ployed in the exercise of this last duty.” (Romans, (1), p. 71.)

More details of the ceremony were recorded by Adair, who was
well acquainted with the manners and customs of the Chickasaw,
having traded among them for many years. According to his nar-
rative: “ When any of their people die at home, they wash and
anoint the corpse, and soon bring it out of doors... after a
short eulogium, and space of mourning, they carry him three times
around the house in which he is to be interred, stoping half a min-
ute each time.” The excavation was described as being clean inside,
and after the body had been deposited within it was covered with
logs, then several layers of cypress bark, and made level with the
floor of the house.. Beds were often made above the graves. (Adair,
(ies 181.) |

It is of great interest to be able to trace this unusual custom of in- .
terring the dead beneath the floor of the house back to prehistoric
times, and that within the region occupied by the same tribe. In
Wilson County, Tennessee, was discovered the site of an ancient
village. Surrounded by an inclosure were several mounds and about
100 earth circles with diameters varying from 10 to 50 feet. Each
such ring represented the ruined site of a Separate house of a form
known to have been erected by certain tribes in the lower Mississipp1
Valley. Nineteen of the so-called hut rings were examined and bits
of pottery, stone implements, some broken and others entire, and
other traces of Indian occupancy were discovered. “On removing
the hardened and burnt earth forming the floors of the houses, and at
a depth of from 14 to 3 feet, small stone graves were found in 11 of
the 19 circles that were carefully examined. These graves were in
every case those of children, and were from 1 ft. to 4 ft. in length.
These children’s graves were found at one side of the centre of the
house, and generally, it was noticed, that a fire had been built over
the spot.” (Putnam, (1), pp. 339-360.) Whether all the burials
encountered on this site were really those of children may be ques-
tioned, but nevertheless the custom of burying beneath the floors of
the houses conforms with the known habit of the Chickasaw, as
already told. Undoubtedly many other similar discoveries may be
made at some future time.

Adair also described the customs of the Chickasaw when any of
their number died away from home. “When any of them die at a
distance, if the company be not driven and pursued by an enemy,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 107

they place the corpse on a scaffold, covered with notched logs to secure
it from being torn by wild beasts, or fowls of prey; when they
imagine the flesh is consumed, and the bones are thoroughly dried,
they return to the place, bring them home, and inter them in a very
solemn manner.... The Indians use the same ceremonies to the
bones of their dead, as if they were covered with their former skin,
flesh, and ligaments. It is but a few days since I saw some return
with the bones of nine of their people, who had been two months
before killed by the enemy. They were tied in white deerskins,
separately; and when carried by the door of one of the houses of
their family, they were laid down opposite to it, till the female rela-
tions convened, with flowing hair, and wept over them about half
an hour. Then they carried them home to their friendly magazines
of mortality, wept over them again, and then buried them with the
usual solemnities; putting their valuable effects, and as I am in-
formed, other convenient, things in along with them.” (Adair, (1),
pp. 180-181.)

When the Spanish expedition led by De Soto crossed the southern
country during the years 1539-1541, the Chickasaw were evidently
living in the vicinity of the present Union and Pontotoc Counties, in
the northern part of the State of Mississippi, a region they continued
to occupy for many generations. ‘Traces of an inclosure surrounding
a group of mounds is standing in the southern part of Union County,
and may not be very ancient, as objects of European origin have
been recovered from several of the mounds. Small pits were discov-
ered beneath certain mounds of the group, as in.“ Mound 8...
Six feet north of the center, in the original soil, was a hole 18 inches
across and 14 inches deep, the sides burnt hard as brick, filled with
charcoal and dirt. Seven feet northeast of the center was a similar
but smaller hole. The gray layer‘at the bottom was undisturbed over
both these spots, showing that the mound was built after this part of
the field had been occupied.” (Thomas, (1), pp. 276-277.)

This makes it quite evident the mounds were erected on an old
village site. A trench was cut through a section of another mound
of the group, that designated as No. 1, and was carried “down to
underlying red clay which was so hard as to be difficult to loosen with
a pick. In this clay two holes had been dug 6 feet apart, one north
of the other. Each was a foot across and 3 feet deep, rounded at the
bottom, and filled with a shiny gray ooze. In the one to the south
was found a piece of skull bone, in the northern one nothing but the
soft mud or slime. Fourteen feet from the center were two similar
holes, one 14 inches across and 3 feet deep, the other 3 feet south of
it of the same depth and 18 inches across. . . . No traces of bones
were found in these.” (Op. cit., p. 271.)

108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

As these mounds were erected on the site of a more ancient settle-
ment, it is possible the pits were graves made by the early Chickasaw
beneath the floors of their dwellings, and during the many years that
have intervened since the habitations were occupied: the bones have
disappeared, with only a fragment of a skull remaining.

The Chakchiuma, related linguistically to the Chickasaw and Choc-
taw, lived on the upper Yazoo River, and lower down the stream,
near its junction with the Mississippi, were the villages of the Tuni-
can group, including the Koroa, Yazoo, and the Tunica proper. The
burial customs of the people then living in the valley of the Yazoo
were undoubtedly quite similar, although the inhabitants of the scat-_
tered towns belonged to different stocks. And when referring to
“the Yazoux and the Chacchoumas” (i. e., the Yazoo and Chak-
chiuma), Dumont wrote: “ When their chief is dead they go into the
woods to bury him, just as in the case of an ordinary man, some on
one side, some on the other, the relatives of the deceased accompany-
ing the convoy and bearing in their hands a pine stick lighted like a
torch. When the body is in the trench all those taking part throw
their lighted torches into it in the same way, after which it is cov-
ered with earth. That is what the entire ceremony is confined to.
It is true that it continues more than six months longer for the rela-
tions of the dead and for his friends, who during all that time go
almost every night to utter howls over the grave, and on account of
the difference in their cries and voices form a regular charivari.
These ceremonies, as I have said, are common to the chiefs and people.
The only difference which marks the first is that at their head is
planted a post on which is cut with the point of a knife the figures
they have worn painted on their body during life.” (Dumont, (1),
I, pp. 246-247.)

The Tunica, although forming a distinct linguistic family from
the Muskhogean tribes with whom they were so closely associated,
and practically surrounded, were few in number, but they may, at
some earlier time, have been a more numerous and powerful people.

To quote Swanton: “Although affected by Christian beliefs, the
mortuary ceremonies observed by the Tunica until recent times were
evidently directly descended from older customs.

“The only specific reference by an early writer to the mortuary
customs of this tribe is by La Source, who says: ‘They inter their
dead, and the relations come to weep with those of the house, and
in the evening they weep over the grave of the departed and make
a fire there and pass their hands over it, crying out and weeping.’
(Shea, (1), p. 81.)

“Accounts of the modern ceremonies were obtained from different
sources by Doctor Gatschet and the writer, and the following is
an attempt to weave them together:

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 109

“The body of a dead person was kept for one day and then in-
terred, many persons making speeches on the occasion. The corpse
was laid with its head toward the east, which the Tunica chief told
the writer was simply ‘their way of burying,’ the reason having
evidently been forgotten. For four successive nights thereafter a
fire was lighted at the head, as Gatschet’s informant explained, to
keep away the bad spirits who sat in that direction for the same
period. During that time the people watched the grave and fasted,
and on the morning of the day after the fourth, just before day-
break, all, both old and young, went to plunge four times in water.
By that time the soul was satisfied and had ‘gone up.’ Then all re-
assembled in the house from which the burial had taken place and
breakfasted together, eating white dumplings and the fresh meat of
large geese. Then the principal speaker delivered an address, after
which he made all put on mourning, he himself and the other near
relations wearing it for six months and the father and mother of the
deceased for one year. A mourning garb is thought not to have
been known before the people ‘learned how to pray;’ i. e. before
Christianity was introduced, which seems probable. During their
days of mourning people did not eat or drink until noon.

““Cemeteries were placed on hills in the open country, and because
spirits were believed to dwell around them the protection of each
cemetery was intrusted to one man. Each new year the guardian
said to all those who had ripe corn: ‘ Ripe corn must be thrown on
the.cemetery! Ripe beans must be thrown on the cemetery!’ Then
all went to work to collect their corn and beans and place them
there. This took three or sometimes four days, and at the same
time, evidently in later years, they cut the cemetery grass. These
last statements are according to Gatschet’s informant. The Tunica
chief only stated that a second fast, called the ‘corn fast’ (féte du
blé), took place for the benefit of the dead at the time when little
corn had just become good to eat. The ears were roasted close to
the fire and then placed in a saucer at the head of the grave. Before
this time a ‘sign,’ which in later times was probably a cross, had
been made by a particular person who always performed this office
and placed at the grave. The offering of corn was also made for
four days. On the last of these the people fasted until noon and
assembled at the house of the cemetery guardian. - Then they
plunged into water four times, also for the dead, and after a speech
from the guardian, he gave them all a dinner by way of payment.
In later times this ended the fast, but anciently the dinner was
followed by a dance.” (Swanton, (1), pp. 324-326.)

Other Muskhogean tribes may now be mentioned.

110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71
THE CREEKS

The Creeks had customs resembling those of the Chickasaw, and,
in some instances, deposited the remains of their dead beneath the
floors of their habitations. To quote from Bartram:

“The Muscogulges bury their deceased in the earth. They dig a
four-square deep pit under the cabin or couch which the deceased
lay on, in his house, lining the grave with Cypress bark, where they
place the corpse in a sitting posture, as if it were alive; depositing
with him his gun, tomahawk, pipe, and such other matters as he had
the greatest value for in his life time.” (Bartram, (1), pp. 513-514.)

And when Romans referred to the same people, he said: “The
dead are buried in a sitting posture, and they are furnished with a
musket, powder and ball, a hatchet, pipe, some tobacco, a club, a bow
and arrows, a looking glass, some vermillion and other trinkets, in
- order to come well provided in the land of spirits.” (Romans, (1),
pp. 98-99.)

Another traveler a few years later, in 1791, left a brief account of
the customs of the Creeks, and said in part: “ Upon the Decease of
an Adult of either Sex, the Friends and Relations of the Decedent
religiously collect whatever he or she held most dear in Life, and
inter them close by and sometimes in their Owner’s Grave. This
pious Tribute to their Dead includes Horses, Cows, Hogs, and Dogs,
as well as Things inanimate.” (Pope, (1), p. 58.) And the same
writer mentioned the Creek’s belief in ghosts, which tends to recall
the somewhat similar belief prevalent among the Choctaw. He told
how “ The Creeks in approaching the Frontiers of Georgia, always
encamp on the right Hand side of the Road or Path, assigning the
left, as ominous, to the Zarvw or Ghosts of their departed Heroes
who have either unfortunately lost their Scalps, or remain unburied.
The Ghost of any Hero in either Predicament, is refused Admittance
into the Mansions of Bliss, and sentenced to take up its invisible and
darksom Abode, in the dreary Caverns of the Wilderness; until the
Indignity shall be retaliated on the Enemy, by some of his surviving
Friends.” (Pp. 63-64.)

About the time of the preparation of the preceding account an
even more interesting record was made by an officer in the army,
Maj. C. Swan, who visited the Creek nation during the autumn of
1790, and returned to Philadelphia March 13, 1791. After referring
to various customs of the people with whom he had been he said:

“ When one of a family dies, the relations bury the corpse about
four feet deep, in a round hole dug directly under the cabin or rock
whereon he died. The corpse is placed in the hole in a sitting pos-
ture, with a blanket wrapped about it, and the legs bent under it and
tied together. If a warrior, he is painted, and his pipe, ornaments,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL lg Gi

and warlike appendages are deposited with him. The grave is then
covered with canes tied to a hoop round the top of the hole, and
then a firm layer of clay, sufficient to support tle weight of a man.
The relations howl loudly and mourn publicly for four days. If the
deceased has been a man of eminent character, the family immedi-
ately remove from the house in which he is buried, and erect a new
one, with a belief that where the bones of their dead are deposited,
the place is always attended by ‘ goblins and chimeras dire.’ They
believe there is a state of future existence, and that according to the
tenor of their lives they shall hereafter be rewarded with the privi-
lege of hunting in the realms of the Master of Breath, or of becoming
Seminolies [i. e. wanderers] in the regions of the old sorcerer. But
as it is very difficult fer them to draw any parallel between virtue
and vice, they are most of them flattered with the expectation of
hereafter becoming great war-leaders, or swift hunters in the beloved
country of the great Hesikadum Essé.” (Schoolcraft, (2), V, p.
270.) .
Several mounds of the greatest interest have been discovered in
the territory which was formerly the home of Muskhogean tribes,
and from their nature it is evident they were constructed long after
the coming of the Spaniards. One stood about one-quarter mile
from the left bank of Alabama River, 6 miles below the city of Mont-
gomery, in Montgomery County, Alabama. This was in the midst
of the Creek towns. The mound was 9 feet in height, with a diameter
of 67 feet. Objects of iron, of glass, and other materials, all derived
from the whites, were encountered throughout the work, from the
summit to the base, which proves the entire work, to have been
erected after the advent of Europeans. And, in addition to these
objects of foreign make, were associated others of stone, shell, and
earthenware of aboriginal workmanship. This was one of the most
remarkable of the many mounds examined by Moore throughout the
South. Two others far south of the preceding, also discovered by
Moore, may be mentioned. Of these the first was situated about 200
yards north of Alligator Harbor and 1 mile from its lower end, in
Franklin County, Florida. When examined, 79 burials were dis-
covered, among them the flexed; the bunched, which sometimes in-
cluded several skulls together; and bones scattered. AI] the burials
were in the southeastern half of the mound, and in the same section
were encountered 62 pottery vessels and various objects of stone and
shell. The lack of European objects in this mound makes it appear
to be quite ancient, but in the adjoining county of Calhoun, on the
northern bank of Chipola cut-off, stood a mound which had un-
doubtedly been reared at a much later time, as glass beads and pieces
of brass, found at the base of the work, indicate the entire tumulus

112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

to have been reared since the first part of the sixteenth century.
Forty-two burials were encountered scattered throughout the mound,
and these included flexed skeletons, bundles of bones, and separate
skulls, the latter not in contact with other bones. Now, it is more
than probable that both mounds just mentioned were erected by the
same people; one before, the other after, contact with the whites.
The forms of burials in both were similar, characteristic of the
region, and resembling those revealed in mounds farther south‘on the
peninsula. The mounds in Franklin and Calhoun Counties were
probably erected by a Muskhogean tribe, whose identity has not been
determined, who may have had customs resembling those of the
Choetaw. The bundles of bones had probably been gathered from the
“ bonehouses ” after all flesh had disappeared, then wrapped or put
in baskets, and so deposited and covered with a mass of earth, thus
forming the mound. In some instances the bones were put in large
earthenware vessels which, by reason of their imperishable nature, are
now found containing the remains, but there is no reason to attribute
any special meaning to these so-called urn burials. This merely
proves that large vessels were sometimes used to hold the remains
when prepared for the last disposition, rather than baskets, bags,
skins, or some such material, which soon decayed and disappeared,
allowing the bones to become as now found—matted and massed
in the earth, broken and compressed by the weight of the super-
stratum. And it is highly probable that as these burial mounds are
now found they may represent not more than one-half of their origi-
nal height. The baskets in which the bones had been buried
crumbled away, the remains sunk and became more compact, and
gradually the éntire accumulation of bones and earth, baskets, mats,
and vessels became a comparatively solid but confused mass. AI] ma-
terials of a perishable nature soon disappeared, allowing some of the
firmer bones to remain, together with vessels of earthenware and
objects of stone, now to be discovered embedded in the sand or clay
with which they were originally covered.

