wil We ath Y WAY ry ATA y Se wie arn hs S5s5 = ae nncaionineta eae or Semen main a = Ge cet Ee Ee Saree Raia eaeaes Sa pi ti hi = Tota Set 4) Hts pie ar ey ‘a Na en ons 2 9 BS ee ees ieee Te PR eee ee SuemS : rt his Rite Hig ; ae A HM $245 pele 7 o ve} Xy { a Y ah ‘ - ; im hig ah) ia Af ws _ 1 By ie a i suite, RT at A pict, preat Bure mare ET ie Pe he i ‘SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION - BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - ‘BULLETIN cht THE SWIMMER MAN USCRIPT - CHEROKEE SACRED ‘FORMULAS AND MEDICINAL PRESCRIPTIONS By JAMES MOONEY and FRANS M. OLBRECHTS ; Ea muse SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT CHEROKEE SACRED FORMULAS AND MEDICINAL PRESCRIPTIONS BY JAMES MOONEY REVISED, COMPLETED, AND EDITED BY FRANS M. OLBRECHTS UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1932 FOR SALE BY THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS, WASHINGTON, D. C. veal Chey aaa ahaa ii Hh OW TMA) 4h Ye! NIA eH ee LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BurgEAvu OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., May 29, 1929. Str: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscript, entitled ‘“The Swimmer Manuscript: Cherokee Sacred Formulas and Medicinal Prescriptions,” by James Mooney, revised, completed, and edited by Frans M. Olbrechts, and to recommend its pub- lication, subject to your approval, as a bulletin of this bureau. Respectfully, M. W. Stiruine, Chief. Dr. C. G. Assort, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Bsa ea ee aes Nat | sa HMMA aT TO HATVSL oi ina A perpoarmnntel waimeuniie Wine me Bah) a | promowienl zaonEMA 40 wana aay heat, OS yale > woot | Shy Sqioeaanr gabcrafecoos ot diinedue of doce nit situa aa bie egfimiol herss® eodored) ; tyinbavaslt tomer yh | bdtelquioy beviver stondoM, ewan) yd“ euolignsenrt | “dug ett ixauncrsooo of boa ,eidoodlO MO aaer'l, wet WAS) Cohan aidd te widallod # 26 lve mgoy, of route + ; Sass ; “aun merece We MM Pa ‘ ere Ds ens. ees an sate senda wit Yo yuntorga CONTENTS Page Rar EP yore om ere ner et eras iets eo A= se ae eee XII Jah GEESTON GRA SiG WE Se a a ap le pin Ler pana pete se deat ease XV imme moriam——JamedlVlooney fet ete eee ee TN eens XVII 1 RARER UO a ae es Ba ge fps a gt pe Ui ge pt ear aah a ea eg 1 NicrtEriamanG IME UNO Mess sat ieee een ween nar er anes eae nA Ere ae ety 1 Mahe WOLEer GL UIE TN amMUISCL ibe eee ee he teen es er ets pene oe EE i General background—Informants used_-_._-_-2 2-22-27 7E_ oe ee fk HRI ITIA DIG ROLES Ge te ee te ene ee ey wee: Sn Se eee 10 Phonetic symbols and abbreviations. 2-22 ee slat Disease mits mature ANG IS \CAUSES® Sasa Ok se. ee eek Ree ee Men h S nee ate 14 RISC RESORMISCASG? in Sere etry Sere Bi arya ante re ne 14 SEEMED le SELIRCLOIOR Go ey te ey Ts ee Py re ea 16 IDISEASEHCAUISES Eo cues. Wrst ct SCENE LRDIIOD Ten REND MEIER rth oe evs pepe relt bey Mk VNR Wa Ma buralncausesit a ewe lS Shay ae enon Re fart a Ee ae 17 Pipe ria tlirals CAUSES.» (5.07 NLR oe ee ee a eee 18 S] a1 af 1: Ra naa OMe SO REE ale Se Ne Re A Ans ee ey Anne Sar at BY co 19 AM OVS) Ub iets ave Vk rAd rt laten aD eb piglet ac Na tL LD To: BS 19 6 Ud eho 2's Aaa aa po, Xe AVR ee ead oh ep cedar Aa fel AI 21 MTV Y WN oo rae a Sie Pe NA i cee 22 MIU RER TV OTH O05 Ti 2 ale 9 SE AUN Reh, ral ele AE SURE 22 Thunder—Red Man—Two Little Red Men___-___-____ 23 Purple Man, Blue Man, Black Man, etc___--_-_-___- 24 MATOUS LAIblIC; ECODIG Le AO Rt ne ne Aer ene none 25 ASTRA SLED ES ote ee eel ee Ne ae He eee se ee ape aR 25 (G oYSYay AS} We pene ial aN ph ui eam nyse Mae ty ela A Rink is at A DA hl ae at Ne 26 PIM AT PHOStHS oe eT ke SN 9 a pre 26 PATITTIP I OSU 2 et LeU a nie Be A Ie Sees 26 Preternaturalca uses see Dee ie ee ee a one 9) ay te etna 29 AVViiti Cle Senet oe ae: LR RIES Le Ie anset re bgt RY Pee ys 29 ZIG Ua yal Lert Key <3 le aie ma BIR I OS puget a) aie hed LLL EL A 33 Bye McG “Gl dISCABES 2 25 51 Ree Ree eee Re ny Ae ey 33 FSM UIESTRIMEMStRUAM Ss Sree eee ete eee tar nate Erne Moen aa 34 Wrecetrrtss! Spe Se LTS Sale ES EN IE Ra RE IY WB 1 SUSI Dy bo Pe 35 QS TSE APRA PED Se I at eR ee Pee TUR ASF Sa fa RE 37 Neglected taboos; disregarded injunctions_-_____---------- 38 @auses of contagious disease =a. eee, te cores ee eee 39 | SEAPGERETaY 6 USTUCHMY mets 1007 =) 61 REMMI ave ae gel at i ed Seed ae Mh gag BL 39 Pia enOsis And) DFORNOKIS] 22. Le See ee eae B 39 TL TIE] E P66 2] fe RRR a I a RA 2 le Ee eS a 42 Color symbolism—Sacred numbers__________~_£.-_2__---_------- 51 Miatenia Medica oe. eerily LE: Nae irae BLOM eerie eA AREY SUN ee 52 Paraphernalia used im the treatment ee ee 2 a 58 CLEVE UY NTS AVES 6 neyo (RRM ype DUP ae) Alclad gina po aaah 60 Prescriptions as to diet, taboos; tes. ean ee ee ea oe 64 Aeiyoicnl curine procedure. . 02 - ae wen te eer Cr Oa ie 67 Bari ey ort cee pres Oe. NN PENI pecans RMON eae os remae t 68 vi CONTENTS Disease and its treatment—Continued. Page 1 236) O10 a F<: Wan ute ae Rede eRMegr a SEN SRL SA neg 2 OS aa es BOM ARRON Os 73 Change from within—Influence from without_.___.______________-- cH Attitude of the community toward the sick___..____.___._._____- 80 CAG Of TLEATMER Geo eae CE EB fo) 2 81 iPhevmedieine rmamien sere Lad) Darvel RN A ID ALE La ace IO ee 83 IDiFerenG CLASSES ak Mi a ie Rati pened EMT 84 Seoperoruknowled wes 2 22s Ss be ea eee es SS ee 88 Socialistacusi aw 22 eh ie ee lL ea 91 Professional ethicse.2/ 2224225 22th hobs Se aie ia 93 ‘hesmedicine man’s fees <2 4.2 eee coo ee 95 Miubual relations! 2.5236 22852 a oo ee ae 97 Hirai i atlOne eae ese is oe Leer Se fe Oe ee ee ee ee ee ee peer 99 Diffusion ofiknowledges =... 5-2-4522 55 4- e e 104 Succession and: inheritance: “=.=. 52-2 S562. 2645525245 ee 105 SKEDUICISNG 225 f.. a ae ee ho See ef i ee 106 Attitude toward white cultures. 2-524 2 eee 107 Personalities—Individual differences___._.-.---..--------.------- 109 FST a a ER YN Gn EEA NGA Mase 116 FS ESS QUESTIA DR Se a SRE a NE ee pa aE EY Oe 116 Conceptions] 2. s520) Sea bees ue koe oe ae ee 116 Abortus—-Contraceptives: 222-222 2.2225 e520 2 WF During premnancy =! 862023 ees eo? ee ee 118 Pregnant woman’s taboos. = 2.2 -.-—- 222-2525 5 oe. 120 iFitisband?s! ta bOGs Sans seen o wees senna eee 121 TE EL (fey OI 2 Reg Dat st NU pe Re PES EVR ED BET 2 Be ee 122 Afterbimgh ge 2 2 la Ue i A a 126 Care for:child——Child, Nifeve cya oe ee be ys ee 128 Raising the child to become a witech—Twins----__._.------------- 129 Weathiandvafterlifes.. «2222252 85 2 ee ae Re 2 ee 131 1B 755 0c a nO I) dE RAIN SPRAIN So ta 131 Betweenideath- and burials. 225 2a 22 ee See ee ee ae ee 134 “2 a) La a a a es pe RE OPN He Ea A SSE UNS ISS he 136 Adter burials (82 552 ooo 5 Ql aye oa Ee ee 138 PRE EOTTEG Seo pe ee sedate tech LU ap aes ee 140 MISO GRO Wega ae eels Ne 141 Survival of the ‘soull.j 222-2 Seo bee eee ee eee 142 MSITTCIC OM iene ae As ea) 2 hd a es 144 meamiesl deaths... 222. see eee ee 144 WIE MLOLIMULASS La 00S ies Eyal 2 A A a ee oe oy ee 144 Jus 51 C= Seg oe AO SARL IAD EU pl A Se Pl 144. Origine 26 es Ss a ge ee 146 (Kandsi io eon eg S noe ee a ee el 146 Prevyerse cen ioe seal. soe shee eee eee tae 149 Hor protection: 222.22. 22525452000 0 ee 149 For long lifes. 22 224.22. c2 ee eee ee 150 Por'gathering medicine_ ~ 20 4) 5. 2 ee 150 WonwUTAMONS 28 ok bok eee 151 Por curing 2202060220 151 Hor ising tobacco... 222. .6- 22-400.) 22 Lee 151 For examining with the beads. 0 eee 152 Against witches. oii eo Le os ee 152 ATICUIENICAL Meee ae eer 152 Por hunting and fishing. ..0. 20° 0000 os ae eee 153 CONTENTS The formulas—Continued. Kinds—Continued. TMCHMLAbIONS. wae. Sas. ee Soe see coe ee wale PT OCUANEO aacicl cect to neeor ee ee eses ss tsescasueesee ge pitt usa! cgaoad Ate Rep Rerapeedhagis nip ge cise. 42 16 Mi ede dita eine pty bof LG) Horplove acsraction... S2i2 5 Jaa 2 See ees wo a ee ie eee Wor Making UNATACIVe sc. Les eten a toca steno ROR separating 22522 27 32 eee eee eS ae ae ee See iowethe torminlasrare recited or sungee eae ne ae ee eee How the formulas are considered by the laity and by the medicine meringue’ of writing, the formulass-"2 2 22-2 ooo eee le Le SImuchire Gi Lhe fOrmUlAs. 202 ot eee meen Cece sitn eet ate Pee witha Tania pe. os Se SN ee ee Rea eta emen se aaa mare CHEROKEE TEXTS (hor) the big chill'this is‘the medicine=- 22-2. 22. 22k oak os Amadethis is; (for): whenotheir heads are all sak ee ee ee eee eee . This is the medicine when they are sick with sharp pains__--_------ This is to cure with, when they have them itching_---------------- . If snakes have bitten them, this is the medicine____--------------- This is to cure with, to give it to them to drink when they are sick WADE TeSUUSES peas cee hs ke rer re NT ay (a oe Ba MR . This is when they are sick with the ‘‘yellow’’__---_---_------------ 5 MGW TSH TB avetaraareyo WCCy Va VeNy Hoy ouch oN eyes saz (eh UAL RA ie ay a ie NB ta . This (is for) when they have them drooping------.---------------- . When they have them drooping, this is the medicine_-_-__--_-------- Pe(Hor them navel, tis Is tae mecicmmew. wf A wee . This is the medicine (if) simulators have made it resemble it (i. e., a FIRS eM Ue) era SYSPS) YS Ie ni YA a BRO ATA AP Ue A ne I All oP . This (is for) when they have ‘the MES ASA CMTC Oe ca uA aah etait Pxcheir nayel, this.is the medicine (ona.20 2650522 (2800 2 Ue PLhisnsignecmedcicine; for vue Maveles se sole 2 oe le . This is to treat (them) with if the raccoon causes them to be ill___-- . And another one if the little ones have diarrhea__-_---_-_---_-_---- . This is to take people to the water with..-.-__-_---__-.-----_--L- . This is to treat (them) with (when) he habitually breaks them (i. e., Teh BVERUUT ORE I RES) 401) | AMEDD la aac Area Lp . This (is) to treat (them) with when they have dreamed of snakes; (what) to give them to drink, and (how) it is to be said______-_-- . This (is) to cure (them) with whenever they have lost their voice_ --- . And this (is) for the purpose (of treating them) when they urinate (rics iret tata aN abl erty Do's soca. piezo ail pda lade Aiello . This (is) to blow their heads with; the medicine (which is) to be used yA ed OV TTF UAHA EON KG (08 os) Coy Rape Lt nog 1 en pe er eh Ha iis) (is). bbe treatment, tor thelr) presse.) os . This (is) for using the snake tooth at the scratching of them-~----- . This is the treatment whenever they are ill with the ‘‘yellow”’____-_- . This (is) for when they become ill suddenly--_-----_-------------- . This is to scratch them; a brier should be used with it-_-.---------- . This is the medicine (for) when their breast swells___-._----------- . This is to treat them with when they have blisters____------------ . (This is) for the purpose of scratching people, using the snake tooth NNT AU ae, oer ms sets a eet asa i I a eae ae ia iat has ie VII Page 153 153 154 154 155 155 155 156 157 Vill CONTENTS # Thisi(is) to treat them with (or) worms._.2.--222222) 3. se ee . This (is) the medicine, if they have (pains) appearing about in dif- ferent Places. oe es ok ot ee oe ee ea * ehhis Gs) to make them vomit bile... .22222 22. 22225 See oe ee . (This is) the treatment when they have them drooping-___________ . This (is) for the purpose of it, whenever they have pain in different Dlates=2 032-9. eee . This tells (about) what to treat (them) with if they urinate yellow_- . (This is) to treat (them) with, if they have their urinary passages ALOPpPed UP... s222-4.4- = 22 ee eer . This (is) the medicine (for) the black “‘yellow’’_..-...--..___-_-_.- . This (is) the medicine whenever they have them shaking___________ * his is) thesmedicine for the chill’. 2 sie eee ee . This is the medicine when they attack him suddenly_______________ . This is to take those that have been left (alive) to the water with____ . When they have pains appearing about in different places__________ SeRhIss; phe medicine TOL thelr SiGes a er = ees eee . This (is) to treat (them) with when ‘‘it affects them in sucha way,” as they susuailliy cane a) co tee Ce ye al ea . This is the medicine if snakes have bitten them_________..___.__-_- . This is the medicine when they have it hot___-._.-_._.__.--_.-___ . This (is) when they are ill (by) those living in the forest___________ . This (is) to treat (them) with (when) they have inhaled bad (odors) -- . And (this is for) when they are under restrictions (and) they dream ohallisorts (of things) 222 22 2s coe che ce Se ee pc re ; 2bhis isthe medicine LOR ww OLMIS... eas sees oe . This is the medicine when they have. blisters__._._._.____..._._-_-_-_-- . This is the medicine for their breast, when the terrapin affects them AS UUEV EO ADOW bso oe oe aes ae eee en ees oe . This is to cure (them) with, if what they urinate is yellowish_______- Subhis. isthe medicine) LOL gba el, LTO Bae ae ak ear abhiss(for)) their head: (is) themmedicine se sss ae er . This is the medicine when they have become as though (they were measly) 2. oe 2 a5 ee ee se eee ei . This, whenever their feet are frost bitten, (is) the treatment---_-_-_-_~ . This is the medicine when their feet are frost bitten_-______-_____-- . This is the medicine when their mouths are sore___--__------------ . This is the medicine for the insects living in the water___-____---__~- . This is the medicine when their teeth ache__-_______-___---------~- . This is the medicine when their breast aches______.._._-----------_- se MISsISsoHesMed cine TOM) GHel Ma Ve lis ae ete yee ly ese een . This is the medicine when they have pains (shifting) about______~-_- . This is the medicine whey they have it along both sides____-_----_- . This is the medicine whenever their breast aches_-——--------------- . To cure them with, when they have been shot...-.---------------- . This is to make (the) little ones jump down from them, for their (mothers) Moe sr ee a Oe ete age Le . And this (is for) when they discharge slimy (matter) from their . (This is) the medicine when they discharge blood from their bowels-_ - . Also a medicine when they discharge blood from their bowels- ------ . Also a medicine when they discharge pale blood (and) slimy matter from’ thelr DOWelSise- = eee oe ae ee ee ee ere CONTENTS . ORES) Parra eee ae ac AY ae a remeron, OS Uh Sah ee eer . This is the medicine when their food is changed___________________ . This is to cure (them) with, when they let them down from their Stomach. (and)suhney Gomotrecover oe as 2 as eee . This is for the purpose of (curing) children when they constantly ery__ . This is the medicine when they have the itching___________________ . This is the medicine to give them to drink when they urinate yellowish . This is the medicine (when) it breaks them___________._._____-__- . This is for the purpose of (curing) the ‘‘yellow”’ of their navel_______ . This is (for) when they are sick with a swelling_______._.____._______- . To cure them when they have their feet frost bitten _______________ . This is the medicine (for) what they call ‘‘cocoons”’________________ Penis isipue medicine tor, their heade ke ee Hiss the medicine for s beanlike (boll)e 22522202220 bee ye . This is (for) what they call ‘‘it causes them to be broken’’__________ mehishis) (or) whentthey have baddreams 2200 2 Soa es . This is to take oneself to the water with, to help oneself____________ . This is the medicine when they urinate white (matter)_____________ . This is the medicine when they urinate milky (substance)________-_- This is, when a tooth comes out, to throw it away with________-_-- en ha en Gennes ‘ ie es id Mi La ‘hw ; ‘yt iar ics att st . et a oem, . Sadrdicoahied deleted a he eee aa Ee bes }) . Ai iced pa: OS rane to perenne sey i rn : La oainnatctal cade oo nevblidis eit e ‘ c Be ROR AE! ee Sadat ol Od ; oan betes)" oid vi el St) coo Berane PAYee USO nae . ae ihe el wa Ree Nob Hye. Sts Te ni yh ae ere nl) é MOT SA fo ae ete, ave eC eres |e Sa FOS ay eee At OTE wadatonet Hb (etaete) eo Me LY Baer fait 9 ty Ree Cyetleieay Ry Ypinpair Me Pe ae yritived ie dvr Pout nas cult: PPD 8 Ohi: Saori +S aU ete DAN ra Pevet basi ed’ {hin ete haahy wot} won F ® J NS SEO A SOY Gotoh ie rire AP (thw Bal eeaet ated aabathons Oe Hh yret Pad ar Witt wang ies Her goal tate @ Rath | 5.2 4-48 epee Wad oval youltaotyes Pine wut Sepa qtadt ot ANG Vitae ot UP Vvieaile wee =), La Crh Nicht} Mivtw endatiy opal ele Sathtbey Gy Meakin feted? “WHA Soar" gaat wile “wall eae oe ae ny COL vane tL wold oF Jud snug Soot @ cartye ' a Mi ww re vee Sleaze , Soames eee Piste da sit ep me em eg 8G ae) 9 elie ese as hay oe le av ° Babe dy a ' i a Ao o Lal i i i “ti fl a ¥ *:9 . Dm Ona Kalin a #E, : (yak ase e } ta % i! i Cut Wi) eh (fn a VER .. i LP | ale V's AVES (Sa ail ‘ } be i val - a. aat ‘ye 7 ; be iy ; Lie j 'Yighl “see teak ; ' Pah bowl AHS bas VM le Ge a au Ps | ed et PCT APE Gh he MOON DY Phd! saree Wil gp Yh 1 A I NR ka i ' ey ne we Cee Lye; hrs a el Age : BY. inte. aiic'l ips Lie i wey ote be yy Saliy , ; a ww thie he \ Aye % Pu ALAY Coe fF wip Posi ec Oo. widen ee q ‘ Fue Hot —_ anne,’ 5 rae ed ee 2 a eh oh. atlas sake hina ‘relies ‘i Be : bi ives af. 7 Oe er eee a eee sag ya a. ‘ahh 9 Sat Se, AN ha MO Vie. dinate ans i Wate tants iu ohn. ewe = dew win fig mays nov am wr (\ ve ILLUSTRATIONS! PLATES MemPAIMOR MOORE Y 25) hoes Gi So ae aa Se a a a a 2. Facsimile page of the reconstituted text. .-..-...-.-----.-----.-.- S. Hacsimile page of the a ‘y52:*'ni manuscripti..-.-----.---4-.--<2 4. a*y5"’ni (‘“‘Swimmer’”’), the writer of the manuscript_-..-.------- bee. Maimuimtormant and interpreters2. oa aesea ese ee eee 6. a, The root of an inverted raspberry branch. 6, Bark from the sunny side of a tree. c, He then wraps the simples in his white CAG 6s RN aS rs i eae reo OS eS Oe ee 7. a-h, Surgical instruments. 7, The ‘‘k‘anv'aa”’ scarification instru- MON o see ee hs anes ns a os ln Ss aes RR Cte Ls 2a 8. a, Ts., the oldest of the medicine men. 6, se‘luye’’ni a medicine CORNED e071 UPR Tee ef 2 add oy SMS ORE My teed 2k et Lana EY a 9. a, Og., two days before he died. b, The corpse is put down on ECOTOYG (UAV) OOTY Ec FS) LC MR STN ND es OS A rN ene ger 10. a, Jud., the Cherokee Rabelais. 6, The chief of the coffin makers. c, T., the unofficial chief medicine man....-.........---.---- 11. a, J., One of the lesser stars. 6, Del., descendant of an old lineage OEAMEGICINE MOM. puis rcs wate eee erste eae a, as at Lhe a a 12. a, Je., a prominent midwife. 6, O., Del.’s mother; midwife- - ------ ommOe NETO RCE NGANICE TES Ie. Moy 2 ce erie ie ieee aia Ny as ile a lf piel ly ae 114 114 116 116 1 Plate 4 is from a photograph taken by James Mooney in 1888. Plates 1, 2, 3, and 7, i, are from the collections of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The other illustrations are from photographs taken in the field by the editor (1926-27). XI te eh my Hehe ae ily no a a “afi aid; ai vole oa wager od BN Pee sh ck < ha ANS heey te'D! tee Me sarptest ards “an sal nt he fie 1G, a Ea cavern 1AM bel oe Sad he ape 7 iin. 4 Ta agal ‘i & Mpc ycinlboar ne Sishonte ba. ue oie he arate ain oe se wo ig gin ben ela eat 0 en lane at sano. aH 4 frothy ont, anotett gah one. eR ' halla Nis a debate ee oo) no cara i ee Lp nition alt Jo taidn og As 6 Ww aod x ns oe cone teniines 4st. cine eehioim Tales italRans orb AE eo Rac ment Blo wie Io Janbaoasab lod B anole ewer! odd To pO) “A ALY Nae Raat et sity see So! Gini im sein lh VEL: BL oF tee tae sronbout S49 Rane ALY, ; Sree Pasa em =n eee ASA id HOLA Le t4 Dp hh 5 a ' ‘i Dee ca. haan stemitionn oe elaine Serene hy OH BON West Baa se Sf asl e2e) i eenoe Mt oe Atgert ate oe ao BIBLIOGRAPHY Apair, JAMES. The history of the American Indians. London, 1775. ADMINISTRATIVE Report. Thirty-seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 1-31. Washington, 1923. Brercen, Fanny D. Current superstititions. Mem. Amer. Folk-Lore Soc., vol. tv. Boston and New York, 1896. Animal and plant lore. Ibid., vol. vu, 1899. CuampBerain, A. F. Disease and medicine (American). Hastings’ Encyclo- peedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 1v, pp. 731-741. New York and Edin- burgh, 1914, Cuuin, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. Twenty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn. Washington, 1907. Doponagus, REMBERTUS. Cruydt-Boeck. Leyden, 1608. Haywoop, Joun. The natural and aboriginal history of Tennessee. Nashville, 1828. KLEIWEG DE Zwaan, J. P. Die Heilkunde der Niasser. Haag, 1913. Lemery, Nicouas. Dictionnaire ou Traité Universel des Drogues simples. Amsterdam, 1716. Lupewic, Hermann E. The literature of American aboriginal languages. London, 1858. (Triibner’s Bibliotheca Glottica. I.) MacCautey, Cuay. The Seminole Indians of Florida. Fifth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 469-531. Washington, 1887. MacGowan, D. J. Indian secret societies. A paper read before the American Ethnological Society, March, 1866. Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries, vol. x, pp. 139-141. Morrisania, N. Y., 1866. Mooney, James. The sacred formulas of the Cherokee.! Seventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 301-397. Washington, 1891. Myths of the Cherokee. Nineteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1. Washington, 1900. The Cherokee River cult. Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. xm, pp. 1-10. Boston and New York, 1900. The Cherokee ball play. Amer. Anthrop., vol. ur, pp. 105-132. Washington, 1890. PICKERING, JOHN. A grammar of the Cherokee language. [Boston, 1830.] (Four printed sheets only; n. p., n. d.) Pittine, JAMES C. Bibliography of the Iroquoian languages. Bull. 6, Bur. Ethn. Washington, 1888. Puckett, Newser Nites. Folk beliefs of the southern Negro. Chapel Hill, N. C., 1926. Rotu, WatTerR E. An inquiry into the animism and folk-lore of the Guiana Indians. Thirtieth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 103-386. Wash- ington, 1915. Stevens, W. B. A history of Georgia. Vol. 1. New York, 1857. TIMBERLAKE, Henry. Memoirs of Lieut. Henry ‘Timberlake. London, 1765. Von DER GABELENTZ, Hans Grora Connor. Kurze Grammatik der Tschero- kesischen Sprache. In Zeitschrift fur die Wissenschaft der Sprache, III (1852), 257-300. Von Hovorxa and Kronrexp. Vergleichende Volksmedizin, 1 vol. Stuttgart, 1908. Woop, Grorce B., and Bacun, FRANKLIN. The Dispensatory of the United States. Nineteenth Edition. Philadelphia, 1907. a ae ee I es 1 Usually cited as SFC. xt I cabs nabs, -deeeshétegect at \ geeoar nat to yroveig tanigirode hey, iota mes: URUK ideas” ycnor' sab obinnttiok seh inten a foerowe ies ‘pihaa'e hal ibs Rh ani “ahhh Ne dee ont ea) peavey “Leta _ batachdh i sete bavi sheet sobiviooy totes wathnl: Oe ten, sedan have sMinagaN! feotrotal O04! thnah eotood Tnaks BORE 0 A wiravt troll TRIDGEL agg, t.Jov aia eed aa indyoe Wins dercoihC? ait to valeoatot bose od"? oat i 1 GBT alga | SDE LOR ig J os Coat abit ‘is utp) aA Asati Lseipklisar Sts NT aa Ter oS Ohl hey. een soy ied tinh s9Heks stniot Sbany ie ‘goalonad GE 5 Fagap-not ee ayy toy’ camiahan, Bro ae ee tbe per nt @ HORE cee i bain: inolyoety pnt fener ook tainaneny A ek, GE ae yee oe Ui atoms apps oo oh Ayu iced eile aid a meget Oh ea MOBS, ‘ronicanaee f iad” ‘ate Piaiibudal wih Ye need ateht sav cy Pores ey: IHRE ‘ Oe wish Rey snebtto nd Spies a wit cabal. Wareiipied: ake | aE poo eon pdpinanl Soal denne “amar ds ued, pqs ata eiaivnicl te sub: r ae eae ie dot Alarsul) iu testable re d i BAN MOD MAT | pohn HE: Pall: doll Io wigeehl — seheebh rey | eanwiioaD o | MOLD ERLE A EOD OPO ag heer scet see 2 OP etl Cat Fe ZOE? A a a CAG PP 222 22>. | PAILS? (AaB 0 | Werner awcZg Ce BTM CET | BOLE PO Ce L LaLa LG OE | LPL LE att Ale Ca SPO Fae a ae = ovr = GL Pe al? RET EL AE OT EF 15 | em eg 7 a a pod I a Pe, | mee F el a Li fe ee oF PLLA LE FE bt Pp PO LEED. | MLL ALE ALE oe er ee eee * oR GP am om ger: a ee re aac x 4 20 Lo Fae ek cw £7 ; | g Facsimile page of the a‘Sy5®’.’’ni manuscript oO ne THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 3 course, not possible to say which place was taken in this sequence by the formulas which had been discarded by Mooney. Another fact to which attention should be called is that this manu- script contains 13 formulas which were obtained by Ay. from another medicine man, vtland-"pe, who had died when Mooney started working on the manuscript. Ay. himself was unable to give Mr. Mooney much information on these formulas and the data we have on them have mainly to be gathered by analogy with what we know of the other formulas. This v'tlang:’""pe must have been rather generous with his knowledge, as this collection of formulas is also found in the compilation of wilno:ti’ (Ms. IT),!° another of the reputed medicine men of Ay.’s time. So as to be able to complete the work on the manuscript with the best results possible the following method was adopted: The original manuscript having been lost, Mooney’s transliteration was taken along when I went on the Cherokee field trip. After con- tacts were made with the people, and especially with some of the more prominent medicine men, efforts were made to acquire a sound knowledge of Cherokee phonetics, as well as pronunciative facilities. The transliteration of Mooney was then read aloud to a medicine man, who wrote the text in the Sequoya syllabary. This text was then read aloud by the medicine man and was taken down phoneti- cally by me. On this latter text the work was done. This may seem to be a very artificial way of reconstituting the text but I can vouch for its accuracy. Until the original manuscript comes to light again—which I sincerely hope it will—there is only one proof to test the accuracy of the texts acquired in this way: Mooney, in his SFC., gives an illustration (Pl. xxvr) of a page of the Ay. manuscript (Formula 29); with this illustration the text obtained by me was compared after I came back to Washington and it was found that there were no real discrepancies. The two texts are given on opposite pages. (Pls. 2 and 3.) From a careful investigation of them, and after due allowance is made for the variants resulting from the difference between the magistral, calligraphic writing of Ay. in the one, and the current, almost stenographic scribble of my informant (W.) in the other, it appears that there is really no discrepancy that could in any way interfere with the meaning. Such differences as there seemingly are, are merely matters of orthography, or show that one individual is more slave to “sandhi’”’ laws than the other. The words that 10 In the course of this paper the manuscript here edited will usually be referred to by an abbreviation: the Ay. Ms. By Ms. II, I refer to Wilno‘ti’s manuscript, which will soon be ready for publication; and by Ms. III to a manuscript by the latter’s father, Ga‘D.Gwana“’sti. 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 differ in the two versions are listed below, followed by an explanation of each fact:" Ay. W. Line 1. yu‘a’.a‘i (written twice) Line 1. yu‘a’.a‘i (written three times) (1) Line 2, 8. ‘*"Dale'awo’ ti. Line 3, 9. 6°’"Dali e'awo’ti (2) Line 4. dunv‘y‘tanc‘le.i* Line 5. dunv‘*y‘tande’’ (3) Line 12. né*=dadu*-gta‘d: sti’ Line 12. ng-"tadu‘:kta‘¢-"sti’ (4) Line 14. dedu'd6-ne'li‘se'sti’ Line 14. dedu'd6-nelidi‘se’sti’ (5) Line 14. g6-"tsa‘d(o) tageya’ Line 14. g6-"tsa‘taguya’ (6) Line 16. widistiti(i) tadinétamga Line 16. widist5tt(a)tadi ... (7) Line 20. atsu152’ Line 21. atsula’ (8) (1) Whereas Ay. has written the song-word twice, W. writes it three times; neither of them is right, since, strictly speaking, it should be written seven times; but it is very rare that this is done; often we even find these song-words written only once, since every medicine man knows that they are to be repeated four or seven times anyhow. (2) It is customary for the Cherokee who write a great deal in the Sequoya syllabary to adhere to a “‘sandhi’’-law of the spoken language, and to drop a final vowel before a word beginning with a vowel, linking the consonant of the first word with the vowel of the second as in this case: (6'pa) li+ e (gwo) >-le- It will be noticed that Ay. conforms to this use in every one of the three cases where the word occurs (Ay. lines 2, 8, 16), whereas W. does it only in the last case (W. line 16). This discrepancy is to be explained by the fact that I read out the text in slow tempo, and by so doing no ‘‘sandhi’’ phenomenon was heard by my intormant. (3) In the written as well as in the spoken language the -i, at the end of the -lei, -nei, -sei and similar tense-suffixes is written and ° pronounced when the sentence is considered as finished; if more words follow in the sentence, however, it is generally dropped. It is a mere matter of euphony, to which W. has in this case not con- formed, probably because I may have led him to believe by the intonation of my voice that the sentence was not finished. (4) In the Cherokee syllabary the system of the surd and sonant velars and dentals is very imperfectly worked out. As a result, the Cherokee themselves are quite inconsistent in using the symbols for g, k and d, t. The matter is made more complicated by the actual existence of the so-called ‘‘intermediates’’ in their phonetics. This discrepancy is an illustration of this state of affairs. (5) Ay. omitted the symbol for the -di- syllable here, without which the word has no meaning. W. consequently interpolated it. (6) Although such phonetic phenomena as breath, stops, etc., are quite frequent in Cherokee linguistics, the syllabary very imper- 1 The figures in parentheses following the words as written by W. refer to the explanations in the following paragraphs, Breen THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 5 fectly provides for the representation of the former; the latter are disregarded completely. In the written documents they are there- fore left to the reader to discover, as in W.’s text here; or else they are represented by various very clever but inadequate, and especially quite uncoordinated, devices, as in Ay.’s text, where the stop follow- ing the t is indicated by writing the -d(o)- syllable for it. (7) The -tl- phonem, which is so common in Cherokee, has no specific symbol. Itis usually represented by the complex: -(d)a-l(i)-, as by Ay.; more rarely by: -(d)a-l(a)-, the symbols used in this in- stance by W. (W. line 16). In lines 17 and 19, however, W. conforms to the general usage. (8) The word as written by Ay. is the nearest approach to the spoken language; it is, however, commonly written as in W.’s version. It appears from the foregoing notes that, as I said, the few and slight differences that can be found are mainly phonetic. These are not of a nature to invite skepticism as to the accuracy of the texts. Moreover, since writing them, it has been possible, by further re- search, to discover additional texts and to obtain from other medicine men copies of separate formulas. Some of these are identical with those in the Ay. manuscript. They must be either later copies or earlier predecessors, if not the actual originals, from which some of the Ay. formulas were copied. Comparing two versions wherever this was possible has again proved. that the method used in reconstituting the texts is flawless. In order not to commit Mr. Mooney’s name, and to take my own responsibility, I have thought it advisable to make a definite state- ment as to what part of this paper is Mooney’s and how much of it is my work. As has already been clearly stated, the credit for the discovery of the manuscript and for the first work on it is Mooney’s. I am also very much indebted to his former publications on the Cherokee tribe and to many items of interest found in his manuscript notes. Wher- ever I have made use of this material this has been explicitly stated. Mooney transliterated and translated the formulas (free transla- tions) and wrote explanatory comments, some of them quite lengthy, to accompany them. It should be borne in mind that this work was done by Mooney about 40 years ago, at a time when methods for studying the native languages and the phonetic notations to record them had not attained the same degree of perfection they now boast of. That is the reason why it has been deemed expedient to take down the texts anew, as has already been explained in detail. I have, moreover, considered that the value of the texts would be considerably enhanced by an interlinear translation, which J have con- sequently added. The accurate analysis and the grammatical work necessary to obtain the data for these interlinear translations have in 5 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxw. 99 some cases considerably influenced the free translations, so that, in the second part of this paper, viz, the texts, all responsibility for the phonetic texts, and the interlinear and free translations rests with the editor. As for the explanatory notes and comments which Mooney had written for every formula, these could not possibly be improved upon. In some cases, however, I was able to collect items of information that cast an additional light on the subject; sometimes I was able to actually catch a belief or a practice in the process of change and evolu- tion; or again, I got the individual point of view of different medicine men. All this was carefully noted and is added to Mr. Mooney’s explanations, inclosed in brackets. I have furthermore collected all the botanical specimens of which mention is made in the manuscript. For the identification of these I am obliged to Mr. Paul C. Standley of the United States National Museum. Finally I wrote an introduction which gives as extensive a survey of Cherokee beliefs and practices with regard to disease and medicine as is necessary to fully understand the formulas and prescriptions of the Ay. manuscript. Although every formula contains a few ele- ments that inherently belong to it, and may not be met with in any of the others, yet there is in all of the formulas an underlying complex of ideas that is basically the same. Whereas those elements that specifically belong to a given formula are better explained in a short note commenting on them, and affixed to that particular formula, it has been thought advisable, in order to avoid constant repetitions, and also in order to present a more synthetic picture of the whole, to give a broadly sketched and general outline of the subjects treated: Disease, its nature and its causes; the means by which disease is diagnosed and cured; the materia medica and the curing methods; of the person who is constantly associated with all of this, the medicine man. Short chapters on birth and death have been added, as well as a general introduction to the formulas. Lengthy as these introductory notes may seem, yet they have been strictly limited to the subject matter contained in the Ay. manuscript. I have modified my first intention, which was to append in copious notes any parallels with which I am acquainted. However, the time for a comparative work of wide scope on primitive medicine has not yet come, our special knowledge being far too inadequate to justify generalizations. I have therefore considered that it would be better to give as exhaustive a survey as possible of Cherokee medical lore and custom; a collection of monographs of this kind will be the mate- rial from which once a comparative study of the medicine and of the science of ‘‘primitive’’ peoples, will be compiled. The only parallels 1 have drawn attention to are such as may shed light on questions of Moonrny | OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT if origin and diffusion, influence from missionary activities, from the white mountaineers, or even from the negro slaves of the region. THe Writer or tHe MANuscriptT a ty5”*uni’,i. e., ““heisswimming (habitually) ’’, “he is a swimmer,” (pl. 4), is the writer, or as might be more fit to state it, the compilator of the present manuscript. (On the Cherokee method of compilating manuscripts of this description, see pp. 157-159.) He died in 1899, at 65 years of age. He was Mooney’s main in- formant on the history, mythology, and later especially on the medi- cine and botany of the Cherokee. On his personality, see what Mooney says about him in his Myths, pp. 236-237. The lucky chance by which Mooney got scent of the existence of the manuscript, and how he ultimately obtained it, are related by him in his SFC., pages 310-312. The son, t‘a‘mi (i. e., Tom), and a grandson, oltasac’ski (Dancer), of Ay. are still living on the reservation, but neither of them has succeeded him in his medical practice. The memory of Ay. is still treasured by the Cherokee of the pres- ent generation. He is looked upon as one of the last old, wise men, such as there are now none left. GENERAL BackGROUND—INFORMANTS USED The territory of the Cherokee that once covered the better part of three States (see map in Mooney Myths, pp. 22-23) has been reduced to a small reserve that can be crossed from end to end in a day’s walk. For ample details regarding the historic past of the Cherokee, and especially of the present reservation of the Eastern Band, the reader is referred to the excellent historical sketch by James Mooney in his Myths, pages 14-228. Of the seven villages of the reserve, k‘o"‘lang‘yi’ (i. e. “‘the Raven’s place,” generally called Big Cove or Swayney by the whites) was selected for our stay. There were many reasons that all but enforced this choice: Lying in a secluded cove, of difficult and at some times of the year of impossible access, with a population of far more con- servative people than that of the villages lying nearer the boarding school and the Government offices, tribal life has conserved much of its aboriginal flavor in Big Cove. Especially the beliefs and prac- tices relating to medicine are still rampant in this community to such an extent that of the 15 families that constituted the population of the cove 10 people were avowed medical practitioners, whereas three or four more occasionally took up the practice of medicine as a side line. 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 The people are mostly agriculturists, and very primitive tillers of the soil, and turn to fishing and to what little hunting there is still to be done as the seasons and the white man’s law allows! They live as a rule in 1-room log cabins, covered with hewn boards, although five or six families live in frame houses built by natives or half bloods that have learned the art in the Government schools. The cabins are scattered about the two slopes of the cove, at least 500 to 600 yards, often a mile and more, from each other. This does not prevent the inmates from knowing all that happens in the valley. Even if Cherokee eyes are no longer trained on the warpath, they are still annoyingly keen! There is quite a remarkable spirit of tribal and social solidarity reigning among the people (cf. pp. 80-81); against a white intruder, whether he be a Government official or not, a glacial reserve is ob- served, and it takes weeks and months in some cases to break down this inhibition against the whites. These people have known abom- inable treatment and tyrannic oppression at our hands, and they know how to remember. ‘Their only word by which they can refer to a white man is identical with their expression for ‘‘ (he is) a mean fellow.” It was quite difficult to coax the only man who had a spare room— a dilapidated attic, used as a storeroom for all nondescript scraps and heaps of filth and rubbish—into allowing us to live init. Finally, the almighty dollar scored a victory over his patriotic tribal feelings, and we were indifferently, if not reluctantly, admitted to share his leaky roof. This attic was the best post of observation one could have wished for: not only did it from three sides command a view of the most important section of the valley, but also the ‘ball ground ”’ near the river, and the five main trails of the cove could be leisurely observed without any one suspecting it. But the facilities these quarters afforded us for studying the home life of the family we lived with were an even greater advantage; the floor of rough-hewn rafters had cracks in different places; this exposed our landlord underneath us to a shower of boiling coffee whenever our primitive stove toppled over, but also afforded us the immense pleasure of listening at nights to the conversation, the songs, and the other manifestations of family life going on round the hearth fire. The very fact that we had come from so far, and from the east (the direction of favor, luck, and fortune), “to learn their language, and to listen to their beautiful stories,” that we lived with one of their own people in his house, that we cut our own wood, carried our own supplies, etc., gradually smoothed the frown from many faces and softened the scowling look in many eyes. Soon we had pro- gressed so far that we knew the joy of being looked upon, if not as one of them, at least as congenial neighbors. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 PLATE 4 ays’ uni (“Swimmer”), the writer of the manuscript BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUELEEDIN SS" PEATE: W., MAIN INFORMANT AND INTERPRETER ene | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 9 On account of the special nature of the work it was not easy to find the right sort of informants. As a whole only medicine men could be used. Some of these, even if they were good practitioners were but poor informants; others as a matter of principle refused for many months to give information. Some of them, however, were ideal collaborators, and for such of them as W., Del., and Og., one is at a loss what to praise most in them—their immense fund of knowledge or the keenness and the interest they manifested in the work. The following is a list of the informants and medicine men cited in these pages. Those the names of whom are preceded by two asterisks are the medicine men who worked with Mooney and who died be- tween his visits and mine; the names preceded by one asterisk are those of the medicine men I worked with, but who died during or since my stay; the medicine men whose names are not preceded by an asterisk are those I worked with, and who are, so far as I know, still alive at the time of writing. Since some of the latter are depicted in these pages in terms that are not always complimentary, and also because much of their activity as described in this paper might bring upon them the wrath of people who believe it their duty to stamp out all vestiges of aboriginal belief and practice, it is deemed best to cite them by their initials only. I have deposited a detailed list in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology by which these individuals can be identified by any ethnologist who may desire to make investigations in that quarter of the world in the future. Abbreviation used Refers to— NG ee a ES a‘y5®’’-ni’, writer of the manuscript (cf. p. 7). = 2.1). On Ayosta, W.’s mother (see Mooney Myths, Pl. xiv) (ef. p. 67). Pelkey Stk Be See this paper, pl. 11, b; cf. also pp. 115-116. et Gadr it etepemetcy wt GaDiGwana'‘sti, the writer of manuscript III (cf. SFC., . 312). sf fee i NEM th Pe Jukias (pl. 11, a), died 1928 (cf. p. 115). Pe gd Meal: Se SH a W.’s half-sister; medicine woman and midwife (see pl. P22 as\er. p. LEG). | ae) ee RS a Ne Cf. p. 113 et seq. fio Ne ee Les Lym Sea MN See pl. 10, a; cf. p. 114 et seq. gh ays Meh os Oh 2 Del.’s mother, Climbing Bear’s widow, W.’s and Og.’s sister-in-law (see pl. 12, b; cf. p. 116). 4 OFA us Eas er ena Died spring 1927; W.’s half-brother, Del.’s uncle (see pl. 9, a; cf. p. 112 et seq.). Miss TAGE UCL or Del.’s brother-in-law (see pl. 10, c; ef. p. 111). PID, duce Bo Aye wl at oot J.’s father (see pl. 8, a; cf. p. 115). i | Se ay oY C£e Dyi3. Ve a” ee My main informant and interpreter (see pl. 5; cf. p. 109 et seq.). Brey keer cree utes ber odhy The writer of manuscript II, Gad.’s son (cf. SFC., p. 312). 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burs 99 Lineuistic Notes The Cherokee language (Iroquoian stock) has often been studied, but through various vicissitudes only very few of the results have been published. But two attempts to publish a grammar of it have been made—one by J. Pickering (cf. p. 1), another by Von der Gabelentz. (See Bibliography.) Pickering’s attempt was not any better than could be expected at a time when so little of American Indian linguistics was known, and Von der Gabelentz’s sketch, though interesting, is based on material gleaned from very inadequate sources. Neither of the two have found, for example, the typical Iroquoian system of pronominal prefixes in the Cherokee verbal series, nor the difference between the static and active verbs. There are still two Cherokee dialects extant—the Western (often called ‘‘Upper’’) dialect, spoken by the majority of the Cherokee in Oklahoma and by a few families in Graham County, N. C., and the Central (often called ‘‘Middle’’) dialect, spoken by the Cherokee on the Qualla Reservation, where these investigations were made. There is historic evidence of a third dialect, which may be called the Eastern (it has sometimes been referred to as the ‘“‘Lower’’) dialect; the last Indian, as far as we know, who spoke this dialect died in the beginning of this century. There is a possibility that one (or two?) more dialects existed in the past, but there is very scant and inadequate evidence of this. The differences existing between the two dialects that are still spoken are small indeed, nor does the extinct dialect seem to have diverged much from the two others. Allowing for such phonetic shifts as West. Dial. -tl-> Cent. D. -ts-; W. D. aGi-> C. D. e; C.D. -W. D. -1-> East. D. -r-, the vocabulary is practically the same; in the morphology there do not seem to be other differences than can be explained by these phonetic shifts; the syntaxis can not yet be compared as our knowledge of the Eastern dialect is so scanty; nor has the Western dialect been adequately studied. The formulas as written in the Ay. manuscript and in the majority of the other manuscripts that have since been collected are mostly written in the Central dialect. Still, alot of Western dialect forms are to be found in them and there are also a great many archaic, ritualistic expressions the meaning of which is rapidly disappearing. (Cf. Ritual Language, p. 160 et seq.) I have given in the interlinear analysis a translation as correct and conveying the Cherokee meaning as faithfully as was found possible. Rather than speculate on probabilities or advance conjectures that can not be proved, I have indicated by a query mark those elements that can not be satisfactorily analyzed. If query marks are met with ja THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 11 more often than either the reader or the editor likes, it should be borne in mind that the language in which the formulas are couched is a ritualistic idiom, often very different from the ordinary language, both as regards vocabulary and grammar, and abounding in expres- sions which even the initiated do not always understand. As for this analysis, I have always given in the interlinear translation the original meaning as far as this could be ascertained, giving the semasiological evolution in footnotes to the free translation. Thus, Gani’ will be rendered by ‘‘arrow”’ in the interlinear translation, as this was its original meaning. In the free translation it will be rendered by ‘‘bullet,’’ which is its meaning in the context, a footnote explaining the evolution in meaning: “arrow” > “bullet” > “lead.” The same applies to such words as: abe’15" that has gone through the following evolution in meaning: ‘‘seed(?)”’ > ‘‘bead” > ‘‘money”’ > “dollar”; or to: k‘a‘lo-awe’kt'i ‘“‘locust tree” > “‘bow’’ (because locust wood was used to make bows) > “‘gun”’ (the modern successor of the bow). It is hoped that a paper on Cherokee linguistics, on which the pres- ent writer is working, will soon be ready for publication. PHONETIC SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS The following list will serve the double purpose of explaining the phonetic symbols and the abbreviations used in the texts, and of presenting a summary description of the Cherokee phonetic system as I heard it. PHONETICS Vowels—Oral: Long or short— Open— a, as in Engl. far, Gm. Band. 9, as in Engl. not, nought; Gm. Gott. v, as in Engl. spoon, you. «, asin Engl. air; Gm. Wahlen; French scéne. t, as in Engl. seat. Closed— a, as in Gm. einmal; Gm. wahl. u, as in Engl. nook. e, as in Engl. baby, stain (this sound is very rarely heard in Cherokee, and then always finally; where it occurs at all it seems to be a contraction of €- (nasalized long e) +i). 0, only occurs in songs. i, as in Engl. pin. Short— 5, as in Engl. bird, but very short; Gm. Gétter. u, a sound between a and 5. 9, vowel of indefinite quality, as in Engl. father, believe. Parasitical— Phonems that are scarcely audible and occur frequently as weakly articulated vowels are indicated by small superior characters: 9°", "!, "w, ty, etc. 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bune. 99 Vowels—Oral—Continued. Voiceless— A, I, U, 9— Voiceless vowels, as they are paradoxically called, are phonems produced by lips and tongue taking the position to pronounce a vowel (a, i, u, or 9, as the case may be); there may be—and there usually is—a strong emission of breath, but as the vocal cords are not brought in action, the phonem is voiceless. Nasalized— g, 4, but more commonly with less pronounced nasalization, thus: a2, a™. 9°, (usually long) as in Fr. bon; as in Engl. don, but longer and nasalized. €', (usually long) as in Fr. pain, dessin. 6°, (usually long) as in Fr. un. 5", (very short) asin Engl. bird, Gm. Gétter, Fr. boeuf, but always short and nasalized. When only a slight degree of nasalization is heard, this is shown by writing a small -" after the vowel, instead of writing a hook under it, as is done in cases where nasalization is more pronounced. Semiconsonants: y, w, may be strongly aspirated, when they are written y‘, w‘; may also be voiceless, when they are rendered y, w. The wis often preceded by a barely audible u sound; in this case the phonem is written "w. Consonants: Stops— Dental— d, voiced, as in Engl. dawn. D, intermediate sound between voiced and unvoiced dental. t, unvoiced, as in Engl. hit. t‘, unvoiced and aspirated, as in Engl. tin, tan, but with aspiration more emphatic. Velar— zg, voiced, as in Engl. go, dog. a, intermediate sound between voiced and unvoiced velar. k, unvoiced, as in Engl. back. k, unvoiced, but pronounced farther back than previous sound. k‘, unvoiced and aspirated, as in Engl. come, can, but with more emphatic aspiration. Nasals— Dental— n, voiced nasal, as in Engl. can, near. Dn, the same nasal, but preceded by a hardly audible d. The tongue takes the dental position as if about to pronounce d (implosion), but immediately the uvula is lowered and the breath escapes by the nose passage, without having occasioned the explosion usually accompanying the d phonem. N, voiceless nasal; always followed by a strong nasal aspiration Bilabial— m, voiced as in Engl. mother. Velar— Q, voiced, as in Engl. sing, rang. Spirants— Dental— s, unvoiced fricative as in Engl. race, sing. z, voiced fricative as in Engl. gaze, doze. Baca tira THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 13 Consonants—Continued. Prepalatal— c, unvoiced, as in Engl. shut, fish. j, voiced, as in Fr. jambe, genou. Palatal— x, unvoiced, as in Gm. ich, nicht. Laterals— 1, voiced, as in Engl. lid, rill. D], the same voiced sound, but preceded by the dental element described s. v. Nasals, Pn. t, unvoiced 1. Affricatives— Dental— dz, voiced, as in Engl. hands up. ts, unvoiced, as in Engl. bits, ants. Prepalatal— dj, voiced, as in Engl. George. te, unvoiced, as in Engl. China. Lateral— tl, unvoiced 1, preceded by unvoiced dental stop. DracriticaAL MARKS -‘-, the Greek “‘spiritus asper’’ indicates breath, aspiration. -’-, the Greek “‘spiritus lenis’’ indicates glottalization. a, a hook, turned to the right, under a vowel indicates nasalization. --, a combination of the “spiritus asper’’ with the nasalization hook indicates a strong nasal aspiration. -2-, a small superior n indicates slight nasalization. -', a dot after a vowel, above the line, indicates long quantity of the vowel. -:, a colon after a vowel indicates very long quantity. -“-, a breve over a vowel indicates abnormally short duration. -., @ dot after a vowel or consonant on the line indicates a very slight pause. -’, the “‘acute accent,” following a phonem, indicates primary stress. -‘, the “‘grave accent,” following a phonem, indicates secondary stress. ‘, the “‘acute accent” printed over a vowel indicates rising pitch. *, the “grave accent”’ printed over a vowel indicates falling pitch. The two latter can be combined to’, i. e., ““falling-rising,” or to ’, i. e., “‘rising- falling ”’ pitch. ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE TEXTS (INTERLINEAR TRANSLATION) App.=apparently. 1.=liquid. Dir.=direction. L.=limitative. (2) =dual. L. (=E.) =limitative, used as emphatic. E.=emphatic. Loc. =locative. Excl. =exclamation: On.=onomatop. H., Hab.=habitually. sol.=solid. kn.=kneadable. T. L.=temporal-locative. Words or parts of words between brackets[ ]in the texts were written by the native compilator of the manuscript by mistake. Words or parts of words between parentheses ( ) had been omitted by him but have been interpolated by J. Mooney, by W., my inter- 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 preter, or by myself. In every case the interpolation is accounted for in a footnote. Words or sentences between brackets, in the explanatory notes following every one of the formulas, are by the editor. All the rest in these explanatory notes is the work of James Mooney. DISEASE—ITS NATURE AND ITS CAUSES NATURE OF DISEASE Many of the facts contained in this paper are bound to remain unintelligible if no sound understanding is gained into the Cherokee conceptions of disease. These are not by any means so simple or uniform as many theorists are wont to ascribe to peoples at this stage of culture. Disease in general is commonly referred to by the word: v‘yu’Gi, which is no doubt related with the stem +/-yuc- “resentment’’ (cf. Goyu’ca—‘“‘T have resentment toward thee.’’) In the ritualistic language of the formulas, however, this expression never occurs, vlsGe’D5" always being used in its stead. The original meaning of this word has now been lost, even by the medicine men, who always claim it merely means “the disease present in the body,” and Mooney accordingly invariably translated it as ‘‘the intruder.” Although this way of translating it conveys its general meaning, there is cause to discuss it somewhat further. It appears from various expressions that can be compared with the one under discussion that the meaning would be “that which is important.’ Although this concept is usually rendered Galé*\"kw‘te-yu’ in the ordinary language, yet such expressions as the following are still in constant use: ulsce'’D5" dzc‘lu‘ai’, ‘I came on important business.” (aa)Do"“Lyulsce’’D5" *6'lu'ai’, ““What on earth didst thou come in here for?’”’ (implied: It must be Mery important, else thou wouldst not have come). GO" wulsae’’ D5" “of but trivial worth; not important. ? These expressions clearly prove what the true meaning of the term is. It would thus appear that it is one of the many ‘‘euphemistic terms”? which the Cherokee, as so many other tribes and peoples, use, and the object of which is to allude to a dreaded concept by a (respect- ful) circumlocution, so as not to offend it, or so as not to bring about its appearance, its ‘‘materialization,” we might say, by calling it by its common name. The vlsce’p5" is the disease as it is present in the body of the suf- ferer. Although it is invisible, intangible, and in all other respects immaterial, it very often may manifest its presence by material means, as swellings, protuberances, or even by worms and insects. anode THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 15 It does not as a rule torment a person of its own free will; it is inert of itself, but is subdued to the will of more powerful agents, spirits, ghosts, or even human beings, who may cause it to enter the body of those persons whom they wish to harm. The idioms of the formulas seem to imply that the vlsce’’p5" is not so much put into the victim, as under him; the expression: Dunvy‘tanile'1’ “‘he (the disease causer) has put it (the disease) under him, it appears,’ always being used. How the disease then finally enters the victim under whom it has been put is not clear. There is a consensus of opinion among the medicine men that it enters the body somehow, but on the question as to whether this in- troduction takes place by way of a natural orifice or whether it is possible for a disease to enter the body anywhere, not one of the medicine men cared to commit himself. From the fact that an vlsae’D5" is present in a person’s body it by no means follows that an illness is the instantaneous result: the disease may be present in a dormant, latent condition, and often months, or even years after the revengeful animal-ghost or spirit has ““inoculated”’ the person the malady may become ‘‘virulent.” It is easy to see how powerful a means this conception must be toward consolidating the prestige of the medicine man, enabling him as it does to explain many diseases, for which there is no evident cause, by events and dreams of many months or years ago, and to explain how it is that certain acts and infractions of taboos that, according to the general belief ought to be followed by the contraction of a disease, apparently remain without any immediate results. The presence of an vlsce’pD5", however, does not account for all the cases of sickness. There are, for example, the ailments due to “our saliva being spoiled.”” The Cherokee believes that the saliva is located in the throat and that it is of capital importance in human physiology; as a matter of fact, the physiologic réle they ascribe to the saliva would lead us to believe that they consider it as important as the blood and the gall. When the saliva is “‘spoiled” the patient becomes despondent, withers away, and dies. The most frequent causes of this state of affairs are dreams, es- pecially the dreams caused by the ghost people (see p. 26), but also those caused by snakes and fish. The belief is based no doubt on the feeling of oppression and anguish that accompanies many dreams, especially those of the “‘nightmare”’ variety. A state of ill health very much akin to the one just mentioned, and where no vlsGe’p5" is believed to be present, is caused by an enemy of ours feeling uv’ya uDa‘’N‘to, “‘of a different mind” toward us, ‘‘different’’ here again being a euphemistic term for ‘‘bad”’ or ‘“‘worse.”’ 7548°—32——3 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 This is usually ascribed to the activities of a human enemy and refers to a psychopathological state rather than to any other disorders. The victim is utterly despondent and dejected and seems to be the victim of a severe case of chronic melancholy. Another explanation that is offered in some cases, and one which is more apt to cause surprise, as it is not common to the Indians of the eastern United States, is that the illness is caused by the action of a buman being who has ravished the soul of the patient. The fact that one’s soul has been buried does not result in instant death: one may live without it for six or eight months, or even for a year. But if the party working on behalf of the victim is not successful in ultimately removing the ban, death is inevitable. The symptoms ascribed to an illness of this order do not differ materially from those belonging to ‘having one’s saliva spoiled” or to the illness caused by some one “‘having his mind different toward us.” This makes it the easier for a medicine man who does not succeed in curing a patient to make a new diagnosis, and to change his treatment from one, the object of which was to dislodge the spoiled saliva, to a new one aiming at removing the ban from the buried soul of the patient. The way in which the medicine man finds out what is actually the cause of a given disease will be discussed under the caption of Diagnosis (p. 39). Sometimes, however, a diagnosis, however ac- curate, will fail to disclose the actual cause of the ailment. A favorite explanation in such a case is to ascribe the evil to the fact that the patient “has dreamed of different things.” It is implicitly under- stood that this means “‘different, or all sorts of bad things.”’ Since in this case the causes are complex, it is considered that the treat- ment must be the same, and a medicine is prescribed consisting of a decoction of as many as 24 different plants. Nobody ever becomes ill without a cause. And with very few exceptions every individual is responsible and blamable for the dis- eases he contracts. A distinction is made between dangerous and less serious diseases, but even the latter have to be adequately cared for and attended to; for disease senders and causers, whether human or nonhuman, have a predilection for sending disease to a person when he is already in a weakened condition; they know that then they stand a far better chance to be successful and attain their ends. GENERAL SEMEIOLOGY Although very little value is attached to what might be called a scientific symptomatology by the Cherokee, a few remarks about the subject are not out of place here. As will soon appear from a glance at the titles of the formulas, the different ailments themselves are usually called by names that refer poe eral THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 17 to one or to several of the more striking symptoms; as ‘“‘when they have a headache,” “‘when their eyes droop,”’ ‘‘when they have a dry cough,” ‘‘when they discharge slimy matter from their bowels,” etc. As a rule, only the main symptom—that is, the phenomenon which the patient or the medicine man considers as the main symptom—is considered to be of any importance, and as a result of this many ail- ments that are of anentirely different pathological nature are classed as one and the same disease, because headache, for example, is the most impressive symptom. Yellowness of the skin, black rings round the eyes, headache, swellings, and the nature of the feces and of the urine are practically the only general signs which the medicine men consider as being of any importance. Some may be impressed by the rationality of this symptomatology ; but it should be borne in mind that the deductions made from it, and the treatment followed as a result of it, are by no means as rational as we are led to expect. Headache is not so much a symptom as a proof that a group of birds have invaded the patient’s head, and are there carrying on in a way which is not conducive to the rest of the victim. A swelling or a dilatation of the stomach in no way indicates a trouble of the diges- tive tract, but is merely the outward evidence of the vlsce-p5*. Diarrhea in children is evidenced by the nature of the feces, but is explained by the fact that two rival teams of ‘‘Little People”’ are playing a ball game in the child’s stomach. More of the symptoms that are known and that are occasionally mentioned and taken into consideration will be discussed with the relevant formulas. Disrase CAUSES NATURAL CAUSES However primitive and unsophisticated may be the views of a tribe on disease and its causes, and however great may be the share of mysticism and occultism in its explanation of the events of daily life, yet there is almost everywhere a recognition of natural agency if not for some of the ailments, at least for some accidents. A Cherokee, wounded by falling with his hand on the cutting edge of his ax, or breaking his leg when sliding off a foot log when crossing the river, may, if he has a turn of mind given to the mysterious and the occult, explain those accidents by the machinations of an enemy, but the chances are that he will look upon them in a very fatalistic way, and will search for no hidden cause to explain so obvious a fact. But one should never be too sure. If the same Cherokee slides down a precipice through a lump of rock crumbling away beneath his foot, or if he is wounded by a stray arrow, or by a tree branch falling 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bux. 99 on his head, his imagination forthwith finds cause for speculation, and he may come to the conclusion that the ‘‘Little People,” or the ‘“Mountain People” have become angry at him and have taken vengeance by the means just stated. SUPERNATURAL CAUSES If even in cases where the natural course and cause of events seems evident and obvious, a mythologic explanation may be ad- vanced, what are we to expect when it becomes necessary to account for such mysterious, unexplainable, insidious changes of condition to which disease subjects our body and mind? The man who but two or three days ago was a living image of both Hercules and Adonis, and who came home from the mountain carry- ing on his shoulder a tree trunk of formidable weight and dimension as lightly as if it were but a bark canoe, to-day lies prostrate, pain and terror stricken, with haggard looks and sallow complexion, suffering, panting, and gasping... . The buxom woman, from whom last week a chubby, healthy baby boy ‘‘jumped down,” as the Cherokee express it, is now suffer- ing more than ever she did, and feels herself as being burned by a scorching internal fire... The sprightly baby, which ever since it moved was as alert and bustling as a young chipmunk or a scampering squirrel, suddenly lapses into spasmodic convulsions, or lies motionless with haggard eyes wide open, as those of a terror-stricken rabbit . . . Why? For what reason? When we think of how, in a civilized community, as soon as any- thing uncanny happens, as soon as the Awful Incomprehensible makes its presence felt, even the sophisticated lose their reasoning faculties and grasp at ridiculous explanations and at impossible hopes, how can we scoff at the conclusions these poor people reach? The man who became ill so suddenly has had a quarrel a week or so ago with an ill-reputed medicine man, who told him, as they separated, that he would hear about him again. The wizard has shot an invisible flint arrowhead into his bowels. The woman who had known the joys of such a happy delivery had not heeded the subsequent taboo, prohibiting all warm food to any one in her condition. That is why she is now being consumed by an internal fire. The baby is now paying the penalty of his mother having partaken of rabbit meat during her pregnancy, six months or so ago. And that is why it is now assuming the cramped position, so reminiscent of the hunchback position of a squatting rabbit, or why its eyeballs are so dilated. crcinel * THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 19 These are but some instances taken at random; but let us in a systematic and methodical way make a survey of the different disease causes and we will be the better prepared to comprehend the Cherokee way of treating them. SPIRITS As will readily be seen from the “‘List of spirits”? on pages 44-50, the Cherokee believe in quite a remarkable collection of beings whose major occupation seems to be to pester the inhabitants of this planet with all possible and impossible varieties of ailments. The motives of these spirits, whether they be of an anthropomorphic or of a zoomorphic type, are mostly very human and justifiable— they take revenge for slights, lack of respect, abuses, etc., of which they have been the subject at the hands of the human beings. This holds especially for the animal spirits, the Little Deer, the White Bear, etc., who are all the tireless and valiant defenders of their particular animal clan and who mete out justice and take vengeance for the conduct of neglectful and disrespectful hunters. There are hardly any spirits that are, per se, benevolent or ne- farious; they may be one or another, according to circumstances. One spirit may send a disease as a punishment, and yet may on another occasion help the same individual to overcome another spirit. As a rule the spirit who has caused a disease is never prevailed upon to take the disease away; the office of another, rival, spirit is called upon to do this. Spirits do not merely send disease of their own initiative; they may be prevailed upon to do so by human agency, by witches (see p. 29) or by man killers (see p. 33), for instance. According to some informants it would seem that spirits may exercise their nefarious power quite arbitrarily; the sun may cause a headache without any apparent reason, or without any plausible cause. This is, however, so exceedingly rare that it is quite possible that this view is foreign to earlier Cherokee conceptions, and that such an allegation is now made simply because the earlier explana- tion has been lost. Let us now pass in review the more important of these anthro- pomorphic spirits. By far the most important is The Sun.—tIn everyday language there is no distinct word for “sun” or “moon.” This is a common feature of all the Iroquoian dialects and of many other North American Indian languages; n6""po’ conveys the meaning of “‘luminary”’; if the distinction has to be expressed the locutions used are: no""po’ o’Ga ei “The luminary that is (that lives) in the day- time,” viz, the sun. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 n6'"po’ sdno”’yi «ti ‘The luminary that is (that lives) in the nighttime,’ viz, the moon. In the ritualistic language, however, the sun is always referred to either as une thand{’1 or Ge“yaGu’’ Ga. The first of these expressions means: ‘‘ He has apportioned, allotted, divided into equal parts,’ doubtlessly referrmg to the time-dividing rdle of the sun. The same stem is used to express the allotting of the tribal territory to the individuals that are entitled to a part, “an allotment,” of it. Since this une‘tlan5{’1 has always been looked upon as their most powerful spirit by the Cherokee, the missionaries have read into his name the meaning of “Great Spirit,” “Creator,” and hence the verb-stem -netl- is now gradually acquiring the meaning of ‘‘to create,’ a concept absolutely foreign to its primary meaning. It is now well-nigh impossible to gain a clear conception of the part which this spirit must have once played in Cherokee religion. Only a very few of the older people can shed any light on his true nature. Some who have been missionized to some extent identify this spirit with the God of the Christians; others, even if they do not go quite so far, have absolutely forgotten that une tlan5’4 is identical with the sun, and have even no idea of the sex of this spirit. Although this spirit was not considered responsible for the origin of things (see Mooney, Myths, pp. 239, 248), yet he must once have had the reputation of a most eminent spirit, if not of the preeminent deity. When such very important tribal or ritualistic events take place as the ball game, or the search for medicine, he is always invoked in a very humble and propitiating way. He and the Fire (they are still by a few of the oldest informants felt to be one and the same person) are the only spirits to which prayers, in the true meaning of the term, are ever offered; of them things are asked, while other spirits are merely commanded to do things. If it were not for the fortunate fact that another ritualistic name of this important spirit has been preserved it might not now be possible to definitely identify the sex of this spirit; the name Ge‘yaau’Go, however, makes it clear that a feminine person is meant (ace ya ‘‘woman”’); -Gu'Go can not be identified with certainty; probably it is a dialectical variant of the suffix -Go’Ga “very impor- tant’’; “‘primus inter pares’’; “par excellence” (cf. ‘uda“Ywe'v Goaa’ “‘thou most powerful wizard’’; ay5™ coca’ ‘but I myself indeed’’). Another proof is found in the etiological myth explaining the black spots on the “‘face”’ of the moon as a result of the love affair of the moon with the sun, his sister. (See Mooney, Myths, pp. 256- 2bte) Only rarely do we find evidence that the sun sends disease, although a couple of cases have come to my attention where she is alleged to 2 seal ea THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 21 have caused headache (insolation?). No one could give the reason why the sun causes disease. An explanation is found in a myth where it is stated that the sun causes fever because she hates to see her grandchildren (the human beings) screw up their faces when they look up at her. (Mooney, Myths, p. 252.) As une*tlans’i the sun is often called upon to cure disease, however, and she is invariably addressed in the prayers that are recited to ask permission to gather plants and simples. The Fire—We find the fire so closely associated with the sun that their identity could plausibly be surmised, even if there were no actual and definite proof of it. The fire but rarely sends disease, and then only because of our disrespectful conduct; throwing the offal of anything we have chewed into the fire results in our being visited with toothache; urinating on the ashes that have been thrown outside exposes us to a disease as the one referred to in el No. 4. It is often addressed as “‘our grandparent,’’ opening his (her?) sheltering arms in affection, and surrounded by us, his (her?) grand- children. Epithets, as “Ancient white,’ “Ancient red,” are often bestowed upon it. The hunter, when returning from a successful trip, never neglected to offer a particle of meat, usually the liver of the animal, to it, but this custom is now well-nigh obsolete. It is unfor- tunately not now possible to ascertain whether this offer was intended for the fire, in its capacity as emanation of une’ tian5i, or simply as a recompense for the fire’s divinatory offices, as the hunter usually consults the fire prior to his departure as to where he will be able to locate and kill game. There is only one instance of the fire curing an ailment by its own virtue, viz, where burns and scalds caused by flames are exposed to the fire, ‘‘so that the fire should take the pain back,” but there are a great many instances where the curing virtue of the fire is relied upon as an additional element in the cure. In all the cases, viz, where the patient has ‘‘to be hit” (see p. 62), the medicine man, prior to this operation, warms his hands near the fire. Usually a few live coals are taken from the hearth on a shovel, in a dish, or a flat vessel, and put near the patient; the medicine man warms his hands over these coals before he starts ‘‘rubbing the disease away.” The fire is also generally invoked against all disease caused by “cold-blooded” animals, as the terrapin, snakes, fish, etc. (Mooney, Notes), and also often against complaints caused by Frost, Cold, the Blue Man, etc. Another case where the curing virtue of the fire is resorted to is when an infusion, prior to being drunk by the patient, or to being rubbed on his body, is ‘‘strengthened”’ by dropping four or seven live coals into it, 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 The considerable réle the fire plays in divination ceremonies is retained for discussion in a future paper dealing with that subject, when also the use made of the fire in a ‘‘man-killing”’ ceremony will be amply described. The Moon.—The moon, although he is the brother of the sun (see p. 20), is not very prominent in the tribal mythology, nor does he play a part of any importance in the folklore. It would appear, however, that this loss of popularity is of rather recent date, since very old customs, such as the “‘going to water” (see p. 150), with every new moon seem to indicate that the moon cult must once have been of far greater importance than it is now. The diseases held to be caused by the moon are very scarce; blind- ness is one of them. It is furthermore believed that if, at new moon, a person sees the luminary for the first time through the trees he will be ill all the following month. It may be that originally this illness was considered to be caused by the moon, but such a belief does not exist now; it is now merely looked upon as an omen. (See p. 37.) The moon is never appealed to with a view to dispelling disease. This offers the more cause for surprise, as the moon must once have been the object of great respect. It is still occasionally addressed as ‘“‘orandparent,”’ the only spirit to share this honor with the Sun and the Fire. The Cherokee believe that when a person sees the new moon of the month the first time he must look at him and say: Go'yo ‘luca’ eDu" DU etl skcPnv.ste'sti’ I greet thee maternal grandfather long time this like it will be vyo™pe k‘idati’ peaundaco’wa.ts".ti ‘Ge se'sti’ over there continually thou and I to be seeing one it will be another (‘How do, Grandpa! At the time when it will be like this again — (i. e., next month) we will still be seeing each other.” (i. e., I will still | be alive.) Pronouncing this salutation formula is a sure means of safeguarding | against all sickness or accidents throughout the ensuing month. The River.—The River cult of the Cherokee has formed the object | of a paper read by James Mooney before the Columbus meeting of the - American Association for the Advancement of Science, in August, ' 1899, and which has been reprinted.’? This paper is practically | exhaustive, and what small additional points of information have been obtained subsequently by Mooney or by me will be found in their relevant places in these pages. x 12 The Cherokee River Cult, in JAFL., January-March, 1900, pp. 1-10. MOONEY ] Otadvcars THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 23 The river, usually addressed in the ritualistic language as— vyo2wi =Ga‘noe’p5" “Long Human Being,” a‘sku’ya Ga‘nos’ Dds” “Long Man,” una’D5" Gane’ D5" “Long Snake,” continues to enjoy a great deal of credit and is still an object of sincere respect to the more traditionalist of the Cherokee. The rite of going to water, however, is rapidly disappearing from the tribal life, and after another couple of generations all that will probably subsist of the river cult will be a few survivals, unintelligible even to those who practice them. The river sends disease to those who insult it by such actions as throwing rubbish into it, by urinating into it, etc. As a vengeance for the latter act it causes a disease from a description of the symptoms of which it appears that enuresis is meant. The use of river water in the preparation of medicine is discussed under Materia Medica (p. 52 et seq.). Apart from the rites that are performed at the river’s edge in such ceremonies as ‘‘going to water,” ‘“‘for long life,’ in divination and incantation ceremonies, which are all described in the notes appended to the relevant formulas, attention should here be called to the custom of vomiting into the river to get rid of diseases, especially of those in which the patient’s ‘‘saliva has been spoiled.” (See p. 63.) The patient drinks the emetic at home, while still fasting, and then hurries to the river’s edge, where he vomits into the water, thereby “throwing off the spoiled saliva,’’ and, with it, the disease. If the emetic itself does not have the desired result mechanical means are resorted to (irritating the uvula with finger, grass stalk, etc.). A for- mula is usually recited at the same time by the medicine man accom- panying the patient, by which the water is commanded to carry the disease down the stream, ‘‘to the settlements where (other) people live.”” ‘‘In every case where a ceremony is performed at the water side, either by a number of persons or by a single individual, it must be at daybreak, while the participants are still fasting, and the spot chosen for the performance of the rite is at a bend of the river where the supplicants can face the east while looking upstream.”’? (Mooney, Notes.) Thunder—Red Man—Two Little Red Men.—The Thunder is referred to by these three different names. The two former refer to the Thunder himself; the latter to his two sons. Often in the formulas the Thunder is spoken of as surrounded by a host of Little Red Men, all Thunderers. The heavy rolling crashes of thunder are said to be the voice of Thunder himself, whereas the lighter, metallic peals of thunder are ascribed to the Little Red Men. 24. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 99 The Cherokee pretend that the Thunder is the friend of al! Indians, and that he never kills one; not one case can be cited, they say, of a Cherokee having been “‘struck by the Thunder,” whereas white people have frequently been killed on the reservation, and scores of trees are struck every year. The Thunder’s réle is that of a disease expeller rather than that of a disease causer. He and his two sons are the enemies of the Black Man and of anything and anybody having his abode in the “Black Land,” in the ‘‘Evening Land,” in the ‘Dark Land,” or in the West. The only case, it seems, where the Thunder gets angry is when we do not observe the taboo relating to him, and which prohibits refer- ring to him as “‘Red”’ in the everyday language. The epithet ‘‘Red”’ should only be bestowed on him in the ceremonial language, whereas in everyday speech he is to be referred to as ‘‘ White.” The Two Little Red Men (the Cherokee never explicitly call them “Thunder Boys’’) always rove about together; they are reputed to be about 60 centimeters high and to wear a cap, half red, half purple, surmounted by a peak, the whole looking “like a German military helmet,’ which some of the Cherokee have seen or have heard described. s"we'’Gi and tsa’’ni (John), both now dead, claim to have seen the Thunder Boys; they looked exactly as they had always heard them described; which does not surprise us. According to Og., the Two Little Red Men are to be identified with the two sons of k‘tana’’ti (cf. Mooney, Myths, p. 242); k‘ana’ti himself being no one else than the Thunder in person. Purple Man, Blue Man, Black Man, etc—There is not much defi- nite information to be gathered about these spirits, neither from the texts themselves nor from oral information. Possibly they owe their existence merely to the desire to oppose to the Red Man corresponding men of the different colors, to con- form to the color symbolism. The Black Man, living in the West, seems in many cases to be identical with a ghost. (See p. 26et seq.). The diseases they cause, the nature of their activities, their opponents and antagonists, all this supports this impression, and many informants explicitly and spontaneously state that this identity exists. The Purple Man is generally called upon to assist in nefarious machinations, such as incantations, love conjurations, etc. That purple is the color of witchcraft will appear from other facts listed in these pages. The Blue Man, living in the North, is called upon to act as an antagonist in diseases sent by the scorching sun (insolation, blisters, etc.). He himself causes such pains and ailments as usually follow in the wake of severe frost. Seal THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 25 pdewi'skul5™, or Flint, does not play so important a part in Chero- kee medicine as he does in the mythology. To his reputation of being an ogrelike being he owes the appeal made to him to come and frighten the little girls at birth, thus enticing them ‘‘to jump down”’ from their mothers. (See texts, p. 277.) Various Little People.—¥inally there are to be mentioned the vari- ous kinds of ‘Little People,” y6-’"wi tsu‘nsti’’ fairylike beings of either sex, very small (about 40 em. high, informants say) with long hair falling down to their heels. They very seldom are mentioned as individuals, and usually act as a group. There are colonies of Little People in the mountains, in the rocks, in the water, and in the forests. They live in settlements just as usual human beings, have clans, town houses, hold dances and councils, etc., and frequently their music and dancing can be heard at night by lonely travelers. As a rule they are invisible, but there are a few cases on record where some rarely gifted individuals (e. g., twins that are being brought up to be witches, cf. p. 129) can see them and talk with them. They can speak Cherokee. They are as a rule kindly inclined toward mankind and may help a hunter to find his arrows, or they may care for and feed a lost and spent traveler. But they are also feared as disease causers and are believed to especially choose children as their victims. ANIMAL SPIRITS The animal spirits so frequently mentioned in the Cherokee for- mulas are by no means to be thought of as identical with the speci- mens of our earthly fauna. They are the prototypes of our common animals and are far more considerable in size, power, swiftness, and all other qualities than their earthly successors. They can not be seen or heard, nor can their presence be felt by any of our senses; yet we know what they are like, and how they behave; we know even of what color they are, White, Red, Blue, etc., ‘‘because the old people have always addressed them by those epithets.”’ It is needless to say that these colors are mainly imaginary; there is not only a Brown Otter, but also a Red one, a Blue one, etc. The same applies to all other animal spirits, as Deer, Bear, Dog, Weasel, Raven, Eagle, Frog, Leech, etc. The same remarks we made with regard to the colors of the Purple, Blue, etc., Men (p. 24) no doubt also hold here; we have only the color symbolism (p. 51) to blame— or to thank—for the existence of this multicolored spirit fauna. The motives of these animal spirits in sending disease are mainly dictated by considerations of self-defense, or in a spirit of vengeance for the wrong done and the relentless warfare waged against them and their species by the human race, This is lucidly shown by the myth 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 explaining the “Origin of Disease,” collected by Mooney (Myths, pp. 250-252). Mooney has also described the réle of such animal spirits as Little Deer, White Bear, etc., so thoroughly that it is super- fluous to duplicate those descriptions here. For further details regarding the animal spirits the reader is refer- red to the ‘‘List of Spirits,” pages 44-50. For a discussion of the animal ghosts, as distinct from animal spirits, see pages 26-28. GHOSTS To the spirits and animal spirits as discussed in the preceding paragraphs should be added ‘‘ghosts,’’ 1. e., according to the Cherokee views, the immaterial, spiritual, immortal part of human beings and animals that have lived the life and died the death of commonplace creatures. The motives that entice human ghosts, a‘nsau’’na (sgl. asau’na) and animal ghosts ’5"ta‘li (sing. and pl.) to visit mankind with disease and death are quite different and will be treated separately. Human ghosts (a‘nusau’na).—When people who have died go to tst‘sauno’fi “(the place) where the (human) ghosts (are)”’ (see p. 142), the place out West where they stay, they feel lonesome and homesick and want the company of their friends and relatives. They therefore make them sick and suffering, so that they may die and come and join them in the Ghost Land. It was emphatically stated to me by informants that there is not a shadow of malignity or jealousy about this activity of the ghosts of the departed; they act out of pure love, devotion, affection, and all other commendable motives. Yet the living are not quite bent on this mode the ghosts indulge in of showing their affection, and they leave no means untried to escape from the ghosts’ influence. I have been able to observe real poignant cases, where filial affection forced a person’s attention again and again on the memory of a dearly beloved parent, so much so that he would brood and pine away and languish, but at the same time he felt that he must at all costs make efforts to forget and to make merry, as thinking and dreaming about the departed ones is the very first symptom of a disease sent by the a nusGu’ na. Animal ghosts (?5™*ta’li)—With the diminishing curve the impor- tance of hunting has made with the Cherokee, they are not now ascrib- ing so much power to the animal ghosts as they once did. The references to them have to be gleaned chiefly from the formulas, as there is now no Cherokee medicine man living who can give any satisfactory information on the subject. Mooney had already to cope with the same difficulty, and translated *5™ta‘li as “‘after-ghost,”’ or “secondary ghost,” basing his conclusion on the following facts: Dees THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 27 “Most diseases are ascribed to the influence of ghosts, usually the revengeful ghosts of slain animals. But there are two classes of these ghosts, the ‘ansgi’na’ (singular ‘asgi’na’) and the “"tali’’ (the t= being an almost inaudible grunt), and it was only after long inquiry that it was possible to learn the distinction between them. It is held by the shaman that an animal killed by the hunter or otherwise is again revived in the same form, and enters upon a new lease of life, to be again killed, or to die naturally, as the case may be. This may recur an indefinite number of times, probably four or seven, the shamans questioned not being able to state. At the final death, the animal ceases to exist in the body, and its ghost goes to join its com- rades in Usfhi’yi, the night land. One doctor (Ayfi™ ini) stated that the deer had seven lives or successive animations, each in the same deer shape, after which came annihilation. He was unable to say whether other animals were reanimated in the same way, but such seems to be the belief from the evidence afforded by the formulas. An example of this reincarnation occurs in the story of the ‘Bear Man’.* The belief differs from the ordinary doctrine of metempsy- chosis in that the animal is reincarnated in its original form, instead of becoming an animal of another kind. “““Asoi’na’ is the name applied to the ghost of the original animal (or person) after the first death, while the “"tali’”’ is the ghost of the successive reincarnations, or as the doctor explained, ‘the ghost of an animal that has been killed more than once,’ the “"tali’’ being the more dreaded of the two. “The old religion of the Cherokees is now so beclouded and cor- rupted by the influence of missionary ideas that it is extremely dif- ficult to get an intelligent statement of such points, but it seems pos- sible that the original belief assigned to every animal a definite life period, which could not be curtailed by violent means. When an animal lived out this allotted period it died and its body decayed, while its spirit became an ‘asgi’na’ and went to join the other ghosts in the night land. If killed before the expiration of the allotted time, the death was only temporary, the body took shape again from the blood drops (see the story of the ‘“‘Bear Man’’) and was reanimated by the spirit, now called “"tali’.’ This new existence continued, unless again interrupted and again renewed, until the end of the pre- destined period, when the body was finally dissolved and the liberated spirit took up its journey to the night land, there to remain with its kindred shades.”” (Mooney, Notes.) Moreover, Mooney based his conclusions on a belief of his according to which *5"ta‘li was etymologically related with ta? li’ “two” (his transcription being, respectively, °*tali’ and tali’). 1% See Mooney, Myths, pp. 327-329. 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 This is, however, not the case, as will appear from my texts, there being two important phonetic differences: (1) The surd dental is not aspirated in ’5"ta’li whereas it is most decidedly so in tta? li’. (2) In *5™ta’‘li the liquid is not preceded by a dental implosion as it is in t*aP li’. As for the successive incarnations of the animals, according to Og., the only one of my informants who had ever heard of it, this was only the case for the bears (as is indeed confirmed by Mooney’s story of the ‘‘Bear Man”’ (Mooney, Myths, pp. 327-329) and by several stories collected by me); neither the deer nor any other animals, Og. states, had the benefit of a second or of any subsequent lives after having once been killed. I have found evidence, moreover, that the term ’5"ta’li was also used by the hunter, referring to the particle of meat of a killed animal which he offered to the fire to return thanks for his luck. (See p. 21.) Finally, by several medicine men still living, ’5"ta’li is felt to mean “the decayed thing,” 1. e., the offal of a piece of game. The dis- respectful treatment extended to their bones and bowels, now, is exactly what makes the animals so revengeful toward the neglectful hunter. From all this I am inclined to believe that ’5™ta’li does not mean “‘after-ghost”’ or ‘secondary ghost,” nor that it specifically refers to the ghost of an animal that has been killed before its ‘‘lease of life’”’ had been completed. Nor did I find the term asci’’na ever used with reference to animal ghosts. To come to a conclusion, I think that I am entitled to adhere to my explanation, and to my distinction between asa’’na “human ghost”’ and ’5™ta’‘li ‘animal ghost.” The diseases sent by these human and by the animal ghosts are so multifarious as to include practically the whole of known illnesses and ailments. Commonly, however, the human ghosts act by ‘‘spoiling the saliva”’ of the victim, whereas the activity of the animal ghosts results in troubles that are not so much of a psychopathological order. Rheu- matism and dysentery, swellings in the cheek, and violent headaches may all be caused in different patients by one and the same animal ghost, e. g., a deer’s. On the other hand, several different kinds of animal ghosts may all manifest their ill will and take vengeance on the human race by inflicting one and the same disease, as rheumatism which can be caused by the measuring worm, the rabbit, or the buffalo. A species of animal ghosts to which many ailments are ascribed are the various kinds of tesao-’ya or insects. ee THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 29 ““Tse4ya’ is a generic term for all small insects, larve, and worms, excepting intestinal worms. These ‘tsgdya’ are very numerous, hav- ing colonies in the water, in the earth, on the foliage of trees, and in every decaying log, and as they are constantly being crushed, burned, or otherwise destroyed by the human race, they are constantly actuated by a spirit of revenge. To accomplish their purpose the ghosts of the slain ‘tsgdya’ ‘form settlements’ in the bodies of their victims, usually just under the skin, and thus cause malignant ulcers, watery blisters and swellings, all of which are generally ascribed to the ‘tsgdya.’ The ‘tsgdya’ doctrine of the Indian practitioner is thus the equivalent of the microbe theory of the white physician.””’ (Mooney, Notes.) PRETERNATURAL CAUSES Not only natural and supernatural causes are active night and day to shower disease and death on the poor humans; as many, if not more, of the calamities of life are to be laid at the door of fellow human beings, who through preternatural means have the power of sending mysterious diseases into the bodies and limbs of their neighbors. WITCHES The most dreaded of these human disease causers are the witches. Not that their activities and the results of these are very much differ- ent from those of the ‘‘man-killers”’ (see p. 33); the latter, however, only “work against us’’ for very sound and obvious reasons, e. g., because we have insulted them, poked fun at them, quarreled with them, or have given them offense in one way or another; at worst, when trying to kill us, they may act as agents of some enemy of ours, but at any rate there is usually this ‘‘comforting’’ consideration about it, that we are aware and conscious of the motives of their activities, and that usually we have only ourselves and our conduct to blame. Being careful and courteous in our dealings with ‘‘man-killers’”’ may considerably diminish the risk of being harmed from their quarter. Moreover, counteracting their evil machinations is not so hopeless a task as to fight witchcraft. The witches are usually referred to as tstkidi’ or as s6-no“’yi ane'Do"ti ‘they walk about during the night.’”” The meaning of tstkili’ is literally ‘‘ hooting owl,” but since this night bird is considered as a bird of ill omen, and because of the mysterious occult power ascribed to it, moreover because it indulges in its activities only during the night as the witches do, the word has been extended to mean “witch.” A witch is held to be a human being, male or female, who is a “‘powerful wizard” (ada weil’, aDa’Ywe'yu’) such as a medicine man may become who has ‘‘got the utmost”’ (see p. 87), but the semantic, 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt. 99 and especially the emotional value given to the word, always conveys concepts expressing baseness, meanness, slyness, an activity of an insidious, nefarious, deleterious nature. These activities are not subject to the same ‘“‘reasonable’”’ motives as are those of the ‘‘man-killers”; whereas the latter harm to take (just) revenge for some (uncalled-for) offense, the witch harms simply because it is an inherent trait of his or her wicked nature. Moreover, whatever the witch can steal of the life, and therefore of the vital principle, of the animus, the power, the “‘orenda’’ of his victim, he adds to his own, and this is the reason why witches are always hovering about the sick, the feeble, the moribund people; invisible as they can make themselves, they put their mouths over those of the victims, and steal their breath; according to some inform- ants “‘because they like the taste of sick people’s breath; it is so sweet’’(!); according to others, because stealing their breath comes to the same as securing for themselves the victim’s vitality, which they add to theirown. At the time the moribund expires, especially, the witch is careful not to miss his chance. Although, as a rule, to become a witch one has to be “brought up” for the profession (see p. 129), it is possible to become one, even if one’s parents neglected to go through the necessary ritual and prescrip- tions. 3.—Dreams WitHout RELATION TO MEDICINE Dreams Cause Aboutiwhite:peopletss<« 2 sesso eenst Fees Pe ee It is going to snow. Y/N SO cH Fa UE 0 =e a a ee a Paes It is going to rain. AIDOUt MEPTOeS = = Sale Ne a So ay et eR We will kill game. OmENs #4 If the family dog howls all the time and acts “‘as if he were home- sick’’ somebody of the family is going to fall ill. The dog should be killed ‘‘so as to make an exchange.”’ Ayo., W.’s mother, told him many years ago that the dog should be addressed and commanded to die itself, instead of the member of the household whose death the dog’s howling announced. (See p. 62.) A hen that crows like a rooster should be killed forthwith; else disease will befall the household. If the hen is killed the misfortune is averted. (See p. 78.) When the ‘“‘thunder”’ strikes a tree near the cabin, there is some trouble in store for the inmates. If a fox (tsv‘la) howls near a cabin one of the household is going to be ill; the same result follows the hooting of the night owl. The cry of the whippoorwill is believed to forebode not only disease but even death. If we see a shooting star we are going to be ill. 24 All the following ‘‘omens”’ are in a stage where it is not possible to class them definitely as disease causes or as signs of future illness. 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 NEGLECTED TaBoos; DISREGARDED INJUNCTIONS As if the formidable force of disease causes which we have now passed in review were not sufficient to soon rob the earth in general and the Cherokee country particularly of every living mortal, there is yet a complex of causes arrayed against the unsuspecting creature who has successfully run the gantlet of spirits, ghosts, witches, and dreams: the neglected taboos and the disregarded injunctions. In a way these work in an even more insidious and surreptitious way than any of those that have until now come to our attention. For in a good many instances we may avoid diseases if only we adhere strictly to certain rules of conduct: carefully ask the bear’s pardon after having killed it, making a point of burning the entrails of a slain deer, not spit into the fire, not urinate into the river, not offend ‘‘man-killers,” etc. We can avoid violating these taboos; but others there are which we may violate however carefully we try to avoid doing so, and however honest our intentions are. It makes no difference whether we violate them purposely or inadvertently, the results are the same. Some of these taboos that now seem unintelligible, not only to us but to the Cherokee themselves, are undoubtedly survivals of an earlier age, where certain phenomena were the object of a cult which has in later days been neglected and forgotten, such as is illustrated in “One must not point at the rainbow, or one’s finger will swell at the lower joint.”” (Mooney, Myths, p. 257.) “Sourwood ... is never burned, from an idea that the lye made from its ashes will bring sickness to those who use it in preparing food.” (1. c., p. 422.) Others of these taboos are very probably (unconscious?) attempts at laying down rules for moral and even hygienic conduct. For example, one should never do one’s needs in the yard or in a trail, i. e., in public; this would result in diseases of the urinary system. It may be mentioned in this place how extremely carefully and con- siderately the Cherokee observe this taboo. Likewise, the entrails and offal of all small game, the water in which it is washed and with which some of its blood may be mixed, and the blood itself, should never be disposed of by throwing or pouring it away in the yard or in a trail, etc., but should be carefully taken to a secluded place and disposed of. The diseases that may result from the neglect of these taboos are varied and multifarious; they may in fact be almost anything. If toothache ‘‘results” it will be blamed on the ‘‘animal’s insects’’; if rheumatism, the explanation may be found in the fact that the particular piece of game was a rabbit; if Du‘le’dzi because it was a turkey, etc, MooNnery ] OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 39 CAUSERS OF CONTAGIOUS DISEASE To close this review of disease causers, there is a last category to be priefly mentioned, viz, the white people, and especially the white physicians. These cause one kind of disease only, but they are the very diseases the Cherokee stand in most frantic fear of—epidemics. A. F. Chamberlain, in his article on Disease and Medicine—Ameri- can, in Hastings’s Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, III, page 732, draws attention to the fact that many North American Indian tribes ascribe epidemics to the evil influence or activities of the white people, and has illustrated his statement by an interesting citation from Winslow’s Good News from New England (1624); cf. also Dr. H. U. Williams, The Epidemic of the Indians of New England, 1616-1620, with Remarks on Native American Infections, in Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin (Baltimore), XX (1909), pages 340-349. The Cherokee medicine men are at odds when it comes to state which motives drive white physicians when they let loose epidemics to ravage the Cherokee settlements. According to some informants, they do it simply because they hate the Indians; according to others, in order to enrich themselves at the expense of their victims. It is not known exactly in what ways and by what methods the white physician attains his ends, but at least one case is known, the Cherokee claim, where it is clearly shown what means were used. “Toward the close of the Civil War two Cherokee (one of them was called Isaac) were captured by Union troops and kept prisoners of war at Knoxville, Tenn. When, after the war, they were released they were called into a room and shown a red fish (Swimming in a bowl). After they had looked at it the fish was put away again. They came back to where they lived, and three or four days after they got home they became feverish, and their whole body became covered with sores; they had smallpox.” (W., Og., T.) In this case it is emphatically stated by present informants that it was the mere looking at the fish that caused the disease and that it was purposely shown them by the white people to bring affliction and death on the two Cherokee and their people. There is a generic name for contagious disease: a‘“ye'lu‘po™a’ i. e. ‘he (the disease causer?) drives it (the disease) about.”’ As for the means used to cure or prevent it, see ‘‘ Prophylaxis,” p. 73 et seq. DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT DIAGNOSIS AND PROGNOSIS We now have a pretty sound and tolerably complete idea of the Cherokee views on disease and are equipped with the indispensable elements to understand their practices with regard to the treatment of diseases, 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 We may at first be shocked by the ‘‘ unreasonable,’ the ‘‘ preposter- ous,” etc.,in these practices. If,however,on second thought, we endeav- or to make an honest effort to understand them, we will soon see how remarkably logical they are, if only we bear the premises in mind. For whatever there has been said about ‘‘the primitive mind,” there is at least this tribute to be paid to it, that it invariably gives proof of a most rigorous congruency and a perfect harmony in its reasoning. The first thing the medicine man endeavors to find out, when he calls on a patient, is the seat of the pain. Since Cherokee medical art does not aim so much at ‘‘curing a disease” or ‘‘allaying pain” as at removing the cause of the ailment, of the agent causing the pain, the medicine man forthwith sets out upon his quest after the cause of the ailment. In this he is actively seconded by the patient, whose aid may prove the more efficacious the more he is versed in the traditional lore. If we are not dealing with one of the very few cases where a natural cause is accepted (see p. 17) the medicine man inquires whether the patient has by any chance infringed upon a taboo (see p. 38) or whether the patient has had any dreams or omens (see p. 36). The patient is, of course, but rarely sufficiently versed in this body of lore to be able to answer in a satisfactory manner, and the medicine man usually has to go over with the patient the very extensive collection of dreams and omens that may affect the particular situation. The patient, being only too anxious to find relief, would not think of with- holding any information of a nature to help the final discovery of “‘the important thing.” The dreams investigated may go back several months, or even as much as two or three years; there is no definite rule as to this, and it rests with the personal opinion of every individual medicine man how deeply into the past he chooses to probe to find the dream that would plausibly explain the ‘‘case.’’ Similarly, the very emphasis on dreams as diagnostic means varies more or less with individual conceptions. It appears, for example, from Mr. Mooney’s notes that Ay. held dreams of secondary importance, and that he gave primary attention to such symptoms as headache, lividness in the face, blue-black rings round the eyes, etc. This point of view does not seem to predominate with the average Cherokee medicine man, as, indeed, it hardly could, if we bear in mind this very important axiom of Cherokee medical practice, that whatever the ailment in question may seem to be, we must be sure to hit upon the real disease causer, so as to be able to “work” against him, and to force him ‘‘to let go his hold” on the patient. The identity of the disease causer is found out much more readily and far more accurately by the patient’s dreams and experi- ences than by such symptoms as described above, which the Cherokee medicine men, as well as Mr. Mooney and I, have noticed are identi- cally the same for a score and more of radically different diseases. lle THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 4] As soon as the medicine man, by this pseudo ‘‘psychoanalytical”’ method has found out which dream has caused the ailment he is able to prescribe the treatment and to go on his quest for herbs and roots. There are cases, however, where by this method no result is ob- tained, and the medicine man’s exertions remain unrewarded. One individual dreams less frequently than another and the few dreams he can recall may not contain sufficient elements to form a conclusion. In these cases there is still the ever-useful and never-failing method of ‘“‘examining with the beads”’ to resort to; the procedure is virtually the same as described (p. 132), only changing in this respect, that the medicine man names a disease or a disease causer and asks of the bead whether his statement is right. The brisk movements of the right- hand bead gives an affirmative answer; its sluggish movements, or its remaining motionless, a negative answer. A couple of unusual facts on the score of diagnosis have come to my attention. When in the summer of 1926 W. was suffering from a severe attack of toothache, that could not be cured by any of the “usual”? means, he was soon convinced that it could not be ‘‘just a usual toothache” he was suffering from, but that it must have been sent to him by a witch. One evening as he was sitting by the fire and gazing into the fantastically leaping flames, he suddenly saw, grinning at him from the glowing embers, the face of an old woman; the face of a woman he knew. She was living in another settlement, and had the reputation of being a witch. So W. forthwith concluded that she was the one who had “worked” against him and who had sent him the toothache. According to the rules of the art, at which he was a full-fledged adept, he did not lose time in launching his counterattack as a result of which the witch died before the sun had set seven times. As far as I could find out, W. is the only individual who ever had experiences in this domain that emerged from the banal, the everyday, and the common conceptions. I am quite confident that he was quite sincere and honest about them, and I am anxious to point out that, even if they are unknown to other members of the tribes, or of the profession for that matter, still they absolutely conform in form and in content to the pattern and the structure of the more common Cherokee beliefs. The Cherokee do not pay much attention to prognosis. ae | ee paezznq ‘g ‘WeAvI "gy iso QUO [GRU fe |r etme eee ge eee epee ape eae eer a ----gop ‘g ‘Z0p ‘[q ‘sop ‘1g eee ceee ee aa ae ee ek sdop *yY e391] ‘Zop *g ‘sop “Tq *ss0p ee a ES ee ae Sap ee “y eps ‘sop ‘g ‘Z0p “1g “sz0p So a See Se ae Eee "yy ea ‘sop ‘Tq ‘sop ig Se a ae a nS celal er tanssodo ‘xoj ‘J[O.A\. 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Spo) psa ca |) toe | ee eee OO UL GY Poon See. ee Ope: Saal’oee 2 ee SS oe es ea oe: eee LORaer cs, St eat ees OG mk: ee ee ODS SSCs ee ae Se eS Se Se ee OR | AG | ae ees TOT: ie =) oe wee eS OPgese | ae a ed SP ae ee ee ee ee OP aa es ||. oes | eae See Oa -2=eSOOR]|C (UOIGM TPN TUTE | cae a ee ge ee OS eee oe ree sdo} 901, oC. |\esaosas een ees od eS TAA GUIIOUN TORO [8 Mel| Fao se See ee ee a oe ae eae ae a) Wes a eee DEO) “41 0,quIesel HTeOP CIN AACU gS1OT'S [MUU Sa eter © aa ae tae ne cin ape eS is na ean a ch Oh el baat na as tee od FMOUSiMENC OAC ACUAUOM ANG tae 3) TR toe one ee ee ee ra AG 5 Soe se ae ae 20q Se ee a ee oh ) eairon| ie iene Eee abe at lee peer ens Sars O\Y/ S1Eb "UW | - > OTAUT 044) SZ0q oT Sek tpt 2s es ODay Salt “S65 TS 8 TS SESS Ee ee ee | | ee a ee OT er a ae ies a ODA SI eS Se ae oe | ae ee See cee NET eL sicsiagee pan OO. PesUVYDSE POOP AOUI GO AAs ae es ae Oe nes laa = ee eee M‘H CS Bl tee a aa — Bie 30q mg gos Hoey WOTIIG ISON AE| =. a eee ec ce a ae ee Ss | | eee Uno: aes Sse ew ee ce | eae SIV Ts aes a a | SS | SSS SS se UU GD “(1078 M Ul=sUPAT]) SSIOOSU OCU fills see es eee a eee ee ee 1038 JO O[PPIVL as mee ysyyeo eng a “oa [RABUN TOD FORM O97 ee fs eer ei he ieee ie | eee Peni t e DILET TOL NT “Gi [925s sa = prez gg . ote te OD gee a eee aoa ee ee eg cee Weenie OGD ens ae go SUAUTOUAACH Foes SS EONS TESS SRST ee CER See cheep eta | es, eens ete) EEE aa a i ea a Suryeys Wey} eAvy |-~~ ~~ > - pul WBIN, [77 | > --- (BIG) Gor Brae eo ge eS OD gs aE eee a ae Sa a a a ae Seo ee SUIVOID PUG leaner ua tase cnn Eo Pn ta 2 ee 14'S) JO) SIO} ANDRO yea NAGS | eect eee Of a — = 910: SOULOD.1[] 00 [pale = sa Sa as Sa as Se ee |e | ee eee 80: ae ae ae oe ODS sal See ee ee eS Se | eee es OCT = ge KSEE (BUI OP BIOS p58 = Ses Se ee Ee Se a ee ag See kee eae lal eines | ereanene omnes OCT “SIMO =[OA JORGUIT — AOUIRUOU Merle mes cee ec eg ae ey he eee een eee a ORG | aaa. ae qouornioddy somo sasneg m01}800'T (0) (oF) OuleN THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 45 MOooNEY ] “OLBRECHTS 92 Go 9L eg *suleq UeuINYy "gq ‘suoljeyUBoOUT Jo Ioyvedg Brae SS eee aes SO} 0991 Para oes Shas pea La hota. 01} ‘1 ert Or oir gia es -yeyo "x ‘rodidpurs ‘Tq “1909914 ‘Ta ‘UBMs "AA ‘esoos “Tg “UIP 1a ‘redidpues Ta ‘a10}}Iq ‘Tq ‘UBMs “M ‘esos ‘Tq “UI 9193!T “JOYsSysuLy “mM ‘Buyeq UeuMYy Buoy uoesid "KX ‘qougplos “A “JOYSysuLy “AM ‘HUTUE “MQ 10390 “TE SEN ap A P1TG 99PTIEA A Heiser Sass UBL “I 780TH) “yA YSy “wy ‘eqsyzury “Ad ‘uoaatd * x ‘yoUyp{Os “A Ang aaaiel “UST “UH PF4TT OMT, ‘suol} -BJUBOUT JO JayBeds “ysOoyy ana eee tanssodo ‘iesp “ITO AA. Fp On a ie PIGGBI * x Se SOD 2 eae en ee [po ea Ga BOD srg | eee oo eee OCT: “ST JOHOIyy Pesos te ree Gore s[OABN ll see anon ss seen on ganar aso a= al sACUIEMS >] COs OUaOLOU AN UXe |p scam seen 2UOUUDIO) eS SS eR Se QIGM, AOU ios Ua OUT Syed ae = ae csc oa ice a ne cae eee aaa BOLL Py SSS oases a SSUGTST Gia pecs = Sten mm eg | en ee ee De (ones mi OL] 1) EPSOM eS NGOMONT allo eas os ee eae nee ee ORL BOS) oak Clee acme eneeeenemenesO CT) a i a ar ge eed | ea oe ae LOT Gt cea octal = es aa eee Oy ee lait SOR af Ras Saige ee BOT al ee oe ee ee a SNE CONG BOLO) | carl Gl alt womens tian emer OL SSDs. ge adLA HERE Fl Sosa ons oe oe ROULIM] Gia eae - os sis so ee 4solOq |~~~~77|" 7777" SIOT[OMP 4810.7 F< 7 Saeeen Selb SIO TS = aes em oe | rg oe ars eee oem | acre (eee eee OTA TD RCO nt “m19Y} MIO1J WMOP Gum feAOq MOUS OF CUO ghana ae corn: Saas eevee Gt on ie in aaa ae = MACs a se sllna mene = weno JUL 918 SUI eS Eee mere TION |< se os aise sand eae = | -UNODT O11, OU Pa OIOU A coca sen en meen COLT NUL “u10q} WOl] UMOP CLUS Ts OU OM CULE Orel pee rn nce anne eR ge ee ee eas Ry, eae 7c | ee od “qoxoryy eager Spricshe (SUMO Wess <5 ose er a ae Jone, Adurwas 31q eu, | “Ia |-~~777-777 77-7 9 RES aeS, [OABMeeMOONer |= oo a eos oan case i ge Se eg Pe eee OM Ease NOGBe (QUINITUSESUTU CH) ale areeneenne som 5 Gre sa eea enone es a ee ae a3 Tes | Sa 62 UE | eee ane yAMCY UST Sahota ar Ped NO ID Sry: CU (ilo eS See “st durvats 76013 OY C10 AA °K (77 (qe ws) gsr EE (USE) NS VEO LS | a wc ice as sw mma Eg PAA ca cree RT “UIA J0yV a OTAN ON. TLOSOUO MOG ie Ollie | pees a mene en ee ele IOUT US Veil ceca | semeaerereeioeaeas od penne ec sa TONGUE MOOG ge ean a becca eee Sete ie ie ora sa ai Peer ( 3 || Seaeeage es =U, SPEOGhOU Act] TANG OULULGXOLONNS | esa rnin a er ne a eee eee ar10y IYSIYy | -- 777 ~~ guleq ueuny su0T *(SOpIs YI0Oq SUOTB IL OAL ASIA) pera LPO ge) UB NORGE |G seo a= Sn So = a oe ea ee a ee ee es M Ao] 2|| eerie ear = od aa of Gna Basane: aka OOM. “AOU! “USNOUI SW. |aacucs cous week | aaa aan |) cede ane OOO BOLT Steere ASOT USI =1S0l His||aaa sana cerns erase eighteen me se | Sear || wa ee AT See ee ee a F106 10 (9H fe hemianionaeetnaceetn is eT Sa peiag > ae, toes eeser eh UE [Burt. 99 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 46 OL 6) Sas ae I | le 1038M JO O3po IVONy 5S eae aes peo ae S “SI CUIVMS 48013 OY} O10 AA POSS TEs SaaS ae ee pee |S qyoxorgy ACUIVAS 9VOID *(meyoO1q ae Fhe oe eo | 77 7 7 7 eur “yom | oq OF eq} sSesnvd 47) “Aro AYQUBYS Brier ane SSS oS Sa een Wee Es SS ao a - Sanaa EES -uoo Aoyy UseyM DeIpTyO Samosa Ssssr ao sesso == TOOK | Rarass Te ae ne Ls =e Pee ee CELEIS) gS. 104 ST G Re (a an eh a (tt ee er a DEON. llesrube ase ea sae oss eee Re apd ca (SQ) IS0 BOTS eae eee so rine Mt |= aaa ees erie il sace sali ro- 22sec sess sce a aa CRO Go sates Ge ak este Ie OOS ISBOIg)) ||P San =8 ase es ee RSE CS SS |e UMBI “MQ [7577777777757 7eFIq exeug *jesBem £10710 SSS rele aha aga a 9[qt1194 £10990 “yy ‘HUTUL “Yy |---~7"7" 777" "seqoe Jsvorg: SS ae ag) PEERS ey (a SE SCO Ces ea Te cr Am | ee eae oe «¢S1OJVY ,, “YMC ysy ‘y ‘ZUleq UsuINyY SUC, a an ai a ‘aoosid “XK ‘qougplos “A |--~-~-~-~~,,MOT[9A,, [OABN, ; “MC 7 i eee [TA Jo soyvedg | ysy “Ta “HUI MA ‘109490 “Tg | -~~ ~ Jnoqe (suryTYs sure) SR aati Sooo eT | MR Same Te ysy [fems *A | MOTTPA,, PULL a a a aaa Ss a | a TOAVUL 5 MOOR [Roe es eee ee ee Ce ae airmen ORION Ge psoas aaa SSS OsUl SA. | sneep cae ages SRAM EC WT cd Sue cca cee WPS2c2a| "se. i caso esses oes eee Gores Sa eea aren SBIR Gard eauass o weees ens eSOOSUIOG) ilo > os = cette atennte mis: |) oa (LOCAUT SUTATT) SOOSuT a see SSeS MOUMOTIA LOM. |p aaseemann =) pees 2 aa caries anaes |(SueL Lakes aon s aamee yey ees LOMS I8U0IG Jona oeN A Gg ae eee MOUS OIC) ss ene Gein (SEES GEE G- | Se See ee ca= oe ee OLOS SAMO, =e ane ae ope WCU «tc cseans Smee ee ee Baer wits Bape Gs IE a- 2s ~ 2 Og OB 4svorg. ee | oe ee ee ee eens |e ae eS OPsiers|prn2 77 nao neon onan as [pec sen ae ee nnan neem aes “m0 UIOIJ UMOD FS SSCS AGE Oe iron ap atl (rine he RES ne Be ara dunf{ souo 911, Ox] ‘redidpues ‘Tq ‘u10791Iq ‘Iq ‘UBS Pape REE Cale Noa a ea SANS AUT TEL. OU OT 1a a a oe ION “MEY -ysy “YW “JeqsysUry MM a ae aan ‘Zuleq uvumny ‘suo, UOesId “A |--~~~~~~~~“JoAvU ,, MOTIOX ,, sjsTuosequy $10} VIOQBIIODO somg sesneg SP ee er en oe M 9 fh) ete a SEO CL bi 3 elie s Bea aS od ces So od ee Ueyl Fale ee ew eS gM S| tard | See BD (9194911) UBL hg s tae oe ge N "Ig |-7-7777 777 ver) uepy ae Ages Se ee ay a a H SS yea pas Sa eae TAT SINAC S eae pierre) 9) 4 La Leela oa Th aTES qo0e'T 5a Eases eee od SANT | Soca ame eee od gfe es Mie “"--“reysysuly EEX | sceomaagne sealers od *potid st meoy OIOYM “M “1078M 4ROIp) S| Seem Pq SOPH JLo Race eostemeeaaes od Ree tls eet TASS saan ne aa STOOSUT: ReGiee asic a Oye] WBaIH) | - 7777 | Bury yueyiodmy BTR RIS SS aa a es a ae od pen preston ax, age ee | 4eo (ieee | ona ier (plo) e1rmmeiy *({eu paseen -19]VU1) 1Oy)eJpUBIDH ee. | aaarSes es roar esoonH SAS | erates eae yougplyopy 01} 800'T RCO) (eY@) Oule NT 47 THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT | MOooNEY OLBRECHTS 6g 88 rai Seen ee EE ae aa Cais reine oats ba Saas ease rene OTL SOst hel |e seecesnet nua ea eer Pena See eee gee ee ee ta el | a ce ee | ea no aaa TO GT “yoss] ‘Td ‘Tes Sie ekas aaa ete peer F “BOM 51094 O1O[GiIONLOt I) Ole uaa nom ee = SOLO 4 SC Oal Clas | nis rane eee ee ee “TOYSYSULy Drea Seo oS T4ojosoxveds | “MAM SHAMVY YSU ‘[q 10990 “Tq |--~~~(4noqe 3uryigs) sUIBq Jo Sean sucortES-des tessa = = sega St eS ee ee ESUTAOOTPIOAR LAGU AICO ti AA al |e ceca eis = el sicaag eee eae eS ee eeeUOUN s SHOUT GE RO MGR Oleg 0 yt os oe eee OD aa nen (erp ee aes ee es ee feaeos sarees sso oe aamOUle | Gro lgA TRO A) We Ula el pear aaa ea a aeeCOPINGOUt i | pe = ane cans Meee on aan or ae Sapna soso 5oagae seee sages |e= ate ELE ee poorer reson aar ss HON sO YOUN sf = as as eae are ea a am a fereaScs epee ee EY COED Chk Mt | ter a i cet eee ee UT TOM RU] SAULLOUT (4S A UA Ol yw fsa *Y41004 eyeUS 0Y4 SUISN SEER ERMRE Tees SS STR Renee | TOr eae ee Sees eT eee Crayogqn Ouhen Gysy 3 (0) = (foo Rats pee a ai eee cee aU A Ue MOCUI Een neo oe eer eee si Seem nr ean S[[GAS SRO TCO UA ALOU AA |e ae ai omen incl mney ie oe ee eam ae OD Ssnas prcs eae acne UCU SC OM al eae Sa ese = SERS SS SeasO D2 PP ono oes ae ee ee es i aperrerienenr eee WBMIEHOCLG: leer scese tetas ae NEG ULL FO ANG [ah eres me ee ASBOI Ge a= etn ee ae Sea *‘soyeus EE | Ei ae = Sar eae | ROS") TALS LT PO) OAC Ufo UT Be CLO LY AA a ca li Rise hse enna eae esas Se pe ee SSeS aS gee e eae ee Sao a AS Se TA meena Sean OUD DRO E16) | ices cca ane et areas “mayoIq Seer See See Soar es NGO a peace ate cme igi Dis | Ciel | OC Osan LOU Pe OSEL GO Px i] | eoaigestmoncas camera ace Sea Sea ee ae ee eee ee ee RIO Ulan lpr LO Uneg yt lee ges eco ae OD oe eB eee a ee ey oe eae SE Sa ad ba ae ae a FOU [Ale Gcamieagemeaeemse rl) GOULO Ug) essere piaars-tenk eeee aee een ewe ear hey Sy eee WOW SMUG | reset miscoas a DCO RUN a aa oe ee ae Ss nee *sapIs Sites oS SUI WeIOCUL]) Senses never SUG) MULAN: -en |S 40) SuUOle 4 OAR, AOU, |scccssna an sama ean ane aa aa a as || a eS a Sa eee ae rh cae a ty Deas aaa W98Y) SHBG I US AA "Uel “1G Sen el a lg ae aa Ea OAT OMA TOLMAT O18 111 OMn fsa | teammate =o a =a SO PIS) ILOUyipal ie oa amne ain eats See uae we am ‘A[Ueppns Fe epee gee a oe | pie raaanine nme cea ae ae rie] Wendel > GLUE: ING) ef be Glog Ny prea eo Oo aaa SEs ““uem ‘g ‘uem ‘Tq ‘ueUr “yy “"""Ueul AA ‘UBU *g ‘UeU “yYy ~-"ueul * MA ‘ueU g ‘Ue “Tg ‘edo[s ‘a m-*=**-110T] meyUNoyL pen abe piarmncnen amd 10 IN ath Genser ec! (YF SAN ico sae OAL aaa | aie = = shemOLAL ASO lss cae paces od Sel | Saeco =e 0o”d oak |pamiee (21411 0444) WeTAT Riles. a (04) WET "Med Foe ne ge us|. ee pene (013411 0449) WOTAL Aye ||P ia ce ae see od [aie ee goes (0M}) WOT, cage sel ene (@1341T 0449) WOTAL a alot Seer one geal AT aMilex ss = -- (044) eT See =| SSS ee od SAD le aes eee ae e o”d 7s (fl ence See st UdsTAy FS (019411 0444) TOTAL anaes “"""""THIOM OINSBeTAT “UO (ae Saree ae Uusyl "haa" |Fisest oa (RID UeNT “M Pala eg ees od SG pee ee od SS eLiculie ha tena en a ie od ro A (oceania niet. od BANS (Pe Rot age eee ge od cel Soe eaestlar oP 0 (aerate Retils s ° 7548°—32— —5 [BuLL. 99 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 48 OT 09 09 09 08 vas II ST 9g oP wW bP PY a3 eoue -I9JOA oe ae eee oe qouygplos * “yAvy YSy “"Yy “Teysysury “MA “suyoq usuiny suo, ‘youyplos +x “10}40 “Tq {10990 “Ig ‘10930 “Yy --10410 "g ‘10910 ‘Ig ‘19940 “yy inte en ena Cy ieee ieee co ae meen ee (ge gat ake eet OD eee Pp la See Se he Sons > Seda Oe erg ak cago og eee ae so BES Coceoe ee SO Dee eps eer FOO} WOIAIG=FSON [TWF n= = === 1-""-98pes U00Ig ey) Japuy) koe eee eS oe LOR OTN fy fF Se EO ORE SR I Se eat Beta See ee (UO SES! ace aenibg che oe ocean” fe ap a a see Ginba(0) eae “ST FOOTY} SS ae Spee eee TPABN |S = 5 Ses 2 | GuteAis 48033 on9 clom AN por mates aa [OSCE MOISAG |e =: Se sais wee ao Se nese = OUI e MS AOI) a a ea ad ae a | eae ae a Sr me ee ea 4yeoig,L Pome ean ca Soe Op->777|------ 2229-2222 ----------|-------- = 22-22-22 sist Sah 3 Sess 0) itt (erste ce “OMRL a pe a ae Oa ete nein eee OTS COU TORO DISaa lu amet “-199}0 “gq ‘10190 ‘Tq ‘9930 “Y 710930 “q “10340 ‘Tq “Teq40 “1g “JOysSysUly “M “AMV USE Te “UTC MA Tag anes Baa 10940 “3 “yee “1 ‘Tes -BOM £10940 8[Q 111904 “YUL * 37 “YO9e] “TE ‘feseom ‘10940 “yy ‘HUIUI “WwW Ccereras Spaarprareners cure re (Sess sssssesrse Isep sro ‘x07 s}stuosRjuy “edIus PHU "AA ‘ar9e141q “AA ‘iedidpues “AA ‘redidpues “M “TI8}41 “AA ‘TAO “AA PIO SIOJeIOGTIOND Me *seou[d quero Ip Ur ynoqe sulsvedde surg “seov[d quo -l8yIp Ul Jnoge surreed -dv (sured) eavy Aoy} JT nae cat ar Sa Sele Isvolg eae joo} WoI}TqISOLT somo (Sees ee sosneg 5 eal ie OYLI Joly “USABOY-PIM Ul VyVl YwsryH Call Seger ee od = lc (oN eg See aint od C8 fi || ee ee og EAGER Io oe VIGQey Fins @ ae ated od Oy Alin pee ae od oF | |B Sa eae woesig alas as peas od =| AS Gl IS = see ren od Bits fs 1S eee ee od SI ate 0G iG | OCF Sama Fala ey (224215), [ae Se OYeUS 1OIBM SS eo eee ee od Ses SS eee ss Se UIde119,J, NS Sas ees ugg Soa | eS eee SS ung Qi i\= pea ae saae a joumbg Sebo: eS squidg SSS Se od RESIS |e ae Sas Joyeedg Baas pi ee Se Asoug eee | ee od pees s |= ee ae od 2S |S ee eyeug SAN: Gestalt od Oo Fa | zodidpueg 7A Ge esse ee OsIOW poy DS iets gee ara og Wales | cece et od Bp) OM eee tree a ae od SC | uae sae eet od DS bl liegt aes og LE eee Meenas od Si tee et poe a UOABIYy BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 50 i ees eee ee ST ras 18 “yavy ysy “wy “loysysury *M ‘SUIeq UBUINY SUOT ‘uoesid -xA ‘youyplos “x ais) Polio) ‘ig ‘paezznq ‘gq ‘U9sARI“g “sd0p “Y TIT] OM ‘Zop “q ‘Zop ‘Iq ‘Zop “1g Se ea ee Se Oe a ee Ee Le a IE Oe eet ee eg [PABN. Seca sons a aang mace a | Rae ea aac mele |e ana « MOTPX », a a ie RI hc See IP ee eyoepeaHe| a Oa ae al ba ae a uinssodo ‘100p ‘x0. ee OD Rieti pe ae PUIA[ITGM 9f99VT et ond worserssoo--niga Big joo 7 777777" * pu ANITA SIG sistaose}uy $10} B1IOQBI[OD oes y00} W9}4Iq-JsOT jo pozuvyp SI pooy 10U,L, UWOI}IpUod YSWoAey ait alge sie | | cee | a od Sie ea ok SS Ta eae | 2109 fee imeem mca. '(0) | 2p), © Shee Be Tee mn SO RIED || BEDS | | EES (P[O) WeUIO AA a ee ee Gi | ae =|| Coe ee OER NY, Seo ae ee ee ees |e | eee, ee od Te Ee SS ES ee a ee eae FIOM ‘sulejuNOUI 3Iq 9y} JO soqoueid 901} 3NO-peyajedyg | (31q) PULATIIG MA pa a saqouviq [[eurg |-~~-~- |" (P1949) PULATATM m01y800'T I0[0D eulUN MooNnry | OLBRECHTS| THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 51 Cotor Sympouism—Sacrep NUMBERS There is but little to be added to what Mooney (SFC., p. 342) says about the Cherokee color symbolism, unless it be this, that the distinction is not always made quite so definitely as would appear from Mooney’s tabulation. It is, of course, possible that 40 to 50 years ago the people’s ideas were still less vague and fleeting on this score than they are now, but the formulas’ evidence does not indi- cate that even quite a few generations back the color symbolism was much more definite. This will readily appear upon consulting the analytical table, Disease spirits (pp. 44-50). A couple of facts are established beyond doubt—red and white can not possibly be associated with the west, nor with anything un- successful; black can only be associated with the west, and blue with the west or the north; neither of these latter colors can under any cir- cumstances be symbolic of success. Apart from this it is not possible to be dogmatic: Red may be used in connection with the south as well as with the east and the zenith, whereas white is no more the inalienable color of the south than red is the one of the east. Whether this phenomenon has any correlation with the defective power of discrimination between colors of the Cherokee I hesitate to say. However that may be, it is a fact that even the Cherokee who have known the joys of a Government school education do not score much better, according to our standards, when it comes to dis- criminating between colors than did the Seminoles of MacCauley.” To gain some more definite data on this I asked the informant who was the least hopeless in this respect (W.) to pick out from a color chart, showing 95 colors in all possible shades and nuances, those ‘which the Cherokee know and have a name for.’”? The follow- ing is the result of this experiment: Usual name of color Cherokee name Translation OLEATE tpt le i RM Dal te Ge Nee ae ode Yellowish. Pea; ereenes Lili 2) LESE IVEY UN SOIL AC Mn EMD Like green. Mirroome $42.7. Ube UP MIG WGI ee AA 1) (Like) clotted blood. Myrtle green__-_-_--- Be Lathes eps eee al} Green. Bradewred. — js ool Ws DUG es Gaye erage oak ge eR Like hematite. Mees = Aes os D GZatil nDalo mnie Any he Extremely yellow. RPAROOM AM nee 2 vu 1lo°s5™ sh Grigage ni. oo ete Beyond red. mercy AP) 8 Ab de TAN) Ga‘yo” tli Dalo*niGe®’_-- 21 Feebly yellowish. Pead colors 12.2 .:% viwes tiaer uot Be tad tice | (Dusty gray.) Holland blue__-_--__- Sark"o:bnpGer Aceves gel oy le Bluish. mscam Ted 2 | Gio Galena) Jo Sawada ey cn Bloody (i. e., ‘‘red’’). migbt sray— o- L_ Gayo" thi une’ G5" uyv" sti sa‘-| Feebly white like bluish. k*o**neGe-2’. Dark blues. 212 LL. Deva lye HIS LL NL 19 Purple. Cf. Fifth Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 525. apd BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butx. 99 As with the majority of the North American Indians, color sym- bolism is intimately associated with the rite of cireumambulation, of which further mention is made (p. 63). Sacred numbers.—Four is the fundamental sacred number in Cherokee ritual and seems always to have been. Although seven is also frequently met with, it would seem that this number has no claim to as venerable an age as has four. Seven may have grown in importance by such outside and acci- dental influences as the 7-day week and by the reduction to seven of the number of Cherokee clans. There are traces of the significance of another number, viz, 12 (and also of its multiple 24) as evidenced by— The 12 runs in the ball game. The 24 days’ taboo of a woman after her delivery (this 24 days can be reduced to 12 by using an appropriate medicine). The 24 different plants used against ansau'na diseases. The formulas and the notes appended to them simply teem with illustrations of the importance of the sacred numbers, especially of 4 and 7. I therefore considered it superfluous to multiply the examples here. Attention has been called on page 122 to the interesting proc- ess of rationalization by which a sanction of the use of the number 4 is alleged to be found in a (nonexisting) North Carolina State law. Materia MEDICA In this section I endeavor to give a summary description of Chero- kee materia medica. I would have very much preferred to incor- porate in this paper a detailed Cherokee “pharmacopeeia,’”’ but the Cherokee botanical materia medica is so extensive as to command separate treatment. It is considered best to withhold this material, and to publish it, probably in the form of a paper on Cherokee ethnobotany, in the near future. As a general and preliminary consideration it may be stated that although the Cherokee believe to a limited extent in the therapeutic | value of certain matters of animal and vegetal origin, their materia , medica consist primarily of botanical elements. It is happily ignorant of any human ingredients, the use of which is so conspicuous in the | primitive medicine of numerous tribes, nay, in the folk medicine of so ; many civilized countries; even the belief in the curative power of , saliva (cf. our ‘‘fasting spittle’’) is found wanting; stercoraria are never used, and as a whole, their materia medica is very much cleaner than, for instance, that of the rural communities of Europe. The generic name for any particle possessing medicinal properties , is nO" wo't'i’, the meaning of which is literally ‘“‘to treat with,” but the emotional value of which had better be rendered ‘‘to cure with.” 4 aren ale THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 53 Although Cherokee possesses words to express such concepts as “herbs (in general)”’ or that refer to certain definite families of plants (‘‘families’’ to be taken here from the Cherokee point of view, as “those that grow in the mountains,” ‘‘those that are ever green,” “those that grow near the river,” etc.), these are but rarely heard, and as a rule the specific names of the plant are used. Although some of the simples used are undeniably of officinal value, this would seem in the majority of cases to be a mere matter of acci- dent, rather than evidence of conscious experiment or even of fortunate experience. The rule underlying the choice of a certain plant as an antidote against a given ailment is of a mythological and an occult rather than of a natural nature. The chemical properties of the herbs, roots, barks, etc., used may in some cases happen to be appropriate to the result to be obtained, but that this is merely a matter of coincidence and chance is proved by many practices, a few of which are: The outer appearance of the plants is of tremendous value in deter- mining their efficacy against certain given diseases, as, ‘‘a thimble- berry shrub growing high up (in the cavity) of a hollow (tree) ”’ is used against ‘“‘painful remembrance of the dead”’ (see p. 233), because the medicine man said, ‘‘when we tear away the roots, deeply buried and stubbornly clinging to the tree, we will, when we drink a decoction of the roots, also be able to pull the remembrance out of our mind that makes us sick.”’ Plants that have a pungent smell are great favorites in many ail- ments. The Cherokee have no explanation to offer. The same fact, observed times without number elsewhere, has usually been explained, “the pungent smell puts the disease demon. to rout.” Trees and plants, the sap and the juice of which are of a mucilaginous nature, as that of pa*"wodz‘la (Ulmus fulva Michx., ‘slippery elm’’) are used in cases where something is to be ejected out of the body, as in childbirth—‘ ‘the inside is to be made slippery.” Plants that show certain peculiar characteristics, identical to those shown by the disease, are used as antidote: the ‘‘milky discharge” common to certain maladies of the urinary system is thought to be efficaciously combated by administering plants that contain a milky juice; as if, by showing to the ailment that there is plenty of the milky, juicy matter at hand, there is hope of convincing it of the futility of staying. Or the contrary may be the case: Plants and fruits that contain great quantities of juice must by no means be used by the patient when he is suffering from a complaint, one of the symptoms of which is the presence of a lot of ‘‘juicy matter,” as in blisters, boils, etc. Mooney in his notes has left us a typical illustration of this mode of reasoning; against rheumatism ‘‘the plants used in the preparation are 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 all ferns . . . The doctor explained that the fronds of the young fern are coiled up, but unroll and straighten out as the plant grows; ergo, a decoction of ferns will give to the rheumatic patient the power to straighten out the contracted muscles of his limb.” Not only is there great importance attached to this symbolism of the outward appearance, also due regard is to be paid to the sacred numbers; in scores of cases the medicine is only effective if four or seven of the plants (usually of the same ‘‘family’’) are used, and thus it often happens that the actual officinal value of one plant is abso- lutely neutralized, to say the least, by three or five others. Another consideration that is not of a nature to stimulate our faith in the efficacy of Cherokee materia medica is the tremendous impor- tance laid on the use of certain plants that are not held to have any inherent curative properties but that are considered to possess remark- able power in virtue of a mysterious way of behavior—an uncommon way of growing, a quaint inclination of their branches, grotesque parasitical excrescences, or that show any other evidence of so-called. freaks of nature, as the roots of an ‘‘inverted raspberry branch,’ i. e., the branch of a raspberry shrub that has come back to the soil and taken roots again (pl. 6, a) is often used in cases where the Cher- okee consider the roots of the ‘‘parent plant” as being destitute of any curative properties. Or it wil be specified that the roots used must be those of a plant that has only one stalk, even if the plant named has usually several stalks. Or again, it will be prescribed that the bark has to be stripped from a ‘“‘crippled”’ tree, i.,e., a tree that has been broken by some accident while it was stil young, but that has nevertheless continued its growth in its ‘“‘crippled”’ condition. The curious, the unusual, that which is rare and difficult to find, have always and everywhere played a considerable réle in the materia medica of all times and of all peoples, and we here find ourselves con- fronted with these same considerations. The same trend of thought is no doubt also responsible for the remarkable properties ascribed to lightning-struck wood, especially of a tree that has continued to live after the accident, although this belief may have to be explained partly by an additional element, the respect for thunder and its ‘‘emissary,”’ lightning. (Cf. Mooney, Myths, p. 422.) Also the mysterious power ascribed to the root that looks like an insect, ‘‘that has (a stall) growing from its mouth’’ (see p. 30) is no doubt to be explained by this belief in the uncanny properties of the unusual. Finally, such prescriptions as are made with regard to the time of collecting a plant (during a storm), or the mode of selecting a par- ticular part of it (the bark on the “‘sunny side”’ of trees (pl. 6, b) the roots running out to the east, etc.), prove again to what an extent the materia medica of the tribe is influenced by mythological conceptions, HLO1D ALIHM SIH NI HONVed AYE SAIdWIS AHL SdVYM NAH L AH 335y 1 V AO 3GIS ANNNS SHL WOYS MYvEg “9 -dSVY GALYAANI NV AO LOOY AHL “? 9 3LVId 66 NILATING ASOIONHLA NVOIBMAWY AO NVaena BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 PLATE 7 a-h, Surgical instruments. i, The “KX‘anvu’Ga’”’ searification instrument MOooNEY ] OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 55 Collection.—As a rule simples are never collected and kept ready for emergency in a dried or prepared state. Only those needed in case of childbirth are gathered during the summer, so as to be available in wintertime (see p.91). Itis just as rare to find medicine men endowed with enough foresight to lay out a garden of medicinal plants as did the European monks in the Middle Ages. (See p. 90.) The rules for collecting the plants are as follows: As soon as the medicine man has made his diagnosis he tells the patient and the latter’s household that he will have to go and collect simples. He usually does not tell him what kinds he will need, but if he is a greedy and a “‘ businesslike’’ individual, he may tell them how great a trouble it will mean to him, how far he will have to walk through the pouring rain or the scorching sun; to how many places he may have to go in vain; how often he will probably have to retrace his steps and start the search all over again, etc.; all this to induce the people to give him a considerable fee. (See p. 95.) He invariably tells them what kind of cloth (what color, and dimensions) he will need to gather the plants in. This is given to him; if the people do not have the cloth available they have to borrow it from neighbors or buy it from the trader. Then the medicine man starts on his quest for the simples. He usually knows where to find the specimens he needs—in the woods, along the mountain side, near the river, on marshy ground, etc. He also knows that some plants have a tendency to grow near certain trees, as oaks, in apple orchards, on moist, shady rocks, etc. To gather certain plants, such as ginseng, he must first recite a prayer asking vne‘tlan5’t1 (see p. 20) for permission to pluck them. Or he is not allowed to pluck them without dropping a bead in the earth where they stood. Sometimes (in times gone by this was probably a strict and general rule) when his bundle is complete he takes it to the river and puts it in the water; if it floats it is a sign that all the prescriptions have been duly followed and that the eventual taboos have not been violated; it is a sien, moreover, that the bundle of medicine is all right, and that its use will be followed by the results that are expected of it. He then wraps up the simples in the cloth (pl. 6, c) and returns to the cabin of the patient, where he hands the bundle to one of the household. The roots are unwrapped and the cloth is handed back to the medicine man as his fee. The medicine is then steeped, boiled, or prepared as the medicine man directs and in due course of time is administered to the patient, either by a relative or by the medicine man himself, again according to the prescription of the formula. Preparation.—There are three major modes of preparing the medi- cine; it is either: (a) pounded and steeped in cold or warm water, (b) boiled, or (c) boiled down. 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buzx. 99 Pounding the roots and barks is still occasionally done with a stone, but a hammer is now more generally used. Leaves that are to be steeped are, prior to being put into the infusion vessel, crushed or crumpled in the hand. The different ingredients that are to be boiled or steeped are usually tied together in a bundle, by means of a strip of hickory bark. “ Boiling down” is a mode of preparing the medicine which is pre- scribed with many formulas. It consists in boiling the medicine and drinking part of it the first day, boiling the same decoction over again and drinking another part of it the second day, and so on, usually, for four consecutive days. The fourth day the decoction is often a thick treaclish sirup. Sometimes, however, water from the river is added every day to the decoction. Occasionally poultices are made of large leaves of mullein and held by the hand against the affected part for a few minutes. Black pine wax (a‘tsa’) is used, and also the use of bear grease (yo'’n5" Go.i’) and eel oil (t6-te’Ga ao.i’) is occasionally met with. In some cases, when the decoction is so bitter as to be very disagree- able to swallow, it is sweetened by adding honey or the pods of honey locust to it. This procedure is especially frequent when the decoction is to be administered to children. The custom of adding whisky to certain decoctions has been taken over from the white mountaineers. Mode of administering —This is as a rule fairly simple. Usually a member of the patient’s household gives him the medicine to drink; in a few cases it is specified that an aboriginal gourd dipper be used for this purpose. ‘These dippers are not used so extensively as household utensils now as they used to be, metal spoons and ladles having grad- ually replaced them, but it is an often observed fact that in primitive and folk medicine, as in ritual, objects are retained that have passed out of existence as everyday utensils hundreds of years ago. (See p. 58.) In some cases, however (all this is invariably and minutely laid down in the prescriptions appended to the formulas, p. 158), the medi- cine has to be administered by the medicine man himself. In doing this he observes certain ceremonies, as standing with his back toward the east, so that the patient opposite him faces the “sun land,” lifting the dipper containing the medicine high up, and bringing it down in a spiral or swooping movement, imitating by so doing certain birds of prey that may have been mentioned in the formulas he has recited prior to giving the patient his medicine to drink. Not the slightest attention is paid to dosing the patient nor, it is superfluous to state, to his idiosynerasy. If any question is asked, as to the amount of the decoction or of the infusion to be taken, the answer is invariably “Just asmuchashe canhold.” Thislfoundupon observation is very elastic and fluctuating from one individual to MOooNEY ] OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 57 another; it may mean anything from a minimum of 2 to a maximum of 6 to 7 liters a day. This appalling amount of liquid by itself is often sufficient to account for the emetic results the Cherokee obtain by the use of simples that are devoid of emetic properties. A few words remain to be said about the animal and mineral materia medica in use in Cherokee therapeutics. Against rheumatism and stiffness in the joints eel oil (t6-"te’Ga Go.i’) is used. The oil is fried out of the animal in a frying pan. The eel owes the honor of thus being admitted into the Cherokee pharmacopceia to its considerable suppleness and litheness. Bear grease (yo"’n5" Go.i’), known to most of the North American Indian tribes and extensively used in the Southeast, is likewise known to the Cherokee. The rapidly progressing extinction of the bear in the Great Smokies will, however, soon account for the untimely end of this popular article. A prescription against a disease that can only be identified as tuberculosis specifies among other ingredients the brains of an otter, mixed with ‘‘rock treacle,’’ i. e., the moisture oozing out of the natural fissures of a mossy rock. Stones, especially worked and fashioned arrowheads, may be added to the water in which roots and stems are put to boil, but they owe their therapeutic value chiefly to the belief that ‘‘they will cut the disease to pieces”’ in the patient’s body. The stones and flints are, of course, removed before the decoction is drunk. Water enters into practically every remedy, in so far as it is used to boil the other ingredients in. It usually has to be dipped out of the river, to where, in some cases, it has to be taken back after use. (See p. 68.) There are no specific instructions as to whether the water has to be dipped ‘“‘with the stream” or “against the stream” as is so frequent in primitive medicine. One instance has come to my knowledge where the water has to be taken from a cataract. The use of snow water and of ice is common in treating cases of frostbite. “Stumpwater’’ is but rarely referred to, and its use, together with the belief in its marvelous properties, may have been borrowed from the whites. Disposing of used ingredients—As a rule proper care is taken to dispose of the materia medica after its use; it is never carelessly thrown away, but is usually kept on outside shelves, with at least two of which every cabin is provided. It is quite likely that formerly there was a proper ceremony to dispose of these decocted barks and herbs, but although this has been lost, enough of the custom is remembered to prevent the used ingredients from being thrown away as refuse. A few formulas have directions appended to them, which direct that the medicine, after its use, has to be ‘‘stored in a dry place,” or has to be placed in a rock fissure with an appropriate formula. d 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 99 PARAPHERNALIA USED IN THE TREATMENT The list of paraphernalia used by the Cherokee medicine man is not extensive; it may be conveniently classed under three headings: (1) Objects used in divinatory ceremonies. These will be amply described when the formulas relating to divination are published. (2) The instruments used in surgical or pseudosurgical operations; a description of these will be found under the caption of surgery (p. 68). (3) Finally there are the objects used in treating disease. These include blowing tube, gourd dipper, terrapin shell, persimmon stamper, beads, rattle. The blowing tube (pl. 7, 2) is a portion of the stem of a‘mani’‘to. ‘ti’ v’ttans™, Hupatorium purpureum L., joe-pye-weed, trumpet weed. Usually it is about 20-25 centimeters long, with an outside diameter of about 15 millimeters and an inside diameter of 10-12 millimeters. It is used to blow or spray the medicine, which the medicine man has previously sipped from a dipper, over the patient’s temples, the crown of his head, his breast, or whatever part of his body is “under treatment.” Only in one case did I find a much longer blowing tube of the same provenance used. It measures 50-60 centimeters and is the means by which a decoction has to be sprayed on the body of a parturient woman; the medicine man, while doing this, for propriety’s sake stands 3 or 4 yards behind the semireclined woman (see p. 125) and blows the medicine in a jet over her head. This procedure makes it imperative that the blowing reed be of the length described so as to be the better able to direct the jet of medicine. There is a faint indication that until about 40 years ago éccasionally a grass stalk was used to blow a decoction of plants into the urethra, but nothing more definite could be learned about the procedure, which is now completely discontinued and almost forgotten, even by the oldest of the medicine men. Although gourd dippers are still used to some extent in the Cherokee household they tend to disappear and to be replaced by more modern utensils introduced by the whites, metal spoons, ladles, etc. For use in medicine, however, it is always implicitly understood and often explicitly stated that the dipper used to administer the medicine must be the good old aboriginal gourd dipper Ga‘?lune’- G@w5"; so much so that this object is gradually becoming, from a com- mon kitchen utensil which it still was'one or two generations ago, a true component of the medicine man’s paraphernalia. This tendency of less civilized communities to cling not only to their archaic practices but also to retain certain material objects associated with them, is very frequent and common, and parallels of it could be cited by the dozen. To give a couple of instances only: Oeeree| THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 59 In the folk medicine of many rural communities of western Europe it is often specified that the medicine be prepared, steeped, or boiled in an earthen vessel; this in spite of the fact that the use of earthen vessels for everyday purposes was dropped centuries ago.” Some of the Morocco Mohammedans who have known and used for centuries metal daggers and knives that are the pride of museum collections still use a stone knife for such a delicate, but ritual and archaic operation as circumcision.” A consideration of the same order as the one commented upon under gourd dippers is no doubt partly responsible for the use of a terrapin shell (tu’ksi utya’ska) to keep the medicine in. (Cf. Mooney, SFC., p. 345.) The persimmon-wood stamper is an object that has fallen into complete desuetude. It was used in certain manipulations closely related to, if not identical with, massage. Mooney, as appears from his notes, found it mentioned during his first visit, but even then the object was no longer in actual use; after repeated vain efforts he was able to locate a man who was still able to nake a specimen, which now forms part of the collections of the Division of Medicine, United States National Museum, Washington, D. C. If I had not found the reference to this object in Mooney’s notes I would not have suspected that it was ever in use, as only a couple of the oldest medicine men could painstakingly recall it—its name is completely lost—but no one could be found who was able to carve a specimen. Neither of the two medicine men who vaguely remem- bered its having been in use could describe the procedure; they could not tell me whether it was used to rub, to stamp, or to press the sore spot. The beads (ape’15") belong, properly speaking, not so much to the medicine man’s paraphernalia as to those of the divinator. Since, however, these two arts are very often pursued by one and the same individual, and especially since the divination with the beads is so often inextricably fused with a curing procedure, they can not very well be left outside of this enumeration. Finally the rattle calls for a few comments in this connection. Nowadays there is no medicine man, as far as I know, who still uses the rattle G@. e., the gourd rattle, Gandze’‘ti) when singing medicine songs; its use is entirely restricted to the accompanying of dance songs. The terrapin-shell rattles were apparently never used in medicine. There are some indications, however, that would lead us to believe that the gourd rattle must once have been extensively used. in medicine and must once have been practically the emblem of the medicine man’s profession. 26 “Troost der Armen” Gent (n. d.), p. 9. 27 Rohlfs, ‘‘Mein erster Aufenthalt in Marokko,” ap. von Hovorka and Kron- feld, vol. 11, p, 492, 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 Curinac METHODS As we have seen in our paragraph on materia medica, the Cherokee do not only attach officinal value to the intrinsic properties of the simples used, but they expect as much, if not more, curing power from cbserving and complying with sundry regulations when selecting, picking, preparing, and administering them. We are again faced with conceptions of the same order, when it comes to the actual use of the plants or of the other materia medica— not only the object used is of importance, but the method of using it is of great consequence. A short description of these modes and methods will form the object of the following paragraphs. Whatever be the method used, the act of treating a patient is usually referred to as pe aal5™* wista Nitti “to work for him” (Dae "= wista’neéa’ “I work for him’’). This expression is also frequently used when referring to ‘‘examining with the beads” or to the nefarious machinations of an enemy. It is also used by the people in everyday language to render “to work for (someone),” i. e., to do manual labor, and only when it is used in the medical jargon does it have this restricted meaning of “‘treating a patient.” It will be superfluous to state that the enumeration as well as the description of the different methods as they appear in the following pages are the result of patient observation and of information from many different sources, both oral and as written in the sundry manu- scripts; not one Cherokee medicine man realizes that his science can boast of such a wealth of curing methods. Some of the methods have no specific name in Cherokee. The names of those that do have one will be found in the relevant formulas. Administering the medicine—A given disease may be cured by merely administering the decoction or the infusion of the medicine prescribed. This procedure has been amply described on page 56 and does not here call for any further comment. Often the root or the bark of the simple prescribed is chewed by the patient, instead of being drunk by him in a decoction or in an infusion. Blowing the medicine—in certain diseases, even if the ailment is held to be of an internal order, the medicine is not taken internally at all, but is sprayed over the patient, either over the whole of his body or only over parts of it (e. g., over his head, his breast, etc.). This is usually done by means of the blowing tube (p. 58). The medicine man takes a long draught of medicine, without swallowing it, and then blows it with one continued jet over the patient. Often, instead of blowing the medicine over the patient the medicine man merely blows his breath. This may be done again by means of the blowing tube, but this instrument is often dispensed with. It could not be ascertained whether the use of the blowing tube is of hee THE SWIMMUR MANUSCRIPT 61 any particular ritualistic meaning. The general feeling among the medicine men is that the blowing tube is used so as to be better able to direct the liquid or the air. If one feels that this effect is attained without the aid of the tube the latter is not used. - As is customary when he is having medicine administered to him, the patient should face the east when the liquid or the medicine man’s breath is being blown over him. Again, instead of being blown over the patient the medicine may be sprinkled over him; a small pine branch is used for this purpose. In a few cases the cure is expected from an inunction with the liquid of the parts affected. This procedure is especially frequently associated with the ‘‘scratching”’ of the patient. (See p. 68.) Another method which can boast of all but intertribal reputation is to spray or pour the decoction on previously heated stones and to expose the patient to the vapors thus obtained. A practice which is very much related to the one just mentioned is the sweat bath, hardly less popular with the majority of the North American aborigines. The difference between the sweat bath and the vapor bath described seems to be that in the latter the curing power is expected from the ingredients of the decoction sprinkled on the stones, whereas in the sweat bath the object is primarily to cause the patient to profusely perspire. | This custom is another one that has been discontinued, and it would not be possible now to obtain such a vivid description of it as Mooney has left us in his notes: ‘‘'The operation was formerly per- formed in the 4’si or ‘hothouse,’ a small low hut, intended for sleeping purposes, in which a fire was always kept burning. It has but one small door, which was closed during the operation, in order to confine the steam. The patient divested himself of all clothing, and entered the A’st, when the doctor poured the liquid over the heated stones already placed inside, then retired and closed the door, leaving the patient to remain inside until in a profuse perspiration from the steam which filled the hothouse. The door was then cpened and the man came out, naked as he was, and plunged into the neighbcring stream. The sweat bath, with the accompanying cold plunge bath, was a favorite part of Indian medical practice as far north as Alaska, so much so that it was even adopted in cases of smallpox epidemics, when it almost invariably resulted fatally. The East Cherokee lost 300 souls in consequence of pursuing this course of treatment for smallpox in 1865. The sweat bath is still in use among them, but as the A’st is no longer built, the patient is steamed in his own house, and afterwards plunges into the nearest stream, or is placed in the open doorway and drenched with cold water over his naked body.” 23 This was written by Mooney about 40 years ago. 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 Massage plays a considerable part in Cherokee curing methods and is frequently mentioned. Although they use it in some cases where it is unquestionably of a nature to bring relief, as in painful menstrua- tion, spraining, etc., it is resorted to in many other cases—as a rule as soon as there is evidence of any kind of swelling, whether of the stom- ach or of the knee—where it lacks the least degree of efficacy. The underlying principle is invariably that the swelling is the material evidence of an immaterial agent (the ‘“‘important thing,” the disease) and that this can be eliminated, expelled, ejected out of the affected part of the body by pressing and rubbing. Previous to starting the massaging, the medicine man always warms his hands near some live coals taken by his assistant—who is usually a member of the patient’s household—from the hearth, and that are put down near the medicine man on a shovel, on the lid of a pot, a flat pan, or some other such receptacle. The medicine man warms his hands while he recites the first part of the formula, and then rubs the affected part, eventually under the clothes of the sufferer. The massage is done by the whole right hand, the palm effecting most of the pressure, and a circle of 6-7 centimeters from the center being described. Starting from the right, he moves upward, comes down to the left, continuing the motion for a few minutes, from 2 to 3 or 6 to 7 times, as he sees fit. He then warms his hands again, reciting meanwhile the second part of the formula, and the whole treatment is continued until the (usually) four parts of the formula have been recited and followed by the rubbing. Mooney, SFC., p. 335, has drawn attention to the rubbing for treating snake bites. In this case the “operator is told to rub in a direction contrary to that in which the snake coils itself, because ‘this is just the same as uncoiling it’.”’ A practice that was still faintly remembered when Mooney visited the tribe is the massage by means of a stamper made of the wood of persimmon. (See p. 59.) I have been surprised to find that the Cherokee all but ignore the elsewhere so popular and common method of transferring disease to other creatures— to fellow human beings, dead or alive, to animals, to trees even, and to rocks, rivers, etc. Of the two only instances of this kind which I found—and I am pretty sure that no other varieties exist—one has very probably been borrowed from the whites, if not in its actual form, at least in certain of its aspects. I am referring to the following practice on which only one informant (W.) could give me full particulars: A howling dog fore- bodes illness or death; the only way to avoid its prophecy being ful- filled is to command it to die itself, instead of the person, or the member of the household who is the object of its evil warning. (See p. 37.) aed ki THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 63 The claim to aboriginality of the other instance, however, rests on a sound and solid basis: In some Dalo’’ni diseases (see p. 63) the sufferer goes to the river and there vomits. The formula recited on this occasion sends the illness, along with the vomit, floating down the river, to ‘‘the settlements where (other) people live,” and transfers the ailment to them (see p. 23). This practice is so reminiscent of other Cherokee incantation cere- monies that there is no doubt about its being indigenous. Vomiting into the river is also very common with merely the object in mind to get rid of the disease, without the intention being explicitly present of transferring it to the people living in other settlements along the river. Whether this intention ever implicitly belonged to this practice it is not now possible to ascertain. A method that is again very frequently met with in various countries and among different tribes is one based on the belief that the ailment can be banished, the pain diminished, by symbolic means, as by gradually diminishing the number of ingredients in a decoction, by calling the disease by a series of names or objects of diminishing size, etc. (Compare German “abzihlen.’’) This practice is found in the Cherokee custom of curing certain ailments by drinking medicine all day long the first day, until noon the second day, until about 10 a. m. the third day, and until breakfast the’fourth day. Scratching, sucking, and burying the disease are methods that are being discussed with reference to the ‘‘chirurgical’’ methods of curing. (See p. 68.) If none of the multifarious methods described above brings any relief to the patient, and if it is deemed that no chances for his re- covery exist, a last effort is made: The patient, called, let us say, Climbing Bear, is abandoned to the disease, but a new name is bestowed upon the sufferer; henceforth, he will be called, let us say, Cutting Ax; and, while the disease spirit may temporarily be deluded and gloat over his success in bringing Climbing Bear to his doom, a new series of treatments is inaugurated by the concerted action of the medicine man and the patient’s relatives to save Cutting Ax. A man who owes his name, Alick, to such a procedure is now living on the reservation, not far from Big Cove. (See the description of the event by W., p. 67.) A mode of curing is to be mentioned finally which may not effect a cure by its sole power, yet is found associated so often with other curing methods that it should not be passed over in silence; I mean the circumambulation, so prominent in primitive rites in general, and in American Indian ceremonialism particularly. In many cases, before administering the medicine, the medicine man circumambulates the patient. The rite is, moreover, practiced 7548°—32 6 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 as a preventive measure against the machinations of witches (see p. 13), and, with a view to facilitating delivery, at the time of parturi- tion (see p. 123). The dextral circuit (sunwise) seems to be the most common and original one; the sinistral circuit is, however, not unknown, and may have its origin in the symbolical reversion of that which is customary. (Compare Germ. “ Riickzauber.’’) To close this survey, which to the best of my knowledge is complete, it may be well to state that all of these methods are only practiced by the medicine men; all a layman may venture to do is to give a patient his medicine to drink, or to give him an additional inunction of his decoction, but all this only under the explicit direction of the worthy practitioner. (See p. 56.) PRESCRIPTIONS AS TO Dint, TaBoos, Erc. As will be seen in the chapter dealing with the formulas (p. 144), almost every one of these is, or should be, accompanied by an often quite extensive explanation, listing the symptoms of the ailment against which the formula should be used, its cause, the simples to be gathered, with their mode of preparation, and finally the restrictions to be observed. ‘These restrictions, or taboos, are the object of the following lines. , Roughly speaking they may be divided into two classes: Those referring to the diet of the patient; those referring to the care of the patient and to his behavior. As to the former, ample illustrations will be found of them in almost every formula or prescription, and I merely want to draw attention to them here, at the same time contributing a few notes toward making this custom more intelligible. For here again, as with almost every phase in the Cherokee treat- ment of disease, we are dealing with entities of a purely mythological nature. Every observant reader when looking over the formulas will be struck with the so often repeated prohibition of hot food and salt. The reason for this, as for many of these restrictions, can not be given, not even by the most erudite of the Cherokee medicine men. Mr. Mooney repeatedly in his notes expresses the opinion that salt and hot food are tabooed because they have been introduced by the whites, and are therefore thought to interfere with the action of the Indian medicine. JI do not quite share this opinion. Even if the use of mineral salt had not spread among the Cherokee to the same extent as it did after the advent of the whites, yet they did know lye, and lye is prohibited by the medicine men in every case where salt is forbidden. I noticed, furthermore, that now that the food introduced by the white people, such as canned goods, coffee, sugar, etc,, is easily pene | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 65 obtainable by the Cherokee, they never abstain from these articles when under medical treatment. It seems to me that the reason for these restrictions are to be sought in another direction: The smarting of salt in open wounds and the scalding effect of hot food have probably given the people the notion that these two articles of diet are of a pain-aggravating nature. One disease, Gu’G5" a‘naldzi'skwsk6’’.i (“when they spit blood’’), is actually caused by ‘eating too much salt,’’ Del. told me. It also struck me that these two restrictions always most rigorously apply in cases of hemorrhage (wounds, menstruation, vartus, etc.) or when there are smarting pains, even if these be internal, as in gonorrhea, pneumonia, tuberculosis, ete. Another significant fact that I wish to present to substantiate the view here defended is that a prescription of Ms. III, the object of which is to cure a skin eruption, prescribes Go..N‘o" a*ma’ v‘thotsd‘‘i neGesO“na (‘Sand also grease with which (however) no salt has been mixed’’). Roth, pages 348, 352, mentions two facts which of course could not prove my point of view, but which are nevertheless interesting paral- lels. ‘The Piache’s (medicine man’s) first prescription is to impose a general fast on the patient and his kinsfolk; the majority of the Piaches demand that no one belonging to the house should eat any- thing hot, anything cooked, or peppers”’ (p. 352). Apart from salt and hot food, which are probibited in the greater majority of diseases, there are some other taboos that are to be observed when suffering from some particular ailments. So will the patient under treatment for rheumatism have to abstain from eating squirrel! or rabbit meat, because of the hunchback position that is so characteristic of these animals; the one suffering from diarrhea should not eat fish or chicken, because the feces of these animals would seem to indicate that they are chronically afflicted with this very disease; the one visited with watery blisters should abstain from all juicy fruit and vegetables, etc. Some of the taboos are to be observed during the course of the treatment only (usually four days), others “for a very long time,’ or ‘‘as long as possible,’ which may mean anything from a month to a year; others again for lifetime. In very rare cases, not only the patient, but also the medicine man treating him, as well as the assistant of the latter, who is usually a member of the patient’s household, have to abstain from certain articles; e. g., when treating anyone who has been wounded by a bullet or an arrow, the medicine man should not chew tobacco for four days; this same taboo has to be observed by the patient. 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 Moreover, ‘‘in all cases of sickness, the doctor abstains from all food until he is done treating the patient for the day. This usually means until about noon, but in serious cases the doctor sometimes fasts until nearly sundown. He must not eat in the house of the patient but may eat in the yard outside.’”” (Mooney, Notes.) There is a marked tendency nowadays to abolish this custom stipulating that the treating medicine man should also observe the taboos. Fasting is a restriction that is rather frequently imposed upon the patients, but weshould have no misgivings. Theproof that nosanitary consideration is to blame is obvious; the patient conscientiously fasts until sunset, or in some cases until noon, when he is allowed to gorge himself with food as if he were the most robust and healthy individual on earth. With regard to the second group of taboos, those referring to the care of the patient and to his behavior, the most important one is the segregation of the patient. There is nothing to be added to the excellent account given of this custom by Mooney, SFC., pages 330- 332. It is still alive and thriving. It more than once happened to me when I went to call on a sick member of the tribe that I was only admitted after having sustained a rigorous cross-examination as to the ‘‘conditio physiologica uxoris meae,”’ etc. (See p. 35.) In some cases (documentary evidence of all this will be found in the formulas themselves) there are various injunctions to be observed such as the following: If the disease is caused by birds, all feathers are to be removed from the cabin. (Feathers and quills are usually kept in the house to feather the arrows.) Nor should the children made ill by the birds be taken outside, lest the shadow of a bird, flying overhead, might fall on it and aggravate the ailment. In diseases associated with the buffalo no spoon or comb made of buffalo horn, nor a hide of that animal, was to be touched. This taboo has been gleaned from a very old prescription, the age of which is shown by its contents; the buffalo has been extinct in the Cherokee country so long that the present Cherokee do not even remember what the animal looks like. The numerous injunctions and restrictions to be observed by a pregnant woman have been listed together. (See p. 120.) In some diseases, especially in those of the urinary passages, sexual intercourse is prohibited. It is possible that a long time ago the medicine man himself had to observe injunctions of continence as long as he had a patient of this kind under treatment, but I have not been able to gather definite information on this score. Attention should be drawn, finally, to the fact that the taboo may depend on the number of simples used, as in Formula No. 55, or again, Peel THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 67 on the mode of collecting them. In Ms. II a formula occurs in which the medicine man, when he goes out to gather the plants needed, states in an appropriate formula how long a period of restrictions he is going to prescribe to his patient. A Typtcau Curinc PROCEDURE We have now analyzed the different and multifarious elements and concepts which we find entangled in Cherokee ideas on disease, its causes, and its treatment. Needless to say, neither the native patient nor the medicine man ever look at the problem in such a scrutinizing and analytical way. We will therefore now present a synthetic pic- ture of the whole as it is presented to the mind of the native. The following lines contain the account of a case of illness and of the treatment and curing of the same. The account was given me quite spontaneously and unsolicited by one (W.) who was an interested party. Apart from correcting the more flagrant grammatical lapses in it I have not changed it in any way and will give in footnotes what little supplementary information may be necessary to make it intelligible. ‘Many years ago” my cousin, Charlie, Je.’s*° son, was very ill; he was very poorly; he was just about to die.*! My mother ” was very sorry for her daughter and for her grandson, and she sent after Doctor Mink,*? asking him to come down to see what he could do. An evening, soon after, Doctor Mink came to our house and said he would spend the night.*4 But my mother was anxious to know some- thing about her grandson’s illness and prepared the cloth and the beads.