The islands lying off the coast of Georgia appear to have been the
home of a2 Muskhogean tribe, the Guale, at the time this part of the
country was first visited by the Spaniards during the early part of
the sixteenth century. And the many burial mounds standing on the
islands and near-by mainland may have been erected by these people.
Many of the mounds have been examined and have revealed several
forms, or rather methods, of disposing of the dead. One such burial
place, a mound of exceptional interest, was near the bank of the
Sapelo River, about 2 miles from Sutherland Bluff, in the present
McIntosh County, Georgia. When examined it was about 6 feet in
height and 46 feet in diameter. It “was composed of rich, loamy,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 113

brown sand with many local layers of oyster shells. The usual char-
coal and fireplaces were present. A black layer from three inches to
one foot in thickness, made up of sand mingled with charcoal in
minute particles, ran through the mound at about the level of the
surrounding territory.” Human remains were discovered at 36
points, and “in no one mound investigated by us has there been so
well exemplified the various forms of aboriginal disposition of the
dead—the burial in anatomical order; the burial of portions of the
skeletons; the interment of great masses of human bones; the pyre;
the loose deposit of incinerated remains; the burial of cinerary urns.”
(Moore, (1), p. 45.)

Probably few mounds yet found have revealed such a great variety
of forms of burial as did this low, spreading work on the bank of the
Sapelo. And this discovery also proves conclusively that one tribe
followed at the same time many methods of disposing of their dead.

A short distance northward from the preceding, on Ossabaw
Island, in Bryan County, Georgia, was a similar low, spreading
mound. And when excavated it likewise proved to be of great inter-
est. “In no part of the mound, outside of the calcined remains,
among which were parts of adult skeletons seemingly belonging to
males, were skeletal remains of adult males—the skeletons being ex-
clusively those of women, adolescents, children, and infants—and
that in one portion of the mound burial vases exclusively contained
skeletons of infants, unaffected by fire, while in other portions
cinerary urns were present filled with fragments of calcined human
skeletons. Again we see pockets of calcined human remains and
skeletal remains of women and children unaffected by fire and not
included in vessels of earthenware.” (Moore, (1), p. 89.)

The most remarkable feature of this discovery was the lack of male
skeletons in the body of the mound; in other words, the exclusion of
males from this particular tomb. This fact tends to verify to some
extent a statement made by Oviedo, who observed the burial customs
of the inhabitants of this coast early in the sixteenth century. He
mentioned the custom then followed by the people of placing the re-
mains of the children and young persons apart from the others, and
continued by saying the principal men of the tribe were buried in a
distinct group. He failed to mention the disposition of the remains
of the women, but they may have been placed with those of the chil-
dren and younger members of the tribe. (Oviedo, (1), ITI, p. 630.)
Thus the discovery and careful examination of this low mound on
Ossabaw Island has tended to verify an observation made some four
centuries ago.

It is possible within this same region to trace another custom from
historic back into prehistoric times, and whenever this may be done it

130548 °—20 8

114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

tends to make more clear the customs of the inhabitants of ancient
America at the time of the coming of Europeans.

About the year 1730 a small group of Creeks, together with a few
Yamasee, all belonging to the same linguistic family, settled on the
south or right bank of the Savannah, at a place now known as Yama-
craw Bluff, within the limits of the present city of Savannah. Their
chief was the famous Tomochichi, who, together with others, later
accompanied Gov. Oglethrope to England. While there, during the
year 1734, a member of the party died, and “ previous to interment
in the church-yard of St. John’s, Westminster, the body was sewn
up ina blanket and bound between two boards.” (Jones, C. C., (1),
pp. 185-187.) It was placed in a grave together with many orna-
ments and other objects. Moore drew attention to the occurrence
when describing burials encountered by him in a mound on Creigh-
ton Island, McIntosh County, Georgia, only a short distance south of
Savannah, and consequently not far from the former village on
Yamacraw Bluff. He remarked on the discovery of traces of wood
associated with the skeletal remains, and said in part: “In seven
cases layers of decayed wood or bark, occasionally showing marks of
fire, lay above human remains, and in two cases, above and below.”
(Moore, (1), p. 30.) There is little doubt of these mound burials
having been similar, in all essential details, to that of the Indian who
died in London in 1734. And although it is not possible to determine
the exact age of the mound on Creighton Island, nevertheless it is
reasonable to attribute it to a period after the coming of the Span-
iards to the coast of Florida. It is interesting to know that a small
mound which stood in Chatham County, Georgia, not far from the
preceding, when examined revealed a human skeleton resting upon
the original surface, and associated with it was a sword of European
origin.

THE SEMINOLE

The Seminole, the immigrants from the Creek towns who settled
in Florida during the eighteenth century, were little influenced by
the whites until very recent years. Living as they did in the midst
of the great swamps of the southern part of the peninsula, with no
roads penetrating the tangle of semitropical vegetation, and with
even the location of their settlements unknown to the occupants of
other parts of Florida, they were never visited, and seldom seen ex-
cept when they chose to make journeys to the traders near the coast.
Consequently the burial customs of the people, as witnessed 40 years
ago, were probably little different from those practiced during the
past generations. The account written at that time referred par-
ticularly to the death and burial of a child:

“The preparation for burial began as soon as death had taken
place. The body was clad in a new shirt, a new handkerchief being

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 115

tied about the neck and another around the head. A spot of red
paint was placed on the right cheek and one of black upon the left.
The body was laid face upwards. In the left hand, together with a
bit of burnt wood, a small bow about twelve inches in length was
placed, the hand lying naturally over the middle of the body.
Across the bow, held by the right hand, was laid an arrow, slightly
drawn. During these preparations, the women loudly lamented,
with hair disheveled. At the same time some men had selected a
place for the burial and made the grave in this manner: Two pal-
metto logs of proper size were split. The four pieces were firmly
placed on edge, in the shape of an oblong box, lengthwise east and

Fic. 14.—\ Carrying the dead, among the Seminole.

west. In this box a floor was laid, and over this a blanket was
spread. Two men, at next sunrise, carried the body from the camp
to the place of burial, the body being suspended at feet, thighs, back,
and neck from a long pole [fig. 14]. The relatives followed. In
the grave, which is called ‘ To-hép-ki’—a word used by the Seminole
for ‘stockade,’ or ‘ fort,’ also, the body was then laid the feet to the
east. A blanket was then carefully wrapped around the body.
Over this palmetto leaves were placed and the grave was tightly
closed by a covering of logs. Above the box a roof was then built.
Sticks in the form of an X, were driven into the earth across the
overlying logs; these were connected by a pole, and this structure
was covered thickly with palmetto leaves. [ Pl. 13, a.]

“The bearers of the body then made a large fire at each end of the
‘To-hop-ki.’ With this the ceremony at the grave ended and all

116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

returned to the camp. During that day and for three days there-
after the relatives remained at home and refrained from work. The
fires at the grave were renewed at sunset by those who had made
them, and after nightfall torches were waved in the air, that ‘ the
bad birds of the night’ might not get at the Indian lying in his
grave. The renewal of the fires and waving of the torches were
repeated three days. The fourth day the fires were allowed to die
out. Throughout the camp ‘medicine’ had been sprinkled at sunset
for three days. On the fourth day it was said that the Indian ‘had
gone.” From that time the mourning ceased and the members of the

family returned to their usual occupations.

“The interpretation of the ceremonies just mentioned, as given me,
is this: The Indian was laid in the grave to remain there, it was
believed, only until the fourth day. The fires at head and feet, as
well as the waving of the torches, were to guard him from the ap-
proach of ‘evil birds’ who would harm him. His feet were placed
toward the east, that when he arose to go to the skies he might go
straight to the sky path, which commenced at the place of the sun’s
rising; that were he laid with the feet in any other direction he
would not know when he rose what path to take and he would be
lost in the darkness. He had with him his bow and arrow, that he
might procure food on his way. The piece of burnt wood in his
hand was to protect him from the ‘bad birds’ while he was on his
skyward journey. These ‘evil birds’ are called Ta-lak-i-clak-o.
The last rite paid to the Seminole dead is at the end of four moons.
At that time the relatives go to the To-hop-ki and cut from around it
the overgrowing grass. A widow lives with disheveled hair for the
first twelve moons of her widowhood.” (MacCauley, (1), pp. 520-
529.)

Another form of Seminole burial has been mentioned, but it
could not have been followed to any great extent. ‘The Seminoles
of Florida are said to have buried in hollow trees, the bodies being
placed in an upright position, occasionally the dead being crammed
into a hollow log lying on the ground.” (Yarrow, (1), p. 188.) The
writer failed to give his authority for the statement.

TIMUCUAN TRIBES

Long before the Seminole reached central Florida the peninsula
had been the home of other native tribes who have left many mounds
and other works to indicate the positions of their villages. The
northern half of the peninsula, from the Ocilla River on the north
to the vicinity of Tampa Bay on the south, and thence across to about
Cape Canaveral on the Atlantic coast, was, when first visited by the
Spaniards, the home of tribes belonging to the Timucuan family, of
whom very little is known. They were encountered near the site of

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 117

the present city of St. Augustine by Ponce de Leon in 1518, on the
west coast by Narvaez in 1528, and in the same region by De Soto
11 years later. The southern half of the peninsula, especially along
the Gulf coast, was also occupied by many villages, but even less is
known of the inhabitants, nor is it definitely known to what linguistic
family they belonged, although they may have been Muskhogean.

Much of interest regarding the burial customs of the ancient peo-
ple who occupied this region at the time of the coming of Europeans
has been learned as a result of the careful examination of many
mounds, both on the east and west coast. Moore has examined many
mounds on the west coast between Tampa Bay and the mouth of the
Ocilla, and has discovered innumerable burials contained in them.
Various forms are represented, with a large proportion closely flexed,
and in other instances only skulls without any other bones in con-
tact. But of all the works examined in this region the most inter-
esting stood near Tarpon Springs, near the Gulf shore, in the far
northwestern corner of Hillsboro County. This is the county in
which Tampa is located. The mound was thoroughly explored and
‘the remains of more than six hundred skeletons” were encountered.
“These, with notable exception—probably those of chiefs and head
men—had been dismembered previously to interment, but were dis-
tributed in distinct groups that I regarded as communal or totemic
and phratral, and of exceeding interest; for they seemed to indicate
that the burial mound had been regarded by its builders as a tribal
settlement, a sort of ‘Little City of their Dead,’ and that if so, it
might be looked on as still, in a measure, representing the distribu-
tion and relation of the clans and phratries in an actual village or
‘tribal settlement of these people when living. Moreover, in the
minor disposition of the skeletons that had not been scattered, but
had been buried in parks, or else entire and extended, in sherd-lined
graves or wooden cists within and around each of these groups, it
seemed possible to still trace somewhat of the relative ranks of indi-
viduals in these groups, and not a few of the social customs and re-
ligious beliefs of the ancient builders. This possibility was still fur-
ther borne out by the fact that with the skeletal remains were asso-
ciated, in different ways, many superb examples of pottery and sac-
rificial potsherds, and numerous stone, shell and bone utensils,
weapons, and ornaments.” (Cushing, (1), pp. 24-26.)

This interesting and plausible conclusion reached by Cushing re-
garding the placing of the dead belonging to the different totemic
groups in distinct graves, or rather in distinct parts of the great
burial mound, tends to recall Adair’s description of the “ bone-
houses ” of the Choctaw. He said “each house contained the bones
of one tribe, separately.” This must have referred to the clans and

118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 71

phratries, and if such a distinction was made when the bodies were
first placed in the “ bone-houses,” it is more than probable the same
rule was followed when they were finally removed from them, then
carried, and with certain ceremony placed on the surface and cov-
ered with earth. This may be the explanation of many groups of
bundled burials encountered in mounds in the South, and again this
would tend to prove some connection between the builders of the
mound in question and the Muskhogean tribe, the Choctaw. The
mound just mentioned, although larger than the majority, may be
considered typical of the region,

The mounds on the east coast, or more correctly in the eastern
portion of the peninsula, were somewhat different from those to the
westward, and probably the burial customs were likewise different.
Drawings made by the French artist Jacobo Le Moyne, who visited
the east coast in the year 1564, were reproduced by De Bry in the
second part of his famous collection of voyages, printed in 1591.
One of the engravings, representing a burial ceremony in one of the
Timucuan villages, is reproduced in plate 13, 6. The description of
the plate as given in the old work reads: “ When a chief in that
province dies, he is buried with great solemnities, his drinking-cup
‘is placed on the grave, and many arrows are planted in the earth
about the mound itself. His subjects mourn for him three whole
days and nights, without taking any food. All the other chiefs, his
friends, mourn in like manner; and both men and women, in testi-
mony of their love for him, cut off more than half their hair. Be-
sides this, for six months afterwards certain chosen women three
times every day, at dawn, noon, and twilight, mourn for the de--
ceased king with a great howling. And all his household stuff is put
into his house, which is set on fire, and the whole burned up together.
In like manner, when their priests die, they are buried in their own
houses; which are then set on fire, and burned up with their fur-
niture.” (Le Moyne, (1).)

It will be noticed that in the drawing the house, evidently that
of the deceased, is shown wrapped in flames, thus conforming with
the description. The custom of destroying the houses in which
death had occurred was also followed by the Natchez, the Taensa,
and probably others. The Creeks are known to have abandoned
their habitations after the death of one of the occupants, and may
under some conditions have burned the structure; in other instances
they continued to occupy the house after having interred the re-
mains beneath the floor.

The village drawn by the French artist in 1564 probably stood in
the present Duval County, Florida, a region in which many very
interesting burial mounds have been discovered and examined. Many

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 119

of the mounds appear to have been erected over an area previously
excavated, a detail lacking in the old drawing, which, however,
should not be accepted as being very accurate. But the scene de-
picted may be the very beginning of the erection of such a structure. —
This may show the nucleus of such a work, prepared soon after
the death of a great man whose tomb was later to be reared. But
in regard to this most interesting question nothing can now be
stated with any degree of certainty.