** Mink examined with the beads, but he found that nothing could be done. My mother cried and was sorry because of her grand- son; she got some more white cloth and two more white beads, and asked the medicine man to try again. He did, but again he said the boy could not recover. And again my mother put some more cloth and two more beads down, but still there was no hope. A fourth time she got cloth and beads and the medicine man examined once more; but again he found that the boy was very poor, and that he would have to die. “T then proposed to go over the mountain to where the sick boy lived, and to go and see him anyway. We all went, and when we got there we found the boy unconscious. 29 Thirteen years ago (information given November, 1926). 30 W.’s half-sister; cf. pp. 9, 116 and pl. 12, a. 31 He was ill with G6-“"wani'Gistd-"’.1, ef. p. 120. 82 Ayo., herself a reputed medicine woman during her lifetime. (Cf. p. 9.) 33 Alias Wil., son of aad. (cf. p. 9); two medicine men (now both deceased) from whom James Mooney obtained the Mss. II and III. Pet. p. 97. 8 Cf, p, 132. 68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 “T asked the doctor if he would come to the river with me; we took a dipper * which we filled with water, and when we got back to the house, we sprinkled some of it on the boy’s face; I then went back to the river and poured the rest of the contents of the dipper away exactly where we dipped the water from. When I came back, I asked Doctor Mink if he would examine with the beads again to see if the boy could be cured: I prepared cloth and the beads * and I went with Mink to the edge of the river. He examined with the beads, but found there was no hope. I put down some more cloth and beads, but again the doctor found there was no help. I then suggested to change the boy’sname. Charlie could die, but we would sive him a new name; we would call him Alick.*® Mink then again examined with the beads, and he found that Alick was going to get better. They tried a fourth time, and again there was hope. I then got Mink to examine to see if he would be able to cure him; but he found he couldn’t. Then he examined for another medicine man, and then for another, and another, and finally he found that Og.® could cure him. We then sent for Og. to cure him. In the sick boy’s house nobody was allowed to sleep that night.“° Doctor Mink kept busy about the fire, working against the witches. ‘‘Og. came down every morning and every night; he did the curing, and Doctor Mink did the examining with the beads. Four days afterwards I went down to the river once more with Doctor Mink, and we found that in seven days Alick would be about, hunting. And so it was.” SURGERY As compared with the rest of their medical practice, surgery is but scantily represented in Cherokee curing methods. However, what little there is, is of sufficient interest and importance to be en- titled to a short synthetic description. As the first in importance the different methods of scarification de- serve to be mentioned. Scarification is still practiced extensively, and I may add intensively, not merely by the medicine men but also by the uninitiated. The ball players are still subjected to it, as has been minutely described by Mooney.** The “scratching” of the ball players is usually practiced by means of the k‘tanv’Ga instru- 36 Cf. p. 58. 37 W. here plays the réle of medicine man’s assistant as his mother did in the previous ceremony (ef. p. 62). 38 T. e., Alexander. 39 Cf..p: 112; pl. 9, a. 40 Cf. p. 31. 41 “The Cherokee Ball Play,’’ Amer. Anthrop., III (1890), pp. 105 seq.; ef. also Culin, ‘‘Games of the North American Indians,’’ Twenty-fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer, Ethn., 1907, pp. 575-587. Lancers THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 69 ment. This is a comblike device and is quite a remarkable specimen of primitive inventive spirit. (Pl. 7, d, 7.) It is made of seven splinters of bone of a turkey leg, set into a frame of a turkey quill; the quill is folded over in four parts of pretty equal dimensions, so as to form a rectangular frame 5 centimeters by 4 centimeters; where the two extremities meet they are tied together, and the seven bone splinters (about 5 cm. long and 3 mm. broad at the top; sharpened to a keen point at the bottom) are then stuck through the upper part of the quill frame, with intervals of not more than 1 or 2 millimeters; they are then also stuck through the bottom part of the frame, 1 or 2 millimeters of their cutting extremity piercing the frame at the bottom. With these seven sharp points the scratches are inflicted; and the ingenious way in which they are mounted pre- vents them from piercing so deep into the flesh as to inflict serious wounds. Although only the ball players are now being scratched by this instrument there are good reasons to believe that formerly it was also used in the treatment of certain ailments, where now such objects as flint arrowheads, briars, and laurel leaves (see infra) are used. Moreover, there seems to be a tendency nowadays for scarification to develop from a mythico-surgical operation as Mooney still found it 40 years ago in a rite of a purely symbolic nature. In many instances I observed that not only no “‘gashes”’ were inflicted, but that not even a particle of blood was drawn during the operation. De DO"le’ski (rheumatism; cf. p. 292) and ailments which from a Cherokee point of view are related to this disease, are universally treated by this “‘scratching’? method. The scarifying is here done by means of a flint arrowhead (Dawi’skula‘), preferably of the black variety. Old medicine men assert that this is the only variety (pl. 7, a) that should be used, but as this kind of arrowhead is getting scarce there is a tendency to use any other kind (pl. 7, 6). A still more curious shifting to a new position is shown in the custom which is rapidly gaining ground and according to which scratching is simply neglected, but an unworked piece of flint (also called Dawi’skula’, pl. 7, c) is merely held against the sore joint, the formula for scratching being recited at the same time. Schematically this evolution could be represented as follows: Black flint arrowhead to scratch with a eee i vid Any arrowhead to scratch Any piece of black flint held with. against aching spot I did not find that any articles imported by the whites, such as kuives, nails, glass, etc., were in use as scratching instruments. 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 All kinds of briars, especially those of blackberry shrubs, nvu-a5‘ tis” (pl. 7, e), are also used to slightly scarify the skin. By what poor means I had at my disposal I used to treat Jud. (see p. 114; pl. 10, a) for rheumatism in his knee. Whenever I went to see him in his cabin he stubbornly refused to be rubbed with the embrocation I used, before he had gone out, cut a thorny branch off some shrub, and scratched his knee. When he came to my quarters to be rubbed he never forgot to bring his briars! A few leaves of the laurel (Kalmia latifolia L.) are also used for the same purpose. Ten or twelve leaves (originally probably seven) are plucked, kept together between thumb and forefinger (pl. 7, f), and a few strokes with the bristly edges are given over the skin. I was sur- prised to find, when I had this scarification practiced on me as an experiment, that the marks were visible and the irritation of the skin sensible for over a week. Finally there is to be mentioned the tooth of the rattlesnake as a scarifying instrument. When used for the preparation of the mem- bers of the ball-game team it was customary until 50 years or so ago to use two of these teeth, tied together. Why this was done, and how the instrument was made, informants were unable to tell me. The scratching with one tooth, as practiced in the treatment of disease, is described by Mooney in his notes as follows: ‘‘Beginning with the right hand (the medicine man) draws the tooth from the end of the first finger “? along the back of the band, up the arm, across the breast, and down the left leg and foot, making one long gash. He then re- peats the operation in the same way, beginning with the left hand and ending with the right foot. Next he begins at the end of the right thumb, drawing the tooth up along the arm, around the back of the neck to the left shoulder, and down again in front along the left leg and foot. Then he reverses the operation, beginning with the left thumb and ending with the right foot. He then scratches the skin at random over the affected part, or over the limbs and the body according to the nature of the sickness. . . . These scratches are not deep, being intended not to draw blood but to enable the liquid ap- plication to take a better hold upon the skin. In scratching small children, the . . . (medicine man) uses the back of the tooth.” In some cases children are scratched over the tongue. This mode of scarification seems to have died out, however; not a single instance of it came to my attention during my stay; nor was there one medicine man of the many I knew having such an instrument in his possession. As for the scarification with such objects as flint arrowheads, briars, laurel leaves, the scratches are usually only inflicted locally—on the 42 Also of the middle finger.—F, M. O, Sedna THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 71 knee, the wrist, the elbow, etc.—and are not more than 5 to 6 centi- meters long. From six to a dozen of them may be applied, usually parallel, but in some cases half of them may be scratched from left to right, the other half up and down, so that the whole presents a network. After any scarification, whatever ‘‘instruments’? may have been used, an infusion of very pungent plants (see p. 53) is rubbed over the scarified area; it is undeniable that this treatment is often effica- cious to allay the pains caused by neuralgia, nervous headache, and similar complaints. Similar observations have been made by W. E. Roth* and by Prof. J. P. Kleiweg de Zwaan. Generally speaking, scarification is performed to cure such diseases as are not permanently located in a definite part of the body, as rheumatism, which may be more pronounced in the knee joints one day and in the hip the next; or “pains moving about”’ (neuralgia), for neuralgia of the teeth, for ‘pains appearing in different places,” etc. Fractures —The knowledge and the professional skill of the medicine men with regard to fractures is scanty indeed. The fractured mem- ber is fitted together as nicely as can be managed and one or more sticks are tied alongside of it; as soon as the patient reaches home two boards are hewn, of which a casing is made, and that takes the place of the sticks. Complete rest is prescribed and a decoction of tsuyu’ (Liriodendron tuliprfera L., tulip tree, poplar, whitewood) is blown, by means of the blowing tube (see p. 58), on the fractured limb. As the medicine men put it themselves: ‘‘If everything has been fixed nicely the bones will grow together again and heal; but often they don’t and then the man will not have the use of his limb again.” If a lower limb has been broken or disjointed and has failed to heal sticks and simple crutches, not different from the simpler forms known to the rural whites, are used. A fracture which is fairly common is that of the collar bone; the rough way in which Cherokee ball players handle each other during the game often results in a player being tossed clear up into the air and falling down headforemost. ‘To avoid falling on his head, or breaking an arm, the head is held on one side, and the arms are held horizontally extended. A broken collar bone is often the result. Here again no other method of curing is attempted than blowing a decoction of poplar bark on the shoulder and breast. The patient is ordered to keep his arm at an angle of 45° in front of his breast, i. e., to take the position which in our hospitals is enforced by the suspen- sion bandage. Most cases heal successfully. 4 “An Inquiry into the Animism and Folk-Lore of the Guiana Indians,’ Thirtieth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn. (1915), p. 280. #4“ Die Heilkunde der Niasser,’”’? den Haag 1913, p. 1385. a BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 Dislocation.— Cases of dislocation are treated as efficaciously as one can expect. Three or four friends get hold of the patient and simply pull long and frantically until they believe the rebellious joint has resumed its original position. As to the ultimate outcome, the same fatalistic view is taken as with regard to fractures. Dentistry —The art of the stomatologist is in its very prime among the Cherokee. If neuralgia is felt, it may be treated as— (1) pe‘pd-le’ski (see p. 292); in this case the jaw, the cheek, or the temple may be scratched by arrowhead, briars, or laurel leaves. (See p. 70.) (2) Else the medicine man may proclaim that the pain is caused by insects. (See p. 28.) This is especially the explanation if there is any visible swelling or inflammation. If such is the case a treatment is adopted the main object of which is the sucking out of the insect. (See p. 73.) _ If a tooth shows visible signs of decay the actual causes of pain are not so much believed to be of a mythical nature. The pain is com- bated as long as possible, by thrusting in the cavity of the aching tooth a small quid of ordinary chewing tobacoo; eventually, in a fit of raging pain, the tooth is knocked out with a stone or a hammer. A half-blood, whose scientific progress had attained the point where he pulled teeth by means of a pair of tongs, did a thriving business, people from miles around walking to his house to be ‘‘oper- ated upon.” Wounds, boils, ete —Wounds caused by a cutting instrument, such as an ax, a knife, a strong splinter of wood, are always treated by the recitation of a song (see p. 271) by the medicine man, or, if the case is urgent, by the patient himself or by a member of his household, if they know the formula. The infusion of tse’yu bark (see p. 71) is usually blown over the wound afterwards. Nowadays the wound is usually bandaged in a very summary way with some stray bit of rag. It would-appear that no surgical dressing, of botanical matter or of skins, was practiced before the introduction of cloth. Severe hemorrhage, especially resulting from wounds inflicted by arrows ot bullets, is stopped by a plaster of buzzard’s down. The use of birds’ down for this purpose is practiced by several American Indian tribes. Contusions and internal wounds caused by falling or by being hit by heavy, blunt instruments, as by a club, a tree branch, etc., are treated by the panacea: the infusion of tsu’yu bark, blown over the aching spot; no formula is recited, however. Use of the sucking horn.—The discussion of the following practice under the caption of “Surgery”? might be challenged with some reason, but the practice is undeniably of a surgical nature according acl THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 73 to Cherokee standards. The instrument used (v‘yo’'n5® ‘“‘horn’’ when off the animal; cf. v'ttuaa’, ‘‘horn,’’ when still attached) used to be made out of a buffalo horn: yansa’ v‘yo’"n5" it is still often called in the medicinal prescriptions. Nowadays a cow horn provides the raw material. The top and the base of the horn are cut off, leaving a slightly tapering tube about 4 centimeters long which is shaved off on the out- side and on the inside. The top opening, which is the narrower, is covered by the tightly stretched skin of a turkey’s gizzard. The whole has the appearance of a small liqueur goblet. (Pl. 7, g.) This contrivance is used very much as the cupping glass of the white physician is used, with this difference, that the oxygen-absorbing réle of combustion being unknown, the air is eliminated by sucking. The horn is placed on the part of the body that is to be operated upon, and by setting it slightly at an angle, the medicine man manages to eliminate the air out of the cavity by sucking at the bottom of the horn. Although the cupping glass and the sucking horn have a very wide distribution, this is, as far as | am aware, a unique way of using this instrument. It often happened that at the end of the operation some small object, a smal] pebble, a worm, an insect, was found in the horn. This the medicine man claimed had been extracted from the body and was the disease agent. The horn was used especially in ailments where a swelling was noticeable, such as toothache, boils, etc. Nowadays it is seldom used. As a matter of fact there was not one specimen to be found while I stayed with the Cherokee, and I had to have one made by Del. (see p. 115; pl. 7,g), one of the few medicine men who still remembered their use and who knew how to make them. Whenever there is now any sucking to be done the horn is simply dispensed with, the medicine man merely applying his lips to the swelling. PROPHYLAXIS Neither the utter neglect of hygienic precautions nor the total ignorance of measures to prevent and avert disease which we find prevailing in primitive communities should cause us any surprise. These conditions are to be explained by the proverbial lack of fore- sight which seems to be the appanage of all less civilized groups. The problem of the day is enough for the mind of these happy-go- lucky people, “‘Let us enjoy health while we have it, and if anything goes wrong there is the medicine man to look after it.” It is explained also by the existence of a kind of prophylaxis which by ethnologists is not generally considered as such; it might be called a ‘mythological prophylaxis,” viz, the careful observance of all in- junctions and restrictions governing tribal Jife. If a Cherokee does not expectorate into the fire, he consciously or unconsciously observes 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn. 99 this taboo simply that he may not be visited with toothache. If his wife is careful not to leave any offal of dressed game about the yard this again is done in order that none of the household may contract a disease. Simiarly, amulets and charms are, usually worn with the definite object of averting evil under all its multifarious forms, of which disease is by no means the least important. Another reason for the lack of prophylactic measures among these peoples may be that the thought of a sporadic illness or ailment is not of so serious a nature as to impress their minds enough to set them to actively thinking of an expedient to avert the calamity. In this respect it is interesting to note how thoroughly and generally ‘“pro- phylaxis” is practiced against all contagious diseases and epidemics, such as primus inter pares, smallpox, that terrible scourge of American Indians in general and of the Cherokee in particular. Yet, with the Cherokee, beliefs and practice with regard to prophy- laxis in disease are not quite so hopeless as we find them elsewhere; I do not mean to say that they pay such attention to rules of hygiene as we would approve of, nor that they practice certain prophylactic measures that we would consider efficacious, but we are confronted with a more pronounced exertion to forestall sickness and pain than we are wont to find; this has to be accounted for, no doubt, by the tremendous stress which is laid in Cherokee tribal life on the very problems of disease and curing. As we have seen, according to the Cherokee theory of disease and its causes, disease preferably attacks—whether of its own accord or by the activity of a powerful disease causer—those people who are “constitutionally predisposed’? as we would put it. Witches especially, and man-killers, evil wizards, attack people that are weak and in poor health, because these will far more easily fall a victim and a prey to their nefarious machinations than would the stronger, healthier, more robust individuals. As soon, therefore, as anybody is grievously ill, one or more medi- cine men or lay assistants (the latter often relatives of the patient) take turns to watch in his cabin from sunset to sunrise in order to “ouard against witchcraft.” The smoldering ashes of the hearth are raked to one side and nicely trimmed into a neat little cone-shaped heap. A tiny pinch of crushed “old” tobacco (Nicotiana rustica L.) is dropped over the smoldering ashes. If a particle of the tobacco dust should flare up on any of the sides of the cone of ashes this shows that a witch is on the way to the dwelling of the sick person to agera- vate his condition; should the worker of evil happen to be right overhead, or should he, though invisible, be inside the room, the sacred tobacco would land right on the top of the heap of ashes, and there flare up with a loud burst; this burst is believed to kill the witch. Ge etis THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 75 Even though this rite be gone through while the person for whose benefit it is performed is already ill, it is none the less a rite which, from a Cherokee point of view, has a decided prophylactic character. It is not expected to cure the patient but to prevent any ‘worker of evil” taking advantage of his weakened condition to cast another and more deadly illness on the sufferer. A variant of this rite is the smoking of the same sacred tobacco (blended, on account of its excessive scarcity, with at least 90 per cent of ordinary smoking tobacco) out of a pipe. The medicine man lights the pipe (preferably an old native carved soapstone pipe, although if such a specimen is not available a usual white trader’s pipe is reluc- tantly substituted) and slowly walks round the patient’s cabin, starting on the east side; after having inhaled a powerful puff of smoke he blows it toward the sky, then straight in front of him, then toward the east, and finally toward the ground. This is done because some witches can not only walk on the ground (ad libitum in their human shape, or in the shape of any quadruped they choose) but they can also fly through the air, and can even travel under the surface of the earth. The smoke of the sacred tobacco prevents them from approaching in any of these ways. Continuing his circuit, the medicine man halts at the north side, next at the west, and finally at the south side of the house, blowing the three puffs every time he halts, until the circumambulation is completed. Contagious diseases.—It is the feeling of those who have made a special study of the problem of epidemics in pre-Columbian times that this scourge was relatively rare on the American continent. In view of this, we can easily follow the mode of reasoning of the natives, when they ascribe the origin of contagious disease to the whites. They often even go so far as to accuse the white people, and especially the white physicians, of purposely letting an epidemic loose among the Indians, in order to wipe them from the face of the continent by a quick and efficacious expedient. (See p. 39.) With the Cherokee, as soon as there were rumors of an epidemic breaking loose—when it was known that a near-by settlement was: affected, or when there was a case of illness which was pronounced by the old people, who had witnessed previous epidemics, to be a case: of the disease in question—one of the most reputed medicine men: announced his intention to hold a medicine dance, to safeguard the people against the coming evil. The whole community turned out at the scheduled time; the medicine dance was danced, the medicine “against all diseases’? was prepared by the medicine men and drunk by the people. The medicine dance has not been staged for such a long time now that the only medicine man who knew the songs and the medicine used died during my stay with the tribe, in the spring of 1927. 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 99 Other prophylactics —These are of an individual nature and are used not only against contagious but against any kind of diseases. They are charms prepared from the skunk (pi"la’) and the buzzard (su'li’), “The odour of skunk .. . is believed to keep off contagious diseases, and the scent bag is therefore taken out and hung over the doorway, a small hole being pierced in it, in order that the contents may ooze out upon the timbers. At times, as in the smallpox epidemic of 1866, the entire body of the animal was thus hung up, and in some cases as an additional safeguard the meat was cooked and eaten and the oil rubbed over the skin of the person.” ® Buzzard feathers are hung over the doorway, and I have also witnessed a case where the whole carcass was hung up in the room and was allowed to decay there; a measure the prophylactic value of which many of us will be prone to doubt. The buzzard is used in this connection because of its habit of preying on decayed carcasses and rubbish; as he is immune from any ill effects, ‘‘caused by the bad odors,” he is supposed by the Cherokee to be immune from disease-contracting propensities, and therefore to be able to communicate this valuable trait to those who keep his feathers, etc., as a charm. Another contagious disease the Cherokee are in great dread of is whooping cough. As soon as there is known to be a case in the settle- ment parents prepare a decoction of vwe't'i’ (Hryngium yuccifolium Michx., rattlesnake master, button snakeroot) and administer it to all of their children which they consider susceptible of contracting the ailment. Various simples are used to help children grow into fine specimens of manhood or womanhood, without their deserving the privilege of being listed under the caption of prophylaxis. There is one medicine, however, in a decoction of which babies are to be bathed every new moon: k‘ane’si’ (Orontium aquaticum L., goldenclub). Measures to prevent toothache are numerous. When you see a shooting star you must immediately spit, else you will lose a tooth. If you always heed this injunction you will keep all your teeth sound as long as you live. Never throw the remains of anything you have chewed (a quid of tobacco, the skin of an apple in which you have bitten, ete.) into the fire; ‘‘else the fire will chew your teeth.” Another means, not so simple but even more efficacious: Catch a ‘“‘oreen snake” (a snake about 50 cm. long; not poisonous) and hold it horizontally extended by neck and tail; then run it seven times back and forth between the two rows of teeth, after which turn it loose. No food prepared with salt is to be eaten for the first four days follow- 45 Mooney, J., Myths of the Cherokee. Nineteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1900, pp. 265-266. Moonry ] OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT ue ing this operation. It will keep your teeth sound as long as you live. The Tuscarora know exactly the same toothache-preventive practice. In order not to be afflicted with boils this is the romarkable and unappetizing advice given: Swallow the body of a living daddy-long- legs (pa*‘kwsuli’), after first having pulled its legs off. The awe-inspiring collection of Cherokee sacred and medicinal formulas contain quite a few that are to be recited to avert evil and disease; most of them are prayers of the kind which are called in German. ‘“‘Segen”’; some of them are believed to insure a safe journey if recited before setting out; others are claimed to make the recitant invulnerable in war or strife, as one in Ms. III; others again are held to keep the feet from being frost bitten (cf. Formula No. 60, p.258), when walking on the snow, etc. In none of these cases is any material object used, however, and they are therefore not further discussed here. CuHance From Wrrsin—Inruvencr From Wirsout In the course of this chapter attention has been called to a couple of instances where the use of “surgical” instruments can actually be caught in the process of an evolution. (See p. 69.) Also, in the paragraph sketching a few of the leading Cherokee medicine men, there will be occasion to point out a change in practice resulting from a modification in conception and outlook. There are some more instances where Cherokee conceptions and ideas with regard to disease can be shown to have undergone, or to be in the act of undergoing, some important changes. In this respect it has been fortunate indeed that such a keen observer as James Mooney repeatedly visited the tribe, his first visit dating as far back as 1887. At that time it was still possible to obtain information, on a great many questions on which no light could now - be shed by any of the present medicine men. Moreover, at that time the explanation and exegesis of the older informants was free of skepticism and sophistication. Much of what Mr. Mooney collected could now no longer be ob- tained, and this in itself partly illustrates the process of change which the Cherokee, as every other of the American Indian tribes, is under- going. Having Mooney’s statements as to what conditions were like in the eighties, and comparing them with the state of things in 1926-27, it is possible to see in what respects ideas have changed, in how far opinions have altered. Forty-five years seem a short span of time for fundamental changes to occur in the belief and the ritual of a community living so secluded a life as do the Cherokee in their mountains, but it should be borne in mind that they have been exposed to white influence for many gener- ations, and that even more than a hundred years ago there existed, 78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 besides the traditionalists or conservatives, a lot of ‘‘progressive” Cherokee who did not look unfavorably upon the adoption of white culture. Such being the condition, the death of every old medicine man, of every staunch traditionalist, means a blow to the culture of yore that is truly irremediable: A considerable portion of the aboriginal religion, ritual, and science dies with him; and maybe a score of myths and stories, a song or six, and a couple of dances will never again be heard. If one has had the sad experience to witness such a departure—as Mooney lived to see Ay. die and as I helped to carry Og. to his grave on a Big Cove mountain slope—only then does one realize that, if with one man so much of the aboriginal knowledge dies, how much this tribe must have lost and forgotten during the last few generations. In spite of all this, however much of their ritual and however many of their tenets of belief they may have lost, it is remarkable how un- contaminated by white or any other influence is the bulk of Cherokee medicinal knowledge. The following are the only beliefs and practices in the domain of medicine that can actually be traced to European influence: A crowing hen causes a death in the family; the death can be averted by killing the animal. This is a very general common European belief;* that it actually crossed the Atlantic with the European settlers appears from Bergen, Fanny D., Animal and Plant Lore, nos. 1335-38 and also Notes, p. 160. A howling dog likewise ‘‘causes’” death. (It is interesting to note that what in European folklore is considered as an omen may become a cause in Cherokee belief. (See p.37.)*7 W. told me that his mother, Ayo., used to scold the dog, and command the animal to either stop howling or else to die itself. If the dog died, its evil-foreboding _ howling had no further effect. The serie aveive of old shoe soles in a purificatory rite against contagious disease is another practice which is undoubtedly of European origin; old shoe soles were considered an efficacious means to. combat the plague in Shakespeare’s time,*® and also the Negro has borrowed this remarkable panacea from the white man’s pharmacy. (Puckett, pp. Ohi -o1 9.) 46 Tetzner, Dr. Fr., Deutsches Sprichwérterbuch, Leipzig, (n. d.), p. 268. Eckart, R.: Niederdeutsche Sprichworter, Braunschweig, 1893, p. 558. Le Roux de Lincy: Le Livre des proverbes frangais, Paris, 1842, Part I, p. 146. De Cock, Alfons, Spreekwoorden en Zegswijzen over de Vrouwen, de Liefde en het Huwelijk, Gent, 1911, p. 32. 47 Cf. Rolland, Eug., Faune populaire de la France, Paris, 1877-1909, Part IV, pp. 66 seq. De Cock, Alfons, Spreekwoorden, Gezegden en Uitdrukkingen op Volksgeloof berustend, Antwerpen, 1920, Part I, p. 97. 48 Cf, Wilson, T. P. The Plague in Shakespeare’s London, Oxford, 1907, p. 11.. Renate THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 79 To give a dog water to drink with which cartridges have been rinsed, in order to make it a sure tracker, is another practice which only too evidently shows its pedigree. There are, moreover, some beliefs and practices of which it is not possible to say whether they have been borrowed from Kuropean folklore or whether they have originated independently. Such are to my mind: The vomiting into the river. (See p. 63.) The use of spider web as a styptic. The remarkable properties ascribed to such materia medica as stump water (see p. 57) and lightning-struck wood (see p. 54). The saying with regard to a shooting star. (See p. 37.) It is to be noted, however, that in European folklore it is believed that when you see a star shooting you should formulate a wish, which will surely be fulfilled. So the two beliefs are not really identical; but one may easily have been transformed into the other after having passed through the oral tradition of several generations. Not only is there this borrowing from the sources of European folklore, there is also an unmistakable influence of white scientific medical views, which, it is needless to say, are very ill digested and pretty badly mutilated. A medicine man who had been dead some years, “Standing Deer,” had told Del. that u‘tkayo-’p5" v‘nsi‘wask@’ (lit., ‘when they cough in a dry way,” the Cherokee equivalent of our tuberculosis) is caused by swallowing dust, which becomes a big ball in our lungs. This view is no doubt a residue of the lessons in hygiene taught at the Government school. At one time T. gave me a similar account. When I asked him in a fitting way his views on the origin of disease he told me he could hardly answer that question—it was too difficult forhim. He had heard that ‘‘some pretend that all disease is caused by very fine dust, so fine you can hardly see it, flying around in the room. It gets into our body and makes disease there, they say. Maybe it’s true; maybe it isn’t.” Some cases have come to my notice where these scientific medical principles are not bluntly taken over, but are happily blended with already existing aboriginal opinions. So, e. g., diseases that used to be ascribed to neglect of ritual in killing game (asking pardon, build- ing a fire, etc.) are now often said to be caused by the hunter inhaling ‘“‘bad odors” of the animal while skinning and dressing it. Another instance of this trend of ideas is the following, where it is easy to see that such explanations of the disease as by ‘‘the food having been changed”’ (see p. 33) has been active: ““Maybe disease results from what we eat. Whenever I went up north, to the white people’s settlements, I did not like the food; I 1948°—32—_7 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 99 ate but little and was hungry all the time; still I always felt well; but when I came back home for a few months, I again ate all I liked, just my own business, and as much as I wanted; I suffered from stomach troubles all the time. The food we eat may have some disease in it. There may be a disease in apples, eggs, potatoes, ete.” CW.) ATTITUDE OF THE ComMMUNITY TOWARD THE SICK In a community such as is here described not a thing, of however small import, happens to a member without all the others knowing about it and taking a keen interest in it. Illness is too fickle a thing and is of too restless and shifting a nature to think or to talk lightly about it, even if it is only our neighbor who happens to be stricken just now. Who can tell whether we our- selves will not be the next to be visited? The sick man therefore can rely on the sympathy and the commis- eration of his fellows. If a member of the sufferer’s houshold is met, or one of his neighbors, or any one at all who is expected to know how he is, questions as to his condition are always eagerly asked, and you can feel that these are urged by motives of sympathy and pity rather than by civility or inquisitiveness. Nor do the people give proof of their sympathy by mere display of words—the actions are not found wanting. If the head of a family is ill, and is unable to provide for his family, all the able-bodied members of the settlement turn out on an appointed day and work all day felling trees and sawing and cutting the logs, so that the family may have firewood. If the man is still ill at corn-planting time the whole community will again rise to the occasion, plow his fields and plant his corn, etc.; even hoeing the fields of the sick and cathering their harvests is done for them free of charge, and with the most cheerful good will in the world. This ‘‘mutual aid society,” as it might aptly be called, has a chief chosen by the members, who holds office for a year. The election is a very informal affair and as a rule merely consists in the nomination — of a popular individual by two or three of his friends and the oral | assent of the rest; it usually takes place about corn-planting time, | when as a rule the members have to meet anyway to work for some sick neighbor. The chief is assisted by a kind of messenger, who, at | the former’s bidding, has to call out the members whenever necessary. | This chief is at present looked upon pretty much as the chief of © the settlement; it is also his duty, in times of drought, to go, accom- , panied by six other men, and invite a medicine man, who is expert at , rain making, to use his art for the benefit of the people and their crops. The same fine community spirit is displayed on the occasion of such | acalamity asa fire. Ifa member of the settlement loses his cabin and | General THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 81 all it contains by fire all the people will help him to rebuild his home, and, what is more, to refurnish it. One will be able to spare a blan- ket, another will donate a chair, someone else a cooking vessel, etc., until the family is fitted out again, sometimes better than before the accident. During my stay the following rather amusing thing happened; it is a good example of the good heartedness and the generosity of these people: On the outskirts of kto-len6*yi’, in an adjacent cove was a clus- ter of seven houses, one of which was inhabited by a half-blood, a very bad character, with his wife and two children. Once while he was serving a sentence for his ‘‘moonshine”’ activi- ties, and when his wife and children had crossed the mountain to spend the night at her parents’, the neighbors by concerted and pre- meditated efforts set fire to the house, thinking that by so doing they would prevail upon the annoying family to move to some other settlement. The house burned down to the ground; not a basket was saved. But when the next day the culprits saw the despair of the poor woman they forthwith agreed that all the able-bodied neigh- bors (who were all directly or indirectly guilty of the arson) would rebuild ber cabin on the very spot where it had stood before. Within a week the building was under construction. Erricacy oF TREATMENT There are many statements in the descriptions and relations of early travelers on the American continent of the amazing skill of the native doctors and on the extraordinary results obtained by them. In many instances they are even compared to the contemporary European practitioners, and not always to the advantage of the latter. We should, however, bear in mind that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries European medical practice, with its belief in such drogues and remedies as scrapings of unicorn, in mummy, human fat (‘‘adeps hominis”’), Digby’s powder of sympathy, etc.,* in the most revolting and disgusting ingredients,° was still nearer the era of Plinius than that of Pasteur. As regards the efficacy of Cherokee medical treatment the facts amply speak for themselves. In a very interesting survey Mooney has discussed this subject (SFC., p. 324 seq.), and comes to the 49 Cf. Van Andel, Dr. M. A.: ‘‘Klassieke Wondermiddelen,’’ Gorinchem, 1928. Cf. also, Lemery, Nicolas: ‘‘ Dictionnaire ou Traité Universel des Drogues simples,’”’ 3d. edit., Amsterdam, 1716. 50 Cf. Paullini, K. F.: ‘‘Heilsame Dreck-Apotheke, wie nehmlich mit Koth und Urin die meisten Krankheiten und Schaden gliicklich geheilet worden,” II, Franckf. 1699, but still reprinted in Stuttgart, 1847. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buzz 99 conclusion that only 25 per cent, or at the most 35 per cent, of the botanical materia medica used by this tribe is in accordance with the rules and principles laid down by the United States Dispensatory (14th ed.), 1877. With the additional material collected by Mooney and by myself it will be possible to publish a more complete survey in the near future, the results of which already indicate that the tentative esti- mate made, based on the material then available, is altogether too optimistic. Even the ‘‘white people’s’”’ medical knowledge has made consider- able progress these last 50 years, and in the United States Dispensa- tory, 14th ed., 1877, properties are ascribed to many plants which the 19th edition, 1907, has not cared to reprint. The eliminatory process of reducing the some 8,000 ‘‘officinal’’ plants which western European official therapeutics once knew has played such havoe with these numbers that only about 300 plants are now officially recog- nized as officinal.*! Thus several of the Cherokee plants the use of which was sanctioned by the school of half a century ago would now be deemed indifferent. It should also be stressed that if a simple used by the Cherokee in the treatment of a particular disease happens to be incorporated in a Dispensatory, or listed in a Handbook of Pharmacy, this mere fact In no way confirms the efficacy of the Cherokee mode of using it. The Cherokee rule of practically always using the bark of the trees and the roots of the weeds and herbs does not always do justice to the actual officinal parts of the simples used. Moreover, the mode of administration of a medicine, which is of such capital importance, is not deemed to be of any import whatsoever by the Cherokee practitioners. Of many simples, the curative value of which are highly extolled by the Dispensatory, if only the product be taken internally, the Cherokee medicine man will make an infusion or a decoction, and blow it on the patient sitting 3 or 4 feet distant. Finally, as has already been stated, no attention whatever is paid to dosing the patient, nor to his idiosyncrasy. The same evaluation applies to such practices as the prescriptions relating to diet, seclusion of the patient, vomiting, etc. At first these strike us as factors that may help considerably to cause or to maintain conditions that help the patient in miany cases on the road to recovery. But here again appearances deceive. As far as diet is concerned, e. g., a particular kind of food is never proscribed because it is thought not to agree with the condition of the patient, but this taboo is simply 51 yon Marilaun, A. Kerner: ‘‘Das Leben der Pflanzen.’’ Dutch translation by Dr. Vitus Bruinsma, Zutphen, n. d., Pt. IV, p. 361. aOR THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 83 based on mythological reasons; as, for instance, when rabbit’s meat is prohibited because rabbits are believed to be responsible for the disease. Nor is the injunction of fasting of a nature that could be called hygienic; whereas the patient may stubbornly fast, and refuse to take even a particle of food all day long, immediately after sunset he will eat voraciously and gorge himself with quantities of food that might very well ruin the stomach of a perfectly healthy individual. As for the so-called seclusion of patients, this is a taboo of the same tragico-comical nature: A visitor coming from the outside will be curtly refused admittance to the patient’s bedside, or wil only be allowed to enter after a most scrutinizing interrogation as to the condition of his wife, etc.; women when pregnant, or ‘‘under restric- tions”’ for other reasons (see p. 34) are rigorously excluded. But the peace and the quietness around the patient that might thus be obtained, and that might be of benefit to him, are of no moment at all; inside the children may be carrying on as if bedlam were let loose, and I have witnessed cases of grown-up sons who would practice on a guitar in a most distracting and irritating manner for hours at a stretch within three yards of their very sick father. Nor is the Cherokee way of purging by vomiting as efficacious a practice as we would at first be inclined to believe. Vomiting is resorted to far too frequently, and in eight cases out of ten without any plausible reason, and therefore without any beneficial result. In many cases patients take no food all day, yet force themselves to this painful procedure of vomiting several times before sunset, quite an alarming state of exhaustion often being the result. This should be no cause of surprise to us, since we know that vomiting is practiced not so much to eliminate unwholesome or indigestible foodstufls, but merely to ‘throw off our spoiled saliva” (see p. 15), or for similar reasons. To come to a conclusion: If we marvel at it that ever a Cherokee patient recovers, we feel that we have to give the credit to his strong constitution, to the invigorating mountain air, and to the simple food he takes—lacking all spices and stimulants—much more than to the medicine man and his simples. THE MEDICINE MAN Having devoted the previous chapter to a fairly comprehensive survey of aboriginal beliefs concerning disease and its treatment, we will now give our attention to a most commanding figure in Cherokee life; a figure not only dominating the community in cases of disease and death but exercising its influence in almost all aspects of every- day life—the medicine man. (PI. 8, a.) Medicine men do not have special names, nor are they grouped in any society. Although they are sometimes referred to as aba“ ngwi'ski, 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN RTHNOLOGY (Bunn. 99 plur. pe“pa‘néwi’ski (“he cures anyone’’; “‘he cures people’’) it is more customary to call them by a name which is more discriminating and descriptive of the specialty to which the medicine man referred to devoted himself. The overwhelming majority of the practitioners are men; sporadi- cally there is yet a medicine woman to be found, but there are indi- cations that lead us to believe that formerly there were far more of them than is now the case. An informant, when asked to account for the fact that there were so few female disease curers, as compared to males, told me that it was ‘‘because women do not take so much interest in it (i. e., in the study of plants, of the formulas, etc.) as men do.” Apart from midwives (see p. 122) there are now only two medicine women worth speaking of—an old person of about 80 years old, called acu’ya (.e., ‘‘it is being taken out of the liquid’’) and se*‘leye “ni (Sally-Annie?), the wife of Og. (PI. 8, 0.) A couple of the regular midwives will also occasionally go in for some curing of ailments that do not quite fall within their compe- tence, but this is not usual. If a woman practices at all she does not limit herself to patients of her own sex, nor to any set diseases; nor is the treatment by her of any ailments, even in male patients, considered improper. She exercises her profession on a par with her male congeners, enjoys the same rights, and if her knowledge and her skill justifies it, she may in time be held in the same reputation as one of the leading members of the faculty. As will be seen again and again in these pages, the medicine men are the staunchest supporters of aboriginal faith, lore and custom, and with the disintegration of Cherokee material culture and social organization the medicine man has obtained a position of leadership which in many instances practically amounts to that of political head in another tribe. DIFFERENT CLASSES However much the proverbial tooth of time has gnawed at Cherokee organization and tradition, it is still possible to find in the present body of medicine men traces of a differentiation which must have existed to an even greater extent at a more remote period. It might as well be stressed right away that throughout this paper the term ‘medicine man”’ is used to cover a rather broad concept; it is used without distinction as to sex, and refers not only to those members of the tribe that treat the sick and cure diseases, but also to those that might be called ‘‘priests,”’ “‘magicians,’’ ‘‘divinators,” ete. A short discussion of these several varieties follows now, together with the names given to these practitioners and the practices they BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 PLATE 8 } “4 é PPI PC Frees b, se‘luye’ni, a medicine woman BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 PLATE 9 b, THE CORPSE IS PUT DOWN ON WOODEN BOARDS Olntecss THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 85 specialize in. I want to warn, however, against thinking of this divi- sion as quite so rigid as it might appear to be at first: one individual may, at the same time, be a disease curer and a rain maker; or a disease curer and a divinator; or a divinator and an incantator; etc. pe Da‘nowe'ski, he cures them (indef.; habit.); a curer. This name, as already stated (p. 84), is given first to any person belonging to any of the several groups here discussed, and might therefore be considered as an equivalent of the term ‘medicine man’ as used in this paper. It is, however, only by a generalization that it has come to be be- stowed also on such people as priests and incantators, as its meaning clearly shows that it must originally have been used to refer to dis- ease curers only. These are the people, men or women, that are called upon in cases of sickness to diagnose the nature of the disease, prescribe treatment, the injunctions and the restrictions, collect the plants and weeds, or whatever other kind of materia medica is to effect the cure. Usually they proclaim to be proficient in all ailments, whatever their nature, but in some cases an individual may acquire quite a reputation for his skill in treating some particular disease. There was hardly any such case during my stay with the tribe but the names of two medicine men, lately deceased, were still fresh in everyone’s memory—one, Wil., the writer of Ms. II (see p. 9) having been held in high esteem on account of his successful treat- ment of pu'le’dzi (scrofula), and another, tsanv’si (Leech), owing his reputation chiefly to his skill in curing unak‘o'N{6 yuncyo'ttéa (swollen testicles). There is one man now, yo “nvaé""ski (bear coming out of the water) (see p. 136 and pl. 10, 6), who might in a way bo called a specialist, in that he only attends to cutaneous wounds, but this, I found, was merely due to the fact that he had never been able to acquire any further knowledge. Apart from exercising the profession of disease curer this class of medicine men will often also take patients to the river; they almost invariably perform this rite for their own family, instead of paying a regular priest to do it; they moreover generally claim some divina- tory knowledge. These two qualifications, however, usually pertain to the domain of the “‘priest”’. This class is usually called ama‘’yi pipadzi".stu’sai, he takes them (indef.) to, and brings them back from, the water. The medicine men belonging to this class usually specialize in the ritual which consists in taking a client, not necessarily a sick person, . to the river or the stream, and there reciting a prayer, conjuration, or incantation for the benefit of the client; for the latter’s success in the ball game, in love, in hunting, for his long life, for his personal. 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 protection against disease and witchcraft, etc.; to bring about the happy delivery of a pregnant woman, etc. The specialty which is most often combined with the one just described is that of ‘‘divinator’’ (see infra); more rarely they also claim to be able to command the winds and storms, to cause rain, etc. (see p. 152). apo‘ne'ski’, he examines and conjures (hab.). This is the name given to the medicine men that are reputed to foretell future events, to know where hidden things are, how an ab- sent person is getting on, etc., by means of various divinatory pro- ceedings and paraphernalia, as, e. g., the beads, ape’15", also s6nckt‘a, the brown stone, n5™ ya wo''piGe'™, several kinds of grass, the fire, etc. The name implies not merely examining to find, or to find out the condition of a given object or person, but rather examining how a thing is, and influencing it by occult power to become as we would have it. It refers, therefore, especially to the ceremony performed by a priest, by means of which he tries to find out who our enemy or our rival is, and whether we are going to succeed against him; whether our team is going to win or lose in the ball game; whether the woman whose favors we crave is well or ill disposed toward us; whether we will get the better of a rival in a love affair; whether a relative who is very ill will live or die, etc. At the same time as he ‘‘works” to get an answer he influences the evil thing or person against which he is acting, and strives to bring about an evolution into the matter, favorable to his client. The term ‘evolution’ is peculiarly apt, for usually the proceeding is repeated four or seven times in succession, the pattern being that the first couple of times the chances for the client look pretty scant, but as the experiment is tried over again, and more cloth is put down, the medicine man and his patron gradually get the better of their opponent. It frequently happens that in certain diseases, where the cause is very occult and hidden (even to the Cherokee mind), a divinator is called upon to assist the disease curer proper with his all-revealing art. Then the part of the work incumbent upon the former is first to ‘‘examine,’’ usually with the beads, to find out which particular medicine man of the tribe is the one who will be able to cure the patient. Afterwards, while the ‘discovered’ doctor is treating the patient, the services of the divinator are still required every day to find out, again by examining with the beads, whether the patient is progressing satisfactorily, and recovering, or whether no headway is being made. The facts here suceinctly sketched are well brought out in the ‘Typical curing procedure,’ described by W. (p. 67). About divination proper, there is yet a good deal to be said; but it has been thought that the notes relating to it, and not specifically tis THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 87 dealing with medicine or disease, had better be withheld to introduce Ms. II, which contains several divinatory formulas, whereas not one formula of this class occurs in the Ay. Ms. The medicine men, claiming as theirs the specialty of rainmaking, driving off storms, ete., are on the verge of extinction. The formulas used in their ceremonies are equally scanty. The Ay. manuscript does not contain a single specimen of them. There are some, how- ever, in Mss. II and III, and since the matter does not pertain directly to the subject discussed in this paper, it is deemed advisable to go into details about it in its proper place. Ga Plit‘apindé"pDa'neca’, she makes it (i. e., the baby) jump down for her (the parturiens). This is the way in which a midwife is generally referred to. Since formerly there was an injunction that a parturient woman must be assisted by four female attendants, all the women are more or less conversant with the help to be tendered to mother and infant. Some of them, however, perhaps a daughter of a medicine man or a woman who has married one, become more proficient in the matter, and extend their knowledge so as to be able to attend to complications and to prenatal and puerperal troubles; they may gradually come to be looked upon as regular medicine women, in which case, as already described (see p. 84), they will also treat ailments of different nature. One of these women is usually preferred to a male doctor to assist at partus and to supervise and direct the other women attendants. O. (pl. 12, 6) and Je. (pl. 12, a) were the leading midwives at Big Cove during our stay there, selcye'ni (pl. 8, b) and my informant, W.’s wife, also enjoying quite an enviable reputation. Du Dane’ soau"’ski, he kills péople by witchcraft (hab.). This name, which can not be sufficiently analyzed—the stem may have connection with a)-ne's- “to droop”; there is, however, no causative element in the expression—is given to the medicine man who has attained the summit of occult power: he can kill a person by reciting an incantation against him, and thus “spoiling his saliva”’ or “making his soul dispirited.’”’? This is also done by obtaining stealth- ily some saliva of the victim and burning it, by shooting invisible arrowheads, sharp sticks, or pebbles into his body, even by stealing his soul. When they exert their powers in this way their activity is hardly different from that of witches. (See p. 129.) As a rule they only harm people when asked and hired to do so by the victim’s enemies. The ceremony is usually performed near the river, which accounts for the name ama*’yi Du Dodzi5".stu’sci (see p. 85) also occasionally being bestowed on these medicine men, but everybody feels that there is a black abyss between their activity and their formulas and those of the ‘‘ priest.” 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt. 99 When a medicine man has attained an advanced age and has a ereat reputation the laity often ascribe to him the powers of a DuDa= ne‘socu’ski. To have this title conferred upon oneself is not exactly an honor, as it ascribes to the one to whom it is given not only the highest professional skill and occult power but also a rather jealous, fretful, and vindictive disposition. Yet a medicine man will not pro- test against such rumors circulating about him, nor will he do any- thing to hush them, as most of them do not mind being considered more powerful than they really are, even if it veneers them with a tinge of witchcraft. It even happens that a self-sufficient medicine man appropriates and assumes the title, so as to make his influence the stronger, and to force his enemies, professional and others, to fear if not to respect him. W. told me that Ay. asserted himself to be a pu ‘pane ‘soGu’’ski, but W. did not believe it. To do justice to Ay.’s memory, though, it is only fair to state that I often had the feeling that W. never liked him and was jealous of the high esteem in which Ay. was universally held. Finally, there are several instances of a medicine man, who was an imposing and striking personality during his lifetime, being ‘‘canon- ized”? a Du Dane’soGu’’ski after his death. All sorts of rumors start circulating about his marvelous powers, the wonderful cures he ef- fected, a journey of his during his lifetime to the Ghost Land, his prophesying his death seven days before it happened, his possessing the vl5™sup5" stone, etc. Before many years elapse his memory is recalled with the same awe and is embroidered with the same apocry- phal and legendary details as that of a King Arthur or a Napoleon. Such are, e. g., a woman, ottau’ni, who died about 30 years ago, about 95 years old, and an old medicine man Ga? lu*‘y‘sti’ (Ax), who died about 15 years ago.” Score oF KNOWLEDGE The brighter of the medicine men may truly be said to be walking encyclopediae as far as their knowledge of aboriginal culture is con- cerned. Not only do they know all about disease and curing methods but they are also invariably very competent botanists and naturalists. Such outstanding men among them as Og. and W., and doubtless also Ay., Da‘ kwape'i (Catawba killer), and Ayo'sta (she spoils is), who worked with Mr. Mooney, know at least 150 to 200 different plants, with all their peculiarities, their habitat, their time and period of blossoming, their properties and the lore pertaining to them. They are also the curators of the myths and stories, one of them as a rule knowing more about them than four or five other members of the tribe put together. 52 It has been possible to obtain the written formulas of the latter. eee | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 89 Having a knowledge of myths and stories in a primitive community implies being conversant with tribal history, legendary and fictional as well as actual and real, and some of the medicine men have even incorporated short historical notes in their daybooks containing their formulas. As far as aboriginal religion is concerned, again we find the medicine men—often exercising the profession of priest at the same time as that of disease curer—remaining true to beliefs and traditions which the community at large is gradually losing, or exchanging against a slight and superficial veneer of Baptist or Methodist Christianity. But not only do the medicine men excel in the higher intellectual, idealistic pursuits, such as those above named, but also as far as material culture is concerned they usually rate a good deal higher than even an intelligent layman. Nobody knows so much about fish traps and the way to build them and the wood to be used by preference; none knows more about the best periods for hunting different kinds of game, or all the artifices used to decoy them; nor can anybody make rattles, or wooden masks, or feather wands better than they can. All this knowledge, however, is far from codified. I have often made a point of it to try and find out in how far it was systematized, or as we would call it, rationally ordered in their minds. This has always brought very disappointing though interesting results. Such a medicine man who was universally acknowledged as being the one ‘‘who knew most,” as Og. was, when asked to write down all the different diseases he knew, and when given five days to think it over, managed to find only 38 more or less different ones. Another one, when asked to enumerate them offhand, could not get past a dozen, this in spite of the fact that both of them must have known upward of a hundred, since a compilation made by me from oral information obtained from several individuals, and gleaned from three manuscripts, the Ay., Ms. IT, and Ms. ITI, revealed that some 230 different * diseases were known. The same remarks hold for their botanical knowledge, and could even be made to apply to their knowledge of religion and mythology. One prominent medicine man, and at the same time the most promi- nent priest, T., was very anxious toward the end of my stay to act as informant, but was withheld by the fear that he would not be able to tell me anything of interest, as “‘he did not know much.”’ When I had managed to convince him that anything he told me would be interesting, he came and stayed a week, telling me about fifty stories, and giving me very valuable information on sundry subjects. Continuing an experiment along the same lines with another medi- cine man, this time with reference to the religion, afterlife, the spirits he invoked in the formulas, I could not get him by this method to tell 8 “Different” from a Cherokee point of view. 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 me 5 percent of what he knew on this score; ultimately I extracted all he knew—and a bulky lot it was—by indirect and roundabout questions. Even a hasty perusal of the disease names (cf. the texts) and of the curing methods (see p. 60) will soon show that their anatomical knowl- edge is very scanty. It has been said that people living in primitive communities, especially those who have to rely on hunting for their sustenance, manage to derive pretty sound and tolerably accurate ideas about the structure and function of internal organs from analogy of the anatomy of killed and dressed animals. This, however, does not follow. The hunter who cuts up the game in the forest, to bring home the better morsels, is not engrossed in anatomical speculation, and his wife who disembowels the rabbit or the groundhog is too anxious to have the meat barbecuing before the fire to be able to afford the time for scientific observation. Even a people who practiced to such a considerable degree the dissecting of corpses for embalming purposes as the Egyptians are known to have long remained sadly ignorant of any anatomical knowledge worthy of such a name; yet they had the advantage of laboratory work all the time. A medicine man who could write, and whom I asked to draw ‘‘the inside of a man’’ in an outline which I had sketcbed, put a dot about the throat, and said, “‘ this is where our saliva is’’**; about the height of the sternum, a small circle, with a lozenge on either side of it, which he proclaimed to be the heart with the liver around it, and the kidneys; he put the navel approximately in the right position, and drew a line above it which was to represent the diaphragm; having drawn another circle under the navel, which he pronounced to be the bowels, he laid down the pencil with a sk:’a@w5" neaa’.5™ (‘this is all there is to it’’) which sounded as if he were highly satisfied with his feat. Arteries, sinews, and tendons are all held to be one and the same thing; in fact, there is only one word to refer to any of these: tsvwabu’n5". Nothing seems to be known about the function of the blood. A final remark I want to make on this score is, that in spite of their vast amount of erudition, and, in some cases, of their superior intelli- gence, these old fellows do not seem to be any more methodical than their lay congeners. Although a call is made on them three or four times a week, they will persist in walking, or rather, climbing miles and miles in the mountains each time, hunting for the herbs and roots which they need for their prescriptions, instead of transplanting a specimen near their own cabin, and laying out a garden of ‘‘officinal plants’’ such as Charlemagne ordered the medieval monks to do. 54 See p. 15. MOooNEY | OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 91 A poor attempt in this direction is being made by the more progres- sive of the medicine men, whom I found cultivating the following medicinal plants: tsolacay6" "li, Nicotiana rustica L., wild tobacco. a™“skwane’p5", Veratrum viride Ait., American white hellebore; Indian poke. tsoluyv ‘sti Gu’Gace™ a dzv'l5™ski, Lobelia cardinalis L., cardinal flower. punu’na, Glycine apios L. a t'tse’i, Alnus rugosa (Du Roi) Spreng., smooth alder. Gana’ aa tsuv'’nt‘ans™, Scirpus validus Vahl, great bulrush. It is equally rare to find medicine men collecting and drying roots or other parts of simples for use in sudden emergencies. Only three items so treated have come to my attention: Powder (snuff) of the dried leaves of tso“lacay6" "li, Nicotiana rustica L., wild tobacco, and the root of 9 paliaa li, Panaz trifolium L., dwarf ginseng, and finally the roots needed for prenatal and puerperal care, and that can not be located in wintertime. SociaL STATUS Even if we no longer find any traces of the individual medicine man or of a body of them exercising any such politic influence as has been ascribed to the a‘nikvta‘’ni (see p. 97), there is no doubt but that the position of the medicine man must at one time have been one of considerable importance in the tribe. Such hints as Adair’s statement (p. 240) that Priber, forming the Cherokee ‘“‘into a nominal republican government, crowned their old Archimagus emperor,” seem to indicate that the political influence of the medicine men, or at any rate of the chief medicine man, was very considerable at that time. In many of the tales relating to the war exploits of the Cherokee against the neighboring tribes it is often explicitly stated that a medicine man. accompanies the party, and the success of the expedition often depends more on his skill in divination and conjuring than on the prowess and cunning of the warriors. This also must undoubtedly have resulted in strengthening their position socially, as his orders were of greater import than those of the actual leader of the party. Even now, when two settlements are training for the ball game, a contest which with the Cherokee is as much of a social as of a sportive nature, the medicine man is exercising his influence and his per- sonality in such a way that the whole affair takes the aspect of a contest between the occult power of the two medicine men conjuring for the teams rather than that of a match between two rival teams of players. It is he, the medicine man, not the chief of the settlement, who addresses the team before they leave home to meet their opponents. 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL: 99 It is he who for the last few days has been “‘working to spoil the strength” and the magic power of the medicine man who is conjuring for the rival team. And the victory or defeat is laid at the door of the medicine man rather than that the players themselves are con- eratulated or scorned for it. To have an adequate idea of the social status of the medicine man we should bear in mind that in his person we find cumulated such professions and pursuits which in our society would correspond to those of the clergy, the educators, the philosophers and the historians, the members of the medical profession in its widest sense, 1. e., physicians, surgeons, and chemists; and finally, toa certain degree, even to those of the politicians and of the press. His constant journeys to and fro, curing the sick, or trying to do so, gathering simples, calling on former patrons; on the other hand, his constantly being called upon by the people to assist them in their most intimate needs—a worried man asking him to make his wife’s mind forget her former sweethearts, a spiteful woman demanding of him that he spoil the mind of a man she hates, all this contributes immensely toward making him the best informed person about, and nothing happens within a few miles’ radius without his being aware of it. Is it then to be wondered at that a man with such wide connections, walking in and out of so many homes, staying often with a family for days at a time, must be a most omniscient and influential individual? Yet the medicine man should not be vainglorious about his status. All the members of the profession I have known always made a point of declaring, when asked, that they did not feel proud or haughty toward the people; they should not, because, they emphatically declared, they held their power and knowledge from vne‘ttand‘4, who had given it to them that they might help the people. This conception is undoubtedly influenced by modern Christian views, for although vne*‘ttan5’4 is a powerful Cherokee deity (see p. 20), nowhere in the rest of tribal lore is he referred to as ever having granted any such gift as curing disease or the power of dispensing medicine to the people. I feel sure, therefore, that the statement here made by the medicine men refers to the Christianized une ‘thand‘, i. e., God, the Creator. Whatever the medicine men may say with regard to this, I have often found evidence that their statements are not always corrobo- rated by their actions; they do get a streak of vanity and conceit now and again, and do consider themselves as far more interesting and clever individuals than the common mortals. This, however, rarely manifests itself outwardly; they plant their corn and ply the hoe as everybody else, and do not betray by any article of dress or ornament either their profession or its importance. If this may be called any Oieetenrs | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 93 distinctive trait at all, I found most of them rather less slovenly dressed than the lay members of the tribe. Occasionally, one of them will cling to some archaic bit of garment or other, such as a pair of moccasins, a cloth turban, etc. As to the attitude of the people toward the medicine men, this will to a considerable extent depend on the character of the latter. Asa rule they are not feared, unless they profess to be, or are reputed to be Du'“panesocu’ski (see p. 87), these being shunned and avoided as far as possible. The esteem in which the others are held depends chiefly on their professional skill, and on their social intercourse. Such medicine men as yo"'ns" Gale’ci (‘the bear, he is climbing”’) who was Del.’s father, and Og. and W.’s brother, and who died about a score of years ago, actually managed to be respected and loved by his people, as in our villages an old clergyman or a devoted physician might be. Og. himself was held in no smaller consideration. But there are others I know who are looked upon with very different feelings and whose services would be called upon only in cases of utmost emergency. PROFESSIONAL ETHICS Under this caption there are to be discussed mainly two aspects of the medicine men’s profession—their sincerity, and what might be called ‘“‘ their desire to serve.” As to the former, I found them as a whole convinced of what they profess and teach. They practice fervently what they believe and treat themselves and the members of their own family by the same methods and means as they do their patients. As far as sleight of hand is concerned, there are after all only four ceremonies where this is possible: When examining with the beads, when divining with the brown rock, when sucking, when scratching with the snake tooth. In the first and in the last case I hardly think that the slight movements of the beads (see p. 132) or of the snake tooth® (see p. 70) should be explained by legerdemain. The tension under which the medicine man is laboring, together with a considerable dose of auto- suggestion, are doubtlessly sufficient to bring about the ‘‘manifesta- tions of life” they pretend to feel. As for the divination with the brown rock, matters seem to be different. This mode of divination is usually resorted to when an object, an animal, or even a person has been lost. A small fragment (about the size of a thimble) of worpi’ (i. e., ‘‘reddish-brown”’), hematite, is tied to a thread or a bit of yarn about 30 centimeters 55 The medicine man pretends that the snake tooth, prior to being scratched with, ‘‘becomes alive,”’ as is evinced by its twitching and trembling between the fingers of the practitioner. 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 long. The free end of the twine is held between the thumb and index finger of the right hand, while the left hand, with the fingers stretched out, is placed over the right, ostensibly in a free, easy manner, and without any particular purpose, but actually to shield the function of the middle finger of the right hand, which is to stealthily transmit to the dangling stone its ‘‘occult”” metion. The direction in which thestonestartsswingingis the onein which the searchis to be start- ed. By this method often things are found, the whereabouts of which are not so completely unknown to the medicine man as he pretends. A procedure where prestidigitation is likewise often met with is when the medicine man sucks the swollen part of a patient’s body, and after much exertion usually succeeds in spitting out ‘‘the disease,” viz, a pebble, an insect, etc., objects, of course, which he held hidden in his cheek before the performance began. | know of a case where Og., as a doctor, and as a man as honest a fellow as you could care to meet, produced a worm after having sucked the jaw of a man suffering with toothache. Needless to say, just as in any other communities and as in every other professional group, there are also among the Cherokee medicine men individual differences as far as professional ethics are concerned. One of them told me the following story which throws some light on his methods of keeping up his reputation: He once went to Yellowhill (e“lawo’’pi) and on the way met an acquaintance who told him that he had built a fish trap but could not manage to catch more than two or three fish a day. He asked the medicine man if he did not know a formula to catch fish. This cunning fellow said “he was sorry, he knew no such formula; as a matter of fact he would very much like to get one himself.’’%° Anyhow the man insisted that the medicine man come to his house, look at the trap, and spend the night at his house. Next morning, before breakfast, the owner of the trap went down to the river and came back with a whole washtub full of fish. There must have been more than a hundred of them; and he had to go back again, and fetch a second washtub full. He didn’t doubt for an instant that the medicine man had recited a formula, and said so. The medicine man just smiled a mysterious grin, and let him continue in his belief. (The real reason of this ‘“‘prodigious catch”? was, the branch by which the fish usually passed had been poisoned by a sawmill near by, letting its sawdust loose init. This had made the fish come by another branch of the river, the one on which the trap had been set.) Frequently, after having consulted the spirits by means of the fire or of the beads divination, the medicine man will foretell or prophesy 56 This in spite of the fact that he did know at least three or four fishing con- jurations.—F, M, O, ieee THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 95 events that are to happen four or seven days afterwards, or within four or seven days. I am quite convinced that they honestly believe themselves in what they forecast in this manner, e. g., that the patron’s enemy, against whom the medicine man had been asked to conjure, will die within seven days; or that a disease has been sent by a plotter, etc. But it should be borne in mind that four or seven days (or rather four or seven ‘‘nights passed’”’) is a ritual expression which may just as well mean the same number of years, so that the margin of error becomes very elastic. Adding to which such exegetical com- modities at the command of the Cherokee medicine man as the superior magic power of the opponent, the possible neglect of the medicine man’s patron to observe the necessary taboos, and all the difficulties raised by skeptics are explained away. ‘A desire to serve.” Such might well be the slogan of the pro-_— fession, summing up its attitude toward the sick and the disabled. There are, of course, some less worthy members who are only too anxious to convince the suffering party that a treatment of seven days would be more advantageous than one of four, thinking at the same time of the greater profit in cloth and beads which the former will bring him. But it deserves emphasis, on the other hand, that any medicine man called upon is willing and ready to undertake the curing of a patient who is utterly destitute; although he quite well knows that he is to expect no reward for his troubles, he will dispense to him the same care, and will exert the same amount of skill to relieve him, as he would do for the benefit of a well-to-do member of the tribe. Nor does a personal enemy of a medicine man call on his aid in vain, in his hour of need. Two medicine men told me that their mother, from whom they had inherited a great deal of their knowledge, had told them before she died that they should never make use of their knowledge to harm their enemies; they should never take vengeance of a first slight or insult, nor of a second; but if they had been abused three times (see p. 100) by the same person, then they might react by occult means against him. Should this enemy become il, however, and call for their help, they should not refuse it, but should extend to him the benefit of their skill and knowledge with the same good will as if he were their best friend. Tue Mepictne Man’s Fre There is not much left to be added to James Mooney’s excellent account of this in his SFC., pages 337-839. The only main point left at issue, viz, the etymology of the word, has been subjected to a further investigation, with the following 7548°—32——8 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 99 results: vGu'sto.ti, the technical name for what we could call the doctor’s fee or honorarium, does not seem to be etymologically con- nected with the verb /-ac‘- ‘‘to eat something solid” (“‘I eat it, sol.’’: tscac‘a’) but with the rather similar sounding /-«au'-, ‘‘to take some- thing” (“I take it’: tscqu’.a’). The literal and original meaning of vav'sto.tii would thus seem to be ‘‘for him to take it with” (v- 3d sgl. objective pronominal prefix; -Gi- (stem); -st-i- causative-instrumental (cf. aye lsti ‘knife’; lit. “something to cut with,” stem ./-ye'l-); -ot- instrumental suffix. The medicine men themselves have now lost this original meaning of the word, and when questioned about it usually render its mean- ing as ‘‘reward’’; they all emphatically deny that the vav'sto.ti’ is the medicine man’s pay; and this is true in so far that the value of it, e. g., the quantity or the quality of the cloth, is no factor in the cure. But they all agree that the va’sto.tii is an indispensable prerequisite to effect the cure. By some expressions found in the formulas some more light is thrown on the matter. A medicine man, going out to gather simples (see p. 150), recites a formula in one of the first expressions of which he says: “With the white cloth I have come to take away the medicine” a’NtGwa’Gi oune’G5" = ng“?wo't'l’ tsvae’sto. ta‘ pu Ga’ cloth white medicine I have come to take it away with A formula for “when the ghosts have changed their food,” in Ms. II, starts as follows: ‘Now then! Ha, quickly thou hast come to listen, thou red Otter, thou art staying m the Sun Land... Now thou hast come to rest on the white cloth, and wilt pull the disease away with it.”’ These two references go a long way toward proving that originally the meaning of the expression here discussed, must have been either— (1) That which is used by him (the medicine man) to take, to gather the medicine with (see p. 55), or else (2) That which is used by (the curing spirit) to take it @. e., the disease) away with. I am inclined to consider the last version as the more probable, as there is still other evidence, yet to be published, which corroborates this feeling. It is likely that in time, since the medicine man always took the vGu’sto.tii away as his fee, the true meaning of the word got lost, and that it acquired that of “‘reward.’’ Only after this semantic development, I think, did the use of other articles than buckskin become possible as vai’sto.ti‘, such as (flint) knives, moccasins, etc., since these can be considered as reward, but could hardly be used to be “spread out for the curing spirit to put his feet on, to pull the disease away with.” Sine THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 97 Cloth (since buckskin is no longer available) and beads are still now the most usual articles used as ‘‘fee.”’ The official measure of cloth for one treatment is 1 yard, but this measure is to be taken “cum grano Salis.” vtsulo’p5" which may mean “a yard,” ‘a mile,” “a gallon,” literally means ‘‘it has been measured ”’ (./-ts«'l-) and as used in the formulas is a term which is as vague as a period of four or seven days (see p. 95), or as a Dawo’l5™ (an “overhand’’), which may mean a length from 25 centimeters to almost a meter. The theoretical ‘“‘yard of cloth” is often a gaudy handkerchief or a bit of rag 25 centimeters square. It has not been possible to ascertain which rule prevails as to when cloth is used and when it is not. With some of the formulas this is mentioned in the directions, and although the medicine men generally know in which cases cloth is a necessary prerequisite, he is unable to state any definite rule. There are some ceremonies where cloth is invariably used: In the treatment of those ailments where the medicine man has had to go and gather medicine; in all the kinds of palo-’ni diseases; in all divination ceremonies with the beads; it also seems an indispensable item in all love attraction and incantation cere- monies. Apart from cloth, the ‘fee’? may be paid in garments, or in minor articles of dress and adornment, as neckerchiefs and handkerchiefs, a hat, a tie, etc. For the treatment of a menstruating woman it is invariably the undergarment of the patient. Such articles as knives or other utensils are but seldom given as “‘reward.” A custom which may be an innovation is to present the medicine man with eatables, such as meat, lard, salt, chewing tobacco, etc., and in very rare cases even with a nickel or a quarter coin. Some people to keep on good terms with a medicine man may offer him a present (any of the articles just mentioned) from time to time, a custom which sounds amusingly reminiscent of our medical insurance. Finally, I should mention another method of partially paying the medicine man, viz, to have him staying as a guest at the house of the patient for two to three weeks. This is especially frequent with the more highly reputed medicine men, who are asked to go and treat patients in distant settlements. Muruat RELATIONS There is no Cherokee living who remembers anything about any medicine men’s society, and it is safe to regard the probability of there ever having existed such an organization with due caution and skepticism. James Mooney (Myths, pp. 392-393) himself was very careful not to be too positive, when trying to identify the a‘nikvta‘’ni (clan?) as a society of this description; nothing has been collected, either by 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 Mooney or by myself, which could in any way substantiate or throw any light on the interesting but vague details given by Adair (p. 240), Haywood (p. 266), MacGowan (p. 139), or Domenech (Vol. II, p. 392). It must therefore remain an open question whether the Cherokee medicine men were ever organized in a professional body in the past. However that may have been, at present there is no such institution, and every medicine man attends to his own pursuits. Occasionally two medicine men may work in collaboration, one taking care of the treatment and the curing, the other devoting him- self to the divination proceedings. Or again, they may call on each other’s knowledge in some cases where an individual medicine man’s professional accomplishments may fall short, but there is nothing organized or laid down in this respect. Only rarely are two medicine men employed simultaneously for the actual curing, and if this should be the case a second one is never engaged without the first one knowing and approving of it. It happens, however, that if a practitioner has worked on a case without obtaining any results, he is dropped altogether, and another medicine man is called in to see what he can do in the matter. The one thus ousted does not resent this in the least and does not consider this act an insult to his knowledge; on the contrary, he will often himself take the initiative, and if he fails to restore his patient to health in a reasonable time, will tell the sick man’s relatives that evi- dently he is not the one who is to effect the cure and will examine with the beads, to find out which member of the profession will be successful in the matter. (See p. 68.) If a medicine man becomes ill himself he only calls in the aid of a colleague if circumstances should make this course imperative, e. g., if he is too weak to go and gather himself the simples needed, or if the treatment calls for certain manipulations which he could not very well perform on his own person, such as sucking with the horn, blowing medicine on the crown of the head, etc. Whenever he is taken ill with an aye’‘l.ao-‘Gi disease (see p. 33) he invariably calls in the aid of a professional friend, and this stands to reason; for since a rival medicine man or an enemy has managed to get the better of him, this proves that the victim’s power is too weak to grapple with his opponent’s, and therefore the alliance of a powerful colleague is necessary to come out of the contest victorious. There are medicine men who are always willing to cooperate with others when invited to do so; always willing to oblige with information and advice as to diagnosis, simples to be used, and the locality where these can be found, etc., and who even will volunteer the loan of a particular formula that has proved particularly efficient in the cure of — a given ailment. MooNnry | OLBRECHTS. THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 99 But others are of a jealous and miserly nature and will pretend to be ignorant and but ill-informed when they are asked for advice or counsel by a competitor. Yet I have not once heard of a case where one of these less obliging fellows purposely led an inquirer astray, or gave him information that might be deleterious to the patient under treatment. Nor has any case of ‘‘dishonest competition” come to my knowledge. To combat the influence of the white doctor and his medicine, though, they will go to any pains, and use any means. INITIATION There are still faint recollections of how the medicine men were initiated until three or four generations ago. The description given to James Mooney by John Ax (born about 1800) of the meetings of the ‘‘myth-keepers and priests’’ in the 9°’si (Mooney, Myths, p. 230) contains a very interesting account of the initiation of new adepts more than a century ago. The 9°si is now but a dim memory of a hazy past and telling the myths is no longer the appanage of priests and elders; if 50 years ago the scratching and the ‘‘going to water’’ was still jokingly referred to, now it is no longer remembered that this rite was ever performed in this connection. At present if a man wants to become a medicine man he goes to one well versed in the lore and skilled in the profession, informs him of his intention, and asks him if he is willing to teach him what he knows. The answer of the old man depends a good deal on the character of the candidate. If he is known as a lazy individual he stands little chance of being accepted as a candidate by a conscientious medicine man, as he would be sure to neglect the care of his patients. Nor is he likely to be favorably received if he has a reputation for being quarrelsome and jealous, as in this case he might be too prone to abuse of his occult knowledge to harm the people. But even if the character of the candidate is without flaw or speck he is not sure to meet with an enthusiastic welcome at the hand of every medicine man, for some of these do not believe in propagating the sacred and medical lore too much, nor in diffusing it too widely, since according to those among them imbued with an idealistic out- look on the profession, the more of the lore is divulged, the less powerful every one of the adepts becomes; and again, according to others, rather more utilitarian in their views, because, the more practitioners, the less practice. So as not to make an inveterate enemy out of an applicant by turning him down, the medicine man ‘‘examines with the beads,”’ to find out whether the candidate is likely to make good in the profession; 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 99 “whether he has a vocation for it,’’ as we might say. If the bead representing the applicant moves briskly, and gives ample proofs of vitality, the divination is pronounced to be in his favor. If, on the contrary, it behaves in a sluggish, lazy way, or if it does not move at all, he is dissuaded from taking up the profession. But let us suppose that the professor in theology and medicine is willing to coach the student, then the terms and the tuition fee are discussed. He may tempt the vanity of his master by offering him a new overcoat, or a gun, or a trunk, or even a sum of money. If the candidate comes from a settlement a few miles distant, it may be necessary for him to come and board with his master; or if the latter is able and willing to spare the time he may go and stay with the applicant. There is no rule as to the duration of this stay; it depends solely on the extent of the subject matter to be covered, and on how quickly the candidate masters it. He may merely want to know how to cure disease; or he may even only intend to specialize in the cure of two or three ailments. On the other hand, he may be so ambitious as to desire to know all about love conjuring, hunting and fishing formulas, and even about man- killing incantations and witchcraft. If he wants to know all this he usually leaves after 10 days or a fort- night and comes back for a similar period now and again, until he knows all his tutor can teach him. Whatever his intentions for later life and practice may be, he must start out by mastering all the lore about disease, curing methods, and simples. This is a preliminary course every beginner must go through, even if he intends to later make his specialty in a totally different field. (See p. 84.) But it was emphatically stressed by all informants that the very last formulas taught are those ‘‘with which to harm people,” i. e., the incantations. The medicine men are very circumspect in hand- ing out this knowledge, and very few candidates attain this step during the first few years of their ‘‘studies.”” Irascible or hot- tempered individuals are barred from it, as already stated. ‘‘Before they let you have that kind (i. e., incantations) they examine you, and if they find that you are a bad character, that you ‘get mad’ easily, that you are jealous and spiteful, they do not let you have them. ~ A bad character will use these (incantations) even if he is insulted but once, whereas we (considerate old fellows) always wait three times®” before we would work against an enemy to kill him.” (W.) 37 See p. 95. It is probable that four insults were the limit before white influ- ence made itself felt. When I asked W. (the only one of my informants who had had a partly white education) why it should be three times he said he thought it was ‘“‘because Christ had been in the grave three days, and Jonah was for three days in the fish.” MOONEY ] OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 101 Although the 9°’si has passed out of existence generations ago, even now the instruction is only imparted during the night. The medicine man and the candidate talk until morning, and then go to the river and bathe ritually, sprinkling water on their face, on the crown of their head, and on their breast, “‘where their soul is.”” This is done many nights in succession, whether the novice be staying with the medicine man or whether he walks in every night until he knows all his master is able or willing to tell him. Before the instruction proper is started, however, the applicant has to drink a decoction to enable him to remember all he learns. With this end in view, he may take one or all of the following medi- cines: A small cluster of leaves, rubbish, and refuse, such as is found occasionally floating on the surface of the water, must be fished out and examined. If it has any small insect, usually a spider, in it, it is cooked, insect and all, and the decoction is drunk, fasting, for four or seven consecutive days; immediately after having drank it, the candidate must go to the river and vomit. Another much-extolled and highly esteemed medicine to obtain a never-failing memory is to drink the water found in the leaf of a pitcher plant: yu'awi’Pla (Sarracenia purpurea L., sidesaddle flower, pitcher plant, huntsman’s cup). These leaves, as is known, have the peculiar habit of keeping imprisoned anything that has fallen into them (the Cherokee say “anything that flies over them’’), insects, spiders, small leaves, etc., and it is easy to see the principle of sympathy, according to which this plant is used in order to “‘keep the knowledge acquired imprisoned in the mind.” This plant is also called tesko’’y'k‘ana’t'l “the successful (or never-failing) insect hunter,” or wa‘e’?la, possibly a dialectical vari- ant of yu'awi'’Pla. The different kinds of vuni'std5®.’sti, all the varieties of ‘‘bur plants,” are also used, separately or jointly, in a decoction and drunk by the candidate. As the burs stick and cling to anything that comes in contact with them, they will also be of material assistance in keep- ing the acquired knowledge sticking in the mind. The candidate has, moreover, to be more careful than ever not to eat any food prepared by a menstrual woman. (See p. 34.) A breach of this taboo is dangerous enough in everyday life and for an average individual; but for a medicine man, and even more so for a candidate medicine man who is in the act of acquiring his knowledge, it would mean a real calamity; not only would he forget all he knows, but he would be spoiled outright. In order to avert these disasters he must, therefore, whenever he stands in any danger of coming into contact with a woman in this 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 99 condition or whenever touching any object that she may have used, chew either the inner bark of ats6-ni’ (Betula lenta L.; cherry birch; sweet birch; black birch), spitting the juice at regular intervals on the “‘place where his soul is,” or even occasionally moistening his fingers and putting his saliva, under his clothes, on his breast. Also the root of Gane ‘Id5" (Zizia aurea (L.) Koch; Golden Alex- ander) is chewed as a preventive. ‘The name of this plant means ‘‘it is pregnant.’’ This is no doubt the reason why it is used in this connection; on the other hand, the plant owes its name to the peculiar shape of its fruit. If then the candidate has used some or all of these potent means to make his hold on the knowledge acquired a permanent one, he will soon be ready for the last and most important communication his master has to make him. Prior to this, however, he must repair to a secluded place in the mountains or in the forest, and there prepare a decoction of all the plants mentioned above, only this time they are to be boiled simultaneously, and the decoction is taken at intervals all day long; no other food or drink whatsoever is to be taken until sundown. This is continued for four or seven days, according to the fervor and the intentions of the applicant: if he stays in the wilderness for four consecutive days and nights he will be a skillful medicine man and a priest of high repute and capacity. But if he can stand the ordeal for seven days ‘‘he will be a most powerful wizard; he will be able to fly in the air and to dive under the ground.” During this seclusion the solicitant has no dreams or visions that would seem to be specifically related to the ceremony, although this was undoubtedly the object of this four or seven days’ fasting and contemplation until a few generations ago. Before the invention of the Sequoya syllabary the instruction of the candidate must of course have been purely oral, but the possibility of committing to paper their sacred and medicinal literature has un- doubtedly contributed as much to the survival of aboriginal religion and science as to the propagation of the tracts and books of the American Bible Society and to the veneer of white culture. A medicine man may sell outright,some of his written formulas to a candidate, but this is very rarely done, the usual course being that the latter be allowed to copy them. Even then a pretty high price is charged. Mooney records that Ay. told him that hunters would pay as much as $5 for a hunting song (SFC., p. 311), and W. told me that he once paid for being allowed to copy part of the formulas of Wil. an overcoat and a trunk (total value about $25), and that he sold 588 In olden times they also added some others, Og. told me, but he did not know which ones. eral THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 103 them again, after having copied them, for a watch, a buckskin, and an overcoat. When taking this course of instruction particular stress is laid on the explanatory remarks which should accompany each formula (see p. 158), and any ingredients, simples, and paraphernalia mentioned in thers are also minutely described and explained by the tutor. This instruction is given in a truly Socratic manner, and as I found out myself, information is only dispensed so far as solicited. This is probably the reason why these medicine men are such fine informants, and why working with them is so profitable and remunerative; they have been trained in the technique of asking and giving information, and take so much interest in it, and are so visibly flattered by any one attaching so much importance to the smallest detail of their knowledge that once their initial reserve has been overcome they enjoy the work as much as the ethnologist himself. When the candidate has learned from his master as much as he wants to know—or, as is often the case, as much as the old man is willing to tell him—he leaves him, and if his craving for knowledge and instruction is not yet satisfied, he may go to a second medicine man, and try to persuade him to impart some of his knowledge. It often happens, however, that the particular medicine man he turns to, after having completed his apprenticeship with the first one, feels slighted because he has not been given precedence and refuses to have anything to do with him. There is no official rite of recognition or of acceptance of a new medicine man. It is soon known that So-and-so is intending to be- come one; that he is being instructed by Old Man X; even while he is acquiring the art, he may be asked to give his advice in matters of sickness, he may be asked to go and collect some simples, and so gradually he steps into the profession and the practice. It may soon be rumored about the settlement how successful he is in his treatment, and gradually he acquires the reputation of a skillful medicine man; in due course of time he may attain the honors of ‘powerful wizard.” Once the medicine man possesses the knowledge and the power it assures him, there are a few things he has to be very careful about in order not to lose these attainments. First of all he must rigorously observe the taboo with regard to catamenial women. (See p. 34.) Nor should he ever attend a funeral, or take any active part in any, such as making the coffin, digging the grave, etc. Finally, he should on no account neglect, if one of his patients should die during treatment, to observe a rite of purification. As will be seen (p. 139), this purification is incumbent on every inhabitant of the settlement, but whereas with them: the nonobservance at worst 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 causes an illness, to the attendant medicine man it would mean the irretrievable loss of all power. There are fortunately several ways of averting this calamity: (1) All the rubbish that is found about the vard around the cabin is gathered into a heap and burned; sourwood, né-po‘a@we ya (Oxy- dendrum arboreum (li.) DC.) twigs are boiled in a pot over this fire, and the hands are washed in this decoction. (2) Wil. proceeded in the same way but used ka‘na‘so’“15" “wild parsnip” instead of sourwood. (3) Spencer Bird, an old medicine man, now dead, used to rely on the sole purifying power of water. The informant who told me this vaguely hinted at the probability of the water being some ‘special water,’’ such as that scooped out of a stump (‘‘stump water’’) or even out of the stump of a lightning-struck tree. Dirrusion or KNOWLEDGE We have just seen how an outsider may become an adept and the methods used in imparting to him the sacred and scientific lore. But even between the medicine men and practitioners who have ‘“‘oraduated’’ years ago there is going on a constant exchange of formulas and explanations, a continual barter in hints and facts relat- ing to the profession, Every medicine man has either a notebook or a motley collection of miscellaneous papers of all sizes, colors, and descriptions, containing the formulas invariably written down in the Sequoya syllabary. Many of the medicine men refrain from writing down the ‘‘directions”’ in their books or papers, and do not write any caption to the formula, in order that, if by any chance the documents should be lost or stolen, the unlawful proprietor should be at a loss how to use them. The formulas will either want the prescriptions as to plants to be used, injunctions to be followed, the foods that are tabooed, etc., or else the title is lacking, with the result that it is well-nigh impossible to find out exactly against which disease the formula is to be used. If two medicine men exchange any information, one of them usually gives the other one as many formulas to copy as the latter is willing to impart to his colleague. Some formulas may be rated far more important than others, however; a good love conjuration will easily sell for as much as five or six curing prescriptions. In some cases, even among medicine men, the formulas may be sold for money, or such commodities as coats, watches, etc. (See p. 102.) In this way there is such an intense interchange of formulas and prescriptions going on that all the medicine men have a stock in trade which is fundamentally the same, only a member of the profession who specializes in a certain field, as in divination, love medicine, etc., has a totally different collection from the one who makes curing his prin- cipal pursuit. Boy THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 105 To some extent there is also a diffusion of the medicinal knowledge from the members of the profession to the laity, to outsiders who have no intention of ever becoming medicine men, but who may want a particular formula or song because they need it so often that they can not be bothered to hire a medicine man to recite it for them on every occasion. They therefore ask a medicine man to sell them such-and- such a formula—say a hunting song or a love conjuration—which will put an end to their being dependent on the medicine man, for this emergency at any rate. Even to his best friend a medicine man will never give a formula, excusing himself by saying that any information given free loses its power. Their motives seem to be less interested, when they state that formulas should not be propagated too much anyway, since the more they are diffused the less powerful they become. (See p. 99.) As to the kind of formulas that are most frequently desired by lay- men and communicated to them by the members of the profession, the reader is referred to the chapter on the Formulas (p. 144 et seq.). SUCCESSION AND INHERITANCE There is now no definite rule as to who becomes the successor of a medicine man when he dies, and it is difficult to ascertain if ever such a rule existed. As we have seen, a great many individuals may inherit of a medicine man’s knowledge during his lifetime. The problem of the inheritance of his medicinal and ritual writings must of course be a very modern one, since it could not antedate the invention of the syllabary by Sequoya in 1821. But even so, there may have prevailed a rule prior to this, regulating the inheritance of the paraphernalia and especially of the profession, of the office. Be that as it may, there is no trace in the present beliefs or traditions that elucidates this problem. At the death of a medicine man now, he is succeeded by any one of the members of his household who takes a sufficiently keen inter- est in the profession and ‘‘who is not too lazy to be continually on the road, visiting sick people, collecting medicine for them, etc.” From what has been stated (see p. 99), it is evident that anybody who succeeds him must have been officially or unofficially initiated by him, since to an outsider even the most carefully written collec- tion of formulas would be a closed book. His wife may succeed him, as in the case of Og.,® one of his chil- dren may, or again a brother or a sister, who, through having been educated with him, may know some of the ins and outs of the pro- fession. W. inherited a good deal of his knowledge from his mother, Ayo., and a considerable amount from his half-brother, Climbing Bear. _ & Whose practice was taken over by his wife. (PI. 8, b.) 106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burz. 99 The knowledge of Og., also W.’s half-brother, came from the same sources. Del. is indebted for his ‘scientific information’’ to his father, again the much reputed Climbing Bear, and to his mother, O. T. is Del.’s brotner-in-law, and lives with him; he has been trained by tsv’skwa, his father. If we bear in mind that both W.’s wife and Del.’s mother are mid- wives, that his half-sister, Je. is a medicine woman, and another half-brother a medicine man in another settlement; furthermore, that Og.’s wife has taken up his succession, we are bound to be struck by the endemic nature of the profession with certain families. The group of individuals named above makes up roughly more than balf of the medicine men of the settlement of which a special study was made, and the remaining number could be genealogically connected in the same way, comprising such individuals as Gad., Wil., J., Ts., and a couple more. SKEPTICISM Staunch conservatives and traditionalists to the core as the medi- cine men are, they should not be thought of as a homogeneous body of fellows without any individuality, with nicely agreeing and tally- ing opinions on matters pertaining to religion and science. Elsewhere will be found a few cases where medicine men have not feared to introduce innovations in the explanation of the cause of diseases, or in its treatment, that from a Cherokee point of view may be called truly daring. I here want to draw attention to a couple of cases of an even more startling nature, to what might be called symptoms of skepticism and rationalism on the part of the members of the guild. Gad., whose writings were secured by Mooney, and which are now deposited in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology, on two occasions gives vent to a tinge of doubt. Once he writes at the end of a prescription following a formula to attract the affection of ° a woman: tsa‘ndisce™ €éti tsa“nee’™i a‘se’ Geli’ yuDo’‘tyv-Gwd® they said, App. longtime theylived, App. it must it seems it (is) true, Lim. eli’sti-Gw5® Ge'sd"’ possible, Lim. it is I. e., “They said this a long time ago when the (old people) lived; possibly it is true, so at least it seems.’’ And another time in similar circumstances: a‘se’ Geli’ yvupo"‘vyv-aw5™ ye’ Gi it must it seems it (is) true, Lim. maybe I. e., ‘Possibly this may be true.” MOONEY | OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 107 The fine shades of meaning expressing doubt and even a tinge of blasphemous irony, which many of these words convey when used in this connection, are almost impossible to render in any but a very free and colloquial translation, which would run somewhat like this: “This has never been proved, but the old people, none of whom, by the way, we have ever seen, are reputed to have believed it. Maybe it isn’t a joke, after all; anyway, what’s the harm of trying it.” Also from personal contacts I have received similar impressions. Once I asked a medicine man whether he was absolutely sure about a particular subject I was discussing with him, and which he ex- plained according to current orthodox and traditional views; I also asked him if he would accept another medicine man’s views if they happened to be diametrically opposed to his own opinions and to tradition; he answered: ‘‘ Yes, I would, if he could prove that he was right.” Good old Og. once confidentially told me that he had lost all con- fidence in the divinatory powers of the ‘‘brown stone’’; as often as he had tried it he had been disappointed. He believed in other modes of divination and practiced them, but for ‘brown stone” divination he had no use at all. Some more facts that are related to those discussed in this para- eraph will be found on page 1138. ArritupE Towarp WHiItEr CULTURE Although as a rule the medicine man is strongly opposed to the influence of white culture in his domain, and very hostile to the white physician and his medicine box, this feeling is much less pro- nounced in some localities than in others. The Indians living in the neighborhood of the agency, who know by experience that the “‘white medicine” is so much superior to theirs, are breaking loose from their medicine men and their doctrines, and the medicine man feels that he is fighting a desperate and hopeless battle. Some means he employs in this we would call hardly fair, but I am convinced that the medicine men themselves are quite honest about them, e. g., when they allege that white doctors willfully cause disease (see p. 39) so as to always have clients. ‘‘You see,’ one of them told me once, “‘your white doctors are out after money. We will treat a sick man for weeks and weeks and cure him, even though we know that he has nothing to pay us with. And if he recovers, we are just as glad as if he had been a rich man and could have given us yards and yards of cloth, and beads and money. But your doctors, if they do not get money, they will not cure; and how can they get money if the people do not become ill. So they make healthy people ill on purpose, that they may cure them and get rich.” What is there to be answered to such sound dialectics? 108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 99 And yet, there are even more arguments. White medicine and Indian medicine are both good; but as Indian medicine is not good for a white man, what is the use of white medicine for an Indian? ‘We Indians have always used the medicine raw,” and have gotten used to it. But white medicine is not raw, and it does not agree with us.” Others are less dogmatic about it, and say that there are successful white doctors, just as there are skillful Indian medicine men, and that, if one of the latter has failed to cure a patient, there is no reason why the white doctor should not be given a chance. But the two should never be employed at the same time. The only exception to this rule that has come to my knowledge is a case where a child was ill, and the agency doctor, being summoned, prescribed a medicine to be drunk. The Cherokee medicine man, Wil., since deceased, who had been attending to the case, had ordered a collection of herbs to be cooked and the decoction to be sprinkled over the child. When he heard of the white doctor’s prescription he did not oppose himself to the white man’s medicine being used simultaneously with his own, as the former was to be used internally, whereas his was for external use only. One point which even the most inveterate traditionalist will always be found readily willing to concede is that there are certain diseases which an Indian medicine man could not possibly cure, viz, those diseases that are of an infectious and contagious nature, and which are reputed to be imported by the white people, and more specifically, caused by the white doctors. On the other hand, there exist ailments which even the best white physician could not cure, as the dreaded and uncanny aye’ l.Go"'Gi diseases (see p. 33) and in a general way all diseases that are held to be caused by human agency and occult means. There are quite a few stories circulating, calculated to uphold the prestige of the native medicine men at the expense of the agency doctors. One of them, representative of the kind, follows below, almost textually (Informant W.): One day my brother-in-law became suddenly ill on the ball field. I carried him home and went after Doctor X® to cure him. Doctor X came twice, but gave him up and said there was no hope of recovery. I then went to Og., who came; he said that if the sick man lived until midnight he would recover, but that he was very bad, and might die before then. So I went and warned all the relatives, and they came and stood by his bedside. About half past 10 that night he became very bad, his breath stopped, and we all thought he % The point he wants to make here is, that our materia medica is prepared, distilled, extracted, compressed into tablets, etc. There is neither smell, taste, nor trace ‘‘of the barks and roots”’ left. 6! The Government Agency physician. MooNnEY ] OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 109 had died. I straightened his legs out, and his stepmother tied her handkerchief under his chin. But all of a sudden he breathed, and again, and again. Quickly they took the handkerchief away; he opened his eyes, and asked: “When did I come back?” (It sounded as if he thought he had been away.) His father said: ‘‘You have not been away; you have been in bed all the time.” Next day he ate, and soon he became stronger; within a week he walked about the house; he recovered. PERSONALITIES—INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES Although J have carefully avoided conveying the impression that anything applying to one medicine man likewise holds for every one of his congeners, yet I consider it necessary to specially devote a few lines to a rough sketch of the character of a few of them, bringing out such individual differences in views and behavior as struck and im- pressed me most. It goes without saying that just as anywhere else, and asin any other profession, some of them are more proficient and skillful than others; that some again are less overawed and fettered by tradition and pat- tern than some of their colleagues; that some there are, finally, whose honesty and integrity can not be doubted, whereas others are no better than some of the vulgar and mercantile quacks that are not unknown even in our communities. There is W. (57 years old, married; see pl. 5), who acted as my interpreter and main informant during the major part of my stay. He has a very striking personality. His mother, ayo’‘sta (Mooney, SFC., p. 313; Myths, pl. x1v) was a medicine woman of high repute and a staunch traditionalist. From her W. got a lot of mythological and botanical jore when he was quite young, but after he went to the Government school at Hampton, Va., he lost, as he says himself, all faith in what the old people believed and taught. He was recon- verted, however, by an experience, a detailed account of which will be given elsewhere, and during which, by some Cherokee talisman, which his half brother, Climbing Bear, had procured for him, he managed to win the affection of a white girl. In spite of this success, the white people’s settlements made him feel hopelessly homesick. He returned to his people, and it did not take him more than a few days to drop into the old life again, and to work out a quaint philosophy and outlook on life of his own, and which he occasionally teaches and advocates, with the result that these views are uttered rather frequently by other medicine men, with more or less conviction as the case may be. According to this system, ‘‘white medicine might be good, and Indian medicine might be good. There are some diseases (e. g., aye'l.Go'Gi diseases) which a white doctor can 110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt 99 not cure, and there are some against which an Indian doctor is helpless. But as a rule, a white man’s medicine can not help an Indian, just as Indian medicine is of no use to a white man. He (W.) personally experienced this.” Although he expresses himself in such a mild way with regard to white doctors and their medicine, I know that he secretly holds the aboriginal medicine men with their paraphernalia and simples as far more successful and skilled masters, and whenever any sickness pre- vails in his cabin, W. will only call on the Government physician after weeks of treatment by his own and other medicine men’s arts have brought no results. Again, although he is fully convinced of the fact that a medicine man should never impose on the laymen or brag about his superior knowledge, I know that W. is very conceited, and since the death of his half brother, Climbing Bear, he considers himself second to none. He is feared by many, despised by a few, loved by none. -Yet, because of his accomplishments and his keen intelligence, he has been elected a member of the Cherokee Council so often that he has been in office for upward of a score of years. Few, if any, on the whole reserve have had a better ‘‘white education”; hardly one of his people has lived in white communities as long as W. has; yet he is the most ardent and most conscious of traditionalists. He is fully aware of his own worth and accomplishments, and there- fore extremely sensitive to mockery and slight. Unflinchingly beliey- ing in every bit of Cherokee traditional and ritual lore as he does, I am sure that many times he has by occult means tried to remove from his path and from this world, those that were his avowed or secret enemies. In his practice he never consciously departs from ritual or tradition, and most literally and punctiliously follows and observes injunctions and prescriptions appended to the formulas. As to his professional honesty, I found several proofs of this being scant indeed; yet I do not think that his motives were wholly or even mostly selfish. At times one would be inclined to look upon him as one who believes himself the prophet of a losing cause, and firmly con- vinced that all means are allowable to keep the people at large in the respect and in the awe of the beliefs and the institutions of the past. His pronounced erotic nature, which is to be discussed later in con- nection with the experience mentioned above, is undoubtedly responsi- ble for many traits in his behavior; his natural disposition for conceit, e. g., is considerably enhanced by it. An activity and a providence, which the more surprise us as they are totally unknown to his shiftless and happy-go-lucky fellows, he owes, I feel quite sure, to his training as an adolescent in the Government boarding school, and to his subsequent stay with white families as a servant and coachman, ery, | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 111 Altogether, W. was by far the most impressive and most important personality in the settlement at the time of my stay. If only so much antipathy had not been rampant against him he would without any doubt have been considered, implicitly if not outspokenly, the Jeader of the community. This role, however, it has been given to T. (63 years old, bachelor, pl. 10, c) to fulfill. Vastly inferior to W., both in intelligence and knowledge, his disposition and temperament have secured for him a universal love and a public esteem, to which by the mere accomplish- ments of his mind he could never have attained. His social intercourse is replete with a distinction and a nobility that would create a sensation in an aristocratic drawing-room. Children that run and scramble away into hiding when W. comes briskly stepping along the trail, approach with glee and hail with joy the person of T. as he leisurely and serenely comes strolling along. There is in the whole of his appearance, in his intercourse, in his deal- ings with young and old alike, a kindly amiability tempered with a dignified reserve that immediately betrays the wisdom of life. Humbly realizing his importance, he never hurries, speaks but little and then slowly, as if he deliberately chose and weighed the value of his words; he is stoic and calm in illness and adversity as in victory and success. He not only professes to be humble, but actually con- siders his professional knowledge as a loan extended to him for the benefit of his people. Although he has passed through the various grades of the profession, it speaks for his personality that he now only retains such specialties as divination, praying for long life, love attraction, etc. But anyone appealing to his medical knowledge is never disappointed—at least not by T.’s willingness. The general consideration in which he is held has brought him the honor of preparing the Big Cove team for the ball game whenever they have been challenged by a rival team of another settlement. The meaning of this appointment has been explained (p. 91). It will be noticed that after all, the professional aspect of T.’s character is scarcely touched upon here, and this portrays conditions exactly as I found them. To a question, which of the two, W. or T., is the better medicine man, a Cherokee answers that T. is so u'Da Nitu'yu’, such a nice fellow. The contrast between these two men, whose characters I have sketched as objectively as can be done by such a method as here used, is clearly brought out, and goes to prove that with the Cherokee superior knowledge in a medicine man may have to give the right of - way to a more human disposition. If all the remarkable and noteworthy persons here discussed had been born and educated in a white environment I like to think of T. 7548°—32—_9 112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt. 99 as an honorary president of a powerful amalgamation of scientific societies. W. might have built and directed a splendidly equipped and well-paying hospital; but Og. (pl. 9, @), whom we are going to present now, would have been the altruistic and devoted scientist, constantly busy in the laboratory, peering over tables and instru- ments, testing, measuring, and titrating, doggedly in search after methods and devices to improve the health and lengthen the life of this sorely tried and cruelly stricken humanity. ) Oe. was 64 years old when he died in 1927, while I was working with him. His knowledge was truly encyclopedic, and whenever the rich fund of W.’s information tarried, and no one else could supply the necessary elucidation, Og. was the last and usually happy resort. When there was a diagnosis to be made that baffled everybody his knowledge and experience was never called upon in vain; when plants or roots were needed, the very names of which other medicine men but faintly recollected, he was always able to describe them, to find them, and to identify them. When hoary origins of institutions and of practices were to be dug up out of the voluminous mythological lore he was the man to do it, when everybody else had failed. If only he had had 10 per cent as much ambition as he had knowl- edge of tribal, ritual, and medicinal affairs he would have been as celebrated one day as that other ‘‘Oconostota”’ of Fort Loudon fame. But his inherent shyness, which went so far as to actually shun the > company even of his friends, his passion for his profession, his truly | philosophic turn of mind, made of this man a personality that in a— civilized community and in an educated environment might have become an Edison or an Einstein. | Doting college juniors could not discuss the branch of their predi- lection with so much zeal and enthusiasm as Og. could. Hours at a stretch he could not only give information—or rather lecture on > Cherokee obstetrics or semeiology, as I would much rather put it— | but he could investigate a problem, ask surprisingly keen questions, | that often really stimulated thought and provoked solutions. | He was practically the only medicine man of the many I have | known who could be said to have a certain perspective in his knowledge | and who was not hopelessly unable to connect two bits of information that came from different branches of his ‘‘erudition.” If his opinion - was asked regarding an obscure text in the formulas, he would of : his own accord consult his fund of mythological lore, to see what he could find there that might be of any use to shed some light on the | problem. His professional devotion was edifying, and his honesty was beyond questioning. I have elsewhere drawn attention to the baffling fact | that even such a character as Og. used metbods which can hardly — Bi aetis THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 113 be called by any other name than that of prestidigitation. Yet I remain firmly convinced that he was in unquestionably good faith in this regard. One of the more sinister persons in the profession is Jo. (70 years old, widower). He is looked upon by all the others not only as an outsider but as an impostor. This opinion I am rather inclined to believe as doing justice to the facts, the more so as I have never been able to induce him to work with me, in spite of his reputed greedy love of money. He is a member of the Cherokee Council and a preacher for one of the two Churches that make efforts to evangelize the people. It is quite a proposition to try to analyze Jo.’s personality, as it is very intricate. Since he is a preacher, which to him is para- mount to being a full-fledged member of the intelligentsia of the white people, he considers it just as necessary to belong to the leading personalities of his own people; for this reason he becomes a medicine man, or rather pretends to be one. Since, now, being a preacher gives him the right and the authority to expound and explain the hidden and secret meanings of Holy Writ to his congregation, he thinks he also has the privilege of altermg Cherokee traditional and medical lore to suit his opinion; that is where he comes in open conflict with the conservatives in general, and most of all with the ensign bearers of conservatism, the medicine men. To give an instance: Whereas tradition teaches that the future can only be divulged by definitely specified means (beads, ‘‘brown stone,” etc.), and by an elaborate ritual, Jo. pretends that he can prophecy without any such paraphernalia; that he simply sees the future happenings and events; that he has a revelation, as we would say. Such astatement, to the mind of those of the medicine men that are sincere, is nothing short of blasphemy, and to those that are not quite so honest, it is even more odious, because when you take away from such a ceremony as divination all the mysterious uncanny, awe- inspiring proceedings, such as twisting the beads, intently watching the dangling brown stone, praying to the Ancient Fire prior to drop- ping the sacred tobacco over it—if all this is done away with, what remains to impress the clients? Yet the influence which Jo. has as a preacher and as a councillor makes it possible for him to be a heretic and not be ostracized, and to be a blasphemer and not to starve. Knowing as he does the disdain he is held in by the other medicine men, Jo. plays tit for tat, never letting an occasion pass to “‘make them mad.’”’ The primordial quality of a Cherokee medicine man, devotion to his patients, whether from a true moral incentive or from mere love of the fee, is absolutely foreign to Jo., and as I know him, I am honestly convinced that on the rare occasion a patient ascribes 114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 his cure to him, Jo.’s reaction is primarily, if not wholly, one of fiendish glee at the fact that he has humiliated a competing medicine man; the humane satisfaction of having rid a sufferer of his pain, which is never absent with any of the other medicine men, has no part in Jo.’s feelings. Is it necessary to say which one, of all Cherokee practitioners, is most cordially hated by Jo.? And who most fiercely returns the compliment? W., of course. Both of them councillors and ardent with political ambition and passion, neither of them honest as a practitioner nor as a man; both of them too well educated to be good Cherokee, and neither of them educated enough to know what to take and what to leave of white culture, they often meet on the road to the same objective, and always as competitors. I personally know that drama has come near to bringing a tragic solution to their jealousy. But all in that motley body of Cherokee medicine men is not dramatic; besides its sinister and gloomy personages, it has its Rabelais: Meet Jud. (married, no children, 63 years old, pl. 10, @), a most captivating and amusing personality. To begin with, and to be quite honest, Jud. is no medicine man at all; he merely longs, languishes, dies to be one; I am sure that if only he could obtain that ardently craved honor by paying for it with 10 years of his life—if he has so much to his credit, poor old friend—he would gladly do so. If Jud. only knew, even if his com- peers make sport and fun of his efforts to capture the first principles of practical therapeutics at the age of 60, that I, his adopted son, discuss him this day along with the past masters of the science, how proud he would be, and what a tremendous joke he would con- sider it to be. Although I am satisfied I can show why Jud. can never be a good medicine man, I must admit my utter inability to explain why he wants to be one. He himself does not know, and considered it a very stupid question when I asked him. ‘‘Why, aren’t there many people who are medicine men? And look at the old people; aren’t they nearly all medicine men? Why shouldn’t I become one?” And then, bethinking himself, “he was suffermg so much from pe‘Dble’ski (rheumatism); he needed treatment practically every day; could he afford the time and the money © to have a medicine man come to his house every morning to scratch him with a briar and to mumble a formula which he could learn to recite just as well?”’ And, finally, with a roguish twinkle in his eye that suddenly and com- pletely seemed to metamorphize him into a lad of 18: “Moreover, if I want love medicine, do you expect me to go and ask one of those guys for it?”’ ® Jud. is very well off, as local standards go. NVYW ANIDIGAW ASIHD WISISSAONN SHL “LL ‘9 SYAYVW NISSAOD SHL AO ABIHD SHL ‘9 SIV1TEEVY ASNOYUSHD SHL “ane ‘» Ol 3LW1d 66 NILATING ASOTONHLA NVOIMAWY AO Nvayna BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 PLATE I a, J., ONE OF THE LESSER STARS b, DEL., DESCENDANT OF AN OLD LINEAGE OF MEDICINE MEN ih ae THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 115 An incorrigible jester, a side-splitting joker, Jud. is the most per- fect. anthropomorphized trickster you could imagine. Once as I was trying to reconstitute the Cherokee rabbit cycle, and was mobilizing all the available sources of information, Jud. came on one of his numerous visits. Brimful of the interesting subject, I asked him eagerly what he knew of the rabbit? He concentrated his thoughts on the subject, shifted his weight, looked at the ceiling, spat on the floor, and then, as I turned a keen face up from my notebook, he drawled: ‘All I know about the rabbit is how to eat it.” What an enormous asset this jocular disposition may be to flit through life smiling and contented, it is less desired in a medicine man. Yet, in spite of his stingy wife’s protests, and unheeding the jokes and taunts of the people, Jud. goes about his plans, collecting bits of knowledge and scraps of information wherever he can, buying expensive documents, which he can neither read nor interpret. When he afterwards calls in the aid of a medicine man—whom he has to pay—to find out what his latest acquisition is all about, he learns that it is incomplete, that the “directions” are missing, or that it is worthless on account of some other defect. The whole settlement hears about it and roars, but the loudest peal of laughter comes from Jud. Somehow, he considers it a capital joke, and he could not for a moment entertain the idea that the joke is on him. Since Jud. was politely kicked out of the door by all the members of the profession, [ had the questionable privilege of being honored with his visit daily at first, and slightly less frequently afterwards. He proved second to none as far as keenness to discuss the subject was concerned. Alas, his ignorance was so manifest that the exchange of ideas proved not profitable. There are some more medicine men with whom work was done, but they belonged to what may be called an undergraduate class, both as regards professional accomplishments and individuality. Ts. (pl. 8, a), widower, 73 years old, and J. (pl. 11, a), his son (died 1928, 47 years old), were both very charming individuals, but had a rather narrow conception of things. They looked upon their occupation as a job or’a trade rather than as an art or a profession; to dispose of his ‘‘fee’”’ (see p. 95 et seq.; also Mooney, SFC., p. 338) was as important and as awkward a problem for J. as to cure a patient. If the other medicine men were worthy professors, these were mere Sunday-school teachers. Del. (pl. 11, 6), 51 years old, married, could, if he had chosen, have become a bright star in the Cherokee medical constellation. Only slightly less intelligent than Og., he is even more retiring and shy than his uncle was. He is a well-providing father for his family, and considers the medicine man’s profession too unstable and pre- carious to support his household. I am inclined to believe, more- 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [Burt 99 over, that his practical turn of mind and his active temperament have also something to do with this; thus it would be explained why, although practicing very little himself, he is the only medicine man who is still able and willing to make such “surgical”? instruments as are still in use—comb scratchers, sucking horns, ete. Je. (pl. 12, a), widow, 72, and O. (pl. 12, b), Del.’s mother, Climbing Bear’s widow, 73, the two medicine women during my stay, do not call for any discussion here. Their position was devoid of any impor- tance, and their rédle was almost limited to that of midwives. O. is far more universally loved than Je. is,which feeling I must heartily commend and sympathetically indorse. BIRTH SrpxvuAL Lire Since the manuscript, to which this discussion is an introduction, does not contain any formulas dealing with love matters, such as conjuration to gain the affection of a woman, to destroy in a particular woman the promiscuous tendencies she has shown, incantations to take vengeance on a woman who has scoffed at sympathies proffered, to sow discord between a couple of lovers, etc., it has not been con- sidered necessary to go into such minute details on this score as has been done with matters pertaining to purely medical lore, which constitutes the bulk of the material offered in this manuscript. Two more manuscripts, on which some work has already been done, and of which the publication is contemplated, will afford a far better opportunity to treat at length such topics as sense of shame, puberty, sexual life, adultery, sexual pathology, ete. CONCEPTION It would seem that Cherokee ideas on this subject had been con- siderably influenced by the views of their white neighbors. This need not, however, be the case. There are less civilized peoples whose conceptions about disease and medicine are not any more reasonable than those of the Cherokee, and whose explanation of the process of conception is even more rational (cf. Kleiweg de Zwaan, pp. 158-159). Male and female alike ‘‘produce the matter which becomes mixed and goes to form the child in (the womb of) the mother. In some cases this matter is mixed right away, in which case they will have a baby soon; in other cases it may take several months, or even a couple of years.” “She is pregnant’ is rendered Gane*‘ld5", also ‘ta‘lu'li’ (lit. ‘she carries it’’?), BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 PLATE 12 a, JE., A PROMINENT MIDWIFE b, O., DEL.'S MOTHER; MIDWIFE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 99 PLATE 13 CHEROKEE DANCE MASK oe THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 117 It is held that unsimultaneous detumescence can not produce offspring. There is no clear conception as to the origin of the soul of the child. The majority of the informants say that they do not know, “they have never thought of it.”” The keenest of the medicine men, W., thought that it came along, with what went to form the body of the child, and was therefore secreted by both the individuals concerned in the act. A woman knows she has conceived by the stopping of her cata- menial flow. ABORTUS—CONTRACEPTIVES Abortus is totally unknown; even my best informant (a man of 56, prominent medicine man, holding a leading position in the tribal organization, twice married, high school graduate), had never heard of it, and I had a good deal of difficulty in making him understand what I meant. He was horrified at the idea, and J am afraid his esteem for the white people and the ways of some of them was not improved, when he finally grasped the idea. It does not seem to have dawned on them that the foetus can be tampered with at all, and to do so, W. thought, would be outright murder. As he put it: ‘‘You might as well cut a 5-year-old child’s head off.’ Of contraceptive measures, they do not seem to be quite so ignorant. They know one: t‘liyu‘‘sti (Cicuta maculata L.; spotted cowbane; musquash root; beaver’s poison), the roots of which are chewed and swallowed for four days consecutively by the woman who wants to put an end to her conceptive abilities. It is alleged that if a woman uses this she will become sterile forever. From a point of view of morals, it is considered nothing less than a crime, and none of my informants knew a case where it had been used. One, W. again, said that he never knew it to be used, but that he imagines that it might be used by a woman who can not keep her children alive, or when it is considered that ‘‘partus’” would endanger her life. But even then, he said, they would not do it, “for a woman will just as lief take the risk of dying with her baby, rather than to live without a child.” There is a vague hint by some of the informants at the possibility of promiscuous women using this drug, especially if they are married, so that there can be no material proof of their misbehavior. But substantial evidence to prove this impression could not be given. When we consider their total ignorance of abortive measures and the scant and vague knowledge of contraceptives, I am inclined to think that the Cherokee hold the only means known to them from the white settlers. It is said that, at an early period of its growth, 118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99, the plant resembles parsley (cf. Larousse Médical (Paris, 1922), 226), and parsley (Petroselinum satwuwm Hoffm.) has been and still is popular in several European countries as an abortive (cf. v. Hov. Kr. I 170; Lemery 417; Dodoens 1176). It is still used in official medicine as an emmenagogue (U.S. Dispensatory, p. 1393). DurtnGc PREGNANCY As soon as a woman feels she is with child she informs her husband and her friends of it. Soon the whole settlement knows about her condition, and she becomes subjected to the multifarious taboos and injunctions relating to her condition. The most important of the latter is that she be ‘“‘ taken to the water”’ every new moon. The ceremony of going to the river to pray, to be prayed for, and to bathe, is the outstanding one of Cherokee ritual. It is now fast disappearing, and only the staunch and conservative old-timers cling to it as to one of the last vestiges of aboriginal religion. As stated elsewhere (see p. 150), there are several occasions on which the Cherokee should perform this ceremony; as a whole, the ceremony is pretty much the same in every case; whether it be merely the monthly rite at the new moon, or whether it be to work against an enemy, or to conjure a disease away, or to ‘‘examine with the beads,” — the individual on whose behalf the ceremony is performed goes to the bank of the river, accompanied by the priest, who recites some prayer, conjuration, or incantation, at the end of which some water is dipped out with the hollow of the hand, and the crown of the head, the bosom (‘‘where our soul is’’), and often the face is washed. The particular ceremony of taking pregnant women to the water is renewed at every new moon, a few months prior to the expected delivery. According to information, listed in notes of Mooney, it should be started after the third month of pregnancy; Ol. and Del. told me that it was only observed during the last three months preceding delivery, whereas W. maintained the ceremony took place every new moon, starting when the pregnant woman felt for the first time the motion of the child within her, which is said by the Cherokee to happen usually about the fifth month after conception. The pregnant woman goes down to the river, accompanied by the priest. ‘Two white beads (white being the color emblematic of life), or sometimes two red beads (red being the color symbolizing success), and a white thread, 50 to 60 centimeters long, are put down on the ground on a yard of white calico. All this is to be supplied by the client, and is afterwards taken away by the priest as his fee. The couple is usually accompanied by an attendant, as a rule the husband, the mother, or some other relative of the woman, who throughout the proceedings acts as assistant, spreading out the cloth, eases THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 119 arranging the beads and the thread. It is as a rule also the assistant who, at the end of the ceremony, makes a bundle of the paraphernalia and hands it to the priest. The party standing on the bank of the river, facing the water, the priest recites the prayer (see Texts, Form. No. 18, p. 193), meanwhile holding a red (or white) and a black bead between thumb and index of his right and left hands (see p. 132). The lively movements of the right-hand bead spell success, those of the left-hand bead spell disap- pointment. At the end of the ceremony he strings the beads on the thread, deposes them on the calico, which is then wrapped up by the assistant and given to the priest to take home with him. This ceremony, though it is understood to be gone through for the benefit of mother and child, often has as its more immediate object an aim of rather a divinatory nature, e. g., whether the child will live or will be stillborn, or again, what will be its sex, etc. The client has the right to stipulate the aim of the divination. Every time at the end of the ceremony the priest tells the woman what are the results and the prospects. The priest takes the cloth and the two beads home with him, and at the next new moon has to bring the latter back with him. At the second ceremony the patron has to supply two more beads, which are finally strung on the same white thread along with the others, and also another yard of white cloth, which again the priest takes home as his fee. These purely religious ceremonies are only a part of what we might term the prenatal care and treatment with the Cherokee. Even as long before delivery as this, simples are taken to induce an easy par- turition. Each time, before setting out for this river ceremony, the woman, before she leaves home, drinks a decoction of bark of pa‘™"wodzula (Ulmus fulva, Michx., red, or slippery elm); stems of "wale‘lu uv nadzu loci ’sti (Impatiens biflora Walt., spotted touch-me-not); roots of Ga‘noGwaPli’ski nicoil6”’ ctse’i (Veronica officinalis L., common speedwell); cones of n3.tsi,’ (Pinus pungens Lamb., Table Mountain pine). The first is used because of the mucilaginous nature of its bark: “Tt will make the inside of the woman slippery,’’ so that the child will have no difficulty in putting in an appearance. The second plant is alleged to frighten the child, and to entice it “to jump down”? briskly. The two last plants named are chosen because they are nico‘v'16” utsetl, 1. e., “evergreens,” and it is expected of them that they will convey their properties of longevity and unimpaired health to the infant. 120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bux. 99 There is no doubt but there is some symbolic significance attached to the method of selecting the ingredients—roots, barks, stems, tops. No information could be gained to elucidate this, even though all the informants agreed that there must be some cause underlying it. It may point to a symbolic way of presenting life from birth to growth, an interpretation which sounds quite orthodox in the light of what we know of Cherokee symbolism and belief. As stated, this decoction is drunk at home prior to going down to the river; when standing near the water, the woman induces vomit- ing. This medicine is not only thought to be beneficial to parturi- tion, but it also cleanses the woman from all disease germs that may be latent in her, and induces the throwing off of any ‘‘spoiled saliva.” (See p. 15.) PREGNANT WOMAN’S TABOOS When with child, a woman not only has to be very careful lest any harm befall her; she herself is extremely dangerous to her relatives, friends, and neighbors. Beliefs relating to the latter conception have been discussed elsewhere. (See p. 35.) As to the restrictions she herself is subjected to, there are first of all the food taboos: She should not eat squirrel (sa‘lo'li’), because if she does, the child, when about to be born, will not come down, but will ‘go up,” as a squirrel, when frightened, climbs up a tree (Del.; O.); or because squirrels have a hump, and if she eats any squirrel meat the baby would lie in the womb in a humped position, which would make delivery very difficult (W.). Nor should she eat t°6"‘"du'sti’ (‘‘pheasant’’; ruffed grouse), as her child would not live (Mooney, Myths, p. 285). Nor raccoon (k‘5"‘li’), as this would give the child the a6-‘"wanais’ ti disease (see p. 67). Nor speckled trout (a‘t.tsa’), as the child would have birthmarks, black spots on the face (Del.; O.); or because this would cause undue bloodshed during partus (W.). | Nor rabbit (tcstu’), as the child would sleep with its eyes open (Del.; O.); or because it would have ridiculously large eyes. Nor crawfish (tec‘st6‘na’), which runs backward, as the child would obstinately refuse to come down at the time of delivery. No animals are to be eaten that have been shot, either by gun or bow and arrow; in other words, ‘no animals killed with bloodshed. But the same animals that are tabooed if killed by bullet or arrow may be eaten if caught in traps and snares, or if stunned and killed by club or adze. There are, so to speak, no taboos with reference to plant foods. The only one I could find was the nuts of seti’ (Juglans migra L., Oey THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 121 black walnut). If these nuts are eaten, the child will have a horribly broad nose. Salt is to be used as scantily as possible. No reason for this could be given. W. said he thought it was “‘because salt makes meat (and therefore also flesh) swell.’’ (See p. 65.) No trace of the belief in the result of unsatisfied picae could be found. Apart from the food taboos there are quite a number of restrictions and injunctions which a pregnant woman has to observe. She should not be visited by a menstrual woman. She should never loiter near the doorway. Whenever she has to go in or out of the cabin she must do so briskly. If she loiters at the doorway ‘‘the child will be slow in jumping down.” Every morning she should go to a near-by creek or spring, accom- panied by her husband, and both should wash their faces, hands, and, some say, their feet. This custom has nothing to do with the cere- monial going to water observed at every new moon, and is of a totally different nature. It seems to be practiced solely for hygienic pur- poses, although there is no telling but this might be a mere rationalized explanation of an act that had formerly a religious significance. One informant, Del., gave as a reason, that it was done simply to multiply the opportunities for going out of doors. (See p. 122.) She should not comb her hair backward, as the hair of the child, when grown, would not fall smoothly along its head, but would grow brist- ling and unkempt. She should not wear a neckerchief, nor a belt of cloth or beadwork; nor should she have an apron tied around her waist. If she disregards any of these injunctions the child will have the umbilical cord twisted round its neck, and will be suffocated. She should not see a corpse; but should she have to accompany a burial, where at the graveyard everybody is supposed to cast a last glance at the face of the deceased, any pregnant woman is given the opportunity to precede all those present; for, should others look at the corpse before she was given a chance, this would result in serious obstacles for her delivery. “In the times of long ago,”’ W. told me, “pregnant women were not allowed to see masks; now they are no longer so careful about this. But in olden times such powerful witches existed that they could make the unborn child look as horrible as the mask its mother had looked at. But now they are no longer so powerful.” (Pl. 13.) HUSBAND’S TABOOS A considerable portion of the taboos that have to be observed by the future father has probably been lost. Yet some of them still exist, and are still observed by the more conservative members of the tribe. 122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxx. 99 A man whose wife is pregnant must not be a gravedigger, nor must he help in any way with a burial, else his child would be stillborn. Nor should he put a fold or dents in his hat, since as a result of this the child would be born with dents in its head. This belief may con- tain an allusion to the fontanels. As well as his wife, the husband should abstain from wearing a neckerchief, and he also should always enter and leave the house or pass through any doorway in a hurry. If his wife has to go out of the house during the night he has to accompany her. The explanation tendered for this custom is again that it is merely done to have an opportunity for going outside (see p. 121), butit is quite possible that we are dealing here with a survival of an older belief, found among nearly all uncivilized peoples, and accord- ing to which a woman with child is a favorite victim for all kinds of marauding night sprites. Of such a belief there is now, however, no trace left. As already stated, the husband should also accompany his wife every morning to a near-by stream or spring. (See p. 121.) PARTUS A few days before delivery the husband has to make arrangements for four women to attend to the parturient woman. A woman acting in this capacity calls this tsiya‘Plipapingpa‘nesa’, I assist at childbirth (lit.: ‘I make the (child) jump down from her for her’’). The woman’s mother, her sister, and relatives are asked when pos- sible, but if these are living at distant settlements, or if they are not available for other reasons, female neighbors will do just as well. It is a rule that at least one of the four is a midwife with some reputa- tion, so that she can be relied upon to recite the necessary formulas and to indicate the simples that may be necessary if complications set in. There is no doubt but the injunction that four women must be present is again to be explained by the respect which the Cherokee have for this number. It is interesting to note that they themselves have rationalized it; they allege that it is an official regulation of the North Carolina State authorities, that the number of female attendants should be four. I know of cases, though, where this rule was not observed, and when. a child was born at the house we stayed at, only two women were present, one of them being O. Rarely a masculine practitioner is present, but this may be the case when a difficult partus is expected, as when the woman has been ill the last few days prior to parturition, and he is invariably called in if complications set in after delivery. Diane THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 123 As soon as the parturient feels the first pangs of pain the women who are to attend to her are summoned; they give her straightway a warm infusion of the barks of t'aya’ ma’Ge'® 4, (Prunus serotina Ebr. (?), a variety of wild cherry). This is probably the time when, in former times, the woman repaired to the menstruation lodge, the o”’si, where she remained until 12 or 24 days after delivery. Now, however, the whole opera- tion takes place in the cabin. All the children and the male inmates, save the husband if he cares to stay, have to leave the cabin (the cabins, as a rule, boast only of one room). If the husband or a medi- cine man stay they have to keep behind the patient. At this time a medicine man or a medicine woman who has been warned a few days previously to keep ready is summoned; he or she comes, and sees to it that everything is all right; that all the pre- cautions are taken, that the assistants are in attendance, that the necessary simples are at hand, etc. He or she, if necessary, may go out and collect the barks and roots needed. The practitioner then walks out, stands at the eastern corner of the cabin and recites a conjuration, calling upon the child to ‘‘jump down”’; the child is addressed as ‘‘tsu’’pz5", ‘‘thou little boy.” He then slowly walks to the north-side corner of the house and repeats the formula, addressing the child as ‘Ge’ yu’pz5", ‘“‘thou little girl.’ Then walking on to the west-side corner, the boy is again called upon, and at the south side, the girl. He or she may then walk home, if satisfied that there is an old woman present who can deal with the case and who knows the formu- las that may further be needed. Should this not be the fact, they stay until after parturition. Plate 12, a, shows the medicine woman who went through this ceremony at the birth we witnessed. If it is deemed necessary, the house may be circumambulated once more, this time to ward off the activity of witches. Attention has already been drawn to the belief that witches are especially active against individuals who are too weak to resist, and it is believed that they consider both the infant at birth and the woman after parturition as particularly easy prey. (See p. 33.) The position taken by the parturient may differ considerably in different cases. One or two of these positions are undoubtedly acquired from the whites. (1) The woman lies down until symptoms indicate that delivery is approaching. She is then taken under the axillae by one or two of the attending women, and raised to her feet, reclining backward in a slanting position; her feet are wide apart, and her legs stretched open. A third woman stands in front, stooping and ready to take hold of the child when it comes. If matters do not seem to progress, 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 if they think they acted upon ‘‘a false alarm,’’ the woman who raised the patient sits down on a chair, and gently lets the woman down to the floor in a sitting position; the patient’s back is supported by the seated attendant’s legs. (2) The parturient kneels on the ground, her legs wide open; she clutches the back of a chair. The attendants assist her a posteriori. (3) The woman sits on the lap of her husband, who sits on a chair and holds his arms around his wife’s waist. (4) Parturition while lying down is almost unknown. Whatever the position may be, the woman is always completely dressed. This does not interfere so much with the operation as one might think, as undergarments are all but unknown by the majority of the people. ‘The dress is merely tucked up when deemed necessary. The women arrange among themselves what particular part of the work will be performed by each of them. The woman who first takes hold of the child, and who as a rule is tacitly agreed upon as the one in charge, is supposed to care for the child throughout the operation. The woman standing by her side binds and cuts the navel string, while the two other women look after the parturient. The one who stands in front of the patient, ready to catch the child, usually has a cloth spread out on her hands. Sometimes, instead of actually taking the child from the mother it is allowed to fall, with a most unhealthy sounding thud, on a cloth spread out on the floor; a few handfuls of dry leaves may be put under the cloth to mitigate the child’s fall. Prior to cutting the navel string, the blood is driven from the pla- centa toward the child, by running thumb and index along the funic- ulus; it is then bound off, about 2 centimeters from the child, and cut about 4 centimeters from its body. An odd end of string or yarn or a thin strip of calico is used for this. The cutting is now done with scissors. Both as a prophylactic and as a therapeutic measure, a species of fungus, no.kwu.’si_ vpe’Gipd" (Geaster, puffball),is put on the navel and left on it until the withered remains of the funiculus fall off. uD y6" "pali’, navel. v“Duyd""pata’, navel string (attached to child). ube yO" "paténda, navel string (severed from child). No particular belief relating to the fontanel, nor any special treat- ment referring to it, were noticed. Nor does there seem to exist any lore pertaining to children born with a caul. The child is washed off with warm water and rolled in any piece of cloth that may be available, and the woman who attends to it squats down near the fire with it, her duties being now practically completed. Ae a THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 125 Complications.—As far as the partus itself is concerned there are, after all, only two kinds of complications known: (1) The child is slow in coming. (2) Its position in the womb prevents its delivery. In the first case the woman’s private parts are bathed with a warm decoction of “wale’lu. v“nadzu'loce’sti (Impatiens biflora Walt., spotted touch-me-not), which is said to scare the child. The best means to induce partus are those where the child is “‘scared’’; the plant just named is said to produce this result; in other cases (cf. texts, Formula No. 70, p. 273) the child is enticed to hurry as an old ugly grannie, or the terrible looking Flint, is said to be approaching. This statement, it is thought, will make the little fellow come scampering out. Or again, the child is lured out of its mother by being promised the very playthings it likes—bow and arrows for a boy; a sieve or a loom for a girl. Also an infusion of the simples as described on p. 119 may be ad- ministered again; if all this does not help a medicine man is called in, who will start ‘‘working”’ on the case. He may examine with the beads, to see what will be the ultimate outcome; he may by the same means find out that witchcraft is active against the woman and her child, in which case “‘old tobacco” will be smoked or burned. (See p. 31.) Or the formula calling upon the child to ‘‘jump down” may be repeated. (See above.) In this case the child is actually given a name—first a boy’s name; then, if the ceremony is unsuccessful, a girl’s name—so as to have a more material and coercive way of addressing it. If a medicine man is attending to the case, and some decoction has to be applied externally, he does soin a very peculiar way. As he is not supposed to stand in front of the patient, whose garments are tucked up, and who is held by one or two of the women attendants in the slanting, semireclining position as described before, the medicine man has to stand behind these women and blow the decoction through a reed tube (see p. 58) so that the liquid descends on the stomach and the abdomen of the parturient, after having described a curve over ber head. This way of applying a medicine shows once more to what extent symbolic and mythic concepts are used in Cherokee medicine. For even if the simple used were of any therapeutic value, what result could it have when applied in such an inefficacious manner, when often more of the decoction is scattered on the attending women and on the face, arms, and legs of the patient than on the part of her body actually under treatment. As for difficult parturition due to the inverted or otherwise ab- normal position of the foetus in the uterus, the Cherokee take a 126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt. 99 more rational view of it, and apply a more efficacious if somewhat rough treatment. A skilled midwife can ascertain the position the child is taking up, and if this is not natural, and parturition is delayed on its account, the four women take hold of the patient, each of them grasping an arm or a leg, and swing and shake her body in such a way as they consider helpful toward an easier delivery. AFTERBIRTH Even while the newly born baby is being properly groomed and cared for by one of the women, the others, detailed to look after the parturiens, get busy helping her with expelling the afterbirth. Afterbirth: vpu‘yap5™, “that which has remained.” Also: vpzo"‘t'and’i, “it has had it in it.”” (This term is also used for ‘‘cocoon.’’) This is done by reciting a formula, and at the same time rubbing the patient’s abdomen with the right hand, warmed near some charcoals, taken from the fire. (See p. 62.) A considerable amount of simples are also held to be highly effi- cacious in this case; the Ay. manuscript, unfortunately, does not contain a single formula or prescription for this emergency, but Ms. II has one formula and Ms. III one formula and three prescriptions. From these, and from oral information collected, it appears that the following plants are used: Ga‘noa@wa?l’ski vuttans™ (Scutellaria lateriflora L., mad-dog, skull cap); Gapo’y‘ti vu'stu’aa, (Polymnia uvedalia \., leafeup). A decoction of the roots is drunk, after which the patient should induce vomiting. This decoction is also used as an emmenagogue. Another prescription lists ‘‘all kinds of Ga‘no@wa?l’ski.”’ These plants are popular in this case more on account of their name, which means ‘‘it is like clotted blood,” than for any other reason. Or again a decoction of the roots of aa?lewo’ti (Smilax glauca Walt., saw brier); no‘na’ (T7'suga caroliniana Engelm., hemlock); k‘uweyu sti (Platanus occidentalis L., buttonwood). The roots should be taken shooting out toward the east. They are boiled, and the decoction is drunk by the patient. The placenta is disposed of in the following way: The father, or should he be absent, another near relative, takes it, wrapped in some old cloth, and crosses (usually) two mountain ridges; there he makes a hole, an ‘“overhand”’ (i. e., 25-30 em.) deep, in which he buries the placenta; while doing this he whispers: ka’ tia li tsupe'tryO' "pe eyo°’"Dd" ta line" ‘i pzGo “eo” Now then! Two years from now again I will see it aawe’tsi ‘Well! I will want another child two years from now.” my child Mooney THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 127 OLBRECHTS. Should the father be anxious to have another baby after one year he only crosses one mountain ridge, and should he want a child again only three or four years from then, he crosses the same number of ridges. While the father is on this errand he should be careful that nobody watches him, for should anybody want to harm him they will stealthily follow him, and when he has gone, either— (1) Dig up the placenta, bury it an arm deep and put four or seven stones on top of it before filling the earth in again. As a result of this action, never again will a baby be born to the victims. (2) They can dig up the placenta and throw it away in the open. In this case a child is liable to be born to these people just any time; in any case before the parents wish this to happen. The mother remains in a recumbent position for two to three days, or even less. After that, if no complications have set in, she is up and busy. In spite of the fact that she is supposed to be under restrictions for 12 or 24 days,® she attends to quite a number of her household duties. But she abstains from cooking, nor has she anything to do with the preparation of food, as anybody partaking of a meal prepared by her would become dangerously ill. She should not eat any fish the first couple of days after delivery, “because fish have cold blood, and they would therefore chill the blood that has still to come out of her, and would cause it to clot.” Nor should she take any hot food, or any salt. (See p. 121.) During this taboo period the woman is as dangerous as during her pregnancy or her catamenial periods. The child is still now often given its name by one of the prominent old women of the settlement; possibly it used to be the chief woman of the clan who had the privilege of bestowing names on newly born. infants, but this rule no longer obtains. As was pointed out in the previous pages, the child may be given its name even before it is born. In those cases where partus is difficult a name is bestowed on the child so as to have something “‘material’”’ by which to exercise an influence upon it. Old informants remember that in times gone by a child was endowed with its first name four or seven days after its birth. Mooney has left us a description of the ceremony in his ‘‘Cherokee River Cult,” Journal of American Folk-Lore, 1900, page 2. To this first name another name could be substituted later on; this name, that usually clung definitely to the individual for the rest of his life, was usually descriptive of one of his physical or moral 88 One informant told me that he had heard that the usual taboo of 24 days could be reduced to 12 by drinking a decoction of certain simples. He did not know which ones, though. 7548°— 32 10 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt. 99 qualities, or reminiscent of one of his feats on the war path, while hunting, etc. Care For Cuttp—Cuitp Lire The Cherokee are very fond of children and are far less loath to give vent to their affection than Indians are generally believed to be. There are now no special cradles, nor is there any distinctive dress for children. The first few weeks it may be merely swaddled in a bed sheet, and as it grows up it is astonishingly soon considered. of age to wear the cast-off garments of its elders. 1 saw little boys and girls of 4 and 5 years old dressed for all the world like their fathers and mothers, and at the family we stayed with, a much dilapidated black felt hat was shared by a little fellow of 6 and his married brother of 25, who borrowed it as circumstances demanded. The child is always nourished with the mother’s milk, unless it be brought up to be a witch (see p. 130), or if the mother’s lactation is deficient; this is only rarely the case. If for any of these two reasons the mother does not nurse her child, it is brought up on the liquid part of k‘a‘no‘e’n5", corn hominy. Very soon the young fellow adopts the fare of the grown-ups, and eats as they do the almost indigestible corn dumplings and the underdone venison. ‘The results, it need hardly be said, are often disastrous. There are various ways and means to help the child along with its growth, and to endow it with a fine physique as well as with all kinds of enviable qualities: The very strong sinewy roots of pi‘staé-y5" (Tephrosia virginiana (L.) Pers.; goatsrue; catgut) are boiled and given to the child to drink to make it strong and muscular. It is given the eavesdrop, from where it falls in one continuous spout, to drink, so that it may be a fluent speaker. This belief is very prob- ably borrowed from the whites. The fleshy tubers of kta‘niav'tsa’ ti (Lilium canadense L.; wild yel- low lily) are boiled and the decoction is given to the child to drink; it is also bathed in it, the object of both actions being to make it fleshy and fat. Another plant put to the same use was the Aplectrum hiemale (putty root; Adam-and-Eve) (cf. Mooney, Myths, p. 427). Another means to “‘endow the children with the gift of eloquence” is indicated by Mooney, op. cit., p. 420. As a rule the child’s hygienic condition is very bad indeed. I have known cases where infants who were born rosy, chubby little fellows had hardly made any progress two months or ten weeks after their birth, as they were literally being eaten up and worried to death by vermin and filth. There are, however, some fortunate exceptions, and some of the cleaner mothers take as much pride in their offspring ae THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 129 as a trained white mother would, and with what scanty means they have at their disposal manage to make their babies look very clean and attractive little individuals. Remarkably soon after its birth, often when only three or four weeks old, the child is carried about, sitting astride of its mother’s back, and kept safely in this position by the carrying cloth. As soon as it can crawl about it is left to its own resources and it starts out to discover the wonderful world. When little boys are four or five years old they are, under the super- vision of their father or elder brothers, making their first attempts at making bows and arrows and in a few weeks become remarkable marksmen. Little girls, at just as tender an age, fall into line and assist their mother and elder sisters with the household cares. The children as a rule are quite bright, and some really astounded me by their keen intellect. Jimmy, the little 6-year-old boy mentioned before, had only once seen the train of a lumber company working in the district. When he came home he collected the empty tins of salmon and of other canned goods we threw away, and with sticks and twigs built a bridge over a 4-feet-wide rill, laid ‘‘tracks’’ on it, and with tins, sticks, and pebbles made the most realistic lumber train imaginable, the locomotive with funnel, the trucks loaded with “lumber,” and all. When it comes to showing acquaintance and familiarity with their own culture these children are nothing short of marvelous. At the age of 7 or 8, they know more about their fauna and flora than an average university graduate who has not made natural history his specialty. They know the dance steps and songs, are experts at mak- ing current artifacts, and if they were tested, on a fair and equitable basis, as to their faculties for observation, and for using the knowledge acquired, I feel sure that as a whole they would score at least as high, and often higher than white children of the same age. The games played by the children are as a rule imitations of the occupations of the grown-ups—hunting and fishing, dancing, gam- bling, the ball game, etc. Swinging stands in high favor, and itis not sure that this was introduced by the whites, as an old informant told me that ‘‘the old people” used to get hold of a stout grapevine, se- curely entwined round the branches of a tall tree, on which, when cut off near the ground, they would swing to and fro. Further notes on games, which are not here called for, are withheld for publication elsewhere. RaIsInc THE CHILD TO BecoME A WitTcH—TwINs A few words are left to be added on the treatment to which are sub- jected the children destined by their parents to become ‘‘witches,”’ (See p. 29.) 