Moore has given a very graphic description of the construction
of a mound examined by him which stood in Duval County, Florida,
not far from the banks of the St. Johns. Its diameters were 63
feet and 58 feet, and its height, then greatly reduced by cultivation,
was only 2 feet 2 inches. He wrote: “It was evident that the mound
had been constructed in the following manner. First, a fire was
built on the surface, possibly to destroy the underbrush. Next, a
pit of the area of the intended mound was dug to a depth of about
3 feet. In a central portion of this pit was made a deposit of
human remains with certain artifacts. ... Then the pit was
filled with the sand previously thrown out, through which was plen-
tifully mingled charcoal from the surface fire. During the process
of filling, various relics but no human remains, were deposited, and
covered by the sand. When the pit was filled to the general level,
a great fire was made over its entire area as was evidenced by a well-
marked stratum of sand discolored by fire and containing particles
of charcoal, extending entirely through the mound at the level of
the surrounding territory. Upon this the mound proper was con-
structed and various bunched burials and art relics introduced.

“Tn all human remains were encountered eleven times, once at the
base of the pit, the remainder in the body of the mound. The burials
were of the bunched variety, but small portions remaining.” (Moore,
(6), pp. 27-29.)

Objects of shell, stone, pottery, and copper were recovered from
the mound, which was entirely destroyed. Traces of great fires
are characterstic of many mounds along the St. Johns, but whether
they were supposed to have served some practical purpose, or were
ceremonial, can not be told.

The mounds of this part of Florida often present some very in-
teresting features. One of evidently quite recent origin was discov-
ered about one-half mile north of Bayard Point, which is on the left
bank of the St. Johns nearly opposite Picolata, in Clay County. Its
height was about 4 feet 9 inches, diameter 45 feet. It was formed of
unstratified whitish sand, with occasional pockets of charcoal. Asso-
ciated with the several burials were objects of European origin.
“Somewhat south of the centre of the mound was a male skeleton

120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

at length, placed with the head northwest. At one side of the re-
mains was a flint-lock gun, in reverse position with muzzle toward
the feet. And nearby were traces of a bone handled awl, and prob-
ably a powder horn partly decorated with brass-headed nails, also a
flint and steel, undoubtedly used in striking fire. Scattered in the
mound, but not in direct contact with the human remains, were some
fragments of pottery.” Moore also found where other mounds had
served the later inhabitants as burial places, intrusive burials often
having many objects of foreign origin in contact. Some of these
may be attributed to the Seminole of the past 150 years.

Midway across the peninsula, in the present Lake County, and
within the Timucuan territory, have been encountered many mounds,
shell deposits, and other signs of the occupancy of the country by a
comparatively large native population. Some of the works were
quite remarkable. One mound which stood about 200 yards from
the right bank of Blue Creek was practically destroyed: “Tts height
was 5 feet 6 inches, its circumference 165 feet. . . . About one
foot beneath the surface of the mound, which was otherwise com-
posed of white sand of the surrounding territory, ran a layer of
pinkish sand, having a maximum thickness of eighteen inches.
. . . Chemical analysis showed the coloring matter to be pulver-
ized hematite.” Burials were encountered only beneath the unbroken
stratum of pink sand. “They were mainly on or below the base
and were all disconnected bones, crania greatly preponderating.”

About 2 miles distant from the preceding was another mound of
equal interest, and likewise presenting several curious features.
Examining this, “thirty crania were met with. . . . At times
bundles of long bones were found without the skull, while in other
portions of the mound fragments of isolated crania were en-
countered, At times great bunches of long bones were found with
two or three crania in. association. . . . Most skeletons lay
near or upon the base.”

No extended, complete skeletons were encountered in this mound,
but it is evident that here, as elsewhere, the later burials were made
more after the customs of the whites. It is likewise of interest to
know positively that mounds were reared after the coming of Eu-
ropeans. Such a work was examined and described by Moore. It
stood about 1 mile northwest of Fort Mason, just north of Lake
Yale. When examined it was 50 feet in diameter but only 2 feet
in height, having been reduced by cultivation. “Unlike other
mounds demolished by us on the Oklawaha, the method of burial
in this mound was in anatomical order, in various forms of flexion.
In all fifteen skeletons were encountered.” Objects of iron, silver,
and copper were associated with them, being of European origin;
and in addition to these pieces of foreign work three skeletons had

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL LOT

each one polished stone celt near by. Stone arrowheads were also
found in the mound, the whole of which had been erected after con-
tact with Europeans. The mound probably belongs to the transition
period, before native implements and weapons had been entirely
superseded by others of European make, but while they were still
retained and used. And although this mound was not far from the
site of a late village of the Seminole, it would seem that it belonged
to a somewhat earlier period, as it is doubtful if these late comers
would have had, and evidently used, implements of stone. (The
preceding references to mounds in Lake County, are quoted from
Moore, (6).)

Tt is difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish between the differ-
ent burials now found in central Florida. Many are unquestion-
ably quite ancient, dating from some generations before the coming
of the Spaniards; others are comparatively recent. The older forms
may be Timucuan or even of the people who may have traversed
this section when going farther southward; possibly some very old
Muskhogean tribe. But no human remains yet found in Florida, or
elsewhere east of the Mississippi, can justly be attributed to a people
more ancient than the native American tribes, as now known and
recognized.

Another interesting detail was noted by Moore in a mound on
the bank of the St. Johns, in St. Johns County, about 3 miles north
of Picolata. The mound was about 6 feet 6 inches in height and
64 feet in diameter. On the original surface, covering the center
of the base of the mound, “was a flooring of split plank in the last
stages of decay, about 13 feet square. Its thickness was 2 inches.”
This was red cedar. Within the work were discovered 34 separate
bundles of bones, but no entire skeletons. This discovery was made
in 1894. For the sake of comparison, to show the similarity of cus-
toms in widely separated parts of the country, but by people in no
way connected with one another, a reference may be made to a dis-
covery made in a mound far north in Ohio. The mound referred
to stood “upon the broad and beautiful terrace on which Chilli-
cothe stands, about 1 mile to the north of that town,” in Ross
County. It was about 15 feet in height and 70 feet in diameter.
The work was excavated, but nothing was encountered until the
human skeleton, at the base of the mound, was reached. “The
course of preparation for the burial seémed to have been as follows:
The surface of the ground was first carefully leveled and packed,
over an area perhaps ten or fifteen feet square. This area was then
covered with sheets of bark, on which, in the center, the body of
the dead was deposited, with a few articles of stone at its side, and
a few smali ornaments near the head. It was then covered over

122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

with another layer of bark, and the mound heaped above.” (Squier
and Davis, (1), p. 164.)

The latter burial also closely resembled those discovered in a
mound on Creighton Island, McIntosh County, Georgia, although
there the deposits of bark or wood were only of sufficient size to
cover a single skeleton. But a great many burials within mounds
may originally have been so protected by slabs of wood, or sheets
of bark, all traces of which have long ago decayed and disappeared.

SIOUAN GROUPS

The piedmont region of Virginia, and southward, was claimed and
occupied by tribes belonging to the Siouan linguistic group. Among
these may be mentioned the Monacan, enemies of the Powhatan tribes
during the early years of the colony; the Tutelo and Saponi, whose
lands extended into the northern part of Carolina; and the better
known Catawba, the most important of the eastern Siouan tribes.
The Biloxi and Ofo of Mississippi and the Winnebago of Wisconsin
were likewise members of this stock. And there is reason to suppose
the upper Ohio Valley was once the home of other Siouan tribes who
had moved westward, beyond the Mississippi, some years before the
coming of Europeans.

THE MONACAN

During the autumn of the year 1608 a party of the colonists from
Jamestown, led by Capt. Newport, ascended the James to the Falls,
the site of the present city of Richmond, and leaving their boats,
continued westward “into the Land called the Monscane.” This
was the territory of the Monacan, a Siouan people who were ever
enemies of the Powhatan tribes of the tidewater region, which ex-
tends eastward from the line of the Falls to the Atlantic. Moving
westward from the Falls the party discovered the Monacan villages
of Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch. Although the eastern bound-
ary of this tribal territory was so clearly defined its western limits
are not known, but at some time it undoubtedly extended westward
to the mountains beyond the Jackson Valley. The Rivanna was
near the center of this region, and at or near the mouth of this
stream, on the left bank of the James, in the present Fluvanna
County, Virginia, was one of the most important Monacan towns,
Rassawck, as indicated on the map prepared by Capt. John Smith.

An Indian village seldom remained for many years on a given
spot, its position being shifted back and forth, as certain causes
made necessary; therefore, it is more than probable that remains
of an old settlement encountered on the river bank some 3 miles
above Columbia indicate the site of Rassawck during some period

BUSHNELL] © NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 123

of its existence. Traces of the town were exposed by the great
freshet of 1870, and “ when the water receded it was found that fully
four feet of the surface had been removed, revealing not less than
40 or 50 ‘fireplaces’ scattered at intervals, generally 30 to 40 feet
apart. Lying among the ashes and burned earth, or scattered close
about, were many burned stones, fragments of pottery, animal bones,
nrostly broken, some of them calcined, arrowheads, great quantities
of chips and broken arrows, and other indications of a former In-
dian town. ... Scattered between the fire beds were the graves,
readily distinguished by the darker color of the earth. They were
circular, or nearly so, about 3 feet in diameter, and none of them
more than 18 or 20 inches deep. One contained the skeletons of a
woman and a child, one of a man and a woman, a few those of two
women, but most of them disclosed the remains of only one individ-
ual in each. ... More than 25 graves were carefully examined,
but no relics were found in any of them; if eying had been buried
with the bodies, it was of a perishable nature.” (Fowke, (1), p. 13.)

The valley of the James is rich in evidence of the days of Indian
occupancy, and of the many sites which have been discovered one of
the most interesting and extensive stood on the bank of the stream
near Gala, in the present Botetourt County. Many human remains
have been recovered from the site, and it has been estimated thar
about 200 skeletons were encountered while constructing the railway
which traversed the ancient settlement. Some of the bodies had
been placed extended, others were closely flexed. Many pits were
discovered, some quite shallow, others several feet in depth, all filled
with camp refuse, like the great mass by which the site was cov rvered.
(Fowke, op. Sie

There was evidently a great similarity between the two settlements .
just mentioned. It appears that no burial place was set apart away
from the habitations, but that the graves were made at intervals be-
tween the fire beds, or the caches which originally served for the
storage of food supphes. In this southern country the fires were
probably made outside the dwellings, in which circumstance the
latter must necessarily have stood between the fire beds. Therefore
the burials were made either just outside the habitations or, follow-
ing the custom of the Creeks, which is doubtful, the dead may
have been placed in graves excavated beneath the floors of the homes
of the living. However this may have been, the burial customs of
the occupants of these settlements on the banks of the James differed
greatly from those of the people who, at one time, lived just north-
ward, in the valley of the Rivanna. But, as will be shown later,
there was a great similarity between the appearance of the site at
Gala, with its numerous pits, and various ancient villages in Ohio.

124 ’ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

To return to the valley of the Rivanna, on the map made by Capt.
Smith, as already mentioned, Rassawck is indicated, and beyond it.
toward the north is another town, J/onassuhapanough, not far from
a stream evidently intended to represent the Rivanna. The valley
may have been comparatively thickly peopled during precolonial
times, as it was well adapted to the wants and requirements of the
native inhabitants, but before the close of the seventeenth century |
the number had become greatly reduced, and about the year 1730,
when white settlers entered the region, only a few Indians lived in or
frequented the present county of Albemarle. In 1735 a grant of 600
acres of land was made to one Thomas Moorman; the land laid on the
right, or south, bank of the Rivanna, and included the “ Indian Grave
low grounds.” This is a rich area of many acres, but subject to over-
flow. It is directly north of the University of Virginia. “Indian
Grave” referred to a burial mound which stood on the lowland just
south of the Rivanna. In this connection it is interesting to know
that the term “ Indian grave,” often heard in the South, referred to
a mound, a communal grave or burial, and not to a single grave
containing the remains of one person. The mound near the bank of
the Rivanna was examined and described by Jefferson a few years be-
fore the Revolution. Monticello, the home of Jefferson, was only a
few miles away to the southeast. Regarding this most interesting
work Jefferson wrote:

“Tt was situated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two
miles above its principal fork, and opposite to some hills, on which
had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidical form, of about
forty feet diameter at the base, and had been of about twelve feet
altitude, though now reduced by the plough to seven and a half.
having been under cultivation about a dozen years. Before this it
was covered with trees of twelve inches diameter, and round the hase
was an excavation of five feet depth and width, from whence the
-arth had been taken of which the hillock was formed. I first dug
superficially in several parts of it, and came to collections of human
bones, at different depths, from six inches to three feet below the
surface. These were lying in the utmost confusion, some vertical,
some oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the
compass, entangled, and: held together in clusters by the earth. Bones
of the most distant parts were found together; as, for instance, the
small bones of the foot in the hollow of a scull, many sculls would
sometimes be in contact, lying on the face, on the side, on the back,
top or bottom, so as, on the whole, to give the idea of bones emptied
promiscuously from a bag or basket, and covered over with earth,
without any attention to their order. The bones of which the great-
est numbers remained, were sculls, jJaw-bones, teeth, the bones of the
arms, thighs, legs, feet, and hands. A few ribs remained, some verte-

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 125

brae of the neck and spine, without their processes, and one instance
only of the bone which serves as a base for the vertebral column.
The sculls were so tender, that they generally fell to pieces on being
touched. The other bones were stronger. There were some teeth
which were judged to be smaller than those of an adult; a scull,
which, on a slight view, appeared to be that of an infant, but it fell
to pieces on being taken out, so as to prevent satisfactory examina-
tion; a rib, and a fragment of the under-jaw of a person about half
grown; another rib of an infant; and part of. the jaw of a child,
which had not yet cut its teeth. This last furnishing the most de-
cisive proof of the burial of children here, I was particular in my
attention to it. It was part of the right half of the under jaw. The
processes, by which it was articulated to the temporal bones, was
entire; and the bone itself. firm to where it had been broken off, which,
as nearly as I could judge, was about the place of the eye-tooth. Its
upper edge, wherein would have been the sockets of the teeth, was
perfectly smooth. Measuring it with that of an adult, by placing
their hinder processes together, its broken end extended to the penul-
timate grinder of the adult. This bone was white, all the others of
a sand colour. The bones of infants being soft, they probably decay
sooner, which might be the cause so few were found here. I pro-
ceeded then to make a perpendicular cut through the body of the
barrow, that I might examine its internal structure. This passed
about three feet from its center, was opened to the former surface
of the earth, and was wide enough for a man to walk through and
examine its sides. At the bottom, that is, on the level of the circum-
jacent plain, I found bones; above these a few stones, brought from
a cliff a quarter of a mile off, and from the river one-eighth of a
mile off; then a large interval of earth, then a stratum of bones,
and so on. At one end of the section were four strata of bones
plainly distinguishable; at the other, three; the strata in one part
not ranging with those in another. The bones nearest the sur-
face were least decayed. No holes were discovered in any of them,
as if made with bullets, arrows, or other weapons. I conjectured
that in this barrow might have been a thousand skeletons. .. .
Appearances certainly indicate that it has derived both origin and
growth from the accustomary collection of bones, and deposition
of them together; that the first collection had been deposited on the
common surface of the earth, a few stones put over it, and then a
covering of earth, that the second had been laid on this, had covered
more or less of it in proportion to the number of bones, and was then
also covered with earth; and so on.” (Jefferson, (1), pp. 103-106.)

From the statement by Jefferson it is evident the mound
had been greatly reduced by the plow at the time of his ex-
amination, and the reduction of several feet in height, as indicated,

126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 71

would undoubtedly have removed one or more strata of human
remains. Such a mass of bodies, or rather parts of bodies, probably
represented an accumulation during several generations. It must
have been a ‘place of renown among the ancient inhabitants of the
valley of the Rivanna, and this may have been the site of the
town of Monassukapanough. That it was an important place is in-
dicated by another statement by Jefferson (op. cit.), who, when writ-
ing of mounds in general, but of the “ Indian grave” in particular,
said: “ But on whatever occasion they may have been made, they
are of considerable notoriety among the Indians; for a party pass-
ing, about thirty years ago, through the part of the country where
this barrow is. went through the woods directly to it, without any
instructions or enquiry, and having staid about it some time, with
expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they re-
turned to the high road, which they had left about half a dozen
miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey.” This visit prob-
ably took place about the time the land was granted to the settlers,
and the Indians who so well knew of the situation of this burial
place must have been some who had formerly lived in the near-by
village. A plan of this interesting area is given in figure 15, the
approximate site of the “ Indian grave” being indicated by the heavy
dot. In plate 14 are shown several views of the same area. Looking
northward across the Rivanna, a, the sites of the village and an-
cient mound are visible on the level lowland, just before reaching
the first line of trees which stands along the right bank of the
river. The second, 6, is looking northwestward, along the cliffs
which bound the lowland, and ¢ shows the Rivanna in front of the
land once occupied by the native village. At the present time the
surface upon which the settlement stood is covered by nearly 3 feet
of alluvium, deposited by the waters of the Rivanna during freshets.
During recent years, floods have several times cut into this upper
stratum, and when the waters receded various objects of Indian origin
were discovered, thus proving the location of a native town. (Bush-
nell, (4).) And it is said that within a century other Indians
stopped here, a site known to them, while moving from place to place,
but who they were, or whence they came, may never be revealed.
Another great burial place, evidently similar to the “Indian grave,”
stood on the right bank of the Rapidan about 1 mile east of the
boundary between Orange and Greene Counties, Virginia, and in an
air line about 15 miles from the latter. A great part of the structure
had been washed away by the river, which, baving formed a new
channel, reached to the base of the mound, a part being undermined
and carried away by the current. It was estimated to have been
originally not less than 12 feet in height, and the diameters of its
hase were probably about 50 and 75 feet. When the remaining portion

/

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL Dy

was examined, many strata of bones were encountered, mingled and
confused, all ages being represented. While some of the remains
were in a fair state of preservation others were reduced to a powder.
“Numerous small deposits of human bones almost destroyed by
fire were scattered through the mound. When found in the bone-

1000 Feet

Fic. 15.—Plan of ‘“‘ The Indian Grave low grounds,’ showing approximate site of the _
mound opened by Jefferson. (Contour intervals about 10 feet.)

beds, they seemed to have been placed at random, but when found
with the remains of not more than 2 or 3 skeletons they formed a
thin layer upon which the latter rested.” Pits were encountered be-

neath the mound, these evidently having been prepared before the
superstratum was formed. These were of two forms: “ One class was

excavated to a depth of 2 feet in the soil, with a diameter varying

from 4 to 5 feet; the others did not exceed a foot in depth, and all
were somewhat less than 4 feet across. The deeper one contained

128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 71

usually 3 layers of decomposed bones at intervals of about 10 inches;
in the shallower there was in most cases only a single layer, at the
bottom, though in a few a second deposit had been made-a few
inches above the first. The bones in some of the graves appeared to
have been placed in their proper position; but it was impossible
to ascertain with certainty whether such was the case. One of
the deeper pits had its bottom and sides lined with charcoal; none
of the others had even this sight evidence of care or respect. . . .
No relics of any sort were deposited with the bones; a rough mortar,
2 arrowheads, and some fragments of pottery were found loose in
the débris. . . . It is impossible to accurately estimate the num-
ber of skeletons found in this mound; but there were certainly not
fewer than 200, and there may possibly have been 250. These figures
will represent, approximately, one-fourth of the entire number de-
posited, if the statements as to the original size of the mound be
correct.” (Fowke, (1), pp. 33-86.)

Jefferson failed to mention pits beneath the mound examined by
him, and they may or may not have existed; nevertheless the great
similarity of the two mounds makes it certain they were erected by
people possessing the same burial customs. Both were on the right
banks of the streams, and they undoubtedly indicated the positions
of two ancient Monacan settlements which may have been occupied
at the time of the coming of the colonists to Jamestown in 1607.

The visit of Indians to the mound on the Rivanna, some years
after the adjoining village had been abandoned, as told by Jefferson,
is most interesting, but other similar instances are known. In a
letter to the Bureau of Ethnology about the year 1890 the late W. M.
Ambler, of Louisa County, Virginia, mentioned a burial mound on
the bank of Dirty Swamp Creek, in that county, and said in part:
“T was told by Abner Harris, now deceased, that some Indians from
the southwest visited this mound many years ago. They left their
direct route to Washington at Staunton, and reached the exact spot
traveling through the woods on foot. This has made me suppose
that this mound was a noted one in Indian annals.”

Another visit by some remnant of a native tribe to an ancient
burial place has been recorded. This was on the lowlands near the
bank of the Cowpasture, or Wallawhutoola River, in Bath County,
Virginia, on the lands of Warwick Gatewood. The account, as pre-
served, reads: “‘Some years since, Col. Adam Dickinson, who then
owned and lived on the land, in a conversation I had with hin, re-
lated to me that many years before that time, as he was sitting
in his porch one afternoon, his attention was arrested by a company
of strange-looking men coming up the bottom lands of the river.
They seemed to him to be in quest of something, when, all at once,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 129

they made a sudden angle, and went straight to the mound. He
saw them walking over it and round and round; seeming to be en-
gaged in earnest talk. After remaining a length of time, they left
it and came to the house. The company, I think he told me, con-
sisted of ten or twelve Indians; all young men except one, who
seemed to be borne down with extreme old age. By signs they asked
for something to eat; which was given them; after which they
immediately departed.” (Montanus, (1), pp. 91-92.)

With three distinct accounts of visits by parties of Indians to their
ancient burial places—and it is plausible to consider the different
journeys to have been undertaken by some whose forefathers were
buried in the mounds—it is to be regretted that apparently no at-
tempt was made to ascertain the name of the tribe to which the
several groups belonged or whence they came. But only those whose
ancestors lay in these great tribal burial places would have retained
the traditions of the sites, and these and no others would have made
pilgrimages to their tombs. And so it is evident that descendants
of the once numerous Monacan were living in piedmont Virginia
within a century, and still retained knowledge of the locations of
their ancient settlements with their near-by cemeteries. Now all
have passed away.

It is more than probable that other mounds once standing in this
part of Virginia, similar to the one examined by Jefferson, have
been entirely destroyed and no record of their existence preserved,
and were it not for Jefferson’s own account that most interesting
example would have suffered a like fate. But burial places of this
form may not have existed over a very wide region. One was for-
merly standing some 34 miles north of Luray, near the bank of
Pass Run, in Page County, Virginia. It had been reduced by the
plow from an original height of between 8 and 9 feet to about one-
third of that elevation. The remaining portion of the mound when
examined revealed great quantities of human remains, some of which
were cremated, all greatly decayed. Graves were encountered beneath
the original surface upon which the structure was raised. Some
burials were covered by stones. Various objects of native origin
were associated with the burials. (Fowke, (1), pp. 49-53.)

A similar burial place, estimated to have contained at least 800
skeletons, or remains of that number of individuals, stood about 2
miles northwest of Linville, near the bank of Linville Creek, in Rock-
ingham County, Virginia. This likewise had been greatly reduced by
cultivation, and “over the entire surface of the mound, to a depth
of six inches, there is not so much as a space three inches square that
did not contain fragments of bone which had been dragged down

130548 ° —20-—_9

130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

from the top by cultivation.” (Fowke, op. cit.) Another stood about
5 miles above the mouth of the Bullpasture, in Highland County,
Virginia. “ For forty years human bones and teeth have been plowed
out every time the mound was cultivated,” but from the remaining
part of the mound “the remains of between seventy-five and one hun-
dred skeletons were exhumed.” (Fowke, op. cit.) A mound in which
the bodies were less compactly deposited stood on Hayes Creek, in
Rockbridge County, Virginia. (Valentine Museum, (1).)

Referring to the native tribes of this part of Virginia Mooney has
written: “The history of the Monacan tribes of Virginia belongs
to two distinct periods, the colonization period and the colonial period.
By the former we may understand the time of exploration and settle-
ment from the first landing of the English in Virginia to the expedi-
tions of Lederer and Batts, in 1670 and 1671, which supplied the first
definite information in regard to the country along the base of the
mountains. Under the colonial period we may include everything else,
as after the Revolution the smal] remnant incorporated with the Iro-
quois in Canada virtually disappeared from history. Up to 1670 the
Monacan tribes had been but little disturbed by the whites, although
there is evidence that the wars waged against them by the Iroquois
were keeping them constantly shifting about. Their country had not
been penetrated, excepting by a few traders, who kept no journals,
and only the names of those living immediately on the frontiers of
Virginia were known to the whites. Chief among these were the
Monacan proper, having their village a short distance above Rich-
mond. In 1670 Lederer crossed the country in a diagonal line from
the present Richmond to Catawba River, on the frontiers of South
Carolina, and a year later a party under Batts explored the country
westward across the Blue Ridge to the headwaters of New River.
Thenceforward accounts were heard of Nahyssan, Sapona, Totero,
Occaneechi, and others consolidated afterwards in a single body at the
frontier, Fort Christanna, and thereafter known collectively as Sa-
poni or Tutelo. The Monacan proper form. the connecting link be-
tween the earlier and the later period. The other tribes of this con-
nection were either extinct or consolidated under other names before
1700, or were outside of the territory known to the first writers. For
this reason it is difficult to make the names of the earlier tribes exactly
synonymous with those known later, although the proof of lineal de-
scent is sometimes beyond question.” (Mooney, (1), pp. 25-26.)

Thus it will be understood that although piedmont Virginia was
the home of many related tribes, all of whom may have belonged to the
Siouan linguistic family, sufficient information is not available to make
it possible to designate the habitat of each tribe, and thereby identify
the occupants of a village when a near-by burial place was created.

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 131

The ancient burial places which have been encountered scattered over
this region reveal something of the customs of the people, and indi-
cate the final disposition of the remains of the dead, but practically
nothing is known of the ceremonies which attended death and
burial. Mooney, when summarizing Lederer’s rather vague narra-
tive, said: “They had a strict marriage and kinship system, based
on this clan division, with descent in the female line. ... Even in
death this division was followed out and separate quarters of their
burial places were assigned to each of the four clans. The dead
were wrapped in skins of animals and buried with food and house-
hold properties deemed necessary for the use of the ghost in the
other world. When a noted warrior died, prisoners of war were
sometimes killed at the grave to accompany him to the land of the
dead. Their spirit world was in the west, ‘beyond the mountains
and the traditional western ocean.” (Mooney, (1), p. 33.)

It is not known to which of the tribes Lederer referred in par-
ticular, but there is a possibility of its having been applicable to
all the Siouan groups with whom he came in contact while crossing
the central piedmont country. He mentioned four gentes, there-
fore it would be expected that the ancient cemeteries, of whatever
form they were, contained burials in that number of groups (Led-
erer, (1)), but at the present time it would be impossible to distin-
guish any such division.

THE SANTEE

Siouan tribes extended southward into the central portions of the
present State of South Carolina, and the Santee were undoubtedly
members of this linguistic family. One of their villages probably
stood on the shore of Scott Lake, in the valley of the Santee about
9 miles southwest of Summerton, Clarendon County. Here, near
the shore of the lake, is a conical mound of earth, and scattered over
the surrounding area are many fragments of pottery and other
traces of an Indian settlement, but the surface has been modified
by the waters of the Santee during periods of flood, and con-
sequently the greater part of the surface as it was at the time of
Indian occupancy has been washed away or covered by alluvium.
This site is, in a direct line, a little more than 60 miles northwest
of Charleston, and the village may have been one visited by Lawson
during the first days of January, 1701. The mound may have been
the one referred to by Lawson, who, after mentioning his meeting
with the Santee, continued: “ Near to these Cabins are several Tombs
made after the fashion of the Indians; the largest and chiefest of
them was the Sepulchre of the late Indian King of the Santees,
a Man of Great Power, not only amongst his own subjects, but
dreaded by the Neighboring Nations for his great Valour and Con-

132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

duct, having as large a Prerogative in his Way of Ruiing as the
Present King I now spoke of.

“The manner of their Interment is thus: A Mole or Pyramid
of Earth is raised, the Mole thereof being worked very smooth and
even, sometimes higher or lower, according to the dignity of the
Person whose Monument it is. On the Top there is an Umbrella,
made Ridge-Ways, like the roof of an House; this is supported by
nine Stakes or small Posts, the grave being about 6 to 8 foot in
Length, and Four Foot in Breadth; about it is hung Gourds,
Feathers, and other suchlike Trophies, placed there by the dead
man’s relations, in Respect to him in the Grave. The other part of
the Funeral Rites are thus: As soon as the party is dead, they lay
the corpse on a piece of bark in the Sun, seasoning or embalming
it with a small root beaten to powder, which looks as red as Ver-
million; the same is mixed with Bear’s Oil to beautify the Hair... .
After the Carcass has laid a day or two in the Sun, they remove it
and lay it upon Crotches cut on purpose for the support thereof
from the Earth; Then they anoint it all over with the fore-mentioned
ingredients of the powder of this root and Bear’s Oil. When it is
so done, they cover it over very exactly with bark of the Pine or
Cyprus Trees, to prevent any Rain to fall upon it, sweeping the
ground very clean all about it. Some of the nearest Kin brings all
the temporal Estate he was possess’d of at his death, as Guns, Bows,
Arrows, Beads, Feathers, Match-Coat, etc. This relation is the chief
mourner, being clad in moss, and a stick in his hand, keeping a
mournful ditty for three or four days, his face being black with the
Smoke of Pitch Pine mingled with Bear’s Oil. All the while he
tells the dead Man’s relations, and the rest of the spectators who that
Dead Person was, and of the Great Feats performed in his lifetime;
all of what he speaks, tending to the praise of the defunct. As soon
as the flesh grows mellow, and will cleave from the bone, they get it
off, and burn it, making all the bones very clean, then anoint them
with the ingredients aforesaid, wrapping up the Skull (very care-
fully) in a cloth artificially woven of Possum’s Hair. (These
Indians make Girdles, Sashes, Garters, etc., after the same manner)
The bones they very carefully preserve in a wooden box, every year
oiling and cleaning them; by this means preserve them for many
ages, that you may see an Indian in possession of the bones of his
grandfather, or some of his relations of a larger Antiquity. They
have other sorts of Tombs, as where an Indian is slain, in that place
they make a heap of stones, (or sticks where stones are not to be
found) to this memorial every Indian that passes by adds a stone to
augment the Heap, in respect to the deceas’d hero.” (Lawson, (1),
pp. 9-10.)