130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 This is alleged to be done especially with twins, “ although a single- born baby could by the same means be brought up to become a witch. If twins are born, and their parents intend to make witches of them, no mother’s milk is given them for 24 days (i. e., the taboo period for them other, see p. 127); they are to be fed with the liquid portion of corn hominy, k‘ta‘no‘e’n5". This must be given them only during the night. Moreover, they are to be kept rigidly secluded from all visitors during the same 24 days’ period. Some of these injunc- tions are strangely reminiscent of, and are no doubt related to, the Iroquois custom of concealing children until puberty (‘‘down-fended”’ children, as J. N. B. Hewitt calls them), as practiced by the Onon- daga, Mohawk, and Seneca.© At the end of this period a decoction of the bark of k‘alo’@w5® pu pawe'skaae™ (Rhus glabra L., smooth sumac), is drunk by the mother, ‘“‘to make her milk flow abundantly,” and from then on- ward she nurses the children: the result has been obtained. As to the power of these twin witches, the most astonishing asser- tions are made. Not only do they not stop at flying through the air or diving under the ground, but they can even walk on the sunrays. They can take all human or animal shapes conceivable. Even when they are only a month old, ‘‘whatever they think happens.” If they are lying on the ground in their swaddlings, and crying for hunger, and their mother should happen to be eating, and wishes to finish her meal before attending to them, her food will become undone (i. e., raw) again, and the food of all those that happen to be eating with her. If their mother is cooking a meal while they cry for her, and she does not heed them, the food she is preparing will never get done. When they have grown to be urchins, and happen to be playing outside, all of a sudden they will come scampering in, asking for food; if their mother says the food isn’t ready yet, it will never get done. But if she gives it to them straightway, even if she had only just put it on the fire, it is ready to be eaten as soon as she hands it to them. They often go and play with the ‘‘Little People.” They can see the Little People, and talk with them, though we can not. But wherever they go, and however long a time they are absent, their parents are never anxious on their account, knowing as they do | that they can take care of themselves. “ Tt is immaterial whether they are of the same sex or not. 6 Cf. Hewitt, Iroquoian Cosmology, pp. 142, 252; Hewitt, Seneca Fiction, Leg- ends, and Myths, pp. 510, 810. hte THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 131 When they are grown up they are most annoying individuals; they always know what you think, and you could not possibly mislead them. And what is worse, they can make you ill, dejected, lovesick, dying, merely by thinking you in such a condition. A boy of twins, so reared, is a most successful hunter; he never fails or misses; not only does he get the kind of game or fish he wants, but he always bags the finest specimens and the choicest morsels to be found. A girl in this condition is expert at all woman’s work and industries. When she is preparing a meal she has but to think it is done and immediately it is ready to be eaten. Nor do such tasks as making baskets or gathering nuts, wild fruits, or vegetables mean any exertion to her. If twins have completed their 24 days’ seclusion they are more than a match for anything or anybody. The only means of preventing the calamity of the community being annoyed by such a couple of “undesirables” is to thwart their bringing up. Og. told me that he ‘“‘learned that a family were bringing up their twins to become witches. This was going to mean a lot of trouble for the settlement, so I got a menstrual woman to cook some food, and managed to slip it to the infants, without the guardians suspecting it. By so doing I ‘spoiled’ them, and they were never any more witch than you or J.” I asked him why it was necessary to go to so much trouble and danger to obtain this result; could he not have waited until after the 24 days’ period, when he would have been able to reach the children much more easily? ‘‘Then it would have been too late,” he said. ‘‘You see, by that time, they would have the full power of witches, and they would know that the food had been prepared by a woman in such a condition. They know what you think.” These people are certainly very consistent in what they believe. DEATH AND AFTERLIFE DEATH As a sick person shows signs of losing ground, of becoming weak and despondent, of losing all interest in life, his relatives do not try to hide, neither to each other nor to the patient, their apprehension as to a fatal outcome. ‘The care is doubled, the medicine man in charge of the treatment may be dismissed and another one may be intrusted with combating the disease; increasing attention is given to the “guard and the watch against witches.”’ The possibilities and probabilities, the ultimate outcome of the affair, are frequently made the subject of conversation between the 132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 patient and his friends. According to the sufferer’s personal outlook on life, his attitude may be one of utter listlessness and resignation or one of hope and confidence. In the first case he will repeatedly express to those who attend to him that they need not go to any further trouble; that he feels he is “ooing out west,” v'si‘iyi’, or to the settlements where the dead people live, tst‘sauno’i. At this stage, and with this kind of patients, dreams are frequent, in which he sees some departed friend or relative, a deceased wife, his mother, etc., beckoning him to come and join them in the ghost land. With those who have been Christianized to some extent, of whom there are only a few, this vision is often modeled on a Christian pattern: They see ‘our Father” calling them and telling them it is time for them to come and join Him. Reference should also be made to visions, which the people em- phatically deny to be dreams or hallucinations, but which they pronounce to be ‘“‘real happenings,” where the moribund sees himself setting out upon the journey toward the ghosts’ country, but, upon arrival there, finds his presence undesired by the ghosts, and is sent back to his people. This vision is invariably interpreted as an omen of recovery. (See p. 142.) As stated before, the sick man’s attitude may, however, be com- pletely different; he may feel loath to quit his settlement and his people, and will tell them very outspokenly that he does not yet want to leave them. He will himself entice them to double their efforts, to try some other means, some different methods of curing. If he is a medicine man, he will himself take charge and direction of the treatment, will send messengers to medicine men of his acquain- tance, asking them to send along formulas and directions with which to cure him. The people themselves do not attach any value or meaning to this state of mind, as is often done in some primitive and even in civilized communities, where it is considered an axiom that a man does not die as long as he gives proof of pronounced vitality, of interest in life, of attachment to all things earthly, such as are described above. Definite and certain data as to the outcome of the illness, as to whether the patient will live or die, can always be obtained by means of divinatory methods, the most usual in this case being the ‘‘examina- tion with the beads.” The medicine man holds a black bead between thumb and index finger of the left hand, a white or red bead between forefinger and thumb of the right hand, and, reciting an appropriate formula, ex- amines what are the chances of the sick man. The more vitality the -bead in the right hand shows, the greater are the chances for recovery. Bgnronts THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 133 This ceremony need not necessarily be performed at the patient’s bedside, as may be seen from the description given of the typical cur- ing procedure, page 67. It is furthermore alleged of some powerful medicine men that they can prophesy the exact day of their death, and that they will take care themselves of the preparation of all objects that will be needed to lay out their corpse. This was reputed to have been done by old man Ax (see p. 88), and also Mooney cites a case of it in his Myths. This ability of foretelling their death these medicine men are said to possess by virtue of their keeping the vl5"‘stp5™ stone. Apart from the divination methods proper, where the future is being inquired into by active means, and apart from the very rare cases where a medicine man foretells his own death, there are some signs and omens of death which are common knowledge. Some of these have without doubt been borrowed from the whites. (See p. a7) When you are fishing, and you see a small fish rolling over and over in the water, dying, it is a sign one of your relatives is going to die. If a tree is falling over near you, without any apparent cause, as a storm, lightning, etc. If you hear something in the graveyard. If you hear a dog howling dismally. If one of your hens crows. If at night a screech owl comes and perches near the house. As it becomes apparent that no recovery is to be expected the relatives are summoned, not only those living at the settlement where the man is dying, but also those from other localities, even if they be two or three days distant. Also friends, whom the moribund may express a desire to see, are summoned. As the end approaches the medicine man may make a last effort to turn the scales, by trying the cure for the illness generally referred to as Gakwe'nd™'ski, ‘“‘if it wraps them up” (apoplexy). As it becomes clear that all hope is to be abandoned the moribund is made to partake of as square a meal as possible, ‘‘to strengthen him for the long journey he is about to undertake toward the Night Land.’’ One informant who had often been present at the decease of old people said that it was a custom for them, as they felt their end approaching, “to talk to their people, and tell them to love one another, and to love even their enemies.” Nothing that is needed to lay out the corpse should be prepared before the man has breathed his last, as ‘‘by doing this we would show that we are anxious for him to go.”’ As soon as the breathing stops the sufferer is pronounced dead, feeling the pulse or listening for the beating of the heart being un- 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 known. The moment the moribund dies some one of the relatives or friends present says: a“skwupi'Ga’ (i. e., ““he has ended’’). In referring to the event a couple of hours after, the expression Goti’ ayo’'v'i’ (“he was lost just now’’) is used; whereas the next day one says vyo‘usi™ (‘he has been lost”’). BEetwEEN DEATH AND BuRIAL As soon as the moribund breathes his last a relative—usually a male member of the family, as the father, the husband, or a brother— forces the legs of the corpse down to astraight position and lays the arms in such a position that the upper arms lie along the body, the forearms over the stomach, one hand lying over the other on the abdomen; it is immaterial which hand lies on top. It is usually a female relative—a wife, a mother, or a sister—who closes the eyes and ties a (usually white) kerchief round the face and under the chin to prevent the jaw from dropping. Then the body is washed. This is done by members of the same sex as the deceased, but never by relatives. Relatives do not take any part whatever in preparing the body for burial, or in disposing of the corpse, apart from closing the eyes, straightening the limbs, and tying the kerchief round the face. The corpse is dressed in the best clothes that are available, and that must not necessarily have belonged to the succumbed person; a brother, a sister, a friend may bring as a present a particularly fine neckerchief, or even a valued coat or skirt, according to the sex of the deceased, to dress the corpse in. A new hat, a new pair of shoes, a silver or gold trinket, are objects which people are especially fond of dressing the corpse with. A de- ceased woman is often given her favorite cup or saucer along with her. These are never “killed.” No food is put into the coffin with adults, but into that of babies a bottle of milk is placed. If a woman dies immediately after parturition, and her baby dies with her, the baby is placed in the right arm of the mother in the coffin. On the breast of the corpse of an adult of either sex a little vessel (a cup or a glass) of salt is placed. (PI.9, 6.) Of this custom not one Cherokee can explain the reason; some vaguely hint that the salt serves the purpose of preventing the flesh from decaying. This ex- planation, however, as well as the custom itself, seems to me so foreign to the Cherokee mind that I am inclined to see in this a borrowing from the whites, either directly from traders, settlers, or mountaineers, or through the mediacy of negro slaves. (Cf. Pucket, pp. 83, 87.) There are indications that in former times it was customary to bury with the deceased some of the property belonging to him. A glue THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 135 case was cited by one informant: When he was a boy (about 50 years ago) the members of the tribe were still drawing an annual pension of $50 in gold from the Government. Once a girl died and it happened that her annual pension arrived the same day. Her mother insisted that the golden coins be buried with her in the coffin. And so it was done. The body is not put into the coffin until two or three hours before burial. Prior to this the corpse, all dressed up, is laid on wooden boards (pl. 9, 6) in a slightly slanting position, the head being raised about 60 centimeters, the feet about 30 centimeters above the ground, A sheet is thrown over the body, covering it completely. Whenever anyone comes in to see the corpse the sheet is thrown back from the face (pl. 9, 6); the visitor just looks at the face for a few minutes; he neither addresses it nor touches it; he then goes away without speaking. The body is kept in the house two or three days. From myths, traditions, and hazy recollections of some of the medicine men, it would appear that this period used to be a longer one—possibly seven days—in former times, but now the Government officials do not per- mit so long a delay. While the corpse is still in the house, relatives, friends, and neigh- bors gather during the nights and in turn half of their number watch and sometimes sing, while the others sleep. Of this watching the meaning is now lost, but the object of it must originally have been to prevent the witches from coming and “stealing the liver” of the corpse. As for the singing, aboriginal dirges seem to have been completely lost, and when any singing is done at all some Cherokee Christian hymn (cf. Cherokee hymn book) is sung. The hymn selected de- pends solely on the repertory at the command of the gathering. If this singing takes place, men as well as women may join in it. After the death of a member of the settlement, no winter provisions, preserves, etc., are to be touched for four (others say for seven) days. As soon as it is known that a death has occurred provisions are im- mediately to be prepared for four (or seven) days, so that they do not have to be touched for that period; since provisions, if they are’ not let alone for the first few days following a death, ‘‘ will be exhausted in no time.” Attention may once again be drawn to the purificatory rite observed by the medicine man who was in charge of the patient before his death. (See p. 103.) The coffin is made by two men acting under a foreman. This “company ’”’ is elected for the term of a year, at the same time as the “orave-digging company” (cf. infra) and the chief of the settlement (see p. 80). 136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLx. 99 The election is a very unofficial affair, the members generally being volunteers. The foreman, and if necessary one of the two members, if there are no volunteers, are nominated, and usually, ipso facto, elected. The chief of this company at the time of my stay was yo" nuGd"’ski (“bear coming out of the water”). (Pl. 10, 6.) The coffin is made of roughly hewn boards or planks and its shape shows unmistakable traces of white influence; it is sometimes covered with black cloth, nailed down by tacks. The office of ‘‘coffin maker” seems to be on the verge of extinction, as I have known cases where they did not display any activity what- ever. No particular cause could be indicated for this abstention, the reason being merely that a half-blood member of the tribe had vol- unteered for the job, and as he was a good carpenter, and did not charge anything, his services were readily accepted by all concerned. BurRIAL As soon as it is known that someone has died, the head man of the “orave-digging company”? is notified; he, in turn, gives notice to his helpers, and the same day or the next day the grave is dug. The gravediggers are a company of six volunteers acting under a chief; the latter office at the time of my stay being held by one Gula‘’ci, They also are appointed for a year, and are elected in the same manner as the coffin makers (cf. supra). A medicine man should never serve as a member of either of these companies, nor should he ever give assistance in anything pertaining to the laying out or burying of a corpse; he should not wash it, nor help to carry it to the grave, nor help to dig the grave. Were he to disregard any of these injunctions he would never again be able to cure or to exert any of his other activities. If the wife of a member of the coffin-making or of the grave-digging squad is with child he should desist from helping his fellows, as other- wise his child would be stillborn. Nor should any one help to pre- pare the coffin or the grave of a deceased member of his own family, as already stated (p. 134). The cemetery is usually situated along the slope of a hill. No other reason for this custom is given but this one: That it prevents the soil and the people buried in it from being washed away, or becom- ing swamped, as would be the case if burial places were chosen in the lowlands. There is no preference, when choosing the site for a new graveyard, for either the “dark” or the “sunny” side of the mountain, which play so prominent a réle in the Cherokee sacred literature. The burial usually takes place between midday and “‘when the sun roosts on the mountain” (about 4 p. m.), 1. e., about 2 p. m, Moonee | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 137 But as early as 10 a. m. the people of the settlement are assembling at the cabin of the deceased. Those who have not yet seen the corpse may go inside and look at it, to join afterwards those who have not entered the house and who have remained outside, squatting on the ground, or sitting on logs; as is usual at all Cherokee social gather- ings, the women keep apart, and do not sit down, but keep standing in a group, some 20 or 30 feet away from the men. It struck me that the women hardly talk, even among themselves, whereas the men did not seem to take matters quite so seriously, and they smoke and talk, and even joke in subdued tones. All the people of the settlement, men, women and children, are present, unless prevented by serious illness, or by some other major impediment. Also from the near-by settlements many friends and all the relatives, however distant, are present. The relatives go inside and sit on boards—improvised benches— and hardly speak a word. Female relatives do not try to hide their sorrow, but do not wail, or in any way give proof of frantic grief. It is rare to see a man weep. An hour or so before the corpse is to be taken away a native preacher may come, whether the deceased professed to be a Christian or not, read some chapter of the Cherokee translation of the New Testament, and deliver a long speech, addressing the deceased, and stressing the main facts of his life. At a sign of the chief of the coffin makers, four men will start hunt- ing around for two stout poles or strong boards on which the coffin is put to be carried, and the funeral procession starts. There is not the slightest ceremonial as regards this. Five or ten men may step briskly in front or alongside of the coffin, and behind it a medley of men and women in groups, in no definite order, jostling each other, pushing and hurrying, even if there is nothing to jostle or to hurry about. Every 200 yards or so the chief of the coffin makers, who now acts as a kind of “‘master of ceremonies,” shouts out: anc‘so’i’ no‘'- aw5”” (“other ones now’’), and four other men, not necessarily belonging to this company, come out of the crowd and take the places of the coffin carriers. The coffin is now usually carried as described above: On two poles or small beams, carried by four men, two on each side, not on their shoulders, but at arm’s length. Another way of carrying the corpse, and which may be older, but which is now disappearing, is to hang the coffin by two chains from a long pole, which is carried by two men on the shoulders. This device is still used in the lowland settlements where the cemetery is at some distance; in this case the coffin is transported by an ox-drawn wagon, but on the wagon it is fixed in such a way as to be hanging by 138 BUREAU OF AMBRICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 99 two chains from a pole laid horizontally and lengthwise across the wagon. When the cemetery is reached the coffin is put down near the grave which has been dug in the meanwhile by the ‘‘grave-digging company.” A Christian hymn is sung in Cherokee, or maybe in English,® by a couple of men or women present; this again is not determined by the sex of the deceased, but depends merely on who is able and willing to sing. The “preacher” again says a few words, bidding good-by to the departed one. Before being lowered, the coffin is opened and the cover laid back so that only the face of the corpse can be seen. Every- body passes by the coffin to cast a last look on it. The nearest rela- tives—father, mother, wife, children—pass first;® when the last person present has passed by the cover is nailed down definitely and the coffin is lowered into the grave. The grave is dug and the coffin is lowered into it in such a way that the head lies toward the west. The grave is immediately filled, and those present climb down the hill in different directions, all the people but the relatives of the deceased going to their respective homes. AFTER BuRIAL Immediately after the burial the nearest relatives of the deceased, i. e., the members of his household, have to go to the river, accom- panied by the priest, who recites a prayer to purify them. If, for some reason, this ceremony is not performed immediately, before the family has gone home, it may be performed the following day; but in this case, one purification is not held to be sufficient, and the ceremony is repeated every morning for four days. The formula recited on this occasion is the same as the one used when “going to water”’ every new moon; white cloth and beads are also used, and the officiating medicine man also chews ‘‘old tobacco,’’ the juice of which he sprays from his mouth into the necks of the members of the party, who stand facing the water. Not one member of the household must go out for a period of four days (some say seven days, which is probably the older and more correct belief) for ‘anything which is not strictly necessary.”” Such essential duties as cutting wood for firewood, hunting for the daily sustenance, etc., are not prohibited, but there is to be no visiting of neighbors, no partaking in social functions, as the ball game, a dance, etc. The belief prevails that whatever is done by the members of the household during the four days of this period will be done by them for 66 “‘ Nearer, my God, to Thee,’”’ was sung at one funeral I witnessed. 67 Unless a woman with child be present. (See p. 121.) Bencn Ts THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 139 the rest of their lives; i. e., if they attend only to the real necessities of life they will forever after be dutiful and reliable in whatever their occupation may be. The men will be smart, well-providing sons and husbands; the women alert and solicitous wives and mothers; whereas, were any of them to go out and gossip, or otherwise join in “ unneces- sary ’’ phases of social life he would for the rest of his life be a fickle rake or a heedless hussy. As soon as the family gets home from the burial, or from the subse- quent ceremony at the river’s edge, the new fire is started, after all the old ashes have been taken outside and scattered about the yard. In olden time this fire was no doubt kindled from the sacred communal fire of the council house; now the more modern match is used, although I have known cases where flint and punk were still resorted to. The cabin is smoked with pine branches, burned in a cooking vessel ; pine branches are also thrown on the rekindled hearth fire; according to some of the people, “‘the smell of the pine takes all away that has been left of death and disease.’’ Pines, as all evergreens, are con- sidered by the Cherokee to have eternal lives, and are therefore most fit to avert death and destruction. Originally, not only the house where the death occurred had to be smoked in this fashion, but each and every house of the settlement. This custom is now rapidly falling into oblivion, but I still noticed, during my stay, that all those who had been taking any part in the care of the deceased, before and after his death, went through this purification rite with scrupulous care. Old traditions and references to it in myths and tales establish beyond doubt that long ago, seven days after the burial a dance took place at which every member of the deceased’s household and all the people of the settlement were present. This dance seems to have served the double purpose of speeding the spirit on its journey ® and of diverting the sorrowing relatives. Such a dance is referred to in “The Daughter of the Sun’? myth (Mooney, Myths, p. 254) and also in a tale collected by me, but yet unpublished. It can not now be stated whether at these dances any special songs were sung, but if we can trust tradition on this point it would appear that those dances and songs were selected which would best suit the purpose of amusing the mourners present; it was thought that if they really enjoyed themselves on this occasion there was no fear that they would pine away with grief; but if the entertainers failed in their pur- pose the future looked gloomy and threatening for the mourners. There is no visiting of graves after the burial; to do so would bring bad luck. This is easy to understand, if we recall the Cherokee 8% The ghost of the deceased lingers 7 days around the settlement before pro- ceeding on its journey ‘“‘out west’’ (see p. 142), 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunt. 99 belief, that thinking or dreaming of departed ones spoils the saliva, thus resulting in an uncanny but severe illness. Likewise, if ever the small mound of earth which is piled up over a erave is scattered by rain or wind it should never be replaced. For “‘this would show us to be anxious for the other living persons to die and go to the graveyard.”’ However much this may remind us of a belief of the whites ® there is no reason to suspect its influence on this Cherokee custom, as it is quite in keeping with their traditions and views on this subject. The basis of it is clear: Thinking or even dreaming of departed relatives is a symptom of a disease, sent by the a‘nsGu’’na or ghosts, and results in our saliva being spoiled, thus causing an uncanny but deadly illness. Any of our actions susceptible of stirrmg up our sorrow and affliction will, of course, again focus our attention on our loss and will make us despondent and abject, i. e., will make us ill. This belief is still strongly, though often subconsciously, adhered to. Some half-bloods tried to prevail on their friends to tend the graves and keep them in a clean and nicely groomed condition as the white people do. ‘They were successful for some years, the graveyard being cleared and hoed once a year (usually the first few days of August). But the aversion to this ‘unhealthy’ work prevailed, and at the time of my visit this custom had not been observed for three years. Not only is there no visiting of graves but the graveyard is shunned and avoided as much as possible, especially at night. There is an additional reason for this—the graveyard is constantly haunted by witches, who as soon as a new burial has taken place swoop down on the grave, exhume the corpse, and eat its liver. AFTERLIFE Again and again in these pages it has been stressed how much of aboriginal belief and practice has broken down. On many problems which at one time must have been the subject of keen contemplation .and of shrewd speculation, the present-day views of the people—and to but little less degree of the medicine men—are so hazy and confused that it requires a great deal of patience and much painstaking effort to gain any information on them; and great caution is to be taken when it comes to sifting, classifying, and interpreting this material. This state of affairs is keenly realized when we endeavor to study the Cherokee conceptions regarding the soul and its survival. 6 “Tt is bad to disturb an old grave, as by putting up a tombstone; you will thus herald a death.” (Bergen, Current Superstitions, p. 133, No. 1265.) rs THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 141 THE SOUL It will help our purpose materially if we briefly examine the different semantic values of the stem “i -panit,’”? which we find in the word for (7 soul ) : aDa‘N‘to’ Soul; mind; disposition. Gada “notia’ I am thinking. aGwaDa Nit‘etuia’ I am astonished. aGwaDa Nit‘eta’ noni’ I doubted it. osvyu” a Gwada Nitatd’ni I rejoice. vDa Nitu'yu’ He is of a friendly disposition. This shows how prolific has been the activity of this stem, such concepts as thinking, feeling, being conditioned, being disposed, being in a certain state of mind, and, in the ritual language, even “‘causing,”’ all being rendered by it. This points to a semantic evolution which is very similar to that of the Latin ‘‘ animus.” Soul and mind are almost synonymous to the Cherokee. They are at least two closely related manifestations of the same principle. “Our soul has its seat in our heart (my heart: aacPna‘u’). What we think starts in our heart, and the heart sends our mind out.’’ Our heart is the broadcasting station, might be a very free but all the more correct version. It is not possible to find any definite opinions as to whether the name, the shadow, or any other part of the individual is considered a part of his soul, or in exactly what relation they stand to a person. There can, however, hardly be any doubt but that the name, the shadow, the liver, the crown of the head, or perhaps a particular hair, or a particular lock (the scalp lock?) on the crown of the head, all were once believed to be intimately associated with the soul, either as parts of it or as abiding places for it. The soul does not leave the body during sleep or dreams. Nor is sickness caused by absence of the soul; but certain psychopathological states are ascribed to this fact; the condition of utter despondency brought about by an enemy “working” against you is caused by nothing else but the fact that he has gotten hold of your soul, and has buried it ‘‘out west,’ in the Night Land. This does not necessarily mean instant death; it rarely does. You may live without your soul for quite a number of months, and slowly pine away; this is what happens if you can not successfully counteract the influence of your enemy. Acute cases of lovesickness, homesickness, melancholy, and dejec- tion are also usually explained in this way. No definite notion is entertained as to the origin of souls. 7 When the vowel becomes lengthened the nasal becomes voiced, and is fol- lowed by an obscure vowel. 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buie. 99 SURVIVAL OF THE SOUL At death the soul leaves the body and becomes a ghost (asGe’na). It travels to the ghost country (tsu‘samot’i), in the Night Land (v's5*‘vyi’), in the west, in seven days. It does not haunt the settlements, nor the burial places, nor does it ever return. Some informants are not so sure as to this: they claim that the ghosts sometimes return, viz, when they come to make people ill, or to come and fetch them before they die, to show them the way to the ghost country. These opinions, however, I am inclined to consider as individual beliefs, based chiefly on dreams and personal experiences. In the Night Land the ghost people live exactly according to the native pattern; they live in settlements, have chiefs and councils, clans and families (everybody who dies goes and joins the relatives who have preceded him); they go hunting and fishing, have ball games and dances, etc. There does not seem to exist any differentiation based upon moral conduct in this life, the Cherokee believing that morality is to be observed for its own sake, without hope of recompense or fear of punishment in the next life. These conceptions are now slowly being superseded by hazy beliefs influenced by Christian eschatology. Some interesting facts on this score are being revealed by dreams, which indicate that some kind of a differentiation must once have been believed in, of which people now have lost all recollection. One informant (W.) told me his mother (Ayo.) was wont to tell him of the following experience of hers: Shortly after the Civil War the Cherokee were visited with smallpox. She was one of the many stricken, and she died (sic); she went along a road and came to a settlement where the people lived who had died ; as she traveled on she came to another settlement, the chief of which had been a chief in his lifetime; she had known him. The chiefs held a council about her and decided that she could not come and live with them yet. They sent her back. So she walked back to where she lived. She recovered from the smallpox. ‘‘And it was not a dream either,” the informant added. Another, far more interesting experience was told by the individual to whom it happened, T. (Pl. 10, c.) He relates it as follows: About 37 years ago he was very ill; all his relatives expected him to die, and they had gathered by his bedside. He became uncon-— scious; it seemed to him as if he fell asleep. The people who were with him told him later that he actually died; he did not breathe for half an hour. | It seemed to him as if he got up from his bed, walked out of the cabin, and started traveling along a path. He climbed to the top of a mountain, where suddenly he saw a beautiful plain, a meadow, BOONey THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 143 stretched out in front of him. The grass was of a fine green color, and felt very soft and nice to walk upon. Soon he saw a building; he entered, and found it filled with children, some of them mere babies, and none of them any older than about 12 years. He asked them where the chief lived; they told him, the chief lived in the fourth building, and that, if he wished to see him, he had but to walk through the opened doors of the three first buildings. He went through the second building and the third, and found these likewise filled with people, both men and women, but all of them older than the children he had seen at the first place. As he came to the fourth building he found the door locked; he asked several times for admittance. ‘Chief, open the door for me.” As he asked it the fourth time he heard somebody inside turn round on his chair; then he went in. There was a white man, very old, with a long white beard, sitting at a desk. He did not even look up at the visitor, and shook hands with him without even turning round. He said: ‘Well, have you come to live with us?” T. said he had, upon which the man at the desk turned round, reached for a big account book and a pen, and made ready to write T.’s name in the book. But all of a sudden he bethought himself: ‘‘] think you had better go back home again,” he said; ‘‘you will come back here again 33 days from now; then you will come to stay, and then we will write your name in the book.” He closed the book and put it away. He opened a trapdoor and gave T. a small disk-like object, like a thin sheet of tin, about the size of a silver dollar, and said: ‘“‘ You had better hold this in your hand, to find your way.” After that T. felt himself, still sitting on his chair, drop through the trapdoor, and falling at a terrific speed, the air rushing past him as if it were a windstorm; he soon landed on the top of a mountain near his settlement; he threw the little disk in front of him and it started rolling in the direction of his home; he followed it, went into the cabin, where he found his friends and relatives still gathered, and stretched himself out on his couch; he then opened his eyes, and found everybody very much relieved, as they had been watching him carefully, and had thought him to be dead. In both these cases, ‘‘the different settlements,” the “four different buildings,” must surely have some definite meaning. In T.’s account there would appear to be a differentiation according to age, but this L suspect to be influenced by ill-digested evangelization, as another informant told me once that ‘all children under 12 years of age who die are happy; under 12 they do not know what is wrong.” Incidentally, I want to draw attention to a rather humorous side of 'T.’s account: The whole of his visit with God, in an office, with 7548°—32——1] 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuxL. 99 books and stationery all around, and the host’s way of receiving his visitor (not answering his knocking, not looking up as he comes in, not even to shake hands, etc.), all this is strongly reminiscent of the reception accorded ‘‘Injuns”’ at some of the agency offices. This experience, it should be noted, was dreamed nearly 40 years ago. I might finally state that the social status of this life is not modified in the next, chiefs remaining chiefs; medicine men, medicine men; etc. Using such expressions as ‘‘this life’’ and ‘‘next life” is not quite doing justice to Cherokee conceptions; they look upon life and after- life as different lives in space, rather than as successive lives in time. They do not, as a Christian would put it, live a mortal life, and an eternal life after that, but they move from their settlement in the Great Smokies to the ‘‘place out west.’”? They speak of the people out west as they would of a neighboring tribe, as the Creeks, or even as they would of a Cherokee settlement some ‘“‘overnights”’ away. SUICIDE Suicides, although not unknown, are very rare. The motives of the few cases that have come to my attention are the general human ones—to be suffering from an illness which is reputed incurable and love troubles seeming to be the two main causes. A suicide always causes a tremendous commotion; but no special beliefs are connected with it, nor with the ghost of the victim. The burial takes place as usual. Even old informants could not remember more than three cases of suicide; all the cases were men. ‘Two shot themselves and one stran- gled himself with a rope. TrRAGICAL DEATHS Another kind of death which arouses local interest and comment, and which is handed down to posterity along with the traditional lore and the sacred myths, is that resulting from accident, especially if it is accompanied by some uncanny details. THE FORMULAS NAME There are two ways in which both laity and specialists refer to the sacred and medicinal formulas and the knowledge they contain. h If one medicine man wants to broach the subject to one of his ae with a view of discussing their mutual knowledge, he says: Go'u'sti ‘ kt a‘”’ 1, 1. e., ‘What do you know?”; and of a medicine | man who is coy well versed in this lore, the lay community sis] akt‘ayu’, ‘“‘he knows a great deal.” MooNEY ] OLBRECHTS. THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 145 Just as, to quote an interesting parallel, the sacred literature in Sanskrit is referred to as “‘veda,’’ a term which is etymologically con- nected with the Indo-European stem /-wid-, ‘‘to know.’’” Incidentally it is interesting to draw attention to the fact that the root of Cherokee a kt*‘a‘a’, i. et ., “he knows.” is aaa the original meaning of which is “‘to see’’; cf. “eye”: akt‘a’ The same semantic avolieed has taken miagea in the Indo-European languages, where the comm.-Germanic /-wit-, “to know,’ and the Latin uideo, “‘I see,’”’ are both derived from the same Indo-European stem /-wid-. If now we go a step further, and see what a peculiar meaning this stem has acquired in Sanskrit: ‘veda’ =“‘the thing known”’> ‘the knowledge”’ viz, “‘the sacred knowledge,” we find the same evolution in meaning as we have in Cherokee. Another term used, again both by the medicine men and by the uninitiated, is Go‘twe'li’. The present meaning of this is “‘paper,”’ ‘‘book,” ‘‘that which has been written,’’ as the formulas are usually kept jotted down in the Sequoya syllabary by the medicine men. It is clear from this that this name must be of comparatively modern origin, as it could of course not have been applied to them prior to the invention of the syllabary by Sequoya in 1821. This term again throws an interesting light on the psychological principles underlying the semantic evolution in languages even so different and separated from each other in time and place to such an extent as modern Iroquois and the older Germanic dialects. The meaning “‘to write’ of the Cherokee /-we'l- is comparatively recent: It can not be much older than 200 years. Originally it meant ‘‘to mark,” and especially ‘‘to mark wood by burning designs on it,” a technique still in use among the Cherokee to mark the flat wooden dice used in gambling. As for its parallel in the Germanic dialects, we have but to remember that our “‘book”’ traces its origin to ‘‘beech (tree)’’ (cf. Anglo-Saxon “boc,” 1. e., ‘beech tree’”’; ‘‘book.”” Old High German “buobha,”’ i. e., “‘beech tree’’). Beech boards, beech bark, and stencils made of beech wood were used by both Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic peoples as writing material.” So we see the material used, beech, assume the meaning of “a writing,” ‘‘a collection of writings” (book), and the latter meaning has again evolved to that of “the collection of sacred lore”’ (cf. the Book, i. e., the Bible). 71 Cf. also Kroesch, Samuel: ‘‘The semasiological development of words for ‘perceive,’ ‘understand,’ ‘think,’ ‘know’ in the older Germanic dialects.”’ Diss. Chicago, 1911. Repr. from ‘‘ Mod. Phil.’’ VIII, No. 4, Chicago, 1911. 2 That also to the Italic herdsmen this use of the beech was not unknown, appears from Vergil’s Eclogue, V 138: ‘‘Carmina quae nuper in viridi cortice fagi descripsi.”’ 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bux 99 Even though these two terms are commonly known and readily understood, the former is but seldom used now, and the latter hardly any more. Usually the formulas are referred to by a specific name, which immediately makes it clear what kind is meant, as “‘ What do you know about curing?” or ‘‘Have you any papers for the purpose of killing (a man)?” These different names are listed below (see p. 148), where they are discussed in detail. ORIGIN As to the origin of the sacred formulas and songs, the laity are now almost ignorant. The medicine men themselves are gradually losing the accounts made of it in the myths, and to a question, ‘‘Where have we the knowledge of all these formulas from,” they will at first super- ficially answer: ‘“We know them from the people who lived a long time ago.’”’ This locution is even appended as ending clause to some of the formulas and prescriptions, and it is closely akin to a stereo- typed exordium used by some informants when telling a tale: ‘‘A long time ago, this is what the people told who lived then.” On pushing scrutiny somewhat further, the older informants will vaguely remember some accounts of the origin of the bear songs and of the sacred and medicinal formulas; itis most fortunate indeed that James Mooney left us such an excellent account of these myths. (See Mooney, Myths, p. 248, for the origin of the deer songs; p. 319 for medicine and hunting songs; p. 325 for the origin of the bear songs.) These myths were collected about 40 years ago and it would now be utterly impossible to find a Cherokee living who could give such a complete account of them. I should not neglect to mention that sporadically a medicine man will attribute the Cherokee’s knowledge of formulas and prescriptions to a revelation of une ‘ttan5‘i, the Apportioner, who, in this case, must undoubtedly be identified as God, the Creator, as preached by Chris- tian missionaries. The same man on another occasion will tell you, with just as honest a conviction, that ‘‘the people inherited the knowl- edge from a powerful wizard when he died,” referring to Stone-clad’s death. (Cf. Mooney, Myths, p. 320.) KINDS Before going into details as to the different kinds of formulas used by the Cherokee it may not be out of place to draw attention to a sharp distinction existing between the knowledge of the laity and that of the specialists. The average member of the tribe may know four or five formulas, but even then he usually only knows fragmentary portions of them, and mutilates them when trying to recite them, as the ritual meaning of Moonee | HE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 147 many words is unknown to him. This scanty supply of sacred and medicinal formulas nearly always includes the song to cure the results of accidents (mostly cuts and gashes caused by ax or knife) (see p. 85); also some prayer for protection, either to be recited or sung, is usually common property; and two or three of the easier kind of medicinal conjurations may complete the lot. There are, however, indications that until recently (15 to 20 years ago) formulas were sold to a layman by a medicine man, if the former were willing to pay the price for it. This trade was carried on es- pecially in the domains of hunting and love conjuration, a good formula of any of these kinds commanding $3 to $5. (See p. 105.) It is easy to understand why this practice is now on the verge of extinction: There is no gamé now in the Cherokee country, the kill- ing of which would be worth such an exorbitant sum,” and as for the love formulas, the younger generation, which must always have sup- plied the main customers for this line, are fast losing faith in these practices and are relying on more material means to attract the attention and to obtain the favor of the opposite sex. There is no objection on the part of the medicine men to selling also the more ordinary disease-curing formulas and prescriptions to the uninitiated, but there is hardly any demand for these, nor does there seem to have been in the past. A plausible reason for the popularity of the two kinds mentioned before seems to my mind to be that an individual wanted to buy love or hunting formulas mainly so as to be able to go through the necessary ritual and ceremonies without the aid of a medicine man; by acting alone he could keep his intentions and his plans in the domain of hunting and love a secret to eventual competitors. There are some formulas, however, which a medicine man will not communicate to an uninitiated member of the tribe at any price. Even to the initiated this kind is only handed on with the utmost discrimination. (See p. 100.) These are the incantations listed below as Nos. 10-14 (pp. 148, 153). I might add, finally, that ostensibly there seems to be some reluc- tance on the part of the medicine men to propagate any formulas at all. They pretend that the more the knowledge of a formula, of whatever kind it may be, is diffused, the less powerful it becomes and therefore they should be handed on to ‘‘the man in the street”’ with due care and moderation. This is, however, purely a theoreti- cal, and asa rule a rather hypocritical contention; and in the prac- tice every medicine man thinks that the occult power of the formulas 7 Deer and bear are extinct on the reservation, and rabbit, squirrel, and ground hog are about all there is left on the once so richly purveyed hunting grounds of the Cherokee, 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buzz 99 will not be tampered with to any considerable degree by what little he sells, if only the others would not sell so much of it. Theoretically speaking, there are no restrictions as to the formulas a medicine man may know. But for practical reasons most of them specialize in a certain set of them, according to the subbranch of magic or curing he specializes in (as love attraction, medicine, etc.), or he may even specialize in a narrower field, according to the two or three diseases he is reputed to be an authority on. For specialists among the medicine men see page 85; for the special sets of formulas see below. When it comes to classifying the various formulas which the Chero- kee use we can do so according to their own standards or according to ours. They themselves distinguish clearly between “‘good”’ formulas and ‘‘bad”’ ones, the good ones being those the object of which is bene- ficial, the bad ones those with deleterious aims. Under the former they would classify those that have been listed by me as Nos. 1 to 9, pages 149-153; among the latter those which I list as Nos. 10 to 14, pages 153-155. CLASSIFICATION A. PRAYERS: 1. For protection. 2. For long life. 3. For gathering medicine. B. ConsURATIONS: 4. For curing. 5. For using tobacco. 6. For examining with the beads. 7. Against witches. 8. Agricultural. 9. For hunting and fishing. C. INCANTATIONS: 10. “To change.” 11. To kill. 12. For love attraction. 13. For making unattractive. 14. For separating. I feel that I should motivate in a few words this classification, as well as the terminology used. I apply the name of ‘‘formula” as a generic term to any of the three kinds used. Prayer.—By this name I call a formula in which a request is made or in which a desire is expressed to a power which is clearly felt as superior, and upon whom the one who prays feels himself dependent. The object is to bring about morally or materially beneficial results. The request is made, the desire expressed in a humble way; it is not felt that the result desired can be forced or extorted from the being addressed. He can not be commanded or compelled to act. PCorer THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 149 Conjuration.—This is the term I use to indicate those formulas in which a power, not necessarily felt as superior, is appealed to in a commanding, coercive, often even in a threatening, insulting tone; the object is to bring about materially beneficial results. ‘There is an absolute certainty that our desire will materialize, if only the for- mula is recited and the ceremony performed without a flaw. Incantation.—As usual in the course of this paper I define incanta- tion as the recitation of a formula with a view to harm a person in his material belongings, in his health, or in his life. I am quite well aware that “incantation” as generally used in English has not this exclusive meaning, and very often also covers the two other groups discussed, as indeed, etymologically, it has a right to do. But anybody who has given the subject close attention will agree that the terminology is very confusing and most inadequate. Incantation, exorcism, spell, charm, prayer, magic or sacred formula, nursery rhymes, etc., are words that often all stand for one thing, but when one particular kind of formula has to be referred to one is at a loss to know which term of the collection to use, and be sure to be understood. The terminology as here used is adopted in German and Nether- landish as Prayer (Gm. Segen; Neth. Zegen); Conjuration (Gm. Beschworungsformel; Neth. Bezweringsformule); Incantation (Gm. Zauberspruch; Neth. Tooverspreuk). PRAYERS For PROTECTION a’ DapDutiss ‘sti vad" wuth for tying oneself up for the purpose This kind of formulas, to which belong also many songs, are of a prophylactic nature. They are protection prayers, which are known in German folklore as ‘“‘Segen.”’ They are recited, either by a priest on behalf of a patron, or by any one who happens to know them on behalf of himself, and are supposed to ward off evil, such as illness, ill will, witchcraft, etc. They are sung or recited especially before setting out on a journey, or when about to meet a group of people, and there is no doubt but the ferocious songs of ‘‘Ostenaco,”’ both when setting out upon his journey and when arriving in the port of London, mentioned by Lieutenant Timberlake, were just this kind of protection songs. To quote Timberlake: ‘‘When we had got about 200 yards from the town house . . . Ostenaco sung the war song, in which was a prayer for our safety through the intended journey; this he bellowed out loud enough to be heard at a mile’s distance.”” (Timberlake, p. 98.) And when arriving: ‘‘While in the boat that took us to shore Ostenaco, painted in a very frightful manner, sung a solemn dirge 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunt 99 with a very loud voice, to return God thanks for his safe arrival. The loudness and uncouthness of his singing, and the oddity of his person, drew a vast crowd of boats, filled with spectators from all the ships in the harbour . . . ,’’ etc. (1. c., 115). I know many Cherokee who even now would not go to a social gathering, such as a ball game, a dance, etc., without first having recited or sung one of these formulas. Moreover, this kind of formula may be sung by a married couple at night to ward off any machinations that might be undertaken against their conjugal happiness. There are not many of these prayers left and the Ay. manuscript does not contain a single specimen of them. For Lone Lire ama’yi De*Dadz5™st’to.ti — vad-’ wath water, Loc. to lead them to, and for the pur- bring them back with pose of Since these formulas are practically used only in connection with the rite of ‘‘going to water,” their name is referred to in this way. The ritual of going to water is performed by the Cherokee with very different ends in view: To obtain long life (which is by far the more important), to cast off a disease, for the benefit of a pregnant woman and her baby, to ‘‘work”’ against an enemy, in love matters, not to speak of the regular ceremony at every new moon, when each family is supposed to observe it. As a rule these prayers are the most lengthy and poetic in the col- | lections. They are generally recited by the priests when taking patrons to the river; they are unknown to the laity. Nos. 18, 43, 83, 92, and 93 of the Ay. manuscript belong to this kind. For GATHERING MEDICINE no’wo'td aGesteyl’ to treat with to take it This name is given to the prayers recited when gathering medicine; they are usually addressed to vne™‘than5’ti the Apportioner, the chief deity, and ask in a humble, meek way for His permission to come and gather the medicine. To this class might also be reckoned the formulas that are recited when putting the simples into the vessel to be boiled: no’wot aGd ‘thane 86-4 to treat with to pat it in it There are no specimens of this kind in the Ay. manuscript. They are unknown to the laity. Wet. THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 151 CONJURATIONS For Curine piDa'ngwo't’S’.ti vad’ witli’ to treat people with for the purpose of This kind of formulas is the most common. Of the 96 contained in this (the Ay.) manuscript, only five (Nos. 18, 43, 83, 92, and 93) are not medicinal formulas. Although the proportion of these curing formulas is usually quite preponderant in the manuscripts, it is almost impossible that the Ay. manuscript should not have contained more formulas for such pur- poses as love attraction, hunting and fishing, man killing, etc. How- ever that may be, none were included in Mooney’s transliteration of the manuscript on which this edition is based. (See p. 2.) To this class may also be reckoned to belong those few formulas that are used to take the medicine, after it has been boiled, outside of the house: Ganv‘Go'wi'sts"yl nd6"*wo't't’ This is a welcome opportunity to say a word about the medicinal pre- scriptions. These are not formulas, but are nevertheless called by the same name as this class: Go‘'we’li Du“ Da'nd" wo't's. tl vad"“wuth’,i.e., “papers to cure them (indefinite) with.” They contain advice and prescriptions as to the simples that are to be used to cure a given disease, and are almost identical, both as to contents and structure, with the pe*Go'sc‘susa6"’.1, i. e., “‘the direc- tions” (lit.: ‘‘where they (the contents) have been gathered’’) appended to most of the formulas. (See p. 158.) It is quite possible, not to say probable, that these prescriptions were originally the directions that went with the formulas, and that through error, neglect (or through rationalism?) of copyists, only the latter part of the formula, i. e., the directions, the prescription was copied. For Usina Tosacco tso"1s® GS™.’tott® ved’wuth tobacco it use with for the purpose of This name refers to the ceremony rather than to the formula used, as was the case with No. 2 (p. 150). “Old tobacco”? may be used with different formulas and with dif- ferent ends in view: For curing certain diseases, for divinatory pur- poses, when ‘‘watching against witches,” in certain incantation ceremonies. When expressed in this way, it should always be understood as referring to one of the three ceremonies last mentioned. Although there are three ceremonial ways of ‘‘using tobacco,” viz, chewing it, burning it on a fire of charcoal, and smoking it in a pipe (see p. 75), only the second metbod is meant, when the action is referred to as by the title given above. 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 For EXAMINING WITH THE BEADS ade 15" pe kt‘o.ti’ bead(s) to look with them These are the formulas that are used when conjuring with the red (or white) and black beads; this manipulation is very frequent in Cherokee magic and medicine. It is nothing else but a kind of divination by which such hidden things are alleged to be discovered, as whether a sick man will live or die, whether we will be successful against an enemy, whether we will be successful in love, ete. These formulas are unknown to the laity. No. 83 of the Ay. manuscript belongs to this class. Just as the tobacco (cf. above), the beads may be used ‘“‘both ways,” as the Cherokee put it; 1. e., they can be used to bring about beneficial or deleterious results, according to whether they are used along with a conjuration or with an incantation. But the medicine men always distinguish clearly between the two uses to which this manipulation may be put; the essence of the act does not depend on the paraphernalia used, but on the kind of formula which is recited. AGAINST WITCHES sO‘no”yl eD9'd Gana”’y‘to.ti vedo’wuth at night he walks about to guard with for the purpose of This kind of conjuration is recited to ward off the evil influence or the envious machinations of witches. As described (p. 30), witches are especially active around the dwelling of the sick and the dying. (For a full description of the activities of the witches and of the ways of thwarting these, see pp. 29-33.) AGRICULTURAL selu’ corn The whole of the Cherokee collection of formulas is very poor in specimens of this description. This can be explained in two ways. The fine climate and the good soil of the southern Alleghanies have made agriculture for the Cherokee a far easier proposition than it is, e. g., for the tribes of the Southwest. They are not so scantily provided with rain as the desert people are, and therefore formulas to cause rain or to make the corn grow may never have been used to any considerable extent. The present scarcity of these formulas might also be explained in this way, that the Cherokee are now far less dependent on the native crops than they were a couple of centuries ago, when they did not have the advantages of the easy means of communication, and when they did not have traders and farmers living in their midst, or only PCONey THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 153 a day’s journey distant. And as with the Christians, ‘‘the fear of the Lord is the beginning of all wisdom,” it may be said of the Cherokee, and of many tribes on the same level, that ‘the fear of drought is the beginning of a conjuration for rain.”’ These formulas are only known to specialists, of which there is still one living. There is no formula of this kind in the present manuscript, but James Mooney has edited one, obtained also from Ay., in his SFC., p. 387. For Huntina AND FISHING a’nino'lipg’’ti_—su'ntse ‘liga’; aGa*‘yit’6"’i_ ~~ v6’ wuth* they hunt all over (it is) theirs fish traps for the purpose of By these names a variety of conjurations and songs are meant that aim at bringing success in hunting and fishing. Some of the hunting formulas are also used in divination practices, which are re- puted to advise the hunter as to whether the time he has chosen to go on a hunting expedition is propitious, in which direction he has to depart, what he will kill, and when. There is no doubt but that almost all the men knew a couple or more of these specimens some generations ago, when hunting, and even big-game hunting, were events of almost daily occurrence. The hunters bought the knowledge of these songs and formulas from the medicine men (see p. 147), as much as $5 being paid fora bear-hunting song some 50 years ago. Now, as hunting is reduced to shooting rabbits and other small game, and with the advent of shot- guns, there no longer seems to be so much call for this magic ammuni- tion, and the formulas have therefore reverted to the custody of the medicine men. Closely akin to the hunting formulas are those used for fishing, either by line or by trap. For reasons above stated, these also are getting scarcer from year to year, and they will undoubtedly be among the first to disappear. No specimen of either is represented in this manuscript. INCANTATIONS “To CHANGE”’ With this class of formulas we enter the field of incantation. This particular kind is used by a medicine man on his own initiative, or at the invitation of a client, ‘‘to change” an enemy to a different condition with. This is only a euphemistic way of saying to change him to a bad eondition with, and the worse the better. This is the kind of incantation which, if successful, results in one of the dreaded aye’l.co°’Gi diseases. 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 Just as love incantations are often alluded to by some circumlocu- tion (see p. 158), these incantations are often written down in the col- lections under the innocent sounding caption of tsv:pale'ng-’ "D5" different sorts vad" with’ (for the purpose of different kinds of things). for the purpose of Tow knot Di'Danesoae’ sti v'ad’wuth to kill people for the purpose of Of all the ‘‘bad”’ formulas, this is the worst kind, and rarely a medicine man will own that he knows one, or even that he has one in his possession. It only results in the death of the victim if certain ceremonies are performed, as described (p. 87). For Love ATTRACTION yo""we d people, living This class of formulas is considered by the Cherokee as belonging to the most mysterious and occult of their knowledge, and to obtain information on it is quite a proposition. Even when in a secluded spot, medicine men hardly venture to give information on it, and then only by whispering, uneasily casting stealthy glances about them all the time. The name as here given is a very general one, and may cover a horrible incantation against a rival in a love matter, as well as a pretty, innocent conjuration to gain the affection of the girl we woo. Although y6'we'tl is the technical name for this class of formulas, it is seldom written so outspokenly as a heading in a medicine-man’s notebook. Usually some such circumlocution is used as: n6O“wo't'T peaosd"™ tuyi, ‘to make medicine,” or Dine ‘tsotiaw5”, “to play with them merely.’’ Occasionally they are even found under totally mis- leading captions, as ape lo" .piktott "u’tsont. beads to look with, he is ill to examine with the beads when he is ill. (For the terms used to clearly indicate malevolent love incantation, see p. 155.) A thorough discussion of love incantation and the lore pertaining to it is withheld for the present, as this manuscript does not contain a single formula of this kind. The matter may be more conveniently treated when Ms. II is edited, in which quite a number of these incantations occur. oS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 155 For Maxine UNATTRACTIVE Dida skw6'y5™ sto. tl to cause them to become loathsome with This is the kind of incantation which is recited by a medicine man at the request either of a scorned lover or of a jealous rival. In the first case the patron orders the formula to be directed against the haughty object of his affections, and tries to make her so loathsome that she who spurned him will in her turn be scorned by others. If the machinations are directed against a rival he is reviled to such an extent that no person endowed with reason could possibly think of paying any attention to him. For SEPARATING pe'DaGale’Nito.tl vad’ with to separate people with for the purpose of In the previous sections we discussed the kind of yé:we'fi formulas that are used by a spurned lover and by which he takes vengeance of an irresponsive love. The kind we now deal with is used to kindle discord and to sow ill feeling between a married couple, or between sweethearts, so that the conquest of the party desired may be made the easier by the heretofore unsuccessful lover. As already stated (p. 150), this is the incantation against which some protection song may be crooned by husband and wife at night that their love may not be unwrought by evil agencies. How tue Formuuas Are Recirep or SuNG As has been repeatedly stated in the course of this paper, some of the formulas are recited, others are sung. Although there is no defi- nite rule as to which are spoken and which are chanted, it seems that most of the hunting formulas and a good many of the protection prayers are sung. Also some of the curing formulas, but very few of these only. As I am not expert at recording music it was thought best to use the dictaphone to register some of the medicine, hunting, and dance songs. Fifteen dictaphone records were taken and have been deposited with the Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, Wash- ington, D. C. Some of the hunting and protection songs are of considerable artistic value; the Cherokee sing with a high-pitched falsetto voice, and with all the singers heard, a peculiar nasal twang was noticed. When the formulas are recited the medicine man mumbles them under his breath, and at a very fast tempo, so that neither the patient, nor any one of his household manages to catch a single word. 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bux 99 Nowadays the medicine man does not always rely on his memory when reciting the longer formulas; he often reads the text from his ragged notebook or from the crumpled sheets of paper on which he has it jotted down. How THE FoRMULAS ARE CONSIDERED BY THE LAITY AND BY THE MepIciInE MrEn The layman holds the formulas of any kind in a sort of timorous respect and apprehensive awe. They are most powerful means indeed in the hands of those who know how to use them, but one who is not an expert had better leave them alone, for you never know what might happen. To the medicine men the formulas are the means by which men are indirectly made powerful wizards; indirectly, i. e., through endow- ing them with the faculty to solicit or to command the services of those mighty wizards, the Spirits. We must believe without flinching or wavering, we must have a staunch confidence in this power of the formulas. For the wizards we call on ‘“‘know our mind,” and if they find our conviction faltering they will not heed us, nor the words we speak. A formula is sure to bring about the desired result, if only we are careful not to make any mistake in our choice. We may be so igno- rant as to think that a patient is suffering from a disease caused by the fish, and we will consequently call on the fishing hawk to come and combat the fish. But maybe the ailment is not caused by the fish at all; possibly ghosts are responsible for it, or animal ghosts, or the birds, or the sun. It is obvious, the medicine men argue, that in this case no relief would follow, as we have appealed to a curing agent (the fishing hawk) who is absolutely powerless in this emergency. We must also be careful not to omit a word, not a syllable, of the formula recited. It does not matter if there are words we do not understand (words, e. g., belonging to the ritual language (see p. 160) or words which, through erroneous copying, have been contaminated) ; the spirits we talk to understand them, as these expressions have been used in addressing them ‘‘ever since the time of long ago, when the old people lived.” Merely reciting the formula is not sufficient if we want to obtain success, though: we must also know ‘‘what is to be used with it,” i. e., what simples are to be collected, how they have to be prepared, how they should be administered, etc.; and last but not least, we should also know ‘‘how we have to work.” It is not difficult to recite a formula, but it is far from easy to know how to perform all the accompanying rites, to be conversant with the voluminous materia medica, and to be an expert at finding the simples and at preparing them. All this only a medicine man knows. MooNnEY | OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 157 TECHNIQUE OF WRITING THE FORMULAS Reference has repeatedly been made in the course of this paper to the sheets of paper and the notebooks in which the medicine men keep their stock of sacred and medicinal knowledge recorded. I will now briefly describe the technique observed by them in com- piling, conserving, and using this information. The most methodic of the medicine men keep notebooks the sizes of which may differ from foolscap or quarto to 16° which they obtain from the white traders, and in which they write down the formulas they have been able to collect, without paying the slightest regard whatever to system or classification. A conjuration to cure headache may precede a love incantation, which may be followed by a fishing song, after which a prescription for diarrhea is found. The Ay. manuscript following is by no means the worst example of this motley topsy-turvy, as there are manuscripts in which the for- mulas are even interspersed with notes of an historical interest, not to speak of tribal records, such as births, deaths, accidents, etc. It has always been a riddle to me how the medicine man finds the formula he needs for a particular occasion. This is indeed often a rather difficult proposition, but even if there are manuscripts contain- ing nearly 300 formulas, the medicine man always knows exactly which formulas it contains. This, to my mind, is quite a remarkable feat of memory, since in such a compilation quite a few of the formulas are of necessity practically identical. Where the formulas are kept on loose sheets of paper, of all dimen- sions and aspects, some of them written out in lead pencil, others in ink, others again with red or brown crayons, the confusion is even greater. Roughly speaking, the contents of these collections may be divided into formulas and prescriptions. Usually they have a title written as a caption at the top, but this is not a rule, as very often the con- tents and the purpose of the formulas are briefly indicated at the end in the ‘‘directions.”’ Both “title” and ‘‘directions” the Cherokee call by the same name: De**G9'st‘siuSGG"’.1, 1. e., ‘“where they (the information, pl.) have been assembled.’’ The directions at the end of the formula usually convey such information as the purpose of the formula, directions as to the simples or other materia medica to be used; how this is to be prepared (often even where the plants can be found), which paraphernalia are to be used, what ritual is to be gone through, and the restrictions to be observed by the patient, and eventually by the medicine man. Occasionally the fee is also listed here. Sometimes a part of the directions of the formula, especially the passage conveying the information about the purpose it is used for, 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt 99 and the paraphernalia that are necessary, is prefixed to the formula as a caption. Medicinal prescriptions may have a caption, but, as is easy to understand, usually are not followed by any directions, since they themselves contain the data which are found in the directions appended to the formula. As will appear from the section describing the structure of the formulas, these very often are made up of four paragraphs, which, save for a couple of words, are textually identical. It does not seem to have struck many of the medicine men that they could save them- selves a good deal of trouble by merely writing down one paragraph completely, and only the variants in the three following paragraphs. As a rule the four paragraphs are written out completely, this some- times resulting in slightly varying spellings which may often be quite interesting from the point of view of the phonetician. Only when writing down certain songs in which the same expression is repeated over and over again, the copyist gives proof of a more practical turn of mind and only copies each expression once, entrusting the sequence and the repetitions to his memory. I have already mentioned the curious practice of ‘“‘camouflaging” the contents of certain of the ‘‘bad”’ formulas, mostly love or man- killing incantations, by captions that have nothing whatever to do with their actual purpose. (See p. 154.) This is done to deceive any outsiders or uninitiated persons, who, by accident, might get posses- sion of the book or the papers. But considering the jealous care with which medicine men keep their writings hidden and secluded, there is really no great cause for apprehension on this score. I finally might stress once more the importance of the “‘directions”’ of the formulas and of the prescriptions. Just as clear and explicit directions appended to them result in a value of 100 per cent, a for- mula without the necessary directions is almost valueless. If a medicine man acquires a new formula, and the directions to it are missing, it means that he will have to hunt for a fellow practitioner who can give him the necessary information as to its use, the simples needed, etc. This has not only the great disadvantage that he has to show his new formula to competitors and rivals, but also that he will have to pay as much and perhaps more for the ‘‘exegesis’”’ as be had to lay out for the acquisition of the formula itself. The formula may be a gem, but the directions indicate its carat. Although some of the directions show ample evidence of their antiquity, yet they are not bound to tradition and formalism so rigidly as are the formulas. The latter may have been handed down, as far as we are able to gather, for centuries without an iota having been altered in them; the directions, however, have been subjected to such changes, alterations, and emendations as have been rendered Pepe THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 159 necessary by migration to a new habitat, by change in the material culture, or by evolution in the beliefs. So, for instance, in a formula against bullet wounds the “bullet” is not mentioned once, and is still spoken of as an arrow; as far as the expressions used in this formula are concerned, it might have been used in the pre-Columbian period. But when we scan the directions we soon see that it has been changed with due regard to the introduction of firearms. We also find that in those directions where simples are being prescribed that are foreign to the present habitat of the Cherokee these are being gradually replaced and super- seded by plants found in their present locality. Whereas a formula loses all its power by retracting or adding as little as one syllable to it, directions and prescriptions may be im- proved upon, both grammatically and technically, by any one who chooses to do so. STRUCTURE OF THE FORMULAS Although the best way of gaining an insight into the structure of the formulas is to examine the specimens given in the text material, a few preliminary remarks will not be considered out of place here. The general pattern according to which the formulas are built is the following: 1. An exclamation of warning, to attract the attention of the spirit addressed, as sae’, k‘a, ya'. 2. The spirit’s name, sometimes his color; the place where he has his abode. 3. Some expression extolling his power, as ‘‘thou powerful wizard indeed,’”’ or ‘‘thou penetratest all things,’ or ‘‘nothing can escape thy sight.’ 4. A statement as to the cause of the disease, the identity of the disease causer, or the reason for which the spirit’s help is invited. 5. Some depreciatory remarks at the address of the disease, of the disease causer, of the enemy against whom an incantation is being recited, etc. 6. Some specific reason why the spirit called upon is expected to effect relief in this particular instance. 7. An emphatic statement that relief has been effected. 8. A final exclamation, usually ya‘, sometimes sGe’, rarely k‘a’. This, as I have said, is only a general pattern; there is perhaps not one formula exactly like it, nor does it mention certain other motives, which occur occasionally, though not so regularly. For example, in many formulas the cry of the animal spirit invoked is imitated, for the fox du’; for the rabbit dc‘st.” 75 These imitative cries are often rather symbolic than onomatopoetic. 7548°—32 12 160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 Again in many formulas that are used, as in love attraction, there are many motives that are quite uncalled for in the curing conju- rations. In quite a few of the formulas the name and the clan of the patient, of the patron, or of the enemy may be mentioned. The first paragraph of the formula is often repeated three times, very slight changes being made every time; usually only the color of the spirits and their abode are modified. Only rarely does a formula contain seven paragraphs. This is almost exclusively the case with some long-life formulas recited at the river’s bank. Tue Rirvat LANGuaGE ” There is abundant proof that the language as used in Cherokee religion and ritual has been checked in certain aspects of its evolu- tion and that it has become stationary and archaic, the everyday language having followed its fatal course of development. This process is easy to explain when we call to mind the tremendous importance which the untutored mind attaches to form and pattern. Whereas the everyday language, the tribal language as we will call it, is a tool of the community, of the man in the street, to express his views on a countless number of matters, in an almost unlimited variety of ways, the ritualistic language is usually the appanage of a chosen few, and is in any case strictly used in rigidly exclusive circum- stances, and in sternly conserved, crystallized and stereotyped ex- pressions. Sacred formulas, whether they be conjurations, incantations, or conventional prayers, are bound to form rather than to content. The desired result is held to be brought about, not by the meaning of the words used, but merely by strict adherence to the wording and the form. This accounts for the fact that even in European folklore so many conjurations and incantations are still in use con- taining words and expressions so archaic that even the initiated and the adepts fail to understand them; yet not one of these adepts would dare or venture to change a word and to supply a modern, more in- telligible expression for it, since to tamper with even so little as a syllable would not only seriously compromise but would render abso- lutely nil the power and the result of the formula. We find the same conditions prevailing with the Cherokee, only to an even greater extent. 78 The following remarks have already been presented in a slightly different form in a paper read before the First International Congress of Linguists, The - Hague, April, 1928, Pieters THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 161 To be systematic and methodical, I should state which, to my mind, are the sources from which the Cherokee ritual language in its present shape is derived: 1. There is first of all a substratum of what may be called the lan- guage at an earlier stage of its growth. 2. Secondly there is a layer of the Western dialect. 3. Finally there is an unmistakable influence of the rhythm in the melodies of songs. The latter element, the influence of the song melodies, is of all the least perceptible, and from a linguist’s viewpoint, of the least impor- tance. It bears only on certain phonetic and on a very few mor- phologic aspects. Such are the artificial prefixing, infixing, and suffix- ing of particles without any semantic value, which is done with the sole object in view of filling out the meter of the melody when sing- ing. Instances are: (a) Prefixing (prosthesis)—‘a is frequently prefixed to such words as ‘a‘no"Gw5”, “now’’; ‘a‘aalo-‘Idi, ‘‘above”’; ‘a*‘usinu’li, “quickly.” (b) Infixing (epenthesis)—elan(a)pi for eldi, elapi, ‘below’; a Gwan(a)Du' ‘lita’ for a‘Gwabvu' ‘lita’, “I want’; no‘tsc‘od’ for no‘tscti’, “in the pine grove.” (c) Suffixing (paragoge; epithesis). No instance of the suffixing of meaningless syllables to fill out the meter of a melody has come to my notice; nor is this difficult to ex- plain: Cherokee possesses such a vast variety of emphatic suffixes (-ya, -yl, -yu, Di'nd™, -Go'aa’, etc.), that in case of emergency one or even a couple of these are called upon to bring the word or the sen- tence up to its necessary number of syllables. Also the contrary of the processes just described takes place: (a) Aphesis; aphaeresis— Gwe‘tia’ for aawe istanea’, ““I have pain.” Guise’ Gw5® for a‘ause’’Gw5", “the big bitch.” Ge ‘iyaGu’’ co for aGe‘‘iyacu’’ae, “the woman by excellence.” (b) Syncope— tsuse’Gu'.a’ for tsc‘se'Go"’au’.a’, “I overcome it.” ani GaGe'™ for a‘niauGace'™, “they (are) red.” awe ‘iia’ for aawe‘ista nea’, ‘I have pain.” (c) Apocope— no"Gwond.” for no“ewopi'nds™, “now indeed.” wa‘a'l for wa‘‘ali’, (name for a mountain). ts6"“nuso’ for tsd-nu'sotl’, ‘“‘where the Creeks live.”’ As for the second layer mentioned, the evidence is as interesting to the student of psychology and history as to the linguist. This layer, as already stated, consists of a collection of words and expressions, borrowed from the Western dialect, This is the dialect 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 which has always been spoken by the majority of the tribe; by that fraction of the tribe, moreover, where civilizing influences during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries made themselves felt most keenly; by that fraction of the tribe, finally, to which belonged the inventor of the Cherokee syllabary. As a result of all this, the Western dialect soon rose in importance, and in fact acquired pre- cedence over the others, as usually happens with a written dialect. Thus, although theoretically speaking, the Central and Eastern dialects can be written just as satisfactorily by means of the Sequoya syllabary as the Western dialect, the fact that it was invented by a westerner, that it was applied to writing in the Western dialect, before it was so applied to the others, the fact that portions of biblical as well as of secular literature were translated and printed in this dialect only—all this contributed immensely toward making of the Western dialect what might aptly be called the literary tongue of all the Cherokee. Hence the formulas written down in this dialect contained many expressions which the Central-dialect speaking Cherokee either did not understand, or else understood but would bave expressed in a different way. Since, however, a formula must be recited as written down, and since tampering with its traditional form is nothing short of sacrilege, these Western dialect expressions have been treasured and handed down ever since; needless to say, many of them have, in the course of this process, been mutilated beyond recognition, and it is quite possible that some of them may never again be satisfactorily recon- structed or explained. It will be possible to state eon to what extent the Western dialect has been drawn upon for the ritualistic language of the Central dialect by a thorough study of the Western dialect, which has not yet been made but which will soon be undertaken. Finally there is the source which I mentioned first, but which I reserved for discussion until now, because it is the most important and offers more interesting material and more promising results. This source is what I called a substratum of words and expressions illustrating certain processes in the history and growth of the lan- guage. As has been described in the previous pages, the Cherokee ritual language is used mainly in prayers, conjurations, and incantations, mostly recited, but sometimes sung, and the greater part of which are expected to prevent, cure, or cause disease; some of them are also recited in order to obtain prosperity, luck in love or in war, in hunting and fishing, and in the various pursuits of tribal life. It also may occur sporadically in songs, even if these do not belong to the ritual, and possibly in certain clan names, MOONEY | OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 163 These formulas are now handed down in written form, but before the art of writing was invented, about a century ago, they must have been taught to the initiated orally, and there are quite a few indications which lead us to believe that many of them must be several hundreds of years old, at least. Many of them contain references to mythical beings, spirits and animals, on which even the voluminous tribal mythology is silent. Both in the vocabulary and in the grammatical construction there occur elements which even the oldest priests and the most traditionalist of the medicine men are at a loss to elucidate. The only explanation they venture to offer is that ‘‘this was the way it was said by the people who lived a long time ago.” Knowing as we do the jealous care with which this material has been conserved, and the judgment and the discrimination used when handing it down, it will be possible to make these data serve the purpose of investigating some of the problems of historical [roquoian linguistics. A few illustrations taken from the different fields of linguistics, viz, phonetics, lexicology, morphology, syntaxis and semantics, will show some of the results that can be obtained by this method. Phonetics.—X clan name a‘nisa‘o’ni could not, so far, be identified with certainty. It is true that its relation with sa‘k‘o’’ni (“blue’’) has been suggested, but until further evidence was brought forward, this explanation could only be called a plausible guess. It appears now, however, that the exclamatory k‘a’ used in tribal language is the equivalent of the ‘a‘’ met with so often in the formulas; thus not only making the etymology of a‘nisa‘o’’ni a certainty instead of a guess, but also making it probable that once such a law as the shift from the aspirate to the aspirated velar surd occlusive must have operated initially resp. medially. Lexicology.—With respect to the vocabulary there is a good deal to be gleaned from the material. Most, if not all, of the formulas antedating, as far as we can gather, the invasion of the whites, there are many references to aboriginal fauna and flora, to artifacts and utensils which are now obsolete, and the use of many of which has now even been forgotten. In one hunting formula the name of seven different kinds of deer are given, whereas now distinction is made ‘between two kinds only. The name k‘a‘lo‘ewe’ which is now used for gun or rifle is still used in the formulas with the meaning of ‘‘ bow,” just as Ga’ni’ now meaning “bullet”’ or ‘‘lead”’ is used for ‘‘arrow”’ in the formulas. “wane’" which is now only understood as hickory (Hicoria alba (L.) Britt.), is still used in the formulas as “arrow,” because arrows used, to be made of them. s““kwa which in the tribal language merely means “‘pig,’”’ used to stand for “opossum,” in which meaning the ritualistic language invariably uses it, : | 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 There are, moreover, quite a number of concepts that are referred to in the formulas by words that are totally different from those used in the tribal language: Ritual language Tribal language Beads! eery welt rt Bega so‘nekt‘a’ abe’ 152 Yard (around dwelling) _____ tend "li’ o'Neast'6".i LE Tye ee ne RR eee: vilsGe*’D5" u'yu’ Ga As far as morphology is concerned the most impressive fact is that in the ritualistic language the comm.-Iroq. feature of incorporation of the nominal object has been retained to a far greater extent than in the tribal language. In fact the latter seems to be losing, slowly but surely, this mode of expression altogether. E. g., such an expression as: “I am making it bigger,” is rendered in the tribal language: vttane’D5" nuad-ne‘a’ it-bigger-become I make it whereas the ritualistic language still uses the more typical Iroq.: Gat‘a‘no‘'stuta’ (1. e., Ga-, Ist. sgl. pronominal pref., 1st. conj. subject. ; -t'an(9)-“big” ; -ust- causat. infix; -v'a’ praes. suff.). Of this there are many instances. Another fact, equally interesting, of which only one instance has been found so far, is the prefixing of the particle expressing the pos- session of the object to the verb instead of to the noun, as in the tribal language: Ritual language: a\DaNtti’ tsupa Nituyu’ Tribal language: tsu‘DaNttil’ uda Nituyu’ (Both with the same meaning: “He loves thy soul.’’) Syntazis.—Adverbs of place, which in tribal language usually pre- cede the verb, in the ritualistic language often follow it: Ritual language: ancloti’ e‘ttawe'’ni, “they pass underneath.” Tribal language: e‘thawi’’ni anc‘loti’, “underneath they pass.” Semantics.—This is indeed a most interesting and promising field. The stem {-Da'Nit- which in tribal language only means “to think,” in the ritual language invariably stands for ‘‘to cause”’: ulsce’ D5" v'pantte'l59, he has caused the disease for (i. e., to) him. The primitive notion that evil can be cast upon an enemy by think- ing, wishing, saying (cf. Latin “‘incantare’’), is hereby clearly illus- trated; even more so though by the following group of words which all derive from a stem -v(.)- “to say’: v'pd‘'nd’4, ‘he has caused it.” a’Ddni'Ga’, “he has come to cause it”’; ‘‘it has been caused.” nico: ‘pisGe'sti’, “‘he will continue to cause it.” nv‘ pet*and’’pa, ‘it has been caused at the same time.”’ es THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 165 The tribal word for “‘disease” v'yu’Ga is not used in the ritual language, where it is always referred to as: ‘‘that which is important,” ‘“‘the important thing,’’ ulsce’D5*. “Death” is referred to in the ritual language as v‘s5‘“tD5™ a word which in the tribal language always has the meaning of ‘‘night- passed.” tsvyG"“nusta’“neta’ which in the tribal language means: “‘T hit him,” in the ritual language conveys the professional idea of performing passes, of massaging. Although many more examples could be adduced, it is considered that those given have amply proved the point; those that are held over will be worked out and incorporated in the sketch of the Cherokee grammar on which work is well advanced. cy faut Hh ea | a Wii wl cars le sis Ps i a ngrondh Nt Se ane Cae | Hida ve v7 bu ol bios eg sr winery \ eR,» Nt | a8 EN ‘i " ya ' r i { | ; pe Hi ‘ qi : i yt int | , UNE eV a th Tk) Pa a Re rai Ay! 1 alae ye aN enn en ih LM eee NW AAA: CORONER) a (ene ne nit ay Ad y toa AYA ‘at i A : ih “a ( aut Tee en i hu ( vas fis APPENDIX With reference to the statement made on page 2, a comparative table is given in the following lines of the sequence into which the formulas had been put by Mr. Mooney. The titles and the first figures are Mooney’s, whereas the figures between parentheses are those under which the formulas will be found in the texts. Genito-urinary diseases: 1 (4), 2 (80), 3 (6), 4 (22), 5 (95), 6 (55), 7 (94), 8 (81), 9 (37), 10 (38). Snake dreams and snake bites: 11 (5), 12 (20), 18 (47). Indigestion and fainting: 14 (7), 15 (8), 16 (11), 17 (15), 18 (14), 19 (26), 20 (34), 21 (65), 22 (85), 23 (29), 24 (46), 25 (54), 26 (16), 27 (27), 28 (42), 29 (89), 30 (50), 31 (86). Headache, toothache, earache, sore eyes, and throat troubles: 32 (9), 33 (10), 34 (35), 35 (13), 36 (57), 37 (82), 38 (2), 39 (89), 40 (96), 41 (68), 42 (21), 43 (56), 44 (62), 45 (61). Chills, fever, and blisters: 46 (1), 47 (23), 48 (80), 49 (40), 50 (41), 51 (48), 52 (538), 53 (90), 54 (75), 55 (88). Wounds and frostbite: 56 (59), 57 (60), 58 (69), 59 (87). Worms and bowel troubles: 60 (17), 61 (49), 62 (32), 63 (52), 64 (71), 65 (72), 66 (73), 67 (74), 68 (78), 69 (79). Childbirth, female troubles, etc.: 70 (70), 71 (76), 72 (51). The scratching ceremony, rheumatism, and kindred pains: 73 (25), 74 (81), 75 (28), 76 (19), 77 (84), 78 (91), 79 (64), 80 (24), 81 (68), 82 (67), 88 (45), 84 (66), 85 (44), 86 (36). Witchcraft diseases and taking to water: 87 (3), 88 (58), 89 (12), 90 (83), 91 (77), 92 (48), 93 (93), 94 (88), 95 (18), 96 (92). 1 v“nawa’sti e¢’Gw5® apat né“wo'ti’ {tv’a’ | it chill it big the medicine this eget Galoyidu. “meen. Galowdde™ ‘ime’ | fame 0 | now then! above thou and I above thou and I thou and I are living are living are living med | «me-yu .|. ““nipa “we |... ‘mes-yu | ‘me‘e-yu' | thou and I thou and T thou and I thou and I thou and I are living are living—E (are) wizards are living—E are living—E} vise Newa’ .add“niGa’ | .apd“niGa’ .| ‘acyl’ beyond-it- it has become said it has become said stretched sce’ | 6" wapo-i ‘met =| OG waned “nea | ‘me | 5 now then! storehouse—Loc thou and I storehouse—Loc thou andI thou and I are liying are living are living 167 168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxe. 99 ‘medi | “me*-yu’ | “nipa’"we | ‘me r-yu’ | ‘ine t-yu’ | thou and I thou and I thou and I thou and I thou and I are living are living—E (are) wizards are living—E are living—E viss‘nawa «apd niGa | apds“nica’ | ‘acyl’ beyond-it- it has become said it has become said stretched sce’ | np te ‘med - | no“te-S ‘meh || “aie dee now then! pine(s)—Loe __ thou and I pine(s)—Loc thou and I thou and I are living are living are living “me | “me -yu’ | “nipa’ "we | ‘me%-yu’ | ‘me -yu’ | thou and I thou and I thou and I thou and I thou and I are living are living—E (are) wizards are living—E are living—E 5utssnawa’ apdd“ni‘aa’ | apdSniaa’ | ‘azyi’ beyond-it- it has become said it has become said stretched sce” [a ma‘yi' “Sine i |'" a’mas=yi “imei 7/9 “ier now then! water—Loc thou and I water—Loc thou and I thou and I are living are living are living “metl =| Sune -yu’ | ‘mipatwe | ‘ine -yu’ | ‘unei-yu’ | thou and I thou and I thou and I thou and I thou and I are living are living—E (are) wizards are living—E are living—E vts‘nawa’ aDd“niGa’ | apd‘neaa’ | ‘aryl’ beyond-it- it has become said it has become said stretched sce’ | ‘a‘-no-awd’9 ‘a‘t'Gna‘“niGa’ a ‘Golu'’Gu" tsastu’Ga now then ha! now thou hast come to listen whirlwind thou little 10 “epa’\"wel’ | opdali’ tsu‘stuao-' Duwa'"wsat-6°" pitsd tito’ sti’ | thou (art a) mountain(s) they small—Loe it stretched out con- thou art staying wizard tinuously—T L “pa"wed’ | Gotu’sti tsunuleS™-’ski nice ‘sdna’ | ‘a-no'"Gw5? thou (art a) something thou failest—H never ha!l—Now wizard po tePleo’na | . ustetk‘usyu?. wv petyastand’a. , ‘0 Ge’se 7 1d be thou hast arisen small—E it has been left over that whichis—App again— ‘lyalecu‘st'an'Ga’ wao’ti v‘stigo-" uv'sa‘’‘lage | «cGort-u~‘Tti thou hast come to brush it swamp it small—Loc plateau on hillside swamp-standing away nO“no-’ wi-De‘tsattandts™si’ | a‘ne‘tso'Ge’DS" Ge ‘tsaDG Niel’ | trail(s)—Loc toward yonder they will lay playing they do to thee—App. themselves 15 DO"ndtist*anc'aa’ | vad‘wulstta‘nida‘'sti-aw5” | a‘pu'Gale’yaps™ it has happened so what is its worth as it goes about—L. it scattered tsa’ DONte ‘liga’ =| —sutsi‘“nawa’ =niad"pisce'sti’ thou hast come to do beyond-it- it will be said continu- for him stretched ally onwards sce’ .| ‘a‘-no"@ws’? ‘5*"-‘a‘t'ona ‘ni'Ga’’ ‘a calu’Gu" ‘e*Gworu now then ha! now again thou hast come to listen thou whirlwind thou (art) big— aw5 | o’pali tse‘Gwo-’i Dv'Da*"wsat-6°"’ vy6°’"DS" Di tsdti= L (=E) mountain(s) they big—Loc it stretching out itself over yonder thou art continuously—T L tror’sti | ‘a‘ealu'’Gs" ‘e’Gwu",,.‘a:-vsonu’ li po tapleoga ~ | staying thou whirlwind thou (art) big ha! quickly thou hast arisen 99 uste’k*e-yu’ sv De‘ya’stand‘ti | ‘yaloaest*anu Ga’ ulsGe"’ D5? it small—E it has been left over thou hast come to brush it away it important MooneY THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 169 OLBRECHTS wGo"t-e’Gw5® vsa‘’laci | vwcot-eGwo’-4 cvyd°’ "DS" no-‘no-%' swamp big plateau on hillside swamp-big—Loc over yonder trail(s)—-Loe wi-Detsat‘ang t5™si’ | ane ‘tso'Ge’ DS" Ge ‘tsadd"Nte'liDise'sti’ | toward yonder they will lay playing they will do to thee continuously themselves wG6"‘wulst‘anida‘‘sti-aw5’® | vts’‘nawe-Gw5" nv ‘pde.t'and’"pa | what is its worth as it goes about—L beyond-it-stretched—L (=E) it has been said at the same time niGa'ci’ ya‘ | v“nawa.’sti e’Gw5? v'nitl6-nd-’.i | tta'ya’ Gd™.’t*oti' as far as all Sharply! chill it big whenever they are ill cherry it to be used with it Dipz9"’ t'ist3.ti | tso“l-acayé°’"li yata’’ vl6’*kw‘oti-ew5*” na.skwi™ they te be on tobacco-old if he has it powerful L (=E) also with i (For) THE Bie Cuitt THis is THE MeEpICINE FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Above thou and I are living, Above, thou and I are living, Thou and I are living, Thou and I are living, Thou and I are living indeed, Thou and I (are) wizards, Thou and I are living indeed, Thou and J are living indeed, Relief has been caused, it has been caused. Ha-yi! Now then! On storehouse mountain thou and I are living, On storehouse mountain, thou and I are living, Thou and I are living (bis), Thou and I are living indeed, Thou and I (are) wizards, Thou and I are living, indeed (bis), Relief has been caused, it has been caused. Ha-yi! Now then! In the pine forest thou and I are living (bis) , Thou and I are living (bis), Thou and I are living indeed, Thou and I (are) wizards, Thou and IJ are living indeed (bis), Relief has been caused, it has been caused. Ha-yi! Now then! In the water thou and I are living (bis), Thou and I are living (bis), Thou and I are living indeed, Thou and I (are) wizards, Thou and IJ are living indeed (bis), Relief has been caused, it has been caused. Ha-yi! Now then! Ha! now thou hast come to listen, thou Little Whirl- wind, thou wizard. Among the stretched out (tree branches) of the small mountains thou art staying. Thou wizard, thou never failest in anything. Ha! now thou hast arisen, facing us. The minute portion (of the disease) which has been left over, thou hast again come to brush away into the little swamp on the plateau along the or 170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butts 99 mountain flank. Thy trails! lead from here to the swamp into which they disappear. They have played with thee,' it seems (and tossed thee about). So, indeed, it has happened. (And) who cares what happens to it?? Thou hast come and scattered it for him.‘ Relief has now been caused, and will not be undone. Now then! Ha! Now thou hast come to hear, thou Big Whirlwind, big indeed. Among the stretched out (tree branches) of the big mountains, over yonder, thou art staying. Thou Big Whirlwind, ha! quickly thou hast arisen, facing us. Only a minute portion of the disease has remained. Thou hast come to sweep it away into the ereat swamp on the plateau along the mountain flank. Thy trails lead from here to the great swamp over yonder. They will play with thee! and toss thee about continually ; who cares what happens to it,> now! Relief indeed has been caused at the same time, completely indeed. Sharp there! When they are ill with the big chill, cherry is to be used to blow them with. If old tobacco is available (it is) also very efficient. NOTES [This formula has been edited with notes and comments by James Mooney, SFC., pp. 359-361. The plants used have been identified as tso‘lacay6™li (Nicotiana rustica L., wild tobacco), and t‘aya’ (Prunus virginiana L., chokecherry; also Prunus serotina Ehrh., wild black or rum cherry).] 2 e’a-NIS" pe“nisko'li’ pu ‘nitl6nd’’.1 * | this-and their heads whenever they are ill anisct’ya ani‘loti’ | vtsc’‘newa*s and‘niaa’ | a‘nida’"we they men they just beyond-it- they have come they (are) wizards passed by stretched and said it ent loti’ | vts’‘nawa’ and‘neaa’ | vtse‘nawa’ Gd thtata™ they just beyond it they have come beyond it stretched it (has been) passed by stretched and said it rubbed vis“nawa’ and ‘nica’ | ya beyond it they have come Sharp! stretched and said it a-NS" na.sawd"® peniskoli’ pu‘nitlind’.i | far’ ne-vsti’ | this-and also their heads whenever they are ill this so far like 9pali-au’pli an6“skdtl’.i = pepzo* t’usto. ti’ mountain-he climbs it (Sol.) used to be ‘they to be blown with it held in the mouth—H 1 Addressing the disease. 2 “‘Tt’’=the disease. 3 Addressing the Little Whirlwind. 4 “Him’’=the patient. 5 W. Dial. form; C. Dial.: v-‘nits6n6-‘i. 6 This is one of the cases alluded to on p. 2, and from which it appears that a preceding formula or prescription, ‘‘also for headache,’’ was not included by Mooney in his transliteration of the manuscript. ja THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 171 AND THIS IS (FOR) WHEN THEIR HEADS ARE ILL (FREE TRANSLATION) The men have just passed by, they have caused relief, The wizards have just passed by, they have caused relief, Relief has been rubbed, they have caused relief. Sharp! And this is also (for) when their heads are ill. This (is to be sung) like this: ° Mountain-climber © should be chewed, (and) they should be blown with it. NOTES This song is to cure a headache which, it is stated, is accompanied by pain in the back of the neck. The melody closely resembles that of formulas Nos. 42 and 82. The medicine is ginseng '° chewed and held in the mouth. While singing the doctor rubs the forehead of the patient [with the palm of his right hand, and on finishing the song], takes a sip of water, and then blows the water mixed with the ginseng juice [on the forehead, or on the temples or on the crown of the patient’s head according as to where the pain is most acute]. The song and the blowing are repeated four times, and if necessary the whole ceremony is repeated four times before noon, or at intervals of abcut half an hour after the first treatment. tso“lagay’d'"li’ "' may be used instead of ginseng. [There is no taboo.] _ [The “men” referred to in the song are probably the ‘Little Peo- ple” dwelling in the rocks, in the mountains, etc. (See p. 25.) Itis not impossible, however, that the Thunder Boys are meant (see p. 24), but this is less likely since the latter are usually referred to as “the two Little Men,” “the two Red Men,” etc.] 3 wa ace th-ya’ uni tléno’.1 a pa'ng“wo'tt | this suffering—E whenever they are ill the medicine sae” | ‘a-no"“ew5? ‘a‘t'6na‘niGa’ Gal6-Idu’-tts™ @ etst*oisti’ now then! ha! now thou hast come to listen above-toward they have put thee staying | Ko’lans™ §5™nace’? ‘wa "weu-yu' |» Gocv’sti’) teint; raven black thou (art a) wizard—E something thou failest neGe'so"na’ ‘a -no'Gw5” e pzZapz9°"5™tanuGa’ — asGu*"ne never ha! now they have caused thee to come down ghost v Dd n5i1-Gw5™ “iGe‘se™i | *a'-nuGd"“wand-“naGwa'?lo.e’sti-aw5” it has been said—L that which is, App. ha! a trace of trampling will be—L ® Follows the song, ‘‘ The men have just passed by,’ ete. 10 Panaz trifolium L. (dwarf ginseng; groundnut). 1 Nicotiana rustica L. (wild tobacco). 2 W. Dial. form; C. Dial.: vnitsdné-.i. 1% -t15", W. Dial. suffix; C. Dial.: -ts§4,-pz52. Lv? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn. 99 tsa®los-6'.1’ | ‘a-no™ awd? ve t'S tht'aneaa’ | ‘a‘’-sd‘noGa?lo” Gi thou passed—TL ha!—now thou hast come to put him hal it broken on his (legs) Ge's6".i ‘o"sticS thanvaa’ visaepds™ | Dvworlu“wa.t5".ti’ neGe- itis, TL thou hast come to put it it important it to be returned never (sol) between two ... sOna’ | nd°’t'oneleaa’ | ‘a.usd‘e-yi’ w5*-tito'sttanc Ga’ thou _ one to do it ha! night—Looe yonder thou hast put it to stay or him Dadu kta sti’ neaeso'na’ | vtsc’nawa’ nv*‘po.t*and-’"pe it to look back never beyond it it has been said at the stretched same time 5 sae” | ‘a-no"aw5" ‘at’éna‘neaa’ Gald“‘Idi’-tls™* ‘e‘tst*oisti’ | Now then! ha! now thou hast come to listen above-toward they have put thee staying k‘o"’lanS5"® qu‘Ga-ce’" (ete.) raven blood-like sae’ ‘a-no"aws” ‘a'tOnaneGa’ Galé“Ide’-ths™ ‘e‘tst.ousti’ | now then! hal now thou hast come to listen above towards they have put thee staying k‘o’lanS2_~ sa‘tk‘oni’ = (etc.) raven blue sce” | ‘a-no“eawS"” ‘at’dna‘neaa’ wat’li Galé‘Ide’-th™ ™ now then! ha! now thou hast come to listen (south) above 10“etstosti’ | k*o“lanS" tsune’G5d" (ete.) | vtsc“nawa’ apd %niGa’ they have put raven thou white beyond it stretched it has been said thee staying wa’ a@uthe-ya’ vnitlind’.i ada’ né“wo'tl | a’skwanv’ts‘asti® this suffering—E whenever they are ill the medicine for sucking tso™l-agayO™h =v nipa lnd!i =a@d™teoti’ — a‘néskutho’"-aw5" | tobacco old they have been to use with it (sol.) used to be kept in the flowers mouth k*a‘naso’“lo-NtS™ =| tso*‘l-cyus’ti-NS™ uste'’Ga ss u"“nalu‘Gota™ =| (wild parsnip)-and tobacco-like and it small they together ade“ l5-NS5™ pDa‘o’.i | Go‘u’sti-NSS™ yu t*asvyO’nd® sa‘wo' td --a@w5” beads-and they (sol) something-and if it united with it mud—Loc—L used to be lying down 15a.’ti Dawo'‘de-aw5" cy" "be put it it over itself—L far down Tus is THE MepiciIneE WHEN Tuey are Sick Wits SHarp PAINS FREE TRANSLATION (a) Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Black Raven; they have placed thee above. Thou powerful wizard, thou never failest in anything. Now they have let thee down. It is merely a ghost that has causedit. There shall only remain the traces of tram- pling where thou hast passed. Now thou hast come to put him on his feet. Thou hast come to put the important thing between a crevice of Broken Rock, its track never to be found; thou hast come to do 14 -t}5", W. Dial. suffix; C. Dial.: -ts5®, -pz5-. 18 W. Dial. form; W. Dial. -tl->C. Dial. -ts-. | Sonnets THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 173 (that very thing) for him. Ha, thou hast taken it away to the Night Land, toremain. It will never return. Relief has been caused at the same time. (b) Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Red Raven; they have placed thee above (etc.). (c) Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Blue Raven; they have placed thee above (etc.). (d) Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, White Raven; they have placed thee above, toward the south (etc.). This is the medicine when they are sick with sharp pains. For sucking, the flowers of old tobacco are to be used. They are just to be held in the mouth (i. e., chewed), and wild parsnip and the small tobaccolike (plant), they along with it. And if anything be mixed with it (i. e., with the saliva, after sucking), it should be put down into the mud, as far as an overhand (deep). EXPLANATION [This formula is the one edited under another caption (tsuv‘nda- ye liaokt'an5’4 a‘pa‘tné“wo't'’), “the medicine (for) when they simulate (a real sickness),’’ by Mooney in his SFC., pp. 366-369.] 4 ‘a’ no‘wo't’ tsu'niyo“ttect.ay | this to cure with they have them itching uni'stid5".0’sti-aw5® s9.u’ (-Ni52 16) ust’ Ga’ vp9"’ teawups”™ they came to stick to—L other-and it small all day unde" t*a.sti’ | na.’ski-Gw5* neGa 6” | Ga'kt*6’ D5” they must drink it this—L all it restricted aGo"'n5” completely Tuis 1s TO Curr Witn, WHen Torey Have Tuem ItcuHIne FREE TRANSLATION Merely the “‘they-make-them-stick-to-it” (-plant) and (also) the other small (variety). They must drink it all day. And this is all there is to it. The injunction is, fasting. EXPLANATION As this formula, like all the others, was written by the medicine man to assist his own memory, rather than to give any explicit infor- mation to the outside world, the wording is indefinite, as regards both 16 Interpolation by editor. 174 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 the malady and the cure. [As already stated (see p. 157), the formulas or prescriptions, as written down without order by a medicine man in his notebook or on stray scraps of paper, do not always have a title, and often even lack any indication whatever as to the disease against which they are to be used.] The disease is described as an itching of the privates, which causes the patient to scratch the parts affected, thus producing painful sores. [Women as well as men may suffer from it.] It is the result of having urinated, when a child, upon the fire, the ashes, or upon an ant hill. In the first two cases the act is a profanation of the fire, which is esteemed sacred (see p. 21), and children are frequently warned against committing such a sacrilege. In the other case the revengeful ants deposit their eggs on the privates, thus causing an irritation of these parts. [Also urinating along a trail, in the yard surrounding the house, in a place where an animal has been killed, and in the river, are all acts which may result in an ailment such as is here vaguely described as “‘itching.’’ Informants do not agree as to whether the itching is internal or cutaneous. In the first case the disease is but a sympton of another illness, as, e. g., une’ Ga yun ‘nen Go'tee fa vno""pi tsa“ndik‘s’fa® and is now occasionally by ‘‘modernists’”? among the medicine men held to be part and parcel of a disease of venereal nature. When the itching is cutaneous it is quite possible, from the description of symptoms given, that we are dealing with a case of ‘itch-worm” (Sarcoptes (Acarus) scabiet).] pt The disease may follow immediately on the commission of one of the acts mentioned above, or may lie dormant until manhood or womanhood is reached. [The plants used are v'nistd5.c’sti e’aw5™, Lappula virginiana (L.) Greene, beggar’s lice, v'nistd5.c’sti uste’Ga, Cynoglossum virginanum L., wild comfrey.] The affected parts are bathed with a decoction of the roots, while another portion of the decoction is drunk by the patient, who, while under treatment, entirely abstains from anything else in the nature of food and drink. [The patient may drink the decoction at intervals of an hour or half an hour, from sunrise to noon, when he is allowed to break his fast, after which the treatment is considered ended for the day. In severe cases, though, he may not eat until sunset; in either of the two cases the treatment is continued for four days.] Ours THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 175 5 una’Ds" Gowa'nitl..st6""? = apa'nG’ worth fV’a’ snake(s) they have made them ill the medicine this iva’ =| ta-no‘aw5” ona’p5® ad“na’ce’" ‘a Gal6“Idi_ e‘Dza- Sharply hal now snake it black hal above they have there! tlo5™ttanile™i/ 8 | cena’pd" asau’ne-Gw5® Gese’"i | let thee down—App snake ghost L it is—App epzatio Ss’ ttanile i’ |k‘o’la tso°Nt&’’D5" Dik‘ayv.’Ga _— ts0"= they have let thee down, App bone(s) they living-for-ever teeth they Niv’D5S" ~~ De" Du' GO" wa" "wsaDaDe ‘le’ 2.1’ | nono’-t1 = Du'“Dana*= 5 living for- he has advanced them toward trail—Loc they stretch ever “wapeG-0"./i | cna’Do-Gwo™ Gd‘naGe™” Gese’™.i | ‘a-no“Gw'l-De" themselves out, snake—L it black it is, App ha! now -E *tsask5 thtse ‘le 7.1’ *pzaye lose le 7.1’ | upo"lu'wa. t5". ti’ hoe advanced and bit thee he has made thee like it, App he to be retraced neGesoO'na | ‘a-no"aws” k‘o’la ts@‘Nu’DS" ‘Do’%s5" De Gas never ha! now bone(s) they living- (weakened (7) ) they have forever Plo'“Ys,' Ga’ ne ts6"ne:’ | ‘a‘-tsu tlo-we' p5-aw5? Ge'se" 21 become broken thou hast it so ha thou faltering L it is—App. conditioned | ‘a-no“Gwu-pe.’ Deathi-wesi'aa’ | ‘a-no“Gwu-pe.’ — sti’sGuya’ 10 ha now E thou hast become ha! now E you two men faltering di‘st'astGa’ = steDa*“Ywetu'-yu’ | ‘a-no"Gwd’ ~~ vsdnu"le-yu’ you two little you two wizards L ha! now quickly E .’ Ip5 ™tta neaa’ 19 SA en eisee Thy ee Re ag ry’ Hb gZ Aan estatio’ 5 t'a ‘nu Ga | ona’D5" Gd‘na’aé-aw5™ Ge'se” | una’Dd they have let you two down snake it black -L . is, snake Pp asGe’na v'isce’DS"- “‘Dunu’y‘te 2.1 *puye lo‘si“le".1’ vpo**lu‘= ghost it important which he has put which he has made to be under—App like, App wa.td".ti neGcesdna’ | visce’D5S" ‘“punu'y‘te 71’ | no“Gwt- retraced never itimportant he has pot it under— now pp Di’ 8H -stetyS™’st'ane'Ga’ =| u'sd“‘u-yi’ w5-stc'y5"™’st'anu'Ga 15 E again you two have coma to night—Loe toward yonder you two have take it (Sol.) away come to take it (sol.) mPa Ye “n .. Ce) oes sae ee |B Sane dat: Gane’sa’ DiGd‘‘*naGe po" pbit‘o"st-6. we-stiskwaniGgo*t'anu'Ga box(es) they black they are being kept toward yonder you two have come to Dos put it stored up as you two go by sta'sot'a‘6's-6" utsc‘na’wa’ nu po.t*angpo. you two have turned beyond it- it has been said Oye; stretched at the same time use lit’ né‘wo'ti’ pepzotta.e ti-aw5® | koénd’ a‘nski'tsad:./1 it held erect to cure with they must be blown—L noticeable arene they ream vna’DdS" v'niskd‘ticoti’ v‘niye‘lo‘isto’.“:—aws™ | tse’yu-Nio™ snake(s) they have bit them they have made it like (poplar)-and it (habit.)—L Go" ’totr ‘tGe's9.’1 20 to be used that which with it was, H 7 W. Dial. form; W. Dial. -t!>C. Dial. ts-. 18 Hmendation by J. M.; instead of estatto-5"’t‘anile.i, they have let you two down. 19 W. Dial. form; W. Dial. -tl->C. Dial. -ts-. 7348°— 32 13 176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 99 Ir Snakes Have Birten Tuem, Tus 1s THE MEDICINE FREE TRANSLATION Ya! Ha! now, Black Snake, they have caused thee to come down, it seems. The snake (that has bitten him) is only a ghost, it seems. They have caused thee to come down, it seems. The ever-living bones, the ever-living teeth it has advanced toward him,” it seems. It was only a black snake that laid itself about the trail, it seems. But right now, it feigned to bite thee,” it seems. Its track would never be found (it thought). But now the ever-living bones have been made weak; thou # art now in such a condition. There has been hesitation (on thy”! part) it seems. Ha! now thou * hast become faltering. Buteat this very moment you Two Little Men, you Two Powerful Wizards, they bave caused you two to come down. It was a black snake, it seems, but the snake is merely a ghost (and) it has feigned to put the disease under him,” it seems; (it thought) its track would never be found. But now you two have come to take it away. Where the black boxes are, you two have gone to store it up. As soon as you two have turned round, relief will have been caused at the same time. Rattlesnake Fern is the medicine. It is merely to be blown on them. The symptoms are that they dream that snakes have bitten them. And they (the snakes) usually cause it to be the same (as if they had really bitten them); poplar should be used with it. EXPLANATION The sickness for which this formula is intended is a form of nightmare, resulting from some irregularity in regard to eating. The symptoms and the theory of the disease are well set forth in the formula itself, which abounds in poetic expressions. Accord- ing to the theory, as is stated in the prescription, when one dreams that he has been bitten by a snake the result is just the same as that of an actual snakebite. [The treatment, however, is different (see Formula No. 47, p. 240).] If the patient does not submit himself to the treatment as here prescribed, the spot bitten in his dream will become red and ulcerate [maybe months or] perhaps years afterwards, and the victim will become ill with all the symp- toms of an actual snakebite. The same rule holds good in all other cases, dreams being regarded as prophecies of coming facts. [See p. 40.] There are other formulas for treating other classes of snake dreams. These nightmare dreams are very frequent with the Indians in consequence of bad cookery, late suppers, and irregular hours. 20 The patient, 21 Disease-snake. halal Saal THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 177 The medicine men explain that the ghosts of the snakes, or some- times of the fish, in order to take vengeance on those who destroy or offend them, “‘spoil the saliva’’ of the offending ones by causing them to dream of snakes and fishes twining and crawling over them, biting them and blowing fetid breath into their faces, until the victims become disgusted with food and lose appetite and strength. The medicine is then given to induce vomiting, by which the “spoiled saliva” is dislodged, when the patient recovers. Whatever may be thought of the theory or of the medicine actually used, the principle of the application is undoubtedly correct. The first part of the prayer is addressed to the Black Snake above, which is evidently expected to drive out the disease snake. The second paragraph calls upon the Two Little Men—the Thunder Boys, the sons of k‘ana’’ti (see Mooney, Myths, p. 242)—to take the disease spirit to the Night Land in the West and put it away in the black boxes or coffins. The reason for invoking these “Two Little Men” here will be explained in Formula No. 20, page 196. The sick man finds relief as soon as the Little Men turn round to come back after accomplishing their task. In one place the medicine man speaks directly to the patient, who, however, has no chance to catch the meaning of the whispered words. ‘‘Black boxes” or ‘coffins’? are frequently mentioned in the formulas. They are sometimes “buried out West in the black mud, with a black stone on top of them.” The “‘ever-living bones,’ synonym of the ‘‘ever- living teeth,” are referred to in most of the formulas concerning snakes. The Cherokee, like other Indians, has a great reverence for snakes in general, but for rattlesnakes in particular, and is careful never to offend one, even by word. In accordance with the principle often applied in the formulas of belittling a serious ailment, it is customary, when a man has been bitten by a snake, to announce that he has ‘“‘been scratched by a brier.”’ [See p. 14.] The medicine used is a decoction of rattlesnake fern [Botrychiwm virginianum (L.), Sw.] root, boiled down to a sirup. The medicine man recites the whole formula, then rubs some of the decoction upon the spot where the patient dreams that he has been bitten, and finally blows his breath upon it four times. ‘The whole ceremony is repeated four times, and, in addition, the patient drinks a small portion of the sirup. In the absence of the plant named, the medicine man uses a decoction of poplar bark [Liriodendron tulipifera L.], the root being used in the same way; or he sometimes simply chews some poplar bark or a small portion of the root of v‘nastets.tu’aa [Aristolochia serpentaria i.; Virginia snakeroot] and blows it upon the spot after reciting the formula. The medicine may be rubbed on at intervals by some one of the patient’s family, but the blowing, 178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 with the rest of the ceremony, is performed by the medicine man, who makes the four applications the same morning, beginning soon after sunrise and ending about noon. (See No. 95, p. 307.) The effect of drinking the sirup is to induce vomiting and thus relieve the stomach. When one dreams that he has been bitten by a snake he must be rigidly secluded and should not be seen by an outsider for four days. 6 Seay mG wortT Dev Di'-yl’ end yer (Di«iiii wv nithONG* ee this to cure with to give it to them they eat it whenever they are ill to drink—E (kn. ) see’ | ‘v'u’ palo’ni Dv Da Nitte’ “15a | ulsae’D5" punuy'tanc’le = | now then chat yellow he (E.) has thought it it important he (E.) has put it under— [a] eso” th” @e*s-6.1°' |. te@Ga” “Dalo’ni tla wotoalacr SiGe App from broad itis—T L (frog) yellow ever-marshy swamp it is, to narrow 80.1. cyO "D5" u'lsce’ DS" Dun ‘y‘t'anle"[.1] eso’th Ge'sor | J yonder itimportant he (E.) has putit under, App from broad itis; DW. to narrow 5 vpo'lu‘twa.td".ti mnige‘sOna’ | DuDda'nit’e“e™i | it to be retraced never he (E.) has thought it, App sce” | “no ews” “at'dnani‘Ga’” tsdtlo” ™” Gi -Gacesm Now then now thou hast come to listen kingfisher blood like ata’ ov‘ stapo"’Gl tsd‘tit‘o’ stipe aa’ |. ‘pa Ywetr'-coGca’ wood top thou art staying, moving about thou (art a) wizard—very E Go'vsti tsunv’iti nece‘sé'na’ | ‘vu’ dalo’ni visce’D5" something thou failest never chat yellow it important punu y'ttanele®.i’ % | no“aw5® v'sinu'li De“ttaskelo’s™t'anraa’ | He (E.) has put it under now quickly thou hast come to make him let go his hold, as thou goest by 10 vis’‘newa’ nv po't'andg’D5"— | beyond-it it has been said at stretched the same time va ono wo'tl) Dy Di. aniye’pi vnitléno’1 “| kone this to cure with to give it they eat it (kn.) whenever they are ill noticeable to them to drink palo’ni a “nduk's'6".i une’ Ga-NtS" ~yune“nonv Gotc'e’ta | na.ski’ yellow whenever they urinate while -and if, to them, it comes out this here veo’wuth | no wo'tt-niS™ uG-at‘asae’ski so.1’-NiS™ qu"'= it value for to cure with, and coming out it oozes out, H other, and blood, nD CONS Is Ye se ns vyy \ fe of \e af Ga-Ge v“yO"Du" wiDd tst’ ki Ga’ thip-6 tsv‘lyeG9 | like it is covered that whichis it has climbed—T L_ they stand up, H 15Ga’ kt'6 "pd" “nd"ver * arma’) °| undp?) aa yo" 65) seve restricted four salt milk however possible ‘“Pl5” Ceot’pDd® vniyo sti | De ktand“woti v'niskwor= long it has been they must do to cure them their stomach made a period without th-S’ e’Idi = pid" ’stantti’ | ade ‘lu-NSS™ =a ‘nipalo’“ni-ce"™ Loe low they must hit them beads-and they yellow like 2 W. D. -tl- >C. D. -ts-. 23 Hmendation by J. M.—Instead of tso: 15" {=tobacco). 24 Emendation by Editor—Instead of punc‘y‘t‘ane lei. Means | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 179 t'aPli’ a‘nicaGe’® na.’skwi®™ t'o’Pli pa‘o’i | aco’nd® vpDo"’te- two they red also two they (sol) completely all ave been lying down, H ewups™ | e‘Idi ts-u‘’xk‘alo’i\ k‘da’" v’nutsta‘y‘ti' Ge'so’1 day low distant he perches then they have to take food it was, H Tuts Is TO Cure Wiru, To Give 1T To THEM TO Drink WHEN THEY Are Sick Wir “Eaters’’ FREE TRANSLATION Now then! The Yellow Chat has caused it, it seems. He has put the important thing under him, where his abdomen is. (And also) the Yellow Frog, yonder in the ever-muddy marsh, has put the important thing under bis abdomen, his track never to be refound. He has caused it, 1t seems. Now then! Now thou hast come to hear, Red Kingfisher, thou stayest, moving about, in the treetops. Thou art a powerful wizard indeed. Thou never failest in anything. The Yellow Chat has put the important thing under him. Now thou hast quickly come to make him relinquish his grasp. Relief has been caused. This is to cure with, to give it to them to drink, when they are sick with ‘‘eaters.”” The symptoms are that they urinate yellow, and (also) if white (matter) comes out of it (when they urinate) this is for the purpose of it. And to cure with: The pus-oozes-out- (plant), and the other (variety) which is wrapped up in red, and grows on the hillside. Restricted (are): four (days) salt. Milk, however, they must abstain from as long as possible. To cure them, they should be hit (i. e., rubbed) where their stomach is, low down. And two yellow beads (and) red beads, also two, should be lying down. Fasting (is to be observed) all day. When she (i. e., the sun) perches low down, going away from us, then they should eat. EXPLANATION This formula is for treating a urinary or kidney disease, technically known as a‘nuye’’Di “ they eat it (kn.), hab.” The disease is described as first manifesting itself by a pain in the lower part of the back and abdomen, the latter also becoming swollen. Urination is difficult, and the discharge is yellow, and sometimes white and mucous. The theory of disease has been already explained. (See p. 14.) In this instance the most obvious symptom being the yellow urine, two yellowish animals are held responsible for the trouble, and the Red (i. e. successful, powerful) Kingfisher hovering above in the treetops is invoked to drive out or break the hold of the disease spirit, figuratively called [‘‘the important thing’’]. 180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 While performing the ceremony the medicine man has four beads lying near him upon a cloth, two of these beads being yellow to represent the disease, the other two being red and respresenting the curing agent. The medicine used is an infusion of the bruised root of u‘Gat‘as= a’ski, spurge (Huphorbia hypericifolia L. and of another variety vu Gat‘as-aeski Gu‘Gage’® v‘iyépu’ wipe’: Euphorbia corollata L.; flowering spurge). This is given in large quantities [4-5 liters] to be drunk by the patient, who remains fasting each day until about sundown. At frequent intervals the medicine man rubs the abdomen of the patient, using for this purpose only his bare hand, neither moistening it with the liquid nor warming it near the fire. There is a characteristic and interesting correlation of ideas in the milky discharge, the ‘‘pus-oozes-out” plant application and the milk taboo. | ed ri see” |. *a‘-no"aws"” vu'sd’' portsu“lene’ yorwi’ 5° nage™ now then hal now night, Loe he has arisen, facing, human it black us, App being “aa aye li | palo’ni Ga ‘ne-O" aDiGe’ DS" Dvupdd'‘ne thle". day middle yellow it (liq) isinit, TL it, moved about he (B.) has cometo do it for him, App | Dalo’ne-aw5* Ge ‘se™i’ vu lisge’D5" “Dunu™yt*ane'le.i’ | it yellow—L it is—App it important which he (E.) has placed under, App sce? | ‘a‘-no"ewS” ‘a‘t’dna‘niaa’ tsostowa’ Delo“’ni now then hal now thou ~ come Killdee Bird yellow to listen am-okt'a’ paloni’ pestutsautlaw'ist‘anc'aa’ | Go t-e@wotl * 5 water, peeping yellow you two have become as one marsh it big, Loe Ges-6" pestdtit’o’sti | u'sinu“li po“tstae‘G-na’ | vDalo-’ni- itis, T L you two are staying quickly you two have arisen, it facing us aw5s* qes-6".i | pvalo’ni Gane-‘6’ a‘DiGe’DS" sta Db'Nie‘s yellow—L itis—T L yellow it (liq) isin it, TL it, moved about you two have come v@a’ =| sta‘tsané"ni-awS" = Gese MG | SS™’-sti‘y5™’sttane Ga’ to do it for your (2) adornment L it is, App again, you 2 have come to take for him it (sol) away as you 2 go by Go't-e’Gwt™ = a‘tsand“ni = (u“‘Isae’p5™*) ~—saa“skwanico” tote(-yt)*”” swamp it big for his adorn it important it is put in store—Loe 10st’‘skwango"t'ane'Ga’ | cad"wulsto.’ti-aw5" | —sutse““nawa* you two have come to put it in what isit worth! L beyond-it store as you two go by stretched nu“po.t'ané""D5" | nd®™’sténe ‘laa’ it has been said at you two have come the same time to do it for him % Contraction of caoti (@swamp) e @woli (where it-big is). 26 Interpolation by ayo“sta, a native medicine woman, recorded by J. M. 27 Interpolation by ayo‘sta, recorded by J. M. ela THE SWIMMBR MANUSCRIPT 181 t’a’ palo’ni vnitlo'n6”’.i % v'nopiyé""palii pek'and’wo'td | this it yellow whenever they are ill their navel to gure them with apm 15" = pato’i pik*ang‘wo't'v'-yi’ fire they (sol) used to cure to be lying down them with, Loc Tis 13 Wuen Tury Are Sick Wire tar “Yrttow”’ FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Right now, in the middle of the day, the Black Man has arisen, it seems, from the night land. Where the bile is stag- nant, he has come to wallow in it, it seems. It was merely bile, it seems. He had put the important thing under him, it seems. Now then! Right now thou hast come to hear, Yellow Killdee Bird, and thou, Yellow Small Fish, you two have been caused to become united to one. You two are staying where the great swamp is. Quickly you two have arisen, facing this way. It is merely bile. You two have come to wallow there where the bile is stagnant. It (i. e., the bile) is the very thing you two adorn yourselves with. As you two go by, you have gone to take it away to the great swamp for its adornment; you two have come to go and store the important thing as you go by, at the place where it is to be stored. Who cares what happens to it? Relief has been caused at the same time. You two have come to do it for him [the patient]. This is when they are sick with the ‘‘yellow,” to treat their navel with. Fire (live coals) should be lying down while treating them. EXPLANATION This formula is for treating one of the many varieties of palo'ni or ‘‘yellow.” (See p. 182.) As stated in the introduction, various causes may be held respon- sible for this disease, the agent in this case being the Black Person, or the Black Man in the night land. (See p. 24.) The expression e’aa aye“ li which may mean ‘‘in the middle of the sky,” as well as ‘in the middle of the day,” occurs in many of the formulas, especially in those recited against paloni and against fever, but the reason is not obvious. In one case a medicine man told [Mr. Mooney] that the illness began at noon, and that on this account the disease-spirit was referred to as arising in the middle of the day. The animal spirits invoked as curing agents are both yellow like the disease. [In some cases (see p. 179) they are of opposite colors.] The amokt‘a [ama’=water; aktta=he is peeping out from] is a fish hardly an inch in length, appearing in schools in the summer, and is simply a newly hatched individual of the common varieties. *%*W. D. -ti=C. D. -ts-. 182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 The color of the animal spirits being yellow explains the expression: “Tt is the very thing you two adorn yourselves with.” Tho bile is supposed to have become stagnant, and these animals are expected to effect a cure by wallowing in it and thus stirring it up. It is with the same object in view that the medicine man rubs the stomach of the patient, viz, to scatter the “‘clotted’’ bile. (See p. 62.) The symptoms of the disease are a vomiting of bile and a throbbing and soreness about the navel, so that the slightest touch is painful; [the umbilic region] also becomes much swollen. While the disease is believed to be primarily the work of revengeful animal ghosts, the doctor from whom the formula was obtained said that the immediate cause was that the gall (a't'a’a@5") sometimes [by the native medicine men] confounded with the bile (palo‘ni), gets into the veins and collects under the navel (!) He claimed this as an original discovery and prided himself upon it accordingly. No medicine is used, the medicine man simply rubbing the sore spot with his hands previously warmed over the fire as described on page 62. The medicine man recites the formula in a whisper, while rubbing bis hands together over the fire. Then laying them flat upon the seat of pain, he draws them slowly down over the place, blowing upon the spot once at the end. This operation is repeated four times at each application, and four applications complete the treatment, the first being about sunrise and the last just before noon, as already explained. In this and most other forms of palo-ni the tsu'autsty5*.’sti fish (Horny Head) is tabooed on account of its tendency to rapid decay. * Both the medicine man and his assistant, but not the patient, abstain from food until after the fourth application. 8 v“nduyé"’Dali a’patné“wo'ti fa’ | their navel to cure any one with this sce’? | = “a‘-no‘aw5® ss “at@nas‘neaa’ ~—s tse"‘ya’ = Gu" “Ga-Ge'™ Now then ha! Now thou hast come to listen Otter blood-ish “pa wel’ | §Dal-e’awo' pi tsdtit‘oisti’ | ‘*a-‘no*aw5” thou wizard lake, big thou art staying ha, now pota leona’ | ‘a‘-aotv’sti a‘awave litc’eti’ mneGe‘sd-na’ | thou hast arisen, ha, something it escapes from my (sight) nover facing us 5 tsupd nda’ no‘no-ti’ poDatsana’“waDi> u'lsGe"’ De thou hast said trail(s), Loc they lie for thee stretched out it important as thou comest hither puna Dutlo” “ae‘sewl'st‘anu' Ga’ | u'lsae’ Do DuDd “p51 where they cling thou hast come to (push it) it important he has said it to each other with the crown of thy head back to where it ought to be ta Dia ‘tit‘anc'ca’ | ouisce’Da vwora’th niaat’-d" u'tyo’ thou hast come to it important from as high as—T L yonder push it away OLeanenia THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 183 tito st'anu' Ga’ | u'lsGe’’ Da ao" ‘w* atu’ wipe no" not’ thou hast come to put it important it all surrounded trail(s), L it staying there De Gananvuao” tsip9"e-sti’ | vise“ nawa* niGd’ ‘pisGe'sti’ | they will appear continuously beyond it, stretched out he will be saying it in all directions vtsc“nawa’ abdd“niGca it has been said saé’ | ‘a’-no'aw5™” ‘at'dna*ne'Ga’ tsvya’ ts‘a’ska’se’.tu'-yu’ Now then ha, Now thou hast come to listen otter hou fearful—E Gal6"ldi ayeli’ 6*pale’aw5® vi tsdtit‘o’sti ‘a’-no'Gw5” above middle lake, big thou art staying ha, Now Do tale ona’ ‘Dawe’ Go'vsti a GwaDde'li tee” ti thou hast arisen thou wizard facing us ne Ge'sona’ tsupdn5t1 ‘kat en5t1 nono’ thou keen-eyed one po" Datsana’"wipbi u'lsce’Da Duna Dutlo’ (ete.) (with, added at the end,:) 'y&* Tis 18 THE Mepicine ror THEetr NAvEL FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Red Otter, thou wizard; thou art staying at the great lake; ha, now thou hast arisen facing us. ‘Nothing ever escapes my. (sight)” thou hast said. The trails are lying stretched for thee (to allow) thee to come hither. Where he” has put the important thing against him,” thou hast come to push it with the crown (of thy head) back to where it ought to be What had become an important thing thou hast come to push away as thou goest by. Where the foam is (piled up) high thou hast gone to put the important thing to stay. The trails will surround the important thing from all directions. Relief will be caused continuously; relief has been caused. Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou fearful Otter in the great lake in midheaven, thou art staying. But now thou hast arisen from there, facing us. Thou wizard! ‘‘Nothing ever escapes from my (sight),” thou hast said. Thou art most keen-eyed. The trails are lying stretched for thee (to enable) thee to come hither. Where he ” has put the important thing against him * (etc.). EXPLANATION This is another formula for the cure of navel-palo’ni, and the cure is the same as the one described in No. 7, page 180. The medicine man was of the opinion that there was another paragraph, addressed to the Fire, and which was probably recited 29 The disease-spirit. 30 The patient. a 184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 by the medicine man while warming his hand, prior to rubbing the patient’s stomach, but it does not appear in the original manu- script. The observant habit of the Indian is shown in the reference to the watchfulness of the otter, one of its distinguishing characteris- tics. The feature of quoting the words of the spirit invoked, as in this case the medicine man quotes the words of the otter, occurs fre- quently in the formulas, especially in those addressed to the Fire. [As students of comparative folklore will know, this feature is also often met with in European formulas, the most universally known specimen being the First Merseburger Conjuration.*'] 9 a |? Datiine eu aor (122) 0U" || this whenever.they have them drooping sGe” ‘a‘-no‘awd” u‘sdnu’li akski’ tsé@‘Ntdliaa’ | ‘a-no*- Now then hal Now quickly enemy he has come to hit thee ha! Gwu-be’no =o ‘sdnu“ lis a’ kski-aw5® =~ tsO’ NUS” SuGe’se 1 | Now—E quickly enemy, L (=E) hehashitthee that whichis—App. *‘a‘-no* "awd vise’ nawu-aws” nu’ ‘po.t°and’’ "De n5™t'O-ne’= ha! now beyond-it stretched—L it has been said at thou hast : the same time come to do 5leaa’ | vtsu‘nawa* aDd)‘niga’ |) | s@e?? it for him beyond it stretched it has been said now then! ies. Danine svGo'r “yna.ski *\ Dust, | -Gawe'st), “UGie am this whenever they have them this here so far like it is to be said that which is rooping DiDZ9" “tae tuGws® | a t'-tseéA . ndwo'ti-niS” |. peGand)= they must be blown—L wood green to cure with-and they must be yeti ‘Ges’ .1 rubbed that which used to be Tuis (is FoR) WHEN Tury Have Tuem Droopine FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, just now the enemy has suddenly come and struck thee. Ha, just now indeed, the enemy himself struck thee, it appears. Ha, now relief indeed has been caused at the same time, thou hast come to do it for him. Relief indeed has been caused. Now then! This (is for) when they have them drooping. Just like this it has to be said. It should be blown on them, alder (which) is the medi- cine, (or) it should be rubbed on them. EXPLANATION pan’ ne*su'a6"’.i is the technical name for an affection of the eyes in which the sufferer is unable to bear the strong light of the sun or of 51 Cf. also some European parallels: v. Hov. & Kr. II, 77, 332, 399. 82 Kmendation by editor. eee THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 185 the blazing fire without pain. In treating it, the medicine man uses an infusion of alder bark, which he blows or rubs into the open eyes of the patient. The medicine man sometimes simply chews the bark and blows out the juice upon the eyes. [The disease is caused by seeing a rattle- snake; the snake is being referred to by a circumlocution: akski’ so as not to offend it the more by calling its name. It is worthy of interest that even the common name of the rattlesnake, vpzo'Ntti’, is a euphemism, meaning ‘“‘the admirable one” (./-tso’Nt--admire. ) (See p. 14.)] 10 Dan ‘ne'sv'GO’.’[i] a Da'nd’wo't’ fa’ | when they have them the medicine this drooping fa-DO""tawa’ ‘Da "weil | Gald“ladi’ ttapu‘yd'na’ | vtsi‘*- ha! roller thou wizard above thou hast formed thyself beyond it netwe) pepdoncGacci:| | teubastinoddy tsulupstun durwtsulosty ul it stretched it has been said (Onomat.) tsulu’st | Wuen Txey Have THem Drooprine, Tuts 1s THE MEDICINE FREE TRANSLATION O Miller, thou wizard, thou hast originated on high. Relief has been caused. EXPLANATION This is another formula for the same purpose as the one last given. The medicine man uses no medicine, but simply sings the verse, and then blows his breath four times, into the eyes of the patient. The ceremony is generally repeated four times. [The p6-pawa’ (really apé-Dawa’) is a small whitish miller, which flies about the light at night. The name implies that it ‘playfully rolls over and over (in the flame).”’ A word of the same stem, “‘apdpawiska,’’ is used for hens curing their feathers in the dust, and also for dogs playfully rolling over in the grass or in the snow.] On account of its affinity for the fire, the D6-‘Dawa’ is invoked in all that the medicine men call “‘fire diseases.”’ [These include this eye trouble because the patient afflicted with it can not stand the glare of the blazing fire. Curiously enough, frostbite is also considered as belonging to this class, because it affects like a burn or a scald.] The final ‘‘tsu'lu’st”’ uttered four times in a sharp voice [may be] intended to imitate the sound heard when the insect singes its wings in the blaze. 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 99 11 v'nde'yo'"pali a‘pa‘né’ wort’ f’a’ their navel the medicine this sce’ | ‘a*-woryi’ ovalo’ni ‘ipa’“weil’ wa "pacu’ Dalo”ni now then! hal pigeon yellow thou (art a) wizard goldfinch yellow so"aws” De‘stutsad tlaw'ist'ancGa’ | stipa wel’ | su'lu'y- one you two have become as one you two (are) wizards swampa laurel- thicket e’aws® pestitit‘oisti’ | v'sonv’li vo™tsta lena’ | Dalo’- it big you two are staying quickly you two have arisen, it yellow facing us ni-aw5® Gese’—su'iIscGe’pD5" = Dunv"“yit‘ancle*(.1)’ =| stitista*y‘s —L it is, App itimportant he (&£.) has come to put it under it is for your (2) ti-awi-pend” = @erse'2(.1)’ | tisti'skwov’li De'Ge“staniso‘“t'a= food—L (=E) E that which is, App your (2) stomachs you 2 have come to bury it nica’ | vktiwepeawSs™ “Ge‘stapdne™i’ | néndtist‘ancca’ | in them filled-up, L they have done it for it has happened so you (2), App v's5’up5" =o nu‘pd‘nd’ne_ =| ~—sutse’“nawa* ~— nu" ‘pa. t‘and-’ "Do night-been it has been said beyond it stretched it has been said at the same time (For) Tuerr Navet, THis 1s THE MEDICINE FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, Yellow Pigeon, thou wizard, (and thou) Yellow Goldfinch, you two have become united. You two wizards, you are staying where the great swampy thicket is. Quickly you two have arisen; the important thing is merely bile; he* has put it under him.* But that is the very thing you two eat. You two have buried them in yourstomachs. They have made you two filled as you go by, it has become so, and not for one night (but forever). Relief has been caused at the same time. EXPLANATION This formula is for the same purpose as Nos. 7 and 8, and the treatment is the same—simple rubbing with the warmed hand. The Goldfinch invoked is the American goldfinch (Chrysomitus tristis), known in the southern Alleghanies as the flaxbird. [The expression regarding ‘‘the food being buried in the stomach”’ is the formulistic equivalent for the common expression “‘to take food” (GaPlista*‘ya's"ska’, I take food).] 33 Emendation by W., editor’s informant. 34 The disease-spirit. 35 The patient. Le THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 187 12 aye lico’ai unyel5*n5™4 a pang’ wo'tt f’a’ | simulator (s) they have made them like the medicine this sae? | auth’ wo'pGe™ ‘ipa wei’ | ndé'"po-Gd-yu'-pz5" now then dog brown thou (art a) wizard sun, first, Loc—direction toward ted Itosti’i | ‘wwa“*wei’ | Go'v’sti mnv‘pel6’no |. asa’ne thou art staying thou (art a) wizard something it is not overlooked ghost v’psns"ti “iGese™ Duda Nite 15" y'’ki | ale yowi' it has been said that whichis, App he (E) has thought it if it is and mura eing ‘alu’ pupa‘ nit'e 15" yuki | a'se’-aw5® «cGawe’peaws® 5 mana he (E) has fee it if it is falsely L (=E) it has been said L yki | aye‘lico’a-awd® duye ‘15*nd™ 1 “i ce'se'™” no"- if it is simulator—L he (E) ee pede it that which is—App now ike i Gwut-pe’ne Golu'ndé’"pa apd‘niGa’ | Gatlésta’Gi apd‘ni'Ga’ 1h) it has been tracked _ it has been said it untied it a gaik sai u'sd.D5’® ~=nu“pe'nd’ne | Ditsckwo”li De‘Gapa‘niso”’ tiscesti’ | night-been it has not been said thy stomachs it shall bury itself con- tinuously in it vk‘awe’Do'Gw5® Ge tsapgnei’ | ngndtist’a naa’ | tsdtl filled up—L they have-done for thee, App it has happened so for thy sta’ y‘ti-awu'puno’ ‘aese'™ | visce’DdS"® Dunu“yttancle™i’ | 10 food—L (=E) E that which is—App if important he (E) has put it under it—App utsu’nawe-Gw5” abd“ ni’ Ga’ beyond it stretched—L (=E) it has been said wa novwo'ts’ tsi-pani‘v‘S"ska’ | ny.ist a Gand "a this to cure with those which have to be pine it has been boiled given them to drink—H Ge'‘s9°.1 | ade’ 15-Nt5™ unine’ Ga a’ nG5 nage’ !-ni5™ it used to be beads and they are white they are black, and so’““ewo'-a"" one each Tuis 1s THE Mepicine (iF) SimuLaTors Have Maps ir RESEMBLE IT (1. E., A REAL SICKNESS) FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Yellow Dog, thou wizard, thou art staying toward where the sun land is. Thou wizard, nothing is overlooked (by thee). Maybe it is a ghost that has caused it, or maybe it is the Purple Man that has caused it. But it has been said falsely—it is merely the Simulator who has made it resemble it (a real sickness). But now its track has been found. It has been undone, and not for a night (but forever). It shall bury itself into thy stomachs. They have made thee filled; it has become so again. It is the very thing thou eatest. He has put the important thing under him, (but now) relief has been caused. 188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 This is to treat (them) with, (and) which has to be given them to drink. Pine (tops) should be boiled. And beads, white and black, one of each (should be used with it). EXPLANATION [This formula is one for the cure of the mysterious variety of diseases discussed at length in the introduction, page 33.] The symptoms are sudden pains in various parts of the body, due, it is alleged, to the fact that a conjurer has shot a stick or some other object into the body of the patient. To treat the case, the medicine man prepares a decoction of pine tops, an ‘‘overhand”’ (‘apawo’‘ila’’) long, taken from seven different trees. After the liquid has boiled, the pine tops are taken out of it and put under a piece of cloth (which afterwards becomes the medicine man’s fee), while four (the formula says two) white and black beads, two of each color, are placed on top. The medicine man then takes some of the medicine in a cup in his outstretched hand, and after reciting the formula, passes the cup four times in a circle above the head of the patient, after which he gives the medicine to drink. After the ceremony the doctor care- fully hides the pine tops away in a hollow log, [a rock crevice] or some other place where they will keep dry. No sucking is prescribed in this formula. Say it, merely. 13 j ia anisko“l! une statiea, (|) pipZo" tae) ol, |): ceeeama This their head they ache to them they must be blown this L UGawe’sti | watya watya wa‘ya’ wa'ya’.| pu: | a’t’t-aws™ it to say wolf wolf wolf wolf (Onom.) say it—L Tus (is FoR) WHEN TuHey Have Tuerr Heaps AcHING FREE TRANSLATION They must be blown. And merely this is to be said: Wolf, wolf, wolf, wolf. Du! Say it, merely. EXPLANATION Although this headache formula is from the manuscript of Ay., he said that it was not his own, and was unable to give any further infor- mation onit. It consists of a song, an invocation of the wolf, followed by blowing, but whether of medicine or of the breath alone is not stated. The final ‘du!’ is intended as an imitation of some sound made by the wolf. The ceremony is probably repeated four times. eee hae THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 189 14 (u'nduy6"pali a‘pa‘nd’wo't'l’ fa’) %8 their navel the medicine this scé’ | ‘a‘no-awi” ‘a't'Ona‘neGa’ woryl’. Daloni’ stl y- Now then ha now thou hast come to listen pigeon yellow swampy e’gw5® pitsd titoisti’ | wa'pacu’ palo’ni so'cw5™” Destuts= big laurel thou art staying gold finch yellow one you two thicket GS ‘tlan’ca’ | stdtista’y*it-aw5™ Gese™i’ | Dalo’ni-cws™ have become one it for your (2) food—L (=E) it is, App yellow, L coe tpr®”| visemes “puny ytanile™ | “a*-hatna "5's it is, App it important which he (E) put under, App. ha! there again sti‘yO'st‘anv'cGa’ | stitista’y‘ti-ew5® Ge ‘se™’ | miGd“waye= you (2) have come to it for your (2) food, L it is, App. there shall be take it (sol) away lon5'’5"sce‘stuawS” stutyO'st'anu'ca’ | v'sd“up5™ nu“pde'nd’no | a likeness left L you (2) have come to night, been it has not been said take it (sol) away vts““nawe'aws* apdd‘niGa | ‘ya’ beyond it stretched, L it has been said Sharply! Tueir NaAveEL, THIS Is THE MepDICcINE (For) FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Right now thou hast come to listen, Yellow Pigeon; where the great swampy thicket is, thou art staying; (with) the Yellow Goldfinch, you two have become united. It is the very thing you two eat, (for) the important thing is merely the ‘‘yellow.” He** has put it under him.” Ha, you two have taken it away again, as you two passed by. It is the very thing you two eat. There will be only a likeness of it left, where you two have taken it to, as you passed, (and) not for a night (but forever). Relief indeed has been caused. Sharply! EXPLANATION No medicine is used with this formula, the doctor simply applying his hands previously warmed, as explained in No. 7, page 182. The formula seems to be incomplete, and in the manuscript the latter portion is written with pencil, evidently some time after the first part had been written. The ceremony is repeated four times at each application. 36 Interpolation by J. M. 37 Correction by editor. 38 The disease-spirit. 39 The patient. 190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 15 u“ndiy6" Dali a‘Da‘né"wo'tl fa’ their navel to cure anyone this with (a) sae” no’ews® ‘aténa‘niGa’ "%wa'’pacu’ pda lo‘ni’ Now then! Now thou ae come to Goldfinch Yellow isten stluy-e’Gw5® esd" ~— ts ‘tito’ ‘stupe'ca’ | ‘Da™wetl-‘Go'ca’ | marshy thicket, big TGS oes thou art aloving, moving thou wizard, E about cov’sti tstinv“Iti neGcesdna’ | Dalo’ni-aw5"” — u'lsGe’Da something thou failest never yellow, L it important 5%’punvuy'ittancle i’ | ‘a*’.-vsinu’li tta‘picale‘v'Ga’ | nead:‘wa- it which he has put under, ha, quickly thou hast come and a likeness App pushed it aside ye lend 5" sce"sti-awS" Du'DiGe-“6".1 | 'sdnu“li_ De*t*Stit*a’ nica’ of it will be left, L he rested, TL quickly thou hast come to put him on his (legs) (6) sce? | ‘a‘-noawS” ‘a't’dna*neaa’ “wo'yi da lo-ni’ Now then! ha, now thou hast come to Pigeon yellow listen Go"t-e’awdS Gesd’ tsd tito.sti’ | ‘iwpa'"weu-Goaa’ ao'u'sti marsh, big itis, T L thou art staying thou wizard, E something tsinu’Iti mneGesd'na’ | Dalo’ni-aw5®" v'lsce’pa ~~ Du'nu"‘y‘t‘ane’= thou failest never yellow, L it important it has put it under, 10le"’ | ‘a*usinu’li ve'tStht'a‘niaa’ | nead'waye‘lond"’5 ’sce’stu-= App ha, quickly thou hast come to put a likeness of it will remain, him on (his legs) Gws* Du DiGe-"6"".1 , L he moved about, lying down (c) sce’ | no’awd® ‘atOna‘nuGa’ yé'wi’ Ga‘nos’pe tsdtis™ Now then! Now thou hast come to human long Kingfisher listen being tsine’Go so"Gw5” vestuits.cd tlaw'ist’a ncaa’ | ste¢Da™wet= thou white one you two have come to be united as one you two wizards, Go'ca’ Gcotvsti stmuIti mneGesd'na’ | Dalo’ni-aw5® vlsGe’Da E something you two fail never yellow, L it important 15 Dvnvy'ttancle i’ | u'sinu“le-yu’ ve 't‘5titta’neGa’ | niGd-waye’= it has put it under, App quickly, E thou hast come to put him a likeness of on his (legs) lond' "5" sce’stiewS® Dv DiGe-"G"’.1 it will remain, L he moved about, lying down T L (d) scé” | no”’aw5"® ‘aténa‘neaa’ yorwi Ga‘nd‘’pe k‘a‘nd-= Now then Now thou hast come to human long Fish listen » being tsu’wa Gauaa-Ge'™ so'"Gwd5"” pestuts.cd tiaw’ist'a nica’ = (efe., Hawk blood, -ish as § c. with, at the end:) v’sonv" li De'tistStit'a nu'Gaa’ you two have come to put him on his (legs) 90 a ovdalo’ni v'nitlénd’i” | peépatné’wo'ti ale pi ‘v'pi this yellow whenever they are ill to cure people with and to give it to them to drink 40 Emendation by editor; instead of pe‘t*5ttt‘anc'aa=thou hast come, etc. 41 W. Dial. form: W. Dial. -tl-->C. Dial. -ts-. ee cl THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 191 na.scws” na.ski-aw5"” Gd?’totii |. ape’la anDdalo“ni-Ge® also this here, L to be used with it beads they yellow, -ish t'a’>li pa‘o’’.i | a Niowa’Gi Gand-’Di na.‘yo’.a5’ | nd’wo.*t-Nt9 two they (sol) cloth it (ku) let down moreover to cure with, and ave been lying down, Hab aye’lti sulu’ytica’ a‘sté“nosd’d-Gw5* Gu Istanda-aw5™ peu" pi made like swamp tree it has been scraped, L it has been steeped, L to give it to them to drink THis is THE MepicInE ror THEIR NAVEL FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Now thou hast come to listen, Yellow Goldfinch, in the great swampy thicket thou art staying, moving about. Thou art really a most powerful wizard indeed. Thou never failest in any- thing. It is merely the ‘‘yellow” that has put the important thing under him. Ha, very quickly thou hast come to push it aside. Only a likeness of it will be left, where it was moving about. Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Yellow Pigeon, in the great swamp thou art staying. Thou art a most powerful wizard indeed. Thou never failest in anything. It is merely the ‘‘yellow’’ that has put the important thing under him. Ha, quickly thou hast come to put him on his feet. Only a likeness of it will be left, where it was moving about. Now then! Now thou hast come to listen, Long Human Being, (and thou) White Kingfisher, you two have become united as one. You two, most powerful wizards indeed, you two never fail in any- thing. It is merely the “yellow” that has put the important thing under him. Very quickly he has been put on his feet. Only a like- ness of it will be left where it was moving about. Now then! Now thou hast come to listen, Long Human Being, (and thou) Red Fish Hawk, you two have become united as one, (etc., with at the end:) Quickly you two have come to put him on his feet. This is (for) when they are sick with the “yellow”; it is to cure people with, and (also this is what) is to be used to give them to drink. Two yellow beads should be lying down; moreover, cloth should be lying on (the ground). And to cure (them) with, swamp-tree (bark) should be scraped and steeped, (to) give it to them to drink. EXPLAN ATION In this formula for navel-palo‘ni the Yellow Goldfinch and the Yel- low Pigeon are again invoked (see No. 14, p. 189), together with the Long Human Being, the White Kingfisher, and the Red Fish Hawk. Tbe Long Human Being is the formulistic name of the water in its special form as a river, considered as a giant, with his head among the mountains and his feet reaching down to the lowlands, while his 7548°—32——14 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuULL. 99 arms are stretched out to embrace and protect the settlements of the tribe. The medicine is an infusion of bark scrapings of stlu“yiiea’ [(Hy- drangea cinerea Small). Another specimen collected has been identified as Clethra acuminata Michx., white alder]. ) The patient drinks it to induce vomiting, in order to throw off the disordered bile. The first two paragraphs are recited by the medicine man either while rubbing the patient’s abdomen or just before giving him the medicine to drink. They then go down together to the river lor to some branch], and the patient vomits into the water. While standing by the waterside the medicine man recites the parts addressing the Long Human Being, the Kingfisher, and the Fish Hawk. It is at this part of the proceed- ings that the medicine man has lying upon the ground at his side a piece of new cloth, upon which are placed two yellow beads, their color corresponding with the color of the disease spirit, the goldfish, and the pigeon. The cloth [and the beads] are furnished by the patient, and are afterwards appropriated by the medicine man as his fee. There is no taboo. 16 ev) a «ond wo'td’ = «kS"1i’ — tst-e6-‘wanctld- ‘isto.’ # this to cure with raccoon itis they make them ill, H Lad ns De thastea.’sti tscnuDale’fa™ neGatu-yu’ na.ski’ Gerardia they different kinds all E this here Tuts 1s TO Treat (THEM) WitTH IF THE Raccoon Causes THEM TO BE ILL FREE TRANSLATION This is all the different kinds of Gerardias. EXPLANATION The main symptom of this disease is a sudden fainting spell, in which the sufferer falls down gasping for breath in a peculiar manner. It probably results from a serious impairment of the digestive func- tions, or may be identified with apoplexy. The raccoon is held responsible for the sickness, from the fact that the gasping of the fainting person somewhat resembles the cry made by that animal when cornered by the hunter. The medicine man further states that a small tuft of raccoon’s hair, or a single raccoon’s hair, appears on the hand, cheek, or some other part of the patient’s body (see No. 42, p. 229). The medicine consists of an infusion or a decoction of the roots of the several varieties of pu thastea:’’sti drunk by the patient while still fasting, for four consecutive mornings. ® W. Dial. -t!->C. Dial. -ts-. Sieanones THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 193 The following varieties of this plant are known: 1. pi thastacc’ sti vstu'’aa, Gerardia pedicularia L. 2. pi thastocu’sti eaw5®, Gerardia virginica (L.) BSP. 3. Di thasteae’sti v's6"po"’"no niGe'sd“na, Gerardia flava L., also called poyi wo'yi’, Dasystoma flava (L.) Wood. 4. pe thastaqe’ sti v'catstloausti’ (not identified). 17 so’.u-NtS™ pe nyo’ th tsu-Dv*nuskwo"ldu'sa9.’ other, and they are little it they from stomach, Hab which korn’ = bite’ SP” taune'’ad" = pa*ndvksao’ = na.ski’ —| noticeable they and they white they defecate, H this here green 'a-aws” no“wo'ti’ oGan-a'Go"ta’ai ts-a‘no'se‘9“[i®] pe vi’ this, L to cure with groundhog fore- that which they call it, H for them to head drink it Anp ANOTHER ONE IF THE Lirrte Ones Have DiarrHEa FREE TRANSLATION The symptoms of this are that they defecate green and white matter (and) merely this is to treat (them) with (the plant), which is usually called ‘“‘groundhog’s forehead,” for them to drink. EXPLANATION This is a prescription for a variety of diarrhea in children [‘‘little ones’’]. The medicine is a decoction of the herb called 9Gana‘- G6"ta’Gi (0 Gand™ = groundhog: va6"ta’au= an animal’s forehead (E/pi- gaea repens L.). Another Cherokee name for this same plant is ti’ksi wo'yi’, ‘terrapin paw.” The decoction is drunk by the child. Diarrhea in children is usually ascribed to the evil influence of birds. This prescription in the manuscript follows another on the same page, which accounts for the form of the heading, “‘and another,” etc. 18 ama‘’-yi Di‘papz5”’st*oti ta" water, L to lead people to it with this ya’ =| fa‘-no‘awS” a’st'i une’Go akso‘s'Ga’ | aDa‘Nito’ Sharply ha, now thread white it has come down the soul akt*oti’ apd“niaa’ |u'yu’sti tsypo’upe* | vDda'Nito’ a kt*oti’ | itexamined it has been said like his names aro his soul it examined apDsni'Ga’ yorwi vuste’ vltyd’pe atyelu’.'s-6’ =| k‘’/lu-ew5™ y'kl it has been said human little yonder he is driving immediately, if it is being Aya, L al’ vca’ aye'’li y’ki no“Gwu-p’na tult‘apind’pa tsu'Dd- and day middle if it is now E (he nee) jumped thou hast own 48 Correction by editor, 194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE, 99 Nee“luaa’ | vu ittapund’pa upéne ‘thle isti’ | a kt‘oti’ apd‘‘neGa’ come to do it jumped down it will be done so it examined it has been for her for her said va" | qaldldi a’sti une’Go pve'iksoS™t'a‘nuGa’ | ada‘ Nito’ Sharply above thread (s) white thou hast come to the soul let them down aktoti? apd‘‘nceaa’ | cyv’sti tsudo“.pDe | vDa" Nitto’ akt‘oti’ it examined it has been said like his names are his soul it examined apd‘nvea’ | wad"yi’ ealélo’ piaa.skilS” tsune’Goa Dakso-’- it has been said first above they chairs they white they have come to 55” tand” a‘Nivwa’Gi une’Go ultld't’a‘ne’aa’* | ast'i’ vune’Ga be let URS ES cloth white it (kn.) has come thread white down to rest on it ada ‘to’ ultlo'ttancaa® | cad-yii Galdlo-’ apa Ntto’ tsule®= the soul it (sol.) has come to first above the soul where it rest on it io te-yl’ DaPlec‘sa‘ nica’ has arisen Loc it has been put up, standing on its legs (6b) tea lume’ Ga'ldlo’ pica.‘skilo™ tsune’Gd5" Da"kso’5™’ t'a= Second above they chairs they white they yee been let own no’ | a Nivwa’Gi une’Ga wWhtlétta’‘neaa’* | ast'i’ vne’Go TL cloth white it (kn.) has come to rest on it thread white 10 a‘ DaNntto’ Witiot’a‘nu'aa’“ a‘da'N%to’ a‘kt‘oti’ add ni Ga’ the soul it (sol) has come to rest on it the soul it examined it has been said t'a”* line’ Galélo’ apda*Nito’ Da*Plec‘satniGa’ second above the same it has been put up, standing on its legs (c) tso.tne’ aa'ldlo’ (efc., as in (b), changing t*a?line to third above tso.cne’). (d) nd™ame’ aaldlo’ (etc., as in (b), changing t‘aline to fourth above 15 n5™ acne’). (e) “saene’ Gallo’ (etc., as in (6), changing t'alme to fifth above ‘isau'ne’ ). (f) svvalune’ Galdlo’ (etc., as in (6), changing t‘aline to sixth above su’ Daline’). 20 (g) aGdtkwo*amne’ Galdlo-1 piaaskdg’ tsune’Go Da"k- seventh above —Loc they chairs they white they so’S™ttan-6" aNtvwa’Gi une’co ulitléttancaa’ | astti’ have hex sa down, cloth white it (kn) has come to rest on it thread une’Ga a Da‘Nito’ wWitlrtancaa’ | Gdtkwo’Gi ec ya-Galo:ldi white the soul it (sol) has come to rest on it seven successive above weGananveotsisanv'Ga’ ada N‘to’ =| ty at there, it has come to appear above the soul Sharply! 44 W. Dial. form; C. Dial.: uts6-t‘a‘ne Ga’ 45 W. Dial. form; C. Dial.: uhso‘t‘a‘n'Ga’ Beers THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 195 | Tus is TO TAKE PropLEe TO THE WATER WITH FREE TRANSLATION Sharply! Ha, now the white thread has come down. The soul has been examined; such-and-such are his names. The soul of the small human being has been examined, where it is growing. Either pres- ently, or at noon, or right away thou willst come and be born to her.“ He will be born to her.“ He has been examined. _ Sharply! from above thou hast caused the white threads to come down. Thesoul has become examined. Such-and-such are his names. His soul has become examined. (a) In the first upper (world) the white seats have been let down, and the white cloth has come to rest on them. The soul has come to rest upon the white thread. The soul has been lifted up as far as the first upper world, the place to where it has been raised. (b) In the second upper (world) the white seats have been let down, (and) the white cloth has come to rest on them. The soul has come to rest upon the white thread. The soul has become examined. The soul has been lifted up as far as the second upper (world). (c) In the third upper (world)... (d) In the fourth upper (world)... (e) In the fifth upper (world)... (f) In the sixth upper (world)... (¢) In the seventh upper (world) the white seats have been let down and the white cloth has come to rest upon them. The soul has come to rest upon the white thread. At the seventh upper (world), finally the soul will appear in all splendor. Sharply. EXPLANATION This formula for ‘‘taking them to the water with” is practically the same as the one given in No. 83, page 289, with an additional preliminary paragraph, which is recited when the ceremony is per- formed for the benefit of a pregnant woman. (See p. 119.) A part of this paragraph is addressed to the child, the “little human being”’ itself. By leaving off this introductory paragraph the formula may be used for any of the purposes served by ordinary formulas of this kind. (See p.150.) The ceremony may be conducted by the petitioner himself, for obtaining long life, etc., by changing the expressions to the first person where necessary. The white threads are mentioned in a number of formulas, especially those relating to love, but the connection here is not obvious. 46 The mother-to-be. 196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 19 wa’ no’wo'tl pi pdd:le’sal this to cure he breaks them, H tsi-Du “nryuwe'’Ga t'Ode’Ga Gdu™ néwotl’ | Gali-wo'’D- it they (E) feel tired eel oil to cure with he climbs, brown which ews* pek‘anveo’.st‘otii | Du nu'tlawa'pisd’ mnica’De Dik‘a= L they are to be scratched with they (E) joints successively all they nol’yeti | nd"’ki tsv'sd’uwpe | v'sd’-G cyv'sti-a™ pi‘k‘as must be four they nights - past night, L like each they rubbed 5 nvuGo.’sti are to be scratched Tus 1s TO TrEaT (THEM) WitH (WHEN) He Hasiruauty Breaks THEM (1. E., RHEUMATISM) FREE TRANSLATION When they are tired, eel oil is to treat (them) with, (and) just saw brier to scratch them with. It must be rubbed on them all over their joints. Four days they must be scratched, every time at night. EXPLANATION [Rheumatism is referred to by different names. (See p. 292.)] [Scratching is almost invariably a part of the curing procedure, the instrument usually being a flint arrowhead; in this case a small portion, about 12 to 15 centimeters long, of a branch of Ga‘pliwo-’ pi, saw brier (Smilax glauca Walt.), is used.] The nighttime is chosen for the operation, in order that the patient may be the better able to rest afterwards. The same treatment is sometimes used for abdominal swelling. When the medicine man can not decide from the ordinary symptoms as to the cause of the disease, he diagnoses from the dreams of the patient, which in rheu- matism are said to relate to sexual excesses, or to the commission of unnatural acts [as incest], etc. 20 wa una’Dd5" ~ pa‘nski'tsed" [i] néworti’ — e*vpe'[yi*7] this snake(s) whenever they dream to cure with to give them to of them drink cGawe' stu’ (-y1*8) to say it—E sce” | ‘a‘-no"ew5" sta‘t’Ona‘nica’ = stu‘skuya’ _iststu'Ga’ now then ha! now you (2) neve come to you (2) men you (2) little isten stiDa*"weel’ | voypensoyend Distaythisocetil syval stu tsang’ni-Gw5” you (2) wizards night, Loc you (2) are staying for your (2) adornment—L 10 t-Ge‘se'"(.1)’ | ulsce’D5® “-punu“y*ttancle®.i/ ma’pe-Gwo™ it which is, App it important it which, he (E) put it under, App snake—L 47 Correction by editor. 48 Interpolation by editor. eal THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 197 ‘ce ‘sei’ | a’nisee’nd" vnepo nd" ‘ice ‘sei’ | it whichis, App they ghosts they have saidit it whichis, App sce’ | ‘a‘no"Gw5" sta t'Ona ncaa’ stcskuya’ ou ststi'ca’ now then ha! now you (2) aye come to you (2) men you (2) little isten ste Dawe! wiv'so/-d )\(,DestS ttfoisti? ae’ca . aye» « ulsce/ns2 you (2) wizards night, Loc you (2) are staying day middle it important pune kso'5"’ te "(i “)’ | ste‘xydstta‘neca’ | stu‘tsand’n.-aw5™ they have let it down, App you (2) have come to take for your (2) adornment—L it (sol) away “uGe" se PY’ |... cutsd-fc.:. Gane’sa.. DiGS“naGe™ > ... Do; Dit‘o) ‘ist-0" 5 it whichis, App night, L box(es) they black they are eny facing us, wd ’stiskwaniaot'anc'aa’ | Gad'wulsto.’ti-aw5™ you (2) have come to put in store as what isits worth! L you (2) go by Tuts (is) TO Treat (THEM) WirH WuHEn THey Have DREAMED OF SnaKEs; (WHAT) To Give THEM To Drink, anp (How) IT Is To BE SAID FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now you two have come to listen, you Two Little Men, you two wizards, away from here in the Night Land you two are staying. It is the very thing you two adorn yourselves with. It is merely a snake that has come to put the important thing under him. They are but ghosts that have caused it. Now then! Ha, now you two have come to listen, you Two Little Men, you two wizards, away from here in the Night Land you two are staying. In the middle of the day they have let the important things down. You two have come to take it away as you two come by. It is the very thing you two adorn yourselves with. You two have put it away over there in the black boxes that are kept in the Night Land. Who cares what happens to it! EXPLANATION This is another formula for the same purpose as No. 5, page 175. [The reference to the Two Little Men adorning themselves with snakes, and the very reason for their being invoked in snake diseases— real or dreamed—is accounted for by a Cherokee myth. (Cf. Mooney, Myths, p. 311.)] According to this myth, the natural son of the Thunder, on arriving at boyhood, sets out toward the southwest in search of his father, who had abandoned him in infancy. After many adventures, he finally presents himself before his father, who first cures him of a loathsome skin disease, by throwing him into a pot of boiling water, and then leading him to a covered box, bids him put in his hand and take out the necklaces and other ornaments with which 198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 to adorn himself. On raising the lid, the boy finds the box full of snakes, but, undeterred, plunges his hand to the very bottom, and draws out a huge rattlesnake, which he winds about his neck for a necklace. He then takes out two copperheads, which he twists about his wrists as bracelets. Thus decked out, he takes his brother along, and goes against a celebrated gambler, who had previously insulted him, but who is now conquered by the Two Thunder Boys, and impaled at the bottom of the great lake in the west. In this myth we have another instance of the universal primitive idea of a connec- tion between the serpent and Thunder [Lightning]. The scene is laid at The Suck, in Tennessee River, a few miles below Chattanooga. [As previously stated, dreaming of snakes results in the patient’s saliva becoming “‘spoiled’’]; this must then be dislodged by an emetic. The medicine in this case consists of a decoction of Gana’’Ga uv’ t'and™, Scirpus validus Vahl, great bulrush; Gana‘’Ga ustu’Ga, Juneus effusus L., common or soft rush; tltso’ste v’t'ens", Coronilla varia L.; ultso’sto uste’aa, Vicia caroliniana Walt., vetch, to which is added the inner bark of v?l6-’"pe, Rhus (Toxicodendron) radicans Linn., poison oak, poison ivy, which grows on the east side of a poplar tree. The decoction is boiled and drunk on four successive days, the medicine man or his assistant boiling it for but a short time the first day, adding more water and boiling it for a longer time the second day, and so on, until the fourth day, when it is boiled down to a thick sirup. While under treatment, the patient observes a taboo of salt and of hot food. 21 wa no wo'td’ vu ndk‘te waco’. | this to cure with whenever they have forgotten (their voice) v’nang’wo'tr | t'a’ya’ | Gule*-tsunste’ca | k‘a‘ngsi’ta | they to cure with cherry acorns, they are small flowering dog-wood sikt'a’ une‘yS™sti | pe ‘laali’ski' ¢’aws® | (a*Gand "a apple they are bitter willow big (it nee oe oile undi*’ttasti’) *° they must drink it) Tus (is) TO Cure (THem) with WuHeENEvEeR Tury Have Lost TueEir VOICE FREE TRANSLATION These (barks) are to cure (them) with: Cherry, small acorns, flowering dogwood, bitter apples, big willow. They have to be boiled, (and) they must drink it. 49 Interpolation by J. M., apparently based on information given by a‘ty5S‘"’.ni’ himself. Moonsy THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 199 EXPLANATION A prescription against an aggravated form of hoarseness. The patient drinks a decoction of the inner bark of the five trees named, the decoction being intended to make him vomit the phlegm which clogs the throat passages and impedes utterance. Some of the liquid is also rubbed on his throat and neck. There is no formula to be recited in this case, nor any ceremony to be performed. The bark, as usual, is from the east side of the tree. This prescription was written in two places in the manuscript. The barks used are those of t'aya’, Prunus virginiana L., choke- cherry; Gule‘ tsunstu’’Ga, Quercus falcata Michx., Spanish oak (also Quercus imbricaria Michx.); k‘ané'si‘ta, Cornus florida. L., flowering dogwood (also Cornus stricta Lam., stiff cornel); s6-nkt‘a unc‘y5™ sti, Malus malus (l.) Mill., apple; peli’Gali’ski e'aw5®, Salix alba L., white willow. 