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 133

The preceding account treated of the Santee, with whom Law-
son came in contact soon after starting on his memorable journey
through the wilds of Carolina, but later in his history he presented
a more general description of the burial customs of the native tribes
of the region, and fortunately recorded many interesting details.
The greater the man in life, the more elaborate was his burial. “The
first thing which is done is to place the nearest Relations near the
Corps, who mourn and weep very much, having their hair hung
down their Shoulders, in a very forlorn manner. After the dead
Person has laid a Day and a Night in one of their Hurdles of Canes,
commonly in some out-House made for that purpose, those that
officiate about the Funeral go into Town, and the first young Men
they meet withal that have Blankets or Match Coats on, whom they
think fit for their Turn, they strip them from their Backs, who
suffer them to do so without any Resistance. In these they wrap
the dead Bodies, and convey them with two or three Mats which the
Indians make of Rushes or Cane; and last of all they have a long Web
of woven Reeds, or hollow Canes, which is the Coffin of the Indians,
and is brought around several times and is tied fast at both ends,
which indeed looks very decent and well. Then the Corps is brought
out of the House into the Orchard of Peach-Trees, where another
Hurdle is made to receive it, about which comes all the Relations and
Nation that the dead person belonged to, besides several from other
Nations in Alliance with them; all which sit down on the Ground
upon Mats spread there for that purpose.”

Then various persons gathered about the body and would tell of his
very many acts of bravery, speak of his greatness while living, and
extol his virtues, and “ At last the Corps is brought away from that
Hurdle to the Grave, by four young Men, attended by the Relations,
the King, Old Men and all the Nation. When they come to the
Sepulchre, which is about six foot deep, and eight foot long, hay-
ing at each end, (that is, at the Head and Foot) a Light-Wood or
Pitch-Pine Fork driven close down the sides of the Grave, firmly
into the Ground; (these two forks are to contain a Ridge-Pole, as
you shall understand presently) before they lay the Corps into the
Grave they cover the bottom two or three times over with Bark
of Trees, then they let down the Corps with two Belts, that the
Indians carry their Burdens withal very leisurely upon the said
Rarks; then they lay over a Pole of the Same Wood, in the two
Forks, and having a great many Pieces of Pitch-Pine logs, about
two foot and a half long, they stick them in the sides of the Grave
down each end, and near the top thereof, where the other Ends
lie on the Ridge-Pole, so that they are declining lke the roof of
a House. These being very thick plac’d they cover them (many

134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

times double) with Bark; then they throw the Earth thereon, that
came out of the Grave, and beat it down very firm, by this means
the Dead body hes in a Vault, nothing touching him; so that when I
saw this way of burial, I was mightily pleased with it, esteeming it
very pleasant and decent, as having seen a great many Christians
buried without the tenth part of that Ceremony and Decency. Now
when the Flesh is rotten and Moulder’d from the Bones they take
up the Carcass and clean the Bones, and joint them together; after-
wards they dress them up in pure white dressed Deer-Skins, and lay
them amongst their Grandees and Kings in the Quiogozon, which is
their royal Tomb or Burial-Place of their Kings and War-Captains.
This is a very large Magnificent Cabin, (according to their Building)
which is raised at the Public Charge of the Nation, and maintained
in a great deal of form and Neatness. About seven foot high is a
Floor or Loft made, on which le all their Princes and great Men,
that have died for several Hundred years, all attired in the dress
I have before told you of. No person is to have his bones he here
and be thus dressed, unless he gives a round sum of their Money to
the Rulers, for Admittance. If they remove never so far, to live
in a Foreign Country, they never fail to take all these Dead Bones
with them, tho’ the Tediousness of their short daily Marches keeps
them never so long on their Journey. They reverence and adore this
Quiogozon, with all the Veneration and Respect that is possible for
such a People to discharge, and had rather lose all than have any
Violence or Injury offer’d thereto. These Savages differ some small
matter in their Burials; some burying right upwards, and other-
wise. ... Yet they all agree in their Mourning, which is to appear
every night at the Sepulchre, and howl and weep in a very dismal
manner, having their Faces dawb’d with Light-Wood Soot, (which
is the same as Lamp-Black) and Bears Oil... . If the Dead Per-
son was a Grandee, to carry on the Funeral Ceremonies, they hire
people to cry and Lament over the Dead Body.” (Lawson, (1), pp.
106-109.)

A cemetery and village site which may be attributed to one of the
Siouan tribes stand near the bank of Yadkin River, a short distance
from the village of East Bend, Yadkin County, North Carolina. The
cemetery, which was examined by Capt. R. D. Wainwright, occupies
the north end of a low ridge, and many graves have been exposed
or washed away by the waters of the Yadkin. The majority of skele-
tons appear to have been flexed. As described, “ these skeletons were
found within a few feet of each other and all nearly on the same
level, about four feet below the original surface. In nearly every
case, at the same level and very close to the burial, were the remains
of a fire. In these remains were found tortoise shells, bones of the
deer, and often fragments of pottery discolored by the action of the

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 135

fire.” Many implements and ornaments were found associated with
the burials. These included stone celts and one of iron, and shell and
copper beads of different forms, while resting upon one skeleton was
a copper ornament 4 inches in diameter and perforated through the
center. Pieces of galena were met with in different burials. Pipes
of stone and some of pottery were likewise found. The area ad-
joining the cemetery was evidently occupied by the village, and
many objects of stone and copper, fragments of pottery vessels,
beads, and broken pipes are found scattered about, “and in every
direction calcined stones are plentiful.” This was evidently the site
of an important town of two centuries or more ago.

In the far southeastern section of the region once occupied by
Siouan tribes, in Duplin County, North Carolina, are several burial
mounds which may have been erected by these people long before
the coming of the colonists to the Cape Fear. The mounds were
carefully examined some years ago by the late Dr. J. A. Holmes,
and one in particular recalls the burial mounds of piedmont Vir-
ginia, likewise attributed to a Siouan tribe. This stood about one-
half mile southwest of the court house at Kenansville, Duplin
County, on a dry, sandy ridge. When examined it was only 3 feet
in height and 35 feet in diameter. Its height was probably much
reduced since erection. It was found to contain 60 burials, and with
few exceptions the skeletons had been closely flexed. “In a few
cases the skeletons occurred singly, while in other cases several
were found in actual contact with one another; and in one portion
of the mound, hear the outer edge, twenty-one skeletons were found
placed within a space of six feet square. Here, in the case last men-
tioned, several of the skeletons lay side by side, others on top of
these, parallel to them, while still others lay on top of and across
the first. When one skeleton was located above another, in some
cases the two were in actual contact, in other cases they were sepa-
rated by one foot or more of soil. Many fragments of pottery, and
small pieces of charcoal were scattered throughout the mound. No
implements of any form were found. Near the skull of one skeleton
were discovered about seventy-five small shells, Warginella roscida,
which had served as beads. The apex of each one had been ground
off obliquely so as to leave an opening passing through the shell from
the apex to the anterior canal.” (Sprunt, (1).) As stated above,
this mound is suggestive of others discovered northward in piedmont
Virginia.

THE BILOXI AND PASCAGOULA
The “Siouan Tribes of the East,” whose burial customs so far

as known are detailed on the preceding pages, were carefully
studied some years ago, at which time all available notes were gath-

136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

ered and presented in a single volume. (Mooney, (1).) <A few years
before the preparation of this most interesting bulletin a discovery
of the greatest importance was made by another member of the
bureau staff, Mr. Gatschet, who, while engaged in Louisiana in 1886,
discovered a small band of Biloxi, some of whom spoke their old
language, which Gatschet soon found was Siouan. The Biloxi there-
fore belonged to the great Siouan family, and the neighboring Pas-
cagoula were probably of the same stock. These were among the
first of the native tribes encountered by the French in 1699, and, for-
tunately, a sketch of their burial customs has been preserved. The
account was written by a French officer about the year 1730, and, as
quoted by Swanton, reads (Dorsey and Swanton, (1), p. 7):

“The Paskagoulas and the Billoxis never inter their chief when
he is dead, but they have his body dried in the fire and smoke so that
they make of it a veritable skeleton. After having reduced it to
this condition they carry it to the temple (for they have one as well
as the Natchez) and put it in the place occupied by its predecessor,
which they take from the place which it occupied to place it with
the bodies of their other chiefs in the interior of the temple, where
they are all ranged in succession on their feet like statues. With
regard to the one last dead, it is exposed at the entrance of the temple
on a kind of altar or table made of canes and covered with a very
fine mat worked very neatly in red and yellow squares (Quwarreaux)
with the skin of these same canes. The body of the chief is exposed
in the middle of this table upright on its feet, supported behind by
a long pole painted red, the end of which passes above his head and
to which he is fastened at the middle of the body by a creeper. In
one hand he holds a war club or a little ax, in the other a pipe, and
above his head is fastened, at the end of the pole which supports
him, the most famous of all the calumets which have been presented
to him during his life. It may be added that this table is scarcely
elevated from the earth half a foot, but it is at least six feet wide
and ten long. It is to this table that they come every day to
serve food to the dead chief, placing before him dishes of hominy,
parched or smoke-dried grain, etc. It is there also that at the begin-
ning of all the harvests his subjects offer him the first of all the
fruits which they can gather. All of this kind that is presented to
him remains on this table, and as the door of the temple is always
open, as there is no one appointed to watch it, as consequently who-
ever wants to enters, and as besides it is a full quarter of a league
distant from the village, it happens that there are commonly strang-
ers—hunters or savages—who profit by these dishes and these fruits,
or that they are consumed by animals. But that is all the same to
these savages. ... It is also before this table that during some
months the widow of the chief, his children, his nearest relations,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 1s

come from time to time to pay him a visit and to make him a speech
as if he were in a condition to hear . . . they always end their speech
by telling him not to be angry with them, to eat well, and that they
will always take good care of him.” (Dumont, (1), I, pp. 240-248.)

SOUTHERN OHIO AND ADJACENT REGIONS

The origin and age of the earthworks of southern Ohio and the
adjoining sections of Kentucky and West Virginia have remained
unsolved questions. The works are remarkable for three reasons,
namely, their size, number and forms. By their size and number it
is quite evident they were erected by a sedentary people, a numerous
people who occupied the country for a long period, and by their
forms it is shown these same people possessed certain recognized cus-
toms and beliefs which caused them to erect the great circles and
squares, octagons and other figures, so accurately and skillfully con-
structed. And so the questions arise, By whom were the vast works
raised? and, For what reason was the rich and fertile land aban-
doned ?

The first of the many groups of earthworks to be described was
that at Marietta, on the Ohio at the mouth of the Muskingum. These
were surveyed by Capt. Jonathan Heart, and his map, together with
descriptive text, appeared in Vol. I, No. 9, of The Columbian Maga-
zine, published in Philadelphia in May, 1787. Other accounts were
soon printed, to be followed in i848 by the great work by E. G.
Squier and E. H. Davis, this being the most interesting and most
valuable volume ever published on American antiquities. During
latter years many of the sites described at that time have disappeared
through the cultivation of the soil; others have become greatly
reduced in height and have lost their clearness of outline. Some
lave been carefully examined and accounts of the discoveries pre-
served; others have been destroyed and no knowledge of the nature
of their contents can be gained. And the losses thus sustained can
never be regained. It is gratifying to know that many of the origi-
nal maps prepared for the work by Squier and Davis are preserved
in the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C., and one of the most
interesting of these is now reproduced as plate 16, the same as was
engraved and presented as No. 1, Pate III, Ancient Monuments of
the Mississippi Valley. The original shows a few details not indi-
cated in the engraved copy. On the plan the group marked B is now
known as the Baum works. An ancient village once stood near the
right bank of Paint Creek, Ross County, Ohio, just north of the
works, surrounding the mound which is shown about midway be-
tween the creek and the embankment. The mound was omitted from
the engraving. The examination of the village site, made a few

1388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

years ago, proved of much interest, and the similarity of material
recovered from it, and the manner in which the remains of the dead
had been deposited, showed clearly the connection between the people
of this ancient settlement and those of other towns which-once stood
in the valleys of the Scioto and the Miami and elsewhere in the
adjacent region.

The indications of 49 dwellings or other structures were en-
countered, and scattered over the area of about 2 acres, around and
between the houses, were discovered 127 burials and 234 caches—
pits of various sizes in which food supplies were stored, and which
may have served other purposes as well. The dwellings at this
ancient village, as shown by the postholes which outline the floor
spaces, were invariably of a circular form, but the largest structure
revealed during the exploration of the site was “ of oblong construc- .
tion and measuring upwards of twenty-one feet in length by twelve
feet in width inside of the posts. The posts were large, as shown by
the postmolds, and consisted of twenty-one set upright in the ground,
the smallest being five inches in diameter and the largest nine and
one-fourth inches. On the inside seven otber posts similar in size to
the outer ones were promiscuously placed, presumably for the sup-
port of the roof.” (Mills, (1).)

A plan of this structure with its accompanying burials on the
south and a group of caches and fireplaces on the north is reproduced
in figure 16. In many of the caches were traces of the corn, beans,
nuts; and other supplies which they once contained. But now the
majority when opened are filled with camp refuse, intermingled with
various objects of native origin which had probably been accidentally
lost rather than having been intentionally deposited. The burials
encountered at this site were 30 in number, thus constituting the
most extensive group discovered, and of these only 10 were adults.
This may be regarded as a typical cluster of graves as “each family
group had their own private burial ground,” and the graves were
seldom more than 10 feet from the habitation. “Another form of
burial occasionally met with in the family groups was where
interment was made in one of the abandoned storehouses (i. e.,
caches). The head is bent backward and the legs are flexed so that
the feet are very near the pelvis, and the whole body made to con-
form to the size of the pit. During the entire exploration only four
skeletons were taken from the bottom of refuse pits.” The caches
thus appear to have been used rather as a matter of convenience,
probably at some time when it would have been difficult to have pre-
pared the usual form of grave, therefore the extended burial was
the custom of the inhabitants of this ancient settlement.

The near-by mound, undoubtedly reared by the people whose
dwellings lay scattered about it, contained various burials, extended,

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 139

and placed within inclosures formed of upright posts. The two in-
closures, placed one above the other, were indicated by “two series
of upright postmolds, averaging 5 inches in diameter, equidistant
10 inches, and forming a perfect circle 36 feet in diameter.”