22 i a-NS™ vund™pi ts-a“ndi'k's’fa" ved’wuth | this, and milk it which they urinate for the purpose Ga‘ne'tr’ski | tsu"ska’ | tsu’’ t*cno* | k*vwiyv sti water-birch post oak water beech sycamore ayou ti ~:|°. naski’ ~ wndi’tastiye lot! ed-ktto pe nse crippled this here they must drink it restricted four uDile‘ki atma’ und’ "Di heat salt milk, Anp Tuis (18) FOR THE Purpose (oF TREATING THEM) WHEN THEY Urinate (Likr) MILK FREE TRANSLATION They must drink (in) this (case) water birch, post oak, water beech, crippled sycamore. Restricted (are during) four (days) hot (food), salt (and) milk. EXPLANATION This prescription is intended for use in aggravated cases of the trouble spoken of in No. 6, page 178. The symptoms are milky urine and pains in the hips and the lower part of the back. The medicine man prepares a strong decoction of the inner barks of the four trees named and the patient drinks this in small quantities, at frequent intervals, for four days. The sufferer abstains in the meantime from hot and salt food, whereas he has to go without milk “for a considerable period,” i. e., for about a year. The sacred four appears here in the number of ingredients and in the taboo. 200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BunL. 99 As for the “‘crippled sycamore,” see page 54. The barks used are those of Ga‘ne't sai, Betula nigra L., water-, river-, or red birch; tsu‘'ska’, Quercus stellata Wang., post oak (also hybrids of Quercus alba L., white oak); tsut'.na‘, Carpinus caroliniana Walt., American hornbeam, ironwood, blue-, water beech; k‘v'wiyv’sti, Platanus occidentalis L., sycamore, buttonwood. 23 a nisko“li., . pipzor’t'isto. th), -h7a' onG’worth », Gd?’ tooth, . .eldi= their head they are kobe blown this to cure with to use with down wi pz5"~ «tsuk*ano‘tefa® direction it which says ‘wae’ yaci’ “ae yaar ‘wae’ yacl ‘wae’ yaa nO‘ "poGd-’yi thou woman by excellence (?) {sun, direct., Loc nO™poGO’yi nd"Do'ad’yi nO "poGG’yi ‘iaé’yaci’ ‘ice’yaci ‘ya* thou woman sharply by excellence wah mo wot | vniee’ne-Ga'a’tki no.tsi-<’i, . tev *yeGout this to cure with chinquapin pine(s), Loc they stand up, H tsv'staGa‘*yo"’ D5" tsv Gwalo’e5™4 Gu" ‘Istan5’a vGa” nawu™ brittle with dryness they have been leaves it has been steeped warm Dipzo"’ tis to. tuGw5" Ges’ 1 they are to be blown with it, L they have been, H Tuts (1s) TO Brow THEIR Heaps Witx; tur Mepicine (WHICH Is) TO BE Usep WITH IT Is ToLtp BrLow FREE TRANSLATION Thou Woman (by excellence?) (4 times). In the direction of the Sun Land (4 times). Thou Woman (by excellence?) (bis). Sharply! This (is) to treat (them) with: (of) chinquapin, which is wont to grow in the pine woods, the plucked brittle leaves, steeped warm, should be used, and they ® should merely be blown with it. EXPLANATION This song and prescription are for the treatment of a feverish condition, of which the symptoms are headache, chills, and cold sweats. No special cause theory was assigned, but the song would seem to indicate that the Sun is held responsible for the disease as in No. 41. The medicine is an infusion of the dry brittle leaves of chinquapin (Castanea pumila (L.) Mill.), heated by means of seven coals of fire and blown upon the head and shoulders of the patient, the blowing being done as described on page 58. 50 The patients. Diets THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 201 “Ge‘yaGi’ is a vocative form, the nominative, third person single being aGe‘yaai’, or perhaps aGe‘yaGu’’cs. The medicine man was not certain as to the meaning of the word, but was of the opinion that it referred to aGe‘yaGu’’Ge, a formulistic name of the Sun, which in Cherokee mythology isa woman. ‘This is probably the true explana- tion as the spirit is declared to dwell in the Sun Land, the East. The name ‘iae‘yaau’Go occurs in several formulas and is probably changed here to ‘.cetyaci’ to conform to the meter. [See p. 161.] In another formula for heat blisters it is explicitly declared that (a)Ge“'yaau’'ao has sent the disease. Og., who knows a different formula to cure this ailment, only uses the chinquapin infusion after a simpler treatment, in which merely water is blown on the patient, has failed. 24 wa anme’Dzl aDa‘nd’wo'tl this their breast to cure anyone with visite asku’ya 5™na’Ge Dv Da Nite 15" Gese™ v'lsce’ D5" right, Loe man black he (E) has thought it it is, App it important Dunv’ yt*anile: "1 he (E) has put it under sce’ = ‘a ‘-no‘ew5™ sta t*dna “ni Ga’ stiskuya’ stu GaGe’® now then ha! now you (2) have come to listen you (2) men you (2) red “\*\n . Oy AnD Meh A af Ni NARS s, Ey RO) nO*"p9'-yu'-"Dz5 pe stitit‘o isti pice “stilo ‘seal uisce’ D5" 5 sun, Loe, direction you (2) are staying you two have pene- it important trated them t'‘stabDiGS tittane Ga’ vtse’nawa’ aDbD5‘niGa’ you (2) have come to push it beyond it it has been said away as you (2) come by stretched sce’ _ ‘a‘-no"@w5” sta t°dna’“ni'Ga’ stskuya’ FY heal ae i 0 now then ha! now you (2) have come to listen you (2) men blue u“y6"pz9"*-yi-pz5) Destdtit‘o sti’ stu’ Da" we” t’istaDeGa?= cold Loe, direction you (2) are staying you (2) wizards you (2) have come leu’Ga v'lsce’D5” v“sdnu’li De ‘tistiskolo.5™ ta’ ne’ Du’ ‘De lo‘Ssip5” to push it it important quickly cause him to let go his he has not noticed it away gripping (hands), you (2) vtse’nawe-Gw5" abd“ nu'Ga’ 10 beyond it stretched-L it has been said Tuis (is) THE TREATMENT FOR THEIR BREAST FREE TRANSLATION The Black Man in the Night Land has caused it. He has put the important thing under him. Now then! Ha, now you two have come to listen, you two Red Men, you two are staying in the direction of the Sun Land. You two have penetrated them, itseems. You two have come to push the important thing away as you two go by. Relief has been caused. 202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 Now then! Ha, now you two have come to listen, you two Blue Men, in the direction of the Cold Land you two are staying. You two wizards, you two have come to push the important thing away as you two go by. Quickly cause him to relinquish his grasp, you two, without his (even) noticing it. Relief has been caused. EXPLANATION This is a formula for curing sharp pains in the breast. The patient drinks an infusion of bruised u‘naste'tste’Ga, Virginia snakeroot (Aristolochia serpentaria L.), to which a few scrapings of 9 Daliaa’’li, ginseng root (Panaz trifolium L.), are sometimes added, the liquid being slightly warmed by dropping four or seven live coals into it. There is no taboo. The medicine man first recites the formula, then blows four times upon the breast of the patient, and finally gives him the medicine to drink. This is repeated four times at each treatment. The whole ceremony is repeated four times before noon, and if necessary for four consecutive days. ¢ 25 wa ona’Dds® k‘ayv‘aa a@d2°t‘oti’ Dipa'nvao'sti-yr this snake tooth to use with to scratch them E Leet oYReR. vod Gub< Come on! NAN Mi saat Vupa uphs) cal Maat ch as weet’ DU. BDU Wve PDvUY Dv: (Onom.,) see | @al6“Idi pitsinetland’S k‘'o’la tstme’a@d" De *ak= now then! above thou hast apportioned bone (s) they while thou them - +. - . se so’.5™t'a ncaa’ tsvyel-6’* Gesd’ ve‘ust'a'ncGa’ | vutsi™ hast come to let them the body, TL itis, TL thou last come to stick beyond down them (1.) in it Nawapds” | ‘'ya'‘ it has been Sharply! stretched 5t Correction by editor, instead of tsuGel6 (no meaning). pat a THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 203 Tuis (1s) For Usine tHe Snake Tooru at THE SCRATCHING OF THEM FREE TRANSLATION Come on! Yuhahi, hahi (four times). Now then! Thou on high who hast apportioned them, thou hast caused the white bones to come down. Where the body is, thou hast come to stick them into. Relieved! Sharply. EXPLANATION The scratching operation, for which this and similar formulas are intended to be used, is a frequent preliminary to the application of medicine in the treatment of rheumatism, languor, and kindred ailments, as well as in preparing contestants for the ball game. [See p. 68.] This formula was originally obtained by Ay. from an old man who must have been born at least as early as 1780. As the heading states, it is for scratching with the snake tooth. It consists of two parts, the first of which is sung, the second recited. The song, the words of which are meaningless, is sung by the medicine man to a simple and pleasing tune, while standing facing the patient and holding the snake tooth, grasped between the thumb and forefinger of his uplifted right hand. As he sings, the spirit of the rattlesnake enters into the tooth, which becomes alive and moves about between the fingers of the medicine man. This is the Indian explanation of the fact, which may be accounted for on more reasonable grounds. The medicine man, while singing, labors under suppressed excitement and stands with tense muscles in a constrained position, the natural result being that before the song is ended his hand involuntarily begins to tremble and the muscles of the fingers to twitch. The peculiar hook shape of the tooth renders its slightest movement perceptible. On _ finishing the song the doctor brings the tooth up to his mouth with a long “du!” followed by a staccato “du, du, du, du,” as he blows upon it. He then touches it to his mouth. The song is repeated four times, after which he proceeds to scratch the patient. [See p. 70.] The skin is scratched only once, viz, before the first application of the medicine, but the medicine is applied four times. If, how- ever, the treatment is continued for four days, the scratching may be repeated every morning. The medicine which is rubbed on consists of a warm infusion of the leaves of e'w's5‘ti, Leucothoé catesbaei (Walt.) Gray, gray fetter bush; pv‘su’ca tsu'nstuaa, Kalmia latifolia L., mountain laurel, calico bush, spoon wood; pv‘su’Ga tsunt‘end", Rhododendron maxi- 204. BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY (Bunt. 90 mum L., great laurel; a'skwane’po, Veratrum viride Ait., American white hellebore, Indian poke; 5" le vk‘/Iti, Porteranthus trifoliatus (L.), Britt., Indian physic. The leaves of the three first and the roots of the two latter plants are used. These plants are all of a pungent nature, especially the a ‘skwane’po, and few persons can endure four applications of the medicine. On account of its fiery nature none of the liquid is drunk by the patient, as the experiment would be a dangerous one, While applying the liquid the medicine man recites the final formula and ends by blowing four times upon the patient, as already described. Often a final song is added, very much like the one given in No, 42, page 229, 26 ‘a’ palo’ni ou’ netlond’ a pa‘nd’wot'r this yollow whenever they — to cure anyone with aro ill palo’ni, ayia! ’} belo “nr iq@uta™ Ph oN pal” Ge ce | yollow = put it into it yollow = put it into it lako put it into it (iq, thou (liq), thou (iq, thou palo’ni au’'fa =| tya =’ pali’ = palo“’ni ss @u‘ta_—s Da‘ piGale’ya | sharply! lake yollow put it into it come, thou, and (liq.), thou scatter tt papidale’ya | papiaale’ya | vapicale’ya | valo’ni yellow ‘4 ‘ . ° Oo qu'fa | DdDalo’ni @u’ta | | a'ma”-yl a@u'ta | Dalo“’ni put it into it water, Loo (iq.), thou Guta | ‘ya’ a‘ma”yi oalo’ni aqvta | vDa‘piGale’ya water, Loe, yollow put it into it come, thou, and (liq), thou scattor it papidale’ya | Da piaale’ya | va'pniaale’ya | Tuts 13 Tun TREATMENT Wuenbver Turny Aare ILL WITH THE Y DLLOW’ FREY TRANSLATION Put the Yellow into it (liq.) (bis). Put the Yellow into the lake. Put the Yellow into it (liq). Sharply! Put the Yellow into the lake. Come, thou, and seatter it (four times). Put the Yellow into it (liq.) (bis). Put the Yellow into the water. Put the Yellow into it (liiq.). Sharply! Put the Yellow into the water. Come thou and seatter it (four times). & W, Dial, -tl->C, D, -ts-. LL LTT Siaaaenis| THE SWIMMHR MANUSCRIPT 205 HXPLANATION This formula to cure navel palovni consists of a song of two verses, with a short recitation after each verse, The medicine man merely applies his hand, previously warmed near the fire, as described on page 62. If the treatment be successful, the effect is instantaneous and the medicine man “can feel the pulsation caused by the disease scattering under his touch.’’ The medicine man recites the formula and sings the song twice at each application, and the ceremony is repeated four times before noon, and, if necessary, the treatment is continued for as many successive days. There is nothing to indicate what spirit is expected to effect the cure, 27 ¢ / § “ rT] * Ke wa’ ov ye'lo.’isti = unittong’7.1 this if startles him whenever they are ill Gweua™ Gweiia™ aweua” aweuua™” Gweua™ aweua™ Gweua” aweua” ‘yh Tris (18) ron Wain Tuny Bucomn Inu SuppENLy FRED TRANSLATION Gwehiha (4 times). Gwehiha (4 times). Yahl EXPLANATION This short song is to cure a fainting cramp, when the sudden intense pain makes the patient fall down as if dead. In some cases, the medicine man states, death actually follows instantaneously. It might result from indigestion, heart trouble, or some other cause, The song consists of a single word: aweiita” [which is but an adap- tation of (a)awe'u(stu)ia, “LT have pain,” to the meter of the melody.| The treatment is equally simple: The medicine man applies his hands, previously warmed over the fire, to the seat of pain, after which he blows upon the spot. He repeats the song four times, and the whole ceremony is performed four times before noon, 28 Dek‘anvao.’sti wa’ | nv alts” ad ’toti’ Geso”.i to cause it to come out this brier to be used with it has been, Hab sae’ =| ‘ano‘awd” ‘a't’dna’’*n'aa’ k‘o*’lonS™ au aaa¢’ Now then ha, now thou hast come to listen Ktaven red nd'po'-aG'-yu'~"pzo = Dita titto“ sti’ =| ou'sinu’li po t'a?lebna’ | sun, dir., Loe, direction thou art staying quickly thou hast arisen facing us 8 W, Dial. -tl->C. Dial, -ta-. 206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 Go'u'stl tsude'litce’ ti neGe'sd'na’ | asav’ne vDdS‘ndSt’iaw5™ ‘iGe'= something it escapes thy (sight) never ghost it has been said, L. it which se™.i’ vuisce’pa ‘“punu y'it'anc’le™1’ | S™*ta’li vu Dd‘ndt’.-aws™ is, App itimportant it which he has put under, App animal-ghost it has been said, L ‘waese 1’ ulsae’po ‘Dunuy'Ittancle™.1’ | tsu‘tlsta’y‘Itc-awu- Dene’ it which is, App it important it which he has put under, App it is what thou eatest, L (=E), E ‘“uae‘se.l’ | ‘S™y52’st'anuGa’ | usd*i-’yu-pzo eP‘la*-wi'’nu-pe-n5™ it which is, App again thou hast come to night, Loe., direct earth, under, E take it away \ 5nono’-i wi-De“tsat'and'’dsi\ | usd’ vyd'p’a apdo‘-1 De**.9°Plu‘na-.6"*.i trail, Loc thither they lie stretched night yonder wood, Loc they mosses, T L. vyo’pe wo''stiadS‘tlanvaa’ | vad “wilstd.’tr-awS" | — vtsc’’-na= yonder thou hast gone there and who cares what happens to it, L. beyond it, put it between (two) wu-Gws* apd5“ni'Ga’ stretched, L it has been said @es sce’. | ‘‘ano:Gwd” ‘S**-‘a‘t'ona niga ‘k'o"lanS”™ se kane Now they ho, Now again, thou hast Raven blue come to listen v‘6pz9'-ye"-pze’ Galo“Idu’-pzo* pitsd tit‘o’’sti’ =| Seda’ “wetv‘-Du'ne’ eold, Loc, direction above direction thou art staying thou wizard, E 10 Ggap5” tsunv‘Iti me‘GesOna’ | v'isce’pa ‘pun y‘ttane le ®.1’ what thou failst never it important it which he has put under, App tsd‘tista’’y‘Itt-awS™ ‘ice‘se®i’ | mniad-“waye lond™’5"sce’stuewd™ what thou eatest (L) E it which is, App a likeness of it will remain, L tsa‘Plosé"’ | usd’epa nv‘po‘nd’na | vtsc'-“nawl-aw5™ apd“nu'Ga’ thou passed T L night-been it has not been said beyond it, stretched, L it has been said Dek*anves.’sth fa | nu Gutla’ Go" ’totl Ge“so-a | ange to cause it to appear this brier to be used with it it has been, Hab to wo'tu-N.o k‘o‘spu’pe.. Dalovni-ce™ 3» apzcls™ ski”) i Tisai sm cure with, and (Everlasting) yellow, -ish they have been flowers (vetch, ppuste’Ga = De ktang-le’ye pi | vpo’’tecwupe’ apd‘“ns1 —Ga-Gw5™ little it must be rubbed on them all day it has been said noon, H “co’pa =| aGco’ne-ew5" Ga "kt'd’pa aye la‘a'™ as long as fasting, H it restricted only Tus 1s TO Scratch THEM; A Brizrr SHoutp Br Usep WirH It FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Red Raven; away from here in the direction of the Sun Land thou art staying; quickly thou hast arisen, facing us. Nothing ever escapes thy (sight). It is merely what has become a ghost that has put the important thing under him. It is merely what has become an animal ghost that has put the important thing under him. But this is the very thing thou eatest. Thou hast once more come to take it away as thou goest along. The trails lie stretched for thee under the very earth, away toward the Night Land. Thou hast gone and put it between (a crevice) in the forests of the Night Land, where moss erows. Who cares what happens to it! Relief has been caused. Now then! Ha, now thou too hast come to listen, Blue Raven. Thou art staying on high, in the direction of the Cold Land. Thou Moonzr THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 207 powerful wizard, what (is there) thou ever failest in? The important thing, which he * has put under him, is the very thing thou eatest. Only a likeness of it will be left, when thou will have passed. (And) not for a night (only, but forever). Relief indeed has been caused. This is to scratch them. A brier should be used with it. And to cure (them) with common everlasting (with the) yellow flowers, (and) little vetch are to be rubbed on them. ‘‘All day” has been said, but as long as noon (is) merely (meant). Fasting is the only restriction. EXPLANATION This formula is used for scratching with a brier, preparatory to rubbing on the medicine, in cases of local pains and muscular cramps and twitching. The patient is said also to dream of game and hunting. Ailments of this class are ascribed to the influence of revengeful deer ghosts, possibly because the deer, like the horse and the cow, has a habit of nervously twitching the muscles while standing. The hunter always took care to ward off the evil results, by asking pardon of the slain deer according to a set formula, after having killed it. [These formulas are now no longer known. There are even many medicine men who have never heard about them. It is easy to understand that this kind of formula would soon fall into desuetude and oblivion with the extinction of the deer. (Cf. further Mooney, Myths, pp. 263-264.)] The raven is invoked because it is accustomed to feed upon the offal left by the hunter after cutting up the game. [For the same reason the raven is mentioned in some of the hunting formulas, ‘“‘because,’”’ as an informant told me, ‘‘he is as anxious to point out the deer to us as we are to shoot it, because he knows that he will get the guts (of the shot animal).’’] The formula is recited by the medicine men after each round of scratching while standing over the patient, and holding the cup containing the medicine in his uplifted hand. Having finished the formula, he brings the cup slowly down with a spiral circuit, after the manner a raven descends, imitating at the same time the raven’s ery, k‘a’ k‘a: k‘a’ k‘a’, until he puts the cup to the lips of the patient, who then takes a drink of the medicine. The scratching is done with a stout piece of brier, nu*auth”™, Smilax glauca Walt., saw brier, having thorns about the size of large rose thorns. The medicine which is rubbed into the scratches consists of a warm infusion of k‘o*‘spu*’pe, Gnaphalium obtusifolium L., common everlasting; ultso’"sti v'stu’Ga, Vicia caroliniana Walt., vetch. 84 The disease spirit. (p48 02-15 208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 The scratching is performed and the medicine applied four times before noon. The treatment lasts but a single morning and the only diet rule observed is that the patient fasts until the whole performance is over. [The last sentence but one illustrates in an interesting manner how in this case an error in writing the directions down was corrected: The medicine man had written that ‘fasting was to be observed ail day,’ but corrects this statement later on by saying that he only means ‘until noon,” i. e., until after the completion of the final ceremony. | 29 a’ a’‘nine’Dzl Go" tiski ~apa‘nd’wo'tl this their breast it swells (ab) to cure anyone with yu'a’ acu.’ (7 tomes) Wi’ Sharply sae’ | Opal-eawot Didu It‘osti’ vlsae’po vsdnu’ li pov Now then lake, big, Loc he is staying it important quickly he pidu lene i’ =|) ssSnv“li pun yttane le ™.i’ has arisen, facing quickly he has put it under, us, App App 5 saé’? | ‘a*no‘aw5” stat’éna‘neaa’ ng-po’-yi pustdtit‘o‘isti’ Now then ha, now you two have come sun, Loe you two are staying to listen sti’skiya’ pi'ststr'aa’ stupa"weu-Go'ca’ | O'dal-e’G@w5® Do's you two men you two little you 2 wizards, E lake big ho piv lene’ visce’pa | v'sdnu“li pe tustd thttaneca’ ulsae’pa | has arisen, facing it important quickly you two have come to it important us, App put him on his (legs) pidu Dale “nd%"-pzo = nonot-i’ = wi-De' Du t'anGpa‘si’ nd" DaDu' kte~ he started from, direction trail(s), Loe thither, they lie stretched it to look back ‘ostii mice‘séna’ | nda’ cya-yolpacii ayo weso'tld’Do never four successive glimpsy (sights) he rested 10 de“ Dudd' Niele (De) se'sti’ it will be done so for him continuously along Go'tsat’ta’au-ya’ = t'stapc@WPlsr'sesti’ =| pepu’paleng’ Os roughly 10) you two will push him along he started L T lako as you go pal-e’ aw") we-tistd tttapmd'ttanvGa’ na‘na” wi-pu‘It*o'est*ane'Ga’ big thither, you two have come to make there there, he has come to stay him jump pDapvkttad'sti/ nice’sé'nea’ ‘a‘-na‘na” we-pu Ito’ ste'sti’ he to look back never ha, there there, he will continue to stay Fiveg a sharply! 15 %&%a anme’pzi Gov’tisci apand’woti | O’tla® apzle this their breast it swells, Hab. to cure anyone with not fire De Di ye ki they (sol.) to it is be put down 55 W. Dial. form; C. Dial. 6-ts‘a’. 55a Interpolation by W; see p. 4. MoonrEy ] OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 209 Tuis 1s THE Mepicine (For) WHEN THEIR BREAST SWELLS FREE TRANSLATION Yuha-ahi (7 times). Sharply! Now then! the important thing is staying in the great lake. Quickly it has arisen, facing us. Quickly he * bas put it under (the patient). Now then! Ha, now you two have come to listen, you two little men, you two powerful wizards; in the sun land you two are staying. From the great lake the important thing has arisen facing this way. Quickly you two have forced the important thing to get on its feet. His paths lie stretched toward the direction from where he started and he shall never look back again. As he stops to rest at the four successive gaps, it will happen to him that, roughly indeed, you two will push him along as you go by. You two have caused him to plunge back again into the very same lake from which he arose. There he is now lodged to stay. He will never look back. Right there he is compelled to stay. Sharply! This is the medicine (for when) their breast swells. Fire is not to be put down, however. EXPLANATION [This formula has been edited with notes and comments by Mr. Mooney in his SFC, pp. 364-365.] The only facts of interest which I found in Mooney’s notes which were not incorporated in the paper just mentioned are that pa‘kwa- Dil, to cure the same ailment, used a warm infusion of the following herbs: pica’ y‘*sO'ni, Collinsonia canadensis L., rich weed, stone root, horse balm; cuna’p5" Gantca’, Camptosorus rhizophyllus (L.) Links, | walking leaf; skwo-'l vu’t‘ino’, Asarum canadense L., asarabacca, wild ginger; skwo"lusti’aa, Hepatica acutiloba DC., liverleaf. This infusion he applied four times before noon for four successive mornings, giving the patient some of the liquid to drink each time to cause vomiting. The whole plant was used, excepting in the case of the DiGa*’y‘s6'nl, of which either the root or leaf might be taken. 56 The disease-spirit. 210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 30 ‘Va’ pu nu tstal6’’.i pektand’wo'ttr | this whenever they have to cure them with blisters (a) sce’ | novews” ‘a t'éna‘neaa’ ka nanv'’sti ts*Ast Ga Now then now thou hast come to listen Frost thou Little Galo“ldi tsd tit’o sti’ | ‘wa “we-Go'aa’ Go‘vsti tsunv’ i above thou art staying thou wizard, E something thou failest nuGe‘sO'na’ | v'sdnu“li néno’ ‘kso"’5"t'aneaa’ | ‘a‘-vDile’ Guaw5”™ never quickly trail thou hast caused it ha, Heat to come down 5Gesel visce’Do ‘tDunvy‘it'anelei’ | ‘a’.-vsdnu’li vk‘S“ ata’ itis, App. it important it which he has put under, App. ha, quickly fog ts‘astu’Ga t'suldo“ttaniGa’ = vtse’-nawu-Gw5" = nu‘ pet‘and"’ Da thou little thou hast come tomake him __ beyond it, stretched L (=E) it has been said get up simultaneously nd” tone luca’ thou hast come to do it for him (b) (Exactly as (a) but change k‘ananv’sti ts‘aste’aa and Frost ~~ thou Little vk*5“ata’ tscaste’Ga fo ktananv’sti ‘e’awt'v-yu' and vk‘S“ ata’ Fog thou Little Frost thou Big, E Fog 10 ‘e ‘Gwi'u'-yu’, respectively.) thou Big, E. iva Du netstal6’1 pektand’wo'tl | ta no “wo'tl Dipz0"= This spate they have to cure them with this to cure with it must be isters ta.eti-aws” | @neaene” ‘Gata’tk**") mno.tsi-71 ts yeag"’ i blown on them, L (chinquapin) pine(s), Loe where it (Hab) ; grows tsUstaGa''yo’po tsvGwalo'Gi’i tsuewa’Nitoti ts’ki =| nd™Gai’ they are dry they have been leaves they arestuckin withit it whichis four Ga keto De | pd Gi?) “ama? |" ) wavereu-ncg” "| yen restricted hot salt pumpkin(s), and melon(s) stya | nv’nd5® tsanmds’pe | nv’no tsanisaawalo’i | bean(s) potato(es) they are long potato(es) they are round tsuwe’‘tsi-wio’ |) mica’ po. Ga’Guma’ | Géyr’sti. | ame eggs, and ail cucumber watermelon(s) on- soni | mGa’da Du ‘ndew'skd’-nw5™ Go‘’De ions all they recover, L (E) as long as Tis is TO TREAT TuHem Wita Wuen Tury Have BuLIstTEers FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Now thou hast come to listen, thou Little Frost, thou art staying on high. Thou powerful wizard, thou never failest in anything. Quickly thou hast caused the trails to come down. It is only Heat that put the important thing under him. Ha, quickly thou hast come, Little Fog, to lift him up. Relief has been caused forthwith, thou hast come to do it for him.® 57 Interpolation by J. M. 58 For the patient. ae THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT O11 (b) Same as (a), but change ‘Little Frost” and ‘Little Fog”’ to “Very Great Frost” and ‘‘ Very Great Fog,” respectively. This is to treat them with when they have blisters. This is the medicine which is to be merely blown on them: Chinquapin growing in the pine forests, the leaves of which are dry and crumbling while they are still on the plants. (During) four (days) are restricted: Hot (food), salt, cymlings also, pumpkins, beans, long potatoes, round potatoes, eggs also, all (kinds of) cucumbers, watermelons, muskmelons, all (these are forbidden) until they get well. EXPLANATION This formula is for the treatment of the burning and festering ‘fever blisters,”? which according to the medicine men are worst in the hottest part of summer and upon children. The disease theory is beautifully set forth in the formula as well as in the directions. The disease is caused by the spirit of Heat, and is expelled by the spirits of Frost and Fog, both cooling in their nature. k‘o‘nanv‘sti, the name here given to the frost, is used only in the formulas, [and seems to be connected with the -/-nanveo ‘that which opens up”, the common word for frost being v'yo" tla. As for the treatment, through carelessness the medicine man has omitted the leading word of the name of the simple used, but there is not the slightest doubt but that it is the same as the medicinal plant prescribed in No. 23, page 200; the ceremony is also probably the same as described under the prescription just quoted. The taboo, besides the regularly proscribed items of salt and hot food for four days, includes until final recovery: Beans and potatoes, because their skins shrivel up as from an inward heat; eggs, melons, etc., because these are watery in their nature. The medicine men recognize a relationship in tomatoes, pumpkins, squashes, cymlings, gourds, cucumbers, and melons on account of the watery fluid they contain. Several of the [vegetables] named have been adopted by the Indians from the whites, and are included [in the taboo] because of their resemblance to others previously known. The avoidance of any such vegetables in all cases of blisters is a matter of common knowledge among the people; an infraction of any part of the taboo would interfere with recovery and would lead to a recurrence of the ailment. 252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn. 99 31 DUDa nveo’sti ved’wuth’ | cna’Dd" kayu’Ga Gd" ti to scratch them (indef.) for the purpose snake tooth to use Pa Myo cb Voc aL Svea co yea, cee Come on! yurayce yura’tey = yueatey yura’ce Duss Due Duss Dus (Onom.) 5 saé’ aalg‘Idi pctsune‘tland’i | ko’la tsime’Gd® ve ‘atss Now then above thou hast apportioned them bone (s) thou white thou hast 95” t'a‘nuGa’ | tsvyel6-yi ® qGesd" De“ustta‘ni'Ga’ vt si**s come to let them the body Loc. itis, T. L. thou hast come to stick beyond it down them (1.) in it nawa tsuv’pd'nd5"™ 4 stretched they have been said anski’ya an‘Gace’" anc‘lod’ | vlisce’p5" a‘nistla‘ndo't‘a’= they men they red they have passed it important they have come to lift neGa’ | anski’ya aneGace’" anilow’ | v'lisce’ Ds” it up as they men they red they have passed it important they go by 10 ancstla‘ndo't'a‘niaa’ | 'tya* they have come to lift it up as sharply they go by (THIs 1s) FOR THE Purpose or ScratcHine Propuz, Usine THE Snake TooruH With IT FREE TRANSLATION Come on! Yuhahi (4 times). Yuhahi (4 times). du: du: du: du: du. Now then! On high, thou hast apportioned them. Thou hast come to let the white bones down. Where the body is. thou hast come to stick them “ into. Reliefs have been caused. The Red Men have passed. They have come to lift the important thing up as they go by. The Red Men have passed. They have come to lift the important thing up as they go by. Sharply! EXPLANATION This formula is for the same purpose as No. 25, with the same ceremony and application. It has as a third part the song referred to on page 231. The ‘‘Red Men” mentioned may be the Thunderers. [The peculiar form: anstlando't‘anvGa is only used in songs, and has a syllable infixed without any apparent semantic value 59 Hmendation by editor, instead of sel6yi (no meaning). % The white bones, the rattlesnake’s teeth. Gunaneare THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 213 (-an-); this is probably done to adapt the word to the meter of the song. The word, in common speech, is pronounced: anisuldo:t*anu’ Ga. Another instance of this same process is: elanti instead of e'ldi.] 32 vmMDz’ ya DieDdand’wo'tt fa’ they (are) worms tocure them (indef.) with this see’? | ‘a‘-no-awdS” ‘at'dna‘neGa’ Scayo’"l tsune’G5" now then hal now thou hast come to listen thou old female _ thou white el-uweistos6-"nwd® “iaese'™1’ | yo’suwa’ skane‘la clay it has pain L. that which is, App. weakness(?) it is pregnant(?) (a) sce’ | ‘a‘-no""ew5” ‘a‘t*6na “ne Ga’ GuWi.’sGuwl* now then hal now thou hast come to listen Bittern tsune’Ga ‘wDa'"wer-Go'ca’ | Gald‘ldi_ tsd‘tito’’sti | ‘a‘usinu’li 5 thou white thou wizard—E. above thou art staying ha! quickly vtiawo-tu th © Gesd“i e‘Dzakso'’5™t'a nica’ | vssnu’ li De= where the mud is itis, T. L. they have let thee down as quickly they solid in it they went by tsak‘ano.t'anc'Ga’ ‘aGésunvyt'anGa’ | vtse’ya-aws® ‘¢Ge'se 1 made thee look at it as thou hast come stuck thy bill worm, L. that which thou wentst by under it as thou wentst by is, App. visce’pDS" ‘¢punv“y‘ttancle™1 = t'a‘sesd*vaa’ = || ~—s ts tista‘’y‘ti= it important that which he put under thou hast come to it for thy food, it, App. pullit out Gwd* Gese’™ | tstaskwovli De‘Gadanc'so. t'aniGa’ * v‘kowe'’Do= L. it is, App. thy stomach it shall bury itself in it as it goes by craving(?) Gws*” Ge ‘tsaDGntel’ |, nad tist'anuGa’ =| —_ vtsu“nawa* nv‘ ‘da= 19 L. _ they have done it has happened so beyond it stretched it has it so for thee, App. been said t'ano6"pD5" =| nd5®’téne‘leaa’ | niadwaye’lond"’5"scestu aw5” at the same thou hast done it a likeness of it will remain L. time for him (6) sae?) |... *ano‘ews” ‘a t'éna’ ne Ga’ k‘a‘nG:stu’ wa now hal now thou hast come Sandpiper then to listen teune’ GS” .’: . ‘(ete:) thou white (c) sae’? | ‘a‘no‘'ewS” ‘a't’Gna‘niGa’ tsaco."sta tsune’Gds". now ha! now thou hast come Mud Snipe(?) thou white then to listen (... ete., and add:) vise’ “nawa-aws* = add’‘nvaa’ | vn’ yas beyond it stretched, L. it has been said they (are) worms DeDa'né”’wo'ti a’ | no wot -NiS™ Gu‘aa-ce™ a Dzld™ski to cure hem (indef.) this to cure with, and blood, like it is a flower wit De‘upi’ "wa" pDalu’si asuyi Ge's9.9''"' |) vag" yi'!) ©) De *vpt!)"| to give honey it mixed it has first to give them to with it been, H. them to drink drink kta’ ktand-wo't'’ Disko le’ ye ta-aws”™ then to cure him they must be rubbed, L. with it 61 W. Dial. form; C. Dial.: v‘sawo'tu’tli. 62 This word is queried by J. M. in his transliteration of Ay.’s original. 214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLr. 99 Tus (is) to Truar THem wirn (ror) Worms FREE TRANSLATION Nov, then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou Old White One. ‘The body has been made very painful; it is pregnant with (weakness?). (2) Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou White Bittern, thou real wizard, staying on high. Ha, quickly they have come to let thee down to where the marsh is. Quickly they have made thee look atit, as thouwentst by. Thou hast come to stick thy bill underit. The important thing which he has put under him is merely a worm. Thou hast come to pull it out; it is indeed the very thing thou eatest. It shall bury itself into thy stomach; they have made thee insatiable (?). It has happened so; relief has been caused at the same time; thou hast come and done it for him; ® only a mere likeness of it will remain. (6) Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou White Sandpiper, ete. (c) Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou White Mud Snipe, ete. (And add at end:) Relief has been caused. This (is) to treat them with (for) worms. To treat with, Indian pink, mixed with honey, should be given them to drink. First it should be given them to drink, then it should merely be rubbed on them. EXPLANATION This formula, which seems to have lost [its fourth paragraph], is for the treatment of intestinal worms. These betray their presence by the following symptoms: yellowness of the patient’s skin, redness of the fingertips, fever and diarrhea. The medicine is a decoction of au’aaag* apz'l5”’ski, Spigelia marilandica L., Indian pink, sweetened with honey, to be drunk both night and morning for four days, or until the worms are dislodged. If this result should not follow within that period, the medicine man tries a different. medicine or concludes that the sickness is due to some other cause. In applying the treatment, the medicine man first gives the medi- cine to the patient to drink, then warms his hands over the fire, while addressing ‘‘the Old White One,” and then rubs the abdomen of the patient with his hands thus warmed, reciting in the meanwhile the second part of the formula, addressed to the bird. The final rub with both hands is in a downward direction, along the abdomen, typical of the downward passage of the expelled worms. In conclu- sion, he blows four times upon the stomach of the sick man. The % The patient, % The disease, re | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT I15 blowing is also from the breast downward along the abdomen. The whole operation should be repeated four times at each treat- ment, but as the formula as here given consists of but three parts, it seems probable [that a fourth paragraph has been lost in the course of time]. While uuder treatment the patient only drinks soup or the decoc- tion, but no water, which for some reason unexplained is believed to bring the worms to life again, when they are said to be more trouble- some than at first. Eggs are tabooed for the same reason, and all greasy food is prohibited. The formula opens with a short address to the Fire, ‘‘The Old White One,” in which the medicine man declares that the patient’s body, spoken of under the figurative term of ‘‘clay,” is filled with pain, and pregnant with yo“’suwa’ a word which the medicine men can not now explain [but which is very probably connected with do“su, ‘‘weak’’]. The word for worms vnupz"’ya (sgl. vpz’’ya) is also applied to the common earthworm, which renders peculiarly appropriate the use of the figurative term ‘‘clay”’ to designate the body.” After having addressed the Fire, while warming his hands the medicine man goes on to invoke various long-billed swamp birds, which feed upon worms, telling each in turn to put his bill into the muddy ooze and pull out the intruder, which ‘is just what you eat.” In this case the mythic color of the birds is white, which is not to be understood as their actual color. [Og. told Mr. Mooney that he used a similar formula but a slightly different prescription to cure this ailment; in addition to Indian pink he used une’skwup5" tsunstu’’Ga (small buckeye). This does not grow on the Cherokee Reservation, but somewhere in Tennessee, and only one old medicine man, v‘sa’wi(?), who lived about 15 years ago, knew where to find it, and was sent for it whenever it was needed. No informant was able to identify the plant during my stay in 1926-27.] 33 7a’ Gananv'Go'ts:Do”"i vne‘istanell yi'ki a‘Da‘nd’wo'tl | this it appears about, H they pat pain, if it is to cure anyone with pp. sae’ | ‘a‘-no""aws” ‘at'6nanGa tsvya’ wo tice™ Now, then! hal now thou hast come to listen Otter brown v‘*6pz9"*-yu'-Dz5™ Ditsd tit‘osti | so’aw5’ pe‘nutsGd thaniaa’ | cold, Loc, direction thou art staying one thou and I have become one 6 E'luwe‘istosici may be a contraction of: ela (=clay) vwe'istosdti (it has been made painful), as Mr. Mooney interprets it. During my stay no medicine man was able to give any information on this expression, nor did anyone remember whether the body was ever referred to by this metaphor. None of the myths throw any light on the question. I am inclined to believe that the el- prefix is not an abbreviation of e‘la, clay, but a contamination of aye'li", body. 216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxe.. 99 vsdnu ‘li pot'aPle'6na’ | ‘wpa “Ywetil’ Gotusti tsunv Iti nis quickly thou hast arisen, thou wizard something thou failest never facing us Geso'na’ =| uisce’DS" = vpdanv y'ttancle™i’ | asau’no vD5*= it important he has pet it under, ghost it has Ppp. nd’™.-gw5®" Gese®l ale vu y-vGawe’ski Duda Nite “15a yo’ki | been said, L it is, App and _ different he speaks, H he has thought if it is sce? | no"ews” t‘nasesdaa’ | vsd’- noéno-/1 wi-De= now now thou and I come night, trail, Loc yonder then! to pull it out Loc 5pu tano’s™si | usii vwy6'™pde O’pali eGwot-i wd'"-t to’'st'as they lay themselves night, yonder lake big, Loc yonder thou hast for him Loe mu.Ga’ | Lad wulsto.’ti-awt-Di-no’ | vtsc“ nawu-aw5 borne fo what its worth, L (=E) E beyond it stretched put i mad pisce’’ sti it will be said con- tinuously Tus (1s) tHE Mepicine, 1r THEy Have (Parns) APPEARING ABOUT IN DirrERENT PLACES FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Brown Otter; in the direction of the Cold Land thou art staying. Thou and I have become united as one, quickly thou hast arisen. Thou wizard, thou never failest in anything. It is merely what has become a ghost that has put the important thing under him,® or maybe a speaker of evil (words) has caused it. Now then! Now thou hast come to pull it out. The paths lay themselves out toward the Night Land. Thou and I have come to put it at rest in the Great Lake, away in the Night Land. Who cares what happens to it! Relief will be caused continuously! Sharply! EXPLANATION This is another formula for the cure of aye‘lvao’’Gi or simulator- diseases, and the general ceremony is the same as already described. (See p. 73.) The medicine used is a warm infusion of the roots of tso“leyv’sti vnikw'tte’ns", Verbascum thapsus L., common mullein; au’ aace* apzli™ ski, Lobelia cardinalis L., cardinal flower; and of the bark of utsei, Alnus rugosa (Du Roi) Spreng., smooth alder.® The cup containing the infusion is placed on the floor upon a piece of cloth, about one or two yards in length, together with four beads— red, blue, black, and white. The cloth [and the beads] are kept by the medicine man as his pay after the ceremony. 66 The patient. *7 Another specimen was identified as Alnus serrulata Willd. eee | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT Q17 Having recited the prayer, the medicine man takes a sup of the liquid, and applying his lips to the sore spot, sucks the place and then discharges the liquid from his mouth into another empty bowl kept ready for the purpose. This is repeated four times, after which the medicine man examines the liquid in the bowl to find the intrusive object which has caused the trouble. When found it is carefully hidden away as already described. (No. 3, p. 173.) If necessary, the whole ceremony is repeated four times before noon, by which time, the medicine man asserts, the hidden coal, splinter, or pebble is always brought to light and relief accomplished. 34 Va’ palo’ni_ pi’ ksto.ti* this yellow to make them vomit sae’ fa-no‘aws” ‘a ‘t’6na“neGa’ teste’ Dalo’ni’ c¢Da‘"= now then! ha! now thou hast come to rat yellow thou listen weu-yu | sce’ | ‘a‘no"awS"” aNtowa'Gi une’Gd" De ‘ala.= wizard, E now then! ha! now cloth white thou hast se‘t'ane'Ga’ | no"ew5S” pdalo’ni ‘5”-t*asesd*uGa’ ‘a no'"Gw5” come to put thy now yellow again-thou hast come ha! now feet on it to pull it out 6°"pal-eGwo't-i vyé""pe w5'™-tuticot’t'a nica’ ‘wa wetr-Di'no’ lake, big, Loe yonder yonder thou hast come to thou wizard, E scatter it wes vise’“nawa ndo‘Disce'sti’ ‘ya beyond it he will say con- Sharply! stretched tinuously a’ palo’ni piksto.tii und ‘*kwa’-NSS™ sulvye'-tuca’ a‘ t’tse’ this yellow to make them (4black gum), and swampy laurel (red alder) vomit tree thicket v'uyu Gits™ u'nali’Gora™ aDe’’lo mig), 2 kay ty’ neDale”’ Gi (hazelnut) they together beads four they eo Be many inds anDalo“ni-Ge™ a‘nuGaGe’® aniGd’naGe vnine’Gs® they yellow, like they red they black they white Tus (is) TO Make THEM Vomit BILE FREE TRANSLATION - Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Weasel, thou pow- erful wizard. Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to put thy feet upon the white cloth. Now thou hast come and pulled out the bile. Ha, now thou hast come to take it far away, and to scatter it in the Great Lake. Thou art a wizard indeed. Relief has been caused. Sharply! This (Gis) to make them vomit bile. Black gum, white alder, red alder, hazelnut (are used) all together. Beads, as many as four different kinds: Yellow ones, red ones, black ones, white ones, 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 99 EXPLANATION This formula is used for a form of pDalo’ni in which the whole abdominal region becomes swollen and painful, while the patient loses appetite and becomes unable to retain food in his stomach. The medicine man invokes the weasel, called by the Cherokee ‘“‘vellow rat,’ te’ste’Dzi, here abbreviated to tcuste’ being the generic name for rats, mice, and weasels. Here again we have the color correspondence between the disease and the curing spirit. The medicine man induces vomiting to dislodge the bile, by giving the patient to drink a warm decoction of the inner bark of the four small trees named vn‘kwa, Nyssa multiflora Wang, black gum; sulu'ytica, Clethra acuminata Michx.,® white alder; at’tse’i (or tse’fi), Alnus rugosa (Du Roi) Spreng., red alder; v‘yu’apo’, Corylus americana Walt., hazelnut. It will be noted that the inner bark of all these trees bas a peculiar yellowish color, this again carrying out the theory of color sym- bolism. The medicine man first recites the formula and then gives the patient a drink of the medicine. This is repeated four times, after which he allows the patient to drink as much of the decoction as he can swallow. The whole ceremony and application is performed four times before noon. After the patient has drunk the decoction the medicine man ‘“‘takes him to the water’’; he gives the sufferer some warm water to drink, which causes him to vomit the bile, after which he finds relief. This vomiting sometimes weakens the patient considerably, so that the medicine man has to give him some sour corn gruel “k*a’no’e’no”’ to drink, to keep up his strength. Although not noted in the manuscript, it is probable that the medicine man ad- dresses some formula to the ‘Long Man” (as in No. 15, p. 190) and that the beads mentioned are used only at this part of the ceremony. The beads are deposited on a piece of cloth and the whole is taken alter the ceremony by the medicine man as his fee. The yellow bead typifies the disease, the red denotes the powerful spirit which conquers it, the black signifies the great lake in the Night Land into which the disease spirit is cast, and the white is emblematic of the happiness which comes with recovery. [It is deemed necessary to draw attention to the fact that as a rule medicine men are unable to explain the symbolism of the beads and of their colors as is here done by Mr. Mooney.] 6 Another specimen was identified as Hydrangea acuminata Small, eos THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 219 35 Danime’sv'G6” a Dando’ woth whenever they have to cure anyone with them drooping BGen ||) | o-norewo") ov sone lt yakski” ‘tso: Nide-Ga, . | Galo now then ha! now quickly evening he has come and he passed hit thee Saloni Galo imecalo a), ,| ‘a‘-usdnv’ li a’ kski-Gw5" —Ge'se"™ ha! quickly enemy—L it is, App iso; Nettie tt vinyealota\Galo ameoalsia) Galo a he has hit thee, App. he passed (THs 1s) THE TREATMENT WHEN THEY Have TuHem Droopine FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now swiftly the enemy has come and hit thee. He has passed by (four times). Ha, it is but the enemy (who) swiftly came and hit thee, it seems. He has passed by (four times). EXPLANATION This formula is for the same purpose as No. 10 and is very similar to it; the treatment also is about the same. The medicine man recites the first paragraph, and then rubs into the eyes of the patient a little of the ctse’t1 (Alnus rugosa (Du Roi) Spreng.; also Alnus serrulata Willd., alder) infusion, the bark being used, after which he blows into the eyes, holding the eyelids apart as he does so. The same is done after the recitation of the second paragraph, and the whole ceremony is repeated two or four times. 36 uneista’“nelipot6"” vad" wuth fa’ whenever they have pain about for the purpose this (a) sae’ | ‘ano“ewds |) ‘ait’oneinciGa) »:awo' al. wor tues" now then! ha! now thou hast come to listen Eagle brown ‘aaalé‘ldu-pzo ~— ts tito‘: stupe'Ga’ a’Da_ tsv‘stapo’Gl cvyé'"bde | ha! above, direction thou art staying, moving about wood they are tops yonder “uwa"weie'-yu' | asGe’ne vDd'ns™:-awS" Gese™’ (5")” taluDd*- thou wizard, E ghost it has been said, L. it is, App animal-ghost, it has n/ne,. 50% Soy ee af aR aag Feet AS (Se Ee FHL . 4 fe “] nd/"u-ewS” aese™i | v'sinu’li ““tydst'ancaa’ | tsutse’li- . been said, L it is, App quickly thou hast come to it (is) thine, take it away ews" = tsu'tistavy“Itv-aw5® Gese'"l’ | vtsc“nawe-Gw5” no*‘da.= L (E) it (is) for they food L (=E) it is, App beyond it stretched, L. it has Leo, “Dey. 09 5 tO De LGoewe |) TSU, oc. sol... |)s* beth, | abstr been said at the thou hast done it for him (Onom.) same time (6b), sce’. |; ‘a‘no™ews" “a tona‘n’Ga , uwo ali .sa‘k‘o:= Eagle blue Bis ss) 4s) (ete: 7” Correction by editor; instead of ts@nt%ncle"i, an evident slip of the pen. 71 Emendation by editor. 10 220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 99 (c) saé’? | ‘a‘no"awS"” ‘a‘t’Gna‘neGa’ wuwo'a@li 5"na- Eagle black Ger. g,. (ee) (qd) sce’ | ‘a‘no"Gw5S® ‘a‘t’dna‘neca’ two li tsime'’= Eagle thou white Gora. C. Dial. -ts-. 244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burz. 99 Du tlasteau’sti | Do “lat’si a‘‘we'-!ya’ tsiDeGa'.awu't'a cyv's’ti (foxglove) (Red oak) meat real that which they are like sticking on it (1) ts Ge's9’ so*.u-Nt5 tarla’ ts.Du"“we' Da thalo”’ tsu “nste’ Ga that wien other and (white oak) it which lying along, H they small is, is’'ki | na.ski’ Go*tsdtiti’ | it is this it (sol) put in with it Tuts (is) WHEN THEY ARE ILL (BY) THOSE LIVING IN THE Forest FREE TRANSLATION Slippery elm, sycamore, limetree, foxglove, another (of this kind) which has one brown stalk (and) which grows in the pine woods, red oak which is the one that (looks as) if pieces of meat were sticking to it; and furthermore, the white oak that (looks) as if it had little (blowgun) arrow tufts; this (all together) has to be put into it. EXPLANATION This is a prescription for the treatment of diarrhea or dysentery; this, the medicine men assert, is caused by “‘ those living in the forest,”’ i. e., the bear, deer, rabbit, and other game; [only quadrupeds are held responsible for this disease, in adults. If, however], children suffer from it, it is ascribed to the influence of birds. (See No. 78, p. 281.) The prescription here given furnishes a good illustration of the connection between the disease theory and the treatment as regards selection of the medicine and the taboo. The symptoms are described as a frothy discharge from the bowels, accompanied by griping pains in the abdominal region. The patient is required to drink for four days a decoction compounded of seven ingredients—another instance of the combination of the sacred numbers 4 and 7—which completely purges the system, after which recovery follows. The purgative elements of the decoction are Da“"*wepz'’le, Ulmus fulva Michx., slippery elm, red elm; k‘u'weyv’‘sti, Platanus occidentalis L., sycamore, buttonwood; peta, Tilia americana L., limetree, white- wood, basswood, of all of which the inner bark is used; while the two varieties of Di ‘tlastaac’’sti, Dasystoma virginica (L.), Britton, smooth false foxglove, are said to have a sedative and healing effect. The two varieties of oak, po“la’tsi, Quercus rubra L., red oak, tala’, Quercus alba L., white oak, are used solely on account of their connection with the mythic disease agents, the game animals of the forest. The red oak, ‘‘which looks as though pieces of meat are sticking on it,” is oue of which the twigs have numerous excrescences beac ae THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 945 or knots, resulting from the stings of insects, and suggesting to the Indian the idea of pieces of venison or bear meat strung upon a stick to be barbecued. By the “‘little (blowgun) arrow tufts’”’ on the white oak are meant the swellings or buds on the suckers which grow up from around the base of the tree, as compared to the thistledown at the end of a blowgun arrow. These suckers are considered to resemble in appear- ance the jointed sections of a rabbit’s intestines, and thence to have an occult influence over a disease which may have been caused by the rabbits. The medicine man selects seven of these suckers and three or four of the knotty red oak twigs, each about a foot long, and puts them into the vessel with the decoction. The taboo includes salt and hot food as usual, together with greasy food of any kind, for the reason that grease, being derived from animal sources, would neutralize the effect of the medicine, intended to counteract the influence of those animals. 50 vyo’.l ousnea yor"l5’a, nG:“wo tl’ a’ different they have inhaled to cure with this se“likwo’'ya Gd tkwo"’Gi nv“ye'Gh” —tyv'stusa™ so" Gwo™’-H (eryu1go) seven full grown like, each one, Loc Tuts (is) To Treat (THEM) WitH (WHEN) THry Have INHALED Bap (Opors) FREE TRANSLATION Eryngo, seven full-grown (stalks) each (having) one (stalk) where (it grows). EXPLANATION This prescription is for the cure of nausea or stomach disorder caused by disagreeable inhalations, as from a dead body (human or animal) or any fetid matter. The patient drinks a warm infusion of seven se“Ickwo-’ya, Eryngium virgimanum Lam., Eryngo plants, which produces vomiting. The infusion is strained before use, and drunk once every morning for four days. Hot food is prohibited during this period. There is no ceremony, but a peculiar injunction that the seven plants selected must each have but a single stalk. Such plants are rather difficult to find, as the Eryngo usually sends up a number of stalks from each root. (See p. 54.) 246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [Bunt 99 rn 51 tsa’nda'kt'e’G5"NS" — tsuspalend"po — tsa‘nske' tsaa’ it which they aro restricting they are (different) they dream them themselves, and kinds pe pane lowor"ski kv wiyu"sti sé tiwt’/Pli tse wupe tori (wild Hydrangea) (sycamore) (raspberry) it which, it has come down, H ttse fi tsu“nastund’ fi amar’-yi =o maa’pa =| a Ntowa’@u-ntws™ (rod alder) they have roots water, Loo all cloth and atwe'’ni ou Ntuws™) “wa’sd® ase’ tsu“tyo*usti’ underneath hor dress itself it must she will do without Anp (Tris 1s ror) Ween Taey ars Under Resrricrions (AND) Tuny Dream or Ati Sorts (or Trrnas) FREE TRANSLATION Wild hydrangea, sveamore, raspberry (a branch of which) has come down (and taken root again), red alder, all having their roots in the water. And she will have to give up her own undergarment (as a fee). BHXPLANATION This prescription is for use when a woman, during her catamenial period dreams of bringing forth a bear, a litter of puppies, or some- thing of a similar kind, out of the ordinary course of nature. tsanda'kt*eao".i literally: “when they are restricting themselves,” is the technical term for being subject to the taboo rules (ef. Ga ktO"pe, “restricted’’); although it is also used to indicate the restrictions to which either a malo or a female patient may be subjected in case of illness, it is, in this connection, understood to refer to the injunctions to be observed by a woman during her menstrual periods. No formula is used, but the prescription introduces several inter- esting features of Cherokee medical practice. The patient drinks a decoction of the roots of pe‘pane‘lowo''ski, Hydrangea arborescens L., wild hydrangea; k‘v‘w'yu‘‘sti, Platanus oceidentalis L., sycamore, buttonwood; ¢t.tse’S, Alnus rugosa (Du Roi) Spreng., smooth alder, to which is added the root of an “inverted” raspberry branch sé“tevi'Pli, Rubus strigosus Michx., wild red raspberry. Also, Rubus occidentalis L., black raspberry; thimble- berry. As stated, not the root of the main: plant is used but that of a branch that has taken root a second time. (Pl. 6, a.) Such a double-rooted raspberry is an important factor in a number of prescriptions, although the medicine man was unable to assign any reason for the fact. [From information obtained at a later PONRY THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 247 date by Mr. Mooney, it appears that a medicine man thought this kind of root was used], ‘‘because it is more bitter than the main root.”’ [I did not find this view confirmed and would be inclined to think that it owes its popularity merely to such considerations as are discussed on page 54.] The roots selected are such as dip into the water from trees and shrubs overhanging the stream. Such water-growing roots are also frequently specified in the prescriptions [especially in those dealing with troubles of the urinary passages and related ailments, Medi- cine men can not now advance any explanation of this peculiar injunction; the idea is probably that the unimpeded contact of these roots with the water renders them effective in the treat- ment of organs in which the flow of liquid (urine, catamenial blood, etc.) is laborious and defective. ] By a loose wording of the sentence this provision (‘all having their roots in the water’’) is made to apply also to the raspberry, which is not intended. All the roots, however, have to be taken from the east side of the tree. The decoction is drunk several times during the day, in doses of about half a pint at a time, for four days, and affords relief by acting as an emetic and a purgative. The patient abstains from all food the first day until sunset, the second day until noon, the third day until late in the morning, and on the fourth morning eats breakfast with the rest of the house- hold. She abstains also from salt and hot food while under treat- ment. For his pay it is specified that the medicine man shall receive the undergarment of the patient. [This may be some article of dress which we also would call an undergarment, such as a petticoat, a chemise, etc., but these luxuries are not yet generally introduced among the Cherokee, so that the undergarment is generally an older dress. Some girls and women wear three or four dresses, one on top of the other. ] 52 wa’ unupze’ya De patnd’wo't't this they (are) worms to cure people with sae’? | ‘a'-no‘aw5” v'sonu’li ‘a t'é'na*neca’ Dawi'skula Now then! ha, now quickly thou hast come to listen Flint tsastc'’'Ga | o’pali’ tso’stico’-1 ‘Ditsd ‘tito sti “ipa"wetl’ — | thou little mountain(s) they are little, Loc thou art staying thou wizard Gaps’ tsunuIti mniae‘sé'na’ | vsdnu’li ‘“kso™svGa’ — | what thou failst never quickly thou hast come down utlawo'tu’ th ™ asté’ pve‘po sca’ | tscko’ya v'ska‘se ti’ swampy marsh edge thou has come and halted insects frightful 248 © BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunt 99 vUnanveotsel’ = | supa’ ya-aw5™ = ese’ || sts ‘thstar’y“te- he has come out, App it worm, L it is, App. (it is) what thou eatest @wt-pene Lae se 1 | nead'waye lond™5™ sae’ sti-aw5 ™ L GE), BE it which is, App a likeness of it will be left, L tsa‘los-6". | 5" dali su‘ndd‘nd“iaw5™ “ae‘se.i’ | vmepze’ya- thou hast animal-ghost(s) they have said it, L it which is, App they (are) passed, T L aws” Ge'se’.1 | tSa’ line’ '@w5 ‘O-ne tStista ‘y*tSanc Ga’ worms, L it is, App. second, L again, thou hast come and eaten them as thou goest by 5 mad" waye lend" ’5™sGesti-aw5" tsa los-6°' (1°) utsc““nawut-@ws™ a likeness of it will be left, L thou has passed, T L beyond it, stretched, L ma@o-pisGe'sti’ | utsc’-“nawa’ apd“ nega’ it will be said beyond it, stretched it has been said continually (b) sae’ | fa’-novawSY ou'sdnu“li ‘a ‘t’Sna“neGa’ Daw skulo Now then ha now quickly thou has come to listen Flint sa‘k‘o’ni = ts5’titi «= stlu'y-e‘@wo- sve‘ ts ‘tito’sti’ (ete...) blue thy abode abid pre & laurel thicket, thou art staying ig, Loo (c) sa’ | Sa’-novaw5” u'sdnv‘li ‘a‘t'Gna‘neaa’ | Da‘ adtiaa’ Now then ha, now quickly thou hast come to listen Goose 10sa‘k’o’ni =| Gald’Idi_ tsd‘thto%’sti’ (ete. . . .). blue above thou art staying (dq) sat”? =|) fa‘-novraw5” so sdnv‘li ss Sa t’Gna‘nea@a’ | th’ Now then ha, now quickly thou hast come to listen Swan tsine’Go | Gald‘ldi tsd‘thto’’sti (ete. . . .) thou white above thou art staying (e) sae’ | Sa-noaw5s"” vsdn’li ‘a'ténaneaa’ | Guwi's- Now then ha, now quickly thou has come to listen Bit- kowi’ sa‘k‘o“’ni | Gal§‘Idi ts5‘tlto‘’sti (ete. . . .). tern blue above thou art staying ; 15 (f) sat’ | ‘a-noaw5” o'sinv'li ‘a't%na‘nea@a’ | Kta’- Now then ha, now quickly thou has come to listen Sand- no‘stu’wa_ sa‘k‘o’ni Galo‘ldi_ tsd*‘thto’:’sti (etc. . . .). piper blue above thou art staying Tuts is THE Mepicrinre FoR WorMS FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou Little Flint! where the little mountains are thou art staying. Thou wizard; what dost thou ever fail in? Quickly thou hast come down. At the edge of the ever-swampy marsh thou hast come to halt. It came out (as a) terrible insect (but) it was a mere worm. But that is the very thing thou eatest. A mere likeness of it will be left when thou wilt have passed. They are merely what have become animal ghosts. They are mere worms. (And) a second time thou hast again come and eaten them as thou goest by; a mere likeness of it will be left when thou wilt have passed. Relief will be caused constantly. Relief has been caused. *® Emendation by editor. Mooney | OLBRECHTS THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 249 Now then! Ha, now thou hast quickly come to listen, Blue Flint, thou art staying at thy abode, the big swampy laurel thicket (Ce aa Now then! Ha, now thou hast quickly come to listen, Blue Goose, thou art staying above (etc. . . .). Now then! Ha, now thou hast quickly come to listen, thou White Swan, thou art staying above (ec. . . .). Now then! Ha, now thou hast quickly come to listen, Blue Bittern, thou art staying above (etc. . . .). Now then! Ha, now thou hast quickly come to listen, Blue Sandpiper, thou art staying above (etc. . . .). EXPLANATION This is another formula for removing worms and closely resembles No. 32 (p. 213), both in principle and treatment. It consists of six paragraphs, the first two being addressed to the Flint and the other to four varieties of birds. The wording of the six paragraphs in the original is almost identical, the only differences, except as regards the spirits invoked, being such as might easily arise in transcribing. The complete formula occupies a considerable time in the recital. The goose, pa‘a5‘tlaa’ addressed in the third paragraph is the American white-fronted goose (Anser albifrons gambeli). The medicine man could give no reason for invoking the flint, but this was explained by another practitioner, who stated that in a worm formula used by himself he put a flint arrowhead into the decoction and prayed to it under the name of Flint to cut the worms to pieces with its sharp edge. In Irish folklore a prehistoric flint arrowhead is used in the same way. The medicine used is a decoction of the roots of au’Gaae¢* a’p2li™ ski, Spigelia marilandica L., Indian pink; k‘kwe v*‘lasu“‘la, Oypripedium parviflorum Salisb., Small yellow ladyslipper; and of the bark of v’skwuta* ustu’’Ga. The decoction is sweetened with honey or with the pods of the honey locust, k‘u‘tse’’pzi, Gleditsia triacanthos L. (See p. 56.) The medicine is given for four consecutive days, in the morning and at night, the general ceremony being the same as described in No. 82. The final pass is around and then downward. ‘The effects of the medicine usually make themselves felt on the second day. The taboo consists of water, eggs, and greasy food. The patient drinks nothing but the decoction while under treatment. 250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 53 wa vNawa to’5™ski’ a‘Da‘ndwo'tl this it makes them as if to cure anyone with clothed, Hab sce’ | ‘a‘-no‘ew5” Ge“tya-au’Ge’ Du Da‘ Nite’ lS ‘i-Geser | Now ha, now woman, E she (E) has thought it it which is, then App vDile’’Gu-Gw5* = “i-pu"‘kso’5*™tfanele.1’ =| aye ‘luao*Gu-awu'-Di'ne’ Heat L it which she (E) has simulator, L E let down, App vye 15n5’. Ge‘se.l’ | he has made it is, App. it like 5 sce’? | ‘a-noews” ‘at%na‘nca’ (skuya’ sa‘k‘o-ni’ %) Now then ha, now thou hast come to listen thou Man Blue v6"pzo"-ye’pza De tsdtit’o sti’ | vsunu’li po toledna | Cold, Loc., direction thou art staying quickly thou hast arisen, toward facing us Ge“ya-au’co ‘Du pa Nitte” "a> “ease 4 |* “v'pile@u* mu hear woman, E(?) she (E.) has thought it it is, App Heat she has Ste’? | aye leo ‘Gir-ewu'-pena’ vye l5nd’a ‘-ceser’ — | let it down simulator, L, E he ei made it which, it is, App it like nana tto‘lo‘st'anuGa’ v“ka‘a’te-aw5® tsipaleS™ski ce Ga- right there thou hast come to fog, L when it rises (Hab.) light, cool it off 10Ga't’a’ pa leS ska’ | v'si’p5" nv *pa‘nd’ne | — vtsc’-nawe- it hangs it rises night-been it has not been beyond it, on said stretched, Gw5”* apd“ni'ca’ ya” L it has been said Sharply! THis Is THE MEDICINE WHEN THEY HAVE BLISTERS FREE TRANSLATION Now, then! Ha, now it is the Sun who has caused it. That is the one who has caused Heat to come down. And she has made it (appear) as if it actually were a simulated disease. Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou Blue Man, in the direction of the Cold Land thou art staying. Quickly thou hast arisen, facing this way. It is the Sun who has caused it. She caused Heat to come down, but made it (appear) as if it actually were a simulated disease. Now thou hast come to cool it off. As the fog, when it arises, so does it arise, not for one night (only, but forever). Relief has been caused. Sharply! EXPLANATION This is a formula for the cure of watery blisters which break out on the body in summer, and are caused, according to the medicine man, by the heat of the sun. % Interpolated by J. M. ees THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 951 The medicine used is a warm infusion of the bark of kwa?lo-‘co, Rhus hirta (L.) Sudw. (also Rhus glabra L., smooth sumac); dalo-’ni, Rhus copallina L., dwarf sumac, which the medicine man pours over the affected part, after reciting the formula, the whole ceremony being similar to that described in No. 48. Whenever the water ceases to run from the blisters the cure is considered as effected, one application being sometimes sufficient for this purpose. There is a taboo of salt, beans, potatoes, eggs, pumpkins, and cymlings for reasons already explained. (See No. 30, p. 210.) The sickness is ascribed to Ge“!yacu’’ao, the Sun (see p. 20), which sends the disease spirit, Heat, into the body of the patient. It is said to counterfeit aye‘l.ao’Gi, a disease brought about by evil conjurers, because the blisters resemble the swellings caused in aye ligo"’Gi diseases by the cinders or sticks put under the skin of the victim by the conjurer’s arts. The name of the relief spirit was inadvertently omitted in the manuscript, but he is brought from the North, or the Cold Land, and is probably the Blue Man as in Formula No. 48, page 241. He cools the Heat, and compels it to rise “like the fog when it arises.” 54 Va’ anine’Dzi adatné’wo'tt | tuksi’ niad-wand-‘NtaDde*Go™.i’ this their breast to cure anyone terrapin it does it to them as with they go about sae” | ‘a‘-no‘Gw5® 9’ alli tsu stiGo:-1,, .u'sd e-bDe" tha, 4 Now ha, now mountain(s) where they right, direction then are little, Loc toward nono DiGdwana™wipeca’ | tu’ksi bu panit’e 15a’ — Ge'se’.i’ trail (s) they are lying terrapin he (E.) has thought it it is, App (stretched) about aye'li’ DeGO" watdte'de 2.1’ | t°asGu’no-Gw5" Ge'se 2.1’ in the middle they have come to hang on, App ghost (E), L it is, App no’GwS®? ‘a’Gws®? ‘cGayo"li tsune’co tyel-6’ Dast’6’- 5 Now however thou old thou White thy body—T L edge, limit nws®? tsupYusti’ | tuksi’ Ges¢.i’*] visce’Da Dun y*- L GE) thou surroundest him terrapin it is, App it important he has ttanilei’ | asGu’’ne-Gw5” Gese'l’ | ‘Gayo’ "li tsune’Ga put it under, App ghost, L it is, App thou Old thou White De t'askelo {5 ta ne Ga’ | WIEGe DOT. Ws UAWIC hy, CyOr Spe thou hast come to make him it important night, Loc yonder relinquish his grasps tlawo't'a’laci °° Gd‘wadanv'y‘tupe Ge'sti’ | po"s5 lo ts5ui marsh ever (muddy) they will place him under as he he has been made moves about weak v'si'“upe’ ~nupond’ne =| vtse’-nawa’ niadpd‘nd' "5 sce'sti’ 10 night-been it has not been beyong it, stretched it will be said again and continuously 97 W. D. form; C. D.=v‘s5’:Di-Dza. % Emendation by editor. 9 W. D. form; C. D.=sawo't-. 252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 Tus 18 THE Mepicine ror THerrR Breast, WHEN THE TERRAPIN AFFECTS THEM AS THEY GO ABOUT FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now he has his trails stretched about toward the little mountains in the direction of the Night Land. It is the Terrapin that has caused it. He has come to hang in the middle (of the body). It is but a ghost. Now, however, thou Old White One, at the very edge of thy body he! is sitting. It is the Terrapin that has put the important thing under him. It is but a ghost. Thou Old White One, thou hast come to make the important thing relinquish its grasp. Let him err about under the swamp, yonder in the Night Land. He has been made weak, and not for one night (only, but forever). Relief will be caused continuously. EXPLANATION This is a formula for the cure of an abdominal pain, probably due to the violation of some one of the rules of digestion, although the medicine man asserts that it is caused by the Terrapin, which in some way ‘‘spoils the saliva” of the patient. This diagnosis is based exclusively upon the fact that in the disturbed sleep which accompanies the illness, the sick man dreams of terrapins. Precisely the same dis- ease would be ascribed to the evil agency of the snakes or of the fish, or of any other animal, if the sufferer happened to dream of them. In the formula the Fire is addressed as the Ancient White One, and is asked to drive out the important thing, the disease which has come from the little mountains in the Night Land, the West, and to put it away under the mud, so that it may not get out again to do any further mischief. The fire is generally invoked against the terrapins, snakes and fishes, for the reason that these cold-blooded animals are unable to withstand the heat. The treatment consists of rubbing the abdomen and administering a strong herb decoction to cause vomiting so as to dislodge the “‘spoiled saliva.” The plants used are skwo’'l u’t*ond"*, Asarum canadense L., asarabacca, wild ginger; skwo-’l usti’aa, Hepatica acutiloba DC., liver leaf; tu’ksi wo-yi’, Epigaea repens L., mayflower. The last name means “terrapin’s paw,” a fact which doubtless has something to do with its selection in this case. The decoction is boiled four times, as already explained, until it becomes a thick sirup. On each of the four days the patient drinks the liquid until he vomits, when no more is drunk until next day. The medicine must not necessarily be prepared by the medicine man, but may be 1 The patient. Bicone | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 253 concocted and administered by members of the patient’s household. The formula is recited by the medicine man, while rubbing the abdomen of the sick person. The rubbing is repeated four times before noon and for four days if required. 55 Tae Ne woti Dold ni-Ge" . ts-a° hdvk 9S .a) | ,. ‘Wa-noGwor, this to cure with yellow-ish it which, they urinate successively, D0W tsa“*nduk‘di9°.i | it which they urinate (Hab) telé-Idi’ e‘Idi a au'alé’De. | k'ane‘Iska ‘v‘thand’a | sul- it hangs down low if has been cut off (Calycanthus) it has been in it squirrel, ol-akt'a’ v'na'‘ste’Dzi w-a'.s-5°" acue’pe | tsuv'wapbu’ne eye-ball they (are) roots thither, it goes it has been they have sinews, TL taken arteries e’ews? | kwaPlu’si “Idi * a au‘alé"’pa | :'u'“‘na‘sv'.aa e’ldi it big blisters low it has been cut off toes in the liquid(?) low a Gy alo: Day |. q.GrGo » teultyar as lb eGyih Gasyo th. ow llth -= it has been cut off blood it has them in it first a little it has been ee Gesot , | unade™ t°asti® | G@akt’6’pe Gd tkwo-‘ai boiled it has been, Hab they must drink it it restricted seven @ Reale nye kt it is full if it is Tus 1s TO Curr (THEem) Wirn, 1r WHat Tuey URINATE Is YEL- LOWISH FREE TRANSLATION (A piece of) summer grape, cut off low down; a calycanthus tuber; dewberry roots, where it goes away (i. e., a runner); strawberry bush; (a piece of) northern foxgrape, cut off low down; (a piece of) ampelop- sis, cut off low down; loosestrife. It (all) should first be boiled a little, (then) they must drink it. There are restrictions, if the seven be complete. EXPLANATION The symptoms of this disease are at first frequent and excessive urination, gradually decreasing in quantity, until it goes to the other extreme. According to the medicine man’s statement, if the flow should stop, the patient dies. The remedy is to drink a decoction of the barks of the following plants: tte l6"Idi, Vitis aesiwalis Michx., summer grape, pigeon grape; k‘ane’Iska, Calycanthus fertilis Walt., calycanthus, bubby root; sulo“lakt‘a’, Rubus nigrobaccus Bailey (also Rubus villosus Ait.), dewberry; tsu“wabu’ne e’ awd, Hvonymus americanus L., strawberry bush; kwaPlu’si, Vitis labrusca L., northern fox grape; v‘‘na‘sv.’Ga, 2W. D. form; C. D.=v'l‘tsd'pe. 254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 99 Ampelopsis cordata Michx.; and of the roots of qu’cotsu'ya’’ i, Lysimachia quadrifolia L., loosestrife. The loosestrife, [as well as the different varieties of grape pre- scribed are often met with in recipes] to cure urinary ailments. No rubbing nor any ceremony accompanies the treatment. When all seven of the plants prescribed are used there is a taboo of salt, hot food, and of sexual intercourse, but when, as sometimes happens, less than seven are used, there is no regular taboo. 56 va’ a neyO'tse’ni = a‘Da‘n6’wo'tl | this their throat to cure anyone with (a) sce’? | té’Ga wo pice’ n6'‘Do'-yu'’-pzo 6:Dal-e“Gwo-ti’ Now, then, Frog brown sun, Loc. direct lake, big, Loc. Di tsdtit‘o’sti u‘sinu’li po“ttaPle‘Gna’ | vulsce’Da *“Dunuy*s thou art staying quickly thou hast arisea, facing it important it wack he (E.) us as ttancle "1 =| e’sti. «= Gese'™.i’ =| ~=no““Gwt-pe'ne’ De" t'askolo’= put under pain it is, App. now, L thou hast come O40 bean Ge, | vtse“nawa’ apd“niaa’ =| tya™ to make him relinquish beyond it, stretched it has been said Sharply his grasps (6) see? | tte’aa sa‘tktoni’ v''y6-pzo"‘-yu-’pze ~~ GDal-e"= Now, then, Frog blue cold, Loc., dir lake, awor-1’ pe tsdtltto'r’sti (etc.). big, Loc thou art staying wa anyd'tse’ni a‘Dando’wo'tt | ts’pdancyd'tsot'iska’ this their throat to cure anyone with it which, their throats are swollen teisko’ya | Depzotta.eti-aw5” | né-wortl-Nt3’ tso”l-vyv' sti insects they are to be blown, L to cure with, and tobacco-like 10 v“nkwot*e’no it has down Tuts 18 THE MepicinE For TuHetr THROAT FREE TRANSLATION (a) Now, then! Brown Frog, in the great lake in the direction of the Sun Land thou art staying. Quickly thou hast arisen, facing us. It is Pain that has put the important thing under him. But now thou hast come and caused him to relinquish his grasp. Relief has been caused. Sharply! (6) Now, then! Blue Frog, in the great lake, in the direction of the Cold Land thou art staying (etc.). This is the medicine for their throat, when their throat is swollen on account of insects. They are to be blown. And to cure (them) with the tobaccolike (plant), (which) has down. EXPLANATION This formula is for the cure of an ailment which, from the symptoms as described by medicine men, seems to be diphtheria. According to MOORE | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 955 the theory, it is caused by the insect ghosts, which effect an entrance into the throat, where they multiply, causing the throat to swell and producing a choking sensation. The curing spirit addressed is the t*‘e’aa’, a small species of frog, which is represented as living in the great pond, and is expected to come and devour the mischievous worms and insects, as is the habit of the frog. The medicine is a poultice of tso“lyv’sti v'nckw‘t'- e’no, Verbascum thapsus L., common mullein leaves, beaten up in warm water and applied to the throat with the hand of the medicine man, who recites the formula at the same time, blowing once at the end of each paragraph. The operation is repeated, thus making four blowings in all. While under treatment the patient 1s forbidden to eat the larvae of the yellow jacket or locust, both of which are roasted as food [and considered a great delicacy] by the Cherokee, or to taste honey, the reason being that both larvae and honey are derived from insects, and would consequently serve to aggravate the disease. Pumpkins, cymlings, tomatoes, and all other juicy fruits and vegetables must also be avoided, for the reason stated (p. 65), these same insects being held responsible for all kinds of boils, blisters, and similar complaints. 57 wa = anisko’li a‘Da‘nd“wo'ts this their head to cure anyone with BGEe” ic motewo. | a tona me Ga | “oskuya, tsastl’Ga now, then! now thou hast come to listen thou man thou little piGe ‘ilo. ‘se: 2.1’ ‘a‘no’Gw5" u'lsGe’ D5" tia pica ‘leu Ga’ | thou penetratest hal now it important thou hast come and them, App. pushed it away vis) Bawa ,' apo nega | tya® Gale’ |) cole’ |) Goblet beyond it stretched it has beea said Sharply! eal’ | Tuts (For) THrerr Heap (is) tHe MeEpiIcine FREE TRANSLATION Now, then! Now thou hast come to listen, thou Little Man, thou penetrator. Ha, now thou hast come to push away the important thing. Relief has been caused. Sharply! Galeh. (Four times.) EXPLANATION This short formula for the cure of headache is addressed to the Little Man, [possibly] one of the Thunder Boys. The title of ‘‘penetrator”’ is frequently bestowed on a spirit invoked, and implies that he has the power of going irresistibly through all obstacles. 7548°—32——_18 256 BUREAU OF AMBRICAN WYHNOLOGY [Bunn 00 (The final Ga? lé’ could not be satisfactorily explained either to Mr. Mooney or to me by any of the medicine men; the word may have some connection with GaPleni’, his ear.) No medicine is used. ‘The medicine man recites the formula while warming his hands over the fire, after which he lays them upon the temples or the back of the neck of the patient, or wherever the pain is most acute. He ends by blowing four times at the words GaPle’. The ceremony is repeated four times. 58 wa’ ouncye lovskO*‘L.i8] a’ pan wort’ this whon shay Bare become to cure anyone with KO It sav’ | ‘a‘-novawd™” ‘a't’Gna’nea@a’ u'pa‘ti sak‘o ni’ e‘lste’= Now then! ha, now thou hast come to listen watersnake blue head of ni Gesé" pitsd‘tit'oistié | “pa we't-peno’ | ‘a‘-no'awd’? atroamlet itis, TL thou art staying thou (art a) wivard, & ha, now vsinuli po t*aleGna’ | aotv’sti tsdno“Iti negesina’ | quickly thou hast arisen, faciag us somothing thou failost never 5 +4 tsupo“ipo =| né“no-i so payutand’5"si’ | u'lsae*pe (such-and-such) his names are trail, Loo it lies toward this direction it important ‘“punuy*tancle i’ upo“lutwa’.t5™.ti’ mige‘sé'na’ | sve ‘loses it which he (i) has put under it its track to be refound never ho has been ISfteaw5® ae‘se.i’ =| | asae’*ne) =o pu‘nd“ndti’— ge‘se.i’ || ale’ made like him, Lit is, App ghost ho (12) has said it it is, App and vy-Gawe’sai pu pant e “15a oyiki’ | ale’ = oyOr’wi sre“ alu differant he speaks (Hab. he (2) bas thought it if it is and human being purple pda nite alii yiki | ‘a‘-noca@w5’?) 8S" -tkasesdtcaa’ ulsae*’= he has thought it if it is ha, now again, thou hast come it impor. to pull it ous 10po | sousdnovli de“ t'U thtSanea@a’ =| sutsc’“-nawa’ ss apd‘“neaa’ | tant quickly thou hast come to put beyond it, stretched — it has been said him on his legs ly xe sharply! Tris is Tar Mepicins Wuen Tany Have Become as Trover (Tary Were Reauny Iu) FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Blue Watersnake, thou art staying at the head of the streamlet; thou powerful wizard! Ha, now thou hast arisen, facing us; thou never failest in anything. He is called so-and-so. The path lies toward our direction. He has put the important thing under him, its track never to be found. It has made him as though (he were really ill), it seems. It is a ghost that has caused it, it seems; or maybe it is a speaker of incantations that has caused it; or maybe it is the Purple Human Being that has § Hmendation by editor. ke THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 257 caused it. (Anyway), now thou hast come to pull out the important thing. Quickly thou hast come to put him on his feet. Relief has been caused. Sharply! EXPLANATION This is another formula for the treatment of aye liao’ai diseases. It is couched in such terms as if the reciter were in doubt as to who caused it: a ghost [a “speaker of different (i. e., evil) things,’’ viz, an incantator, or by the Purple Person. The probable explanation is that all the possible causes are enumerated, so as not to take any chances; a process which is very common in conjurations the world over|. The v’ pati or watersnake (Natriz sipedon) is regarded as an espe- clally crafty animal fit to combat the cunning of a secret enemy. The symptoms are described as sudden keen pains in the arm, the shoulder, etc., and shifting from one place to another. ‘The pain is caused by the moving about of the object which has been shot into the victim’s body. (See p. 87.) The medicine used is a cold infusion of the bark of ctse ti, Alnus rugosa (Du Roi) Spreng., smooth alder; with this in his mouth, the medicine man sucks the different sore spots in turn, afterwards spit- ting the liquid into another bowl [so as to make possible the discovery of the intrusive object]. The formula is recited four times, the medicine man sucking after each recital; the whole ceremony is repeated four times before noon. There is no taboo, 59 wa tsu nastagii a'Da‘'ng’wo't'l this whenever thelr feet to cure them (indef.) are frostbitten with ‘et-yu' Sete’ @yur Sete’ -yur Set’ t-yu’ thou art living — Sanavmw-yur" “ete’yur “elu yur— Stee" yu’ There thou art living—IE ‘wa'"wel tsd"“tapzl GuaaGe’™ ‘etu’yu thou wizard mountain lon red thou art living, @ ‘Spa"wetl tsdtapzii ai’Gace™ ‘eu’yu ‘ete’ yu Tris, Wuenever Tourn Freer are Frost Birren, (18) THE TREATMENT FREE TRANSLATION Thou art living, indeed. (Four times.) There thou art living, indeed. Thou art living indeed. (Three times.) Thou Wizard, red Mountain Lion, Thou art living indeed (bis). 258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 EXPLANATION This song, for the cure of frostbite, has a very pleasing tune, and is addressed to the mountain lion, which is supposed to have power over this ailment, because, according to the medicine men, its feet are never frostbitten. The red indicates its power. The treatment consists of the application of snow water to the frostbitten parts. The snow is first melted over the fire, and the water thus obtained is again warmed in a vessel into which the patient puts his feet. 'The medicine man now sings the song, after which he takes some snow or a small piece of ice in his mouth and sucks the affected part. The ceremony is repeated four times before noon. Snow is pre- ferred to ice for sucking. 60 ‘va’ = tsu“nastaGdti a‘ Da‘né"’wo'tT this whenever their (feet) to cure anyone with are frostbitten (a) sce’? | ‘a-noaw5™ ‘a‘t’éna ‘nica’ te’stu wo Di-Ge’™ | Now ha, now thou hast come to listen Rabbit brownish then k*ane’sko-wopl. Gesd" tsu‘Danv’y'ttDe Gd | vea'newo tod grass, brown itis, T L thou stayest under them, where itis warmed moving about Ges’ Ga Inasinu y‘t'aneca’ =| _—vts¢*-nawe-Gw5"” apd“nu'Ga’ itis, T L I have come to put my toe under beyond it, stretched, L it has been said (b) sce’? | ‘a-no-ew5™ ‘at'dna‘neGa’ tee’stu sa‘k‘o‘ni’ | Now ha, now thou hast come to listen Rabbit blue then! (ete.). (c) see’? | ‘a‘-no-ew5” ‘a't’éna‘neGa’ tee’stu 5"’nage™ | Now ha, now thou hast come to listen Rabbit black then anes (4ic.) dist dest dist dist¢* ya" (Onom.) Sharply! Tuts is THE MepiciInE WHEN THEIR FEET ARE FROstT BITTEN FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Brown Rabbit, thou art staying under the (sheltering) broom sedge, (and art there) moving about. I have come to put my feet under it where it is warm. Relief indeed has been caused. Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Blue Rabbit (efc.). Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Black Rabbit (ec.). (with at the end:) dist! dist! dist! dist! Sharply! EXPLANATION This formula is intended to prevent frostbite as well as to cure it. It is addressed to the Rabbit, for the same reason as explained in THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 259 MOooNeEY | OLBRECHTS No. 59, because this is one of the animals that is thought to be im- mune from frostbite. The Rabbit is represented as hiding under the warm k‘ane’skewo" pi, Andropogon virginicus L., broom sedge, and the patient obtains relief by putting his frozen foot under the same warm cover. The final ‘‘dist,’’ repeated four times in a slow way, is intended to imitate the cry of the rabbit when startled. As a preventive, the formula is recited on starting from the house in winter, and [is believed to] enable one to walk barefoot on the snow without injury. 61 a’ Duneala‘@otd’ [5] pu'patndwot't this whenever their mouths aresore to cure people with sce’ | ‘a-noew5” ‘at'Ona‘“neca’ O’Ntatsi’ tsast:’ca | at ow ha, now thou hast come to listen Snow thou little en uv Dile’“GieGw5®™ ‘cGe'se’[.i°] ulsace’Da ‘¢-punu“y‘tte™ | v'sdnu‘li Heat, L that whichis, App itimportant it which he has put under quickly t'a DiGale¥u'Ga’ = | ~—s usu ‘nawaGwi” nu Det‘and"Da = nd™*t*Grs thou hast come to beyond it stretched, L it has been said at the same time thou hast seatter it metlegar )* |p tye’ come and Sharply! done it for him ta’ Du'ne ‘ala’ @oto"[.15] DiDa‘ndo’wo'tl | “wane "Gw5? this whenever their mouths are sore to cure people with (hickory) L Gore toll \ Dipzo’ testo. ,te-Gwo"”.. | .Ga:kt'o" be, nd" ei” tsrss= it (is) to be used they must be blown with it, L it restricted four they with it nights “De vu Dile’Gi arma ale’ tu'ya’ been hot salt and beans Tuts 1s THE MepiciInr Wuen Tuetr Movutus Aare Sore FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou Little Snow. It is but Heat that has put the important thing under him.® Quickly thou hast come to scatter it. Relief has been caused forthwith, thou hast come to do it for him. Sharply! This is the medicine when their mouths are sore. Hickory (bark) is merely to be used for blowing them with. (Are) restricted (for) four days: Hot (food), salt, and beans. EXPLANATION This formula is used for thrush in children and for a similar coating of the inside of the mouth in adults, no matter from what cause originating. According to the medicine men’s theory, the disease is 5 Emendation by editor. 6 The patient. 260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxt. 99 caused by fever, personified under the name of v'’Dile‘\Gi or Heat. In accordance with the theory, Little Snow is invoked to dislodge the disease. The medicine is the inner bark of the "“wane’, Hicoria alba (L.) Britt., hickory, chewed by the medicine man, and blown by him into the mouth of the patient, after having recited the formula. He then blows his breath into the patient’s mouth, the whole operation being repeated four times at each treatment, according to the regular practice. The patient can not chew the hickory bark for himself, but is sometimes given another medicine to chew in addition. The ceremony may be performed either in the morning or in the evening, or [if the seriousness of the complaint demands it], both. If in the morning, it is performed while the patient is still fasting. The medicine man, however, is not obliged to fast as in some cases. Hot food and salt are tabooed as usual, and also beans. The latter are prohibited in all fever diseases, because their skins some- times shrivel up as from an interior heat; [according to other medicine men], because they resemble boils, or because they are watery. The same reason probably accounts for the prohibition of beans and potatoes in a similar ailment of the throat, noted in No. 48. 62 teisko’ ya ama‘-y-anetl DiDa'nd’wotl a’ insect(s) water, Loc, they to cure people with this are living (@) see?.., | ‘a-no;Gwo" . vsinv hl, “a tiona’ niGa .tselt ate= now then ha now quickly thou hast come to listen (cat-fish) nala‘ De‘oPlu’ a’ m-aye’'li —s De tsdtit‘o’’sti =| —‘‘a’.-tesko’ya’ purple water, middle thou art staying ha, insect(s) ane’ alu’ Ge'se’[.1’] u'lsce’Da Du'nunv‘y‘ttanele.i’ | ‘a‘-no'= they yellow it is, App, it important they have put it under him, App ha, 5 aws™ vsdnu"‘li Ge t'aD: Gale“!yo' w'ist'a‘nu Ga’ | usd“ ibe now quickly thou hast come to scatter it as thou comest night, been nvpené’na | vtse’-nawu-ew5® apD5’‘nuGa’ va‘ it has not been said beyond it stretched, L it has been said Sharply (b) sce’ | Sa‘-no-ewS™ ~‘'sinu“li = ‘a ‘t*Gna ‘nea’ «=~ ola now then ha, now quickly thou. hast come to listen Red Horse wo DiGe’i a’m-aye’'li Die tsdtit‘o’stupe'Ga’ | ‘a’*.-tesko-ye-G@w5™ brown water, middle thouart staying, moving about ha, insect(s), L a’niwo'’ DiGe fi’] Gese’[i7] vulsce’Da ‘Duninuy‘ttane lei’ ‘a'-no'= they brown it is, App it important it which they have put ha, under, App 10 Gawd” v'sdnv’li (etc., as in a.) now quickly a’ tesko’yS® pcpa'nd’wo'ti’ | a neyd"tse’ni tsvniyd"= this insect(s) to cure people with their throat when their tso't'uska’ =u" “nt‘asG@u’ De ye’ ki | tu” a-Gws” Ga". throat swells it oozes out from them if it is this, L it (is) all 7 Emendation by editor. pone | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 261 no“wo'ts-n k‘o‘stu’pa une’Go wutico DdS™ski’ tsi’ki G5?’ t's to cure with, and (everlasting) white it scatters (Hab.) it whichis ittobe ~ oti | ppzota.eti-aw5™ | yelu’ca aakt'6’po | sdé*kt‘a’ aid it must be blown on them, L much it restricted apple(s) wit kwend” nuns” t'u’ya-Ni9’ Ga'Dv na.sewd® kt6’Nu Gesd” peach(es) potato(es) bean(s), and bread also noticeable itis pel y wansoed |) yeli’ fc Pis™ ’ Cao‘u'pe v’nuistay‘ti neGe so-na, it is done possible somewhere as long as for them to eat never Tuis 18 THE MEDICINE FOR THE INSECTS LIVING IN THE WATER FREE TRANSLATION Now then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Purple Blue- Catfish, in the middle of the water thou art staying. Ha, it is the purple insects that have put the important thing under him.’ But now thou hast quickly come and hast caused them to scatter, (and) not for one night (only, but forever). Relief has been caused. Sharply! Now then! Ha, now thou hast quickly come to hear, Brown Red-Horse, thou wizard, io the middle of the water thou art staying, moving about. Ha, it is the brown insects that have put the important thing under him.’ But now thou hast quickly come (etc.). This is the medicine for insects, when their throat swells and if (pus) oozes out from the (swellings). This now is all, namely, the medicine is the common everlasting (from which) white dust scatters itself; they are merely to be blown with it. There are considerable restrictions: apples, peaches, potatoes, beans besides (all this); also bread that has been cooked in plain (sight). They should not eat any of these as long as (they can) possibly (abstain from them). EXPLANATION This is a formula for the cure of a disease which is described as a clogging up of the throat passages so as to seriously interfere with breathing and utterance, and which seems to be diphtheria or some similar ailment. The formula was carelessly written in the original and hence the two paragraphs do not correspond as closely as they should. The disease is ascribed to the tesko’’ya ghosts, which “form a settlement”? under the membrane of the throat as explained in No. 56. In this particular case they are stated to be water insects, and the large fish which prey upon these animals are called from the great water to come and disperse them. The fish named are locally known as the blue catfish and the red horse. 8 The patient, 262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 The medicine is a warm decoction of k‘o‘stu’pe vune’Go Utleo'pD5™ski, Gnaphalium obiusifolium L., common everlasting, the liquid being blown down the throat of the patient by means of a tube made from the stalk of &napi'‘to.ti’ u't'end™, Hupatorium purpureum L., Joe-pye-weed, trumpet weed. The medicine man recites the first paragraph, and then blows the liquid in this manner, after which he blows his breath through the tube in the same way. The operation is repeated at the end of the second paragraph, and the whole ceremony is repeated twice, so as to make up four applications of the medicine. [As usual,] the treat- ment is repeated four times before noon, and for four consecutive mornings. The taboo includes apples and peaches, [because, some medicine men say their watery and juicy nature shows that they are of the same nature as boils and watery blisters, and would therefore only aggravate the complaint; others hold that they are forbidden, as well as the dumplings (see below), because their shape is like that of the malig- nant swellings that are to be cured. The reason for the prohibition of beans and potatoes is evident from the explanation given in No. 56, page 254, which deals with a similar illness in the mouth. “The bread which has been made visibly ’’ is the name the Cherokee give to a peculiar kind of dumplings they make; unlike their common corn bread, which is baked under the ashes of the hearth, and is therefore not ‘‘visible’”’ while it is being done, these dumplings, made out of corn meal and beans, are cooked in an uncovered vessel, i. e., “‘visibly.’’] 63 wa’ = punctyuawttisad"‘[.1 ®] a Da‘né-wo't't this whenever their teeth ache to cure anyone with wy ue | @ Ver aN s ? v1 “Udi pans af oes | ole’ k'aneca’ Go'v'sti miGa’De *% L to cure them with, E and skin something all Ganveo"wisti | nd “wort'i’ tso“l-agay6-’li-ews™ it has to come out to cure with tobacco, it old, L THIS IS FOR THE Purpose oF (CurRING) CHILDREN WHEN THEY ConsTANTLY Cry FREE TRANSLATION Now, then! The seven clans have assembled for a ball game; they have met. They are the Mountain Dwellers. Thou (who) art staying in the Sun Land, O Red Man, thou hast come to listen; thou comest from above; again thou hast come down, thou hast come to separate the (ball players). Their paths have laid themselves in the direction of the Night Land. With a noise as of thunder, he® has taken it ** to the Night Land to stay, it never to look back. Relief will be caused constantly. Where the (directions) have been assembled: The people are scar- ing them, they say, when the children are constantly crying, the people living in the mountain (that is). Old tobacco should be blown on them,* all over their bodies. Their *® crown should be blown first. The (operation) should be repeated (lit., ‘‘ended’’) four (times), each time at night. While they *® are being cured (that is) four nights, they should not walk about. And this (you ought to be careful about): If there are any feathers (inside the house), put them all outside (just) ike when they are being treated for the (disease that is called) ‘‘they are eating them.” And any skin that (might be inside the house) all has to come (outside). The medicine is just old tobacco. EXPLANATION This prescription is for a stomach or bowel complaint common to very young children, and which causes them to cry constantly. According to Cherokee views, this ailment is sent by the 9°’Dali aneti or Mountain Dwellers, a class of invisible fairies. (See p. 25.) % The Red Man. 34 The disease, 8 The patients, MOooNnrEY Giawedens THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 285 The medicine man makes the rather startling assertion that the crying of the child is due to the fact that seven fairy clans are playing a ball game in its stomach, and he calls upon the Red Man to swoop down upon them like a hawk upon its prey and drive them out into the Night Land. The Red Man is probably the Thunder, and this would explain the reference to ‘‘the noise as of thunder” with which he takes them out west. The medicine consists of an infusion of tso*lagay6"li, Nicotiana rustica L., wild tobacco, blown over the body of the child for four consecutive nights. Any feathers in the house must be put outside during the course of the treatment, and the child itself should be kept indoors for the four days during which the treatment lasts. These precautions are taken, as the medicine man stated, because the disease closely resembles G6"‘waneaist6’’.1,°° another children’s com- plaint, which is believed to be caused by the birds, and which may be communicated from their feathers or from their shadow falling upon the child as they fly overhead. Ay. could not explain the restriction with regard to the articles of skin, since this is one of the Ut. formulas. 80 uniyot'eaiseo"[.1°7] aDatndé’woth fa’ Whenever they have an to cure anyone with this itchin vnaste t-s'tu’Ga unde’ tastu-yl | Gd ™’toti’ Dipzo t'a.e’ ti= root, little they must drink it, E. to be used with it it must be blown on them, Gw5* L o”’ya Dalo“nce™ (4 times). (Fire) yellow yas Sharply! aya (4 times). (Fire) te’stu. Dalo“nice’™ (4 times). Rabbit yellow vat. Sharply! te’stu (4 times). Rabbit 86 When they (i. e., the birds) eat them (the children). 87 Emendation by editor. 286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt. 99 Tuts 1s THE MepicInE WHEN TuHEey HAVE THE ITCHING FREE TRANSLATION They must drink Virginia snakeroot; it is also to be used to blow them with. Yellow Fire (4 times). Sharply! Fire! (4 times). Yellow Rabbit (4 times). Sharply! Rabbit! (4 times). EXPLANATION [This song is to treat the same ailment as described in the notes following prescription No. 4, p. 173. In this case the disease is believed to be caused by the patient having urinated on the ashes. This doubtless explains why the fire is addressed under its formulistic name of sya’ but it has not been possible to learn why the Rabbit was called upon. Both to the fire and to the rabbit a yellow color is ascribed, to correspond with the color of the urine.] The medicine used is the root of v‘nastetstu'’Ga, Aristolochia ser- pentaria L., Virginia snakeroot, which is chewed by the medicine man and blown by him into the urethra by means of a grass stalk or a small tube of cane, according to the sex of the patient. A portion of the snakeroot is also steeped in water and the infusion drunk by the patient, who is forbidden to eat potatoes or beans while under treatment. As this disease has its theoretic origin in the Fire, the reason for this taboo is probably the same as that given in No. 45. The bark of tsu-yu’, Liriodendron tulipifera L., tulip tree, poplar, whitewood, is sometimes used as a substitute for the snakeroot. In making the ceremonial application, the medicine man sings the first line of the song, addressed to the yellow Fire, and then blows the medicine four times into the urethra. He then repeats the line in the same manner, after which he calls four times upon the Fire in a quick, sharp tone of voice, and blows his breath four times into the urethra as the medicine was blown into it before. The same alternate blowing of the medicine and of the breath is repeated with the second part of the song addressed to the Yellow Rabbit. The ceremony thus consists of four stages, as is usually the case in the medical formulas, Viz. : 1. Song to the Fire; medicine blown four times. 2. Song to the Fire; breath blown four times. 3. Song to the Rabbit; medicine blown four times. 4. Song to the Rabbit; breath blown four times. [During my stay with the Cherokee the practice of blowing the medicine into the urethra of the patient was no longer known. oot | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 287 The medicine was blown from a distance of 3 to 4 feet in the direction of the patient’s bare abdomen by the medicine man, a tube of a*madc’*to.ti’ vu’ t'end™ being used for this purpose. ] 81 a, . Daloni-Ge" ts-a' ndik‘o‘9* [1 7°] nowo't*i’ Dev Deyl’ this yellow-ish that which they urinate (Hab.) to cure with to give it them to drink—E, va’ | ‘a‘-no'ewd skwat'6‘nane lca’ ealo“Idi ayeSlu-yu’ Sharply! ha, now thou hast come to listen to me above middle, E. tsi tittosti’ skwanethandt’1 | ‘a-no“Gwu-Di'ne ndo‘wot'l’ thou art staying thou hast apportioned for me ha, now, E. to cure with unmet Gol!) Sat}-t'a Piskott'a’ (0) *a AP G@oMeti’th! ic ‘yupotali e+ it white ha, thou hast given ha, so and so_his clan heaped up __ so and so permission taupo" cpa | sy itoist-0"' wite=yverDzo" «tT to st'ancGa: |" his names are where he stays T.L. near, Loc., Direction thou hast come to put it to stay ‘a-cotus' tl stunv‘lo‘5™ski ne‘Ge's6"na’ | *a‘-no"“Gwu-Di'nd ha, something you two fail (Hab.) never ha, now, E 0 Dal-5™na‘Ge-st6'-yi ‘a‘wik‘vsi'ca’ | + 4+ Gdistut’h | + + lake, black, edge, Loc. ha, it (sol.) has been so and so his clan so and so thrown in (liq.) taubovipe)) |) carsavyelonrGesoa’”.- esti). Yo pane Ve Ri | his names ha, his body, Loe. itis, DL; pain it has been said, App. ‘a‘-no'aw5” vu sdnu‘li-yu’ pead le isisce'sti’ Nustone ‘luca’ ha, now quickly, E. he shall arise continuously thou hast come to do it for him Tus 1s THE MEDICINE TO GIvE THEM TO Drink WHEN THEY URI- NATE YELLOWISH (URINE) FREE TRANSLATION Sharply! Ha, now thou hast come to listen to me, on high in the center thou art staying, thou (who) bast apportioned (the things) for me. Ha, now indeed thou hast given me permission (to use) the white medicine. Ha, heis of such and such a clan, he is called so-and- so. Thou hast come to put it to stay near the place where he is staying. Ha, you two never fail in anything. Ha, but now it? has been thrown into the black lake, nearits shore. He is of such-and- such a clan, he is called so-and-so. Ha, his body *° has been caused to become pain(ful). But now he will quickly and constantly arise; you two have come to do it for him. EXPLANATION This formula, which was noted down by the medicine man at a later time than most of the others, is carelessly written and evidently 88 Hmendation by editor. 89 The disease. 40 The patient. 7548°—32——_20 288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 99 incomplete. The first part of it is addressed to une ‘thand’i, the Sun, one of the greatest divinities of the Cherokee pantheon. The two spirits called upon in the second paragraph are not named, evidently through forgetfulness in writing out the formula, but they are probably the Two Thunder Boys, or Little Men. The medicine used is a decoction of the roots of v'yo"’Dali* ustu’Ga GaDvu"se’fi, Iris verna L., dwarf iris; v'yo’’Dali usti’Ga a‘mayv It’eti, Acorus calamus L., sweet flag, calamus; v'Da’.i ustic’aGa, Clematis virginiana L., virgin’s bower, together with chips of the stalk of vDa”’.i v’t'end", Aristolochia macrophylla Lam., pipe vine, Dutch- man’s pipe. The decoction is drunk by the patient after the formula has been recited by the medicine man. The ceremonial [administration] takes place two or four times, but the patient drinks the medicine at intervals as often as desired, abstaining from other food or drink in the mean- time. There is no bathing or blowing of the medicine. 82 wa anisko’li a‘Da‘ng’wo'tl | this their head to cure anyone with wa’ Dek‘ano’ee’ De | this they have been sung ‘aryl’ | a@nski’ya anuda"we anc‘loi | they men they wizards they have gone by vtsc“-nawa* and"nuGa’ | beyond it, stretched they have said it 5 e thawe’ni anclon’ | earth, under they have gone by vlisGe’ Da anzsala‘ndo‘tta‘ne'Ga’ it important they have come and lifted it up as they went by nv¢ nica’ | \ -/u \ e ‘ anuDa’ "we tsvnasDi'Ga’ | they are little anc loti’ =e ‘thawi'ni’ | 10 visGe’pa ani‘sala‘ndo't'a‘nuGa’ | vtse“nawa’ and pis: nawa “"'ans™ neea )|'tya" sGe |). anisku ya ane Gace™1 anclow | ayelo’, “aye de they are red they have his body center gone by ane k‘ato'Plei’ | vu‘Isce’pa ‘a‘nutkot’t'a‘ncaa’ | vtsc“nawa hey. have forced it important they have come and scattered it ough App. and‘niega’ | 'tya” 15 see’? | no’awd® a‘nski’ya a'nde’aPlu’ ‘anc‘loi’ aald-l- they purple above du’pzo = |_~—su'Isce’Do =a ‘niitko“t’t‘anc'aa’ =| vtsc’nawa’ and"“= nega’; ) C. Dial. -s-. ™%, 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLx. 99 yi-'Dza_~wedo'Ge ‘tsdtito tan Ga’ wo" pal-6" tsu’ckot-i’ Gald‘Idu= Loe, they have come to make thee the mountain, post oak, Loc above, Direction stand there Loe, yonder Dze wone tst‘o sta nu Ga’ direction they have come to make thee stay there (b, c, and d exactly the same, with each a final yi.) DeGo'sc'sisG-9..1 | = fa’ DiDG'le’sGi = Di Da‘nG"“wo't'’ | they have been gathered this he apse them, to cure people with a suli @d°”’totii DiGO‘Nistan’Dastii | vDdo”’tegwupo opik‘a= (per- to use with it they must be struck all day to cure simmon) 5no’wo'tt Ges9’’.1 | v Gusto. ti’ aye'Isti a’ Du. sti’ them with it it has been, for him to take knife to be put Hab it ol) away down wi Tuis is THE Mepicinr (WHEN) IT Breaks THEM FREE TRANSLATION Now, then! Ha, now, it is under the floor, under the bedstead that it has formed itself. It is only a measure worm that has put the important thing under him, it seems. Quickly the white switches have come to act in unison (lit., they have come and recognized each other). The little wizards have come and have forced thee * to get up with them. They have come to take the (switches) into their hands. They have come to frighten thee ** with the white knife. They have come and forced thee to arise forthwith; they have come to make thee stand up in the Sun Land; in the post oak, on the mountain above, they have come to put thee staying. Where the (instructions) are gathered: This is the medicine when it breaks them; a persimmon (stamper) must be used to massage them with; they should be treated all day with it; as fee, a knife should be paid. EXPLANATION This formula for rheumatism consists of four paragraphs, differing only in minor points and evidently intended to be the same. [For the measure worm as cause of rheumatism, see p. 293.] [Medicine men are now unable to explain the expression, according to which the disease ‘‘has formed itself under the floor, under the bedstead.’’ Cherokee cabins are usually built on some stout corner stones, a foot or more high, as a support. This caused the floor to be somewhat elevated as a platform, and under it all sort of refuse and rubbish is generally thrown. It is not impossible that the expression under discussion is a vague hint at this hearth of infection as the abode 44 Addressing the disease. ane al THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 293 of disease. To the rubbish of the yard is also often imputed such a role. | The measure worm is driven out with white switches by the little wizards, who finally dispose of him by putting him in the branches of a post oak (Quercus stellata Wang.) upon the mountain. Throughout most of the formula the medicine man speaks directly to the disease spirit. The meaning of the sentence with regard to the white knife is obscure and could not be satisfactorily explained by either of the two medicine men who were familiar with the formula. The ceremony was described jointly by two medicine men. The medicine man first prepares a sort of pestle or stamper of the wood of suli’, Diospyros virginiana L., common, persimmon, about 3 or 4 inches long and an inch in diameter at the large end. The stamper must be newly made in every case, but why this should be so, or why the wood selected should be persimmon, the medicine man could not explain. One of these instruments [collected by Mr. Mooney] forms part of the Cherokee collection in the United States National Museum, Washington, D. C. The medicine man recites the first paragraph while warming the stamper over the fire. He then presses the broad end upon the several aching places a number of times. The same operation is repeated [during the recitation of] every one of the three [next] paragraphs, after which he blows four times upon each of the sore spots. The whole ceremony is repeated four times before noon, the expression ubo” tagwupe (‘all day’’) in the prescriptions [often] being understood to mean until the completion of the fourth and final ceremony about noon. After this final application the medicine man scratches the patient about the joints with a brier (see p. 70) and rubs into the cuts a warm infusion of four varieties of fern (ua5*‘li) (see p. 71). The taboo list for a rheumatic patient as given by the two medicine men includes the ago-“le or sun perch; the Ga*“‘supde’ or drumfish, also called buffalo fish; the tsuniqe“ts:y5™sti or hornyhead; the andutsa’ or speckled trout; the squirrel, sulo-’"la; and the buffalo, yanisa’. The taboo extends through life, and with the exception of the tsuv'nuau"tsvy5™ sti which is prohibited in a number of diseases on account of its tendency to rapid decay (see p. 182), is owing to a mythic connection between the disease and the tabooed animal. This formula in fact furnishes a perfect illustration of the ideas under- lying the whole theory and practice of medicine among the Cherokees. The disease, rheumatism, is caused by the measure worm, because the cramped movements of the patient resemble those of the worm. The remedial herbs used are ferns, because, as these plants grow, their fronds unroll and straighten out, just as the medicine man wishes the contracted muscles and limbs of the patient to do. 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buu. 99 The patient is forbidden to taste of the sun perch or the buffalo fish, because both of these have rounded backs which convey the impression as if they were drawn up or cramped, as though [afflicted with] rheumatism. The squirrel is tabooed on account of its habit of “humping”’ itself at times, and in another rheumatism formula from a different medicine man the patient is forbidden to stroke or to touch a dog or a cat for the same reason. The buffalo is tabooed because of its hump, and the rheumatic must not even touch a buffalo hide or a comb made of buffalo horn. Neither medicine man could say why the trout is forbidden, as it is also in the other formula just referred to, but the reason doubt- lessly lies in some similar peculiarity of shape or movement. The mention of the buffalo in this connection possesses a special interest for the light it throws upon the age and traditional character of the formulas. The buffalo was probably never very numerous in the southern Alleghanies, the old country of the Cherokee, and according to a tradition still current on the reservation, was last seen on Buffalo Creek, in western North Carolina, about the beginning of the Revolution. Neither of the medicine men who commended this formula had ever seen a buffalo, or even a picture of one, and had no idea at all of its shape. They were consequently unable to state why the animal was so strictly tabooed, even to its hide and horns, but simply said that thus the rwe had been handed down to them along with the rest of the formula. When shown a picture of a buffalo they saw at once the reason for the prohibition. It is safe to assert, therefore, that this formula at least dates back to a time long prior to the Revolution when the buffalo was comparatively common in the mountain valleys and in the Jower regions occasionally visited by the Cherokees. In a collection of over 100 Cherokee myths obtained [by Mr. Mooney] the buffalo is introduced but once [Mooney, Myths, p. 293]. 85 Dalo’ni vu ndiyé’palii vad’wuth = ta’ it yellow their navel it for the purpose this sce” Dalo’ni Ga‘ta-Ge’.l add‘neaa’ | palo’ni Ge s¢.1 now, then! it yellow clay-ish it has been said it yellow it is, App sce’? | kto’land™ S5™nage™” v'sdnu“li ‘a t'éna ne Gea’ now, then! Raven black quickly thou hast come to listen sii pDitsd tito’sti “pa Ywetv-peno’ | oDalo’ni Ga‘ta-G¢’i night, Loe thou art staying thou wizard, E it yellow clay-ish 5 vpd'nd’t-aws” Ge'‘s¢’.1’. | vsdnu" li 5+ a'sesd' Ga’ | it has been said, L it is, App quickly again, thou hast come to pull it out tsdtista’y'ti-awS" = ce‘se.i’ =| Ss ne" wapd"‘niawa‘?lo.e’ sti-aw5™ it what thou eatest, L it is, App it will be trampled down continually, L etal THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 295 ylsce’po-Gwd® pu“piGe’-6".i | usd’ie Se ty6"’Da WS te’ to= it important, L he was moving night, Loc yonder thither, thou hast about, TL ‘sttancca’ usdue nu pend’na | vtsc’-nawt-Gw5™ apd**- gone to put it to night, been it has not been said beyond it, stretched, L it has stay HeGA tT tyas been said Sharply SGe”’ palo’ni Gata'ce’ apdd‘niGa’ | Dalo’ni Ge‘se¢.i now, then! it yellow clay- ish it has been said it yellow it is, App see? | svilii S5™nace’ vsdnv“li ‘at*§na*neca’ usd 5 now, then! Buzzard black quickly thou Best come to night, Loe isten vyo’pe vetsd tite’isti | Gotv’sti tsanv“Iti mice’sé-na’ | yonder thou art staying something thou failest never palo’ni-aws" Gese’ visce’po Dvunu y't'ancle.i’ | tsdtlsta-’= it yellow L it is, App it important he has put it under, App it what yitiaws® ce‘se.i’ | niad“wand"niGwa'?lo.e’sti-aw5™ tsa‘ ?los-5*4 thou eatest, L it is, App it will be trampled down continually, L thou passed, T L usd-" ‘yu DZO WINito’NiAtia’ usd’? = eyG"’Da_ W5"’-t*apde Gale.= night, Loe, direction thou hast driven him night, Loc yonder thither, thou hast vca’ | miGd“waye'le.nd’5™sce’sti-aw5™ tsa™los-G" —_us5“’-.p9 10 scattered a likeness of it will remain, L ee ea night, been it nu ’pe'ng’no | vtse’-nawu-aws™ apd‘niea’ | ‘ya it has not been said beyond it, stretched, L it has been said Sharply see’ | palo’ni wor'DiGe’ Gese’.i visce’Da Now, then! it yellow brown it is, App it important sae’ awo'i*® “wo’pce Galé’Ildi pitsdtit‘o:’sti | Now, then! Eagle brown above thou art staying Ce S ENT. every. EN eb i / lane A af / Got'sti tsape‘lvtcé ti mice‘s6-na’ | Dalo’ni Ges¢’ visGe’Do something it escapes thy (sight) never it yellow itis, App it important Dunu’ y‘t*¢ 1 | mado"“wapd niawa?lo.e’sti-aw5” pite'skwo’li 15 he has pee it under, it will be trampled down continually L thy stomachs pp. peGe stadaniso’“t'ane'Ga’ =—susd-"“upa* ss nu“ DS‘nd"’na_ = | su ts’ nawa thou hast come to bury it in them night, beon it has not been said beyond it, stretched ans, MeGa,.:+ |.) ty as it has been said Sharply THIS IS FOR THE Purpose oF (CURING) THE “‘YELLOW” OF THEIR Nave. FREE TRANSLATION Now, then! It has become clayey Yellow. It is Yellow, it seems. Now, then! Black Raven, quickly thou hast come to listen; thou art staying in the Night Land, thou powerful wizard. It seems it is only what has become clayey Yellow. Quickly thou hast again come and pulled it out. Where the important thing was moving about, only the traces of trampling will remain. Thou hast gone to put it staying yonder in the Night Land, (and) not for one night (only, but forever). Relief has been caused. Sharply! 45 Hmendation by editor, instead of wa‘’li=1/Measure-worm, 2/South. g 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99 Now, then! It has become clayey Yellow. It is the Yellow, it seems. Now, then! Black Buzzard, quickly thou hast come to listen; yonder in the Night Land thou art staying. Thou never failest in anything. It is merely the Yellow that has put the important thing under him. (But) that is the very thing thou usually eatest. Where thou hast passed, only the traces of trampling will remain. Toward the direction of the Night Land thou hast driven it, in the Night Land thou hast scattered it. A mere likeness of it will remain where thou hast passed, (and) not for one night (only, but forever). Relief has been caused. Sharply! Now, then! The important thing is the brown Yellow. Now, then! Brown Eagle, thou art staying on high. Nothing ever escapes thy (sight). Itis the Yellow that has put the important thing under him. Only the traces of trampling will remain; thou hast come to bury it into thy stomachs, (and) not for one night (only, but forever). Relief has been caused. Sharply! EXPLANATION In this, as in most other formulas for this disease, the whole treat- ment consists of the application of the warm hands of the medicine man. The ceremony, however, is peculiar. The medicine man recites the part referring to the raven while rubbing his hands to- gether over the fire, bringing them around in a circular sweep in imitation of the raven’s manner when hovering over its prey. Then imitating the raven’s cry, he utters a rapid k‘a’ kta’ k‘a: k‘a: and brings his hands down upon the abdomen of the patient. He goes through the same motions while repeating the paragraph addressing the buzzard, but ends with a prolonged su:+ su:+ to imitate the swishing noise made by the wing of the buzzard in its ordinary fligbt, followed, as he brings his hands down, by a rapid aw5" a@w5? awd” to imitate the sound on rising. In the same way, while addressing the eagle, he imitates its movements and its cry. The ceremony is repeated four times before noon; there is no taboo. This formula consists of three paragraphs only, rather an unusual number in Cherokee ritual; itis probable that in the course of repeated copying it has lost a fourth paragraph. This has happened to more than one formula. Ree. THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 297 86 Y’a-ntS’ «6Go't’’sal tsu'‘nitlo-na’ this, and it swelling, they are sick with Hab them ebtaes kyl) usbeGeny aihiy SUM cial nwikvurWara: ue Ge) | «,itayal jal wood, green it little (persimmon) (mulberry) it white (cherry) tisvyu =—si(«é|:~SSsitsutyS".’sti-ncS* | oma’. yl 6 Guae’ De «= and ya’ (poplar) they are bitter, and water, Loc it taken out rock of the (liq) Go"’toti . apzo“ let t'sti |. aGand’a une/loa-ntS. | .s0.1' to use with it to smoke with it boiled by itself, and the other nasGws” na‘ski-aw5" Go "tsale’pea v’lksto.ti | pile nisa-6’ also this here, L a part of it has he to vomit with they begin T L been taken it vDi’ t'a‘stu-Gws” sunale’ i uGa’ k*la’ v liuksto. ‘ti | he must drink it, L in the morning noon then he to vomit with it sd’ (fc 47)-Nt5* uv Datso”’ lot’ tSti® une’ Go nj”ya’ Ge'y6.'1 night, and he should smoke himself white rock (river-) with it branch Gueue’pe + Gd?”’toti’ | k‘6Niu’ pDalo’ni-ce Ge'sg’.1’ vu'nineGo'-i | it taken out to use with it clearly yellow-ish it has been their skin L of the (liq) (noticeable) naski’ n6‘wo'tl’ tsik‘ano‘eta’ Galé“kwopu-yu’ this here to cure with it which tells remarkable E Tus 1s (ror) WHEN Tuery AreE Sick WITH A SWELLING FREE TRANSLATION Small alder, common persimmon, sycamore, chokecherry, poplar, cucumber tree, when boiled (poured) on a rock taken out of the water, to smoke (i. e., to steam) (the patient) with; and (just this) by itself. Another (way) also (to cure) this, is (to drink it) to vomit with it; at the beginning he must drink it in the morning and vomit with it at noon; in the evening, then, he should steam himself with it, using a white rock taken out of the stream. The symptoms are that their skins are yellow. This medicine here described is a re- markably (efficacious one) indeed. EXPLANATION This is a prescription for the treatment of a form of indigestion or biliousness, attendec. by a swelling of the abdomen and yellow- ness of the skin. The remedy is a sweatbath. A decoction is pre- pared of six varieties of barks, and is poured upon one or more stones (the number depending on their size), taken out of the river. The stones are heated in a fire, and the decoction poured on them produces an abundant steam. (See p. 61.) 46 W. D. form; W. Dial. -t!->C. Dial. -ts-. 47 Hmendation by editor. j x i 298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 99 For some ritualistic reason it is specified that the stones used must be white. In some cases a portion of the decoction is first drunk as an emetic. Ay. stated that the sickness is caused by tesGo’ya or insects, which were formerly parasites of snakes and are sent into the body of the patient in revenge for some offense given to those reptiles. The barks used are those of ctsefi vustu’Ga, a variety of Alnus serrulata Willd., red alder; suli’, Dospyros virginiana L., common persimmon; t‘aya’, Prunus virginiana L., chokecherry; k‘u’wa une’Goa, Platanus occidentalis, sycamore, buttonwood; tsvyu’, Li- riodendron tulipifera L., tulip tree, poplar, whitewood; _ tsu‘'y5".’sti, Magnolia acuminata L., cucumber tree. 87 tsu“na.steas’i pek‘andéwo'tt whenever they have to cure them with their (feet) frostbitten teu-ts.."watya’ (4 times). if, I wolf teu-tsi-“tsu‘la’ (4 times). its I fox teu-tsi-.atwe'ya’ = (4 times). if I deer 5 tee ’-tse-siutkwa’ (4 times), kwa:’ 1 I, opposum a“yeli’sti "“wa'('si2*) tscnigowe'™.a ¢cGawe’‘sti 5° ’skws to imitate it by itself that what it calls is to be called every time ute.s6"1 | na.saw5”™ 5°*skwutu.s0".1 Diskwanv"tsa.e' ti’ when it is also every time when it is they must be sucked ended ended tsuv“na.stead".’1 v'staad"./1 where they have their whenever he has (feet) frost bitten frost bitten (feet) To Cure THEM WHEN Tuey Have Tueir Freer Frost Birten FREE TRANSLATION I, 1am a wolf (4 times). I, I am a fox (4 times). I, I am a deer (4 times). I, I am an opossum (4 times). Each time, at the end, the cry of each (animal) is to be imitated and cried; (and) also every time, at the end, they “ must be sucked at their feet where they are frost bitten. EXPLANATION This is another formula for the cure of frostbite. (See Nos. 59, 60.) [As it was obtained by Ay. from Ut. no additional information could be obtained onit.] The treatment is probably the same as previously 48 Interpolated by editor. 49 The patients. eee | THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 299 described, the sucking being done by the medicine man, who holds ice or snow water in his mouth. “T am a wolf” is properly tsuwa'ya’ the initial syllable being doubled to fill in the meter of the song. ‘‘Deer” is properly a‘wi’, the final ya being added for the same reason. The opossum has now two names: vi yé'sv’aa, and suv“ kwa, vDze"’ tsti, the latter meaning literally ‘‘grinning hog.’ It seems probable, however, that sc“ kwa was originally the name of the opossum alone, and that, on account of the resemblance of the two animals, the name was applied to the hog on its introduction by the whites, thus render- ing an [epithet] necessary to distinguish [the former from the latter]. 88 (v’a’ "wa'sd“la tsa‘nd.se9” a‘Da‘nd-wo't'l ) this “cocoon” as they call it to cure anyone ‘ (Hab.) with wacu’ (4 times). (moth) larva Ga"wu’ (4 times). it is pul- verized sand’ (4 times). THIS IS THE MEDICINE (FOR) WHat TuHrey Catt ‘‘Cocoons”’ FREE TRANSLATION Cocoon! (4 times). Pulverized! (4 times). sana (?) (4 times). EXPLANATION “wa'so’la is the name of a small species of ‘‘horned”’ caterpillar, and also of the tobacco worm, as well as of a butterfly or moth orig- inating from one of the larve named. The name is also applied by medicine men to a peculiar chilling boil or swelling, because it resem- bles the same chilling or shuddering effect as that resulting from contact with the larve. Presumably the worm so constantly trodden and crushed under the careless foot of man is held responsible for the boil. The treatment consists in merely pressing the previously warmed thumb upon the swelling, repeating four times each of the words of the formula. [It has taken considerable effort to get the meaning of the first two words. As forsa'n3’, it has not been possible to find out its meaning or to analyzeit, the most erudite medicine men themselves being in the dark about these three words.| 50 Interpolated by J. M., probably based on information by Ay. 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 99 89 ‘a’ anisko’li apa‘ n6’wo't'l this their head to cure anyone with (a) Gal6-’ldi panc‘la"wea’ | ‘a‘-no‘ew5® v'sdnu’li vtsc’-nawa above they are assembling ha, now quickly beyond it, stretched aps nega iui yal’ it has been said Sharply! (b) e’lapi’ pane la™w.a’ (eéc.). below they are assembling Tuis 18 THE MeEpIcINE ror THEIR Hrap FREE TRANSLATION On high they are assembling; ha, now relief has quickly been caused. Sharply! Below they are assembling; ha, now relief has quickly been caused. Sharply! EXPLANATION The medicine man from whom this formula was obtained had in turn procured it from a medicine woman, and was unable to tell much about it. It is therefore impossible to say what spirits are referred to as being assembled, or whether they are the disease curers or the remedial agents. In many formulas the spirits are represented as having assembled as in council, sometimes under the couch of the patient, sometimes even in his body. No medicine is used, the treatment merely consisting in rubbing the forehead of the patient after every paragraph, and afterwards blowing the breath four times over the aching part. This, repeated a number of times—{no rigid rule is followed]—is said to be effective. 90 ‘a’ tt’ ya-sti’ aDa‘ndwo't'T this beans, (like) to cure anyone with EXPLANATION The formula bearing the heading ‘‘This is the medicine (for) a beanlike (boil)’”’ is too evidently incomplete in the original to be given here, but deserves notice for the spirits invoked and the treatment prescribed. The former are the Rattlesnake and the Puffing (Spreading) Adder, and the fragmentary expression of the formula seems to imply that the festering boil is the result of a bite from some disease snake, which must be driven out by the more powerful snakes invoked. The rattlesnake is mentioned under its proper name, v‘Dz9°’ Nitti, eee, THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 301 but the spreading adder, commonly called t‘ali’ksta, ‘the vomiter,” is spoken of here as kwa‘ndayo’ta, which literally means ‘“‘he has just shot the plums (or peaches).”” The meaning is plain but the Cherokee are unable to give any reason for the name, which may have a mythic origin. The medicine man had obtained the formula in an accidental manner from another man, which accounts for its incom- pleteness. The medicine prescribed was tobacco juice rubbed on the boil by the medicine man while reciting the formula, when the swelling first made its appearance. The swelling was said to go down before dark. 91 Va’ pnd lesto”’ [i] ‘%’andesko-.i’ this it causes them to it which they call (Hab) be broken sce | eno’ awa. at ona ne Ga”! “cskuyea “'"(sa" ko nt) Now, then! now thou hast come thou man blue to listen “pa“wete-pend™” | opicedo'sei’ | k'o’la vweistosdt’1-aws™ thou wizard, L thou penetratest them, bone it has been made L (=E) App painful Ge‘se™i’ | v nile’ Gi-awd®| vpet'and{i, Gese™i’ | no“Gwu= it is, App heat, L it has been said it is, App now -pi’no De t'askelo"’5™taniGa’ k‘o’la esd” | DeGdleusa's E thou hast come to make him bone it is, TL he will get on his relinquish his grasps ne. se‘sti’ | vtse“-nawe-cw5® nu ‘pet‘and’pa | nd‘’t'éneleaa’ | (legs) as he goes beyond it, stretched, L (=E) it has been said at thou hast come to do on the same time it for him see’ | no’aws® ale’ ‘S5"’stat'O “na nuGa’ stcskuya’ sti'GaGe™ Now, then, now also you 2 have again come you 2 men you two red to listen vsinu’li De'stvDo" saa’ | uisce’pa t''sta'sesd*v'aa’ ko“‘la quickly you two have come and it important you two have come and bone halted pulled it out Geso’ | tsvle’sat6é"’ a'Dd‘nsesti’ uwo'isond!1 aDda'Nito’ | it is, T L he has been lifted up it will be said it has been made the soul all along pleasing vtsu’-nawe-Gw5s®* abd“ nw'Ga’ beyond it, stretched, it has been said L GE), Tus Is (For) WHat Tuey Catt “It Causes THEM To Br BRoKEN”’ FREE EXPLANATION Now, then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou Blue Man, thou powerful wizard, thou penetrator. The fact is that the bone has been made painful. It is merely Heat that has caused it, it seems. But now thou hast come to force him * to give up his hold from the bone. He® will get on his feet (and will not stop walking). Relief has been caused forthwith; thou hast come to do it for him.® 51 Interpolated by J. M. 52 The disease. 53 The patient. 10 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Butt. 99 Now, then! (and) now you both in your turn, you have come to listen, you Two Red Men; quickly you have come and halted. You have come and pulled out the important thing from the bone. He has been raised up, and will remain in that position. The soul has been made pleasing. Relief has been caused. EXPLANATION This formula is for the cure of pains in the limbs, resembling “~ rheumatic pains, but ascribed to the influence of the Heat spirit. By an oversight [of a copyist in the course of transcription] the color of the spirit invoked in the first paragraph is not given, but as the [disease causer] is Heat, the remedial spirit is probably the spirit of Cold, viz, the Blue Man of the Cold Land. No medicine is used; the medicine man merely rubs the limbs of the patient with his hands previously warmed, while reciting the formula, blowing four times at the end of each paragraph. The ceremony is four times repeated. 92 ‘a’ = vyo’’".i-u'“‘nskc'ts6°".1 this different they have dreamt sae? | ++ adYtstuth | ++ tsvpo’.po | tso’"sta aGa- Now, then, (such-and- his clan (such-and- his names they are good he such) such) nela‘nee.i’ | aati" gGodwitit'o’’sti tso’'ste ane ‘lski’ | has apportioned where he is staying they good heapportions (Hab) for him, App. sce’. | ‘a-no‘'awd™” ‘a t’éna ‘nica’, | Do“yl wo DiGe™ Now, then, ha, now thou hast come to listen Beaver brown 5tso’"sto aGanela’nee.i’ | no“@wt-puno’ Ga‘nece’Dea aDdd“nvGa’ | they good he has apportioned for now, £ it taken up it has been said him, App. ++ tsupo’.po | aye’la tso’"ste Ga‘noae’Do aDd‘niGa’ | (such-and- his names are the body they good it taken up it has been said such) i yowi tsutsat-6" cwyé’Do w'ane'ttanGa’ tso’sta |. ++ human they are many yonder there, thou hast apportioned they are good (such and beings hay for him such) tsyp9""..p0 =| ~—suaNSto’—s a’ stuDe’Do_ = aS*‘nva@a’ = ||_~—s uDaN'to’ his names are his soul it released it has been said his soul Darlei‘satnca =| aDaNntto’ asteDaliyO"’Do abdd‘niga’ | it has been lifted up it soul it has been changed it has been said 10 aDancto’ = DaPle'sa‘ne' Ga’ it soul it has been lifted up sae? | ++. g@dlstu’th | ++. tsvpo’..De tso’"ste aGa- Now, then, (such and his clan (such and _ his names are they good he has such) such) nela‘ne'e.i/ | Gathi” > go witit'o’sti tso’ste ane ‘liski’ | apportioned for where he is staying they good he apportions him (Hab) 54 W, D. form; C. D.: @a‘ts5® 55 Cf. Note 54. OO THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 303 sce? | voyi tsune’Go tso Gee ’tts"* pvitsd‘tito'’sti | Now, then, Beaver thou white at head of stream thou art staying vsinuli po'tt@leéna’ tso’ste aGa‘nela ‘nee .i’ no “"Gwu-pDi'no’ quickly thou hast arisen, they good he has apportioned now, E facing us Ga'noce’pe apd‘nica’ | ane thand’i tso"sta a‘stuDde’ Da it taken up it has been said it has been they good it released apportioned api'‘niGa’ | ydrwi' tsupzat-6 apccale‘yap6” apd“niGa’ | it has been said human they are, many it has been scattered it has been said beings ly iGo" wulsto.’ti-Gw5" aDa'Nito’ aste‘Daliy6’Dea = aD5*““ne'Ga’ | who cares what happens it soul it has been changed it has been said to it, vwoiso ns’ ada Nite’ «=Dale“isatnicaa’ =| 3 aGadtkwo’G. vya'Ga- it made completely it soul it has been lifted up seven successive, beautiful 16/Idi w'ittale'satnu'Ga’ apaNito’ =| ‘ya* above thither, thou hast lifted it soul Sharply it up Tuis Is (For) WHen Tory Have Bap Dreams FREE TRANSLATION Now, then! He® belongs to such-and-such a clan; he * is called so-and-so. He® has apportioned evil ® for him; where is the (one who) usually apportions evil staying? Now, then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, Brown Beaver. He ® has apportioned evil for him.” But now it has been taken; he ™ is called so-and-so. The evil has been taken away from his body. Yonder where there is a crowd of human beings thou hast gone to apportion the evil. He *™ is called so-and-so. His * soul has become released. His soul has been lifted up. The soul has become changed. The soul has been lifted up. Now, then! He belongs to such-and-such a clan; he is called so- and-so. He has apportioned evil for him; where is the (one who) usually apportions evil staying? Now, then! Thou White Beaver, at the head (waters) of the stream thou art staying; quickly thou hast arisen, facing us. He has apportioned evil for him. But now it has been taken away. The evil (which) has been apportioned for him has been released. It has been scattered where there is a crowd of hvman beings (living). Who cares what happens to it! The soul has been changed. The soul, made pleasing, has been lifted up. Up to the seventh upper (world) the soul has been raised. Sharply! 56 W. D. form; C. D. tso**aubi*’Dz5" 58 The apportioner of evil. 57 The patient. 59 Literally ‘‘ good.” 7548°—32 21 304. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buzx. 99 EXPLANATION This formula [edited and discussed by Mr. Mooney in his article on Cherokee River Cult, p. 9] is for going to water to avert the consequences of bad dreams, such as of falling from a cliff, drowning in the river, or being crushed under alog. Such dreams are generally regarded as the result of hostile conjurations of some secret enemy, and it is held that the calamity thus shadowed forth will actually befall (the victim) unless some ceremony be performed to avert it. The medicine man mentions the name and clan of his client and endeavors to send the evil fortune from him, to ‘‘where [there is a crowd of] people,” 1. e., to some distant settlement. The medicine man and his client go down to the water at daybreak and stand at the edge of the stream as already described. The medicine man then recites the formula, after which his client, stripped with the exception of his shirt, wades out into the water and ducks under seven times. At the seventh plunge he tears the shirt from his body while still under water and lets it float down the stream. It is afterwards secured and taken by the medicine man as his fee if it is worth the trouble. If of no value the client gives other cloth instead. After this preliminary ceremony the client remains standing in the water while the medicine man, on the bank, takes out his beads and proceeds to banish the impending calamity. He first asks [his client] to what [settlement] he wishes to send the evil foreshadowed in the prophetic dream, for it is held that such dreams must be fulfilled, and that all the medicine man can do is to divert their accomplishment from the intended victim. The client names some distant settlement as the place where he wishes the blow to fall and the medicine man at once begins the ceremony to send the tso’’sta to that point. Should the medicine man find himself unable to send it so far his client names some nearer settlement, and a second attempt is made, and so on, until a resting place is found for the calamity, even if it be necessary to send it to another clan or family within the settlement of the client himself. These successive trials are made by ‘‘working [with] the beads”: [The medicine man holds a black bead representing the evil between thumb and fore- finger of one hand, and a red or white bead, representing the client, between thumb and index finger of the other hand. Should the black bead prove the more lively and vivacious in its movements, the client’s bead remaining motionless, or moving only very slowly, the chances for banishing the evil to the settlement in question are very scanty, and another settlement has to be named and the opera- tion has to be started over again.] After each successive trial the client stoops down and laves his face [sometimes also the crown of his head and his breast with water MOooNEY ] THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 305 OLBRECHTS dipped out with his hand]. Should the medicine man [after all his efforts] not succeed in sending the evil fortune to some other victim it is believed that his client must suffer. Each trial with the beads necessitates the laying down of additional cloth, all of which is taken by the medicine man at the conclusion of the ceremony [as his fee]. To make assurance doubly sure [to check up, as if it were, on the results of the first day], the ceremony is some- times performed for four consecutive mornings; in each case the client fasts until noon, although it is not necessary to keep awake throughout the preceding night as in some other ceremonies of a similar nature. Should all other means fail there still remains one resource: the dreamer kills [a hog, or some poultry] belonging to himself, and has it cooked to be eaten by his family and friends. He himself, however, must not partake of it. In former times, [if it proved not possible] to send the calamity away from his own settlement, [the one who dreamed] went hunting and killed a deer or a bear, with which he made a feast in the same way for his friends and neighbors of the settlement. [These latter means of averting the evil consequences of bad dreams are no longer known.] 93 ‘a’ ama’-yi a Dz5".sv’.s5.ti a Gtwa’se-Gwd® ulsteItd.ti this water, Loc. to take one there oneself—L. to help one with repeatedly wy | sGé ‘a “no‘ews™ ‘a t'Ona naa’ = yO" wi Gano‘. De Now, ha, now thou hast come to human long then listen being isd tit'o’’sti «| yorwi’ §«“ste:li’ski’ © | ts‘a‘ska”loisti’ nuce"*= thou art staying human thou helpest thou relinquishest thy never being (Hab.) grasp soma” || apa Nits. ‘tsa skaPls “sti niGeso'na’ "') + Go*u’stL the soul thou relinquishest thy never something grasp ie ASO; GoULjSs! . ¢.G¢-Gao DG, ,vomel |, ama , GaPlo leG-o7 45 thou wilt take a light, it hangs on, thou hast water it slides, T. L. firmer grasp ae made nODO “GwaDdu y5'nda’ end" miGe sono’ | noDo" GwaDo" ya= I originated in the distance far away never I will stretch out my n5**eDisti’ [er velo Gesu abu do ost ane Ga, | | vwor= hand thy body itis, Dis it has come to wash itself foam qth une’G5" Gonwit'tistulaw'ist’De'Ge'stii | apo ‘land’ vne’= white it will cling to my head as I go about walking stick white Go GO“kwsd"GuPldctscsti’ —_—Ge'se’stii’ | ofya’ aGwat'ya= it to come into my extended (hand) it will Fire it will be stane'li'se'sti’ | Gdtkwo'’Gi uyacaloldr wi-DaPle‘isa‘ne'Ga* 10 left over for me seven above-in-succession over there he has come continuously to rise up aDa'Nto | ‘ya the soul Sharply 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxx. 99 Tuts 1s TO TAKE ONESELF TO THE WATER WITH, TO HELP ONESELF FREE TRANSLATION Now, then! Ha, now thou hast come to listen, thou Long Human Being, thou art staying (right here?) thou Helper of human beings. Thou never lettest go thy grasp; thou never lettest go thy grasp from the soul. Thou hast, as if it were, taken a firmer grasp upon (the soul). I originated at the cataract, not.so far away. I will stretch out my hand to (where thou art). (My soul) has come to bathe itself in thy body. The white foam will cling to my head as I walk (along the path of life), the white staff will come into my extended hand. The fire (of the hearth) will be left (burning) for me inces- santly. The soul has been lifted up successively to the seventh upper (-world). EXPLANATION [This formula for going to water was tentatively edited by James Mooney in his discussion of the Cherokee River Cult, p. 2.] It is for the purpose of obtaining long life, and the ceremony may be performed either by the medicine man for the benefit of his client or by the client himself on his own behalf. It may be performed [whenever] desired, the favorite time being at each new moon. The patient, often accompanied by all the members of his household, goes down to the stream before sunrise, and while still fasting. Whether he recites the formula himself, or whether this is left for the medicine man to do, the ceremony is the same. The client [and those accom- panying him, dip out water with the hollow of their hand. This is — the action referred to in the expression: ‘‘I will stretch out my hand to where thou (Long Human Being, i. e., the stream, the Water) art.”| They wash [their face, the crown of] their head and their breast [‘‘where their soul is”’] and may even step into the stream and completely duck under seven times, if they so desire. The formula is addressed to the ‘‘Long Human Being,” the stream, the river, the flowing water, and who is called the ‘helper of man- kind.” [In many of the formulas the “Long Human Being”’ is referred to as having originated at the cataract, and this is doubt- lessly the reason why the reciter claims for himself the same origin; this establishes a close and intimate relationship between him and ~ the spirit invoked, and all but forces the latter to pay heed to the requests of his relative.] The idea to be conveyed by the latter part of the formula is that the suppliant, having bathed in the stream, comes out with the white foam [i. e., gray hairs, old age] clinging to his head, and taking the white [walking stick], or staff [an attribute of old people or chiefs?], in his hands, starts on his journey to the seventh upper-world [i. e., Seater THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 307 the summum of human happiness, prosperity, and success. Surely, he will live to be old, for ‘‘the fire of the hearth will be left for him (until his old age), to warm and to protect him”’]. The expression wiDa*?le‘c‘sa‘nu'Ga’ implies that the subject [now has been lifted up to the seventh upper world] after having lain [supine as sick or tired for some time]. From this stem the missionaries have [formed the expression expressing the Christian concept] of resurrec- tion. 94 wa’ no “wot! wune’ce 'yanduk‘s’ta? this to cure with white if they urinate v‘st'aGa?li’ | vu ‘G-at‘asae’sGi |; vmnisko-a’ | sou’ vste’Ga if leaning against pus, it oozes out (Hab) their heads, Loc the other _it little vstacerl’. | so'-le“w5" vsti’ Ga . tsi’ki it leaning against the other, how- it little it which ever also is TuHIs is THE MepicINE WHEN THEY Urinate Wuitre (MattTEr) FREE TRANSLATION Flowering spurge, spurge, viper’s bugloss, and the other small flowering spurge; the other one (i. e., the first one) is also small. EXPLANATION In this prescription we are given only the names of the plants used, four in number, viz, v“st‘aca?li’, Euphorbia corollata L., flowering spurge; v‘st‘aGa?li’ ustu’Ga, (?); uv aat‘as-au’sai, Huphorbia hyperi- cifolia L., spurge; vniskoti’, Hchiwm vulgare L., viper’s bugloss, blueweed, blue devil. In severe cases Gu’’Ga tsvya”’.i, Lysimachia quadrifolia L., loosestrife, is added to the prescription. Ay. explained that the roots are steeped in warm water and the infusion drunk. The infusion is kept warm near the fire. 95 wa no wot’ und’pi tsa ndek‘'s’fa" this to cure with milk it which they urinate pre hema 7") atsed | il audstet .\vGanawo De, | vmdes (purple?) green to steep it with warm they must ii¢ptl . vd tegwupe. | ‘ta Plene’ .se@a. |. tgoene’ nid" drink it all day second noon third and u’Ddalu'ld.” aa’ =| =nd™’aune’® ase’ — tse Dutista*‘yats ’skocws™ it has not com- noon fourth it must when the meal is being taken, L pleted itself v’nulsta™'y‘ti | Ga kt'O” pe ~~ nde” | tsv's5“ pe’ -v* ‘pile’ Gt let them partake of restricted four they nights-been hot the meal Sicwmima |) askuya . @ le aGe you. uyo -Gwor and salt man and woman different, L(=E) 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 99. Tuts 1s THE Mrepicine Wuen Tory Urtnarn Minky (Supstancer) FREE TRANSLATION Black gum (and) alder steeped with it, warm; they must drink it all day; the second (day, until) noon; and the third (day until) noon has not completed itself; the fourth (day), let them eat along with the others; restricted (are during) four nights hot (food) and salt; (intercourse between) the man and the woman is very bad. EXPLANATION The characteristic symptoms of this sickness were given as a dis- charge of milky urime, preceded or accompanied by frequent dis- charges of dark red urie, together with pains in the lower part of the back and pelvic region, and perspiration about the private parts. It is considered a more serious form of urinary disease than any previously mentioned. The patient drinks a warm infusion of the inner bark of unu‘kwa, Nyssa multiflora Wang., black gum; ctse’S, Alnus rugosa (Du Roi) Spreng., smooth alder, the bark being taken from the root just above the ground on the east side of the tree. The patient drinks the medicine at intervals [ad libitum] during the whole of the first day, until noon on the second day, until about 10 a.m. the third day, and until just before breakfast the fourth day, which completes the course of treatment. The taboo includes salt, hot food, and sexual intercourse. 96 wa’ =s-yu Da‘Ntte’ks5" a‘skwanuao’’to.tu-yi |” aGw5® na‘ne= this if a tooth comes off to store it up with, E this, L they have wesko’.i | pvo’yi skinttS™” (4 times) been said (Hab) beaver ‘put a tooth into my (jaw) Tus Is, WHEN A ToorH Comes Out, To Turow it Away WitTH FREE TRANSLATION This is all that has to be said: ‘Beaver, put a tooth into my jaw!” (4 trmes). EXPLANATION The knowledge of this bit of folklore was first obtained [by Mr. Mooney] through a young mixed blood from the Cherokee Nation in the west, who said that when, in early childhood, his milk teeth were being replaced by permanent teeth his Cherokee mother had told him to throw the loosened teeth upon © the roof of the house, asking the beaver at the same time to give him a new one instead. He could not remember the details, but on asking Ay. about the matter he at Geral THE SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT 309 once confirmed the statement, giving the words as above, which the child repeats four times while running around the house, after which he throws the old tooth upon®™ the roof. He had not the formula written down, as it is a well-known folklore custom, and in no way a secret matter. As the beaver is noted for its gnawing powers, there is a good Indian reason for asking it for a set of new teeth. [Although a similar belief and formula is very common through almost all Europe (where, however, mice and rats are addressed instead of the beaver), there is no necessity to consider this Cherokee practice as borrowed from the whites.] «0 “*Over the roof,” my informant told me.—Ep1ror. abrondarohtes » 1M Age page ' ly Tie Th INDEX Page AxsorTION, attitude toward____ 117 AccIDENTS, belief concerning _-_ 17 ACORUS CALAMUS, use of____-___ 288 ACTAEA ALBA, use of__________ 270 ADIANTUM PEDATUM, use of____ 228 AESCULUS PAVIA, use of_______ 239 AFTER LIFE, beliefs concerning 140-144 AGRIMONIA PARVIFLORA, use of. 274 IAGRIMON Yj USClOl== 2228 274 ALDER— Cultivation Obs. 42 222 sees. 91 medicinal use of _-_______-_ 185, 216, 218, 219, 246, 257, 298, 308 ALNUS RUGOSA— 185, 216, 218, 219, 246, 257, 308 ALNUS SERRULATA, use of______ 185, 219, 298 AMELANCHIER CANADENSIS, use C7 PE TS Pee A RE EE SE COG 283 AMPELOPSIS CORDATA, use of_ 254, 283 AMULETS, sickness averted by_-_ 74 Anatomy, lack of knowledge of_ 90 ANIMAL GHOSTs, disease caused | Cy Se a ee ey Na 27, 182, 207 ANIMAL SPIRITS, belief in_____-_ 25 ANIMALS, beliefs concerning -_- 27 Ants, belief concerning_-___-_-__- 174 APLECTRUM HIEMALBE, use of____ 128 APpopLEexy, formula for________ 230 ARISTOLOCHIA MACROPHYLLA, UIS@R@ Lema aes 22 fe. 288 ARISTOLOCHIA SERPENTARIA, use roy ee ee a a 177, 224, 286 ARROWHEAD used for scarifying_ 69 ASARUM CANADENSE, use of__ 209, 252 BABIES, medicated bath for____ 76 Batu GAME, part taken in, by medicine manic=- 22 ee 91 Bark— decoction of, used in sweat- ROSS wee ple eee LE es Le 297 medicinal use of __________ 185, 198, 199, 200, 218 BatTus, sweat and vapor__....- 61 Page Braps— use of, in diagnosis________ 41 use of, in divination__ 59, 152, 304 used in prognosis________- 42 BELIEFS— changes ime sven L Sule, 77-78 traced to white influence___ 78-79 BETULA LENTA, use Of_________ 102 BErULA NIGHA, Use of2___ 2 2_ _ 200 Bia Cove, work conducted at__ u Bitiousnsss, formula for______ 297 BrrtH, customs connected with. 116— 127 BLACK GUM TREE— USE LOl Da khOle = se eee 218 (DESCE) COLE TeTOYOM HS} (0) 7 pl at 283, 308 Buack Mav, belief in-_______- 24 Buisters, formulas for__ 167, 210, 250 BLOWING TUBE, use of, in medi- CUB Cg ye ee gk Uk 2 a ee 58, 60 Buivue Man, power of____-__-_-- 24 Boas, Franz, acknowledgment Os ete NRE NM i Ma eo XV Bo1ts— DLeVentive, Of 4. eases 77 treatment for__-____ 299, 300-301 Borany, medicine man’s knowl- 5 pee ia ae aye lad ety uy 2 177 BowEL TROUBLES, formulas for. 167, 274, 284 BUGBANE, WHITE, use of_______ 277 BuLrusH— Cultivation Ob. see 91 medicinal use of :_________ 198 BuRIAL customs____ 121, 122, 134-140 Bours, symbolic use of_____-_-- 101 BUTTON SNAKEROOT, use of___- 76 Buzzarp, dead, used as a pro- DU WAR CECE ca ago) oe 76 CaBins, CHEROKEE, manner of | XU Ks bo s-eke ep yA wy seep i he 292 (CALAMUS, MSC\Of 2 os oe 288 CALYCANTHUS FERTILIS, use of__ 253 311 formulas to aid in__._____- 167, 274, 278-279 medicine used in________-_ 538, 119 CHILDREN— ClOUDIN GOL. tena ees 128 PHOOG*OP 2 ee bee ee eee ae 128 TOGMIUUA TOTS © eee seers 284 CAMO Olsse ess. iseee eee 129 hygienic condition of_.__ 128-129 intelligencelofo so oe ewes 129 method of carrying___--_-_- 129 MRTOTES NOL ee ete terete aca 127 trained to become witches_ 129-130 HIGGS, TOrMuUlas fore os 2 167, 169, 200, 227, 277 CHINQUAPIN, medicinal use of. 200, 211 CHOKECHERRY, use Of________-_ 170, 199, 277, 298 CicUTA MACULATA, use of______ 117 CIMICIFUGA RACEMOSA, use Of__ 277 CIRCUMAMBULATION in_ treat- menwol GIseases.— sas oleae 63-64 CLEMATIS VIRGINIANA, use of._ 288 312 INDEX Page Page CAMPTOSORUS RHIZOPHYLLUS, CLETHRA ACUMINATA, use of__ 192, 218 (GETS) (0) ER RRS SO A Es Na de 209 | CLtotTHiInc— CARDINAL FLOWER— OL) COLPSes eee a ae an 134 Cultivationolel ewes ease 91 women’s, manner of wear- (UI S(210/ 0) Ite Spa Ee aA OS Ulee rr wr ee 216 rt OY eel Sipps A SRA eyes ey A 247 CaRPINUS CAROLINIANA, use of. 200, | Corrin MAKER, office of_______ 136 265 | CoHosH, BLACK, use of_______- 277 CaSTANEA PUMILA, use of______ 200 | CoLLINSONIA CANADENSIS, use CATAMENIAL CUSTOMS___-__-_-__- 34-35, OF SSE TREE een as cr ee 209 97, 101, 246 || CoLorR sYMBOLISM___~__ ~~~ __- 51 ~ CEMETERY, location chosen for_ 136 | CoMMUNITY SPIRIT among the CrREMONY— (Cherokee: tame sen aoe 80-81 for pregnant women_ 195, 118-119 | Concrprion, Cherokee belief of going to the water____ 118-119, CONCeRnING 2 seps= o/s 116-117 233-235, 291, 306 | ConsuRATIONS— CHARMS, sickness averted by___ 74 against witches___________ 152 CHEROKEE DIALECTS. ________- 10 Aenicwib ura lee See 152-153 CHEROKEE INDIANS— FO CUMIN eee a eee 151 attitude of, toward whites__ 8 for hunting and fishing____ 153 present life of) 8 TOL MsINg eObaCCO= a. ae 151 CHEROKEE LANGUAGE, study of_ 10 formulas used in, with CHEROKEE MANUSCRIPTS AND beads ate ote Akos eee 152 MATHRIAT, LOSS Of 2-5-5 o 1 use of the term .__ =. 22___ 149 CHEROKEE TEXT, method of re- CoNTRACEPTIVES— CONSURUDINR eee ee 3-5 attitude toward_________-_ 117 CHERRY, WILD, use of______- 170, 275 Cherokee knowledge of__ 117-118 CHEERS (5 eR a a 128-131 | Cornus FLORIDA, use of_____ 199, 283 CHILDBIRTH— CoRONILLA VARIA, use of______ 198 complications in._______-- 125 | CoryLUS AMERICANA, use of____ 218 customs connected with. 122-127 | CowBans, use of____________- Ty C. R. B. Epucationat Founpa- TION (Inc.), NEw York, acknowledgment to________- XV CUCUMBER TREE, use of_______ 298 CuLTuRE, CHEROKEE, loss of KnowlLedgeloins 22.2532 uneee 78 Curine— methods used in_________- 60-64 procedure ins 200 ole 67-68 See also Dispases; FormMv- LAS; MeEpICcINE; Sur- GERY. CYNOGLOSSUM VIRGINIANUM, use OE see ae oe 174 CYPRIPEDIUM PARVIFLORUM, use [o} Savoie bint pda ears ep aaat a alee 2 249 CYSTOPTERIS FRAGILIS, use of__ 228 Dancnsiatter burialss 222222223 139 DASYSTOMA FLAVA, use of_____ 193 DASYSTOMA VIRGINICA, use of__ 244 Drata— customs connected with__ 131-134 foretellingionee eee eee 133 DIOSPYROS VIRGINIANA— pestle made of wood of---- 293 if (Seb 0) afte SD a 275, 298 DieHTHER!A, formula for____ 254, 261 DIPPER, GOURD, use of, by medi- Cinema Ae oL aie 2 aL 4 58 DisEAsES— CRUISES OL. Lia MMaktt 4 15-16, 17-39 change in conception of___. 77-80 Cherokee conception of____ 14-16 contagious, cause of___-__- 39 contagious, safeguard SRO AUUIT Sra ee ees Sp (h5) curing methods in___ 60—64, 67-68 efficacy of treatment of____ 81-83 number of, known to the Cherokee. ast 2 2edsi.eax 89 prevention of__-----_----- 73-77 iransternine loa see 62-63 treatmentiol pele als Se 39-83 See also Formuuas; MEpI- CINE; SICKNESS. DisLocatTions, treatment of ____ 72 DivinaTIon— by means of beads___----- 132 Procedure ns aes ve, weedy 93-94 DivinaTor, activities of ______- 86 Dogs, medicine given to__._--- 30 Dogwoon, medicinal use of___ 199, 283 Dreams— as a cause of disease____ 35-37, 40 belief concerning_________- 15 TORMUla fon. sae eee 246 interpretation of______--_-- 36-37 nightmare, remedy for___ 176-177 of ill omen, formula for____-_ 304 snake, formulas for____-__- 167 taboo concerning. ..------ 178 INDEX 313 Page Page Deer, diseases caused by ghost DuTCHMAN’S PIPE, medicinal Of Sec Ee POLS EL 28 ISSR Mins). s be tbs a 288 Deu., a medicine man, charac- DwdRE) TRIS, use of -2.4.-22422 288 HELI ZeC a2 222 oe See 115-116 | DysenteEry, formula for______- 244 DENSTAEDTIA PUNCTILOBA, use EaRrAcHeE, formulas for________ 167 ERT ee oh al RE POSE LS 228 | EcHIUM VULGARE, use of ____-_ L994 307 - DENTISTRY— Epmunps, Mr. anv Mrs. J. R., among the Cherokee- ----- 72 gr., acknowledgment to______ XV See also TOOTHACHE. Erection of coffin makers and DrEewBERRY, medicinal use of-__ 253 grave diggers. 4250s suse 135-136 Draaenosis of disease__-------- 39-41 || EMmTICS, use of 2222222-242 242 23 DIARRHEA— Epripemics, Cherokee belief con- Gietifonts Mao ae 65 CC TSTMS le Ga a ea 39 OTM OTe. 1938, 244, 282 | EprgamaA REPENS, use of____-__ 1938, 252 ERYNGIUM VIRGINIANUM, use of. 245 ERYNGIUM YUCCIFOLIUM, use of 76 EryYNGO plants, use of__--___--- 245 Eruics, professional, of medi- Cine Men AS See 93-95 EUPATORIUM PURPUREUM, use of 262 EUPHORBIA HYPERICIFOLIA, use GEM ADEs eh te 4 eh apne: oy ail 4g 180, 307 EVERGREENS, belief concerning. 139 EVONYMUS AMERICANUS, use of. 253 Eyrs, formulas for treatment 167, 184-186, 219 FaIntinG, formulas for____--_- 167, 192, 205, 224 Fastine— by medicine man___-_-__-- 66 byspatiente 2 222 oe mah 66 efiicacyrorsue ee ct ee 83 FEE of medicine man_--------- 95-97 Frerns— medicinal use of_----_--- 54, 228 symbolism of, in medicinal see hes cess yee ee 54, 293 FETTER BUSH, use Of______-_-- 220 Fever, formulas for___-_- 167, 200, 243 Fewkes, J. W., acknowledg- mentitol So shee Bee US XV Fire— associated with sun__-_---- 21 association of, with disease_ 21 curative properties of___-_- 21 prayers offered to_____---- 20 PLOLaMauOn Ole ese see 174 Fax, medicinal use of-_-_-_--_--- 243 Fuint, place of, in Cherokee MAW OlO Gay bees oS 25 FLOWERING SPURGE, use of____- 180 Rix, formulas Torstesss522 2 314 INDEX Page Page FoLKLorE, Evuropran, beliefs GOLDENROD, use of__..------- 275 traceable: ton. 22022 Sse 78-79 | GouRD DIPPER, use of, by medi- Foop— Cihe Mane oe eeass eet hier o 58 buried with the dead___-__- 134 | GrAVEDIGGERS, office of ______- 136 for childrenyes eae a 128 | Gravss, beliefs concerning-__ 139-140 ForMuLAsS— GREAT LAUREL, use of _____-_- 204, 220 age .OFii. sew uy 2 UE 163, 294 | GRoUNDNOUT, medicinal use of... 230 . attitude toward_-_-__---- 156, 162 | Haze.Nnut, medicinaluseof_... 218 beliefs concerning._.__... 147, 156 | HnapacuE— classification of__.----.--- 148 Cherokee belief concerning _ 17 directions for using-- 157-158, 159 LORMUIAS TOR. ee ee 167, 1743 exchange of_..22224e22-24+ 104 IcimaSvOE ps ssey a A 146-155 method of keeping------ 104, 157 method of writing_—-_---- 158 Origin Of. vee ee eo See bee 146 recited, or SUNE_ 24-224 s522 155 salelofas_ 25. bu 147, 102-103, 105 structure of_-_-.-- fepiie = TE 159 term usedifonw sees see 144-146 to avertiievilosesies: af.) a VidH a vocabulary used in__-_--- 163-164 western dialect in-___---~-- 162 Four, the sacred number- - - -- 52, 199 FoxGLove, medicinal use of_.._ 244 POX, GRAPH; juse) of _....---<-.- 253 FractTurgEs, treatment of_-_---- 71 FROSTBITE— formulas for____._-- treatment fori. s2222-224- 258 HOeNGUS, use of 5. ==. -tasesae 124 Garin, P. C., acknowledgment bMS ae endian p< Tee Bayes hae Xv Games of children__---------- 129 GENITO-URINARY DISEASES, for- mes for! ists? ee SS eee teeta ie 167 GERARDIAS, use of_----- 192, 193, 273 Guosts— animal, activities of__----- 26-27 conception ofa. _.3/_ J... 142 human, activities of____--- 26 See also SPIRIts. GINSENG— collected and dried___--~-- 91 use Of. 26 4oee eee 171, 230, 289 GLEDITSIA TRIACANTHOS, useof_ 239, 249 GLYCINE APIOS, cultivation of ___ 91 GNAPHALIUM OBTUSIFOLIUM, use (C1 sh eee DD RR Ln cd 207, 262 GOATSRUB, use of. 12254552242 128 GoLpEN ALEXANDER, use of _-_ ~~ 102 GOLDENCLUB, use of_____-_---- 76 188, 200, 224, 255, 289, 300 HELLEBORE, AMERICAN WHITE— cultivation, of. 2 425 ee 91 NIS@s OF 2) es ae ea ate ee 204, 220 HeEmorruHAGE, treatment of____ 12 HENDERSON, J., acknowledg- mentito._...352 sleses eae XV HEPpATICA ACUTILOBICA, use of_ 209, 252 Hickory BARK, medicinal use Ole ee ecb. eee 260, 273 HicoRIA ALBA, use of____---- 260, 273 HoarsENEss, remedy for__----- 199 Hopar, F. W., acknowledg- ment to... .-L4 s226¢ eves XV HonEY Locust, medicinal use 239, 249 HornsbaM, medicinal use of bark of . Sosnorsteaet feces 200, 265 HoRs=E BALM, use of =~ -.---=5 209 HussBanps, taboos for___---_- 121-122 HYDRANGEA ARBORESCENS, medi- emal use of... =..22-2e25snue HyDRANGEA CINEREA, use of____ IMMORTALITY. See Sout. IMPATIENS BIFLORA, use of__ 119, 125 INCANTATIONS— 246 192 for love attractions__.._.__ 154 to cause separation_______- 155 to change an enemy-_-_----- 153 to Kill. 2... te os bz ee ee 154 to produce unattractive- TESS. ees beh ay Lae ore 155 use-of the term.____._ = 428 149 INDIAN PHYSIC, use of__._.----- 204 INDIAN PINK, use of_____-_--- 214, 249 INDIAN POKE; use of ______-_--- 204 INDIGESTION, formulas for__----- 167, 181, 186, 189-192, 217, 239, 281, 297. INFANTS, medicated bath for--_- 76 InroRmMants, Cherokee ------- 9 INHERITANCE of office___------- 105 INDEX SLD Page Page InITIATION of medicine man___ 99-104 | Mayritowenr, use of__________- 252 Insects, belief concerning__-— ~~~ 29 | Mrasurr worM, disease attrib- IRIS VERNA, use of._.__.----_- 288 DE CHRO NR UST) ir hs ey 293 JTRONWOOD BARK, use of____-- 200, 265 | MrpicaL PRACTITIONERS, num- ItcHinG, formula for__.-_-_-- 173, 286 ber of, among Cherokee_____ 7 ' Jo., a medicine man, charac- MEDICAL TREATMENT, efficacy terization of2b VIL bie 113-114 Ole SAS. wa ee 81-83 JOE-PYE-WEED, use of____-___- 262 | MupiciInAL KNOWLEDGE, uncon- Jup., a medicine man, charac- taminated by whites________ 78 tenizatlOntOhse ss ne oo See 114-115 | Mrepicins— JUGLANS NIGRA, taboo concern- administration of _____- 56-57, 60 THY ees or end ado gS WD REET 120-121 animal elements in____.___ 52; 57 JUNCUS EFFUSUS, use of______- 198 Wherokess wy - Uae wee sys 52-59 KALMIA LATIFOLIA, use of____ 203, 220 disposal of, after use______ 57 Kipnery pisnase, formula for. 179, 199 external application of_____ 60-61 KNIVES, STONE, Mohammedan mineral elements in______-~ 57 YY sxe tha i a A a ICES 59 of the whites, Cherokee at- LADYSLIPPER, medicinal use of__ 249 titude toward_u_222-L =. 108 LAMBERT, JESSIE, acknowledg- USELOR Waterine ses Lee 57 RPE RIGS LENE oho cee ee XV See also Dismases; Formu- LaneuaGE— LAS; SICKNESS. Cherokee, study of_..._--- 10 | Mepicinr DANCE, object of___- 75 11 bh ages: 2 a a RS 160-165 | MrpiciIns MEN— LAPPULA VIRGINIANA, use of__- 174 Achivitlesiofy: | Lwees ens 85 LAuREL, used for searification__ 70 anatomical knowledge of__ 90 LEGERDEMAIN, use of, by medi- assistance of, in childbirth. 128, PLINER STA pee ean ei 98, 94 125 LrucorTrHoi CATESBAEI, use of _ 203, 220 attitude toward____.----- 93 LiL1uM CANADENSE, use of____- 128 botanical knowledge of____ 88, 89 Limerresb, medicinal use of... 244 canonization of....-.-.--- 88 LINUM USITATISSIMUM, use of __ 243 CIGSRSCS OS 2 4 soe coke ee 84-88 LIRIODENDRON TULIPIFERA, use ne (o1= WO} iN Lua teed eye ca ee Ue LA mE oD 95-97 (Otay A ash a Saya 177, 286, 298 importance and _ influence Littte ProrLe— OP he seal eh ea ert * 83, 92 beliefs concerning____--_-- 25 instruction for career of. 100-1038 the cause of accidents_____ 18 paraphernalia of__.....£.-- 58-59 Lirtte Rep Men, belief in___ 23, 24 personalities of, described__ 109- LAVERLEAF, use of ____-.--_- 209, 252 119 LoBELIA CARDINALIS— place of, in warfare___---- 91 CUIVAnIGM Ones a= =e ae xis 91 professional ethics of__---- 93-95 jOU(= DiC} ial us flO pn 216 qualifications for___._----- 99 LoBELIA SPICATA, use Of______- 226 relations between_-_-_------ 98 LOOSESTRIFE, use Of_________ 254, 307 scope of knowledge of____- 88-91 LovUsEWORT, use of. ..._.--_-_- 275 siiceriiy, Of sue _ he 93, 95 Love ATTRACTION, formulas used social status of 222222 Le 91-93 ROD. Pathe AW aa Wb eve rd cantii 154 status of, in ball game-_--_-- 91 LyYSIMACHIA QUADRIFOLIA, use succession to office of____-- 105 ie Sets eee eee 254, 307 supernatural power of _---- 18 MAGNOLIA ACUMINATA, use of._ 298 lise Ofithetérms22ce est 84, 85 MALUS MALUS, use of__-_----- 199 See also DIvINATORS; MAN-KILLERS— PRIESTS. COMDCEPLLON Of. mes Sk 29 | MrpICINE MEN’S SOCIETY, ex- MeCMOUSOl ees se eee 33 istence of, doubtful____----- 97-98 Massaap, use of, in illness__-__- 62 | MrpIcINE WOMEN, scarcity of-- 84 316 INDEX Page Page Memory, medicine to aid_____-_ 101 | PHONETIC SYMBOLS and abbre- MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS_________ 34— Wiaitions' | sual yas Patio es 11-13 35, 97, 101, 246 | PickErine, Joun, loss of manu- MipwiFts, activities of ___.-_--_- 87 BChips bys kee eee oe 1 MILK TABROOLH EY ages ieee 179, 199 | Pinz— Moov, diseases caused by___-_-_- 22 medicinal use of________ 119, 188 © Mooney, JAMES— use of, to purify dwellings. 139 paper dedicated to_____-_-_- xvil | PINUS PUNGENS, use of______-- 119 WOT ke OL in lee peb spt pat 2 xvu, 2, 5,6 | PrrcHer puant, use of_____-__- 101 MOUNTAIN LAUREL, use of___ 203, 220 | PLacentTa— MounTAIN PEOPLE, the cause of disposaltof ae) ) sees 126 ACEI eG S er 42 es yaya lela. Laat 18 means for expelling_______ 126 IMUEEEIN: wuse, Of 95-2 = ee 216, 255 | PLANTS, MEDICINAL— MytrxH of the Two Thunder collectiontols oe 55 Bays2eee> odie sl 197-198 cultivationiof 2: Wee 91 Namgs, change of, to cure dis- catheringioi2i!2- lass 90, 91 CASE a Lil xy deo te palit 63, 68 preparation! of 22 eae 55-57 NAMING CUSTOMSi-uLe222-20 022 127 Se LOf ete Let nay hse 53-54, 82 Navssa, formula for__._---_-- 245 | PLATANUS OCCIDENTALIS, use of_ 200, NIcOTIANA RUSTICA— 244, 246, 298 cultivationlohs2s Wate 2 eee 91 | Porson ivy, medicinal use of___ 198 use of____- 170, 171, 230, 241, 285 | PoLtysTIcHUM ACROSTICHOIDES, NUMBERS, SACRED. ~-==22--222 52 USCLORS Ewe UN oe ee 228 NyYssA MULTIFLORA, use of____- 218, | Popuar, medicinal use of bark 283, 308 Ofte Luei est ey ie ome 177, 286 Nyssa SYLVATICA, use of______- 222 | PoRTHERANTHUS TRIFOLIATUS, Oa., a medicine man, character- MSe Of se oan. wile ee ee 204 iz blonkoOb—— yew atet glace 112-118 | PrayEers— OLBRECHTS, MARGRIET, ac- for gathering medicine_____ 150 knowledgment to__------_-- XV for lonpilife: [euLdbane Saas 150 OmENS— for protection. 222222222 149-150 pelie£ ain 2) tego he a ae 37 use of the term____2__=_=_ 148 ofideathyrl. fe as) iad 133 | PREGNANCY— ORIENTATION in burials____-_-- 138 beliefs concerning_________ 35 ORONTIUM AQUATICUM, use of__ 76 customs connected with. 118-122 OSMUNDA CINNAMOMEA, use of__ 228 formula of ceremony for__ 195 Ow1, belief concerning_______-_ 29 taboos connected with _-____ 18, OXYDENDRON ARBOREUM, useof_ 222, 120-122 283 | Prisger, CuristTian, lost manu- Pains, formulas for_ 172, 202, 205, 216, scriptibyeee eel et ares 1 220, 238, 252, 257, 266, 268, 302 | Prizrst— PANAX TRIFOLIUM— activities ofa! Weve ere 85-86 collected and dried________ 91 use of the sterm =e ene 85 USC LOLs ae shyt 171, 202, 230, 289 See also MEDICINE MEN. PARAPHERNALIA Of medicine man_ 58, 59 | ProGnosis, CHEROKEE_______-_ 41-42 PaRSLEY, used as an abortive__ 118 | Property, buried withthedead_ 134- PARTURITION. See CHILDBIRTH. 135 PEDICULARIA CANADENSIS, useof_ 275 | PRUNUS PENNSYLVANICA, useof_ 275 PERSIMMON, medicinal use of. 275, 298 | PRUNUS SEROTINA, use of ______ 170 PERSIMMON woop, stamper PRUNUS VIRGINIANA, use of_____ 170, MAG ero fee hbk WR an he ENN 293 199, 277, 298 PETROSELINUM SATIVUM, use of_ 1S) owe BATENISC OL. 2 seene aan 124 PHLOX STOLONIFERA, use of____ 277 INDEX 317 Page Page PURIFICATION RITES, observance RUBUS NIGROBACCUS, use of_-_ 253 BELLY Svat lee 103-104, 138, 1389 | Rusus occipENTALIS, use of___ 246 PurrLte Man, associated with RUBUS STRUGOSUS, use of___--- 246 TIA IG hs Lt a A eN NE 24 | Rupus viILuosus, use of__----- 253 PuTtTy ROOT, use of. ___--_---- 128 | SAcRED NUMBERS— QUERCUS ALBA, medicinal use of. 244 discussed# a) Sa, ee 52 QUERCUS FALCATA, use of____-- 199 TEDW 70) 001,00 F2 MNO ae bee CE 199 QUERCUS MIBRICARIA, use Of_-_ 199 reterencetouu sue eee we ees 244. QUERCUS RUBRA, medicinal use use of, in medicine_______- 54 Spee Vy 2 244 | Sautva, belief concerning--_---- 15 QUERCUS STELLATA, use of---- 200 | Saurx asa, use of_----------- 199 Rapsit, taboo concerning------ 120 | Sattr— RaInMAKERS, almost extinct--- 87 belief concerning__-.------ 121 RASPBERRY, Medicinal use of--_ 246 placed in burials._...__.__- 134 RaTt1xe, restricted use of - --- -- 59 tabooed in sickness- - ~~ _-- 64-65 RatTLESNAKE, teeth of, used SARRACENIA PURPUREA, use of-_ 101 for scariicationias! bole 70 | ScarIFIcATION— RATTLESNAKE FERN, use of__ 176, 177 in treatment of ailments_-- 69 RATTLEWEED, use of__-_------ 277 instruments used for------ 69-71 RED BUCKEYE, medicinal use of. 239 of ball players__.------ 68-69, 70 RED OAK, medicinal use of -_- --- 244 See also SCRATCHING REINCARNATION of animals____ 27-28 CEREMONY. RESTRICTIONS, observance of, to ScIRPUS VALIDUS, use of___--- 198 prevent sickness_-_---------- 73-74 RHEUMATISM— diettor.2.- eee Seo 65 food taboos for.22 252-22 -= 293 formulas forse srs 167, 196, 292 remedy.fors.. 2 Soe 53-54 treatment for22. eee eee 196 RHODODENDRON MAXIMUM, use OPES as setiraeas pers ya 2038, 204, 220 RHUS COPALLINA, use of__-_---- 251 RHUS GLABRA, use of___---_- 130, 251 RHUS HIRTA, use of_____------- 251 Ruvs (TOXICODENDRON) RADI- CANS, USEF Of see een ie tS 198 RICHWEED, use of_____---_---- 209 RITE OF PURIFICATION, observ- UTA C OV OE ener eI 103-104 RITUAL LANGUAGE— SOULCESHORG Baiyt tu). wal 161-162 USE KO byes yee fy 160-165 River— beliefs concerning__------- 22-23 disease sent by----------- 23 ritual connected with_____-_ 85 symbolic conception of-.-- 191 Roots— collected and dried____---- 91 water-growing, medicinal USC, OL Lee sce wen 247 SCRATCHING CEREMONY, mUuias, fore 422s 167, 203, 207, 212 SEQUOYA SYLLABARY, use Of___ 3-4 SERVICEBERRY, use of___--_---- 283 SEXUAIN TABOOS S25 oem ee 66 SHADBUSH, use Of._-...------- 283 SHauLerR, Minuarp H., acknowl- edementto.o4.525. Sue see XV SHELL, TERRAPIN, use Of___---- 59 SicKNESS— Cherokee attitude toward. 80-81 seclusioniinia: Si. ees es 83 See also DISEASES} MEDICINE. SINGING, CHEROKEE, character- istics Of. 235. 2420 Sa 155 SKUNK, use of, as a prophy- Laetie. 2). Le AL We eee Ee 76 SLIPPERY ELM, medicinal use of 119, ~ 1244 SMALLPOX, preventives used againsta.o0 43024 Soe eee ee 76 SNAKE BITES, formulas for__-- 167, 176, 240 SNAKE DREAMS, formulas for_-_ 167 SNAKE TOOTH, used in scratching Operation 24-6525 5u i eS 203 SNAKEROOT, BLACK, use Of_--_ 277 SNAKEROOT, VIRGINIA, use Of. 177, 286 318 INDEX Page Page SnakEsS— SwEaTBATH— attitude toward......-.-- 185 bark decoction used in_... 297 belief concerning__.-.----- 185 Ceserib edad Mere neg IU ns 61 reverence forz_+.cs202s++- 177 objectionvs 2 ae 61 SouipaGo, use of__.----------- 275 | SwEET FLAG, use of__-_-_-_-_- 288 Sore ryes, formulas for__-__- 167 | SwEeLuinas, treatment for_____ ~)» 299 SORREL-TREE, use of______-_-- 283 | Swimmmur, brief account of___-_ if Sout— SWIMMER MANUSCRIPT, loss of-_- 1 beliefs concerning ____--_-- 16, 117 | Sycamore, medicinal use of____ 200, Cherokee conception of. 140-141 244, 298 SUPViVal ones es ee ae 142-143 | SympoLtism— Sourwoop, use of____-.---- 222, 283 in medicinal plants____---- 53-54 Speck, Frank G., acknowledg- InwmMedicines seceda— see te 63, 120 MOM TOS Age wear et ain XV Ofjcolor 22) Be!) bee pe 51 SPECULARIA PERFOLIATA, use of_ 239 | SyMrTroMS OF DISEASES, value SPEEDWELL, common, use of_-_ 277 attached. towioeoec. . eee ees 16-17 SPIGELIA MARILANDICA, use of_ 214, 249 | T., a medicine man, characteri- SPrrRirs— gation offs xe sc eae, oe 111-112 animal, belief in-.-.-.---- 25 | TABLE MOUNTAIN PINE, useof_. 119 anthropomorphic, of the TaBpoos— Cherokees ot u <2 &. nehs 19-25 belief concerning..-------- 15 belief in power of_._------ 19-29 concerning birds: j=222 22 66 disease-causing -_-------- 42-50 concerning corpse___------ 136 eliminating disease_-_--_--_-- 43-50 connected with pregnancy. 120— SPOTTED COWBANE, use of__-_-_-- 117 122 BURGH, ise Ofn see ly eet 180, 307 diet, in sickness...—-...2—_ 64-65, SQUIRREL, taboo concerning__-. 120 179, 199 STAMPER, persimmon-wood, use food: ibasis for...to2 sesues 82 (0) 0 5 Ae Anat OS ORE epee 59, 62 for hushands....2=2% i 121-122 STANDLEY, Paut C., acknowl- for medicine men_--_---- 108, 136 edoment: tou 2k niet Ame x, 6 for mother, after childbirth. 127 S7irtine, M. W., acknowledg- for rheumatic patients... 293-294 Meni wOSME ok oe ek ee XV in treatment of sickness___ 64-66 STOMACH TROUBLE— Menstrual. tae eee 34, 101 baby’s, formula for__.----- 284 results of violation of____- “ 38 See also INDIGESTION. SexUa]e. (Hoe eu eee 66 STONE KNIvES, Mohammedan See also RESTRICTIONS. UUSC) ORS tee ogy fins tee yyy ye ae 59 | TrrtH, custom concerning----- 308 SUCKING HORN, use of____------ 72-73 | TEPHROSIA VIRGINIANA, use of. 128 SuIcIpE rare among Cherokee-- 144 | TmRRAPIN SHELL, use of, for Sumac, medicinal use of-_---- 130, 251 medicine 2. eee 59 SUMMER GRAPE, use of__.--_- 253, 283 | THomas, W. H., loss of manu- Sun— Benin BY cn 3 cence 1 association of, with disease. 20-21 | THroaT TROUBLES, formulasfor. 167 beliefs concerning___-.---- 19-21 | THrusu, formula for__-------- 259 prayers offered to__..----- 20 | THunDER— Sureery in Cherokee curing association of, with disease_ 24 methodsn3 oe jose eco. 68-73 beliefs iconcerning.2--i-c-- 23-24 Swanton, Joun R., acknowl- TILIA AMERICANA, use Of_____-- 244 edement to. =.= ~-—sbescite xv | TrrTHYMALOPSIS COROLLATA, use SwaYNEy, work conducted at-- 7 Of. depistbacs . pa berseen ae 180, 307 INDEX 319 2 Page Page Tosacco— VomITING— ceremonial use of_-------- 151 eficacyr ob. oe Bee ue ee 83 chewing, medicinal use of_ 224, to transfer disease___-_____ 63 241, 289, 301 | W., a medicine man, character- cultivated by Cherokee__-_-- 91 La OH Obes 822 Shoes hee 109-111 use of, against witches_ ---_- 31, | WALNUTS, taboo concerning-___ 121 32, 74-75 | WARFARE, medicine man in___-_ 91 wild, medicinal use of _ ___-~ 170, | WatTeER, use of, in medicine- - __ 57 171, 230, 241, 285 | Watson, Mrs. ALLAN, acknowl- TooTHACcHE— edementitons 322 2 Solos XV TORMUlastORee ee = oe 167, 263 | WHITE OAK, medicinal use of__ 244 means of preventing_-_-_--_- 76 | WuiTes— See also DENTISTRY. attitude toward_-___--_-- 8, 39, 99 Tricks. See LEGERDEMAIN. TROUT, SPECKLED, taboo con- ESTING emer er) a 120 Ts., a medicine man, character- ASO ls 2 A er ee ee 115 Tulmp TREE, medicinal use of | CYEA LAO) Pek Oe pe RN gp rT 286, 298 Twins— AsuwIbeness 22 2S 130-131 customs concerning - - --_- 129-131 ULMUS FULVA, use of______-- 119, 244 URINARY DISEASES, formulasfor_. 179, 199, 221, 222, 153, 287, 307, 308 VAPOR BATH, object of_______- 61 VENUS LOOKING-GLASS, medici- Tel USC LON Ae 2: set NE eee 239 VERATRUM VIRIDE— cultivation: Ofe 2222-2222 91 UISGHOP ase weasel bee 204, 220 VERBASCUM THAPSUS, use of__ 216, 255 VERONICA OFFICINALIS, use of 119, 277 VrtTcH, medicinal use of_______ 198 VICIA CAROLINIANA, use of___ 198, 207 VIRGINIA SNAKEROOT, use of___ 177, 202, 224 VITIS AESTIVALIS, use of ____-_ 2538, 283 VITIS LABRUSCA, Use of_______- 253 7548°—32 22 O attitude toward culture of 107-108 WHOOPING COUGH, preventive Used against wem eco 76 WILD GINGER, Use of ___-.__- 209, 252 WILLOW, WHITH, use of_______-_ 199 WitcHCRAFT— as a cause of illness______- 41 precautions against_-_-___-- 31 use of, by medicine man___ 87-88 WITCHCRAFT DISEASES, formulas LOT peaks ar SU eal 167, 187-188 WitcHEs— activities*Of= sss" 32242 22 33 CONCEPLION Olas eee see 29-30 diseases caused by____--_-- 29-33 preparation for profession of _ 30 Worcester, 8. A., loss of manu- SCrIptabye so ee eee 1 Worms, formulas for_._.-____- 167, 214, 248-249 Wounps— formulas for__..-__- 167, 272-273 treatmMentiOhaaa sea 72 XANTHORRHIZA APIIFOLIA, use (0) Ronee iS Ue SER EP bee 12! 274 ZIZIA AURBA, use of___-_-- tik | ae ve Lig a y x " Ach oy vas ¥ Kbeau anes "yp sess ‘mall . We nee Be Ament aan ei A MiV- he pieig My aS liv ase | bir La ilbrnnne, 4 AR san ie he sia. Shc a diomnviunlig TE 1 ORs) jade tapers Test tu Nees in: olen ANID j A. Ai inion Biss en Wen Eye LER AMA LOE Ae Ss praihet cones HOD. Rea a Cerin aide aR ‘9 ek in tale 4 Recvbainy Petia? u : / xiv oer Aww otal) ett all WAND WT GANDA Gy iW RST TL ASE AO TW | OLE | ead 40 any YEAS my 4th fy WORE wi Sol Gen. RACE weit iH Hats Ja dal EN EAT HR TA, | Vu ructyth apse ei LLl OR ASE \ at Hil Boy sin mv 7A) haere Abs 4 cote aoe PO ctaen enc sos no arcagertr’ Oss Ure Fe Ng anc ‘0 Ve Lecestatte Eke WSiol wate anne Ovi 1 EAS ty j nol vit nu oo i eras weal K Fis lad 6 i eeercatTs sees pias Meru Be PRO PO Dorailu civic. dONinabnace? ) ow Meal DOWRY) aed ditt oh batt EX, , abe He eh Ty CRMC RN ALEC ERI AA ASO as AN ‘ \ 40 iy aiiy wy 1) ie oi iD i di} a ‘) ay By ae ir 7 iy) al 7) ae = wil ii 3 9088 01421 8440