Many other timbers had entered into the construction of the in-
closure; traces of fireplaces were visible with a mass of burnt clay

a oat

° \
eo
i ev oye -
74
v|

Fig 16.—Plan of a habitation, with near-by graves, Ross County, Ohio.

separating the two inclosures. The bottom of the lower one had
evidently been covered with smaller timbers, and “all the skeletons
discovered were in the area inclosed by these posts. They lay at
different depths and in different positions, the favorite or predom-
inant one, at least in the upper portion, being just inside and along-
side of the inner circle of palings. The skeletons unearthed were
all in a remarkably good state of preservation. None of them could
have been intrusively buried.” Sixteen skeletons were discovered,
all except one “lay stretched out at full length,” and the single one

140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

“lay partly upon the side, with knees drawn up and head crouched
down upon the ribs, as though originally placed in a sitting posture.”
(Thomas, (1), pp. 484-488.)

Therefore, the two characteristic features revealed at this site —
were, first, the great number of caches, and, second, the method of
burial, evidently all the dead having been interred in graves near
the habitation, cremation not being practiced. Quite similar to the
preceding were traces of an ancient village, with its accompanying
mound, which stood some 6 miles north of Chillicothe, Ross County,
Ohio, on the east side of the Scioto, this being the left bank of the
stream. “The village site proper occupies between 3 and 4 acres
of land and entirely surrounds the mound. However, directly south
and southeast of the mound, surface indications are richest, for
here our examination showed the earth was intermingled with the
refuse from their homes to the depth of from 1 foot to 20 inches.

Directly to the south and less than one-half mile is what is
known as the Cedar Bank Works, which has been described by
Squier and Davis.”

No traces of a village were discovered nearer the inclosures, and
so it appeared reasonable to attribute their origin to those who once
occupied the settlement less than one-half mile northward. The
entire site was not examined, but “as the examination progressed
it was soon discovered that the inhabitants of this village lived in
small clans or family groups. Although only 15 skeletons were un-
earthed in the examination of this village, there is no doubt but that
burials were made along the hillside which surrounds the village on
three sides.” Describing the burials discovered near the sites of the
dwellings it was said: “The dead were evidently buried in close
proximity to the habitat of these people and were similar in every
respect to the burials in the Baum village site, along Paint Creek.
Each family apparently had their own burial ground, which was in
close proximity to the home. No evidence was found that the bodies
had been placed upon scaffolds and afterwards reinterred. In the
majority of the graves the body was placed at full length . . .
however, a single burial was found in the bottom of a refuse pit.”
No cremated remains were discovered outside the mound which
stood near the center of the ancient village.

The examination of the mound proved of the greatest interest. It
“was made up of three separate and distinct sections, as is shown
in figure 17. The burials in the first section differed greatly from
those in the second and third, which were similar. In the first see-
tion the bodies had been cremated and the ashes with the personal
belongings had been deposited upon a prepared platform of earth;
while in the second and third sections the inhumation of the bodies

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 141

were in every portion of the mound as well as below the base.” In
the first section, resting upon the platform which measured about
34 by 23 feet, was a great mass of ashes, in places 24 feet in thickness.
Much of this may have resulted from the cremation of human bodies,
but “with the ashes were unburned animal bones which had been
intermingled with the incinerated human bones, as well as imple-
ments and ornaments made of bone, stone, and shell, which were no
doubt the personal property of the deceased. The animals identi-
fied as they were removed from these ashes were the black bear,
beaver, deer, elk, raccoon, wolf, gray fox, musk rat, ground hog,
opossum, and mink. The bones of various birds, such as the wild
turkey, great horned owl, trumpeter swan, and wild goose, were also
found. Quantities of mussel shells, as well as the bones of the fresh
water drum, were also removed.”

One of the burials encountered during the exploration of the mound
“was buried three feet below the base line. The skeleton was placed
on the right side, facing the east. Near the head was found a per-

—_
3 POSECTI —s 2”° SECTION : (SE La had
ome: fain ASHES

FD
aay fea} aaa] ee
mr o_-- °

Fig. 17.—Section of the ‘‘ Gartner Mound.”

* and near by was a mussel shell which had

fect piece of pottery,’
served as a spoon,

Scattered over the site of the village, surrounding the areas once
occupied by the dwellings of the inhabitants, were many caches, more
than 100 being discovered, and these were in all details similar to
those which abound on the ancient sites in Paint Creek Valley. The
entire account of the examination of the mound and surrounding vil-
lage site, standing on the bank of the Scioto, is of much interest.
(Mills, (2).)

The descriptions of these two sites, so similar to each other, with
the numerous caches now filled with the accumulation of camp refuse,
intermingled with objects of native origin, and with the remains of
the dead occupying positions near the traces of the small habitations
which once stood surrounded by vast forests, readily suggest the ac-
count of the discoveries made on the bank of the James, near Gala,
in Botetourt County, Virginia. So alike are the descriptions that all
the settlements could justly be attributed to the same people. Again,
certain objects found on all are quite similar. The sites on the James
and in piedmont Virginia are accepted as marking the positions of
towns of Siouan tribes and were probably occupied when Jamestown
was settled. The upper Ohio Valley was, according to tradition, the
home of Siouan tribes before their migration westward, down the

142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

stream to the Mississippi and beyond. Therefore it is reasonable to
regard the two ancient sites already mentioned, one on the bank of
Paint Creek, the other bordering on the Scioto, as the remains of
Siouan villages peopled generations ago.

The Siouan family, now and probably always quite numerous, could
have spread over the hills and valleys bordering the Ohio and could
have been the builders of the numerous earthworks. Crania re-
covered from graves in this region are not to be distinguished from
those of the present-day Osage, and certain customs of the latter, as in
establishing their camps and enacting their ceremonies, could readily
be carried back to the use of great circles and other figures. But
with a decided change of habitat, leaving their long occupied towns
and entering a new region, and thus probably for several genera-
tions becoming nomadic rather than sedentary, and more expert
hunters than agriculturists, they no longer erected great works but
sought new homes under changed conditions. The cause or causes
of this great tribal migration may never be determined. Whether
voluntary or enforced may ever remain unsolved, but it is difficult to
picture a people abandoning their homes, with the extensive works
revealing the results of great labor, unless for some vital reason.

The mound which stood near the left bank of the Scioto less than
one-half mile north of the Cedar Bank Works revealed two forms
of burials. The later was the inhumation of the entire bodies, ex-
tended and at different levels, but the earlier proved the practice of
cremating the dead and depositing the ashes, together with various
objects, on a previously prepared platform of clay. Whether this
should be regarded as representing a period of transition or as merely
revealing the customs of two or more branches of the tribe may never
be determined ; nevertheless the most interesting discoveries yet made
in the valley of the Scioto have been associated with cremated human
remains.

A short distance east of the Scioto, about 8 miles south of Chilli-
cothe, in Ross County, Ohio, stood a group of earthworks of charac-
teristic forms, including various mounds. The largest mound of this
group measured about 160 feet in length, with a maximum width of 85
feet and a height of 16 feet 3 inches. Various attempts had been
made in the past to examine it, but without discovering its true char-
acter. However, the final examination proved “the object of the
mound was purely mortuary, and the site of the mound a charnel
house until it was filled with graves, when the house was destroyed
by fire and a mound erected as a monument to the dead. All of the
graves in the mound showed a careful preparation for the reception
of the remains.” (Mills, (3), p. 82.)

The careful examination of the base of the mound made it possible
to gain a very good conception of the nature of the ancient structure

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 143

which once occupied the site. And to quote at length: “The site of
the great mound had been properly prepared and its beginning was
at the south end of the mound, marked by large posts set in the
ground at a depth varying from two and one-half to three feet. The
south end of the enclosure was made in the form of a semicircle, and
the sides continuing in a straight line north for sixty feet, when the
line of posts was turned at right angles to the east wall and running
across toward the west side, where an opening was left for an en-
trance. This enclosure of sixty feet in length measuring from the
center of the circle on the south to the row of posts running across the
mound at right angles to the outside walls, forty feet in width at the
north end, was no doubt the first structure or enclosure for the recep-
tion of the dead. The second enclosure was merely a continuation of
the outside walls of the first, extending some seventy feet directly to
the north . . .” During the final work a total of 133 burials were
encountered, and of these 128 were cremated. “AII the burials,
whether cremated or uncremated, were placed in a prepared grave
and great care and some degree of skill was displayed in their con-
struction. The graves of the cremated were similar to each other so
far as the outside construction was concerned, but unlike in the gen-
eral make up of the inside of the grave. Out of one hundred and
twenty-eight graves unearthed, four different types were found, and
these were many times duplicated during the explorations. First.
The plain elevated platform made of clay and usually elevated from
three to six inches above the prepared platform. ... These plain
platforms averaged in length about four feet and in width two and
one-half to three feet. The logs were usually made the exact size of
the graves. In a few instances they extended over at one end or the
other, and not a single grave was found on the base of this entire
mound that did not show the use of logs as an outline for the grave.
In many instances the logs were put in place upon the piatform and
plastered over with this clay, and then the inside of the grave was
made. ... Second. The next type of grave was similar to the first
and apparently made in the same way, with this difference: the top of
the platform was cut out and made in the form of a basin, varying in
depth at the center from two to four inches. ... Third. Elliptical
shaped grave. In this form of grave the platform was similar to the
other graves, but the timber used in the construction of the outside
portion was made of small pieces of logs and the clay plastered over
them. ... This form of grave would vary in depth from four to
eight inches... . Fourth. The grave made in the form of a paral-
lelogram. This form of grave was found in various portions of the
mound and was constructed similar in every respect to the other
types, the logs being put in place and plastered over, while the inside
was removed to a depth varying from four to twelve inches. For the

144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

uncremated similarly prepared platform graves inclosed by logs were
made, and the body was placed at full length within the inclosure.”
The objects of native origin associated with the cremated remains
were many cut, polished, and perforated teeth of the bear, copper
ear ornaments, a platform pipe, and other objects of stone. With the
extended burial were masses of ashes. “ This individual was placed
in the grave at full length, with him were ornaments of copper, such
as the ear ornaments, which can be seen at the side of the head, and a
great copper plate which is under the loins. The ornaments are simi-
lar to those found in the cremated graves. On the right hand side of
the body, as it lay in the grave, was placed the incinerated remains of
an adult, on the left hand was a human skull, and near the head on
the left side of the body, was placed another cremated skeleton; near
the knees on the right side of the body, was placed the skeleton of a
little child, and near this skeleton were two human jaws, perforated,
and which no doubt had been used for ornament.” And so the plausi-
ble conclusions were reached “that this mound must be considered
purely as a burial mound; that no altars occurred in the mound; that
all burials had prepared graves; that for the most part cremation
took place at the charnel house where eight great fire places were
found, which were perfectly devoid of ashes except in one, where a
small charred piece of human skull was found, thus indicating that
these fire places were used for the crematory.” In many cases the re-
mains had probably been cremated in the grave, and there allowed
to rest.

The prepared graves as described in the preceding account were
the “altars” of the earlier writers, and as such were often mentioned.
Many, discovered and examined during the latter part of the first half
of the last century, were described by Squier and Davis, but unfor-
tunately they seemed to have failed to recognize the true nature of
these most unusual resting places for the ashes of the dead.

Another ruin of the greatest interest remains to be mentioned—one
which has revealed more clearly than any other certain customs of
the ancient inhabitants of the valley of the Scioto. This stood a short
distance from the Ohio, some 5 miles north of the present Ports-
mouth, near the right bank of the Scioto, and was first surveyed by
Whittlesey, whose description was incorporated by Squier and Davis
in their justly praised volume. It was then regarded as representing
an animal of some sort, and was referred to as an Animal Effigy, a
mistake, if mistake it really was, which could readily have been
made. It later became known as the Tremper Mound, named after
the owner of the land upon which it stood. It proved a remarkable
work, and to quote from the account of the examination: “The mound
marks the site of a sacred structure, wherein its builders cremated
their dead, deposited the ashes in communal receptacles, made simi-

BUSHNDLL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 145

lar disposition of the personal artifacts of the dead, and observed the
intricate ceremonies incident to funereal rites. The builders of the
Tremper mound had arrived at a cultural stage where united or com-
munal effort in great part replaced individual endeavor, and in so
doing had reached a plane of efficiency probably not equalled by any
other people in the stone age period of its development.” (Mills, (4),
p- 238.)

In the mound already described, which belonged to a type found
in the region, the cremated remains were deposited in individual
graves, each of which had been separately prepared. Thus the
“oraves soon exhausted the available floor space, while in the Tremper
mound plan, burial was limited only by the size of the communal
depositories, the number of which, moreover, easily could be increased
if needed.”

The surface of the mound had been cultivated for many years, and
this must necessarily have made a great change in its appearance
since the survey made by Whittlesey. In 1915 the greatest length of
the work was 250 feet, its width 150 feet, with a maximum altitude
of 84 feet. A building of unusual form and of irregular outline once
stood here. “The remarkably distinct floor, which in every part of
the mound was readily distinguishable from the earth composing the
mound itself, greatly facilitated the locating of the rows of post-
molds, marking the outline of the structure, as well as of the various
rooms and compartments thereof. Approximately six hundred of these
postmolds were noted.” A plan of the floor of the ancient structure,
with the positions of the fireplaces or crematories, the depositories for
the ashes, and the great cache, is reproduced in plate 17, d.

The large depository near the northeast corner of the inclosed
space, and bearing the number 8 on the floor plan, “was in the form of
a parallelogram, ten feet three inches long, and five feet wide, with
a central depth of six inches. The bottom measured six feet and six
inches long by thirteen inches wide, its surface being perfectly flat
and level. The grave was filled with human ashes and charred bone
to a depth of a little more than one foot; these ashes however, were
very compact, and originally must have been piled high above the
rim of the basin. The contents of the depository no doubt represent
the remains of hundreds of cremated bodies, indicating the use of the
grave for a long period of time.” The richness of the material dis-
covered in the caches proves the importance of the site in prehistoric
days.

For the sake of comparison it 1s interesting to be able to present a
reproduction of Whittlesey’s plan of this mound and the surrounding
embankment. The original, now in the Library of Congress, is
shown in plate 17, a. This was engraved and used by Squier and

130548°—20——_10

.

146 , BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

Davis as No. 2, Plate X XIX, in Ancient Monuments of the Missis-
sippi Valley. The irregular work was compared “to the animal-
shaped mounds of Wisconsin.” Its height was given as from 1 to 8
feet, and “of the form and relative size indicated in the plan.” But,
unfortunately, no attempt was made to examine the interior. -

CONCLUSION

With the development of the country between the Atlantic and
the Mississippi, the cutting away of the great virgin forests and the
cultivation of the soil, the erection of new towns and the expansion
of the older ones, all traces of the former period of aboriginal occu-
pancy are rapidly disappearing. The native villages no longer stand
and the sites of many are now covered by cities, each having a popu-
lation greater than that of all the tribes east of the Mississippi three
centuries ago. The ancient mounds and earthworks are being leveled
by the plow, and in the cemeteries the remains of the dead are fast
crumbling to dust. Thus is passing all evidence of those who occu-
pied the land when it was entered by Europeans. And although
much still remains to indicate the positions of Indian settlements,
nevertheless it is easily conceived that little will be discernible by
the close of the century. Considering this great change which has
occurred within a few generations it is interesting to study the
peculiar manners and customs of the native tribes of this part of
North America.

On the preceding pages are revealed some of the burial customs
of the native tribes, as practiced by them when first visited by Euro-
peans, and as described and recorded in the journals and accounts
prepared by the early explorers and missionaries.

The vast territory was the home of many tribes, some small, others
larger, forming groups in which the different tribes were connected
linguistically. Often the tribes of one linguistic family possessed
many customs in common, but this was not true of all. In every sec-
tion of the country it has been possible to identify the makers of a
large proportion of the ancient graves, although seldom did one tribe
follow a single method of disposing of their dead to the exclusion of
all others; nevertheless every tribe appears to have had some charac-
teristic form of burial. But the identification of many burials in
some parts of the country is made especially difficult by reason of the
tribes having moved about from place to place. This is particularly
true of the region north of the Ohio, where, during the past two and
one-half centuries, the Algonquian tribes have seldom remained long
in any locality, but during the same period the southern tribes have
been more sedentary, and where many were discovered by the Span-
iards about the year 1540, they continued to dwell for three centuries.
Now, summarizing the many quotations brought together, it is evi-

BUSHNELL] NATIVE CEMETERIES AND FORMS OF BURIAL 147

dent the Algonquian tribes of New England deposited their dead
in pits, after the remains had been wrapped and tied, usually with
the legs drawn up and folded against the trunk. And it is evident
that some among them followed a strange custom of depositing a
large quantity of pulverized red oxide of iron in the pits with the
remains, and that the custom was followed long after the settlement
of Plymouth is indicated by the discovery made a few years ago in
Warren, Bristo! County, Rhode Island. Quite similar were the pit
burials of the Iroquoian tribes west of the Hudson, although the
people of a restricted area, dominated by the Hurons and ancient
Neuters, had a very elaborate method of disposing of their dead
which culminated, about once in 10 years, in a great communal burial,
when the remains were collected and deposited in large pits, or os-
suaries, lined with rich furs, and which were later covered with brush
and earth.

The Algonquian tribes farther west followed various customs. Some
had a form of scaffold burial, others bound the bodies in skins or
mats, and, thus wrapped, suspended them among the branches of trees,
and it is evident these were the “lofty coffins” of an early French
narrative. And in some instances the bones were later gathered and
deposited in graves, thus probably explaining the occurrence of dis-
articulated skeletons in stone-lined graves, so many of which have
been discovered in graves not more than 2 feet in length, and these
small graves were thought by the early explorer to be the burial places
of arace of pygmies. Again some of these tribes resorted to cremation
as a means of reducing the bulk of a body when it was desired to trans-
port the remains from the place of death to another locality, often
the home village of the deceased, for burial. Evidently the Algon-
quians seldom burned the bodies of their dead unless for some particu-
lar reason, as just mentioned, but among the ancient inhabitants of
southern Ohio, undoubtedly Siouan tribes, the art of cremation had
become highly developed, and the ashes were deposited in great struc-
tures, erected for that purpose, and probably dedicated to that use
alone. And it is apparent from discoveries made during the past
years that offerings made to the cremated dead included the richest
possessions of the living.

The Algonquian tribes of tidewater Virginia, those forming the
Powhatan confederacy so famed in the early days of the colony, had
two distinct ways of disposing of their dead. The bodies of the more
important members, the chief men and others, were prepared, dried,
and certain organs removed, then laid in the Temples, one of which
stood in every village. Such was the structure described by the artist,
John White, a member of the English expedition of 1585. The other
members of the tribes were buried in pits, thus resembling the general
custom of the northern Algonquians.

148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

The Siouan tribes of piedmont Virginia, or some of these tribes,
may have followed customs not unlike those of the Hurons and Neu-
ters, but instead of depositing the accumulated remains in great pits
they were placed on the surface and covered over with earth, later
another layer of bones and another mass of earth, until a mound many
feet in height was formed.

The southern country was occupied for the most part by tribes of
the Muskhogean linguistic family. The Choctaw, Chickasaw, and
Creeks were members of this group. The Choctaw dead were first
exposed until the flesh could easily be removed, when the bones were
collected, cleaned, and placed in baskets or other receptacles, then de-
posited in a “ bone-house,” a structure resembling the Zemople of the
ancient tribes of Virginia. Later, on a day chosen for the ceremony,
the remains were carried from the “ bone-houses” and placed on
the surface, in the form of a pyramid, and when so arranged all
were covered by a mass of earth, thus accounting for the numerous
small mounds standing in the country once occupied by their many
towns and villages. In some instances the bones were placed in
earthenware vessels, which are now found containing the crumbled
remains, although the great majority were in baskets or wrapped
in skins, all traces of which have long since disappeared. But very
different were the customs of ‘the Chickasaws and Creeks, who
usually buried their dead, soon after death, beneath the floor of the
house in which they had died. In some instances the houses were
then abandoned or destroyed by fire, but at other times they con-
tinued to be occupied by the survivors.

Among some tribes, both in the north and in the far south, when
it became necessary for the inhabitants of a town to remove to a
new locality, their dead would be transported from the old to the
new settlement, a trait which proves the reverence in which they
held the memory of the departed.

Only one instance can be cited where objects found in contact with
burials had apparently been made especially for the purpose of being
placed in the graves. This refers to the small thin earthenware
vessels discovered in the stone graves in Missouri, as described.
These small, delicately formed bowls would have been of no prac-
tical use to the living, being very fragile and composed solely of
clay without the usual admixture of pulverized shell or sand, and
consequently they may be considered as mortuary bowls, fashioned
to hold the offerings to the dead, to be placed in the graves with the
remains.

Such, briefly told, were the burial custams of the native tribes who
once occupied the region from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, but of
whom all traces are now disappearing.

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1622.
NUTTALL, THOMAS.
(1) A Journal of Travels into the Arkansa Territory, during the year
1819. Philadelphia, 1821.
OVIEDO Y VALDEZ, GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE.
(1) Historia general y natural de las Indias. Madrid, 1851.
PAULDING, JAMES K.
(1) The Illinois and The Prairies. Jn Graham’s Magazine, Vol. XXNTV,
No. i, January. Philadelphia, 1849.
PENICAUT. In Margry, Vol. V.
Pork, JOHN.
(1) A tour through the Southern and Western Territories of the
United States. Richmond, 1792, reprint New York, 1888.
Pratt, W. M.
(1) Antiquities of Whiteside County, Tllinois. Jn Annual Report
Smithsonian Institution for the year 1874. Washington, 1875.
Putnam, FF. W.
(1) Archeological Explorations in Tennessee. Jn Eleventh Annual Re-
port Peabody Museum. Cambridge, Mass., 1878.
RADISSON, PETER ESprRIT.

(1) Voyages of ... Publications Prince Society. Boston, 1885.
RASLES, PERE SEBASTIEN.
(1) Letters from ...to his Brother. /n Jesuit Relations and Allied

Documents, Vol. LX VII. Cleveland, 1900.
RELATION DE LA LOUISIANNE. /
Ms. in collection of KE. EH. Ayer. circa 1730.
See Swanton, J. R. (2)
tOBERTSON, R. S.
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Report Smithsonian Institution for the year 1874. Washington,
1875. f
RoMANS, BERNARD.
(1) A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida. New York,
1775.

154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 71

SCHOOLCRAFT, H. R.

(1) Notes on the Troquois. New York, 1846.

(2) Information respecting the History Condition and Prospects of the
Indian Tribes of the United States. Philadelphia, 1851-1857.
6 vols.

SHEA,’ J. G.
(1) Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi. Albany, 1861.
SMITH, Capr. JOHN.

(1) A Map of Virginia, With a Description of the Countrey. Oxford,

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SNYDER, J. F.
(1) Indian Remains in Cass County, Illinois. Jn Annual Report
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(1) Cape Fear Chronicles. Raleigh, 1914.
Squier, EF. G.

(1) Aboriginal Monuments of the State of New York. Jn Smithsonian
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(2) Observations on the Aboriginal Monuments of the Mississippi Val-
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Squier, FE. G., and Davis, BE. H.

(1) Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley. Jn Smithsonian Con-

tributions to Knowledge, Vol. I. Washington, 1848.
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(2) An Barly Account of the Choctaw Indians. Memoirs of the Ameri-
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THURSTON, GATES P.
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(1) An Account of some Ancient Remains in Tennessee. Jn Transaec-

tions American Ethnological Society, Vol. I. New York, 1845.
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(1) Report of the Exploration of Hayes’ Creek Mound, Rockbridge

County, Virginia. n. p. n. d.
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(1) Journal of . . . 1634-1635... In Annual Report American His-

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BUSHNELL] BIBLIOGRAPHY 155

WILKINS, C.
(1) Letters from . . . Im Transactions and Collections American
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WILKINSON, J. B.
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WILLOUGHBY, C. C.
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(1) A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary Customs of
the North American Indians. Jn First Annual Report Bureau of
Ethnology. Washington, 1881. :

ALABAMA— Pag>.
Clarke County mounds_—____-~_ 99
Guntersville, mounds near____ 49
Henry Island, mounds near___ 45)
Marshall County, cave burial__ 69

ALGONQUIAN FAMILY—

MOM ACT Cb DCS ee ee 2
sedentary, stribes==s<- === 11

ALGONQUIAN TRIBES— ‘
Loodmsupplysot=——=— = 2s = ae iit
HOEMILO LY: Obs eas et ee 11

ANIMALS, graves containing only

DOESN Oise 2 sct es Se Ee 45

ARROWHEADS, deposit of, in mound_ 75

PASSE Sei Ue al Seine ee ee 68

BARREN CouNTY, Ky.— 2
cavembDuorials] Ses {Sea 66
lindianwenravyess— -2 22 ele he 50

BASKWrS, DUCIaIG Tl sae ee ee 67, 69

BaTH Counry, VA., mound in______ 128

BAUM VILLAGE SITE, on Paint Creek,

(Q) AKG ose ee tad lm ay SNE PINE Sa lB yi

Bayou Lacome, La., Choctaw burial

CUSTONIS ITO fae er ee Se BE 100

BILOXI BURIAL CUSTOMS__-__-____ 135-137

BiIrDS, BONES OF, found in grayes___ 45

BOND DEPOSINS= 222 2 25
See also Ossuaries.

BONE-HOUSES—

OL the. Choctaw ==) — 95

of the Muskhogean tribes______ 148

BorTreTourt County, VA., remains in_ 123
BourBon County, Ky., Indian graves

TD Sen ee ee EL ve 2h 50
3RECKINRIDGE CouNTY, Ky., cave

Diriall sqrinsss oe ee ee 68

BRYAN Country, GA., burial mounds_— 113

BuTLER County, Ky., mounds in___ 49

CAIRNS, as monuments to the dead__ 7s

CAMBRIDGE, Mp., village site near___ 25

CANONICUS, burial of son of_______ ir

CAPHI COD) BURIALS= 22's Saris 14 13, 14

Cass County, ILu., burial mounds

Tee Kee AS ys CA PE ET 4

CAVE BURTATES Boe ies ae a ae 66-70

CAYUGANGRAVNSt= 22>) = aa eae 87

CHAKCHIUMA CEREMONIES__________ 108

CHARLESTOWN, R. I., cemetery in___ 16

CHENANGO County, N. Y., mound

Ch oybu ts Pte Us peer ease sel O So RE a 72, &8

CHEROKEE BURIAL MOUNDS_________ 90-93

CHICKAHOMINY RIveR, discovery on

Danko sas 2, = ee eee ee 29

CHICKASAW BURIAL CUSTOMS_____ 105-108

CHILLICOTHE, OHIO—

MOUN Gwen Ca oa eee 121
villares site: nes rae eer 140

Page.
CHIPPEWA). BURTAT == 2 ge ee baat 30
See also Ojibway.
CHOCTAW, (BURIAL G2 aa sell aw 94-101
Coomm burial® mounds ate2o2 2 91
CINCINNATI, OHIO, burial mound for,

Wa OT: liyagsl Wie eee eae habe eck 52
CLARKE County, ALA., mounds of_ 99
Cuay County, Fua., mound in_____ 119
CLAY County, Miss., burial mounds

TE DN ee ean ee eh ee A Te te Re 99
COCKEREL’S SPRING, TENN., burying

SRrOUNG Vat ae = ees eae le alee 45
Corn Hinu, MASsS., graves at______ = 14
CORNPLANTER, CHIEF, birthplace of_ 87
CRAWFORD County, WISs., burial

TMOUNG AiMy= om ees es eR er 64
CREEK BURIAL CUSTOMS —__--_-__ 110-112
CREIGHTON ISLAND, GaA., Indian

Dui eats eee ee es ae 114
CRMNTAETO NE er ee ea) Fe 36, 58

reasoim plorS == Sees eee 57, 147
DANCES—
ending mourning. - =e 17
forvthes dead= ae a ee 89
funeral, of the [llinois________ og
in honor of the dead_________ 40
DELAWARE BURIAL CUSTOMS_______ 20-24
DELAWARE CEMBETERY_~-— ____-___ 90
DELAWARE INDIANS, graves of_____ 41
Docs—
as gifts to the dying__________ 13
ASESACHINCES Sas ee 32
eaten at funeral feast_________ 13
DUPLIN County, N. C., burials in___ 135
DUvVAL County, FLA., mounds of____ 118
EARTHENWARE, used to line graves__ 47
See also Pottery.
EARTHWORKS. See Mounds.
EARTHWORKS OF OHIO, age and

Coe ea dy oe yeyene eee SU a ee eee 137
EASTERN SHORP OF MARYLAND, burials

(0) ae are cine SS Be ae Lt Se QF
HNGLAND, Indian burial in_-___=___ 114
Erin County, N. Y.—

Indianncemetery === = ass 71
OSSuarys ow eee ea eS 79
FALL River, MASS., remains near___ 18
FASTING DURING MOURNING_________ 109
FEASTS— ‘
atsdeathhbedkeas === 2] se seen re 12
burial, in New England_______ 12,13
for recovery of the sick_______ 32
FEATHER ROBES FOUND IN CAVE

BURTAT See ee iad eS ae el 66, 67
Fires, traces of, characteristic of

MOU Ses Sea Ss Se 119

158 INDEX
Page. Page.
FIVE NATIONS, burial customs of____ 71 | JnrrpRSON Country, Mo., cemetery in_ 54—56
F'Lor1ipA— Jo DaAvinss Country, ILL, burial
Indian buriaisiine. =. se 114-1238 THY OUT CLS aT eee me 63
Indianeremaing ain] 117-120 | KASKASKIA INDIANS, graves of_____ 52
FLORIDA BURIALS, age of__-.2-- == 121 | Kenrucky, Indian burials in- 49—51, 66, 68
IFLUVANNA County, VA., graves in-_ 122 | Kickapoo INDIANS, mounds probably

Fonp pu Lac, WIs., Ojibway grave

MOOD HOR) PHD -DHAD. 222 =e = tS 24, 33,
35, 40, 89, 97
Fort NECK BURYING GROUND______ 16
FRANKFORT, OHIO, site of Shawnee
CONVINCE bee Pe ee a Tee h s eeS el 42
FRANKLIN, TENN., mound near_____ 49
FRENCH CHMETERY AT PEORIA_____ 43
GARTNER Mowunp, description of____ 140
GEAUGA COUNTY, OHIO, cemetery in__ 57
GENESED Country, N. Y.—
DUEL Sip’ Sok ee ee ie 87
mounds discovered in _________ 2
GENESEE RIVER, burials on________ 79
GeEorRGIA, Indian burials in-________ 113
GHOSTS, BELIEF IN—
by? Choctaw —2 = 2S eee 100
byt Creeksh*s: 22 nace Sgt Lea eee 110
GILES COUNTY, TENN., cave burials
10 0 eRe en dk ee Oe ee eae, Pee « 69
GRAVE BOXES OF THE MENOMINI____~_— 35
GRAVE GREHK MounND. 22 2 = + ee 59
GUALE TRIBE, burial mounds_______— 112
GUNTERSVILLE, ALA., mounds near__ 49
HABITATIONS—
abandonment of, after death___ 118
destruction of, after death_____ 118
HAIR CUTTING AS AN INDICATION OF
MOURNING =o = == “eee ee ee ee 35, 118
IIAIR DRESSING AS AN INDICATION OF
MORNING ==. ae 2 Sea ee ee 116
Hancock Country, Mbm., pit graves
LOUNG MN) = Sa eS Se ee 15
HAYESBOROUGH, TENN., burying
STOUNG (AG se ee ee 45
HENRY ISLAND, ALA., mounds near__ 49
HIGHLAND County, VA., mound in___ 130
HILLSBORO County, FLA., burials in_ a fa Ur
HOCKING COUNTY, OHIO, mound in__ 59
HousaTONIc INDIANS, burial customs_— 17
HURON BURIAL .CUSTOMS__——---___— 74, 80
HvuT RINGS, burials found in=—2— 2 = 106
ILLINOIS, burial mounds of________ 62-64
ILLINOIS INDIANS, burial customs cf_ 39
IMMORTALITY, BELIEF IN—
by Creeks ses ee ae ee 111
by ‘Huronss 25 Sas 27 aS 77
DY LRoqueisa sa sewe ts ee 88
by (Ojibway =s=5--e- 30, 31, 33
by Seneca = 2 ee See ee 84
ENCHOSED = BURIALS) 2 2 222 eas ee 58
“INDIAN BURYING HILL,” in Rhode
Tela 92 e e ee 16
INDIANA, BURIAL MOUNDS—
Rusn County 22 s-3- see 61
Steuben! County-22— 3 52
IROQUOIS, LEAGUE OF THE, nations

forming oe eS oe wesw eee teee 70

built. by se. 5 ee Se a 63
LAKE COUNTY, FLA., mound in___-__ 120
IMA, IN. ey cemetenyia t= = tae iff
LINCOLN County, Mg., pit graves

found ‘ink 2). * eee See LB
LOvVISA COUNTY, VA., mound in____~ 128
LOUISIANA, Choctaw burial customs

in ee eee ee ee 100
Mapison County, N. Y.. native ceme-

teries) inu= 22.4223) eae ee 7
MATING: pit 2ravesmin= === ee a5
MANHATTAN ISLAND, burial customs

ON: SS Se es 18
MARSHALL County, ALA., cave burial

1) 22 2 Se ee 69
MARTHAS VINEYARD, MAass.—

cemeteries in-= = === == See 18

native’ name of] = eee 18
MARYLAND, deposit of bones in______ 2
MASSACHUSETTS—

oravesiotliCorn Hill = =n 14

remains near Fall River_____-~-_ 18
MASSASOIT, possible grave of_____~_ alisy
MELECITE INDIANS, customs of______ * 12
MnNnoMING BURTALS P23 a Se ee 54
MIAMI INDIANS, burial customs of___ 38
MICHIGAMEBA TRIBE, burial mounds

Of S 2 ae See ee ee ee 62
Micmac INDIANS, customs of_______ 12
MISSISSAUGA BURTALS= ==>.) —22==—= 36
MISSISSIPPI BURIAL MOUNDS—

Clay. County s——25= =e Se 99
UnioniGounty23 =2 === 107

Missouri, JEFFERSON COUNTY, ceme-

tery ine see ee ee 54-56
MONACAN INDIAN BURIALS____-_-
MONACAN TRIBES, classification of, by

Mooney 22-2. 130
MonTAGNAIS INDIANS, customs of___ 2,
MONTAGUE, N. J., cemetery near____— 19
MorGaANn County, TENN., cave burial_ 68
MORTUARY POTTDRY ——=——==-=—-=-_— 57, 148
MOUND BURIALS, age of-—--—_--_-—- 62
Mounps—

aS burial places==—= == === se 36, 48

Cherokee method of building _~— 93

near Nashville, Tenn —__--__ 44, 46, 47
MounNDS, BURIAL—

oLstheiChoctaw=2=_2- == 98

OLAthey Greeks:-- == 2! = =e i lal

Visited! by, Indians-=" 23222 128
MouRNING CUSTOMS—

insNew Lneland=== == sss 16

of the Choctaw so. 2 eee 100

ofthe Natchez 3s eae 104
MUNSEP CEMPTERY IN NEW JERSBEY- 19
MUSKHOGBDAN GROUPS ~~~ .~----___-= 93
NAMB OF DECEASED TABOOED_--_--_-~ 13

INDEX 159
Page. Page.
NANTICOKE BURIALS __-_~-~_____-_ 24-26 | Rep JACKET, grave of___- ~_— ‘all
NASHVILLE, TENN., Indian burials RHODE ISLAND, Indian burials in___ 16
Tea Ts es ee ee ee 44 | RIVANNA VALLEY, VA., mound in__ 124-127
NATCHEZ BURIAL CUSTOMS____-_~_ 101-105 ROCKINGHAM Country, VA., mound in_ 129
NEw ENGLAND— Ross Country, OH10O—
butiale customs ote] =o == 12 Jog eal "a ay eae TS aren ats eee pete er, 61
STA VeSuln= a ete ee ee 29 MOUS sine = es 121, 137-144
TPES ne eres ee et a DS A = -11 | RusH County, IND., burial mound
New JERSEY, Munsee cemetery in__— 19 AA Rete eS ES RY SL le 61
New York, Indian burials in__..--~ 71-87 | Sv. LAWRENCE County, N. Y., mound
Nracara County, N. Y., ossuary in_- 78 ND ee ee a 72
NIANTIC CEMETERY —~—__- _—_-__-=— 160) Si.) LOUIS; Mo.) mound ino2- 2-22! 56
NINIGRET, CHIEF, burial place of___ 16 | St. ReGiIs ISLAND, N. Y., mound on_ ie
NortH CAROLINA, burials in-_-__--_~_ 135 | SALINE RIVER, graves along________ 53
SALT, source of supply 2 =) = 2___ 53
On10— SANTMEAB MIRTAT:S 2s elses ps oh 131-134
ancient inclosures in___---~--- 90 SAVANNAH, GA., Indian settlement
Jona te Sie abet ee ee 42,57, 61 Sivas Sy NLC PGES Ei hone iia 114
earthworks, obliteration of ——_~— 137 ‘Shei unnianiity See
MOU Soe ee 52, 59, 121, 137-145 Gli eas yet ae eee otha 107
Outo County, Ky., burials in_--_-- 51 (Shayari oe ONAN Lea ae 94-98
OnIO VALLEY, numerous cemeteries in G gee coe eae te eee 40
of ______--_~---~~-~----------- 2 Menomiini 22 tee es A 36, 37
OMB WAY BURTAUS =.= = 25 ea 29, 30, 31 Opi Wye ea LAS dare 30, 32
See also Chippeway. Scioro VALLEY, earthworks of____ 142-146
ONDHIDA GRAVES_—_---~~~~-=------- 71 |. Seminozm BURIAL___________. 114-116
ONEIDA MOUNDS--~-__-~~------~--- 72 | senmca County, N. Y., burials in___ 87
ONONDAGA TRIBE, cremation among_ 37 SDNEGA FUNERAL CBREMONY....2. 83-86
ORInNTATION— ‘ SiNECAGEM OUND S = ssn nia! Soe Tale e,
in Seminole. burials_------_-- 116 | sumcasK, Curnr, burial of wife of__. 20-22
in Tunica burials ____--__-~_- og SHINGOES TOWN, burial at_________ 23
OSHKOSH, CHIEF, grave of—-____ == ». | SIOUAN TRIBES, migration of _______ 141
OssaBAw ISLAND, GA., burial mound_ ie “SKELETON IN ARMOR”___________ 18
OsSUARIBS__-~~~~~~-~~~-~--~---~-- 78,78 | «Soursousms ” of ancient Egyp-
See also Bone deposits, Bone- AEE T sep aad ea. Gye SUL Oca WR Serta wd 19
houses. SourH Carourna, Indian burials in_ 131-134
Osweso, N. Y., cremation at__--___ 387 | SppuBEN County, IND., burial mounds
OTTAWA TRIBE, cremation practiced TAGE: pig RAIS wily ee ee ae ele 52
GMNOWIS SaaS SSS SS Sia ae 3 STONE-LINED GRAVES 2 ~=-=52~~_=—__ 44-57
OXIDE OF IRON IN GRAYNS————-_-_-- 16 ABEL Due ee eres Wisma MLL 8 Sled, 56
Pace County, Va., mound in_----_ 4129 | seugeLerreup, Cou. J. 8:, shell heap
PAINT CREEK, OHIO, ancient village FTE Tit WAG) ene er nae i sete nN Lr 29
Won ss ao caEeeenSeSSSeSsesoass 137 | Swattow BLUFF ISLAND, TENN.,
PASCAGOULA BURIAL CUSTOMS_____ 135-137 TRG UT SoTL ee ee Na NN tel 48
PENNSYLVANIA, tribes of ~-________ 90 | Tarpon SPRINGS, FLA., mound near. 117
Prorta, ILL, French cemetery at 43 TEMPLE OF THE NATCHEZ_________ 104
PIT BURIALS, Algonquian and _ Iro- TEMPLES FOR THE DEAD... 147
quoian tribes ~-____---_--_____- 147 | rennessen, Indian burials in-_____ 44-49,
ROMEDAC So TaviGlU Ole 52 =a na wees 43 68, 69, 90
Posts, BURIAL— ANOLON) IVT oe 116-122
of the Delaware___------_____ 22,24 | Tomes or THD PoWHATAN INDIANS__ oT
of the Menomini ~------_-____ 35 | Trees, hollow, burial in-__-_______ 116
of the Miami -_--__--________ So OME Eman NNLOUND S02 lee 8 to ei 144
of the Ojibway__--__---______ 29 | TUNICA BURIAL CUSTOMS__________ 108
| SRR Eocnas ‘Fel EEE Es Eros EEE area
g 2 Fania oes Hupialeplaceron= 22 78
58, 148 Union Country, Ky., communal
POTTERY-LINED GRAVES ~~__-_______ 55 Lourer geil Trey oy steve [Prt aye le ie aT ae a 51
POWHATAN BURIAL CUSTOMS_—_~-_- 25-29 | Union Counry, MISS., mounds of___ 107
Be aie EIGIN, EraVes a 35 URN BURIALS IN GBEORGIA_____—_____ 113
PYGMY GRAVES, explanation of_____ 45 WAUEEG TING MOUNDS 59
RAPIDAN River, VA., burial place VILLAGE SITES, temporary nature of. 122
on_—-—~~~~~~~~_-_-~__-~~______ 126-128 VIRGINIA, Indian burials in______ 122-130
RASSAWCK, Indian settlement of___ 122 | WAMPANOAG BURYING GROUND______ 15

160 INDEX

Page.
WAMPUM—
collarvorustoles322 2s eee 81
descriptionsots-==—-- 22 82
WARREN Country, Ky.—
Gave™bDurialls) cee te eee 68
STAVes dee eS ee ee eee 50
WARREN COUNTY, TENN., cave
burials: 3c. tev st ae Le re 66
WARREN, R. I., ancient cemetery in__ 15
WEANOGCBURTAL( =o ose een 28

WHITESIDE CouNnry, ILx., burial
mound ins Ss * Le Eee
WILson County, TENN., mounds of_
WINDING SHEETS, bodies wrapped
AD) 6 Se Oe LS eee =

YADKIN Counry, N. C., cemetery in__
YAMACRAW BLUFF, burial at________
YAMASEE AND CREEK BURIAL CUSTOM_

Page.

62
106

16
64-66
28
134
114
114

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEFET ING Alm RIZATEEY2

b. BURIAL AT WINTHROP, MASS.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY SHUN ESNRINE Zeal RIN ipl 3}

ae TE MPEE AT SEGOMAN: 1585

b. TOMB INSIDE THE «TEMPLE” AT SECOTAN, 1585

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUIERE THN wi” IREAIEy4:

b. AMERICAN FUR COMPANY'S POST AT FOND DU LAC, 18206

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERIN 71 REATEsS

a. OJIBWAY GRAVES AT MILLE LAC, MINNESOTA, 1900

b. OLD FORM OF MENOMINI GRAVE COVERING

c. LATER FORM OF SAME

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 71 PEATE 6

b. SAME GRAVE BEFORE THE COVER WAS REMOVED

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUIEEETING 7 Pleas Es

a.

b. SAME GRAVE BEFORE REMOVING COVER

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 71 PLATE 8

b. LARGE GRAVE IN MOUND IN WARREN COUNTY, KENTUCKY

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 71 PLATE 9

b. STONE-LINED GRAVE, JEFFERSON COUNTY, MISSOURI

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUF ETING Als PiEATbE. 10

b. PARTIAL EXCAVATION OF OSSUARY, GASPORT,N. Y.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULEEET ING BEATE i

a. ‘‘ THE MODE OF CARRYING THE SICK OR WOUNDED”

b. CEMETERY AT A SENECA VILLAGE, 1731

RATES 2

BULLETIN 71

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

t
»)

4g f

i

FROM ROMANS

CHOCTAW BURIALS, 1775.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 71 PLATE 13

b. BURIAL CEREMONY IN FLORIDA, 1564. FROM LE MOYNE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 71 PLATE 14

a. LOOKING NORTHWARD

b: THE CEIFES

c. THE RIVANNA PASSING THE “LOW GROUNDS”
SITE OF MOUND OPENED BY JEFFERSON

REAIES 1S

BULLETIN 71

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

GRAVE CREEK MOUND

PLATE 16

BULLETIN 71

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

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REPRODUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL DRAWING NOW IN THE

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

A SECTION OF ROSS COUNTY, OHIO.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

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